CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY HD9515 re University Library “Titi 3 1924 030 097 756 olin THE TRUTH ABOUT MR. ROCHEFELLER AND THE MERRITTS BY FREDERICK T. GATES I Many worthy people were shocked by the disclosure of Leonidas and Alfred Merritt, witnesses before the Stanley Committee, of the chicanery, as they alleged, of a ‘‘ Baptist minister,’’ employed as the sinister tool of John D. Rockefeller. Eighteen years ago, in 1893, ‘‘the preacher,” they said, had filched with diabolical cunning from the two witnesses, simple “‘lumberjacks,”’ as they called themselves, a matter of ‘‘seven hundred million tons” of iron ore, the chief source, in fact, of the country’s present supply. So deftly had the thimblerigging been done that they were wholly unable to explain the process. “T could not conceive,’’ said Leonidas in his testimony, ‘how in hell, within these few months, without spending a cent of money above my board bill, I could have gone to New York and lost all those millions.” And the two brothers took nearly two entire days of the time of the Committee, in attempting to show that Mr. Rockefeller, acting through ‘‘the preacher,” like a wolf in sheep’s clothing, had first fraudulently deceived, and later cruelly robbed them. It was I who acted for Mr. Rockefeller. He saw only one of the brothers, him but once, for five minutes, and then only to receive Merritt’s grateful hand clasp. The reluctant and unpleasant duty falls to me to tell the facts and to contrast them with the Merritt falsehoods. My narrative, compelled in self- defence, shall be free from passion or resentment. The true story of the Merritts is a story of wild speculation in the early nineties in Missabe mining properties, then of doubt- ful and, as it proved, long distant value, a story of overwhelming I 2 debt in the great panic of ’93, of financial collapse averted by Mr. Rockefelier, only to be followed by a conspiracy of false- _ hood against him for booty, then failure, betrayal, exposure and wholesome retraction. We shall come to all that, but for the moment our task must be to get our problem into its simple elements. Perhaps, to begin with, we can cut off a few tons from the seven hundred millions. That will help some. LITTLE ORE AND MILLIONS OWED The Merritts claimed in their Stanley testimony that their ores in ’93 were at least equal in volume to the Missabe ores of the Steel Corporation, estimated by the Merritts at 700,- 000,000 tons. The content of an iron mine is measured, bought and sold, not by underground gropings of the imagination in undiscovered ore, but in actual ore disclosed by drill or test pit, measured in feet and calculable. The best authority in 1893 on the Merritt ores then in sight, was Horace V. Winchell, a well- known mining engineer and geologist of Minnesota, who repeat- edly and carefully examined the Merritt properties in 1893. Mr. Winchell offered his oath in court that the contents of the Merritt mines shown up in 1893 were not more than 25,000,000 ‘tons. The Merritts themselves in ’93 only doubled this. Ina detailed statement given me by Leonidas Merritt on July 1, 1893, which lies before me as I write, the sum total of their ores foots up to 51,000,000 tons. Our problem is being simplified, and we are encouraged to try again. This fifty-one million or twenty-five million tons was the estimate of all the ore in all their mines. The five mines which concern us were owned, in fact, by five stock companies, and the Merritts themselves, that is to say, the whole family of brothers, actually did own about forty per cent. of the stock. It was only by courtesy of other owners that they could claim to control the mines. But even this alleged ownership of forty per cent. was a mere paper ownership, fictitious in any real sense. Actual ownership was always with the Merritt creditors, to be effectually asserted whenever they chose. From the discovery of the ores in 1890, the Merritts had been the most confident, daring and reckless of the Duluth promoters. Under the domi- nation of three fixed and wholly illusory prepossessions, as we shall presently see, without capital, they had organized mining 3 companies right and left, and bought large interests in promising locations everywhere, on time or for borrowed cash. In this and railroad extension, they had pyramided debt upon debt, until on July 1, 1893, they owed, as I regret to believe, not less than two million dollars, not a dollar yet to Mr. Rockefeller. For I must anticipate here so far as to say, that in January, 1894, Mr. Rockefeller paid them more than a million for their stocks, all of which was absorbed by their creditors, and their own most trusted attorney stated later, under oath, that they still owed, in round numbers a million. We have now reduced our problem to its simplest elements. So reduced, let us re-state it. On July 1, 1893, the Merritt family owned about forty per cent. of the stock of the five Missabe mining companies, the ore bodies of which were then known to contain from twenty-five to fifty million tons of ore. For this stock and perhaps their railroad stock, the Merritts owed at least two million dollars, and I have reason to believe much more. In that year, 1893, the great panic struck the country. The iron industry suffered worst of all. Everything fell to half its value. By July, 1893, the Merritts could not have sold their stocks in the open market at Duluth, which has a small Wall Street of its own, for more than one-half of their debts as above estimated. I havea complete list of Duluth quotations, recently got and sworn to, as verification of this statement. The stocks were quoted or sold nowhere else. The Merritts weathered the storm of ’93, but in January, 1894, their Minnesota creditors, not Mr. Rockefeller, forced the Merritts to sell their holdings to whomsoever would pay the most money for them. It so hap- pened that Mr. Rockefeller, having some knowledge of the Mis- sabe Range and believing in its future value, was willing to pay more for the Merritt stocks than any one else. For that reason alone, after offering their stocks widely to capitalists and iron magnates, the Merritts sold their holdings to Mr. Rockefeller. Stated in its simplest elements, this is the whole story. There is nothing either in the size of the transactions, for they were comparatively small, or in their character, for they were per- fectly straightforward and amicable, to excite the least public interest. The charge of fraud, and the lawsuit set up after- wards, owe their origin wholly to the prominence and wealth of the financier who purchased the Merritt holdings in 1894. How baseless the charge was, and how hollow the lawsuit, we shall see. 4 Tue THREE FIXED ILLUSIONS A flood of needed light will be thrown at the outset on the Merritts, and the Missabe situation in 1893 and succeeding years, if I begin at the beginning, and describe the state of mind which led the Merritts to pile up their mountain of debt with such seeming recklessness. In their state of mind, this was the natural and inevitable thing to do. For they were the unconscious vic- tims of three fixed illusions, by no means uncommon in the lati- tude of Duluth at that time. The first was that the Missabe ores would immediately come into universal use, and from the outset would largely if not wholly displace the other ore supplies of the country. The second was that they themselves had coopered up, and as a family did control, all the really valuable mines on the range. The third illusion was that the ore prices which had prevailed during 1890, ’91, and ’92, and for years previous, were the normal prices of iron ore, and would continue to prevail without serious abatement so far into the future as the mind could penetrate. On the basis of these beliefs, they figured that they were about to control the country’s chief ore supply, and that cheap mining, high prices, and immense outputs would speedily pay their debts and bring them fabulous riches. Over against these dreams of avarice, let us now set the facts. The newly discovered Missabe ores were not unlike a heavy soil or, when dry, a powdery dust, easily handled by a steam shovel with little or no blasting. They differed wholly from the ores previously used. These were rock-like in texture, quarried out by drill and by dynamite, and going into the blast furnace like coarse gravel and small stones. For such ores, all furnaces then existing had been constructed, the temperature and force of the blast had been regulated, the mixture of coke and lime- stone had been adjusted. Attempts to put the dust-like Missabe ores into this mixture, resulted in irregularities, chief among which was, that much of the dust was blown out of the top of the furnace by the terrific force of the blast, to settle on the sur- rounding countryside in such quantities as sometimes to evoke angry damage suits. If, on the other hand, the ores were too closely confined, the furnaces would occasionally explode and be wrecked. Not until a new form of furnace had been designed and existing furnaces in considerable numbers had been dis- mantled and rebuilt on new lines, did the Missabe ores come into 5 general use. From the first the experts warned the Merritts of allthis. But the Merritts saw in these counsels of prudence, only a conspiracy of capitalists to destroy their credit and yet their properties for nothing. Railroads are thought to be not averse to getting paying freight. But in the early days, the Iron Range Railroad in Minnesota refused to build even the short spur from its main line which would tap and control fabulous Missabe tonnage, because the experts reported against the ores. To the Merritts this refusal was another and more convincing sign of conspiracy to freeze them out. Their ancient hatred of iron experts crops out in their recent testimony. Nevertheless, the experts, with their laws of chemistry and physics, were right. The Missabes did have to wait outside, and were given a tardy, reluctant and suspicious admission to the furnaces of the country. The mountains of wealth, which seemed to the vision of the Merritts so very near and so very high, were far away. Nor were the Merritts nearer the truth in fancying that they had cornered Missabe ores. Every year added new discoveries of great ore bodies, quite outside the Merritt corner. Brains, enterprise, money and science, undreamed by the Merritts, were employed for many years on all parts of the Missabe Range with astonishing results. The third illusion of the Merritts was dissolved by the great panic, which brought the iron busi- ness to a standstill, spread its influence over several years, and cut all ore values practically in half. Speaking with substantial accuracy, no mining company made one dollar out of mining Missabe ores for the first ten years after their discovery. Expect- ing immediate and enormous profits, complete indeed were the illusions of the Merritts, as they plunged into debts of millions on the brink of the panic of ’93. We are now ready for a still closer view of the Merritts. Let us study them in action. We shall see them always acting on the illusions as accurately as automata pulled by wires. Tue ILLusions Work WILD EXPANSION The Iron Range Railroad having refused to tap the Mis- sabe Range, there had been begun in 1892 an independent road to connect the range with the lake, called the Duluth, Missabe and Northern Railroad. Ties and rails had now been laid on a streak of dirt sixty-six miles long, costing $660,000 or $10,000 6 per mile, one-fifth raised by the Merritts, four-fifths by others. For this, they issued to themselves $1,200,000 first mortgage six per cent. gold bonds and $1,200,000 par value of stock. To complete this unfinished roadbed, to build branches to several ore bodies, to construct an extension of twenty-nine miles into Duluth, to buy dock frontage and build the costly docks needed will cost about $3,500,000 new money, and the! panic is now on the horizon. The railroad is usable after a fashion as it is. Local resources are exhausted. The partners owning the four- fifths call a halt. Not so the Merritts. The programme of expansion shall be pushed through. Control of the railroad will be bought, if necessary, and the partners ousted. The stocks giving control are bought wholly on time for $665,000, a pre- posterous price, one would think. See cost of road and bond issue above. These stocks are put in the names of trusted friends, to keep them out of the hands of the Merritt creditors. The Merritts are now in control and the policy of expansion will prevail. To finance the large scheme, the Merritts are relying on the aid of a young friend from New York, with whom they had previously had friendly dealings on prospective lake trans- portation, Mr. Charles W. Wetmore. Although of limited means himself, Mr. Wetmore was thought to have resources at his command. The well-known Colby-Hoyt Syndicate, of which Mr. Wetmore was a member, owned several hard ore mines on the Gogebic Range in Wisconsin and a detached group of mines in Cuba, and Mr. John D. Rockefeller was believed to act often with that syndicate and to have an interest in these mines. Mr. Wetmore was not an agent of Mr. Rockefeller, whom, indeed, he had never seen but twice, nor did he claim to be, and he after- wards made oath, as did Mr. Rockefeller, that there never was the slightest relation of agency between them at any time direct or indirect. Mr. Wetmore heard the Merritts’ story of fabulous quantities of ore on the Missabe, of the ease and cheapness with which it could be mined, of the enormous profits immediately to be real- ized, of limitless wealth just ahead, and he himself also fell | under the spell of the three illusions. He visited the range and he did not visit the furnaces. So the Merritts and Wetmore, for mutual profit, formed a close personal and business alliance, endorsing each other’s notes, mingling each other’s collateral, ultimately occupying the same offices in New York. Hence- 7 forward for a year, their names must be hyphenated. Mr. Wet- more speedily interested himself and several personal friends in some choice properties on the range, under the guidance of the Merritts, and undertook the serious task of raising among east- ern capitalists by the sale of bonds the $1,600,000 then supposed to be enough for the railroad. In January, 1893, Mr. Rocke- feller took a quarter of the whole lot, but scarcely any one else wanted any. Mr. Wetmore tried in vain to sell them to banks and financial institutions. No one would take the bonds of a small, distant ore railroad, to undeveloped mines of doubtful ore values. Wetmore was reduced to borrowing money from banks in driblets on short time, with the bonds as collateral widely margined. As to investments in Missabe, Mr. Rocke- feller declined to join his syndicate and formally sent him word that he would neither invest money in, or loan money on Mis- sabe mines. I conveyed this decision to Mr. Wetmore January 18, 1893, as I find from my memoranda, repeating it to him on March 7th and to his friends, the Colbys, on March 8th. By this time it had become almost as clear to Mr. Wetmore as it now is to the reader that the Wetmore-Merritt situation could be saved and brought to success with the greatest difficulty, if at all. Ruin could be averted only by union with powerful interests, preferably and more likely those actually engaged in the iron ore business. On THE RocKs—SIGNALS OF DISTRESS Accordingly, Wetmore and the Colbys got their heads together and put down on paper the first plan for the union of the great iron ore interests of the Lake Superior District. This early dream in March, 1893, was an anticipation of what actually did happen in March, 1901, eight years later, in the formation of the United States Steel Corporation. The large conception was unfolded to me by Mr. Joseph L. Colby on March 16th. They were to form a great corporation. This corporation was to take in the Minnesota Iron Company, with its mines, its railroads and its ships, and its immense resources of cash, direct and © indirect, the Colby-Hoyt Wisconsin interests, with their hard ore mines, and the Wetmore-Merritt interests on the Missabe Range, with their unfinished railroad and undeveloped mines. This scheme was worked over for nearly two months. Figures 8 were made and conferences held. Irreconcilable differences, developed, however, on April 11th, and the plan had to be given up. Itis now May. The Merritt brothers in Duluth are cramped for money and send Leonidas down to New York to find out what is the matter with Wetmore. Matter enough. Leonidas finds the situation serious. Everybody is snugging up for the money panic. Perhaps he can talk of Missabe values more persuasively than Wetmore. He will stay; and sends for his trunk. The first plan of consolidation has failed. Perhaps a second and less ambitious plan will go better if Mr. Merritt is himself an active factor. The three illusions are now veiled if not dissolved. Mr. Merritt is confronting a condition, not a theory, and that con- dition spells ruin. Consolidation with old range mines, even, will not now be scorned, if thereby immediate succor can be had. Let us try a second and simpler plan. Although I never heard of this scheme until long afterwards, I find that it involved the union of the Merritt-Wetmore Missabe interests with all but one of the Colby-Hoyt Wisconsin interests. Merritt and Wetmore agreed to buy the Colby properties at a valuation of $4,000,000, half in stock and half in bonds. The Merritt properties were to go in on a valuation to be determined by a committee duly named. A holding company was formed and incorporated in Wisconsin by the Merritt-Wetmore group, called the New York and Missabe Company. Dates were fixed for the appraisals. All this was worked out in a formal legal document. I have secured the original document as a curiosity, with the signatures of Wetmore and Leonidas Merritt duly appended to it. But the Colby party never could be brought to sign it; and it, too, was laid aside. The failure of the second attempt to consolidate left the Mer- ritt-Wetmore syndicate in despair. It was impossible to get money for the railroad, for the mines or for themselves, any- where, at any price. May and June went by, with conditions worse every hour. The Merritts in Duluth had let their con- tracts for the big dock and for the extensions of the railroad; the contractors were at work with hundreds of men; the rail- road debt was piling up at the rate of ten thousand dollars per day; the mines were idle; and no money was forthcoming from the east. The financial arrangements planned in the spring had completely broken down. The railroad was trembling on the 9 brink of a receivership. Interest on the bonds was not paid. Suits were actually begun. There were labor riots on the Mis- sabe Range. Contractors were knocked down on the Merritt Railroad by their enraged men. Knives were drawn. Men actually entered the railroad offices in Duluth and demanded cash on their pay checks at the ends of drawn revolvers. The personal affairs of the Merritts themselves were in no better shape. Some of their creditors were jumping on them and threatening to sell their collateral. ‘‘Must have some money at once to save Merritt boys’ collateral, which means control of best properties,” so Leonidas Merritt wires me in July. The complete financial collapse of the Merritt-Wetmore syndicate, of the Merritts personally, and of the Duluth, Missabe and Northern Railroad is now a mere question of days. RESCUE BY Mr. ROCKEFELLER But it is often darkest just before dawn, and we shall now see the crisis averted by a successful negotiation with Mr. Rockefeller. Merritt and Wetmore came to me July 1, 1893, with a series of financial propositions for the transfer to the shoulders of Mr. Rockefeller of the load that was now crushing them. These propositions were discussed, modified, added to,: mutually adjusted and finally embodied in a series of contracts, of which the essential one was dated July 1st. All were finally reaffirmed and bound together for convenience in one paper, dated August 28th. I strip them of their cumbrous legal phras- ing, also of their technical niceties, and describe their terms as actually carried out by Mr. Rockefeller more liberally at all points than was agreed, because the situation proved to be much worse than had been foreseen. : Mr. Rockefeller was to finance the railroad with $500,000. (He actually put in over $2,000,000.) Mr. Rockefeller was to take over without recourse the Adams and Lone Jack mining properties, which the partners, Wetmore and Merritt, had recently bought for $428,000 short paper. Mr. Rockefeller was to advance Merritt and Wetmore as partners considerable sums of needed cash, and to the Merritts personally $150,000, that they might retain control of their stocks. Mr. Rockefeller was to buy all the ore the Mountain Iron Mine could produce and ship over the railroad that fall, so as to put the mine in 10 operation. The Merritts, on their part, were to put their rail- road stock and all their best mining stocks, the ‘‘ Mountain Iron,” “Biwabik,”’ ‘Missabe Mountain,” ‘‘Rathburn,” “Shaw,” into one basket or company, to be called the Lake Superior Consoli- dated Iron Mines, issuing the Consolidated stock to themselves on valuations for their mines to be fixed by themselves, Leonidas Merritt to be President and the Merritts to control. This com- pany was to buy from Mr. Rockefeller all his mining stocks, including the Adams and Lone Jack now his, paying for these stocks in debenture bonds of the Consolidated Company, so many bonds for so much stock. The trade was not one-sided. Mr. Rockefeller’s profits, if any, were problematical and wholly future. On the par value of the bonds, he could, indeed, be shown a paper profit of perhaps a million and a quarter, but the bonds were then unsalable at any price that would show a profit. We have seen Mr. Wetmore unable to work off the far better railroad bonds, though they were offered at 80 with a bonus of one-third in stock. Moreover, it was for the interest of the Merritts and, as it proved, against his own, that Mr. Rocke- feller took bonds instead of stock. For if Mr. Rockefeller takes bonds on the basket instead of stock, it will be no concern of his how much stock shall be issued for the Merritt-Wetmore mines; the Merritts can put their own valuations on their mines and issue as much stock to themselves as they please. They use this coveted freedom with generous liberality. Their first esti- mate of the cash value of all the mines was $7,000,000. Then, in secret family conclave, they concluded they were worth, after some mutual adjustments, $10,125,000. Then they added a property worth, they thought, $400,000. This made a total of $10,525,000. Then they shut their eyes and doubled the whole, so as to make $21,050,000. At my suggestion, the railroad. stock was added, and at a valuation of $200 per share, so as to come in on a reasonably just parity. This added about $5,000,- 000, making a grand total of $26,050,000 of Consolidated stock at par to be issued. Of this stock, the Merritt brothers received. about $10,000,000 par value for stocks, bought, by them, one is compelled to add, with perhaps $2,000,000 of other people’s money and possibly a little of their own. Prudent financiers like. Mr. Carnegie, for instance, who later himself made a similar choice of bonds, will probably not blame Mr. Rockefeller for preferring bonds to stock, from a basket so amply filled with paper: 11 of value unknown to him. Still, the sequel was to prove that Mr. Rockefeller was over-cautious. He did not then dream that he and his office force were to give eight good years to the de- velopment of those properties, then worth in cash only ten dollars per share, that added values would be developed year by year, and that at length, with hope long deferred, and after putting ten millions into development, every share in the basket would be sold to the Steel Corporation for the equivalent of more than one hundred and sixty dollars cash on the day of sale—worth it also, and probably more. So in the sequel, Mr. Rockefeller might better have taken stock instead of bonds. Mr. Rockefeller did not sign the vital contract dated July Ist until July 12th, some days after Leonidas Merritt and Charles W. Wetmore had put their names to it. When he had signed, I telephoned to Wetmore’s office, where Merritt was, and got back word that Mr. Merritt, who had never seen Mr. Rockefeller, wished to grasp his hand. They were together a few moments. I was present. The talk was on climates, Minnesota and other. At length, Mr. Merritt began to extol the Missabe Range. Mr. Rockefeller listened a moment politely, excused himself, and the social call was over. Neither ever saw the other again. The contract creating the Lake Superior Consolidated Iron Mines in the midst of the panic, saved and finished the railroad, opened the mines, and carried the Merritts successfully through the panic without the loss of one dollar or of one share of stock. The Merritts were jubilant. ‘‘We have passed the danger point.’ ‘‘The days are past when we rate ourselves as paupers.”’ “Perfect confidence is restored.” ‘‘We are taking care of everything without trouble, and this without any collateral.” So ran their letters and telegrams for weeks and months after. One letter of Leonidas Merritt to Hon. W. W. Braden of St. Paul, dated August 1oth, justifies fuller quotation, for Merritt now swears that he was decoyed into this consolidation. His letter written at the time will tell the facts:— ‘“My DEAR SIrR:—Have been in this city, as you know, employed every hour for the last three months financeering through ways and means to bring to a successful conclusion the scheme of consolidation of the iron interests of the Mis- sabe Range. Have been continually confronted with the financial situation, which has grown worse day by day. Financial arrangements made when I first came here have 12 fallen through again and again on account of the tight money market. Have, however, now made some connec- tions with able people (Mr. Rockefeller?) and only have to complete the consolidation in order to get such advances as will relieve the situation for all time,” etc., etc. Leonidas Merritt was later confronted with this letter on the _ witness stand and compelled to acknowledge it as his own, with its frank assertion that he had been working with might and main for the consolidation for months, as his one hope of finan- cial salvation. INTERESTING EPISODES It is now September, 1893. The Merritts were busily engaged during the remaining months of the year, in gathering in their widely scattered stocks, held by their creditors as collateral, and getting them converted into Consolidated stock, and returned. In the fruitful imagination of Leonidas Merritt (who, by the way, has actually printed a volume of blank verse on this sub- ject), these somewhat monotonous months are rich in defamatory incident. We will amuse ourselves with two or three of these picturesque, if not quite accurate, episodes, as told by him to the Stanley Committee. The first is a hair raiser. Enter Gates: ‘‘I come from John D. Rockefeller.” ‘“‘You will remain in the place you now occupy.” “You will be taken care of, but you have got to do the will of John D. Rockefeller.” “If we protect you, the (minority) stock will be thrown out and the other fellows will be ruined.” Mr. Merritt is equal to the occasion. In thunder tones, he hurls back defiance:—‘‘You came from John D. Rockefeller. Go back to John D. Rockefeller and tell him when I steal for a living I will steal for myself.” This precious bit of fustian on Chairman Stanley’s stage was framed up, of course, for those of our more gullible fellow- citizens who suppose that Mr. Rockefeller’s days and nights are spent in crushing minorities. The facts are as follows. The Merritts were so delighted with their consolidation deal that some of them could not bring themselves to let in the other stockholders in their mines on the ground floor. We had diffi- culty in persuading them to this sacrifice. On September 11th 13 and again on the roth, I find myself writing to Duluth, insisting on the ground floor for the minority, and supporting my argu- ment by the opinions of Mr. Rockefeller and Mr. Murray, our counsel. In early October I went to Duluth, partly on this errand. There lies before me at this moment, a letter of mine to Mr. Rockefeller, dated at the Spalding House, Duluth, Octo- ber 16th, in which, among other things, I say: ‘‘We have con- spired together to persuade the Merritts to let in their enemies, who own considerable quantities of minority stock.’”’ There is no other foundation for Mr. Merritt’s dramatic testimony than the above facts. It is to this period that the ‘‘Hard Up” story belongs. ‘‘Gates told me,” swears Mr. Merritt, ‘‘that Rockefeller was hard up for money. 1 believed it then but I don’t believe it now, because I know Gates was a liar.” Andrus R. Merritt, a brother, on September 30th applied for a loan of $100,000, doubtless for Leonidas and the others, quite outside the contracts and with no claim whatever. I quote from my letter of October 2nd, declining the loan :— ‘“Mr. Rockefeller has put in between $1,500,000 and $2,000,000 cash. This is only a portion of what he is carrying. Other enterprises with which he has been long associated and other men who have long been his friends, have been constantly coming to him during these hard times for assistance, and as the Senate continues inactive, they are coming to him in larger numbers and with more urgency ‘than ever before. I have today on my desk urgent impera- tive appeals to save-old friends from ruin amounting to many hundreds of thousands of dollars. I have incurred the enmity of important business enterprises with which Mr. Rockefeller is connected because I have had to decline - to assist them within the last few days. Each of them sup- poses that it would not make any great difference to Mr. Rockefeller were he to help him out, forgetful that his request is one of many which make an aggregate absolutely impossible in these times for any man or combination of men to carry.” I interrupt my story to ascertain from Mr. Rockefeller’s books how he stood on that October morning in 1893, when I wrote that letter. His bookkeeper lays before me a list of his loans then outstanding to fifty-eight different men and com- panies, which could not have got money at banks at that time, 14 footing up $5,969,422 cash advanced. To advance this money to needy friends, Mr. Rockefeller had himself borrowed between three and four million dollars and his bank account at that moment was overdrawn more than $30,000. Before I leave the great contract of consolidation, a final word of explanation shall be furnished by Leonidas Merritt and Charles W. Wetmore in their own words. I quote the essential paragraphs of their already widely published letter of Novem- ber 23d, 1893 :— “Every step that has been taken, resulting in the great combination of mining and railway interests, now con- cluded, with the single exception, as far as I can remember, of the purchase of the railway stock by the Consolidated Company, which I believe was first suggested by Mr. Gates, was planned and proposed by me and urged upon you. With the exception stated, I do not recall any contract leading to the consolidation, whose essential terms were not first suggested by myself, and in every case you fulfilled, without question, every obligation which was imposed upcn you by these contracts.” To this letter, Leonidas Merritt added. a postscript in his own hand: “T have carefully read the above statement of facts signed by Mr. Wetmore and very cheerfully certify to their accuracy.” And so the fall months slipped harmoniously by without incident. The Merritt creditors are patient with them. They hope the consolidation will be helpful. They freely release their collateral to be converted into Consolidated and returned. The minority stockholders of the Merritt mines are satisfied and pleased. So the Merritts weathered the storm of 1893. THe MERRITTS SELL Out I knew the Merritts were heavily in debt, but Leonidas had carefully concealed from me the full extent of their obligations, if, indeed, he knew himself, which I doubt. I supposed that their difficulties were now past, when in January, 1894, we received, to my great surprise, an offer from the Merritts to 15 sell 90,000 shares of their Consolidated stock. ‘They would accept $10 a share, $900,000 for the whole. This stock we bought, but gave the Merritts the right to buy back 55,000 shares of the stock in one year at the same price, with six per cent. Why they were compelled to sell just at that time, we never knew. The Merritts falsely swore before the Stanley Committee that Mr. Rockefeller compelled them to sell by call- ing a loan of over $400,000 and giving them twenty-four hours in which to pay. In this, there is not one syllable of truth. The Merritts owed Mr. Rockefeller at that time $150,000 only, and five-sixths of that had a long time yet torun. Mr. Rocke- feller never, at any time, in any way, called a loan on them, for any sum whatsoever. The story of a sudden and cruel call by Mr. Rockefeller is a calculated falsehood, to conceal the real reasons for the sudden sale. They now complain of the price, but in the same breath admit that eight dollars a share was all they could get elsewhere. Mr. Rockefeller bought great quan- tities of stock from other people during the months that fol- lowed, freely offered at $8 and $8.50; indeed, it was more than two years before Consolidated stock came to be worth more than $10 a share in any market anywhere. Two weeks later, Mr. Rockefeller purchased 12,000 shares more of stock from the Merritts, at their request and at the same price. The important feature of the stock purchase was the option, given the Merritts for one year, to buy back 55,000 shares at the same price, with interest. By that option, Mr. Rockefeller intended to secure for the Merritts a year’s time, and in fact, all the time they should ever need for working out their sal- vation. The Merritts had only, at the end of the year, to ask a renewal of the option for another year on the same terms, and the same Mr. Rockefeller would have done the same thing and so on for indefinite years. Mr. Rockefeller carried Louis J. Merritt and his son, Hulett, for all they asked more than seven years to the sale of the stock to the United States Steel Corpora- tion in 1901, on renewed options freely given, the last one for the wholesale term of five years. These two Merritts have been millionaires ever since. If Leonidas and Alfred Merritt had pursued the same course as their brother and his son, they would have received the same treatment from Mr. Rockefeller, and on the day of delivery of that block of 55,000 shares to the Steel Corporation in April, 1901, the. Merritts could have sold it \ 16 for $9,190,500 cash in New York. Never have I known Mr. Rockefeller to call a private loan, foreclose a private mortgage, or oppress a debtor. But the Merritts would not have needed the patience of Mr. Rockefeller more than two years and a half, for by the middle of 1896 they could have borrowed ten dollars per share on the stock elsewhere, and later much larger sums. This option, if not wealth, was close to it, and the Merritts in their journey were not again to get so near to riches; for alas! within six months, Leonidas and Alfred Merritt threw their option to the winds and with it the opportunity of a lifetime. Under what malign influence they did this, with what hopes of vast and immediate booty, and into what devious paths they were led, I reserve for the second, and the sad and tragic part of my story. II THe TEMPTER AND THE FALL In the spring and summer of 1894, while in secure posses- sion of their option for 55,000 shares, pregnant with future riches, Leonidas and Alfred Merritt fell under the controlling influence of a firm of lawyers, Anak A. Harris and his son, Henry E. Harris. This proved to be the turning point with the Merritts. The Harrises had recentiy appeared in Duluth from somewhere in Kansas, it was said. The elder Harris was then in late middle life, beginning anew in Minnesota the practice of law, for the fourth time and in the fourth State. The new arrivals, with their shingle just out in this strange city, were looking for clients. The Merritts and the Harrises found themselves mutually congenial. Soon after selling out to Mr. Rockefeller, therefore, the Merritts brought suit against their old companies for extrav- agant compensation for services, the Harrises appearing as their attorneys. The relationship of trust was thus established between them. Nevertheless, on the 1oth day of July, 1894, Colonel Harris appeared at Mr. Rockefeller’s office in New York and asked to see him personally. Mr. Rockefeller was not meeting strangers. I declined to see Harris. Two members of the office staff were delegated to meet him. He said that he had once transacted some business for a company with which ! 17 he believed Mr. Rockefeller to be connected, that he was now counsel for several of Mr. Rockefeller’s acquaintances, naming them, and that they could vouch for him. He said he did not want trouble with Mr. Rockefeller, that he had great influence with the Merritts, and that he could dissuade the Merritts from bringing suits against Mr. Rockefeller personally. If Mr. Rockefeller would buy this ‘‘Consolidated” stock which he had with him in considerable quantity, at a price considerably above the market, he would have no personal difficulties with the Merritts. Harris came in on three successive days. His words were recorded. We refused to pay the extra price for his stock, and Harris went away in a huff. This episode disclosed to us the true character of the man whom the Merritts had now taken to their bosoms. But we little dreamed then, of the depths to which Colonel Harris could descend, nor the blind fatuity with which the Merritts would follow him. We were soon undeceived. On October 2oth, the Harrises brought suit in the name of Alfred Merritt against Mr. Rockefeller and myself (my name dropping out later) for damages in the sum of about $1,250,000. The com- plaint was that the Merritts had bought Mr. Rockefeller’s Wisconsin and Cuban hard ore stock in the celebrated con- solidation agreement of the year before, under misapprehen- sion; that Leonidas Merritt had been deceived into doing this, to the damage of himself and his brothers, by fraudulent mis- representations made to him by Mr. Rockefeller personally, and afterwards by Mr. Gates as Mr. Rockefeller’s agent. This particular suit was a test case. If Alfred Merritt were to recover the full amount demanded, all the brothers and per- haps all other stockholders could recover in succession. In fact, according to the Harris arithmetic and the Harris view of law and equity, the Consolidated Company, in the mere act of buying from Mr. Rockefeller the offending mining stocks for about $2,000,000, had been damaged to the extent of about $10,000,000 cash. This suit was trumped up by Harris, who did not hesitate to boast that he had “‘discovered’’ it and that he expected to make reputation out of it. His the discovery certainly was. As for the Merritts, they had not understood that they had any claim against Mr. Rockefeller. They knew that he had done them no wrong, and that he had saved them during the panic, 18 and up to the last their letters to me breathed only gratitude. But Harris poisoned their minds with the hopes of vast booty and, as I cannot doubt, seduced them to become his tools. Honorable members of the bar have ugly names, with which they stigmatize such legal practice as this, and they well know the abhorrent methods by which such men seek to compass their ends. Let us now, for a moment, escape this fetid atmosphere, and take a closer look at the properties which Mr. Rockefeller had sold to the Consolidation, which have now become the sub- ject of litigation, and which have in them, according to Harris, such terrific potency of damage. THE CONSPIRACY In the late eighties and early nineties, the Colby-Hoyt Syn- dicate had purchased a group of iron mines in Cuba. These mines were developed, a railroad and dock built at heavy cost, and they were now about to begin the shipment of ore. It was at this juncture that Mr. Rockefeller sold his stocks, as above, to the Merritt-Wetmore consolidation. That was seventeen years ago. Those mines have been active ever since. They were subsequently sold to the Pennsylvania Steel Company, and I am officially informed that more than six million tons of ore have been shipped from them and they have proved very profitable to their owners. The Colby-Hoyt Syndicate had also purchased a group of mines on the Gogebic Range in Wisconsin. One of these was the Aurora. Mr. Rockefeller put his share of that mine into the consolidation. That mine was, and is, one of the greatest and best mines in Wisconsin and has continued to ship a very choice and high grade quality of ore ever since; the total amounting to nearly if not quite three million tons. The other of these Wisconsin mines is best known by the name of the Tilden, a group of mines, in fact. The Tilden Mine was then a large shipper of ore, has continued to ship ever since, and has for many years been operated by the United States Steel Corporation. ‘ About the 1st of January, 1894, and before the Merritts sold out to Mr. Rockefeller, the Tilden, though a great mine, believed to contain at least six million tons of ore, got into difficulty and fell into a receivership, a common enough thing in that period of financial stringency. When Mr. Rockefeller learned that 19 the Tilden was in trouble and before the news had become in any way public, he communicated all the facts to the Merritts and the Consolidated Company and made proposals in advance for assuming personally any possible loss or depletion in value. His proposals, therefore, in effect exchanged for stock of the Consolidated Mines at its face value, all bonds, with interest, that he had received for the agreed profit, and also all bonds, with interest, received for the Tilden property. This cancelled, in round numbers, $2,200,000 par value of fixed obligations, an equal face value of stock being issued to him instead. It was seven years before these stocks were worth as much as the bonds exchanged. I am not here to praise Mr. Rockefeller, but to defend him and myself. I cannot resist saying, however, that if a more honorable, prompt and spontaneous act, wholly free from legal obligation, is recorded in the history of American finance, than this of Mr. Rockefeller’s, I have yet to learn of that act. The Merritts at that time, wisely and with our hearty ap- proval, indeed, at the suggestion of our attorney, Mr. Cotton, employed personal counsel in New York. They chose Judge John F. Dillon and his partner, Mr. Rush Taggart, lawyers of national reputation and of the highest character. These gentle- men carefully reviewed the Consolidated contract and all the documents connected therewith in the interest of the Merritts. They came to my office and I threw every fact, circumstance and paper connected with our dealings with the Merritts open to their inspection. They had long conference with our counsel, Mr. Murray. After acquainting themselves with all the facts, these gentlemen advised the Merritts to conclude the arrange- ments proposed by Mr. Rockefeller and to maintain their friendly relations with him. Tome, Messrs. Dillon and Taggart had nothing but praise for the good faith with which Mr. Rocke- feller had acted. The Merritts must have told their counsel every fact known to them and breathed into their ear any sus- picion they entertained; yet Judge Dillon and Mr. Taggart, though the Tilden was in a receivership, never suggested mis- representation in connection with these deals. This was nine months before Harris brought suit. It was reserved for distant, obscure, and migratory Harris to ‘“‘discover”’ what the researches, on the spot, of such eminent lawyers as Messrs. Dillon and Tag: gart had overlooked. 20 . THe Conspiracy UNFOLDS By May, 1895, both parties are ready for trial. Our reply to the Merritts was fourfold. First, we indignantly denied that any deception or fraud had been practised. Second, we brought many witnesses, of expert knowledge and unimpeachable char- acter, to prove that these Colby-Hoyt mines contained large bodies of ore of high grade, which could be cheaply and prof- itably mined through many years to come. The subsequent history of sixteen years has demonstrated the truth of our con- tention. Our third point was that the Merritts had not in fact suffered one cent’s damage by the consolidation. They had got exactly as much for their stocks in the consolidation as the very same stocks were selling for in cash oué of the consoli- dation. I had bought their 100,000 shares in the consolidation, but at almost the same time I had bought nearly 50,000 shares of the same stocks outside the consolidation, hence undamaged, at exactly the same price, and put them in myself. Never was there the slightest difference in market value between an undam- aged outside stock and its numerical equivalent in Consolidated. The Duluth quotations are still preserved. Examine them. Our fourth line of defence was the merely legal but valid one that the Merritts had come to Mr. Rockefeller with the offer to buy his stock, that the purchase and sale had been an open deal at arm’s length, that the Merritts were twenty-one years old and responsible for their contracts, that the deal was a closed question. It was in anticipation of this obvious and fatal point that Col- one! Harris had been obliged to frame up his charge of misrep- resentation. We were curious to see when and where they would locate the misstatements. Leonidas Merritt went on the stand and swore that he had met Mr. Rockefeller only once, that this five minutes call which I have described, took place in June, before he signed the contract of July Ist, that he was deceived and led to sign by what Mr. Rockefeller then said, that the interview was three-quarters of an hour long, and that Mr. Rockefeller poured into his ear representations about his Wisconsin and Cuban mines with the loquacity of Leonidas Merritt himself booming Missabes. Two unguarded sentences of Mr. Rocke- feller’s long harangue could not have served Colonel Harris’ purposes more accurately if he had written them himself and put them into Mr. Rockefeller’s mouth. These two sentences 21 had stuck in the mind of Leonidas Merritt like burrs. The first was “‘Hereis Mr. Gates. He will transact this business with you, and whatever he does will be satisfactory to me.” No need now for a further interview with Mr. Rockefeller. Mr. Gates is the duly accredited agent. Mr. Rockefeller’s second unguarded statement was a request that Leonidas Merritt would tell all these things which Mr. Rockefeller has been saying about his properties to Mr. Merritt’s distant brothers and associates. For, if the brothers should happen to recall that they had been induced to sign these contracts by this message from Mr. Rocke- feller, conveyed through brother Leonidas, who knows but they too could recover and the amount, if our plans are successful, may reach millions of dollars; attorneys’ fees in proportion. Of course Mr. Rockefeller made oath, as did I, that there was no suggestion of business in the few minutes call. Mr. Rocke- feller’s chief clerk corroborated the length and attendant cir- cumstances. All three made oath that the time of the call was about the middle of July. That was the important fact. It was after the contract of July 1st had been signed by all parties, and, in very truth, only because it had been signed, that Mr. Rocke- feller, who, for years, had transacted in person no business with strangers, and for this reason had hitherto declined to see Mr. Merritt, now consented to a social hand clasp, no business to be talked. Mark the date well. The date is July 12, 1893, after the signing of the contract of July 1st, and as a result of the con- tract, not an inducement to it. In the sequel, issues far greater than can be weighed in gold are to be fixed by that date. Leonidas Merritt was contradicted by three witnesses. Per- haps Harris had foreseen that contradiction; certainly, he had _ prepared for it. Alfred Merritt had arrived in New York on August 17th at noon. Alfred and Leonidas Merritt now recall that on that very afternoon they had succeeded in closeting me with them alone in Mr. Wetmore’s room in Wall Street, and that there in secret, no witnesses being present, I rivalled Mr. Rockefeller himself in loquacity, going over the same ground and not omitting to send word by the two to the absent brothers. It is said that in the mouth of two or three witnesses, every word may be established. As this case is important and these things will certainly be denied, it will be well to have, say, three wit- nesses. Andrus R. Merritt now appears. He had visited New 22 York for a day or two that summer. He arrived on the after- noon of August 19th. By one of those accidents, sometimes for- tunate, which will happen in the best regulated families, there fis on that very day another meeting with Mr. Gates. Andrus, Leonidas and Alfred in trio together, distinctly recall that on that afternoon, the three got me closeted with them in the same Wall Street room, Wetmore being again absent, and no other witnesses present to contradict, and that then and there I rehearsed the now well-worn story word for word to the three, and again, doubtless to the joy of Colonel Harris, sent word of it all to the absent brothers in Duluth. Lucky Harris! Poor Dillon and Taggart, grubbing along to make an honest livelihood, and here was this great find, the biggest thing in sight, wholly overlooked by them! At the trial in Duluth, I could only deny that in August, 1893, I had ever been inside the room described or had any- where any such conference, or made any representations. A clerk occupying an anteroom, whom I must pass, swore that I had never been there. Wetmore swore that no misrepresenta- tions had ever been made, to his knowledge. On my return to New York, after the trial, I lost no time in looking up my whereabouts on the afternoons of August 17th and 19th, 1893. As to the 17th, I found that during the whole afternoon, I had been in the offices of the Farmers Loan & Trust Company, attending a meeting of the Northern Pacific Collateral Trust Committee, of which I was a member. The Committee had been in session during the whole period of my alleged inter- view with the Merritts. The minutes showed that I was present, the members of the Committee recollected that I was present. I had returned to my office, and that afternoon had written a detailed account of the meeting to Mr. Rockefeller, who was in Cleveland, signing the dictation after it was written out, and taking a train for home at 4.20P.M. As tothe 19th, the records of our office were not less clear as to my whereabouts. I had spent the whole of the afternoon of the 19th in our offices at 26 Broadway, with our attorney Mr. Murray, and another attorney by the name of Yale, in conference about certain properties which Mr. Rockefeller was buying at Tarrytown. Mr. Rocke- feller was in Cleveland. A private wire ran from his house in Cleveland to our office in New York. We had consulted him over the wire frequently during that afternoon on matters in 23 conference. The telegrams are preserved, with the record of the hour and the minute of transmission. Mr. Murray and I con- tinued our talk on the subject on the train homeward. I thus had ample and overwhelming personal and documentary proof that both the alleged interviews framed up with me had never taken place. But quite apart from these facts, any representations would have been wholly impossible. The deal was brought to us, as the reader has already perceived; we never sought it. Leoni- das Merritt had already, in the previous June, signed a con- tract to buy some of these very properties from the Colbys at a valuation of $4,000,000. The offices of the Colbys and Wet- more were practically together. Leonidas Merritt had occu- pied Wetmore’s office with him for months. The books of both the Wisconsin and Cuban mines were kept right at hand, almost under the very eyes of Merritt. Mr. Wetmore was himself a stockholder, as well as general counsel, of some or all of these companies. All of these facts Leonidas Merritt knew perfectly well. What knowledge he or his brothers had of these com- panies, and that knowledge was measurably full, exact and detailed, they got from the headquarters of the companies in the offices: of Messrs. Colby and Hoyt and from Mr. Wetmore, with all of whom these mines were a staple of daily conver- sation. Members of the bar may be curious to know what precisely were the fraudulent misrepresentations alleged. I have asked Mr. Murray, our counsel, to give this information. His words in reply are as follows: “In the final sifting of the testimony, Harris dropped all the alleged misrepresentations but three. These were that the companies owning the Wisconsin and Cuban mines were ‘solvent and prosperous’; that they ‘owed very little money outside of their funded indebtedness’; and that the securities Mr. Rockefeller was to put in were ‘gilt edged.’ The statements were not made; had they been made they would have been true. The testimony admitted went far afield, but the whole legal fabric erected by the Harrises depended upon the allegation that these statements were made and that they were false. This was the sole founda- tion for Alfred. Merritt’s suit for $1,250,000 and the claims of the other brothers, which would have carried the total to several million dollars.”’ 24 We were unfortunate in having to try the case in the city of Duluth just at that time. According to stories then current, the Merritts—and there were many brothers—owed pretty nearly everybody in town. I am credibly informed that publc sentiment was not averse to their paying their debts, and to the circulation of some Rockefeller money in Duluth. How- ever this may be, it is quite certain that the jury never listened to the testimony. As to the judge—well, he was reversed. We were hopelessly beaten before we began. The actual fact was, as I am informed by our attorneys, that in the light of the evidence presented, and in the light of the decision of the United States Circuit Court of Appeals, and in the light of sound law and practice, the case should have been dismissed without _ going to the jury at all. With heartless cruelty to the Merritts, the upper court coolly reversed the trial judge. That is how Leonidas Merritt “lost faith in courts” and the Merritts began to think of getting, by settlement, some small fraction of the several millions which they are now hopeless of getting through the courts. REVERSAL—BETRAYAL—RETRACTION—SETTLEMENT While they were groping about for the best way of opening negotiations, their lawyer, Henry E. Harris, tried to sell to our attorney in Duluth, Mr. Joseph B. Cotton, for $25,000 a telegram from Leonidas Merritt in New York addressed to his secretary in Duluth, saying he had that day had an inter- view with Mr. Rockefeller. The telegram was dated July 12, 1893. Mr. Cotton shall tell us the story in his own words in a moment. Meantime, he immediately communicated the offer to us in New York, but otherwise kept his own counsel, and we on our part replied not a word and bided our time. At length the first overtures of settlement were made. They caine in a roundabout way. The elder Harris approached an old friend of mine in Minneapolis, who was now in our employ as a travelling auditor. We told him to say to the Harrises that we would not negotiate with them or even see them on any terms whatsoever. The Merritts then turned to J. L. Wash- burn, an honorable member of the bar in Duluth, who had been retained by the Merritts after the Harrises had prepared the case. His suggestion of settlement was communicated to us in 25 New Vork. We declined to entertain any question of settle- ment whatever, except on the understanding that all charges of fraud and misrepresentation should be withdrawn. ‘Under no circumstances can we compromise an accusation of fraud. Essential pre-requisite to any conference that Washburn state settlement, if made, shall include, first, complete withdrawal of all charges of fraud and misrepresentation.” (Appendix A.) These were the opening words of our reply. Mr. Washburn came to New York on the above understand- ing. We told him, in the first place, that overtures had already - been made by the Harrises for settlement and showed him the documentary evidence of it. He was astounded. We then told him why we would not treat with or even see the Harrises. They could not be trusted, even by their own clients, much less ‘by us. We showed him the stenographer’s reports of Colonel Harris’ thrice repeated visit to our office, before the suit was brought, in which he had offered his services to pre- vent his clients from bringing any suit against Mr. Rockefeller. This amazed him still more. We then narrated, to his horror, the story of the younger Harris offering to sell the incrimin- ating telegram, dated July 12th. And not content with this, we told Mr. Washburn where I was on the 17th and roth of August, 1893, and the overwhelming external proof we now had of the Merritt conspiracy with Anak A. Harris & Son. We disclosed to him just how we proposed to crush that conspiracy the next time the case was tried and named the men who were ready to swear to my alibis. The other members of the North- ern Pacific Trust Committee were R. G. Rolston, John A. Stewart, James Stillman, and J. D. Probst. Why did we settle? In the first place, to avoid the trouble, loss of time and annoyance of long continued litigation; and we knew the prejudice of juries against rich men. Again, there was a great family of Merritts, each with carefully nursed claims to be presented on the basis of any verdict that any one of them might get. They claimed millions. Our settlement as actually made cleaned up the whole outfit, twenty-three members of the Merritt family signing the papers. Still again, we had secured a complete retraction of all charges of fraud (Appendix B). Perhaps we over-valued that retraction. We knew, of course, that it might be charged that the retraction had been purchased with the price of the settlement, but we re- 26 flected that honest men, making true charges of fraud, are not accustomed to retract those charges for a price in money put into their hands. It is only false charges that are retracted for money, because made for money. We believed that the retraction accompanying the settlement would be generally accepted by thoughtful people as evidence that these men knew all the time that they were lying, and that their suit was a “‘strike” against a rich man not believed to have much chance with a petit jury. That is why we stipulated for the right to publish. We were, therefore, on the whole reasonably content with the retraction and are so still. But we had another and a stronger reason. Washburn did not ask a renewal of the lapsed option for 55,000 shares of Con- solidated, which the Merritts had thrown to the winds when they embraced the Harrises. That option had now begun to show value. The stock had advanced to $20 per share, a gain of $550,000 on the option stock. Washburn said the Merritts still owed great sums (a year afterwards putting it at a million) over and above the million that had gone to their creditors on the sale of their stock. Many of these creditors had turned over to the Merritts, without security, property which the Merritts, without paying for, had sold to the Consolidated Mines. Mr. Rocke- feller had now purchased almost the entire stock of the Con- solidated and was visibly in possession. How natural it would be, we reasoned, for these Merritt creditors, seeing their property in Mr. Rockefeller’s company, to feel that somehow or other, he himself ought to pay them. Moreover, we were now to do business in Minnesota among and with these creditors for years to come and we naturally preferred their good will to their ill will. So we made the settlement, on Mr. Washburn’s assurance that. the money would go to these creditors, as indeed it did, and the option question was never renewed by the Merritts or by us. We simply filed the retraction in the court in which the charges had been made, and went our way in silence, never again to have dealings with the Merritts or the Harrises. TRAGIC EXPOSURE Thus was finally settled the case of Merritt against Rocke- feller, attracting greater public interest and curiosity, and furnishing more exciting and sensational features, than any 27 case that had been tried in the courts of Duluth within the last twenty years—except one. That remarkable exception furnishes the dramatic sequel to our story, with a just and terrible Nemesis. A stranger entering Duluth in the middle of September, 1897, only eight months after the now famous Merritt settlement, would have found the town all “torn up” and the newspapers full of scare headlines about a lawsuit in passionate and even frenzied progress at the courthouse. For months the air of the city had been filled with sinister rumors. Ominous hints have been let drop by the newspapers of dreadful things that might be disclosed. The whole city has been infected by the contagion of a subtle and elusive scandal, involving the Merritts and the Harrises, and at last the great secret is being exhibited to the public gaze, the skeleton is being dragged from its closet. At the courthouse is being tried with brutal frankness the great case of Alfred Merritt against Anak A. Harris & Son. Leonidas Merritt is the star witness. Yes, the Merritts and Harrises have fallen out and are now ina fight. It is no mere legal prize fight for money. It is a duel with deadly weapons, and it is to be a fight to the death, with no quarter on either side. One party or the other is to fall and fall forever. To some of us who know both parties, the probabilities are that both will fall. Alfred Merritt has sued Anak A. Harris for the recovery of certain mining stocks, which Harris is fraudulently refusing to give up. Merritt made a contract with Harris some three years before that he should fight Mr. Rockefeller for $10,000 a year, and in order that Harris might be sure of his money, Merritt had put wp some mining stocks of considerable value, as security to Harris for his fees and expenses and to keep the stocks, meanwhile, from the hands of the Merritt creditors. And now that the suit is over, Harris not only claims that this stock is his, but he also refuses to give up-to Merritt the docu- ‘ments and papers connected with the Rockefeller and other suits, unless he shall be given an additional sum of $25,000. The - precise figure is curiously suggestive. As Leonidas Merritt is always an interesting witness and will soon testify, we will elbow our way into the courthouse and secure standing room only. Perhaps we shall hear something to our advantage. A young man is on the stand, who says that he used to be a steno- grapher for Colonel Harris, and that on February 9th, 1897 28 (only two weeks after the celebrated settlement), Andrus R. Merritt came into Colonel Harris’ office and demanded papers and documents connected with their legal affairs, now under- stood to be settled. (Is Andrus after that telegram of July 12th?) Colonel Harris asked him what he wanted with the documents, reminded him that he had been acting queer lately, declined to surrender the documents for less than $25,000, and bids Andrus reflect whether or not he can afford to break with him. (Is Harris also thinking of that telegram?) And now we will listen to our star witness, Leonidas Merritt :— “Colonel Harris offered to sell me out. Mr. Washburn found it out in New York while making the settlement, from the parties who had a stenographic report of it. While he was there, one evidence after another of the perfidy of the Harrises was flung at him. No, we didn’t say anything to the Harrises at the time. We had agreed among ourselves not to prosecute the Harrises, although we would have been justified in so doing, for the reason that it would haveruined them. (The great betrayal?) We were much surprised when they undertook to steal this stock, as we thought they would be satisfied and not try to blackmail us any more. (In asking $25,000 for the telegram of July 12th?) We wanted to get rid of their blackmailing schemes. When we read in the newspapers that they were trying to blackmail us, we thought that there was more in it than the value of the stock.” Counsel asks him if he has become so convinced of the perfidy of the Harrises that he thought that Rockefeller was more to be believed than they. He answers ‘Yes.’ We will stay a little longer, to hear the testimony of Joseph B. Cotton, attorney for Mr. Rockefeller, whom the plaintiffs, the Merritts, are bringing on the stand as their own witness. Mr, Cotton says in substance the following, as reported :— “Shortly after the decision of the Court of Appeals on the Rockefeller case, Henry E. Harris came into my office in the Lyceum Building. After passing the time of day, he said, ‘Cotton, I am inclined to believe that Rockefeller and Gates were right when they stated that the conference with Lon Merritt was heid after the signing of the contract of July 1st. I was looking over our papers and accidentally ran across a telegram from Lon to M. M. Clark dated about July 12th, in which Lon said that he had that day held a conference with Rockefeller. I do not believe I will be in the next trial of the case.’ 29 Henry then got up and walked over to my bookcase and looked over the books. In a minute he came back and sat down again. ‘Rockefeller,’ he said, ‘cares nothing for me and I care nothing for him. If you had that telegram of which I have the original, you could win the case on the next trial. It is valuable to you.’ ‘I do not know that it is,’ Ireplied. ‘We have discovered inde- pendent proof of the date of the conversation and that it occurred atter the signing of the contract of July 1st, and I do not know that we need it.’ He said that it would be valuable to us, nevertheless. ‘Of course I will not give it to you,’ he continued, ‘but if you want it, I can leave it some place where you can find it.’ ‘What do you expect us to give you for it?’ I asked. ‘I shall want $25,000,’ he replied.” “That is what he said,” continued Mr. Cotton, energetically, raising himself in the chair and looking fiercely at Henry E. Harris, ‘and no one knows it better than Henry E. Harris. He asked me to communicate his proposition to Gates and Rocke- feller, and I said that his offer would be spurned. He said that he would not come to see me again, as it would look bad, but that he would meet me at the St. Louis at 4 o’clock the next after- noon. I never went there at that time, and I do not know whether Mr. Harris did or not. He wanted me to meet him at the Auditorium in Chicago with the money, after I had received it from Rockefeller. He told me that he knew what risks he was taking, but that he knew that I did not dare to open my head, for if I did he would deny it and the people of Duluth, knowing my connection with Rockefeller, would believe him and would not believe me.” The jury, after a ten days’ trial, brought in a verdict against the Harrises in less than half an hour, indeed, almost without leaving their seats. Did Henry E. Harris offer to sell a telegram incriminating Leonidas Merritt, to our attorney, Joseph B. Cotton, for $25,- ooo? Was there such a telegram? Did Leonidas Merritt know that there was such a telegram? Was his fury against the Harrises and not against Cotton, due to his guilty knowl- edge of the existence of the telegram? Did he know that Cotton could have got the information about the telegram from no one else than the Harrises? Did he call our Mr. Cotton as 30 his own witness because he knew Mr. Cotton’s testimony would be true? How did he know Cotton’s story was true? Did Andrus have the recovery of that telegram in mind when he demanded the return of their papers from Harris on February 9, 1897, almost immediately after the return of Mr. Washburn from the New York settlement? Did Harris refuse to give up the papers without an extra fee of $25,000 because the tele- gram of July 12th was among them? Did Harris remind Andrus that Andrus could not afford to break with him, because there were guilty secrets between them? Was the precise sum that Harris asked for the papers, namely, $25,000, fixed upon, because that was the sum that the son had demanded from Cotton for the telegram, and the Harrises were bound to get $25,000 for that telegram from one side or the other? Was the whole attack on Mr. Rockefeller a frame-up between the Harrises and the Merritts, and was their conspiracy completely exposed by the ' conspirators themselves when they fell out? The above queries form together a picture puzzle. They will be found, I think, to fit into each other, and when he has put them all together, the reader will see a picture, which will tell its own clear and graphic story. Henry E. Harris left Duluth shortly afterwards. Other troubles followed him, and he soon died. Anak A. Harris, the father, not long after fol- lowed his son to the grave. I have disturbed the ashes of the dead only in justice to the living. 31 Appendix A Copy oF WESTERN UNION TELEGRAM Dated New York, Dec. 31, 1896. To JosEpu B. Corton, Lyceum Building, Duluth, Minnesota. Telegram received. Under no circumstances can we com- promise an accusation of fraud. Essential pre-requisite to any conference that Washburn state settlement if made shall include, first, complete withdrawal of all charges of fraud and misrepre- sentation; secondly, a written statement, in form to be agreed upon, with permission to publish, that shall intelligently explain, consistently with the evidence given by defendant’s witnesses, erroneous statements of plaintiff’s witnesses, and intelligently explain how plaintiff’s witnesses came to testify erroneously. With these things definitely understood, and provided further that Washburn has full formal power to make complete and final settlement of all possible controversies between parties named in your telegram, and to give full releases, am willing to meet Washburn in New York within next ten days for confer- ence without prejudice. Gro. WELWooD Murray. Appendix B. Certain matters of difference have existed between the under- signed and Mr. John D. Rockefeller, and a certain litigation has been pending between the undersigned Alfred Merritt and Mr. Rockefeller, in which litigation it was claimed that certain misrepresentations were made by Mr. Rockefeller and those acting for him concerning certain properties sold by him to Lake . Superior Consolidated Iron Mines. It is hereby declared that from recent independent investigations made by us or under our direction we have become satisfied that no misrepresentation was made or fraud committed by Mr. Rockefeller or by his agents or attorneys for him, upon the sale by him of any property to us or any of us, or to Lake Superior Consolidated Iron Mines, or 32 upon the purchase by him from one or more of us of any stocks or interests in any mining or railway company or companies» or upon the pledge by us or either of us to him of stocks and securities belonging to one or more of us; and we hereby with- draw all such charges and claims and exonerate Mr. Rockefeller and his agents and attorneys therefrom. Duluth, Minn., January 22d, 1897. In the presence of: ALFRED MERRITT (SEAL) MERRILL M. CLARK JANE A. MERRITT (SEAL) JosEPpH B. Cotton Leonripas MERRITT (SEAL) EvizaBETH E. MERRITT (SEAL) Anprus R. MERRITT (SEAL) ELizABETH D. MERRITT (SEAL) Lucien MERRITT (SEAL) Mary J. MERRITT (S_ AL) Joun E. MErritTtT (SEAL) Erra M. Merritt (SEAL) WILBur J. MERRITT (SEAL) Ipa MERRITT (SEAL) Anprus R. MERRITT, (SEAL) As surviving partner of the late firm of C.C. & A. R. Merritt Eviza M. MERRITT (SEAL) Hanson E. SmitTH (SEAL) As Administrator Estate of Cassius C. Merritt, dec’d. Napo.Leon B. Merritt (SEAL) MatiLpa T. Merritt (SEAL) EuGENE T. MERRITT (SEAL) ANNA MERRITT (SEAL) Tuomas A. MERRITT (SEAL) JEnNiE S. MERRITT (SEAL) THE KNICKERBOCKER PRESS (G. P. Putwam’s Sons) New York