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Library 1992.Y -
MILITARY MEMOIR
OF
COLONEL JOHN BIRCH,
SOMETIME GOVERNOR OF HEREFORD IN THE CIVIL WAR BETWEEN
CHARLES I. AND THE PARLIAMENT;
WRITTEN B Y RQE, HIS SECRETARY;
WITH AN HISTORICAL AND ORITICAL COMMENTARY,
NOTES, AND APPENDIX,
BY THE LATE
REV. JOHN WEBB, M.A., F.S.A., F.R.L.S.
EDITED BY HIS SON THE
REV. T. W. WEBB,.M.A., F.R.A.S.
M.DCCC.LXXIII.WESTMINSTER:
PUINTED BY J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS
25, PARLIAMENT STREET.
[NEW SERIES VII.]COÜNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR 1873-74.
President,
THE RIGHT H ON. THE EARL OF VERULAM, F.R.GS.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD ACTON.
WILLIAM CHAPPELL, ESQ. F.S.A., Treasurer.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A-
FREDERICK WILLIAM COSENS, ESQ.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ. D.C.L.
JAMES GAIRDNER, ESQ.
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, ESQ., Director.
ALFRED KINGSTON, ESQ., Secretary.
SIR JOHN MACLEAN, F.S.A.
FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas. S.A.
EDWARD RIMBAULT, LL.D.
JAMES SPEDDING, ESQ.
WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A.
SIR WALTER CALVERLEY TREVELYAN, BART.
J. R. D. TYSSEN, ESQ.The Council of the Camden Society desire it to be under-
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa-
tions that may appear in the Society’s publications ; the Editors
of the several Works being alone responsible for the same.PRELIMINAKY NOTICE.
The Commentary and Notes winch illustrate the following
Memoir were the production of an author the greater part of whose
ninety-third year was employed in their préparation. But, what-
ever interest may be attached to them from this cause, they are still
more deserving of attention from the scrupulous fidelity as well as the
unwearied diligence which they express. Such, as is well known, had
been the uniform character of the earlier Works of the same hand;
and during this last effort of a feebler âge, neither vigour of
thought nor truth of discernment failed. The éditorial office which
had been entrusted to the Keverend John Webb by the Camden
Society was, at the time of its interruption, nearly fulfilled : the
latter part, however, of his manuscript had not received his final
touch, and the close was left very imperfect. These deficiencies
could be ill supplied even by one who best knew his revered parenté
intentions, but, having been honoured by the Council of the Society
with permission to complété the design, he has done it to the best
of his ability. A portion of illustrative material has been reluctantly
omitted, which may, however, it is hoped, find a place in the future
publication of another posthumous work by the same hand—the
History of the Civil War in Herefordshire.
The extent of the présent writer’s responsibility has been indi-
cated by brackets. The initiais J. W. are attached to certain notes
which the original editor had not appended to his manuscript, but
which it did not seem désirable to suppress.
CAMD. SOC.
bPREFACE.
The document now first published contains an account of events
in which the person therein described acted a more or less con-
spicuous part. The period it involves is comprised between the
years 1642 and 1645; a time during which England became the
scene of violent political and military agitation. In ail cases of this
nature, in which the talents and passions of men are exercised with
unusual force, there will ever be some whose powers will raise them
to eminence. Colonel John Birch, in the sphere in which he moved,
was among the remarkable personages of the time ; by no means
inferior to many whose names hâve been better known, though not
more deserving of being recorded. He attained to considérable
distinction in the field and in the senate, and after a long share of
Personal exertion and sufferings survived the troubles and dangers
of a stormy and eventful struggle, and ended his days in retirement
and peace.
Considering the part that he took in this drama, it is remarkable
that so little direct information respecting his earlier life has been
handed down to posterity. The mention, however, of his name,
traditionally or otherwise, has always been coupled with that of low
origin and of very humble calling. The fullest account of him, as
far as the Editor’s research has extended, is given in a note on
pp. 203 et seqq. of Newcome’s Diary (Chetham Society) by a very
diligent antiquary, the late Thomas Heywood, Esquire, of Hope
End in the county of Hereford. In this he shows his connexion
with the Birches of Lancashire, though his statements with regardIV
PREFACE.
to his origin are not quite so satisfactory as could be wished. Ile
repeats fche lowness of bis birth ; and this is indeed far from being
controverted by the expression on Birch’s monument, which only
describes him as “ of worthy parentage.” Be this as it may, Hey-
wood has by no means set the question at rest, and accepts the
original notion of his first eraployment. The opinion of him in his
life-time was that he had been a carrier. Burnet, a contemporary,
who writes as though he was personally acquainted with Birch,
affirms it; and argues from his manner and address that he retained
proofs of it, and encouraged the impression by his mode of speaking
in Parliament. The Bishop positively says he was a carrier.a Others
hâve adopted the same notion : it was universally prévalent during
his life ; and succeeding times hâve concurred in it, with such en-
largement as tradition might be expected to bring with it. The
substance of what has been commonly reported is, that, while he was
employed in driving pack-horses along the road, he so resolutely
and successfully resisted the attempt of some Parliamentary soldiers
under Cromwell to rob him, that he attracted the notice of that
a History of his Own Time, i. 546. A merchant who delivers his goods may be
said to he a carrier. Birch had done so, and might thus hâve fastened the report
upon him : he might hâve done nothing more. [The following passage, from Seyer’s
Memoirs of Bristol, ii. 351, illustrâtes this view of the subject. “Mr. Yeomans in
ail the contemporary writers is called a merchant, and the circumstance that masters
of ships and sailors were found in his honse on that unfortunate night confirms that
he was so. Yet whereas an apprentice of his is mentioned, a yonth of 15 or 16 years
old, it is probable that he was also a tradesman, especially since at that time there
were few tradesmen in Bristol of respectability who were not also engaged in
commerce.”] Lord Macaulay, in quoting Burnet, does not seem to hâve been aware
of the différence between a carter and a carrier. [Possibly he may hâve been
misled by the fact that Colonel Birch’s kinsman Thomas, who, holding the same rank
in the service of the Parliament, was alike distinguished by successful and disgraced
by inhuman actions, was called, even among his own party, the Earl of Derby’s
carter, from the circumstance that u his Lordship had trailed him under a hay-cart
at Manchester.” (Seacome’s History of the House of Stanley, 304.) This was pro-
bably the Col. Birch who is mentioned in the History of Whalley as having been
imprisoned by the Parliament in 1645, notwithstanding his faithful services.]PREFACE.
V
commander, who offered him a commission in his troop.a It is
hardly necessary to assert that a slight comparison of dates and
circumstances would show the fabulous nature of this opinion. As
far as Cromwell and the introduction of Birch into the army are
concerned, it is impossible. Under Cromwell he fought for a while
in the West, but the commencement of his soldiership is of earlier
date. If it be difficult to show in what he might be employed in
his earliest youth, it will be proved that while he was yet a very
young man he could not but hâve received an éducation beyond
that of a packhorse-driver, and that he was actually otherwise
occupied when he took up arms.
Concerning Roe, the writer of this singular narrative, the Editor
has been able to collect little more than his name : the post that he
held under Birch has been variously described as Major, Quarter-
master, or Secretary ; and if he be, as is probable, the same individual,
a Colonel Roe is named in the Perfect Diurnall as connected with
the régiment of Birch when he was no longer at the head' of it, and
it was ordered to Ireland.b That he held- a post of inferior rank
when this account was written is évident from the story. Closely
attached to the person of his Colonel, and holding him in respect
and admiration when their common term of service had ceased,
in gratitude for past favours he felt it his duty to record the achieve-
ments of his superior officer, having been for the most part an eye
and ear witness of what he has related. This is his own repré-
sentation of the matter. The tone and’ expression are highly in
a History of Leominster, by the Rev. G. F. Townsend, 109.
b Sept. 14, 1646. [This may perhaps require a slight modification. Further
research has shown that Birch was succeeded by Humphreys in the command of the
régiment, and that it never, after ail, left the shores of England. Roe may, neverthe-
less, hâve obtained the command of some other body of troops ; and from the internai
evidence afforded by Birch’s corrections it may be surmised that the two were
separated after the completion of the memoir.]VI
PREFACE.
character with that of the party in which they were both engaged :
but the peculiarity of this attempt at biograpliy is the general
employment of the second person throughout the whole, and the
réduction of it into the semblance of an epistolary form.
If it be worth inquiry why this should hâve been adopted (as
there must hâve been a motive for so singular amodeof expression,)
in what the inferior officer wrote and his superior approved, it
may seem that out of compliment to the latter an opportunity
was afforded not only of avoiding egotism, but of introducing
circumstantial traits of character in a way that modesty would
hardly hâve allowed Birch to use in speaking of his own exploits.
To some it may appear that the Colonel might perhaps himself
hâve suggested this description of his own doings and sayings : at
any rate he gave it his sanction by correcting it, as is évident to
the Editor, with his own hand. It must be admitted that Roe in
his zeal to exalt the Colonel has attributed to him the springs and
results of certain successes unnoticed in this way by others ; but,
whatever may be thought of this, the reader will probably be
amused by the earnest deference, amounting almost to flattery,
oddly mixed with the frankness of the soldier and the pious ex-
hortations and licence of a friend ; while he calls his grateful
attention in the language of the time to what the Colonel had been
permitted to do, as well as to the périls that he had escaped, and
reminds him of what he might hâve forgotten.
In an abridgment that has been subsequently made from the
MS. by an unknown hand, and which refers the authorship to
Birch’s Quartermaster, the second person has been changed to the
third. This MS., which, singularly enough, contains corrections of
its own, has been collated with the original; the variations will be
found in their places, but the alterations by Birch in Roe’s MS.
are alone of any importance.PREFACE.
Vil
The Editor cannot but here record those obligations which hâve
attended the origin and progress of the publication of this volume,
too numerous now to be minutely expressed : some of those to whom
he has been indebted hâve long passed beyond the reach of grateful
acknowledgment. Among these he may be allowed to name the
former possessor of the MS., to whose kindness he was fîrst
indebted for a transcript of it, the late Samuel Peploe, Esq. ; the late
Thomas Bird, Esq., sometime Town Clerk of Hereford, the owner
of the abridged copy ; the late Lord Liverpool, for the inspection of
the Ottley Papers at Pytchford; the late Sir Robert Peel, for per-
mission to examine the State Paper Office; Sir Henry Ellis, Sir
Frédéric Madden, and the officiais of the British Muséum; with
many other official and private departed and living friends, parti-
cularly the Reverend John Hop ton of Canon Frome; the Reverend
Thomas Powell Symonds of Pengethly, in the county of Hereford;
and two ladies, Mrs. Acton of Acton Scott, in the county of Salop,
and Lady F. V. Harcourt of The Homme, in the county of Here-
ford, to whom he owes his best thanks for zealous assistance and
valuable information.*1 It would be tedious to specifÿ the various
collections to which he has had recourse for printed pamphlets of
the period, the chief of which hâve been in the Bodleian Library,
that of the British Muséum, and of the London Institution.
The object of this attempt being in the course of illustration to
communicate a variety of information from sources not easily
accessible, such miscellaneous matter will be found distributed
according to convenience between the Commentary and the Notes.
It may be best at once to premise that the Commentary sets up no
pretension to rivalry with the information in the Text, but is
a [To these must be added the names of Major Peploe of Gamstone, the présent
proprietor of the MS.; li. W. Banks, Esq.; J. Stone, Esq. ; A. C. Ranyard, Esq.; and the
Revs. H. Hubbard, O. A. Hodgson, T. Woodhouse, H. W. Phillott, C. J. Robinson.]vin
PREFACE.
intended chiefly to be so far explanatory as to show its connection
with the events, characters, and manners of* the time. Some things
will be added, and others corrected, as occasion may require. With
reference to the Title of this narrative, nothing more has been
attempted than here and there a commonly pictorial représentation,
where they occur, of the incidents of war. Whatever endeavours
may hâve been employed towards a military history of the âge, it
may be fairly considered as a desideratum; and the writer may be
excused if he should appear to give any other than an unpro-
fessional view on the subject of warlike operations. Indeed the
original affects no more. When Bishop Burnet was writing his
History, he is said to hâve received a hint from Marshal Schom-
berg not to interfère with military affairs, and the caution might
not hâve been unnecessary. The modesty of Hampden had already
anticipated this point: when requested to give his opinion upon
such matters his expression was, “ Refer that to soldiers—they
understand it.”
As the MS. opens somewhat abruptly, and leaves us in the dark
concerning Birch’s previous occupation, it will be useful to premise
a short review of public and private affairs at the city of Bristol,
at which place the Memoir discovers him to us when the curtain
rises.HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
No sooner had the war broken out between the King and the
Parliament but its influence was felt along the whole line of the
River Sevem, through its adjoining counties, and the places
situated on its banks from Shrewsbury to the sea. Other places
had their share in the effects of the disturbance, and much internai
distress ensued.
Before the battle of Edge-hill Charles I. had secured Shrewsbury,
and selected Colonel, afterwards Sir Francis, Ottley,a governor.
Considérable intercourse that had long existed by water between this
town and Bristol began to be interrupted by the State of affairs.
Ottley had hardly been invested with his appointment when the
following letter reached him : b
Sr
Uppon a letter rec: from Richard Reeve which is confirm’d P’ wordof monthP,
Young Henry Reeves ; I hâve Pnly in Regard of myself and Pnly for the love I bear
to free trade made bould to Trouble you with these few Lines which by* Order I
write unto yr Honr it appears that whereas I sent to Shrewsbury by Richard Reeve
fower butts of Sack you hâve made seasure or at least stop of them in Shrosbury as
my self being one of the malignant P4 that hâve taken up Arms against the King
a When Charles I. in October, 1642, withdrew from York to Shrewsbury, he was
attended there by Sir Francis Ottley, of Pitchford, in the county of Salop, a gentle-
man of devoted loyalty, who had been declared a delinquent, Aug. 6, 1642, and to
whom, by warrant dated Oct. 11, he gave command not to remove out of that county:
“he could not think of sparing him,” was his expression, “till the présent great
distractions should be better settled.” He was then about to draw out his forces from
the place and county. Jan. 16 or 17, he was appointed Governor of Shrewsbury.
Nichols, Collectanea, v.
b Ottley MSS.
CAMP. SOC.
cX
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
which God forbid and I P’sume you are misinform’d in that. now so it is that there
being a free trade intended between Sbrowsbury and Bristoll tbe Mayr my good frend
and the Collonell Essex do desire by no means the least Jarr or Occasion of breach
and therefore by the same rule though they might hâve made stopag of the Goods and
Trow of Shrowsbury yet neither they nor myself desire it, but they hâve engaged
themselves to me to make good the 4 butts at 161 a butt only it was thought good I
should write nnto yon to know your pleasure and if yon wou’d be pleased to lett my
wines be disposed off According as I shall Ordr and according to free Trade which
they are confident off (and young Henry Reeyes Afirms it) then that yr Honr would
be pleased the next Spring to answer this my letter and to déclaré if I shall give
Order for the dispose of the Wines aforesaid which will make it to Appear that yor
Honr desires a free trade as we also desire and for myself shall be ready to do you
any Resonable service and so rest desireing that this great breach and misunder-
standing may be made up
So prays yr Lo Frend
Though unknown
JO: BlRCH
I desire to send my Bro: to Shrewsbury to dispose of
the Saek there and some other Goods I shall send up next
Spring If yr Honr please to give way.
Bristoll: 28th Jan: 1642
To the Honrttb,c Sr Francis Oatly Governr of the
Town of Sallop these P’sent P’ a Frend whom
God P’serve.
We hâve here at once the future Colonel Birch in a new light,
together with a brother, subsequently an officer in the Parliament’s
service.** They are both résident at Bristol, and engaged in com-
mercial enterprise. It appears that, according to the common usage
then existing. the brothers were general merchants, and, if not in
partnership, were acting together. John, in suitable language,
speaks of “ my wines,” as a principal in the house, and that these
had been stopped in Shrewsbury : he mentions also other goods
that he intends should be sent up and disposed of by his brother if
a [John Birch had two brothers, Samuel and Thomas, the latter of whom became
Rector of Hampton Bishop, in the county of Hereford. Samuel must therefore be
the one here referrcd to. He reappears as Major, eommanding at Hereford in his
brother’s absence in 1647-8.]HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
XI
matters could be arranged. The letter is an attempt, accompanied
by an awkward apology, to save certain articles of property which
existing hostilities had placed in danger ; and what he dwells upon
most particularly, the free trade, is an allusion to the setting aside
ofthose monopolies that had given so much public offence, and
were in part the cause of the existing dispute. He wishes at the
same time that it should be distinctly understood that he is not one
of those who entertain hostile opposition to the Royal cause : Par-
liamentarians would not allow that they were doing so. The mayor
for that year was Richard Aldworth,a and the governor (both of
whom seem to hâve ordered him to write) was Colonel Essex.
This latter had been commanded by the Lord General the Earl of
Essex to proceed to that city and seize it into his hands for the Par-
liament. He did so: he gained an entrance by stealth,b and con-
trived for the time being to suppress the Royalists. Colonel Essex,
however, in the end, proved more of the Cavalier than the Round-
head, to the neglect of his duties : he was fond of merry-making,
feasting, and dancing; he behaved capriciously to Birch, quarrelled
with him over night, and arrested and released him on the following
morning.c There is unquestionable evidence that Birch at that
time was captain of a company of volunteers that had been raised
on the part of the Parliament for the defence of Bristol.d The
a Aldworth was a merchant who had accepted, conjointly with Richard Wollaston
of London, a contract for shirts for the soldiers in Ireland.—Commons* Journals,
July 13, 1642. A proof of the commercial relation between the two towns.
b Owing to the interférence of the mayoress and other ladies, whose entreaties
threw the mayor and corporation ofE their guard.—Barrett, Hist. of Bristol, 216.
c His temper was equally ungovemable towards his own men. He acted with
such despotic power, says Barrett, that, “ offended with one of the soldiers for
modestly asking for his pay, he instantly shot him through the head.” —Hist. ut
supra, 227 ; Merc. Aulicus, Feb. 10, 1642.
d Hargrave’s State Trials, i. 796.Xll
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
irrégularités of the governor were reported by letters to Parliament,
and ail was soon changed. A successor was found for him
in Colonel Nathaniel Fiennes, the eldest son of Lord Saye and
Sele, who proceeded to Bristol, arrested Essex at one of his festive
meetings, confined him in Berkeley Castle, and took his place.a
Then immediately commenced a reign of severity and restraint :
and the troubles of the divided citizens increased to a fearful
height. As to the place itself, it has been universally agreed
thât, though but a city of the second class, it was one of great
importance to whichever party could occupy it ; the storehouse of
merchandize, ammunition, and arms ; the key of the River Severn :
but internally it had then become a theatre of distraction and con-
fusion. Trade was at a stand ; lists of the names of the Royalist
opponents were framed ; their houses were searched for arms ; it
was dangerous for them to walk abroad; they were forbidden to go
beyond the walls under pain of imprisonment. The populace took
advantage of the disorder, and broke loose, as was the case in many
other places, according as either side held the ascendancy over those
that had adopted the contrary part. The temper of the place,
private and public, was ’that of a general wrangle. They openly
reviled each other, and the King’s party complained that their
a [A remarkable passage occurs in a letter from the new governor, apparently to
his father, given by Seyer, Memoirs, ii. 326. He complains of Essex as “ being himself
familiar and intimate with the chief malignants, and siding with them against the good
partie, and that in so high a degree, that even after I came to the town he imprisoned
Capt. Birche, who is and always was the most active man in the town for the Parlia-
ment, and swore that neither he nor any of his men, nor any of the Bridge-men (who
are known to be the honestest men in the town, and who only appeared in their arms
for ns when Prince Rupert came before the town) shonld hâve any arms or any com-
mand in the city ; and this I can testifie myself, for he swore it deeply in my
presence.,, Fiennes, it appears, disarmed some of the citizens who had been armed by
Essex.—The Earl of Stamford had said, in a letter to the Speaker of the House
of Lords, Dec. 19, 1642, “ I find this city infinitely well affected to the good cause.,,]HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
X1U
adversaries spat upon them in the streets, and treated them con-
temptuously :—Baxter a and others hâve made the same complaint
in Worcestershire and elsewhere. In Hereford it was past en-
durance.11 Such proceedings could not consist with a Sound
condition of society. The King by proclamation forbad ail seamen
to enter into the service of the Parliament : that portion of the
population were strongly attached to him. The new governor
published a counter-proclamation, and ordered the former to be
burned in the market-place. He came in State in his coach, escorted
by a troop of horse, and held a brace of pistols to the breast of the
common crier, whom he compelled to read his own proclamation
while the former was thrown into the fiâmes.
Tidings of these and other violent proceedings reached the King
at Oxford, and he resolved at the request of the Royalists to send
them relief. His friends were accordingly encouraged in secret
to expect that Prince Rupert was coming to their assistance. They
had held close meetings, and communication had been made to
Oxford with regard to the day and hour when the Prince should be
received by throwing open the gates for his admission. It was to
be in the early morning of the 8th of March ; a signal was to be
given by ringing the bells of St. John’s and St. Michaers churches,6
when the guards were to be seized at Frome-gate and New-gate,
and the King’s troops admitted into the city. True to his appoint-
aient, the Prince had appeared on Durdham Down with about
7,500 men. Throughout the night his fires at the bivouac en-
lightened the horizon. He waited till the morning, but ail had
ft Life, i. 40.
b Lady Brilliana Harley’s Letters, Camden Society, 18, 202, et al.
c [In a letter, apparently by Aldworth, it is stated that the bells of three churches
were to be tolled. “ St. Nicholas’ bell for the butchers, St. John’s bell for the
sailors, and St. MichaeFs bellto bring down the cavaliers.”—Seyer, Memoirs, ii. 354.]XIV
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.
been silent in the city, and he withdrew to Oxford. The Royalists
had been in consultation and ready to receive him, but intelligence
of this had reached the governor, and prompt measures had been
previously taken. Under a brief knowledge of these antécédents,
to which many might be added from the numérous ephemeral
publications of the times, the reader may proceed with advantage to
the following narrative of Roe.MILITARY MEMOIK
OF
COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.Memoirs of some Actions in which Collonel John
Birch was engaged. Written by his Secretary.a
THE MANUSCEIPT.
[The text is giyen with the corrections, additions, and alterations of Colonel
Birch, printed in italic type: the original reading being subjoined at the foot of the
page. Where there is no mark of reference, the italic word or passage is inserted
by him.
There seems reason to surmise that the MS. now printed is not the autograph
of Roe, and that it may possibly hâve been transcribed after his departure for
Ireland. Blanks occur from time to time, as though the copyist had failed to
decipher the original—perhaps very illegibly written—and had no opportunity of
referring to the author ; and mistakes may be found in ponctuation, which could
hardly hâve arisen except in the process of somewhat unintelligent transcription.
The more remarkable of these hâve been indicated in the foot-notes.]
Honered Sir,—
Ail men in the world haue one maine and principall worke to
doe, which is to advance the glory of God, that being the very end
of their création, about which they ought to spend their cheifest
time, whole tresure, and, if need bee, not to bee spareing of their
dearest blood. And to the end that God may loose noe glorie, nor
such as hee hath made instrumentall in an extraordinary way may
neither bee themselues forgotten, nor forget what the Lord hath
done for them, I haue collected these passages of God’s providence,
though weakly yet truely, every passage thereof being of my owne
knowledge ; which though I haue noe reason to question but that
God’s hand therein was by you well remembred, yet I could not
doe less then présent you with b short notes, which haue been taken
a On fly-leaf, in a later hand.
CAMD. SOC.
B
b “ my ” cancelled.2
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
by mee in your service ; wherein soe much of God is seen, that
I should haue looked vpon my selfe as an eclipser of his glory, if I
should not haue comitted the same to paper. And in the first place
I cannot omitt God*s great goodnes to you at Bristoll, when Prince
Kupert came before it, haueing with him about 7500 men, Anno
1642,a hee haueing assurance from Mr. Yeomans, Mr. Bowcher, and
others in that cittie, that it should bee deliverd to him, the gaurds
surprised, with diverse principall persons ; and b I supose you will
never forgetc the message deliverd you on the bridge in that cittie,
that night about 8 of the clocke (vizt.) : that before the next
morneing you should bee a dead man ; and that, in stead of ffeare
and flyeing as divers others, whose presence was very necessary,
and profession should haue taught them otherwise, you addrest
your selfe presently to finde out where those parties were gathered
together, whoe within a few howers were to act that treachery ;
which indeavor the Lord was pleased soe to order, that before
eleaven a clocke, you had about one hundred cheife men in your
custody,d whereof most hade been leaders in that worke ; for which
some of them afterwards deservedly suffered; and the Prince him-
selfe the next morneing returned toward Oxford with shame; the
which workf God particulerly honord you in. s
After which about 7 monthesh the said Prince comeing againe
before that cittie with an army on the north side, and Prince
Maurice, his brother, with Sir Ealph Hopton, and that Western
army on the south side, against whom you were to act your part,
God inabling you soe to doe. And although the place offended was
weake, and Prince Morris and the Cornish forcesi there stormed
[a .This was in the beginning of March ; and therefore 1642 in contemporaneous,
1643 in modem reckoning : a discrepancy requiring careful attention in thestudy
of the times. The date is nnderlined in the original.]
b “ that word ” cancelled.	c “ viz1” cancelled.
. d castle.	e haue.	f time.
« “ at his ” cancelled, with a blank space following.
h Underlined, orig.	* the Prince.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
3
vs often, yett neere 100 persons of honner toeare daine in the last
storme,a and more private soldiers jiue tintes ouer then weare
slaine* in ail other parts of the city.c	Notwithstanding which,
on the otherside the cittie, neere Windmill Fort, the line was
vnhappily entred,d for I cannot call it stormedf because at that
entrance there was not a man slaine on either part. And here I
might envy e against men ; but I shall forbeare : it would but weary
you to heare them named. Thus was that famous cittie taken and
spoyled, contrary to articles, to the eternall shame of him whoe had
the conduct of that army ; which though noe man but your selfe
stayed to see, yet is notoriously knowne. And here miraculously
the Lord preserved you those three dayes, in the midest of those
lyons, when soe many messengers of death were sent vnto you, your
selfe well remembers : and his hand was noe less seen in bringing
you to London, thorowe them ail; which I hope you will never
forget. Whither being corne, contrary to the practice of many at
that time, both great and small, some runing to Oxford, others
getting pardons, and the best saveing what they had beyond sea,
God caried you beyond these to raise a foote régiment, by the
assistance and vnder the comand off Sir Arthur Haslerig, (though
vnder your own whole management) and the truely honerd Sir
William Waller as generall. And before I do proceed further I
a Inserted in a space left purposely blank.
b Inserted in a space left purposely blank; “then” cancelled. c that storme.
d Underlined, orig.—[Seyer says (Memoirs, ii. 404) that the line was entered by
Colonel Washington, making a breach in it near a barn, at or before sunrising ; and
that he had heard old persons call the place Washington’s bridge, i.e. breach.]
e The writer obyiously means “ inveigh,” and the allusion is to Fiennes [and,
perhaps, also to Major Langrish, who failed to charge the storming party on their
entering the line].
f “ that honerd préserver of his country,” orig. cancelled by Birch. This serves
to show that the MS. had been revised some time after it was written. Kow much
soever Colonel Birch and his secretary might originally hâve admired Sir A. H»
there can be no doubt that the latter, who acted under Cromwell’s usurpation, and
Birch, who retired and was set aside, were not at last upon terms. [The cancelled
word appears to hâve been “ patron,” or more probably “ patroit ” (sic4
MILITARY MEMOIR OP
cannot chuse but put you in minde of God’s great worke, that from
the day you marcht out with that foote régiment and when afterwards
you had a régiment of horse also, to the day you had the additionall
honner to sitt in the House of Commons, never any, whither horse
or ffoote, vnder your comand, came away with the worst, as I shall
take the bouldnes more particulerly to put you in minde. And
in the first place at Farnum about three of the clocke in the after-
noone, the Lord Hopton^s army and Sir William Waller’s being
drawen intoa batalia, soe soone as ever your régiment of foote came
into the ffeild and engaged, the Lordh Hopton’s army in halfe an
houre retreated in disorder: which I cannot attribute to the
strength of your régiment, but God’s hand then sheweing you
what you haue never failed since to finde; (vizt.) that none of
his enimies should ever stand before you. Presently vpon this, your
great hazard in lyeing at Crundale twoo miles from Farnum,c the
enemyà at Alton, their head quarters, but 4 miles of, and Sir
William Waller’s head quarters at Farnum; which though your
quarters was hazardos, yett God there made you the instrument for
the sending out spies and discovering their fortification soe well,
that though you were never at Alton, y et when you had made
ail ready, you did aswell knowe where there trench was deepe and
wheare shallowe, and where to enter, as if your selfe had ordered the
worke. Nay, lett mee never forgett, and I hope you never will,
that deliverence God gaue you on the hills short of the towne that
morneing goeing out; where 6 of those enimies scouts, thoughe they
had youf amongst them, were not able to carry you prisoner to the
towne, but, contrarywise, sufferd you to bring the comander of
them away prisoner back to our owne army, haueing but the helpe
of twoo more, God giueing s you that as an earnest of that great
mercy he gaue you a few houres after ; where hee made you the
a were draweing in.	b did not then.
c Inserted in a space left purposely blank.	d evening.
• thought.	f gon.	s prisoners. God gave.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
5
leader, firsfc to enter that towne, then the church-yard, where, a
man would haue assuredly thought, must haue been your burieing
place. Nay, at the entring of that church, dreadful to see the
enemy opening the doore when ready to receue you with their pikes
and muskets, the horses slaine in the allies,a of which the enimy
made brestworks, the churchyard as well as the church being
couered with dead and wounded, amongst whom you long strugled,
witnesseth the Lord’s wonderfull protection: from which dayes
service you escaped with a few dry blowes with the musket stockes
of those whoe afterwards, soe many as were liveing and able, were
caried prisoners to Farnum; the choicest men, for soe many, that
were taken since the beginning of theis warrs. And long you
rested not, after this story, before your generall Sir William Waller
attempted further, which was his march towards Arundell, begun
from Farnham the fourteenthh day of December, 1643;c which
was prosecuted with such speed that the 16. day at night folioweing
the head quarters was in Arundell parke, where your lodgeing
with many others was vnder the best spred trees. In the morneing
at the breaking of the day the enimy and some partie of ours begun
to skirmish, which continued vntill about eightà of the clocke, at
which time Maior Generall Potley comanded your selfe with about
11+00 e men to storme the enemis rampier, within which thear arrny
was drawne vp ;f which was conceived, by more then my selfe,
hee did on purpose to haue you cutt off, for your being too active
a few dayes before at Alton, there being doubleg the number
of infantry of the enemy, besides a great body of horse,h to those
you stormed with, and noe horse of ours could get order to1
assist you. But God orderd it otherwise by his owne ffinger, though
it cost you good store of your blood. I question not but that
[a aisles? See Historical Notices, N. Wallington, i. 44, 70.]
b th.	c 42.
d seaven.	e	700.
f towne.	s “ of ” cancelled.
h in the towne.	1	did.6
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
deliverance y ou will remember, y et give mee leave to présent to
you what I remember to helpe your memory loaden with sundry
things. At the same instant and to my best remembrance that the
faleing ona was thus: (vizt.)Sir William Waller’sleiftennant collonel
was marching vp the narrow lane, with about three hundred musJce-
teers;h which your selfe perceaveing,and being nere ready your selfeto
ffall on, not likeing his rash attempt, you vnhorsed the London scoute
master whoe at that instant stood by where you weredraweing the men
into divisions, and speedily ridd that horse to the van of that partie of
ffoot, and turned againc the leiftenant-collonel and his partie, and
drew them into the hollowe of the lane out of the enimies shott,
which tooke place on 7 or 8 of that partie, as you weare spekinge,
before they could bee secured, which retreat caused a great shout
from the enimy, not feareing your comeing on againe. About a
quarter of an hower after this, you were ready with your men in
3 divisions; on the left hand marched the aforesaid leiftennant
collonel with about 200 muscateers; on the right hand your owne
maior Cotsforthd and twoe hundred muscateeres; in the body your
selfe, 40 paces backe, with tlie rest,e pikes and muskets. Thus
marching on, the enemyf letting ffly very thicke, you not likeing
your maior’s pace whoe was marching before you on tlie right
hand, but indeed more softly then you vsed to doe in such a
shoure, you comanded the captens where you were to corne on
speedily, and you ran vp to the maior’s partie then about 40 paces
short of the enimy’s line ; where they being almost at a stand your
example drew them on instantly to enter that line, vnto which
your selfe first entred, though it was intricate to gett over that
steep line ; but one assisting another, instantly there was neere 200
entred ; in which instant of time, before the rest could enter, (and
a storme.	b muscateers.	c against.
d This may hâve been the Cotsforth who had been a captain in Lord Brook’s
régiment. Lord Brook was slain at Lichfield March 2, 1642. Peacock, Parlia-
mentary Army List, 33.
c three or at the most 400.
f evening.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
7
the great ffishpond lieing between oura army and the place
where you entred, soe that the enimy sawe y ou could not quickly
bee releived,) onh came they with about 100 gentlemen reformadoes
on horseback besides ffoot and oiher troups of horse, and gave
your disorderd foote at that very instant of entry such a charge,
that they layd many fiat to the ground, as well as your selfe.
The rest went backe over the line with great speed; and I think I
may say truly not one man stayed within the line, except those that
were slaine, wounded, or prisoners, but your selfe; whoe leaning
on the line with one hand, and your halbard in the other, the
enimies horse could not fall vpon you but to their great loss,
bestoweing some few pistolls on you : but God would not haue you
then hitt; and indeed you had never escaped soe, had it not been
for those musketeers, who lieing neare you on the topp of the line
kept of the horse at présent, and made some ffew to ffall ; soe that
they were forced to drawe further ofc and there stand : in which
place (neither could they indeed long continue; for the rest of the
musketeers) followeing the example of those by you, got on top of
the line and from thence fir(c)edd soe hott on the enimies horse, that
they were gladd to withdrawe. Thus God gaue you possession of
the enimies grounde the second time: which efected, your great
care was to make way for somef honest captaines g of horse and
theirh traîne, which voluntarily came vp to your assistance:
which being done, imediatly whilest you were putting those horse
and foote in order, whose number were both about eighteen
hundred, ‘the enimy looked vpon them contemptably; and there
vpon drew forth 1 to fall on you neere the towne walle, where you
were between the enimies twoe lines. And their horse and foote
doeing their vtmostf at this instant was that1 gallant Scott slaine,
a the.	b received) out.	c vnder there inner line.
d forced.	e first line.
f an.	s captaine.	h his.
* “ of Mariegate ” cancelled.
1 alsoe.
k but not without danger of shott.8
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
whoe had vowed that day, afore hee went on, that hee would
never flee furtlier from you then the length of your halberd, saying
hee would sticke to you whilest you lived, but hee would be neer to
the intent hee might examine your pockets when you fell ; which God
called him vnto first. At this instant, the enemy spending iheir shot
at too great a distance, your order was to horse and foote instantly
to assault the enimy ; your selfe with cherefull speech assureing
they would not stand, which proved accordinglie. For the enimy,
feeling the force of the shott poured on thema with three ranks
at a time, after short time gaue grond, and your selfe entred the
towne with them, scarce knoweing freind from foe ; the enimy as
much as they could betakeing themselues to the castle ; into which
place your comand was to enter with them. At which instant
Sir William Waller’s leiftennant collonel, whoe but then you
incouraged by clapping your hand on his shoulder, your hand
noe sooner of but hee was shott dead ; and your selfe not gone
aboue 20 paces further received that wonderh of God’s mercy,
the shott in your belly, which deliverance to you was soe great
that I cannot speake of it without admiration ; and the more at
the hand of God soe assisting, that though you kept in your gutts,
stoping the h oie with your finger, y et none knew it vntill you had
slaine or taken prisoners the enimy then about you, and orderd
your men to drawe into a body on one side the Street, where the
shott had not such power : and then pretending you must turne
to the wall, giveing a capten by you private notice, you went
towards the Parke house* as if noe such shott had been, vntill your
spirritts yeilded and your selfe sunke, and were then caried to the
lodghouse aforesaid with life in you, but suposed by ail to bee
past cure, this being about 9 in the morneing ; whenc you weare
laid with many others on the ffloore, groveling, and to the chirurgeons
not soe much probabilitie of life apeared as to bestowe a dressing.d
ft faceing about the maine volley of shott which you poured on them.
b wound.	c and.	d “ you lay ” cancelled.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
9
Thus y ou laye vntill about 6 at night; at which time being as
you were in the morneing, the cbirurgeons thought to adventure
a dressing, and to bestowe soe much paines as to carry you vp vnto
a bed. Thus haue I presented you with Gods great worke, much
of it carryed on by a your hand that day, and the great mercy in
your deliverance, which I hope will never bee worne out of your
minde. I beseech you, remember the 17. day of December 1643.
That castle in a few dayes after being yeilded, therein was ffound
twelue hundred men, besides those that were slaine, fled and
taken prisoners at the entry of the towne: which number I the
rather mention, to make more plainly appear Gods hand, that
these should bee driven into the castle by so smale a nomber.b
This done, the army quartered in Sussex the remainder of that
winter; and your selfe in London, to bee cured; which was soe
blest of God that you went backe perfectly whole to Arundell, the
6th day of March followeing : within 5 dayes of which time the
army rose out of there winter quarters, the wether being very faire,
and marched towards Alsfordf wheare Sir Ralph Hopton was at
the heade of an army of great strengih ; d which army on the
25. of March followeing you had sight of marching on the plaine
towards you in batalia : vpon which you drew vp by Sir William
Waller and Sir William Belfores comand, and faced one another
most part of twoe dayes at cannonshott distance. While the army
was at that posture a councell of warr was called, at which it was
resolued, as I haue heard (vpon the defeat of the Parliaments forces
at Newarke and in the North,) to make fiers and retreat; which being
sore against your minde, whoe then was capten of the watch, you
vsed these words to Sir Arthur Haselriegf that surely wee did
feare whither that were Gods cause wee had in hand: for did
wee assuredly beleeue it, when hee called vs to fight with his
eneimes, wee should not run from them; for mans extremitie
a Inserted in a space purposely left blank. b eight hundred.	e Alford.
d for the King. About 5,000 foot and 3,000 horse.—Clarendon, ii.
e publiquely.
CAMD. SOC.	C10
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
is Gods oppertunitie. Yet, notwithstanding that order of the
councell of warr, you disposed it so, being ihen captain of the
watche, that the parties on both sides were in the night soe engaged
that there was noe marching off without a palpable discovery.
Therefore, according to your desire, the army kept their ground,
and the next niorneing, by breake of the day, drew into batalia, your
place being with your régiment in the maine battle. And presently
1000 muskateeres were drawne out, to make good the wood on the
right wing; and, contrary to your desire, put vnder the comand of
Leiftennant Collonel Layton, whome you said did sweare too hard
to haue God with him. However, hee went and tooke possession
of the wood : but stayed not aboue halfe an hower before the
enemies foot, vnder Collonel Appleyard, beat them clearly out, and
tooke possession, pursueing our men, whose heells a then were
their best weapon, to the amazement of our whole army. One
passage then I cannot omitt. It fell from Sir Arthur Haslerig,
which was thus: seeing our men put to soe shamefull a route,b
turned to your selfe saying, “ Now, Collonel, haue you ffighting
enough?” Your ans were instantly given was, “ Sir, this is but a rub;
wee shall yet winn the cast c and you further added that, whereas
your selfe and régiment were now in the maine body, might you
haue order to march with your régiment to make good the right
wing, you would quickly set ail right againe: which comand
imediatly by Sir William Waller was given you, and by your selfe
instantly executed ; and the enemy soe turned in his pursute that hee
thought it best to saue himselfe by speedy draweing off, leaveing
the wood to your pleasure to the great comfort of our army. This
brought on the engagement of seuerall bodys of foote vnder Sir
a hearts.	b retreat, altered by Roe.
c The cheerful allusion to bowls tells us that Roundheads as well as Cavaliers
amused themselves with this favourite game. The King himself indulged in it
while he was in his confinement at Carisbrooke Castle ; and his son during his
escape was nearly detected by a party that were playing at it when he arrived
among them at Bristol.—J.W.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
11
Richard Browne and oihers, whoe did exceeding icell? and also of
the horse, which with great violence and varions snccess continued
vntill about 4 in the afternoone ; at which time twoe thousand mus-
kateeres were drawne out at your request ; one thousand whereof
on the left wing were comanded by Collonel Rea, whoe did very
gallantly, the rest by your selfe on the right wing ; ail the rest of
the army being to second them. Those twoe great parties went on
with such success, that in one houre the enimies army was between
them, ail our horse and foote comeing on in the front of them. The
first thing that I could perceive, they puld of their collours, thrust
them in their breeches, threw downe their arm s, and fled confused.
Your selfe and others hot in pursute had not foliowed them above
100 paces into their owne ground, before one, whome I shall not
name, overtooke you, comanded you to stand : but for what end I
ne ver yet could tell, except it was to give the enimy leave to runn
away, and carry away there cannon; sure I am you stood there 3
quarters of an houre, vntill the enimy was far enough. The reason is
too deepe for mee to give : only this I am sure of ; had the enimies
comander in cheife been there, hee could not haue comanded any
thing more advàntagious to them. Thus was that dayes victory
gayned; vnto which I make bould to add, that it was indeed a
victory, but the worst prosecuted of any I ever sawe. After this
battle, fought the 28.a of March 1644, noe great matters were
done the begining of that summer, but marching vp and downe:
only Winchester, cittie surprised ; in which your guide might
well haue caused you to miscarry : whoe being to guide you
to a lowe place in the wall, your selfe being a stranger, when
hee came about on(e) hundred paces short, and the enimy
fireing a few muskets, (as hee said) hee was soe hastily taken
hee must needs presently vntruss, leaueing you to finde the lowest
place in the wall your selfe ; which God soe directed you vnto,
a 29th, Symonds, Rushworth, Dugdale, Clarendon ; who calls it “ a very doleful
entering into the beginning of the year 1644.”12
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
that with the helpe of your ladders you were in before the enimy
could make any head. After this your march was after a few
dayes backe to Farnum ; and sbortly after by order of the Parliament
to meet his Excellency the Earle of Essex neerea Oxford to keepe
in the King with that army hee had there : notwithstanding which,
the King marched out and speedily went towards Worcester. I
would bee loth to say what pass hee had : only it is strange hee could
march ffrom twoe armyes both stronger then hee; and yet hee
received noe considérable loss: nay, hardly any thing attempted
vpon him. Vpon this his Excellence was pleased to comand Sir
William Waller to ffollowe the King, and himselfe would march
into the West, which was done. His journey into the West I
sawe not; but many more then my selfe heard of it. For our
followeing the King, it was very tedious for about 6 weeks; at
last hee was gott to Oxford, and there draweing out what ffoot hee
could, marched out northward, as was supposed to meet Prince
Rupert neere Banbury. Our army came within veiwe of him, and
both were drawne vpp supposeing an engagement. A forlorne
hope of fifteen hundred muscateers was drawne out to fall on with
the horse; which notwithstanding was not done that day, neither
on the second day. The third day the King drewe of on the
northb side the river. Sir William Waller marcht speedily afterc
on the south side; and although the Kings army was in our veiw
before vs, yett that gallant bodie of musketeeres must bee drawne to
secure the reare. These are pollicies in warr far beyond my reason :
yet this was occasioned thereby: the régiments that had the van
were, Sir William Wallers, Maior Generall Potleies and Collonel
Weams^ and the 5 companies from Farnham: these régiments
at their best would not ail make 1200 men; but ail this time many
of their choice men were in that bodie of musketeers vsually called
a at.
b [Roe has here, as in a subséquent passage, mistaken the points of the compass.
For N. and S. we must read E. and W.]
c “ him ” cancelled.
d Wemies.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
13
a forlorne hope,a were vsed for a reare gaurd.b Soe the régiments
aforesaid, eontrary to your desire afirmeing the Kings army désired
to drawe vs ouer Croperdy bridge, went over the bridge,6 and with
the horse fell into the midle of the Kings army d on the other side the
bridge ; which at the first promised a glorious victory. But when
there begun to bee need of shott, and that the Kings army began to
drawe vp, then it was found there was in these régiments, cullers,
pikes, lether guns ; but our shott was in the reare,e as aforesaid ; which
the enimy findeing, suddenly fell on, the bridge being narrowe,
that those régiments that were strong could not speedily get over
to their releife : soe that the enimy tooke ail their guns, in number
twelue, divers of their cullers, and about fine hundredf men, the
rest looseing their arms, comeing of through the river: and had
not the régiment of Tower Hamblets, whoe were then marching
over the bridge in the reare of the other régiment, at your eamest
request stoutly made good the bridge, our whole army s had been
in great danger. This was the substance, I doe humbly conceive,
of that ingagement, which by your selfe for the manner was soe
publiquly spoken against both before and after. Imediately vpon
this the Kings army drew vpp on the North side the river, ours
on the South side the bridge.h They made as though they would
attempt the pass that day,1 and sundry times the next day : but the
second night they made many great fires, by the light of which
they marched towards Oxford; soe that in the morneing, when wee
expected an ingagement, there was noe enimy within eight miles
of vs. Soe they marcht to Oxford, and thence after the Lord
Generall into the West; wee to Northampton, and thence to
Abbington; where for very vexation your selfe impaired your
health, and left the army ; your régiment theare being turned to
a “ but nowe when the King was in the van, they ” cancelled.
b “ snch pollicie was vsed ” cancelled. c “ called Croperdy ” cancelled.
d “ just ” cancelled.	e “ there 99 cancelled.	f 250 ?
s “ else 99 cancelled.	h “ kept by vs99 cancelled.
1 Clarendon gives the date June 29 ; Dugdale, June 30,1644.14
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
dragoons : your selfe was a sent for to take eomand of the Kentish
régiment; soe that I heere obserue that the same day you had your
comission for Leiftennant Collonel to Sir Arthur Haslerig, (whoe
notwithstanding would never doe any thing as collonel of foote,
delighting ail in horse,) I say, the very day twelue month, you had
your comission for collonel of the Kentish régiment aforesaid, with
which from Knole in Kent you marcht out the 2d day of
September 1644. You had noe sooner received that régiment,
which indeed was gallantly sett out by the gentlemen of Kent, but
you were comanded by Sir William Waller to march westward,
which you did without one dayes rest vntill you came to Weymoth.
Before which time that great defeate was given to my Lord
Generall in the West, which occasioned you forthwith to bee
comanded for to take shipp, and goe for the secureing of Plimouth,
then in bad condition, haueing lost most of their men in Cornwall:
in which voyadge to Plymouth God soe blest you that the next
day you ariued there : and a fewe dayes after the King seing noe
hopes to gaine that place, left the westerne forces before it, and
marcht eastward. It would bee tedious to count the many stormes
made by the enimy dureing the sixe monthes of your aboad there :
I shall only put you in minde of one, wherein the Lord was greatly
seen on your behalfe ; which was the storme by them made in January
1644, about ii. at night. The shott then begining to thunder, your
régiment, 8 companies of them, the rest being then on the gaurds,
made good hast to your lodging, and thence, in as good order as
that blacke and darke night would admitt, hyed towards that part
of the line, where the maine busines was. At which place your
comeing sooner then was expected found the enimy entred, but
disorderd ; there cheife ayme being to take the 2 works on the line :
the greater whereof they being then hott about, which was that night
kept by one of your captaines and 46 men, and well defended;
for which his gallant defence hee received a peece of plate :
a and from thence were.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
15
you quickly sett them thence, leaueing behinde them about 60a
slaine in the place. The next worke to this being quiett as if it
had nothing concerned them, you presently comanded your men to
ffollowe you thither; which being done, as fast as men could rune
in soe darke a night, when you came within a pike’s length, they
in the fort bid “ Stand; whoe are you for ?” you answereing 64 For
the Parliament,” they fired to pürpose. Your selfe then perceiveing
it was taken by the enimy said it was safer to goe on then retreat :
vpon which ail run on: the fort was taken, and 66 alive and
dead of the enimy taken therein; and Collonel Arundell the
comander of that partie there taken, whose sword you yet weare.
This was one amongst many of those great deliverances and
successes God gave you there.b The enimy at last being weary of
their seidge, and draweing of within 14 daies after, you by the
comand of Sir Thomas Fairfaxe were called thence. But before I
proceed with what past after you were with your régiment called
thence, give mee leaue to remember you how you spent the
monthes time in which you were absent from Plymouth, being
part of the monthes of September and October, 1644, at which
time for want of suplies for your régiment you were forced to take
a journy to London. And there in a few dayes receaveing your
dispach, in your way backe you came vntoc Bazin g Stoake,
where his Excellency the Earle of Essex, Sir William Waller, with
the Earle of Manchester then lay with the armysà vnder their
comand; the King with his army lieing about 8 miles of, towards
Reading. Wherevpon tendring your service to those generalls,
and letting them knowe you were goeing to your charge, the Earle
of Essex desired you to stay a day or twoe, afirmeing that in that
time sure there would bee some action ; and at présent desired you
to ride to Reading, and doe your endeavor to keepe that towne,
a 40.
b [A sally in which he took many prisoners is mentioned in “ Perfect Occurrences,’’
Jan. 15,1644.]
c tooke.
d their army.16
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
wherein Collonel Barksted and a régiment of the London foot lay :
his Excellency letting you knowe hee was very doubtfull, if the
King should march vpon that towne, it would bee in hazard, being
weakly manned, and then not well fortified. Wherevpon that
night you went to Reading; but the next day the King turned
aside to Newberry with his army, and his Excellency drew up
between Reading and Newberry. Wherevpon you then made your
address to the Earle of Manchester, the generall being sicke at
Basingstoake ;a desired of him that forasmuch as the danger of that
place was past, and nowe an ingagement like to bee, his honner
would give you leaue to wayte vpon him till that the euent of that
présent action was seene ;b which hee easily graunted. And the next
day neere the evening, the Lord gaue a great victory ; though the
evill prosecution of it vexed you more then the other cheared you.
However, with a few other gentlemen that were there with you,
and suche as you could gather vp, the pursute was foliowed by you.c
And after noone you being well wearied in the twoe nights and
dayes (befoxe), you dismissed your partie, and your selfe wayted on
by Maior Ashley, your régiment quartermaster at that time,d and
my selfe, returned late at night towards Newberry, where the head
quarters were. And rideing easily 2 miles short of Newberry in e
the way from Hungerford, my selfe being before you, I heard
a noise of horse and coaches comeing downe the way towards
vs. Wherevpon I giveing you notice you stood a little, and
presently affirmed it was the enimy ; for wee had neither horse nor
coaches at the head quarters. And they comeing ôn ffast, you had
noe more time but only to vtter these words, “ What ever you see
mee doe, lett the like bee don by you This was about eightf of
the clocke at night the 30th day of October, 1644, the moone
shineing pretty light: and instantly therevpon you turnd your
a Reading.	b enimy were seen.
c “ vnto Hungerford, and 4 or 5 miles beyond,” cancelled.
d This looks as though Roe might afterwards haye beenhis quartermaster.—J.W.
* “ the comeing downe ” cancelled.	f 10.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
17
horse in at a broad cart way into the feilds on your right hand out
of the comon road to Hungerford. And instantly after vs about
three pikes length they corne into the feild the same way; and
comeing on fast some of them were got vp even with us : but your
face being towards the west, and the moone being in the east-south-
east, your face was soe shadowed thereby that they could not easily
discover you ; but, as I suppose, takeing you to bee of their owne
company, passed on with their whole partie, consisting of 96
mounted men, three coaches and a coach-wagon, with 30 led horse;
as you presently tould your quartermaster, saying you had counted
them, which I was at that time in too great a feare to doe. And
soe soon as the last of this company was done, you turned backe
your horse and wee likewise: and haueing gon backe about 40
paces, you mett on(e) of their company, to whome clapping your
pistoll you bid him hold his peace, and turne backe with you, else
hee was a dead man; which hee did; and carrieing him backe into
the lane hee conffesed hee was one belonged to the Kings Lord
Generall, the Earle of Forth, whoe then past by; and those with
him are his gaurd; and in the coaches his ladie and some other
ladies; and the coach wagon was full of his bagadge, hee being
corne out of Dorington castle, into which hee was forced to fly the
night before in the battaile. Ypon this relation you instantly
turned for vs, and said, “ I knowe not in what way God will bring
it about; but I am very confident that ail these coaches, horses and
men will bee mine: nay, they area mine. Corne, therefore; lett’s vse
the lucanes.” And vpon that rid sharply with your prisoner towards
Newberry; and comeing there gaue this account to the Lord
Manchester of what you had seen, and what danger you had
escaped, desireing of him a partie of horse, and you would give him
a good account of that company. But hee haueing long watched
was soe extreame heavy with sleepe, you could not haue one ready
R Underlined, orig.
CÀMD. SOC.
D18
MIL1TARY MEMOIR OF
word from him. Wherevpon you thought of another course; and
that was, to goe to thea houses where souldiers lay, and see if you
could gett vp a partie by your perswasion, and for hopes of prize,
which you failed not to promise them, as was afterwards well
performed. By this meanes you had got vp 47 resolued horse,
wherof foure weare trumpeters ; and away you marched : and vpon
the way Leiftennant Calthorp asked you howe many you judged
the enimy to bee: to which you replyed, “ They are 30;” and then
turned to your quartermaster and said, “ If my heart faile mee not,
noe bodies else shall for the number;” and soe went on, your selfe
being still a distance before to discover any noyse, and likewise to
finde the way they were gon ; which you did at every turneing with
your bare hands, feelling in the darke which way the coach wheeles
turned; it being now about 2 of the clocke and somewhat darke.
Th us wee went on about 16 miles ; your selfe still before ; and being at
a turneing and feeling for the way the wheeles had gon, one standing
neere by you, at a gâte, as you after informed vs, vsed tliese words,
“ What rouge is that there? ” for then it was neere breake of the
day and very darke. You doubting, as indeed it was, that the
wyly generall might haue left a rearegaurd, and hee might bee a
centry, and you had better goe to him : possibly you might make
good the gâte till wee came vp ( whoe weare eleuen score yards behind,)
rather then lett him and his ffellowes corne out vpon you ; which
assuredly they would doe if they were souldiers. Therevpon you
takeing out your râper and holding the point of it downeward vnder
your rocket, went to the gâte to him with your horse as hee was
then in your hand ; your pretence being to aske him the way : but
another coming out to b him clapt his face over the gâte close to you,
and though darke yet discoverd you, and pulling out his s word,
with an oathec not to bee named, as you after informed vs, said you
were a Eoundhead: but you being more readye then hee beleeued
a their.
r another (?)
b standing by.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
19
made such a hole in his skinn as brought a groane from him. The
other starting, but not seeing the danger, you said with soe loud a
voice that wee heard, whoe were then a good way a short, u What’s
the matter, gentlemen, doe you meane to abuse a man travelling on
his way?” and with that more of them comeing to the gâte and
indeavoring to fforce it, you made it good with your rapier, vntill
instantly the trumpet (wlioe liad charge what to doe some hours hefore,)
comeing vp, and finding you ingaged, sounded a charge. Where-
vpon the partie rushing upon b that rearegaurd, being twelue, were
quickly dispatched; and from some of them that were then alive
you did learne that the Earle of Forth was then refreshing himselfe
in that village: which soe soone as you herd, you guest, as indeed
it was, that the enimy wonld take the alarum and drawe into a
body, and then the busines might bee hazarded. And therevpon
instantly, the lane being pretty broad, and day appearing at the
very instant, God was soe good to direct the timeing of that busines,
you orderd the former deuision being neere c thirty prime men and
horse to go on with you :d the rest of the partie being almost tired
were to march on 3 score paces after, and one trumpeter with them
sounding a march, and another trumpeter 3 score paces behinde
them sounding a march; and soe to continue till they had ffurther
order from you. In this posture marching a good trott, the first
partie, where your selfe was, entringinto a little comone in the midle
of the village, there, close by you, was the Lord Ruthen drawing
his men together : and at that very instant the trumpets that were
behinde sounded a march, and you cried aloud, “ Gentlemen,
letts not stay for the bodie of horse but fall on them instantly;”
which at a high trott was done, and they presently routed, haueing
not drawne 40 together. This was noe sooner done, but, musket shot
a 40 paces.
b [Interlined à primâ manu, or by some one who may be thought to hâve mistaken
Roe’s meaning.]
« drew ont.
e towne.
d foraforlome; and.20
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
distance, as many more, whoe had then taken the alarum, were then
gott together. Some of your partie seing them said, “ Looke, Sir,
backe yonder is a partie more.*’ You replied, “ ïhe same are
rallied againe; downe with them:” and imediatly vpon a full
gallop you charged them. Dureing theis 2 charges ail the coaches
and wagon were runne away.a This busines being pretty well
over, and ail that were in those twoe parties fallen or taken, with
the generalls armes in his trumpet;b none escaped but the Earle
himselfe, Collonel Feilding, and three more, whoe by reason of
the goodness of their horse, after they had mett with some blowes,
leapt of the comon into the closes, you being between them and
the lanes end; by which meanes they escaped. Your selfe presently,
and about tweluec more whoe were able, pursued after the coaches ;d
and haueing gon at a great speed four or ftue miles you were close
at them in a village, where God was wonderfully seen for you.
For a considérable part of the Queens régiment of horse quarterd
then there,® who could not corne time enough to the ffight : which
you discovering by seeing souldiers stirr hastily about, presently
cried to the people as you were vpon a hard speed after the coaches,
“ Gentlemen, lay out quarters in this towne presently for my
Lord Manchesters régiment of horse : *' and further called loud to
your quar ter master, whoe then was most gallantly as hee had been
ail the morneing at your backe, sayeing, “ Quartermaster, in the
next village let Sir William Wallers régiment quarter.” Vpon
this, and heareing the trumpets, whoe were then farr beehinde,
sound, ail the souldiersf there, three times the number of your
partie, runn away ; and before our faces, some ridd out backe wayes;
most footed it into the woods ; and you had an opertunity to ffall
on the partie with the coaches, whoe never offerd to strike, but
cried for mercy ; not one man of them escaped ; coaches and coach
*	“ and a partie with them ” cancelled. b i.e. the flag attached to the trumpet.
« 20.	d “and a partie with them ” cancelled.
•	“ a part of them ” cancelled.	f sadles (corrected à primâ manu).COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
21
wagon and ail the ladies taken, with 57 men brought prisoners;
and of their wbole partie but the 5 aforesaid escaped. Of horses
of theirs, and those tooke from the Queens régiment flieing as
aforesaid, you brought away 107, besides twenty one horse that
were in the coaches and wagon. And now being 20 a miles from
Newberry, and in the enimies country, yet it pleased God soe to
bless you that you brought safe away that day ail the prisoners to
your quarters neere Nuberry; although your partie was soe small
that you were forced sometimes to put one man to gaurd 3 prisoners.
This mercy of God, though I doubt not but you haue it in perfect
memory, yet his hand being soe plainely discoverd in it, I could
not omitt it, and hope the time you spend in reading of it will not
seem long. Which that it may not, I shall proceed on where I
left; (viz*.) at your marching from Plymouth towardshis Excellency
Sir Thomas Fairefaxe, and meeting him nere vnto Bridgewater;
and within a few dayes had your poast given you on the west side
of that towne, wheare your devise of fireing severall parts of thetowneb
was soe successful, that whilest it was in burneing they hanged out a
white flagg, desireing only their lives. Thus was that strong towne
deliverd, after a smale storme on one'part; whereof you were 14 dayes
governor. But being soon weary of a comand soe ffarr from the enimy,
vpon your desire the generall removed you to Bath, a towne little
defenceable, and nere Bristoll, wherein was Prince Rupert and at least
4000 of the King’s armie,c and therefore noe want of employment. By
that time you had bin there sixe weeks, the generall Sir Thomas
Fairefaxe and the army drew towards Bristoll; hee sending to you
to joine with some of his horse, and goe before and keep them from
burneing the villages in Gloucestershire ; which you did with 1000
horse and 700 of your owne foote. The army comeing vp, many
* [Considerably more, no doubt, according to modem computation ; probably
nearer 30. Skippon’s dispatch gives seven or eight miles.]
b By putting red-hott bullets rapt in leather into the mouths of their musketts,
and then firing upon the thatched houses.—Bird’s MS.
c broaken armies.22
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
great disputes arose, not without some discontent towards yourselfe,
lookt ypon as the instrument that drew them on that hapless service,
as then it was done.a But after many councells of warr and great
debates, with great perswasion to a storme, and particulerly by your
selfe, after it was caried by question, y ou said thus to the generall,
“ May it please your Excellency, you haue now resolued of a storme,
wherevnto I haue vsed my best arguments; and because it may not
bee thought by any that I am the earnester to perswade to storme,
because my owne person is not like to bee hazarded, I doe now
voluntarily offer, that what place of the line your Exelency please
to appoint I will, God willing, enter it, or lay my body there to
shewe my reality and goodwill to the service.” This was received
with acclamation,b and Harnell gâte appointed you; and the comand
of Maior Generall Skippons régiment given you, hee lyeing then
wounded ; with which régiment and your owne you made ready for
the storme. And although by the runing a way of one of your
owne men into the towne the enimy stood ready cockt, and the
gunners by their gunns, thee fightc whereof at the first goeing on
made it soe lightd a man might perfectly see ail the men about him
and horse, which continued for about a quarter of an houre, the
night otherwaies being as darke as ever I sawe ;e yet God soe blessed
you there that you entred in that very place; and about 90 were
kild or taken that kept that place : but not without some hazard ;
whole volleys dischargeing when you were but the breadth of the
trench of, and many case shot. But God went with you then, and
inabled you, when you were inn, to keepe it; though you were
forthwith charged with 500 horse appointed to scoure that line.
Thus was that cittie by God’s blessing entred, which some yeares
before you defended on one side to the great cost of Prince Maurice
a as it then seemed.—Bird’s MS.
b with an huzza.—Bird’s MS.	e [this ? sight ? qu. originally “light ” ?]
d the light of whose fire at the beginning of the attack was so great,—Bird’s MS.
* The storm on Prior’s Hill Fort began before break of day. Sprigge’s account
of it (107) is striking.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
23
and Sir Ralph Hoptons army, whoe came on vpon that sidc (but
that I haue already put you in minde of). I therefore proceed to
Gods further manifestation of his presence with you. For returneing
to your government at Bath, and Bristoll alsoe being ynder your
charge, you begun againe quickly to bee weary of being out of
imployment. Wherevpon you went vp to London, November the
lOth, 1645, and adrest your selfe to your freinds there, either to put
you in some more active place, or to give you leaue to lay downe.
Wherevpon it was considered by the Comittee of both Kingdomes,
and they appointed you to drawe out 1000 foote and your horse, the
5th of December, and to march to Herefordshire ; and to endeavour
with that force and some from Worcestershire and others a belonging
to Collonel Morgan, Governor of Gloucester, whoe were to joine
with you, in ail about 1$00 horse and foote, to endeavour to distress
the cittie of Hereford, and vse ail meanes to take it in ; giveing you
in hand one weeks pay for your horse and foote, and promiseing
you a months pay more if you were succesfull. Herevpon you
went on that hopeless désigné ; marcht of from Bath and Bristoll
the 6th of December, which day it pleased God to begin a great
frost, without which it had bin impossible to haue marcht at that
time of the yeare in those countries of Gloucester and Herefordshire.
Comeing to Gloucester you were to conferr with Collonel Morgan,
Sir John Bridges, and Mr. Hodges, whoe were to assist you, and
advise you howe things stood at Hereford : vnto whome when you
came, your incouragement was soe small that their earnest desire
was that you would march backe to your garisons, it being vaine to
thinke of attempting Hereford. Wherevpon you desired they
would give your men 3 or 4 dayes quarters where they now lay
nere Gloucester ; and dureing that time you would goe into Here-
fordshire in a disguise, and see if there could bee any hopes of
Hereford, or Matchfeild ; you then saying that being you were
marcht soe farr in soe cold a time, you would beat or bee beaten
a A space with two asterisks in orig.24
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
before y ou returne. Ypon a tbis they were content to allowe your
men quarters for three or 4 dayes. Wherevpon your selfe, with
Sir John Bridges, wlioe in that busines was both very helpfull and
serviceable, went along with y ou, both private, first to Ledbury, after
to a country house, one Sissells,h nere therevnto, and from thence
sent privately to twoe officers of the Kings, whoe ypon some dis-
content had lately laid downe their comand, and then were greatly
enraged against the governor ; suposeing, as indeed it prooued, that
those men to bee revenged would give their best assistance and
advise. The next night those men came from there houses, 2 miles
from Hereford, where they recided, at Nuningtonf and vpon dis-
course with them, it was by you quickly found that they earnestly
longed to bee revenged ; and you promised them that, if they
would assist, and the désigné should take, you would give them
100l. d a peece ; and soe enquired what possibillitie there was of a
surprize ; how there gaurds were kept ? whither there were any
houses nere any of their gates? what cariages vsed comonly to
goe into the cittie ? and if there were any hollowe ground where
a bodie of men could lye nere the gâte ? and what number was
in the garison? To which the reply was: the number of men
in armes in the garison, of horse and foote, was about 1500;
that their gaurds by night were strict kept vntill the gates were
open; but after the towne mayore was gone the souldiers went
to gett their morneings draught, and many times left not aboue
tenn on the gaurd; that the officers in the towne vsually dranke
and gamed ail night, and lay in bedd the fore part of the next
day; that there was within less then musket shott of the gâte
an ould building called the Priory, where 500 men might lye close ;
* [MS. “ returne vp,on this.” This punctuation seems to show that it was copied
by a transcriber, who mistook Roe’s meaning, as in other places.]
b Cissells [or Cirels ?]
c Bunnington.—Bird’s MS.	d 500.
e city Mayor.—Bird’s MS.; but, query, might it not be the Town Major, who
visited and set the guard ?COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
25
that every morneing sundry carts came in loaden with wood and
strawe; and that at this time, the frost still very strong, the
governor sent out warrants to the constables in the country to send
him soe many men every morneing to breake the ice on the mote
and river; and that there was ahollow ground behinde the Priory on
the other side a smale Mil neere the city and about twoo a musket
shott from the Priory, where 1000 men might bee drawne into
batalia. Vpon this discourse, and further findeing most of their
horse weare at that time within theh walls by night, y ou begun to
bee confident the towne would easily bee surprised ; and your way
was, 6 carts; 4 with wood, and 2 with strawe, which were to bee
laden hollowe, that in the bodie of every cart 6 men might lye with
swords and pistolls; and when they came just within the gâte, there
being only a bundle of strawe in the hinder end of the cart, they
were to through that out, and presently fall on the gaurd ; and that
you would lay firelocks in that ould priory in the night to second
those in the carts, when the gâte should bee open, and they haue
possession ; which would assuredly bee done without suspicion. Thus
that désigné layd, it pleased God, that hee might the more bee seen,
to send that night soe great a snowe that carts could not travell;
therefore there must bee a new proiect; which you instantly thought
vpon to bee this. The governor, as before, every day sent out men
vnto the country to breake the ice, the ffrost houlding strong.
Wherevpon you resolued to provide a man to goe to the towne
pretending to bee a cunstable, and to carrie sixe men with him,
with spades and pickaxes, great breeches and country habbitt,
and ac warrant you writt to carry in his hand to avoid sus-
picion when hee came neere the gâte, and a hedg bill vnder his
arme, a vsuall thing for constables to carry in their hand. The
désigné was to bee put on ; and you wentd presently to Cannon
a another.
b with Sir William Wallers horse-gaurds without the. (The writer must hâve un-
doubtedly meant Sir William Vaughan, who was much in Herefordshire.)
c that.	d sent.—Bird’s MS.
CAMD. SOC.
E26
MILITÀRY MEMOIR OF
frooin, then a garison for the Parliaraent, where were many stout
fforrest men ; out of whome for their habit and countenance
sake, being soe like labouring men, y ou resolued to choose
your constable and his men. And at last you found one Berow ,a
whose face and bodieh promised, when fitly clad, to bee noe
other but a constable ; and vpon conférence with him found his
resolution answereable and yet his vnderstanding not so pearceing
as to afright him with the enterprise : and withall sixe men there fitt
for your turne. Wherevpon you hasted backe to Gloucester,
the third day after your departure, and came to Collonel Mor-
gan, telling him you were resolued on a désigné into Hereford-
shire : which hee was soe willing to imbrace that though hee
was then sicke of an ague, yet hee would march with you,
though vnder great distemper, which hee did the day folioweingc
to Ledbury, and ail the night afterwards towards Heriford in the
deep snowe, where some d of your men ended there dayes in the
ext(r)emity of the ffrost and snowe. You thus marching on slowly,
your désigné being not to doe your busines that night, but only to
make the enimy the more secure by your returne, day broke when
you were foure miles short of Heriford. Wherevpon you gaue it
out to your officers, after tliey weare ail called togetherf not one of
them knowing f any thing of that désigné, that you would now lett
them knowe your intentions, which were these:	Sir William
Brierton then blockt up Chester; Sir Jacob Ashley and Sir William
Yaughun were gon towards him ; and you were comanded speedily
to march to their releife : and you hoped ail your officers would
beare you witness that the extremity of the wether was such you
could not march, and therefore hoped you should well answere it
if you went backe to your garisons; to which they ail agreed, and
a Beiroe.	b countenance.—Bird’s MS.
c [Monday, Dec. 15, according to Vicars, Burning Bush, 330 ; from Morgan and
Birch’s Letters to the Speaker, <fcc.]
d 4 or 5 ; [three, Birch and Morgan’s Letter, Lords’ «Tournais, Dec. 22, 1645.]
e whoe.	f knew.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
27
the souldiers gladly accepted ; and then presently you gaue order
the soul(d)iers should get some meate and drinke at the next
villages, on purpose to give out what you had said of your march
thither ; only one body of horse to stand ready if the enimy should
haue marcht out of Heriford. And the greate désigné alsoe tooke
well : for the country people desirous to knowe whither the soul-
diers were goeing, they were as ready to tell the whole matter: and
the governor of Hereford not wanting freinds in the country
presently was advised of the whole busines. Yet hee for more
sureness that day sent out horse, whoe found it true; and that the
forces were indeed marching backe towards Ledbury and so towards
Glocester : which désigné did worke soe that the garison of Heriford
was exceeding secure. And yett to make them the more secure,
you findeing out whoe gaue the governor vsuall notice from Led-
bury, chose to quarter your selfe at his house; and theire called
some of the towne togeather, informeing them of your hard march,
and desireing they would give your men good quarters that niglit*
and you would bee gon next day; for the wether was soe bad you
could not march as you had intended. This they willingly agreed
vnto; and quickly the governor of Hereford had notice from his
freind at Ledbury. The day past ; and it now beeingb about 9 c of
the clocke at night the 1ôth of Deeember 16^5, ail haueing well
supped, you called hastily to one of your officers, and caused him
to beat vp an alarum ; which imediatly hee did ; and from him
tooke ail the rest of the drumers : which made not only your owne
officers, but some of the townsmen hastily to run to your lodgeing.
Where pressing to knowe the matter, you told them that you had
advise the governor of Hereford and some others joyned with him
were marching towards you ;d and desired to advise with the officers
to knowe whether wee should stay there vntill hee came, or rather
to goe and meet him, if happily wee might finde them in a hasty
a day.	b and the enimy comeing. [Qu. evening in Roe’s autograph copy ?]
r 8.	vvithin five miles.28
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
disorderly march, and soe breake their bodies. They, willing to
concur with you, said, there was noe way but to goeand meete him,
the snowe and moone botb giveing light enough. By this meanes
you gott out ail your men presently without suspicion either to
themselues or the towne, whoe weare charged on payn of death to
keepe their houses ; whoe else would surely haue advised the governor
of Hereford. And thus marched you almost to Heriford which was
from Ledbury tenua miles, without speaking one word,still expect-
ing to bee engaged ; which thoughts kept the souldiers warme that
terrible night of frost and snowe : which had it been any other
way, you could never haue compassed your désigné. When you had
marched soe far, the officers cam to you wondring they heard of noe
enimy ; to which you replyed, they are retreated, and if they did
thinke it fitt you would march on, with ail probabillity before they
gott into Hereford you might doe some considérable service on
them, they suspecting nothing. Wherevpon they every one re-
turned to his place, marching on speedily, but soe silently that a
dog scarce barked ail the night, though wee marched through three
or 4 villages ; but in deed that was not strange, for if a dog had
bin without doores that night hee would haue been starved to
death. Your selfe in the meane time ridd to Cannon ffroom the
Parliament garison, sixe c miles from Heriford, and there made ready
your constable and his sixe men, gaue him his warrant, appointed
him his bill, and to them their pickaxes and shovells, bound up for d
them very black riec bread and cheese in course table napkins, soe
that to see them goe a man would haue ventred his life they had
bin country labourersf indeed. Thus you went on till you were
within a mile of Hereford ; at which time the officers againe repaired
to you, and heareing of noe enemy, begun to say vnto you, sure
a on sixe.	b [Fifteen of modem measure.]
c [Nine of modem measure.]
d [Interlined, like some other corrections, by an unknown hand.]
® browe (corrected à primâ manu).
f [“labourers, Indeed thus.” A punctuation showing probably tbe band of a
copyist.jCOLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
29
you had some other busines there ; to which you did them answere,
you had indeed, and if they would keepe close and silent at their
charge they should, by and by, see what it was; which they wii-
lingly agreed vnto. Wherevpon, being marched neere the cittie,
you laid your maine bodie in a hollowe ground which you Sound
as you were advised fitt for your turne ; thence drew 150 firelocks
into that old priory which lay just by the roade leading to Bysters
gâte? Then you tooke the constable and the sixe men, and laid
him with them in b the priory, giveing this order to the constable ;
that when you put of your hatt where you lay aboue him a good
distance that you might see when the gâte oppened, and the towne
mayor gone, and the gaurd did growe thinn, then hee should goe on ;
and to the firelocks comanded by Leiftennant Collonel Raymond
and Capten Browne gave this order, that when the constable was
just at the drawbridge they should rush out; and to the maine
body, that when they sawe the firelocks run on they should hasten.
Things thus laid, you tooke a speciall care, the officers whoe first
you advised with liveing neere Hereford should bee soe lookt vnto
that they should give noe intelligence, which you had reason to
Seare, they expressing some discontent ; which caused you to keepe
them honerably close for the three dayes your désigné was acting,
and soe at this présent time.c Thus the severall parties lay close in
the snowe twoe full howers, noe man soe much as stirring, hope
keepeing them warme. At last the gâte was opeined;d and within
a quarter of an hower after few souldiers you could see about it;
and you supposed, as it proved, that that terrible cold morneing of
ffrost and snowe had sent them to a fire. Wherevpon you gave
a highway goeing by the Priory. (The Priory of St. Guthlac, in ruins, founded
by Hugh de Lacy in 1101, lying without the walls of the city. The gaol is built on
the site of it.)
b “ a ditch neere ” cancelled.
« [Captain Aldeme was with the reserve of foot.—Yicars, 332.]
d “ [Upon the first letting-downe of the draw-bridge, three men came out of the
city, not disceming anybody.”—Vicars, 332.]30
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
notice to the constable, whoe in respect of his cold, winch made him
and his sixe men goe as if they were almost starved, and alsoe by rea-
son of their broad hatts, great breeches, spades, pickaxes, and bundles
of bread and cheese, they mignt well haue deceived.a wise rnan and
vigilent comander. Xhus went hee on peaceably to the gâte ; which
when hee came close vnto, and goeing to shew the officers and
souldiers that were with the centry his warrant to bring those men
to worke that day, the firelocks rush fourth, and were run almost
halfe way before the guard fthen busie with the constable) discoverd
them. Wherevpon the gaurd began to crye “ Arme.” The
constable with his bill knocks downe one : the rest with their spades
and pickaxes fell vpon others : this held not one minute, but the
firelocks and your selfe fell inn; and presently the remainder of
your bodie, with Collonell Morgan ;a and after halfe an howers
dispute in the Street, and the loss of about tenn of your men, that
great and strong garison, which soe long held out a great army,
was taken, and in it abundance of gentry and souldiers; the
governor Barronet Scudamore with some ffiftie others escapeing
over the river Wye on the ice, which that night was firozen soe
hard that they were able to goe over. Thus did the Lord worke
for you : the like hath not been heard : and I am confident you will
never forgett to honner God, whoe soe honerd you in this admired
service. Ypon notice of this great worke to the Parliament, they
forthwith appointed you Governor of that cittie, which was almost
as difficult to keepe as take, lieing surounded with enimies garisons;
Sir Jacob Ashley at Worcester 20 b miles of, Sir William Vaughun
at Ludlowe with a force; and others at Gutheridge, Ragland and
Matchfeild; ail the strong garrisons lyeing round. Yet God soe
enabled you to manage his worke in your hand, that you kept your
horse alwaisc quartered in the country, (though the enimy dureing
ail that tyme durst never quarter but in their garisons,) and never
a [Morgan commanded the horse.—Yicars, 332.]
b [Thirty of modem measure.]
r alwaise.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
31
lost (saueing 13 Sh(r)opshire horse that came vnder your protection)
one horse to the enimy. And although within the cittie of
Hereford was 1100 townsmen whoe had taken vp armes for the King,
yet by your speedy ffortifieing the castle you secured that cittie for
the Parliament with a few men, soe that though you tooke that place
but the 24th day of December, 1645, yet in the beginning of March
followeing you had soe strengthened the castle that with the helpe
thereof 460 men kept that citty, that the 6th of March you were able
to drawe out three hundred horse, and leaue a horse gaurd for the
cittie; with which 300 horse and 600 foot you then tooke the ffeild,
notwithstanding the enimy ail round about. But in an especiall
manner you were molested from Gutheridge with Sir Henry
Lingen, whoe had about 90 horse belonging to that garrison, 9a
miles from Hereford ; with which and the knowledge and resolution
of the riders they made roades every way into (the) country: soe
that although on the 5 of March you were desired to drawe out
what force you could, and to joine with Collonel Morgan to engage
with Sir Jacob Ashley, then intending with the fforces of Worcester
and Ludlowe, and his owne, being about 1000 more, to march to
Oxford to the King to joine with his army, there to take the ffeild
that summer, yett this could not possibly bee done without vtter
ruine to the country, except you could some way breake and destroy
the forces vnder Sir Henry Lingen; but especially the horse, whoe
vndoubtedly when you were gon soe ffarr of would bring ail the
contry to subiection, and corne to the gates of Hereford it selfe.
Wherefore you tooke vp such a resolution as seldome hath been
heard of : yett your God wrought for you : vizb theis horse stood
in one great stable, within the outward wall of Gutheridge Castle;
the backe of the stable being it selfe part of the wall ; a gaurd lay
in this stable, and another gaurd about a pistoll shott behinde the
stable, being as neere the castle wall that only a carte loaden could
pass between the castle it selfe and this outer counter scarfe. Yet
a [About sixteen of modem measure.]32
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
you did résolue this stable must bee entred in some fowle night,
when the horse were sure in it; it being the stable wherein they
lay ail their sadles, corne, and hay; and this must bee done, else
you could not doe your busines. Therefore you tooke a time 4
nights after, and marcht silently ail night; devided your bodie into
three parts; one to fall on the out gaurd a silently with their swords;
and another to storme the wall with ladders of 13 rounds, which
by intelligence you found to bee as a sufficient length; and when
they were gott in that counterscafe to fforce the gaurd, and enter
that stable: but neither of theis to give any fire vntill they were
fired vpon againe and againe ; hopeing that might somewhat alay
the mistrust of any danger thear. The other partie were to goe
directly to the gâte, both horse and foote, and there to fire with
great noyse ; and it pleased the Lord soe to prosper you there, that
they in the outgaurd supposed those whoe first came on to bee some
of the castle or stable gaurds; therefore they tooke not the allarum,
it being very darke, vntill they were gott in soe close, that they
were taken or slaine every man, being 2 maiors, 2 captaines and
30 souldiers. At the same instant they on the counterscarfe, soe
soone as they perceived the partie came towards them, thought it
it had been some of those from the outgaurd ; and soe was not
hastie to give the alarum, till they had sett and mounted their
ladders and were presently entred the maine force of the castle.
The castle it selfe, heareing soe great a noyse about the gâte,
suposed the danger there, therefore applied ail their force thither.
In the meane time the stable was entred, a hole beaten through the
backe of the wall according to order, and then ledd out by the
partie 76 horse: 12 were left in that would not corne out; where-
vpon instantly that great stable being full of hey, strawe, and
cumbustable matter was fired and burnt to the ground, with
a [According to Birch’s Letter to the Speaker, published by Vicars (Burning Bush,
396, 397), this out-guard was in the boat-house by the river-side. It “ held out two
houres untill it was digged thorow.,,]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
33
the horses, sadles, and ail things else for the enimiès vse.a Thus
their force being subdued you were in a condition to march to
meet Sir Jacob Ashley, which you delayd not long; but the very
next day, haueing designed your force to corne after, you went your
selfe with Collonel Kirle, fower of your servants, your trompets and
twoe choice troupers in your company b towards Gloucester, to lay
the désigné and to conferr with Collonel Morgan about the manage-
ment thereof. But whither they at Gutheridge had advice of your
goeing soe ill attended or it was casuall I am not able to say, but
suspect the first ; but soe it was that Sir Henry Lingen had a partie
of 14 choice horse were out on a party the night the stable was
burnt, and his horse taken : which horse by that meanes escapeing
lay at Ould Goare, just in your way ready to catch you as you
went for Gloucester, the place being twoec miles from the enimies
garison ; you presumeing to goe soe neare with that small partie,
suposeing you had left them neare a horse; yet these 14 were ready
for you there : where you rideing without suspicion hapt to spye a
coites cast before you : wherevpon they standing in a little hollowe,
and findeing them to bee the enimy, ail that you said was, “ Doe as
I doe,”d and with that on a full speed roade through the very midle
of them. The fury of your horse overthrew one, and dismounting
one or 2 more, the comander of them tumeing about his horse to
clap his pistoll to you, I was soe neare you that my pistoll touched
his side; where I shott him, his scarfe was fired with the powder,
and downe hee ffell. By that time you and Collonel Kirle had feld,
a March 16, 1645. We had likewise by letters from Hereford, that a party of
Colonell Birches from Hereford and ColoneU Kirles from Monmouth went against
Gotheridge Castle in Munmouthshire, surprized 60 horse in the stables, and other
provisions, fired downe the stables, and hâve close besieged the castle. Colonell Kirle
besides this snapt another party of the enemy from Ragland, and took a lieutenant, a
quarter-master, 12 firelocks, and six case of pistols.—Perfect Diumall, No. 138, 1104,
[b Qu. Is Roe to be included in this énumération ? if so, in what capaçity ?]
c Eight of modem measure.
d If we can believe Colonel Birch to hâve been sufficiently collected at the moment,
he might hâve alluded mentally to the passage in Judges, vii. 17.
CAMD. SOC.	F34
MILITÀRY MEMOIR OF
with the other sixe with you, 7 or 8 of them; tlie rest began to face
about, but were ail killed or taken, except twoe wbose horses weare
too swift. Thus were you strangely deliverd at that time alsoe;
and on you went towards Gloucester as if this had bin only a rub
in your cast, haueing lost noe mans life on your part. This was
the Lords owne worke. At Gloucester agreeing with Collonel
Morgan of the place and time of rendevouz, you mett accordingly
with about 1060 men ; hee with about 1100; and the garison
of Esam with about 600. With this little army of about 2700,
you marcht to meet Sir Jacob Ashley, whose army consisted
of about 3000 men, halfe of them being reformads, men of
vndoubted resolution. On the 5th day after your rendvouz, Sir
Jacob Ashley came marching with his army in veiw ; wee lyeing on
the topp of the hill nere Cambdin sawe him march at least sixe
miles together. And I well remember your councell was, being
wee had sent for Sir William Brereton, and that hee had provided
to corne with a force that day, not to tempt God by fighting over-
much, when it may bee hee would afoard vs more meanes; but if noe
helpe came before such time that the enemy would bee out of our
reach towards Oxford, then wee would ffight them, and trust God
to beat them with the fforce wee hadd : in the meane time to vexe
them with 500 good horse and some ffew foote, to make them
spend the time and tire them ; and in the meane time the rest of our
army to ffeed and refresh themselues abundantly, which they did
from Cambdin. By which meanes the enimy disputed it till eight
at night, befcre they could get vp that hill, and had then 7 miles to
Stowe; they not desireing to fight with vs but to march vnto the
King, which they did very quietly : for you comanding that none
should ffollowe them in the reare, they tooke it for graunted they
should not bee molested. But, about tenn or eleaven of the clocke,
you said to Collonel Morgan, “ Corne, Sir, God will give vs noe
more meanes : yett I am confident hee will deliver them into our
hands and to your souldiers about you said, you had a strong con-COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
35
fidence you should haue Sir Jacob Ashley in custodie. Wherevpon
ail resolued to march; and did at the very instant, witb that resolu-
tion and willingnes as if they had gone to a ffeast : and about
three in the morneing were gott close vp to the enimy then drawne
vp in the ffeild neere Stowe ; it being very darke ; yet you resolued
to fight presently, “because,” said you, “ wee haue the disadvantage
of ground, yet they cannot see it; besides wee being the assailants,
they will conceive Sir William Brereton is corne vp to vs, and that
wee are many more then they.” At this very instant cornes vp tenn
or twelue troops of horse vnder Sir William Brereton; and to worke
wee went, the forlornes being ingaged before. Hott it was for a
while; their reformadoes standing stoutly to it; insoemuchthat you had
32 horse shott in your owne régiment, beside your owne that you ridd
on alsoe shott : but at length God gaue you the victory, 1600 prisoners
and vpwards, besides the slaine : and in the midle of the heate a souldier
had taken Sir Jacob Ashley, brought him to you ; whoe according to
your promise, deliverd him to your souldiers. And here, certainely,
was a more then ordinary hand of God, which could not pass by
without observance, being the last battle fought in England.a
Nowe only remaynd to take in the garisons. Wherevpon you
marcht backe; first to Worcester; where at the first comeing on,
your horse with a pistoll was shott soe vnder you that hee fell downe
a We shall conclude this weeke with the further welcome newes of the routing of
Sir Jacob (or the new made Lord) Ashley’s forces, the only remaining party the
King had left him to make a new army, and to carry the King from Oxford ; which
ront was on Satterday the 21, npon the edge of Glocestershire, and the newes bronght
here to the Speaker of the House of Commons by Major Temple on the Lord’s Day
early in the moming, the said Major haying been in the fight. And after him came
another messenger to the Speaker with a letter of the perticnlers so far as conld on
the sndden be gathered, and is to the effect as followeth :—
Sis,—
This moming, Saterday, 21 of March, Colonel Morgan, govemour of Glonster,
and the forces nnder him, haying also the forces of Sir William Brereton the night
before joyned with him, did fall npon Sir Jacob Ashley and ail his forces intending
for Oxford, to joine with the King and to disturbe the siégé at Banbury Castle, at36
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
never stirring, but died presently; which was another remarkeablè
deliverance. Leaveing Collonel Morgan neare Worcester, you
marcht by order of the Parliament to Ludlowe, and God soe blesst
you that you tooke in that towne and castle within 33 dayes;
though not without great envy from the Shropshire men, in whose
countie I was gon.a Thence to Gutheridge you marcht, a place of
wonderfull strength; yet God soe blesst you that with mineing,
battery, and morterpeeces soe well bestowed that your selfe shott
into the castle 19 of 22 granadoes, which much shooke it, and by
reason of a great morterpeece you made there (the biggest in
England),b the enimy was terified, much of the inner part of the
castle ffallen downe, and the roofe spoyled. Yet the enimy resolued
to hold out, and by countermine drew neere to your mine, which
went heavily on for tenn yards at least through firme rocke yett
there to bee seen : but by your battry vnexpectedly planted in the
night you beat downe a tower of the castle into the mouth of their
countermine ; the tower ffalling soe furiously that they could noe
wayes defend their mine. By which meanes you gott vnder them;
Stow-in-the-(W)old upon the edge of Glocestershiere, and, after a sore conflict on both
sides, Sir Jacob Ashley was totally routed, himself taken prisoner, and 1100 more
horse and men at tbe least taken, and ail their cariages, great store of armes, bag and
baggage taken. Onr word giyen to Col. Morgan was “ God be our guide;” the word
of the enemy was “Patrick and George.”— Perfect Diumall, No. 138, 1110.
[a This resembles a transcriber’s error. It might possibly hâve originally stood
“ it was done,*’ or “won.”]
[b It carried a 200 lb. shell, according to Birch’s own account when he requested
80 barrels of powder from the Houses for the bombardment. (Perfect Diumall,
June 22,1646.) An ancient mortar, called “ Roaring Meg,” and measuring 15 inches
across the muzzle, which at one time was set up as a post in Bridge Street, Hereford,
but has since been removed to the Castle Green, may be the piece in question, not-
withstanding the local tradition that “ it saved the Cathédral.” Nothing of the kind
is mentioned in the accounts of the defence against the Scots ; and it seems very
probable that Birch would preserve and remove to his own résidence the instrument
of the réduction of Goodrich Castle. His “ mortar pièces ” were transferred to Raglan.
(Cary’s Memorials, i. 142.) “Roaring Megs” were sent for from London to
the siégé of Reading.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
37
and they findeing the same, and sawe themselues lost, desired only
their lives : Sir Henry Lingen and ail the rest being your prisoners,
whereof 60 were officers and gentlemen. This was the end of your
martiall imployment, wherein I thinke as much of God was seen as
most can recite : and although I doubt not of your ffaithfull and
gratefull memory hereof towards God, yet I conceaue my selfe
bound to présent you with this breife' collection, being ail I haue
to tender to you in answere for ail your ffavours towards mee:
therevnto adding my prayers, that, beeing a God hath called you to
bee a Member of Parliament, hee will continue his goodness to
you,b and make you very instrumentall theare, as you haue been
elsewhere, for the glorie of his name, and good of his people.
Amen.c
a nowe.	b “ there ” cancelled.
c Colonel Birch was chosen a Member of Parliament for the borough of Leominster
in the year 1646.38
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
COMMENTARY.
1643.
[State of Bris-
tol.]
Confusion prevailed in the city of Bristol on Mardi 7, 1643.®
The appearance of so many armed men in the neighbourhood of
course excited great ferment among the population. Fiennes, who
had openly declared himself by other actions, kept his counsel and
was not unprepared. He had been opposed to the Cavaliers in
fight at Powick Bridge, Edgehill, and elsewhere, and now took his
stand, in défiance of Royal authority, as governor for the Parlia-
ment. He had, under him sufficient force to suppress a rising : his
own régiment of cavalry at least, with such soldiers as Essex had
left behind him, and volunteers b who had placed themselves under
him. We hâve seen Birch as their captain. From the beginning
of October many of the youths of the place, under the Parliamentary
plea of acting for the King, were already expert in arms, the
defences had been made up, and evidently there was no access butby
the gates. Fiennes was therefore ready : and, as he had secret in-
structions from the Parliament, he skilfully anticipated the place
and the time. Five in the moming was the appointed hour. There
was an ancient bridgec over the Avon, connecting the northem and
Southern parts ; it stood upon four arches, and, like that at London
over the Thames, was covered with houses. It formed a quarter
for the Parliamentarians, who were called by their opponents
a [1642 in the MS., the year then ending on March 25.]
b Note 1. .
c This bridge was only 19 feet in width, and had a chapel of the Virgin npon it
25 yards long and 7 wide, bnilt in the reign of Edward III. The whole was
demolished, and a new one erected, in 1768.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.	39
Bridgemen and Roundheads.* Both parties were aware of its im-
portance ; but the Parliamentarians had already secured it. Here
then at tbe hour of 8 p.m. in the montb of March stood Birch
upon his guard as captain of volunteers, wben he was privately in-
formed of his danger: “ some poore body or other,” says a writerb
who selects his account from the numerous pamphlets relating to this
transaction, “ (some say twas a poore boyc) came to that company
which guarded the bridge that night, and acquainted-them that they
a Among many papers found in the honse of Robert Yeomans was one to the
following effect : “ Ail inhabitants of the Bridge, the High Street, and Corn Street,
keep within yonr doores upon perill of yonr lives.” (Yicars, God in the Mount,
280.) The Bridgemen were the strongest Parliamentarians in the city. (A Full
Déclaration, &c. London, 1643.) We haye no idea where Birch’s résidence might
be, bnt it may be fairly inferred that his abode, or at least his store, was not there,
as that was entirely plnndered, which Roe wonld not haye omitted to mention.—J. W.
b Yicars, God in the Mount, 278.
c According to Barrett (History of Bristol, 227) the disclosure was attribnted to
“ some tattling females.” Roe has not said that the search and arrest were per-
sonally conducted by Birch, only that he had them in his custody within a short
time after he receiyed the information. The real actor was Captain Jeremie Buck,
who made oath before the conncil of war of having seized Yeomans and twenty-
three others at his honse on 7th March at ten at night. The discrepancy of hours
between this information, the statement of Vicars, and that of our narrative, is of
little importance. (“ The severall examinations of the treacherous conspirators,” &c.
Hnsbands, May 25,1643, King’s pamphlets, Brit. Mus.) The character of Buck for
wanton severity and cowardice well qualified him for such an undertaking. Mer»
curius Rusticus, xyii. 156, “ a busie mercer of Hampton-rode.” Bibl. Gloucestren-
sis, cl. 164. [A letter published in Seyer’s Memoirs States that intelligence of the
meeting at Yeomans’s was given to the govemor in conncil of war, where the writer
was, about 1 (qu. 10?) o’clock ; and that they sent Buck and 40 musketeers. Lang,
rish says in a letter, “ At ten at night we had intelligence that the malignants of
the city had meetings in several houses thereof, namely, at one Yeoman’s honse :
whereupon our Capt. Buck with some foot, and I with a party of horse, were sent
thither ; where we found 24 persons that stood upon their guards at the said
Captain’s entrance thereunto; but when they saw my party and said {sic) that I had
sent for a canon to batter the honse, they yielded, and laying down their arms I con-
veyed them ail to the castle.” He also, and Capt. Goodier’s soldiers, made the
subséquent seizure at Boucher’s honse. No mention occurs of Birch, who may haye
been ordered to the castle to receive the prisoners.]
1643.
March.1643.
March.
[Suppression
of Royalist
plot. J
40	MILITARY MEMOIR OP
saw some men go into Mr. Yeomans house at 10 or neer 11 of the
cldck that night. Wherupon halfe that company (the Lord being
pleased to make the matter serious to them in the first and bare
relation,) with a troop of horse went presently to the house, and
there found many men (as had been related to them) with many
pistols and muskets ready charged : Ail these men were presently
apprehended and sent away to the castle to be kept safe ; and the
same night also the company at Bowchers house, being suspected
because they had not hung out light as they should hâve done, were
in the like manner apprehended, and so happily hindered the
tolling of that fatall knell.”
Encouraged by ordinance of Parliament, the govemor proceeded
with rapidity in his career : the press and the pulpit lent their
ready aid : a thanksgiving was appointed without delay.a John
Tombs, a Puritan divine of great celebrity, had recently arrived
with the Earl of Stamford, when, after spoiling Hereford and the
neighbourhood, he passed through on his journey to raise the West.
Tombs had been hooted at in the streets and expelled from his
parish of Leominster, and there he was, a refugee, prepared by
suffering and temper for the occasion. He stood up in the pulpit
of Ail Saints, from which George Williamson had been ejected to
the regret of the people, and preached to the civil and military
authorities two sermons, whieh were published by order of Parlia-
ment. A short preparatory narrative of the affair seems to hâve
been read by him. In the epistle dedicatory he mentions the
deliverance of the city as a very remarkable and mémorable thing,
and thus alludes to his own sufferings as the cause of his appearance
among them. “ In commémoration and acclamation thereof it
pleased God that by the appointment of one of you I should hâve a
part, having by God’s providence bin driven hither for shelter
against the unreasonable and impetuous violence of superstitious
11 The Parliament ordered a thanksgiving througout the kingdom, to he held
March 19. (Commons’ Joumals, March 14,1642.)COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
41
people, enraged by the instigation of bloody-minded Papists, corrupt
priests, and loose libertines.” Such is his account of those from
whom he fled. Happy in his escape from Herefordshire, and seeing
nothing but what was right in his new friends, he justified their
proceedings ; endeavouring to make it appear that their ends were
to protect the city for his Majesty, and to remove ail scruples and
préjudices by labouring to prove that sometimes it might not be
rébellion to resist the personal will and command of the King.a In
other similar publications this unsuccessful attempt made with the
King’s approval was branded with terms that the Eoyalists con-
sidered could only be applied with his Majesty’s authority and for
his defence. It was called a plot* a conspiracy, an attempt at
Wholesale murder : but what chiefly annoyed them was the latter
assertion. Though much allowance must be made for exaspération in
such an unnatural contest, candour will be ready to admit that the
intention of massacring their opponents was urged against the
unfortunate Eoyalists for party purposes, and as a justification for
the severities that ensued. It is far from being improbable that
death might hâve been occasioned in the struggle* for arms were in
the hands of either party ; but those on the King’s side upon their
examination utterly denied any intention of bloodshed. The King
himself denied it. The sufferers themselves denied it with their
dying breath. Colonel Essex had in the first instance got possession
by stratagem when no résistance had been made; and again, when
Fiennes took his place, his entrance was conducted with equal
success. But those who had just now failed were traitors, con-
* Howell has described how those who really desired peace were affected amidst
the confusion introduced by the cross-application of terms. “Never such an
amphibious quarrel, both parties declaring themselves for the King and making use
of his name in ail their remonstrances to justifie their actions. The affections and
understandings of the people were never so confounded and puzzled, not knowing
where to acquiesce by reason of such counter-commands. One side calls the
resisting of royall commands Loyalty : the other terms loyalty the opposiug of
Parliamentary orders and ordinances.’, England’s Teares; Dodona’s Grove, 161.
CAMD. SOC.	G
1643.
March.42
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
March.
spirators, and had intended to massacre man, woman, and child.
Robert and William Yeomans and George Boucher with Edward
Dacres were eminent citizens ; the first had been sheriff of the city
the previous year. Roe has only specified two of the leaders, and
passes briefly over the tragedy of the story. A commission was sent
down for holding a court martial, of which Fiennes was the pre-
sident : the trial of the party ensiied, and Yeomans the elder and
Boucher were sentenced to die as traitors. Great efforts were made
by the King to save them : a letter was written by the Earl of Forth
at his Majesty’s command containing a threat that if sentence should
be executed several prisoners whom he had in his hands should be
put to death. He endeavoured to stay the proceedings by addressing
the civil authorities ; Fiennes in his turn threw out a menace of
retaliation upon certain prisoners of conséquence left in his power by
Sir William Waller after his expédition into Herefordshire ; but such
barbarities had not then been as they afterwards were practised at
a still more savage period of the war, and the King humanely
forbore. Happy had it been if ail in this dispute who had the
power of retaliation in their hands had followed this noble example.
To such even the heathen could assign his paradise or heaven :—
Quisquis est placide potens,
Dominusque vitæ, serrât innocuas manus,
Et incruentum mitis imperium régit,
Animoque parcit; longa permensus diu
Felicis ævi spatia, vel cœlum petit,
Yel læta felix nemoris Elysii loca.ft
The governor had now got the upper hand, and proceeded to put
the sentence into execution. Robert Yeomans and George Boucher
were to die the death of traitors. Much interest in Bristol was
employed to save them. The mayor and corporation endeavoured to
intercède for them, for they were highly respected; the former had
eight, the latter seven, children ; but the governor was inflexible, and
a Seneca, Hercules Furens, iii. 739, et seqq.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.	43
the execution took place under great humiliation and cruelty.
These circumstances, though omitted by Roe, are not unfit to be
dealt with, and might hâve been much enlarged, as characteristic of
the heat and temper of the times.a
Things being in the state that has been described, we are not I
informed what the merchant-soldier continued to do at Bristol.
We may be prepared to find that he had not at once laid aside his
sword, though from his letter it may be fairly inferred that he
remained in the occupation described by it. The inference is fair,
though conjecture is not history. This however is certain from the
tide of events, that the proceedings of commerce were everywhere
greatly impeded ; the connection between London and Bristol was
hampered by the Cavaliers ; Gloucester was in possession of the
Parliament; Worcester and Shrewsbury were in the hands of the
King ; and the passage of the river was still infetsed by the opera-
tions of war.
Fiennes, satisfied with the course that he had taken,b had strength-
ened the garrison to 2,000 foot, 200 volunteers, and 300 horse and
dragoons at least,c had repaired the fortifications, and had been
complimented by the Parliament for having placed so important a
city in security for them.d But the hour of reverse was at hand,
and it is not to be wondered at that the Royalists should hâve con-
sidered it as a rétribution, though the extent of it could hâve been
• See Bristol Tracts,passim. Yicars represents the population at Bristol ashaying
acquiesced in their sufferings and execution, i. 284. Compare the account with that
in Mercurius Rusticus, i. 174, et seqq. for both sides of the question.
b He justified it by the command of his superiors, His Excellency the Lord
General and the two Houses, from whom he had received thanks.—J. W.
c Trial, 796.
rt In confidence of heart he was proyed to hâve boasted at times that, should it be
assailed, he would dispute every foot of ground with the enemy to the utmost ; that
it should be won from him by inches ; that his flag should be his winding-sheet ; that
he would keep the city or it should keep him, or he would lay his bones there. (Trial
of N. Fiennes.)—J. W.
1643.
March.
Birch at
lristol.1
[Proceedings
of Fiennes.
Capture of
Bristol.]1643.
July.
44	MILITARY MEMOIR OF
little foreseen. The indefinite period of seven months mentioned by
Eoe must be reduced to that which is comprised between March 7
and July 26. In the course of this interval the*Royalists and Par-
liamentarians had been struggling for superiority*in the West with
a variety of fortune, inclining at length to the former, who were
looking towards Bristol with regret and indignation. It was a
prize to either party. Sir William Waller, the Parliamentarian
general, to whom we shall hâve occasion to ad vert more parti-
cularly hereafter, had lately received a severe check. On the
evening of his mémorable defeat at Round way^Down,a July 13,
1643, to the astonishment of the governor, he entered the gates of
Bristol, accompanied by the shattered remains of the horse under
Hesilrige that had suffered heavy discomfiture in that battle. This
omen of ill fortune was succeeded by another, and Tiennes must
hâve accepted it as a warning to préparé for the worst, for Bristol
was in imminent danger. Hopton, recovered from his personal
disaster at Lansdownb (July 5), with his own Cornish and other
forces commanded by the best officers in his Majesty’s service, was
close at hand, and Rupert, with a considérable body of men, came
there to direct the operations. The details of the ensuing capture
are unnecessary to be given : the line was not entered on the side
where Birch was posted to defend it : he was in a quarter opposite
to the Cornish forces, where the most successful résistance was
a Young Edward Harley, the eldest son of Sir Robert Harley, was, with a younger
brother, in this battle in the régiment of Sir Arthur Hesilrige : he lost the horse
that his anxious mother Lady Brilliana had given him, and narrowly escaped there
with his life. In a subséquent engagement on the Parliamentary side he received
a bail in his body which he carried to his dying day. He was a much valued and
respected friend of Colonel Birch ; and is here mentioned as one to whom he looked
up with no common reverence, and as a neighbour to whom he was greatly indebted
when the Colonel settled in the county of Hereford in after years.—Lady B. Harley’s
Letters, ccii.
b [He had been shot through the arm, and on the following moming dangerously
hurt by the explosion of an’ammunition-wagon.]COLONEL JOIÏN BIRCH.
45
made ; and the number of principal officers killed on the King’s 1643.
part, though not equal to what Eoe a has stated in a general way, July 26*
was yet very considérable ; among them some of the flower of that
army. This was a loss that Eoe might well allude to, for it was a
disaster that, as in the case of the loyalist officers, Grandison,
Slanning, and Trevanion, could not be repaired.b Yet he admits
that the conduct of the defence was far from satisfactory, by treating
it with a delicacy that checks from indulging in the language of
merited censure. Of course in his cautious expressions he is alluding
to Fiennes and other officers of the garrison. Fiennes, a better
orator than swordsman, afterwards challenged inquiry into his con-
duct, was brought to trial before a court-martial at St. Alban’s,
Dec. 14, 1643, and received sentence of death in his turn. More
fortunate than the wretched victims who fell under his lash at
Bristol, he was sheltered by the interest of his father with the Lord
General. Mortified by his disgrâce, he passed over to the Con-
tinent, whence, after a résidence of two years, he returned, but not
to war. It could hardly escape notice, as a singular circumstance
connected with his own reverse, that he had himself persecuted the
family of Yeomans to such extremity that the eldest son had been
driven into exile.6
That Birch was of some conséquence with the governor may be [Surrender of
inferred from the evidence he gave upon the trial of Fiennes. He Bristol-l
is mentioned more than once : for instance, as being well acquainted
with the arsenal and the quantity of powder contained in it at the
surrender, and as being a member of the council of war held pre-
vious to the parley. He was also of the party who met the King’s
commissioners on behalf of the city, and treated expressly with
them. The 5th article in the surrenderd specially provided that
a [Or rather Birch ; for this is one of the passages where a vacant space in Roe’s
MS. has been filled in by him.]
b Clarendon, vii.	c The Two State Martyrs, 19.
d Trial, 787, 794.1643.
July 26.
46	MILITARŸ MEMOIR OF
“ ail the gentlemen and other persons shall hâve liberty to résidé
here 3 days, or départ with their goods, which they please ;v and
this article was introduced at his express suggestion. Such being
the extreme limit allowed, he appears to hâve availed himself of it,
and to hâve stayed to the last to witness the behaviour of the
soldiery. The 6th article of the capitulation contains a pledge that
“ ail the inhabitants of the city shall be secured in their persons,
families, and estâtes from plundering and ail other violence and wrong
whatsoever.” a It is upon the violation of this to a certain extent that
Eoe has attributed “ eternal shame ” to him who permitted it.
That the writer has here indulged in an expression of indignation
against the Prince, when the war was over, is no wonder. Eupert
was throughout the whole of it a butt for a Parliamentarian to
shoot at. It should however be remembered that the Governor
Fiennes himself acquitted both the German princes of connivance at
any excesses, for some indeed there were, that were directed both
against the soldiers that retired and the citizens that remained. “ I
must do this right to the princes,” says Fiennes, in his relation
made to the House of Commons a few days after the event, “ that
they were so far from sitting on their horses triumphing and re-
joicing at these disorders, that they did ride among the plunderers
with their swords, hacking and slashing them, and that Prince
Eupert did excuse it to me in a very fair way, and with expressions
as if he were much troubled at it.” b But Fiennes could only hâve
spoken to what he had himself observed when he marched out with
the garrison in the morning: the evening and the two following
days exhibited scenes of a different character. The spoil of Eeading
that could not be prevented by the Parliamentarian general had
already set the example. Every town within the theatre of con-
a E. Warburton’s Pr. Rupert, ii. 260.
b Warburton, ii. 267. “ Prince Rupert (as the governor saith) was very noble in
doing his endeavour to prevent disorder, but could not prevail with the common
soldiers.”—Kingdom’s Weekly Intelligence^ Aug. 1 to 8, 1643.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
47
tention had its sufferings :a those of Bristol, from its conséquence,
stood high upon the list. Throughout, it endured the miseries of a
divided population, and, though not exposed to the horrors of a
lengthened siégé, was twice subjected to those of a surrender after a
storm.
Birch at the time of the capture sliowed himself a brave and a
prudent man. Having by his personal interférenceb secured an
extension of three days to ail who desired to withdraw themselves,
their families and property, and having himself taken advantage of
this to the last, he is represented as waiting so long after the
garrison and others had marched out towards Warminster as to
compromise his personal safety. The volunteers were unnoticed in
the capitulation, but of course as a citizen he had liberty under the
agreement to retire. Of this, or of the fate of his property, it is
only intimated that his personal escape was attended with danger;
in the recollection of it, and of the many obstacles in the way, he is
reminded in general of that superhuman Power, by which, amounting
almost to a miracle, he was conducted and sheltered through them
ail. He quitted the place, never to return till he entered the line a
victor, sword in hand, when it was stormed by Fairfax in 1645.c
In noting his escape, and the language in which it is described, the
reader who is acquainted with the reverses of this fatal story will
hardly forget that the same expression is applied to him that was
long after employed towards the King, when, subséquent to the
1643.
July.
a The royal visit after this calamity is thus noticed in the Court Mercury.—The
King was received at Bristol with great joy and triumph and acclamations. The
town seemed on fire with bonfires, and the streets could hardly be passed for the
throng of the people. The mayor and his brethren were commanded to keep to their
houses till they had answered for the murder of the two martyred citizens. Merc.
Aulicus, July 30.
b Trial, ut antea.
c [It appears from Seyer (Memoirs, ii. 298) that he gave an account of what he
had witnessed in a tract entitled “ The Tragedy of Bristol ; published by Captain
Birch, Mr. Powell, and other citizens of Bristol, friends to the Parliament.,’]48
MILITÀRY MEMOIR OF
[Défection
from the Par-
liament.]
July1C?ctober ^oss	8rea^ battle he was wandering through the wilds of
Herefordsliire, encompassed by enemies ; leo in itinere was a
favourite phrase of the time.a
P^rHamenV]16 The ^ons to whom Roe alludes had indeed struck terror into the
hearts of the Parliamentarians, and this, it has been confidently
affirmed, had it been immediately followed up, might bave decided
the question in favour of the King, though there is yet sufficient
evidence to excite a reasonable doubt whether the delay at the siégé
of Gloucester, through which Charles ultimately lost his cause and
his life, was altogether at the moment a blunder.b
In touching upon the confusion and hésitation of many of the
Parliamentary party, the writer has censured the conduct of those
noblemen, the Earls of Bedford, Clare, Holland, and others, who
left their quarters c to repair to those of the King at Oxford, with a
view of seeking réconciliation and pardon. Enough had occurred to
shake the public and private confidence. Bloody battles had been
fought, strong-holds had been lost and won, cities had been stormed
and sacked or laid under contribution, more than enough indeed to
create alarm either in remaining at home or going abroad. Many
of ail ranks, gentlemen and others,d who had just after the capture
obtained passes to visit their friends, contributed by their accounts
to inspire a dread of the Cavaliers wherever they were to be met
with. Birch had no other alternative than that of taking his
journey, and by the account must hâve run considérable risk on
his way.
Though the dangers of travelling are here only alluded to, they
may easily be understood. Trade had continued to languish, for
[Difficulty of
travelling.]
a Iter Carol. Sept. 15, 1645. Waller’s Vindication, 45. The Scots used it ; Cla-
rendon, vi.
h It is not generally known how strongly the King was urged and tempted by
intelligence on which he thought he could dépend. Rapin is of opinion that he was
in the right to set about it. Rupert was eamestly presse d by communications from
the City itself. MS. Correspondence, Brit. Mus. i. 85, 100, 106.
c Note 2.	d Clarendon, viii.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
49
overland communication was interrupted by serious embarrassments.
The Houses had endeavoured to secure ail intercourse for them-
selves upon thehighseas; the Earl of Warwick had been made
High Admirai of the fleet* and such of the Parliamentarians as in
despair had resolved to emigrate could at any time hâve put their
trunks on board at the Thames, and bid farewell to their native
country ; for the process of voluntary exile with removal of property
was still going on.a The mouths of the Thames and the larger
ri vers, and most of the ports, were open to them. But though the
Parliament were dominant by the sea-board, there were too many
difficulties by land or river conveyance to allow free trade, once the
object of Birch’s desire, to be as yet anything more than a wish and
a matter of contention. If the attempt at treaty that took place at
Oxford during the spring of 1643 was attended for a short time
with the opening of communication with the metropolis, it could
not control what was taking place in other parts. It entered indeed
into the discussions there, but transit was grievously hampered else-
where ; neither goods nor persons attending upon them, such carriers
as Birch was reported to hâve been, were by any means secure
from pillage. Much of the traffic was managed on packhorses ;
but these might be the bearers of ammunition; when the packages
were stopped and opened on the road,b they became the booty of
the greedy soldiers. The King had openly professed to hâve
redressed this grievance on his part wherever it had happened ; he
affirmed c that “ no complaint concerning the robbing of carriers by
his soldiers had been made to him, which he had not received to
July
a Hampden and his friends were not the only parties that made the attempt. Sir
Edward Nicholas, writing to Thos. Bushell,esq., Dec. 21,1642, says: “there are 200
trunks sent aboarde shippes belowe London bridge, with warrant and order from
Parliament that they shall not be opened or searched.” Nichols’s Collectanea
Topogr. et Genealogica, vol. y. p. 299.
b The Parliament had long previous to this time given strict orders for searching
carriers before they started from their inns in London. C. J. July 4, 19, 1642, et
alibi.	c April 4, Rapin, II. xxi. 473.
CAMD. SOC.	H
1643.
-October.50
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
July-October.
[Birch and
Hesilrige
recruit in
London.]
the relief and réparation of the sufferers;” but the State of the
country where the Cavaliers prevailed h ad become increasingly
worse ; and those who ventured to travel for commercial purposes
might hazard their property or their lives.a Expérience had shown
that neither the road, the inn, nor the walled town were sufficiently
secure. Instances had occurred in several places. When Colonel
Hastings, younger son of the Earl of Huntingdon, was abroad
with his troopers from Ashby-de-la-Zouch, he had infested the
passages within his reach, and gained the unenviable distinction of
u Rob-Carrier.” It was believed that he had plundered upon one
occasion, about the beginning of May, 60 packhorses with their
packs. A month after his soldiers dragged a Blackwell-Hall
factor from his lodging at Daventry, plundered him with violence,
beat him, burned his papers, and trampled him in the mire.b At
Reading in the month of December Mr. Boys, a citizen of London,
an eminent dealer in strong waters, was arrested on his journey to
receive such moneys as were due to him, brought to a court
martial, and hanged as a spy by Sir Arthur Aston the governor.c
Through ail existing and ensuing difficulties, however, Birch
escaped, in Roe’s opinion as by a miracle; and it is évident that,
though still a man of business, he became a merchant no more.
The rout and ruin at Roundway Down had been nothing short
of complété.d Several hundred of the best troops from the garrison
a [The city of Worcester presented a pétition to his Majesty that their trade
consisted chiefly of clothing, but being unable to corne to London they could not sell
their goods or pay their assessments ; thereupon they intreated permission to trade,
which being granted, the clothiers and chapmen sent out their commodities, but
were met by the King’s forces, who robbed them of their goods on the road. Weekly
Accompt, June 26, 1644.]
b Certaine Informations, May 29 to June 5, 1643. He was thus fumished and
attired:—He rode with a cloke-bag, containing his books, &c., had a riding coat,
hanger, cane, and buckskin gloves, and was distinguished by a gold ring.
c Speciall Passages, Dec. 1642.
d Corbet, who was military chaplain to Massey, the govemor of Gloucester, affirms
that Waller had not “the reliques of an army.” Military Government, in Bibl.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
51
of Bristol had shared the fate of that battle, and by their loss con-
tributed towards the surrender of the city. Hurrying in utmost
confusion by way of Warwick with a scanty company of horsemen,
Waller and Hesilrige had reached the metropolis. Fiennes and
Birch had also arrived there, and the latter, as already shewn, was
summoned to give evidence on the trial of the former for cowardice
in his late command at Bristol. The Parliament wisely caressed their
beaten general, received him as though he had been triumphant,a
gave him a more ample command, and strained every effort to
supply him with another army. According to the proverb then in
use, they saw that there was no alternative, but that they must
“ either win the horse or lose the saddle.” b At this juncture Birch
met with Sir Arthur Hesilrige, whom, it is fair to believe, he might
hâve seen at Bristol : they became personally acquainted, and the
captain availed himself of the expérience the colonel had acquired
in raising volunteers. He had been a fréquenter of the Artillery
Garden and the musterings in Moorfields,® and understood well the
art of enlisting. He could go into Smithfield, as he once did, to
buy a hundred horses for his régiment when occasion required.d
He was also the very man to instruct and help him in the work of
levying a foot-regiment. While Essex was complaining of neglect,
1643.
July-October.
Glouc. 54. He came to London with about 100 men : Hesilrige with about 20.
Pari. Scout, July 20-27, 1643. Second Intelligence.—How Hesilrige contrived his
Personal escape is a mystery that is unnecessary to look into. He had received a
wound in the arm and a hurt in the ear, and been publicly prayed for in the metro-
politan churches. True Relation, &c. Bibl. Glouc. 202.
* [The following entries in Dugdale’s Diary afford an amusing comparison: “ July
13, Waller defeated at Roundway downe. — 25, Waller enters London triumph-
antly.”]
b Speciall Passages, Aug. 27, 1643.
c Vicars, God in the Mount, 93, 213. Places selected for general musterings of
horse on different occasions were Tothill Fields, Moorfields, and the- New Artillery
Ground. C. J. July 5, 22, Nov. 14, 1642. In his eagerness to obtain recruits
Waller himself didnot disdain to go among the butchersof Newgate Market. Merc.
Civicus, Aug. 8, 1643.	d Ludlow’s Memoirs, i. 112, 8vo edit.52
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
July-October.
[Character of
Hesilrige.]
of ranks thinned by disease, and désertion for want of pay,a re-
cruiting still went on in London. The operation of enlisting could
not, it is presumed, hâve been performed without some means on
the part of Birch ; who, whether his misfortunes might hâve arisen
from plunder of stock, destruction of premises, abandonnant of
good-will in business, or of debts from customers, appears far from
having been ruined by the pillage of Bristol,b and literally, ac-
cording to the expression of Shakspeare, to hâve embarked in
“the trade of war.” Whence could he expect to be remunerated?
He was himself well acquainted with profit and loss, and was
coupled with a good adviser. By the act of disbursing money on
such an account, he enrolled himself among the patriote, and ren-
dered himself a creditor to the State.0
Though there were points in carrying on this business on which
these partners would agréé, the manner in which Hesilrige is treated
in the MS. shews how careful Birch had afterwards been to retouch
it with his own hands. The lines drawn across the commendation
of this his old comrade are significant of a very different opinion
subsequently entertained of him from that suggested by Boe :d the
caution of Birch thus provided that his own character should never
be so far committed for the time to corne, as to be identified with
that of Hesilrige, and that no such expression as that originally
a Appendix I.
b [It appears by the Perfect Diumall, Oct. 16, 1644, that he estimated his loss on
that occasion at “ many thousands.”]
e Scobell, 40. Ordinance, May 6, 1643.
d The manner in which he was set forth by his admirers is thus expressed by
Yicars, ut mpra. “ Sir Arthur Haslerig, a most pious patriot of his countrey, and
a most worthie member of the House of Commons, and a most valiant and couragious
commander in the late famous battell at Keinton.”—Yicars, in spite of his religious
abuse, incorreetness of numbers, and other absurdities of party, is very valuable and
useful in the features, tone, and temper of the metropolis.—J. W. [The expression
employed by this writer renders it probable ih&t patroit (in Roe’s uncouth spelling)
was the word so diligently obliterated by Birch in the original.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
53
used should stand before a future eye. This striking erasure seems
to need some further observation. Here had been an acquaintance
formed with one of tbe most extraordinary persons of this turaultuous
âge : the manuscript shows it to hâve been so, but how far they
ever approached towards the “ idem velle atque idem nolle ” of a firm
friendship must remain unknown. Truth must be told. Sir Arthur
Hesilrige must hâve met with hard measure indeed from his con-
temporaries, if he could hâve been supposed to hâve acquired con-
séquence in any other than such a period as this. His temper and
actions seem to hâve been répulsive to the intercourses of friendship.
Hardly any of those who knew him hâve been found who more
than tolerated him : and the greater part of them hâve looked upon
him with an unfavourable eye.a Clarendon in one place describes
him as a “ bold, absurd man : ” elsewhere as “ of a rude and
stubborn nature, and of a weak understanding.” b Ludlow, who
knew him well and acted with him, is perhaps the only one who has
cast the shield of honest purpose over his grievous defects. “ He was
a man of a disobliging carriage, sour, and morose of temper, liable to
be transported with passion, and to whom liberality seemed to be a
vice. Yet, to do him justice, I must acknowledge that I am under
no manner of doubt concerning the rectitude and sincerity of his in-
tentions.” c Lilly, who had a quarrel with him, calls him “ furious.”
His constituents had been warned on his élection that they “had
chosen a knight who had more will than wit : ” his life gave ample
proof of it ; and his transports of passion were as extravagant as his
blunders. He represented the county of Leicester, and had been
one of those five members whom Charles had attempted to arrest in
the House of Commons. Forward in offering his personal services,
a [Instances, howeyer, might be cited of générons feeling towards fallen adver-
saries. One, relating to Lord Brudenell, and specified in tbe pétition of that noble-
man to the Parliament, Jnly 8, 1651, was originally intended for insertion in this
Commentary ; another connected with an allowance to the Countess of Nottingham
appears in Whitelocke, May 21,1649.]
b Clarendon, i. iii.	e Memoirs, ii. 718.
1643.
July-October.54
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
July-October.
[Birch obtains
his command.]
and leaving his beautiful house at Noseley, near Leicester,a to go
out “ a colonelling,” he exchanged it for the strifes of the great
senate and the périls of the field. b
Extrêmes of political feeling, and a common interest, like misery
in the proverb, bring together those who might otherwise hâve
stood at a distance. The acquaintance of Birch and Hesilrige
soon ripened into co-operation. Hesilrige, in spite of the late
disaster, attributed in great measure to his own imprudence,c had
still considérable influence with Waller and the Houses of Par-
liament ; and great ability was granted to him in the use of the
resources which the latter employed. The general had strong
reasons for dissatisfaction with the conduct of his officers in the
late annihilated army ; and was resolved to correct it in the new
appointments. To eflect this he proved that he placed great con-
fidence in his commander of horse. “ The Parliament,” he tells us,
“ required persons qualified with piety and ability, such faithful
centurions as knew how to command *	*	* though they were
not otherwise such refined men as I could wish. *	*	* I ap-
1 “A sweet place/’ says a Royalist ofiicer who passed by and saw his desertedhome.
b If these statements should be thought to hâve borne too hardly on the charac-
ter of this prominent actor in the drama, its singularity is certainly not contradicted
by the expressions of his epitaph in the churçh of Noseley :—
Here lyes Sir Arthur Hesilrige, Baronet,
Who injoyed his portion of this life
In ye times of greatest civill troubles
Yt ever this nation had.
He was a lover of liberty,
And faithfull to his country.
He delighted in sober company ;
And departed this life 7th of January,
In England’s peaceable year,
Anno Dom’ 1660.
Nichols, from w'hom little escapes that can be learned by diligent investigation,
will amply satisfy the inquirer. (History and Antiquities of the County of Leicester,
2, ii. 743-753.)
c Holles, Memoirs, 11.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
55
pointed a council of warr, whereof Sir Arthur Hesilrigg was 1643.
president, to examine the merits of every man that should stand to October.
bear any office in that army.”a From this circumstance may be
dated the resuit of the connection between these men ; ail applicants
that did not upon examination and inquiry corne under this
description were to be crossed out, as unfit or unworthy to be em-
ployed : and Birch, being such an one as was approved, obtained
to his crédit a command. Their intimaey or friendship, if such it
should be called at this or any other time, is proved by the narrative;
and the estimation in which Birch was held is justified by his
appointment. Sélection as regarded him might be further advanced
through the interest he might hâve had in this joint undertaking ;
and the way, already hinted at, in which he might hâve contributed
to their joint success. Some better instructed pen might be able to
show how in the negotiations that attended the choice made of
this officer he secured no higher rank than that of captain, and yet
was admitted to the privilèges of colonel. As yet there are no traces
of his being styled colonel of a régiment, though in courtesy he is
set down as such, and has by himself been allowed to hâve been at
this time endued with the authority of that commandé
But to pass on to the General himself :—
The déniai of patriotism to Hesilrige on Birch’s part does not [Character of
extend oblitération to the just praises of the “ truely honerd ” Sir Wal er^
William Waller. The terms applied in the MS. to Sir William
Waller, and permitted to stand as opposed to the erasure of the
attributes of his companion, of whom Birch appears to hâve been
afterwards most justly ashamed, may admit of a short notice.
Waller was a gentleman of honourable descent, that had leamed
the art of war in foreign service, and possessed some of the best
a Yindication, 14, 15.
b [His commission as Lientenant-Colonel under Hesilrige bears date September 2:
yet be is repeatedly styled Captain in the Commons’ Journals during October
1643.]56
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
July-October
[Parliament-
ary le vies.]
qualities of the soldier; for he was pious,a generous, and brave. If
’ he chose his side, as has been said, through pique, he gained nothing
by it ultimately but hard blows, personal suffering, obloquy in
character, and ruin in estate. In spite of his late reverse he had
well earned the epithet of “ truely honerd ” here assigned to him.
Whatever may hâve been his other merits or defects as a leader,
the chief point in his strategy seems to hâve been that of partizan
celerity and surprise. Through these he had obtained from his
friends the fond title of “William the Conqueror; ” from his
adversaries that of the “Mght Owl.” For military purposes
winter or summer, night or day, were to him alike. It was thus
that he had annihilated the force of Lord Herbert at Gloucester,
and captured Hereford almost without a shot. He was a kind and
it might be too lenient disciplinarian to his own soldiers, and ever
disposed to give quarter to a submitting enemy. His lively courage
and cheerful disposition (the Cavaliers called it gaieté de coeur) might
sometimes hâve drawn him beyond his judgement, but they seem to
hâve contributed towards softening the stern asperities of war. His
well-known letter to his ancient comrade Hopton, before they
crossed their swords in this unnatural dispute, is beyond ail praise.b
Such in brief was the general under whom Birch was now about to
hold a subordinate command. It was the misfortune of Essex and
Waller, and those that composed their respective armies, that they
were of an entirely different tempérament, that disagreement had
taken root between them, and they soon showed that they could
not accord.®
As to the new levy with which either Parliamentarian general
was craving to be supplied, the exertions of Waller’s agents would
naturally and in a great measure be directed towards the capital
a Note 3.	b Appendix III.
e Though Essex, or as he was called “ Old Robin,” was the first of the leaders
employed in this cause, Waller seems to hâve more thoronghly gained the affection
of the new levies ; and, indeed, on many accounts he deserved it.—J. W.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
57
where he was on the immédiate personal look-out, and from which
so much assistance had previously been drawn; and this, by the
subséquent account of his measures, is shown to hâve been the case.
Soldiership had still the ascendancy of citizenship in London, and
was fostered in the most eager manner by ail the energy of the two
Houses. The city was still a vast hive of armed men. A multitude
of these had previously issued forth to fight the battle of Edge-hilla
and had returned to that of Brentford, and were still on foot for the
protection of London. There were the militia and trained bands,
there were volunteers still to be picked up among apprentices freed
from their indentures,b clerks released from their offices, and others
from less respectable quarters; for there is an unknown rabble in
the dark parts of every large city. Some of these were to form the
ranks of hastily raised régiments. But besides volunteers formed
from various parts of London and its environs, the associated
counties engaged to send out and maintain under Waller, by
different contingents, 3,000 foot and 500 horse; so that without
exactly specifying numbers the general must hâve had sufficient to
repair his loss and retrieve his military character. By this rein-
forcement added to the wreck of his former strength, some of which
would be reimbodied after the dispersion, he lost little time in
getting together what might be called a new army. The name of
Birch may be searched for in vain as colonel in command of any of
the regular city régiments that accompanied Waller into the West.
Waiving the question of the composition of either opposing army,
a The rage for fighting among the Londoners was shown by the calculation that
was made of enlisting 10,000 volunteers in the levy of 1642. C. J. July 9.—In 1647
the City had at their command no less than 18 régiments of foot, some of them 1,800
and 2,000 strong, “ ail compounded of as gallant men and as well provided for the
field as any in the Christian world ; ” and might hâve had between 4 and 6 thousand
horse, ail mounted by reformado officers and gentlemen of quality. Waller’s Yindi-
cation, 188.—J. W.
b [An ordinance had been passed, Nov. 9, 1642, encouraging apprentices to enlist,
securing them against their masters, and commanding the latter to receive them
again without punishment for their absence after their public service should be
ended.]
CAMD. SOC.
1643.
July— October.
I58
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
July— October.
as they respectively differed or agreed in character, or the prépon-
dérance of misery that- either of them inflicted upon an unarmed
population, it is clear that the Parliamentarian might unfortunately
claim a large share of unenviable famé. Nehemiah Wharton,aa
subaltern under Essex in the first campaign, and one of that sort
that the writers of the time often affectionately call “ the London
boys,” draws a lively portrait of the temper and behaviour of him-
self and his comrades, a frightful mixture of religious talk and
immoral outrage, of love of mischief and rage for levelling. Yet be
was an officer, and more than disapproved b of the conduct of the
private under him ; “ the ruder sort of soldier, whose society,”
he says, “ I hâte and avoid.” When out of materials such as
these Birch was to form his régiment, and Waller his new army,
the outcry of the country as to their conduct could hardly be ill-
founded. The recently-appointed captain daims the entire re-
sponsibility of the régiment under him. It might be hoped,
rather than expected, that they were not identified with such as
hâve been here described. The character of the army has yet to be
written. On an impartial view of the subject there can be little
doubt that, as to the common men, the war let loose ail the needy
and disreputable part of the population, particularly of London and
the great towns ; such as necessity compelled, or those whose dis-
position led them, to plunder and fight. Essex and Waller, but
particularly the latter, who was now coming a second time upon his
levies, enrolled, under the name of defenders of a reformed policy
and a purer religion, much of the offscouring of the metropolis. It
is certain as to the former that wherever they came they left
traces that defaced England like an enemy’s country; the deer
were slaughtered in ail the parks of the Eoyalists; their mansions
» Letters of a Subaltern Officer, Archæologia, xxxv. 311.
b Treyor, a Royalist, who passed through Worcester and saw it in the State in
which they left it prior to the battle of Edge-hill, States the little power their officers
had to repress their enormities. “ In ail this hurly-burly their general or officers
dnrst manage no other instrument of correction in their hands but their hats.”
Carte, Letters, i. 15.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
59
were plundered or destroyed by fire. Bad as they were, tbose 1643.
. r	« -r.	i July- October.
that were commanded by the Earl of Essex were more popular
than those that followed Waller. The sequel will tell us how,
when well directed, and under proper leading, they were able to
fight.
Nothing can furnish a clearer insight into the motives of Birch, October.
and the plan he steadily pursued throughout of seeking recovery B^ch.]68 of
from his losses, than the transactions now to be revealed. Of course
they would not fall within the scope of Roe’s purpose, which is but
to exhibit his military doings and sayings to the best and fairest
advantage consistent with truth. Although the information here
supplied is little more than given in outline, it may be fairly thus
enlarged. Settled, as we hâve seen him, originally in commercial
pursuits, in one of the most flourishing cities of the kingdom, as
soon as the place was agitated by civil discord, this adventurer had
cast in his lot on the side of the Parliament. When he became a
volunteer it was for a while the best safeguard of his property : the
loss of that place involved to a certain extent his own loss, and, as
he had chosen his side, he adhered to it with ail his heart, as the
only future means of obtaining restitution. With this view he
once more took up arms, and having observed, and, it may be, acted,
in compelling confiscations, had seen the advantage, and kept his
eye steadily upon the first opportunity that presented itself in his
own case. Meantime he was too discreet to interféré without the
authority under which he was serving, that it might appear as a
mere attempt at reprisai, and not as wanton spoil.
About this time the Houses had brought into play their System [Commence-
_	.	i -r» t	i	i	•	.	, mentofSe-
of séquestration upon the Koyalists, whom they stigmatized as questration.J
“ delinquents,,,a and on whose property, real and personal, of what
kind soever, they laid their hands, under rules and circumstances
enacted in ordinances stringent and severe. Committees were
formed for this purpose at different times and different places,
wherever they could employ their power. The practice had been
tt Scobell, 39, 40.60
MILITAHY MEMOIR OF
1643.
October.
already put in execution at Bristol, under thé government of
Fiennes, and was extending itself in ail directions. By warrants
from these committees, the property of ail, rich or poor, who had
voluntarily declared or acted in the most trivial manner on behalf
of the King, became liable to be seized upon and confiscated* In
case of résistance the agents employed were to be effectually sup-
ported by military force. It will be readily understood that this
would ultimately open a door to abuse : for though the commission
was placed in the first instance and for the most part in respectable
hands, it fell in the course of time into those of the most crafty and
unworthy, whose sole object was plunder, and occasioned results the
most calamitous and unjust. The measure, both in its origin and
the method of carrying it out, has not been without its apologists.a
But partizanship alone can forbear to weigh its acts of wanton
tyranny and oppression against the alike indefensible measures of
the ill-educated, misguided, unfortunate Charles.1* This machinery
being already set on foot, and on the increase, though not absolutely
perfected, our attention is caught by the following entry in the
proceedings of the House of Commons :
“ Monday, Oct. 9, 1643. Ordered, that the pétition of Elizabeth
Clement and Ann Clement, daughters and administrators of the
goods and chattels of Anne Goffe their mother, late of Bristoll,
deceased, and the pétition of Walter Sendy, merchant, of Bristoll,
and the pétition of Mary Hooke, the widow of Thomas Hooke of
Bristoll deceased, and the pétition of Richard Vickeres of Bristoll,
merchant, be referred to the Committee of the Navy.”
Here is a question of grievance that calls for investigation. The
transaction, whatever it may be, occurs with reference to a place
with which Birch had been so deeply concerned, though now in the
hands of the Royalists : and hence it might at first sight be difficult
a Godwin, History of Commonwealth, iii. 491. Rétrospective Review, ix. 1,6;
xii. 2, 1.
b The King’s, Queen's, and Prince’s revenues were ordered to be sequestered and
collected by ordinance precisely at this time. Lords* Journals, Sept. 21.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
61
to understand why any appeal at ail should be made to a Parlia-
mentary committee, seeing that tbe présent interests and authorities
of tliat city had passed over to the servants of tlie King. It will,
however, perhaps be discovered, in the absence of other proof, that
some explanation may fairly be obtained from an entry in the same
journal on the ensuing day :
u October 10. Ordered, that Cap tain John Birche be forthwith
sent for in safe custody, and that he bring with him such warrant
as he hath to seize any man’s goods.”
Should it admit of a doubt, whether or not this has any
immédiate connection with the preceding complaint, the article is
closely linked to a string of entries exhibiting some striking points
in the character and conduct of Birch before he repaired to the
army. He has not yet set out, and the date points to the period at
which he was résident in London. The scene that now takes
place is curious and instructive, and, if actually witnessed by
Hesilrige and Waller, for both of them were frequenters of that
assembly, might convince them of the drift of his intention. It will
be recollected that the Speaker Lenthall is in the chair, and the
several members are in their places : then
u Oct. 11. Captain Birche was called in, who produced to the
Hou se the warrants from the Committee for Safety for seizing of
goods, &c.
“ After he had withdrawn, the warrants were read, and Captain
Birch was called in again and informed the House in particular of
his proceedings therein, and of the good services he had formerly
done for the Parliament, and the many thousands of pounds he hath
lost in their service.
“ Mr. Speaker, by command of the House, told him (after he had
withdrawn and corne in the third time) that the House did take
notice of the spécial services he had done, and of his discreet
carriage in the execution of these warrants, which gave too great a
latitude of power, and hâve ordered he be discharged without fees,
and that the warrants do remain here.
1643.
October.
[Birch as se-
questrator.]62
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
October.
ndiscretion
Birch.]
“ Ordered, that the goods stayed by Cap tain Birche do remain
undisposed of in those hands they were stayed until this House give
farther order.
“ Ordered, that the House do take into considération to-morrow
morning the two warrants granted to Captain Birch.
" Ordered, that the House do take care in due time to give satis-
faction to Captain Birch for the monies he hath disbursed to the
Parliament.
“ Oct. 11. Ordered, that it be referred to the Committee con-
cerning the clothiers* pétition in Gloucestershire to examine the
business concerning Captain Birch, and to whom those goods or
monies seized or stayed by him do belong.”
At the end of a week the whole of this ludicrous business was
conciuded by a final order: “ Oct. 18. That the warrant given by
the Close Committee unto Captain Birch, to seize the monies and
goods going to Bristoll and Worcester, &c., and the monies and
goods of the malignants of Bristoll and Worcester, &c., be recalled
and taken up, and the forty-three pounds ten shillings taken by the
said Captain from William Coles the factor be restored again.”
Such was, to ail appearance, the first and singular introduction of
this remarkable man within those walls where he was afterwards to
act so conspicuous a part, and has been described by one who knew
him well as one of the best speakers to carry a popular assembly
before him.a
The disclosure of these incidents from another quarter thus throws
a light upon the motives and proceedings of Birch, while he con-
tinued to adhéré to his resolution of remaining in the service of the
Parliament. Of course, as already observed, if Boe knew of them,
it cannot be expected that they should be found in what is merely a
narrative of the courage and conduct of his superior officer as a
soldier in the field. Bightly intentioned as Birch seems to hâve
been, according to the views sanctioned by his own party, his
discrétion, though in part flattered and commended by the Speaker,
a Burnet, i. 647.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.	63
had not been allowed to temper the boldness with which he had too
hastily acted in pursuit of his rémunération ;a for it will be manifest
that he kept this constantly in mind. So far, however, he had
been exonerated from blâme. If a blunder had been committecU
it was not entirely with him. His part was rather to submit to
restitution in a case in which he had thought to hâve made a
successful seizure for himself. The practice here exhibited was not
put an end to by having in this instance been checked. Ail parties
concerned therein had, however, received a lesson of caution.
Waller would more than ever be confirmed as to the necessity
of scrutiny in the choice of oflicers; and Birch himself might see
the uncertainty respecting the success of that scrutiny, and the
obligation of looking well to the future behaviour of his own
regimental comrades, and that in more than one respect.
For that there had been already sundry offences against their
laws of war, among those to whom the Parliament had confided the
leading and example of their army, cannot be denied. The fact is
couched adroitly in the expressions of their records that allude to it,
but nevertheless appears to be a fact. Whether it were only mutiny,
or gross and unwarrantable seizure of the property of delinquents,
or both, has been left to the judgment of those under whose eyes
the evidence might hereafter fall.
“ Dec. 9. Ordered, That Mr. Trenchardb do write to Sir Wm
Waller to send for Colonel Potleyesc men; and that he desire Sir
a His share of the sequestered property as discoverer, according to the ordinance
(Scohell, 50), would hâve amounted to one shilling in the pound, besides such
gratuity for extraordinary service as the Parliament might think fit to allow him.
b Trenchard was treasurer. Of the difficulties with which Waller had to contend,
and the expense of his and other armaments, some notion may be formed from his
own words of complaint against the Parliament: “In what condition I was main-
tained may he demonstrated by the treasurer Mr. John Trenchard his accompts,
where it will appear that from the time of my setting forth unto my dishanding I
never received full one hundred thousand pounds (an inconsiderable summe com-
pared with what others had), and yet out of that stock I was fain to play the good
husband, and to be at the charge to pay for part of my arms and ammunition.”
Vindication, 16, 17.	€ Note 4.
1643.
December.
[Misconduct
in Waller’s
army.]64
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
December.
[Famham.]
Wm Waller to pay them a fortnight’s pay at their coming to his
forces ; and that if any refuse to march, that they be proceeded
against according to the law martial: And that Colonel Potley
cashier those two captains of his régiment that Mr. Trenchard
informed of, not to be worthy of their command.” a
From these hints may be formed some estimate of the officers of
the Parliamentary army assembled at the rendezvous in and near
Farnham.
The castle of this place was of great importance in a military
view. Built upon an eminence commanding the town, it had been
famous in early history as the seat of the Bishops of Winchester.
It was of noble extent and magnificence, and contained ample
accommodation for cavalry and infantry. Its existing State, as to
strength and measurement, according to the survey of an officer in
this army, Lieutenant-Colonel Baines, long quartered there, in the
possession of the writer,b shows it to hâve been very formidable.
The seal of the town has adopted it as an emblem of conséquence.0
Besides a principal tower, called Jeyes Tower, it had a first, second,
and third turret, a court-yard with a pigeon-house and stables, with
several high basket batteries, and, except perhaps Basing, it seems
to hâve been one of the best fortified houses in those parts. It had
too easily fallen into Waller’s hands, after Winchester and its
cathédral had been rifled, in the early part of December in the
campaign of 1642. According to Vicarsd it was taken by surprise,
a C. J. loco. [“ It is little knowne amongst us in the army that Sir W. Waller,
being to march upon a hopefull désigné, some of his commanders would not march
without pay; whereupon such as refused, being 7 or 8 in number, he called them in,
one by one, cashired them, and gave their commissions to their lieutenants, and put
some of them in the gaole, and the rest were eamest suitors to be entertained againe,
but could not prevaile.” Kingdome’s Weekly Intelligencer, May 9 to 15, 1643.
But as late as Feb. 13, 1644-5, Whitelocke informs us that “ letters from Sir W.
Waller intimated disobedience in some of the soldiers to march into the West, and
desired further power,” which was granted: as the army had then receired their pay,
this writer considers that “ here began their first unruliness.”]
b Baines’ MS S.	c Lewis’s Topograph. Dict. sub v. Famham.
d God in the Mount, i. 223.COLONEL JOHN BIKCH.
65
for Sir John Denham the poet, who had been made governor of it
by the King, surrendered it after a few hours’ résistance.a At this
place occurred one of those hazards in war that Waller h as recorded
in his “ Expériences/’ He escaped a very near shot from one of
his own men, as he followed him in a narrow passage after he was
entered.b The castle subsequently formed the Parliamentary head-
quarters in this district. Here they held their courts martial, occa-
sionally deposited their prisoners, and formed a magazine. Thence
they issued, and thither they retreated for security. After the loss
of his army Waller still retained possession of it, and to return to it
was the first object of his march. The Parliament always had an
eye to it. Essex had been charged of old to observe it,c for they
were very sensible of its worth. It looked towards Winchester, and
the advance of the Royalist force from that quarter, where Hopton,
with a reinforcement under Sir Jacob Astley from the garrisons of
Oxford, Wallingford, and Reading, was about to move forward for
the opening of the next strife in arms. He had recovered from his
hurt received at Lansdown, and was very desirous to try his fortune
against his ancient comrade, who was not loth to meet him in his
turn. Indeed Hopton, by orders from the King, anticipated his
adversary, for while part of the new-raised régiments were drawing
nigh to Farnham, he had himself led a party to Arundel, the castle
of which he seized, and left in it a garrison under command of Sir
Edward Ford, sheriff of the county, to encourage the Royalists
there. Scarcely had he returned, when he found that Waller was
a Waller forced the gâte with a pétard, and it surrendered. Sir John Denham
in retnrn for this mortification thus lampooned him for his rout at Roundway
Down :—
Great William the Con-------
So fast did he run
That he left half his name behind him.
It had been as unfortunate on the King’s side to entrust the goyernment of Fam-
ham to Sir John Denham, the poet, as it was on the other side to confide Bristol to
Nathaniel Fiennes, the lawyer. Neither of them proved fit to be trusted with
important command.—J. W.
b Expériences, MS.	c C. J. Noy. 23, 1642.
CAMD. SOC.	K
1643.
Decembe66
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
December.
[Military ope-
rations at
Farnham.]
[Strength of
régiments.]
in and around Farnham, whitlier he hastened, to bring him to
action.
The arrivai at this place of new levies from London was soon
foliowed by petty encounters on the debateable ground near Waller’s
head-quarters. According to Clarendon and Whitelocke these
bickerings for a day or two were attended with no greater resuit to
eitlier except that Waller’s horse were driven into the castle: but an
event occurred that, according to his own admission, might hâve
been attended with a most serious issue. The Eoyalist drew out
and formally offered his adversary battle.a Thus they stood for
some time opposed to each other in the field, and Birch’s régiment
advanced to take up its ground, when both parties separated without
a stroke. His eulogist insinuâtes that the strength of his régiment
might hâve had an effect upon the fortune of the day, and that a
Providence interfered in his favour ; whereas the armies never
seriously engaged : the same, but with the real reason and extent of
the danger, is candidly admitted by Waller himself, who reckons it
among his liazards, and congratulâtes himself upon his own escape
from ruin. Let the reader judge for himself. “ Att Farnham God
appeared wonderfully for me, when the Lord Hopton drew upp his
whole army within demy culverin shott of me, being (with the
forces of Sir Jacob Ashley, who was then joyned with him,) att the
least eight thousand horse and foot, and (thorough the mistake or
neglect of my adiutant generall, and the slackness of my mèn in
drawing to the rendevous,) I was not able to face him with two
thousand, in that extremity the Lord tooke opportunity b to shew
himself for me. by sending so thick a mist ail the morning, that, by
reason thereof, the ennemy durst not give on, but, without at-
tempting further, drew off again. I was that day delivered from
an imminent destruction.” c
There can be no doubt that the régiment in which Birch was to
serve was, through his own efforts, and those of Hesilrige, complété ;
and that after what had happened to correct and improve it, when
b See Note 17.	c Expériences, MS.
Note 5.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
67
the hour of its active duties arrived, it was as well appointed as cir-
cumstances would allow. As to tlie drill, there were Low Country
soldiers and Scotch officers to be found in London; there was Potley
also, a superior officer, to hâve helped them. He himself had a
régiment, and was a disciplinarian expert in military matters. As to
thestrength and maintenance of a régiment in the maturer Oliverian
times, a statement in the Antiquarian Kepertorya will sufficiently
inform the reader. It ne ver consisted of less than 1,000 privâtes,
though sometimes a few more. But respecting the sort under
immédiate observation nothing need be required beyond the satis-
factory account of Lieutenant Colonel Bainesb in a pocket-book
that he kept during his sojourn at Farnham, where he occasionally
acted as muster-master, and seems to hâve been thoroughly ac-
quainted with their established usages according to the art of war
then in vogue. When Captain Birch led his men to Farnham, a
perfect régiment of infantry stood thus as to numbers and daily
pay:—
“ The pay of a régiment of 1,000 ffoote in 10 companies,
& staffe officers.
Colonell	2	5	0 ^	Chapleine	} «	8	8
Lieut. Colonell	1	10	0	& man			
Major	1	04	0	Chirurgion &	} »	9	0
7 Captains	5	05	0	2 mates			
10 Leuitenants	2	00	0	Marshall &	} »	4	8
10 Ensignes	► 1	10	0	► his man			
21 Sergeants	1	11	6	Quartermaster	I 0	4	8
1 Drum major	0	01	6	& man			
20 Drums	1	00	0	Ç daye .	. 1	7	00
10 Gentlemen c	0	10	0		18	7	00
30 Corporalls	1	10	0 J	p daye .	. 19	14	00 »
Ç daye	18	07	0	£ Ç ail			\
a Ant. Rep. ii. 5.				S b Note 6.			
c [In the Earl of Essex’s army, a “ Gentleman of the Arms ” was allowed in every
1643.
December.68
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
December.
Ail officers p diem	19	14	00
1,000 soldiers p diem .	33	06	08
The Régiment compleate p diem	53	00	08
The Régiment compleate p weeke	. 371	04	08
The Régiment compleate p month	. 1,484	18	08 ”a
The pay of a troop of cavalry officers and men in Sir Thomas
Fairfax’s army was as follows, for one week:
	£	S.	d.
Captain	9	9	0
Lieutenant . ,	5	0	0
Cornet	4	6	6
Quarter Master	3	3	0
8 Corporals	8	8	0
2 Trumpeters	2	2	0
9 Gentlemen .	9	0	0
91 Common Troopers (14s. each)	63	14	0
	£105	2	6 b
It h as been seen that while Waller was gathering strength more
effectually to meet Hopton, and skirmishes h ad been going on
company of the foot, at 4d. extra per diem ; and sixteen “ Gentlemen of the Ord-
nance ” for the whole of that branch of the service.—C. J. May 1 and 6, 1644.]
Who they were receives no explanation ; they were perhaps intended as super-
numeraries to fill up vacancies in the officers.—J. W.
a [During the Protectorate, somewhat differently officered, 1,512/. Ant. Rep. ii. 5.]
b Maijor Papers, I. British Muséum—[A cavalry régiment consisted usually of
three or four troops. Cruso, Castramétation (1642), 10.—On the Royalist side, it
was proposed, in May 1644, to allow the troopers in garrison at Woodstook Manor
7 s. per week, “ which is but a little more than a third part of their pay.” Sir
E. Walker’s Papers, MSS. Harl. 6802,147.—An estimate by Col. T. Blagge allowed
3s. 6d. for each soldier, hay and oats each 3s. per week. Ibid. 6804, 185.—The Earl
of Manchester received 34,000/. per month for 14,000 men ; the new modelled army
of 21,000 was allowed 44,955/. The exactions of Fairfax on the city of Bath
and hundred of Bathforum are shown by the records of the corporation to hâve been
90,000/. for six months, in addition to twelve months pay (amount not specified)
granted previously !—Such is war.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
69
between them,a the Koyalist had stolen a march down to Arundel, _ 164^
and formed an imperfect settlement there. This was the initiative
that had broken off their mutual observation of each other’s motions,
and had become a préludé to more serious occurrences. About this [Waller sur-
Jr	prises Alton. J
time also he had pushed forward a detachment to Alton, a rural
town between Winchester and Farnham. By these means he
thought to hâve strengthened himself and impeded the progress of
the enemy in those parts, while he pursued his object of an im-
médiate encounter. Just as he had returned from the expédition to
Arundel, Waller, who saw that no time was to be lost, began to thwart
his measures. He, on his part, had established an outpost at a village
called Crondall, dangerous as exposed to attack from Alton, but
within retreat to his head-quarters : there he set Birch in command.
Waller, who had occupied Alton b personallyin his former campaign,
could not but hâve been acquainted with its condition as he left it ;
but it had now changed hands ; and Captain Birch (for so for
the présent he must continue to be called), to whom it was new,
took care, during his short stay at Crondall, to obtain exact in-
formation of every part of its existing State by spies.c The
Boyalists there under the Earl of Craford d had constructed defences,
now wholly slighted and undistinguishable, consisting of outworks
with double trenches and a half-moon near the church. As these
were open to assault, Waller’s détermination was to carry them by a
surprise, in which Birch was to bear his part. As the account of
what ensues in the MS. is chiefly occupied with his personal share
in the transaction, it may admit of the introduction of a few ac-
companying features. On the evening of Dec. 12 a rendezvous
was held of about 5,000 horse and foot in Farnham Park. Marching
fîrst towards Basing to éludé suspicion, they turned soon after mid-
a Whitelocke, 74.
b Carte, MSS. Letters, Bibl. Bodl. EEEE, 36.
c Note 7.
d [This nobleman had served in the wars between the Pôles and Tnrks : but if he
brought away any military réputation, it was not increased by his achievements
nearer home.]70
MILITARY MEMOIR OP
1643.
Dec. 13.
night more immediately towards Alton, taking Birch with them.
They came in sight of the place about nine in the morning, Birch
having captured a scout-master on the way, whose comrades escaped
to apprise Craford of his danger. As the Parliamentarians stole
along the slopes that commanded the whole town and adjacent
country, they were amused by his irresolute efforts to escape ; they
saw how he was headed and turned back by a party of their own
cavalry, how he passed again through the town towards Winchester,
and ultimately succeeded. They raised such a shout of dérision as
made the neighbouring woodlands ring. Thence they descended,
taking the outWorks, planting their colours, closing with horse every
avenue, and proceeding up the Street. Colonel Richard Boles,
a brave officer with a régiment of great réputation recently arrived
from Wallingford, being left to the resuit, retired with these and
some horse to the church and churchyard, and resisting in hope of
receiving succour awaited his fate. Shut up and surrounded they
threw wide the door, met the assault and sustained it, not a man
surrendering till the Colonel was slain.a The particulars of this
encounter are described in the MS., in which Birch has the crédit
of being the first who entered the Street, and has, by the publication
of this narrative, at length so far obtained it ; though neither in an
official statement published by the Parliament, nor in a letter ap-
parently from an eye-witness abounding with particulars, does his
name occur. The death of Boles, unnamed by Roe, was owing to
his own refusai to surrender or accept of life at their hands; for the
subject of quarter had been settled between Waller and the Marquis
of Hertford before. u On Saturday a messenger came to Sir W.
Waller from the Earl of Hertford desiring Sir William that in any
future action between the armies, his men might give quarter;
Waller replied that if any of his men should refuse to give quarter,
so barbarously did he conceive of that action that he would quarter
him and make him an example to others.”b One little circumstance
may wind up the story. Craford, the fugitive, had left behind him
a Note 8.	b Pari. Scout, Thursday, July 6, 1643.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
71
a butt of sack that the courtesy of Waller had sent him;a the
Parliamentary soldiers took a malicious pleasure in disappointing the
chivalry of their general towards an enemy; they drank the wine
with exultation, and the joke was thought so good as to find a
spécial place at the end of the narrative authorised by Parliament.
Such were the incidents that first familiarised Birch with scenes of
bloodshed, so far as is recorded in the MS. ; and it is afterwards
more than hinted that his conduct excited the jealousy of one
superior officer, who kept an eye upon his brave behaviour, and
brought him into j eopardy.
Many colours were found concealed in the church at the sur- ^^^0
render: the prisoners,b “ some of the choicest men since the war London.]
began,” tied in pairs with match, were brought to Farnham, and
afterwards to London, where with certain of the city régiments they
were met and paraded in procession by the Lord Mayor and
authorities.0 This seemed to give proof of an actual advantage
gained over the enemy. Captors and captives, by this display they
a [A somewhat similar instance of courtesy occurred when Prince Rupert drew off
from Bristol on the failure of Yeomans’s plot. The writer of a letter, who signs
himself J. H., says that when the Prince sent to demand the bodies of two of his men
killed by a shot from the town, “ the trumpeter enquired for me, and said my Lord
of Cleveland desired me to send him a pound of tobacco ; but I being out of the
way, Colonell Fines sent him one pound and Colonell Popham another.” (Seyer’s
Memoirs, ii. 367.) Lloyd tells us that he would take a hundred pipes a day, “ first
used to it in leagures.’']
b Note 9.
c It appears they were part of a picked, or what in modem times would be called
a crack, régiment. The traces of its being repaired by enlistment or exchange are
to be seen in the account of the night-mareh of Charles I. by the Rev. Vaughan
Thomas (Oxford, 8vo.), where, at p. 25, are entries from the register of Yarnton,
Jan. 14, 1643, to Jan. 31,1644, of the burial of several of that régiment. It is also
mentionedin Symonds’s Diary, p. 160, as keptup underthe name of Boles, and com-
manded by Sir George Lisle, whose lamented death at Colchester in 1648 nearly
closed the military sufferings of the Cavaliers. Boles had been in Reading during
the siégé, and one of the party appointed to treat of the surrender.—Vicars, God in
the Mount, 312. Several of the officers taken at Alton were retained prisoners till
the April following, when they procured liberty to solicit an exchange. MSS.
Papers of Sir Edw. Walker : MSS. Harl. 6802, 71.72
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
Dec. 13.
Dec. 14.
[Waller’s
march to
Arundel.]
helped to elevate the tone of the public mind. Birch and his
volunteers were still left behind with the army. His military
cliaracter continues to expand, and acquires strength as we advance.
This became more and more évident to those into whose society he
was cast, or who envied his talent, that though he might be a
novice, he had given full proof of his valour, and was under no
necessity of concealing his appetite for fighting.
The next step in the campaign is the march to Arundel. This
is another specimen of the mode in which Waller carried on hos-
tilités, or, in the refined sarcasm of Clarendon, “ the masterpiece of
his generalship.” He had lately succeeded so well by rapidity of
movement and surprise that the experiment must be repeated.
After only a few hours of repose he led his men against another of
Hopton’s assailable positions. Hopton had, as we hâve related,
recently (Dec. 4 a) taken Arundel Castle, and left in it an insufficient
and refractory garrison composed of ill-assorted individuals, whom
the governor, Sir Edward Ford, had been unable to reduce to
military obedience. He had also failed to victual the place ; and he
was besides himself unequal to the duties required of him. The
season, though nearly mid-winter, was favourable, open though
severe; and the frost had dried up and hardened the roads. Accord-
ingly, without suffering their excitement to be interrupted, Waller
carried his men without delay over the distance between Farnham
and Arundel, where he arrived on the evening of the second day,
leaving Hopton to regret his loss.b It will be recollected that the
greater part of Waller’s army were youths, and there is no hint of
their being immediately hampered by any convoy, even of guns.
A leading feature of this occurrence, mémorable on many accounts,
evidently made a lasting impression upon Roe and his superior
a [Dugdale says the town was gained Dec. 5, the castle Dec. 9. He fixes the
surprise at Alton Dec. 14, a day later than Roe and the “ Narration” published by
the Parliament.]
b [Clarendon observes that u the Lord Hopton sustained the loss of that régiment
with extraordinary trouble of mind, and as a wound that would bleed inward.”
History, viii.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
73
officer, namely, the comfort derivable in a winter’s morning from 1643.
the outspread arms of the noble leafless trees in the park, while in Dec" 17‘
suggesting this he picturesquely describes the different groups of
armed men, taking up their ground as they arrived, and passing
their bivouac in the open air.
Eager to hasten to the encounter, Waller’s skirmishers took [Birch assaults
immédiate advantage. The vétéran Potley, who had seen hard Arundeld
winter service with the Lion of the North, gave command for the
assault on that winter’s morning. About sunrise, with a force of
less than a régiment and a half, composed partly of Sir William
Waller’s régiment, partly of his own, with musketeers and pikes,a
for cavalry at first he had none, Birch was ordered to attack the
work protecting the castle and the town. Behind it stood the
Cavaliers, double in number, with horse and foot ready to receive
him. His exposure to a service of so much hazard is attributed to
jealousy on the part of Potley, in conséquence of his forward
bravery at Alton. However this may be, he proved him self at any
rate equal to the emergency, fearless and active, fit to direct, and
add example to his command. It is his second and perhaps hitherto
most arduous trial. His order is, to force his entry into the castle.
After a short and imperfect movement in advance, he made an
improved disposition of his inferior force, and for their better
security, under the fire of the enemy, who derided him. In a
second movement, still leading the way, he surmounts the rampart.
Struck down and abandoned when ail the assailants are driven out,
he stands alone, still exposed to fire, pike in hand, with his face
towards the enemy in a picturesque attitude, ready once more to
receive the support of his men. Once more the attempt is made;
the rampart is again surmounted, and he moves forward, some
cavalry coming to his assistance. A body of reformados sally;
accompanied by the ill-regulated mass that Hopton had left behind
as a garrison, but at length they give way. A rush of mingled
combatants towards the castle ensues ; it is a dense and struggling
a Note 10.
L
CAMD. SOC.74
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
Dec. 17.
[Soldier-like
conduct of
Birch.]
[“ Honest me
and rogues.”;
[Birch
wounded.]
crowd, intent upon mutual destruction. The gates are shut, but
they enter the Street together fighting. In the course of this con-
fusion, while Birch is cheerfully encouraging those about him, the
shot are flying thick ; Waller’s lieutenant-colonel and a brave
Scot are slain close to him. He draws his men on one side of the
Street, is himself struck by a bullet in the act, and, while attempting
to retire unobserved, faints in the moment of victory. This picture
of an assault needs little to heighten its graphie linéaments, though
some things may be added to illustrate and explain.
The coolness and impetuosity of the principal personage, his
contempt of danger, and his self-possession when evil had overtaken
him, and in the last extremity, give additional proofs of his soldier-
like qualities. Amidst this hurricane of missiles and slaughter, the
chief damage appears to hâve been done by the employment of
fire-arms—pistols and muskets; though the latter are mixed with
pikes, according to the tactics then in vogue. The sudden seizure
of the scout-master’s horse expresses Birch’s forwardness in using
his license of management, and claiming his position as lieutenant-
colonel, for as captain he does not seem to hâve been entitled to
one.a But the general was weak in that important arm of the
service. This failure of horse will be often noticed; for it was a
leading object of Hesilrige and the Houses to repair it, and it had
great influence on the success of the campaign.
Another point is the introduction of the u gallant Scot; ”b that
nation being the favourites of the hour. As to the epithet of
“ honest ” captains, it must be received in its own Parliamentary
sense; but it is employed on either side, and the interprétation
must be rather political than moral. The remark of Clarendon,
that the King’s troops were “ ill-officered,” has too much evidence
to support it ; but whether he who gave an account were Royalist
or Roundhead, those who acted with him would ail be “ honest,’’
those who acted against him ail “rogues.”
With Captain Birch ail is now apparently over. His wound is
* Young Soldier, 1642.	b Note 11.COLONEL JOHN B1RCH.
75
so severe, and attended with such loss of blood, that the surgeons 1643.
abandon at first sight any hope of relieving him ; and he is cast
aside on the floor weltering among the dying and the dead. But
it was not to be so ; and the u deliverance,” apparently owing to
the same cause, was not without a parallel during this war.
Hemorrhage and cold had, in a case a still more remarkable, proved
remédiai; the sufferer had been restored, and survived many years.
The weather was now extremely severe, and the blood, unex-
pectedly retarded in its circulation, by coagulating gradually ceased
to flow. The conduct of the army-surgeonsb in this instance
appeared to advantage. They had been occupied nine hours in
endeavouring to afford relief to the various calls of the misérable.
It was dark, the watch would be set, the agitated crowd withdrawn
from the strife—
The weary to rest, and the wounded to die.c
It tells well for them that once more after their labours they
visited the individual sufferer, almost forgotten as he had been
during the whole of the day ; him whom they had left as dead, they
found still breathing; they dressed him, and put him into a con-
dition of safety.
In the account of these troubles, too little crédit has perhaps [Surgical
been given to the professors of the healing art. The régiments on sta^
both sides were furnished with this essential help. As to the
Parliament, they took care that every régiment should be supplied
with a staff both medical and surgical in ail its departments,
provided with every appliance to meet and relieve the disasters of
battle. Their help in the case of Birch was most opportune; but
never man had better reason to admire the deliverance, or remember
the Divine mercy exhibited to him on that eventful day.
a- That of Sir Gervase Scroop, who reçoived seventeen wounds at the battle of
Edgehill, and lay two days and two nights among the slain, till discovered by the
filial piety of his son.—Bulstrode, Memoirs, 85.
b Note 12.
c CampbelPs Soldier’s Dream.76
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1643.
Dec. 17.
[Capture of
Arundel.]
[Death of
Chilling-
wortb.]
[Birch goes
to London.]
Clarendon a will help to fill up the account of operations at this
place. He makes the surrender an affair of quarter after the alarms
of three or four days. The castle was ail but taken at the fîrst
rush, when they entered pell-mell into the town; but Waller, ever
too sanguine, was so confident of success that he wrote to the
House of Lords that he had defeated the enemy on his advance
from Farnham, and had entered the town with horse and foot,
and, notwithstanding a brave sally made by them, had beaten them
into the castle, and entered the first gâte with them: “ the second,”
he says, “ they made good and barricadoed,” and adds, in his lively
style, “ there they are welcome. Truly, my Lords, I am very
weak in foot, and my horse so hackneyed that they are ready to lie
down under us.”b
Among the prisoners taken in this castle, may be incidentally
mentioned the celebrated Chillingworth, whose case is sadly de-
scriptive of the temper of the time. He had been at Gloucester
siégé, took refuge in siekness at Arundel, and was brought with the
officers to Chichester. Here his life was, by the Royalists, reported
to hâve been put an end to among controversial disputes, and his
grave was certainly closed over with passionate indignity.0
Unwilling or unable to trust to the care of a rural practitioner,
Birch got conveyed to London,d doubtless the best place to obtain
skilful attendance and opportunity of resort to his adviser when
able to move. Yast numbers of sick and disabled from the begin-
ning had pressed into the shelter of walled towns for security and
repose. The streets of the metropolis had too often presented sad
spectacles of the miseries of warfare. Homeless objects, wounded
and maimed, begging their bread; Royalists among them and
prisoners, appealing to the compassion or provoking the irritated
feelings of their adversaries. To meet this discouraging sight, an
a Book viii.
b L. J. Dec. 23, 1643.
c Biographical Dictionary, article Cheynell.
2s ote 13.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
77
ordinance had been passed for the relief of their own poor privâtes
and their families.
The removal of the captain to a place of rest and safety answered
its end sooner than could hâve been expected. His men, too,
while this was going on, indulged in a temporary pause; they went
into 44 winter quarters.” The expression is ominous. Quarters
might be quarters paid for by those who had the means, and were
not too rudely dishonest to withhold them, or the quarters might
be free. Far from being well mannered or well flushed with pay,
it is a fact that the soldiers of Waller gave spécial rise to the
country*s complaint of free quarter; but whether most in the winter
of 1642-3, or that of 1643-4, on this score, cannot be fairly insisted
upon ; yet it is too well confirmed not to bear a strong allusion.
Essex, who was everywhere indulgent to his men, and yet cautious
of disgusting the country, had been forced to try the experiment for
seventeen weeks with little success, or rather with intolérable annoy-
ance to the public. It produced a remonstrance and pétition of
the committee and inhabitants of Hertfordshire in behalf of ail
classes for redress from such a nuisance and destruction of property.a
The satirist in the Devonshire Ditty,b and Taylor the water poet of
Oxford,6 prove the feelings of those who were exposed to it; which
are elsewhere described by a contemporary in a few pungent
sentences: 44 We call it free quarter. What a grief! to be made
servile to provide for such guests, when the family knew that it
was Judas that dipped his hand with him in the dish. What an ex-
pense it was to bring out ail their stores, laid up for a year, and to
waste it in a week, sometimes upon a hundred of these orgeglioes ! ”
(haughty ones). 44 These horse-leeches seldom left an house till they
had threshed the barn empty, and drunk the cellar dry.” d
1643.
Hecember.
Winter
Quarters.]
a L. J. Feb. 26, 1643-4.	b Appendix VIII.
e Appendix IX.
d Hacket, Life of Williams, ii. 206. [The Commissioners of the county of
Monmouth stipulated that there should be no free quarter allowed to the King’s
soldiers but for a night or two, marching : if the garrisons infringed this agreement,
the contribution was to suffer abatement. July 18, 1645.—MSS. Harl. 6852.]78
MILITARY MEMOIR OP
1643.
December.
[Birch returns
to the army.]
1643-4.
[Military
operations
during the
winter.]
The memoirs of John Birch are descriptive of a truly active body
and a vigorous mind; for such he has already shown himself.
During his stay in London and attention to his cure, his reflections
were of course much occupied with his future prospects and inten-
tions; and, if it may be thought admissible in the commentator, his
condition may be thus described :—His wound has been dangerous,
but the immédiate danger was passed when he left Arundel. He had
never before been hurt but by a few “ dry blows” at Alton. He
had the entire use of his limbs. What if he had been in the con-
dition of those wretches that haunted the public streets, provoking
the pity or scorn of the passeuger ! Though for the présent invalided,
he was captain of a company, with the entire command of a régi-
ment. Though labouring under heavy losses, he had made himself
an acknowledged creditor of the Commonwealth. The obvious
road to réparation was for him as soon as possible to return to his
men, who were only waiting for him. It may be believed that
some reflections such as these passed through his mind : they are
justifled by his former and subséquent actions. He resolved to
return to the army.
By his successes at Alton and Arundel, the general had obtained
a power of acting over an extensive surface in Surrey, Sussex, and
Hampshire, and a few features of its effects may be brought in
view. At Chichester was established a committee to order, and a
garrison to enforce, séquestrations. Parties could rove about from
Farnham, and vex those that opposed them. At Odiham they
burst into the church during the performance of the service, inter-
rupted it by the discharge of fire-arms, and called to the clergyman
in the pulpit, <f Sir, you must corne down, we do not allow such
kind of preaching.,, a Basing House, the strong and stately seat of
the Marquis of Winchester, was an obstacle to their London com-
munications. Waller had attempted to invest it, but drew off,
unwilling to expose his men to the delay of a siégé in wintry
weather. Bickerings occurred between the garrisons of this place
a Merc. Aulic. Feb. 1643-4.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
79
and Farnham. The Chichester wagon was captured and retaken. 1643-4.
In this mutual harassing the season passed away.a At the end of
about ten weeks the army rose: Birch was able to rejoin his com-
pany at Arundel, and renew his command, for some measure of
importance was about to be taken.
Much of the mischief and bloodshed in general during this in- [Opening of
testine quarrel was occasioned by petty casual encounters, surprises,
and the beating up of quarters in the shorter days. But these were tle of Alres-
at an end : the spring approached, the weather was fair ; theyford ^
moved in the direction of Cheriton ; the trees there, from which that
village is said to dérivé its name, and whither they were going
to convert its orchards into a scene of slaughter, were preparing to
put forth their leaves and bloom. The army rose on March 11,
about the season when, in Scripture language, “ Kings go forth to
battle.” Waller, flushed by his success, gathered up his strength
to take the initiative, and prosecute the war in earnest. Collecting
his troops he drew forth from his centre of occupation, and ap-
proached Hopton’s head-quarters. He pushed on towards Alresford,
not far from Winchester, where Hopton, mortified by his reverses, 1644.
was as eager to meet him, and had express command from the King.
Other writers hâve described more manœuvring and fighting than
is here found. From the length of time (March 25 to 29) occupied
in this dispute, and the various and distant points near which it
took place, it has been distinguished by different names ; but
Alresford or Cheriton are perhaps the most generally adopted. The
struggle was protracted obstinately in strategy for several days,
attended with serious conflict: Roe has described its opening as
merely a “ facing at cannon-shot distance ; ” he could hâve seen
only a portion of it : he witnessed the early movements, and the
latter fight, the most severely contested of the whole. He has
forcibly described the events of that day, and Birch’s strength of
resolution and valour. Other eye-witnesses of the field are not
wanting; if Roe differs from them, he may readily be excused.
* Appendix X.80
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
March 29.
[Incidents of
battle of
Alresford.]
Nothing can be more delusive than many of tbe descriptions of
general battles by those who were present.a While tbe combatant
is absorbed in bis own excitement, he has too often no power to
attend to what is going on beyond his own immédiate post. As
Denon the artist, in bis superb illustration of tbe invasion of Egypt
by Buonaparte the Consul, has singled out and described an indi-
vidual group, and called it a battle, so tbe writer and his corrector
hâve here attempted to show little beyond what occurred within
their view; but the biographical particulars, so to speak, of this
encounter, so far as the principal characters are concerned, are
original; and the details broken up into portions will bear some
expansion in the Notes.
There is candour and impartiality in the brief sketch of this, one
of their greatest battlès. Lieut.-Col. Sir Richard Brown,b Sir
William Balfour, and other officers, with the gallant loyalist Apple-
yard,c hâve their due. The reprobate conduct of the Roundhead
blasphémer,d with Hesilrige’s timidity e at the sight of the rout at
Cheriton Wood, receive their fair admission and exposure. A
council of war, held on the evening before the last day, had, in any
such circumstances, been a symptom of distress. Each leader had
called a council of his own. In that of Hopton, here unnoticed,
it was resolved that they could not draw off without difficulty and
dishonour; that of Waller was broken up in alarm. The receipt of
the order that lires should be lit to cover their retreat involved the
duty of Birch ; but with the spirit of “ vestigia nulla retrorsum,” he
disdained and expressed to a brother officer his disdain of the
measure. That night he had the watch, the sentries across the
valley were y et so close that the Sound of their voices could be
a [The various and perplexed relations of the great battle of Marston Moor are
a well known instance of this. Fairfax himself seems to hâve had a singularly
confused recollection of his own part in it. In his “ Memorials ” he expressly States
that he commanded the right wing ; in Fuller’s “ Worthies ” (215, n.) he as distinctly
asserts that he had command of the left.]
b Note 14.
d Note 16.
c Note 15.
e Note 17.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
81
heard from side to side; an opportunity the captain had, as is M16^29
confessed (but how it was managed does not appear), of keeping the
sentries to their posts; this opportunity he improved, and by so
doing produced the engagement ; he had been ordered to retire, but
that order he slighted. The whole is represented as arising from
orders disobeyed. Disobedience in his comrade Hesilrige at Round-
way Down caused Waller’s defeat ; disobedience by Birch at
Cheriton gave rise to the claim of victory on the part of that
general—a victory ill-prosecuted, but impossible to be denied.
The armies came to the encounter at earliest dawn, and the dispute
continued throughout the greater part of the day. Though, in the
beautiful language of Waller to Hopton, theirs was a war without
an enemy, it was attended by much close and internecine combat,
and heavy amount of slaughter. Previous to the crisis described by
Roe, great dispersion and mingling of combatants took place round
the focus of the contest, in Cheriton Wood, in the valley, and on
the down. In the valley the chief execution took place ; it was an
obstinate but scattered fight. Waller was highly excited. By an
accident he became exposed without his usual body-guard and
attendants, was recognised, and by his own admission in imminent
péril. “ At Cheriton field I was in danger to hâve been taken or
killed, the enemy having by a charge given upon some troops of
mine shutt me off from my own men, I having then but three in
company with me; but it pleased God they were repulsed again,
and thereby a way opened for my retreat.”—a I reckon itt a mercy
that upon a sudden occasion that day charging without my head*
piece,a and being known to the enemy (as I afterwards understood
from some of them), I came offsafe and unhurt.” b
Yery different statements are made as to the share that the horse [Conduet of
took in this murderous affair. That of the King, according to Claren-the tro°1>s-J
don, never behaved so ill as on that day. After the first charge they
wheeled off, deserting their officers, and never could be brought to
a second attempt. Of the foot, it is agreed on ail hands that they
a Note 18.	b Expériences, MS.
CAMD. SOC.	M82
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
March 29.
[Birch’s sliare
in the battle.]
[Hopton’s
retreat.]
[Subséquent
operations of
Waller.]
rivalled each other in bravery. A reinforcement had lately landed
at Bristol from Ireland, were there, and increased the desperation,
for they neither gave nor receiyed quarter.a
Considering the distinguished part assigned to Birch, his sugges-
tions to the general, the charge with which he was entrusted at his
own request, and the conséquences that attended it, some mention
might hâve been expected of his doings in other authorities ; but it
has been looked for in vain. Both at Alton and Alresford other
officers of City régiments find their naines transferred to letters and
to the press : the colonels of the Blue and Yellow and other
auxiliary régiments are held up to view and applause; he only is as
yet fighting his way up; his soldier-like qualities are confined to a
circle around him ; for aught that has yet appeared, he is hitherto
but a captain ; he will corne forth in his time among the ablest of
those regimental leaders, and surpass them ail.
As to the check that he received from a nameless commander in the
pursuit, and the alleged disadvantage arising from it, it savours too
strongly of the air of compliment to pass as the sole reason of the
escape of Hopton’s army. Though Roe has but hinted at it, the
meaning is easily discernible ; however delicately thrown out, it is
sufficiently expressive of what was universally and more than
whispered even at this time, that Waller and his superior in com-
mand, the Lord General, forbore to fight to the utterance with the
King. Baxter describes the public opinion of Essex at this juncture,
and thus sums it up, after enlarging upon the reasons: “ they now
began to say that at Edgehill, at Newbury, and at other times, he
never prosecuted any victory, but had stood still, and seen the
King’s army retreat, and never pursued them when it had been
easie to hâve ended ail the wars.” b A similar but nameless censure
is here passed on Waller himself.
But this great advantage gained at Cheriton, great as it was, was
robbed of the palm of perfect victory, for the pursuit of the Cavaliers
was baffled. Amidst the confusion, the little town of Alresford,
* Vicars, Pari. Chron. 191.	b Life, i. 47.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
83
remarkable for the air of its buildings and the respectability of its
inhabitants, burst into fiâmes, but was extinguished by the Parlia-
mentary soldiers.a They could not, however, so effectually harass
the retreat as to prevent the greater part of Hopton’s men, nearly ail
his guns, and many of his wounded, from being safely conveyed to
Reading, and afterwards to Oxford.b Waller pushed forward at
once to Winchester; the ruined walls and their feeble defenders
offered little résistance, the mayor had sent him the keys in token
of submission, the prisoners in the gaol were set free, the cathédral
had already been despoiled. But at this time he was too much in
haste to take notice of the city. The castle, his own inheritance,
and long occupied by a sufficient garrison under Sir William Ogle,
held out against him. But now a wider tract of country lay in
some measure at his mercy. By marching up and down he visited
remoter places with his parties, came upon Andover, entered
Whitchurch in Dorsetshire, went to Romsey, pushed forward to
Salisbury, raised contributions, and put the clergy to flight. In
the course of this expédition he took Christchurch, its governor,
garrison, with several commissioners of array recruiting for Lord
Hopton’s army, and made himself master of Walton the house of
the Bishop of Winchester (April 6), another garrison for the King.
On his return he found the gates of Winchester closed against him.
Then it was that Birch, deserted by his affrighted guide, discovered
the lowest part of the wall in face of the adversaries’ fire. It has
been omitted to add how the gates were battered, how the entrance
was forced, and Waller permitted the city to be plundered. But
this was an act, as the general confessed, not un visited by remorse,
and subséquent destruction of his own property.0 A wide sweep
1644.
March 29.
a [It was subsequently destroyed by fire on May Day, 1690.—Camden’s Britannia,
i. 138.]
b Note 19.
« “ It was just with God for the pnnishment of my giying way to the plunder of
the city of Winchester (whereof I was a freeman and swome to maintain and pro-84
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1,644.
May—J une.
[Essex and
Waller block-
ade Oxford.—
The King
escapes them/
was for a time under Waller’s control, till Birch and his men were
in prospect of further operations recalled to their favourite Farnham.
Thanksgivings were held for the success at Cheriton on April 9 and
14 ensuing, and ministers ordered to publish in ail their churches
that they would “ draw ail their forces together to pursue this
victory and put it to a day and fight with the enemy to put a
speedy issue (by the blessing of Almighty God) to these lingering
miseries.”a So odious had become the State of the land.
The next event to which our attention is directed is the order of
the Parliament for Essex and Waller to block up Oxford. So little
ground had been gained by what was thought the ill-improved
advantage at Alresford, that a more décisive blow seemed necessary
to bring the matter to a conclusion. With two armies, each of
them believed to hâve been of sufficient strength to defeat him in
battle,b the King was to be shut up in his head-quarters ; and if not
reduced by starvation, was to be engaged, and captured should he
attempt to escape. This notable project originated with a com-
mittee consisting chiefly of certain members of the two Houses, and
called “ the Committee of Safety for both Kingdoms.” Their main
object was to superintend their own générais, and direct and control
the operations of their forces. For men of talent and expérience
this seemed a singular error in judgment, and proved to their
générais the source of many evils.® Essex and Waller, already not
cure the good thereof as far as I could) to permitt the démolition of my castle at
Winchester.” Fourth fatherlike chastisement. Expériences, MS.—Rushworth, 3,
ii. 655.
* Rushworth, 3, ii. 656. Twenty thousand pounds were ordered to be raised for
this purpose.—L. J. April 3, 1644.
b Essex’s army consisted of 10,500 men, April 8: 4,200 were ordered to join him,
May 9. Waller had between 9,000 and 10,000, May 15. The King assembled
9,500, June 18, of whom about 6,000 accompanied him.—L. J. April 8. Rushworth,
3, ii. 667, 670 ; Clarendon, yiii. ; Hamper’s Dugdale, 69 ; Cartel Ormonde, iii. 316 ;
Vaughan’s Night March of Charles I. 3.
c The common sense of Whitelocke and others discovered this. “ It was thought
strangc at that time that the Committee of both Kingdoms should at that distanceCOLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
85
well agreed, were both obedient to it in the first instance ; they
brought up their men, and acted in concert as tliough they were
earnest in accomplishing the blockade. Charles had concentrated
ali the strength within his reach and seemed to expect it : when,
just as a junction was about to be effected by his adversaries, on
the morning of the 3rd of June they were astonished and mortified
by the discovery that he had slipped between them during the night
and escaped them. When this became known, it puzzled the
public : and, after the rumours that had existed, was imputed to
treachery. Essex in correspondence with the committee expressed
his disdain of the imputation. The latent disagreement between him
and Waller broke out afresh, and their armies were divided. Waller
had been originally destined to march into the West, but Essex was
peremptory and determined to exercise his authority. At a council of
war he overcame the réluctance of his inferior officer to follow the
King, while he himself withdrew with his army from that design, and,
under plea of ordërs, marched to the relief of Lyme. These measures,
ill-understood at the time, and favourable as assisting the King in ex-
tricating himself from his difficulties, were whispered as mysteries,
but considered as treason. The impression of the army in which
Birch and Koe were serving, an impression that both of them re-
tained, was a gross mistake. Subséquent révélations and inquiries
hâve taught a far different lesson. The King had no other “pass’*
but that of sagacity and vigour. He did not in this instance owe
his escape to any indulgence on the part of the générais. His own
ability and resolution, aided by the expérience of his advisers, was
take upon them to give particular orders for the services and march of their armies,
and not rather leave it to the chief commanders that were npon the place ; who,
upon every motion of the enemy, might see reason to alter their counsels. This
increased the jealousies of the Lord General and Waller, both gallant men ; but the
General thought himself undervalued and Waller too much exalted.,, In like manner,
during the résistance that Austria made to the First Napoléon, the efforts of her
générais were too often thwarted and brought to nought by the Aulic Council at
Vienna.
1644
June86
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
Jane.
[Battle of
Cropredy
Bridge.]
such as to gain for him, from judges of military conduct, impartial
applause. This part of the memoir relative to the King’s night-
march to Worcester, despatched in a single sentence, would com-
prise a study for a strategist ; but the commentator, for reasons
already given, forbears the interesting detail. The service in which
Birch and Eoe were both engaged was no doubt tedious to them.
It lasted from the beginning to the end of June, sufficiently tedious
and vexatious to the pursuers ; for the ways through a heavy soil
were deep and foui, and the bridges destroyed to cover the retreat.a
Birch and Eoe with the régiment of Hesilrige, Potley and his régiment
with the militia of the Tower Hamlets, the auxiliaries of London
and the men of Farnham, were ail in this expédition, and shared
in its toils and dangers. These, though mitigated to Waller by the
taking of Sudeley Castle on the way, and by reinforcements from
Lord Denbigh, failed of ultimate success. Waller, though he had
several times attempted Worcester, was ne ver fortunate against
“ the faithful city.”b The scheme for “ King catching,” as it was
satirically termed, proved abortive. His Majesty came back in
safety to Oxford, drew forth his infantry, much of which he had
left behind, and became the aggressor by marching northward to
meet his tardy pursuers. Prince Eupert, whom they thought the
King would hâve joined, was otherwise occupied in those trans-
actions which immediately preceded his terrible defeat at Marston
Moor. Three days previous to it the King and Waller met near
Banbury, where on the banks of the Cherwell was fought the battle
of Cropredy Bridge.®
Several accounts hâve been given of this action, as well by those
a “ I must tell you, he broke more bridges than 10,000Z. will repaire.,,—Arthur
Trevor to M. of Ormonde, June 29, 1644. Carte’s Ormonde, iii. 318. Only Eyes-
ham Bridge is mentioned by Clarendon.
b The motto of Worcester is “ Floreat semper fidelis civitas.”
c The King’s army had partly lodged at Cropredy the night before the battle of
Edgehill (Vicars, God in the Mount, 191) : so that this little place had been
accustomed to the tumult of armed men.—J. W.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
87
who were présent at it as others (Walker, Clarendon, Symonds,
Whitelocke, Bulstrode); but it does not seem to hâve been well
understood. Rapin, looking at it with the eye of a soldier, does
not attempt to explain it.a On the third day after they had faced
each other, when the King was marching northward, Waller, by a
desperate dashb over a bridge at Cropredy, attempted to eut off
the King’s main body from its rear. To that end he brought up a
portion only of what was previously his left wing, and pushed them
over the bridge, but committed the blunder of omitting to supply
the artillery with shot. Roe seems to hâve been the only one who
has noticed this. The conséquence was that pikes, musketeers, and
leathern guns were thrust into a false position, of which the King,
bringing back his main body, seized the advantage, and a great part
of those that had passed over, including Lieutenant-Colonel Baines,
were taken prisoners. Birch, who witnessed the error, remonstrated
at the time, and blamed it ever after. He was the means of stopping
the Tower Hamlets militia from running into the same snare, and
secured the remainder of Waller’s army. Colonel Sir Thomas
Middleton commanded the advance over the bridge; Wemyss the
shotless artillery. When the latter, who had revolted from the
service of the King, was brought into his presence, he made some
awkward excuses, professing his fidelity and allegiance to his
Majesty in spite of his conduct. The King, who was in good
humour with his success, told him he had not yet disposed of his
place.® Such is the account given by Essex himself, who bears
a [See Appendix XI.]
b A similar advantage was taken by Frédéric the Great at Leuthen and Rosbach,
by Napoléon I. at Austerlitz, and Wellington at Salamanca; ail of which succeeded.
Waller after ail did not miss his intent so widely as might be supposed. Lord
Digby, writing to Prince Rupert, says, “ it was ten thousand to one but our van and
maine body had been cutt off from our reare, and ail hazarded, had not my Lord of
Cleveland charged them without order.”—Rupert’s MS. Correspondence. [The Earl
of Cleveland’s word on this occasion was “ Hand and Sword.”]
c Devereux, ii. 418. Wemyss had been made Master Gunncr o? England, and for
many years had received 300Z. per annum. The guns were recently made at Lambeth,
1644.
June 2988
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
June 29.
Middleton and
Waller.]
[Resuit of
battle of
Cropredy
Bridge.]
testimony to his abilities, and speaks hopefully of his exchange.a
He was sent prisoner to Ludlow Castle, Nov. 15.b He is commonly
reported to hâve been the inventor of the portable leather gun.
It was made of the toughest leather, and girt with metallic hoops :
a strong horse could carry two of them through miry roads. They
could only be discharged seven or eight times.c But the original
inventor was Gustavus Adolphus, who employed them at the battle
of Leipzig, Sept. 7, 1631. However, they seem to hâve been ex-
perimental rather than practical.
Middleton narrowly escaped, being unhorsed and remounted in
ignorance by the Cavaliers, who told him to make haste and kill a
Roundhead. Few battles are without an occasional joke: and the
slender partition between the grave and the ludicrous is often visible
when it was least expected. “ At Cropredy in Oxfordshire,” says
Waller, “ I escaped a great danger; where being with my officers
att a councell of warre, the floor of the room where we were sunke,
and we ail fell into a seller that was underneath itt. I lay over-
whelmed with a great deal of lumber that fell upon me, and yet I
bless God I had no hurt att ail.”**
The account of the fight consists chiefly in the admission and
criticism of a blunder. Both parties claim to hâve been the last to
retreat: like the battle at Alresford, the description is only attempted
of what was witnessed by the writer : no notice is taken of the
brilliant charges of the Earl of Cleveland and Lord Bernard Stuart
on the one hand, or the advance of Sir Thomas Middleton on the
other. The Parliamentary general candidly admits it was “ a dis-
and he had beenpaid 2,000Z. for them, as appearedby writings foundin his pocket.—
Merc. Aulicüs, June 29,1644. [Lieut.-Col. Sir Thomas Hooper was knighted in
the field for his capture.—Symonds’s Diary, 2.]
a Devereux, i. 418. Essex’s letter, July 16, 1644.
b Carte’s Ormonde, i. 71. He survived and tried to make amends for his fault by
serving under Charles II. in the battle of Worcester.
c Harte’s Gustavus Adolphus, i. 196 ; ii. 42, notes. [Massey was said to be con-
structing them in Scotland, June, 1651. Whitelocke, 467.]
d Expériences, MS.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
89
honourable loss of part of his train of artillery : ”a still he cannot be
denied to hâve bravely stood his ground. The parting of the two
hosts was by mutual consent; and the army of Waller was, shortly
after, no more. The London auxiliaries, who composed a gveat
part of it, are said to hâve mutinied at Northampton. Like some
of the American régiments in the beginning of their late civil war,
these had been only engaged for a season, and they insisted upon
their return home. Frequent difficulties arose among the soldiery
on both sides,—regular, if any such could be truly so called, or
volunteers. There were instances in which the Cornish would not
advance eastward; the Yorkshire régiments objected to move south-
ward; the London trained-bands thought their engagement had
expired when they had relieved Gloucester, and they earnestly con-
tended homewards.b That which Tacitus terms “ gloria obsequii,”
so becoming an army, they were as Englishmen unacquainted with ;
only some of them might hâve caught the spirit of it while in
foreign service. Birch by some means was not included among
these seceders, as will be explained hereafter.
We are here brought to a stand for awhile as to Birch’s military
actions. Though surmises may not be legitimate history, a gap in
the time may be allowed to be filled in by probability when dates
and admitted facts from other sources conspire. It is generally
understood that the mutiny of the troops after the battle of Cropredy
Bridge reduced Waller to the necessity of repairing to London for
recruits ; and here too a portion of his army was subsequently led
off to another quarter.0 “ We,”says Roe, “ marched to Abingdon.”
This is the first time Abingdon is heard of. It had only of late
fallen into the hands of the Parliamentarians, to the annoyance of
the King. When his troops were concentrated in Oxford, before
his expédition to Worcester, they were withdrawn both from
Reading and that place. At Reading the works were slighted;
a MS. ut supra.	b Clarendon, yii. Corbet, Bibl. Glouc. 57.
c Rushworth, ut supra, 687.
CAMD. SOC.	N
1GU.
July-Sept.
[Waller
marches to
Abingdon.—
Birch resigns
his command.]90
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
July-Sept.
the évacuation of Abingdon has been attributed to mistake as to
orders on the part of his Majesty. It was a great détriment and a
palpable error as to the Royalists, but their attempts to recover it
were in vain. The command was given to Major-General Browne,
called in dérision “ the wood-monger.” He was then a zealous
adhèrent to his cause,a and tenaciously kept possession of that town.
Here was a place of temporary retirement and vexation for Birch.
Indeed, there is no doubt that a portion of Waller’s late army was
ultimately diverted hither, and he with them ; and, if a notion may
be formed from what we find to hâve happened at this place, an
alteration occurred in his régiment, manifestly, from what he did and
suffered here, contrary to his inclination. For a twelvemonth he had
retained the command of them, nominally as captain, but with an
authority as lieutenant-colonel under Sir Arthur Hesilrige; and
now they are converted into dragoons. Was he ready, it may be
asked, to part with them ? The séparation was the act, as it would
appear, of the proprietor ; the reason given is, that he never affected
the foot-service.b Whatever was the cause, Sir Arthur Hesilrige
is henceforth withdrawn from the narrative, and never appears in it
again. Whether at the time their leave-taking was amicable or
otherwise, whether the lieutenant-colonel was hurt, and took
disgust at this circumstance, whatever might be his compulsion or
inducement, Birch during his stay at Abingdon became dissatisfied,
and for very vexation impaired his health. Want of occupation
renders the soldier at ease “ like a chimney in summer.” He even
threw up his commission.® Ail this took place before September,
a His sentiments underwent a total change ; but, like the self-condemning Fairfax,
it was too late. Browne was afterwards envoy at the Court of Versailles for Charles H.
b Note 20.
e [Probably very soon after his arrivai at Abingdon : for we find him nominated,
July 7, one of the committee for the city of Bristol, for putting into execution the
ordinances of the Parliament.—L. J. Roe seems to hâve forgotten this : it may
perhaps be the cause of a slight alteration by Birch in the MS.: see p. 14. The
battle of Cropredy had been fought June 29 or 30 : see p. 13, note h.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
91
1644. But there was a powerful reason that urged his return to
the service. His demand upon the State, allowed and promised, uly Sept*
had not yet been repaid : it will be proved that he still bore it in
mind. Like the adventurer in Horace, “ qui zonam perdidit ibit.”a
The loss of his property urged him on, and he fortunately procured
the colonelcy of a Kentish régiment but a little before the retire-
ment of his general, who altered the sphere of his employment, and
transferred it to the West.
We left the armies of Essex and Waller divided in conséquence [Easex]s sur-
of the disagreement of their chiefs ; and, as we hâve seen, Essex, West.]
who consigned his rival to his fate, hastened to relieve Lyme. When
this had been accomplished, the King, from being pursued, had
turned pursuer, and followed him into Cornwall. There, after
a variety of évolutions, he drove his army into a trap near Liskeard,
where it seemed impossible for Essex to extricate them but by
surrender. The classical reader will recognise a situation of this
kind in the Furcalœ Caudinœ of Livy,b where the Samnites put the
Romans to a similar military disgrâce. Roe has a happy art of
passing lightly over reverses. He might well congratulate himself
that he, with others, only heard, but saw nothing, of this cata-
strophe. A sad sight it must hâve been for a Parliamentarian to
behold the entire army of their generalissimo reduced to this
déplorable condition. Deserted by Essex and other chiefs, who
fled in a small boat to Plymouth, they were left to submit to con-
ditions which to some of them seemed harder than death. Favoured
by the darkness of the night, and the shameless debauchery of
Goring, Sir W. Balfour made his escape with the horse. Brave
Skippon commanding the foot seems to hâve alone proved firm to
the thorough unyielding principle of a soldier, and at a council of
war proposed to the infantry that they should take the offensive and
eut their way through. But the proposai was rejected, and the
Epist. ii. 2.
b Dec. 1.1. ix.92
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
September 2.
whole of that body, with their materiel, laid down their arms,® and
filed off before his Majesty, too happy to be set free. The con-
ditions were humiliating enough,b but they were left at liberty to
dispose of their future services; and it is an error to say, as some
writers hâve alleged, that they broke an oath when the same men
soon after appeared in arms against the King. They were bound
by no such contract. The repeated violation of such a tie during
the war would hâve rendered it of no avail. But though Koe and
others of his friends were spared the melancholy sight, there were
enough of those on the other side who beheld it and exulted in it.
a These were the whole of the pikes and mnskets, with 42 cannon, 1 mortar,
100 barrels of powder, and nearly ail the carriages. Among them was a wagon-
load of musket-arrows. These were employed for the purpose of shooting letters
into towns, as at Gloucester during the siégé. (Bibl. Glonc. 224.) Laughame also
shot an arrow into Cardigan Castle with a letter to give notice of his coming to its
relief, about Feb. 6,1644. (Whitelocke, 125.) Sir Jacob Astley had nearly been
killed by one of them at Deyizes : “ A bearded arrow stuck into the ground
betwixt his legs. He pluckt it ont with both hands, and said, You rognes, you mist
your aim.,f (Gwynne, Military Memoirs, 39.) The editor of Gwynne, supposed to
hâve been Sir Walter Scott, seems to hâve considered this arrow as shot from a bow,
and remarks that the employment of the bow might hâve ceased from this time,
though it was used by some of the remote Highlanders in the battles of Montrose.
It may hâve been almost forgotten that the revival of archery was a favourite with
Essex. It is always mentioned in the ancient Commissions of Array. He had pro-
bably had his eye upon this, when, early in the armament, he issued a precept (Rush-
worth, 3, ii. 370) for raising a company of archers, in which he calls the bow
“ honourable and ancient, heretofore found to be of good use in this kingdom ; ” but
the attempt seems not to hâve been seconded. It did not, however, escape a notice
and recommendation from the pulpit by John Green, M.A., a puritan, some time
minister of Pencombe in the county of Hereford, preached on Nehemiah, i. 3, 4,
before the House of Commons at St. Margaret’s, Westminster, on the monthly fast,
April 24, 1644. [A “ company of pikes with bows and arrows ” were found by a
Parliamentarian reconnaisance in the town of Hertford, Aug. 15, 1642. Perfect
Diumall of Proceedings in Hertfordshire, 3.—The suburbs of Chester were set on
fire by arrows shot from the city. MS. Letter Book of Sir W. Brereton, ii. 74.—
Arrows were used with considérable effect by the Cossacks after the battle of
Friedland in 1807.]
b Rushworth, 3, ii. 705.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
93
Symonds, standing on the spot near his Majesty, and a spectator of 1644-
ail that occurred, has given loose to his aristocratie feelings at a
view of what passed under his eye, and has preserved distinct and
numerical particulars of it.a In general he is cool and impartial,
but here he is excited.
“ Munday, 2° Septembris, 1644.
His Majesties army of foot stood on the same ground or there-
abouts as before, the several régiments by themselves, and the
colours stuck in the ground flying. His Majestie in the feild
accompanied with ail his gallant cavaliers dispersed in severall
places.
“ While about 10 of the clock* Major Skippon, first or in the
front, marched with ail that rowt of rebells, after the colours of
their several régiments. (Then follows a spécial énumération of
some of them.)
“ It rayned extremely as the variets marched away, a great part
of the time. *	*	*
“ They ail, except here and there an officer, (and seriously I saw
not above three or four that looked like a gentleman,) were
strucken with such a dismal feare, that as soone as their colour of
the régiment was passt, (for every ensigne had a horse and rid on
him and was so suffered,) the rout of soldjers of that régiment presst
ail of a heape like sheep, though not so innocent. So durty and so
dejected as was rare to see. None of them, except some few of
their officers, that did looke any of us in the face.”
As to their personal appearance, Symonds might easily hâve [Condition of
made allowance. They were starving. They had been lying Essex’sarmy.]
drenched with the storms, and were forced through the mire. The
Eoyalist privâtes reproached, and the common country people
plundered, them. Essex, who at ail times showed a kind feeling for
his army, soon obtained relief for them. The Parliament, that had
been wrangling with him, generously condoled with him. He
a Diary, 66, 67.94
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
September.
[Birch pro-
ceeds to Ply-
mouth.]
proceeded by sea to Plymouth, and collected his forces: u my poor
naked foot,” he says, Sept. 14, “came last night to Southampton.”
They were speedily supplied with necessaries, and by the 17th of
October were able to take the field. Those very men who had
just been pardoned by their Sovereign and set at liberty, pertinacious
in their résistance, were eager to wipe out what they thought their
ignominy, and to do battle against him.
To return to Birch. On receiving the colonelcy he immediately
set about repairing his loss of time,a and with great alacrity advanc-
in g by land and sea entered the town of Plymouth, through which
Essex had just escaped after the loss of his foot in Cornwall. The
résistance of that town had been obstinate, and it had refused (Sept.
12)b a summons from the King with peculiar indignity and scorn.
When Birch arrived there, part of the garrison had been drawn out
to the assistance of Essex, and had been given up in his surrender,
so that his régiment would hâve proved an important reinforce-
ment, and hâve been there when summoned by his Majesty. From
this time forth, with some little intermission at the latter end of
September and beginning of October, and during the winter of
1644-5, throughout six months, the colonel is to be considered as
stationed in garrison there. The siégé was tedious. Prince Maurice,
to whose charge the West had been committed, with his lieutenants,
was altogether unsuccessful in his attempts to take it. Lord Roberts
had been left governor there by Essex at his departure ; but Birch
was eminent in assisting at the defence. While his stay lasted, the
comparative dulness of its routine to an officer accustomed, as he
had been, to open action in the field, was relieved by many assaults
from the leaguer before it. Among these is recounted another
deliverance and success, and it is selected as worthy of remembrance.
a Col. Burch hath mustered his régiment of new levied forces at Knowles near
Synnock (Sevenoaks) in Kent on Friday last, and gave them their armes, who are
to march to Sir William Waller.—Perfect Occurrences, Sept. 2.
b Symonds, 81.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
95
It was in dead of night and winter (January 1644-5) tliat he was 1644-5.
called by his men from his quarters to an onslaught of the enemy.
The hour was unexpected, but he was prepared. The lines were
extensive ; two forts manned by his soldiers were assaulted ; the one
well defended, the other for a short space taken. In recovering the
latter, when they were close upon it under a shower of bullets, they
heard the challenge from the Royalists, “ Who are you for?” the
well known challenge by night or day.a Birch rushing forward
with the usual answer on his side, and telling his men it were better
to go on than retreat, they carried ail before them, and expelled or
slew the intruders.b Among those who were captured was Colonel
Arundel,c of the life-guard to Prinoe Maurice. He surrendered his
sword to Birch, who wore it in token of his victory to the day when
he appeared in the senate of his country.
This part of the narrative closes with the relief of Plymouth/ [Birch goes to
but has not exactly told us the whole of what occurred to the Londond
a Note 21.
b [This was probably the assault of Jan. 16, 1644-5, when, according to Yicars,
Greenvile got four outworks but was driven off. One of them was called Little
Penny-come-quick (Merc. Brit.). In Perfect Occurrences, Jan. 15,1644, itis stated
that Col. Birch made a sally from Plymouth, and took many prisoners.]
c Several of the Arundel family, Royalists, were employed in this Western con-
test. As to the sword which Birch thought worthy of being borne about him, it
appears to hâve continued a favourite companion in subséquent time : for when the
attempt under Penruddock and Grove took place at Salisbury in behalf of Charles
II., 1654, the county of Hereford with many others threatened a general rising to
restore him ; horses and arms were seized, and suspected persons arrested. Among
them was Colonel Birch, then résident at Whitboume. Wroth Rogers was govemor
of Hereford, and reported to the Protector that possession had been taken of his
person, and that he had been cast into prison. (Thurloe, State Papers, III. 264,
March 17, 1654.) While his sword, which he refused to deliver up, was being taken
from him, he said, with some indignation, “ My sword is short, but it may be long
enough within a while.* ’ Berry, one of CromwelPs major-generals, paid him a visit
in the following November, and released him from confinement. (Idem, iv. 237.)
It is no violation of truth to believe in the wearing of this sword ten years after it
had been surrendered to him.
d The siégé was finally raised January 12, 1645-6.—Sprigge, 165.96
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644 6.
Colonel there. Plymouth was a distracted town. It may be fair
to hint that he had been entangled in some disputes during bis
stay. He was sent, with other officers, as a prisoner to answer
before the House of Commons respecting tbis ;a but as no particular
account, beyond certain shadowy allusions, was left upon the
minute-books, it may be concluded that he was as successful in his
explanation upon this, as upon a former occasion. Anticipation,
however, as well as omission, has somewhat mystified this part of
the story, when compared with other authentic sources; and it can
only be hoped that the memory of the relator had suffered much in
the interval to escape. But something also has been untold with
regard to the early part of his employment at Plymouth ; for he had
hardly set his foot in the place when he obtained a necessary leave
of absence. His private as well as public affairs seemed to require
it. But monetary matters are kept out of sight in the narrative.
He took a journey to London to pétition the Parliament in person.
His men were in want of supplies, and, while soliciting in their
behalf, he embraced an opportunity of reminding that assembly of
his own due.b The fact stands thus confirmed on the records of the
House :c “ Colonel Birch having lent 1,500?. for the service of the
State, pétitions to hâve, towards satisfaction for it, the estate of
Henry Hudson, a delinquent, upon account towards the payment.”
But the committee, to whom it is referred, are recommended <cto
give him ail expédition, he being speedily to repair to his charge
in the public service.” d The positive order on the part of the com-
mittee shows the immédiate acquiescence with his application, but
it is accompanied by an admonition that he should remain in London
a C. J. May 12, 1645. See also March 10, 1644-5, and May 9, 1645.
b “ So modestly,” says one version of the Parliamentary note, “ that his desire was
granted.” (Perfect Diumall, Oct. 16.) He was not unversed in the mollia tempora
fandi as well as the rougher passages of debate.
c C.J. Oct. 16, 1644.
d The whole of the composition of Henry Hudson, esquire, of London, as it stands
in Dring’s Catalogue, amounted to 3,7001.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
97
no longer. Towards Plymouth he returns, but on his road falls in 1644.
with a whole group of commanders near Basingstoke—Essex,
Waller, and the Earl of Manchester unmentioned before. The
occasion was tempting, for it was expected that a battle would be
fought, and some appréhensions were entertained that Charles would
endeavour to repossess Reading,a or even force his way to the
metropolis. He paid his respects to the Earl of Essex, and, stating
that he was returning to his charge, tendered his services under the
circumstances, and was accepted. The Earl’s expression towards
him is flatteringly given, “ not as commanding, but desiring.”
The King however altered his line of march, and inclined towards
Newbury. Essex being really ill at Basingstoke, and unable to
appear personally in the field, the command devolved chiefly on
Manchester, though Waller was also there. Manchester accepted
Birch’s services, and the action was struck upon the foliowing day
(October 27, 1644). The (lieutenant) colonePs part in it is not
spoken of by Roe. He had no régiment there to command ; neither
does Roe intimate that he himself was there. Birch would only be
an attendant on Manchester ; but if as an amateur b attendant upon
the general he had no part in the fight, yet he had in the pursuit.
Here we arrive at one of the most interesting features of the [Second battle
manuscript. But more unrelated matter remains to be supplied in of Newbury. |
this place. Events crowd upon us in this part, for while Waller’s
a The officer who then commanded there was Colonel John Barkstead, originally
a goldsmith in London, distingnished by the zeal and ability with which he passed
through his military promotion in the Parliamentary service. After signing the
King’s death-warrant he fled to the Continent, where he continued for a while in a
sort of sanctuary at Hanau in Germany. Venturing from that free city into Holland,
he was seized, and, with othersof the regicides, executed at the Restoration, April .19,
1662.—Noble’s Regicides, i. 87.
b See in Appendix XII. an original letter containing an account of this battle.
It is from the pen of Colonel Richard Norton, CromwelFs favourite “ Dick Norton,”
who was govemor of Basingstoke, and witnessed the fight only as an amateur, but
got engaged too far in assisting Ludlow, who was in danger. Norton in so doing
was wounded. It is the more interesting, as Ludlow himself, who confesses his
horse was shot, has taken no notice of his personal escape.—Memoirs, i. 131.
CAMD. SOC.	O98
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
October 27.
raen had been dispersing at Northampton and proceeding to
Abingdon, and Charles had turned off to follow Essex, the fatal
battle had been fought at Marston Moor.a The forces of Manchester
and his lieutenant Cromwell being disposable after that victory,
were directed southward to outnumber those of the King, but the
commanders brought heart-burnings with them: a conciliatory
letter from the committee of both Houses b failed to unité them ; so
that the wranglings of Essex and Waller, added to the disagreement
of Manchester and Cromwell, left their army really without an
efficient head ; and the orders of Essex or Manchester were neglected
or disputed rather than obeyed. In this State of things Birch found
the leaders when he came to Basingstoke, and it sufficiently
accounts for the request already pointed out, rather than the
command, of the generalissimo, that he would go to Keading; and
in part for the inability that he met with in getting an answer from
the sleepy Manchester on the second night after the action,0 when
ail the army had been wearied, and when he and Cromwell had been
disputing as to the military measures of that day. The affair how-
ever had then taken place. Newbury, wretched Newbury, un-
fortunate in having been a second time within hearing of the roar
of a battle, to the terror of the inhabitants, was occupied by Par-
liamentary troops, and Birch, as it should appear, returning with
some company, among whom was Boe, from the pursuit of
stragglers, met accidentally with a convoy that threw a booty into
his hands. He was obliged to get up a party in the pursuit, and
went from house to house to form them. If the reader has already
attentively cast his eye over this épisode in the original, it will
require but a few touches in the illustration. The triumph that it
includes over a disabled old officer and his helpless lady is indeed
poor; not so in a substantial sense is the booty obtained. The
* Baillie, the Presbyterian commissioner to the Parliament, wrote triumphantly to
his Scotch friend on this striking reverse to the King. (Letters and «Tournais, ii. 36
et seq. ed. 1776). Baillie was not aware that at this very time those dissensions
were brooding that ruined the Presbyterian cause.	b Rushworth, 3, ii. 719.
c [Roe’s date, Oct. 30, seems wrong, as the battle was on the 27th.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
99
talents and bravery of Birch corne out in full partizan lustre; and Qct^^ 3()/
the whole is consequently given in so joyous a manner as though it
had sometime formed a capital story for the two comrades over a
winter evening’s fire. But for a proper understanding of it the
way must be cleared.
There was in his Majesty’s service a general officer of considérable	of
note. Patrick Earl of Forth, Lord Brentford, Lord Ruthven, for
by this aggregate of names he is variously known in the history of
these wars, was by birth a Scot, brought up in the troubles of the
Low Countries from his youth. The énumération of the parts in
which he had served, and the wounds that he had received, seems
well nigh fabulous. He had seen service in Sweden under Gustavus
Adolphus, in Denmark, Russia, Livonia, Lithuania, Poland, and
Prussia. In England alone the number of his wounds had equalled
that of the battles in which he had exposed himself. At Edgehill,
says Lloyd, he modelled the fight ; was at Brentford and Gloucester,
was shot in both the fights at Newbury, at Cheriton, and nèar
Banbury. He had been shot in the head, in both arms, the mouth,
leg, and shoulder;a and, as if ail this had not been enough for his
scars and his story, the catalogue was finished by a fall from his horse
that broke his shoulder.b Could such an one hâve died a natural
death after ail these escapes? He survived to wait upon Charles II.
in exile, and returning to his native country was buried in 1651 at
Dundee.6
From the account of him in Clarendon,d where he fairly balances [His night-
his merits and his failings, he appears to hâve passed the prime 0f 3ourne7 ]
his powers, though zealously attached to his profession and the King.
As Lord General he had been with his Majesty in Oxford, where
he was at the head of his military committees; and, chiefly for the
a Dugdale, Baronage, ii. 472 ; Lloyd, Memoirs, 467.
b This was a little after the time of his laying down his command, and before his
appointment as Lord Chamberlain to Prince Charles on Nov. 5, 1644.
c Warwick says that his lady was a Swede, and that both of them were afterwards
ill-used by his countrymen.—Memoirs, 229.
d History, yiii.100
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1644.
October.
[Birch’s
coarseness.]
sake of friendship for Lord Hopton and disinclination to be idle,
had gone to assist him with his advice at Winchester, and had thus
been hurt at Cheriton, as well as on this day at Newbury. Like
the King, when the battle was raging, he had sought temporary
shelterat Donnington Castle,a that overlooked part of the field : he had
a considérable escort and many followers ; it certainly was his wound
that first induced him to repair thither. But he would be naturally
desirous of placing his lady and other women under better security ;
and, having brought his official carriages and attendants, such as
Shakspeare’s Welshman calls “the poys and luggage ” with him,
he determined to make his way in part by a cross-country roadb
to Bath. It was then moonlight : on the evening of the battle
they had fought a whole hour by it, and his Majesty had drawn off
by it, and reached Bath in safety.c The journey was hazardous to
Forth by reason of the ways; and the moon, useful to him in many
respects, has its illusions, when on a track like this it would, in
Milton’s language, be “shadowy” in setting forth the face ofthings.
Attempt it, however, he would; and the reader of the MS. has
been told with what success.d
It may be deemed over-scrupulous to point out that the tone of
the text, cheerful and spirited throughout, yet bespeaks an absence
of the feeling that had graced some other commanders. Lady Forth
and her husband appear not to hâve met with the best of treatment
at the hands of the Parliamentarians. In another respect, while the
omission of such impious expressions as some of Roe’s friends might
not hâve scrupled at, is happily consistent with his usage in other
places (see p. 10), it is counterbalanced, on the other hand, by the
hard and coarse manner in which he treats the putting to death of
an enemy. It is true that the moment was critical, and it was in
* Note 22.	b Note 23.
c When the last flash, the last hurrah, and, would it might be added, the last
groan had ceased upon the field, a large cavalcade consisting of a party that had
taken refuge in Donnington Castle issued forth to travel by cross road to Bath,
whither his Majesty also was on his way.—J. W. [But see note c, p. 98.]
d Note 24.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
101
self-defence ; but the expression of making a hole in his adversary’s 1645.
skin is as cool as if it had been used respecting his own buff coat.
It savours of the languagea of those whose society he and his
colonel might hâve kept in the guard-room. This touch of coarse-
ness in expression appears, according to Burnet, to hâve been
always retained by Birch, though the bishop refers it to another
source (see Préfacé).
Treating chiefly of transactions in the field, Roe has passed over [The New
those of poli tics by Wholesale ; otherwise in this place would hâve Model0
intervened those important measures comprised between October
1644 and the early part of July 1645. Within these months agita-
tions had taken place which, through the Self-denying Ordinance,
destroyed the influence of Birch’sparty,and, in subjecting the Presby-
terians to the Independents, ereated Fairfax ostensibly the general
of a new-modelled army, and rendered Cromwell really the lord of
the ascendant. This large omission may therefore, after the bare
mention of it, be consigned to the general historian, with a single,
though obviously pertinent, remark, that Birch, having accepted
his place as a colonel in that army, had but changed his faction
while he retained his cause.
We are now entering upon a new sériés of incidents in the [Birch at
military life of this adventurer: new, because from a nominal Go^ernor of
colonelcy he had been raised to a full command; new, because he Bath.—His
.	.	,	.	. .	n i	bravery at the
is actmg under new supenors, and is transrerred to new scenes; storming of
new* because he is under new counsels in a new army. Essex and Bristol;]
Waller and others are gradually to disappear, and the old System of
half-measures is to be no more. Colonel Birch, ordered out of
garrison at Plymouth, and obedient to the new military authority,
marched to meet Fairfax and Cromwell at Bridgwater.b He
joined the army near that place, and was présent at the capture,
where its réduction by a terrifie Are is, for the first time, attributed
a It may be invidious to point out another trait, at p. 11, in the affair at
Winchester.
b July, 1645.102
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645.
July.
by Eoe to his colonel’s interférence.® At this post is his earliest
promotion to act as governor;b but though admitted with his men
to co-operate with the u new model,” he is not acknowledged here,
or elsewhere, as a component part of the force. He is useful, how-
ever, for a short time. Kemoved ere long by Fairfax, he is en-
trusted with the care of Bath, an imperfectly fortified city, and
exposed to danger. In the meanwhile the army proceeds to the
siégé of Bristol. While préparation is making for it under his
advice,® a dispute or cabal is represented somewhat mysteriously as
arising, in which that advice had been questioned ; for during this
second siégé, and where he is now an experienced assailant, instead
of, as before, défendant, a dangerous épidémie was prevailing.
Probably ever since its last siégé, the city was in so déplorable a
condition from pestilential fever, that the army at first had hesitated
to approach it,d y et Birch had earnestly urged them on. It was
not till the last council of war, after many had been held, that the
détermination was settled to storm. In the debate on which this
resolution was formed, Birch displayed, and it might be with
some reference to that fever, a total absence of fear from pestilence
or war. The storm ensued in a blaze from the guns of the de-
fenders at the very hour, “ the darkest hour that précédés the
a [Sprigge, who does mention Birch here, States that the firing of granados and
slugs of hot iron was commenced by the garrison themselves, on the part of the town
already taken by Fairfax. Great damage appears to haye been done. This bar-'
barons procedure seems to hâve been not nnusual. The Earl of Newcastle adopted
it at Hull ; the town of Bridgenorth was bumt by granados fired by the garrison
after they had been forced into the castle.]
b After a letter from Sir Thomas Fairfax to the House of Commons conceming
the taking of Bridgwater, “ The House then tooke into considération the safety of
the said towne, by appointing an honest, able, and faithfull gentleman to command
the same ; and, after some debate concerning it, the House ordered that Colonell
Birtch shall be nominated, appointed, and constituted govemour of the towne of
Bridgwater.” Perfect Diumall, Saturday, July 26,1645.—J. W.
c Fairfax took Col. Birch with him and a few others to view the works two days
after sending in the summons.—Mercurius Britannicus, Sept. 8 to 15.
d [Only one soldier, however, died of it.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
103
dawn.”a His knowledge of the ground and his experienced sword, 1645.
urged by a zeal that would be peculiarly his own, gave material aid ®ept*10*
towards the ascent to Prior’s Hill Fort, and the attack of Rains-
borough’s brigade, of which he forms a part, proves successful. The
city which he dispiritedly left as lost to the Roundheads is once
more won by them. His conduct is specially noted in the despatch
of Lieu tenant-General Cromwell to the Speaker of the House of
Commons,b—a compliment totally overlooked or despised by Roe,
as much as if it were nothing worth, though it could hardly hâve
been unknown to him : let this be presented as a confirmation of
what has already been observed, that the name of Cromwell
throughout the manuscript is utterly ignored.
This heavy blow to the King’s afîairs gives rise to another cor- [Rupert’s mis-
respondent remark, in the little mention that is here made ofconduct^
Rupert or his disgrâce in the surrender. In a former passage (see
p. 3) he is boldly reproved for his conduct before the walls; if that
be true which has been said of him by others he might now hâve
been as severely reproached for his behaviour within them. But
Roe has on this head exercised a forbearance superior to the vulgar
custom of the time when the account was written ; though indeed
the crisis of the civil calenture, when this was composed, was overpast.
In this there is consistency ; there is more ; it may not be too much
to attribute it to a just and generous feeling. Bold in condemning
the master-vices of the Cavaliers, he scorns to employ the language
common to those days in insulting over a fallen adversary. It
would hâve been an opportunity of abuse that ail might not hâve
neglected. The Prince at Bristol, dispirited by evils arising from
his own misconduct, was well known to hâve increased them since
he had been governor; he had grown reckless, and had lost much
a September 10,1645.
b The words of Cromwell in his despatch are these : “ Col. Birch with his men,
and the maj or-general’s (Skippon's) régiment, entered with very good résolution
where their post was, possessing the enemj’s guns, and tuming them npon
them.” Rainsborough, after ail, b ad the hardest task of ail, at Prior’s Hill Fort.
Sprigge, 115.104
MILITARY MEMOIR OP
1645.
Sept.—Nov.
[Birch sent
against Here-
ford.]
[State of Here
f^rdshire.]
of his moral as well as military réputation, in thé eyes of his
friends as well as enemies.a
To return once more to Birch. He had assisted in this affair
with a considérable command of horse and foot; yet appears
nowhere after the storm but as at the head of a volunteer régiment,
governor of Bath, with Bristol in his charge. Here he was left,
while Fairfax and Cromwell passed away to other successes. The
position was little suited to his taste. Alternately elevated and
depressed, he considered the supervision of two places already
humbled to submission as no better than want of employaient,
where there was neither prospect of advancement nor of future
gain. We are led, however, to infer that he had higher aims. I'n a
fit of weariness he contemplated once more laying aside the pro-
fession of arms. His prospect of advancement seemed at an end.
But a new opening unexpectedly presented itself. Going to
London in the mîddle of November 1645, and communicating his
intention to his friends and the Committee of Safety, he obtained
a fresh appointaient, coinciding more acceptably with his in-
clinations. From them he received a force of horse and foot,
composed partly of his own men, with other provisional assistance,
and a sort of roving commission. In this, with the consent and
aid of the governor of Gloucester,b to whose superintendance Here-
fordshire had been committed, he was directed to march towards a
part of the kingdom before unknown to him,; his précisé orders
were to “ distress the city of Hereford.”
Hitherto has the commentator accompanied the writer and his
» “ Prince Rupert is so much given'to his ease and pleasure, that every man is
disheartened that sees it. This city of Bristol is but a great house of baudry, and
will ruine the King ; and, by ail 1 see, Prince Rupért is resolved to lye hy it.”
(Treyor to M. of Ormonde; Carte’s Ormonde, iii. 354.) He was so unpopular at
his marching away, that the country people called out “ Give him no quarter.”
The general himself attended him with the ladies two miles out from the city.
(Sprigge, 111,112.) Baker says that the people of the town would stand by him
no longer. Chronicle, 499.
b Note 25.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
105
comrade throughout their military wanderings and hair-breadth 1645*
adventures in the West. The scene must now be changed to a
very different quarter, where the struggle had been hardly less
intense, and where it had been going on with singular activity.
The story of Herefordshire in its civil miseries is one which the
commentator had once thought to hâve opened more fully, had time
and opportunities served. But tliough reduced here as to its
dimensions it is too interesting that it should go untold, even in
the part that verges towards its close. Wherefore turning his back
altogether on the distractions of the West, and throwing aside the
staff with which the MS. of Roe has hitherto supplied him, he
must attempt for a while as a mere harbinger to préparé the way
for the exertions of Birch in this hitherto untried sphere of occu-
pation, by a short transfer to that western remoter border of Britain,
where from their earliest days the Welsh had ever shown their
blind attachment to their princes, and where from the beginning
this civil strife had been entered into with roman tic loyalty; for ail
classes, from the inhabitant of the hall to the peasant in his hovel,
for the greater part, or with very little exception, had treasured in
their hearts that sentiment which Hopton had inscribed upon his
alliterative banner—
I will strive to serve my sovereign King.
This is that western border-land which Birch is about to invade.
Here is the city, into which he is about to enter, to establish him-
self as a governor ; the country in which he is finally to settle, in
which he is to end his days.
The city and county that he was approaching had done and [City of Here-
suffered mu ch in the cause of Charles I. By drains of men and ford ^
money, through incursions by night and by day, their original
quiet had been succeeded by a long-continued state of alarm and
intrusion. Hereford itself had sustained several hostile visits : one
from the Earl of Stamford in 1642, whom Essex had sent from
Worcester on an errand of occupation before the battle of Edgehill;
others from Waller in the following year. But these had been
CAMD. SOC.	P106
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645. rather aniioyances in the way of forced contribution and limited
plunder. In another more recent attempt it had resisted the Scots,
who had been compelled, after six weeks beleaguering, to break up
from their trenches and retire in disgrâce before the advance of his
Majesty to its relief. The spirits of that whole county, that the
Scottish army had ransacked for subsistence during its irksome
continuance before the capital, had been raised to their highest pitch,
and they were enjoying a temporary triumph. The cause of the
King was low, but they were proud of their recent defence. In
spite of ail former intrusions the place had never yet been entered
by fine force. The natives, both then and for many after géné-
rations, traditionally boasted of it as a “ maiden city.” The Par-
liament saw this. Their committee employed leaders upon whom
they could dépend. The contingency from several causes seemed
favourable, and Birch was sent “ to distress the city of Hereford.”
[Loyal feeling The tone in the politics of this county, when Birch directed his
of Hereford-	_.r	,	, -\Jn	. .	,	11r
shire.]	steps towards it, seems, at the hazard ot répétition, to call tor a
more expanded retrospect of what had originally happened here.
The Parliament’s influence had not much at first affected it, when
England’s troubles began. On the contrary, as has been already
v	related, its almost universal feeling had been in favour of the King.
This was not altogether without some counterpoise ; but for a con-
sidérable season the opposition on behalf of the Houses could scarcely
rear its head. Shut out from the rest of England by wretched
roads and an all-but-unnavigable river, Herefordshire was in general
too content to remain as it had been for centuries before. Many of
the owners of the land enjoyed ample estâtes, but with a single
exception not one of the nobility, whose presence influenced other
parts, had been in résidence here. Its wealthy proprietors were
chiefly baronets or knights; its clergy upholders of the established
ritual ; and, though there might be much ignorance in their flocks,
according to the notion of the Puritans, they had been taught
adhérence to their Church and its temporal head the King. They
ignored for the most part the new teaching of the Houses and theirCOLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
107
divines, and, when the torch was kindling, the county endeavoured 1645*
to extinguish it by expressing tbeir abhorrence of making war for
the King against himself. At the season when pétitions loaded
the tables of the senate, theirs was of the most severe and caustic
character. It was an attempt to read a lesson to the Houses : the
Gommons voted it “an insult,” and resented it by a threat. Ail
this was owing, in Herefordshire, to a knot of Royalists whom their
opponents in dérision called “the Nine Worthies;” Lord Scuda-
more, Fitzwilliam Coningsby, Sir Walter Pye, Sir Henry Lingen,
and others; but they were feebly resisted by Sir Robert Harley,
Sir Richard Hopton, old Sir John Kyrie, and some of inferior note.
When the Royalists petitioned, an attempt had been made for pro-
curing a counter-petition, but it failed, because sufficient respectable
signatures could not be found. The Parliament, however, adopted
means for interfering with this unanimity and fancied security, and
introduced the wedge by way of arms. When the Earl of Essex
went down to Worcester before the battle of Edgehill, he sent for-
ward a force under Lord Stamford, as already mentioned, to occupy
the city, and disturb the Royalists around it. This was seconded
by the usual dash of Sir William Waller in one of his military
rovings, when, without difficulty, he twice entered and raised con-
tributions. At this time Lord Scudamore was captured ; and some
of “ the Nine Worthies,” previously taken at Highnam near Glouces-
ter,a were carried off to Bristol. The whole of this had occurred
before the latter place had in the time of Birch been wrested from
the Parliament, and while, as we hâve already told, he was a volun-
teer there.
As to Hereford itself, from the time that Waller had forced his [Hereford a
way and carried off his captives, it had been placed under authorised milltary Post*]
military government : not always at first well administered, for it
had been undertaken by those who were not equal to the task ; but, in
process of time, when the appointment fell from the Marquis of
Hertford to Prince Rupert, it had its governor to command, and
a Corbet, Bibl. Glouc. 29.108
MILITAKY MEMOIR OF
Hereford.]
1645‘ its Committee to collect assessments, by misnomer called contribu-
tions, and its regular garrison, if necessary, to enforce them. Much
of tbe moral influence of the landed proprietors, and the feeling of
the public throughout the county, was disturbed by the military
occupation of the provincial capital ; yet after ail it was a source
from which royal levies were drawn upon emergency : a place
whither the King himself, after the fatal battle of Naseby, had re-
treated, and where he was received, though in distress, with joy and
acclamations, as if he had indeed been a fortunate King. And in
truth, though this had not, like many other counties, seen its fields
strewed with the slain of many battles, it had tasted some of the
bitterness of this draught of sorrow.
[Governors of The sélection of governors for the city and county had not always
been fortunate. The six that had ruled there, reckoning down-
wards from Herbert Price, and including the présent officer, had
held it for the King. Myn, who immediately preceded the existing
governor, was indeed a soldier of the highest ability, maturest ex-
périence, and most encouraging hopes. But his course had been
eut short. Massey, the indefatigable commander at Gloucester,
surprised him and his Anglo-Irish régiment in the field at Red-
marley in the county of Worcester, slew or dispersed them ail, and,
arnidst the universal regret of soldier and citizen, bore the corpse of
the colonel to an honourable funeral at Gloucester. After the brief
interposition of Colonel Barnard, a temporary commander, equally
[Sir Bamabas unfortunate, Sir Bamabas Scudamore was chosen by Prince Rupert
to be governor of Hereford. The post of governor, nominally
under the Royal Commission, was actually under the Prince. It
had been in some instances elsewhere the object of cabal and con-
tention : it does not appear to hâve been so here. In some cases it
had been much coveted : the présent occupier had found it no easy
task from the hour he had taken it in hand. The qualities for
which Rupert had appointed him could not hâve been of a mean
oràer, as his acquaintance and connexion with the country, of which
he was a native, seemed to hâve rendered the appointment appro-
Scudamore.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
109
priate. He was a younger brother of the noble house of Hom
Lacy near the city ; and, as a soldier of fortune, with the slender
and dépendent means of such an one, had adopted that profession
which frequently fell to the lot of younger brothers in noble families.
He had throughout exposed his person for the King in various
places : a at the siégé of Lichfield under Kupert ; b at Ashby-de-la-
Zoucli with Hastings ;c in Monmouthshire with the forces at
Kaglan ;d and ever acquitted himself with a soldier’s honour. If
his post were at ail an enviable one it was now by no means an easy
one. His command extended over a wide district, and his com-
mission is more stringent and ample than any earlier governor
received ; and it shows the necessity of the time, and of arbitrary
and extensive power. The State of the Eoyalists had retrograded in
these as in other parts. The necessity and the increased arbitrary
nature of that power, exercised in whatever way it might hâve been,
was liable to unpopularity, and to provoke jealousy. The only plea
that could hâve been tendered by an officer thus circumstanced
must hâve been that put into the mouth of Dido :
Res duræ et regni noyitas me talia cogant
Moliri.
From the first hour that he had accepted it, he had difficultés
and embarrassments of no small moment to contend with, both
within as well as without the walls. When he entered upon his
command at the departure of Colonel Barnard, the provisional suc-
cessor to Myn, he found himself at the head of 457 foot-soldiers
and inferior officers in the garrison, besides townsmen in arms.
What horse he might hâve would be lying out in convenient
quarters within call ; but their numbers, so far as this evidence goes,
a Serjeant-Major Scudamore is mentioned in a letter from Thomas Bnshell to Sir
Francis Ottley as being at Shrewsbury after tbe battle of Edgehill at Christmas.—
Collectanea Topograpbica, vi. Ottleiana, 22.
b Ottleiana.
c Harl. MSS. 986.
d Merc. Aulicus, May 22, 1644.
1645.
[The gover-
nor’s dif-
ficulties.]110
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645. do not appear.a The weekly pay of the military amounted, when
the account was taken, to 531. 4s. 0d. and when the treasurer handed
over his reckonings, having accounted for sundry payments of
moneys lent, repairs of fortifications, and disbursements for neces-
saries under different items, there remained on the last day of
September, 1644, a slender balance of something less than
21 10$. 0d. To meet future wants would be of course his immé-
diate care : the issue of warrants for supply, or enlistments, would
rest with the magistrates composing the committee : these would
be issued to the constables of the different parishes within certain
districts, and their returns were strictly enforced. The process
was regular; not always easy of execution; but the officiais
could call in the military to its aid, in the last extremity ; for
these were the days of sword-law. Demands might more fre-
quently be accompanied by mere threats on the Royalists’ side,
who were cautious of disgusting their own neighbourhood ; they
were inflicted more remorselessly by the agents of a Parliamentary
committee. But the process was bad enough in any case, when
ill-humour or exaspération prevailed among those who were com-
pelled to demand and obey. The office ôf chief constable and his
subordinates was peculiarly odious, as they were frequently forced
by tums to act in making assessments for both parties, when parishes
were altemately pressed upon by inroads to find subsistence for
[Garrisons.] hungry soldiers, or recruits to supply their loss. But the multi-
plication of petty garrisons on either side, particularly in bordering
* [A party of considérable strength,containing a number of “jpadees” (horseboys
attending the cavalry ? see Devereux’s Life of Essex, ii. 353),—and inclnding “some
horse and foot from Hereford,” the whole commanded by Sir William Vaughan,
marched in the direction of Montgomery to the relief of Chester, about two months
before the surprise of Hereford. It was reported that Scudamore sent a hasty
message to recall them ; but, if true, it was to no purpose. On the news of the
eapture of Hereford these forces, then at Whitchurch, “ retreated to theire holds, ail
saue the Hereford men, who haue now noe garrison to retreat vnto, but curse their
fortunes for leaueing Hereford to goe with Yaughan to releeue Chester, and loosing
their owne, and are gone with him into Bridgnorth.”—MS. Letter-book of Sir
W. Brereton, ii. 49 ; iii. 107.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
111
counties, had become the scourge of the country. They consisted 1645.
chiefly of the defensible houses of the nobility and gentry, and
seemed to hâve been a favourite engine in Prince Rupert’s System
of hostilities. One of the uses to which they were applied was the
ease with which parties might be collected out of them: their
abuses were grievously oppressive. In Shropshire and the counties
of Stafford and Worcester they existed to an alarming extent.a
Established on principal lines of communication, they were set up
or withdrawn as circumstances required. Sometimes they were
admitted by the proprietor as his only means of defence : at other
times a military occupation was forced upon him against his will.
According to the dispositions of the governor they proved too
often the misery rather than the protection of the neighbourhood,
and were liable to be commanded by strangers or foreigners who
had no sympathy with the surrounding country. A large amount
of private and public suffering was occasioned by these intruders,
whose exactions and insolencies became odious, and whose fortified
abodes were often converted into scenes of contention and rapine.
A mansion of this class existed at Canon Frome in the rich and [Canon
fertile valley of the Frome. It kept open the passage between the *rome-]
cities of Hereford and Worcester, and was so far fortunate as to
hâve had at this time for its governor Colonel Barnard, who made
way for Scudamore when he was promoted to be governor of the city.
But if Barnard had been acceptable to the natives, his garrison,
consisting of a mixture of Anglo-Irish, appears to hâve been far
otherwise to them. Canon Frome, an ancient résidence of the
knightly family of the Hoptons of Ilerefordshire, was strongly
fortified. It had a moat and a drawbridge. The owner, Sir
Richard Hopton, one of the few who adhered to the Parliament,
had been driven out from his home : his eldest son, Sir Edward,
was in Oxford with a régiment he had raised.b When the Round-
heads marched to Hereford under Stamford in 1642, Sir Richard
* See Mrs. Stackhouse Acton’s interesting Illustration of the Shropshire Garrisons.
b Hopton MSS.112
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645. committed himself to their cause by showing encouragement to
them ; and, when they withdrew, had to undergo the conséquence.
His mansion was sacked, and the fumiture sold or pillaged by the
neighbourhood. In this State was Canon Frome, compelled sub-
sequently to admit a Eoyalist governor. In the year 1645 the
peasantry were exasperated by the occupiers of this strong-hold ;
being subordinate to Hereford, it took part in their exactions.
[Club-men.] Between them the country became intolerably oppressed : clubmen
were rising in various quarters ; and here they abounded : a part of
their complaint was the treatment they endured from both the
garrisons of Hereford and Canon Frome. Symptoms of popular
risings had appeared in the month of March in Shropshire and
Worcestershire; ail at once the malcontents were said to be gathering
in great multitudes; by degrees the cloud had rolled on towards
Herefordshire, and burst on a sudden with violence and disorder.
Oppression was their plea : neutrality was their cry.a From some
insults received at the hands of Eoyalist, most probably Anglo-
Irish, soldiers, a large body of the peasantry had recourse to
arm s; a fray occurred in the hundred of Broxash between them
and the soldiers of Scudamore; some blood was shed, and much
threatening language employed; an armed crowd came up and
faced the walls of Hereford, calling out for redress or vengeance.
The governor at first had affected to despise this movement, tili
at length it assumed a serious form. With arms in their hands,
they delivered a set of demands in writing; among others was
the withdrawal of this garrison of Canon Frome. From in-
telligence of this movement Massey hastened from Gloucester to
Ledbury in hopes of establishing a communication with them ; but
he found that they were neither wholly for the Parliament
nor for the King, but as neutrals determined to associate for the
préservation of the country from plunder. Scudamore acted with
great energy: in his proclamation he firmly opposed them, de-
nounced their unruly conduct, challenged the assistance of ail loyal
a Note 26.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
113
persons to corne to his aid, and pointed out the ringleaders by name. 1645.
After much wrangling a réconciliation was effected : some who had
shown themselves most forward in tbe tumult were arrested and
punished. Massey soon saw his hopes extinguished, and retired,
unable to corne to an understanding with them. Rupert overtook
and slew some of them, and the remainder withdrew to their homes.
This agrarian insurrection, as to Herefordshire, has been little
noticed by historians, though many articles respecting it are to be
found in the newsbooks: yet to the governor of Hereford it was the
cause of much uneasiness. But ail this disquietude was surpassed
by the invasion of the Scots, who, at the instigation of the Par- [Scotch In-
liament, marched down under the Earl of Leven, attempting to of hereford6]
take possession of Hereford. As they passed by they took Canon
Frome by assault, slew Barnard the governor, and put most of the
garrison to the sword. Scudamore on this occasion showed himself
worthy of what had been trusted to his. care. During a regular
siégé of six weeks he treated their summons with a refusai, resisted
their attacks, and turned a deaf ear to the persuasion of Parlia-
mentary friends ; opposed assaults with sallies, and mines with
countermines, till at length the Scots, baffled and disappointed of
Parliamentary help, on intelligence that his Majesty was marching
to the relief of the besieged, and that the successes of Montrose
required their return to the North, broke up from their leaguer on the [The siège
5th of September, and retired amidst the dérision and joy of the de- raise(1-]
fenders. Hereford and the whole county were transported with
exultation and triumph. By their presence before the outworks, as
well as their intrusion and spoil throughout even the remotest
corners of the agricultural borders, the enemy had irritated the
whole of the country. A committee had been appointed by Par-
liament to supply them with provisions, but in that engagement
they signally failed ; this forced the invaders to seek their sub-
sistence where they could find it, and it was recollected that it had
not been the first occasion on which the Scottish nation had done
so in other parts of England. Here it was held in lasting remem-
CAMD. SOC.	Q114
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645. brance. Tradition of their presence has from that time to tins hour
been handed down through successive générations : they employed
their horse in collecting provisions, and sometimes money, through
ail the parishes : their voracity was almost proverbial : the common
people on many occasions turned upon them—even the females,
individually, helped to join in the résistance, and evil-entreated
famished stragglers who entered their doors, though, as the writer
has traditionally learned from the descendants of the sufferers in
those days, where no résistance was made, the conduct of the in-
truders was not in general marked with wanton insult and cruelty.
Ma^seyatLed- Such had been the trials undergone in this région and its chief
buiy.]	city during the autumn of the year 1645 : so far the Royal cause
seemed sustained for a while by Rupert’s authority that bore down
ail opposition. Massey was beaten out of Ledbury with disgrâce,
and commanded away to strengthen the forces of Fairfax and
Cromwell, on which Birch had turned his back. The departure of
Massey from Gloucester had made room for a new governor there,
Colonel Morgan. Herefordshire was tranquil, and for a season
joyous. Ail except the Parliamentary occupation of Canon Fromea
appeared to favour the .Royal cause, but such information had
reached the Committee of Safety in London that it led them to a
resolution of making an attempt upon Hereford. In the small
village of Wilton-upon-Wye the traveller is still attracted by the
remains of a once considérable dwelling, whose fragmentary Windows
and blackened walls owe their dilapidation to this time. Without
exactly determining the date of its destruction by fire, the origin of
its ruin may thus be traced. It was the résidence of the family of
Brydges, and had been inherited by a long descent of ancestry that
a Canon Frome was left by the Scots as a parting gift to the Parliament. It
annoyed Scudamore, who made an unsuccessful attempt to recover it by means of a
machine called a Sow—a revival of one of the contrivances of the middle âges. It
was captured at Malvem. One of them had been employed by the Parliamentarians
at the siégé of Beeston Castle. (Brereton Correspondence, i. 308.) Two engines, a
Boar and a Sow, had been used at the siégé of Corfe Castle, May, 1643.—Merc.
Rustic. 104.
[Wilton
Castle
burned.]COLONEL JOHN BIKCH.
115
placed them among the high-born of the country. Sir Giles
Brydges, baronet, the father, was still living, and had an heir, who
had embraced the soldier’s life. Sir John Brydges, kniglit, had
held the command of an Irish régiment that had served among
those who were seht to that island to avenge the massacre of the
Protestants there, and had returned to recruit the losses in his ranks.
By the time he had reached his house at Wilton Castle he found ali
things distracted by the war. The governor of Hereford, and Sir
Henry Lingen (the sheriff) at Goodrich Castle, had endeavoured to
persuade him to join them : his refusai was the cause of a quarrel
with them, and though the state of his house was not sucli as could
admit of a garrison like that of Canon Frome, so as to be occasion
of jealousy to them, their dispute came to open rupture. They sent
him notice that it should be burned down, and they were as good
as their word. One Sunday morning, according to tradition, they
joined their forces, came upon it while ail the family were at church,
and reduced it to the blackened and wasted pile that now présents
itself. This is the fact, almost forgotten by those who see it in
decay, and are not generally aware that the fiâmes of Wilton Castle
proved in a great measure the loss of Hereford, and by conséquence
in no small degree the ruin of the Royal cause. After this mis-
fortune Sir John sought refuge in Gloucester, and cherished in his
heart a hope of revenge.
This, as was afterwards évident, had not been so soon compassed, [Insecure con-
but that it was aided by several concurrent causes. Hereford itself, in °* Here’
spite of outward appearances, exposed as it was to spies and in-
formers, was inwardly far from secure. The State of its society
was unfavourable to it : it had become a city of refuge : the sick
and the disabled and the destitute, those that had been elsewhere
expelled and proscribed, without a home to shelter them, helpless
females and unsuccessful soldiers, had encumbered the place. Some
were of note. There was Sir Henry Spiller, exempt from pardon
by the Houses, whose oaks had been profusely levelled by the se-
questrator ; Lord Brudenell, long afflicted with the dropsy, whose116
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645.
[Treachery
Rovalist
Officers.]
painful wanderings had commenced with the beginning of the civil
disturbances ; Judge Jenkins, who had in his office condemned
Parliamentarians as rebels and traitors to the execution of the law ;
and, lastly, Sir Thomas Lunsford, one of the bravoes concerned in
the arrest of the five members—detested by his opponents, and not
highly esteemed by his political friends, he had endured a long
confinement at Windsor, and, since his escape or libération, had
commanded and lost the town of Monmouth. These were des-
perate, and so might the greater portion of the Koyalists hâve been
deemed on near inquiry. The character of a “ cage of unclean
birds ” applied by the Puritans to those in Newark might hâve been
employed to express every officer and private, for a simple staff,
wielded in the name of the King, had been enough to constitute the
hand that bore it delinquent to the Parliament. But ail were not
faithful to the Eoyal cause.
of It is rare that one in suprême authority can act without giving
offence. Some officers of the garrison, not named by Eoe, had
contracted such mortal displeasure against the governor that they
had withdrawn themselves from the defence into the country, while
they still contrived to keep up intercourse with the disaffected
within the garrison. The communication was set on foot by Sir
John Brydges.a The opening of their inquiry on the part of Birch
and Morgan was, however, unfavourable. It dashed the hopes of
the former; but his resolution and talent here once more came to
a [“ Sir John Brydges being discontented for the burning of his house, and for
some reproachful language given him by one of his Majestie’s générais, upon the
businesse of the Clubmen, and angry with me for not having something that he
desired, which yet I conld not give him, quits the King’s quarters and goes to
Gloucester, where and in the parts adjacent residing some two or three months, and
coming sometimes into Herefordshire in disguise, the better to lay his désigné, at
length goes up to London, and présents to the Committees of both Kingdoms propo-
sitions for the taking of Hereford by the way of stratagem, as he calls it. Hereupon
order is given to Col. Birch, then Govemour of Bath, to joyne his forces with Col.
Morgan, Governour of Glocester, for the purposes aforesaid.”—Sir B. Scudamore’s
Defence.]COLONEL JOHN BIKCH.
117
his aid. Except in the instance of Waller, Roe, to ail but his hero, 1645.
is char y of approbation ; but it is an admission of the ability of
Scudamore amounting to praise, that Birch should hâve thought
the undertaking impracticable. Daunted in the face of danger he
could not be ; disappointed for a short time he might be. As at
Plypiouth and 'Abingdon, he might feel dépréssion, for that is
shown to hâve been part of his tempérament. Upon further in-
vestigation he “ screwed his courage to the sticking place as he
had done at Crondall, so he did at Hereford. In the language of
mythology, he resolved that the arts of Mercury should précédé the
sword of Mars, and, as is fabled of old at Troy, secured the way to
conquest by a bribe.a
The means by which he compassed his end, with the concurrent
aid of Colonel Morgan, are so explicitly and vividly told in detail
by Roe, that the original narrative needs only a few explanations to
elucidate what an eye-witness has himself supplied.
The account of this extraordinary success reached the Houses on [Parlia-
the 22nd of December.b Each of the messengers by whom it was
brought was rewarded : thanks were voted to the two Colonels :
Lieutenant Barrow, “ the Constable of Hereford,” received a hand-
some proof of their gratitude ; and a thanksgiving was appointed
on the ensuing Sunday in the churches of London. The news was
speedily current everywhere ; the press vied in spreading the in-
telligence, and it was given with a variety of particulars as delightful
to the Parliament as they were mortifying to their opponents. In
an authorised publication of letters, and particularly in a pamphlet
called u A New Tricke to take Townes/’c the names of the two
• Note 27.
b [It should hâve been noted on the MS. that some confusion exists as to the date
of the capture of Hereford, and that neither the recollection of Roe or Birch could
be trusted in what might naturally hâve been thought so mémorable an event.
From Birch’s interlinéation on p. 27 the surprise is fixed on Dec. 17th ; according
to Roe’s statement on p. 31 it took place on the 24th (obviously a week too late).
The “ New Tricke ” and Vicars concur in specifying the 18th, which is no doubt
correct.]	c Appendix XVI.118
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645.
December.
[Easy cap-
ture.]
other conspira tors, Capiains Alderne and Howarth, are added, though
suppressed by Roe. These once formed part of the garrison, and had
quarrellcd with the governor and left him, who, it seems, had also a
“ différence ” with the city. Sir John Brydges of Wilton was
after ail the prime mover, assisted by Hodges, a committee-man,
and member for the city of Gloucester. Colonel Morgan too was
from the beginning, as much as any one, in the secret, and held
consultations with them. He, in fact, as already observed, had pre-
viously been entrusted with the superior command of the Parlia-
mentary interest in Herefordshire, before Birch was sent thither.
But affairs in the city itself had passed into su ch confusion, that, on
the whole, had priva te dissensions and animosities progressed in
their natural course, it was on the way to be lost to the Cavaliers/1
The feeling of a dispassionate observer might here hâve exactly
accorded with the proverb of George Herbert, “ one sound blow
will serve to undo us ail.”
The forcible acquisition of a large town is a serious operation in
any, especially a civil, war, and those who could hâve looked upon
the case in an impartial light might hâve seen cause of congratulation
that it was attended with comparatively mitigated circumstances.
It were taking too wide a range here to allude to the woes that on
this score hâve at times been endured in foreign lands and intestine
wars. Here the killing of a sentry or two at the gâte, a few shots
upon scattered soldiers, or from inhabitants at Windows, by which
not many lives were lost, made up the sum of execution. There
was no continuance of raging tumult amidst blood and spoil and
lire : within a short time ail résistance was found to be useless, and
the Colonels Morgan and Birch were established in the palace of the
Bishop as their head-quarters. By a side-wind,b and through the
ft Note 28.
b Birch and Morgan’s letter to the House of Lords. L. J. Dec. 22, 1645. [The
townesmen hâve suffered by the souldier, by reason we entred it by force and that
the enemy shot out of the windowes and in the streets the souldier was so inraged
that we could not prevent them from plundering, which we indeavoured much toCOLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
119
- pamphlet, “ A New Tricke to take Townes,*’ as well as the list to
be subjoined (Appendix XVII.), it transpires that unrestrained
plunder went on for several hours. The captors considered it as an
onslaught, and the inhabitants were compelled to submit ; but there
is no collateral complaint of violence and disorder. Composition is
admitted to a certain extent for property and personal safety. The
more immédiate work of ransom forperson and property being over,
a Parliamentary Committee appointed for the county came into
operation. It supplied the place of that which had acted under the
name and in the authority of his Majesty. Ail this must be ex-
hibited, though Roe has not helped us to it, but so it was ordered
in the first instance that each responsible citizen, as appears by the
Appendix,a was called upon to supply his assessment, and the
governor gave account some timë after to his employers of his pro-
portion of the spoil.
As to Scudamore, his escape to Ludlow, fortunate as it was, [Escape of
...	. r	...	Scudamore
proved so humiliating to himself, and disappointing to those who and others.]
had been used to look up to him, that he lost his crédit in con-
séquence, with his command. Many were the reasons resorted to
for explanation, and the blâme was divided among various parties.
By some persons it was attributed to the drunkenness and dissipated
habits of the place ; by others to subordinate officiais who were
specially in charge—in particular to the neglect of the town-major :
few who duly considered this subject could lay it altogether to the
fault of Scudamore himself,b who had taken the usual précautions
incumbent upon him, and whose conduct in the Scottish siégé had
called forth the utmost admiration. Wherever the sole or divisible
blâme might rest, his courage had been tested, and could not be
called in question. Be this as it may, it was too well known to be
ever afterwards forgotten that he had been reduced to the necessity
haye done.—From a letter of Lord Byron’s to Prince Rupert (Warburton, ii. 262)
it appears that his men were very discontented, “ in that they think they are sent
away at this time to lose their shares in the pillage of Bristol.”]
a See No. XVII.	b Note 29.1645.
Dec. 18.
[Birch Gover-
nor of Here-
ford—His
difficulties.]
120	MILITARY MEMOIR OF
of shuffling off with a crowd of others over the river on the ice. He
fled an outcast to tlie nearest, or the most convenient and securest,
garrison of Ludlow, where to hide his head,a as others had pre-
viously fled to him for shelter in the hour of distress. Those whom
he had protected and left behind, whose names are triumphantly ex-
posed on the list of captives, were at once pounced upon and
marched off* in the severity of weather as prisoners to London.
Some of the chief of them, who had given signal offence to the
ruling powers there, were committed without delay to the Tower.
But even here a desperate plan was formed for a rescue upon the
road. A body of Royalists from Wallingford made the attempt.
This to a certain extent succeeded. Some Parliamentary Com-
mittee-men who were on the move were caught in the snare intended
for the other escort ; but the Hereford prisoners were brought in
security to London, and delivered over to confinement. Yet this
showed undeniably the resolute spirit with which, in spite of their
overwhelming disaster, the Cavaliers were still animated.
There was something so exceptional and startling in the case of
a stronghold with ail its inmates thus taken by surprise, as to give rise
to an immédiate burst of approbation of him who had been entrusted
with the chief management of the affair. Birch was at once ap*
pointed governor, and a sum of 6,000Z. voted for the payment of his
men by universal acclamation.b The tide of his successes was now
at the flood ; yet unforeseen difficulties presented themselves by the
way. As an utter stranger he could hardly be aware of, though he
soon found out, the temper of the public that he had to control. If,
as often happened (and actually occurred in this case), any of the
military then in garrison passed over to his own side, for it was
frequently done by common soldiers who thought the best cause
was the best pay, still he had to look to many hundred reluctant
a [Thence to Worcester, intending to proceed to the King at Oxford to excuse his
conduct ; but at Worcester he was imprisoned seven months, and, having fruitlessly
endeavoured to ohtain his trial by a court of war, he published a Defence, some
extracts from which will be found appended to Note 29.]
b [His régiment was also to be recruited, at his desire, to 1,200 men.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
121
~ citizens who had taken up arms for the King, and were not so 1645—6.
readily prepared to desert his standard and their own homes. Besides,
it must be borne in mind, what has been already hinted, that in the
population of a place where the very children, to use the Parlia-
mentary word, had been educated as malignants, as well as through-
out the whole country, there had been originally a natural as well
as political disposition for the greater part if not altogether adverse
to the présent as well ail* former intruders. Hereford, we are told,
was “ almost as difïicult to keep as take.” a
Their State of public feeling must be dwelt upon in forming any [He repairs
estimate of Scudamore’s situation. The sagacity of Birch saw thatthe Castled
in the city the old and never-to-be-forgotten remedy for curbing an
unruly population would be required ; and that that which was
originally destined for its protection should be employed, if neces-
sary, against it : so he repaired and strengthened their fortress,b the
castle, and introduced a garrison of his own. He as quickly cast his
eye on any probable danger that might arise from a remainder of
Royalist force in other parts more or less remote.
In the c1 Anglia Rediviva ” of Sprigge, written expressly for the [Former state
purpose of establishing the triumph and superiority of the new- shir?]6*01^*
modelled army, under the head of the “ State of the Kingdom,”
is the following passage referring to Herefordshire, descriptive of its
condition before the Independents of Fairfax and Cromwell took
the field :
ln the
County of
Hereford.
The King had
That County entirely to himself,
with the Garrison s of Hereford,
Gotheridge, and Cannon Froom.
ln the
County of
Hereford.
The Parliament had
No Garrison, Place
of Strength, nor
Field-force.
a [“ Thus we may see that even after almost a conquest, yet they apprehended no
safety; such are the issues and miseries of a civil war, that the victors are full of
fears from those whom they hâve subdued ; no quiet, no security. O let our prayers
he to God, never to hâve such calamitous times again! ”—Whitelocke, 219.]
b Sequestr. Papers, sub voce Awbry, Sériés II. 2882, 593* as to the employment of
the materials of his ruined house for this purpose.
CAMI). SOC.	R122
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645—6.
[ Hereford -
shire lost to
the King.]
Castle of
Goodrich.]
The triumphant contrast is now obvious. The King has lost the
whole of his military power in that ill-fated county, the strong
castle of Goodrich alone remaining; and of that defensible castle
the governor is Sir Henry Lingen.
This gentleman, who was of the ancient stock of this border land,
and had been knighted by his Majesty when he resorted hither
after the battle of Naseby, had been most resolute in his exertions
for the cause he had embraced. Could his actions be rescued from
oblivion they are believed to hâve bordered almost upon romance.
il Harry Lingen ” is still a household word with the natives.
Wherefore it should so hâve been may now be searched among
them in vain. A period has arrived when the remembrance of him
has been nearly lost. It tells but little for the gratitude of a
country that, in two centuries and a half, so much of him should
hâve been forgotten, while he is known to hâve been one of the
most remarkable persons of his place and time. But the march of
improvement disturbs or arrests the current of tradition. The
story that could once hâve enlivened the peasant’s hearth is now no
more; even his descendants can hardly point to the place of his
sépulture ;a and he has left little to posterity but the shadow of a
brave and generous name.
The subject of Goodrich Castle in its présent State and remote
origin has so amply employed the pencil of the artist and the re-
searches of the antiquary as to leave little room for pictorial taste or
laborious investigation. It belongs not, doubtless, to the province
of the commentator to indulge too far in the sentimental part of
this subject; but it is impossible in the view of that ruined baronial
structure, which is believed, when perfect, on a small scale to hâve
represented the manners of the middle âges, not to regret its sad
condition, as it frowns darkly on the rippling waters below. To be
acquainted too with the cause of its réduction to such a condition
adds not a little to that regret. The voice of time, in the language
of the poet, “ disparting towers,” has not alone revealed the secret
ft He and his lady are buried at Stoke Edith.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
123
of these demolished walls ; the most interesting of our structures 1646.
bear traces throughout this island of the evil passions, of either the
avarice or the anger of man.
Should any passage of warmth or floridness of description escape [Présent state
as in this instance from a considerate pen, its excuse may be Castle.]
entrusted to the feelings of the well-instructed voyager, when first
he moors his bark on the margin of the charming Wye, in his
ascent to the height on which this shattered fortress stands, or
when he treads its court, and beholds the désolation that surrounds
him.
The civil and religious heat of the new governor of Hereford	of
brooked no unnecessary delay ; with an increased force and a supply
of money he applied himself in due time to remove the evils that
remained to obstruct his rule. Lingen held the stronghold of
Goodrich. He determined that this should not be permitted ; and
there were other reasons why he would not rest till the “ castle
should topple on its warder’s head.”
To any one who still beholds and considers its situation it cannot [Situation of
but appear well chosen for such a purpose as the Eoyalists required. Castte!]*1
It stood between two districts that from of old, even up to that
time, bore the vestiges of independent power, and by their natural
privilèges and aspect laid claim to it. They were lands of fastnesses.
Eastward the Forest of Dean, though of late it had been harassed
almost to distraction by Prince Rupert, was not as yet totaily
exhausted. It had furnished a Parliamentary garrison and “ the
constable ” for Canon Frome; neither was it, on the other hand,
without resources for the Cavalier. North-westward, and in the
direction of Hereford itself, lay the district of Irchinfield, whence,
though far away beyond, towards the Hatterel Hills, stretched out
a land whose customs neither the Roman nor the Saxon had
eradicated,—whose forests and marshes had formed the retreat of
the patriot and refuge of the outlaw. The whole région abounded
in strongholds that had been constructed by the Normans; and
Goodrich Castle was one of these.124
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1G46.
[Character
Lingen.]
[Goodrich
Castle a
garrison.j
To return to its présent occupant and his efforts. It may beseen
of from the preceding observations tbat time and an ungrateful
country hâve left too little of the authentic respecting Sir Henry
Lingen to gratify altogether the wish of the inquirer or the reader.
It is not very possible to discern how far he may hâve attained to
the true idéal of a real Cavalier, or whether he was rather a coarse
or vulgar aspirant * to public applause ; yet, as regards his sincere
and honest résistance, sufficient is known of him from the national
archives still existing as to his sufferings by pecuniary losses, and
the valour and constancy with which he had incurred and endured
them, tili he had been deprived of the greater part of his property :
in short that he did not give way till the whole of the religious
and political System for which he had contended had crumbled over
him, even as at Goodrich he had scorned to yield till every tile had
tumbled over his head, and the breach was ready for the assault
that would hâve ended in his own death and that of his followers.
Anthony Earl of Kent, who had not long since taken his seat in
the House of Lords on the death of his father, was the owner, but
résident elsewhere. It was the fate of void even as of well inhabited
houses to be seized upon by either of the disputants. Thus the
Earl of Stamford made Goodrich a convenient harbour for his men
when he plundered the neighbourhood and reduced the celebrated
Koyalist Swift^ the vicar, to the condition of an outcast, and his wife
and children to absolute poverty.a The Marquis of Hertford had after-
wards secured it; and, not to dwell upon any intermediate attempt
at occupation while hostilities had been agitating in the parts between
Hereford and Monmouth, and when the Scots were roving through-
out the country, it was now a garrison, and the only one near
Hereford that assisted in upholding the fallen power of the King.
a This, one of the earliest achievements of merciless plundering, was put in
practice by Captain Kyrie, a neighbour to the vicar and his family. He was an
officer under the Earl of Stamford, but afterwards, as will appear, a Parliamentary
colonel, and comrade of Birch. He had' the unenviable distinction of being the
first to disturb his defenceless neighbours in the adjoining parish of Goodrich.—
Merc. Rustic. 71 et seqq.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
125
Lingen had escaped the fate of the captives and of Scudamore,
though he, too, along with the latter, had scrambled over the ice.
It had been among the reports of the time that his house at Sutton
Frene was destroyed by fire. Wherever his family had fled for
safety, the walls of Goodrich were now his military home, and
hence he at once dérivés importance. He had stocked them as far
as he could with what was necessary for defence, and with him
was a company of gentry as officers and privâtes attached to the same
cause; though after ail but “ a faithful few, a little band of brothers,”
Exigui numéro, sed bello vivida virtus,a
determined to resist to the last. None there were traitors. Ail
things wore the air of loyalty about them ; even the pile of coal that
in the time of the writer was dug from the rubbish of 1646, was a
symptom of the provision that had been made; and the very brazen
saucepan of the cook, then also discovered, contained his daily ad-
monition, for the inscription in pierced letters on the metallic handle
was
C • V • B • LOYAL * TO • HIS • MAGISTEIE .
—and bade him to be ready for any attempt against them. At least
a hundred borses stood in the stable upon the counterscarp ; the
riders were bold and experienced ; they knew ail the intricate and
hidden roads of the country, those of the hundred of Wormelow
with ail its loyal attachments, and especially of the district of
Irchinfield, where dwelt their purveyor—and, what is still perhaps
ofequal importance, ail the fords, of which 20 existed between
Hereford and Monmouth.b This* display may in some sense be
thought insignificant or as resembling too much the struggle of a
sinking cause in the' late Italian troubles ; but it will bear as little
comparison in the mind of the dispassionate as those of the en-
deavours of a disinterested party who had everything but honour to
lose, can bear to the feats of the torturing assassin or the professed
thief.
a Æneid, y. 754.	b Scudamore MSS.
1646.126
MIL1TARY MEMOIR OF
When they looked around them they could apparently reckon
upon no marching force to corne to their rescue, and their com-
munications were gradually eut ofF; for though the garrisons of
Ludlow, Worcester, Madresfield, and Raglan, as it seems by the
text, were the objects of appréhension to Birch himself, they were
for the présent paralysed, and, strictly speaking, after the loss of
Hereford, not one remained in the county. Raglan, already invested,
was at too great a distance to hâve afforded relief to Goodrich ; and
as to Monmouth, Morgan had taken measures to secure that town
and the part of Wales behind it.
The whole of this attitude, rightly estimated, might therefore
the Gamson.] thought bold and gallant enough in the eye, if not altogether to
the hope, of the Royalists ; and, by the way, even now may appear
too much so to hâve been almost consigned to oblivion. But, from
the point at which the Parliamentarian looked at it, it presented no
more than the desperate strivings of an obstinate malignant enemy,
severely crippled, but not as yet to be despised.
[Difficult task The	^ie governor °f Hereford in overcoming his obstacles
of Birch.] was in the meantime accoinpanied by no little difficulty and danger.
The process of converting to obedience those who were harassed
by the demands of ransom or séquestration in city and country was
not an easy one, and, while the remainder of the winter was occupied
in repairing the castle of Hereford, it was also vigilantly employed
in an endeavour to cope with that spirit of aversion which rendered
those repairs necessary. The safety of himself and of his new-
modelled garrison, as well as the tranquillity of the place, were
constantly at the hazard of a popular outbreak. The public con-
tinued to cast their eyes towards Lingen as their champion. While
his gamson were in the saddle, for therein consisted his chief
strength, he was able under ail disadvantages to compète in some
sort with Birch and thwart him. He could go within a certain
range and enforce requirements upon Royal authority, and claimed
to be the représentative of his master, undisturbed by the Parlia-
mentary committee, or their agent the newly-appointed governor.
1646.
[Isolation of
Goodrich
Castle.]
[Courage ofCOLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
127
While those whom he held to be usurping intruders were vexing
his suffèring friends, he ventured even to exact support from and
extend protection to his adversaries, to execute warrants and require
contribution in the name of his Majesty.a In the country through-
out the Southern hundreds the British trackways furnished him with
great facilities ; even long after, the talk of the common people
would be in his favour; the Cavaliers doubted not that “ they
should hâve a day, or time, for it, again.”
So disturbed a condition of government as Roe allows us to
understand, of which this is but a feeble représentation, could not
long be endured, and accordingly the turn of events made way for
a change upon the approach of spring. Three months had elapsed
since the surprise of Hereford, and Lingen and his men had con-
tinued unsubdued. He could still find means of existence in the
core of the country, could draw his resources from considérable dis-
tances, and obtain supplies of victual for man and horse. Corn and
cattle, oats, hay, and straw were at his command. The roads
towards Gloucester and Hereford were far from being entirely closed
to him. Birch was at length urged by the necessity of time, and
the provocation constantly offered at Goodrich, to make some attempt
against it.
As soon as it was announced at Oxford that Hereford had been
irrevocably lost, Sir Jacob, now Lord, Astley, was sent upon an
important mission to colléet ail the force that could be spared from
the remaining Royalist garrisons of Salop, Stafford, and Worcester.
His immédiate object was the relief of Chester, besieged by Colonel
Sir William Brereton, and now almost at the last gasp. These
garrisons he found in the utmost disorder, caused by supernumerary
officers whose régiments were broken up, and privâtes who were
desperate for want of pay. Ail things were in confusion; and, as
he travelled from one to the other, his own finances were so reduced
1646.
[Birch
résolves to
attempt
Goodrich.]
[Movements
of Lord Ast-
ley—Birch’s
successes
against Lin-
gen.]
a [He made a daring attempt in Jan. 1646, to intercept the retum of the gnard of
a convoy that had been sent from Newnham through the Forest of Dean to Hereford,
but failed in conséquence of the non-appearance of the expected party.]128
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1646.
that he was compelled to solicit money for his expenses on this
journey. He found that Sir Lewis Kirke had abandoned his com-
mand at Bridgenorth, and left everything in disorder. In the
course of the months of January and February he had, however,
exercised such diligence and management as to hâve appointed a
general rendezvous at Bridgenorth towards the beginning of March,
to put himself at the head of a body of men desperate and valiant,
wrought up to the resolution of venturing their last stake in the
field- They consisted of about 3,000, and were ready to hâve been
met by others drawn from Oxford, and making an aggregate that
was hoped to be sufficiently able to cope with any that the Par-
liamentarians had to bring against them. It was the knowledge of
this fact that hastened the préparations of Birch, Morgan, and
Brereton, for the Parliament were always well informed of the
measures of their opponents; it therefore behoved Birch to be
ready against the time appointed, though he could not venture to
leave Lingen behindhim. “ Wherefore,” says Roe in his simplicity,
“ y ou tooke vp such a resolution as seldome hath been heard of.”
Under favour of a dark night, by information of the exact height
of the outer wall, and a combination of stratagem, force, and fire,
he contrived to enter and demolish the large stable that rested
against the counterscarp of the castle. By this single master-stroke
he carried off or destroyed nearly the whole of their horses.a An
equal success attended him, arising from a dangerous endeavour to
waylay his person a few nights after, as he was travelling upon
what might hâve been considered the safest road to Gloucester. To
avoid suspicion he took a bye-track, and few attendants. The road
where the ambush was laid was through Fownhope, by the Old
Gore, and on by Eccleswall Castle to Castle End, where it opened
upon the more usual way through Ross to Gloucester : and between
Old Gore and the termination are several undulations, any one of
a [From a letter dated at Hereford, and pnblished in the Perfect Diumall,
March 16, 1645, it appears that Colonel Kyrie at Monmouth sent a party to join in
this expédition.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
129
wliich would be well adapted for the lying in wait and encounter.
It is évident that the failure of this attempt of Birch to reach and
confer with Morgan upon Astley’s project might wholly hâve
thwarted the victory that, by the combination of Birch and Morgan
and Brereton, was obtained at Stow. That fight and its pre-
liminaries are fairly related, except with the usual prominence
aliotted to Birch’s interférence therein,a and the sole crédit of his
having claimed the surrender of the brave and hoary vétéran,
wearied by the toil of the night and the encounter of the morning.b
Thus certain, looking through the train of events, does it appear
that on the entrance of the stable of Goodrich in the first instance
depended the success of the campaign that, not only in this but in
every part of England, materially put an end to any serious opera-
tions in the field. As to the siégé of Ludlow, Worcester, and its
smaller outlying garrisons of Hartlebury and Madresfield, those
places, with many others assailed elsewhere by Fairfax and Cromwell,
collapsed at inter vais as the résistance declined.6 Yet while this
* [In a letter published by Yicars (Buming Bush, 398) from one of Brereton’s
officers who was présent, that commander and Morgan are alone mentioned.]
b No portrait can be given more to the life than that of Sir Jacob Astley by an
anonymous writer, who has left the share of our colonel in the action to the original
description of Roe, and daims the servant of Major Hawksworth as the person to
whom Sir Jacob Astley surrendered. It were injustice to the memory of this
admirable vétéran to omit his prophétie words amid the Parliamentary soldiers on
the field of battle: “ Sir Jacob Ashley being taken captive, and wearyed in this fight,
and being ancient (for old age’s silver haires had quite covered over his head and
beard), the souldiers brought him a drum to sit and rest himselfe upon ; who being
sate, he said (as was most credibly enformed) unto our souldiers, Gentlemen, yee
may now sit downe and play, for you hâve done ail your worke, if you fall not
ont among yourselves.”—Yicars, Burning Bush, 399.
c Mercurius Civicus, Oct. 9-16, 1645, States that 20 garrisons of different sizes had
been taken between April 20 and October 18. [The latter part of Roe’s narrative
is more hurried and less circumstantial than might hâve been expected. Possibly
he may hâve been absent at that time ; if so, the criticism in note a, p. 36, may be
mistaken. This seems the more likely, as a circumstance at the siégé of Ludlow
reflected so much honour upon Birch that Roe would hardly hâve omitted it had it
passed under his own observation. He sat down before the town April 24, 1646 :
CAMD. SOC.	S
1645-6.
Mai ch.130
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1645-6.
Mardi.
[Goodrich
stable bumt.'
was going on, the flag of royal ty and défiance still continued to
float from Goodrich Castle. It might hâve been expected that such
discouragement as Lingen had undergone alone in the reverses
already described must hâve been sufïicient to cast down any
ordinary antagonîst situated as he appears to hâve been. At length,
as is proved by the réquisition sent to the bailiff of Sir Edward
Powell of Pengethly, near Ross, the hour arrived when we may see
him warned and preparing for a last résistance. On the 3rd of
March, 1645-6, he sent a written message to the steward of that
estate, to which he had often in former raids had recourse for con-
tribution and ôther help, and it was couched in these terms :—
Mr Grubb,
I shall desier you to send your three teemes loaded with boards hither presently
and that they may bee of your longest size of Boardes, for I am informed that you
haue very longe ones, I pray you send them away presently for I must make vse of
them presentley a soe I rest
Your loueing
ffrrend
Hen. Lengen.
Gotherig Castle this 3d of March 1645.
(Endorsed) For Mr. Grubb at Pengethley.
Here then is proof of the first premonitory symptom of expected
hostility. Immediately after this, the nightly attack of Birch upon
their stable on the counterscarp, followed up within a few days by
the adventure at the Old Gore near Ross, was so successful that
Birch might well hâve supposed that it would weaken their ability
to annoy, and well-nigh deprive them of the power of future
résistance. How this happened will be seen by his letter to the
on the 29th some forces from Raglan, Goodrich, and Madresfield faced him, but
iretired. Woodhouse, the governor, treated May 20 ; but Birch having left the siégé,
the Royalist refused to give up to any one else, and drove the Shropshire men out
of the town with loss, so that Birch had to return to receive his surrender. This
probably occasioned the envious feeling allnded to by Roe, p. 36.]
a The boards were burned in the siégé. Sir Richard Grenville got aboyé 1,000
deal boards from the Commissioners of Devon to make huts for the soldiers.—
Clarendon, ix.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
131
Speaker of the House of Commons a detailing his complété and ex-
traordinary success.
But it was not without its drawback. To revert to what Roe [ï-ingen^
lias said a little previously ; in recording Birch’s appréhensions as f0rd.]
to what Lingen could do, he lias omitted the notice of what he
actually did ; for, while the governor had only gone for the sake of
Consulting Morgan about the expédition, his appréhensions were
realised. There were intelligencers enough throughout the country
to convey the news of his absence, if the attack upon Goodrich itself
had not given rise to the idea that something was in hand requiring
the absence of the governor. from the city» There were also a great
number of favourers to Lingen’s cause, to help him to repair his in-
juries at the stable, and bring forward horse to encourage and aid him.
Accordingly, while the governor and Kyrieb with Roe were gone
to Gloucester, and the rest of the garrison were commanded to
follow, he dared to do in broad daylight what his adversary had
only ventured to do in the depth of night. He came down at
high noon to the gâte of Hereford, eut the turnpike,c assaulted and
slew the sentries, and alarmed the garrison : but, finding that he
was to be overpowered, made his retreat, and eluded ail pursuit.d
The fact is unquestionable, and the date sufficiently determinable by
the interval for the consultation at Gloucester.
To turn from these brief illustrations to the stream of the story. [His resolu-
These blows, though heavy, fell upon no ordinary adversary.tlon*^
With the last crush of the King’s forces e was actually annihilated
ail chance of revival. His Majesty had himself become a fugitive
from his head-quarters/ and whither he was gone was at first
unknown ; but the flag of Lingen's master continued to float in
défiance from Goodrich tower. It must hâve been plain to ail who
witnessed these proceedings, friend or enemy, that the contest now
a Appendix XVIII.	b Note 30.
c [A kind of cheval-de-frise used in fortification.]
d See the evidence of Nathaniel Collins upon oath.—Séquestration Papers.
« Marc-h 21, 1645-6.	f April 27, 1646.
s 2132
MILITA U Y MEMOIR OF
1046.
July.
[Sie^e of
Goodrich
Castle.]
[Surrender of
Goodrich
Castle.]
could be no other than a question of tirae ; that the days of résistance
were numbered, and ere long to corne to an end. His Majesty gave
liimself up into the hands of the Scots: not a battalion remained to
him in the field : he had ordered the surrender of every fortress
from which his banner had waved : still the Castle of Goodrich con-
tinued in the hands of those who had supported his cause to the
brink of despair, and not till ail, but honour, and the last chance of
life was at stake were these Boyalists prepared to yield. The account
of this ' transaction is dismissed by Eoe in a few sentences, and
reference is therefore made to the letters of the Colonel himself for
his own version.a The call to surrender was followed by a refusal.b
The chief attack was directed on what is still known as “ the Ladies’
Tower,” at the north-western corner, apparently the weakest part
of the building. Their supply of water, through pipes from the
opposite side of a ravine, was eut off ; batteries were raised, and a
mortar-piece, cast expressly for the purpose, was planted at the very
liead of the spring ; the solid rock on which the foundation had
been laid was mined with great difficulty, and countermined by
those within, nor could a breach of sufficient size be made till a
portion of the tower was beaten into the mouth of the mine, and
the foot and horse were drawn up ready to storm. The white flag
was then hoisted, and they surrendered at mercy for their lives.c
Though they had placed themselves in the hands of the victor, it
was neither a time nor an occasion for further bloodshed or igno-
minious death, nor are many of the garrison reported to hâve fallen,
but the roof was in a State of ru in, and the vestiges and inequalities
of the court seem to exhibit it at this hour. They marched out,
allowing for uncertainty of numbers, about 50 officers, reformados
or country gentlemen, and privâtes about thrice as many. Among
them were refugees, such as the Parliamentarians, on account of
their religions creed, had looked upon with feelings of peculiar
bitterness: nothing is at the same time said of their détention as
b Appendix XIX.
a Appendix XX.
c .Note 31.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
133
captives, and Sir Henry himself will be shown to hâve appeared 1646.
within a short time in public with bis sword upon his thigh. Com-
bination for any outward résistance might be supposed from this time
forth to hâve been entirely disarmed of its power ; but it was not
so : the unconquerable feeling that had been so long cherished
continued to smoulder between Parliamentarian and Eoyalist till
the heavy séquestrations of the latter expired. In the meantime the
well-known prophecy of Lord Astley was verified to the letter, as
to the condition that the Parliamentarians in these parts and else-
where, Birch among them, themselves had to encounter during the
confusion and usurpation that ensued. This passage of English
history belongs not to the section with which we hâve had to
interfère ; it remains only to point out that the circumstance of the
élection of Colonel Birch was one to which he was already aspiring
while Goodrich Castle was being destroyed ; a and it proves that he
was, even in the midst of his difficulties, endeavouring to acquire
sufficient influence among those with whom he was about to establish
his home to secure him a seat in the House of Commons—a blood-
less victory, with which the memorialist has thought proper to
close.
Having carried out the theme upon which he had based his [Roe’s con
exhortations, and having applied it to the leading circumstances 0f clusion*3
his unvarnished taie, this writer ends with a fervent expression of
his own grateful acknowledgments to the kindness of his patron and
commander, and, after a soldiership at least of three campaigns, the
comrades part. Roe, who has hitherto attended the Colonel per-
sonally throughout the whole of his military exploits, briefly waits
upon him over the line that sets a limit to theiB, to the door of the
senate-house. He congratulâtes him as a member of that body, and
argues from the past to his future successful exertions for the good
of his country: he tenders respectfully these memorials of the
former, and adds a prayer for his subséquent welfare. Hardly a line
escapes from him who composëd, or him in whose hands these
a Appendix XX.134
MILITARY MEMOIjR OF
1646.
[Close of com-
ment ary.]
[Nature of
Roe’s Me-
moir.]
memorials are placed, as to the writer, his name, or office : they are
nowhere directly to be found, nor can it be determined whether the
MS. was a parting gift, or, if so, whether these two persons ever
met again. Ail that has been ascertained has already been said of
the writer,a and, admitting the conjecture of the préfacé to be
correct, beyond it he is lost in the cloud of war that discharged
itself on the combatants in Ireland.
As this imperfect attempt at exposition professes to be no more
than an illustration of the military proceedings of Colonel Birch till
his entrance into Parliament, and as little is admitted into the
memoir with respect to the latter part of his conduct leading to that
event, the commentator, having no text for amplification, may be
permitted on this score to bring his observations towards a close;
but a few remarks at this stage may not be inadmissible.
It is hardly possible to rise from the perusal of this singular per-
formance without an impression that while its primary and professed
object is to give glory to God, its secondary intention is to bestow
praise upon man; and that, while it exhorts to gratitude, there is
mingled with it a provocative and an indulgence to self-gratulation.
After every allowance has been made for the admission of this its
Iower tendency, and for an excusable omitting on the part of Koe of
anything that might operate to the disadvantage of his friend, it
needs in candour to be once more impressed upon the reader that
this sketch is in some parts couched in language that exalts the
importance of Birch in a way of which no trace has been elsewhere
found, and that expressions are used that the Governor of Hereford
did not refuse to accept as his own, though they are to be discovered
in no other writer. How far, to pursue the metaphor, the artist who
has given us this portrait of Birch may hâve been induced to adopt
undue proportions for the principal figure in his canvas, must be
left to others to détermine. The same may be noted of expressions
as of events. If, from what has been brought forward in illustra-
a Préfacé.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
135
tion, some of these may appear to hâve been presented in a one- 1646.
sided view, it is believed that nothing will be discovered to contra-
dict the leading facts of the time. Roe’s statements are in the main
confirmed by other authorities, and where they hâve been found to
differ, they hâve not been passed by unnoticed. That his memory
at ail times served him perfectly on minor unimportant matters—
this cannot be contended, while it may not be permitted to interfère
with the honesty and heartiness of the design. On such points the
most pretentious historians are often grossly defective, and oc-
casionally ail at variance. Such as the memoir is, it was offered as
an only gift of gratitude to his master: it was such as he thought he
would be pleased with, and such indeed it proved; for Birch revised
it, and left it to his descendants corrected in many places with his
own hand.
It is difficult to assign a legitimate position to this vicarious auto- [Its style and
biography, for which it would not be easy under ail circumstances,spint^
at any rate in the eommentator’s expérience, to find a parallel in
the English language. The text proves that, in the estimate of the
writer, a plain soldier, sheer courage holds the place that is assigned
to it by the tragedian in the old Roman sense : valour is
“ the chiefest virtue, and most dignifies
The haver;’’
and, with the addition of Christian motive, that this gift is best
maintained by its being derived from a sense of Divine protection,
and gratitude for providential deliverance in dangers. If this be
the leading impression intended to be conveyed in the text, the
commentary may not be without its instruction—at least so far as it
shows the advantage of discrétion allied to force ; and, in the in-
stance of this individual, proves that he was endowed with the
happy art of seizing on the advantages that this combination gave
him, and knew the moment for sheathing as well as drawing the
sword. In tracing the image of his master, Roe was firmly con-
vinced from religious prepossession that the Suprême Protector and
Disposer of events was in favour of the conquering side. Birch, it136
MILITARY MEMOIR OP
1646.
[Close of
Roe’s MS.]
[The Memoir
only military.]
[Subséquent
events.]
[The
Governor’s
difficulties.]
is well known, lived in this respect to alter his opinion ; but this,
being on the outside of the présent subject, can find no entertain-
ment here.
This view of the varied scenic changes of our eventful draina has
been confined to certain limits. Such as they are, it is now closed :
the curtain that had been raised upon Birch as a merchant volunteer
captain on the bridge at Bristol descends upon him as a colonel,
Governor of Hereford, seated in the senate of his country.
It will be borne in mind that the représentation of him has ex-
tended only, as is professed in the title, to his “ martiall actions.”
A wider sphere of inquiry and an abler judgment might hâve
amassed and combined sufficient materials to hâve furnished a more
ample filling-in of the outline. In lieu of this, which has not been
the object professed from the commencement, certain scattered and
chiefly original materials may be subjoined, to help in forming some
opinion of the salient points in the progress of Colonel Birch’s sub-
séquent career.a
Roe has now left us, and from his révélations we are to expect
no more. The commentator might hâve therefore exchanged ' his
office for that of biographer; but the subject is too intricate to
attempt other than brief detail, and would prove too ample for the
compass of a small volume. It is too curiously entangled with the
politics of the time not to excite interest, and too complicated
easily to unfold. •
Some men, like Belliard under Napoléon I., are of a fit talent for
the government of conquered places. The Parliament could not
hâve chosen a better man than Birch. He had been gifted with
no ordinary abilities to carry him through the task to which he was
appointed. He was good-humoured and cautious, strict and prompt
where there was necessity for immédiate action, and master of the
weapon that he bore for emergencies. But he had to steer his way
a [Thus far the labours of the original Editor were left nearly complété for the
press. The remainder has been compiled chiefly from imperfect sketches and
memoranda.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
137
tlirough a mingled population, to coerce the refractory, to conciliate
the half-disposed to serve and obey, and keep a watchful eye over
ail' for there were some of those who took the intruder^s side
for interest’s sake, whose hearts were ail the while prepossessed and
swayed by an opposite feeling, and held their peace and followed
him, though they were ready on a favourable opportunity to hâve
turned once more against him. The conqueror held the refractory
at arm’s length by a threat that could not be misunderstood. But
in spite of the stern menace held out by the available repairs of the
fortress, holding an air of défiance and punishment over every
townsman^s dwelling, and commanding obedience to a new State of
things, where it had seemed to guarantee security under the old, it
was impossible to secure the fluctuation of a public opinion that
had so long taken its hold on the feelings and shown itself in the
conduct of most households. Beneath ail appearance of sub-
mission the current still continued to flow; and, while it was fed
by the tear and fanned by the sigh of suffering in person and
property through oppression,3 could not at once be checked in its
course. Lingen was well aware of tins, and waited his opportunity,
a There was a time when it was not merely the foliowing of the Royal banner ; but a
word spoken almost in jest, or the indulgent kindness of a secret hour, the involuntary
exchange of a dwelling to the Royal quarter, the discharge of a natural duty (as at
Harewood), was sufficient to furnish the informer with a charge and constitute a
delinquent.—J. W. [The case referred to seems to be that of John Browne of
Harewood, in the county of Hereford, gent., who, being a minor and left destitute of
the means of maintenance, was “ forced to seek out his guardian and to go into the
King’s quarters, whereby he became a delinquent.’’ He bore arms as a Royalist,
but subsequently was a Parliamentary soldier for three years, and petitioned on that
account to be admitted to compound for his estate, and was fined at a tenth,
213/. 16s. 10^. (Sequestr. Papers, Sériés 2, v. 83.) The following is an instructive
specimen of séquestration. When the Earl of Derby levied forces in Lancashire,
John Rycroft of Haugh, in that county, husbandman, was summoned on pain of death
to meet at a rendezvous, and for repairing thither and distributing a cheese among
the soldiers he was sequestered, though he ever after lived in the Parliament’s quarters,
submitted to their committee, and took the Négative Oath and National Covenant.
— Compos. Papers, Sériés 1, liii. 763.]
CAMD. SOC.	T
1646.
October.138
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1646.
October.
[Hereford
October Fair.]
in the absence of his adversary, to prove what chance he yet had
against the dominant power.
It is a well-known maxim of despotic government that in times of
civil dissension a cautious regard should be had towards larger
assemblies of the people. Hence markets, wakes, and fairs of
unusual size hâve always been looked at with a jealous eye. They
hâve often been the cause of outbreaks when the mincis of those
who frequented them were heated by mutual animosity. It was so
in the case of this civil strife. Lady Harley anticipated with alarm
the effect of the great horse-fair at Brampton-Bryan, June 11, 1642
and 1643 ;a and liberty was not yet so extinct in England as to
prevent the holding of the great cattle-fair at Hereford on the 19th
of October of the year 1646. A time then was approaching when,
if ever, some favourable circumstance might be expected to arise.
Lingen was abroad,b his sword by his side, respected by the common
people for his family, for his gallant upholdings, his bearing up
under adversity. Aware of his conséquence, though stripped of
power, he understood the position of his intrusive adversary, and
resolved a second time to show what he could dare to do. Such an
one could not be overlooked, even if he was not still the object of a
host of admirers: and Birch took measures to obviate the con-
séquences of the fair. The resources of the city just then were too
much exhausted to main tain the garrison. His régiment of liorse,—
for now he had one of his own,—was distributed in scattered though
not very remote quarters. Two months had passed since he had
crushed the last fortress and dispersed its defenders: but much still
remained for restlessness of thought and promptitude of action. It
a Letters of Lady Brilliana Harley, 168, 169, 203. A Royalist party of Col.
Price’s régiment came from Brecknock in July, 1645, with intention to plunder the
fair, but were anticipated by another party of Parliamentary soldiers who beat them
back with loss, slew and took many prisoners.—Perfect Occurrences, Monday, July
28, 1645.
b [He had been in prison till Oct. 1, 1646, when he petitioned to compound.-
Séquestration Papers, Sériés 2, xxviii. 418.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
139
was a few days before this popular assemblage, with wbich no
modem assumed autbority could yet venture to interfère, that
Birch undertook to overawe a number of those who migbt be
eoming together upon that occasion.
In the centre of Irchinfield, the district already noticed, had
long been a house of réceptiona for strangers eoming out of the
Welsh borders. There the magistrates in times of peace transacted
their business; thither came the dealers of sheep and cattle with
their droves from a wild tract beneath the Black Mountains, a
district that Welsh and Saxon history hâve both united to celebrate
in more than mere legendary story.b The house overlooked the
further heights from Garway, Orcop, and St. Weonard’son the Hill,
a succession of parishes that had been the scene of border debate, in
the depth of whose morasses covered with aider and inhabited by
clouds of water-fowl, at Tretire, along the thickets of the wandering
Gamber, Owain Glyndwr was supposed to hâve sought a refuge
from the pursuit of Henry IV.; and where no man could want a
hiding-place. Many of the larger dwellings were fortified ; ail bore
the marks of séclusion and résistance ; and the inhabitants, as already
hinted, though thinly scattered over the surface, were not to be
despised. Lingen knew his popularity among them : Birch was
equally aware of it: therefore he ordered a meeting to take place
on the 6th of October. From backwardness on the part of the
invited, or some less imaginable cause, this had been a second
meeting, and that day was wearing away when Birch had returned
to his quarters. What then must hâve been his surprise to find
that in his absence the quiet of the place had been disturbed by
uproar, and the remaining part of his garrison thrown into a State
of alarm.
Could the secret and confidential communications of country
committees with that of the Two Houses hâve been rescued from
destruction through damp or rats or fire, they would throw a flood
a [The New Inn, or by its ancient name Crocs Owain; Owen’s Cross.]
b See Domesday Book.
1646.
October 6.
[The New
Inn.]
[Proceedings
of country
Committees.]140
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1G46.
October G.
[Report of
the Hereford
Committee.]
of light upon events and characters, that would hâve corrected or
sharned many a judgment formed by posterity upon men and
things in this involved and trackless labyrinth. But tliese révé-
lations are not now to be made. One of these curious documents,
however, has been drawn from the papers of Sir Edward Harley:a
its originality and authority are indisputable : it never was intended
to see the light, but it gives us additional proof of the governor’s
just appréhensions from pretended friends as well as open foes:
that he had to fear the insincerity of the one, as well as the courage
of the other : and how either were evaded or overcome. And we
may see, from this fragment that follows, how much more might
hâve remained to give us an insight into the situation and conduct
of the intruding governor of Hereford, as well as the behaviour of
those who were about him.
Friday the Gth of October 1646. Lieutenant Colonel Lingon, a great Cavalier
and very lately in Arms against the Pari, met the Town Major of the Garrison of
Hereford in the Street, wearing (contrary to his Parole or order from the Governor)
his Sword and there after some peremptory or high language given to the Town
Major, calling him Rogue &c : So that a Company of People were gotten together,
he openly with abundance of insolence challenged him : But the Town Major per-
ceiving the flocking together of the inhabitants (whose malignity to the Parliament
and affection to him and his Family are very well known), feared some Plot of the
said Lingon with the Townsmen against the said Garrison—and that this occasion
wras taken of making an Uproar, to set on foot this Design, The rather because at
that time most of the Garrison having no Subsistence in the City were drawn
into the Country, And remembering that the aforesaid Lingon when he was in Arms
against us he attempted with thirty horse to enter the Town at high Noon, when we
had at least 700 foot and 50 horse in the Town, Charged the guards at
Gâte, Slew four of our men, and, had he not been repulsed by the resolution of that
Guard had entered, assured that upon his appearance in the Town the Inhabitants
would rise to join with him against the Garrison ; Whereupon the Town Major
immediately repaired to Lieutenant Colonel Raymond then Commander in Chief
(the Governor being absent having summoned in ail the Cavaliers of the Huudred
of Wormelow to meet him at New Inn to give him an account of their Names,
Qualities, abodes and business in those parts, as he had done by the Cavaliers of
the Hundred before and acquainted the aforesaid Lieutenant Colonel with those pas-
sages, Desiring that he would give speedy order for his	apprehending, to
prevent any future mischief, which he readily did unto the Captain of the Watch
* [Possibly a copy of the Report of the Council of War ?]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
141
who found him drinking Sack in a Common Inn called the Falcon, with Mr Isaac 1646.
Bromwich and Mr Harbert Parrett, both of the Committee.—The Captain of the October 6.
Watch sent up to speak with Mr Lingon and Mr Bromwich. The Captain of the [Report of
Watch told them his business : Lingon demanded by what order he came, and what the Hereford
he was—The Captain then replied he was Captain of the Watch—But Mr Bromwich Committee.]
told him, he knew no man that had anything to do to take any man a prisoner.
Expressing to him much violent language and carriage and refused to let the
Prisoner go along with him—unless he did procure an order under hands, Not-
withstanding which the Captain of the Watch understanding that they were
Committee men was so modest as to forbear Disputes, but left him with them, and
came and acquainted the Lieutenant Colonel with these passages. He considering
the nature of his offences, not knowing the intent of his coming to Town armed,
nor the event of this drunken Bout, gave a second order (and that in writing) for his
being secured—With which order the Captain of the Watch went again and
required Lingon to go along with him ; whom though seemingly willing : Mr Brom-
wich would not suffer : But holding him often repeated, Thou shalt not go, Thou
shalt not go—And with ail reproached the Captain of the Watch, with Scurrilous
Language callinghim: Busy, troublesome, saucy fellow,but laying violent handsupon
him thrust him as if he would hâve fallen upon him. Whereupon the Captain of
the Watch wished him to forbear, Or otherwise he had power to call up his Guards.
Mr Bromwich presently replied, And I haVe power to raise the Sheriffs, Constables,
Churchwardens, and other Ofïicers of the County to beat you ail out of the Countrv.
Nor was this ail, But he reviled the Ofïicers of the Garrison, Saying they were
Cowards, for when any occasion is to fight You know ail how to run away : Mr
Parrett perceiving the Captain of the Watch and the Soldiers with him much dis-
contented, Desired him to bear with Mr Bromwich, for (said he) you may perceive
that he hath drunk very hard—But that if he would let the Cavalier alone, he
would see him forthcoming : The Captain of the Watch came and repeated ail this
to the Lieutenant Colonel who admiring these carriages and passages out of Respect
to the Committee repaired to them and acquainted them with ail these proceedings.
— And withal gave the Captn of the Watch spécial commands to execute his Order
—In the Intérim the Governor returned (it being about four of the Clock in
the Evening), unto whom the Lieutenant Colonel with divers other Ofïicers
went, Who in the relation of these things, was interrupted by the sudden and
hasty return of us, A great broil and tumult that he found between Bromwich,
Lingon, and others fighting in the Inn Many people running in, and running
forth—This was seconded with the same relation from others, that the Soldiers
and	, they were called Cowards, and threatened to be beat out of
the County, were ready to betake them to their Arms—The Governor and tliose
Ofïicers with him, Doubting the event of this Tumult, and gathering together of
People at this Season (being the Evening fearcd some trcacherous design to
be working in the Garrison by means of this Cavalier, Which, because he could
not bring to pass at his first meeting the Town Major, he took his opportunity142
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1646.
October 6.
[Report of
the Hereford
Committee.]
when it was night : Immediately therefore commanded the Captain of the Wateh to
do his endeavours to quiet the Soldiers and appease the Tumult ; Strengthen and be
ready with his Guards, and bring away Lingon Desiring the Officers then présent
to star, and the rest to be sent for to advise what was best to be done. When they
were corne together many thoughts were spent, and the circumstances of things
taken into considération : To wit the Potent number of Cavaliers, most of them
very lately in Arms against the Parliament and those very popular and of great
interest in City and County, Particularly of this Cavalier whose family and person
are very well known to hâve very great influence upon both. The late threats that
were heard daily from Town and Country, Their admired Jollity, and frequent
drunken meetings, and that which filled them the more with Jealousy, that he was
defended against Justice by those Gentlemen of the Committee; one of them making
it much of his business to countenance delinquents, and to whom drunkenness was
no new thing. And the other at a drinking bout asked one then présent if he
looked like a Roundhead, The other being amazed at his question, was silent, But
Mr Parratt proceeded with this Oath (God’s Wounds), I am no Roundhead, never
was, neither ever will be one—And further considering the Major lately swom in
the Governor’s absence was a Captain against the Parliament, and now a bitter
enemy familiar with the aforesaid Lingon and his family, and one who h ad great
power with the City, and then the late acts of Delinquents and Cavaliers of their
own party and strength, distinguishing them by White Ribbandsa at the fair, and
their often giving forth that they doubted not but to hâve a Day or time for it
again, And whether this was the intended time by ail these circumstances as it was
somewhat feared, Which being compared with the late strange insolencies of some
Townsmen and Countrymen towards the Soldiery upon the last occasion The
Officers, fully knowing the danger they were in, Concluded it was their Duty to
endeavour the full discovery and the bottom of these Passages, and therefore
thought good to send to speak with Mr Bromwich, from whom they hoped probably
to receive some satisfaction, at least concerning these words he spoke, Whereupon a
Captain from that Board was sent to him but instead of coming along with him, he
burst forth in swearing against him, Asking him if he would drink with any man,
and if he must drink any more he would drink. At last perceiving the Council of
War had sent to speak with him and that the Captain was earnest to hâve him go
along with him, Mr Bromwich spoke as if he himself had knowledge and had a hand
in some Design against the Garrison, and that though they were prevented at this
opportunity, yet there would corne a time, wherein (saith he) We shall cool, and order
you ail. The Captain brought him to the Council of War, and informed these
things of him upon Oath ; Then Mr Bromwich was desired to corne in, and the
Governor standing up told him that he was intrusted by the Parliament for the
a White inkle-strings were to be the badge of the Cavaliers in Yeomans’s plot at
Bristol, and in Waller’s plot in London (Vicars, God in the Mount, 278, 357.) White
ribbons were also worn by the Wiltshire Clubmen. (Sprigge, 55.)COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
143
préservation of that City and County for their service and that he was liable to give	1646.
an account with his life for the miscarriage of either, and therefore that it concerned	October 6.
him to take Cognizance of ail words and actions that tended thereto, Of which [Report of
nature this day had produced many from him, and therefore the présent Board the Hereford
desired to know of the Meaning and Reason of such words and actions. But he Committee.]
immediately told them he would make them no answer, but whatsoever he had done,
he would answer it before the high Court of Parliament, Which ail the Officers
very readily assented unto—and said (with ail our heart). Thereupon being to be
dismissed, he took his leave of the Gentlemen of the Council of War, and going
forth of the doors he turned himself suddenly to the Governor (then President of
that Court) as if he had forgot some of his business, and came up close with a
louder voice than before: spake to him : As for you, Sir, I shall answer you in any
ground of England, Which words with the manner of their delivery gave occasion
to debate the business anew, But in regard of the late Tumult (not knowing what
this night would produce,) it was conceived best to adjoum their business till the
next day to consider further of it, And every Officer in repairing to his Quarters
should see al] things to be in quietness and good order in the Town and Garrison. In
the mean time as it follows in course to any that appeals, Mr Bromwich should go to
his Chamber, and there stay until further order. The next day the Officers met
together; consulted what way they could best convey Mr Bromwich to London,
according to his appeal, and to draw up his Charge, which was to be grounded upon
the breach of those articles which they were bound to keep inviolate, And one of
those by him broken, as they humbly considered, was the 7th article: Which saith,
That whosoever shall by words or Gesture affront or menace that Court shall die for
the same. Which Crime of his with the rest of his Accusation they hâve humbly
presented with him to the high Court of Parlant
Exr: Edward Winton.
The clumsy manner in which this affair is apparently communi- [Birch’s
cated from the country committee to the Committee of Safety for discrétion.]
the Two Kingdoms leaves this impression: that it was much easier
to excite the alarm of the officers of the garrison than to quell the
strong feeling amounting to hope that the Royalists still cherished
in their favourite champion ; that it required ail the diligence and
forbearance as well as energy of the governor to keep the mastery
that he had gained. But let impartial justice plead for Birch.
Baffled and defied, under the recent provocations of Lingen and the
sudden révélations effected by inebriety, disclosing the secrets of the
heart before his assembled council of war, he stood a mémorable
exemplification of the truth of that proverb which lias received and144
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1646.
October 6.
[Bromwicli
arrested.]
[Birch’s diffi-
culty about
Ilumphreys.]
shall retain the sanction of âges, “ He that is slow to anger is better
tlian the mighty, and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a
city.”a Great as were the advantages that Birch had gained by
courage over his enemies, by self-mastery he had obtained a victory
over himself. If Roe, as his secretary, was présent at this scene at
the council board, he obtained a more striking practical proof of the
actual superiority of his master than ail the laudatory material with
which his pages are garnished.
But whatever crédit may be due to the wise forbearance of the
governor upon this occasion, it is évident that insubordination such
as that of Bromwich could not pass unnoticed ; and it was so
severely dealt with by the council of war, [that while his appeal
to the Houses was allowed he was sent up prisoner to London as
having incurred sentence of deatli. Being however a man of some
position, and a cousin of Lord Scudamore’s, he had friends in the
county who resented the proceedings of Birch, and the affair became
serious. It was taken up by Sir Robert Harley with mucli eager-
ness. In opposition to the version of the transaction which had
been fonvarded by the governor and officers, he presented a pétition
from the grand jury of the county, undertaking to prove the charge
contained in it against Birch : a pétition was also read from some
of the Hereford committee, and the whole was referred to a select
committee of the House, Bromwich being discharged by the
Speaker upon his parole. The resuit remains as yet undiscovered,
and the affair was probably compromised ; but it must liave occa-
sioned Birch a good deal of trouble. But this was not ail. About
the same time, and perhaps forming part of these very complaints
against the governor, the previous misconduct of one of his officers
during the siégé of Goodrich was brouglit before the House, and
must hâve added to his many annoyances.]
No greater truth was ever uttered by human sagacity respecting
the future than that already alluded to, which the defeated vétéran,
seated upon his drum, uttered in the field at Stow. The repeated
a Proverbs xvi. 32.COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
145
allusion to this may perhaps be excused, as it was constantly verified 1646.
long after Bircli had laid down his governorship, taken his seat,
and attempted to go into comparative retirement. His next uneasi-
ness came from his own party and his own agents. In those days
it was the custom, as the only security at hand, to seek for a written
protection, as the case might be, either from the Royalist or the
opposite power. Thus the Royalist officer at Goodrich, while he [Protections.]
had the command, would extend his protection in writing to a
Parliamentarian, and the Parliamentarian to a Royaliste These
written productions were not always available, but were the best
things under the circumstances that could be procured. They were
a mere attempt at security ; but it is quite évident that no security
could be found against brute force ; and therefore they frequently
proved of little avail. One of these instances occurred in the case
of Birch himself. A Major Humphreys in his own régiment, hard
driven as they were for supplies during the siégé of Goodrich Castle,
laid his hands upon the property of one who had already com-
pounded with the Parliament and believed himself to be secure.
This person was no other than William Scudamore, Esquire, in the [Scudamores
parish of Ballingham in the hundred of Wormelow near Ross. This alhng-
gentleman had been a great sufferer in the Royal cause. His eldest
son had been killed in a duel at Bristol by the notorious David
Hyde, who had thus revenged himself, in furious and frenzied spite,
on the mere name of Scudamore, for a quarrel which he had had
with Sir Barnabas. Another had been accidentally shot at the siégé
of Hereford. A third, on the other hand, was spared to be of service
to him by résidence in the Parliament’s quarters. Many heads of
families, by this balance, while it increased the distress of su ch
opposition, were enabled to save the wrecks of their property : and
a [One of these documents granted by Lord Hopton hangs in a frame in the
Council Boom of the Corporation at Bath. Three others signed by Fairfax, Crom-
well, and Lingen are given in Appendix No. XXI. The proviso in one case, and the
alleged reason in another, deserve especial remark in forming an estimate of the
condition of the country under the victorious army.]
CAMD. SOC.	U146
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1646.
[Exactions of
Humphreys.]
thus his youngest son, a man of great integrity, as will be seen, was
living securely as a lawyer in London. It does not appear from
which of the Parliamentarian commanders the protection was
obtained ; but the fact is certain that Major Humphreys, of the
régiment of Colonel Birch, violated it. This immediately occasioned
an outcry ; and in the course of it a variety of particulars relating
to the governor transpired. The evidence of this is found in certain
original letters of James Scudamore, Esquire, of the Inner Temple,
to his father at Ballingham. Extracts are here given from them
in chronological order, which show the effect of this annoyance
to Colonel Birch, extending from the siégé of the castle to his in-
troduction into Parliament [and for several months subsequently] :—
'Letters of Jas.
îcudamore.]
27: Junij: 1646.
Deare ffather.
By my letter of the 22. of June sent to y ou by Mr Sansom, I acquainted you
with my hopes to obtain a letter from Mr Pury of Gloucestr to Colonell Birch, but
when I had prepared it, ready for his signing, hee putt it off, and was averse from
writing at ail in it. I did notmuch insist uppon, nor presse it to him, understanding
that Colonell Birch had given an accompt of his disposing of the money, for the
service of the Parliament, by his letter either to the comittee of both kingdomes, or
to the Speaker of the howse of com’ons, which I am more certainly enquiring after,
that a pétition may thereuppon bee grounded, and the more likely to bee granted.
I find by Mr Cholmeley that the contribution of the countrey is by assignement to
the soldier who leavies it, and that the same cornes not in to the h and s of the
comittee, soe that your money will bee more easily allowed to you ont of other
assessem4*, wherein the com’ittee is to make the allowance, then where the soldier is
to make it, and this will be more beneficiall to you then to hâve the same secured
to you uppon publicke faith. I must now goe on in the way of pétition to the howse
of com’ons, in which Sr Robert Harley hath promised his assistance, and soe hath
Mr Cholmeley. * * * *
18: Julij: 1646.
I hâve searched but cannot yet find that Colonell Birch hath given anny
accompt of the disposall of the money for the service of the Parliament, either to
the Committee of both Kingdoms or to the Speaker of the House of Commons; if
that could bee obtained it would much expedite your businesse. If Sir R. H. hath
urged this to the Committee of both Kingdoms further than the truth of the matterCOLONEL JOHN BIRCH
147
would beare, and mistaken the manner and circnmstances of it (as I feare hee hath)
it will putt many difiiculties both uppon himselfe and mee, to hinder both his own
desires and mine also. *	*	*	*
1646.
[Lettersof Jas.
Scudamore.]
1: Ang: 1646.
*	*	*	* The way of seeking your money was not by way of complaint,
nor did the pétition as it was altered, from that draught I formerly sent, complaine
thereof, as anny thing rudely done by the governour. *	*	* I hâve seene a copy
of the governour’s letter in answer to one sent from the com’ittee of both kingdomes
to him since the complaint about your businesse, and that of the Oxen; in that
letter hee gives a positive accompt of the money disposed of for the parliament’s
service, the sum’e being about 2001, and that com’ing to his hands soe seasonably,
when the contribution of the countrey did only reach to pay the soldier, hee should
hâve thought himselfe worthy blâme if hee had not disposed of it as hee did, which
as his letter affirms was done with the privitie of the com’ittee of the county. Your
freind expects the report from the com’ittee of both kingdomes to the howse, wherein
hee gives mee hopes that you shall hâve your moneys; this report is to bee made by
old Sr Henry Yane, and is every day hoped for. I doe wait uppon your freind once
in foure or five daies abouts this, and hee hath wished I leave it to him, and hee
will procure mee an order for the money. *	*	*	* I every day expect
an answer to my letter written to a freind about the protection. * * * *
there is nothing in the govemor’s letter to the com’ittee of both kingdomes that
reflects uppon you, more then the bare narrac’on of the matter, wherein hee hath
dealt candidly with you. I hâve satisfied his secretary here in what manner the
businesse was here carried, for the cleering of you, and my selfe, and you will hâve the
opportunity to doe it to the governour your selfe, if it bee not already done.
29: Aug: 1646.
* * * There is yet noe report made touching Herefordshire, and your
money, but wee hâve still hopes of something to bee done, and your freind Sr R: H:
putts mee weekely in fresh hopes, * * *
24: Octob: 1646.
* * * Since my com’ing to London Sr R: H: told mee, hee would charge
Coll: Birch in Parliam* with divers misdemeanors, & amongst others with detaining
your money; yesterday hee putt in his charge into the com’ons howse, which was
read and (together with the countrey’s pétition recommended by the justices at the
last sessions to the members in parliam* for that county, to bee tenderd to the
howse,) referred to a com’ittee, & coll: Birch to bee sent for to answer the same.
Whether your money bee amongst the articles of his charge I know not, but shall
this day enquire, and advertise you thereof by the next. I find noe way but this for
you to corne by your money, * * *148
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
16*6-7.	14: Nov: 1646.
[Lettersof Jas.	* *	* I conceive uppon further considération that you may hâve a troyer
Scudamore.] and conversion against Major Humphreys, and the governour also, if the money came
to his hands, and that you hâve proofe thereof, and that you make demand thereof
from both of them ; I knowe by your former letters you did it to the govemonr, but if
you déclaré against Major Humphreys, you must also make a demand of him. When I
wrote you formerly my opinion in this case to the contrary, I had then my thoughts
uppon an action of detinue, where the same thing in specie is to be recovered, which
cannot bee of money, unlesse laid up in a box or purse, &c. * * * * The comittee
appointed to examine the charge against Collonell Birch hâve mett as yet but once; at
this sitting the charge was read, and the orders of reference from the howse to the
com’ittee, as also a letter from the Collonell and councell of war in justificac’on of the
sentence against Mr Bromwich, shewing the necessitie of that severe sentence, and
after debate had thereuppon, resolved, that the articles exhibited by Sr R: H: against
the governour and the countrey’s pétition bee first taken into examinac’on, and after-
ward the businesse concerning Mr Bromwich. On tuesday corne fortnight the governour
is to appeare by himselfe, or some for him to answer the charge. At this sitting was
read some deposic’ons taken at the councell of warr at Hereford against Mr Bromwich,
whereby (if true) did appeare his intempérance, and rashnesse, and unad^ised words,
at the time when the différence happened, and when hee came before the councell of
warr. *	* * *
19: Xber 1646.
♦ * * The businesse betwixt Sr R: H: Coll: B[romwich] & our governour
goes on slowly, in respect of the late sitting of the howse of com’ons. * *	*
Xber 26: 1646.
* * * The businesse concerning Collonell Bromwich hath preceeded the
other articles against our governour, w** notwithstanding goe on but slowly, and is
yet corne to noe conclusion. * * *
Apr: 19: 1647.
*	*	* You will doe well to gett the procès I sent downe last weeke executed
before the party goes into Ireland, & if hee gives an apperance then you may proceed
though hee bee absent ; there is noe touching the other défendant, hee is soe high
above the reach of the ordinary courts of Justice, whilst hee is a judge in the most
suprême. * * *
Maij : 31: 1647.
* * * I feare the ordinance of Indemnity, sent you by Mr Garston, will
leave you without remedy for your money of Major Humphries, there being nothing
done by anny imploied by the parliament, for wch hereafter they shall happen to beeCOLONEL JOHN BIKCH.
149
questioned, that they may not give in evidence was done for the service of parliament, 1647.
and this yon may remember was alleaged by the governonr, to bee imploied at a time
of great exigency, to further the reducing of Gotheridge castle, *	*	*
[Notwithstanding however the appréhensions of James Scudamore, [Triumph of
we find that tardy justice was done, not as it appears through the mfttee]1"
représentations of Harley, who had become so obnoxious to the
army as to be forced, in conséquence of their remonstrance, to
abandon, on June 26, his seat in the House, but through the
exertions of two parliamentary lawyers from Herefordshire residing
in London, Walter Kyrie and Bennet Hoskyns. The close of the
story cornes out in a letter addressed to them by Miles Hill, an
active partizan, who had, as appears from Appendix XX., in the
preceding year been an intimate friend and confidential agent of
Birch, but now had evidently been empowered by the country
committee to transact business on the opposite side.
Gentlemen,
Yor former kindnes done for the good of our poore Cownty I hâve and shaîl at my [Letter of
retnme giue Intimac’on of to our Comittee and the gent. of .our Cownty. I am gon Miles Hill. J
downe thyther this day from Winsor wth orders to remove the ffoote redgments and
ail souldiers what soever out of our Cownty into Wales, wth a Letter to Collonella
Humpfryes to make restituc’on for what money hâve bine receaud in Lewe of qrter to
those Inhabitance that itt was recd from. * * * hee [the General] hâve written
to Collonell Humpfryes concerning the forbearinge of Collectinge of money out of
our Cownty & to make the souldiers to be sivelized.
This letter bears date Dec. 3, which from internai evidence must
hâve been in 1647 : and at that very time the unfortunate county
had to pay an assessment of £60,000 per month, besides the ex-
actions of the soldiery !]
[But while this untoward affair was in progress, Birch had other [Other tran-
and very important business in hand.] The interposition of Fairfax Birch!]8 °*
B [The reader will hâve observed that the former Major had at this time obtained
the colonelcy of the régiment. Birch’s command was not immediately annulled on
his entering the House ; for the self-denying ordinance had fallen into disuse ; but
its provisions were re-enacted on June 10, and in conséquence Humphreys succeeded
to the command of the régiment ; as Moore had already taken that of the castle on
Mar ch 26.]150
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1647.
and Cromwell might, in the view of stamping out the war, hâve
been thankfully received by the lovers of peace, for the hope of this
was now revived. Happy had it been for them both if this had
been the consummation of the nation’s troubles, and the ashes of the
lire had not been sprinkled with the blood of the first magistrate of
the land. Such was the feeling (rightly founded or not) that
occupied the joyous hearts of those who in after days brought back
the throne and the Crown. But the population had passed through
several stages since the dispute arose. In the allitération of Hooker
more solemnly employed, there had been folly, fury, and frenzy,
the whole wrought up by man and Steel—the soldier and his sword.
This it was that called for immédiate action, embittered the whole,
and produced such alarming fruits, that, if they had not been sup-
pressed, might hâve involved ail the population in a double ruin.
Like the légions in the days of Rome, distress among the swords-
men of Britain at this time threatened to overturn everything.
[While the cases of Bromwich and Humphreys were pending, dis-
sension between the Parliament and the army had been on the
increase, and the grievances of the soldiery, though fomented by
some of their leaders to serve the purposes of partizanship and
ambition, had a real foundation in the financial difficulties of those
to whom they looked for subsistence.] England had now become
a scene of distraction. It could not be otherwise. The country
had been exhausted in ail its means. Not only had it suffered from
the violence of those who were above the laws, but it was doomed
to contribute to its tormentors, and to supply its best resources
towards their maintenance. The best cause had for some time
been the best pay; and this gives the true reason just now for the
extinguishing of the quarrel. It was no longer a question as to the
supremacy of victory. The King had given up the point, and
commanded the whole of his adhérents to lay down their arms.
Then were those who had fought for him forced by necessity to seek
a livelihood wherever it was to be had. Multitudes, inured to the
habits of military life, when they found no maintenance for them inOOLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
151
their former service, had for some time abandoned it out of necessity,	1647.
to seek it among those whom they had been accustomed to treat as
enemies. [But the Parliamentary forces were themselves at this time
ill-supplied, and becoming insubordinate. The Houses were naturally
anxious to terminate the existence of a power which they had no
longer occasion to use, but which had grown into alarming im-
portance, and began to overshadow their own supremacy, and to
thwart their cherished designs.] The new model had changed the
character of the Army that had been employed to gain the mastery,
but had now become masters of the Houses in turn. It was
attempted to be broken up and differently moulded. A portion
was to be employed in a few garrisons that were to be continued,
and the rest were to disband, except such as were destined for
Ireland. That service was hard. They shrunk from it. Great
numbers hesitated. First was the péril and misery of the enter-
prise, and when they had reconciled their réluctance to this, the
next difficulty was in what way they were to be ultimately recom-
pensed, or, if this could be provided for, by what means could they
be supported till they were disbanded and sent to their homes ?
There was a rhyming adage prévalent among these bands—	[Discontent of
the Army.]
When pay-day cornes, the soldier drinks, and sings;
There is no music without silver strings—
at once expressive of the absence of it, and of the mode in which the
money was spent as soon as it came into their hands. This was a
couplet made by some friend of their condition. But that day was
so often retarded, owing to the necessities and difficulties of those
to whom they were to look, that the music was frequently turned
into secret discontent or open mutiny, in detachments in different
parts of England, that threatened to be communicated to the whole
body of armed men. They were always in arrears, either through
difficulty in collecting money, or through rapacity of officers in mis-
application of it : from either or both causes dissatisfaction arose ;
from dissatisfaction complaint ; from complaint mutiny. This State152
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1647»	of affaira was gradually increasing when Birch entered into the
June.	Houge 0f Gommons [and the near prospect of service in Ireland
greatly aggravated the bitterness of the feeling]. They were per-
suaded by Cromwell and Ireton that the Parliament intended to
cheat them of their arrears, and to send them to be destroyed by
the Irish. The army was enraged : disorders took place. [In the
early part of June the Parliament made an effort to appease their
dissatisfaction.] Birch, as the great accountant of the day, was
chairman of one of the Committees [at Windsor, Goodwin presiding
at-the other], before whom ail the reckonings of the army passed,
and through whose hands the money flowed that was to appease this
frenzy, while he would help to proclaim a general amnesty. Their
arms would then drop from their grasp, and ail, save a certain
established number at home, and those that declared for Ireland,
would be released from service.
[Birch’s ac- Amid the attempted satisfaction of a general seulement a trait is
counts passed. J	r	®	.	..
discoverable m the daily statements of what passed in that councu
where gold was tossed about by thousands, and each was zealous to
claim his rightful share. On the 16th of June appear these entries
in the Joumals of the House of Lords :—
Ordered, by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, That Colonel John
Birch, a Member of the Honse of Commons, shall hâve the Public Faith of the
Kingdom of England, for the Sum of Four Thonsand Nine Hnndred Seven Pounds,
Seven Shillings, and Four Pence ; being approved of and allowed to him upon the
Stating of his Accompt by the Committee of Accompts, in full of ail Sums of
Money and Demands now due unto him from the Parliament and Kingdom of
England.
Ordered, by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, That Mr. Brands
Knighty at the sign of The Golden Locht in Cheapeside, London, Mercer, shall hâve
the Public Faith of this Kingdom, for the sum of One Thonsand and Fifty Pounds,
lent by Colonel John Birch, now a Member of the House of Commons, and others,
unto Colonel Thomas Essex, at Bristoll, the Fifteenth day of December, One
Thonsand Six Hundred and Forty Two ; and likewise for the Interest due for the
said Sum, from the Time of the Lending thereof, until the same shall be paid
unto him.
[His great So it is now apparent more than ever that the original views
motive.] ^hich occasionally break forth throughout the war were entertainedCOLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
153
during the whole of it,—that it was considered in the light of trade 1646.
from beginning to end—of profit and loss. Birch’s abilities from
the first were confined to a sole object ; the great leaning of his
inclination in one word was “ acquisitiveness.” With that he set
out as a merchant, and that he never lost siglit of. Accordingly he
permitted no opportunity to escape him. He had money embarked
in trade at Bristol. His views and pursuits were changed by the
troubles of his country ; but, having once seen his point, he fairly
made his way to it through his only resource, the dint of Steel.
He lent his money to the best security and some of the highest
interest that could be obtained. He became a creditor at 8 per
cent., the current and enormous interest offered by the State; and
so he continued creditor to it while military manœuvres were
necessary to support it. But this was not his only object. What
had thus been gained must be if possible preserved. When once
he had obtained the summit of his ambition, where we now see
him, by a dexterous stroke of policy he took advantage of the
moment, and availed himself of the purchase of épiscopal land. The
principal was thus secured upon the best ground that in the pos-
sessor’s estimation the condition of the times would afford ; safety,
when property was changing hands, being in the opinion of Colonel
Birch, a member of the House of Commons, best built upon
ecclesiastical possessions. In this, according to the notions then
entertained by him, he did not consider that he would be accused
of injustice ; though by another révolution of the wheel that notion
came to be reversed. [The following extracts from the corre-
spondent already quoted relate to the progress of this affair] :—
24: Octob : 1646.
I herewith send you the ordinances for abolishing Episcopacy, & vesting fL^ters of Jas
their lands in trustées to bee disposed as both houses shall appoint; there is now Scudamore
another ordinance drawne, and in passing that appoints a sale to bee made, assoone to his father.]
as ’tis published you shall hâve the ordinance sent to you : * * *
CAMD. SOC.
X154
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
1649.	7: Apr: 1649
[Lettersof Jas.	* * * J desire your pardon for not giving you more particular satisfaction
Scudamore.] in the Coll:a contract, then hitherto I hâve done, the reason was, that the Clarkes
will not without order give anny copies, & ail that I conld carry away in memory,
nppon search of the snrvey, I hâve heretofore acquainted yon with, J shall search,
& as mnch as I can certainly carry in my memory, J will, but I cannot bee suffered
to carry away notes, & it will be hard to remember sum’es & multitude of other
particulars, for your full satisfaction, so as to give you a good ground to make an*
offer thereuppon to the collonell. J find that the collonell is engaged to another for
his whole contract, & that it is not yet fully concluded, but assoone as it is, I shall
hâve notice of it, & shall hâve the refusai of Shellwick mannor ; the mannors for
w0*1 hee contracted are, Eaton BB:, Hampton, Tuppeslèy, Barton, & Shelwick, with
the pallace of Heref: the scites of ail these, & the demesnes hee had within his con-
tract, except the demesnes of Shelwick, and the scite of Tuppesly, which the lessee
thereof in possession, hath bought, the rents of the coppyholds in Shelwick, as hee
saith, are 4.1 p\ ann\ being copyholds of inheritance sibi et suis, paying heriotts, &
the fines certified to bee uncertaine, but hee beleives the fines are certaine, & the
surveiors therein mistaken.
The coll: asked mee, whether you had not some copyholds there of good value, I
told him I knew not of anny ; after Tuesday hee hath appointed mee to corne to him,
& then I shall heare Col. Birches answer touching your money, wherein Coll:
Biich told him, that hee should doe anny thing with him, I find by him, that Coll:
Birch is not his chapman for this contract of the bishops lands, but some one else,
brought to him by a broker, to whom he com’itted the care of his businesse, & hee
beleives, that Coll: Birch, having laid out much at Whitbome, & with the Earle
of Monmouth, for howses here in London, hee hath noe more money yet ready for
anny more purchases. * * *
chases episco- [By the following spring, however, ther Colonel’s finances were
pal property.] so recovered that on Feb. 22, 1649-50, he became the purchaser of
the Palaceb at Hereford, and the Bishop’s manors of Shelwick,
Barton, Tupsley, Bishop’s Eaton, Bishop’s Hampton, and Sugwas,
for the sum of 2,4751. 12s. 5d.c The possessor already of Whit-
a Colonel Edward Harley, as appears from another letter.
b [Birch had occupied the Palace on the capture of Hereford. According to
Wood (Athen. Oxon. ii. 623) he purchased but one half, Capt. Silas Taylor having
the other; and the govemor subsequently divided it into two dwelling-houses. On
taking up his résidence there he permitted the beggars, no doubt numerous at that
time, to occupy the rooms of the Yicars Choral in the adjoining “ College.”—Barks-
dale, Nympha Libethris, 60.]
e Rawlinson MSS. Bibl. Bodl.COLONEL JOHN BIECH.
155
bourne, a country résidence attached to the see, which had been 1649—50.
previously sold to other parties for 1,348Z. 10s. 0<2., he thus estab-
lished himself among the résident landowners of Herefordshire.a]
Colonel Birch has been traced to the highest summit to which he CHls 81^8e"
• j	1	.	.	.	0	.	quentlife.J
attamed ; but the natural curiosity of a succeedmg génération may
without censure be allowed to indulge a wish to be informed of the
part that he took throughout in this élévation, and how he acquitted
himself during the remainder of his life. That remainder was suf-
ficiently occupied with storms of State. No common talent could
hâve enabled him to hâve encountered the changes and périls of
them ail. Burnet insinuâtes that he was déficient in judgment.
How far this may hâve obtained in higher political matters must be
left to a better acquaintance with his character, and a deeper know-
ledge of what befel him than has occurred to the présent writer. To
him he appears to hâve been an able speculator, with a clear head,
and as bold an actor in carrying out what he had decided upon ;
and he seems to hâve succeeded in his projects, and steered his way
through the obstacles that the nature of the times opposed to him,
with as much worldly advantage as any of his contemporaries, and
without running into the excesses and difficulties that operated to
the disadvantage of many others. Some of these trammels indeed
it seemed impossible for the most careful to avoid, but his skill in
extricating himself from them appears to hâve been as eminent as
the daring which at first led him into danger, and his presence of
mind to hâve been always equal to the occasion. If he was shrewd
in forming, he was honest and bold in expressing, his opinions.
This will account for the risks that he ran, and the way in which
he evaded them during the Protectorate, to which he was personally
opposed, his passing unhurt through the crisis in which he was
entangled by the defeat at Worcester,b and his bold démonstration
a Note 33.
b [His escape in this instance must hâve been a narrow one. From the original
dépositions (Composition Papers, Ser. 1, xcvii., 481 et seqq.) it might be thonght
that Birch and his brother Samuel, the Major, attended Charles II. at Worcester on156
MILITARY MEMOIR OF
[Heywood’s
summary of
Birch’s later
life.]
in favour of King William on the progress of the latter to the
abdicated throne; while his general bearing among the people in
the parts in which he settled has been characterised by Berry, the
major-general who watched over the district under Oliver’s scru-
tinizing inquiries, and in the days of spies and informers. Two
centuries hâve passed away, but the traces of these transactions,
scattered among a multitude of authorities and references, hâve not
been altogether lost. They are to a certain extent recoverable,
though they resemble a chain that had been snapped at intervals,
the links of which could not for a time be restored. A portion has
already been givén from original materials. To these may finally
be added an abstract from a summary already in print.a It has
been adverted to in the outset of this volume, but seems, so far as it
goes, to be a fair and able exposition of the whole. The sketch of
the late Thomas Heywood, Esquire, my literary acquaintance and
fellow-labourer, has partly relieved me from some difficulties of
reference, and the industry and research he has shown in the
collection of a great variety of minute particulars, some of which
are omitted as already noticed, are deserving of a place in the
winding-up of this story.
“ We need not follow Birch through the years 1646, 7, 8, opposed to Cromwell,
acting, like Massey,b firmly with the Presbyterians.—Birch, after December 6, 1648,
was sent into privacy. In the debate of February 10, 1672-3, he States that his
firmness in supporting the King and the covenant had caused him twenty-one im-
prisonments. He, to a certain degree, assisted Charles the Second in 1651 ; they
were seen riding together in Worcester the day before the battle,c and Birch alludes
to this, when in the debate just referred to he says, ‘ I had never gone to the King at
Worcester but with sincere intentions.* Burnet says, ‘ Colonel Birch was a man of
compulsion; but it was perhaps so arranged to save appearances. Unfortunately
the papers are damaged by damp.]
a Diary of Rev. Henry Newcome, edited by Thomas Heywood, Esq., F.S.A.
(Chetham Society.)
b [Massey, however, did not like him, as appears by a letter from him to Sir
E. Hyde, March 16, 1659, in which, after speaking highly of the Harleys, he adds
“onlyMr. 909 is likely to prove a bad paymaster. I meane col. Birch, a vile
man.”—Thurloc, vii. 855.]
c [Thursday, Aug. 28. The battle was on Sept. 3.]COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
157
a peculiar character. He had been a carrier at first, and retained still, even to an
affectation, the clownishness of his éducation. He got np in the progress of the war
to be a colonel, and to be concerned in the Excise. And at the Restoration he was
found to be so useful in managing the Excise, that he was put in a good post. He
was the roughest and boldest speaker in the house, and talked in the language and
phrases of a carrier, but with a beauty and éloquence that was always acceptable. I
heard Coventry « say, he was the best speaker to carry a popular assembly before him
that he had eyer known. He spoke always with much life and heat. But judgment
was not his talent., Birch sat for Leominster 1646, and during the irregular duration
of the Long Parliament, andin theyears 1654 and 1658, he was returnedfor the same
borough. Eor his proceedings as member we refer to Burton’s Diary ; they were
sufficiently exasperating to the government. Rogers, the Governor of Hereford,
writes to Cromwell, March 17, 1654 (Thurloe),b ‘ In pursuance of your last orders I
hâve secured severall disaffected persons, and seazed many serviceable horses. Col.
Birch coming hither now in the midle of the assizes (the city being yery full of ail
sortes of people) gave out before the Judges, as they themselves told me, that the
présent insurrections (Salisbury & the rest) did not consist of cavaliers, but a company
of silly quakers, with some other discontented persons. He also told me the same, &
added further, that the greatest matter was our owne jealosies & feares. Considering
this, and what we know of his carriadge when the Scots were in Worcester, & his
behaviour of late, I feared such speeches were coales cast abroad to kindle divisions
among the good people here, and to hinder their uniting against the comon enimy.
I thought it my duty for the safety & peace of these partes, & agreeable to your
former orders, to secure him; which I hâve done, and as his sword was taking from
him (he refusing to deliver it) said, though my sword is short now, it may be long
enough within a while (the sword hanging by his side being a little short sword)
and very angrily asked me, whether I had orders to secure him. I answered, If I
hâve not, you will question me. He replied, Yes, that I will. I said againe, I believe
it. So we parted, and he is in custody. I hâve sent a party to possess his moated
house (which I finde is very stronge with drawbridges, it is alsoe well provided) least
at this tyme it might be surprized and manned against your highnesse, and be a great
scourge to this country. I beseech your highness speedy order concerning this person
& his house, whither I shall continue a guard there or make it untenable., Birch
—now was destined to remain in Hereford Gaol until November, 1655, when the Major-
General, Berry, saw, and evidently liked him. ‘ I mett with,’ writes Berry to Thurloe,®
‘ (as a prisoner here) coll. Birch, who hath applied himselfe to me as to a little king,
a [Who called him, nevertheless, on one occasion, as Pepys (i. 465) tells us, “ a
false rogue.”].
b [This and the subséquent letter, somewhat curtailed by Heywood, are here
givcn as in the original.]
c State Papers, iv. 237.158
MILITARY MEMOIR OP
that conid redresse every grievance. I confesse upon examination of the bnsines,
thongh there were some ground of jealousy, yet I cannot see any great reason he shonld
now be kept in restraint. It is trne the man is popnlar in these parts, and he loyes to
be soe. He is taken for a great wit, and gnilty of some honesty, and npon that account
able to doe hurt, if he haye a mind to it; but he professeth désire of peace and seule-
ment, and saith he is for the same things that we are, bnt conid hâve beene glad to hâve
them in another way ; bnt seeing the time is not yet for it, nor we fit for it, he thinks
we had better hâve it as it is, then make distnrbance. And trally I thinke it were
an easy matter to gaine him, if he be worth getting; bnt not to tronble yon with my
thonghts, I shall tell yon of my actions. I hâve desired the govemonr (whose
prisoner he is,) to give him liberty to be at his owne honse npon his promise to
appeare when he shal be called for; and becanse I heare my lord and the conncill
hâve been acquainted with his case, I told him I conld doe noe more till I hâve
received instructions from his highnes ; which I intreate yon to procure and send
me.’ (Hereford, Nov. 24, 1655.) To the parliament which met in 1656 Birch
was retumed member for Hereford and Leominster ; bnt he never sate, and on being
refused admission signed a protest with 80 others. For Birch’s proceedings at the
Restoration, Kennett’s Register is the best authority. The convention parliament
saw this colonel member for the last time, for Leominster. In the Long Par-
liament which followed, 1661-1678, he sate for Penrhyn, and pnrchasing in 1661,
from Roger Vaughan of Moccas, Gamstone, and the Weobley property of the
Tomkins’ family, acquired by Yanghan by a marriage with Anne, danghter of
Sir T. Tomkins of Monnington, Birch sate until his death for Weobley, with
the exception of James H.’s Parliament, 1685, to which, owing to the part this
colonel had taken in the Exclusion Bill, he did not probably seek to be re-
turaed. Birch was a brave and honest man, but he had the misfortune to
speculate in church lands. In a debate, 1677-8, he observes, ‘We hâve found
that Dean and Chapter lands were sacred ; they were restored. I had bonght
some, bnt now I hâve none.’—Birch said to Pepys, in 1667, ‘Thongh I am in
debt, yet I hâve a mind to one thing, and that is a Bishop’s lease. I will yet
choose such a lease before any other, becanse I know they cannot stand, and then it
will fall into the King’s hands, and I in possession shall hâve an advantage by it.
I know they must fall, and they are now near it, taking ail the ways they can to
undo themselves, and showing ns the way.’—In Kennett’s Register and Baxter's
Life we find both those divines, when ramour assigned to them the see of Hereford,
waited on by Birch, who wished to secnre the résidence and estate at Whitbome,
being épiscopal ploperty now about to revert to its ancient owner, and which he had
for 12 years enjoyed.—The colonel was prond of his possessions, and says (Pari.
Hist. iv. 756), ‘ I am acquainted in three or four Counties.,—His epitaph dwells on
those qnalities of courage and fidelity which he unquestionably possessed. We
suspect they were tarnished with avarice, and he had great opportunities, being. at the
head of the Excise.”COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
159
To sum up the whole. Bad days and good days for England 1691.
had passed under his eyes. He outlived the former and closed his
years in the latter. Liberty and property hàd been sacrificed on
both sides in the interval; but royalty survived. While the
walls of our churches still bear testimony to many who suffered for
their loyalty in the contest, that of Weobley, where he died, ex-
hibits the sentiments of his surviving friends:
In Hope of Résurrection to Etemall Life	[His epitaph.]
Here is Deposited the Body of
Coll’ IOHN BIRCH
(Descended of a Worthy Family in Lancashire a)
As the Dignities He arrived at in the Field, and the
Esteem Universally yeilded him in the senat-house
Exceeded the Attaimnents of most, so they were but the
Moderate and Inst Reward of his Courage, Conduct
Wisdom and Fidelity None who [k]new him denyed him ye
Charatter of asserting & yindicating y6 Laws & Liberties of
his Country in War, and of promoting its Welfare and
Prosperity in Peace; He was borne ye 7^ of Sepr 1626
and died (a Member of y6 Honble House of Com’ons)
Being Burgess for Weobley)
May y® 10* 1691
Time, that in the subdued and solemn expression of Sir Walter [Errorasto
Ralegh, on the night before his execution—	^ age'^
When we hâve wandered ail our ways,
Shuts up the story of our days,
has so far shut up the story of this person, that, while the latter
part of it has been inaccessible to the general reader, the seal of it,
the inscription on his monument, as it at présent offers itself to the
spectator, is equally obscure. [For some unexplained reason, the
date of birth is obviously wrong, as it would make him whom it
commémorâtes far younger than is consistent with the well-
a “ The Herefordshire Visitation of 1683 describes John Birch, then living at
Gamstone, near Weobley, as lord of the manors of Upper and Lower Ardwick and
of Ordsall, in Lancashire, and as the son of Samuel Birch, of the family of Birch of
Birch.,,—Heywood, 203.160
MILITARY MEMOTR OP COLONEL BIRCH.
1691. established events of his career. That so gross an error, in so cir-
cumstantial a form, should ever hâve been committed, or allowed
to remain, may well'be matter of surprise, but there it stands, and
deprives us so far of any accurate idea of the number of his years.*
But it is time to conclude.]
[Conclusion.] Apart from private feeling or préjudice respecting oppression or
liberty, or what has on either part been assumed as the cause of
these miseries, one considération may claim a place. Among the
teachings of history in this era may be seen that the efforts of
Charles and Bupert, Essex and Waller, with their adhérents and
adjuncts, hâve written in letters of blood the danger of the two-
handed sword. Thus, be it remembered, as good out of evil, has
arisen in England the preference of civil to military power, unless
in the employment of the latter by the magistrate against the rude
interférence of a foreign enemy. The lesson is most salutary, and
never to be forgotten.
a Note 34.
[For additional illustration see Appendix, Nos. XXII. XXIII.]NOTES,
1. “ Voltmteers” p. 38.—The origin of the volunteer System was not at Bristol.
It was in the pleasant environs of the town of Shrewsbnry that volunteers first came
forward in favonr of the King and Parliament, and they were immediately sanc-
tioned by an ordinance of the two Honses. This seems to hâve been the earliest
notice that was taken of them, althongh Messieurs Blakeway and Owen appear not
to hâve met with it. The example was followed in several other places. In some
they were snppressed by the Royalist anthorities : in others they were established
by Parliamentary influence : Bristol was one of these. At first there was only one
company there ; and, considering the population of the city, it is an intimation that
a gréât part of them were Royalists. The captain of the first company was appointed
by the celebrated Mr. Denzil Holles, who was Lieutenant of the county of Bristol ;
but it is uncertain whether the lot fell upon Birch. A second was afterwards
appointed, as will appear.1 The preamble of the ordinance in question, the first
and basis of many others, is conceived in a mild and soothing style. “ Whereas
divers well-affected Persons, of the Town of Shrewsbnry, in the county of Salop,
hâve of themselves, as Volunteers, under the Leading of Thomas Hunt, Esquire,
one of the Aldermen of the said Town, exercised themselves in the Use of their
Arms, by peaceable Training and Marching in the Pields, near the said Town, the
better to enable and préparé themselves for the Service and Defence of his Majesty
and the Kingdom, when they shall be lawfully called thereunto then follows the
approbation and the permissive authority of both Honses of Parliament. After
this gentle exordium it might hâve been thought that, in the spirit of Birch’s
letters and the phrase of the ancient ballad, there
* * * « loyalty no harm meant.”2
Yet these were the men that, with a multitude of others, their eager opponents,
under varions leaders (for the fault was not wholly on one side), like a vast cloud of
locusts, arose to overspread large parts of this once peaceful land, carried terror
wherever they appeared, slew, burned, and ravaged, destroyed for a time ail law
and order, and finally subverted the throne. Had not Europe long been inured to
such scenes under such sacred names as were then assumed to sanction them, an
impartial foreigner might hâve adopted the exclamation of the poet—
“ Tantum relligio potuit suadere malorum ! ”
1 C. J., July'18, Aug. 17,1642, Clarendon, vi.
CAMD. SOC.	Y
2 The Vicar of Bray.162
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
A writer of fiction, who lived at a time when he might hâve communed with
many of those who had been carried away in this dark torrent of civil strife, and
who has woyen its principal events into a romantic story, has well observed,
“ Religion, rightly practised on both aides, wonld hâve made ns better friends.”1 * 3
2.	“ Left their qvarten” p. 48.—In the hurry and confusion of the time great
eagerness was shewn by many in ail ranks to retum to their allegiance. Among
the nobility the Earls of Holland and Bedford repaired to Oxford : among the
middle class of proprietors great numbers packed up their goods and put them on
board the vessels in the Thames.* Great was the dépréssion through ail the Parlia-
ment quarters, but especially in London, upon the defeat at Roundway Down, thus
followed immediately by the loss of Bristol ; and this lasted up till the period when
the tide had tumed by the relief of Gloucester.* Even at that point a violent and
impassioned exhortation was produced, calling upon ail, young and old, master and
servant, to help in the great work of defending London. “ Our pens hâve been
too busy, and our swords too sloe.......What is the matter, noble citizens, that
your hearts are downe, doe you give the day for lost ? doe you thinke England is
lost because Bristol is lost ? Alas ! Bristoll is not ail our strength, nor ail our
forts, nor ail our garrisons ; we hâve the better cause, the greater side, and the
honester men ; the passage to heaven is cleere for us, so that we can goe thither and
fetch what we want, but ’tis shut to them. Our Parliament is standing, our forts
are well managed ; we hâve a pound for their shilling, twenty peeces of ordnance
for their one. We hâve the seas to ourselves, and ail honest Christians with us ;
and as for knaves and traytors going from us, lets never be sorry, for much better is
their roome than their company .... strive to set yourselves in order, for order is
the strength of an army, and of a city, but disorder is the confusion of both ; take
therefore away the causes of disorder ; malignants are the onely cause of disorder
in a city or army : strive therefore to find them ont. Give them the covenant ; if
they refuse to enter into covenant with you, let them not live in the city with you,
be they rich, be they poore, secure them and banish them : never dispute, this man is
poore, and that man hath children—cast them ont, spare none ; unmercifull and
bloody is that pitty that causeth the downfall of a city.”4
3.	“ Pious99 ( Waller), p. 66.—Yet he had on former occasions allowed his men
to revel unreproved—except by silence—in the sack of several magnificent cathedrals,
the vénération of âges, and some of the best repositories and évidences of earlier
1 Defoe, Military History, ii.
9 We hear that the rebels of London are packing up their goods away for New
England and other foreign parts ; their own dissensions increasing daily amongst
themselves.—Mr. Sec. Nicholas to M. of Ormonde ; Carte’s Ormonde, iii. 179.
3	Sept. 6,1643.
4	“ A strange and terrible sight,” &c.—London, 1643.NOTES.
163
art and story : a permission sadly expressive of compliance with party spirit, for
which no defence can be offered, nor àny exténuation be admitted but the extreme
danger of personal résistance to the fanatical fury of an armed mob. As to résist-
ance the probability must be admitted that he could not hâve attempted it if he
would, and at the breaking ont of hostilities it may be feared that his own dis-
position might npt hâve prompted him to it if he could. His men1 * * had no scruples ;
at Chichester they had disfigured the beautiful and spoiled the costly and valuable
in the cathédral. While the sack was going on, Waller stood at least encouraging
it by silence, sword in hand. In this posture he was accosted by a common trooper,
with the permitted familiarity of the time, and asked why he stood there with his
drawn sword. His answer is said to hâve been, For personal secnrity. “ If my
colonel in the Low Countries were here,” said the trooper, “ and commanded in chief,
he would hang up half a dozen of these soldiers for example’s sake ; it is not the
custom of the Low Countries to plunder churches, for it is a mutual stipulation
between the Spaniard and the Hollander, that what town soever should by conquest
pass from the possession of one nation to the other, though the conqueror had the
free plunder of the town, yet churches with their ornaments and whatever was con-
veyed into them should be inviolable, the Church being sanctuary to whatsoever
was under its roof, and if they would hâve anything thence, it was to be purchased
at a valuable price.” The general listened patiently to the rebuke : the best reply
for inconsistency is silence ; but the work went on.8 The followers of Essex had
been guilty, at Worcester Cathédral, of the very filthiest of common indecencies,
such as wants a name, before swords had been crossed in the first great battle.*
The visitor of the noble Cathédral at Winchester will regret that, beautiful as it
is, it should hâve been shom of its ancient glories by the outrages of the forces
under Waller and Hesilrige,4 * when the sepulchres of the early kings and honoured
departed were violated and their remains trodden under foot. The truth is that the
charm of the “ storied Windows, the pealing organ, and the choir,” had not only
ceased to produce the effects ascribed to them by the parliamentary poet himself, on
English eyes and ears, but were deemed idol vestiges of ancient superstition, and
held in actual détestation.
In the retrospect of his life not a word has escaped Waller regretting the per-
mission of this misrule :* but he considers himself justly punished for allowing the
1 Waller himself assisted in recruiting his fresh army (Weekly Intelligencer,
July 31, 1643). He came to the Artillery Ground. His régiment of foot guards
was then complété. Many listed for horsemen (Tuesday, Aug. 8). He went to
Bateliers’ Hall near Newgate, and enlisted many butchers to serve under him (Merc.
Civicus, Aug. 3 to 11). They beat up for recruits also among the watermen on the
Thames. [This note properly belongs to p. 67 ; but was inadvertently omitted there.]
8 Mercur. Bust. 223. [See Appendix H.]
8 Carte’s Original Letters, i. 15.	4 Merc. Rust. 228,12 Dec. 1642.
4 [In his Vindication, however (p. 29), with singular inconsistency, not unmingled
Y 2164
MIL! T AK Y MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
plunder of Winchester by the rnin of his ancestral castle. If reverence for eccle-
siastical antiqnity entered not into his religions feelings, he was no stranger to such
affections as may entitle him to the epithet here applied to him. His “ Recollections,”
a small tract, will be freqnently quoted from a copy of the original MS. It has
been pnblished at the end of the “ Foems of Anna Matilda,” 12mo. 1788, but has not
met the eye of the editor in its printed form.
Those who are disposed to trace a parallel to these proceedings of iconoclasts may
consult the glowing description of the defacement of the magnificent cathédral of
Antwerp, and other ecclesiastical édifices, byth e Dutch Reformers in 1566. (Lothrop
Motley, Rise of Dutch Republic, 2, vii.) The parallel is remarkable in its bloodless
character : it had been more creditable to the English Reformers if they had proved
as disinterested as their earlier examples of démolition and destruction. The armed
mobs at Winchester and Chichester shewed their inferiority by the appropriation of
plate and jewels, which the Dutch are said to hâve disdained. If what is related
pf the conduct of Sir Arthur Hesilrige at the latter cathédral be true, he was more
than absurdly animated. It is reported to hâve been sullied by the abstraction of
the Sacramental plate. (Mercur. Rust. 227.)
4. Colonel Sir Andrew Potley, p. 63.—A vétéran who had served with great
crédit under Gustavus Adolphus, and is described by Monro as Lieutenant-Colonel
of foot in 1632, and afterwards in 1637 as an “ English cavalier of good worth.”* 1
After the battle of Lützen, where the King of Sweden was slain, he quitted the
Swedish army : on taking his leave, the Ghancellor Oxenstiern, by command of the
Senate in council assembled, bade him formally farewell. Wîth many handsome
expressions, he put about his neck a rich gold chain with a medallion of the late
King, to be worn in memory of him. He told him that, as an ancient servant of
that crown, who had done them gallant service, they held him in the rank of their
children : that the Senate had ordered two thousand dollars as an annnal pension
during his life, that he might eat of their bread ; and two thousand more to bear
his charges home. Such was the condition and reward of Potley ; and yet he must
be fighting again. He was in this year employed by the Parliament to correspond
with Christina, Queen of Sweden. Whitelocke, when in 1653 he went as ambassador
to that country, took him and a relation of the same name in his suite, and enter-
tained him at his table. His name frequently occurs in the journal of that embassy ;
at the end of which he received another chain of gold, with a medal of the Queen.
Occasionally he interpreted for the ambassador, who calls him his kinsman and old
comrade ; but hints at a fault in his being irregular at Divine service.2
perhaps with unavowed compunction, he inveighs sharply against the permitted
abominations of the New Model, little more décorons than the followers of Essex
already referred to.]
1	Expédition, ii. 18.
2	Whitelocke, Memorials, 69, and Swedish Embassy.NOTES.
165
Monro relates an anecdote that shews him to hâve been as ready with a jest in the
honr of battle as the Scot at Arandel, and, while in the Swedish service, as accus-
tomed to swearing as Lieut.-Col. Layton. “ Our sonldiers being commanded under
Major Potley to beate backe the enemy, going on service, there happened a merry
accident to one of our country-men (then ensigne to my colonell’s company) called
James Lyle, being in sight of his Majestie ; going downe a steepe hill, the enemy
playing hard with cannon, the ensigne happened to fail forwards, the winde blowing
off his periwigge, which tumbled downe the hill the Major sware a great oath ; the
poore cavalier’s head was shot from him, and seeing him rise againe without his
false head, sware the cannon had shot away the skinne, with the haire of his head
being bald.”1
5.	“ Offerèd battle” p. 66.—Waller, in the face of his late reverse, could lay no
claim to uniform success, and the hand of Divine Providence therein. But Birch
and Cromwell adopted a different language. They assumed too freely the interférence
of a Providence in crowning them and their followers with victory upon ail occa-
sions : though the latter certainly refers his success to his own training. The
assertion of Boe may bring to the mind of the reader that vaunt of the Protector in
one of his speeches to a Committee of Parliament upon the formation of his cele-
brated régiment. “ Impute it to what you please, *	* * from that day forward,
I must saÿ to you, they were never beaten.” Some of the members whom he had
been addressing might hâve recollected that once on a time Burgess the governor of
Farringdon repulsed one of his attacks with loss.a Part of his men also were roughly
handled by the Clubmen in August 1645.3 This might be considered a trifle ; but
an unqualified assertion should hâve been based upon absolute truth. As to Birch,
though it should be admitted that personally, and at the head of his company or
column, he never suffered a defeat, he was at Cropredy Bridge, hereafter to be
mentioned, at least mixed up with those who turned their backs upon the enemy.
6.	Lieutenant’Colonel B aines, p. 67.—Lieutenant-Colonel Jeremy Baines, at
this time only a captain of dragoons, was a person of some note among the citizen-
warriors who took an early part in the fray : though his name is rarely found except
* in the Journals of Parliament. He was an earnest Presbyterian, and fought upon
the principles of Essex and Waller, engaging in hostility only as the dangerous
alternative of correcting the abuses of the State by the employment of the sword.
The trade of a brewer seems to hâve been a profitable one in those days ; for another
wealthy individual of this class, a sufferer for the King, had been made prisoner
when Farnham Castle was surprised.4 The occupation was indeed exalted and
brought into notice by him of whom the ballad affirms—
1 Expédition, ii. 22.	2 Carlyle, i. 226, 227 ; iii. 307.
* Sprigge, 80.
4 Yicars, 223.	Brecknocks—qu. Brecknock ? Both of them resided on the
Surrey side of the Thames. Brecknocks in Southwark ; Baines in Horsleydown.166
MILITABT MEMOIR OP COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
“ A brewer may be a Parliament-man,
Which nobody can deny.”
But both Cromwell and Baines combined it with the profession of arms. Baines
kept both these objecte in view at one time, and continued his military exercions,
while he carried on his London business by means of one Manger Vavasour, his
partner, when he was absent on service in the field. He had been with Essex at the
siégé of Reading, and afterwards joined the force of Waller, with whom he is shewn
by letters to hâve been long a garrison-inmate at Famham, and to hâve mixed
actively with those whom the Royalists called the “ disturbers of the West.” Like
Birch, he passed through the active campaigns of Waller, in the course of which he
will be seen to hâve been made prisoner. At the setting up of the New Model, he
laid down the sword, and refused the offer of a régiment among them. Subse-
quently, in 1647, he joined those who opposed the proceedings of the army on the
question that the propositions of his Majesty were a sufficient ground for a treaty
of peace. For this, with many others, he was expelled the House, and endured a
long imprisonment, and ruin of his trade. Being a skilful surveyor, he was engaged
by the trustées for the sale of the royal estâtes in England and Wales during the
years 1649 and 1650. Once more he took up arms against Lambert, and materially
lent his aid to the success of Monk in bringing about the Restoration.1
The intimacy and ail but connection of this family with that of Cromwell are but
little known. By his wife Catherine Otway he had several children : of his sons
one, who appears to hâve been a minister, was in great favour with Henry Crom-
well while he commanded in Ireland. This young man so ingratiated himself with
one of the Viceroy’s daughters, that Henry wrote on her behalf to Jeremy, making
proposais of marriage, which the father from prudential motives declined. The
letter, published in Thurloe’s papers,2 is distinguished by judgment and good sense.
The other intercourse of the families of Baines and Cromwell is referable to a
lower date. Rachel, the eldest daughter of Jeremy, became the wife of Mr. Thomas
Pengelly, a London merchant of great respectability, by whom she had one son,
Sir Thomas Pengelly, Baronet, Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer in the reign of
Queen Anne. When Richard Cromwell, the Protector, who had been about twenty
years in exile, ventured to retum to England, he sought a refuge under the roof of
the merchant Pengelly. Here he long abode under the names of “ Mr. Clark ” and
“ the Gentleman for the most part in a house near the church at Cheshunt in
Hertfordshire : beneath this retirement he passed the remainder of his unambitious
days ; and here at the good old âge of 86 he died. The years of his banishment
abroad, as well as those of his solitude at home, are buried in oblivion, uncared for
or unknown ; though the latter in particular were chequered with circumstances that
might communicate an interest that as yet has not been taken in him. This is not a
place to enter into a discussion of the merits or demerits of the two Protectors, of
1	MSS. pertes me. J. W.
2	Lansdowne MSS. Cromwell Letters, i. 22, Brit. Mus.HOTES.
167
their liyes as of their deaths. While England continues as she is, there will ever be
variety of opinion ; but the character of Richard has been as severely dealt with as
that of Oliver has been inordinately exalted. Richard, the darling of one of the
fondest and so far towards him most cnlpable1 of parents, was trained to fmstrate
the object of his own high ambition, and stamp npon the page of English story a
rare example of the vanity of human wishes ; for in him by neglect he laid the
gronnd-work of his signal failure of a permanent Protectorate in his name. Here
in the weakness of the father was originally fonnded what has by some been con-
sidered the triviality of the son. Their end was as strikingly contrasted as their
course. In a private dwelling, attended by a very few individnals, among whom
was Rachel Pengelly already mentioned, and in total abandonnant of State, he
breathed his last, whose father expired in the palace of a long line of kings, sur-
ronnded by a retinue and proportionate attendance, leaving a name and dread of
him on most of the govemments of the civilized world.
7. “ Spies” p. 69.—In a review of these troubles the mention of spies and informers
frequently obtrudes itself. In ail, but especially in civil wars, they form no un-
important part of the System ; and in this case were closely watched, and, as nsnal,
severely punished ;2 for with the same langnage and habits of society, their facilities
of operation were endless ; and they were to be expected in every corner. Could
the acconnt of secret-service money on this score be inspected, no donbt it wonld be
a serious one. In the court, the camp, and the senate, within and withont the
garrison-town, their influence was always at work, and few, as the sequel will show,
were ultimately more indebted to it than Birch himself.
In the very opening of the quarrel, from the time the King left the metropolis, the
eye of espionage was increasingly npon him, nearly in his most secluded honrs ; and
when he removed to Oxford as to safer qnarter, the same influence was secretly at
work npon him. “ A servant of my Lord Say’s was taken snspicionsly prying about
the Court by the captain of the watch, and sent to Sir Jacob Astley, govemor of the -
city, to be committed, if on examination he fonnd reason for it.”3 Strict précau-
tions were taken with regard to those who were to be admitted into familiar inter-
course with his attendants ; and a watch was ordered to be set npon the stairs that
led to his privy and presence chambers.4 5 The subtle intruder made a lodgement
within the college gates, and gave notice to the enemy of the purposes and progress
of the royal counsels* Prince Rupert’s secretary had given a remarkable instance
of this species of infidelity. The Parliament allowed him at the rate of £200 per
1 Men are often as cnlpable from the effects of misguided affection as from those
of evil intentions.—J. W.
*	[A spy, taken by the Parliament soldiers at. Reading, was tortured into confession
by “ having lighted matches put to his Angers.”—Whitelocke, 114.]
*	Merc. Anl. Thnrsday, Jannary 26, 1642.	4 Walker, MSS. Harl. C. a. 117.
5 Appendix IV.168
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
month for his communications. This soon ceased with his execution. He was
arrested and hanged after the battle of Edgehill.1 The jealonsy of the govemors of
garrisons was sensitive and alert as to the admission of etrangers under any pretence.
As to intelligencers, akin to spies, and alike nsefal and dangerous, they abounded,
but were not always reliable ; they often brought about mischief, and were some-
times as instrumental to success as to disaster. Through these, to go no further,
Waller obtained the easy surrender of the castle of Arandel, though at a great crisis
they gave rise to the King’s unfortunate resolution to besiege Gloucester.2 * Two
persons of this class wère executed, the one at Worcester by the Earl of Essex, the
other a female, by Scudamore, when the Scots were besieging Hereford.8
The private letters and note-books of Rupert, Luke, and Brereton supply frequent
instances of the employment of spies. Their punishment on either side was certain
death by hanging. Two at different periods perished thus in London ; Kniveton, who
was sent by the King to publish his commands,4 and Baisley, who had betrayed
many carriers to the enemy.5 Their fate in general was looked upon with in-
différence and treated with levity as fair reprisai. In the caustic correspondent
between Lord Digby and Major-General Brown, at Abingdon, the latter writes,
“ My Lord, you hâve hanged a spie (as you say) of mine, whom I know not, but
you may be ballanced in this also ; this very moraing I will cause to be hanged
one of yours, condemned by our councell of war six weeks since, according to an
ordinance of Parliament, resolving ne ver to be outdone by you, either in civility or
justice.”6 Disguises of course were numerous. Luke arrested one dressed as a
fiddler at Newport Pagnell,7 and another was detected at Cardiff with despatches in
his wooden leg.8 The occupation of letter-carriers was attended with extreme
difficulty, yet females exhibited great courage in the face of danger. Alone, over
long and weary tracts, by périls of woods, bye-roads, and waters, they undertook
arduous joumeys, and many a despatch, now valuable as relating to an historical
fact or correcting an historical error, has been thus stealthily conveyed in the hair of
the head, the hollow staff, the shoe, or next the skin, and preserved to posterity.
One was regularly employed in carrying them, quilted np in a truss of linen and
tied next to her body,9 between Raglan and Denbigh Castles ; and another, “ Scotch
Nan,” travelled for the same purpose between his Majesty and the Marquis of
Montrose. A spy, who had been at York, rcported at Newport Pagnell that “ on
the 31st of May (1644), order was given to ail the sentinels near the Town to suffer
no women or others to corne ont of the Town, but to examine them and send them
in again. A woman that came to sell provision at the Town, being well horsed,
1 Warburton, ii. 4, note 1.	2 Rupert;s Correspondence, i. 100.
*	Séquestration Papers, Ser. 1, xcviii. 355.
4 Nov. 27,1643.—Rushworth. Hobbes sarcastically déclinés to offer his opinion
as to the legality of this.—History, 133.	5 Oct. 18, 1645. Perfect Occurrences.
6 Merc. Brit. No. 67.	7 June 1644. Notebook, Egerton MSS. 785, 27 b.
*	Nov. 1645. Scottish Dove. 9 Carte, MS. Letters, Bibl. Bodl. EE, f. 310.NOTES.
169
rode full gallop into the City, and the guards shot at her but missed her.”1 As to
letter-carriers, despatches hâve existed that were apparently marked by faitbful
résistance and had been bedabbled with blood.2
The success of the System, and the fidelity of the agents on the Royalist side, is
remarkably depicted in the Memoirs of Dr. John Barwick, but the whole is too
lengthy to be otherwise than pointed out here. [The following anecdotes arè, how-
ever, too interesting to be omitted. During the siégé of Latham House communica-
tion was kept up by means of a woman, who for seyeral months risked her life in
carrying despatches during the frequent sorties made by the besieged. She was at
length taken and put to the torture, but she would reveal nothing, and suffered three
fingers on both hands to be burnt off before her tormentors, tired out by her invincible
fortitude, at length desisted. A dog was then trained to carry the despatches in his
collar, and rendered eminent service for several months, till he was shot by a soldier,
in mere wanton ill-temper, just as he had swum across the moat.—Lady of Latham,
109.]
Should any reader be inclined to pursue the matter further, two anecdotes may be
found in print—the one of ludicrous and harmless failure, the other of extraordinary
success. In both the spy escaped unhurt.3 It was the misfortune of surgeons to be
sometimes considered as spies, and they deserved it. Richard Lowther addresses Sir
Thomas Fairfax from Pontefract Castle, March 9, 1644-5, “ For your chirurgeon I
cannot admit of him ; but if the médicaments be sent, I shall join my own surgeons
with one of your party, a prisoner here, to use the best of their art in the cure of
the poor wounded soldiers.,, 4
8. Death of Colonel Boles, p. 70.—The singularity of this tragical relation con-
sists in the entire omission of the name of the principal sufferer. It is to be regretted
that in tracing the outline of such a murderous conflict it has not been once told
after ail what was most prominent in the group of the dead and dying. There is the
bristle of arms—there are the slaughtered horses—not a single word as to the
principal person, the author of that résistance, which lasted for so many hours, and
ceased not the whole of the time till he was slain. Colonel Boles died, as Spencer,
and Chesterfield, and other cavaliers died, refusing quarter from those whom he
deemed rebels to his lawful sovereign.5 There is however nothing in this incon-
sistent with the general tenour of the narrative, for it will be seen hereafter that
Cromwell himself is not mentioned by name throughout the whole of the story.
The account given by Monro in his “ Expédition ” (i. 52) of the violation of a
church by soldiers as a place of refuge exhibits a striking contrast in the treatment
of a like subject by a superior mind : “ Some men perhaps will blâme our conduct
1	Luke, MS. Notebook, 28 b.
2	MS. Letter-book of Sir W. Brereton (Brit. Mus.) i. 306.
3	Clarendon, vi.; Cary, Memorials, i. 351. 4 Fairfax Correspondence, i. 185.
5 Appendix V.
CAMD. SOC.
Z170
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
here ” (at Aickilfourd in Holstein), “ for pnrsuing men retired to a church, being
a place of refuge * *	* they treacherously retired themselves to a loft apart in
the church, for their own safeties, and left traines of powder to hlow us up at our
entry, which made our compassion towards them the colder ; for when the subject
of our hatred is sinne, it cannot be too deepe ; and, for my owne part, I refused not
to shew compassion on those who did beg it of me, and what others did in their
fury I did tolerate, not being powerfull to hinder them : yefc truly my compassion
was so much that when I saw the house ordained for God’s service defiled with their
blond and ours, and the pavement of the church covered over with the dead
bodies of men, truely my heart was moved nnto the milde streames of pittie, and
wept.” This extraordinary writer, in spite of his defects, has wonderful passages
of feeling and élévation.
9. “ Prisoners/9 p. 71.—What increased the severity of the contest was the
encumbrance of prisoners. It is evermore so in civil strife. If, in the appréhension
of many, death was préférable in such a case, confinement did actually prove fatal
to some.1 Ill-usage, bad diet, and neglect in sickness were before their eyes. If ail
these were escaped, tedious hours must elapse before exchange could be negotiated.
It is, perhâps, little considered what hardships were endured by the prisoners on either
hand. The common réceptacles were soon overstocked, and complaint arose on both
sides ; very early by the Parliamentarians of the sufferings of their friends at
Oxford. The behaviour of Smith, the King’s Provost Marshal, is loudly censured
by Ludlow,2 who was detained in the castle for a time. On the other hand, the
confinement of the Royalists in the prisons of London in particular, and the stifling
holds of the ships in the Thames, was attended with no less disastrous effects. And
so it went on throughout the dispute : in the cities and garrison-towns the common
prisons, besides bams and churches, were crowded to suffocation. The castle-
dungeons of the ancient nobility, damp and neglected, once more called into use,
were often the scenes of sufferings unknown. Bristol, York, Nottingham, Shrews-
bury, Ludlow, and many strongholds in England and Wales, were employed as
places of détention.3 4 Smith, the provost marshal at Oxford, appears to hâve been
eminently a coarse unfeeling gaoler, intent upon his own interests, and practising at
head-quarters in a way that ought to hâve incurred the displeasure of his mastef.
It may be hoped, as Baxter says liberally of Charles in other respects, that “ it was
kept from the knowledge of the King, and perhaps of many sober lords of his
council, for few could corne near them, and it is the fate of such not to believe evil
of those that they think are for them, nor good of those that they think are against
them.,, 4 The Oxford Parliament at length took up the matter, inquired into it,
1	Ludlow, Memoirs, i. 57, et alibi.
2	Memoirs, i. 108.
3	Ludlow and Hutchinson, Memoirs: Drake, Eboracum: Lady B. Harley, Letters.
See an article on this subject in Bibl. Glouc. cxliv.
4	Life, 44.NOTES.
171
and censured Smith. Sir Francis Ottley at Shrewsbury might well hâve demurred
to the extent of Smith’s authority, when, in a style of mnch impudence, he sent a
deputy to that place to act for him, and receive his fees for such prisoners as might
be committed there.1 “ As for their captives on both sides,” says a writer, “ they
are many, and left misregarded.” 2 Barwick’s Royalist memoirs are replete with
charges of unjust and severe détention. Against this, it must not be forgotten that
the gentlemen were often upon parole, as those whom Waller took at Hereford. In-
stances of honourable sarrender and of dishonourable escape were not infrequent.
Exchanges were made as to rank : one to a considérable extent took place in the
West, between Waller’s Commissioners and the Royalists, during which they seem
to hâve enjoyed a happy meeting over the 'general’s wine : so much so that the
country thought it was the precursor of peace.3 As an instance of mercy prevailing
over cruelty, the behaviour of Colonel Hutchinson and his wife towards their bleed-
ing prisoners in the “ Lion’s Den ” of Nottingham Castle, in spite of the revilings of
their own preaching captain, Palmer, is above ail vulgar praise.4
10. " Pilies” p. 73.—This picture of a body of soldiers marching to an assault
shows the mixture of musketry with pikes adopted in the tactics of these wars. A
stand of the latter was frequently of essential service in close encounter, and would
resist a charge of cavalry. Their multiplicity of postures in the drill shews the
attention that was given to this since abandoned arm : they consisted, according to
Barriffe,5 of no less than 50. The pike of the common soldier seems to hâve been
of an unwieldy length : it is variously stated from 15 to 18 feet.6 A military writer
(1642) calls them “ the onely body, strength, and bulwarke in the field.” Instances of
their effective employment are endless. They won the battle against Fairfax at
Adderton Moor,7 and were ail but successful in the obstinate fight near Montgomery
Castle, where the Royalist force was annihilated upon the mountain (Sept. 18,1644).
To these may be added the signal résistance of this arm against the cavaliers at
Auldbom Chase (Sept. 18, 1643).8 But the weapon in the hand of Birch in the
lively description here given of him, is the half-pike, about 8 feet long. Monro is
enthusiastic in praise of both these weapons, especially of the latter for an officer :
“ Thus much in briefe,” he says, “ for the use of the Pike, the most honourable of ail
1	Appendix VI.
2	Lithgow, Somers Tracts, 502, 534.
3	Bulstrode, 122.
4	Memoirs, 4to. 159.
5	Military Discipline, 3.
6	Rainsford’s Young Soldier, 8:
7	Warwick, Memoirs, 257.
8	[At the battle of Edge-hill, Whitelocke says, “ the générais of both armies per-
formed their parts with great courage and gallantry, leading on their forces with
pikes in their hands, but were advised to change that posture, as fitter for a private
soldier than for a general.”]
z 2172
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
weapons, and my choice ; in day of battell, and leaping a storme or entering a breach
with a light brest-plate and a good head-piece, being seconded witb good fellowes,
I would choose a good halfe-pike to enter with.”1 But wben the employment of the
pike is the subject of discussion, the singular achieyement of Edward Stanley by
that weapon, though at an earlier period and in a foreign land, should not be
forgotten. During the brief campaign of the Earl of Leicester in the Low Countries,
Stanley at the assault of a fort near Zutphen seized the head of a weapon of this
class that was directed against him. A mortal struggle ensued, and while he and his
antagonist were straining every effort to gain or retain it, by a happy presence of
mind he suffered himself to be raised by it aboyé the rampart. The act struck such
terror into the Imperialists that they at once took to flight, and suffered him and his
followers to carry ail before them. The Earl knighted him and granted him a
pension. The affair is circumstantially related by Strada, De bello Belgico, viii.
455. ed. 1648.
11. “ Gallant Scot,” p. 74.—The alteration of the word “ Scot” to the expres-
sion “ that gallant Scot ” makes ail the différence, and appropriâtes the sense to
an individual of that nation, and not to an Englishman of the name. The assistance
of Scotland was now the popular theme of confidence on the Parliament side. So
far as the influence of the two Houses extended the English were under covenant to
adopt the Presbyterian mode of Church govemment ; in fact they were so reduced
by adverse events that the taking of it became matter of security.2 It was printed,
published, and ordered to be taken Sept. 22, 1643 ; and the Scots were lending an
army towards the support of it. Waller took it twice, while recruiting his army in
London. His testimony to the nation and its soldiers may be given in his own words.
The Presbyterian general thus expresses himself : “ I love their constancy to their
Covenant, their steadiness in their counsells, their gallantry in the field. Some of
them I hâve had the honour to command, and braver men I am confident no man
could command.”3
A great number of individuals, old soldiers, officers, and privâtes, who had learned
the art of war in foreign service, chiefly under Gustavus Adolphus, were mixed
with the contending parties, where their presence was most acceptable, and some of
them were in high commands. The approach of their regular army in aid of the
Parliament4 had been thus heralded to the public by one of their news-book writers
in praise of their excellent qualities ; a scornful hint to the Cavaliers of what they
had to expect ; as though it had never been known what their former presence had
proved in England ; giving them at the same time to understand more fully of what
that force was composed and the improvements that they were to bring with
them :—
1	Expédition, ii. 192.
2	Rapin, ii. 483.	3 Yindication, 216.
4 They crossed the Bound-Rod from Berwick, in detachments, Jan. 18, 19,
1643-4, almost knee deep in snow.—Rushworth.NOTES.
173
“ The Scottish army hath a very able traine of artillerie, and many pretty engines
for war, and devises for killing Cavaliers and Papists ; the noble and able general
Lisly (Lesley) hath contrived these, and many other excellent utinsells for War.
“ They are setting ont orders of discipline for the Army, which will be very strict -
and severe, for it is one of our best principles to keepe our souldiers at command ;
and I dare say a prond word, never was a better disciplined Army in the Christian
world than ours. We hâve no dangerous mntinies, nor repinings, nor complaints,
but an universall cheerfulnesse in our whole body. You will not believe how
peacebly we marched with our Army when we came last into England, and how
we kept them in order ; never did Army make less spoile, commit less violence,
fewer plunderings, unless he were a bad man indeede and a very enemy to the cause,
and then we borrowed something of him till our retume.1
“ Our Army is very hardy too, and can endure ail heates and colds, and a small
victailing will serve the tume ; a little paste well kneaded in the palme of their
hands is there usuall dyet, and they are not so tender as your English Cavaliers,
who love ease, and eating, and carousing. They will find wee are too hard for them
in our marchings ; wee never scruple att winter nor bad weather, if the way will
but fit for the carriage of ordnance we shall travail ourselves well enough ; we can
trott over the mountaines and forrests of snow when the Cavileers sett * * * over
a fire.”2
This self-produced testimonial, however coarse and vain-glorious it may appear,
from causes that belong to the general history of the period, was doomed to humilia-
tion. They gradually lost the favour of the party who had invited them, and against
whom they ultimately tumed their arms. Waller had very early learaed the value
of such men, from a proof that he had received at the siégé of Portsmouth, in 1642,
his first undertaking of importance.3 They served to leaven, by discipline and expé-
rience, the materials of which his own forces were usually composed, and they were as
1	[See, however, an amusing instance of pillage by a Scotch officer, in Fairfax
Correspondance, ii. 14 ; a consciousness of some cases of this kind may hâve been
the cause of the apologetic expressions in the vaunt. The following extract from
Burnet (Own Time, i. 38) affords an interesting comment on the whole passage :—
“ The Scots marched with a very sorry équipage ; every soldier carried a week’s
provision of oatmeal, and they had a drove of cattel with them for their food. They
had also an invention of guns of white iron, tinned and done about with leather,
and chorded so that they could serve for two or three discharges. These were light,
and were carried on horses. And when they came to Newbum the English army
that defended the ford was surprised with a discharge of artillery. Some thought
it magick ; and ail were put in such disorder that the whole army did run with so
great précipitation that Sir Thomas Eairfax, who had a command in it, did not
stick to own that till he passed the Tees his legs trembled under him.”]
2	The Scotch Intelligencer, Oct. 19 to 25, 1643.
3	Yicars, God in the Mount, 158.174
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
cheerfully brave in the danger of battle as they were resolute to meet tbe immédiate
approach of death. The Scot of our narrative may be classed as one of these.
Their bearing and temper cannot be better described than by Symonds, a gentleman
in the King’s army, an actor and eye-witness of most that occurred. He is allnding
to an event which took place several months after. “ Friday, 18 October, 1644.
His Majestie, &c. left Sarum and marched toward Andevor, Waller’s forces being
then in Andevor. Generall Goring raysed a forlome of horse, consisting of abont
200 gentlemen that were spare commanders of horse, beate them ont of Andevor,
took Carr a Scot colonel, and another captain, a Scott, that died, who a little
before his death rose from nnder the table, saying he would not dye like a dog
nnder a table, but sate downe upon a chayre, and ymediatly dyed of his wounds.” 1
12. “Army-Surgeons” p. 75.—In the establishment of the Parliament’s forces
their allowance for attention to the sick and wonnded has been thns stated. The
Lord General had his own personal physician at 6s. 8d. per day ; one for the army,
do. ; one apothecary at 10s. (?) per day ; one surgeon at 4s. Each régiment of
foot had its surgeon at 4s., two mates each at 2s. 6d. The Horse Officcrs of the
field had their surgeon with his two mates at the same rate. The Régiment of
Cuirassiers had its surgeon and two mates on the same terms. Harquebusiers and
Dragoons had their surgeon and two mates on the same. Besides these there was
a surgeon to the train of Artillery at 4s. per day. In this list, which lays claim to
accuracy, the surgeon’s chest is charged at 15Z.2 It seems, however, upon the whole
as though in the haste of enlistment the allowance of numbers could not always be
filled up, as the want of surgeons was complained of after. the battles of Alresford
and Newbury H., that had been of a sanguinary description, when men of their
profession were of course much in request. Barber-surgeons are mentioned among
their forces. In those of the King each régiment had one to every company at one
ration per diem : he was subordinate to the surgeon-major.3 The King of Sweden,
from whom most of the military arrangements of this period were adopted, appointed
four regular surgeons to every régiment ; but it is supposed that the Imperialists
had none of this class till about the year 1718.4 Many of the leaders in both
branches of the profession improved their skill and expérience in this time of
1	Diary, Camden Soc. 141.—An anecdote of contempt of death, which in the
mind of the reader, according as it is disposed, may be productive of admiration
or awe.—J. W.
2	Brief Instructions, &c. by J. B. London, 1661, relating chiefly to Cavalry, 17 et
%eq. They were regularly provided with instruments, médicaments, and military
chests. A surgeon’s chest at the beginning of hostilities was worth 251.—C. J.
May 17,1642. [Many were taken in the retreat after the first battle of Newbury.
Merc. Aul. Sept. 21, 1643.]
3	MSS. Harl. 6804, 90.
4	Harte, Hist. of Gustavus Adolphus, Essay, &c. xxxv. ed. 1807.NOTES.
175
trouble. They shew it in their works. Wiseman treats of the cuts about the head
and shoulders received by the infantry in charges of cavalry, and Sydenham of
copious blood-letting adopted in fever, when he was in garrison at Dunstar Castle.
They were ranged on opposite sides, but from the nature of their employment even
when unattached to the swordsmen, few of them escaped persécution and confisca-
tion. Harvey, Bâtes, and Wiseman for the King ; Sydenham and Mayeme for the
Parliament, were ail drifted into the current. The profession in general are
distinguished in the public records by their exertions. They moved from place to
place, wherever the calls of humanity were brought to bear upon them, through a
country disturbed by armed men, with passes, but still in péril. Sir Théodore
Mayeme and Sir Martin Lister were consulted by both parties, and received a pass
to attend upon the Queen in her accouchement at Exeter. Two of the medical
profession, the one in the field, the other in a stronghold, were instrumental in
saving the lives of children committed to their charge. The artillery in the first
great battle had nearly shed the blood of the celebrated discoverer of its circulation.
Reclined upon the turf at Edgehill, and remote, as he thought, from its effects, while
he was reading in fancied security, and two of the princes placed under his care
were playing around him, he was aroused by the plunging of cannon-balls in the
turf to make a timely escape from danger. Equally fortunate was Dr. Nathaniel
Wright of Hereford in saving the lives of helpless wards entrusted to him. He
was a practioner of some eminence, who, driven like Tombs the divine at Leominster
from his home by the persécution of his Royalist adversaries, had sought refuge
with his wife in the castle of Brampton Bryan. In that noble mansion, shut up
without help or hope, was Lady Brilliana the wife of Sir Robert Harley, at that
time (1643) one of the most active of the leaders in London, who, while amusing
himself with destroying the most beautiful works of art, left the defence of his
castle to his truly noble and pious lady. She shewed herself equal to the emergency,
and with the help of Wright and some retainers endured a siégé, at the end of
which the heroic female sunk under her sorrows, and left her children to the care
of Wright. A second attack ensued, which he as gallantly repulsed, obtaining
honourable terms from an inveterate enemy. He is not unfit to be cited here,
because he was afterwards connected for a time with Birch in the Committee of
Séquestration for Herefordshire. He subsequently rose to eminence with the ruling
powers, and attended the Protector, as his physician, into Scotland, by whom he
was made a Baronet.1
In the comparison of the professions, secular and divine, it might be a question
which of the two was most serviceable in the army, the surgeon or the preacher, the
one who ministered to the evil passions, or he who made it his study to mitigate the
fatal conséquences of them. It is pleasing to see a ray of humanity breaking in
from this quarter through the clouds that overcast the State of society. A reference
to Appendix VII. will prove that the King’s Troop of Show might console them-
Letters of Lady Brilliana Harley (Camd. Soc.) passim.176
MILITARY SEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
selves that in the worst of their trials they were in the hands of one who with
regard to humanity was no stranger to the feelings of a gentleman and a Christian.
The King offered any of his surgeons to Hampden in his last extremity.1 2 Justice
has perhaps hardly been done by the writers on these troubles to those who were
engaged in alleviating the miseries of them.
13.	il B ir ch got conveyed to London” p. 76.—Birch was certainly in the right
when he preferred the practice of London to that of the country. It must eyer
hâve been a custom to do so.3 His first surgeons had left him hehind them. The
Earl of Essex could not forhear indulging in a sarcasm by offering a recommendation
of the same kind, as to its being the best place for Henrietta Maria. Whoever
might hâve been Birch’s fayourite, Mayerne [whose real name was Turquet
Mayeme] was at that time high in estimation with the public, nnd a Consulting
physician much in request. His advice was also often sought hy letter. Baxter,
who was always a great invalid, resorted to him more than once. He was variously
employed apparently both in surgçry and medicine, as appears by his “ Adversaria,”
still existing, partly in MS. The names of Pym and Fairfax are both to be found
among his patients ; the latter consulted him in writing from York after the serions
wound receiyed by a shot from Helmsley Castle, and previous to his entering upon
his last campaign. Tros Tyriusve, nothing came amiss to him ; at different times
he doctcrred the Kmg’s hounds at Kew, and prescrihed for the Ifayal family.
The reader will perhaps not be displeased with a portrait of this Esculapius in
his study. Sir Henry Slingsby will thus introduce him. Alluding to his wife, he
says, “ The physick I sent her down from London by y6 Directions of Dr Myeme, of
whom she had taken Physick ye year before : for his custom is to register in a book
ye diseases & remedies of ail his patients, if they be of difficulties, so y* sending for
his book he finds w4 he had done to her formerly, & thereupon prescribes ye same ;
usually I went in a moming for his advise, about 7 of y® clock, where I us’d to find
him set in his study, wch was a large roome fumish’d wth hooks & Pictures, and as one
of ye cheifest he had ye picture of y® head of Hyppocrates y4 great physitian ; &
upon his table he had y® proportion of a man in wax, to set forth y® ordure & com-
posure of eyery part ; before his table he had a frame shelves, wheron he set
some hooks ; & behind this he sat to receive those y4 came for his advise, for he
seldom went to any, for he was corpulent, & unweildy ; & yn again he was rich, & y®
King’s phycitian, & a Knight, w* made him more costly to deal wth ail.”3
14.	Sir Richard Brown, p. 80.—-A citizen of London of great repute and in-
fluence, a zealous Parliamentarian in the outset, but ending as zealously on the
opposite side. He has hence experienced praise and dispraise from both. It might,
1	Warwick, Mémoire, 241.
2	Instances of persons being conveyed from the battle of Edge-hill to a London
Hospital occur in the Diary of a Surgeon. Ellis, Original Letters, Sériés 2, iii. 305.
3	Diary, 69.NOTES.
177
however, be thought fortunate for him that his services reached down to the Resto-
ration, to which he as heartily contributed as formerly he had offered résistance to
his sovereign. In the sarcastic language of the times he is called by Warwick and
Symonds the Wood-, alias the Faggot-monger. By his soldierly exertions he
proved himself to be one who, like Birch, could change from the counting-honse to
the field of battle.1 He came to the aid of Waller from the troubles in Kent, and
was commander of the London force. He had then the rank of Serjeant-Major-
General. During that snmmer he occupied Abingdon with 4,200 men. There Birch
must afterwards hâve found him, for he was govemor of that place till the war was
over, and distinguished himself for awhile by such severities of martial execution
before trial that, like Lydford, the unjust custom of the town obtained the stigma of
“ Abingdon law.” In this government, however, he exposed the attempt of Lord
Digby to bribe him, and obtained crédit with his friends for an act of honour, y et,
for plain reasons hereafter to be seen, it had çeaséd to become a temptation. When
the war was over, his real temptation arose. Appointed as one of the commissioners
to attend upon the King in his temporary confinement at Holmby, Brown was so
undeceived by the amiable traits of character that were then visible in Charles, the
familiar intercourse with him on the greensward at bowls, the sight of his studies
and dévotion—a striking contrast to what he had once believed—that he became not
only convinced but converted. Royalty appeared divested of the charges that he had
been wont to entertain against it, and he did ail that he could to wipe out what he
found to be his errors, and tried not only to mitigate but to avert the dangers that
were threatening his Majesty during the hour of his adversity, though ail his
endeavours were in vain. Brown of course has not been pardoned for this by the
stem severity and illnatured hints of Ludlow, who by some may be thought to bear
hard upon him. Ludlow, however, was not to be trusted on such a point. The
affection with which he was spoken of in the gentler touches of Clarendon and
Heath has secured his latter réputation as a Royalist. There is, however, no doubt
of the sincerity of Brown, from the sufferings that he endured at the hands of the
ruling party in the House of Commons. In his passing over to the other side he
was as remarkable for his zeal as for the eamestness with which he had supported
the Parliamentarian cause: and his conduct must be remitted to the impartial
decision of posterity. He afctained the degree of a Baronet at the Restoration.
15. Sir Matthew Appleyard, p. 80.—Sir Matthew Appleyard, of Dillingham,
Cumberland; a brave Cavalier, whose name is of great repute in the annals of this
war. In the army of 1640, and in the 12th régiment, he appears as Serjeant-
Major under Sir Charles Vavasour. A long period then elapses 2 till the year 1644,
in this battle of Alresford, though he could not but hâve attracted notice from
1 He had been at Winchester and Chichester in 1642.
8 [He served in Ireland with Mynne.—Carte’s Ormonde.]
CAMP. SOC.	2 A178
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
his courage wherever he appeared. His régiment were called “ yellow-coats.”
Clarendon terms him a soldier of known courage and expérience. He was with the
King at Cropredy Bridge and at Essex’s surrender. He was one of the first to
enter the breach at Leicester, where he receiyed the highest class of knighthood
upon the spot (that of knight-banneret), and was made lieutenant goyernor.
His time of occupation there was short, and Sir Matthew is to be searched
for again. He is found raisin g levies in Radnorshire, and afterwards drilling
them in Bristol, where, as in Bath, he had formerly lain disabled and in debt.
Our account of him closes with the narrative that he signed in vindication of
Prince Rupert after the surrender of that city. Having thus done ail that he
could for his general, we lose sight of him. (Lloyd: Clarendon: Rushworth:
Walker: Symonds: MSS. Harl.)
16. “ Blasphémer” p. 80.—The colloquial employment of oaths, with which the
Parliament had as a body branded the Cavaliers, would lead to an inquiry as to its
origin, too extensive and remote for discussion in this place. Taking some account
of the case as it now stood with respect to British soldierv, previously on foot or
recently called into existence, the vétérans as a class, wherever they cast in their
lot, would be found to be contaminated with the hereditary vice of combining the
terrors of imprécation with those of the sword. Military orders on either side were
against it. The punishment theoretically was most severe.1 Their divines assisted
the chiefs in denouncing it. The King in person protested against it.2 But those
who had entered the ranks of the Parliament had been sitting under popular
Presbyterian teachers, who had been more successful in suppressing the habit and
exciting an esprit de corps that cast it in the teeth of the Cavaliers. These on the
other hand seem to hâve persevered in it obstinately out of bravado and malicious
spite. Baxter charges it upon both armies.3 The news-books and minor or
ephemeral literature of the London press did ail in their power to expose it. It
even disturbs the gravity of higher productions, the Report of the Court Martial of
Fiennes,4 and the studied dignity of the campaign of Fairfax and Cromwell in the
West.5 Roe expresses his abhorrence of it in another instance in better taste, but
coincides in the fact that in general his party gloried in abstaining from it as a
distinctive mark. Some still retained it to the annoyance of their graver comrades.
After ail the industry that Waller had shown in the sélection of officers, here
has one been introduced who is looked upon by the rest as ' a disgrâce and
1	More severe than could be put in practice—boring the tongue through with a
red-hot iron. [Yet it is said to hâve been resorted to, with other measures of the like
severity, in the Parliament’s army.—Perf. Occurr. Jan. 13, 1645-6.]
2	His Majesties Déclaration, &c. to ail his soldiers, in the head of his army at
Southam, Oct. 21, 1642. London: printed for Wm. Gay, 6.
3	Life, 47.	4 Hargreave, ut supra.
5 Sprigge, Anglia Rediviva, 126.NOTES.
179
préjudice to the cause, whose bad example was likely to be fatal to those with
whom he acted, and who consequently failed, as is left to be concluded in the
présent instance. In Cromwell’s “ lovely company/*1 about this time forming, he
took steps to eradicate the reproach, and the offenders paid the mitigated fine of
twelvepence per diem.2 The same appréhension of its préjudiciai conséquences was en-
tertained in the army of the Lord General Essex, prior to the battle of Edge-hill. Some
of the subaltems in a régiment commanded by an officer obnoxious to them upon that
account, were quite in an agony till they got the difiiculty remoyed. “ Wee want
nothinge but a good leiftenant-colonell/’ says Nehemiah Wharton, writing to his
master in London; “ I humbly intreate you, asyou desire the successe of our just and
honorable cause, that you would indeavor to roote ont our Leiftenant Colonell ; for, if
we march further under his commaund, we feare, upon suflitient grounds, wee are
ail but dead men. * * Touchinge Leiftenant Colonell Biddeman formentioned, I once
more humbly beseech you—and not I alone, but many others, both commaunders,
officers, and common souldiers—that you would endeavor to rout him.”3 .In a few
days after they broke out into actual mutiny, and the colonel was cashiered. The
same Nehemiah Wharton represents that even the children in Hereford were
familiarised to the use of oaths. The general custom had been repressed by the
statute of James I. and twelye pence made the penalty of adults: but children and
other offenders, of whom it could not be levied, were to be whipped or set three
hours in the stocks. This statute had been reviyed on June 13,1643, and was again
referred to by proclamation at Oxford, April 18, 16444—à singular coincidence
with the period to which Roe refers. The proclamations are a testimony to the
prevalence of the vice in ail conditions of society. Were any other proof wanted,
it is to be apprehended that the rarely expressed exception to this scandai sufficiently
establishes the rule. It has been said of Sir John Digby, who was subsequently
shot at Langport, and died in the flower of his âge, that besides his many accom-
plishments in learning, his courage and conduct in military affairs, he was hardly
ever heard to swear, or observed to give way to anger.5 If this be true he must hâve
appeared to great advantage in Goring’s army, whose officers and soldiers were
proverbial for their blasphemies and excesses. The behaviour of two Cavalier
officers in this respect is feelingly contrasted by Corbet, the chaplain of Massey the
governor of Gloucester. In an expédition in May, 1644, that Colonel defeated a
party of Royalists at Little Dean, in the Forest of Dean, where Captain Wigmore
and Lieutenant-Colonel Congreve took refuge in a house. They were closely
pursued to the same room, and put to the sword. Wigmore retorted upon every
fatal thrust with a curse. The last words of dying Congreve were a prayer.6
1 Carlyle, i. 192.	* Cromwelliana, 5.
3	Archæologia, xxxv. 313 et seqq.
4	Rushworth, 3, ii. 666.
5	Baker’s Chronicle, 498.
6	Corbet, Milit. Government, lxxxvi.180
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
17. “ Hesilrige1» timidity,” p. 80.—Sir Arthur Hesilrige is again brought forward
in no very favourable light. Prince Rupert had defeated Sir John Meldrnm at
Newark (Noy. 21), raised the siégé, and occasioned such terror in those parts that
several places had surrendered. The news has produced the like effect in the camp
of Waller. The text giyes ns to understand that, of ail those in command, Birch
was the only one who, seeing the manner in which others were affected, expressed
his confidence and acted npon it. “ Man’s extremity is God’s opportunity ” was a
fayourite adage among divines and civilians as well as soldiers.1 The Scots
employed it as a truth applicable to the most serions difficulties, and Waller himself
was in the habit of cherishing it, for, in mentioning his escape at Famham, he says,
“ In that extremity the Lord tooke opportunity to shew himself for me ” (see p. 66).
Hesilrige, if only a part of what is said of him be true, was highly in need of snch a
consolation. By his own admission to Holles, he had little pretensions to soldier-like
bearing at Edgehill ; and what is here said by no means exempts him from the im-
putation of cowardice, when on the sight of the rout at Cheriton-wood, he calls out
to Birch, “ Now, Colonel, hâve you fighting enough ?*9 . This is clearly the language,
not of a confident, but of a dispirited man. Holles tells us that he stood crying under
a hedge, “ Ah, woe is me, ail is lost, we are ail undone 1 ” and that a great Scotch
officer (Balfour ?) reproved him severely for it, bade him leave the field, and not
stand “ gudding ” (crying) there to dishearten the soldiers.2 The sarcastic tone of
Holles can no longer be set down to mere malice; nor is it too much to suppose that
he could not hâve continued in public estimation to occupy the part of the Achates of
Waller. It was a wise measure to hâve called in the assistance of Sir William
Balfour, an excellent leader, who was lent from the army of Essex, and had the
command of the cavalry on that eventful day.
The accounts of the behaviour of that body are so much at variance, that it is
difficult to reconcile them. According to the noble historian, the reappearance of the
Cuirassiers3 dismayed the Royal Horse: “Sir Arthur Hesilrige’s régiment of
Cuirassiers, called the Lobsters, were so formidable, that the King’s naked and un-
armed troops, among which few were better armed than with swords, could not bear
their impression : ” 4 after sustaining one charge, they wheeled off, stood at a distance,
1 Introduction to the late Pétition to the King, Jan. 10,1642. Pari. Hist. xii. 19.
—England’s Third Alarm to War, 1643.
s Holles, Memoirs, 27.
3	There were horse cuirassiers in the service of the Belgic States before 1625, as
well as harquebusiers on horseback. [It appears from Sir E. Walker’s Papers that
the King attempted to oppose the Parliament with a similar force. On May 2, 1644,
a troop of 100 cuirassiers was ordered to be raised for Col. Blagge : they are not,
however, subsequently mentioned. (MSS. Harl. 6,802, 126.) In 1642 William
Legge had been captain of a troop of cuirassiers in Prince Rupert’s régiment.—
Collins’s Peerage, ii. 644.]
4	Clarendon, viii. [Hopton had complained in the previous September of theNOTES.
181
and never could be brought up again. If they had time to recover, they were
disconraged. The officers were not déficient in bravery, and Lord John Stuart lost
his life there. An instructor in the art .of military horsemanship shows that they did
precisely what they onght not to haye done : “ there is no wheeling off,” says the
writer, “ but with an utter ruin.” * 1
18.	“ Charging without my head-piece” p. 81.—There may hâve been areasonwhy
the general showed himself so nnnecessarily fearless. A jealousy had sprung np
between the Lord General and Waller that became very injurious to both their armies.
Waller thonght that Essex was near enongh to Oxford to hâve made snch a diversion
in his favour as might hâve checked the expédition against him at Roundway Down.
Essex reproached him with unsoldierly neglect and want of courage there in suffering
himself to be beaten by a handful of men, and to hâve deserted his foot and cannon
without engaging his own person in one charge against the enemy.2 He could not
hâve chosen a better time to give a personal déniai to the imputation. But they were
of entirely different tempéraments, and could never thoroughly agréé to the last.
Their connexion was broken up by the dissolution of the Presbyterian interest after
the disgrâce of the Lord General in Comwall.
19.	Hopton’s retreat, p. 83.—Hopton and Forth retired that night for shelter
to Basing House ; the former having discharged the duty of his command by secur-
ing the retreat of his gnns and ammunition and carriages, through a lane, in safety.
He could not, however, protect his lady so entirely as to conceal her flight from
active pursuit. Other instances occur of ladies of superior officers who attended
their husbands in the hardships and périls of campaigning, and awaited the event at
a safe distance, till the battle was over, following the line of victory, as the case
might be, or flying from the defeat. This was strikingly proved at Naseby, in which
so many of the females of the Court were captured, and many, as alleged, were slain..
Either at Andover or Romsey, Sir William Balfour leamed that Lady Hopton had
slipped away from the confusion in the direction of Newbuiy ; he despatched a party
after her ; they overtook her, capturing several coaches, and made prisoners an escort
of 200 attendants. In the spirit of a courtesy akin to that of the best days of
chivalry, she was treated with the respect due to her rank, released, and conveyed
to Oxford. No robbery was allowed of plate or jewels belonging to herself or those
that were captured with her : the residue alone was reserved as a prize.3 The
success that attended upon this incident probably stimulated Birch afterwards to
attempt a similar pursuit. Monro rebukes the ambition of officers in the employ-
unarmed condition of his horse ; and in December of their decrease.—Warburton’s
Rupert, ii. 291, 333. ]
1 Some Brief Instructions, &c. by J. B.: London, 1661.
* Clarendon, viii.
3 Rushworth, 3, ii. 655.182
MILITARY MEMOIR OP COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
ment of coaches, as matter of luxury or state. The conduct of the Earl of Newcastle
by employment of his carriage after the battle of Adderton Moor in conveying Lady
Fairfax, taken prisoner in the retreat, was an earlier example that might hâve
challenged imitation. “ Not many days after,” are Fairfax’s own words, “ the Earl
of Newcastle sent my wife back again in his coach, with some horse to gnard her ;
which générons act of his gained him more réputation than he could haye got by
detaining a lady prisoner npon such ternis.”1 *
20. “ Hesilrige—never ajfected the foot-service” p. 90.—That Sir Arthur conld .
never do anything as Colonel of the foot is évident from his delegating the command of
his régiment to another ; and thongh he “ delighted ail in horse,” if we are to believe
what Holles has told ns of him 8 and is confirmed by others, it will lead to more than a
suspicion that he might delight, but conld do little more than delight, in horse. The
prédilection of Hesilrige for this arm of the service, and his preference of the horse
individually, as an animal usefnl in war, may hâve been based upon the circumstance
of his having been a country gentleman, fond of good stock and carefnl of -it,3 one
who understood the value of horses, and was fond of bargaining for them in the
market.4 Here he was of great service in purchasing them for the levies. He
“ delighted ail in horse,” for he soon perceived the superiority of horse on the part
of the Cavaliers, and was the anthor of that singular ordinance5 by which he is seen
to hâve persnaded the Houses to take np the snbject more earnestly: ultimately, it
was the cause of their establishing a superiority that helped to décidé the war.
Again he “delighted ail in horse,” for he loved the splendour and state of the
complété cuirassier, which rivalled the Lord GeneraFs life-guard. He “ delighted ail
in horse ; ” but it may be added, without undue severity, that he delighted not in
fighting ; at least to this effect was the testimony of his intimâtes.6 Thus, though he
was colonel of a gallant régiment, and from heat of temper always embroiled in
private quarrels, he had no reason to delight in it after his rebuff at Roundway
Down. Hence he was suspended at Alresford, is undistinguished at Cropredy, and
though he is included among the commanders at the second battle of Newbury, was
one of those who, with Manchester, gave their vote against fighting.7
1 Memorials, 12mo. 1699, 68. [Those who are acquainted with the party-
vehemence of Yicars will not wonder that he has been guilty of a gross mis-
representation here.]
8 Memoirs, p. 11.	3 Holles, Memoirs, 139.
4	Ludlow, Memoirs, i. 112.
5	Scobell, 40, April 25, 1643.
6	Holles, Memoirs, 27, 136.
7	Rushworth, 3, ii. 735.—His expérience in that branch of service was brought
into play long after, and his employment at a season of great difiiculty and appré-
hension ensuing the death of Charles I. will be seen by the following order:—“ The
Councell taking into considération the great waste and spoyle that hath been madeNOTES.
183
As to the complété cuirass, in active service it was disadvantageous for many
reasons ; and it may be *a question wbether Cromwell’s soldiers, commonly called
Ironsides and Lobsters, were so entirely locked np in armour as those of Hesilrige
had been. Many were the inconveniences of panoply, besides the hindrances they
were subject to in putting it on when a horse-quarter was beaten np in darkness :
its weight in winter and heat in snmmer to horse and foot ; to the former the danger
of overthrow and difficulty of remounting. Ludlow was compelled, after he had left
or lost his saddle, to walk up and down the whole of the night ensuing the battle of
Edgehill to keep himself warm :* and Monro’s own amusing confession is a feeling
proof of the misery that he endured, and served him as a lesson for the time to corne.
Writing of military pnnishments he says, “ I was once made to stand in my younger
yeares at the Louver gâte in Paris, being then in the King’s Régiment of the Guards,
passing my prentiship, for sleeping in the moming, when I ought to hâve beene at
my excercise : for pnnishment I was made stand from eleven before noone to eight of
the Clocke in the night Centry, Armed with Corslet, Head-piece, Bracelets, being
Iron to the teeth, in a hot Summer’s day, till I was weary of my life, which ever after
made me the more strict [cautions] in punishing those under my Command.”* 1 2 3
To be thus over-armed would, in some sense, be for a horseman to be disarmed.
In Italy, in some of the almost bloodless encounters of the middle âges, a battle was
sometimes won by cutting the girths of the cavalry and bringing the horsemen to the
ground. On the return of Charles VIII. of France from his expédition to Naples,
the heavy-armed Italians at the battle of Fomova suffered from this cause. They
were lancers in panoply, and were unhorsed. Their situation would hâve been
ludicrous, had it not been fatal for them. They had been encumbered with their
staves, and when once upset fell into the hands of the camp-foliowers, who showed
them no mercy. “ We had a great number of straglers and seruants following vs, ail
the which flocked about the Italian men of armes being ouerthrowen, and sine the
most of them. For the greatest part of the said straglers had their hatchets in their
hands, wherewith they vsed to eut wood to make our lodgings, with the which
hatchets they brake the visards of their head peeces, and then claue their heads, for
otherwisé they could hardly haue beene slaine, they were so surely armed ; so that
there were euer three or fower about one of them.,, 3
of horses in England during the late troubles, and the great want there is like to be
of them for the future for publique service in England and Ireland, hâve thought fit
that ail care be taken for preventing the inconvenience that may corne thereby, doe
hereby order that it be recommended to Sir Arthur Heselreige to take speciall care to
prevent the carrying of horses out of England by the northern parts.,,—Council of
State Order Books, Feb. 24, 1648, i. 17.—J. W.
1	Memoirs, i. 60.
2	Expédition, i. 45.
3	Historié of Philip de Commines, translated by Danett, 332.184
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
21.	44 Challenge by night or day,” p. 95.—The most remarkable and earliest
instance of this challenge, with the reply, that has occnrred to the annotator, is
given in the Letters from a Snbaltem. (Archœologia, xxxv. 329.) In the skirmish
at Powick, 44 Colonell Sands beinge in the front, the Prince asked him whom he was
for; he answered, 4 For Kinge and Parliament.’ He replyed, 4 Not for the Kinge
alone ? ’ He answered,4 No.’ Then said the Prince,4 For the King hâve at y ou.’
The Colonell answered,4 For the Parliament haye at yon.’ And so they discharged
each at other.,, This is well known to hâve been the practice npon the highway.
When the parties were armed it was followedby anencounter; sometimes a defence-
less person was the victim. A trooper of Massey’s, in an inroad into Herefordshire
in April 1644, shot Pralph, the very aged Yicar of Tarrington, who replied that he
was for God and the King: and a Parliamentary newsbook treats it jeeringly as a
joke. (Mercnrius Britannicus, May 20-27, 1644.) On the other hand, Sir Francis
Doddington shot Mr. James, a minister, near Tannton, as he stood upon the way—
44 Who art thon for, priest ?” 44 For God and His Gospel.” (Perfect Diurnall, Ang.
19-26,1644.) The snhject of the challenge is graphically treated by Sir Walter
Scott in the Legend of Montrose. [A cnrious instance given by Yicars may be
cited. 44 Abont a mile before they came at the Town, they discovered another partie
of the enemies horse. Heer, they discreetly agreed to goe soberly toward them, every
man making answer to him that asked any question, nothing but Friendsyfriends,
ail friends, as if they had been of the enemies troopes, and were going npon some
design, it being, yet, dark ; therefore when the enemies called to them, Who is there,
the other ail answered, Friends, friends, and so they passed, but as soon as they
were past, and thought themselves secure, they turned faces about, and asked the
enemie, Who are y ou for ? They answered, for the King. Then, said they, Wee
are for the King and Parliament, and charging, the enemy fled toward Horn-
castle.”—God’s Ark, 45.]
22.	Bonnington Castle, p. 100.—The following also relates to the sériés of
occurrences that serve to fill up the outline of Roe, and complété the anecdote of
Forth’s attempt to escape.
The Castle of Dennington (Donnington), near Newbury, on the north-west, was a
place of importance, and had been once renowned for the residènce of the poet
Chaucer. Like Basing House, it had been an eye-sore to the Parliament. It had
been entrusted to Colonel Boys, a brave and honourable Cavalier.1 His defence of it
has been famous. More than once he resisted the assaults of his enemies, defied
their summons, and beat them off. One of his spirited answers has been preserved
by Heath,2 another by Clarendon. They both refer to the day after this second
1 [He was Lieutenant-Colonel to the Earl of Rivers, whose régiment, about 200 foot
and 25 horse, with 4 pièces of cannon, formed the garrison. He was knighted by the
King Oct. 22, 1644.—Symonds* Diary.]
2	Chronicle, i. 100.NOTES*
185
affair at Newbury. It should be observed that the King’s cannon had during the
fight been drawn np nnder the walls for security till they could be remoyed, as they
afterwards were, to Oxford. “ The next day they drew up their whole army before
Donnington Castle, and snmmoned the goyemor ‘ to deliyer it to them, or else they
wonld not leaye one stone upon another to which the goyemor made no other
reply than that he was not bound to repair it, but, howeyer, he wonld, by God’s help,
keep the gronnd afterwards.* Seeing his obstinacy, they offered him ‘ to march
àway with the arms, and ail things belonging to the garnison,* and, when that
moyed not, * that he shonld carry ail the cannon and ammunition with him,’ to ail
which he answered * that he wondered they wonld not be satisfied with so many
answers that he had sent,* and desired them ‘ to be assnred that he wonld not go ont
of the castle till the King sent him order so to do.’ Offended with these high
answers, they resolved to assault it, bnt the officer who commanded the party being
killed, with some few of the soldiers, they retired, and neyer after made any attempt
npon it.’*1
This may withont hazard be assigned as the yery jnnctnre when the Earl of Forth
was resting here, sheltering himself after his wound, till he thonght it safe to
yentnre ont on his jonmey and follow the Eing. Boys bade défiance to Cromwell,
Manchester, and Waller, and the whole of the Parliamentary army. The temper of
this officer may be seen in Appendix XIII. in a note written to the Goyemor of
Faraham Castle npon the exchange of prisoners.
23. " Oross-cmntry road,’* p. 100.—The facility of moying with a convoy over
open downs was more freqnent than at présent. Forth was on his way to Marl-
borongh, intending to reach Bath, and had hardly escaped from the inclosnres abont
Newbnry when first observed. The road was partjy inclosed and partly open. It is
difficnlt to point out anything more than the direction taken ; for Hnngerford or
Marlborongh are neither of them mentioned in the line of their flight, and might
perhaps hâve been avoided. Horses might hâve had little difficnlty in passing any-
where; bnt here were three coaches laden with women, and a wagon with ail sorts
of valnables. Owing to this, their winding conrse was traced by the hand of Birch,
as that of the pnrsned has often been tracked by the North American Indian.
These windings therefore mnst hâve been necessary, and hâve occasioned delay.
Six hours were consnmed by Birch in collecting the party for the chase and in over-
taking them ; and their fancied security enconraged the wonnded general to indnlge
himself at length in a hait that proved almost as fatal, and from the same cause,
according to the report of his enemies, as that of the unfortunate Louis XVI. at
Varennes in the year 1791. Otherwise, as the license of war admits of no im-
pediment in the démolition of hedges, the time might hâve sufficed, it seems, to hâve
gained gronnd npon the pursuer. The coaches of the day, however, were by no
means of a light kind, even for ladies. They were only closed by curtains instead
1 Clarendon, viii. [It was surrendered April l, 1646.]
CAMD. SOC.	2 B186
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
of glass panels; the more modem light conveyances wonld not hâve been eqnal to
the difficulties and dangers of the road. In the early part of this reign, an in-
stmction given on this subject cnriously contrasta with the style of an approach to a
country gentleman’s seat in the présent day. Serjeant Hoskyns, abont to bring hia
wife down from London to his mansion in Herefordshire, writes thns in Dec. 1627 to
Miss Bonme at Morehampton “ in the Gilden Yale.” After the mention of
conyeying the coach from London, and desiring thàt the horses may be sent forward
for that pnrpose, he adds, “ Take care for the coach-horses to be had at this time,
and go presently abont it day and night : the rest we hâve more time to do. Stndy
the coach-way ; where to break hedges, and how to ayoid deep and dangerous
ways.”1 *
Towards the end of the same century (March 9,1684-5), one of the noble ladies
of the family at Troy House near Monmonth (Lady Rebecca Worcester) thns
answers the inquiry of her friend Lady Hoskyns on the subject of her safe retnrn
from Harewood to Troy :
“ Madam,
“I thank God I retnrned to Troy safe and very well on Friday night, after
haning had a happy deliuerance from two ouertnms of the coach. I gine your
Ladyship many thanks for your fauour of sending to enqnire after ns, and for your
letter.”8
The distance from Harewood to Troy through Ross must haye been considerably
less than twenty miles by the highway. And towards the end of another century
the state of affairs was not much improved as to sloughs and quicksands. The
Duke of Norfolk of that date coming down from the metropolis to yisit his estâtes
at Hom Lacy near Hereford, thought it prudent to carry a set of country tools in
the boot of his coach to assist in remoying any difficulty that might occur upon the
road; and the writer of this note could point to the very spot where such im-
pediment was found. He could also show a highway in which a wagon laden with
fumiture was stopped till the overhanging trees could be lopped and the holes
secured in the road that led to his dwelling, and that in the présent century.3 * *
To revert to our troublons times. With regard to the facility of travelling
through byways or no ways, by traeks or over downs, it maybe instanced that
Colonel Birch, when he proceeded with one of the Harleys to meet King William III.
on his landing, is said by his companion to hâve pushed through the country
without keeping the highway. They met at Wycombe, “ from whence we went to
Wallingford ont of ail roads, which was the only bridge standing between Oxford
1 MSS. Collections.
8 MSS. Collections.
3 He recollects when the Henley road to the famous University of Oxford was
traversed in coaches through wintry mire, only by faggots thrown down to stop
the holes.NOTES.
187
and London: from thence we went to Salisbury keeping no road, and by a signal
Providence escaped being taken by a party of King James’s horse.,, 1
Inclosures, the great aversion of Tusser, the writer on hnsbandry in the reign
of Elizabeth, had rednced the mode of travelling to narrower dimensions than of
old, and multiplied miry ways. So late as the earlier part of this centnry it was
commonly_understood that cattle-dealers and drovers could steal a way for their
flocks and herds, avoiding turnpikes, nearly from Gloncester to London.
24. Capture of Lady Forth, p. 100.—Now that this adventnre has been
minutely recited, and Birch by révision and correction has assented to every item,
and has claimed to himself the crédit, such as it is, of the whole, it is curions to find
a competitor starting up with an opposite claim, and appropriating to himself the
origin and management of the exploit. A Lieutenant-Colonel Thorp, vindicating
his character from some aspersions in the Mercurius Aulicus, brings out in the
ensuing spring a very different version, and introduces us to the obscure names of
.some others of the party. His case is thus stated :
“ At the last fight at Newbury he was commanded upon the guard betwixt New-
beury and Dennington Castle after the fight ; he then, receiving intelligence from
Col. Burch, drew some fourty men and horse from the guard ; so he desired Col.
Burch to go along with him ; there were, under his command, officers as followeth :
Cap. Draper, Cap. Lieutenant Evans, Cornet Mathews, Cap. Draper’s Cornet ; the
intelligence was, that my Lord Ruthin, the King’s Generall, his Lady, and divers
more with him. So they pursued them some eight miles, where they tooke the
General’s lady, and some prisoners of quality with her, three coaches, and about
fifty horse and men, a wagon with much goods in it; so Lieutenant-Col. Thorpe
sent the lady and the prisoners towards Newbury with Col. Burch and some of the
troopers ; the said Lieutenant-Col. pursued the Generall some nine miles further,
and rid in view of him the most of that way, but he having but some two men with
him, and his horse being weary, he retumed back to Newbury, where he and the rest
of the party divided the spoile. This was done without the losse of a man. This is
the true relation of this piece of service.*’ *
A similarity in the name might convey the notion that the Lieutenant Calthorpe
of Roe may hâve been the person who put in his subséquent claim, but it is more
probable that the blunders of the press were really the cause of the différence, as
thus, for Lient. Col. Thorp read Lient. Calthorpe.
25. “ Governor of Gloncester J* p. 104.—Sir Thomas Morgan was a soldier of
fortune who had learned his art in the school of expérience. He was a native of
Monmouthshire, and of mean extraction. At the âge of 16 he was sent into the
1 MSS. Harl. 885, 2,10.
a Kingdom’s Weekly Intelligence^ April 8,1645.188
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
Low Countries as a recruit with a letter of introduction to an officer. The storj is
that, on reading it, the person to whom it was addressed, casting his eye upon the
stature and mien of the youth, said, with a sneer, “ What, has my cousin recom-
mended a rattoon to me ?” (a term of contempt, signifying a West Indian fox).1
Young Morgan, indignant at the expression, left his expected patron, and went to
seek his fortune in the service of the Duke of Saxe-Weimar. How he was trans-
ferre d from this into that of the Parliament is not mentioned. He was sent down
from the North of England, where he had been in some way subordinately employed.
In the Fairfax Memorials a Major Morgan is spoken of as expert in taking gar-
risons.2 [This was in March 1643-4, before, or at the beginning of the siégé of
Latham House. During its progress he appears as Colonel, “ a hot-headed Welsh-
man, with a sharp impérative manner,” who was employed by Fairfax as one of his
messengers to Lady Derby, and directed the engineering under Rigby after his
departure.3] His name does not appear in the sanguinary roll of any great battle,
but it argues no little for his ability that he was at this time chosen to succeed
Massey in the govemment of Gloucester. Morgan was in truth a véritable and.
eamest soldier. The charm of his leading as an officer consisted in his identification
of himself with his men. While Sir Charles Lucas and others on the Royalist side
incurred the censure of keeping too much aloof, this officer, in the Parliamentary
fashion of the time, was familiarly intimate with those who served under him, and
won their hearts. Fairfax, who knew the merits of Morgan during the distractions
of the army and the disbanding of the régiments when their number was to be
reduced, strongly recommended him to the Speaker of the House of Commons as fit
to be sent into Ireland.4 He himself petitioned to go thither. He served afterwards
in Scotland under the Protectorate with great crédit. In the attempt of Cromwell
against the children of Charles I. and the friends of the Stuarts, this leader with
6,000 of his men was sent on an expédition to Flanders about the years 1657 and
1658. There at the battle of Dunkirk they astonished Marshal Turenne and many
of the nobility of France. The courage of his troops was admired. It is his own
unaffected account ; “ See,” said he to his red-coats, as the enemy stood in battalia
before them, “ yonder are the gentlemen you hâve to trade withal.” They gave
such a shout that the illustrions foreigners with their Marshal came up to inquire
the cause. He told them coolly that it was the usual custom of the red-coats, when
they saw the enemy, to rejoice. Turenne replied, “ They are men of brave reso-
lution.” At the storming of Ypres they fell upon two ont of the three half-moons ;
the French attacked the other and were beaten off. Morgan told his officers and
soldiers, quietly, they had better give them a little help. With their wonted good-
fellowship with their leader, they called out, whether “ should they fall on in order,
or happy-go-lucky ?” He replied, the latter. Immediately they were on the summit
1 Bailey’s Dict. v. Rattoon. Qu. Racoon ?
3 Civil War, i. 83.
3	Lady of Latham, 86, 93.
4	Cary, ii. 45.NOTES*
189
of the work, and the enemy in the moat.1 On one of thèse occasions it is said that
he was honoured with a yisit of cnriosity not only from Turenne but Cardinal
Mazarin and others. Full of expectation to find something in him heroically
answerable to his famé, tbey were snrprised to see a little man not many degrees
aboyé a dwarf, seated in a hut of turf snrronnded by his fellows, distingnisbed only
by a green hat-case, smoking a short pipe, his yoice stridnlons and answerable to the
diminutiyeness of his statnre. When he was angry with any of his soldiers he
vented it in a sqneaking tone, “ Sirrah, Fil cleave your skull.” This was he who,
lacking the imaginary dimensions of the hero, was in common parlance “ every inch
of him ” a warrior. His manners were as humble as originally had heen his calling.
He was fond of “ blowing tobacco,” and the présent of silver cans and a beer-bowl2
to his Excellency while he was goyemor of Gloncester, and occasional attacks of
the goût, appear to obtain some coincidence. Under one of these he was labonring
during the extremity of the march to Hereford, and it afEords some due to his state
of health on that wintry night and his résolution of endurance under that malady.
As might be expected from one who had seen many foreign services, he spoke
Welsh, English, Erench, High and Low Dutch, but ail imperfectly.3
Soon after the death of the Protector he and his men retumed from Mardyk, and
were sent into the North.4 He was there “ commander-in-chief of ail the forces in
Scotland,” and resided with his lady at Edinburgh (July, 1660). He was most
essentially instrumental in assisting Monk in the restoration of Charles H., and was
afterwards appointed Governor of Jersey, where he repaired the fortifications ; in
which post he continued at least till the year 1677. Cradled in this sea-girt isle,
and occupied in the construction of its defences, with his small garrison (30 men), a
memorial of his former exploits, he appears to hâve passed the greater part of his
remaining days secure from the storms of those preceding them. Yet, like Birch,
he had the discemment to select the beautiful land of Herefordshire as an agrarian
possession for the property he had gained in war. The castle and manor of Kynarsley
(writes a genealogist) that had passed through several hands descended to Lord
Audeley : “ in the last âge,” he says, “ the Salmons had it. William Salmon left
two daughters his heirs ; Lucy, and Ann. Lucy, to whose share this manor îell»
married James Pit of Kyre, Esquire, who sold it to Sir Thomas Morgan ; and his
son John married Hester, the eldest daughter and co-heir of James Price of Pillith,
in Radnorshire.”5 Thus quietly passed away the traces of one upon whose decision
the fate of a nation as to monarchy or anarchy once gravely depended for four short
days and nights :6 one whose actions, it is hoped thus not unduly magnified, may
1	Somers Tracts, Collect. 4, x. 156.
2	Bibl. Glouc. cxvi. cxvii.
3	Aubrey, Letters from the Bodleian, Lives of Eminent Men, 2. ii. 465.
4	[He was knighted by Richard Cromwell, Nov. 26,1658.]
4 Blount’s MS. of Herefordshire.
6 “ If your petitioner had stayed four dayes longer at York without going into190
MILITA B Y MEMOIB OP COLONEL JOHN BIBCH.
on many accounts hâve merited rather than obtained a more distinct transmission to
posterity.
26.	“ Neutrality ” p. 112.—The oppression of the garrisons becameso intolérable
in many parts that it gave rise to the insurrections of what were termed “ Club-
men ”—peasants rudely armed for the emergency. The Parliament were jealous of
this neutral or third party, and used immédiate efforts to put it down. The various
ways adopted by different commandera are interesting to trace. Cromwell treated
the subject very curtly when he met them in Doraetshire and put an end at once to
their proceedings in that quarter. Massey went to Ledbury to treat with the
Herefordshire and Shropshire part of them, and tampered with them in vain ; a
letter descriptive of his endeavour and their loyal tendency is given in Appendix XIV. :
his idea of “ the rébellion ” will be found amusing. Sir Samuel Luke, writing from
his garrison at Newport Pagnell, suggests to Essex, very naturally as he himself
had property in that county, that his presence would be désirable among the Here-
fordshire insurgents.* 1 The people had been goaded to desperation; but as the Parlia-
ment were now tending towards the ascendant, and the leaning of the Clubmen waS
towards the King, the movement met with discouragement. It is little suspected
how early the disposition towards neutrality had taken its rise after free quarters
and the oppression of garrisons had once been thoroughly felt and understood, and
the patience of the public become exhausted by the interminable appearance of the
quarrel. A proclamation by Sir W. Waller on the same subject will also be found
in Appendix XIV.
27. t( JBribep. 117.—It must be confessed that it derogates not a little from the
heroic part of the scene, to recollect that the success of it was owing in so great a
measure to so corrupt a motive. As Birch rode through the snow-white streets of
Hereford on that bitter moming, he was kept too warm by the agitation and bustle
that was going on,to call to mind that the gloryof the victory had actually been sullied
bya bribe. The application of such meansruns through and stains the brief annals of
the dispute ; and was chiefly attempted, for a reason that will be obvions, by the
Cavaliers. They resorted to it as the royal cause grew weak, and in them (not as in
this instance,) it was the unfailing symptom of a losing game. There are honour-
able instances on both parts when it was rejected : as might be expected, it was
refused mostly by the Parliamentarians ; for they perceived, as the affair went on,
that the stakes would surely enough be in their own hands. Cases are too mimerons
in which the Roundhead had the advantage over the Cavalier, and published and
gloried in it. Backhouse, the lawyer tumed soldier, whose loss Massey had to
lament in the battle of Ledbury, cajoled and gave to the world his correspondence
Scotland to joyne with the Generall his Lordship had been in very great danger.”
Pétition of Sir Thomas Morgan to King Charles IL
1 MS. Letter-book, 66*.NOTES.
191
with Stanford1 2 at Gloucester, and Sir K. Brown exposed and flung into his teeth
the letters that passed between him and Lord Digby wbile he was govemor of
Abingdon. Whitelocke dwells with évident satisfaction upon a list that he gives of
these fmitless intrigues towards the end of hostilities ; but the plain truth appears to
hâve been that the Roundheads felt themselves secnre of their winning without
stooping to the disgrâce and meanness of a bribe.
In the présent instance, however, allowing ail the crédit that can be claimed for
the exertions of Birch and Morgan, who carried off the public applause, it is but due
to the vindication of Scudamore to put in the strongest light that the whole of the
success was the resuit of the grossest bribery. The text insinuâtes nothing that can
lead to a conclusion of this kind; their letters offer no direct révélation of it; but to
hâve ensured success by any means was the object of Brydges and the Farliament ;
and again, ail the agents concurring thought it no dishonour. The Govemor must
be acquitted. The plot was aided by circumstances and the season. Unless his own
honour could be impaired by his flight, setting this aside, with them alone would
rest the secret shame. It is plain that there was little reason for exultation, and the
praise was best secured to the relators of the narrative by suppressing the origin of
the plot in silence. [It is thoroughly brought to light, however, in the «Tournais of
the House of Lords, as will appear by the extract given in the Appendix, No. XV.
Mercurius Academicus, Jan. 1, 1645-6, says that Hereford “ was sold by that
perfidious Major Frice, who was Major of this City when the Earl of Stamford waa
there.”]
28. Dissensions in Hereford, p. 118.—In Hereford matters were not cordial
among officers. Besides other sources of uneasiness with which Scudamore had to
deal, there was a duel pending between two Cavaliers. About a fortnight before
the surprise Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, the lieutenant-govemor of Hereford, the
same from whom a sconce at the time of the siégé derived its name, “ told Sir
Thomas Lunsford that he lost Monmouth basely. Sir Thomas told him he lyed :
to fight they prepared,” says Symonds (Diary, 276), “but stopt by the guards.
’Twas referd to six gentlemen, but could not end it ; they were both confined.’*
Scudamore had no power like that of Gustavus Adolphus (Harte’s Life, i. 154) [to
repress this practice, which was not confined to the Royal army, a duel having been
fought in August, 1644, in a Street in Gloucester, between Major Hammond and
Major Gray, with a fatal resuit to the latter.—Bibl. Glouc. 109.1] It appears by
this that the usual discontent and ill-humour that is often prévalent among men
engaged in upholding a sinking cause, was showing itself in Hereford. The
govemor himself had enough on his hands, and had given offence to many persons
by the difficult course he had to pursue. The private society and conversation of
the officers may be judged of from this specimen and from the company of David
1	Biblioth. Gloucest. 285, et seqq.
2	[An ordinance was passed for the suppresion of duels June 29, 1654.]192
MILITARY MEMOIB OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
Hyde, one of the most infamons desperadoes, whose attendance upon the King was a
disgrâce to that misdirected cause, when on the 4th of January, 1641-2, he was pré-
sent at the Honse of Commons with Lnnsford to help in the arrest of the Five
Members. David Hyde had qnarrelled with Sir Bamabas Scndamore, as he was
ready to do with anyone who opposed his will. He then threatened that he wonld
take vengeance on the first that he met with of the name. This happened to be Sir
John Scndamore, of Ballingham in Herefordshire, who was with Prince Rupert in
Bristol. Hyde met with him in the Street and thrust him through with his sword ,
[on May 12th, 1645. He had been created a Baronet July 23rd, 1644. It appears
from Scudamore’s Defence (see Note 29), that he was about to hold a court-martial
on mutineers the very moming that the city was taken.]
29. Sir Barnabas Scndamore, p. 119.—It is but fair to let the Govemor speak
for himself in this instance. It adds to the many versions of the story that were
current at the time. The Committee of Salop gave immediately the following
account to Sir William Brereton. “ Worcester is much dejected at this suddaine
loss of Hereford, and say as wee heare amongst themselues they must yeild that
Citty or they must he vndon. Wee haue not yet receiued the particulars of the
takinge of Hereford, but haue sent a speciall messinger to be fully informed of the
same, whose retume wee cannot expect of three or f oure daies But ont of the seuerall
relac’ons wee haue heard and conferrence wee haue had wtb those that haue receiued
it from the Govemor of Hereford his owne mouth since he came to Ludlowe Wee
concerne the truth to be that Colonell Morgan y* Govemor of Gloucester wth a partie
of Horse and Dragooners drawn ont of Gloucester, Monmouth, Cannon-froome and
other of y® Parliamu Garrisons, laying hold on y* opportunity now that soe many of
Hereford forces were drawne ont for the reliefe of Chester and other sent to Ragland
vpon an unknowne désigné, and makeing use of the mist vpon Thursday momeinge,
marched ail night and Earely the next moming vpon the Letting downe of y® bridgea
small p’tie first rushed upon the sentinell and the rest came vp presentlie and wtb speed
rushed vpon the maine Gnard, there was noe résistance at ail made as wee heare of. The
Lord Bradnell, the Bi’PP of Hereford his sone, 16 knights and manie other persons of
quality are taken, w11* aboundance of Treasure and Rich prize. The late Govemor of
Hereford saith for himselfe that he vpon advance of this partie gaue notice thereof to
y® Govemor of Ludlowe, rid the rounds ail night himselfe till 5 of y® clock, and gaue
order to y® Towne Maior he should not let downe the bridge before halfe an hower
after eight of y® Clocke and should double the Guards, but y® Maior let downe y® bridg
an hower and a halfe before the tyme appointed and left but one vpon y® Gnard
blowinge his Angers, soe that hee concluded there was Treacherie, in y® Maior.”1
A person upon whom reliance could be placed was appointed to watch the bridge,
but according to ancient tradition this important individual, on whom so much
depended, was taken off his guard. The constable and the supposed countrymen being
1 MS. Letter-book of Sir W. Brereton, iii. 119.NOTES.
' 193
corne to the gâte, and having specified who they were, the drawbridge was let down
and the gâte opened for them. “ Being corne neare to the gâte,” according to the old
story, “ they called upon John Wilder to drop the bridge, and open it ; the said John
beinge a trusty man, had superintendance of that porte, and was answerable for his
right condnct in the same.” This is the relation that is made in an ancient MS.
quoted by Price.1 The anecdote so far helps to complété the particnlars as to shew
that due attention had been paid to this point.
[The courtesy of R. W. Banks, Esq., of Ridgeboume, near Kington, has enabled
me to subjoin to the previous statements some yery interesting extracts from a
Defence of his proceedings published by Sir Bamabas Scudamore in 1646.
“ Upon Wednesday in the afternoone I was adyertised that the enemy was marched
out of Ledbury, and that the discourse of the common souldier in Ledbury was that
they were going towards Hereford. This newes the messenger delivering privately
by word of mouth, when Master Major and some halfe a score gentlemen and townes-
men were in the rôome with me, I did instantly communicate it in publique to them,
and directed Master Major to make proclamation, that the townesmen might hâve
notice of this intelligence, and withall be required presently to shovell off the snow
from the walls, that the place might be fit for them to stand on with their armes on
the first alarum.”
*******
“ About 3 a clock that afternoone, I gave Major Chaplaine orders to double the
guards, which he performed not, as by the list he gave me appeares. At 9 a’clock, I
dismist the said Chaplaine to go to his rest, telling him I would goe the grand round
myselfe, and should expect him to be with me at 6 a’clock in the moming to receive
from me the defects of the guards, and to look to the towne* while I might catch an
houres rest or two, being at 8 a’clock in the moming to sit at a court of warre upon
the mutineers of the day before. The grand round I went about one of the clock.
*	*	*	* Going on the round at every port I charged them upon paine of death
that neither officer nor souldier should stirre off from their guard ; ever adding that
the enemie was advancing and the towne in danger. Corning to Byster’s gâte, at
which port they that corne from Ledbury enter, I found the corporall so drunke that
he could not give me the word, whom I corrected for the présent with my cane, and
commanded my Capt. Livetenant Ballard, who commanded the round with me, to
place an officer in commission at that port as soone as the grand round should be
ended, and to lay the corporall by the heeles. Looking up I called to the sentinel that
stood at the top of that gâte to swingle his match, and answer being made that he had
a snap-hanz, for the more surety I sent another souldier up and called him downe, and
finding it to be so, and fixt and laden, I retumed him up to his sentry place, and added
one more to him, leaving a strict charge that the sentries should be often visited and
relieved every halfe-hour. *	*	*	* The grand round being ended about 5 of the
clock, I ordered my Captaine Livetenant Ballard to continue rounds without ceasing
1 Account of Hereford, 1796, 46.
2 c
CAMD. SOC.194
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
until 8, and to give me an account. * * * * In place of it, ’tis very well knowne by
testimony of some who entred the towne with the enemie, that he, the said Ballard,
drew off the gnard from Byster’s gâte, where when the towne was entred were but
foure sonldiers : and further that he had beforehand poysoned, or by some other
meanes disabled, the murthering peece which lay in the month of Byster’s gâte. * * * *
The keyes received, away he ” (Lient. Cooper) “ hastens * * * * and passing to
Byster’s gâte, opens not the wicket, sends ont no scouts,1 but opens the great gâte, lets
downe the great chaine, lets fall the drawbridge, and going over himselfe, while he
saw npon the other side of the mote the Liev. and six sonldiers who acted the part of
the constable and labourers (whose reported pretence of being sent for by warrant
Cooper conld not but know to be untrue, for hee was the overseer of the works and
writ ail snch warrants and saw the snow npon the ground which made it unfit for
work and knew that the ice was eyery day broken by the garrison,) cryes ont (and to
them certainly) ‘Now or ne ver.’ With this the enemy enters : Captaine Howorth being
in the forelorne hope of foot that seconded the said personated constable and labourers,
Sir John Bridges in the forelorne hope of horse, and Captaine Aldem in the second
division. Being entred the gâte, where they fonnd but foure sonldiers, the forelorne
hope of horse takes the right hand and seizeth upon the maine- gnards, where were but
six sonldiers and one ensigne ; and Captaine Aidera takes the left hand to my house and
the castle. My man brings word to my bedside the enemy was entered. I leapt np,
commanded him to get me a horse, and slipping on my cloathes I ran instantly downe
with my sword and pistoll in my hand to the foregate towards the Street, where the
enemies horse already corne fired upon me, and shot my secretary into the belly : at
which I retreating, another of the house shnts the door, and ont I got at a back way
toward the river, in hopes still of my horse. Upon the left hand at the castle I was
shewed the enemy gallopping towards me ; npon the right hand going to the Bishop’s
pallace I fonnd a body of their foot comming into the pallace yard ; and seeing my-
selfe thns beset, my boy shewing mee that a couple were gotten to the other side of the
river over the ice, by which I perceivd it wonld beare, I passed over, and got to the
gâte at Wyebridge, where intending to get into the towne at the wicket I saw most of
the gnard gone, and a body of their horse comming npon the bridge ; and then under-
standing the enemy to be fully possessed of the towne, and no possibility of résistance
left, I resolved to cast myself at the King my master’s feet. *	* * From hence
then I went to Lndlow, and from Lndlow in like manner to Worcester, professing
there my purpose to ride to Oxford.”]
80. Lieutenant-Colonel Kyrie, p. 131.—A word mnst be added with respect to
Kyrie. There is something remarkable in his association with the party. The
1 [Cruso, in his “ Order of Military Watches,” 1642, thns describes theduty of the
Sergeant Major in the moraing : “ In places of danger he openeth the wicket onely,
and sends ont some men a pretty distance, to discover whether there be not some
Embnscado or the like, and finding ail safe, opens the great gâte.” 65.]NOTES.
195
abode of this noterions character was at Walford Court, in the parish and near the
church of Walford, in the hundred of Greytree, three miles to the south of Ross,
beneath and in sight of the Windows of Goodrich itself, but on the opposite side of
the Wye. This mansion was sufficiently fortified to preyent surprise, and he kept it,
according to appearance, uninjured from any attack till the war was over. It stood
at a place where two or three roads meet, and exhibited in after times a circum-
vallation that commanded them from an interior mound, on which a gun wasplanted.1
The premises were further defended by strong walls, proyided with salient angles
against assaults. . The house itself contained a considérable number of small
chambers for the accommodation of his men ; there was also one called the Armoury,
whose name sufficiently indicates its use. Communication with the Forest of Dean
was easy, and almost immédiate ; and a hill is shewn in the neighbourhood called
“ the Warren,” on which he is said to hâve exercised his garrison. To the eye of
one who surveyed the dimensions of the walls early in this century, they exhibited
nearly a mile in circumference, with a height of eight feet. Shom of their dimen-
sions, and reduced to those which invested more immediately the house itself, they
appeared afterwards as aboyé described. The whole is now transformed so as from
the description to be scarcely known.
The owner, who was connected by marriage with the families of John Hampden
and Sir William Waller,8 had done more than enough to deserve hostile attack, for
he had followed the example of Colonel Urry in the dishonourable German System
of fighting on both sides. First on his retum from Continental war he had fought
for the Houses ; then he published a recantation and turned over to the King ; then
to serve against him ; and once more in mere treachery had dissembled with the
Royalists while he proved their foe.3 He ended on the conquerors’ side. His life is
a specimen of the genuine tumcoat of the day ;4 his person was exposed in several
encounters : it is unnecessary to say how far he acquired the estimation of posterity.
He had been lately active against Sir Henry Lingen’s comrades in Monmouthshire,
and once by treachery captured Monmouth itself for the Parliament.
31. Surrender of Goodrich Castle, p. 132.—Goodrich had fallen, but not the
spirit, nor the lives, of its defenders. They were admitted to terms of “ mercy for
their lives.” Such was the distinction, often adverted te, in their laws of war,
1 By the size of balls there found of 8 lbs. the piece of ordnance seems to hâve
been a saker.
8 Fosbroke’s Ariconensia, 91.
3	[Merc. Aul. says he had been on three sides in less than two years. Nov. 23,
1644.]
4	This was not the only instance in Herefordshire, according to Symonds. (Walter)
“ Baskervile of Canon Peawne, small estate, ( jure ux.') first for the Parliament, then
for the King, then theirs, then taken prisoner by us, and (with) much adoe gott his
pardon, and now pro Rcge, God wott.”—Diary, 196.
2 c 2196
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
between mercy for life, and mercy alone ; and with the former of these Colonel Birch
thongbt fit to comply. Not as at the sad and rash defence of Hopton Castle on the
border of Salop, where a few brave spirits, by “ stonting it ont,” in the langnage of
the private soldier, through ignorance or obstinacy incurred the fatal forfeitnre, and
were in cold blood put to death, those of Goodrich claimed and obtained the
favourable terms by which they were reqnired to yield their persons to the hands of
the victor, but admitted to retain their lives. They marched out gaily, if tradition
can be relied on, to a favonrite air, which was known by Sir Harry Lingen’s name.
It was long kept np, and played in the dances of that time, in commémoration of the
event, bnt is irrecoverably forgotten.1 This anecdote was current in the last century,
and told to Heath by Dr. Griffin, the then possessor of the Castle. He had in his
service a gardener, who in his youth knew and remembered the air. Ail inquiries
of a later date to recover it among the minstrels of the country hâve been in vain.
It may be thonght that too large a space has been devoted to the actions of Lingen
and the scene of his exertions ; bnt the desultory manner in which they hâve been
passed over in the MS. has drawn from the commentator what he considered impar-
tially due to his memory and the loyalty of that district in particular among whose
romantic scenes and wild traditions his lot has been for half a century cast.
32. Démoralisation of Soldier y, p. 150 (where the reference has been accidentally
omitted).—In times of civil dudgeon, now long grown high, when authority and law
in some sense were for awhile inverted, and misrule on ail sides appeared to be
gaining the ascendancy, the eye would be reasonably directed to the power by
which affairs were actually swayed while mattere are thus balanced. This power is
only fonnd in the sword. It is the sad sequel to the heat of continued personal pro-
vocation and strife of tongues, and after four years of unrestrained employment
throughout more or less of the affected districts. This chastisement going through
the land could not be otherwise attended, in principle as in practice, than by sad
deteriorating effects. In a word, the injury to the inflicting as well as suffering part
of the community was manifest, and in both was exhibited in gross démoralisation.
Religion and mannere were alike violated, and in particular by those in whose hands
the weapon was grasped. The character and composition of those who constituted
the mass of the forces at their height, conquering or succumbing, has been variously
estimated, according to the prepossession of subséquent lookers-on, and the merits or
defects of their leaders hâve been as variously censured or applauded ; but, without
descending much into particulars, it is évident that principle, where any had existed,
had now degenerated into the love of gain, and the root of ail evil, combined with
the unlicensed extravagance of other passions, prevailed.2 Some of the severest
1	Heath, Excursion down the Wye.
2	We may accept the confession of one of the coolest judges upon the subject,
when, as to the real worth of the military towards the conclusion of these miseries,
he told Sir Philip Warwick, who went to visit him (Sir T. Fairfax) after the sur-NOTES.
197
paroxysms of the disease were past. The terrible atrocities of Sir Marmaduke
Langdale’s forces by land, the brutal excesses of Swanley by sea against the Irish,
rewarded with applause [and eyen more substantially] by the Parliament, and the
unexampled ordinance for hanging eyery one of those soldiers taken in arms, passed
by the two Honses and retaliated by Rupert, but disowned after the shame of com-
pliance and disgust by both him and Essex, may be set aside as glaring and offensive
blots in the page of history ; but there are révélations of another kind which throw a
shade on the winding-up of this story. It cannot be pretended that the blâme rests
wholly with the conquerors where ail contributed their share to the effect ; but it was
so remarkable to those who were in the secret as loudly to demand redress. The
Parliamentary force, in spite of the daims of its leaders to religious superiority, had
by this time grievously degenerated and subsided into a chaos that exhibited the
utmost moral disorder and threatened to corrupt the mass of society. This it is hardly
too much to conceive of it, while such hints as exist in the secret memoranda of
those who had not originally intended to expose them to public gaze, remain un-
expunged from the impartial hands of those who were thoroughly acquainted with
their truth, and ashamed that it should ever hâve been divulged. Sir Samuel Luke,
who was a droll, as was his clerk (Butler), tells us what were amusing were it not
serious [as to the intoxicated condition of the Parliamentary recruits, as well as
details of a more revolting nature concerning the State of his garrison-town]. It
needed an iron hand to reduce it to order. That stringent pressure was found in the
final exertions of Fairfax and Cromwell. It is thus that succeeding âges, from whom
truth has long been hidden, are by such revivais wamed from the breakers on which
their ancestors hâve suffered shipwreck.* 1
33. Purchase of Episcopal Lands, p. 155.—[Birch’s investment in épiscopal pro-
perty was at first a very profitable one. His hop-yards at Whitboume (notorionsly
however an uncertain crop) are said to hâve produced in one year upwards of 7002.
But he would hâve suffered materially at the Restoration had it not been for a stroke
of that time-serving policy which distinguished his course. His exertions in the
render of Oxford, that the best common soldiers he had came ont of the Royal
army, and from the garrisons he had taken in : “ so (sayes he) I found you had
made them good soldiers, and I hâve made them good men.”—Memoirs, 253.
1 [The following letter from Col. Yenn at Northampton to the Committee of both
Kingdoms, dated April 11, 1646, gives a curious insight into the state of the Parlia-
mentary levies at that time :	“ Most countries press the Scum of ail their Inha-
bitants, the King’s Soldiers, Men taken ont of prison, Tinkers, Pedlars, and
Vagrants that hâve no dwelling, and such of whom no account can be given, it is
no marvel if such run away ” (desert).—L. J. See Waller’s Vindication, 120, for
a remarkable statement as to the number of Royalist soldiers included in the
newly-modelled army].198
MILITARY MEMOIR OP COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
cause of royalty obtained a promise from the King that he should not be damnified
“ for severall sums of money by him layd ont and for purchasing at second band sixe
mannors and severall other thinges part of that Bishoprick, and for mony expended
in building, repairing, and improving the lands of the Bishoprick amonnting in the
whole to about nine thonsand Pounds and conseqnently he obtained from Bishop
Croft leases of the whole to the trustées of the widow of Bishop Monk, the General’s
brother, and Croft’s predecessor, who had held the episcopate for less than a year.
However, a very serions misnnderstanding afterwards arose, which Clarendon, mediat-
ing for Birch, failed to terminate ; and it was referred in 1671 to the arbitration of
Sir Edward Harley of Brampton Bryan,1 the very man who had lodged such strong
complaints against the Govemor of Hereford, and whose character for justice thus re-
ceived the highest attestation. Many récriminations passed in an unfriendly spirit,
and the Bishop especially was moved to great warmth of language.2 Harley’s award,
though not wholly, was substantially in favour of Birch, to whom the lease for three
lives was confirmed ; and it was signed by both parties, April 12, 1672. The
disputants had confronted one another on a previous occasion, when the one was
Dean of the Cathédral, the other, Govemor of the Castle. The doctor is said to hâve
preached so vigorously against sacrilege that the soldiers were preparing to level their
fire-arms against him, but were restrained by their commander. The Bishop in his
correspondence shews no sense of gratitude for the interposition that protected the
Dean ; but perhaps he felt none, for he must hâve known that the Govemor could hardly
hâve ventured to sanction such an outrage. It is pleasant to be able to relate that, on
one occasion at least, probably towards the end of the Bishop’s life, the Colonel was
a visitor at the Palace. And after ail, these opponents died about the same time,
Dr. Herbert Croft expiring May 18,1691, in the 88th yearof his âge, eight days later
than his former adversary. He was a younger son of an ancient Herefordshire
family.]
34. Birch9s Epitaph, p. 160.—[The remarkable error in the date may probably be
connected with a circumstance mentioned in the life of Antony à Wood (i. 304, edit.
Eccles. Hist. Soc.) under the date of May 1694. “ We hear from Hereford, that the
bishop of that see with his attendants went to Welby [Weobley] to deface an inscrip-
tion on a monument erected in that church in memory of coll. Jo. Birch, the minister
and churchwardens thinking some words thereon were not right for the church insti-
1 One of the most irreproachable and impartial of neighbours.—J. W.
* An amusing specimen of this occurs in a letter to Harley, in which he speaks of
“ the claws of y* * Greedy Harpye who notwithstandinge ail that I hâve giuen him
would yet scratch my eyes out could he find the least piece of Gold undr them. God
forgive him and deliver me from him. Amen.,, It is however due to the Bishop to
state that in a subséquent letter to the arbitrator he offers an excuse for his expres-
sions.NOTES.
199
tution. The words were these ”—The whole inscription then follows, with a few un-
important variations from that now existing ; the date—no doubt the correct one—is
“ the 7th of Apr. 1616.” Wood adds “ The colonel’s nephew désignés to bring an
action against the bishop for defacing it.” This may hâve been#a mere threat; it is
more probable that the matter slept during the time of Bishop Ironside, and that the
epitaph was restored as we now see it after his decease in 1701 : but though we may
thus account for the disappearance of the true date, the substitution of one inaccurate
alike as to month and year, within so short a time after the colonePs death, is as far
from explanation as ever.
In leaving in his final resting-place the old Presbyterian, whom we may suppose to
hâve become a conformist in his later days, it is pleasing to record a fact indicative
of liberal feeling. In the admirable Camden Edition which Mr. J. G. Nichols has
given of Dingleÿ’s History from Marble (I. clii.) is a représentation entitled “ The
South prospect of Weobleys Church as its steeple now stands Anno MDCLXXXII
beautified repair’d and adom’d by John Birch Esqr one of the Honb,e Burgesses for
this ancient corporac’on.”]
[Addendum.—It should hâve been remarked in foot-noteB, p. 55, that, according
to Heywood, Birch is set down as a Major in his kinsman Thomas Birch’s accounts
in 1643.—Newcome’s Diary, 204n.]APPENDIX
APPENDIX I.
(1)
The two following letters will perhaps be amusing, as they expose the
different dispositions of persons employed on the same side. Ail
accounts concnr in the dispersion of great nnmbers of those who had
fought at Edge-hill and suffered in the diseased camp at Reading. The
writer of the first letter shews the coolness or ease with which his object
was accomplished, in spite of his having subjected himself to military
law and to the pnnishment of death. He had served for a while as a
dragoon nnder Captain Baynes, and when he found his commanding
officer was ordered into the West, he turns his back upon him and sends
this excuse.
Captaine
noble Sir my due respecs waite vpone you Sir this is to sertifie you that I being
Left att reading one wedings day night Being secon of nouember did not know
whether to Corne to you but retired to your hous att London and Corning att hid
parke Sargent Smith ynder Captaine Burus liuing in the pallis yard tooke my hors
and my sword from me and thay said they shoold be safe for you and soe gaue me
libertie to goe for I was not very well att this présent I find my selfe not able to doe
you serais Els shoold I be ready to waite vpon you soe haing noething Els worthie
to informe you with I Best your humble seruant att Command
Willam Bacon
from london this fowrth of nouember 1642
(2.)
The next letter is still more strongly descriptive of the désertion of the
army, but expresses an opposite feeling in the writer. Goodwin, the
intimate friend and neighbour of Hampden, held like him a command
under the Earl of Essex, and was quartered at Aylesbury in the first
campaign. Whitham pleads in his excuse for apparent neglect of duty,
among other reasons, his having given proof of his attachment to the
service, by sacrificing the comforts and charities of private life.
CAMD. SOC.	2 D202
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
Most Noble Sr.
I beseech you to excuse mee in that I doe not waite vppon you for orders
accordinge to my duty, the grounds whereof meerely arisinge from my care to the
States good, for if I should bee but a small while absent our dragooners would for the
most part ail bee gone wch as I concerne would bee p’iuditiall to .us in incouraginge
our enimies and discouraginge us to hear yt our forces disband, beesides the loss the
State would suifer in regard of their horse and Armes, w*h yet notwthstandinge for ail
my care of them and engagemt8 for them are some allready gone as my Leiftn*: this
bearer can more fully informe you: Truly Sr my most humble & honourable esteem
of yorselfe and my unfayghned respect to the cause brought mee first unto you, and
though I left a son’e dead ou* nigbt and a sorrowfull woman hauinge longe had a
wounded conscience and troubled spirit (and then much more increased by that temporall
afflic’on) yet I most willingly in y® mominge left ail to obey orders I rec’: to waite
uppon you, w*111 hope together w411 yor owne goodnes & charity may perswade you of
y® faithfulnes of him to doe you seruice who unfaighnedly desires to bee yor humble
(though unworthy seruant
NATH: WHITHAM.
To his much Honourd and Noble Com’ander Coll:
Goodwin Com’ander in chiefe of the forces at Alsbury
these prsent.
(Indorsed by Goodwin,)
Serg4 Maior Witham 1642.
(Cartel MSS. Letters, Bibl. Bodl. EEEE. 57.)
Whitham (if he be the same person) appears to hâve risen in the
army, and was afterwards Govemor of Northampton, and brought a
party of horse to join in besieging Banbury Castle. (Perfect Diurnall,
Aug. 26 to Sept. 2,1644.)
APPENDIX IL
Through the kindness of Lady F. Y. Harcourt, the following cürious
and in more than one way instructive letter is now published for the first
time. It appears to be in the hand-writing of Sir W. Waller.
Sr:
Our greate Care and desire was and is to p’serue the Cyttie of Chichester from
vtter ruine and wee haue Cause to blesse God that there hath not bin (though the
souldiers lay nine dayes and nights in the open feilds) since our entrance any plundringe
to satisfie the souldiers Wee jngaged our selues to giue them one monthes pay theAPPENDIX.
203
Cyttie is not able to make this good W* Compels vs to moue the house that some plate
raysed by the Cyttie vpon the p’posic’ons may be retumed to assist as a helpe in this
greate Charge w^: jf the house please not to grant wee knowe not what miserie may
fal ypon the towne our sonldiers haueinge hethertoe wth mnch patience expected onr
p’mise but jf they find onr jnabiletie Wee knowe there rndenes. The valew of the
plate is about one thonsand ponnds. Wee had in this towne abont one hundred
Com’anders and officers aboue three score are sent vp and the rest shalbe with the
fittest Convayance wee Can. The Co’mon sonldiers gathered ont of the Country and
keept in by force wee sett att liberty but the Dragoons sent from Oxford will Corne
vp by sea ; wee looke vpon those (jf set att libertie) as men that Can’ot but doe mis-
chiefe & only fitt for a pla’tac’on. Wee p’sent onr semices to your selfe, and will
ener bee
your semants
Chichester this 6	William Walleb.
of jan 1642	Abt. Hesilrige.
William Cawley.
Indorsed,
For the mnch Honored John Lentall Esq. speaker of the house of Com’ons-
with this note by Sir Robert Harley,
Fro* Sr: Wm: Waler et. to Mr: Speaker.
(Brampton Bryan Papers.)
APPENDIX III.
(1.)
When Count Mansfeldt arrived in England in 1624 to raise an army
under his command for the recovery of the Palatinate, in the 4th régiment
of foot, nnder Colonel Sir C. Rich, were enlisted the following officers :
Lieutenant-Colonel Hop ton, and Sir William Waller. They had been
comrades in that expédition, and served and suffered together. (Rush-
worth, Hist. Coll. i. 153.) On the strength of this ancient connexion
Hopton addressed a letter to Waller, desiring an interview, since they
were on opposite sides. This is the answer of Waller to Hopton,
before the battle of Lansdown, 1643 :
Sir,
The expérience which I hâve had of your worth, and the happinesse which I
hâve enjoyed in your friendship, are wonnding considérations to me when I look
upon this présent distance between us: certainly, Sir, my affections to you are so204
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN B1RCH.
unchangeable, that hostilitie itself cannot yiolate my friendship to your person ; but
I must be true to the cause wherein I serve. The old limitation of usque ad aras
holdeth still: and where my conscience is interested ali other obligations are
swallowed up. I should wait on you according to your desire, but that I look on
you as engaged in that partie beyond the possibilitie of retreat, and consequentlie
incapable of being wrought upon by anti-persuasion, and I know the conférence
could never be so close betwixt us, but that it would take wind and receive a con-
struction to my dishonour. That Great God, who is the searcher of-all hearts, knows
with what a sad fear I go upon this service, and with what a perfect hâte I detest a
war without an enemie, but I look upon it as opus Domini, which is anough to
silence ail passion in me. The God of Peace send us, in his good time, the blessing
of peace, and in the mean time fit us to receive it. We are both on the stage and
must act those parts that are assigned to us in this Tragedy, but let us do it in the way
of honour, and without personal animositie ; whatsoever the issue of it be, I shall
never resign that dear title, of
Your most
Affectionate Friend
and faithful servant,
William Wallee.
(Vindication, 13.)
(2-)
Another letter shows his courteous disposition, more akin to the
Cavalier than the Roundhead. The lady to whom it was addressed had
suffered froni the capture of her noble husband at Hereford, and her
expulsion by night from their seat at Hom Lacy near that place. She
had been forced to take to flight from the visit of his troops. The other
house that is mentioned in this letter was at Newark near the city of
Gloucester, and now in the hands of the Parliamentarians. It is doubtful
whether he could perforai his promises of relief from séquestration, or if
so in the first instance, whether such relief from damage and séquestration
could be continued.
Noble Lady,
I shall ever take itt as a great honour to receive your commands, and I shall,
with a ready obedience, entertaine them.
In obedience to your ladyshipp’s letter, I sent for Alderman Pury, and questioned
with him what wast had been committed on your ladyshipp’s house or grounds. I
finde some trees hâve been felled, and hâve given order there shall be no more
touched ; but I am assured nothing about the house hath been defaced, only a tower
of an old chappel adjoyning thereunto was pulled down, in regard itt might hâveAPPENDIX.
205
been some annojance to the workes. For your ladyshipp’s rents I haye given
order the séquestration should not bee executed ; so that, Madam, they are still at
your command. If there be any thing else wherein I may adyance your ladyshipp’s
service, I humbly beg the fayour to be commanded, that I may haye opportunity to
give some démonstration with what passion
I am, Madam,
Your deyoted humble servant,
Walleb.
Gloucester, June 4, 1643.
For the Right Hon. the Lady Scudamore,
att Homelacy, humbly présent these.
(Duncumb, Hist. of Herefordshire, i. 264.)
(3.)
This address to the Royalist General proves his talent at hitting upon
the temper of the King’s officer, and how nearly in some respects he
approached to the bearing of a Cavalier. When these two commandera
were beating up each other’s quarters in Wiltshire, the Parliamentarian
being worsted, and desiring an exchange of prisoners, wrote thus :
Waller to Goring.
Noble Lord,
God’s blessing be on your heart, you are the jolliest neighbour I haye ever met
with: I wish for nothing more but an opportunity to let you know, I would not be
behind in this kind of courtesy. In the mean time, if your Lordship please to release
such prisoners as you hâve of mine, for the like number and quality that I hâve of
yours, I shall esteem it as a great civility, being your Lordship’s most humble and
obedient servant,
William Walleb.
(Bulstrode, Memoirs, 120, ed. 1721.)
APPENDIX IV.
sr.
I am now lodged at the Maidenhead over ag’st Lincoln Colledge, & hope to haue
my quartr : in the great quadrangle a corner ground Chamber of my sonne, even in
Ch: Ch: ye Court it selfe. I found ail passages less difficult then I expected w^in theyr
quarters & in Court & Citty, (They being noe less carless then yow strict for wch yow
owe them thanks, & they none to yow) am taken for a high Cavallier and shall not206
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
I hope want opportunity for effectuall service in due time. That I writt noe sooner
was, that I could perceive noe danger to your Garrison upon the best inquirie
I could make; the Prince Rupert wth horse & some foot drawne from ye severall
Garrisons to y® number of 6000 being to hâve his Rendesvous at Lambome on
tuesday night, and the desseign to bee for the Devises, Glocester, Bristow, as success
should invite him. And knowing that my Lo: Digbyes Troope quartred in Whatley
was drawn up, I was confident it could not bee for yow, and indeed yow, doe not soe
much feare them as they the deepe wayes to yow, the strength of your Garrison &
fortifications wth the affection of the adiacent Country; Howsoever yow shal doe well
to stand on yowr gnard and observe well his reverse, And I shall not fayle to lettyow
timly know what I may if yow will butt send a witty confident fellow to mee & place
another at some reasonable distance from the Towne, w4* I wonder our scout Mr Gen11:
hath not done in ail this time though promised long since & w^out wch I shalbee
of noe vse. This messenger is mine owne servant, I am therfore confident. Pray
giue him this inclosed seale back againe, that he may retome by yow if need bee, or
view well the man, yow may know him another time ; his name is W“ : Snape. Though
in hast ; I am Sr
Your verie humble and carefull servant
(no signature)
Oxford 25° ffeb: 1642
Here is noe certayne newes what the Prince hath done as yett. The Secretarie
ffalkland went to him last night I hope he hath not lighted on our Convoy of mony
& Armes w** they say Neale theyr Scout Mr. gaue them notice of howrly Butt I hope
they missed theyr marke, for surely it would haue been known here ere this.
(This figure on y
(Seal a death’s head.) (No address—indorsed C. S. 1642.) the back.) j"
(Carte’s MS. Letters, Bibl. Bodl. EEEE. 64.)
APPENDIX Y.
Six and forty years after this eyent his memory was recalled and per-
petuated by a descendant in an inscription on a monument in Winchester
Cathédral, which, as a curiosity, is given Verbatim, since, proceeding from
a Master of Arts, it is as remarkable in its way as the character it
records :—
“ At the south-east end of the pillar at the head of Bishop Morley’s vault, on a
square piece of brass fixed against the pillar, is this inscription:APPENDIX.
207
A Memoriall
To the Renowned Martialist Richard Boles of the Right
Worshipful Family of the Boises of Linckhorne Sheire,
Colonell of a Ridgment of Foot of 1300, who for his gracions
King Charles the First did Wonnders at the Battle of Edge
hill. His last Action to omit ail others, was at Alton in
the Connty of Southampton, was surprized hy fiye or six
thousand of the Rebels; which cansed him, there qnartered,
to fly to the Chnrch with near fourscore of his meû, who
there fought them six or seaven Honrs, and then the Rebella
breaking in npon him, He slew with his sword six or seaven
of them was slain himself, with sixty of his Men
about him. His gracions Sovereign hearing of his death
gave him his high Commendation in that passionate
expression.
Bring me a Mouming Scarf, I hâve lost
One of the best Commanders in the Kingdome.
Alton will tell yon of that famous Fight
Which this Man made, and bade this World good night
His vertuous Life found not Mortality ;
His Body mnst, his vertues cannot die.
Becanse his Blood was there so nobly spent ;
This is his Tombe, that Chnrch his Monument.
Richardus Boles Wiltoniensis in Art. Mag.
Composnit, Posuitq: Dolens
An. Dni. 1689.”
(Gale, Hist. of Winchester, 54.)
APPENDIX VI.
Noble Sr
I once more increase my ill manners to yon which is to let yon know that in
ail his Majesties Garissons I am allow’d a Deputy, Yow being so I am bold to entreat
yon will allow of this my Deputy George Crosse, who being one bom near yon and as
he tells me known to yon wilbe the more readily well allow’d hy yon, my fees are 20s
for a Gent. 13s 4d for a Cittizen 10s for a Farmer or Yeoman, & 5s for a Com’on
Man so mnch severally for every day, I pray yon let him hâve yonr Countenance &
Assistance in his Service, wch I assure myself he will perform dilligently and
Honestly so rest
Sr yor humble Servant
W Smith.
P. Marshall Generall.
Oxford Jan. 6. 1642.208
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
I hope this Letter with yor Com’ission & permission wilbe sufficient Authority
for him, if not I will send him a députation at large but hâve done no more but this
in other places & am obey’d.
For Sr Francis Oately my most honoured Friend
This & my Service at Shrewsbury.
(Ottley Papers at Pytchford.)
APPENDIX VII.
Honored Sr
At yor late beateing up or Qrters at Kidlington among*. other Prisoners there
taken was a Boy named Beniamin Gill my Apprentice It is very well knowne how
carefull I haue ever beene in dressing yr wounded men whensoeuer they hâve fallen
into or hands Therefore Sr if yu will give him a speedy release & safe passe
to Oxford, I am very confident y6 favour shall not passe wthout an earnest endeavour
of Recompence ffor if at any tyme any Chirurgion or wounded men of yors. shall fall
into our hands my care of getting releasem11. or dressing those y* hâve need thereof
shall manifest how greate a favour yu hâve done Sr to
yor obleidged seruant
Hen. Johnson
Kidlington 1 lth of March,	Chirurgion to his Ma*y* owne Troope.
1644.
The boy is mentioned as having been sent back 16th May, 1645.
(Letter Book of Sir Samuel Luke.)
[When the estate of Stephen Fossett, surgeon to the Duke of York,
was under séquestration, he produced two certificates setting forth that
he, during his résidence in Oxford, constantly and carefully dressed ail
such as were taken prisoners and wounded of the garrison of Abingdon,
without any satisfaction for his pains, and with much care and willing-
ness, at his own charge, dressed ail such wounded soldiers of the Par-
liament as from time to time were brought in wounded, and relieved them
with such other necessaries as were needful for them in the times of
their extremity.—Séquestration Papers, 2, xxiii. 71.]APPENDIX.
209
APPENDIX VIII.
The Devonshire Ditty.
The Devonshire Ditty, a ballad of the most poignant kind, in which
Wit and ribaldry are sufficiently intermingled to bear the impress of the
Cavalier rather than the Roundhead. It had perhaps been intended for
the service of the King, by its attacking neithér side in particular. Its
dialect détermines it to a district where some of the grossest spoil and
misery had been endured, and especially from the rudesoldiery of Waller.
It may be worth preserving, nearly entire, on another account, as a
philological curiosity, since it no doubt represented accurately the
existing phraseology of the county :—
----Chili work no more,
Dost think chill labour to be poorc ?
No no, ith chave a doe,
If this be now the work and trade,
That Ise must break and rogne be made,
Ich chill a plundering too.
Chill zell my cart and eke my plough,
And get a zword if Ich know how,
For Ich mean to be right,
First chill leame to zwear and roare,
* # * *
Tis no matter where Ise can fight.
But first a warrant it is vet
From Mr. Captain that is get,
And make a zore adoe.
For then chave power in any place,
To steale a horse without disgrâce,
And beat the owner too.
Ich had six oxen tother day,
And them the Boundheads got away,
A mischief be their speed.
Ich had six horses in a hole,
And them the Cavalières stole,
Ise think they be agreed.
2 £
CÀMD» soc.210
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH,
If chaye any mony left in store,
There cornes a warrant straight therefore,
Or Ise must plnndred be.
As soons chave sbuffîed ont one pay,
Then cornes another withont delay,
Was there eyer the like azee ?
Her’s do labour, toil and zweat,
Endure the cold, the drie and wet,
And what does think Ise get ?
Fags, just my labour for my paines ;
The garrisons haye ail the gains,
For thither ail is yet.
They vet my corn, my bean and pease,
Ise dare no man to displease,
They do so swear and vaper;
And when Ise to the Govemour corne,
Desiring him to ease one zome,
Chave nothing but a paper.
But dost thon think a paper will
My back cloath and my belly fill?
No no, goe take thy note.
If that another year my vield,
No better profit do me yeeld,
Ise may go eut my throate.
And if ail this be not griefe enow,
They hâve a thing call’d Quarter too,
O î tis a vengeance waster.
A plague upon’t ; they call it vree.
Cham zure theyve made us slaves to be,
And every rogne our master.
(Wits Interpréter, 1655, 143.)
APPENDIX IX.
Taylor the Water-Poet.
John Taylor, a zealous Cavalier, so called as having been bred a
waterman. He is less brilliant than the Devonshire Ditty, and even
nncouth, but not less intended to be severe. A fragment, in spite of its
dulness, may not prove unacceptable :APPENDIX.
211
Tell me, experienc’t Fooles, did not your dayes
Glide smoothlyer on * * *
When no grimme saucy Trooper did ye harme,
Nor fiercer Dragon, when no Stranger’s Arme
Did retch yonr yellow Bacon, nor enyy
The richness of yonr Chimnye’s Tapestry?
When good Dame Ellen (yonr beloved Sponse)
Bare to the Elbow in the Daiiy-house,
With fragrant Leeks did eat the Cheese she wrought,
Not sent it to the Garrison for nought.
But see what love of liberty affords,
And the strange lusting after new coyned Words.
How mnch the better are ye now, I pray,
That yee with mnch expence hâve leam’d to say
Quarter for Lodging, and can wisely well
What Combine signifies, and Granado tell ?
Which wonld hâve pass’d with yon the other day
For six legged Monsters ont of Africa.
Was not yonr Ale as browne, as fatte your Beefe,
Er’e Plunderer was English for a Theife ?
*****
ït is the greatest Misery of Mankind
Fortune at once makes happy and makes blind.
How richly were yee blest in house and Field
With ail the store that a fat Land could yeild,
* * * * *
Those dayes are gone *	*	*
And thns he continues to sneer and reprove through several pages of
altemate dulness and sarcasm, till the contrast ends in an exhortation to
return to the King.
(Ad Populum, or A Lecture to the People. Printed in the Yeare 1644.)
The evils of the g arrivons, to be spoken of hereafter, began to be fully
experienced and cried out against in this stage of the war.
An account of Taylor is given by Anthony à Wood, ii. 393, Edit.
2, 1721, under the article “ Withers.”212
MILITARY MEMOIR OP COLONEL JOHN BIBCH.
APPENDIX X.
These two letters, the one from the pen of Cheynell, the cruel adversary
of Chillingworth, written before the capture of Arundel, the other from
Onslow, both of them committee-men, descrîbe the disturbed state of the
country in Sussex and Surrey.
(i)
Noble Sir,
The Committee of Chichester présent their respects and humble thankes to you
for your care and vigilancy in this busy time : and in particular for yonr dispatching
of a party towards Basing for y6 redeeming of Chichester-wagon, when the greatest
part of our strength was attending of the Winchester forces, and Sir Edw. Ford ; It
is y*5 desire of y® Committee that the Souldiers shonld hâve a faire reward for their
magnanimous adyentnre, but the goods, horses, wagon, &c. being not in the enemyes
hand for y6 space of 24 houres, they conçoive that the souldiers by y* law of Armes
are not to make their owne markets, they thereforfe intreat you (thoùgh souldiers doe
ysually sell cheap) to moderato the buisnesse, and they will acknowledge it for a
favour: we shall hereafter look more towards your quarters, and if the guarrison at
Godalming did every Fryday send ont a party to Chidingfole or Haslemeere to wait
there till Saturday in y® aftemoone, I beleeye your County and ours would be more
secure, and we shonld serve one another in love, wch is y® desire of, Sir,
Your affectionate Servant
F. Cheynell.
Endorsed,
To hia much Honoured friend Lieuten^Colonel
Baynés at Faroham présent these.
S'
I am credyly enformed that some scattering troprs of the king’s are vp & downe
this County : vpon Fryday there were some at Guildford & went from thence to
Napp hill: on saturday night there went some that had beene of Mr Lee his troope
towards Bygat and that night the Countesse of Nottingham of Lethered had her
house broke open & some of the company were troprs. there is one fox a glouer of
Lethered that as I am enformed kept close a horse that was to be conueyed to Oxford,
it is fitt he shonld be examined: one of them that was at Guildford on Fryday was
one Mr Christopher Gardyner, I beleeue there may be some newes of him about
Croyden at the Lady Heyden’s, but I very beleeue his Rrother that liues there at
Halyng knowes not of him, for he has beene from Oxford once before in those parts
& robbed his owneBrother of ail his horses in the night, but if youcarry the enquiryÀPPENDIX*
213
hàinsomly, yon may bbly find him ont, he is there in a dangerous corner of malignants
& may with his company mnch preiudice the Conntry. Sr, I hope yon will be carefnll
to take tbese p’sons if yon can, and soe I rest
Yonr assnred loneing frind
Sept: IS*1 1643.	"	RlCfiARD ONSLOW.
(Baynes Papers.)
APPENDIX XI.
[Battle op Cropredy Bridge.]
[The following sketch of the probable military operations at Cropredy
has been drawn up, as appearing to the writer to aôord a plausible solu-
tion of the difficulties which hâve been admitted to attend upon an
accurate understanding of the affair.
The town of Banbury is seated upon the river Cherwell, the course of
which is here from N. to S. (not from E. to W. as erroneously supposed
by Roe) : a few miles above it is a ford, and about a mile further a bridge,
called Cropredy Bridge, from a village near it. Between Banbury and
Cropredy Bridge, on the west side, is a rising ground called Crouch-hill,
of great advantage as a military post. Both parties tried to reach it, but
Waller was the first to seize and occupy it. The King drew up opposite
to him on the east bank of the Cherwell ; and thus they stood facing
one another for two days. Here Waller, intending,, it would seem, to
attack the King’s leffc wing, which was nearest Banbury, strengthened his
own right wing at the expense of his left, drawing from his own, Potley’s,
and Weems’s régiments, a number of musketeers, to form a forlom hope
of 1,500, who should fall on with the horse : the attack, however, was not
made during the two days, and on the third the King, intending to draw
Waller from his strong position, commenced his march northwards, on
his own side of the river, securing Cropredy Bridge, as he passed by the
end of it, with a body of dragoons, anticipating Waller’s intention of
employing it to fall on his left flank during his march. Waller im-
mediately pursued on his own side of the river, preserving the formation
of his troops, so that what had been his left wing became his van, and
the right wing his rear, and here he committed the error blamed by Birch,214
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
of leaving the previously formed forlom hope of musketeers for a rear-
guard, where they would be useless, as the King was marching a-head,
instead of recalling them, so as to make up the complément of the
régiments from which they had been drafted, and which now led the
pursuit. The King having the start, his van and main body had got
beyond his end of the bridge by the time that Waller’s van had corne
opposite the other end of it. Here the prospect of cutting off some
reinforcements that were on their way to join Waller induced Charles to
push forward his van and main body, but the rear receiving no orders to
close up, a gap was left in the middle of his army, somewhere opposite
the bridge. Waller judging the opportunity to be fayourable for cutting
off the King’s rear, sent Col. Middleton, with several troops of horse, to
force the bridge, himself passing (according to his own letters) with
another body of cavalry by the ford a little below, intending to attack the
extreme rear, while Middleton eut them off in front. Finding them,
however, strongly posted, he waited while Middleton pursued the dragoons
whom he had driyen from the bridge, and had been followed in support
by the infantry forming the van of the Parliament army, who crossed
the bridge with their artillery, but without their shot,1 and without the
musketeers from their ranks who had been converted into a rear-guard.
Middleton, having halted before attacking, was suddenly charged, without
orders, by the Earl of Cleveland, who routed one body of horse, but
would hâve been taken in flank by two others had not Lord Bernard
Stuart been sent to his support by the King, on which they gave way : in a
second charge the Earl overthrew the main body, capturing their guns
(which were mounted in two wooden barricades on wheels), and clearing
ail his side of the river as far as the bridge, which, however he did not
pass, not knowing whether the main body were near enough to support
him. At the same time the Earl of Northampton, who was in the ex-
treme rear, facing about upon Waller and his cavalry, put them to a dis-
orderly retreat across the river. The King then, having re-united his
army, took post on one side of the bridge, and Waller on the other.
Charles attempted in vain to force the bridge, but his men carried the
ford and a mill beyond it, and held it ail the next day, during which the
Clarendon, however, States that the cannon were shotted.APPENDIX,
215
armies faced each otber, but affcerwards drew off in opposite directions,
Waller being weak, and tbe King unwilling, according to Clarendon, to
bring on a general action until be could remove certain officers oh whom
he had little dependence.]
APPENDIX XII.
Col. Norton to Richard Maijor Esq.
Noble ffriend	ye 19th Octr.
I doe beleene you haue had an accompt of ye late businesse at Newberry, yet I
am willing to gieye yon a short relation of it becanse I beleene those that could be
w^1 yon soe soone did scarce stay to see ail. on Satnrday last y® two armies drew ont
but little was done, but on y® Sabotb day, iust as I came to be a spectator, about 3 of
y® clock they beganne to fire, our horse cbarged and routed y® first party, a second
party routed an otber, but tbere was litle doings betweens y® horse, but soone y® foot
fell to it, and truly to God’s glory be it spoken tbe enemies foot were as many in
number they were held to be as good foot as any in y® world and to belpe tbem they
bad fortified themselues wth as good brest workes as they could desire soe y* they
were as confident as men could be & nothing but staruing could préjudice tbem My
Lei Gen: & y6 citty foot fell on and wth a great deale of resolution, being affected
by y6 great God of battell, they beate them from one work after an other till they
beate them from ail their ground, tooke 9 peeces and some prisoners, truly they might
w111 mucb more ease haue stormed Basing : after this it was nigbt y® enemy stole
away, left ail their carriages ynder y® shelter at Doneington Castle, and are fled
toward Oxford but our horse are (close ?) after tbem and I bope will ouertake them
but I beare nothing of it ; yet we killed some men of note, and lost some, amongst
wch was Line4 Col: Knight sonne to John Knigbt who was to me mucb lamented by
my Ld Man[che]ster and many others and died wth y® reputac’on of as gallant a man
as any in ail y® army and as much beloued, truly I am sorry for himselfe and not
lesse for poor John Knigbt’s sake, but as be liued to be a good Christian soe be died
like a good souldier. Many we had wounded; amongst y® number I receaud a faier
admonition (by musquet sbot in my legge) for medling wbere I bad noe charge, but
I tbanke God my bone was to bard for y® bullett and I hope I sball be vpon both
legges againe ere it be long. I could not belpe it, for I tbought there was need when
engaged my selfe to lead yp Col: Ludlowes Régiment, his horse haueing broken his
bridle, soe y* he was faine to
quit
(Here the remaining part of tbe sentence, probably witb some otbers,
is lost, from tbe paper baving failed at tbe fold : on tbe otber side, tbe
postscript, for such it seems to be, is as follows):—216
MILITÀRY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
pray will yon hea(?) ...ther Gullett w411 monymay be hadand létt him...meaway
w411 it for my men neuer wanted more. I hane an other order for 2 Monthes more
w®111 will send by y® next conueniency but I cannot corne at it now. I desire to heare
w4 forces are at any time neere those parts.
(Endorsed,) Coll. Norton. 29 Octob. 1644, Newbery battaile.
(Maijor Letters and Papers, British Muséum.)
APPENDIX XIII.
Sr:
if Clarke my souldièr may be retumed to me, & his wife, I shall not detayne
Boddeley from his, it being yor prtey that seperate man and wife, and not myne,
beinge alwayes désirons y4: prisoners should bee Exchanged, for the other my Prisoner
his tyme I gaue him is Expired, and hope you will not longer detayne him; w®11: is
desired by, Sr: yor Humble Seruant	Jo: Boys:
Den: Cast:
ffeb: 27th:
Endorsed,
ffor Lieu4: Colp: Baynes
these.	(Baynes Papers.)
APPENDIX XIY.
(1.)
Colonel Massey to Sir Samuel Luke.
Sr.
Maior Harlyes hasty departure hence meeting w411 my extraordinary occasions
was such that hee overran my Intenc’ons and L’re purposed hy him ynto yourselfe
for the paying of that tribute w®11 I acknowledge to owe & you may iustly clayme
from mee Sr, This Post can relate the Hereford busines the whole County being now
in Armes in a confused manner and before the Citty of Hereford and some of the
Worcestershire side haue ioynedw411 them; they keepethe soldiers in the Garrison, and
are resolued to haue the Gouemor and soldiers ont of it ere they leaue it, there being
together since Tuesday last 15 or 16000 and amongst them as is reported at least 6 or
7000 musquitts and other fire armes. I haue sent you a Coppie of their articles and
demands from the Gouemor of Hereford. Sr, ypon this noyse I adyanced upon Wed-
nesday last to Ledbury w411 500 foote and 150 horse being as many as I could spare
or make at pr’sent and demaunded their resolutions and desired them to ioyne wth
mee in observing the Parliam4* commands. They would faine haue mee assist themAPPENDIX.
217
(for they dare trust mee) but they will not as yett déclaré themselues for the Par-
liam4 but they concerne themselues able to keepe of both the ParliamtB forces and the
Kings alsoe from contribution and quarter in their Contry. That is their vaine hope
and vpon that ground I vnderstand they haue taken up that Resolution. Sr it’s an
opportunity offered to the Parliam4 if they lay hold%on this occasion, and send mee
speedy force to gaine them ail to the Parliam4 : if not the losse will not bee small to
vs. bee it how it will I haue vsed ail the best Arguments I can to mooue them to
déclaré themselues for the Parliament then they may haue protecc’on and authority
for what they doe. Now their act is a perfect act of Rébellion to bee iustified by
noe Law or Stat. and their confusion will be certaine. My humble request to you is
to furnish this my Post wth a Horse to London that my L’res sent by him to the
Committee of both Ringdomes on this behalfe and to his Excellency may find a
speedy resoluc'on and returne whilst I hold faire way wth the Contry Sr I am
Your affectionate and
Gloucester March the	euer deuoted Seruant
22th 1644.	EDW: Massby.
(Sir Samuel Luke’s Letter-book. Egerton MSS.)
(2-)
Sir William Waller’s Warrant against Neutrality.
Sussex. Being entrusted by both Houses of Parliament to do our utmost to preserve
the peace of this County, and to defend it from the enemy; we hold it our duty not
to omit the least meanes tending thereunto: and finding by expérience that there are
some men that neither regard the misérable condition of our brethren in other
Counties, the présent danger of their owne, nor the cause of God, but do go on in a
way of Neutrality; To the intent that ail may know how détestable such persons are,
we are constrained to déclaré, that whosoever hath or shall continue in such Neu-
trality, and not shew themselves forward for the maintenance of the Common Cause,
tending to the advancement of God’s glory, the Parliament’s service and the King-
domes good; We shall take them for no other then enemies to the State, and men
accordingly to be proceeded against.	(Merc. Britann. April 15-22, 1644.)
The following remarkable letter on the same subject may find place
here :
Right Worthy Sir
I take so much boldness on me to write my mind unto you. I hâve left my Eather,
my wife and Children, with what mind there’s one above knows, and how much I
desire to retum you shall see by this. I never had an Intention, nor yet hâve, of
takeing up Arms of neither side, my reasons this, my protestation already taken
binds me both to King and P’liam4. I am not so senceless (though it were almost to
be wished I were) that there are two Armies the one the Kings the other the Par-
liam4* each seeking to destroy other, and I by Oath bound to preserve both, each
challenging the Protestant Religion for their Standard, yet the one take the Papists
CAMD. SOC.	2 F218
MILITARY MEMOIR OP COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
the other the Sismatikes for their Adhérents, and (for my part) my conscience tells
me they both intend the protestant religion, what reason hâve I therefore to fall ont
with either:—now if you’ll be pleased to shelter me by yonr power, to live at Home
is my earnest desire, beseecbing yon that no mock protestations be nrged npon
me, for I find in my own Conscience I hâve sufficiently enongb of this, nor be
compeFd to bear Armes, nor clapt np as disaffected to bis Matie, wbich very word I
abbor from my heart. Thns wisbing God to deale with mee as I wish to yon or
either of yon, I rest yours to be commanded
Jonathan Langley.
To the Right Wor11 Henry Bromley Esqr bigh
Sherriffe of Shropshire Sr Francis Oatley
' Knight Goremonr of the Towne of Shrews-
bnry	présent	Tbese
from Birmingam
ffe: 22.	(Ottley Papers.)
APPENDIX XV.
JOURNALS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS.
Tuesday, 27 October 1646.
The Earl of Warwicke reported a paper from the Committee of both Kingdoms;
whicb was read, videlicet.
Die Lnnæ 26° Octobris, 1646.
At the Committee of both Kingdoms, at Derby House.
Ordered, That it be reported to both Honses, That, the llth of November last, upon
a proposition made by Sir John Bridges to this Committee concerning the reducing
of Hereford, power was given to him, the said Sir John Bridges, to treat with such
persons as he should think fit for that purpose, and to promise a sum of money, not
exceeding three thousand ponnds : That, the 5th of December following, order was
giyen to Colonel Birch, to march with some forces to attend that service, and letters
also written to Colonel Morgan, and Sir John Bridges, to give them notice thereof,
wherein there was again power given to them, to promise a sum of money to such
as should be instrumental in that work, not exceeding, as before, three thousand
ponnds. The work being effected, upon report thereof made to the House of
Commons, Three thousand ponnds was ordered for that service, which was paid, as
was appointed, under the hands of Sir John Bridges, Colonel Birch, and Colonel
Morgan; That in May following, Colonel Birch signified to the Committee, that
there was a promise made, by himself, Sir John Bridges, and Colonel Morgan, unto
Major Howorth and Capta in Daniell Alderne, two persons that they were to make
use of in that service, that, if the work succeeded, they should hâve, each of them,
(besides the money they were to receive) two of their nearest allies such as they
should name, freed from delinquency and séquestration, and in June following,
Colonel Birch and Colonel Morgan sent to this Committee the original papers cour
taining that promise.APPENDIX.
219
That the said Major Howorth and Daniell Alderne hâve now desired that
Rowland Howorth, Charles Booth, Doctor Edward Alderne, and James Rodd,
senior, shonld be freed from Delinquency, according to that Agreement.
That the Committee for Séquestrations in Herefordshire, notwithstanding that
good service of Sir John Bridges, who was the first instrument that appeared in the
county for the reducing thereof, hâve sequestered his estate, for something done
when the county was under the power of the King, and he being now engaged in
the service for Ireland, to desire the Houses that his séquestration may be taken off.
And for that it appears there was such a promise made as aforesaid to the said
Major Howorth and Captain Alderne, by those who were intrusted with the
managing of that business, to offer it to the House to do therein as they shall
think fit.
Exr. Gualter Frost, Secretary.
Ordered, That this House thinks it fit that the Séquestrations he taken off the
Estâtes of the persons mentioned in this report, according to the agreement, and
that the concurrence of the House of Commons to be desired therein.
It would appear that Birch had already received a part of the money,
an. order having been made on June 11, 1646, for the payment to him of
1,000Z. with interest, “to be employed for the disengaging of an under-
taking made unto him by the Committee of both Kingdoms.”
APPENDIX XYI.
A
New Tricke
TO TAKE
Townes
or
The just and perfect rela-
tion of the sudden surprisall
of Hereford
Taken December . 18. 1645.
With
A true Copy of the retume of the
Warrant, sent by a Lieutenant in the
habit of a Countreyman.
And the names of six men his assistants
Published by spécial Autkorïty.
London.
Printed by E. G. 1645.220
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
Divine Providence (the Govemour of humane actions) brings that to passe with
mnch admiration that is least expected by mans judgement ; Gods handy worke
shined most cleare through the cloud of the greatest difficulties, and appeared with
the fairest splendonr when it passeth the most hazzard. Mans power doth execute
what God decrees. By expérience we finde that the meanest of his créatures becomes
the instruments of his sacred pleasure. The King and Kingdomes différences un-
reconciled seem incureable without a conquest, and God is pleased by his victories to
déclaré the justice of that cause he so much prospers. The particulars of Herefords
affaires with some obscurity hath past the Presse, but for the generall satisfaction of
the whole Kingdome (being an instrument in the désigné) I hâve presumed to enter
upon a large discovery.
Sir John Bryges in his affections most reall to his Countrey, after his continuance
a while at Gloucester he came to London, where with the honourable Committee of
both Kingdomes, he undertooke with his best endeavours the reducing of the City of
Hereford, and the introducing of the Parliaments forces into that Garrison, being
cherished by their Honours to proceed in the attempt he returned to Gloucester ;
from thence disguised he travel’d into some private parts of Herefordshire, and sent
to Cap. Aldeme, and Cap. Howorth who upon his first summons repaired to him,
they being together met, Sir John Bridges delivered himselfe and desired their
severall opinions, so that after an oath of performance and secresie past betwixt
them, they concluded that for these reasons the désigné was feazable.
First, the conveniancy and scituation of Ailstons Hill which faced the draw-bridge
where an army might lie in ambush, yet undiscovered by the Sentinells.
Secondly, the usuall neglect of the Guard and the common custome in not sending
out Scouts to Lug-bridge.
Thirdly, the walls of the Priory within Carbine shot of the Gâte, being then
Btanding gave an advantage there to lodge the Forlorne party of Fire-locks.
Fourthly, the constant Intelligence Captain Aldem had from the Citie, the which
might hâve prevented any danger, if the busines had eyther been suspected or
betrayed.
Fifthly, the contrivall of sending in an Officer with 6 men in the habit of a Con-
stable and his Parishioners. Captaine Aldeme drawing a Warrent and subscribing
the Constables hand of his owne Parish as a returne thereunto.
Sixthly, the assurance of a Reformado Officer in the Citie who was to be neere
the Guard at the time of éntry, and to hinder the drawing up of the Bridge, as also
to be readie to repaire to us if he found any préparation against us. After the dis-
puteing of these reasons Sir John departed back to Gloucester, with a resolution to
Post his man to London for orders from the Honourable Committee of both King-
domes. Captaine Howorth and Captaine Aldeme desired a speedy expédition, and
thus determined to dispose severally of themselves. Captaine Howorth was to converse
with the Officers in the Citie, and being acquainted with their désignés to give upon
ail occasions intimation to Captaine Aldeme in the Country from whom Sir John was
to receive instructions, so accordingly to persevere therein. The Committee of bothAPPENDIX,
221
Kingdomes, for the perfecting of this project, finding by these Gentlemens particular
ingagements there was some possibility in the effect, their Honours sent for Colonel
Birch, whose Régiments was commanded to draw into Gloucestershire, there in
readynesse to attend the event. Colonell Birch receiving his instructions, came with Sir
John to Cannon Froome, from thence he sent privately to Captaine Aldeme by some
Troopers belonging to that Garrison, and Captain Alderne according to their message,
prepared himselfe, and, avoyding ail the meanes of suspition, he came with Captain
Howorth unto them, we blinding the busines that very instant, that his owne family
were possessed with an opinion that the Parliaments approach was for no other end
but contribution. Colonell Birch, Sir John Bridges, and the two Captaines being met,
the particular reasons were répeated, and ail with one assent agreed upon the execution,
the day limited, which was the 16th Day of December. There was a messenger dis-
patched to the Officer within the City, with a Letter from Sr John, which intimated
in short figures, both the time, and his duty, according to the agreement of ail
parties. Colonell Birch and Sir John Bridges hastned towards Gloucester, and
about two of the Clock, upon Tuesday morning the Governour of Gloucester with
Colonell Birch marched to Cannon Froome, from whence they drew towards
Hereford, the Foot by reason of the deepnesse of the Snow, grew weake and were
unable to march further, the Horse though willing were not able to accomplish the
busines, therefore Colonell Birch advised with Captaine Alderne, what was best
to be done, and freely offered, if Captaine Alderne conceived it fit, to march
with 500 Horse, and 100 Foot to prosecute the désigné. Captaine Aldeme imagined
that the Citie might be entred with that few number, but in regard of the strength
and desperatenesse of the enemy, he was doubtfull of a repuise, thereupon he adyised
that the Horse and Foot should retreat to Ledbury, which was accordingly effected.
After some discourse betweene Colonell Morgan and Col. Birch, and the other
Gentlemen, it was concluded that upon Wednesday night, (that) the Army should
march betimes to Cannon Froome, and from thence in a continuall motion draw to
Hereford. In this interyale of time Captain Aldeme kept correspondence with some
of his friends in the City, and had the particular relation of the Govemours pro-
ceedings, most part of the Horse being on a march towards the reliefe of Chester,
the Governour himselfe being in some différence with the City, Captaine Aldeme
imagined that opportunity the best to compassé a surprize, so that Colonell Birch
and the Governour of Gloucester drew from Ledbury to Cannon Froome, from thence
Captaine Aldeme with two troopes of Horse secured the three Bridges, vizt. Lug-
bridge, Lugwarden bridge, and Wordifords [Mordiford] bridge, by meanes whereof
there could no alarm or notice passe unto the Garrison ; betwixt the houres of
three and foure of the clocke on Thursday morninge the Governour of Gloucester
marched up with his horse, the foot seconding him, ail rendezvouzd together on
this side Aylstons hill ; Cap. Howorth and one of Col. Birch his Captains com-
manded the Fire-locks to the Priory, the counterfeit Constable and his men were
disposed to their station ; Cap. Aldeme shewed Col. Birch the place upon the hill222
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
to draw up the forlorne hope of Horse, which was in a large dingle ; the Moming-
prayer-bell rang ont, the Travalley was beaten in the City, and a musket of ours by
accident was discharged, which possessed us with a great feare that our projects
were frustrated, our hopes a while dead ; at last about eight of the clock the draw-
bridge was let fall, the Constable observing his season killed the Sentinell, Cap.
Howorth and the Fire-locks possessed the gâte, Cap. Temple with the horse behaved
himselfe most gallantly, Captaine Aldeme according to command with others routed
those at the Castle, Col. Birch and Col. Morgan being active in their commands kept
the enemy from drawing in a body, so that without the effusion of much blood we
became conquerours and masters of the Garrison. The souldiers stracke with appré-
hension of danger betook themselves to shelter, the Citizens knew no refuge, but
kept themselves close in their houses, and he thought himselfe most happy that could
secure himselfe till the storme was past, the two Governours preventing with their
utmost power the citizens generall losse and raine. The garrison thus by policy and
force surprised without remedy was plundered, neither could the commanders
rhetoricke or threat prevaile with the souldier to keepe their hands from pillage.
The number and quality of the Prisoners, as also the Ordnance and Armes taken, I
am as yet uncapable to expresse, but in the generality I présumé it was the largest
prize taken since these warres began ; to attribute that to man which is proper to
God argues a sinne as high as presumption. God’s finger points ont that line the
which notwithstanding ail windings man must follow ; and since weak mens policy
hath atchieved that great mens power from other Nations could not accomplish, we
are more bound to God in the strong linkes of constant gratitude, and with an
acknowledgement : we must conclude, the strongest Cities that are most and best
fortified by art and nature are easily taken if assaulted by the Generall of Heaven.
A Copy of the returne which a Lieutenant in the habit of a Countreyman brought
in with six men.
Whereas we hâve received a warrant from the Honorable Govemour of Hereford,
for the bringing in to the Garrison six able men to worke with such tooles as are fit
for your said service, we hâve in obedience thereunto by our Neighbour Hugh
Morris sent a returne of the names of the said parties, viz :
These we hâve sent in by our aforesaid Neighbour, not daring ourselves to
appeare in respect of the enemies Garrison at Cannon Froome.
The mark of (J. S.) Jo. Searle.
Roger Hill. Const.
John Baily.
Wil. Edwards.
Rich. Deeme.
Phil. Mason.
Ja. Baskerville.
Wil. King.
Dated Decemb. 17.
1645.APPENDIX,
223
As to any parts of this pamphlet which may appear to disagree with
the contents of Eoe’s description, they may, if fairly sifted, assume the
character of amplification rather than absolute contradiction. Compared
side by side, they certainly are not such as would be justified by the
strict rules of legal eyidence. But the variations, so far as Roe is con-
cerned, are such as may hâve proceeded from a long retrospect in the
writer, and a partial desire or habit of representing Birch as the principal
figure in the canvass. To some, such versions, rightly weighed, may
heighten the interest of the story rather than injure the cause of truth.
The editor wishes it were otherwise, but must take it as he finds it.
A similar remark may be applied to Vicars’s very minute and graphie
account in the “ Burning Bush,” where the look-out, and the signal with
the hat, are referred to Birch’s lieutenant-colonel, Hammond, who was in
command of the firelocks, and seems to hâve claimed a prominent share
in the capture.
APPENDIX XVII.
An Accompt of the seu’all som’es of money recvd: for the Ransome
of the Persons and Estâtes of snch As were taken prison” : Jn y6
Cittie of Hereford which Cittie was taken by Surprize and
Assault wthont any composic’on wth other moneys and goods of
the like natnre.
Which money hee conceaveth apperteyneth nott to the State.
Due to him As Gon,nor: of Bathe & Hereford f’ lth of Aug*4 1645
to ye U411 of Nour: 1646 48 weeks att 20'. p’ weeke
ffor satisfae’on whereof hee recd noe money Butt what Js hereafter
Exprest to defray y® Charge which hee concernes Belongs nott to
the State.
An Accompt of ail the moneys as hath bene Recd: By Colo1 John
Birch or his order for the Ransome of the Persons and estâtes
of such as were found Jn Hereford disafected to the Parliament
and theire taken without composition.224
MILITÀRY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
of mr Edmunds			004 : 00 : 00
of mr Diggars .			010 : 00 : 00
of mr David Bowen			010 : 00 : 00
of mr Richard Philpott Senior			020 : 00 : 00
of Doctor Skynner			040 : 00 : 00
of mr John Cooke			050 : 00 : 00
of mr Edwd. Trehearne			020 : 00 : 00
of mr Joseph Bowecott			025 : 00 : 00
of mr West ffaylin			040 : 00 : 00
of mr Moare of Chilston A papist			100 : 00 : 00
of mr Tho: Cicyll			020 : 00 : 00
of mr Alderman Evans			027 : 10 : 00
of mr Edmnnd Aston .			008 : 00 : 00
of mr Robert Walker .			005 : 00 : 00
of mr Tompkins			025 : 00 : 00
of mr Keynall .			020 : 00 : 00
of mr iïrancis Powell .			020 : 00 : 00
of mr Wingfeild			006 : 06 : 08
of mr John Andrews .			030 : 00 : 00
of mr Thomas Bond .			004 : 00 : 00 484 : 16 : 08
of mr William Cater .			20 : 00 : 00
of mr Tho: Barrowe .			04 : 00 : 00
of mr John Smith			10 : 00 : 00
of mr John Trehearne			04 : 00 : 00
of mr Thomas Davis .			05 : 00 : 00
of mr Scrivener			05 : 00 : 00
of mr Edward Kinge .			12 : 00 : 00
of mr Thomas Chnrch			10 : 00 : 00
of mr Thomas Sower .			05 : 00 : 00
of mr John Pember			15 : 00 : 00
of mr Wm. Seaborne . ,			03 : 00 : 00
of mr John Barnes			05 : 00 : 00
of mr Lawrence			06 : 00 : 00
of mr John Milward .			05 : 00 : 00
of Griffith Harris			05 : 00 : 00
of mr Wm. Butler, 21: 10s and Mr DavicLBowen 51. .			07 : 10 : 00
of mr Pynnock			02 : 10 : 00
of mr Philpott Jnnior .	.		03 : 00 : 00
of mr Jeremie Adis	.		02 : 00 : 00APPENDIX.
225
of mr Phillipp Symonds ....	10 :	: 00	: 00
of mr Thomas Veynall ....	12 :	: 00 :	: 00
of mr Rawlins ......	02 :	: 10	: 00
of mr James Barrowe .....	03 :	; 00 :	: 00
of Leift Colo’l Price Jn money goods & quartr	100 :	: 00 :	: 00
of mr Price of Whitston A papist	20	: 00	: 00
	276 :	: 10 :	: 00
Of Richard Lewis 21: 105: and mr David Bowen 51.	07 :	: 10 :	: 00
of mr Henry Melin Butcher Jn Hereford	30 :	: 00 :	: 00
	37 :	: 10 :	: 00
The Totall of the P’ticulr: Receipts aforemenc’oned ]	► 798	: 16	: 08
Js	|			
John Birch
Recd: from two Souldirs. of my Régiment about the'j
20th of June 1646 The summe of 200Z being P’te I goo • 00 • 00
of a more som’e they found in the Earth about |
that tyme J say .	.	.	. .J
John Birch
More of mri* Homes .
of y6 Widdowe Trehearne
of mr John Cooper
of Doctor Hartford
of mr Seabome y® Apothocary
of mri*. Veynall
of mrto: Hill .
(MS
020 : 00 : 00
025 : 00 : 00
007 : 10 : 00
010 : 00 : 00
004	: 00 : 00
005	: 00 : 00
002 : 10 : 00
penes Major Peploe.)
[From the style and caligraphy of this schedule it may be fairly in-
ferred that it was part of the formai statement of Colonel Birch’s account,
passed by the Committee on June 15, 1647.]
2 a
CAMD. SOC.226
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
APPENDIX XVIII.
Colonel Birch to the Speaker of the House of Commons.
Honourable Sir,
Since my last the 7. instant, finding the forces of Goodrich nnder command of
Sir Henry Lingen so active that a passenger conld not be safe between Gloucester
and Hereford, nor conld I quarter Horse abroad but they were in mnch danger, nor
could I draw forth towards Lndlow or Worcester but they wonld corne neer nnto the
City to plnnder, therefore I chose rather to run the hazard of storming the Honse
wherein they kept their out-Gnard upon their Boats and Stable, being within 20 foot
of their Castle Wall, than to suffer those former inconveniences, which was done thus:
I marched ont of Hereford Mnnday night last with 500 Horse and Foot nndiscoyered,
nntill I came within Pistoll shot of Goodrich, a little before day: then fell on with
100 firelocks for the Forlom, and entred over the Wall neare the end of their stable;
the wall was very high, yet got over before they h ad a fnll alarm ; and found in the
stable abont fourescore Horse, and five men, which Horse I took ail, digging thorow
the walls, and tuming them ont ; the men were slaine and taken : the stable with hay
and other provision bnrnt ; In the mean time I fell on their out-Guard, in a place
called the Boat-Honse, which was within Pistoll shot of the Castle, which held out
two honres nntill it was digged thorow ; then they desired quarter for their lives ;
wherein was Major Pateson, Commander of the Horse, and Major Benskin and 15
Gentlemen more and Troopers, whom I brought to Hereford. This snccess it pleased
the Lord to give me with little losse, which is very advantageons, and especially
enabling me to perforai those commands laid upon me by the right honourable the
Committee for both Kingdoms. And this day in the way as I was comming to
Gloucester for that purpose, some Horse belonging to Goodrich Castle way laid me,
which were ôut on a party when I took the rest Munday night, there being with me
Collonell Kirle, and about 12 more, but not so many ready ; the Enemie staid in the
way, which we perceiving, gave them a charge, their number being 14, tooke and
slew 12, and the other two escaping through the River to the Castle. * * *
(Vicars, Buming Bush not consumed, 396.)
APPENDIX XIX.
Colonel Birch to the Speaker of the House of Commons.
Truly Honourable,—In my last I gave you an account of ail passages here, since
which I sent in my summons, here inclosed, but they within résolve to stand it out,
as you may perceive by their answer : they are excepted persons, and Papists veryAPPENDIX.
227
desperate : they never left sallying whilst they had one horse to sally ont with,
having lost in ail, upon their sallies, aboyé one hnndred.1
I	am approached within the reach of their stones, which they throw abundantly,2
and am now almost ready to play npon them with a morfcar piece, which I hâve cast
here, carrying a shell of above two hnndred weight ; and hâve planted my battery,
and am going on with my mines ; for effecting of ail which, a considérable quantity
of powder will be speedilv necessary.
I therefore hnmbly entreat your hononr will be pleased to move the hononrable honse
for eighty barrels, which will mnch forward the service, and exceedingly engage
Your honour’s most faithful and thankful servant,
John Birch.
From Goodrich, June 18, 1646.
Colonel Birch to the Govebnor op Goodrich Castle.
Sir,—Before this, I question not but you expected what I hâve now sent unto you,
which I did the rather forbear, being informed of your strong confidence of a speedy
relief, and no less in your own ability to prevent such near approaches as are and may
be made upon you, (being willing you should try the utmost of both ;) though instead
of the former, I must let you knowthat Oxford is to be delivered up the 19th instant.3
In the mean time, I hâve been studious of your welfare, which to advance I find no
visible way left, but that you submit unto the pleasure of the high court of Parlia-
ment ; in whose name, and for whose use, I demand of you the possession of this
castle of Goodrich ; which if you shall assent unto, you may command my utmost
service in any thing which may tend to the public good, your honour, and future
welfare.
And for those gentlemen now under your protection, if they shall put themselves
nnder mine, I shall not deceive them of that civility which they may expect ; and
shall thankfully acknowledge the goodness of Almighty God in sparing a further
effusion of blood: it being my desire hereby to déclaré unto you my especial care to
prevent ; which if you shall occasion by your refusai, (that being at another time
hononrable which now will not appear to be the part of a soldier, whose prudence is
required as well as resolution,) but that you shall persist to a further enraging of
those under my commaDd, so that you make me incapable of doing that which, it may
be, you may think (and not without ground, were it not the eleventh hour) to hâve at
1	[The loss when the stable was burnt must hâve been soon in part repaired, as 10
weeks afterwards 70 horses were captured at Raglan, “most of them belonging to
Goodrich Castle.”—Cary, i. 63.]
2	[Wallenstein at his leaguer before Nuremberg employed “ barrells or hogsheads
filled with sand and stones for throwing, placed on the batteries.”—Monro, ii. 134.]
3	The treaty for the surrender of Oxford was signed June 21st; the city was
surrendered to Fairfax on the 25th.228
MILITARY MEMOIR OP COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
last, and that blood and ntter rnin follow, I hereby desire to be excnsed if I prose-
ente my présent business in snch a way as will be grieyous unto him, who rather
desires to approve himself	Your real friend,
John Bibch.
Jnne 13, 1646, at 2 o’clock.
P. S. That yon may perceiye my willingness to give yon fnll satisfaction in any
scruple that yon may make hereunto ; if you desire it, myself, with two gentlemen
more, will giye yon the meeting with the like number, where yon please ; or if yon
desire no snch satisfaction, I shall desire your answer in writing within twenty-four
hours: which length of time I am willing to giye yon, becanse to me it looks like a
business of great concernment, to yourself especially, becanse yon bind my hands
from any more lines passing in this business.
Sir Henry Lingen, Governob of Goodrich Castle, to Col. Bibch.
Sir,—I received yesterday a summons from yon, wherein yon demand of me this
castle to be delivered into your hands for the use of the Parliament. The King placed
me in it, by his commission, to keep it for him and to his use, and, nntil I shall
receive an immédiate order or command from him to the contrary, I shall do it to
the uttermost of my power ; otherwise I conceiye I shonld not discharge the part of
a soldier and an honest man, which I hope to carry with me to my grave. As for
the information yon had of my strong confidence of a speedy relief, truly it was a
thing I neither desired nor expected in so short a time ; yet happily may hâve it
before my necessity will require it ; as for the delivering up of Oxford, (if it be so,)
the fortune of another man’s command shall not be a leading case for my loyalty,
and the trust reposed in me, and this I will assure yon is the resolution of
Your loving friend,
Cotheridge Castle, Jnne 14, 1646.	Hen. Lingen.
Colonel Birch to Sir H. Lingen.
Sir,—I hâve received your resolution by your drummer, which far better contents
those nnder my command than myself, who really desired your welfare.
In hononr, Sir, Your loving friend,
J. B.
At the Leaguer, Jnne 14, 1646, 4 o’clock.
(Cary’s Memorials of the Great Civil War, i. 102-108.)
[See also Perfect Diurnall, June 22, 1646, where there are a few verbal
discrepancies.]APPENDIX.
229
APPENDIX XX.
The Strong
Castle
of
Gothbidge
tahen by Colonell
Birch.
Sir Henry Lingen, and fifty Gentlemen taken
Prisoners, Ail the Officers and Sonldiers at mercy, and
ail the Armes and Ammunition, Bag and Baggage
taken by the said Colonell Birch, on Fryday
last. July 31. 1646.
Monday the 3d of Angust. 1646.
This Letter of Colonell Birches with the
two other Letters are examined and prin-
ted, and published according to order of
Parliament.
London : Printed by Jane Coe. 1646.
The taking of Gothridge Castle by Collonel Birch, with ail the Armes, and Ammu-
nition, and ail Prisoners at mercy, certified by a Letter from Collonel Birch
Himselfe.
Honoured Sir,
No time hath been neglected by me in the prosecution of this service, but as the
ground would admit I hâve carried on my Approches, Batteries, and Mynes ; And
after I had very much tome the Castle with my Mortar piece, that no whole roome
was left in it (that not doing the worke) I resolved to go on with the mines, and
Battery (where I could npt myne) both of which went on so succesfully, that in a few
howres I intended to enter by Storme And to that end drew my horse and foot
together, which the Enemy perceiving, rather then they would run the hazard, took
down their Cullers, and put up white (without which I denyed them any Treaty)
their desires were honourable tearms, which I thought not fit to grant, neither to
give them any thing beyond mercy for their lives, their Persons to be wholly at my
dispose ; upon which tearms, I hâve this day received possession of this Castle.
And when the Parliament shall please to command Sir Henry Lingen to waite upon
them, I shal carefully bring him up to attend their pleasure. In the mean time I
desire that the Parliament will be pleased to signifie their pleasure conceming the
demolishing or keeping this Castle ; The condition of which, and of ail other
passages here, this Bearer Major Blackmore will give a perfect accompt, who hath230
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
been very active and helpfull in this service, together with the condition of the
Horse and Eoot nnder my command, how mnch they hâve been disconraged by those
who with eamestnesse seek their owne ends, notwithstanding ail which, no duty hath
been omitted, nor any meanes left nnattempted which might forward the Publike
Service.
Your most hnmble and reall Servant,
Gotheridge the 31 of	John Biech.
July 1646.
The Copy of another Letter froill Colonell Birches Leagnre.
Sir,
I know not how enough to commend the gallantry of Col. Birch, in his deport-
ment before Gotheridge Castle, a Nest of Papists, and rigid Malignants, that were
very desperate in their resolutions, which the more encensed our Souldiers. Sir
Henry Lingen would fain hâve had another Summons to begot a parley ; but the
former offers refused, made our Colonel look upon that as uncapable of so much
favour. It is a place very strong, and Mining hath proved very hard work, yet Col.
Birch hath used ail possible means, and lost no opportunity in the speeding of the
reducing thereof, to the best advantage of the Kingdome, vhich I believe the sur-
render of Worcester hath something hastned.
But the Colonell made his approches, and mined with ail the speed that the
cragginesse of the place would permit, and not onely plied them with his Batteries,
but had done very good execution upon the Castle with the Granados shot from our
Mortar peece. And ail things were in so faire a way that wee were almost ready
to storme ; then which the Souldiers desired nothing more, so that ail, both Colonel,
Officers and Souldiers, should not hâve needed to hâve beene hastned, had not the
worke been shortned another way. We were so neere the storme, that Colonel
Birch had drawne up the Horse and Eoot, and was ordering them into a
posture for falling on. But the enemy in Gotheridge Castle perceiving in what
posture wee were in, and seeing how they were on ail sides surprized, their hearts
began to faile them, so that they took a most fearfull Alarm ; and (whether by
Counsellof Warre, or otherwise) they speedily took their condition into considération,
and (perceiving that wee would not balk with them) being unwilling to endure a
storme (which was much the more terrible to them, because of divers Gentry
amongst them) they desired a Parley, but my Colonell would not grant that, though
much importuned for it : insomuch that when they saw wee would not admit of any
delay, they tooke in their Standerd Colours, and held ont their white Flagge of
Truce, and begged that they might but march out Honourably to their owne homes,
and some to Garrisons. But nothing would bee granted more then quarter for their
lives. And in short it was agreed to thus :
Pirst, that Sir Henry Lingen the Governour of Gotheridge Castle, with ail the
Officers and Souldiers therein, shall hâve mercy for their lives.
Secondly, that the said Sir Henry Lingen the Governour, with ail the Officers and
Souldiers, shall surrender up themselves prisoners to be at Colonel Birch his disposing.APPENDIX.
231
Thirdly, that ail the Armes and Ammunition, provision, and whatsoever else is
in Gotheridge Castle, shall be delivered up to Colonell Birch for the service of the
Parliament.
Fourthly, that the same hee performed presently the same day (viz. July 31,1646).
AU which was done accordingly, this présent day, and Colonell Birch is now in
possession of the Castle, wherein, hesides the Govemour, were abont 60 Gentlemen,
and others of Quality, and 120 Souldiers, of whom I wül give yon a List of their
Names with ail convenient speed.
My Colonell hath this day received a letter from Hereford, dated yesterday, of
which I sent yon a Copy. I hope care will be taken to make ail lovers and frinds,
and that we that hâve fonght together in one cause, and been ready to shed our
blood one for another, shall not now spiU one another’s blood, but live in unity, and
enjoy peace through ail the Kingdome, which is the prayers of
Tour most humble
Gotheridge July 31. 1646.	Servant
N. H.
The Copy of a Letter sent to Colonel Birch from Hereford, then before Gotheridge
Castle.
.For the honourable Colonell Birch, Govemour of Hereford, at his quarters before
Gotheridge Castle.
Sir,
Here is given ont by some, That as soon as Gotheridge Castle is reduced, you
are to march away from this City, and another Colonell to possesse your place :
And truly I think the design is working: wherfore, if you may use ail the meaneS
yon can to prevent it, that your Brother, or some other friends may command the
Castle and Forces which shaU be left here, if you do not your self. Sir, your
businesse for the County Yoyces may hold if managed wisely. I hâve writ to Sir
Bichard Hopton again in the businesse, a copy of which you shall see at your retum,
and am now writing to Sir John Bridges, but I hear of none that stirs in it but
myself. They hâve severall in most parts of the County. We eamestly desire you
here. I pray you haste. I conclude, and subscribe myself
Miles Hill.
Hereford July 29.
1646.
1 pray you set businesse in agitation in those parts where your Commands are by
your Assignation Officers.232
MILITARY MEMOIR OP COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
APPENDIX XXI.
These are to require you on sight hereof to forbeare to prjudice John Hall of
South Tawton in the County of Devon either by plundering his House, or taking
away his horses, sheepe, or other cattell or goods whatsoever, or by offering any
violence to his p’son or the p’sons of any of his familie, as you will answer the
contrarie. Provided hee bee obedient to ail Orders and Ordinances of Pari4. Given
nnder my hand and Seale at Columb-John the dl01 day of March 1646.
T. Fairfax.
To ail Officers and Souldiers nnder my Com’and.
These are to require of you on sight hereof to forbeare to preiudice y® House of
Thomas Soley of Worcester or to offer any violence to his person or any of his
Family or to take away his Cattle houshold Stuffe or any other of his goods what-
soever he being well affected to y® Parliament and Army. Given nnder my hand
& seale ye 4th of September 1651.
O. Cromwell.
To ail officers & soldiers undr my Comand.
Theese are to requier and desier you not to take away any of the goods or Catles
of Sr. Edward Powells nowe being or that shalbee hereafter vpon his estate at
Pengethley hee haueing compounded with mee for them nor to molest or trouble any
of his semants or tenants there hee likewise haueing Compounded for his rents Giuen
vnder my hand at Gotherig Castle this 16th of March 1645.
Hen. Lengen.
To ail officers and Souldiers of his Maiesties
Armies and ail others whome yt may
concerne.	(MS. Collections.—J.W.)
APPENDIX XXII.
Birch’s Régiment destined for Ireland.
[It may be interesting to trace, as far as we haye the means of follow-
ing it, the history of this body of men, who had done such important
service in the capture of Hereford.
Their former commander had, on March 25, 1647, agreed with the
Committee for Ireland to send for that service a régiment of 1,000 foot,
and two troops of horse of 100 each, on the terms of the payment of two
months’ arrears and one month to corne, in ail 6,740/. to be advanced byAPPENDIX.
233
the County Committee and repaid with 8 per cent. interest, by that at
Goldsmiths’ Hall. But they did not set ont at once, and the delay
proved dangerous. They were expected at Chester in the early part of
May,1 but did not arrive. They probably heard in the mean time a bad
account (and it must hâve been bad if it was true) of their future pros-
pects of starvation and misery ; at any rate, on July 19, 1647, we fînd
Birch writing to the House of Commons and the General “conceming
some distempers and différences that hâve happened among the forces at
Herefford,” engaged for Ireland. They had even gone so far as to
u secure ” their Lieut.-Colonel, probably the active but indiscreet Hum-
phreys, whose cause was still pending. This is ail that we learn from the
“ Perfect Diurnall,,,—ail, perhaps, that Birch wished to transpire in the
House ; but, if report might be trusted, the mischief was more serious,
for Rushworth, in a letter to Ferdinando Lord Fairfax,2 dated July 20,
mentions among the news of the day, “ that Colonel Birch’s agitators do
tread the steps of the Northern, and seized upon the Colonel and his
brother the Major, and (to boot) the castle of Hereford and 2,000Z. in it,
besides clothes, shoes, and other provisions ; upon this ground, that the
Colonel and Major declared against permitting the soldiery to associate
with this army. Upon the Colonel’s fair language his soldiers gave him
his liberty, upon his word not to engage against the army. The Major,
castle, and money they keep.” This circumstantial detail looks like the
truth. Anyhow, the House saw that the affair was not to be trifled with,
and accordingly the General was desired “ to give order for the speedy
sending away ” those troops into Ireland, as they had engaged. The
letter was sent to the General the next day, and Fairfax no doubt acted
with decision. But such was the state of discipline among this greatly-
vaunted soldiery that the régiment must hâve flatly disobeyed ; for we
find them in January, 1647-8, still at Hereford, annoying the country by
their exactions, and refusing to disband except irf the manner most
agreeable to themselves. A letter read in the House of Commons, dated
Jan. 24, from “ an eminent person ” who acted at Hereford as Parlia-
mentary Commissioner, gives a curious insight into the state of the
army in parts remote from head-quarters. It appears that in pursuance
1 Rushworth, iv. I. 482.	2 Bell’s Fairfax Correspondence, i. 370.
G AMD. SOC.	2 H234
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
of instructions alike from the Parliament and the General, communicated
through “Major Harlow” (afterwards better known as Sir Edward
Harley), the new Colonel, Humphreys, had attempted on the 19th to
disband the foot régiment by companies, but they had refused obedience
on those terms, and still seemed likely to proye refractory. The letter
contains a grievous as well as very instructive complaint of the exactions
of the soldiery : “ never more oppression when both Armies were on foot.
As for example in Radnor shire they quartered three weeks some six
hundred men, wher they hâve taken for every foote-man 35. a day, in
which place, before they came thither, they had paid their six moneths
contribution. In this county they do the like wher they hâve paid their
contribution to a penny, and now in the Treasury. And without your
tender care for the préservation of this County they are ntterly ruined :
And we are fain both for here and Gloster not to leave any money in the
Treasury, but convey it daily to private Houses for fear of miscariage by
reason of the violence of the Souldiers. * * The sum of monies that will
disband these two Regiaments will be 5,000/?'.” Ail mention of the Irish
service seems to hâve been ignored ; and in an order of the House of
Commons of Oct. 18, 1648, it is not only admitted that those “forces
went not,” but specified that in conséquence they only received the two
nionths’ arrears (due, as above, in March 1647): 750/. out of the
balance being now appropriated to liquidate part of the claim of Col.
Birch, and the rest being unaccounted for. The Colonel no doubt had a
just right to his arrears ; but under such a System of insubordination,
mismanagement, and selfishness there is little room for surprise at the
country’s complaints of violence, rapine, and extortion.]1
APPENDIX XXIII.
[The following brief chronological notices of some of Colonel Birch’s
proceedings subséquent to the taking of Hereford, drawn from the Joumals
of the Houses, the Harley correspondence, and other sources, do not pro-
1 See also Cary’s Memorials, i. 101, 138, 221, 277, 282.APPENDIX.
235
fess to be complété, but contain some interesting facts not recorded in the
preceding pages, and may throw additional light on parts of his personal
history.
1645,	Dec. 18.. Hereford surprised.
Dec. 22 . Birch appointed Goyernor. About this time 50/. per annum was
granted to him out of Lingen’s estate ; but whether it was
paid does not appear.
1645-	6, Jan. 15.. Empowered with martial law.
Feb. ... Manœuvres against Astley with 220 foot and 200 horse, but owing
to floods no engagement ensued.
Mar. 9... Burns the stable at Goodrich.
Mar. 13 or 14. Goes to conferwith Morgan at Gloucester.
Mar. 21. Defeats Astley at Stow.
1646,	Mar. 26. Faces Worcester with Morgan and Brereton.
Apr. 24 . Invests Ludlow.
. May 20. Returns to the surrender of Ludlow, where “ expecting fair
terms and performances, ont of knowledge of the said Colonel
and others there, they yeelded sooner than otherwayes they
needed.”
July 31 . Captures Goodrich Castle.
Aug. 1.. Purchases the Castle of Hereford of Edward Page. During his
govemorship he is stated to hâve borrowed 100/., possibly on
this account.
Aug. 7.. Writes from before Raglan Castle to the Speaker, referring to a
pétition he had addressed to the House.
Oct. 6 ... Insulted by Bromwich.
Oct. 23.. Pétition against him presented to the House by Sir Robert Harley.
Dec. 9 .. Took the Covenant on entering the House as Burgess for Leominster
in the room of Serjeant Eure, ejected as having been Speaker
of the Oxford Parliament.
1646-	7, Jan. 22 . Sends orders from Worcester to Hereford as to quartering his
soldiers “ on Delinquents and New ter s.”
Jan. 30. At variance with Colonel Harley and the Hereford Committee
about quarters for his horse.
1647,	Mar. 26 . Engages for the sums of 6740/. and 857/. 4s. 8d. to send 1000 foot
and 200 horse to Ireland. A few more (120?) horse were
added J une 18.
Apr. 12 . Sells the Castle of Hereford for 600/. to the Harleys and other
Herefordshire members for the use of the county.
June 15,16. Passes his account before the Committee236
MILITARY MEMOIR OF COLONEL JOHN BIRCH.
June 21. Having left London for Hereford by way of Bristol, where he was
July 19 . Oct. 4... Oct. 26..	to receive part of the money for his régiment, he was arrested at Bagshot, in compliance with a general order, notwithstanding the Speaker’s pass, by Rainsborough’s soldiers, and escorted to head-quarters at St. Alban’s, whence Fairfax sent him back to London. , Complains to the House of a mutinons spirit in his régiment. , Serves on a committee respecting Ireland. , An order was sent to the Lords that the lead of the Clochivm or Great Steeple attached to Worcester Cathédral should be sold for the repairs of certain churches and almshouses in that city. This noble building, 70 yards in height, constructed at an early period of great unsawed Irish timber for the purpose of holding the bells, was in conséquence destroyed, and the materials, valued at 1200?., purchased by Birch for 617?. 4s. 2d. But for his seat in Parliament, he would hâve been probably questioned for this at the Restoration.
Dec. 23 . Dec. 24.. 1647-8, Jan.	, He serves on a committee to go to the Army at Windsor. Obtains an order for payment of 2500?. with interest until paid. , He and his brother Major Birch threaten the Hereford Committee with violence.
Feb. — June. With others as commissioner in Edinburgh, where they
1648, Oct. 18..	complain of bad accommodation. , His troops having failed to go to Ireland, he is allowed 750?. towards his claim out of their intended pay, and 800?. from the séquestration of Sir Edward Morgan of the county of Monmouth.
Nov. 22 , Dec. 5... Dec. 6...	. Begged the High Steward ship of Leominster. , Serves on a committee for conferring with the General. , Seized by the Army and excluded the House.
1649-50, Feb. 22. Purchased the Bishop’s palace and manors for 2475?. 12s. 5d.
(having previously bonght Whitboume).
1651, end of Ang. Attends King Charles IL at Worcester.
1655, Mar......Arrested by Colonel Rogers.
Nov.....Released through Major-General Berry.
1656, Sept.....Signed the Remonstrance.
1657,	June 26. Présent, as Member for Leominster, at the inauguration of the
1658, Jan	 1666		Protector. . Retumed for Leominster to CromwelPs Parliament. Proposed a good method for the uniform rebuilding, under Trustées, of London after the Great Fire.INDEX
Abingdon, 13, 89, 90, 98,
168, 177, 208
Accounts passed, 152, 223
Adderton Moor, 171,182
Aldeme, Capt. 29 n. 118,
194, 218, 219, 220, 221,
222
Aldworth, R. xi
Alresford, 9, 79, 82, 84,174,
177,182
Alton, 4, 69, 70, 73, 78, 82
Andover, 83, 174
Antiquarian Repertory,
quoted, 67
Appteyard, Sir M. 10, 80,
177
Ardwick, 159 n.
Armies, character of, 58,
63, 64 n. 77, 89, 233
Arrears, 151, 234
Artillery Garden, 51,163 n.
Arundel, 5, 9, 69, 72,76, 78,
168
Arundel, Col. 15,95
Ashby-de-la-Zouch, 50,109
Ashley, Major, 16
Astley, Lord (Sir Jacob),
* 26, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36 n.
65, 66, 92 n. 127, 129 n.
235
Aston, Sir A. 50
Anldbom Chase, 171
Aylesbury, 201, 202
Backhouse, Major, 190
Bacon, W. 201
Baillie, qnoted, 98
Baines, Lieut.-Col. 64, 67,
87, 165, 166, 201,212, 216
Balfour, Sir W. 9, 80, 91,
180,181
Banbury, 12, 35 n. 86, 99,
202, 213
Barksdale, quoted, 154 n.
Barkstcad, Col. 16,97 n.
Bamard, Col. 108,109,111,
113
Barrow (Berow), Lient. 26,
117
Barwick, Dr. 169,171
Basing House, 64, 69, 78,
181
Basingstoke, 15,16, 97
Bath, 21, 23, 100, 102, 104,
223
Baxter, qnoted, 82,158,170,
178
Bedford, Earl of, 48,162
Beeston Castle, 114 n.
Beggars, 76, 154 n.
Berry, Major-Gen. 95 n. 156,
157, 236
Biddeman, Lieut.-Col. 179
Birch, Col. John, passim
Birch, Col. Thomas, iv n. 199
Birch, Major Samuel, x n.
155 n. 233, 236
Birch, Rey. Thomas, x n.
Boles, Col. 70, 169, 207
Boucher, G. 2, 40, 42
Bowls, game of, 10
Bows and arrows, 92 n.
Boys, Col. 185, 216
Boys (merchant), 50
Brampton Bryan, 138,175
Brecknock, 138 n.
Brecknocks, 165 n.
Brentford, 57, 99
Brereton, Sir W. 26, 34, 35,
127,128, 235
Bribery, 117, 190
Bridgemen, 39
Bridgenorth, 102 n. 110 n.
128
Bridgwater, 21,101
Bristol, 2, 21, 23, 38, 43, 44,
47, 51, 52, 60, 62, 82, 102,
104, 107, 162, 178, 236
------bridge, 38
Bromley, H. 218
Bromwich, Col. 141, 142,
143,144, 148, 150, 235
Brown, Sir R. 11, 80, 90,
168, 176, 191
—— Capt. 29
Browne, J. (of Harewood),
137 n.
Brudenell, Lord, 63 n. 115,
192
Brydges, Sir G. 115
---------Sir J. 23,115,116,
118, 194, 218, 219, 220,
221, 231
Buck, Capt. 39 n.
Burgess, 165
Burnet, quoted, iv. viii. 101,
156, 173 n.
Byron, Lord, 119 n.
Byster’s Gâte, 29,193,194
Calthorp, Lieut. 18,187
Camden, 34
Canon Frome, 25, 28, 111,
112, 113, 114, 115, 221,
222
Cardiff, 168
Cardigan Castle, 92 n.
Carisbrooke, 10 n.
Carrier, Birch a, iv.
Carriers, rohheiy of, 49, 60
Cheriton, 79, 80, 81, 82, 99,
100
Cherwell, river, 86, 213
Chester, 26,110 n. 127,192,
233
Cheynell, F. 212
Chichester, 76, 78, 163, 202
--------- wagon, 79, 212
Chillingworth, 76
Christchurch, 83
Christina, Queen of Sweden,
164
Clare, Earl of, 48
Clarendon, quoted, 53,74,76,
81,177,198
Cleveland, Earl of, 71 n. 87 n.
88, 214
Clochium, or Bell Tower (at
Worcester), 236238
INDEX.
Clubmen, 112, 116». 165,
190, 216
Coaches, 185
Colchester, 71
Committee of Safety, 84,104,
114, 139,143, 146
Congreve, Lieut.-Col. 179
Coningsby, F. 107
Corbet, quoted, 50 ». 179
Corfe Castle,114 ».
Comish troops, 44, 89
Cornwall, 14, 91, 94
Cotsforth, Major, 6
Coventry, 157
Craford, Earl of, 69, 70
Croes Owain, 139 ».
Croft, Bishop, 198
Cromwell, Oliver, v, 98,101,
103, 104, 114, 129, 150,
156, 165, 166, 175, 179,
190, 197, 232.
Cromwell, Richard, 166,
189 ».
Cromwell, Henry, 166
Crondall, 4, 69
Cropredy, 13, 86, 87, 88, 89,
165,178, 213
Croydon, 212
Cuirassiers, 174, 180, 183
Dacres, E. 42
Daventry, 50
Dean, Forest of, 123, 127 ».
195
Denbigh, Earl of, 86
Denbigh Castle, 168
Demoralization of Soldiery,
196
Denham, Sir J. 65
Devonshire Ditty, 77, 209
Digby, Lord, 168, 177, 191
------, Sir J. 179
Donnington Castle, 17,100,
185,187
Duelling, 191
Dunkirk, 188
Edgehill, 38, 57, 82, 99,105,
107, 171 », 175, 183, 201
Edinburgh, 236	1
Episcopal lands, 154, 158,
197, 236
Essex, Earl of, 12, 15, 51,
56 ». 58, 65, 77, 82, 85,
91, 93, 94, 97, 98, 101,
105, 107, 176, 178, 181,
191
----, Col. xi, xii, 41
Eure, Serjeant, 235
Evesham, 34, 86 ».
Exactions, military, 68 ».
149, 234
Fairfax, Lord, 233
--------Sir T. 15, 21, 47,
80». 90». 101,102». 104,
114, 129, 149, 169, 171,
173 ». 176, 232, 236
--------Lady, 182
Fairs, 138
Famham, 4, 5,12, 64, 65, 66,
69, 72, 78, 84, 165, 166,
185
Farringdon, 165
Feilding, Col. 20
Fiennes, Col. xii, 38, 41, 42,
43,44, 45,46,60,65». 71».
178
Fire of London, 236
Five Members arrested, 53
Ford, Sir E. 65, 72, 212
Fords, on river Wye, 125
Fortb, Earl of, 17, 19, 42,
99, 181,185
------Lady, 17, 100, 187
Fornova, battle of, 183
Gamstone, 158, 159 ».
Garrisons, 110, 111
Gloucester, 23, 26,27,33, 34,
43, 48, 50 ». 56, 92 ». 99,
104,108,115,162, 234,235
Goodrich Castle, 30, 31, 33,
36,122,123,125,127,129,
130, 131, 132, 195, 226,
229, 235
Goodwin, Col. 152, 201
Goring, Lord, 91,174, 205
Granadoes, 36, 211, 230
Grandison, Lord, 45
Green, Rev. J. 92 ».
Greenvile, Sir R. 95 ».
Gustavus Adolphus, 88,99,
164, 172, 174
Hampden, J. viii, 49 ». 176,
195, 201
Harewood, 186
Harley, Sir R. 44 ». 107,144,
146, 147,148,175, 235
------, Col. (Sir E.), 44 ».
154, 198, 216, 234
——, Lady, 44 ». 175
Hartlebury, 129
Harvey, Dr. 175
Hastings, Col. 50,109
Herbert, Lord, 56
Hereford, passim
--------- Castle, 31, 121,
126, 233, 235
Herefordshire, 105,	106,
159 ».
Hertford, Marquis of, 70,
107, 124
Hertfordshire, 77, 92 ».
Hesilrige, Sir A. 3, 9, 10,
14, 44, 50 ». 51, 52, 53,
54, 55, 66, 74, 80, 81, 86,
90, 163, 164, 180, 182,203
Heywood, T.Esq. iii, 156
Hill, M. 149,231
Hodges, Mr. 23,118
Holland, Earl of, 48,162
Holles, Denzil, 161,180
Hom Lacy, 109, 186, 204
Hopton, Lord (Sir Ralph),
2, 4, 9, 23, 44, 65, 66, 68,
72, 73, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83,
100,105, 180 ». 181, 203
------, Sir Richard, 107,
111, 231
------, Sir E. 111
------Castle, 196
Hoskyns, Lady, 186
---------, Serjeant, 186
---------,B. 149
Howell, quoted, 41 ».
Howarth, Major, 118, 194,
218, 219, 220, 221, 222
Hudson, H. 96
Hull, 102 ».
Humphreys, Col. v ». 145,
146, 148, 149, 150, 233,
234
Hungerford, 16, 17, 185
Huntingdon, Earl of, 50
Hutchinson, Col. 171
Hyde, Capt. 145, 192
Hacket, Bp. quoted, 77INDEX.
239
Intelligences, 168
Irchinfield, 123, 125, 139
Ironsides, Bp. 199
Jenkins, Jndge, 116
Jersey, 189
Johnson, H. 208
Kent, Earl of, 124
Kentish régiment, 14, 91,
94 n.
King Charles I. 12, 16, 42,
53, 60, 85, 86, 91, 92, 93,
97, 100,108,177,213,214,
215
----Charles II. 156, 236
Kinnersley, 189
Kirke, Sir L. 128
Knolle, 14
Kyrie, Sir J. 107
-----, Col. 33,131, 194, 226
-----, W. 149
Langdale, Sir M. 197
Langley, Jon. 218
Lansdown, 44, 65, 203
Latham House, 169, 188
Layton, Lieut.-Col. 10
Leather gnns, 87, 88
Ledbury, 24, 26, 27, 28, 112,
114, 193, 216, 221
Leicester, 54,178
---------, Earl of, 172
Leicestershire, 53, 54 n.
Leominster, 37 n. 40, 157,
158, 235, 236
Lesley, Gen. 173
Letherhead, 212
Leven, Earl of, 113
Lichfield, 109
Lilly, 53
Lingen, Sir H. passim
Liskeard, 91
Lisle, Sir G. 71 n.
Little Dean, 179
London foot, 16
Lucas, Sir C. 188
Ludlow, 30, 31, 36, 88, 120,
126, 129, 170, 192, 194,
226, 235
------, Col. 53, 97 n. 170,
177,183,215
Lunsford, Sir T. 116, 191,
192
Lnke, Sir S. 168, 190, 197,
216
Lyme, 91
Macanlay, qnoted, iv n.
Madresfield, 23, 30, 126, 129
Manchester, Earl of, 15,16,
17, 20, 68 n. 97, 98, 182
Marston Moor, 86, 98
Massey, Col. 50 n. 108, 112,
113, 114, 156, 190, 216
Maurice, Prince, 2, 22, 94
Mayeme, Sir Theod. 175,
176
Meldrum, Sir J. 180
Middleton, Col. Sir T. 87,
88, 214
Monk, Gen. 189
-----, Bp. 198
Monmouth, 116, 126, 191,
195
Monmouthshire, 77 n. 195
Monro, quoted, 169,171,181,
183
Montgomery, 110 n. 171
Montrose, Marquis of, 168
Moore, Col. 149 n.
Moorfields, 51
Morehampton, 186
Morgan, Sir E. 236
Morgan, Col. Sir T. 23, 26,
30, 31, 33, 34,36,114,116,
128, 187, 191, 192, 218,
235
Mortar pièces, 36, 227, 229,
230
Myn, Col. 108,109
Naseby, 108,181
Nentrality, 190, 216, 217
New Inn* 139, 140
New Tricke to take Townes,
219
Newbnry, 16, 17, 21, 82, 97,
98, 100, 174, 184, 185,
187, 215
Newcastle, Earl of, 102 n.
182
Newcome’s Diary, iii
Newport Pagnell, 168, 190
Nicholas, Sir E. 49 n.
Nine Worthies, 107
Norfolk, Duke of, 186
Northampton, 13, 89, 98,
202
—	—■	■, Earl of, 214
Norton, Col. 97 n. 215
Noseley, 54
Nottingham, 170, 171
----------—, Countess of,
53 n.
Nunington, 24
Oaths, 100,178
Odiham, 78
Ogle, Sir W. 83
Old Gore, 33,128, 130
Onslow, É. 213
Ottley, Sir F. ix, 171, 208,
218
Owain Glyndwr, 139
Oxenstiem, 164
Oxford, 12, 13, 31, 34, 35 n.
49, 65, 83, 84, 86, 89, 99,
111, 127, 167, 185, 227,
228
Parrett* H. 141,142
Pengelly, Sir T. 166
Pengethly, 130, 232
Penrhyn, 158
Penruddock, 95 n,
Pikes, 171
Plymouth, 14,16,21,91, 94,
95, 96, 97,101
Portsmouth, 173
Potley, Sir A. 5, 12, 63, 73,
86,164
Powell, Sir E. 130, 232
Powick, 38
Price, Col. 108
Pfior’s Hill Fort, 103
Priory of St. Gnthlac, 24,
25, 29 n.
Prisoners, 170
Protections, 145, 232
Pye, Sir Walter, 107
Quarters, free, 77, 210
Queen’s régiment, 20
Radnorshire, 178, 234
Raglan, 30, 33 n. 36 n. 109,
126, 168, 192, 235
Rainsborough, Colonel, 103,
230
Ralegh, Sir W. quoted, 159240
INDEX.
Rapin, quoted, 48 ». 87
Raymond, Lieut.-Col. 29
Rea, Colonel, 11
Reading, 15, 16, 46, 50, 65,
83, 89, 97, 98, 166, 201
Recruiting, 51, 57, 89
Redmarley, 108
Régiment, pay of, 67
Remonstrance, The, 236
Roaring Meg, 36 ».
Roberts, Lord, 94
Roe, passim
Rogers, Col. 95 ». 157, 236
Romsey, 83
Roundway Down, 44, 50,
51 ». 81, 162,181
Rupert, Prince, xiii, 2, 12,
21,	44, 46, 48 ». 71 ». 86,
103,104 ». 107, 108, 111,
113, 114, 123, 178, 180,
192
St. Alban’s, 45, 236
Salisbury, 83,187
Scotch Nan, 168
Scots, 67, 74, 106, 113, 124,
132, 157, 172
Scroop, Sir G. 75 ».
Scudamore, Viscount, 107
--------, Lady, 205
--------, Sir B. 30, 108,
109 ». 110 ». 112, 113,
117,119, 191, 192
--------, Sir J. 192
--------,W. 145
------jas. 146
Self-denying Ordinance, 101
Seneca, quoted, 42
Séquestration, 59
Seyenoaks, 94 ».
Seyer’s Memoirs of Bristol,
quoted, iv ». xii ». xiii ».
3 ».
Shrewsbury, ix, x, 43,161
Skippon, Major-Gen. 21».
22,	91, 93
Slanning, Sir N. 45
Slingsby, Sir H. quoted, 176
Smith, W. (Provost-Mar-
shal), 170, 207
Smithfield, 51
Southampton, 94
Spies, 167, 205
Spiller, Sir H. 115
Sprigge, quoted, 121
Stamford, Earl of, xii ». 40,
105, 107, 111, 124, 191
Stanley, E. 172
Stow (in the Wold), 34, 35,
36 ». 129, 235
Stuart, Lord B. 88, 214
------, Lord J. 181
Sudeley Castle, 86
Surgeons, 75, 174
Sussex, 217
Swanley, 197
Swift, Yicar of Goodrich,
124
Symonds, quoted, 93
Taylor, Capt. 154 ».
------, Water-Poet, 77, 210
Thames, River, 49
Thorp, Lieut.-Col. 187
Throckmorton, Sir N. 191»
Tombs, Rev. J. 40
Tower Hamlets, 13, 86, 87
Trenchard, J. 63
Tretire, 139
Trevanion, Sir J. 45
Trevor, A. quoted, 58 ».
Troop of Show, 175
Troy House, 186
Turenne, 188
Yaughan, Sir W. 25 ». 26,
30, 110 ».
Vavasour, Sir C. 177
Venn, Col. 197 ».
Volunteers, 38, 161
Walford Court, 195
Wallenstein, 227 ».
Waller, Sir W .passim
Wallingford, 65, 70, 120,
186
Walton, 83
Warminster, 47
Warwick, 51
---------, Earl of, 49, 218
---------, Sir P. 196 ».
Welsh loyalty, 105
Wemyss, 12, 87, 213
Weobley, 158, 159, 199
Weymouth, 14
Wharton, N. 58, 179
Whitbourne, 95 ». 154, 197,
236
Whitchurch (Dorsetshire),
83
-----------(Shropshire),
110 ».
Whitelocke, 164
Whitham, N. 202
Wigmore, Capt. 179
William III. King, 186
Williamson, Rev. G. 40
Wilton Castle, 114, 115
Winchester, 11, 64, 65, 69,
70, 79,83, 100, 163, 206
Windsor, 152, 236
Worcester, 12, 30, 31, 35,
43, 50 ». 58 ». 62, 86, 89,
105, 107, 120 ». 126, 129,
163, 192, 226, 235, 236
--------,	battle of, 88 ».
155, 157
--------,	Lady R. 186
Wright, Dr. 175
Wye, river, 30, 123,194
Yeomans, R. iv ». 2, 39 ».
40, 42, 45
--------,	W. 42
York, 170
Ypres, 188
Westminster : Printed by Nichols and Sons, 25, Parliament StreetJune 5, 1873.
(Barlg giatoricaî and literarg demains.
The Members marked (c.) hâve compounded for their Subscriptions.
Vmftrent.
The Right Hon. The EARL OF VERULAM, F.R.G.S.
(c.) Right Hon. Lord Acton, Round Acton, Salop.
Dr. Edward Adamson, 4, West Street, Rye, Sussex.
George Edward Adams, Esq. F. S. A. Lancaster Herald, Col-
lege of Arms, Doctors’ Commons, E.C.
Edward Akroyd, Esq. M.P. F. S. A. Bank Field, Halifax.
William Aldam, Esq. Frickley Hall, Doncaster.
Richard Almack, Esq. F. S. A. Long Melford, Suffolk.
W. S. Appleton, Esq.
Lindsey M. Aspland, Esq. LL.D. Lamb Building, Temple.
Lieut. W. J. St.Aubyn, Sheffield Barracks, Sheffield.
J. E. Baer, Esq. Frankfort.
Right Hon. Lord Bagot, Blithfield House, near Rugeley,
Staffordshire.
James William Baillie, Esq. Arundel Villa, Lansdowne Road,
Croydon.
Mr. James Bain, 1, Haymarket.
William Proctor Baker, Esq. Bromwell House, Brislington,
Bristol.
Rev. Edward Lowry Barnwell, M.A. Melksham House, Melk-
sham, Wilts.
J. Sparvel Bayley, Esq. Knockholt Lodge, Greenhithe.2
MEMBEBS OF THE CÀMDEN SOCIETY.
Executors of George Beaufoy, Esq. South Lambeth.
Thomas Bell, Esq. The Wakes, Selborne, near Alton, Hants.
Rev. Samuel Benson, M.A. Town Hall Chambers, High Street,
Southwark.
Daniel Benham, Esq. 18, Regent’s Square, Gray’s Inn Road.
(c.) John Birkbeck, Esq. Anley House, Settle, Yorkshire.
Mr. Bishop, bookseller, Eye, Suffolk.
Rev. Beaver H. Blacker, M.A., Rokeby, Blackrock, Dublin,
(c.) James Bladon, Esq. Albion House, Pontypool.
(c.) Rev. Joseph William Blakesley, B.D. Ware, Herts.
Yen. George Bland, M.A. Archdeacon of Northumberland.
Charles Blandy, Esq. Reading.
William Blandy, Esq. Reading (Local Secretary at Reading).
Robert WillisBlencowe, Esq.M.A. The Hook, Lewes.
Edward Blore, Esq. D.C.L. F.R.S. F S.A. 4, Manchester
Square.
Miss Bockett, Bradney, near Burghfield, Reading.
Henry G. Bohn, Esq. North End House, Twickenham.
John J. Bond, Esq. Public Record Office, Fetter Lane.
John Booth, Esq. Green Bank, Monton Eccles, near Man-
chester.
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Rev. Joseph Bosworth, LL.D. F.R.S. F.S.A.
Sir George Bowyer, Bart. D.C.L. M.P. Radley Park,
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Robert Greene Bradley, Esq. Slyne House, near Lancaster.
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Francis Capper Brooke, Esq. Ufford, Suffolk.
William Henry Browne, Esq. St. Martin's, Chester.
J. Brunskill, Esq. 13, Great James Street, Bedford Row.
W. G. Bulwer, Esq. Quebec House, East Dereham.
Decimus Burton, Esq. F.R.S. F.S.A, 1, Gloucester Houses,
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Benjamin Bond Cabbell, Esq. F.R.S, F.S.A. 39, Chapel
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Colonel Carew, Crowcombe Court, Taunton.
W. Henry Pôle Carew, Esq. Anthony, Torpoint, Devonport.
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Norfolk.MEMBERS OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
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Rev. William Henry Cartwright, M.A. Butcombe Rectory,
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William Chapman, Esq. Richmond.
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John Payne Collier, Esq. F.S.A. Riverside, Maidenhead.
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William Hyde Cooke, Esq. The Green, Shellesley King’s,
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J. C. Cox, Esq. Hazelwood, Belper.
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Colonel Francis Cunningham, 18, Clarendon Road, South
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Hon. Edward Cecil Curzon, Scarsdale House, Kensington.4
MEMBERS OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
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James Bridge Davidson, Esq. 10, Old Square, Lincoln’s Inn.
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5
(c.) Right Hon. Lord Yiscount Falmouth, 2, St. James’s Square,
(c.) Sir Walter R. Farquhar, Bart. 18, King Street, St. James’s.
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Paul Hawkins Fisher, Esq. Stroud.
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House, Stourbridge.
John Forster, Esq. LL.D. 19, Whitehall.
Hon. George Matthew Fortescue, 38, Grosvenor Square
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Clifton.
Charles Larkin Francis, Esq. 33, Gloucester Street, Pimlico.
(c.) Frederick J. Furnivall, Esq. M.A. 3, St. George’s Square,
Primrose Hill, N.W.
James Gairdner, Esq. Public Record Office, Fetter Lane.
S. Rawson Gardiner, Esq. M.A. Director, 22, Gordon Street,
Gordon Square.
Henry H. Gibbs, Esq. 15, Bishopsgate Street, E.C.
William Gilbert, Esq. 14, Pembridge Gardens.
William Bulkeley Glasse, Esq. Q.C. 35, York Place, Portman
Square.
Sir Stephen R. Glynne, Bart. F.S.A. Hawarden CastJe,
Flintshire.
(c.) Henry Gough, Esq. 10, Serjeants’ Inn, Fleet Strert.
Rev. S. Baring-Gould, East Mersea, Colchester.
Mrs. Everett Green, 100, Gower Street.
Benjamin Wyatt Greenfield, Esq. 4, Cranbury Terrace,
Southampton.
Henry Gregory, Esq. Herne Hill, Dulwich.
J. Wyllie Guilde, Esq. 17, Park Terrace, Glasgow.
Rt. Hon. Russell Gurney, M.P. 1, Paper Buildings, Temple.
Frederick Gwatkin, Esq. 9, New-Square, Lincoln’s Inn.6
MEMBERS OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
Miss Hackett, 3, Manor Villas, Amhurst Road, Hackney.
Edward Hailstone, Esq. F. S.A. Lond. & Scot. Walton Hall,
Wakefield.
(c.) Thomas Henry Hall, Esq. F.R.S. 16, Norfolk Crescent, Hyde
Park.
William Douglas Hamilton, Esq. Public Record Office,
Fetter Lane.
The Right Hon. Lord Hanmer.
Lady Frances Vernon-Harcourt, The Homme, Weobley.
(c.) Joseph Alfred Hardcastle, Esq. M.P. 54, Queen’s Gâte Ter-
race, S.W.
William Henry Hart, Esq. F.S.A. The Cedars, Overcliff,
Rosherville, Kent.
Sir Joseph H. Hawley, Bart. Leybourne Grange, near
Mailing, Kent.
Frank Scott Haydon, Esq. Public Record Office, Fetter Lane.
R. W. Heslop, Esq. Ripon.
Henry Gay Hewlett, Esq. 24, Spring Gardens.
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Inn.
G. F. Heywood, Esq. 25, Piccadilly, Manchester.
Henry Hill, Esq. F.S.A. 2, Curzon Street, May Fair.
(c.) Rev. Herbert Hill, M.A. King’s School, Warwiek.
(c.) Robert Holland, Esq. M.A. 64, Great Cumberland Place.
Miss Holt, 42, Gordon Square, S.W.
A. J. Beresford Hope, Esq. M.A. M.P. 1, Connaught Place,
Edgware Road.
Charles Hopkinson, Esq. M.A. 74, Eccleston Square.
Rev. James Hughes, Dean, St. Patrick’s College, Maynooth.
(c.) Richard Hussey, Esq. F.S.A. Harbledown, Canterbury.
(c.) Cosmo Innés, Esq. Inverleith, Edinburgh.
(c.) Rev. L. W. Jeffray, Wynlass Beck, Windermere.
Rev. Augustus Jessopp, M.A. School House, Norwich.
James Jones, Esq. The Oaklands, near Tarporley.
(c.) Joseph Jones, Esq. Abberley Hall, Stourport, Worcestershire.
Rt. Hon. Sir Richard T. Kindersley, M.A. Clyffe, Dorchester,
Dorset.
Alfred Kingston, Esq. (Secretary), Public Record Office,
Fetter Lane.MEMBERS OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.
7
David Laing, Esq. F. S.A. Scot. Edinburgh.
Philip Lang, Esq. Poltimore, Exeter.
J. Bailey Langhorne, Esq. Outwood Hall, Wakefield.
Charles Lawson, Esq. 35, George Square, Edinburgh.
J. D. Leader, Esq. Independent Office, Sheffield.
George Cornwall Legh, Esq. M.P. 6, St. James’s Place.
Rev. Henry Richard Luard, M.A. 4, St. Peter’s Terrace,
Cambridge.
John Whitefoord Mackenzie, Esq. 16, Royal Circus, Edinburgh.
Rev. George R. Mackerness, M.A. Uam Vicarage, Ashbourne.
(c.) David Mackinlay, Esq. 6, Great Western Terrace, Hillhead,
Glasgow.
Robert Malcomson, Esq. Bennekerry Lodge, Carlow, Ireland.
Sir John Maclean, F.S.A. Pallingswick Lodge, Hammer-
smith.
Messrs. Macmillan and Co. Cambridge.
Robert Bullock Marsham, Esq. D.C.L. Merton College, Oxford.
Charles A. J. Mason, Esq. India Office, Whitehall.
His Excellency George Buckley Matthew.
W. G. Medlicott, Esq. Long Meadow, Massachusetts.
(c ) J. Miland, Esq. Clairville, Lansdown Road, Wimbledon.
Captain Mildmay, 19, Charles Street, Berkeley Square.
Right Hon. Lord Monson, 40, Belgrave Square.
Stuart A. Moore, Esq. 123, Chancery Lane.
Octavius S. Morgan, Esq. M.P. F.R.S. F.S.A. 10, Charles
Street, St. James’s.
Jerom Murch, Esq. Bath.
Charles Robert Scott-Murray, Esq. F.S.A. Danesfield, Great
Marlow.
Richard Neave, Esq.
Mr. J. Newman, 235, High Holborn.
(c.) George Whitlock Nicholl, Esq. The Ham, Cowbridge, Gla-
morganshire.
John Gough Nichols, Esq. F.S.A. Treasurer of the Surtees
Society, Holmwood Park, near Dorking.
Robert Cradock Nichols, Esq. F.S.A. F.R.G.S. 5, Sussex
Place, Hyde Park.8
MEMBERS OF THE C AMD EN SOCIETY.
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near Northampton.
George Ormerod, Esq. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A. Sedbury Park,
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Rev. Sir Frédéric A. Gore Ouseley, Bart. Mus. Doc. M.A.
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Frédéric Ouvry, Esq., Treas.S.A., 12, Queen Anne Street,
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William Dunkeley Paine, Esq. Reigate.
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"W aies
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The Most Hon. the Marquess of Ripou, K.G. D.C.L. F.R.S.
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Avon, Wilts.
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Royal Institution.
Royal Library.
Sacred Harmonie Society.
Science and Art Deparment, South
Kensington.
Sheffield Library.
Sion College Library.
Stonyhurst College.
St. Ândrew’s University.
St. Catharine’s College, Cambridge.
St. John’s College, Cambridge.
Sydney Free Public Library.
The Hon. Society of the Inner Temple.
Trinity College, Cambridge.
Tubingen Library.
Vienna Impérial Library
Virginia State Library.
Warwickshire Natural History and
Archæological Society.
Watkinson Library, Connecticut.