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INTRODUCTION.

POPOL se

THE papers in this collection may be broadly divided into
three groups: 1. The Russell and Frankland correspondence,
belonging mostly to the years 1657-1697; 2. The Cutts and
Revett papers, 1687-1708; and 8. Colonel Charles Russell’s
letters, 1742-1754. There are also some outlying documents,
such as the note-book of Sir John Croke.

The Report might almost be termed a new series of “‘ Memorials
of the House of Cromwell,” so numerous are the figures of his
descendants to be found in its pages, and so great the amount of
light thrown upon the history of the Russell branch of the family .
tree. Topographically, the interest centres in the estate of
Chequers’ Court. From the family of De Chequers this estate
passed by marriage to the Hawtreys, and early in the 17th century
Bridget Hawtrey carried it to her husband, Sir Henry Croke.
His grand-daughter and heiress married Serjeant Thurbarne,
and from them Chequers descended to their only child, the
wife of Colonel Edmund Revett. Her two sons died without
heirs, and the estate passed to their sister’s son, John, afterwards
Sir John, Russell, and thence, by way of his cousins, to the
present representatives of this branch of the Russells, the Frank-
lands, and the Cromwells. From the Crokes downward, each of
these families has contributed to the collection.

The first document calendared is the note-book of John, after-
wards Sir John, Croke, M.P., Recorder of London, Speaker of the
House of Commons, and finally Justice of the Common Pleas. As
there is little of his in print, beyond a collection of judgments
which is still highly esteemed, his speeches have been abstracted
at some length. The quaint law doggerel of the headings is
given verbatim.

The first of his speeches to the Queen entered in the note-
book was made in May, 1596, when the country was filled with
alarm by the renewed activity of the Spanish King, and startled
into wrath by his daring and successful attempt against Calais.
Croke can hardly find words bitter enough for the great enemy

14170 a a
iv

and his “treacheries abroad,”’ so hideous, so horrible, that his lips
trembled to speak of them; ‘‘yet your most gracious Majesty,” he
continues, ‘‘ hath still continued semper eadem ; your royal heart
hath known no fear, but hath stood fast in the Lord your God,
and you have maintained and defended, and . . . still do
maintain and defend, that God in your-kingdom is truly worshipped.

Blessed are your people and subjects that have sucha
sovereign, and blessed be the Lord God of Heaven and earth that
‘would’ your most gracious Majesty to be our Queen because he
loved us.”’

His next speech—not to the Queen, but made at the Tower
(instead of the Exchequer, it being vacation time)—upon the elec-
tion of a successor to Lord Mayor Skinner, is in a much lower
key. He sadly speaks of the ‘“‘admonishments of God evident now
upon us, the staff of our bread in some sort broken, the sun of
‘ long time seeming to be turned into clouds and darkness, the
moon into mist and wetness, the heavens to continual weeping,
the earth, glutted with water, into barrenness, to deny her increase,
the sword of the enemy abroad to threaten us, famine and fear of
mortality at home to be around us.” To the prayers of their most
gracious sovereign he ascribes the fact that still more terrible
evils had been averted. But there is an absence of enthusiasm in
his tone, which is not to be wondered at when it is remembered
that just at this time the gracious sovereign had been making
demands upon her faithful citizens with which they were by no
means willing to comply. (See Introduction to Vol. VI of the
Calendar of the Cecil MSS., pp. vt, vit.)

When he next addressed the Queen, he avoided home topics,
but offered warm congratulations on the Cadiz expedition.
“ Hven him that seemed to cause the earth to tremble and the
kingdoms to shake, who made a wilderness of the lands and
prisoners of princes, by the help of God to his blessed handmaid
she has daunted in his own kingdom by the hands of her servants,
the omnipotent Maker of the world having guided the journey,
speeded the victory, and mfde the return of her servants the
trump of His fame, with little or no loss of English blood ”’ (p. 6).
In August, 1589, he delivered a charge to the assessors of the
subsidy in Southwark. A subsidy, he told them, was an aid or
relief, or more properly an aid to deliver men from dangers under
which they laboured. ‘‘ Thanks be to God and her Majesty, they
Vv

were in no present danger, but they must not, because they now
sailed in safety, plunge themselves in senseless stupidity or be
drowned in careless security, forget the dangers past, and neglect
to provide for perils to come. It hath been said of the Phrygians,”’
he concludes, ‘‘ otherwise a mighty people, that they were never
wise till they were stung. Let it not be said of us Englishmen,
that, like monsters, we carry our eyes in our polls, not to see any
danger tillit be uponus . . . Let us have vigilant eyes to
foresee dangers to come, and willing spirits and free hearts, not
only to undergo any charge of our purse but any peril of our
persons to maintain this quietness, and let it be sounded in the
ears of all our enemies that Englishmen’s goods and lives are at
the devotion of Queen Elizabeth.”’

In spite of his courtier-like desires that God would lengthen
her days as the days of heaven, ‘and continue them to
never-ending days, as long as any days endure”’ (p. 4), the
time came when it was Croke’s duty to welcome the Queen’s suc-
cessor on his entrance to the city. ‘‘ We had heaviness,” he
says, “‘ for the departure of our late gracious Queen, who so long,
with so great wisdom and felicity, governed her kingdom as the
like in many ages hath not been read nor heard of. She sleepeth
at rest with the kings and consuls of the earth, in the house
appointed for all the living, and after a happy and famous reign,
leaving a reverent renown behind her in earth, hath obtained a
crown of eternal felicity in Heaven. We lamented for her, but
joy and unspeakable joy in your Majesty by the goodness of God
is restored tous.” Then, with a graceful allusion to the King’s
own writings, and a prayer that the kingdoms which God’s right
hand had united, his outstretched arm might evermore defend,
he offered welcome and service to London’s new monarch.

On p. 16 is an interesting report of the King’s own speech to
the Lord Mayor and Corporation at Greenwich. One cannot but
suspect a sly hit at his dear sister deceased, when, after enlarging
on the benefits of the union of the two kingdoms, he goes on to
say that he not only brings union, but peace with all the princes
of Europe, having, as regards his own person and his own nation,
no difference with any of them.
vi

The Russell family papers, or rather the papers of the closely-
allied families of Russell, Belasyse, and Frankland, begin on
p. 21.

The interest of the early letters centres in the figure of Frances
Cromwell, the Protector’s youngest daughter. However hotly
controversy may rage round the character of their father, there
can hardly be two opinions as to the charms of the Cromwell girls;
and the Lady Frances seems to have been the spoilt darling of the
family. She was allowed to marry young Robert Rich, although her
father strongly disapproved of the match. (See Lady Mary’s letter
to her brother Henry, printed by Carlyle.) Money matters were
supposed to be the obstacle. ‘I fear my Lord Protector does not
mean you shall have his daughter, his demands are so high,”
wrote Lord Warwick to his grandson (p. 21), but prokably the
state of the young man’s health was a very serious difficulty. As
is well known, he died only a few weeks after his marriage, and
judging from his grandparents’ letters, it would appear that not
only his health but his nerves must have been in a strange state
(pp. 21-23).

During Mrs. Claypole’s [Elizabeth Cromwell’s] illness, old Lady
Devonshire wrote a long letter of sympathy to the “poor young
Frances, weeping in her weeds,’’ and strongly urged the trial of a
certain quack medicine, although with evident doubts as to the
approval of the physicians. This is followed by letters of con-
dolence to her upon Mrs. Claypole’s death, and (after the Restor-
ation) of advice how to proceed as to her estate of New Hall in
lissex, granted by Charles II. to the Duke of Albemarle (pp. 23-25).

Lady Frances did not recover her estate, but as time went on
she evidently recovered her spirits. On pp. 25-28 is a series of
love-letters addressed to her by John, afterwards Sir John, Russell
(son of Su Francis Russell of Chippenham, already connected
with the Cromwell family by the marriage of his daughter to the
Protector’s son Henry), with drafts of two of her answers. The
ardent wooer assures her that “‘loveand fear, grief and impatience”
are his perpetual tormentors, that he can hardly either sleep or
breathe, and that nothing can give him any ease but one line from
herself, for which he begs as earnestly as a starving man for a
bit of bread. To which she merrily replies that she is very sorry
for him, hopes he will not wonder if she takes care to preserve
herself from a passion which has done him so much mischief,
Vil

.and advises him to rid himself as soon as possible of so uncivil
a guest. “Surely,” she continues, “that which unmans you,
which torments you with much fear, grief and impatience, which:
disturbs your rest, denies you the common benefit of air (and so
near Newmarket Heath too) and turns all your breath into sighs,
must needs be very dangerous'to a poor, silly woman. ;
If I have not forgot the contents of your last,” she concludes, “I
think I have more than satisfied your own desire, for you were so
reasonable as to consider my poverty, and so only requested one
line.” As a matter of fact, the coquettish lady could easily have
refreshed her memory as to the contents of his last, for she was
writing her own draft on the back of his letter !

Later on, she writes more seriously, thanking him for his very
great expressions of love. ‘ I will not now,” she says, ‘‘complain
of you or chide you, otherwise I could take it ill you should, after
all that has passed between yourself and me, say you are in a
doubt whether I love you; nor can I allow you to mention so
much your suffering upon my account, since I must tell you my
usage has been very favourable.” She ends by saying that on
Mr. White’s return from Hursley, he shall hear further. This
Mr. White was the poor man who is said to have been dis-
covered by the Protector in the act of paying his addresses
to the Lady Frances, and whose too adroit excuses caused
his unwished for marriage to her waiting-maid. He must
have felt it a little hard if he was made the messenger between
his old flame and her lover. After their marriage, Sir John
had to be much in London on business, and his young wife, in his
absence, evidently allowed herself to be worried and agitated by
small domestic difficulties. Her husband repeatedly and afiec-
tionately urged her not to let these things trouble her, and mean-
while gave her help and comfort by finding servants for her in
London, and sending her tidings of her little son Rich (named
after her first husband), then out at nurse. In 1670, she went
to stay with her sister, Lady Fauconberg, and in her husband’s
letter written just after she left home are some baby scribbles
ending in a rather tremulous W.R. from her little boy Will.
‘What your son desires,”’ adds his father, “‘ besides craving your
blessing and sending his humble services to my lady Fauconberg,
you may read as perfectly as I can.’ Crossing this letter was
one from the absent wife, telling of her kind reception. But
vill

she longs for her husband and children, and sends kisses to her -
dear, dear sweet babes “‘from their poor Mama.” This, by the
way, is an extremely early instance of the use of the term by an

English mother. To this letter, her brother-in-law, Lord Faucon-
berg, adds a merry postscript, warning her husband to- hurry
up after his wife, because she is being ‘‘so courted by the
Venetian ambassador” (p. 37). Soon after this, Sir John died,
and henceforward Lady Russell—a widow for the second time
before she was thirty—devoted herself to her children. Her eldest
son, the writer of the baby letter mentioned above, was sent to
Cambridge. Her only daughter, Betty, grew up, as her uncle
Fauconberg wrote, “soadmirablea creature both in body and mind,”’
that he was sure her mother would not keep herlong. In 1683 she
became the wife of Thomas, eldest son of Sir William Frankland
of Thirkleby, co. York (who had married Lord Fauconberg’s
sister, Arabella Belasyse). At first all seemed to bid fair for the
future. But soon a rift appeared in the lute, and we hear of
difficulties between Frankland and his pretty wife. The Faucon-
bergs praised the young husband’s conduct in the highest terms,
and laid the blame at Lady Russell’s door, who was so extrava-
gantly fond of her daughter that she was jealous of anyone else
sharing her love. ‘‘ The sheep and the lamb bleat after one the
other,’’ Lord Fauconberg wrote, but he believed that if they were
separated all would be well. On the other hand, Lady Russell
complained that the young husband was severe and imperious,
and accused her sister and brother-in-law of being the cause.
She and Lord Fauconberg had more than one stormy interview,
the last of which, however, ‘“‘ended in promising showers’’ (pp.
53-56). A few months later, Lady Fauconberg wrote cautioning
her brother and sister, when their son went down, to treat him
with the respect due to a married. man, in order to give him
a value at home, adding the amusing comment, ‘‘ You know my
Lord has not the good fortune to be thought the fittest man in
the world to conduct or advise a young husband, which opinion,
it may be, has not been advantageous to your son, for I do truly
believe both my sister and your daughter have been and are
afraid she should be made a submissive wife, which, without
ground, they have concluded me ”’ (p.57). After this there are
only a few scattered notices of Lady Russell. In 1689, her son,
Sir William, had involved himself in such pecuniary difficulties
1X

that he had been obliged to sell Chippenham and had apparently
spent all the money received for it. On p. 71 is a letter from an
anonymous friend, who, while praising his honour, sincerity,
integrity, and generous temper, reproaches him for his extrava-
gance, and remonstrates strongly with him concerning the dis-
tress into which he was plunging his mother, who was now
about to send to him the money allotted for paying her debts.
Finally, he warns the young man that there could be no worse way
of paying court to the King (William III.) than by extravagancy,
as his Majesty believed no man to be capable of directing public
affairs who could not manage his own.

Many of Lord and Lady Fauconberg’s letters are in this col-
lection, for the most part addressed to Sir William and Lady
Frankland at Thirkleby. Lady Fauconberg, as we have seen,
repudiated the idea of being ‘‘a submissive wife,’ and no doubt
she was spirited enough (witness Bishop Burnett’s observation
that 1f those in petticoats had been in breeches they would have
held faster), kut she and her husband appear to have lived very
happily together and she must have been a very charming woman.
“The best and greatest lady in the world,” her brother-in-law
Russell calls her (p. 36).

Lord Fauconberg’s letters are very lively, in spite of ill-health and
much trouble with his eyes. He seems never to have been so happy
as in the retirement of Sutton Court. He loved not crowds, as
he told his brother (p. 54); preferred the music of his annual
guests, the nightingales, to the noise of the jockeys at Newmarket
(p. 50), and found his books and his fruit trees the best of enter-
tainments (pp. 47, 70). But the old diplomatist was a keen
observer. In urging his brother-in-law not to enter Parliament
in opposition to King James’ wishes, he describes his Majesty as
one who “is not ignorant of the most minute things that has
happened either public or private, and will not endure any
pretences to justification. Submission only, with acknowledg-
ments of errors, are acceptable to him.” In a letter written
probably in the summer of 1697, and endorsed ‘‘ my last farewell
letter to Sir William Frankland,’’ Lord Fauconberg laments
that his own age and his brother-in-law’s infirmities prevent
all hope of his ever conversing again with his best friend, and
concludes with a prayer for their happy meeting in a better

' world.
x

In Sir William Frankland’s correspondence will be found a
considerable amount of information concerning election matters
in Yorkshire. (See Index, wnder York and Thirsk.)

A few other letters in this part of the collection may be
mentioned. A letter from John Frankland, afterwards Dean of
Gloucester, &c., gives a description of the French Protestant
refugees in Holland, interesting in view of their connexion
with the Boers of South Africa. He calls them ‘‘a pack
of as arrant villains as ever lived, who have, under the
specious pretext of conscience, quitted their country, where,
had their circumstances pleased them no worse than their
religion, they would have remained to this day ”’ (p. 96).

Another interesting letter has a long account of the condition
of Italy, giving a curious and evidently prejudiced description of
the religious houses and observances, but greatly praising the
noble charities and sobriety of the people. The writer was also
much struck with their intelligence in regard to public affairs. ‘‘All
the Italians set up for politicians,” he writes, ‘‘from the cavalier
to the post-boy, and a chamberlain in an inn, while he is warm-
ing your bed, will talk of the interests of princes and where our
fleets have miscarried, and the advantages of France, like a privy
councillor” (p. 170-174). Amongst other places, the writer visited
the Castle of Cattajo (or, as he calls it, Obessy) presented by the
Venetian nobleman Obizzo to the D’Este family. The frescoes,
which he attributes to Paul Veronese, are now believed to be by
that master’s friend, Zelotti.

Under date of 1718, are two letters from the celebrated Lady
Huntingdon. ‘I cannot help making dear Lady Hertford a
sharer of my joys,” she writes, ‘‘and this is at present with the
hopes of the conversion of the blacks, of which Mr. Whitfield
gives me great hopes in North America.’ The letters are almost
entirely on religious matters, but there is a pretty touch of
humanity in her evident gratification at the praises bestowed upon
her son. Lady Anne Lumley, daughter of the Earl of Scarborough,
and second wife of Frederick Frankland, was a friend of the
Countess, and joined her ‘connexion,’ which so angered her
husband that he sent her back to her father and returned
her dowry.

On p. 211 is a long letter describing the riots and massacre
at Jiddah, in which Robert Frankland, brother of Sir Thomas and
X1

of Henry, governor of Bengal, lost his life. A few words in one of
Stanyon’s despatches from Constantinople (in the Turkey State
Papers at the Public Record Office) enables us to fix the date
as 1727.

The last of the Frankland papers is a bright little letter from
an Eton schoolboy (afterwards the fourth Sir Thomas Frankland
and a distinguished scientific man), giving an account of a badger
hunt, and announcing that he is making a bottle of cowslip wine,
that he goes out of bounds every day to gather the cowslips, and
that by Bartholomew-tide, it will be ‘‘ extremely good’ (p. 414).

 

The second series in this collection—i.c., the papers of Lord
Cutts and the Revetts—is found at Chequers in consequence of the
marriage of Lord Cutts’ sister with Serjeant Thurbarne, who had
inherited the estate from his first wife. His daughter Joanna
married Kdmund Revett, and ultimately became both her father’s
and uncle’s heir.

Lord Cutts’ life is in the Dictionary of National Biography, but
one or two of his “memorials” in this collection contain
details not there given, and are therefore calendared in
this volume (pp. 197, 206). The first of his letters preserved at
Chequers (not the original, but a copy by Acton, his brother-in-
law, to whom the letter was addressed) was written in 1687 from
the Imperial camp in Hungary, during his brilliant campaign as
a volunteer against the Turks. It gives an account of the battle
of Mohatz, fought on August 12 n.s., and very highly praises the
Duke of Lorraine (p. 64). The next letter is a copy of that
written to the Duke of Middleton, stating his reasons for leaving
King James’s service. The letter is printed in Howard’s collection,
but as this book is rare, and the letter is not noticed in the
article in the Dictionary, it 1s given here (p. 66).

In 1693 are various papers connected with Lord Cutts’ appoint-
ment as governor of the Isle of Wight (pp. 75, 77), and in 1694 a
statement concerning his election for the county of Cambridge,
where he was unseated on petition. In April of this year, he
joined the ill-fated expedition to Brest. The only paper con-
nected with it here isa short note from General Talmach before
the embarkation (p. 78), but amongst the Portland papers is a
letter stating that Talmach afterwards complained of Lord Cutts
for not obeying orders, and sent a message to the Queen about it a
xii

little before his death. (See Report on the Portland MSS., Vol. II,
p. 551.) In July, Lord Cutts was back at Portsmouth, and during
the next twelve months was chiefly occupied with the embarka-
tion of troops and with election matters. Amongst other letters
of this period is one from William Blathwayt, secretary at war,
written in great alarm on learning that Cutts had ordered two
companies from Portsmouth to Yarmouth, I. of W., for the election
time, whereas it was a constant rule of the King that all troops
should remove from places where there was an election, and ‘‘the
least intimation of such quartering would set the House of
Commons in a flame”’ (p. 85).

During William III.’s reign there were two secretaries at war,
Blathwayt and Dr. George Clarke. Dr. Clarke’s own explanation
of this division of the office was that in 1690 Blathwayt expressed
the desire to resign, not wishing to go to Ireland, and that the
King appointed him (Clarke) to the place, but that Blathwayt
held the office in England during Clarke’s absence in Ireland, and
afterwards ‘‘by the favour of Lord Portland,” continued in it
until the King’s death, whilst Clarke had to be content with a
commission to act in England during Blathwayt’s frequent
absences with his Majesty: in Flanders. (See Report on the
Popham MSS., pp. 271, 282.)

On p. 88 is a letter from Lord Cutts to the lady who after-
wards became his second wife, and on p. 92 a very friendly letter
from her father, Sir Henry Pickering, alluding to Lord Cutts’
daring exertions during the fire at Whitehall. This same year,
Cutts was a candidate for the county of Cambridge and also for
Newport, I. of W., promising to hand over the borough to Lord
Ranelagh if successful in the shire. To this arrangement Lord
Ranelagh strongly objected, saying that a man who had served so
long as himself, and in the post he held—i.e., paymaster of the
forces—‘‘must be thought a bankrupt, both in his reputation and
favour, to come in at the second bound ” (p. 98).

The more important portion of Lord Cutts’ papers begins in
1701, when he was sent as Brigadier-General with Marlborough
into Flanders. There are several letters from the Earl during
this year, all holograph, and written in very friendly style, but
not of any importance. In the first of them, dated at Loo, he
urges Cutts to get a house (at Breda) as near to his own as
Xlli

possible, ‘‘ for here is so much company that it will be all that
you and I can do to take them between us”’ (p. 100). During the
following winter (Marlborough being in England), Lord Cutts
acted as commander in chief. He took a house at the
Hague, where, as he says, he had always a piece of mutton and
a glass of good wine for a friend (p. 101), and gave himself up to
the care of the army. In the spring of 1702 he was in England
for awhile, urging his claims upon Government, but without much
success. He returned to Flanders on the breaking out of the
war of the Spanish succession, and on September 8-18 captured
Fort St. Michel at Venlo, on which glorious action, performed by
his own *‘ conduct and personal hazard,” the Earl of Rochester
sent him very hearty congratulations (p. 109).

At the beginning of 1703, Marlborough (now Duke) announced
to Cutts that the Queen had pitched upon him to arrange a cartel
with France for the exchange of prisoners (p. 112). There are
a good many papers in relation to the negotiations which followed,
but the matter fell through. Luttrell says that this was ‘“‘ by

‘reason Marshal Boufflers told the Lord Cutts he would not own
the Queen’s title’’ (Relation of State Affairs, Vol. V., p. 295), a
difficulty which crops up several times in these papers. About
the middle of January, Cutts was urged to join a conference of the
allied generals at Wesel, but refused on the ground that as chief
in command, he could not leave his troops and go out of the
‘‘States' dominions.’ He wrote to Marlborough that another
strong reason for declining was his fear that they would wish to
draw the Queen's troops into expeditions which would ruin them
for the next campaign, and that if outvoted he must either singly
oppose the others or be involved in resolutions contrary to his
Grace’s plans. (See Stanhope’s despatches, S.P. Holland, im
the Public Record Office, upon this matter and many others
mentioned in Lord Cutts’ papers.)

On March 3-14, 17038, a council of war was held at the Hague,
and this Lord Cutts did attend, having no doubt by this time
received his chief’s instructions what to say. There was
considerable divergence of opinion, but the views of the majority
were that the Rhine should be sustained, that an army should be
formed upon the Maas, that the siege of Bonn was necessary but
not practicable as yet, and that some diversion should be made
in Brabant and Flanders. General Salyche was opposed to this
X1V

last suggestion, and Lord Cutts only agreed to it as a temporary
measure, pending the opening of the next campaign. A few
weeks later, as is well known, Lord Marlborough found it
‘practicable’ not only to besiege but to take Bonn, and a letter
from Lord Cutts (p. 124) announces its surrender.

In June, 1703, begins a series of interesting news-letters sent to
Lord Cutts, during his absence from the Hague, by Guillaume de
Lamberty, the compiler of the fourteen volumes of “ Memoires
pour servir ad Vhistoire du XVITIme siecle” and author of
 Memowres de la derniere revolution d@ Angleture.” Tt is stated in
the Biographie Unirerselle that shortly after 1691, Lamberty was
made secretary to Lord Portland, English Ambassador in Holland,
and later, was employed by several other ministers, all of whom
praised both his zeal and his discretion. He seems, in 1708, to
have been still in the English service at the Hague, and to have
had some special connexion with Lord Cutts, several of whose
papers are in Lamberty’s handwriting. Besides the current news
of the day, ‘‘ Le Connu,”’ as he usually signs himself, gives a
good deal of information as to the negotiations between the
various powers, and his letters present an amusing picture of the
rival diplomatists gathered at this changing-house of Europe;
of their endeavours to ascertain each others’ plans, and their
struggles to carry out their own. The letters being long, and
containing many details of no general interest, have all been
considerably abridged in this report, and so are not given in
the original French.

Letters from an English agent in Holland, signed ‘‘ Le Connu ”’
are to found amongst the Marquis Townshend’s and Mr. Weston
Underwood’s MSS. (sce the Historical Manuscripts Commissioners’
Reports, XI, Appendix 4, and X, Appendix 1), but they are all
of much later date. Those in the Weston collection, at any rate,
can hardly be by the same man, as they were not written until
1736 and 1737. When Lamberty died, in 1741, he was upwards
of eighty years of age, and had been living for many years in
retirement at Nyon, in Switzerland.

At the beginning of August there is mention of some supposed
pretensions started at the Prussian Court in regard to Scotland.
There was even a rumour ‘‘that the Duke of Hamilton’s browilleries
in the Scotch Parliament have other sources than his own ambition,
and that Prussia has it in view, in case of an interregnum, to
XV

seize upon that throne.” But however this might be, the
Prussian minister made no sign, and continued to offer memo-
rials on all sorts of subjects.

On August 8-18, Lamberty was able to announce the ratifica-
tion of what is known as the Methuen treaty between England

and Portugal, “to the great contentment of Monsieur Pacheco,’
the Portuguese minister.

Meanwhile, in spite of Marlborough’s successes against Bonn
and Huy, the war was going on unsatisfactorily, and the inactivity
of Prince Louis of Baden was causing much dismay. In June, the
Elector of Bavaria, France’s ally, after lulling the Princes of the
Empire with false promises, seized Ratisbon, an event which would
at any rate, Lamberty hoped, open the eyes of the Princes to see
that nothing was to be expected from that quarter ‘‘but the putting
in practice the detestable maxims of France, d’avoir ni foi ni lot.”
After this, however, the Elector made the false move of entering
the Tyrol, where the peasantry would have none of him, and it was
even reported that he was shut up in a forest with only two hun-
dred men. It is true that letters from Ratisbon stated that he
had got away, but ‘‘no one trusts news from Ratisbon ”’ (p. 127).
This report was followed by a rumour of his death, but both were
disproved by his appearance near Ulm with eight thousand men.
And just when the watchers at the Hague were looking for good
news from the army on the Rhine, and ‘‘ were even rejoicing before-
hand over their supposed successes”’ (p. 131), all their hopes were
dashed by the French advance across the river and their capture
of Kehl and Brisach, after which they united with the Bavarian
army, defeated the Imperial army at Hochstadt and—in spite of a
temporary check from Prince Louis, which “grand stroke”’ it was
believed would revive people’s esteem for that Prince (p. 133)—
took Augsburg, Prince Louis finding himself unable to prevent
the bombardment, and having to content himself with sending a
letter of empty threats to the Elector that, if he fired a single shot,
all Bavaria should be laid in ashes. About the same time, Tallard
defeated the troops of the Prince of Hesse near Spires, and
re-took Landau. As a set-off against these disasters, Marlborough
had captured Huy and Limbourg on the Lahn, but it was evident
to onlookers that he had not a free hand, and in these papers,
as in so many others of the time, we find reiterated com-
plaints of his being ‘‘crossed in his plans’ by his allies.
Xv1

At the end of September he arranged the exchange of the
garrison of Huy for some of the English prisoners in French hands,
and soon after the troops began to talk of winter quarters,
although it was decided, upon the representations of the Emperor
and Mons. Pacheco, to keep them in the field as long as possible,
‘the former fearing that France may overwhelm indolent
Germany, and the latter wishing to prevent the enemy from
sending troops into Spain to attack the Portuguese before they
are ready’ (p. 189). There was every disposition at the Hague,
Lamberty wrote, to help the Empire, but nothing could be more
vexatious than to see ‘‘ that the people will not help themselves,
nor even second the generous efforts which England and this
State make, to free l’indolent corps germanique from their troubles.”
Lord Cutts’ letters during the later part of the year are very
numerous, and contain many details about the English troops
abroad, but are not of much general interest.

In Spain, the new King—or the Duke of Anjou, as he con-
tinued to be called by the supporters of the Austrian claimant—
issued a decree in August, 1703, for the declaration of war against
Portugal, with threats of chastisement ‘‘ by the ancient valour of
the Spanish nation,” which were fit, Lamberty thought, to be put
into Don Qwxote. A month later, the Archduke Charles was
' proclaimed King of Spain by his brother at Vienna, and set out
on his expedition to try to wrest the kingdom from his rival.
He came in the first instance to the Hague, where ships were
being prepared for his transport, and a force, chiefly paid for by
England, was making ready to be despatched to Portugal (pp. 138-
136). Much consultation regarding matters of etiquette went on
before ‘“‘his Majesty’s” arrival, the ceremonial used towards
Charles I]. of England in 1660 being taken as a precedent for
the present occasion (p. 139). The prospects of the Austrian
prince were at this time considered very hopeful, it being evident,
Lamberty confidently believed, that his nomination had not been
made ‘‘with the idea of sending him after the fashion of a knight-
errant, to conquer the kingdom,’’ but that he was supported by the
greater part of the Grandees and that there would be a general
rising as soon as he set foot in the country. The preparations
for Portugal proceeded slowly. Lamberty notes as a rather
singular fact, that while some of the officers and regiments
destined for the voyage made difficulties about going, others, not
XVii

nominated, were praying to be sent (p. 140). Just when
things seemed to have got themselves arranged, and part
of the troops were already embarked, a great storm arose,
doing such damage that the men had to be hastily put on
shore, where they suffered a good deal of privation (pp. 147, 151).
Great confusion was the result, and in spite of Lord Cutts’
endeavours, in which he was hampered by the fact that the forces
for Portugal were not ‘‘under his care by special commission” as
were the troops in the Low Countries (p. 151), he was obliged to
report to Marlborough, on the last day of the year, that thirty-
two companies of foot and the whole regiment of dragoons had
been left behind (p. 158).

Unfortunately this collection contains hardly anything concern-
ing the campaign of 1704. There is no notice of the Duke’s great
march into Bavaria, and only a casual notice of the battle of
Blenheim (p. 167), where Lord Cutts was third in command.
This was his last year abroad, as in 1705 he was appointed
commander in chief of the forces in Ireland. He received con-
gratulations upon his appointment (pp. 179, 182), but after his
death, his sister Joanna stated, in a memorial to the Lord
Treasurer, that his going to Ireland (which, as attested by the
physicians, was the cause of his death) was not, as given out by
his enemies, ‘‘ a reward asked by him, but on the contrary, a very
unwilling act of obedience and submission,” as his lordship and
Lord Marlborough knew well, Mr. St. John having been employed
by the Duke to persuade him to undertake the employment (p. 198).
During Ormonde’s absence, he was also one of the Lords Justices
(p. 187). The following year his health failed very much, and
his sister evidently began to agitate for his return to England, for
he wrote repeatedly assuring her that Ireland had nothing to do
with his illness, and begging her not to say a word of his coming
over, asit would be “of the last ill-consequence ”’ both to the Duke
of Ormonde and himself if he let go the thread of affairs before
putting it into the Duke’s hands. In fact, he declared, “‘ I give
you my honour that if anyone should, without my know-
ledge or consent (which would be barbarous), if they should get me
leave to come over, and if another Lord Justice were named in
my place (which would be a step to my ruin), I would not stir out
of this kingdom till I saw the Duke of Ormonde here, cost what
it will. Manage this as you will with Mrs. P., but don’t let my

14170 a b
XVlil

own relations stab me when my heart is sore enough.’ The
allusion to Mrs. P. suggests a not altogether unselfish reason for
his sister’s anxiety for Lord Cutts’ return. A certain Mrs.
Pickering, presumably a relative of his second wife, had taken a
great liking to Lord Cutts and had made him her heir. She was
surrounded by those who perhaps not unreasonably felt aggrieved
at this destination of her wealth, and Joanna Cutts was prob-
ably wishful for her brother’s personal influence to be exerted,
and especially desirous that he should outlive the old lady, for,
as she wrote to Cardonnel, ‘‘ by that unhappy journey he got his
death, and I lost with him more than 30,0001. besides jewels and
plate to a very considerable value, which was fully given to him,
and had he outlived Mrs. Pickering one hour, had been mine ;
and if he had not gone thither, by which means he was so long
absent from her, she had not fallen into those hands, who,
though they had not power to injure him, easily took the advan-
tage of his death to ruin me” (p. 197). Lord Cutts died in
Dublin, Jan. 26, 1707, and it is said that he was so deeply in
debt that his aides-de-camp ‘‘ dubbed 10I. apiece ’’ to bury him.

He had three sisters; Anne, who married Serjeant John
Thurbarne, Margaret, the wife of John Acton, solicitor to the
Coldstream Guards, and the Joanna above-mentioned, who seems
to have been a troublesome claimant upon the Treasury for some
years after his death (pp. 197, 198, 204. And see Calendar of
Treasury Papers, 1708-1714).

The article on Lord Cutts in the Dictionary of National
Biography says that his first wife “‘had been twice married before,
first to John Morley of Glynd, Sussex, and secondly to Sir John
Trevor, Secretary of State to Charles II.” The note on p. 74 of
this volume followed the above statement ; but further investiga-
tion has shown that it cannot be true, for Secretary Trevor died
in 1672, and Lord Cutts’ marriage licence (still in existence)
describes the bride as aged 30 at the time of their wedding in
1690. The article on Sir John Trevor, in the Dictionary, states
correctly that Trevor’s wife was Ruth, daughter of John Hampden,
but goes on to say that their eldest son was John Morley Trevor,
who died in 1719. Mark Noble, however, in his Memorials of the
House of Cromwell, appears to give the real facts; viz. that
Secretary Trevor had a son John, who married Morley’s widow
X1xX

(afterwards the wife of Lord Cutts), and that they had a son,
John Morley Trevor, who died in 1719, leaving a son—another
John Morley—who died in 1743.

There is a letter from Lady Cutts on p. 74, and also one, written
shortly after her death, from the tutor of the young Trevors, her
children by her second husband, showing the affectionate interest
which Lord Cutts took in them. His lordship had ordered the
tutor to write twice a week to him about the health of the children
and had evidently told him that he was “le plus grand coquin du
monde” for not having done so. The poor tutor, apparently
not accustomed to the ways of English parents, acknowledged
having received the orders, but thought they ‘‘were given
only to show his affection, and never dreamt that he
wished to be so often troubled by letters, that being a
liberty which other equally tender parents would never
have permitted.” The eldest boy, here mentioned as “Mr.
Trevor,’ inherited the estate of Glynd, in Sussex, which had come
to his mother from her first husband, and his son, the second
John Morley Trevor, appears later on in this volume.

Other letters of Lord Cutts will be found amongst the
Additional MSS. at the British Museum, and there appear to be
a good many amongst the Ormonde Papers (see 3rd Report of the
Hist. MSS. Commissioners, p. 426). Those to his deputy in the
Isle of Wight have been printed by the Massachusetts Historical
Society. The papers in this collection must also, of course, be
taken in connexion with those of the Foreign Office Correspondence
and the Military Auxiliary expeditions at the Public Record Office.

Colonel Edmund Revett, to whose wife the Cutts papers seem
to have descended, first appears in the army lists in 1692, as an
ensign in Lord Cutts’ regiment of foot. On January 1, 1696, in
consequence of his valour at the siege of Namur, the King gave
him a company in the Coldstream Guards, to the command of
which Lord Cutts had succeeded in 1694. It will be remembered
that at this time, the captains and lieutenants of the Guards bore a
brevet rank higher than their actual grade in the service, James II
having granted this privilege to the captains of the 1st and 2nd
regiments, and William III having extended it to the lieutenants
and to the Scotch regiment. (The ensigns did not share it until
more than a century later.) Thus the captain of each company was
a lieutenant-colonel, and in ordinary parlance was termed colonel.
XX

Only a very accurate person, such as Dr. George Clarke,
troubled, even in writing, to put in the qualifying word.
Edmund Revett married, in 1697, the daughter and heiress of
Serjeant John Thurbarne, by his second wife, Anne, the sister of
Lord Cutts. The Serjeant seems to have been a very hot-
tempered old gentleman, and it required the united efforts of
the family to keep him in anything like a reasonable frame
of mind towards his son-in-law (pp. 165, 166, 176). In 1704,
Revett was ordered to Portugal, where he bore himself creditably,
especially at the siege of Gibraltar, as was testified by the Land-
grave of Hesse Darmstadt, Lord Galway, and Ambassador
Methuen (pp. 180, 185). On p. 177 is an account of the siege.
In November, 1705, he returned to England and had an honour-
able reception from the Queen, but before long he again took the
field. There is an interesting letter from him, written in July,
1709, telling of the siege of Tournay and the probable future
doings of the army, and hoping for peace (p. 198), but only a few
weeks later, he was killed at Malplaquet, leaving his wife with
four little children and a very embarrassed estate. The Queen,
however, gave her a pension of 2001. a year. There are two
petitions of hers on p. 205, the earlier of which (as was noticed
only after the report was in type) is printed in Betham’s baronet-
age. The second, to George I, is written in French, presumably
in order that that King might be able to read it himself.

Of the miscellaneous Cutts papers, the most interesting are
two letters from Richard Steele, who, as is well known, was at
one time Lord Cutts’ secretary, and was a life-long friend of the
family. They are both addressed to Col. Revett. The first des-
eribes his life in a very agreeable solitude (at Wandsworth!) on
the Thames, cared for by an admiring landlady, who declared:
that she had seen gentry, perhaps as well as another, but never
the like of her lodger, for his very man was as pretty a well-
spoken gentleman as ever she saw. Here Steele passed his
time, regardless of all civil and military affairs, enjoying two or
three excellent authors and drinking a pot with the miller of an
evening, while at the other end of the house his landlady was
teaching girls to read, and to make bone-lace and a curtsy.
‘* Some of her scholars,” he writes, ‘‘ are a little too tall to be
looked at with the indifference that I would be master of were I
able, though she sends ‘em in to me now and then upon a very
XX1

hard word, I suppose that I may at once see their breeding and
their learning.” He goes on to tell his friend of a wonderful plan
which he has concocted for making the acquaintance of a lady
whom he admires. But however this plan may succeed, he hopes
to pay his debts by his play [i.e., The Funeral, or Grief a la
Mode, produced in 1702], and so be very easy, for, as he con-
cludes, ‘‘nothing can really make my heart ache but a dun, from
which Lord deliver you and your most obedient servant ” (p. 99).
The other, written four years later, in 1705, congratulates Revett on
his honourable actions in Portugal, mentions that “your friend,
Mr, Addison”’ is now under-secretary of State, may be a serviceable
correspondent, and will certainly be glad of the opportunity, and
concludes by declaring, probably in joke, that Lord Cutts, ‘‘ who

always thinks he has too many friends, has used him like a
scoundrel” (p. 188).

A little later, Henry St. John, afterwards Lord Bolingbroke,
sends his cousin Cutts a friendly letter, telling him of the Duke of
Shrewsbury’s marriage abroad, which must always be news,
“as often as ‘tis told,’ and complaining that it is insuffer-
able ‘‘that England and Holland must every day take a
greater burden upon them, while the House of Austria—entirely
applied to secure the confiscations of Hungary and procure more

—seems rather neuter than a party in the war against France ”’
(p. 186).

In a letter which must belong to August, 1710, and which was
evidently written in the greatest excitement, Joanna Cutts des-
eribes the confusion at court ‘‘ till my Lord and Lady Marlborough
are out,’ and gives a correct forecast of the appointments made in
the following January. All this turn, she says, is owing to her
cousin Robin (Robert Harley) whose diligence and intelligence have
opened the Queen’s eyes to her danger (p. 201.) With this may be
linked an amusing letter, written apparently for publication in one of
the periodicals, which must probably be put between the 9th and 27th
of July, 1714, narrating the supposed bewilderment of a country
village in consequence of the very conflicting views of affairs sent
down by the two great men of the parish, Sir James Carbunkle
and Sir William Lawless, the former declaring that the “‘ fanatic
dogs are down,” and that their toleration is to be taken away,
while the latter writes that popery and slavery are coming fast
upon them; the Treasurer is to go out, the Prince of Wales is
Xx

about to land in Scotland, and Bolingbroke and “that bitch
Masham” now rule the roast, and carry all before them (p. 204).

Other papers which may be mentioned are signed letters from
King William (pp. 81, 82), Queen Mary (p. 80), the Electress of
Hanover (p. 106) and the Elector (p. 188) afterwards George I;
a curious letter from one Nicholas Budiani, from which it appears
that Lord Cutts had rescued him from slavery and had him edu-
cated (p. 169); and a letter from Col. Hamilton, written when
serving under Lord Peterborough, who, as the Colonel says, “‘ is
teeming with vast projects,” but will hardly be able to carry them
out at a time of year when all other troops in the country are
seeking some cool retreat (p. 181).

On p. 212, we enter upon the last series of papers in the
collection, and as the Russell family relationships are
rather confusing, it may be well briefly to mention a few
points. John Russell, the third son of Sir John and of
Frances Cromwell, had gone out to India, and was made
Governor of Fort William. In course of time he returned to
England (his place as Governor being taken by his nephew Henry
Frankland, second son of Sir Thomas Frankland and Elizabeth
Russell) and married, as his second wife, the widow of Col.
Edmund Revett. By his first wife, he had five children, Charles,
William, Fanny, Mary and Elizabeth. Mrs. Revett had three
children: John, who went into the army, but soon left it and settled
at Chequers ; James (always called Jemmy in these letters), and
Mary Joanna, who married John Russell’s son Charles. This is
the Col. Charles Russell, lieut.-colonel in the 1st regiment and
afterwards in the Coldstream regiment of Guards, whose letters
form the third and largest group in this collection. At a
later date, John Revett married Fanny Russell, but throughout
these letters, she holds the place of woman of the bedechamber to
Princess Amelia, and speaks of her future husband as ‘‘ my
brother Revett.”” The coming event casts one small shadow
before, for in 1747 Col. Charles Russell writes that he is persuaded
‘twas Revett’s fault if further consequences did not ensue, “ and
that ‘tis now full time to be over with both parties’ (p.380). John
Russell’s other two daughters were married respectively to Mr.
Holmes of Calcutta, and Mr. Greenhill. Mrs. Holmes died

 

*See also the table on p. xliii.
XX1ll

young, and the widower married Lady Russell, relict of Sir
Francis, who is first mentioned in Governor Henry Frankland’s
letter on p. 212, where he says that Frank is well and happy in
a good wife. He succeeded his father, Sir William, in the baronetcy,
became administrator of Cozzimbuzar for the East India Com-
pany, got into money difficulties, and died, leaving one little
boy—usually spoken of in these letters as Billy or Sir Billy—to
whom Col.Charles Russell was extremely kind. He was made page to
the Princess Amelia, and afterwards to the Duke of Cumberland,
with whom he went to Holland at the beginning of 1748 (pp. 404,
406). He won golden opinions there (p. 410) but died young,
and was succeeded in the baronetcy by Col. Russell’s son, John.
Mr. Greenhill, husband of Governor Russell’s youngest daughter,
Elizabeth, also lost his wife early. He had a son, John Russell
Greenhill, who after doing well at Eton and Oxford, took orders,
and upon whom, on the death of his cousin John, the baronetcy
devolved.

Col. Charles Russell had two children, the son above mentioned,
and a daughter, the Johnny and Molly of these letters. He men-
tions them perpetually, pictures them at Chequers amongst the
strawberry beds or skipping about on the grass, excuses little
Molly’slove of finery, and was distinctly annoyed when a brother
officer jokingly declared that Johnny was a very ugly boy.

Between himself and his wife there seems to have been
unbounded attachment and sympathy. He is never tired of
praising her sense and kindness and good management, and
every letter contains re-iterated expressions of his affection,
though for the most part these have been omitted in the following
pages. Indeed the letters are so long (seldom less than five, and
often seven or eight quarto pages), that only extracts or abstracts
have, except in rare cases, been given. Hardly any of Mrs. Russell’s
letters are in the collection, although it is evident that she wrote to
him as regularly as he did to her. Perhaps she destroyed them
herself (for those from his sister Fanny are here), but his she
evidently preserved with loving care. The sheets are mostly
stitched closely together, and almost every letter is endorsed
in her hand. They thus present an admirable series for
the campaigns of 1742-1748, though unfortunately the letters
for 1745—the year of Fontenoy—are missing. As a picture
of the life of the army from day to day, the letters are
XX1V

most valuable. No doubt they show the bright side of
the shield. Like will to like, and Col. Russell, himself
holding the highest possible ideas of honour and duty,
would naturally choose his friends from men of the same stamp,
but it is pleasant to look at this little group of old Etonians and
English Guardsmen, in the middle of the 18th century, with their
enthusiasm for their work, their simple life, and their diligent
care of their men.

Col. Russell’s letters begin in the summer of 1742, upon his
landing in Holland, and give detailed accounts of the life of him-
self and his brother officers on board their “ billinders’”’ and at
Ghent. In November there was a grand review, when Lord
Stair praised highly ‘‘the great beauty of all his Majesty’s
forces, both horse and foot” (p. 218), and at this time there
was some talk of a winter campaign, to which, however, the
General was strongly averse, knowing that it would be
the destruction of the greatest part of the men, and especially
of the cavalry, a loss which could not without immense
expense be repaired (p. 219). The officers found Ghent extremely
dull, there being no public place of any sort except the play-house,
and that of no use except as a coffee-house, ‘‘ for if one understood
the language never so well, not one word could one hear distinctly
enough to be able to understand what was said.”’

The residents, from motives of economy, hardly entertained at
all, their one ambition being to drive a coach and pair and have
a large house (p. 221). However, Russell and his friends formed
a small mess and lived very harmoniously. Col. Russell visited
his company every day, and in the evening entertained himself by
writing to his wife or reading ‘‘ Shakespeare or some other book.”

Before long the winter’s march into Germany was known to
be abandoned, leave was freely granted, and Russell, Berkeley
and Revett hurried off to England amongst the rest.

After ten happy weeks, Russell and Berkeley returned to Flanders
(Revett remaining behind, and soon afterwards resigning his com-
mission) and again took boat to Ghent, making their way thence
to Aix-la-Chapelle, where Lord Stair had his headquarters. The
roads in that part of the country were very bad. ‘‘ Lord Stair was
overturned before he got to Maestricht, and his coach broken, but
nobody was the least hurt,” and one of the younger officers had his
XXV

baggage cart so smashed that it cost him 41. to have it repaired,
whereupon he observed that he now began to be sensible of the
pleasures of his profession. At Aix they found the people
extremely civil, although at first they were “ frightened out of their
senses, and almost all ready to desert their houses, expecting to be
used as they were by the French last year, who took all their
forage and provisions and paid nothing for them.” But as soon
as they saw the English money, and the good behaviour of the
troops, there was nothing they would not do to oblige their visitors.
From the next stopping place, Dueren, Russell wrote that they
found the food a difficulty, the meat being very poor and garden
stuff not to be had in consequence of a plague of mice, who had
come in such numbers that they ate up even the roots of the
herbage for twelve or fifteen miles round, and left the banks and
hillocks full of the holes where they had burrowed like rabbits.
And to add to this misfortune, the French had been quartered
there for nine months. However, mice and French having alike
vanished, matters were improving, and shortly afterwards Lord
Robert Manners joined his friends, bringing excellent supplies for
both larder and cellar. And at any rate, the place had one advan-
tage, being the first, Russell says, that he had been in where an
officer could live upon his pay. Lord Robert also brought his
greyhounds, and got some good coursing, which was not only
an amusement for himself and friends, but gave much delight
to their men when on the march (pp. 226-229). The young
fellow seems to have been a great favourite with Russell, who
wrote that he behaved extremely well, without having the
least ‘“‘quality airs’? about him, and that he had trained
him to be as useful in providing and catering as he could
wish. As he never wrote letters, he trusted to Colonel Russell’s
mention of him for keeping his mother informed of his well-being,
and Lady Rutland was evidently very grateful to the Russells for
supplying her lazy son’s deficiencies (pp. 280, 247, 272, 308).

Russell’s own impression at this time was that there would be
no fighting, but that they would be cantooned in villages near
Coblentz, ‘‘ have a pleasant summer, see a little more of the
world, and then return home” (p. 227). At their next halting
place, Norvenich, the officers took possession of a magnificent
chateau, surrounded by a moat full of fish (which they could none
of them manage to catch), and with a very spacious kitchen, in
XXV1

which Brigadier Frampton’s cook and Russell’s drum ‘‘performed
nobly.” Here they lived very cheerfully, riding out coursing
every morning, walking in an evening “ through pretty woods
and gently rising hills” to pay their neighbours’ quarters a visit,
“then home to whist, a slight supper, and so early to bed”
(p. 229). Wherever he was, Col. Russell took care to have his
company so near to him that he could see them every day. Three
days they halted at this delightful spot. Then, a good deal
troubled by snow, but in excellent health, the Guards and their
officers marched by Legenich and Rheinbach to Andernach and
crossed the Rhine to Neuwied. Of the Rhine and its scenery Col.
Russell wrote, ‘‘I think I never saw so romantic and so fine a
prospect ; a noble river but rather too rapid a stream” (this
objection is repeated more than once later on) ; “‘a rich valley on
the side we were of, with high hills near it planted with vine-
yards from the bottom to the top; on the other side of the river
vast high mountains, at the bottom of which were villages and
towns well built, and so thick that they were in less than half a
mile of each other for several leagues together” (p. 231). So far,
the weather had been bad, ‘‘more like December than April,”
but now it changed, and ‘‘ midsummer days” succeeded. After a
halt at Horen, the troops ascended the valley of the Lahn to
Limburg, and thence crossed the wooded hills of the Taunus—pro-
bably by what isnowcalled the Limburger Chaussée—to Eschborn,
a little village on the plain below Cronberg, and about an hour’s
walk from Frankfurt on the Main. A few days later, Russell
visited the city, then in the turmoil of the last day of its great
fair. The gallant Colonel evidently preferred new houses to old.
He has no word for the quaint beauty of the Romerberg or the
ancient glories of the Rittersaal, but says that he has not seen
anything so like London since he left England, ‘‘ fine large streets
and tolerably built.” The grenadiers were quartered within
half a mile of the town, ‘‘in a place called the Drury Lane of
Frankfurt,”” amid scenes of debauchery such as Russell declared
he had never before heard of. The young people were quite wild
and mad with the place, but the more grave and thoughtful
declared that they never heard of more abandoned wickedness.
‘‘ How this may unfit our men for martial service,’ continues
Russell, “if any should be, one can easily guess” (p. 285).
XXVI

On May 6, the Guards marched to Hoechst, where Russell,
Berkeley and Manners formed a mess with Lord Ancram and
Capt. Waldegrave. Russell complained of the want of shade at
Hoechst, and the changeable weather brought a great deal of sick-
ness. He himself had an attack of fever (in which Berkeley nursed
him ‘“‘like a real old friend’’) but he made very little of it and wrote
much more in detail of the illness of his ‘‘poor Nat.” A very
noticeable trait in Col. Russell’s character is his consideration
and affection for his servants and non-commissioned officers, and
they evidently repaid him with devoted loyalty and service. After
throwing a bridge of boats across the river, the British foot
crossed and encamped on the other side, followed by the
Hanoverians, who dressed all their tents and pickets with green
boughs, making their camp look so much like a series of arbours’
that it was nick-named Vauxhall. The Guards hoped to move
again so soon that they did not trouble to follow this good example,
but they took care that their horses had shade enough (p. 240).

On June 2, Col. Russell sent an account of the alarm of a
French attack which is mentioned in most narratives of this cam-
paign, but of which he gives details not found elsewhere. The
curious feature of it was that while Lord Stair was told that the
French had orders to attack, and so made ready to give them a
warm reception, the French on their part, hearing that the allied
army had crossed the river, expected to be attacked, and thus
each army stood waiting for the other, with about ten miles between
them. The next day Lord Stair ordered his army back across
the Main. The French Hussars came down and picked up a few
stragglers, but the Duc de Noailles was so polite as to send them
back ‘‘ with money in their pockets” (pp. 242-244).

After this events moved quickly. The allied forces advanced
to Aschaffenburg, the King joined the army, and the battle of
Dettingen was fought. Lord Stanhope speaks of Stair as com-
mitting blunder after blunder, and complains that ‘‘he suddenly
altered his intentions, recalled the detachments which he had sent
across the Main, and advanced up the course of that river on the
right bank”’ to Aschaffenburg, where the King arrived to find things
in a very critical position. But Mr. Fortescue points out that
Stair’s own judgment was entirely overborne by the King, whose
frantic letters from Hanover ordering him not to cross to the
south bank of the river (which arrived too late) were followed by
XXVIll

positive orders to recross and move on the north bank to
Aschaffenburg. (History of the British Army. Vol. ii. p.9.) The
details of these orders do not appear to have been known to the
officers, but it is easy to see from Russell’s letters that the
movements of the army depended on the King.

The letters in this collection relating to Dettingen form
an important addition to the known accounts of the battle.
Russell’s letter of June 18 was evidently written with a sore heart.
‘‘ As a soldier and aman of honour,” he says, ‘‘ I must tell you
the brigade of Guards had the misfortune not to be in the field of
battle on Thursday last.’’ He goes on to tell how, the Duke of
Marlborough being summoned away, the Guards were left under
the care of the Hanoverian General, Baron Ilton, who, to preserve
them from the fire of a French battery, wheeled them to the top
of a hill and there kept them ‘“‘ only to be spectators of what and
where ”’ they ought to have been principals. For the accounts of
the battle, see pp. 251-263. As regards the vexed question of the
behaviour of the English horse, it will be seen that Col.
Russell's views were very decided. He speaks in the strongest
possible terms of the ill-conduct of most of the horse—the men,
not the officers—especially the Blues and ‘‘late Pembroke’s”
regiment, 7.e. the King’s Regiment of Dragoon Guards, commanded
by Col. Honeywood (pp. 255, 257, 261, 266), while he commends
in equally strong terms the ‘splendid behaviour of the foot
(pp. 251, 258, 267, 278). He acknowledges however that the
Horse Guards and Grenadiers stood their ground ; and that “late
Honeywood’s”’ (the 8rd) Dragoons, had great share in the action,
‘there not being above one squadron left out of three.” The
3rd Dragoons, it will be remembered, were on the extreme left,
and had to bear the brunt of the first attack. His summing up
of the whole matter is that the English infantry behaved like
heroes, thatthe Austrians and a Hanoverian battery also did well ;
that there was hardly any platoon firing (this is opposed to
Marshal de Noailles’ account), but that ‘‘the whole three
ranks made a running fire of their own accord,” with great
judgment and skill, making almost every ball “take place”;
that the French fired in the same manner, without waiting
for word of command; that the rear of the army was not
there, and that great numbers of the troops who were there did
not engage at all, “especially scarce any of our horse and but
Xx1x

few dragoons, and excepting two or three battalions of Hanover-
ians, none of their troops,” wherefore he leaves his correspondent
to judge ‘‘ whether our honest John Trots did not do the business”
(pp. 278, 279). He criticizes severely the conduct of the chief
commanders, who rode about bravely and exposed themselves, but
gave no sort of orders to the commanding officers, and says it is
difficult to give a good description of the battle, the whole being
such a confused affair. Even so, if only the Guards had been
there, or the horse had rallied for the pursuit, he believed scarce
any of the French would have escaped (p. 260). ‘‘The whole
cry was, where were the Guards; what shall we do without ’em,
why are they not sent for?’’ At last they came, but only to find
the battle over. The Duke of Marlborough, Russell said, would
not in haste forgive the Hanoverian General, but the relatives of
the Guardsmen at home took a different view, and ‘‘ approved
mightily of the King making General Ilton confectioner to the
Foot Guards.” Horace Walpole mentions this nickname as given
to Ilton ‘‘ because he preserved them.” The King tried to con-
sole the disappointed warriors by promising them that ‘‘next time
they should have their belly-full” (pp. 258, 259).

The accounts of the King’s behaviour at the battle fully bear
out other descriptions of his valiant carriage—and absence of
generalship. ‘‘ His Majesty was in the field of battle the whole
time and behaved very gallantly, went himself and placed a
battery of Hanoverian cannon which was of utmost service and
did great execution. The Duke D’Aremberg rode up to him and
begged of him not to expose his person in the manner that he
did ; that he was liable to be surrounded by the enemy and taken
prisoner. He answered, ‘ What do you think I came here for?
To be a poltroon?’” (p. 260).

The Duke of Cumberland is described as charging with General
Clayton ‘“‘in the first line in the warmest part of the action,
riding about animating the men with great bravery and resolu-
tion” (p. 253). The scene after the battle must have been rather
amusing. ‘I wish,” writes Russell, ‘‘that I could remember
to tell you all the good speeches of our noble captain upon this
late occasion. ‘ William, I’m glad you behaved so well; you
acted like my son; if you do well, I shall not be sorry for your
wound.’’’ Then he turned to Lord Delawarr, asked about
the letters received from England, and declared that he
XXX

believed he should now be almost as popular as Admiral
Vernon (p. 268). Amongst other incidents of the battle, Russell
tells of the gallant conduct of young Cornet Hoby, who, “‘though he
was cut to pieces, saved his standard, it being found wrapped up
within side of his coat,” and of young Horsey, whose standard was
forced from him, but who bravely recovered it by riding up and
shooting the man who took it (p. 258) ; of Ned Draper, who, as he
lay dying from a cannon shot in his back, ‘‘ would have his joke
by saying if he lived to goto England he never would own but
that the ball went the reverse way ” (p. 253) ; of poor Merriden,
who seemed to foretell what was to happen to him, and who, after
escaping all the cannonading and the first charge, was taken off
by a musket shot in his head, ‘“‘ which entered just at the little
opening of the skull cap which was made but very lately, accord-
ing to a new whim of Lord Pembroke’s”’ (p. 264). And then he
bitterly speaks of the sequel of the battle. ‘‘ To our great shame
be it spoken, we left the field of battle the next day, and the
village where our sick and wounded lay, without taking proper
care to bring em with us . . . The French seized upon ’em
as prisoners of war, and lucky for ‘em, took care of’em, which
was more than we had done.’’ His picture of Lord Carteret is
amusing, sitting in his coach in a wood in the rear of the battle,
in a state of considerable alarm both as to the result of the conflict
and his own safety (pp. 252, 266). Afterwards “‘ our able and
mighty minister’ is described as being fully employed, and
spending ‘‘no less than sixteen hours out of the twenty-four busy
with pen, ink and paper” upon schemes of pacification (p. 258).
Russell repeatedly emphasizes the desire of the ‘‘ warlike foreign
secretary,’’ as the Opposition called him, for peace, and as he was
supposed to be their ‘‘ present general,’ it was believed that ‘‘the
game,” for the time being, at any rate, was at an end. To this
desire for peace, Russell ascribed the refusal to allow Lord Stair
to follow up the victory, he himself entirely agreeing with that
General’s declaration that he could have cut off the enemy with
very small loss (pp. 262, 263). The privations of the army after

 

* By the patriots’ vagary, he was made Secretary,
By himself, he’s Prime Minister made ;
And now, to crown all, he is made General,
Though he ne’er was brought up to the trade.”
Printed in Wright’s Caricature History of the Georges.
XXxi

the battle were very great, ‘‘ lying three nights together upon the
ground, two of which were extremely wet, and no straw,” the
officers having only bread and brandy, while the men “absolutely
for near forty-eight hours had nothing but gin to subsist upon ”
(p. 265).

In the first excitement, the King had acknowledged that the
victory was due to the English, but he soon began to show his
old partiality, not only for the interests of Hanover, but for the
persons of his German subjects, ‘It is a great misfortune,”
wrote Russell, ‘‘ that our Captain shows such partiality to his own
people, which our men of spirit can never bear. Weare forced to
submit, but the independents [i.e., volunteers] by no means will”
(p. 259). Lord Harcourt resigned because his Majesty snubbed
him before company for not asking more Hanoverians to dine at
his table, and others followed his example. ‘‘In short, so
impolitic a head was scarce ever known, and his treatment of the
people of the island almost unsupportable, scarce lending an ear
to any other advice or counsel but his own natives; and as for our
troops, he seems to hold us in great contempt. ‘Tis true we
are brave, he says, but he would give up a little of that for us
to have the discipline of his, when, at the same time, ’ tis
a known fact that their cavalry refused to march, and though
they had twenty squadrons in the field of battle, not one of them
once charged ”’ (p. 262).

It will be remembered that the behaviour of the King at this
time formed the subject of a declaration by Pitt, and a protest
from the House of Lords. But as regards one point in the
protest, viz: that ‘‘the Hanoverian Guards had for some days
done duty upon his Majesty at Aschaffenberg ’’ which the Peers
looked upon ‘‘ as the highest dishonour to his Majesty and the
nation,” it would appear that it was hardly so regarded in the
army. Colonel Russell, sensitive enough on the matter (as
appears from the above quotations), writes upon the King’s arrival,
‘We don’t do duty upon him ; his baggage will not be up this
fortnight, so don’t look upon himself as King here”; and his
sister Fanny alludes to the same thing; “I think that you wrote
that the Guards were not to do duty upon the King until his
baggage came up, 80, as I take it, he was meanwhile there as
Elector of Hanover, not as King, and so to be attended by his .

Hanover people ”’ (p. 271).
XXXil

While the “‘ Papa ”’ was offending the troops by being “‘ so very
national,’ his son had been annoying them in another way,
showing himself so ‘‘shockingly military’ and so addicted to ‘‘the
farce of Hyde Park discipline,” that his officers felt it quite a relief
for him to be “‘tied by the leg” for awhile (p. 265). In fact, the
allusions to the Duke throughout the letters by no means bear out
the first half of Col. Hamilton’s statement in the History of the
Grenadier Guards, that he was popular both with officers and men.

As regards the making of knights after the battle, Russell writes,
‘We were mighty hot one while to have most of our general
officers made knights bannerets, a week after the action, but the
ancient custom used to be only in the field of battle, and that after
some particular remarkable action. Since that, they were to be
made Knights of the Bath,’ but Huske, who had behaved very
gallantly, refused it, and it was better for the rest, Russell thought,
that the matter dropped (p. 267). It is curious that in this
connexion, he makes no allusion to the knighting of Campbell
and Ligonier upon the field.

After this, there were councils of war at Hanau and con-
sultations at Frankfurt. Prince Charles and Kevenhuller came
over to see the King, but it was not believed that they would be
able to draw Lord Carteret on to protract the war (p. 267). On
p. 278, Russell answers a query of the Princess Amelia, as to
how ‘‘ her Papa’ spent his time.

At the end of July the troops crossed the Rhine at Biebrich
and turned up the left bank to Worms, where they waited for the
arrival of their Dutch allies. But Russell did not believe there
would be any fighting, as the French had evacuated the Empire,
and he imagined that the Dutch had no desire to enter France
and begin a French war (p. 282). The march had been much
against the will of ‘‘ the minister’ and it was not supposed that
he would agree to any further advance. Nor was it thought that
the French would permit Prince Charles to pass the Rhine, as if
he did, his Croats and Pandours would “play the devil”
wherever they went, and even the people of Paris were in
consternation at the thought (p. 283). This prediction was
fulfilled, for when, a week later, the joyful report was buzzed
about that the Prince was across the river, it was quickly followed
by the news that he had been rebuffed with great loss and had
entirely failed in his attempt (p. 268).
XXXill

On August 26, Russell announces Lord Stair’s resignation. His
account of the matter is that for some time Lord Stair had
thought himself extremely ill-used, ‘sreatly neglected, seldom
consulted, and when so, his schemes rejected and dis-approved
of.” His memorial on the subject [printed in J. Murray Graham’s
Annals of the Earls of Stair], was said to be so prettily worded
and so well-expressed as to be well worth perusal. “A general
concernment,’’ Russell continues, ‘‘ seemed to appear in the face
of most people yesterday at Court upon this occasion. I will
venture to say he is a man of great honour, strictly honest and
a noble spirit, a fine capacity which nobody can question; but
how far able as a general I won’t take upon me to say, yet
believe no one will succeed him here but will come far short of
him” (p. 284). After his departure, Sir Philip Honeywood was
commander under the King, but the “settling, stating and
signing ”’ all accounts relating to the army was done by a trium-
verate, consisting of Honeywood, Lord Dunmore and Sir James
Campbell (p. 287). Opinion in England still leaned to the idea
of a French war, but in the army it was believed that all the
contesting powers would be glad to make up matters except the
Queen of Hungary, and that she would be obliged to submit.
The Austrian commanders stuck at nothing to persuade the King
to attack the French lines, but as it could be of no advantage to
him, it was not thought that he would consent (pp. 285, 288,
289). In the middle of September the army moved on to Spires
in beautiful weather, and the King was very happy, ‘“‘ marching
at the head of one of the columns of our army each day, and
halting and taking a repast of cold provisions, with which his
mules are constantly laden, and everybody about him partaking ”’
(p. 290). From Spires, Berkeley and Russell made an excursion
to Heidelberg. With his usual preference for things modern,
Russell entirely ignores the ancient castle, and speaks only of
the palace built by the Elector Frederick for his English wife,
describing it as ‘‘ some of the Ionick, and some in the Corinthian
style.’’ He duly praises the delightful garden, the shady walk
under the stately sycamores, and the terrace with its wide-
spread prospect, and does not omit to give the dimensions and
capacity of the great tun (p. 298).

On the last day of September the army turned homewards,
marching all together in four columns, which made the progress

14170 a ?
XXX1V

very slow (p. 293). At Mainz they passed the Rhine to Biebrich,
and crossed the hills, not by their former road, but behind
Wiesbaden, going by way of Schwalbach, and striking the Lahn
near Nassau. The weather was bad, but for the latter part of the
journey, cantooning took the place of encamping, to the relief of
the officers, “‘ the worst house or barn in any village at this time
of the year being better than a tent, and what may save us a
great many men.’”’ From this point they retraced the road by
_ which they had come, and reached Brussels early in November,
whence Russell wrote joyfully to his “‘ dearest life, love, soul and
only joy” that he had got leave from Sir Philip Honeywood, and
was about to start for home (p. 303).*

The letters of 1744 open with an account of the inauguration of
Prince Charles at Ghent as Governor of the Austrian Nether-
lands, after which the Prince (and his Archduchess) returned
to Brussels to consult about the operations of the campaign,
previous to his taking command of the army on the Rhine
(p. 805-307).

There was much heart-burning amongst the officers at this
time concerning forage-money, the Guards especially considering
themselves badly used, ‘‘ for instead of 401. each, which we as
lieutenant-colonels (i.e., captains of companies) received before,
we are now to have but 10/., that is, instead of eight rations a
day, which is for eight horses, we are to have but two, which,
if not redressed, will ruin half the officers of the army ”’ (p. 807).
All through this summer, the army was encamped in various
parts of Flanders, gradually pushing towards the French frontiers.
The plan for the opening of the campaign was for the army
to encamp between Mons and Aeth (p. 867), thus facing
the enemy’s garrisons in French Flanders; and the troops
marched from Ghent to the neighbourhood of Brussels,
meaning to turn south. But the French began the cam-
paign by pushing up north, and a report being spread
that they were approaching, if not actually in posses-
sion of Ghent, the army was hurried back to Alost, only
to find that the enemy, after plundering Courtrai, had turned
in the direction of Mons (p. 811). As however they were

 

*There are a few good letters of Lord George Sackville’s upon the latter part of

this and the early part of the next campaign in the Hist. MSS. Commissioners,
Report on Mrs, Stopford Sackville’s MSS,
XXXV

evidently threatening the western part, it was decided to move
the army in that direction, and the troops took up a strong position
between Ghent and Oudenarde, with the Little Scheldt on their
right flank and the Swalme on their front.

By this time they had been reinforced by some Dutch and
Austrians, but ‘‘ not a fourth part of what they ought to supply,”
the Austrians numbering only some two thousand. Having drawn
the English in as principals, Russell complained, they now left
them in the lurch, and what hussars they should have were kept
by Count D’Aremberg to protect his own estate (p.314). At the
beginning of June, the French were in possession of Menin and
Ypres (both of which, Russell declared, were lost by the lethargy
of the Dutch) and were threatening Bruges and Ghent, “ the alert
Count Saxe”’ having advanced towards Deinse and reconnoitring
in every direction (pp. 319, 820). The allied army spread itself
out along the Little Scheldt, almost from Ghent to Oudenarde,
and sent a detachment to Tournay to strengthen the garrison
there. Nothing more could be done without the active co-opera-
tion of the Dutch, and so far were they from being moved by the
capture of their border towns, that their ambassador returned to
Lisle, and took a house there ‘‘ for some time ”’ (p. 322). Mean-
while the officers amused themselves as best they might. They
were pleasantly encamped amongst plantations and avenues of
trees, which reminded Russell of Chequers, although only in
imagination could he see his ‘‘ two dear little lambkins skipping
about on the grass.’’ They had a weekly club and “one might
think it was at Pontack’s; a long table well set out and
illuminated, never less than four or five and twenty officers,”
and the music of the regiment playing all the time. “All
this,’ Russell wrote, ‘seems pleasant, and for the time it lasts
is so, provided one could divest oneself of thought, and not
consider what can be the consequences of such a campaign as we
are likely tomake, to see the French taking all the towns with
so much ease, scarce meeting with the least resistance, and we
not in the capacity to act, or likely to be in one” (p. 328).
Towards the end of June, Prince Charles crossed the Rhine, and
it was believed that he would be able to intercept and destroy
Goigne’s army, and to pour his Pandours and Croats over
France, a prospect which filled Col. Russell with horror. The

’

French, who till then had “‘ thought the world their own,” were
XXXVi

thoroughly alarmed, and detached so many troops for the Rhine
that they had to give up acting on the offensive, and proceeded to
throw up defences towards Lisle. Russell had a very poor opinion
of the French infantry, affirming that at the siege of Ypres, the
cavalry had to be dismounted and marched in the rear of the foot
to prevent them running away (p. 825). ‘‘All they are good for,”
he wrote a little later, ‘‘is to lie in wait, fire upon us, and
then run away; they dare not come up and show themselves in
any open place with equal numbers” (p. 342).

Prince Charles did not succeed in his great plans, but he gained
possession of the lines of Lauterburgh, and had seized those of
Weissenburgh also, but the French made two forced marches,
‘‘which redounded much to their honour,” and regained them
(p. 826). The Dutch continued to send small detachments, but
declared that—though they would assist the English if attacked—if
the latter acted on the offensive, they would only stand by and see fair
play ; their one endeavour being to avoid declaring war against the
French (p. 827). Towards the end of July, hope rose high that
something would be done, as the troops crossed the Scheldt and it
was supposed that they were to march towards Courtrai, from
whence, if the enemy did not think fit to retire, they hoped to
be allowed to ‘“‘ oblige ‘em toit.”’ They had now, with the Dutch,
“a glorious army of seventy thousand men,” and looked upon the
campaign as just beginning (p. 330). Instead of turning towards
Courtrai, however, they marched south, along the left bank of the
Little Scheldt, to EHlseghem, advanced towards Tournay, and
finally encamped in the enemy’s country, within a league and
a half of Lisle; the headquarters being at Chateau D’Anstain.
This movement, as we know from the State Papers, was suggested
by Lord Stair. Count Saxe kept quiet at Courtrai and made no
attempt to disturb them on their march. The garrison at Lisle
was reported to be very weak, and might, it was at first hoped,
be taken when the heavy cannon came up, but this was rendered
impossible by the opposition of the Dutch, who still declared that
they were acting only as the allies of the Queen of Hungary, and
who moreover shrank from the expense of a siege. In a letter
written on August 10, Col. Russell explains the inaction which
was causing so great dissatisfaction in England. ‘‘In short,”
he says, in words as true at the present day as they were then,
‘an allied army like ours, with so many different commanders,
XXXV1l1

each pulling their several ways and influenced by their separate
interest, can never undertake what an army should do that has
but one head, are under one interest, and understand the same
language ”’ (p. 884).

Throughout the march, the officers did their best, both for their
own men and the country people, but the former had to be con-
sidered first, and Russell was often much troubled by the distress
entailed. ‘‘I could not help thinking it shocking,” he writes in
May, ‘‘ to destroy such a vast quantity of fine corn, which we not
only was obliged to march over, but also to pitch all our tents in
the midst ofit. The poor larks I also pitied much, whose young fell
a sacrifice to us, and whose tuneful pipes remind us every morning
of what they have so lately suffered.”” Again and again he returns
to the subject. ‘‘ The country all about us is full of corn,” he
says in July, ‘‘and though we are as careful as possible to destroy
only that part of it wherever we lie encamped, yet it grieves one
to see so much fine wheat and rye, so near being housed, made
such havoc of’ (p. 880); and again, ‘‘It is sad to see the fine
groves and avenues daily made a sacrifice to our common use,
and yet we do nothing but what necessity requires.’’ By this
time they were in French Flanders, where at first the Dutch and
Hanoverians ‘‘ marauded shockingly,” and the English, following
their example, ‘‘made havoc enough,” but severe orders to the
provost to hang up all offenders soon put a stop to the evil. It
was quite new to Col. Russell to be in an enemy’s country, ‘‘ and
very shocking to see the poor people so distressed.’’ He did what
he could to protect them, and the grateful villagers brought him
eggs and fruit as a token of their gratitude, while he took care of
his men with good beer, bread and butter, ‘all of which were
paid for’ (p. 336, see also pp. 337, 339).

Marshal Wade was now in command, but General Ligonier was
general of the foot, and of him Russell spoke in the highest terms,
declaring that he knew no one more beloved and more deserving
of it. The Marshal also seemed “assiduous to act for the general

good”’ (pp. 310, 314).

In August the news came of the King of Prussia’s renewed
hostilities against the Empire, and in consequence of his march
with a large force towards Bohemia, Prince Charles of Lorraine
was obliged to recross the Rhine (p. 336). The views of the
English court are expressed in a letter from Fanny Russell to her
XXXVII1

brother: ‘‘ Everybody is very sorry that poor Prince Charles
was obliged to cross the Rhine, but he made the finest retreat that
ever was known. What a devil the King of Prussia is; ‘tis he
that has made poor Prince Charles do this to save his army ”
(p. 338).

At the end of August, Lord Carteret sent orders to Marshal
Wade to march further into France and lay siege to three or four
towns, or else to march directly towards Paris. ‘‘ These Don
Quixote schemes ”’ vexed the General much, and were absolutely
rejected by his brother marshals. The French at this time were
proving very troublesome to the foragers, parties of them lurking
in the woods and ditches, ready to snap up the men and carry
them off prisoners to Lisle. They were always sent back again,
but that meant expense to Government (pp. 339, 340). The
allied army now began their march back to their winter
quarters. Near Tournay, a report that Saxe was at hand caused
a resolution to ‘“‘march to attack the enemy,” which the troops
obeyed with the utmost joy and assurance of Success; but they
shortly heard that the French had ‘“‘all fled,” so there was
nothing to be done. This was the army's view of the matter, but
Mr. Lecky says that they marched to attack Count Saxe behind
Pont Espieres two days after he had left the place.

Col. Russell’s letters to his wife in 1745 are wanting, and the
only notice of the battle of Fontenoy is in a letter from his
brother-in-law. John Revett, congratulating him on his happy
escape from ‘‘the damnable fire of the French” and on the
honour he had gained by his ‘‘conduct and bravery on that
occasion” (p. 346).

In 1746, there are several letters written at Plymouth, where
troops had gathered in readiness to support Admiral Lestock’s
expedition to L’Orient. There were so many delays that Russell
feared, by the time they reached the Admiral, there would be
neither laurels nor plunder left, but hoped the first comers would
not ‘‘be quite so unreasonable”’ (pp. 349, 352). On the 10th of
October, they sailed (p. 854) but never landed, and were back
again at Plymouth within ten days.

The letters of 1747 begin with the embarkation for and arrival
at Flushing (p. 357), where the English forces and English
fleet were thankfully received. Russell believed that if they had
XEXIX .

not arrived there, “‘ the honest magistrates of this town and the
States of this province had certainly delivered up and sold it all to
the French,’ and that if these defenders were to leave it, it
would soon be in the hands of the enemy, who had now got as
near as the island of Catsand, only four miles away (pp. 358,861).
Their grand army then lay between Mechlin and Louvain, the
Duke of Cumberland being at Liere and behind the river Nete.

Report ran that there were great divisions in the French
councils, Marshal Saxe’s favour with the King bringing “the
envy of all the princes of the blood and great men upon him, he
treating them at the same time with the greatest contempt
imaginable”’ (p. 368). On June 20, Cumberland was defeated
at Laffick, near Maestricht. Accounts of the battle will be found
on pp. 369-871. Sir John Ligonier was taken prisoner, and
courteously entertained by Saxe, who ‘‘owned to having lost
eight thousand infantry, one thousand horse, and one thousand
officers.”’ The real figures were supposed to be higher still,
wherefore the French were ‘‘ not at all uppish,’’ nor the English
at all dispirited.

The Duke of Cumberland did wonders, was in the middle of a
French squadron and was only saved from being taken prisoner by
the strength of his own arm. Marshal Saxe was “as near being
taken by the Scotch Greys’; as he said himself, ‘‘ one of them
had his pat (sic) on his shoulder and he was forced to run for it ”’
(p. 872). Colonel Russell often regrets in his letters that he
was not “more expert’’ in speaking French. He certainly was
not very. expert in spelling it !

The letters after this are chiefly concerned with the French
siege of Bergen-op-Zoom. Russell believed—seeing that
Prince Hilbourghausen had fifteen thousand men in the lines
contiguous to it; that there were five thousand men in the
garrison who could be re-inforced from these lines; and that the
town was open to the water from the East and so could be
supplied ‘‘ with every one thing wanting ’”—that if the Governor
and those under him did their duty, there would be no fear of the
enemy. But the Dutch had sent an old man of eighty-five to
command the garrison, and judging by his past actions and
character, it was feared that things would not go well (p. 374).
Meanwhile the Guards remained at Flushing, and the Duke’s
army was still encamped beyond Maestricht. The French got
xl

their trenches close up to the town; their engineers were very
good, and those of the allies very bad, and there was much reason
to doubt the disposition of the Dutch. The defences, however,
were strong, fresh troops were sent in, and old General Cronstrom
promised to defend it to the last, “‘ but how far a man’s senses
will hold out at eighty-five,” it was impossible to say (p. 377).
As a matter of fact they held out nine weeks.

Then the French stormed the place, taking it so by surprise
that they were in the town before the garrison was under arms.
‘¢ All who could make their escape took to their heels, those who
could not made the best defence they could.” When the slaughter
and confusion were over, the ‘‘ Scots Hollanders’’ and one or two
other regiments had very few either men or officers left. The
engineer who escaped declared that the works had all along
defended themselves, and that ‘‘ before the town was stormed the
old general was fled and left the garrison asleep ”’ (p. 387). The
French next occupied themselves with reducing various small
forts upon the Scheldt, after which it was believed that it would
‘be time to go into winter quarters on all sides.”

At this time the health of the English troops in the island of
Walcheren was suffering terribly. On Aug. 5 Russell wrote,
‘Notwithstanding all our care of our men, of which all our
officers are concerned about, and pique themselves that nothing
on their part shall be wanting, yet we daily fall sick in such
numbers that we have a hundred and eighty men now down,
chiefly with agues and fevers, in our battalion, and yet the
sickly season is not yet begun.’ And a month later, ‘“‘ These
low countries and ditches can’t be the scene of action long, for
after all this dry weather, we must expect rain, when it does
come, with a witness. And we need it much to wash not only
the town but the whole island, filling the dykes and ditches with
wholesome water instead of putrified, nauseous, stinking puddles,
which infect the very air, and greatly mcrease the country’s
distemper’ (p. 385). A good physician was sent from London,
who declared that unless the men were removed they would be
utterly unfit for the next campaign, and in October they were
ordered to Bois-le-duc, by which time there were only fifty-five
men, four sergeants and two drums in the battalion of Guards
who had not been ill. ‘‘ To describe to you the melancholy
objects I saw yesterday when our poor souls were embarking,”
xli

wrote Russell, ‘‘ would give you the spleen, for such a sight I
never saw before. It was far worse than a field of battle.
However, it is a great comfort that our sick are rather better
than worse to-day, and I hope we may not lose many upon the
voyage’ (p. 391).

At Bois-le-duc, the troops found a ‘“‘well-regulated hospital under
the direction of a proper man,” but though their quarters were
better, the air and situation were not, the whole country being
under water. The result was that the men were as sickly as ever,
and Russell wrote that the French, having driven them out of the
healthy part of the Low Countries, might now take their ease,
and leave the climate to do the rest (p. 396). In October, the
Guards were moved to Breda, taking as many of their sick as they
could, and leaving the rest to be fetched by the waggons on a
second journey ; but no sooner had they marched out than “‘that
old villain, old Cronstrom,” now Governor of Bois-le-duc, gave
orders that all the sick should be turned out into the street, ‘‘and
if they did not immediately comply, he would send to the main
guard, and give orders for their being pulled out by their head and
shoulders.” Breda, it was hoped, would be more healthy, but it
did not prove so, for in November Russell wrote: “Our men,
I’m sorry to say, are much worse than better. What effect the
cold weather may have I can’t tell ; at present it only makes ‘em
relapse, and gives the distemper to those who had escaped it
before; some of those that one hoped might recover fall at present

into fluxes.”

When the army was settled in winter-quarters, Russell was
anxious to get leave to go home for awhile, and as usual begged
for the interest of his sister’s mistress, the Princess Amelia, in the
matter. The Duke of Cumberland spoke to him about it, but in
a teazing manner, and Russell, knowing that ‘his Royal High-
ness was what they call, and has been for some time at the
headquarters called, cherry-bobbing, was very short in his
answers,’ and refused tobe ‘‘drawn”’ (p. 398). However, in
December, he was appointed first major to his regiment, and
then, to his great joy, his ‘‘station and command” were at home
(pp. 398, 408). After this, there are only a few scattered letters.
One, on p. 412, alludes to his service as colonel of the regiment

stationed in Minorea, whence he was invalided home in the spring

14170 d
xl

of 1754, but although better for awhile, his recovery was only
temporary, and he died in the following December.

Col. Russell’s letters contain many notices of Col. Braddock, by
the light of which the failure of his subsequent proceedings in
America is in no way surprising. He appears to have been both
ill-tempered and indolent; very difficult to get on with, and
remarkably fond of allowing other people to do his work (pp. 350,
864, 388). Atthe same time, Russell praises his excellent reports
to head-quarters and his “refined’”’ knowledge of the French
language. There are also several notices of Lady Vane (pp. 215,
223, 224, 388), the ‘‘Lady of Quality”? whose memoirs are
given in Peregrine Pickle; and in Fanny Russell’s letters to
her brother are many details concerning the Princesses and
their doings, and a good deal of the society gossip of the day.

The army names have been identified, as far as possible, by

means of the War Office MS. Army Lists, now at the Public
Record Office. All proper names are printed as spelt by the
writers.

It may not be amiss to remind the reader that reproductions of

many of the fine Cromwell portraits contained in the Chequers
Court collection are to be found in Dr. §. R. Gardiner’s “Oliver

Cromwell.”
The Report on these papers and this Introduction have been
prepared by Mrs. 8. C. Lomas.
xiii

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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THE MANUSCRIPTS OF
MRS. FRANKLAND-RUSSELL-ASTLEY,

OF CHEQUERS COURT, BUCKS.

 

Sir JoHN CROKE.

1595-1607.—Manuscript note-book of John—afterwards Sir
John—Croke,’M.P., Recorder of London, and, in 1601, Speaker
of the House of Commons, giving the substance of twenty-nine
speeches delivered by him to Queen Elizabeth and King James, in
Parliament and in the Exchequer, &c.; also a speech of King
James’, summaries of three by Lord Keeper Egerton, and copies of
various documents. A folio book, covered in parchment, contain-
ing thirty-nine written and many blank pages ; the writing being
extremely small and much contracted.

The following is an abstract of its contents, the curious
headings being given verbatim.

1595, August 15.—‘‘ L’ effect de mon donne oracies in nomine
de tout le societé al Georg Wild, Eisq., reader del Inner Temple,

15 August, 1595.”

Praising his ‘‘ great charge and bounty and well-performance ”’
of everything belonging to his office, whether as regards exteriorem
or interiorem apparatum ; assuring him that whatever has been
done on their parts—‘‘ either in attendance in general, wherein the
gentlemen have showed very good attention and diligence, or in
those particular charges sustained by some gentlemen of the bar
and under the bar, which hath been very well performed by
them ”—has been done with the greatest alacrity and good-will ;
thanking him for his care and toil, and wishing him “prosperous

and happy ”’ success.

1595, November 13.—‘‘ Le effect de mon respons, 13 Nov-
ember 1595, devant maior et Aldermen de London, sur leur
declaracion a moi que ils ont moi eslieu pour leur Recorder.’ —
Acknowledges with thankfulness their good opinion of him and
trusts that by God’s help he may be as able as he will be ready
and willing to perform the duties of his place towards God, her
Majesty and their honourable city. Prays toleration of his lack

14170 a A
2

of gifts, and assures them that he will never ‘“ draw the beam of
justice to the contrary part,” but will follow “juste quod justwm
est.”

Copy of the oath of the Recorder of London.

1596, May 23.—‘‘ Le substance de mon speach devant le [sic]
roigne, sur presenting de Stephen Slanie, adonque Maior, a sa
Majestie, die domini, 28*° die Maij, 1596, qui meme le iour fuit
fait chevaler.”

‘The blessed and happy estate (most dread and most gracious
sovereign) which, God be blessed and your Majesty praised,
under your Majesty’s most happy and blessed government we
have enjoyed and do enjoy, such as no former memory can men-
tion, nor any foregoing age hath known—and as long as any age
endureth, may we still enjoy it in that blessed hand it is—doth
prove that which an ancient writer speaketh, that nullum pulchrius,
nullum prestantius a deo munus erga mortales quam sanctus et deo
sumillimus princeps. . . To speak, most sacred sovereign, of
the great happiness and blessings which by your most gracious
government and princely goodness have redounded to this your
honourable city, and of our thankfulness, our loyalty, our love,
our duty, thereby bound unto your Majesty, is the argument I
should speak of, but it is such and so great, that were
my voice the sound of a trumpet, or had I the tongue of
the most eloquent, I were not able to speak of it as I
should. Many great and famous kings, most renowned
sovereign, your Majesty’s kingly progenitors, have risen up and
done many great and worthy things for this your honourable
city . . . but your princely bounty toward it hath surmounted
them all, insomuch that whatsoever former times have conferred
upon this city, it hath been by your most gracious goodness so
confirmed, continued, enlarged and increased, that all happiness
which former age[{s] hath brought it hath been in comparison
but a show and shadow to that happiness which under your most
gracious government we now enjoy. ‘To be by your gracious
goodness regia sedes, the kingly seat of your royal Majesty, the
free chamber of your crown, by your princely favour, the head
and metropolitan city of your kingdom .. . the usual place of
repair for your courts of justice and parliament, to their great
enriching, to have a perpetual, continuing and succeeding body
incorporate, which none can make but your Majesty, to have
election of governors and magistrates under your Majesty of
themselves and within themselves, and the execution of laws, of
customs, and your sword of justice within this government
committed unto them, which can be derived from none but from
your imperial and royal sceptre; to be made happy with the
often access and near resiancy of your sacred royal person
amongst us; to be vouchsafed this most gracious favour, once in
every year to present your servant, the governor of this city
under your Majesty, before your Highness’ presence, from
whom only he is to receive his allowance, his light, his life,
and to see your most gracious face and eyes, the unspeakable
3

Joy and comfort of your subjects thereby to have opportunity
to lay open our causes and occasions before your Majesty,
these are blessings of greater comfort and happiness than can
be spoken. . . . And your royal Majesty vouchsafing to commit
the government of this your city unto the charge of this your
servant, and the execution of justice and patronage of the
poor and orphans, he wholly desireth to do all acceptable
Service unto your Majesty. He doth not defraud judgment
or Justice, or neglect to be helpful to the fatherless and distressed
or give just cause to make sad the heart of the widow; and in
this time of some dearness, rather than of scarcity—and much
refreshed and relieved by your princely and royal bounty towards
this city—he doth not lay aside the care of the poor, or eat his
™Morsels alone, or prefer priratum commodum before bonum
publicum, but in all things endeavoureth to discharge the trust of
your royal Majesty reposed in him .. . setting always
before his eyes that which is meet for all your Majesty’s
servants and magistrates always to set before their eyes, si male
regit, habet regem a quo regetur; if he govern evil, he hath a
king and queen of whom he shall be governed, full of mag-
nanimity, full of wisdom, full of justice and full of piety, and
other king or queen, if it be the will of God, if it be the will of
God, may England never know. Quod vivimus, most sacred
sovereign, that we live—for there were and there are malicious
and cruel enemies bent against us that would devour us up
quick, but by the goodness of God, the holy hand of your
gracious Majesty, our gracious Gideon, hath delivered us from
their cruelty and still will deliver us ;—quod bene vivimus, that we
live in peace, that we live in plenty . . . that we live in
true religion and service of God, the root and foundation of all
our happiness; these things your most gracious Majesty hath
brought to pass, and as your royal Majesty, at the first taking the
imperial sceptre into your sacred hand, did publish this heavenly
edict, that you and all your people would serve the Lord, so
mauger Rome and mauger Spain, and treasons at home and
treacheries abroad, I will not say unworthy a king, unworthy .a
Christian, but unworthy a man, so hideous, so horrible, my lips
do tremble to speak of them, my heart doth bleed to think of them ;
én your most gracious Majesty, per tot discrimina rerum,
hath still continued semper eadem; your royal heart hath known
no fear, but hath stood fast in the Lord your God, and you have
maintained and defended, and in despite of all these treasons
and treacheries and conspiracies whatsoever, still do maintain
-and defend that God in your kingdom is truly worshipped, non
secundum varietatem opinionum, if I might be worthy to mention
those most gracious words that flowed from your sacred lips,
worthy to be written in letters of gold, or secundum imquisita or
exquisita ingenia, but ut lex divina jubet et verum cogit, most
princely forseeing that EfeAo§pécxea, a religion after every
fancy, is the fountain of all superstition, and ruin and overthrow
of all religion and commonweales. . . . Blessed are your
nobles and servants, that daily stand about you, and hear and
4

see your wisdom, your judgment, your mercy, your justice, your
zeal, your piety and all your heroical and princely virtues ;
blessed are the pilgrims and strangers and servants of God, that
are comforted and refreshed by you; blessed are your people and
subjects that have such a sovereign, and blessed be the Lord
God of heaven and earth that would your most gracious Majesty
to be our queen because he loved us. That God of all days, and
before all days, lengthen your Majesty’s days and reign over
us, as the days of heaven, and continue them to never ending
days, as long asany days endure; and bring sudden and
shameful and fearful confusion, desolation and destruction on
whomsoever shall lift up evil thought against you.’’*

1596, October 29.—‘‘Le substance de mon speach in
lescheker, lendemain de feast de Simon et Jude, 29 October,1596,
sur presenting del Alderman Skinner, maior, in lieu Sir Stephen
Slanie.”’

‘‘Tt is observed (most honourable) that to every city and
common weal, laws and magistrates are the same that the sun is
to the world, or health unto the body, for . . . laws and magis-
trates wanting to a city or a commonwealth, there is nothing
but darkness and confusion, ... laws being the strength and
sinews of every city and common weal, and magistrates the life
and soul of the law; and if they should be divided, which rather
in imagination than in truth they can be, the conclusion is that
better it is for a city or a commonwealth to havé good magistrates
without a law, than good laws without a magistrate. .....
By the goodness of God and most gracious providence of her
Majesty we have both good laws and good magistrates, .....
neither is it to be accounted amongst the least of her Majesty’s
princely benefits vouchsafed to this honourable city that we have
the election of this chief magistrate, the Lord Mayor of this city,
of ourselves and amongst ourselves, a liberty granted by her
Majesty’s most noble progenitors, but most graciously confirmed
by herself. [Here follows a lengthy discourse wpon the duties of
a magistrate.| To these things the foregoing Lord Mayor hath
applied his diligence and good endeavours, and hath run his race
and finished his course with all uprightness and integrity. The
succeeding Lord Mayor, now presented unto your lordships,

desireth to equal those good courses ...... and, to use his
own words, with a single and upright heart to serve God, her
Majesty and the Commonwealth ..... humbly desiring your

honourable allowance and assistance all the time of his service.”’

(1597, January ?+|—‘‘ Le substance de mon speach al Tower
pour le mort de Alderman Skinner, et sur le presenting de

Alderman Billingesly a le Tower in vacationem inter Christmas
and le terme.”’

 

* This speech is given at considerable length (although not nearly in extenso) as a
specimen of the rest.

{| The late Lord Mayor is spoken of as dead on Jan. 2, 1597. See Calendar of
Cecil MSS., part vii,, p. 2.
5

The action now to be performed, of presenting this newly
elected Lord Mayor, occasioned by the untimely departure (if it
had pleased God otherwise) of the former, doth show that no
man can tell what a night and a day may bring forth, for in less than
the compass of one night, our chief governor, under her Majesty,
and two great aldermen have been taken from us. For the one,
in the short time of his government he ruled well, and en-
deavoured and performed good things; and for the others, they
carried themselves very commendably, and are gone in peace to
their grave, leaving a good report behind them.

‘““When cedars do fall; the pine trees should tremble, and when
the greatest citizens and men of account are touched, the inferiors
should call their ways to a reckoning. Who seeth not, that is
not wilfully blind, how of late the chief of all sorts of men have
been summoned, the great and wise counsellors of our land, the
great, learned men, the renowned men of war; no state, no
calling, no profession hath been free. What should I speak of
the other admonishments of God evident now upon us, the staff
of our bread in some sort broken, the sun of long time seeming to
be turned into clouds and darkness, the moon into mist and wet-
ness, the heavens to continual weeping, the earth, glutted with
waters, into barrenness, to deny her increase, the sword of the
enemy abroad to threaten us, famine and fear of mortality at
home to be round about us, and greater things than these to
hang over us, did not our most gracious sovereign, the beloved
of God, even like Moses stand in the gap between the wrath of
God and us, and by her intercessions turn away his fearful dis-
pleasure from us . . . to whose devout petitions the Lord hath
given his blessed grant that our dearth and scarcity hath been
moderated, our plague and mortality hath ceased, the sword of our
enemy hath been turned against himself, the seas, the winds,
the rocks have been armed for our defence that they have not
been able to set foot upon our land, and contrarywise, the arm of
her people hath been made strong against the face of them, to
make them to turn their backs, and in their own country, ten of her

eople to chase a hundred of them, and a hundred many thousands.
This is the Lord’s doing and it is marvellous in oureyes . . . And
albeit it hath pleased Him of late to take many governors from
amongst us, and to make some intermission of our solemn feasts
and solemn assemblies, yet hath he not let us sit long destitute, but
hath raised up others in their places, and in place of the governor
of the city, lately taken from us, we have proceeded to the election
of another . . - before this time eligible to the place, and only
forborne for that he was sequestered to some other service of her
Majesty, and yet now her Majesty vouchsafing to spare him from
herself to serve her city; . . . and having chosen him according
to the charters of her Majesty and her most noble progenitors

ranted to us, for his approved fidelity, discretion and sincerity,
held fit to serve her Majesty in this place, according to the tenor
6

of her Majesty’s writ in that behalf directed in the absence of
herself and of her Barons of the Exchequer from Westminster,
we present him here to be admitted, desiring that he may be
admitted accordingly, and that this her Majesty’s honourable city,
and chamber of her crown, and this her Highness’ kingly castle
and Tower, having all one most gracious lady and mistress, may
in all duty, love and unity, apply themselves to do her Highness
service.”

1596[-7], February 6.—‘‘ Le substance de mon speach devant
le roigne, die dominica, 6'° Februar, 1596, sur presenting
Alderman Billingesley a sa Majesty.”

The manifold blessings received from her Majesty’s blessed
hand are such that it is vain presumption in any man to utter
them in words, seeing that, under God, they owe all that they
enjoy—truth in religion, peace of conscience, safety for goods,
lands, liberty and lives—to her, who watches while they sleep,
exposes herself to perils to preserve her people from danger, is the
glory of God’s name, the wonder of the world, the terror of her
enemies, the comfort of her people, the wisdom of her wise men
and the strength of her strong men. Even him that seemed to
cause the earth to tremble and the kingdoms to shake, who made
a wilderness of the lands and prisoners of princes, by the help of
God to his blessed handmaid she has daunted in his own king-
dom by the hands of her servants, the Omnipotent Maker of the
world having guided the journey, speeded the victory and made
the return of her servants the trump of his fame, with little or no ~
loss of English blood.* For all these things they prostrate them-
selves at her feet, and presenting to her her servant, whom she
has been pleased to spare from her peculiar service, pray for her
approbation, the only life of their choice.

1597, September 29.—‘“‘ Le substanc de mon speach in Guihale
[Guildhall] jour St. Michael, 1597, sur election de Alderman
Saltonstall, maior, in lieu de Alderman Billingsley.”

‘You are assembled according to your accustomed manner
and ancient liberties and charters of this honourable city ...
for the election of your chief magistrate under her Majesty for
this year ensuing, a thing of great moment and importance, as
your religious and reverent and solemn assembly for performance
of it doth witness . . . To be Lord Mayor of this honourable city,
by the goodness of God and most gracious government of her
Majesty, famous in all the known parts of the world, is a most
high and honourable calling, yet the honour of the place hath this
burden with it, it consisteth not in having many men’s caps and
‘curtesies,’ or ensigns of honour to be borne before him . . . but
as his authority in government is before all others, so his labour,
his care, his diligence for the good of the place over which he is
set must be more than others.” [Hnuwmerates the duties of a chief
Magistrate, and exhorts his hearers to make a good choice. |

 

 

 

* The expedition of Essex to Cadiz in 1596.

 
7

1597, October 29.—‘‘ Le substance de mon speach in lescheker,
lendemain de Simon et Jude, 1597, sur presenting Alderman
Saltonstall, succeeding Alderman Billingesley.”’

No man can govern others who cannot govern himself, nor be
& good citizen unless he is a good man, far less can a bad man
be a good magistrate. The wisdom of the old English laws
concerning the election of magistrates is shown by their requiring
that the man chosen should be Deo devotus, regi fidelis, regno
utilis, and loco cui proficetur idoneus. [The speaker goes on, with
allusions to Pliny, Aristotle, Auschines, Samuel, Tully, Job, and
Euripedes, to enlarge upon the goodness of the Queen, the privileges
of their city, the duties of the chief magistrate cdc., and ends by
presenting the new Mayor (who, like his predecessor, has been wm the
Queen’s service) in the usual form. |

1598, April 30.—‘‘Le substance de mon speach devant le
roigne, die dominica, 30 Aprilis 1598, sur presentinge Alderman
Saltonstall a sa Majestie apud Whitehall.”

Assures her Majesty of their deep gratitude to her, the saint
and servant of God, who as a sure tower of defence diverts all
evil from them, giving them safety from their enemies, deliver-
ance from scarcity and freedom from oppression, peace, prosperity,
plenty, gold and silver flowing in their streets, virtue (by her
example) in her nobles, integrity in her judges, sanctity in her
clergy, probity in her people, and truth in religion, the cause of all.
Happy and more than happy is England in the possession of
such a Queen, who of her princely zeal spies out the good and
lifts them from the dust, and of her heavenly magnanimity
casts down the proud and godless, ‘‘ making all to know, where God.
and Queen Elizabeth will give, envy cannot hurt, and where
God and Queen Elizabeth will not give, labour cannot help.”
The richness of her mercy, the brightness of her justice, all
that, like himself, serve her in the execution of her laws do know,
and “‘him that propounded peace and prepared war, and
imagined evil enterprises which the protection of Queen
Elizabeth would not suffer him to perform,” him the Avenger of
her Majesty hath laughed to scorn, and by the hands of her
servants hath filled her land with the spoil of her enemies. As
they are now celebrating the fourth decennal of her most
glorious and happy reign, so they pray that from year to year
without end of number, they and their posterity ‘“‘may still
celebrate the continuance of the same, even so long as years or
days shall be numbered.”

1598, August 5.—‘‘ Le substance de mon charge pour le sub-
sidie in Sowthwerke, 5 August 1598.”

‘You are assembled (as you understand by her Majesty’s
commission which hath been read unto you) for the rating and
assessing of the subsidy granted to her Majesty at the last high
court of Parliament.” A subsidy is an aid or relief, or more
properly ‘‘an aid to deliver men from dangers under which
they labour.” Blessed be God and her Majesty, we are in
8

no danger, but because we now sail in safety and in the
haven, shall we plunge ourselves in senseless stupidity or be
drowned in eareless security; forget the dangers past from
which we have been delivered, and neglect to provide for perils
to come ?

‘Who knoweth not what great preparations our potent and
malicious adversaries did make (nay do make) against us, intend-
ing the bloody conquest of our country, the servile thraldom of
our people, the rooting out of our name and nation; .. . and
how by the goodness of God and most gracious providence of her
Majesty—for whose sake her land and people are blessed—their
malicious designments have been defeated, and the hurt they
intended against us turned upon themselves? Shall we think
that their malice is hereby made less? Doth not the man
of sin and beast of Rome still labour to undermine our
religion, our greatest happiness; the ambition and tyranny
of Spain stir up traitors of inborn subjects both here
and in Ireland to disturb our quietness, and watch oppor-
tunities to over-run us with invasions? Hath her Majesty,
mauger Rome and mauger Spain, defended us in true religion,
the greatest happiness of a kingdom, and rooted out superstition
from amongst us, the fountain and well-spring of all private and
public caiamities ; hath her Majesty restored the ancient rights
and liberties of her crown, and maintained us with all clemency
and justice in most inward and comfortable peace when all our
neighbour countries round about us have been infested with
bloody wars and massacres, blood streaming in their streets,
with civil dissensions and foreign invasions; . . . hath her
Majesty poured out her own treasures, disposed the revenues of
her crown, exposed her own sacred and royal person to peril, to
bring us this quietness, and shall we be wanting in anything to
such a sovereign, or, in this small contribution, not given to her
Majesty but given to ourselves . . . shall we be slack or back-
ward? Doth not the private good of every man consist in the
well doing of the public, or is there any man so senseless as to
imagine that his private shall stand or can stand when the public
doth go to ruin ?

The safety of every commonwealth consisteth to have peace at
home and arms in readiness to defend this peace, but arms can-
not be obtained without treasures, nor treasures be had without
contributions. That commonwealth is happy wherein both Prince
and people do willingly confer whatsoever they have to the good
of the commonwealth. This on her Majesty’s part hath been
most graciously performed, and more than ashame were it for us
to be negligent in it, anda double ingratitude to God and her
Majesty, that by her inestimable charge hath fortified her kingdom
both by land and sea, and made it a safe harbour for her people,
a bulwark against the enemies of God, of her Majesty and of our
country, and a refuge for the distressed servants of God from other
countries. It hath been said of the Phrygians, otherwise a mighty
people, that they were never wise till they were stung. Let it not
9

be said of us Englishmen that like monsters we carry our eyes in
our polls, not to see any danger till it be upon us. O whata
dreadful spectacle were it to have our enemies on our necks and
to be destitute of means to resist them ; or to have our treasures
then to be gathered when we should make head against them.
In this comfortable time of our peace .. . let us have vigilant eyes
to foresee dangers to come, and willing spirits and free hearts, not
only to undergo any charge of our purse, but any peril of our
person, to maintain this quietness, and let it be sounded in the
ears of all our enemies that Englishmen’s goods and lives are at
the devotion of Queen Elizabeth.”’

And you, to whom this service is committed, are to carry your-
selves with all uprightness and integrity, not favouring the rich
and leaning heavily upon the poor (a thing too usual in these
taxations), but proportioning every man justly according to the
measure of his ability.

_1598, October 30.—“‘ Le substance de mon speach in lescheker
die lunez, 30 October 1598, sur presenting Alderman Some
adonque la.”’

The magistrate is the soul of the law, and the law of the
magistrate. A great and learned man affirmeth that no man is
meet to be a magistrate that either ambitiously doth seek it or
greedily doth undertake it, for the honour, rather than the
service of the place. How great the burden of magistracy is,
they only know that bear it; honour is the reward of travail,
and incessant travail the inseparable companion of honour.

“It is memorable, which amongst our own records is regis-
tered, that he which sustaineth this place hath sacramentum regis
custodiendum,the most sacred and holy oath of the king to keep,
and therefore he is said in the highest degree to hurt the very
majesty of his sovereign, and to incur forfeiture of body, lands
and goods, and whatsoever he may forfeit, that in the name and
under colour of the authority of his sovereign, maliciously or
corruptly doth anything against law, against right, against
justice.” [Here follows a discowrse on the duties of a magis-
trate.] ‘In our election of this chief magistrate, we are com-
manded by our charters . . . to choose a man faithful,
discreet and fit for the government of the city . . . andnotrashly
or hand over head to take any man to so great a charge. How
this hath been regarded in the election of the now resigning
Lord Mayor, his own work and good carriage in the place hath
sufficiently declared, and the expectation of this now succeeding
doth promise the like,” whose allowance and admittance by this
honourable court we most humbly desire.

1599, April 29.—‘‘Le substance de mon speach, die dominica
29 Aprilis 1599, apud Grenewich, sur presenting Alderman Some
a sa Majestie.”’

On the duties of a magistrate, the virtues of her Majesty and
the glories of her rule.
10

1599, October 29.—‘‘ Le substance de mon speech in lescheker,
die lune, 29 October, 1599, sur presenting Alderman Mosseley.”

“The strongest walls of a city (most honourable) are the
religious integrity of the governor and the virtuous and honest
disposition of the citizens; to be profitable unto all, to be hurtful
unto none, and therefore it is truly said optimi muri civitatis, bons
mores civium.” Thatcityis best governed where the citizens do obey
their governor and their governor the laws, for a lawless governor
is armed injustice, than which nothing can be more cruel. ‘“‘And
much doth it avail to the good government of a city that he which
is set over it benostranger to it, but wellacquainted and experienced
in the laws, in the customs, in the disposition of the citizens...
Notable was the law amongst the Egyptians by which every man
was bound to yield an account to the governor by what course of
life he lived, and if any man were found idle or without an honest
and lawful course of life to mamtain him, it was capital unto
him, foreseeing that in doing nothing, men did learn to do
evil. The same law is in force by the ancient common laws
of this land, and by the ancient statute of view of frankpledge,
though not so penal, and a discreet severity in punishing such
offenders [is] more profitable than too remiss lenity.”” [Presents
the new Mayor in the usual form. |

1600, May 4.—‘‘ Le substance de mon speach devant le roigne
apud Grenewich, die dominica, 4*° die Maij 1600, sur presenting
Alderman Mosley.”

On self knowledge, her Majesty’s goodness, and the over-
ruling power of God.

1600, October 29.—‘‘ Le substance de mon speech in lescheker,

die mercuril, 29 October, 1600, sur presenting Alderman Ryder
la.”

A good report without good desert doth profit nothing, desert,
and not report, being the true touchstone of all men’s actions,
yet the good opinion of men is not to be condemned. Envy ever
follows virtue, and the higher a man’s function the more is he
subject to detraction ; moreover, sometimes ‘‘to him that ordereth
all things well, every thing succeeding evil, and to him that or-
dereth all things evil, every thing succeeding well, to show the
power of Him that ordereth and disposeth all, that the race is
not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong.” It is not our
kindred and progeny, the well-done deeds of our ancestors, nor
anything which we possess that we can truly call our own, but
only the deeds which we ourselves have done. Nor must those
employed in public functions be discouraged that they must
labour through good report and ill report, through the hate and
envy of those ‘‘ whose detracting lips and itching tongues and
long listening ears do lie in wait to blemish and to hear and
speak evil of those that serve in public places, . .. but this
must be their anchorhold, with all diligence and endeavour to
live uprightly and in integrity to God and to the place they serve
in.” [Presents the new Mayor. |
11

1601, May 3.—‘‘ Le substance del speach devant le roigne apud
Whitehall, 3% Maij 1601, sur presentinge Alderman Ryder a sa
Majesté.”’

“The ways of man (most dread and most gracious sovereign)
are before the eyes of God; he pondereth all his paths; the all-
seeing eyes of God and of the Queen, the lieutenant of God, do
behold the evil and the good in every place; according to that
which most gravely and religiously was said to us, there is
oculus in sceptro, an eye in the very sceptre, to discern between
the good and evil, in grace and mercy to protect and defend the one,
in Justice and judgment to render (s%c) unto the other, and it is not
possible that it can be evil to the good, or well to the evil, Queen
Klizabeth reigning. . . . There is no wisdom, there is no
understanding, there is no counsel against the Lord, nor against
his blessed handmaid our Queen, the anointed of the Lord; he
bringeth to naught the devices of princes against you. The
counsel of God and most mighty hand of God, most mighty
sovereign, hath placed you in your seat . . . the counsel
of God and most mighty hand of God ever will and ever
may defend you in your seat, will or nill they all
that lift up hand or heart against you; none can
rob the hearts of your people from you. ... You have put on
justice as a robe and mercy as a crown, . . . and sitting in your
throne of judgment, you do chase away all evil with your eyes,
and he that in his heart is not thankful unto God for this his
great blessing to us, and in his heart doth not kiss the blessed
footsteps of your sacred Majesty for it, let the fearful curse of
God be upon him and upon his family, let shame be his covering
and confusion his clothing. What we have (most gracious
sovereign) by having you we all do see and know, but what we
shall have or what we may have, not having you, if it be the
will of God, never may we see or know, and never may we see the
time wherein we shall say that rather carendo than fruendo
untelligimus bona.

And this your city, which of your gracious goodness you have
been pleased to lift up above all the cities of your kingdoms, to
make it the treasure-house of your princely bounties and favours,
clothing us with purple and scarlet, heaping honours upon our
heads, supplying to our wants out of your own treasury, pouring
bounties upon us, remitting towards the relief of our poor of
your own just tributes unto us; ... . London, in these their
governors under your Majesty prostrate at your feet, voweth a
vow to the mighty God of Queen Elizabeth and to your Majesty,
to love those that love you, to hate them with perfect hatred
that are against you, to lay their lives at your gates for your
safety; London ever will love loyalty, and under your blessed
government London hath learned to fear God and the Queen, and
not to consent in deed or in thought to those that are seditious
_. . . knowing that God will bring every work to judgment, with
every secret thing, whether it be good or evil. For the service of
your Majesty in the government of your city, . . . . we have
12

chosen this your devote and faithful servant, and do humbly
present him at the feet of your Majesty, most humbly desiring
your most gracious allowance, the only life of our choice.”

1601 ,July 21.—Copy of an order of Common Council, granting
to John Croke, Esq., Recorder of London, the yearly fee of 40/.,
to be paid quarterly, ‘‘which William Daniell, serjeant-at-law,
had granted to him by this court on the 2"¢ day of July, in the
time of the mayoralty of Sir Edward Osborne, knight, and which
Mathew Dale, Esq., had since granted unto him by the same
court, on the 22 of September in the 31st year of her Majesty’s
reign.” Provided always, that in his absence the said Recorder
shall procure, at his own charges, a learned counsel to be his sub-
stitute in the Courts of the Lord Mayor, the Hustings and (when
required) the Common Council, and also that the grant shall not
be prejudicial to the town clerk, nor a precedent for the future.
Martis, 21° die Julij, anno 48° Regine Hliz.: Rider, mayor.
Martin, Harte, Slanie, Garrard, Banninge, Lee, Lowe, Holliday,
Watts, Goddard, Rowe, Hampson, Weld, Anderson, ac Cambell et
Craven, vice-comites.

Margin : ‘“‘ The copy of an order in court for enlarging my fee.”

[1601, October 27.]—‘‘ Le substance de mon speech al parlia-
ment quant ils moi eslieu speaker pour les comens, termino
Michaelis, 42 and 438 Elizabeth.”

Acknowledges thankfully their honourable opinion of him as
vouchsafed in his election, far above his deserts, but, when he looks
at the persons for whom he is to speak, ‘‘ this great and honour-
able body, whereof some for their excelling virtues and worthiness
worthily called to the government and to sit at the highest
stern of our state, in general the choice and selected knights,
citizens and burgesses of this land, amongst whom many great
and grave and famous learned men do show themselves full of
wisdom, learning and eloquence’—the persons before whom he
is to speak, ‘‘ our heroical, dread and sacred sovereign, shining
with all wisdom and majesty, the nobility, clergy and the whole
state and wisdom of the kingdom ’’—and the things whereof he
is to speak, ‘‘ the great and high and weighty affairs of our
country and commonwealth ’’—and when, turning the other eye
upon himself, he beholds his own weakness and unworthiness,
his heart quails under the burden, and says to him, ‘“‘ Who am I
that should go on such a service?” He therefore prays to
lay before them his imperfections.

“T am plain bred, of a weak understanding and judgment
for so great a work, of frail memory, neither nature hath
given nor art hath added unto me those furnitures which
might enable me to so great a service, neither hath my
diligence and too much mis-spent time, which now I am enforced
to bewail, supplied that to the wants of nature which it might and
ought to have done. I have been brought up in the plain study
and learning and profession of the law, and, more than my
profession guided me and gave me occasion, have not looked into
13

or exercised myself in the great and weighty affairs of the
commonwealth, things far above the compass of my calling.
Neither art or nature hath made me eloquent. I am of a slow
and unready speech, and laden with many wants for so great a
service . . . and therefore, in my duty to you all, in my zeal
and affection to the good service of this place, wherein I will
never be wanting, give me leave humbly and earnestly to entreat
you . . . tospare me from this great work, too weighty for
me to undergo, whereof no unwillingness, (which shall never be
found in me to do you service,) but altogether unableness, best
known to myself and now laid open unto you, doth enforce me
humbly and earnestly to entreat you to be freed.”

‘This speech ended, the House continued in their nomination
of me, and una voce it pleased them to call upon me to take the
place, and Sir William Knolles, comptroller, and Sir Jo: Stanhop,
vice-chamberlain, came to the place where I sat, and took me b
each arm, and did lead me to the chair, and then I used further
speech to effect as followeth.”

‘‘ Seeing that it is not hitherto your pleasure as yet to remit
me from this great and over weighty charge . . . give me leave,
I beseech you, with your honourable and loving favours in all
duty and humbleness to lay open my disabilities and wants at the
feet of her sacred Majesty, and then, knowing the heart of the
Queen and of yourselves and the course of all men’s ways to be
in the hand of God, to leave myself to be disposed as it shall
please God, her Majesty and yourselves, . . . humbly desiring
that if this charge shall remain upon me, that my defects by your
supplying helps may be relieved, that you will vouchsafe your
benign and favourable interpretation of my speeches and
acceptation of my best endeavours, and that with your grave
and honourable councils and directions I may be still supported,
the special hope and refuge and comfort of my travails.”

[1601, October 30.]—‘‘ Le substance de mon speach devant le
roigne quant ieo fui present speaker pour le comens.” [The

speech is given, with some variations, in Cobbett’s Parliamentary
History, Vol. I., p. 907. ]

‘Upon this speech, it pleased her Majesty to speak some thing
in the ear of the Lord Keeper, which he delivered to this effect,
that her Majesty commanded him to declare that, by experience
of my former services, she both liked and allowed and also com-
mended the choice which the Commons had made, and very
graciously and willingly gave her most gracious approbation to it,
and howsoever I had alleged disabilities in myself, my meetness
and sufficiency and wisdom of the House to make such choice was
approved by her, and therefore with her very gracious and princely
approbation I was commanded to undergo the service. And
thereupon I used a second speech, to effect as followeth.
[The speech is reported in Parliamentary History, Vol. I., p. 908. |

“Upon this, the Lord Keeper conferred again in private with
her Majesty, and after directions received from her, made a most
learned and eloquent oration at large, discoursing of all the
14

occasions of her war and what provocations contrary to benefits
received had been used, and of the continual care and study of
her Majesty to preserve her kingdoms in peace, and applying all
her endeavours for the weal of her people, graciously granting
our ancient liberties with caution to use liberty of speech in
comely manner, and to press for access [only] upon urgent and
weighty occasions, and rather to show ourselves serviceable than
importunate, with many other grave and learned observations.”

[1601, December 19. ]—‘‘ Le substance de mon speech al roigne

quant le parliament finie.” [Summarized in Parliamentary
History, Vol. I., p. 955. |

1602, June 6.—‘‘ Le substance del speech devant le roigne
apud Grenewich, 6% Junij 1602, sur presentinge Alderman
Garrard.”

‘The divine power (most sacred and most renowned sovereign)
doth rule and govern all human things, and is present in all
men’s actions. . . . All power is from the Highest and from your
Majesty next and immediate to the Highest derived, to whom it
pleaseth your sacred Majesty in your divine and princely wisdom
to confer it. As all rivers are from the sea and return thither
again, so all power and authority whatsoever within your king-
doms is from your crown. Of your crown it is holden, before
your crown it is to be laid down, and at your kingly pleasure
to be retained or returned from whence we have received it... .
A great philosopher being asked what commonwealth is most
happy, made this divine and Christian answer: that commonwealth
is happiest wherein the king that reigneth feareth God; justice
and piety exalting a nation, oppression and impiety bringing ruin.
What felicity, what happiness in this behalf God in your Majesty
hath given us, it sufficeth that we feel and enjoy it and with
thankful hearts to God and your Majesty do acknowledge it such
as no former age hath known.”

And although swelling ambition and the hellish vice of envy
have laid in wait at the heel of your glory, lifting their banners
against you, and raging with madness that God doth prosper
you, yet the righteous God hath upheld and defended you, and
hath manifested to all the world that he hath pleasure in the
prosperity of his anointed and blessed servant. These happy
successes which have always accompanied your royal actions,
we do wholly acknowledge to God and your Majesty, his blessed
instrument of all our good, whose gracious providence and
watchful care hath defended your kingdoms and us, your people,
from thraldom and oppression, “‘ continuing this your city and
chamber of your crown, the ruin and spoil whereof they thirsted
after, to be the beauty of Kngland, the glory of [your]
kingdoms, flourishing with all blessings our hearts can wish for.
For the government whereof for this year following, . . . this your
faithful and devoted servantis chosen and most humbly, presented
at the feet of your Majesty, most humbly desiring your most
gracious allowance, the only life of our choice, whose duty by
15

hereditary band is bound to your Majesty, vouchsafing to honour
his father with your service, whose son rejoiceth that he hath
been born and lived and breathed to be called to your service,
which with all diligence and faithfulness he voweth to perform.”’

1602, October 29.—‘‘ Le substance de mon speach in lescheker
die'veneris, 29 October 1602, sur presenting Alderman Lee.”’

_On the flight of time, the duties of a magistrate, and the
virtues and gracious goodness of her Majesty.

1603, May 7.—‘Le substance de mon speech devant le roi,
7° Maij 1608, sur son primum approch a le citie.”’

‘The joy and gladness wherewith our hearts are filled (most
gracious King) in beholding your preserce, maketh our tongue
sound forth rejoicing; what we feared, you have turned from us,
what our souls desired, you have brought unto us ; how beautiful
are your feet unto us.

God, in your Majesty, hath turned our mourning into joy, and
compassed us about with gladness. We had-heaviness for the
departure of our late gracious queen, who so long, with so great
wisdom and felicity, governed her kingdoms as the like in many
ages hath not been read nor heard of. She sleepeth at rest with
the Kings and consuls of the earth in the house appointed for all
the living, and after a happy and famous reign, leaving a reverent
renown behind her in earth, hath obtained a crown of eternal
felicity in heaven. We lamented for her, but joy and unspeakable
joy in your Majesty by the goodness of God is restored to us, in
giving us a King after his own heart, after the hearts of all his
people,’’ advancing true religion, justice and equity, banishing
impiety, ‘‘ abandoning that hateful vice of flattery, branded by
your Majesty with his proper mark, the pest of princes and wreck
of republics,” rewarding the just, repressing the proud, walking
always as in the eyes of the Almighty, “rejoicing in that here-
ditary and kingly style, ‘the poor man’s King,’ the help of the
helpless and safeguard of the innocent, king over all, most
gracious Lord of the honest.

“You have with patience expected God, and he hath brought
it to pass, and hath delivered you from many dangers to be our
King, and, instead of kingly ancestors (sic) hath given you royal
offspring to be princes in many lands.” He hath inspired wis-
dom, love and loyalty in the hearts of your nobles, and fidelity
and obedience in the hearts of your people, and hath given us
Baciasmov Swpov,* a kingly gift, @sstorov, a gift from God
himself. The kingdoms which his right hand hath united,
may his outstretched arm evermore defend, and ‘‘ whom his most
gracious providence hath placed over us, his almighty protection
ever compass about.” .

And we, your servants, and citizens of this your city,
‘honoured by your Majesty and your kingly progenitors to be
the chamber of your imperial crown,” will ever faithfully serve

 

*An allusion to the King’s own book.
16

you with devoted hearts, and with all the authority and power
which from your crown we have received.

1608, May 22. Die dominica.—‘‘ Le substance de mon
speech devant le roi al Greenewich, sur presentinge Alderman
Lee, adonque maior, al roi, a quel jour il pleist al roi
(maintenant apres il commaund le sieur Admirall de imposer le
sword sur le maior et fair ly chivaler) ovece son maine devene (?)
de imposer le sword sur moi, et de fair moi chivaler.”’

Assuring the King that the more they behold him, the more is
their joy increased ; lauding his zeal for justice and the welfare
of his people, his ready ear to hear and his ready hand to help
them, his removal of grievances (margin ‘‘ proclamation to repress
patents of monopolies’), and his ‘‘ Christian edict to avoid all
impious profanation of the Sabbath, the publishing whereof hath
joyed [his] city with joy that cannot be spoken ’’; and declaring
their fidelity and loyalty. .

‘‘Upon this speech, it pleased the King to command the Lord
Keeper to use such speech as he had been accustomed for the
approbation and allowance of the Lord Mayor, and admonition
of him of the duties incident to the place, which being done
with great eloquence and gravity by the Lord Keeper, and great
compendiousness, contracting his speech for that he declared it
was the King’s pleasure to use some words himself of his
princely and gracious and thankful acceptation of the ready duty
shewed by the Lord Mayor and citizens, of which the Lord
Keeper said he would crave pardon to make any mention, though
directed by the King to give signification of it, for that he was
not able to do it as he had received it from the King, and his
words were not worthy to express that which from the King himself
we should hear. And thereupon it pleased the King himself, upon
the speech of the Lord Keeper finished, to make a most excellent
and princely oration to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in a con-
tinued speech very near of half an hour, with that method and
readiness as did both admire and exceedingly rejoice the hearers,
whereof no man is able to make report or relation in any pro-
portion answerable to that which was spoken.”’

It pleased him first very graciously to excuse that he had so
long deferred his own making known to the Lord Mayor and
aldermen and citizens his gracious and thankful acceptation of
the readiness of their duty expressed toward him, which he
intended to have done at the Charterhouse, but the straightness of
the place was not fitting for it, and after, proposed it at the
Tower, but some indisposition of his health at that place caused
it to be deferred till that time, and now with very great zeal and
piety did acknowledge that it was God that had brought him to this
kingdom, and preserved his right unto him, and given ready and
willing hearts to his people to acknowledge his right, wherein,
albeit they had done their duties, and what the band of religion
and conscience and their allegiance had bound them to, yet, to so
loyal a people, he did acknowledge there was a reciprocal band,
owing by the King unto them in thankful acceptation of their
17.

love, and desire to do all things for their good, which should be
as far performed by his Majesty as ever by any King whom God
had brought unto the kingdom: showing he came not as a
stranger to it, but naturally born unto it, of the next and nearest
blood of the kings of England, of the same language with us, of
the same realm and island, both kingdoms making but one island
and continent, which, as anciently they had been one, and, by
the disposition of God that ordereth ‘all things, of long time
divided, to the great discommodity and many inconveniences of
the people of both countries, so in the fulness of time, it had
pleased the same God, in his person to unite both Kingdoms
again, he nothing doubted to the great good of both the nations:
that he was of the same religion with us, whereof no man need
to doubt ; all the days of his life he had professed it, all the days
of his life he would profess it, and if he should do otherwise,
his own books and writings would be a witness against him.
He brought justice according to our own laws, which he had no
purpose to alter. He had not only brought union, to unite that
which was separate, by union small things growing great, and
by disunion great things growing little, and showing the
sweetness of union, that the author of truth itself in the psalm
said it was good, it was sweet and pleasant for brethren to dwell
in unity, and spake it with admiration of the goodness and
sweetness of it; and therefore both nations being brethren as
they were, to embrace union, to apply themselves unto it, the
stronger to support the weaker, the weaker to be helpful to the
stronger, not the one to be heavy or burdensome to the other or
to exhaust the good things one from the other, but as at a
great fire many candles might be lighted, and the fire receive no
diminution, so they might impart of their helps the one to the
other with much comfort and without detriment or prejudice to
either nation: that likewise he had brought peace, the very name
whereof was sweet and much to be desired, and thereby set open
the ports of his kingdoms to free traffic and commerce of
merchandise with all the princes of Europe, for his own person
and for his own nation having no difference with any of them;
and though this kingdom and his late sister by some provocation
and attempts of neighbour princes, had been drawn and
intricated into some actions of war, he would therein apply
himself either for the establishment of a peace or otherwise as
he should find by conference and advice of his Council of Estate to
be most for the good of his people and his kingdoms, which above
all things he would preserve; and upon these parts amplifying
many things, to the exceeding joy and comfort of all that heard
it, his Majesty did conclude his speech with all assurance
of all love and princely protection to his people, and bestowed
knighthood upon the mayor and recorder, as before is showed.

1607, June 25.—‘Memorandum quod die Jovis, 25 die Junij,
1607, crastino nativitatis sancti Johannis Baptiste, placuit Deo
et domino regi quod vocatus fui in locum unius justitiariorum

14170 4 B
18

domini regis ad placitam coram domino rege tenendo recedere
Laurentio Tanfield, militi, in scaccarium domini regis ad. locum
Thomas Fleming, militis, capitalis baronis, ibidem, qui fuit Juratus
capitalis justiciarius in banco domini regis sur le jour devant.
‘Le effect de mon respons al sieur Chancelor sur son declaracion
a moi del pleasur le roi de user mon service in le dit court ovece
un excellent et grave exhortation de les dueties incident et le
gracious expectation que le roi ad conceave de mon indevors.”’

That his Majesty has been pleased to cast his gracious eye
upon him is a greater comfort than he is able to express, but
his weakness and unworthiness lead him to pray that the weight
may be laid on more able shoulders, and that he may be per-
mitted to continue to serve his Majesty in his present position
of serjeant of laws; albeit, with faithful and true heart he will
undertake any service which the King commands.

Many and great are the cares of this great service, and he has
learnt from his lordship ‘ that to do well and hear evil
is oftentimes the martyrdom a judge must suffer,” but his

lordship’s favourable supportation is and always has been his
createst comfort.

Sir Francis Trappss, Bart., to [Wimi1am FRanxKLanp ?]

1638, November 17. Harogat.—Has paid 61. 18s. 4d. to his
cousin, George Trappes, and believes this is all that is due upon
the annuity. Sends his service to Mrs. Frankeland. 1 p.

[Srr Joun Meuprum (?) to Cuaruzs I.]

[1639, May. Newcastle ?]—‘‘ Most gracious sovereign, I am
not altogether insensible of this business whereof I am called to
give my advice. I know I shall suffer some disadvantage
because I am a Scot by nation and education, and the best blood
that runs in my veins is thence extracted. What I shall now
speak, examine, some may happly impute it as _ pro-
ceeding from strength of affection to that place and people from
whence I came, but I protest my zeal to your Majesty shall at
this time suspend the agitation of such principles, and I will
set aside all particular relationship, and look upon the question
as it is, and not as passion or affection shall set it forth.

‘“The question is concerning war; an unknown subject, sweet to
those who have not tried it. The worst of war is commonly in
the loss, and in conclusion of the most advantageous war that ever
was waged, all the reckoning being cast up, the conqueror hath
had little whereof to glory; but this is not a war between the
King and a stranger, but betwixt a sovereign and his subjects, a

near relation, and there need to be weighty motives to dissolve
this knot.

‘Subjects are easily lost; we see it in the work of every day;
but once lost are not easily gained. Affections are like crystal
glasses, which being once broke, no art nor cement can solder
them again. But these are not such subjects as the kingly
19

prophet speaks of (a people whom I know not shall serve me),
but your Majesty may say of them as Adam did of Eve, who was
framed out of his rib, ‘ this bone of my bone,’ &c., or rather as
David said of his subjects, in the day of his inauguration, ‘for
my brethren and companions’ sakes,’ your Majesty being theirs
and they yours by a double right. You are not only rea factus
but vex natus, therefore the union being so strict, the motive had
need be weighty which should cause a man to set his own house
on fire and destroy the work of his own hands. Now let us con-
sider two things: first, the necessity of this war ; secondly, the
motives, whether they be of moment that a king should hazard
the uncertain chances of war and the miseries that accommo-
date [sic] it, whether then to forego the same.

‘For the first, it is a good note out of Tacitus, that bellum
should be wtimum refugium, the last because ’tis the worst refuge,
and if we consider the wisest kings that ever swayed sceptre
within later times, how willing they have been to decline the
stroke of war, almost upon any terms; if your Majesty con-
siders the practice of Louis the 2nd of France, and Henry the
2nd of England, in the large and last catalogue of all their kings,
you cannot point out two of more deep and profound judgment,
better versed in the mysteries of government, yet what means
they used to divert the course of war if at any time it came within
their [blank]. They counted it no dishonour to yield to
their subjects’ demands, though somewhat unjust and unseason-
able, yea, they themselves were the first seekers and propounders
of peace, and so, by that means, when the storm is over, and things
come to be debated upon the great carp [torn] they were masters
of their own ends and their subjects’ affections [torn] obtained a
victory without a stroke.

[The next paragraph is too much mutilated to print. |

‘‘Tt should be in the body politic as in the body natural;
phlebotomy should never be used but when the humours are so
predominant that no other course can remove them, and that
unless they be expelled, they will cause a dissolution. But, God
be blessed, there is no such necessity in this case. There are
sundry rough humours in the body politic, it cannot be denied,
and some (it may be) work obstruction in the lesser pipes of
government, but your vena bastilia [basilica] and bona [vena] cava
are full, and the royal spirits in them have their full and proper
influence and motion, without any opposition. What then is to
be done for [one] is not fit for every subject; some humours are
expelled by ‘leintures’ where purgations make them more
malignant.

‘‘There are three means to be used which have not yet been
tried, and [any] of which is better than the means prescribed.

‘First, remove the occasion. This can be no impeachment [of
your] sceptre. The wisest Kings have had the oversight in
govern[ment] which a wiser day hath taught them to recall.

 

* «Secare ’’ in the MS.
20

Your father reigned gloriously, and commanded as well the
affections as the bodies of the Scots, yet he never sought the
obtruding of [blank] and infinies (?) and yet no man more zealous
of kingly government than he. It is an act of extreme folly to
hazard the substance for the shadow, not worth the contending
for, and if your Majesty were master of your own desire, you
could not add one cubit to your stature. _If this like not, let me
work it out. By this means they will either swallow the hook, or
endure the proposal with lesser regret. Distasteful things make
most at first, lesser afterwards. By degrees your Majesty may
work them [to] that which for the present they rather die than
embrace. We see how the Romans, by degrees, brought a royal
slavery over the whole world, which if they had first propounded
in downright terms, had hardly been accomplished. So Norman
William by degrees brought the English to wear the yoke, which
if it had at first been tendered, he either must have missed his
aim, or had no people on whom to impose it, for impatient
were the English nation to hear of a conqueror, or to be
branded with the name of a conquered nation. Thirdly,
[sic] we see the way to conquer was sometimes to fly. What
if your Majesty should seem to yield in this matter to the Scots
command, and give them the advantage of a fair game. [MS.
much damaged here| and wait then a seasonable opportunity to
[accomplish?] these things. Proposals of this kind I should hold
most safe and more secure than that bloody one of the sword. I
should hold that kingdom most miserable that is forced to make
the remedy worse than the disease. Thus much of necessity of
war.

“Secondly, those things in agitation are not of such great value
as to require such a desperate adventure as the hazard of a
kingdom at a cast for the gain of it. Plutarch wisely compares
those that know not to proportion their means to the end
to such as fish with a golden hook; the loss of the hook
is of more consequence than the fish you take. Truly, to
speak plainly what I think, they that advise war in this
kingdom scarce know what ’tis to get, nor greatly care for
the loss of a kingdom, for they may [torn] thrice one game,” and
fish in troubled waters. Such counsellors were the [la]te
bishop of Rosse to the late Queen of Scots, the bishop of Brooks
to the Lady Jane,t that miserable King of Hungaria, who
were the occasion of bringing of Turks into Hungary, and
the French nation into Scotland, two guests that both
nations may wish they never know the way thither again. Three
reasons have been given to persuade to war which I will not
now answer, but leave to him who is better able and more fully
instructed for such a purpose, wherefore considering that there
is nulla salus bello, nulla necessitas belli, my advice to your
Majesty is not to use war.

‘“‘In this advice, though I shall displease others, I shall please

 

“ Perhaps the original had ‘ thrive on the game.”’
t Sic in MS., but the proper reading no doubt is “ to King Ladislaus,”
21

myself, because I have spoke as I think, and I hope when your
Majesty shall be necessitated to draw the sword, I shall be as
ready to do your Majesty service as they who now talk much of
ond but neither know where to begin it nor where to end it.”

pp. ,

{it seems rather likely that this letter may have been written by
Sir John Meldrum, as it resembles in style that printed by Rushworth
(vol. III., pt. 2, p. 628), and as, in the latter letter, Sir John refers
to what he had formerly said to the King at Newcastle upon war.
That Sir John was with the King in his earlier journey appears
probable, as one of his servants got into trouble at York, while the Court
was there on its way north. (See Cal. S.P. Dom. 1639, p. 51.)
Lhe contemporary copyist has evidently had some difficulty in reading
the MS., and the copy is much worn and torn. |

T. Benasyse to his mother, Mistress Bex [asysE].

1647, May 14.—My father has written to you as fully as he
could by Uncle Ingram. He has been very ill, but is now better.

Postscript [by Henry Belasyse ]: ‘ Be not too hasty till you
hear of my health, and pray heartily for me. My earthly joy,
farewell. H.B.” Seal with device. 1 p

Overleaf. Draft of part of a letter about money matters.

The Haru or Warwicx to his grandson, Ropert Ricu.

[1656?] May 28, Friday.” Warwick House.—‘ Robin, I have
received your letter and am nota little troubled at your with-
drawing of yourself anew from your friends, and where we shall
not know where to have you. If anything be done in your
business this term it must be speedily done, for your father is
necessitated to go to the Bath for his health, and stays only upon
it, and this term is so short that if we were all agreed upon the
business, I do not see how we could transact it, the books to be
drawn being so long. And if we shall over-slip this term, you
can act nothing in this business till Michaelmas term, which is
the latter end of October. Ifear my Lord Protector does not
mean you shall have his daughter, his demands are so high in
things that cannot be granted, for you know what ado I have had
with your father about them. And the more trust my Lord Pro-
tector leaves with me t’will be the better for you. If you would
have withdrawn yourself for a few days you might have gone to
my house at Rotchford and lain there as long as you would, and
nobody to trouble you. Your father takes it very ill that you
have been often here and never came to visit him. _I shall this
night or to-morrow morning, if Mr. Pyrpoint comes from the
Wells, speak with him about your business, but if my Lord
Protector insists upon these high demands your business will
soon be at an end, for I assure you nothing could have made me

 

* The letter has not been dated accurately, for May 28 did not fall on a Friday in
any year between 1652 and 1658, both impossible dates.
22

come to half that I have offered, but seeing your great affection
to my Lady Frances and her good respect to you.” Signed.

Postscript. I would have you send me word where you are
that we may know how to send to you. 14 pp.

Endorsed by Lady Frances: “Lord Warwick to his gr: sonne.”’

C [uristian], Countess Dowacer oF DEVONSHIRE, to
(her grandson] Rozsertr Ricu.

(1656, May ?]—‘‘ Sweet Robin, your grandfather was here with
me yesterday and has communicated to me his proceedings ;
there has not been a possibility for any of your friends to send
to you, otherwise you would not have been so great a stranger to
their inclinations to further you in what you principally desire.
I will assure you my Lord of Warwick hath shewed a very great
forwardness and a very tender affection for you, and has omitted no
opportunity after he was able to stir abroad to attend upon your
occasion ; your friends desire your liberty and freedom as much
as you can do, and receive a great part of your joy that you are
likely to be delivered suddenly from your obscure condition ;
you have more honour and gratitude to pay to the most excellent
and principal person, to whom all your devotions are addressed,
than all the hazards and miseries of your life will be able to
satisfy, and I heartily wish that may ever be your chief endeavour,
whereby you may perpetuate your own felicity. I am extremely
glad to hear that you find yourself better in your health.
I beseech you for these few days neglect nothing that may
improve it ; though you slight a cold, yet others look upon it with
trouble ; care of yourself will now be more considerable than ever,
that this romance may receive a happy close. I have curiosity
enough in my desires to see you; if I could be disguised
as easily as yourself, I should watch my opportunity. I shall
heartily pray for you that you may glorify God as he hath mani-
festly blessed you.” 14 pp.

Addressed :—‘‘ Devensher. For my best child, thes.”

Endorsed :—‘‘Lady Devonshire to myself;” ut im Lady
Frances’ hand.

CurIsTIAN, CounTESs DowaGER oF DEVONSHIRE, to Cou. CooKE.

[1656 or 1657*? ]—Prays to be informed ‘‘what is like to succeed
in the treaty” for her sweet Lady Frances, as she is much troubled
to find less probability than she expected of bringing that business
toa happy close. Finds herself a person suspected, and confesses
that she has a great partiality for her dear lady Frances. Desires
to know ‘‘ whether Charles Rich show a forwardness to reconcile
the difference.” Holograph. 1p. Seal of arms.

 

* The letter may belong to 1660 (see the Countess’s letter below), but the allusion
to reconciling the difference seems to point rather to the marriage treaty. Compare
Mary Cromwell’s letter to her brother Henry, printed after letter ccxii., in Carlyle.
23

Ropert, 2np Ear or Warwick, to his grandson [Rogert Ricu].

[1657 ?]—“Thou small cur, yet a cur to the best finest
lady in the world, there is nothing can excuse you from running
away but the hope I have you have since seen your happiness,
but be of good comfort for a few days, for in one seven-nights
your sun shall shine on you to a lasting comfort if you continue
worthy of her favour, and so small white cur, God bless thee.
Your grandsire as you please.”

From your mistress’ chamber, this Wednesday afternoon.
Holograph. 4p.

Endorsed by Lady Frances :—‘‘L. Warwick, in a pleasant
humour.”

Rosert, 3rp Haru or Warwick to Lapy Frances RIcHe.

[1658 ? *]—Assures her that he had no desire to dispose of
any things in her hands, in relation to his son’s affairs, ‘‘ who
had the honour of that relation” to her Ladyship, but merely
wished to see them in hopes of gaining some light concerning his
debts, that his creditors might not take any unreasonable
advantage, now that he (Lord Warwick) was securing them their
money. Begs her to believe that no actions of his life will be so
pleasant to him as those wherein he can express the value,
esteem, and (if he may say so) kindness which he feels towards
her. Holograph. 14 pp.

Endorsed by Lady F'rances :—‘‘ Lord Warwick, relating to his
sonne.”

C[urist1an], Countess DowacEer or DrEvoNnsHIRE, to
Lapy Frances Ricu.

1658, [before August 6.]—‘‘I bear a very great part of your
trouble and grief at this time, for your most worthy sister.t My
lady’s fits being so terrible, and her weakness increasing, I
thought it fit to offer to your consideration a remedy that I had
recommended to me when I was in my great extremity winter
was twelvemonth. It is called the universal cure, or quintessence
of gold; the gentleman that makes it lives in Shropshire, and I
have heard that the medicine has done miraculous cures, and
that to very young children, the remedy being very safe. 1 know
not any that has taken it but my Lord Southampton, and I have
heard it was with very good success. His pains were very
intolerable and his disease in the opinion of most physicians
desperate. I presume not to offer this as a fit cure for my lady
further than as the physicians shall approve of it. _I know most
of them look upon these remedies as irregular and extravagant,
yet in great extremities they have been consenting, when other
medicines have not prevailed. I believe Dr. Bates or some other

 

*After the death of the 2nd Earl in March 1658,
+t Mrs, Claypole died August 6.
24

of the physicians that are with you are able to inform how that
agreed with my Lord Southampton. I only offer this to your
consideration that by discourse you may inform yourself of the
doctors’ opinion of such a particular remedy. 1 would not be
named in it, because I know they have an undervalue, many of
them, for those universal medicines. I beseech you, madam, put
her Highness in mind to make a trial what Mistress Mullains can
do, I have known very great and sudden alterations made by that
experiment. You will believe these to be the effects of a restless
night to offer you this trouble at this time; truly it proceeds
from a very earnest and passionate desire to give your noble
sister ease of her torments. I would go five hundred miles to
fetch any remedy that might procure her relief.” Signed. 34 pp.

The Haru or Warwick to Lapy Frances [Ricu]
at Hampton Court.

(1658, after August 6.]—‘‘I hope your Ladyship will not believe
me importune in the declaration of myself very much concerned
in what befalls your Ladyship, and that as in all things that gives
you any satisfaction I am most pleased, so in all your griefs I am
most afflicted; which, Madam, added to those obligations I
received from the honour of my acquaintance with that noble and
worthy lady your sister, gives me a double cause of excessive
trouble, and I do most unfeignedly condole with your Ladyship’s
so great a loss from my heart and soul. I shall say no more at
present to increase your trouble, but shall pray to heaven to
supply those losses to you, which all must be subject to that live
in this world, with what may make you most perfectly happy.”
Seal with crest and coronet. 1p.

Addressed :—‘‘ For my Lady Frances, at Hampton Court.”

CHRISTIAN, DowacerR Dvucurss or DEVONSHIRE, t0
Lapy Frances Ricu.

[1658], August 14. Ampthill—Condoling with her upon the
death of her sister, which she knows will be a great sorrow to all
her near relatives, having been “‘so much a witness of their
tenderness and affliction,’ urging upon her the consolations of
religion, and offering unfeigned sympathy to the Lord Protector
and her Highness in their sorrow. Holograph. 4 pp.

THe Same to THE SaAmrn.

[1660 ?]|—‘‘ Sweet my Lady Frances, I believe by Mr. Mount
you were advertised of all that could be done in your business.
Sir Charles Herbert took care of the petition, which was a very
good one. I went myself the night before I came out of town to
have delivered it to my Lord Manchester. Although I stayed at
his house till 9 o’clock at night, yet it was not my good fortune
to meet with him, but I sent him the petition by a very good
friend of mine. Sir Charles Herbert was here with me this last
25

night, he tells me that by no means it should be offered at this
time. When there is a fit opportunity I am confident my Lord
Manchester will have it in his care. The order of the
Lords’ House and the many discourses of the House of Commons,
I doubt not but are come to your knowledge, and therefore
you do very discreetly to keep at a distance, to observe what
the consequence will be. That is not to be expected suddenly,
therefore you must have patience. Whenever I find any
occasion wherein your friends may be serviceable to you, I shall
be sure to give you an advertisement; it troubles me very much
to see so little probability for a good success in that you claim.
I hear that my Lord Duke very much undervalueth any pretence
can be made to his estate.* I hope you will be confident of what
falls within my power.” Signed. 2 pp.
Addressed: ‘For my Lady Frances Rich.”

JoHN Russet to Lapy Frances Ricu.

1662, November 28. Chippenham.—“ In spite of all that dis-
tance into which my duty has thrown me, you are still so really
present that I find it now as difficult a thing to write to your
Ladyship as it but lately was to speak to you; . . . my soul has
not been sluggish, but alas is both unable and afraid to pay its
devotions. . . . You know, madam, what I ail, what I would tell

you, what I would have. Be gracious to one that humbly expects
his life or death from your decree.

‘“‘T dare not, Madam, be so rude as to beg a letter from you, and
yet my respect to your Ladyship’s quiet gives me this impudence.
Would you, Madam, be rid of me, and all those disturbances which
you are still likely to receive from me, do but bless me with a line
or two, and I shall certainly die for joy, and so you will escape
those further impertinences which else you must suddenly
expect.” 1 p.

THe Same to THE Samp.

1662, December 12. Chippenham.—‘“‘ I should be afraid thus to
repeat your Ladyship’s trouble, did.I not now consider myself only
as your servant, and upon that account value my own preserva-
tion. Itis that, Madam, which has so hugely endeared me to
myself and this world that I begin to be fondly tender of that life
which will speedily prove burdensome to me if 1am denied your
livery. . . . When I wrote last, I was afraid to receive a
favour from your Ladyship, lest it should fill me with such ecstasies
as might throw me out of my very being, and now I die unless I may
obtain one. Thus devout, religious souls tremble when they are
going to heaven, and yet pine and mourn because they are not

there. . . . But why do [ at this distance beg for that I ought
to fetch? Yes, Madam, I am resolved very speedily to throw
myself at your Ladyship’s feet;.. . . I fly, methinks I am all

wings, and if in the next moment you see me not waiting upon
you, it is because, Madam, I bring with me my poor all.” 13 pp.

 

* Newhall, Essex, now given to the Duke of Albemarle, had been granted to
Cromwell, and was settled by him on his daughter Frances.

*
26

JoHN Russetu to Lapy Frances Ricu.

[1662 ?] Chippenham.—“ Love and fear, grief and impatience,
are my perpetual tormentors. I cannot sleep but with a great
deal of disturbance, I have not the same advantage of air as other
men, I do not so much breathe as sigh, this is the condition I
have been in ever since I saw you last, and now, Madam, that I
have made known my torments to you, give me leave to tell you
that there is nothing (in this world) can give meanything of ease but
one line from your Ladyship, for which I as earnestly beg for as I
would for a morsel of bread if I were ready to starve; and since,
Madam, it is in your power to take me off this rack, it concerns
your generosity very much not to use cruelty to one who cries
you quarter, and casts himself at your feet, where I beg that you
would be pleased sometime to remember that I am, Madam, your
Ladyship’s most humble and most dutiful servant.”

[Lapy Frances Ricu to Joun Russstt. |

[1662?}]—I am very sorry you have entertained an
affection which proves so troublesome to you and hope you will
not wonder if I take care to preserve myself from the passion
which has done you so much mischief. You are too reasonable
to interpret this slighting of you, for I consider you so much
herein as to make you my example, and for your sake am an
enemy to that wicked disease called love, because it handles you
so severely. I assure you, Sir, I so far sympathize with you as
upon your account to be afraid of it, and advise you as soon as
possibly you can to rid yourself of such an uncivil guest. Surely
that which unmans you, which torments you with much fear,
grief and impatience, which disturbs your rest, denies you the
common benefit of air, (and so near Newmark(et] Heath too,) and
turns all your breath into sighs, must needs be very dangerous
to a poor silly woman. You have no reason to complain of these
lines, because they express as much charity and care for you as
faithfulness to myself. You are too honest to wish another
infected because you are sick. I hope your recovery, and if I
have not forgot the content of your last, I think I have more
than satisfied your own desire, for you were so reasonable as to
consider my poverty, and so only requested one line.” Draft. 1 p.

JoHN Russet to Lapy Frances Ric.

[1662 ?]—If this letter is not so tedious as the last, it is only
the fulness of my poor heart which spares you. ‘‘I ask not,
Madam, what is become of my last scribblings, I make no com-
plaints of your Ladyship’s silence, I beg no expressions of kindness
from you, I do not so much as tell you how much I honour and
serve you. The excess of my passion for you, as well as my
respects to you, strike me dumb, and confound me. . . . It
is confessed to your hand that the same understanding which
commands me to love you, requires you to slight and scorn me ;
only, Madam, indulge me this freedom, to assure your Ladyship
27

that I must, in spite of your too, too reasonable severity, live or
die yours. . . . Iam sucha sinner, methinks its pride in me
to pray, nor may I ever expect to be blessed unless, like heaven,
you forgive and show mercy to your Ladyship’s most humble
creature.” 1».

JoHN Russetu to Lapy. Frances Ricuw.

[1663, beginning of?] Tuesday. Chippenham.—..... “The
greatest pleasure I ever had in my life is that of having seen you,
and the greatest torment, in being at this distance. It is certainly
but just that so great a good fortune as that of having found you
should cost me something, nay, though it were my life, I should
not think I had bought it at too dear a rate. . . . Even at
the same time that I suffer that I see you not and am in doubt
whether you love me, I would not change conditions with those
who are most fortunate, who see, and who enjoy. I cannot now
in any company exceed a smile, and when I have viewed all about
me, I retire into a corner by myself. Be pleased therefore, dear
Madam, that that convenient time (as you were pleased to call it)
may be with the soonest, and that after so much suffering, I may
enjoy the greatest of happinesses. 14 pp.

Lapy Frances Ricu to Jonn Russeuu.

[1663, beginning of ?]—I have received yours, and have only
now time to thank you for the very great expressions of love I find in
it. I will not now complain of you or chide you, otherwise I could
take it ill you should, after all that has passed between yourself and
me, say you are in a doubt whether I love you; nor can I allow
you to mention so much your suffering upon my account, since I
must tell you my usage has been very favourable, but I excuse
all such escapes of your pen, as proceeding from an extravagant
passion, and for your sake wish the object of it more considerable.
To make it so is the account your fuller satisfaction is delayed,
and till those affairs depending are ripened, be content with the
very good fortune you have hitherto had, and as patiently as you
can, lengthen out your consideration and respect of her who has,
she thinks, very early put you into a capacity of pretending to
her and deserved the expectation. At Mr. White’s return from
Hursely, you shall hear further.” Draft, written on the back of
John Russell's letter. 1 p.

Joun Russe~u to Lapy Frances Ricu.

[1663 ?] February 14. Chippenham.—Assures her that it 1s
impossible to express the torture he is in until she satisfies
the hopes she has given him leave to entertain, he being like a
man pressed to death who cries, more weights, or like those good
souls who have had a foretaste of the blessedness to come. He
is all wing, flame and desire, and conjures her, by heaven’s
example, and by her pity, compassion, bounty and goodness, to
28

perfect what she has so generously begun, to abbreviate the
tedious dark interval in which he languishes, and to pronounce
his jubilee and triumph. 14 pp. Seal of arms.

JoHN Russetut to Lapy Frances Ricw.

[1663, Before May? *]—‘‘ Thus far I have forced myself to
endure what I cet help, but I find it impossible to get beyond
this place without looking back. . . . I am jogging on toa
place that can yield no pleasure whilst you are not in it, and only
comfort myself in this, that I am going to prepare it for your
Ladyship. Oh God, how it torments my grateful soul that after
all is done it will be no more worthy of you.” 1p.

Eindorsed by Lady Russell :—‘‘ My dear husband’s letters.”

JouN Russetu to his wife, Frances RussEuu.

(1663? Newmarket.]|—My dear, Lord Thomond has gone
a-hunting, but expects to find you here on his return, has taken
great care in having a good dinner upon your account, and will
be ‘‘extraordinary concerned if you come not, neither will my
sistert be content without this messenger coming to you. If
you make haste, you may be here soon enough. Pray, if you
can possible, let me see thee, dear rogue.” 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1663 ? Newmarket, ]—‘‘My dear, my Lord Thomond and the
rest were yesterday to see my Lord North, and stayed so long
that it was dark. Some advised him to take a candle and
lantern with him, but he swore like himself, or the devil, that he
would not. The coachman, being a stranger, laid them down
without hurting them. They lay all night at a farmer’s.

‘““My Lord Bryon [O’Brien] came to Newmarket, and_ this
morning I am going out a-hunting with him. I let you know
this, because you may take your choice whether you will come
hither in the afternoon or stay till Monday and dine with them.

‘‘Dear rogue, make much of thyself and let not thy domestic
affairs trouble thee, and in so doing you will oblige your poor
but loving husband, and dear dog.”

Postscript. ‘‘ About five this morning I writ this nonsense.”
19.

Addressed :—‘‘ For my dear wife, Mrs. Russell, at Chip-
penham.”

Frances RussEeuu to her husband, Joun Russewu.

[1663 ? Chippenham.]—‘‘My dear, I have received thy
letter and am sorry I cannot answer thy desires. There is
no possibility of my coming; the horses are at plough, and

 

* They were married, May 7, 1663,

ae 7th Earl of Thomond, married, as his second wife, Sarah, daughter of
Sir Francis Russell.
29

besides, my present indisposition will not suffer me to wait upon
that good company where you are. I am sure you cannot want
a great deal of company to eat up your good dinner. I should
have been very glad if I could have made one. Give my humble
service to my lady and lord, and beg their pardons. JI shall take
some other time to wait upon them.”

Postscript. ‘‘ Hat for thyself and me too, for I shall fast till I
see thee.” Draft, on the back of her husband's letter. 3 p.

Sir Joun Russeu to his wife, Lapy Frances Russewu.

[1664, April 28 or 29.°]—* To-morrow morning, about three
a’clock, I shall set out of town, waiting upon the corpse of my
dear father, and intend not to leave them} till they are committed
to the earth; and were it not for leaving behind me thy dear
self, should be contented to be buried with them. Thy dear
rogue, J.R.”

Postscript. ‘‘ Mr. Par is writing to Mr. White.”

THE Same to THE Same.

[1666,] December 4.—‘‘ Sunday night I came to London, and
to-morrow morning my uncle William and myself are to meet
my Lord B. and I believe shall conclude our bargain. 18,4001. is
the most that he will give, so that this night I have to consider
about it. The Scots are utterly routed. They were in number
fifteen hundred ; they fought within three miles of Edinburgh.
The greatest part of them' are killed, the rest taken and fled.”
This is certain, and will be in the next Gazette. 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1667, March 71?] Thursday.—Cannot get his money
before Tuesday. Has met with as much crossness as ever, but
hopes it is nearly over. To complete his misfortune, learns from

his Uncle Russell of poor Will’s illness. Prays for news. 12 pp.
[Post ma, Ma; 8.]

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1667 ?]May 5. London.—I pray you tell Will Nelson that his
company is desired here in order to finish my business, which I do
not think will keep me from being with you on Monday’ or
Tuesday next [week ?]. ‘‘ Dear child, make much of thyself, and
let it not be in the power of that ridiculous woman to give thee any
trouble.”” I hope she will have gone before you get this. Tell
Dick Shaw that Mr. Francklen of Newmarket has charged a bill

 

* Sir Francis Russell was buried at Chippenham on April 30 of this year.
t The word corpse is usually written as a plural noun in the 17th century,
tNeither March nor May 8 fallon a Thursday in 1667 or the following years,
Apparently the letter was written either on March 7, 1667, or May 7, 1668. The
postmarks of these letters are sometimes the same date and sometimes a day later
than the date of the letter itself,
30

of 351. upon him, payable at sight, but what it means [ know
not.

‘‘All the news I can tell you is that the King will certainly be
at Newmarket at Strawberry’s match, and that the Queen is
breeding. She keeps her bed, and is extraordinary careful lest
she should mis-carry. My Lord Thomond and my sister send
you their services, and I think will leave this place at the same
time that I shall. My sister is very fine, and so is every body
that is in town but myself. I do not perceive that there is any
particular fashion, but everybody pleasing their own fancy.
Those few things I am to buy for you shall be bought by my
cousin Chicheley . . . Send word to James Nellson that when
the King comes, there will be one or two come down to run with
him, therefore let him be in heats. His name is so famous at
court that the King has a desire to see him run.” Mr. Kingsmell
has given me some marshall gloves for you all, ‘‘ but I find Madam
Frances most in favour, for she has a pound of marshall powder,
as well as gloves.

‘“‘T supped the other night at my Lord Mountague’s, whereI was
much made on, and my Lady extreme kindly asking after you.
Our feast was a venison pasty, and as fat a one as ever I saw.
There was a great deal of company, my Lord Arendoll of Warder
for one, who you are much beholden to, for he did not only
enquire after you, but began your health. My paper will let me
say no more to you but that I am your affectionate husband till
death.” 4 pp.

Sir JoHn Russevu to his wife, Lapy Frances Russe.

(1667, May 11?] London, Saturday.—lI hear that Lord Crofts
leaves town to-morrow afternoon and hope to get room in his
coach, and to be with you on Monday or Tuesday. ‘‘ There is
no more news than when Will Nellson left this place. The King
will be at Newmarket, but leaves not Whitehall till Thursday.
My Lord Thomond tells me that the King told him he would see
Chippenham, but I believe his stay in the country will be so
short that he will have no time. If he does, it will be only in
a morning, to bowls, and back again to Newmarket to dinner.”
2pp. [Post mark Ma., but the figure defaced. |]

THe Same to THE SAME.

(1667?] May 12.—Has been in much trouble, his business
still hanging just as it was, but now Mr. White has come to town,
he hopes ‘‘ everything will go glib,” and that he will be with her
this week, and perhaps Lord Thomond also. His Lordship sends
thanks for the pigeon pie, which unfortunately has lain at the
warehouse until this day, but whether spoiled or no he takes it
very kindly of her, and intends to present her with ‘‘a new fashion
fan.” 2 pp.
31

Sir Joun Russexy to his wife, Lapy Frances Russew.

(1667, May ?] Thursday morning. London.—At my first coming
to town, I met with my Lord Gorge, who is desirous to go on, 80
pray tell Mr. Percivall, “that, excuses set aside, he and
my writings must forthwith come to town.” This is of great
consequence to me.

‘I find nothing here as I expected, but am confident that your
great ones had rather have England served as I lately, told you
than some people should be in power.” I am this morning
going to see your son. My thoughts are wholly with thy dear
self and little ones, and as soon as Mr. Percivall is in town, I
shall leave it, therefore pray haste him away. 2 pp.

THE Same to THE SAME.

[1667,] June 22.—Has seen her son, who still has a cold, but
looks fat. Will go again to-morrow, and take either Nurse
Fletcher or Dr. Coks, as ‘‘he is very full of heat all over him,
like the red gum, which the learned say is good for him.”’

Postscript. ‘‘The Dutch have left us. I hope they are not
with you. My Lady Rouse is dead.” 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1667,] June 25. [London.]|—‘‘ My cousin Waller and Mr.
Percivall, being slow men of London, have hindered my being
with you so soon as I expected,” but I hope to set out for
Chippenham the day after to-morrow. My brother Claypole and
I have seen your son Rich, who is well. ‘‘It is now reported
that the Parliament is to be called within thirty days, and that
the Dutch treaty is broke off. I hope this ill-news may prove
like what we have heard formerly, but I fear it is too true.” 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

(1667, June 27 ?*]—‘‘I have now ordered my business so
that to-morrow I intend to set out of London, leaving Mr. Percivall
behind. I believe by the time this comes to you, you are as
much alarmed as you were lately. The Dutch are come up
almost to Gravesend; they have made some disturbance here,
but all will blow over, as it did the other day. I just now come
from Wolledg, where I think they are so strong it is impossible
any ships can come by. On Saturday expect me.” 1 p.

THe SAME to THE SAME.

[1667,] July 9. London.—I can tell you no more than in the
letter I sent you yesterday by Sir John Chicheley, but I believe my
Lord G. intends to go on, for he is at the business from morning till
night. He has already been to three counsel about it, Fountaine,

 

* Date, Friday (erased) 28th, but the post mark is [Thursday] June 27th,
32

Hillis and Raymont, and is still going to more. ‘‘ Few believe we
shall have peace. Some say the Dutch demand liberty to be
allowed in England, and many such unreasonable things.” 1 p.

Postscript. This is my third letter to you and I have not
heard one word.

Sir JoHN Russeuu to his wife, Lapy Frances Russewu.

(1667, July 18?] Saturday night.—Lord Gorge tells me
faithfully that I shall know his mind on Monday next. ‘ Lord
Fanconberg will suddenly be in town, but not my Lady. Mr.
Bellasis is yet alive, but so weak that I never saw anything like him.
He admits of no company, but hearing that I was in the
house, desired to see me. He is just winking in the socket. The
news of peace is still stronger and stronger. I hope by this time
you in the country believe it, though we have made you often
fools.” Tell your son Will that his sword and belt were forgotten
to be sent, but I will take care of them.

Postscript. ‘Since I writ this, my Lord George has been
with me, and we are like to go on. He presents his service to
you.” 2 pp.- [The post-mark, although very indistinct, appears
to be Jy: 15, which was a Monday. |

Tur Same to THE SAME.

(1667, July?] Sunday. From my chamber at Mr. Wing’s.—
Though you were yesterday troubled with a letter from me,
I know not how to spare you now, for my only pleasure is
in thinking of you and the little ones. I wish my business
with Lord G. may not fall out as I have heard you prophecy ;
my fortune hitherto has been ill, but I shall not trouble
about things that I cannot help, and beg you will endeavour
the same. Yesterday’s great news of our peace with the Dutch
has come to nothing. ‘‘My service to my Lord Tho{mond]
and the rest with you. Mr. Feltham promised me yesterday to
give my Lord an account of our London lies, so we reckon all
that is reported here. Sir Thos. Billingsley is as much yours as
formerly. I find no alteration in him unless it be that he looks
younger. As for his apparel, from head to foot they are the
game you remember in your father’s time, not so much as a pair
of new shoes, or a hair altered in his periwig since he left
Chippenham. For my part I believe he has been no further than
Westminster, keeping the Kings and Queens company. I
am confident they will want new clothes before him.

My dear heart, farewell. I am thine till death.”

Postscript. ‘‘ Kiss poor Will and Betty for me. I will do the
like for you to Rich.” 2 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1667, July? London.] Saturday.—Cannot yet tell how his
business will go, as if a decree is needed it will be next term
33

before it can be done; if not, the bargain stands. ‘‘The great

news now 1s that the peace is certainly concluded, but upon what
terms is not yet known.” 1 p.

Sir Joun Russet to his wife, Lapy Frances Russewu.

[1667, July. London.]—I have to-day received your letter, and
one from my Uncle Russell, which wholly concerned yourself, so
I shall “leave you to imagine some ugly thing said of you. But
(setting Mrs. Chinery’s way of discourse aside) it was that that
pleased me, though no news, for it was always my belief,” yet it
is pleasant to find my relations of my mind.

My Lord has put me off for two or three days more and then
our counsel is to see whether the bargain may not go on, and
the decree be let alone till next term. ‘‘I find my Lord very
willing to proceed, but the carefullest man that ever I sawin my life.
Peace with the Dutch is once more believed, and I think we may
now trust to it.” Nurse Fletcher is sending down your house-
keeper. Do not take too much care, but make much of your-
self. I hope your claret is good. If not, let me know, and
‘anything else you would have me do for you. ‘‘I often wish
you with me, or one of your little brats. Your son Rich is well.”

14 pp.

THe Same to THE Same.

[1667, September 10,] Tuesday.—I have'had a meeting with
Lord Gorges, and believe all will be arranged if the trustees are
here on Friday, as I have engaged they shall be. Pray tell Mr.
Parr this, and desire Will. Nelson to get my Uncle Gerard to
sign the release I left with you and trust it to him, or send it to
Mr. Doget, or any of his friends here in town. The discharge
must be only for what is in the schedule, 5501. and interest, but
I mean to pay him the rest of what I owe him out of my first
payment. The witnesses are to be Mr. Dowman, Goodman
Powers, and Mr. Floyd. ‘‘ My sister Katherine must likewise do
the like for 400/., but Mr. Percivall has taken care about
that . . . And now, my dear, give me leave to tell you
that the trouble I am now in about my business, and all that I
ever met with, never was so great a concern to me as the
thoughts of leaving you in so much trouble as I did the other
day. I shall be glad if anything in this letter may be pleasing
to you, and that it may be in my power to remove your melan-
choly, for whilst you are so, it is un-possible for me to be
happy. ‘Therefore, my dear child, if you have any kindness for
your poor husband, let me find an alteration in you by your next
letter.”’ Postscript. Saturday is the day for sealing, as Lord G.
goes out of town on Monday next. 14 pp.

[The post mark is September 10, which fell on a Tuesday in this
year. |
‘14170 a C
34

Sir Joun Russeuu to his wife, Lapy Frances RussE.u.

[1667?] September 12.—Is so angry with her for her severe
letter that although his London troubles are like to end on
Saturday next, he cannot be in good humour until she makes
him amends, and is no longer so cruel as to doubt the real love
of her poor husband, who thinks himself in purgatory whilst
ie from her dear self. 1p. [The date is that of the post-
mark.

Tur Same to THE SAME.

[1667,] November 21.—Since coming to town, I have wholly
attended to my business, and hope to be with you next Tuesday.
‘My [Lord] and Lady Fauconberg I this day dined with. My
Lord is very melancholy at the loss of his two sisters. He
intends to keep Christmas with you.’”’ My Lady has taken a
cook-maid for you. I have not seen her yet, but she was under-
cook to Lord Castleton, and Lady Fauconberg thinks is very fit
for you. ‘‘ Pray dismiss your bedlam cook with all the speed you
can. Iam sure she cannot but be a great plague to you sh
I can tell you no more news now than when I left you. The
Parliament takes great pains, but as yet no effects are seen, but
much is expected from them.”’ 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

(1667, November 23], Saturday. London.—My business will
not possibly let me be with you until Wednesday next, but your
cook sets out on Monday.’

‘“‘The Parliament is very severe against all that have received
bribes, and are daily inquiring them out. Mr. Ashbernam,
Parliament man for Sussex (as I take it) is voted out of the
House for being guilty of the afore-mentioned crime. Lord
Clarendon’s business is as it was. Next Tuesday both Houses
are to have a free conference.” '

Postscript. ‘‘My Lady Thomond is younger and brisker than
ever I knew her.” #p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1667-1670.* |—Has been to see her son, who looks much better
than when she left him. Must spend aday or two in reckoning with
Brooks, but will certainly be with her on Tuesday night, for he
finds no comfort in this place or company and will make all
possible haste back to her. 1 p.

Postscript. ‘‘ Remember to burn this.”

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1667-1670, London.] Tuesday.—‘‘ My dear child, you might
be sure that it was something more than ordinary that hindered

 

* Sir John died in March, 1670. It is doubtful to which of the visits to London
this and the following letters should be given,
35

me from writing to thee by the last post. I thank God I now
believe my troubles wearing away, but in all my life-time I
never met with so insolent a base, dirty, proud fellow as Parr
has been since his coming to town.” My uncle and I intend
to leave town next Thursday by the Cambridge coach, and
pray you to let your coach meet us there at the Black Bear.
“TI long to be with you, and am making all the haste that I
can possible to dispatch my affairs in this dirty place. I just
now came from my Lady Thomond, who you and I are mightily
beholden to. I have made no other visit since I came to town
unless it were to your son Rich; he is very well and a brave
boy.” Your last kind letter came very seasonably, for I never
was so melancholy in my life as I was then, but the thoughts
of so soon enjoying your company have banished all that
away. 1 p.

Sir Jonn Russewu to his wife, Lapy Frances RussEwu.

[1667-1670.] Storford.—Intends to make all the haste
possible to get back to her. Cannot lodge at Mr. Wing’s, as his
daughter has the smallpox, but means to lie at Mrs. Bladon’s if
he can have room. His letters are to be sent to Thos. Percivall’s.
Her son has had and is like to have a cold journey, but no doubt
a day or two of her care will recover him. Sends kisses to her
and her son and daughter, for which she is to pay Rich, the
bearer. 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[ 1667-1670. ]|—Hopes to end his troublesome business in time
to leave town on Monday morning by the Cambridge coach, and
means to reach home the same night, being too impatient to see
his wife and her nursery to make two days’ journey of it. Lord
Thomond will set out at the same time and will be with her on
Tuesday. Begs her not to be melancholy and sends kisses to the
‘poor souls”? Will, Betty and Rich, who, he hopes, will have
better fortune than he has had. 14 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

(1667-1670. ]—Immediately on arriving im London has seen
Mr. White, who promises a speedy end to all the troublesome
business. Has been to Lord Fauconberg’s, ‘‘ where was a great
deal of company dined with him, the Duke of Albemarle, my
Lord of Thomond, and my Lord I know not who.” Saw her
sister, but my Lord stayed with his merry company. Is too
weary to write more, but will be home on Saturday. 1 p.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

[1667-1670.] Saturday night—Has reached London safely,
and he and- Lord Gorge are once more like to make a bargain.
He offers 1007. more {than formerly, but wishes to have the
Michaelmas rents. 1 p.
36

Srr Joun Russert to his wife, Lapy Frances Russe.

[1667-1670, London.] Sunday night.—Finds that he cannot
possibly get away until the end of the week, although he is far
more impatient for her company than she can be for his. 1 p.

THe SaME tO THE SAME.

(1670, January? London.] Tuesday. At Mr. Gargrave’s
House.—His Uncle Russell still thinks to make a great bargain
for him, but he will be very careful what he does. His brother
and sister Sheers send their services. Cannot but think her very
happily bestowed. 1 p.

Tur Same to THE SAME.

(1670, Jan. 20.]|—I had no sooner reached Mr. Gargrave’s
house than I was sent for to my Lady Fauconberg, who will not
suffer me to lie out of her house, and continually expresses her
kindness to us and ours. Mr. Strickland and his spouse are
likewise here. I wish I could tell you anything good about our
own concerns, but Lord §. is as unlikely to get money as ever.
To-night my Uncle Chicheley is coming to give me his advice,
‘and I doubt not but one way or other to bring my affairs so
that we may live happier than we hitherto [have] done.’ The
beginning of next week I shall be with you, and the Monday after,
you must think of coming here, for my lady knows not how to be
without you, and bids you to prepare against that time. You are to
make me your [deputy ? | at Chippenham, where, when you are
weary of this place, your husband will receive you with kindness
home again. He knows not how to live without you, yet is well
satisfied for you to be with so good a friend.

Postscript. ‘‘Tuesday last Lord Fauconberg left this place.
To-morrow suffers Devall* who I perfectly knew, but am never the
better, for my ring and watches are sold, and never more to be
heard of.” Torn. 2 pp. [Post mark, Ja. 20.]

THe Same to THE SAME.

1669-70, February 10. Chippenham.—All things here are as
well as is possible without thy good company, which nothing
should have robbed me of but my Lady Fauconberg. ‘‘ When
I consider that you are with a person that has so much love
for you . . . I cannot but be satisfied, in spite of all my
ill-fortune. No, child, if thou designest to make thy poor
husband happy let not the cares of this world trouble thee,
and it is done.” My service to “‘the best and greatest lady
in the world,” and to Mrs. Bella Strickland.

At the end of the letter are some childish scribbles signed
W. R., and noted by Sir John: ‘What your son desires
besides craving your blessing and sending his humble services

 

* Claud Duval, executed Jan. 21, 1670.
37

to my Lady Fauconberg, you may read as perfectly as I
ean.” 12

yp»
Addressed: “For the Lady Russell, at the Lord Fauconberg’s
house in Lincoln’s Inn Fields, London.”

Lapy Frances Russent to her husband, Sir Jonn Russetw.

[1670,] February 10.—‘‘ Although I am got well to this
place, where, as you told me, I should be received with a
great deal of joy and kindness, yet methinks I want thy dear
self to complete this present pleasure which I now enjoy.
I can most-truly assure thee that as well as I love this place,
and as much respect and fondness as I meet with from my
dear sister and other persons, yet I could not live contented
here without thee.” Last night your Uncle Chicheley and Mr.
Secretary supped here, and I find it is thought necessary for
you to come up yourself about the business with your Uncle
R[ussell], and, should any difference arise between you, then
is the time for your Uncle C[hicheley| and Mr. Secretary to
umpire between you.

‘There is little of news stirring. The pretty widow is now
sick of the small-pox, but the danger is past. The little
Cavendish heir* died last night of a consumption, which has
caused a great deal of sadness at Southampton House. I
have received visits and compliments from every [one] but
Lady Poul[et?] who, I hear, is very angry at your letter to
her Lord. I pray God bless my dear, and send him safe to
his most passionately fond, dearly [loving] wife.”

Postscript. ‘‘I pray God bless my dear, dear sweet babes.
Kiss them over and over from their poor mama. I long to
hear how you all do. Give my service to Lady Russell, and
a kiss to my little patient.” 2 pp.

Postscript by Lord Fauconberg. ‘You had need make haste
up, for your wife is so courted by the Venetian Ambassador
that I fear he will make you a cuckold. My service to all
with you, and kiss our babes from me.—Yours, Fauconberg.”’

EARL OF CLARENDON.

1671, April 8. Montpelier.—Copies of the letters written by
the 1st Earl of Clarendon to the Duke and Duchess of York, on
hearing that his daughter had joined the Church of Rome. 38 pp.
[Printed in State Tracts, the Harleian Miscellany and elsewhere. |

Sir WrutiaM FRanKLAND to Viscount F'AavconBERGE, at
Fauconberge House, near Charing Cross.

1678[-9], January 21. [Thirkleby.]—‘‘I acknowledge to
your Lordship the news of the further prorogation was not
at all unexpected or surprising to me, though it came very

 

*The MS. has ‘“‘Candish ayer.”
38

opportunely, for this day Major Talbot (who dined with me)
and myself had agreed to write to York for taking our places
in the coach against Thursday sennight, but since it hath
pleased God and the King to order it otherwise, we must bear
it patiently, for when all is done, stultitia hominis et saprentia
Der gubernant mundum.

I am extremely grieved to hear of the return of your
Lordship’s old distemper, but hope the country air will restore
sanitatem corporis, as your study and garden will tranquallitatem
animt, in which consists Epicurus’s swmmum bonwm. I have
not writ so much Latin these twenty years, but as things are
at this time, see no reason why an English tongue, as well as
an English heart, should not grow every day out of fashion.”
1 p. Seal of arms.

Tuomas Lasce.ues to Sir Wiiu1am Franxuanp, at Thirkelbye.

[16]78[-9], February 3.—I have communicated yours about
the election of knights of the shire to several freeholders
hereabouts, and have not failed to make Sir Gilbert Gerard’s and
Sir Henry Calverley’s interest* as strong as I can. I hope they
will carry it, ‘‘though Mr. Marwood, by his brother Metcalfe’s
interest, puts in to give us some trouble; my Lord of Durham
also hath recommended his elder brother with some earnestness,
and a kind of little threatening, but obstinate tempers will not be
wrought upon by any impressions but such as they hike.” Pray
give my service to your lady, and to Mr. Sanderson and his lady.

= p.

to [Sir Wiutiam FRanxuanp].

[16]78[-9], February 8. York.—Mr. Tancred will tell you that
the County Court is adjourned, and that no writ came. Sir John
Kay desired my assistance, but I told him honestly that I had
engaged all the friends I could for Lord Fairfax and Lord
Clifford, and believed the whole county was so resolved for them
that it was not possible to shake their interest. He seemed not
very pleased, nor willing to desist, but I am confident all his
striving will be in vain. He wishes to make the country believe
“that my Lord Fairfax waives it, and it is so far very right that
he does not seek it, but desires to be excused, and yet I am
assured he will accept it,’ and have been bold enough to tell him
that he must not refuse. $p. Signature torn off.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1678[-9], February 3.—Lord Fairfax dined with me to-day
and we pressed him exceedingly to declare his joining with Lord
Clifford, but all that we could get from him was thatif he joined
with any, it should be with Lord Clifford. We suppose he will

 

*For Northallerton borough.
39

declare himself at the meeting next Friday, at the George. No
one openly opposes Lord Clifford so far except Sir Jo. Kay, but it
is feared that he may strike in with the interest of the Lord:
L[atimer] get many of the West-Riding gentry to be present at that
meeting, and set up one of them against Lord Clifford. As the
great design of this previous meeting is to prevent clashings and
bandyings at the great popular meeting for the election, I am
. hugely desirous that his Lordship’s interests should be strength-
ened there. Your own presence would be of great use, but if your
distemper will not permit of your coming, it would be well for
you to prevail with some considerable North-Riding gentlemen
to be there. Although Lord Fairfax desires to be excused, yet
he has declared that ‘“‘if his country choose him, he will serve
them the best-he can.”’ Signature torn off. In the same hand-
writing as the preceding. 1 p.
Noted by Sir William, “ the latter letter.”’

Sir WriuuiaAM FRANKLAND to Viscount F'AUCONBERGE.

1678[-9], February 4. [Thirkleby ].—The gout is so violent upon
me that I cannot rise from bed. I have little to add to what the
two enclosed letters from my old intelligencer will tell you.* ‘I
hope our fears of a surprising election are now past, for
on Monday, the day we feared, neither Lord L[atimer]
nor none for him nor any writ appeared. I could wish
your Lordship had writ to Sir Richard Grahme to have
engaged him for my Lord Clifford, for I hear he is
very busy for Sir J[ohn] K[aye] . . . I hear just now
from Thirske that my Lord Derby refuses to give Sir William
Went[worth] his interest there, pretending to him a pre-
engagement, though he has hitherto recommended none, and
am confident if your Lordship had an opportunity of discoursing
with him it might have been gained for my nephew, for I find
the town very well disposed to him, and do believe, if my Lord
Derby do not concern himself in the election, he is in a fairer
way than anybody to be my partner, and I am certain he will be a
very good one.” Pray show the enclosed letters to none but my
lady, as the hand may be known, and I would have no prejudice
come to one who shows himself so zealous for the good of his
country. Signed. 1p. Seal of arms.

Tie Same to THE SAME.

1678[-9], February 7.—Not being able to go myself to the
meeting of the gentlemen at York, I prevailed with Mr. Chamber
to do so, asking him to compliment Lord Clifford and Lord
Fairfax from you, and to tell them that, according to your
instructions, he had sent to try to engage all the gentlemen of
this Riding for their Lordships’ interest, and had reason to be
confident that they would be very unanimous in it. I have also
sent my servant with letters to their Lordships and Sir Jo.
K[aye] (who had writ for my assistance, but my answer was

 

* Probably the two preceding letters.
40

pre-engagement) to the same effect, and have heartily pressed
Lord Fairfax to declare his resolution of standing and to join
with Lord Clifford. I thank your Lordship on behalf of my
nephew (now in Lincolnshire). By some expressions in your
letter, you seem to think that I had once some intention of
standing for the county, but I can assure you I never gave the
least countenance to such an idea. ‘‘When they were appre-
hensive at York of a surprising election, some public-spirited
men, considering how they might best oppose it, resolved upon
the sudden to get me to appear, and in the mean-time were
labouring all about to make as many voices as they could (and
I heard since they had got a great number) and were very
confident, in case my Lord L[atimer] should have offered at such
a thing, that they were providedfor him. Upon notice of this,
being unwilling to engage in this business, I persuaded nephew
to undertake it . . . though thus far I'll deal truly with your
Lordship, which is more than ever I yet owned to any, that in
case upon my appearance at York an irregular election should
have been offered at, I would without fear of any great man
whatever, if nobody else had appeared to oppose him, have stood
myself rather than have submitted to such a trick upon the
country. But all that matter is now at an end, and we are
carrying on the interests of the two Lords with all our might.”
I write this lying upon my bed, but thoughI be lame, I have not
been lazy in this busy conjuncture. 14 pp. Seal of arms.

Sir WiuuiaAM FRANKLAND to Viscount FAUCONBERGE.

1678[-9], February 9. [Thirkleby.]|—Mr. Bell has written
to his wife that he believes Lord Derby ‘‘ acquiesces upon your
Lordship’s letter for nephew,’ and has desired her to promote
his interest, which she is very ready to do, so I make no
question but he will be my partner. I have sent a post to
Lincoln to him, and we shall hasten the election as fast as
we can, as Mr. Hayes sends word that the writs are come to
the sheriff. Myr. Chamber has given you an account of Friday’s
meeting. I wish all counties may agree upon as good a
choice.

Postscript. ‘‘Some say young Arthington will put Sir John
Reseby [Reresby] out at map one 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1678[-9], February 14.—The two Lords at York expressed
themselves as much obliged to you, especially Lord Clifford.
After some pressing, Lord Fairfax was persuaded to declare that
he would join interests with Lord Clifford, and Sir J. K[aye],
who at first declined to quit his pretences, afterwards agreed
to do so; although Lord Clifford is still not without some (I
think groundless) apprehensions on his score.

I forgot in my last to tell you that Lady Davison died last
Saturday, and was to be buried as yesterday. I should have
4]

gone to see her, but Chas: Belasyse wrote from Blakestone,
desiring me not to do so, although my lady took my intentions
very kindly. I have written to desire his company at the
election to-morrow at Thrisk. No news of any opponent.

Jack Davison continues at Coxwould and did not go to my
lady’s funeral, by her own desire, as I hear. 12 pp.

/

Sir Wiur1am Franxuanp to [Lorp Favconsere].

-1678[-9], February 16.—‘‘ Yesterday nephew Saunderson and
myself were chosen at Thrisk with an universal consent, no
antagonist appearing to dispute it with us. We had a great deal
of good company besides our neighbours—as Sir Metc[alfe]
Rob[inson], the Talbots, Mr. Lascelles, &c.—for Sir Godfrey
Copley, Mr. Rush (Ruisshe) Wentworth and Mr. Jo. Wentw[orth’s |
son came from Aldbr[ough] to the election. I find the two first
are very confident of their cause there, saying they have it in
their choice whether they will be chosen by the nine or the
greater number ; but I believe they will stick to the latter, and
rely upon the committee of elections, for they expect the sheriff
will return the other, right or wrong, and seem to think that
Mr. Aldbr: [? Arthington] will at last resign to Sir Jon[athan]
Jenn [ings] to join with Sir Jo. Res[by].

Upon Thursday the election was at Burrow-bridge, where Sir
Henry Goth{[ericke] and Sir Tho. Maull[everer] were chosen
without opposition, Sir Jon. appearing and being mounted for
the first.

Upon Friday Sir Gilb[ert Gerard] and Sir Hen. Cal[verley|
were chosen at North-Allerton, Mr. Marw[ood] having desisted.

Sir Jo. Hewley is drinking hard at Knasbr[ough] against Sir
Tho. Slingsby, but not given over his pretences at York, where
the election is to be Monday sennight.

I hear Sir Jo. Dawney will certainly be chosen one at
Pomfr[et] and the dispute will lie between Sir Pat[ience] Ward
and Mr. Ramsden. Sir Rob. Eden and Colonel Tempest, as 1 am
told, join interests against Sir James Clavering and Mr. Vane
for the county of Durham, and for the city, Col. Tempest’s son,
Sir Ra. Cole and Mr. Blakestone are competitors. I suppose
your Lordship has an account that Mr. Humphrey Wharton and
Mr. Cradock are chosen at Richm[ond], as the two Thompsons
were, I suppose, yesterday at Scarbrough. I am rather better
of my gout, but unable to go, though I was at Thrisk, where my
son Tom was carried for me.”’

Postscript. My nephew returns you a thousand thanks for
your favour about Thrisk. Undoubtedly your letter to Lord
Derby prevented any other recommendation. 2 pp.

A

Tor Same to THE SAME.

1678[-9], February 18.—Ch : Belasyse, being newly returned
out of Bishopr [ick], tells me that Lady Dav[ison] several times
42

in her sickness expressed her inclinations to the match, and also
has mentioned her approval of it in her will. He seems to think
however that the feofees, Col. Tempest and Ra: Dav{ison] will
not be very forward in their concurrence, and I scruple to finish
the matter without their consent,. though the young man could be
persuaded to it. I shall send Tom up in April at latest and Mr.
Davison means.to go up with him. Our ladies are not inclined
to go up this session, but how their minds may alter, I know not.
I am very glad of Lord Derby’s letter, for I do not hear that he
has written or sent to Thrisk. 1p. Seal of arms.

Str Wint1aM FRANKLAND to Lorp FAUCONBERGE.

1678[-9], February 21.—I have written to take places in the
coach (which by that time will go in four days) for Wednesday,
the 5th. Parson Frankland has been here (with whom Ralph
has remained since he left your Lordship) and commends the boy
very much. I will send him away with all expedition. I dont
know what to think of the business of Mr. Dav[ison]. His uncle
Ra[lph] has written for him, intending to send him to Cambridge,
and says that ‘‘ when it is convenient for him to marry, he shall
choose according to his own desire, and if his mind does not alter
as to the present lady, meaning Grace, he shall be as forward for
it as those that make more noise, complimentally adding that
it is into an honest and just family.”

Jack is resolute to return quickly and go with Tom into
the south. Mr. Bell has just shown me an obliging letter
written to him by Lord Derby’s direction, engaging his interest
for my nephew.

Postscript. ‘‘Tis said that Lord Grey’s brother joins with
Captain Widdr[ington] (I dont like the conjunction) against
Delaval and Fenwick. I have writ to Craike to engage the free-
holders and hope have prevailed with many to give their voices
for Mr. Vane and to advise with Sir Gilbert Gerrard in the choice
of the other, though the parson there had laboured hard for
Col. Tempest. I got Mr. Chamber to go and second my letter.
Sir Thomas Slingsby and Mr. Stockd[ale] are chosen for
Knasbrough, and Sir Jo. Hewley is labouring hard at York, and
many are of opinion that he will put Sir Metc[alfe Robinson]
hard to it. If I had been able, I had been at York to have
countenanced our good neighbour.” 13 p. Seal of arms.

Dr. Joun Trtuotson, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Earu
oF SHREWSBURY.

1679, April 22.—MS8. copy of the letter to the Earl of Shrews-
bury, and the first part of the treatise written in order to
persuade the Earl to leave the Church of Rome. 18 pp.
[Printed as a tract. British Museum press mark, 224 C. 28.]
43

Lorp Favuconsere to Sir Witui1am FRankuanp, Bart.,
. at Thirkleby.

[1680 ?] February 28. Sutton Court.—Encloses an abstract
of the settlements made at his sister Dalton’s marriage.*
His wife has gone to buy her the things asked for, and will, it is
hoped, bring back better news of Miss Russell than they have had
the last few days. Knows of nothing new in public affairs. 3 p.
Signed.

Underwritten (in the same hand as the letter).—Note, signed R.
G., stating that Mr. Gunton has taken back the saddle, and repaid
5l. 10s. Od. for it.

Tur Same to THE SAME.

1679[-80], March 20.—I am harassed and spent with attending
upon our poor aunt, who is now gone to her long home. She
was an excellent woman and left this life for a better with great
tranquillity, and (as she had reason) a desire of change. She left
my sister her best suit of hangings, and your son Jack ten pounds.
Lord Belasyse, Sir John Talbot and Mr. Clerke are executors. She
has left my sister Dalton a hundred pounds, and my Aunt Vavasour
five hundred. ‘‘Thus we drop, and one generation passes as
another comes. God grant we may so live as to meet in the
heavenly Jerusalem, for here we have no abiding city.” Her
death was hastened by putting herself upon a milk diet without
advice, which course Dr. King declared to be mortal, for though
very successful with gout, it is dangerous where there are
complicated diseases. 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1680,] April 6.—‘‘ My dame acquainted my sister and yourself
with the loss our family has had of an excellent good woman,
gone to everlasting rest, her Father’s house, but a little, a very
little before us. The tapestry which she left my sister for a
legacy consists only of three pieces, but very deep and fine.
They lie here to be disposed of by your order.

“T cannot entertain you with anything considerable of a public
nature. The design of burning the Rump by apprentices will
not be found to have so much in it as is reported, and the
Irish information (though very probable in itself) yet comes to
us by a very ill hand, the fellow proving no better than an
infamous Tory. :

“The effect of yesterday’s extraordinary Council (to which I
had a summons but went not) is yet unknown to me, having,
had no visit, or other news from London, so that you must

 

* Barbara Belasyse married, lst, Walter Strickland, and 2nd, Sir Marmaduke
Dalton of Huxwell, Co. York.
44

be content to have intelligence a post later than your neighbours.
My lord D[uke] of Bucks will probably have a trial for bugery.
There are great intricacies in the story of it, which may better
entertain you in the North, when I come. Your son Tom 1s
a very good youth, a little soft, and very studious, to that degree
as I conceive it may be of advantage to him to spend a month or
two with you and me in conversation, both to unbend his bow
and give him some assurance, which he wants more, IT think,
than letters. At Michaelmas Sir William Russell is intended
for Cambridge, whose purse and disposition suiting very well
with my nephew’s, I think may be a convenient companion,
and for both your interests in point of management, but this
is yet remote.” .

Postscript. ‘‘The borders of the hangings are sewed on, and
may be taken off, which will take off the depth near three
quarters.” 14 pp.

Lorp Favuconsere to his brother [-in-law, Sir Wii1am
F'RANKELAND |.

[1680?] April 18. Sutton Court.—By this two or three days
converse with my nephew I find him improved in every way. He
is so much pleased with both his master and his landlord that
he has no desire either for a Northern journey or the University,
‘‘He is in the first form and second scholar; says both the
Assembly and Church Catechism in Latin, to which if the Papal
were added, he would be provided for all events. Upon the whole
matter, I judge him capable of very little further improvement at
school, and his studious humour considered, I think it may be his
advantage to get assurance by keeping us company a month or
two from midsummer, which is the time I purpose to go down.

As to public concerns, so great a serenity and quiet in the
minds of men has not been seen this many years; fair measures
are taken at home, advantageous alliances pursued, which
is hoped may produce a good effect in Parliament the next
winter.

Sir William Waller did notoriously misbehave himself in
favour of my Lord D[ uke] of B[ uckingham] who lately came from
France, and rid into the town upon a cart-horse, incognito, yet

so as very many knew him. The Court removes to Windsor on
Monday next.”’

Postscript. My cousin Levison-Gower and his Uncle Will dined
with me to-day. The latter earnestly desires your help next
sessions about the old business of Stitnam [Stittenham] Hutton’s
Ambo and Wiginton, concerning which he makes sad complaints.
It is advisable for you to appear his friend in this trivial matter,
which he sets so great a stress upon. 14 pp. The last sentence
only in Lord Fauconberg’s own hand.*

 

*For date, see Luttrell’s Brief Relation of State Affairs, vol. I, pp. 39, 41.
The Court removed to Windsor on April 19, which fell on a Monday in this year.
45

Lorp Fauconsere to Sir Wiuu1am FRankianD, Bart., at Thirkleby.

[1680 ?| October 29.— John Athey is going down to Cambridge,
and will give you both a good account of the young gentleman
there, who, I hear, is much improved. I have found a friend
who, if you please, will furnish you with the thousand pounds for
your daughter’s portion, at five per cent. ‘‘The money upon my
faith is not mine, nor does it otherways concern me than in my
well-wishes to you.” 1 p.

Mary, Lapy Fauconsere, to her brother-in-law, Sir W1I.uiam
FRaNKLAND, at Thirkleby.

[1681 ?] April 16.—‘‘ My Lord’s indisposition, which is oc-
casioned by coming out of that we generally call the nettle spring
all over his body and face, gives me the satisfaction and you the
trouble in this, to tell you he is extreme sorry the thousand
pound he once mentioned to you is now disposed of, and not to be
had. My sister Russell has sent for her son from Cambridge and
I fancy designs not his return thither again. The occasion of his
sudden remove is from a prospect of a change in his
condition. What success there may be, a little time will show.
I thought this account reasonable to give you, not knowing
whether it may not make you think of new conditions for your
son as to chamber, &c.” 14 p.

Lorp FauconperG to Srr WiuuramM- FRANKLAND.

[1681 ?] June 1.—I suppose you heard of my nephew’s perfect
recovery from his tutor, whose letter prevented Mr. White from
going down to him.

“T am glad to hear our county will imitate the rest in their
loyalty, and that Sir Med[calfe] Rob[inson] is so active init. I
hope Ripon will hereafter choose the Jennings and that all other
counties and boroughs will satisfy their addresses by their choice
of members, which (by the return and submission of great men)
we may probably make an experiment of this winter. Lord
Halifax is in very great esteem and favour, and your humble
servant so very much at ease here as will secure my dear sister
and you this summer from the trouble of his neighbourhood.”

Leon:
Tue Same to THE SAME.

[1681,] August 13.—I am just now told Lord Shaftesbury will
be tried the 27 inst.

I forgot to tell you that Wither is with me again and a very
good youth, ‘‘but your friend Ralph the arrantest little rascal
that ever was, good for just nothing but mischief . . . Was
wilfully the occasion of killing me a new horse within a week
after he came from Northampton, and a hundred other roguish
tricks.” I intend to send him down to his mother and they may
bind him to a tailor or shoemaker. I will make up his money to

five pounds. 1 p.
46

Mary, Lapy Fauconzere, to her sister [-in-law,
Lapy Franguanp |.

[1681 ?] August 20.—‘‘I trouble my dear sister the seldomer
because I know you love not writing, and do assure her that I
expect no answers. All I desire is that you will continue your
kindness and friendship, which I must always have a great value
for. Your son is very well. My sister [Lady Russell] and he
have been together at Cambridge and Chipnam above a month.
She writes me word he is the most improved since he went thither
that ever she saw, and has been very well pleased with this little
diversion from his book, which Mr. White writes he improves in
mightily. I expect my sister will be at London this night. Pray
present my service to your good man, and tell him J take it ill
he never writes to me. I am no newsmonger, or you should
have it.”

Postscript. Betty Russell presents her service to you and Sir
Wilham. My Lord is now pretty well again. 14 pp.

Lorp Favconsere to Sir Wiuuiam Franxuanp, at Thirkleby.

(1681*,] September 8. Sutton Court— . . . ‘“‘I am like
to have a troublesome suit with the Church of York, which I did
not apprehend in this Dean’s time, considering our present and
past relation. I pray favour me to send for Mr. Chamber, and
when you are well instructed in it, take the first occasion you can
meet with to know Mr. Rooksbye’s opinion, who I hear is their
counsel, for I would not wittingly engage in such a matter with-
out a clear title.” .

The King went this morning to Newmarket, where some think
there will be more company than ordinary. 1 p.

THe Same to THE Same.

[1681?] September 29.—Considers both the proposals
presented to him very advantageous, and advises the prompt
carrying on of the one, that if it fails, they may proceed with the
other.

Thinks that although he can never hope to get so much land
for his daughter, yet he has no reason to despair of procuring so
much money for his son. 1 p.

[to Sir Wintuiam FrRanxuanp].

1681, November 5.—‘‘ I have a thousand things to say to you,
but nothing to write.

‘“‘ The juries were yesterday empanneled, but I have not yet met
with the list of them. Sir John Cope is foreman of the one, and
Sir Peter Colliton of the other. This last, I hear, may prove
tolerably honest, and probably encourage indictments against the

 

*The King went to Newmarket on this date in this year. See Luttrell, vol. 1, p. 124.
47

Lords, which two or three days more must show. I am told
from a-very good hand that your neighbour at Nunnington* will
have the silver trumpet, and then Jack Talbot, &c. may stay at
home if he pleaseth. I am sure he cannot do it with more
content and satisfaction than your humble servant.

‘‘My Lord Fauconberg with his family are come to town, but
begins already to be troubled with his rheums and talks of
returning.” 1p.

Lorp Fauconsere to [Sir Winuram FRanxuanp).

[1681,] November 10.—‘<I am now got to a place and a
season of the year what will not suffer me to use my own hand,
which I hope you will excuse.

My Lady Ogle went from Northumberland House yesterday, but
whither is not yet known, only she left a letter for her grand-
mother upon the table to this effect, viz.:—That having a perfect
aversion and detestation to Mr. Thinn, and fearing that she could
not be free from his importunities by any other method than
concealing of herself, had obliged her to retire, and resolve never
more to see him, unless the law force her to it ; which resolution
has so enraged the esquire that he now publishes his being
married to her, the Lady Orrery, her three daughters and Mr.
Brett being present, which is not denied by my Lady North-
umberland. In order to the nulling of the marriage they are
setting up poor Mrs. Treaver’s title to him, which, in foro
concienti@, I believe is good, but whether it will prove so in the
Spiritual Court I must question . . .”

‘‘My Lady Russell, being, it seems, in good humour on the
Gunpowder Treason night, writ to her son a letter in verse, to
which, he not being poetically given, your young gentleman has
taken up the cudgels so ingeniously that I thought it would
neither displease yourself nor my sister to pay threepence for it.”

If the pears I sent you come just ripe, there is no such fruit in
the world. To eat for three months together a fruit more delicate
than the best peach or fig at midsummer commends a garden
and makes me resolve to plant nothing but pears henceforth, and
I believe they would ripen as well at Thirkleby as here. This
pains I take only to make you as good a gardener as myself,
Unsigned. 2 pp.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

[1681,] November 22. London.—‘‘I am very glad my pretty
niece is disposed to so honest a gentleman as from several hands
I hear Mr. Smelt is reputed to be, to whom I pray present my
service. . . . I have just now brought to me a list of forty
substantial men, to be offered for a jury to the Court on
Thursday,t of which number Sir Sam. Barnardiston, Dubois,
Papillion, Rudge, Hubland, Boneale, and the two Godfreys make

 

 

* Sir Richard Graham, cr. Viscount Preston in 1680.
+ At Lord Shaftesbury’s trial.
48

a part, by which you may judge what we are to expect. Lord
Townsend, Lady Northumberland and others are just come 1n,
which forces me to conclude, with my good wishes of all health
and happiness to the new couple.” Signed. 1 p.

M[ary,] Lapy Fauconsere, to her sister [-in-law, Lapy
F'RANKLAND |.

[1681,] November 26.—I have bought all your daughter's
things and hope you will like them. I got the better lace
for her gown because it may be useful hereafter. It would
lace a petticoat all over when she has a mind to alter the
skirt of her gown. ‘I will not tell you in this what her
gown and petticoat is of, but you may be sure it is that
which is most worn, and will do my pretty niece most credit
and service.” 1 p.

Overleaf, Postscript from Lord Fauconberg :— |

“The Lord Shaftesbury’s acquittal the other day* was
accompanied with unparalleled disorder, of shouts,
ringing of bells, bonfires and such extravagances as
I fear may at long run produce il effects, parties
being more exasperated than ever, even to such a degree
as discourages all hopes of an accommodation at our
next meeting, if elections be not very prudent.” My
service to the young couple. Signed. % p.

Lorp Favconspere to [Str Winuiam FRranxuanp].

[1681,] December 6th. London—. . . ‘‘The little Duke
of Richmond is made Master of the Horse, and kissed the King’s
hand upon it on Sunday night. Major Oglethorpe is gentleman
of the horse to him, whose wife (quondam Mrs. Wall) is at present
very ill with her lady, having of late made some discoveries.

‘The Duke of Grafton is to have Col. Russell’s+ regiment, for
which the King pays the Colonel five thousand pounds. It is
said his Majesty has granted Audley End to his Royal Highness
upon payment only of the last 20,0001. that remains due to the
Karl of Suffolk.

If we have a Parliament, as some say and as probably our
foreign affairs may oblige us to, I hope you will bring my sister
up, and leave her at Sutton Court while you are at Oxford. Jam
removing with my family on Friday next, finding myself to be a
better gardener than statesman. My Lady Russell, I hope, will
go with us fora little time, but talks altogether of Chipimmham.
Her daughter has had perfect health ever since you went
down, and so admirable a creature both in body and mind that I
believe she will not keep her long, though there be no other

 

* November 24, 1681.

+ Col. John Russell. 3rd son of the Duke of Bedford, Colonel of the King’s
regiment of foot Guards,
49

temptation than what she carries about her: they both present
their services to you all, particularly to the young bride.”

My eyes have not been so bad for two years as since I came to
town. I have let blood and used several medicines, but without

effect. If they continue so, I shall not pass my time so well at
Sutton Court as formerly.

I thank my good brother Bfelasyse ?] both for his cheeses and
for his kind letters, and you for your magnificent present of ale,
some of which I hope may be reserved for your own drinking.

‘“My dame is gone this afternoon to christen the heir of
Hornby. The father received a commission two days since to
command the Richmondshire regiment that was lately his
father’s, which your son in time may do, and thus you see, one
generation drives out another.” Signed. 1% pp.

Lorp Favconsere to his brother|-in-law, Sir Wini1am
F'RANKLAND |.

[1681,] December 28.—I am heartily sorry your old enemy has
found you out again, but hope to hear that Squibbs’ medicine has
made your fit shorter. ‘‘We are obliged to you both for your
excellent ale and brawn, which does us great credit this Christmas
amongst our neighbours. As to public affairs, I hear of nothing
new since my Lord of Argile’s escape out of Edenbrough Castle,
which J think will have no great consequence.”

With postscript by Lady Fauconberg, adding her thanks for the
noble present of brawn. Signed. 1 p.

THe SAME to THE SAME.

1681[-2], January 12.—Is almost in despair of seeing him this
spring. His nephew’s cravats and cuffs ate waiting for him at
Chipenham, ‘‘where the good lady and her fair daughter
remain about a fortnight or three weeks longer.” Signed. Ip.

THe Same to THE SAME,

[1682,] February 23. Sutton Court.—‘ My being out of town
made me unable to prosecute the story I sent you in my last
concerning the murder of Mr. Thin, for which the Count
Coningsmark upon a very strong supposition has been
since committed and will be tried, I doubt with danger of his
life, if any other have been of his counsel than the Captain,
whose resolution is admirable. The murder has carried Lord
Shrewsbury and several young lords into Holland, where we may
expect to hear of more blood, such force has gold upon the
minds of poor mortals, and such, at long run, are the effects of

it in all families.” Signed. 4p.
14170 a D
50

Lorp Fauconsere to [Srr Winiiam FRanxuanp ? |

1681[-2], March 8.—‘‘ Yesterday* at three of the clock, my
Lady Portsmouth, with seventy in family and thirty thousand
pound advance money, set forward towards her own country ;
from whence she came with a less train, some years past. She
proposeth to return in June, having carried money only to last
her solong. The King, Queen, &¢., went this morning for New-
markett, where his Royal Highness will meet, continue, and return
with him hither about the Holy Week. The King has graciously
granted to the borough of Thetford a new charter, reserving only
to himself the nomination of the Recorder, &c. Hertford and
Lemster [Leominster] are following the same example, as, we
hope, most of the boroughs of England will do if they be wise.

The Spanish, Dutch and other foreign ministers seem to be
disgruntled; but Luxembourg must go for all that. Count
Coningsmark, by his gold, has made it appear that as well
Middlesex juries as judges (durante bene placito) are penetrable.

Our amorous Lord Lieutenant is gone incognito in the train
of the Great Lady, or at least intended yesterday to do so.

The Hon. Colonel Legg was yesterday sworn of the Council and
a new edition of Karls is coming out.” Unsigned. 13 pp.

Lorp Fauconsere to his brother [-in-law, Sir Winu1am
FRANKLAND |.

[1682 ?] March 18. Sutton Court.—‘‘ My present retreat and
garden (where by the way I now have forty workmen) furnishes
me with nothing worth the postage . . . From Newmarket,
where our English world now is, I hear only who wins the plates,
but from abroad, that mighty preparations are making for
victories of another nature, which I fear may come home to us at
last. Iam here making preparations for my annual guests, the
nightingales, whose melody is not less agreable, though less
noisy, than that of the jockeys.” 1 p.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

[1682 ?] March 27. Sutton Court.—Lady Russell is going up
to town about your son’s tutor, whence my dame will write to
you if I go to Newmarket. ‘‘I hear people of the best quality
are huddled up with strangers in the same room, and some have
bedfellows they scarce know; the concourse thither is wonderful.
Yet I shall have difficulty to prevail with myself to leave thirty
workmen that I have had in the garden above this month.” If I
go, I shall lie at Chippenham one night and Cambridge the next,
whence you may expect an account of your son.

I have sent Chambers the copy of a late letter from the
Doctors at York, with my answer.

 

 

* Luttrell gives March 4 as the date of the Court leaving Whitehall for Newmarket,
and also of Lady Portsmouth’s departure for France,
51

_if Mr. Emott be a witty man and speak Latin well, I can help
him to something considerable, ‘‘but he must cross the seas, and
leave the wife, if there be one, for a time. Let me know your
opinion of him, honest Mr. Browne not being spiritual enough

for this active sort of employment.” 1p. Seal with crest and
coronet,

Lorp Favconzere to his brother [-in-law, Sir Wruu1AM
T’RANELAND |.

1682, April 6.—I was this last week at Newmarket, ‘‘ but could
not return by Cambridge, being certainly informed that the
Master and Fellows of Trinity College were prepared to attack
me with a speech for a subscription to their new Library and
building, which I could not have honourably avoided... .
Nothing is talked of but the preparation for receiving if
on Saturday, when it is said the town will be all in bonfires.”

iD.

 

Tur Same to THE SAME.

[1682,] May 4. Sutton Court.—The Duke went down to sea
yesterdayt, and by the way both at Puttney and at Erith (as I
am informed) was complimented by very many lords and other
people of quality. Sir William Jones, ovr late Attorney General,
died here yesterday,t which is a loss to the city that can only
be exceeded by that of their charter, which probably will follow.

My Lord Duke Hamilton by taking the Test has. exalted
himself here below, and his wife above, for I am told from a
very good hand that her heart is so broke as she cannot live.

The King of France is now raising eight thousand horse and
ten thousand foot to increase his army, which hastens our
‘envoyée’ (sic) Lord Preston over, that they may not annoy us.
Notwithstanding these proceedings in France against the Pope’s
supremacy, the poor Protestants are more persecuted than ever,
and I am afraid in that our Nunnington neighbour will not
prevail.

The Earl of Suffolk ig going to marry Lord Manchester’s
eldest daughter. Dick Brett and Sir John Bright are rivals to
the younger. Thus you see the mettle of our old fellows to
venture upon girls. We have strange rains in these parts. I
hope it will bring up grass apace upon the moors.” 1% pp.

Tae Same to THE SAME.

1682, May 27, [Windsor].—‘‘ Mr. Rooksby has been no less
punctual in observing orders than your son was after his slow
return to Cambridge, which will probably occasion the disappoint-

 

*The King. See Luttrell, Vol. I. p. 177.
+The Duke of York embarked May 3, 1682, to go by sea to Scotland, to fetch his

wife.
tLuttrell gives the 2nd as the date of his death.
52

ment of any future consideration how far it might or might not
be his or your joint or separate interest to close with it, her
wonderful composition of body and mind having attracted
addresses of such importance as were madness to reject. The
King and Queen, with all the noblesse, went this morning down
the river to nteet the Duke and Duchess. The first return this
day back, but their Highnesses repose themselves at St. James’
two or three days. The King, by order in Council, has forbid all
that have relation to his service to converse with the D[uke] of
M[onmouth].” 1p. Seal with device.

, Lorp Favconzere to Sir Witiiam Franxuanp, Bart., at York.

* [1688,] January 12*.—‘I did ever apprehend that your son’s
present maintenance would prove uneasy to your circumstances,
without a greater present fortune, which has occasioned my almost
as often repenting as thinking of the too early overture which by
an accident was made in it. I left your letter in the ladies’ hands,
without the curiosity of informing myself what entertainment it
met with. I only desire that if there be occasion to write any
more upon this subject, your letters may be directed to them,
and not to a foolish projector that has artificially found out a way

to disoblige all his friends at his own charges.” 1 p.

M{ary] Lapy Favconpere, to her sister-in-law,
Lapy FRANKLAND.

[1683,] March 1. Sutton Court.—‘‘I had writ to my dear sister
sooner and should a given you an account of your son and
daughter but that I knew whilst Sir William was here you had a
constant one from him. ‘They are both very well and I hope
very happy. Iam sure by what is yet seen there is a great ap-
pearance of it, for I never saw greater kindness than seems to be
on both sides, and I am confident coy Mrs. Russell will be as
fond Mrs. Frankland, for your son by his handsome, kind and
prudent behaviour has, as in justice it ought, so won upon her
as I believe whatever she had, she has now not only a kindness
but a value for him, and I am persuaded her behaviour will be
such to him and you as will become the relation she is in to you
both. I am sure if it were necessary (which it is not, nor I hope
never will) she should not want my advice in order to it, for I
should be very sorry to see her in any kind misbehave herself to
you and my brother as well as her husband, and I am confident
you will find her as dutiful to you both as your own. Pray if there
be anything either as to them or yourself wherein you think I
may serve you, let me know it, and be assured of my faithfulness
and kindness to you and readiness.

My lord’s eyes being very weak, he has desired me to make his
excuse and assure you of his hearty kindness. We both shall
be extremely rejoiced to hear of your safe delivery, and join in

 

*So dated, but the post-mark is Ja: 11,
53

our desire that you will not stir from York till you are so, it

being a place of better help than you can propose to have in the
country. I will tire you now no longer.”

Postscript by Lord Fauconberg. “My dame has been go consider-
ate of my poor weak eyes, as to leave me neither matter nor room
to trouble you any further” than with the assurance of my

affection. 2pp. Addressed: ‘For the honourable the Lady
Frankland at York.”

Lorp Favuconsere to Sir Winuiam FRANKLAND.

_ [1683,] April 3.—Praising the conduct of Sir William’s son,
in cases of such difficulty as would have puzzled a man of more
experience. Lady Fauconberg is ‘‘ downright fond of him, as of
her own, and now rather loves the pretty wife for his sake.”’ 1>p.

Sir Rosert Houses, Captain General and Governor of the
Isle of Wight &c., to Davip Urry.

1683, April 22.—Appointing him captain of the Militia
company of foot belonging to the parish of Freshwater, in the
West Medina regiment, whereof Sir Edward Worseley, knight, is
colonel, and desiring him to exercise his men and officers duly in
their arms, and to keep them in good order and discipline.
Parchment. Signed. 1 p.

Lorp Fauconpere to [Srr Wiiiram FRanxuanp].

[1683,] May 5. Sutton Court— . . . ‘Your son continues
to give great proofs of his prudence, by a wonderful conduct
through greater difficulties than you can imagine, or be informed
of by paper. Lady Rl[ussell] is so extravagantly fond of her
d{aughter] that from a causeless jealousy of being less beloved
by her than —————,, some disorders might possibly have been
derived to the family, if your son had not managed the matter
with great skill, and been powerfully assisted by his friends, all
which seems now a little palliated, though still it continues aunt
and nephew, mother and daughter, to such a degree as your last
kind invitation of them all into the north, is suspected to be a
contrivance of ours; and truly I wish it had, and consequently
been less extensive.

‘‘We often hear of a generous speech of Sir WL[illiam]
F[{rankland] to his wiser son, advising him to take up money,
and not consider 200l. or 8001. debt. Our niece has only been once
here since she left us, which is now seven weeks. It must be
acknowledged that her beauty and other perfections might have
disposed her better, but my dame has doubled her kindness to
me ever since, which before was divided. There are other
circumstances by no means to be hinted in paper, let only my
sister know of this, nor let it be discovered by any of your letters
that you know so much as I suppose you will be able to collect
out of these distracted heads.”

*
54

Postscript. ‘‘ Prince George, brother to the King of Denmark,
by the King’s appprobation, is coming over to make his applications
(and consequently marry the Lady Ann).* Lord Preston has
been at Windsor these ten days, ‘and is now returning with money
and orders to attend the motions of that courtt this campaign.
That King pretends to look towards Stratsbourg, but most believe
his designs this summer are upon Italy. Captain Nicholson, who
was Lady Winchester’s page, has been twice through Moratania
as far as Mount Atlas, and is now returning again thither, but (I
fear) all that matter will come to naught.

‘“‘The gentleman to whose house you once came to me after
dinner seems to decline apace, though it be not yet observed.
There is a yacht going for the Italian players, and Mr. Neale has
built a house at Winsor on purpose for them.” 38 pp.

Lorp Favconsere to his brother-in-law, Sir WiILLIaM
FRANKLAND, Bt., at York.

[1688,] May 15.—The young people have been here some days.
He is strangely fond of her, and I believe the kindness would
soon be mutual, if separated from , therefore we think it
would be well for you to write how much your wife desires to see
her daughter, and to enjoin your son to come down without
delay. ‘‘ The sheep and lamb bleat after one the other.”’ 1 p.

 

THomas F'ranKuanp to his father, Sir WiLLIAM F’RANKLAND.

1683, May 16. Sutton Court.—My spouse and I came here
last Thursday, and shall stay until the middle of this week. ‘I
suppose you have heard how they have seized of my Lord Gray,
and that he is to appear at Council to-morrow at Hampton Court.
My Lord Hallifax is now just a-falling, for he had no hand in
this match, neither did he know of it. He went to wait of the
Duke, and he took no more notice of him than he does of any
other man.” I believe you will wonder at my Lord’s letter, but
I must wait to tell you the reason of it until I see you. 1p.

Postscript. I hope to get my cousin Saunderson’s things ready
by next Monday.

Lorp Fauconsere to Srr W1LLIAM FRANKLAND, Bart., at York.

[1683,] May 17. —‘‘ The young people (their week being
expired) are gone, for I suppose her mother’s permission allowed
no longer stay. I shouldbe very glad for my nephew’s good
(though otherways I love not crowds) to keep them here all
summer, but that cannot be obtained.” We all think you should
send for them, to prevent indifferency growing into aversion.
‘“We have had no singing this week, and indeed such an altera-

 

* They were married 28th July, 1683.
t+ Of France.
55

tion since the last time they were with us as is not to be
imagined.” 1p.

Lorp FauconBere to Sir WinuiAM FRanxkuanp, Bart., at York.

(1688,] May 19. London.—Lamenting the widening breach
between the young couple, which is putting his wife into all the
affliction imaginable, and urging Sir William to summon them
to go down to him so as to get her out of town. Has had warm
debates with my lady [Russell] and Mr. W., who accuse the
young husband of being severe and imperious and charge himself
and his wife with being the cause. [Begun at Sutton Court, and
finished in London.] 2 pp.

Tuomas FrRanxuanp to his father, Sir W1nu1AM F'RANKLAND,
at York.

1688, May 19. Sohoe.—‘‘ This day Sir Patience Ward is tried
for perjury. Some are of opinion that he will come off, but most
think he wont. I desire to be with you, for I hope then we shall
set all things as they should be, which are not quite so at
present. . . My spouse gives her duty to my lady and
yourself.” 4% p.

Tur Same to THE SAME.

1683, Ma[y] 28.—Hopes that they may set out in about a
fortnight, and that all will now go well again. ‘Trusts that Mrs.
Saunderson will like her things. 4*p.

Lorp Fauconsere to Sir Winu1am FRANKLAND, at York.

[1683], May 24.—Has had a stormy interview with Lady
Russell, but it ended in promising showers. His poor wife,
‘notwithstanding the many injuries received, seems yet unwilling
to part with her niece, an imprudent, but excusable effect of good
nature.” Again urges Sir William to send for the young couple,
in order to separate his daughter in law from her mother. 1 p.

Tuomas FRANKLAND to his father, Srr Witu1aM F'RANKLAND.

1683, Ma[y] 25.—Fears they may not be able to obey his
father’s injunctions at once, on account of his wife’s health. All
is now very well between them, my Lord [Fauconberg] having
had some discourse on the subject. Begs his father kindly
to invite my Lady [Russell] down.

- There is a report that the Duke of Albemarle is dead. 4 p.
Lorp Fauconsere to his brother-in-law, Srz WiLu1am
FRANKELAND, Bart.

[1683,] May 29.—I must tell you we have had warm service
since my last, but all is now ended in a seeming compliance, and
56

your son, who ought to know best, says that allis well. ‘The
truth is, he has an excellent object to dote upon, and if well
guided now at first [she] will probably prove as good and virtuous
as handsome, but do you and him look to that. I can do no
more. . . . My good wife has been honourably true to him,
and the truth is, without us he had been lost.”’

Postscript. ‘‘My thoughts of their removal are the same as
formerly.” 1 p.

Lorp Favuconsere to Str Wiit1am F'RANKLAND.

[1683,] June 5.—Both outward appearances and your son’s
affirmation say that all is now serene and easy at home, and if
your daughter be not breeding, I am wheedled by the women,
who make me believe so.

‘Lord Cast[leton] has left his son with me to be provided for
and bound apprentice at my charge, only the 100/. per annum
is settled.” 1p.

THomas FRANKLAND to his father, Str WiLL1aM FRANKLAND,
at Thirkleby.

1683, June 6.—I did not a little wonder at your thinking me
reserved with my Lord [Fauconberg], for indeed my freedom in
communicating all my affairs to him and my lady has not a little
helped to raise this late unhappy storm here amongst us, which
is now quite blown over; but my wife is still too ill to come
down to you, although she very much desires to do so. In any
case I shall come to see you, ‘‘to acknowledge your kindnesses
and submit myself as a son ought to do to so good and kind a
father and mother.” 1 p.

Mary, Lapy Fauconpere, to her brother-[in-law,
Sir Wiiu1am FRanxuanp, Bart. |

[1688,] June 9. Sutton Court.—‘‘I find by yours to my Lord
that you are still apprehensive matters are not so well as is
represented to you by your son, &c., and that your daughter’s
breeding is a wheedle. As to the first, I can say no more than
what my nephew tells me, and I suppose he gives you the same
account he gives us, for I see them very seldom, and when I do,
can observe nothing but what is very well, and I hope everything
that is kind will be nmproving between the young couple, for what
has been the occasion of the contrary has proceeded from no
solid foundation, and therefore I conclude a little time and con-
sideration will make all vanish. As to her being breeding, I am,
as well as all womenkind, deceived the most imaginable, if a little
time do not make it apparent.

‘‘ Here is very little news. The Common Council voted the
other day that the Lord Mayor had right of choosing one of the
57

sheriffs, and that all proceedings in the Common Hall from 1644
to 1660 ought to be esteemed void and no precedents. :

‘Our Danish Prince is coming from Denmark we say at
Windsor, but others say from Paris, where he has been incognito
for several months, and has his equipage made there for him.”

2 pp.
Lorp Favconsere to Sir Wittiam FRanxuanp, at Thirkleby.

[1683,] July 17. Sutton Court.—‘“I am so blind with writing
a long letter of a public concern, as obliges me to use the laconic
style . .. I advise your son first to sell coach and horses .. .
then to go down together, and from you, to travel, while the wife
stocks the pasture.” lp.

Tuomas FRanKLAND to his father, Srr Winu1am FRANKLAND,
at Thirkleby.

1683, July 19.—It is said that Lord Russell, who was to suffer
on Saturday, is reprieved for a month. Prince George will be
here this afternoon. My wife and Lady Russell send their
service to you and my mother. ip.

Mary, Lapy Fauconsere, to her brother-[in-law, Sir Winu1am
FRANKLAND }.

[1683,] August 8. Sutton Court.—Both my husband and I
think that when the young people go down to Thirkleby, very
little notice should be taken of what has been written concerning
them, and very little advice given, although we are sure that
your kind and good counsel, both to mother and daughter, will do
much good. ‘‘ Let your son be treated by you all with a respect
suitable to a married man, for I do assure you, that is very
necessary in order to the giving him a value at home. ... You
know my lord has not the good fortune to be thought the fittest
man in the world to conduct or advise a young husband,
which opinion, it may be, has not been advantageous to your son,
for I do truly believe both my sister and your daughter have been
and are afraid she should be made a submissive wife, which,
without ground, they have concluded me . . . Burn this.” 38 pp,

Lorp Fauconsera to his brother[-in-law, Sir Wuiiuram
FRANKLAND |.

[1684 ?], May 21.—Fears that Sir William’s son and daughter
Smelt “‘are no well-wishers,” yet begs to assure them both of his
hearty respect and kindness. Believes his son will be sending
him news about his daughter Fr[ankland]. Is now going for two
days to Copt Hall. 1p.

THomas Franxuanp to his father, Str WitL14M F'RANKLAND.

(1685, February. }|—Your friend does not know what to advise,
for the session may probably not be long, and the consequences
58

of it fall heavy on particular persons, yet on the other hand, there
are some im the same circumstances who intend to be chosen.
‘Sir H. C[holmley]is more agreeable in respect of the dependence
he has by a great sum of money due to him. . . Lord
Cl{ifford] demurred till he had approbation, as several others
have done.”’ 1 p. .

Tuomas F'RANKLAND to his father, Str WiiL1aM F’RANKLAND.

1684-5, February 10.—I have to-day received Mr. Skaife’s letter
and the bill for 50/., which I intend to get accepted to-morrow.

‘“‘Tis reported my Lady Portsmouth is going away dissatisfied
at the disappointment of her son, my Lord Dartmouth being
made Master of the Horse to the King, which was given to the
Duke of Richmond by the late King, though executed by
commissioners. My Lord Allington being dead, Lord Dartmouth
is also made Constable of the Tower, and James Graham is Privy
Purse. Lord Peterborogh is Groom of Stoole to the King, and
my Lady to the Queen. I am informed we shall certainly have
a Parliament in May, therefore you are desired to consider well
what you intend to do about Thrisk, for your friend thinks it
your best way to be favourable to your infirm limbs and stay at
home.” I believe it may be best for me to waive it also. My
wife sends her duty to my mother and yourself. I p.

 

to [Sra Wiittram Franxuanp].

[1685,] February 10.—The King has been graciously pleased
to declare he will call a Parliament, which I suppose may meet
about the beginning or middle of May. Sir H. Cholmeley has
been with me, but I know not what to advise till I hear from
you. I believe we shall pitch upon Lord Clifford and Sir John
Kay for the county. ‘‘I would have youconsider whether it may
not be as proper for your son as yourself, and whether it be
desirable even for him is a question.” 1p. Signatwre cancelled.

[Sir Wiii1am FRanxuanp to Lorp Favconserc. |

1684[-5], February 13.—His melancholy reflections upon the
loss of the late King, who had preserved the nation so many years
in peace and plenty, are turned into joy upon consideration that
his present Majesty has succeeded to the throne with a peace,
calmness and universal content which are a happy omen for his
reign. The gentry and all sorts of people in his Lordship’s
Lieutenancy are full of submission and loyalty, testified by ringing
of bells, bonfires and other marks of rejoicing, and are much
encouraged by the King’s speech to the Lords of the Privy Council,
containing assurances of the preservation of the Church and State
as now by law established. Draft. 3p.

THomas F'RANKLAND to his father, Srr Winwiam FRANKLAND.

1684-5, February 19.—Your friend has consulted several
others, who agree with him that unless you be free to come up
59

to all the measures, which he apprehends you are not, it will be
better for you to give your gouty limbs some ease. Lord

Fauconberg prays you to lay out all your interest for Lord
Clifford and Sir J. K[aye]. 1 p.

[Taomas Franxuanp to Sir Winn1am FRranxuanp. |

1684-5, February 26.—“‘Your friend says it isas impossible to
judge of measures at your distance as for a blind man of colours ;
that that same thing from Sir J. K[aye], Sir H. Ch[olmley],
Sir M. Rob[inson], &., will have a different operation from
what others may utter . . . for whichreason he thinks the
son may make a better shift in the crowd than the father can do,
who being an hurt deer, some ofthe herd will be afraid of him,
and others perhaps behave themselves worse. . . . The
writs will not be issued out yet awhile. The committees of
Council are wholly taken up with the ceremonies of crowning
the King and the Queen, where all the Lords’ ladies are likewise
to attend in their robes.” 3 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1684-5, March 3.—Your friend bids me tell you that he has
acquainted his Majesty with the hints in your letters of Sir
Met. Rob[inson’s] and your proceeding in proclaiming the King
at Thirsk, who thereupon took occasion to declare he supposed
you would not stand for that place, but rather leave it to your
son.

Some of the ministers here have been called to question for
preaching indiscreetly against Popery. We wonder we have
heard nothing of the North Riding address, of which a model
was long since sent down. 1p. Seal with Lord Fauconberg’s
crest and coronet.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

(1685, March 5 ?]—Advising him not to stand for Parliament,
but to write such a letter as may be shown to the King
declaring his submission to his wishes. This is the method
taken by the wisest of the same complexion. Not above three or
four in all England give open defiance, and it is thought they
may pay dear for it. 1p. [Dated from the postmark.]

Lorp Fauconsere to his brother-in-law, Sir WILLIAM F’RANKLAND,
at Thirkleby.

1684-5, March 5.—‘‘ This day Lord Burlington and myself, with
a very great number of Lords and gentlemen, presented the
address from the county of Yorke, and I do with much
impatience expect that from our own Lieutenancy, which with
fewer hands ten days since would have been more acceptable
than now with a million.
60

“Mr, Wortly came up with a resolution to stand for Huntington
town, and Titus for the county, but are returned with differing
thoughts, as are very many others of their complexion, so that I
do not now hear of any more except Hamden and Mildmey that
seem to persist in it, and tis thought even those will not
continue to do so. I pray let my neighbours of Thirsk know
that I have already made their excuse to the King upon what I
gathered out of your former letters, but I hope notwithstanding,
my advice to them and you will be followed, and if you will, as I
hope for your own sake, decline standing, it may give you a fine
opportunity for complimenting the King, who has spoke to
myself and Sir H[ugh] C[holmley] at several times, that your
son seemed to be a pretty gentleman, and might better fill your
place. An hour’s discourse I know would fully convince you of
this matter. ‘Tis less prejudicial that the son be disappointed
than the father ruined.” 1 p.

[THomas FRankLANpD] to Srp Wriuuiam FRaNKLAND.

1684-5, March 7.—Informing him that Sir H. Capel, Sir
Wm. Temple and Will: Herbert all of them decline standing.
3
4 p-

Lorp Favuconsrere to Sir WintLiAM F'RANKLAND, Bart.,
at Thirkleby.

(1685, March 10?]—‘‘I received your certificate with an
address from Thirsk and carried them all immediately to the
King, who, I suppose, remains better satisfied with that town.
a IT am every day, as I get new light, more and more
convinced that it is imprudent and almost madness for you to
stand, and I am very sure if you knew what I do, you would decline
it.” Lord Fairfax proposes to be at Gilling on Thursday week
and has promised me to visit you at Thirkleby, but I hope you
will go to him. He professes to be much your friend, but
intimated that my sister’s liberty of discourse had disobliged
some of her neighbours, especially those of Kilvington.

‘‘Our master has already declared that no man shall ever be
admitted into Court, that either fights a duel, is drunk or keeps a
woman openly. He received the Marque de Lorge, envoy from
France, in the same manner that my Lord Churchill was received
by that King, which is very differing from our usual method, nor
does that ambassador live so familiarly with us’as formerly,
which measures has already put another face upon the affairs of
Christendom, and however you may think I write like a courtier,
so soon as ever the builders make my ‘country house capable to
receive me, I shall again retire to my garden with as much
serenity of mind as ever.” 2 pp. [Dated from the post-mark. ]

Tur Same to tHE Same.

1684-5, March 12.—I am glad for many reasons that you
resolve to ease yourself and lay the burden upon your son, whose
61

shoulders are better able to bear it, though I should not be sorry
if even he had been excused at this time. Your friend’s discourse
was such as became him, ‘“‘ but a letter from yourself upon this
occasion of your declining (because you perceived it was more
acceptable than your loyallest endeavours to serve would have
been) will signify more to your advantage than all the characters
such indifferent men can give, who perhaps find it difficult to
keep their own chins above water.” I pray you therefore, as soon
as the election is past, to write a submissive letter, particularly
mentioning your great fit of the gout when his Majesty passed
through those parts. ‘‘The person is not ignorant of the most
minute things that has happened, either public or private, and
will not endure any pretences to justification. Submissions only,
with acknowledgments of errors, are acceptable to him . . . This
parliament is like to be composed of very loyal men, and I believe
only some very few of such Excluders as have made their
submissions and given assurances to behave themselves much
better hereafter. I have already seen a list of almost forty, such
as are to be wished, and the boroughs generally good, but from
the counties perhaps some double returns.” 14 pp.

THomas FRANKLAND to his father, Sir Wrnui1am FRANKLAND.

1684-5, March 12.—I enclose a letter to the borough of Thirsk,
for you to use as you think fit. Young Williamson was with me
last week asking meif I had received the money for a close which
Mr. Skaif bought of his mother. It would be very useful to him
just now, as he is about to set up for himself. 1 p.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1684-5, March 14.—Asks if his presence will be necessary at
Thirsk, as Lord Clifford means to go down, and has offered for
him to travel with him. 14 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1684-5, March 17.—‘‘ Cousin Jones and Lord Lumley were
married this morning, and are gone to Thiselworth, to my
Lady Talbot’s.

“The. candidates for Westminster are Sir Thomas Orby,
Mr. Bonitor [Bonython], Sir William Dolben and Sir Gilbert
Gerrard, our neighbour. The two last join, and some believe
will carry it. The election was begun yesterday, but the
numbers being great on all sides, Sir Gilbert desired a poll,
which was granted to be this day, when they all appeared in the
field. Some people got a black box and carried it about upon a
pole, crying ‘no black box, no Excluder, &ec.,’ to which ’tis
reported reply was made ‘no Peter pence men.’ Sir Thomas
Lee and Rich. Ingoldsby, who stood at Alisbury, pretend to say
they had six voices to one, though others are returned. Lestrange
ig chose for Winchester. My Lord Clifford began his journey on
Monday last, so that my design was thought of too late.” 14 pp.
62

Lorp Fauconsere to Sir Wintiam FRANKLAND, Bart.,
at Thirkleby.

1684-5, March 18.*—. . . “The hint you give of something
being talked of at York was impossible for me to avoid, since
everybody I met with, especially northern men, inquired concern-
ing you, and used such liberty themselves as made it necessary
to. say something, which, however temperate, was sure to be
carried either this way or that.” Pray write such a letter as may
make your abstinence meritorious. 1p. Seal with crest and
coronet.

THomas FrRaNKLAND to his father, Str Winu1am FRANKLAND.

1684-5, March 21.—Informing him that they are anxiously
waiting for his letter, and that such a one as he wrote to Sir
H. C{holmley] (without the admixture of other affairs), would
be quite satisfactory. 1 p.

Srr Winn1aAM FRANKLAND to Viscount F'AUCONBERG.

1684[-5], March 24.—This week will be the election at Thirsk,
where I believe Sir Hugh Cholmley and my son will be returned
without competition.

I acknowledge that I had intended to stand for this borough
myself, hoping by this opportunity to have repaired in some
measure past errors and mistakes, which were rather of a passive
than an active nature. I do not however wish to defend them,
being much more inclined to give proofs of submission than to
offer arguments for my justification. Therefore when your
Lordship intimated that his Majesty did not approve of my
standing, I disputed the thing no longer, thinking it better to
serve his Majesty in his way rather than my own, and hoping it
will be accepted as an earnest of that duty and loyalty of which
my heart is full. Draft. 1p.

Lorp Fauconsere to his brother[-in-law], Srr Witt1am
FRANKLAND, Bart., at Thirkleby.

1685, March 28.—I this morning showed your letter to his
Majesty, by whom it was very well received. He was pleased to
acquaint me with some information he had received against your
son, but I confidently told him I believed it false, as upon
examination it proved.

I wish you had writ something about the county election fit to
show to Lord Burlington, “though I have acquainted him with
your carrying so many in to York, de non apparentibus et non

existentibus eadem ratio.” 1 p.

 

* So dated, but the post-mark is Ma: 17.
63

Tomas FRanxuanp to his father, Str Winu1am FRANKLAND,
at Thirkleby.

1685, March 28.—Neither the Duke nor Duchess of Somerset
being in town, he cannot show how ready he would have been to
serve parson Fra[nkland?]. Hears that Sir H. C[holmley] and
himself are already returned. Assures his father that his friend
has given a very good character of him to the King. There are
four earls to be made presently after the coronation, viz.: Mr.
German, Col. Talbot, Lord Dartmouth and Lord Churchill, and
many think Lord Bellasys for a fifth. The King has been
informed that he (the writer) “stickled very much for Sir G.
Gerrard,” but it was false. 14 p.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1685, March 81.—Hears that the election at Thirsk is at last
over. Fears he may have some difficulty in carrying himself so
as not to displease the one or not discharge his trust to the other,
but with God’s assistance will do only what is consistent with all
honour, duty and honesty to both. Is afraid he and Lady Dalton
will make very little of Coplecroo: but would like her Ladyship
or her steward to be consulted about it. 1 p.

Lorp Favconsere to [Str Winiiam FRanguanp |.

1685, June 6.— . . . ‘‘ This House of Commons so much
exceeds the former in loyalty and prudence that I hope his
Majesty will never be in danger of wanting supplies in our days.
I acquainted the King this morning with your zeal to his service,
and have commission to assure you that he takes your resignation
and services by your son as kindly as if you had performed it in

33

person.” 1p.

J [oun] Greson to Str Witu1am FRanxxanp, Bart., at Thirkleby.

1686, April 16. Welburne.—Thanks him for his fine flowers
and offers to send him some anemones, the double scarlet, the
carnation or blue, both single, or the double star anemone, red,
green and white. Encloses receipt for making gooseberry wine,
with criticisms thereupon. Sends him ‘“ Papists protesting against
protestant popery, done, as all the rest” (so Mr. Ingleby tells him)
“by Goter, an old Benedictine, at Somerset House ;” also Dr.
Beveridge’s sermon and Sir William Petty’s essay.

Is told by Mr Darley that the Sessions dismissed the maltsters
without licenses. Justice Clayton had taken money of several for
licenses before the sessions, and probably some chief constables
and clerks also, but that will be restored. Sir William Bowes of the
Bishoprick suited the court for 20/. to prosecute Sir H. Marwood for
his fish-garth, and got it away with him, Sir R. Grahme and Con.
Bradsh[aw] being the two, out of five, who opposed it. 2 pp.

Enclosing,
Receipt for gooseberry wine.
64

J[oun] Gipson to [Str WiuntAm Franxuanp |.

1686, August 21. [Welburne. ]—Returns a book, which had been
mislaid. Discusses the making of gooseberry wine. If Sir William
comes to Nunnington, will if possible wait upon him there. My
lady is coming home this day, but my lord not till next week, as
he has gone westward.* His sister, Lady Fenwick, is lately dead.

Postscript. ‘‘The Bishop of London has been before the
Commissioners about Dr. Sh[arp]’s business.+ Time given him to
put in his answer to their charge.” 1 p.

Lorp Currs to [his brother-in-law, Joun Acton}{].

1687, August [7—-]17.-Imperial Camp at Mohatz.—‘‘In my
last, which was (to the best of my remembrance) upon the
thirteenth instant, I could not possibly give you any particular
relation of the battle, but now in short accept of what follows:
Upon Tuesday the twelfth of this instant, the Duke of Lorraine
discamping from within a little march of Siclos, began to move
with the army toward that place, his Highness having the
avant-garde, and the Elector of Bavaria the arriére-garde. We
had no sooner begun our march, than a great body of horse
appeared to our arriére-garde, and seemed only to design the
hindrance of our march, and harass the troops, or fall upon our
baggage, but the Duke of Lorraine having taken good care of
everything, and providing for the worst, by making the troops
march in order of battle, and made the best advantage of the
ground that the nature of it admitted of, they marched in two
columns, which (as often as the enemy appeared) faced about and
formed the two lines, according to our order of battle, the right
wing having the avant-guard and the left wing the arriere-guard.
Upon our right hand (when we marched in columns) were high
hills, which covered us like a wall upon that side. Our baggage
marched between the two columns and those hills, being by that
means quite covered from the enemy, who continued skirmishing
(in bodies with our arriére-guard). The Elector, as often as they
advanced, halted and made head against them, firing several
pieces of artillery from time to time as he saw occasion, which
obliged them as often to retire. The Duke of Lorraine, who had
no mind to engage in a battle if he could well avoid it, till he had
drawn them a little further and gained the plaims (for as the hills
were on one side, so opposite to them was a great deal of wood
and thick) continued the march as fast as he could without in-
convenience or danger. Whilst these things happened we
discovered a body of Jannisaries, who had gained a little hill
and begun to make a brisk fire upon us with their

 

* Lord and Lady Preston, of Nunnington.

+ The Bishop was summoned on his refusal to suspend Dr. Sharp, Dean of
Norwich, for preaching against popery.

tA copy, sent (as appears from a note in the margin) by Mr. Acton to his wife.
Lord Cutts volunteered for service against the Turks in Hungary in 1686, and
greatly distinguished himself there, especially at the capture of Buda-Pesth,
65

small shot, and in a moment almost begun to discharge several
pieces of cannon at us. The Duke of Lorraine upon this
told the general officers that he saw now that the enemy would
engage us in earnest, and desired them to remember how they had
‘behaved themselves in a former occasion, recommending to them
the care of their several posts and at the same time the interest
of the Emperor and the Empire, which depended very much upon
this battle and than which he was sure (he said) nothing was
dearer to’em. He did all this with negligence and easiness
suitable to the greatness of his character, and concluded assuring
them that he did not doubt of their courage, of which he had had
such frequent proofs, and therefore (by God’s permission) was sure
of the victory. As he rode along the line (for he resolved to place
himself at the left wing, where the most violent shock was like to
be) he let fall several short expressions to encourage the soldiers,
telling them if they would stand by him he would not forsake
them ; that he hoped they would soon reap the fruits of their long
fatigues and pains; that he hoped (by the morrow) to see them
refreshing themselves in the enemy’s camp; that he had provided
for everything but a retreat, which he had not so muchas thought
on, as being resolved and by God’s assistance assured of success,
&c. ; all this was done by little and little carelessly as he rode
along, stopping now and then from time to time. When he came
at the left wing, seeing about six thousand horse of the enemy that
wheeled about and desired to gain the foot of a hill which was
upon the flank of our left wing, he took some regiments out of
our second line and reinforced the first, extending the left wing
so far (up upon hills) as to stop and hinder the enemy’s
design. ‘The Janissaries now begin to fire very warmly. Their
artillery galled our lines and their whole army began to advance.
The Duke put on his cuirass and helmet, mounted his charging
horse, and taking his sword in his hand, said to us who were about
him Allons, a moi messiewrs, and so advancing before the first line
in the place where the thickest fire was, he commanded all to
march. I was by him and can tell you his very words, Allons, au
nom de Dieu, only he said it to the soldiers in German. I must
tell you in the meantime that Picolomini, who was upon the very
left of the left wing (whether by a mistake or how I cannot tell)
advancing too fast with some squadrons, lost a hundred and
fifty men out of Prince Commercye’s regiment, two standards and
several officers, and missed narrowly of being taken prisoner
himself, so dangerous are little errors before an [sic]. The enemy
soon began to give way and we forced their retrenchment with
little loss. In an instant a panic fear seized them and it is im-
possible to relate to you what confusion immediately ensued. : They
helped to confound one another, every one shifting for himself
excepting some brave men (here and there one) who call for
justice from their enemies, and I should violate the right of nations
if I should not witness for em that they used all means to stop the
[blank] of their country’s misfortune, and fought surrounded with
enemies, when they had no hopes of life, refusing either to give or

1417) a E
66

take quarter. In a word, we killed seven or eight thousand, and
took their whole camp with all their artillery, ammunition, pro-
vision, &c. A great many whom despair had driven into the
woods and morasses perished there, and in all (according to the
computation agreed on by most of our officers) their lost men
amounted to the number of twelve or thirteen thousand. It is
remarkable that all this while our right wing did not come to
action, for the wood before them being very thick and full of
defiles through which they did not know the ways, their endeavours
to fall in with the enemy were in vain, and they came not up in
time. This is the substance of what I was witness of. I could
write you a great many more particulars if I had time. You will
have patience to stay till I come for England, for then I design to
publish a relation of all that I have seen, learnt and observed in
this country; my post giving me an advantage which everybody
has not.” 24 pp.

Lorp Curts to Lorp Mi1ppuLETon.

[1688], April 12. “Loo.—I am sensible that my coming here
and taking an employment in this service will make a great deal
of noise in England, and that my enemies will not lose so
favourable an occasion to plunge me as deep as they can in the
King’s displeasure, and therefore I desire your lordship to represent
to his Majesty the reasons that have driven me to this resolution.

It is with a great deal of regret that I find myself incapacitated
to serve his Majesty in his present designs, and to improve the
favourable regards he has been pleased to throw upon me, for my
own advantage; as well as his Majesty’s service. No man has a
greater veneration for his person nor would go further in his
service than myself, were not the present measures of state
visibly opposite to the principles and interest of that religion
which is dearer to me than all things in this world, or than life
itself. The laws of conscience are sacred and inviolable, and
since my principles are such as make me unfit to serve at home,
and my private affairs in a posture which does not admit of an
idle life, I desire your lordship to do me such offices to his
Majesty that he may not be angry at my taking service abroad.
I hope much from his Majesty’s goodness and your Lordship’s
kindness to me, and I desire your lordship to assure his Majesty
(that whatever happens) I shall always pray for his Majesty’s
person, and do justice to his merit, and on all occasions observe
that duty and respect which becomes me. I desire your lordship
to assure his Majesty of the truth of all this. Copy. 1p.

Sin EpmMunp JENNINGS.

(1688, August?]—Memorandum that Sir Edmund Jennings
having the three questions proposed to him by the Commissioners,
Sir Walter Vavasour and Mr. Middleton, desired them to satisfy
him in a few queries: ‘1. Whether for any man to deliver an
opinion or resolution out of Parliament to endeavour the repeal
67

of laws made for the security of the King and government
be not an endeavouring an alteration of the government ?
2. Whether an endeavouring an alteration of government be not
criminal? 3. Whether there lies any obligation upon any man
to give any answer to such questions in manner and form
proposed ? ”’

The Commissioners not satisfying him with their answers, it is
said he refused to answer their queries in writing but in discourse
told them: 1, That he could not positively say how he should
vote in the House, if elected, until he had informed his judgment by
the debates, but at present thought that some penal laws might be
repealed, but that the Tests should not be repealed, being made
for the safety of the government and preservation of the
reformed religion according to the doctrine of the Church of
England, and no man thinking this a time to repeal such laws
save such as desire the settlement of popery in the nation:
2, That he would endeavour the election of such as would be
faithful to the King, government and reformed religion: 8, That
if his Majesty’s declaration of indulgence were according to law,
it would support itself; if not, if would not be in his (Sir
Edmund’s) power to support it; and, lastly, that he would live
peaceably with all men who would live peaceably with him.
Scrap of paper.

[The three questions, to be put to all deputy-leutenants and
justices of the peace, were apparently put in Yorkshire in
August, 1688, (see ‘“‘Memoirs of Sir John Reresby,” ed.
Cartwright, p. 400) by these Commissioners. |

Lorp CuiIFFORDE to Sir JoHn Kaye.

[1688?] August 20. Lonsbrough.— My father undertaking to
give you an account of what was done at York, I thought it
unnecessary to trouble you with a repetition of it. You seem in
your letter to suspect as if there was something transacted at
that meeting to your prejudice, because you have not notice given
you to be there . . . but my business being only to know
my Lord Fairfax’s resolution and to discourse with him about it,
I had no thought of giving you so unnecessary a trouble. If you
knew me, you would never suspect me for any indirect dealing,
for nothing shall ever be able to tempt me to anything of that
kind; besides, if I had a mind to disturb your election, I should
not do it in such a manner (having so considerable a party) but
appear at the head of it. I think I give you an ample proof of
my respects and kindness to you, in quitting so great an interest
upon your account, and if you have a right sense of it, I do not
question but I shall have your friendship, which shall always be
much valued. Copy. 4 p.

Str Wiiu1am FRANKLAND to GEORGE SKAIFE.

1688, September 27.—As I find you do not think it advisable
to propose my son instead of me, I wish I had not mentioned it
68

in my letter to the borough (which I hope you received, together
with his Majesty’s proclamation), however, if they pitch on me, I
shall not decline standing, and I hope the naming of my son will
have no ill-consequence either to our interest or Mr. W.’s,
which is now principally to be considered. ‘‘ We are so alarmed
here with a Dutch invasion (their landing being every day ex-
pected, if not already so) that people hardly think of elections, and
Sir Richard Mauleverer and Sir Henry Slingsby, who were
coming down in order to that business, were recalled to attend
their troops, for, as itis feared, there will be occasion. New forces
are raising and seamen pressing, the King making all possible
preparation for our defence. . . . You will hear first if there be
anything to do in the North, some people fancying (amongst other
places talked of) that the Dutch will land there. God almighty send
us peace. Farewell. Peggy should have come out last Wednesday,
but there being none but men, and most of them soldiers, in the
coach, we thought it better to defer to another day.”

Postscript. I enclose a letter to my old friend Mr. Pybus, which
pray deliver either to himself or his mother. 2 pp.

Srr Wiiuiam FRranxuanp to Grorce Sxarre, at Thirkleby.

1688, October 2.—The writs for a Parliament have now been
actually recalled, as you will see by the enclosed proclamation in
the Gazette, which contains all the news we have for certain, ‘‘for
though we have a world of stories and alarms, yet the most
knowing say that the Dutch are so far from being landed on our
coast that all their land men are not yet embarked, and that they
can’t be ready to sail till the latter endof this week. In the
mean time his Majesty is making great additions to his forces
both by land and sea, and doubts not of being in very good
preparation for them. There has been a great press for seamen.”

Though perhaps there may be some hazard in bringing up
large horses (in case of an actual invasion) yet I think Will
Morrell might safely do it by way of Nottingham, there being no
danger of soldiers on that road. Having sold both Womersley
and Turner for twenty-three guineas, we are absolute prisoners
for want of our coach, and it is an ill time to buy horses here, their
price being so much advanced.

A place is taken for Peggy in next Monday’s coach, in which
there are two York women. 1 p.

Sir Winuiam Franxuanp to Grorae SKAIFE.

1688, October 20.—I have received your bill for 501., which
my son and I shall make use of between us. My son Harry’s
debts amount to more than 401., but I cannot learn that “he is
anyways ill-given”’ and believe his expenses proceed from a care-
less humour rather than anything else. He makes me mighty
promises of better husbandry and that he will study the law very
hard when he is out of his time, which will be next month,
69

therefore pray send up the articles, by which he may be bound to
Mr. Dearmer, by any neighbour who eomes up for the term. We
have decided to get a pair of horses here as soon as there is any
appearance of quietness, butI am afraid you are mistaken in
believing there is an end of the Dutch invasion, the news of their
landing being expected every day.

I hope Mrs. Betty or Grace Tysén look often amongst the
goods in the best lodging, where fires should be sometimes
made, moths and worms destroyed, &c. My cousin, widow
Belasyse, knows of something good for that purpose, which you
may ask her for. Pray remember me to her, my cousin Wright,
and parson Frankland. Tell Peggy Bows to let her father know
that I have the letter about speaking to Lord Carlisle, and will
do so on the first opportunity. Give my blessing to poor Jacky
when you see him.

_ ‘Our reports here about the Dutch are very various. Some-

times we are alarmed with their being landed, sometimes that
their design is not against us, but as the first is not yet true, so
the last finds little credit. They had a general fast and prayers
the beginning of this week for God’s blessing upon this great
undertaking for the defence of the protestant religion, and ’tis
said, being all embarked, they were to set sail as yesterday, if
the wind served. God send us peace and a good meeting.”

Postscript. ‘‘Put postage upon my account, or else you will think
you pay for news more than it is worth, though I suppose the seeing
all undone (of which the Gazettes give the best account) in three
weeks that has been doing these three years will not be unaccept-
able, no more than these enclosed proposals of the bishops,
which tend the same way.” 34 pp.

Frances, Lapy Russexy to the Hart or DEVONSHIRE.

[1689?]—‘‘I have received the honour of your Lordship’s
letter, and in it such a mark of your generosity as puts me into
all imaginable confusion to find my thoughts were so ill-expressed
in the letter I presumed to give you the trouble of, which 1
assure your Lordship was only intended to recommend my
unhappy circumstances to your charitable endeavours of procur-
ing something if possible in this revolution that might have
given me a small support; my necessities obliging me to accept
of any employment that might become a gentlewoman, many of
which, I was informed, will either be absolutely in your power as
Lord Steward, or mediately so by your great and deserved
interest with King and Queen. This, my Lord, was what I only
intended, however unhappily I may have expressed myself,
therefore humbly beg your Lordship’s excuses if I cannot prevail
with myself to make other use of your favour than to keep it

with me as a testimony of your generous disposition to the
unfortunate.” Draft. 1p.

Endorsed—“ Mine to Lord Devonshire.”
70
Frances, Lapy Russsuu to the Hart or DEVONSHIRE.

[1689?]—Thanks him for his generosity in owning her to
the King asa relative, and prays him ‘‘to join with the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury on Thursday in Council to procure a further
direction” to Lord Godolphin, without which she fears what 1s
yet done will have but little effect. Both her sons are in the King’s
service, and the eldest has spent the small remainder of his estate
‘in order to this happy revolution,” by which and other mis-
fortunes they have nothing left. 1 p.

Earu or Devonsyuire to Lapy RUusseEtu.

(1689?] Saturday.—Apologises for not answering her letter
earlier, he having been obliged to go out of town. 1 p.

Lorp Fau[consere] to Lorp Brst[asyse].

[Before 1689.]—‘‘ Whilst your hours are spent with variety
of entertainments and novelties, ever delighting (that pleasing
appetite of knowledge) curiosity, I enjoy a reposedness, not
unlike (my conversation) that of the dead, which if you will admit
this definition of happiness (that is, the resting and quieting of
our minds in the fruition of good, convenient and agreable to our
nature) and not as sensualists state it to consist (in the full and
constant satisfaction of their senses) may vie for a true felicity
with city, court or camp. Your diversions are like the hay and
stubble the Apostle speaks of, easily lighted by every spark of
pleasure, make only a short blaze and go out again, whereas
my books afford me entertainments like the Psalmist’s oil of
gladness, and though they raise not so glaring and so sharp a
flame of joy yet they entertain it in amore equal and durable
temper. Tell me if to find wit in poetry, in philosophy profound-
ness, in mathematics acuteness, in history wonder of events, in
divinity supernatural light and holy devotion, would not ravish
any with delight; add to all these, that summum bonum, a quiet
mind. Whether it be the Spanish interest to make a peace with
France and assist the House of Austria, whether the Muscovites
and Cossacks be joined with the Swede, or whether the French
ought much to rejoice at their great success, are cases dare not
approach this sanctuary of peace: who gets the treasure of Chelsey,
who the pleasure of Newport house, who dances well, or who lays
secret mines to blow up another though himself may succeed,
troubles not me. Hence I can discover how all that live in
public are tossed in these waves and pity them. That content-
ment I enjoy, Dioclesian and Charles the 5th bought with the
price of their empires, ’tis that Papinian petitioned for under
Antoni{njus and which under Nero was desired by that sententious
Seneca, who was enviously accustomed to cry out, prebet somnos casa
securos, and in this sense every sequestered place (though built by
71

the hands of Tasso or Ariosto) may be termed a cottage, generally
working this pleasing effect upon the inhabitants by freeing them
from tumults, vices and discontents. To live retired was ever
safe and to studious minds never unpleasant, but now by so much
the better as the world is worse. It is a happiness not to be
witness of the mischief of the times nor liable to the allurements
of common evils which of necessity must either vex or infect us.
Thus you see with Aisop’s country mouse I undervalue all change
of condition can be offered me in this age, wanting only for the
completing my happiness a success to these endeavours of
drawing your inclinations hither, for which my passionate concerns
would make me still persist, but, they tell me, I shall lose the
post if I make my letter any longer; this 1s equally my misery and
your good fortune, for as it deprives me of the contentment to
entertain time with you, so it doth free you from divers impertinent
speeches, wherewith happily you would otherwayes have been
importuned by your humble servant.” Copy. 1p.

THomas Franxuanp to his father, Sir Winu1am FRANKLAND.

1689, May 14. [London. |—My brother Harry set out yesterday
for Yorkshire. ‘‘He has the commission of peace and Custos
Rotulorum, and also his own deputation for clerk. . . . This
day our House had under their consideration the Act of Indemnity,
but came to no particular exceptions, but resolved upon Thursday
night to agree upon some general heads upon which some
persons should be excepted. I believe they will not be many,
for I find the House is much more inclined to mercy than
sacrifice. The account you will find in the Gazette concerning
Londonderry is confirmed by several letters and persons come
from Ireland. Both Sir Richard Maleverer and John Reresby
are dead.” ;

Postscript. Our salary is 800/. per annum each. 13 pp.

 

to [Str Wiiu1am Russeny].

1689, May.—Though I have not subscribed my name, be
assured that I am one who honours and esteems you, as a man
of honour, sincerity and integrity, and of an obliging and
generous temper (even to a fault), which has endeared you to
many, and has perhaps been the rock on which you have already
split and may again. I have never been such a stranger to your
circumstances as not to see (with pity) that they were very narrow,
but by whose miscarriage soever they became 80, you yourself
have made them narrower, it being the fate, not only of you, but
of most young men who come to encumbered estates, to augment
and not lessen the encumbrances, puffing themselves up with a
vain conceit of being men of estates because their ancestors were
so, and thinking themselves as good men and as rich (especially
if they have a title) as if their estates were clear.

As to the extraordinary charges you have had in the late
expedition, ‘‘in my whole life I never knew or heard of any man
72

at home or abroad, that was preferred because he had a fine feather ~
in his cap, nor any onerejected because he had none, and I am
easily persuaded to believe that it was neither your embroidered
coat nor fine scarf or hose that favoured your commission,
nor by the neighing of your led horses that you were chosen a
captain. . . . Tis true if the success of the protestant
religion and the liberties of the nation had depended solely upon
your life and fortune, it had not only been prudent but most
honourable and your duty to have sacrificed the last drop of your
blood as well as the last farthing of your estate in the service ;
but to spend all a man has upon fine clothes and a costly
equipage, and to fare deliciously every day, is not to serve a
man’s country and the protestant interest but his own lust and
vanity, and ends in contempt as well asruin. . . . I under-
stand that all the money that you allotted to your own use out
of what you received for Chipnham is confounded and spent, and
that, after all, your necessities are so dangerously growing upon
you that you cannot resist them without a present considerable
supply, which, for all that I can find, must be done too by
plucking a feather where there grows none, I mean from your
mother, who is now upon sending you all that which was allotted
for paying off her debts. Give me leave to tell you, Sir, this 1s
a very hard game she hath to play, and it requires your
serious consideration. It seems her choice must be
this,—to wrong her creditors (and. consequently be a
prisoner in her own house into the bargain,) or to see
her son ruined. Justice forbids the one and natural affection
forbids the other, but I am informed she is most inclinable to the
latter [sic]. If this last stake then be trifled away to as little
purpose as all the rest have been, she’ll reap the misery and you
the shame. . . . To conclude, because I find my paper at an end,
if you are resolved to be extravagant . . . let me advise you as a
friend to do it so that the King may neither see it nor hear of it,
for I'll assure you that there can be no worse way in the world of
making one’s court to the King than by extravagancy, and no
better way than by diligence and good husbandry. . . for I know
his Majesty so well that he’ll never have any great confidence in
a man that is an ill-husband, for he believes, and that with great
reason, that a man who cannot manage his own private concerns
as he ought, will never be capable of managing that of the
public.” [Four very closely written folio pages, with religious
exhortations and advice concerning the future. |

T [Homas] F [Ranxxanp] to his father Sir Wiutiam [Franxnanp].

1689, June 22.—‘‘ Yesterday, Duke Shomberg had a letter from
Col. Kirk, which gave an account that he was arrived at the
mouth of the river of Londonderry, but was afraid he should meet -
with difficulty to get into the town by reason of Kilmore fort,
which stands upon the bank of the river within three miles of the
town, but that he would use his utmost endeavours to relieve
those poor people in it. Our House has this day resolved that the
73

King be moved to permit some of our members to inspect the
Council books and the books of the Committee for Irish affairs, in
order to find out where the miscarriage hasbeen that that town
has not been relieved all this while, and that the army is in no
greater readiness to go into Ireland.

“The Bill for regulating the Militia was read this morning and
ordered to be read again upon Tuesday. The Bill for summoning
certain persons now in arms against the King, or adhering to his
enemies, was read a second time and committed, and these persons
following ordered to be inserted: the Duke of Berwick, Lord
Powis, Lord Dover, Lord Hunsden, Lord Thomas and Lord
George Howard, Lord Melford, Sir Edward Herbert, Sir William
Jennings, Sir Roger Strickland, Sir Patrick Trant, Sir John
Sparrow, Sir James Philipps, Mr. John Trinder, Mr. Collins, Mr.
Hales, Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Brent, Col. Sootherland, Col. Dominick
Sheldon, Sir Henry Bond, Col. Trevanion, Col. Powell, Major
Beech his two brothers.

‘‘The King this morning passed four Bills, one for the exporta-
tion of leather, a second for exporting beer, ale and mum, a third
about the Commissioners of the Great Seal, wherein there are
several clauses concerning the Custos Ro[tulorum] and C[ommis-
sion] of the Peace that have occasioned its being.so delayed, and
the fourth the Bill of Subsidy. My cousin Talbot is going to be
married to Lord Gray of Ruthen. I had not heard anything of
Sir William Russ[ell] being married before I received yours, and
can scarce tell how to believe it. My Lord desires that when the
deputy-lieutenants meet they would appoint a certain place
where he may direct his letters to them. My wife presents her
duty to you, and her service to my brother and sister.” 14 pp.

Tuomas FRANKLAND to his father, Sir Witu1amM F'RanKuaND.

1689, September 21.—Yesterday Parliament met, but upon a
statement by Mr. Wharton, the Comptroller, that such was
his Majesty’s pleasure, immediately adjourned again until
October 19.

The King, wishing to raise money upon the credit of the fund
for the Duteh, will grant the commission of Excise to those who
will advance the required sum. I have better hopes of getting
the annuities left us by Lord Bell{asyse] than I had when I
wrote last, although he was never able to sign the declaration
which he had drawn up.

Postscript. ‘‘ Duke Shomberg has passed the Nury [Newry],
and Villars’ and Hewitt’s regiments are arrived safe in Ireland,
and Will Harboard with the money.” 14 pp.

A[wne] L[vcxyn?] to Mrs. [Joanna] Currs.

1690, April 5. Little Waltham.—Although sick and uneasy, it
shall not be my fault, my Cutts, if letter begets not letter, ‘‘ but if
you are absolutely relapsed into your old lethargic laziness,
74

farewell for ever, for I’ve much business, little health and
perhaps less time.” However busy you are, I pray you send to
Thibal for a pot of hips, &c., and let me have it, and my book of
military discipline, the first you can. 4p. Sealof arms. [Signed
only A. L. Apparently written by Anne, daughter and heiress of
Sir William Luckyn, of Little Waltham. The seal bears the
Luckyn arms. |

Addressed: ‘‘ For Mrs. Cutts, at the honourable Col. Cutts’
house in Soho Square, London.”

E[uizasetH, Lapy] Cutts to her husband, Lorp Curts.

[1692*], May 10.—Captain P. will tell you why your horses
have not been sent before now. Mr. Lagden has made up the
account with my brother Acton, for himself and some of the
other tenants, and has paid 60l., of which Mr. Temple has had
forty. ‘‘ My cousins Luckins did me the favour to dine with me
to-day, and J have been this afternoon to wait on them to Hide
Park, where we have met all the rabble in the town, the train-
bands being to be received by the Queen, and have made my
cousins the greatest compliment I could make them, to go into
such a crowd, there being nothing I dread so much.” The
children send their duty. 34 pp.

Marca DE FonsEca to Lorp [Cutts ? |

1692, [November 28-] December 8. Brussels.—Has sent M. la
Riviere’s demand and the bill of the physician, apothecary and sur-
geon some time ago, and hopes his Lordship received it. Less than
240 florins will not content these gentlemen. Prays him to men-
tion to Monsieur Don Phelippe de la Guerra, agent of his Catholic
Majesty, their little account, he having sent his lordship’s note
of hand for one thousand eight hundred florins to the said Don
Philippe. If there were not great need of the money, he would
not be so importunate, but necessity knows no law. His father

and mother send their compliments. French. 24 pp.
Endorsed ‘‘My. Fonseca.”

P. Daupz to [Lorp Cutts].

1693, Aprill. Louis.—Expresses his distress at having incurred
his Lordship’s displeasure, and assures him that his conduct
since ‘‘ Madame’s”’ death has been such as to give no ground for
it.t His whole life has been given to his duties, as Mr. Trevor’s

 

* For the date, see Luttrell’s Relation of State Affairs, Vol. II., p 447.

+ Lord Cutts’ lst wife died in February, 1698, She had been married twice
before, her second husband being Sir John Trevor, Secretary of State to
Charles II, The children here named are presumably his.
75

own letters may show, and yet he is suspected of being “‘le plus
grand coquin du monde.” Acknowledges that he had his Lordship’s
orders to write twice a week concerning thé health of the children,
but thought these were given only to show his affection, and never
dreamt that he wished to be so often troubled by letters, that
being a liberty which other equally tender parents would never
have permitted. Congratulates him upon the report that the King
has committed one of the most important fortresses to his care,
and upon his having been made Brigadier-General.

Mr. Trevor, his brother and his sisters all send their duty.
French. 54 pp.

Wiuuiam Buatuwayt to Lorp Courts, at Scotland Yard:

[1693], April 4-14. Hague.—Congratulating him upon his
appointment as Governor of the Isle of Wight. 4 p.

Joanna Cutts to Lorp Cutts, in the Isle of Wight.

[1693?] September 1.—Deploring the death of a sister, whose
funeral is to be next day. Her niece and cousin Luckyn are
going down, but she will not be able to accompany them, being
obliged ‘‘for fear of an ill-natured impatient creditor to keep at
home,” for a few days. 24 pp.

Lorp Cutts to

16938, December 7. Whitehall.—Announcing his intention
again to stand as knight of the shire, and hoping to have
the support of his correspondent and his friends. Copy. 4 p.

IsLE oF WIGHT.

[1693 ?]—‘‘ An abstract of Queen Klizabeth’s letters patents to
Sir George Carey for the Captainship of the Isle of Wight.”

Granting him: 1—4. As Captain and Constable of the Island
with its castles and forts, and steward and receiver of the Crown
lands, &c., the sum of 6s. 8d. per diem, and all other customary
profits and emoluments, with power to appoint a deputy and
thirteen other men to serve under him.

5,6. As Keeper of Carisbrooke Park (with the herbage and
pannage), and master of the wild beasts in the Island, 2d. per
diem, with the usual fees, &c., incident to the office.

7. Power to let the lands, either for twenty-one years or three
lives.

8. Authority to have and-hold all writs and other mandates, to
the end that the inhabitants may not be molested by the sheriff
or any other minister outside the Island, who are to execute no
writs, &c., save in default of Sir George or his officers,
76

9. Authority to hold ‘the assize and assay” of bread, beer,
and all other victuals and weights and measures, without inter-
ruption from any other clerk of the market.

10. The exercise of the office of coroner within the Isle. 1} pp.
[Probably made for Lord Cutts’ use. |

Remarks by Lorp Currs upon the Isle of Wight, considered
as a frontier.

[1693 ?]—One of the principal foundations which Cardinal
Richelieu laid down for securing a Prince’s honour and greatness’
was to keep his frontiers in a good condition, and Queen Elizabeth’s
Council thought this maxim of so much weight, and the Isle of
Wight so important, that she laid out a considerable sum in
adding a new enciente of eight bastions and a hornwork to
Carisbrooke Castle, ‘‘ which was before only an ancient Roman
work.”

The island is of the highest importance to England for the
following reasons :—

1. Its situation, opposite to France, and with anchorage
for the biggest ships of war at Cowes, St. Helen’s Road,
Spithead, &c.

2. Its considerable size.

3. Its richness, and capacity to maintain troops, furnishing, as
it does, the markets of Southampton, Portsmouth, &c., besides
sending many things to London.

4, Its entrance to the main land.at Hurst Castle, where troops
may pass in open boats, with any wind or in any weather ; so
that a corps darmée having ‘‘ taken post” there might be
maintained until sufficiently re-inforced to pass to the mainland.
The fleet has hitherto hindered anything of this sort, but fleets
are subject to many uncertainties from wind, weather, accidents
and the conduct of those who command them.

5. Its importance to Portsmouth, which might be starved
without its help, if attacked by land.

6. The strength of Carisbrooke Castle, “the only inland
fortification of any considerable strength now in England,” from
which in case of need small garrisons could be sent into the
gentlemen’s seats in the Island and which gives its Governor
command over the whole Island, so that though all Kngland
should revolt the Isle of Wight would not, and therefore—

7. It may be considered a corps de reserve, by which, in case
of disorders in England, the King may bring any numbers of
troops, ammunition, &c. from beyond seas. ‘‘ Queen Elizabeth’s
Council did not advise her to throw away her money mal-a-propos,
and yet they advised her to lay out a considerable sum in adding
to the strength of this island, and those who write anything of
the secrets of her Cabinet assure us that, had she lived, she had
17

a design of improving it yet further. I mention Queen
Elizabeth, because that Princess supported the royal authority
‘as much as the circumstances of her reign would admit of, and

was formidable to her enemies abroad.” Draft in Lord Cutts’
hand. 12 pp.

Isue or WIGHT.

[1698 ?]—‘‘ Reflections upon the Government of the Isle of
Wight, with regard to the civil power,” by Lord Cutts.

_The three corporations, Newport, Newtown, and Yarmouth,
send each two members. The Corporation of Newport consists
of a Mayor and twenty-four Aldermen, and these only have voices
in choosing a parliament man. Many of them are substantial
men, not depending on the Governor, but by good management
(if supported by the State) he may always secure the majority.
‘‘This corporation is at present upon a good foot with regard to
his Majesty’s Governor, and ’tis the only Corporation of the three
that has (in effect) a free election.”

The Corporation of Newtown consists of a Mayor and twelve
Aldermen, and the present Governor is Master of this corporation.
“The gentlemen (encouraged by the M[arquis] of W[inchester]
and Major Morgan), are endeavouring to get the constitution of
this corporation altered, but (Gf his Majesty’s servants dont
sacrifice his interests to their own) it may be prevented.”

The Corporation of Yarmouru consists of a Mayor and twelve
Aldermen, who have a power to add as many freemen to the
corporation as they please (who have all of them voices in the
election of members of Parliament), ‘‘ insomuch that the Mayor
and any five of the Aldermen can turn the elections as they think
fit. This corporation would be entirely at the Governor’s
disposition if Major Morgan did not oppose it; a thing as unheard
of in any former reign as it is indecent and contradictory to
reason, for an officer in the King’s pay to put his own private
affairs or inclinations in the balance with his master’s service, at
least to do it publicly, or for an inferior officer to oppose his
superior in matters where the King’s interest is in question.
Upon the whole matter, the King may (if he please) be master
always of six voices in Parliament, which any wise man will
allow to be a thing of the greatest importance, if he remembers
that the greatest point of the Revolution was turned but by one
voice. . . . And since two of the corporations will always be
managed by somebody, it will be as just for the King’s officer to
dispose of them as for any country gentleman (or faction) to do
it. The Vice-Admiralty being vested in the Governor will have
a great effect in putting things upon the right foot.” Draft. 4 pp.

Lorp Curts’ Case in respect to his election for co. Cambridge.

[1694, February 2?]—States that neither by himself or his
agent did he use any unfair proceedings, but that on the contrary,
the night before, he desired the High Sheriff and Sir Rushout
78

Cullen to meet him, when they agreed on and signed articles to
prevent any disputes or disorder, and provided that a gentleman
should watch the clerks on behalf of each candidate, and to
determine matters arising in the poll. The election was finished
without any dispute whatsoever, ‘insomuch that ’twas the
general discourse that a fairer election was never seen,
the High Sheriff and Under Sheriff both declaring the
same thing on their own accord, although they both used
their interest against Lord Cutts, and voted for Sir Rushout
Cullen, which plainly shows that the High Sheriff proclaimed
and returned Lord Cutts for no other reason than because he
thought himself obliged in justice so to do, as also that the
Under Sheriff did not in the poll show any partiality to Lord
Cutts.” Sir Rushout urged the closing of the poll himself, and
afterwards, when the books were cast up, they were at his desire
gone over twice more, the names of every freeholder were read
and the books compared. By the Lord Cutts’ books, his majority
was 13, by the Sheriff’s books 11, and by Sir Rushout’s books 14.
The Sheriff then declared Lord Cutts elected, with no objections
from Sir R. Cullen, or anyone on his behalf. 2} pp. *

[Lorp Currs?] to ————.

1694, April 24. Pellmell.—His Majesty has been pleased to
pardon Mr. John King, now Lord Kingston, brother to the late
Lord Kingston in Ireland. He was never in arms, ‘‘but being a
menial servant to the late King James, and wanting bread, went
over with my Lord Shrewsbury’s pass, and now, having some
pretensions, has thrown himself at the King’s feet,” giving good
security. 4p. Copy im Lord Cutts’ hand.

GeneraL T. Taumacu to [Lorp Cutts. |

(1694, May ?] Upt[on] Park.—‘‘Your servant delivered me
yours this afternoon at Upt[on] Park, where I came this day for
some fresh air, having had some fits of an ague. The ships I
have so long waited for appear in sight of Portsmouth, as I am
informed by an express, so that I shall lose no time in
enbarking the men. As near as I can guess, if you come on
Thursday noon, you'll find us still at Portsmouth.” 1} p.

Sir Jonn LowtHer, Sir Ropert Ricw and Sir Grorce Rooke,
Admiralty Commissioners, to Caprain Pounp, commander of
the Sally Rose.

1694, July 10. Admiralty Office.—Desiring him, in pursuance
of her Majesty's command, signified by Sir John Trenchard,

 

*«The committee of elections sat late last night upon the election of a knight
of the shire for Cambridge between the Lord Cutts, sitting member, and Sir
Rushout Cullen, petitioner, and it was carried for the petitioner,” Luttrell,
Vol. III., p. 264, under date February 3rd, 1694.
79

principal secretary of State, to take Lord Cutts on’ board, and
carry him to the fleet. Signed, ‘J. Southern, by command of
the Commissioners.” 4 p.

[Lorp Currs] to Mr. Secretary Trencuarp.

1694, July 27. Camp near Portsmouth.—‘ My Lord Macklesfield
parting from hence the night before last, and leaving his opinion
with me, my Lord Bercley thought it unnecessary to call a council
of war, but his lordship, Sir Clovesly Shovell and I agreed to put
on shore the regiments of Cutts, Collyer, Coote, Venner, Row,
de Rada, in all six, his lordship desiring four to be left on board
for the present at least. The companies are not all come on shore,
so that I cannot by this send her Majesty an exact account of the
state of them, only in general that they have suffered much more
at sea than I expected, which I impute to their being crowded so
much in the ships, and many of them wanting hammocks. By
my next I shall send lists of the sick and dead, with the present
strength of each battalion. In the meantime I think it my
duty humbly to offer my opinion (which I do with the
deepest submission to her Majesty’s pleasure, and your better
judgment) and that is, that the sooner I am sent with these
regiments to the King, the better it will be; for if the King has
not yet given battle we may happen to come a porpos [sic]; if he
has given battle with success, the arrival of such a body (upon it)
will have a great effect, and if the issue of the action should be
otherwise (which God forbid) the reinforcements would in such a
ease be necessary. It’s true, I have all along been of an opinion
to make a diversion, but besides that the latter season is very
far advanced and the troops we have diverted from Flanders
cannot arrive there in time, though (upon her Majesty sending
us) the enemy would change their measures ; besides that, sir, the
likelihood that his Majesty has fought, or is very near it, is a
consideration of weight, and if her Majesty is of that opinion, not
a day is to be lost that can be saved ; and it is my humble opinion
(with the advice of the commanding officers of battalions) that
the regiments are certainly in danger of losing great numbers by
desertion if we march anywhere else to embark; the fatigue of
the sea, with the thoughts of Flanders, having some influence
upon our men.

‘“‘T humbly desire her Majesty would be pleased to signify her
pleasure to me (by yourself or the Secretary of War) not to let
any officer stir from his post without her leave particularly
signified to me, which her Majesty will please not to grant but
for extraordinary reasons. I am encamped with them (to shew them
good example) and shall not stir from them so long as they are
under my care. I hope her Majesty will not think of sending
any general officer with them but myself, since that was his
Majesty’s first intention. It would be for her service to recruit
these regiments according to proposals I have given to my Lord

Macklesfield.” Copy. 2% pp.
80

QuEEN Marnie to Jonn, Lorp Currts, Brigadier-General of
the Forces.

1694, July 31. Court at Whitehall—Ordering him to cause
the detachment of foot Guards now on board the fleet to disembark
and march to their former quarters in London. Sign manual.
Countersigned by Dr. George Clarke, secretary at war. 4 p.

Duke or SHrREewspury to Lorp Cutts.

1694, August 1. Whitehall_—Has not failed to represent his
Lordship’s opinion concerning the regiments; but it is resolved
that only those three which he has now orders to put on board
shall go to Flanders, together with that of Belasyse, which, being
near town, will be embarked in the river. 1 p. °

QurEeN Marre to Lorp Cutts.

1694, August 8. Court at Whitehall.—Desiring him to. cause
the foot regiment commanded by Col. Samuel Venner to re-embark
on board the fleet, and, with the other regiments now there, to
obey the commands of John, Lord Berkley, Admiral of the Blue
Squadron, or, in his absence, of the commander in chief of the
said squadron. Sign manual. Countersigned by Dr. George Clarke.

% Dp.

Lorp Curts to the DuxE or SHREWSBURY.

1694, August 5. Camp near Portsmouth.—Announces the
embarkation of the three regiments, Cutts’, Collier’s and Rada’s,
and prays his favour in the following particulars :—

That he may have an order for the transport of horses for the
regiments and for his own use ;

That the officers of the three regiments may have something
upon account ;

That the regiments may have money enough to carry them to
the camp or to their quarters in Flanders (as otherwise there will
be great confusion and extreme prejudice to the forces);

And that her Majesty may be pleased to order each regiment a
dratt of a hundred men from the regiments remaining in England
(as the King has formerly dene in many cases), the drafts made
at London to be embarked with Belasyse’s regiment.

Supposes that he is appointed to take care of the regiments, and
hopes to receive her Majesty’s commands. Copy. 2 pp.

Tue Dvuxe or SHRewssury to Lorp Curts.

1694, August 7.—‘‘If all the regiments had gone for Flanders
as your lordship proposed, it had no doubt been most proper that
a general officer had been sent to take care of them, but her
Majesty baving resolved upon these three only, and they not in a
very good condition, I doubt, for service, and at the latter end of
81

a campaign, I did not know whether your lordship would much
covet the employment, and hearing nothing of it from yourself, I
deferred mentioning of it to her Majesty till now I received your
lordship’s last letter ; and her Majesty leaves it wholly to your
own inclinations, without interposing her commands.

‘There has all the solicitations imaginable been used with the
rene of the Treasury in favour of the officers now to be sent for

anders.

‘There is no resolution taken yet whether any drafts of men
shall be made out of the regiments here for the completing those
three that are sent.” 1 p.

Dr. Georce CuarKe to Lorp Curts.

1694, August 7. Whitehall.—Regrets that any mistake should
have occurred in his office to his Lordship’s prejudice, but never
heard of any commission that he had to command nine
regiments in chief, and believed those at sea to be no more under his
direction than any other general officer’s; nor those encamped,
further than as his Lordship happened to be the eldest officer
upon the place. Must confess that he took both those and all the
other land forces in England to be under the only commander-in-
chief that he knows of, who is the Duke of Schonberg; but if
better informed will willingly rectify his mistake. 1 p.

Winuram Buatuwayt to Lorp Curts.

1694-5, January 22. Whitehall.—It will be a great misfortune
if the convoy have overshot their port, as it will mean delay.
Col. Dudley has ‘‘ advised the receiving of the 3001.” designed for
his Lordship, ‘‘ which is therefore in doing.” His Majesty
orders Col. Lillingston’s disbanded officers to be placed in the first
vacancies of the three other regiments now in the west. -1 p.

Kine Wir III. to Lorp Curts.

1694-5, March 12. Court at Kensington.—Ordering him to
repair to Portsmouth, the Isle of Wight, and elsewhere, to take a
review of the regiments of Brigadier Stuart, and Cols. Venner,
Coote and Rowe (about to embark to join the fleet at Cadiz), and,
upon the arrival of the transport ships at Spithead or St. Helens,
to take care for the embarkation of the troops, with all possible
expedition ; also, to order Brigadier Hastings’ regiment to march
to Portsmouth, and from it to make such drafts as will fill up the
other four regiments to the strength of the establishment, and,
in case of any vacancies of commissioned officers, to supply the
same with such of Col. Lillingston’s officers as shall accompany
him to Portsmouth. Sign manual. Countersigned by Blathwayt.
2 pp.

14170 F
82

Kine Wiixutam III. to Lorp Cutts.

1694-5, March 13.—Further orders, desiring him to take care
that, at the embarkation, the respective officers satisty the subal-
terns and privates what is due to them for their Irish arrears, sea
subsistence, and otherwise, “‘for so long time as the same shall
have been paid” by his Majesty. Sign manual. 1 p.

[Dr. Gzorcz Crarke to Lorp Currs ?|

[1695,] March 16.—‘ About twelve yesterday the Black Rod
came with a message to the House of Commons that the King
expected their attendance in the House of Lords, where the
Speaker elect coming up to the Bar, acquainted his Majesty in a
short speech that the Commons having fixed their choice upon
him, notwithstanding the just excuse he had made to them of his
many imperfections, he would not urge his own private opmuion
any further, nor interpose it against their election, but humbly
implored his Majesty’s gracious approbation, being resolved to
supply the deficiency of his understanding by his application and
industry. My Lord Keeper in the usual form signified the
King’s consent, and then the Speaker, expressing in a few words
his sense of the great honour conferred upon him, desired that
his crimes of ignorance or inadvertency might not be imputed to
the Commons, and that he humbly threw himself upon his
Majesty’s gracious pardon for any personal errors and omissions,
after which the royal assent was given to two private bills. The
Speaker at his return reported what had passed in the House of
Lords, and proceeded in a short speech (after having repeated
his thanks) to take notice of the disorders which were crept into
the House, both by the excursions in their debates and the
frequent reflections one upon another, and concluded to this
effect, that whatever his failings might be, he would still preserve
clean hands. The rest of the day’s proceedings being in print
need not here be repeated, as not affording any particular
remark.

“This morning the Speaker was in the chair by nine o’clock.
Two private bills, the bill for raising the militia, that for
encouraging seamen anda money bill, were read; and then a
motion being made that the Lords had in the case now depend-
ing between the Earls of Bathe and Mountacute taken cognizance of
it in such a manner as if they designed to extend their judicature
even to original causes, it occasioned a debate, which after an
hour fell through without a question ; the argument on one side
being formed from the necessity of vindicating the rights of the
people, which were daily intrenched upon by the Lords, that on
the other insisting how improper a time t’was at the end of a
session to controvert a point which might cause a breach, to be
avoided above all things in the present posture of affairs. By
this time it was two o’clock, and it was either moved or seconded

 

* Paul Foley, Esq.
83

by Sir Edward Hussey to expel the late Speaker* out of the
House. Jack How spoke in his favour, so did some others, but in
vain, for the vote was carried against him without a division.
(He was elected somewhere in the Isle of Wight.)

It was afterwards motioned that Sir Robert Clayton should
say what he could for himself as to his part in being the proposer
of giving the present to the late Speaker, but he was withdrawn
just before very ill, as several gentlemen affirmed, and the
consideration of his doom is adjourned to Monday, and the
House rose about three o’clock. 24 pp. [The letter is unsigned,
but appears to be in Dr. Clarke’s handwriting. |

WiuiiaM Buatuwayrt to Lorp Curts.

1694-5, March 19.—I am directed by his Majesty, through
Lord Portland, to imform you that he designs Sir H. Belasyse
to stand for Yarmouth, if you can be assured of a majority there;
but otherwise, you are to give your interest to Major Holmes, “‘as
he is the King’s servant and a neighbour of that corporation.”
Col. Dudley, who sets out to-morrow, will further inform you in
the matter. 1 p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1694-5, March 20. Whitehall.—Lord Portland has brought me
another message from the King, who now says that you are to
exert your own interest and his Majesty’s recommendation to the
utmost for Sir H. Belasyse if you see ‘‘a fair probability of success

. . . but that if there be more reason for despair, the person to
be set up be Mr. Wolseley, the King’s envoy at Brussels, now
here.” His Majesty thinks it absolutely necessary that you stay
in those parts until the election be over.

Postscript.—Your express arrived in the night. ‘I am glad
things are like to go so well, and particularly for Brigadier

Stewart’s sake.”’ 2 pp.

Lorp Curts to Brigaprer GENERAL STEWART.

1694[-5], March 23. Portsmouth—‘‘ Having received instruc-
tions in writing from his Majesty (a copy whereof is here-
unto annexed) whereby I am commanded to review, recruit,
and embark the four regiments under your command designed
for the Straits (viz., Stuart, Coote, Brudenell, and Pizart), and
to order and dispose of all things relating to the embarkation of
the said regiments, I have thought fit to give you in writing
what I have done therein, in obeying his Majesty's commands to
the best of my judgment and power, as also what orders I have
(from time to time) received relating thereunto.

 

* Sir John Trevor.
+ Lieut, Col. Thos, Brudenell and the Marquis de Puizar had just been appointed

to the regiments of Cols. Rowe and Venner, ‘‘suspended by a court martial
upon complaints of some officers.’’ See Luttrell, vol, III., p. 450.
84

‘His Majesty’s first orders were (as appears by the foresaid
instructions) that I should make the foresaid four regiments
complete, according to the establishment of a regiment of foot.
But finding (at my arrival here, upon enquiry) that there was not
transportation and victuals provided for above three thousand
men, I represented the same to his Majesty by Mr. Blathwayt,
and humbly proposed (as absolutely necessary for the service)
that orders might be given to appoint more transports and
provisions, to answer which I received a letter from his Majesty
by Mr. Blathwayt to this effect, that though transportation was
provided but for three thousand men, and though the establish-
ment of a regiment of foot complete amounted to more, yet that
it would be thus supplied :—The embarkation is calculated at the
rate of a ton each man, but (‘tis alleged that) a ton will quarter a
man and a quarter, and the odd quarter in each ton will more
than supply the supernumeraries. Notwithstanding which 1
had orders to appoint a supplement of transportation and
victuals, as I should see occasion.

‘Soon after this, upon the disorder which happened in the four
companies at Salisbury, his Majesty (apprehending that there
would happen a great desertion thereupon, and that men would
come short) signified to me his commands by Mr. Blathwayt
that (notwithstanding my former directions) I should regulate
the embarkation upon the number of three thousand men
only, for which ’twas thought there would be no
occasion of an increase of transportation or victuals.
But the commissioner of transportation, and the agent to the
victuallers, having made some steps therein (to the number of
about four hundred and four), and the time for sailing drawing
very near, and understanding by all Mr. Blathwayt’s significations
of his Majesty’s pleasure (by letter) that by no means the sailing
of the fleet was to be delayed a moment, I thought it not
practicable to countermand what was done.

‘When I came to make a regulation for the recruiting of the
four regiments, I proposed to myself to pitch upon such a
medium as that on the one side the transports might not be too
much crowded, nor Sir John Jacob’s regiment quite broke ; nor
(on the other side) the four regiments so weak (in entering into
the campaign) as to disappoint his Majesty’s intentions. Besides
that, it was not specified in the article of the three thousand men
to be embarked, whether the officers and officers’ servants were
understood to be exclusive or inclusive. —

‘Upon this I had the honour to advise with yourself and the
colonels thereupon, and ’twas agreed to regulate the regiments
at fifty private sentinels (servants exclusive) per company, and
‘twas unanimously agreed that a lesser proportion would be
inconsistent with the service. What has happened sinee, you
have been yourself a witness of. I'll only make this remark upon
the whole: at a man per ton the transport falls short; at a man

and a quarter per ton it comes over, though I fear the calculation
is too narrow.
85

‘‘ Having laid this before you, sir, I have only to acquaint you

with his Majesty’s pleasure for the rest, so far as it has been
signified to me by Mr. Blathwayt (per letter and instructions)
and by his Majesty by verbal order : —
_ “That after having embarked the forces pursuant to my foresaid
instructions, I was to deliver the care of all thing[s] (relating to
the land-service) into your hands, which, in obedience to his
Majesty’s orders, I do by these presents, that especial care be
taken not to delay the sailing of the fleet a minute upon any
account whatsoever, but rather (as his Majesty expresses himself)
to want of the numbers. I heartily wish you a good voyage.”
Copy. 4 pp.

Wiuu1am Bruatawayt to Lorp Curts.

1695, March 26. Whitehall.—I have received your letters, and
laid abstracts of them before his Majesty.

It is reported here ‘that your Lordship has ordered the two
companies from Portsmouth to come and quarter at Yarmouth
during the election, where none or no such proportion of men
used to be at another time. I hope, my Lord, it is quite other-
wise, for that it is a constant rule and his Majesty’s express
pleasure that all soldiers do ever remove from a place where. there
is to be an election, as it is absolutely necessary in this case, where
the least intimation of such quartering would set the House of
Commons in a flame, and make void any election your Lordship
should countenance.” Lieut.-Colonel Hussey is here, but his case
in reference to Brigadier Stewart will not be heard until you are
present, who I suppose did nothing unwarranted by your in-
structions. ‘‘ The House of Commons is very warm about the
East India Company’s business, having sent Sir T. Cook to the
Tower for refusing to discover his knowledge.” 2 pp.

Notes or INTELLIGENCE.

[1695, March ?]—Seven Spanish battalions are destined for
Germany. A man who left Antwerp on the 8th says that all is
quiet there, that the bridge on the Scheldt is restored, and
that he saw at Merxem the pioneers destined to repair the
l[ines ?] on that side.

The enemy have resolved to let their troops stay quietly in their
cantonments unless we make a movement.

Paris, the 4th.—The K[ing] has reviewed his g(uards ?] but
their departure is deferred, and also that of Marshal Villeroy,
who is still with the King. All the troops have arrived in the
Low Countries. .

Louvain, March 6.—The regiment of Alsace was still at
Brussels, and the following had arrived :—Beringham’s, Bossart’s,
Fustemberg’s, the Bavarian horse guards. The Rheingrave had
also arrived. Five companies of carabiniers, the fusiliers, and
the artillery are at Malines, and the Royal Etrangers near
Louvain. French. 2 pp. In Lord Cutts’ hand.
86

Sir Wiit1aM Trumpuui to Lorp Cutts.

1695, June 8. Whitehall Has received his Lordship’s from
Quinbourg [Queenborough] and regrets his being hindered by
contrary winds, but believes he will be with the King and army time
enough to have his share in the honour of any action. Prays
God to send good success to all. Two mails have arrived from
Holland and he sends an abstract of the news they bring (wanting).

L ».

Mar[caret] Acton to her brother [Lorp Courts}.

1695, July 25.—Is heartily glad to hear that Sir Harry 1s
chosen for Cambridge, and hopes it is a good forerunner of her
brother’s own election. Sends her services to Sir Harry and
his lady. If the latter will favour her with a visit on her way to
the ‘‘Oyll of Whett,” she shall have a hearty welcome. Mr.
Acton is in town. Peggy sends her duty. 2 pp.

Mary Mason to Lorp Currs at Newmarket.

1695, October 18.—‘‘I doubt not your Lordship’s pardon if I
am very impertinent, because "tis a woman after all, and your
Lordship can expect no better.” I pray for your assistance for
my nephew, Natt. Salmon, who desires to be a fellow of Bennet
College; but unhappily he has been admitted a lawyer, and has
his degree in that form. I am informed however, that, by the
King’s mandate, he may have a Master of Arts degree, and I
believe that if it is in your Lordship’s power to get this favour
from his Majesty, my nephew will not want it. A word also to
Dr. Stanley may further his choice in the College.

I heartily congratulate your safe return from this summer’s
expedition, and pray that you may be further serviceable in your
generation, and that you may be as great a conqueror in your
spiritual warfare, thus at last to attain immortal glory.. I hope
to hear of your triumph again at Cambridge, for all the country
speaks well of you. 14 pp.

MonsizuR St. Pau to Lorp Curts.

1695, Oetober 18-28. Bush.—Regrets that he was not in the
camp at St. Quintin when Mons. de Boislin (now with the Count
of Nassau) came to see him on his Lordship’s behalf, he having
been obliged to escort the King to the neighbourhood of Breda.
On his return, learnt that his Lordship was at Brussels, and would
have gone over there, but his troop was ordered to march on the
morrow, and he could not leave it, owing to the paucity of officers
with the corps. Made enquiries at Antwerp, but heard nothing,
until, on arriving at this place, Col. Sylliar [? Sulyard] informs
him that his Lordship has gone to England.

 

*Lord Cutts was elected for co. Cambridge in October, 1695, but Sir Henry ~

did not sit for the borough until 1698.
87

Will find means to rid himself of his lieutenancy in the
Grenadiers if his Lordship should accept “les propositions pour
aide de camp” which he made a year ago at Loo, and repeated
at Namur, on the evening of its capitulation. French. 2 pp.

EK. Laurence to [Lorp Currts ? |

[1695 ?] December 1. Litchfield Street.—I have done my ut-
most to get the letter to send you, “but there being nothing in it
more than professions of friendship, very handsomely expressed,
she thought it could be of no great use. They keep a constant
correspondence together, and my s[ister] takes all opportunities
to suggest everything which she thinks may be of service, but
she dares not be very particular, because they open all her letters.

‘There has been of late several proposals made to the Princess,
Lord Sherrard one, he has been proposed by Mr. Hodges, a
Leicestershire gentleman and a relation to the family of Katesby ;
Sir Thomas Alston, a Bedfordshire gentleman, and Mr. Peto, a
Warwickshire man, who has a very considerable estate and one of
the finest seats in England; this last was named before I left
Northamptonshire, and I heard the Princess except against him
because of his age not being more than eighteen ; but I find by
Mr. Parkhurst there is none of these motions so well approved of
by him as the first, but there’s no progress as I know of made
yet, and I have heard the lord say no fortune that was not in
money could be convenient to him ; the princess in her last tomy
sister is very earnest with her to go down and keep her Christmas
with her; she tells her she has no pleasure without her, and if she
won’t go down she’ll come up. Young Mr. Parkhurst is come to
town and has been with me, and says that for a week after my
sister left them the spotless fair cried every day for the loss of her.

‘Upon the whole, my lord, lam satisfied. Was your Lordship
here, it might easily be effected, neither is it in the power of any-
thing but a long absence to prevent it, and therefore my daily
wishes is for your lordship’s presence here to take possession of
the greatest prize England can afford.” 44 pp.

J[oun] Tucker to Lorp Curts.

1695-6, March 5. Whitehall.—Requesting him (with his
secretary) to meet Secretary Trumbull at his office in the
afternoon, the Lords of the Committee of Council having given
some directions concerning the papers seized in the hands of
several persons and sent to the office by his Lordship.” # p.

Lorp Curts to

1696, August [18-]28. Elector of Bavaria’s Camp at
Gramont.—The Duke of Wyrtenberge and all of us are much
surprised by your order to us, communicated by Major-General

 

* Probably in relation to the Berkeley plot, which Lord Cutts helped to defeat.
88

Earle, to send for our money to Dermonde, Brussells being
nearer, and our quartermasters already there. I doubt not of
your zeal to the service, but ‘wish your hurries would give you
leave to take a little more care of the troops.” I have commanded
a party to Dermonde, and (being major-general of the day) have
sent an express to Brussels to send the quarter masters thither.
Mr. Woollett has told me that you would not be troubled with
my accounts any longer. ‘‘Since ’tis so great a trouble (as it
seems it is) I do not desire it, but when the campaign is over I
must desire that I may have some account of my forage money
and some other matters, for which I think myself very ill used.”

Copy. 14 pp.

Lorp Currs to [EuizapetH Pricxerine* ?]

1696, October 27. Kensington—‘ You find by the dates of my
letters that Kensington has all those hours that I can call my own,
and I assure you, all’my thoughts, when I am alone in my
retreat there, are solely devoted to you, excepting such as have
no share in the things of this world. . . . Ihave no visitors.
no company upon business, no officers, nobody comes near me

but the minute I set my foot at my house in London,
my rooms are full of company and my head crammed with
business. I mention this because I was speaking of it once at
Mrs. Hagar’s, and I think you were by, Madam, when somebody
said it would be impossible ever to be master of any such
retirement in so public a station as Tam in. I wish Sir Harry
would give leave to somebody about you to give me an account
of your health, and to let me know if you receive my letters, as
Mrs. Mally Hagar used to do.” 38 pp.

JoHN Putuures to Lorp Curts.

[1697, April ? ]—Informing him that the gentlemen at Newtown
strive only who can get most votes, and accuse him (the
writer) of being the only man to keep them out, and so are resolved
to ruin him. Supposes that his Lordship has had particulars
from the Mayor, but thinks fit to send the enclosed, of which he
has five or six more. Wonders that Sir William Stephens and
parson Williams should desire to serve, ‘‘when neither of them
but refused to what the King set out.” Prays his Lordship to
stand by them, and assures him that if he stands it out they will
all serve him to the last. Begs for reimbursement of what he has
paid to Captain Marshall, of Sandom [Sandown] Fort. # p.

Enclosing,

King William III. to the Mayor and capital burgesses of
Newtowne, ahas Franckville, Isle of Wight. It having been
the custom, time out of mind, that anyone holding any

 

*Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Henry Pickering, of Whaddon, co. Cambridge, became
Lord Cutts’ second wife in 1697.
89

messuage or lands adjacent to the town, by what is
commonly called burgage tenure, or holding any free tenement
in the town, and paying what is commonly called town rent,
should be counted a capital burgher of the said town; and it
appearing that Sir Robert’ Worsley, Bart., holds the land
called ‘‘Pentons” adjacent to the said town, yet that you,
the Mayor and capital burghers, refuse to admit him to his
due rights and privileges, we hereby require you to admit the
said Sir Robert as a capital burgher, with all the rights and
prwvileges thereto appertaining. Signed Harcourt and Astri
[Astry] in Court hand at the foot. “ Westmonasterium, axxj° die
Aprilis, anno regni nostri ix.” Latin. 1p.

Mrs. Revert to her husband, Lizvut.-CotoneL Revert.

1697, July 9, August 2 and 27. Kensington.—Letters to her
husband in Flanders, expressing her affection for him. 4, 8, and
4 pps. respectively, but the end of each letter missing.

Haru Fauconsere to Srr Winuiam FRANKLAND.

(July, 1697?*]—‘“It is not conceivable what trouble I
was in to find by your last all hopes destroyed of ever more
conversing with my best friend, for though it be not impossible
that either or both of us should survive this year, yet I judge it
altogether so either for me to find myself less oppressed with age
or you with infirmities in the next. We must acknowledge it a great
providence that as our bodies die and decay by degrees before they
tumble into the grave, so do our pleasures and sensual appetites
proportionably decline, and for my own particular, that have seen
all the vanities and acted an unhappy part upon all the scenes and
stages of human life, it is more than time I should endeavour to
get the taste and relish of this world out of my mouth by with-
drawing from the noise and bustle of it to a more heavenly
conversation, such a conversation, brother, as will discover
to us objects worthy of all the love and admiration of our
souls, will rectify our opinions and dispel our errors,
will expiate our guilt and extinguish our fears, will dis-
cover to us the happy tendencies of temporal evils and the
glorious reward of them. These are subjects worthy of our
remaining time, that ought to be intermixed only with praises for
the grace and opportunity given us. I could dwell for ever upon
this subject, if my weak eyes and feeble hand were able to follow
my thoughts, but those failing, must conclude with my prayers
for our happy meeting in a better world.” Draft, endorsed by
Lord Fauconberg, ‘‘My last farewell letter to Sir W. Frankland.”

 

* Luttrell, writing on August 7, 1697, speaks of Sir William Frankland as “‘ lately
dead” The date of his death is not given in the Baronetages or in The House of
Cromwell,
90

Lorp Favuconsere to [Str Wituiam Franxuanp].

[No year,] May 4——. . . ‘My brother B[elasyse ?]
went down yesterday on horseback in company with Sir Thomas
Slingsby, leaving me confined to my bed by a strange mischance
of the horses running away with the chariot as we came the
other day from church ; broke the chariot all to pieces, hurt the
coachman, broke the little page’s arm, and almost killed poor
Lady Russell and myself. My hat happening to be upon my
head did me great service, but my Lady R., I fear, will be forced
to keep her bed some weeks, and ’tis a great mercy we were not
all killed. My postilion has now lain thirteen weeks in bed with
his leg broke, so that the mettle and good keeping of my horses
has worse effects than Mun’s neglect of them.”

I have long promised my cousin C. B. the muster master’s
place when it falls, otherwise poor Anthony should have
it. Pray send me up a particular of Oldwark,how it is let, &e.
Sir William Turner was here yesterday, and though he says it is
the dearest purchase in England, he is desirous to know about
it. ‘‘ Perhaps [ may go a snip” with him myself. I hear that
your son Tom is well. I hope to attend you and my sister at
Thirkleby about two months hence. 2# pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

|No year,| February 23.—‘‘It is not difficult to imagine
how great my surprise and concern must be at the reading of
yours, which came to my hands last night, but dated (1 suppose
by mistake) the 15. We are not by these accidents so much
instructed as minded to have our lamps ready trimmed, for we
know not the hour. I pray, let me hear how my poor sister
bears her affliction, and how she designs to dispose her concerns
here below, till she take her flight after him, for which I pray
God fit us all.” Ip.

Tue Same to THE Same.

[No year,| April 22.—I have been some days confined to
my bed by an indisposition which I hope will have a good effect
upon my eyes. My brother says nothing of his return, ‘‘ which
makes me suppose he expects the widow there” . . . Iwish
your resolutions of being a little thrifty may continue, for I judge
it high time to be so, and that Lady Monmouth’s house upon the
water would not be inconvenient. 1 p.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

[No year,] June 8. Sutton Court.—Is about selling his
house and buying another, which he hopes to find less damp and
ot

cold, though otherwise not so convenient. Has sent his sister a

present of fruit by Mr. Preston, which he would like his sister
Dalton to see. 1 p.

A{(wna, Lapy] Frecurvintz to Lapy Russewu.

[1697 or later, ] July 30.—It is not from want of a real respect for
my dear Lady Russell that I only answered your ladyship’s letter
by Sir Thomas Frankland, ‘“ but the Duke of Somerset being the
only proper person for me to speak to upon the occasion, and
having no interest any where else, I durst not presume to speak,
but I think it would be more proper for my good Lady Falkconbridg
to put her Majesty in mind of her gracious promise.” 14 pp.

Endorsed by Lady Russell, “La: Fretchvill.”

Lievt.-CotonEt E[puunp] Reverr to his Wire.

1697, [August 29~]September 9.—From the English camp at
Cockleberg, commanded by Prince Vaudemont.—Letter of affection
to his wife, whom he addresses as his ‘lovely child” and
‘glorious heroine,” assuring her that her expressions of love and
goodness have put his mind in ‘‘a most heavenly state of
tranquility.” 4 pp. End of the letter wanting.

Lievut.-CotoneL E[pmunp]| Revert to Lorp Curts.

1697, October 2. Basingstoake.—Assures his Lordship that as
he owes to him all his good fortune, reputation and knowledge, in
his trade and otherwise, he can do no less than devote his life to
his service, and that if given a post in the Isle of Wight, he will
make it his study to approve himself his Lordship’s very faithful
servant. 24 pp.

J[oanna] Rivett [sic] to her Uncle, Lorp Curts.

[1697 ?] October 10.—Congratulating him upon his safe return,
and offering a thousand thanks ‘‘ for bringing Mr. Rivett over so
soon.” Rejoices at the peace,” and hopes his Lordship will not
again have to venture himself abroad. Sends her services to

“my lady.” 24 pp.

Toe ARmMy.

[1697 ?]— Memorandum by Lord Cutts, concerning his
Majesty’s English forces.—Suggesting that as there is evidently
a faction of malcontents in the army (particularly this last
campaign), including some of the general officers, and there
being many cunning, intriguing and deceitful men amongst them,
with others “allied to very busy men in both Houses of
Parliament’’— it would be very advantageous to his Majesty’s

 

* Probably the Treaty of Ryswick, Sept. 10, 1697.
92

interest (if any English forces remain in Holland or Flanders)
to leave beyond sea such general officers or colonels as he
knows or believes to be of the faction, or inclining toit. If,
however, it is resolved to bring them to England, their regiments
should be quartered as far from London and from each other as

possible, and it would be well not to leave this matter to
the clerks. Draft. 2 pp.

Sir Henry Picxertne to his son-in law, Lorp Currs.

1697-8, January 9.—I was very impatient to hear from you
after the news of the fire in Whitehall, for, knowing your
Lordship’s fearless temper and constant inclination for doing
good, I was concerned lest you should venture so far as to come to
harm, or at any rate take cold, which you tell you have done. I
hope you will soon get rid of it.

‘“‘T am very sorry to hear the Parliament are of opinion still ’tis
best to be without an army in England. I pray God they do not
repent it when ‘tis too late.” If the business of our election is
heard in the House, be so kind as to tell me how it goes, and also
let me know when I shall have the happiness of seeing you here,
your company being the greatest satisfaction I have left. 24 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. E. Revert to Lorp Curts.

1698, July 20. Kensington.—Has no news to send. Livery-
body is mightily concerned for Mr. Mountague, and unhappy if
they have not the opportunity of serving him. ‘‘ Notwithstanding
all the bustle is made, Sir Henry Dutton Colt, with his justice of
the peace, will push it a great length.’* Hopes Sir Henry
Pickering has his inclination by this time, and sends services to

him and his lady. Will be at Whaddon early on Saturday.
14 pp.

Joanna Cutts to her brother, Lorp Cutts.

[1698, July, about the 20th.]—I was sorry I was out when you
called on Saturday, ‘‘ but believe you are very much in the right
to make haste to secure Sir Harry’s and your own election, in
both which I wish you good success with all my heart. Here is
very few alterations, at least yet declared. You know my Lord
Marlborough and Mr. Mountague are added to the King’s | justices |
instead of lord Sunderland and my lord Shrewsbery. There’s
no dukes made. For peers, Mr. Martin as he is generally
called, I mean Count Marton, is made an Irish lord; Mr.
Overkirk’s eldest son an English earl; my cousin [Christopher]
Vane, to the surprise of everybody, is a peer of England.+ Tis
not known yet who has got his money, but most think it went
into the bargain with his father-in-law the duke of Neweastle’s

* Sir Henry Dutton Colt opposed Montagu (unsuccessfully) in the election at
Westminster. Sir Henry Pickering was returned for the borough of Cambridge.

+ The peerages give the date of Vane’s being made Lord Barnard as 1699, but
the date of this letter is fixed by the mention of the new Lord Justices.

 
93

Garter, which he gave six thousand guineas for to a friend of
yours, which, with Vane’s money, they say paid for Twitnam
[Twickenham] park. There’s no lord chamberlain as yet nor
tis thought will be none till next winter session is ended.”

Postscript. Lord Albemarle is ill, and is removed to
Whitehall. A yacht stays for him. 8 pp.

Lorp Ranrenacu to Lorp Curts.

1698, July 22. Chelsea.—I tried vainly to see you on Monday,
and now find that you have gone into Cambridgeshire. I am
anxiously expecting to hear from you, ‘since, upon the repeated
assurance you were so kind to give me of being chosen in the
Isle of Wight, I have declined standing for Chichester, where I
formerly served. What methods your lordship hath been pleased
to take for my being one of the representatives of your island I
would therefore be very glad to know, and what part I am to act
therein.” His Majesty has left me such a crowd of business that
I cannot possibly go there myself, but Mr. Wallis will be my
envoy extraordinary. 1 p.

THE Same to THE SAME.

1698, July 22. Six at night. Chelsea.—‘‘ You may wonder to
receive two letters from me, writ in one day, but since I wrote
my first, which was early this morning, I have received the
favour of your lordship’s, dated from Cambridge, the 21st instant,
in which you are pleased to tell me, that in order to make my
election more sure at Newporte, you are resolved to be chosen
there yourself first, and that you can then the easier transfer it to
me; so that I find I am not to be chosen till the parliament hath
met, and that you have there declared you will serve as knight
of the shire for Cambridgeshire, and thereupon a new writ must
go for Newporte, when, it may be, I may come in.

‘“‘This being the case, as it appears plainly by your lordship’s
letter, I must confess I am not only surprised but troubled, for
though vanity is none of my faults, yet I cannot but think that a man
who hath served so long in parliament, and in the post I am in,
must be thought a bankrupt, both in his reputation and favour, to
come in at the second bound; and therefore, if I am not to be
chosen but under a mask, I must think myself very little obliged
to your lordship’s favour, and I shall never desire to be a Sir
Harry Colt, or to be put under hatches when Sir Robert
Cotton, who hath as little interest in the Island as myself, shall,
by your favour, appear openly chosen. This pray, my dear lord,
consider, and if you will oblige me, let it not be in a way which
will be very disagreeable.” 1 p.

Joanna Curts to her brother, Lorp Curts.

[1698,] July 26.—I rejoice at Sir Harry’s good success, and
am sure ‘‘the carrying such a point will be a vast advantage to
94

you, and show your interest to be more considerable than some
persons would wish it. There’s nonewshere. The Westminster
election is not yet over. Sir Colt (sic) whose standing was thought
so great a jest, is much nearer carrying it than could be imagined,
but has met with great mortifications. Your Mr. Steel coming
to vote, he knew him, and reflecting,asked him if he kept a house.
He told him, not a gaming house. There has been ev'ry day
cards and dice thrown up by the other party. The Princess, it’s
said, is dissatisfied at the King’s striking out several places in the
Duke of Gloucester’s establishment, and bringing it down to
15,0001. This, and a commendation the King gave to the Prince
of Wales in public, mades a world of odd stories about the town.
There’s no Flanders news to-night, and besides, my living gazette,
Sir James, is out town. ... My Lord Sunderland goes soon
out of town, it’s thought to retire in good earnest, and he
expected to have been more missed by his master than he finds
himself.” I hope next post to hear that you have carried your
own election, of which I believe there is not much doubt. 24 pp.

J[oun] Acron to his brother-[in-law], Lorp Courts.

1698, August 14. Newport [Isle of Wight].—‘‘ Since my last,
the election for the county hath been finished here (as to be sure
your lordship hath heard before this) and my lord marquis* hath
lost it by upwards of seven hundred votes. The day before that
of tne county election the commissioner of the duke was here and
treated again, but I do not see that he gets any ground, for the
same that were with him have been with me and I find there are
® number of them that love treating. After the election Mr.
Norton was made a burgess of the town, and Mr. Mayor and the
corporation were pleased to compliment me with the same favour,
but my lord William [Paulet] and Mr. Jervoyce went away
that very night, which shews that Mr. Norton hath acted a more
prudent and politic part than the other two in endeavouring to
secure the freeholders of this town for another time.

‘While I was writing this, Mr. Hayles shewed me a letter in
which his son informs him that Mr. Priestman intends to stand
for this place. Now though I am not at all doubtful of carrying
my point upon your. lordship’s interest, yet I cannot omit still
pressing your lordship to hasten down.

“On Thursday last I went to Cowes, and from thence Colonel
Dudley and his son and I went to Major Morgan’s, where were
most of the gentlemen except Sir R. Worstly and Sir John
Dillington. They drank all to your lordship’s health with a great
many assurances of their being hearty in your lordship’s interest,
and I hope they are so.”

Postscript. “Since I wrote this I received a letter from my
clerk in which he tells me the Guards’ seven months’ subs[istence |
will be soon paid, which makes me long to he in town, fearing

 

* Charles Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, son of the Duke of Boltcn,
95

lest he should make some great mistakes to my detriment* ; and

yet I dare not venture to stir till I sce your lordship here, which
I hope will be soon.” 2 pp.

Lorp Currs to [4 GenrLeman or THe Isur or WicHt ?|

1698, August 16. Kensington.—I pray you to use your best en-
deavours with the corporation of Newport to secure the return
of my brother, Mr. Acton, as it would look very strange to the
eyes of the world “if the corporation of Newport, which showed
me so much kindness when almost all the gentlemen opposed me,
should now be unkind to me when all the gentlemen of the

Island are on my side.” Copy. 24 pp. [Perhaps a circular
letter. |

Frrepricu, [Herepirary| Prince or Hessz, to Lorn Currs.

1698, December [2-]12. Cassel—Assuring him of his regard
and hoping to see him shortly in England, if he can carry out his
wish to make a tour there. Holograph. French. 1% pp.

Lorp Currs [to one or THE SECRETARIES oF StaTE ?]

[1698 ?]I beg you to assure the K[ing] ‘That my int[erest]
and cr[edit] in the I[sle] of W[ight] is (as it o[ught] to be)
totally at his Majesty’s disposal, and if (as you know) I excused
myself once upon a re[quest] of my Lord O[rford’s ?] I had such
particular reasons for ’t that the King was pleased to hearken to
th[em]. I believe Col. St{anley] so well qufalified] and
inclined to serve the King that I onl[y] w[{ish] he had ite
such, and if his M[ajesty] is pl[eased] to rem[ember] wh[at] I
have said to him upon Col. Stan[ley’s] subj[ect] in form[er]
occasions he’ll know my op|[inion] of him, he being one of the
o[fficer|s I made ch[oice] of, when his M[ajesty] was pl[eased]
to leave it to me (and me only) to fix the a loninioatsnesta upon
the Int{endant’s] assassination, and to take my own m[easure]s
with [out] subj[ecting] me to any orders.

‘“When I have said this, ’tis my d[uty] to acquaint his Majesty
that h[aving] not received any d[irections] from C[ourt] I did
ab{out] a month] since give my c[redi]t to Sir Robert
C[otton] to stand for Newport in the I. of W., desiring Sir R. C.
to apply hims[elf] to m[y] L[ord] Ml[arlborough] in my
n{ame] that his M[ajesty] might be acquainted with it for his
appr[obation], and having heard n{othing] more of it, I con-
cluded it was app[roved] on. |

‘Now all th{at] I h[ere] beg of his Majesty is that he w[ill]
be pl[eased] to m[ove?] Sir R. C[otton] in th[is] matter so far
th[at] I et ay not ap[pear] to do a dish[onest] th[ing] by him,
in which if his Majesty auth[orises] you, you may be very in-
strumental, be[sides] th[at] the ad(ditio]n of Sir R. C[otton’s]
int[erest] there will be of s[ervice] to Col. St[anley].

 

* John Acton was Solicitor to the Coldstream Guards from 1695 to 1711,
96

‘ And if m[y] L[ord] M[arlborough] has sp[oken] to the King
it w[ill] be nec[essary] to sp[eak] to his E[xcellency] likewise,
lest it sh[ould] breed a dif[ference] betw head him and me,
which, as I dont des[erve] it, might be a pr[ejudice] to the serv-
[ice] as well as inj[ury] to me.

“T will concl[ude] as I began, that his Majesty’s sent [iments]
in th{is] afffair] sh[all] be my guide, but for Mr. St[anley’|s
int[erest] and the s[tate] as well as in j[ustice] to me, it ought
to be prudently m[anage]d.”* Copy. 2 pp.

James Kenpatut to [Lorp Cutts ?]

1698-9, March 18. [London.]—Though the Admiralty Board
had no directions to attend the King last night, I should have
waited upon your Lordship if it had not been too late when your
commands came to my hands. This morning I must be at the
office to prepare for this day’s debate in the House, where if I do
not see you, you shall certainly find me at your levee to-morrow.
1 p.

J[oun] Franxuanpt to his brother [Srr THomas FRanKLAND? |

(1699,] August 22, O.8S. Utrecht.—States that the French
Protestants in Holland are ‘‘a pack of as arrant villains as
ever lived,” who have, under the specious pretence of conscience,
quitted their country, where, had their circumstances pleased
them no worse than their religion, they would have remained to
this day. Trusts that those in England are better, or surely the
gentlemen there would be wiser than to make them governors to
their eldest sons at home and abroad. If the language is the
object, a tutor at home or six months in Paris would be quite as
effectual. As it is, he knows of young Englishmen travelling to
Italy who could not go through France lest their tutors should
be seized as refugees. Complains of the inordinate time given to
Latin in England, eight years being spent in what he is assured
might be learnt in two, leaving the other six ‘‘to bestow upon
sense which is usually spent in getting words, so that generally
speaking, a girl which is educated at home with her mother is
wiser at twelve than a boy at sixteen.” 2 pp.

Findorsed: ‘‘ Answered, Sept. 8, 1699.”

RaupH, Karu or Montacu to Lorp Cutts.

1699, September 15. London.—When my son§ was in Holland
and Flanders, I obtained leave from Lord Rumney for Captain
Pujolas||, who had been my page, to travel with him, thinking it

 

* The filling in of the words can be only hypothetical.

+ Admiralty Commissioner, 1697 - 1699.

t nee wrae Dean of Gloucester, Master of Sydney Sussex College and Dean
of Ely.

§ Winwood Montagu, who died in Hanover not long after this.

|| Of the 1st regiment of Guards.
rey

97

better than for him always to be in the conversation of his gover-
nor. My son being now in Rome, and to return home through
France, Captain Pujolas, being a French protestant, must leave
him, and I have prayed Captain Cecill* to do me the kindness to
go to my son and come home with him. This he is quite willing
to do provided he has your leave and approbation, which I should
consider a particular obligation to me as wellas to him. 2 pp.

Dor{orny, Lavy] Picxermne to Lorp Curts.

1699, December 9.—Requesting him to do her the favour to
carry Lady Bowyer and her daughter to Kensington on the
following Monday night. 4p.

Haru oF Gauuway to Lorp Curts.

1700, November 18. Dublin Castle-—Recommending Mr.Pocack,
a young man of courage and good sense, and filled with ambition
to serve his king and country, who wishes to enter his Lordship’s
regiment. Lrench. 14 pp.

Lorp Curts to his brother[-in-law, Sergeant THURBARNE].

_ 1700[-1701], January 29. Downing Street.—As you engaged
in future to pay my niece Rivet the interest of her fortune, I have
been several times to your chamber about it, and now beg to
know when I may wait upon you for it, as she is in great need.

15 pp.
[CotongeL ?] Caartes Hara to Lorp Currs.

[Not later than 1701,] May 21. London.—I return your book
with many thanks to you for lending it me. The first part of it I
saw in print last Christmas with hardly any difference, but the
Scotch part is wholly new, and I see no reason to mention
Scotland at all, but that the author had a mind to compare the
victories and military skill of the Marquis of Montrose, assisted
only (as he says) by the vassals of the family of Gordon, with
those of Cesar at the head of the Roman power, and also to show
‘that he thinks the English nobility and gentry have nothing
commendable in them, for . . . he says the Scotch gentry are born
to excel in arts and arms, and for the English, they are good rich
folks and industrious, and the commonalty a stout sensible people.
Our author’s project of a militia is for the most part new, and
will not only reform the militia but destroy the Church too, which
is a pretty fetch by the by.” As he excludes all but soldiers
from his camp, no parson can enter, therefore some qualified
person (that is, someone who thinks himself so) is to preach
Christian and moral duties. There is a sacrament ‘‘ where good
Christians are used to communicate. Must these qualified

 

* Captain Arthur Cecil of the Coldstream.
14170 G
98

young men administer that too? ... Their way of
living likewise in the camp upon bread and water 1s
admirable, but I know no discipline can bring ’em to it unless all
the people of England will consent to live so too. I presume he
intends there shall be no taxes, but I am concerned in the
annuities and cannot consent to see the excise thus destroyed.”
His main point he says is ‘‘that the officers should be named and
preferred, as well as they and the soldiers paid, by those that set
them out. Why that’s fairly said, now tis out; we are then
once again, by our author’s advice, to receive our commissions from
the hands of ! But when that was so, the army marched
by him and saluted him, in token of their submission to him as
general ; now in my poor opinion that would be something hard
upon the King.” He desires that his militia should answer the
same end as that of the Barons did, ‘‘ the loss of which he so much
laments, and lays the death on’t to learning, printing, the com-
pass, and, in the height of his grief, to almost everything.” He
tells how amongst the Goths and Vandals, the General made
himself King and gave lands to his chief officers, whom he called
Barons, and they to those below them, on condition to serve the
King in his wars. Surely this was as much the King’s army as
if he had paid them, and the practice still obtains in countries not
very famous for liberty. The greatest part of the Turks’ army is
on such tenure, ‘‘ and the Grand Seigneur exacts their service
with such rigour that if one so liable to serve be yet in the cradle,
he must serve the whole campaign in that equipage.” As our
author takes care that the King shall have nothing to do with
his new army, his business is not ‘“‘to model a new militia
but to set up a new form of government, ecclesiastic, military and
civil, enthusiastic, wild and inconsistent; to which purpose he
hath misunderstood or misapplied all history ancient and modern.
Who could imagine that to make the government of kings odious,
a man should have the face to say they have newly invented
garrisons, forts and citadels, for a pretence to have standing armies
to man them, and that sieges are new things and the consequences
of gunpowder. . . He may well be offended at the invention of
printing, for by that everybody knows the Israelites had their
fenced cities, the Greeks their Acro-Corinthus, Pylus, &c., and
battering-rams are not the invention of Monsieur Vauban.
Thucydides, Polybius and all histories, both sacred and profane,
are full of this matter, from the taking of Jericho to Namur.”
Such a pamphlet as this does much mischief and it ought to be
well answered. I know no one so capable of doing it as L’ Kstrange,
if he is yet alive. 5 pp.

 

[Lorp Currs?] to Brigaprer INGoLDsBy.

1701, [August 25—]September 5. Hague.—‘‘ My Lord Marl-
borough commanded me to let you know that the King
designs to see all his English forces soon, whether by making
them encamp a day or two or by marching them to two garrisons
he cannot yet tell, nor does he know the time, but of this you
99

must give notice to the four battalions at Boileduc, the two at
Huesden, and that at Warcum (Guercom). It will be absolutely
necessary now to put on the clothes on the recruits, and that the
regiments be put in the best order that may be. My Lord
Marlborough and I are both of opinion that if you made a step to
Boileduc and Warcum to see a little how they are since we were
there, and to put them upon appearing as well as may be, it
would do well. My Lord has received your letter and will answer
it from Loo (where he goes on Wednesday) or upon his return.
Pray let me know (with the first conveyance) if you receive this;

direct my letter to be left at Mr. Stanhope’s, the King’s envoy
here.” Copy.

Ricuarp Steve to Cou. River.

1701, September 2. Wandsworth.—‘‘I am very glad to hear you
are so well pleased in the country. As to the civil or military
affairs, [can answer nothing, for I have not since I saw you
regarded anything but two or three excellent authors in a very
agreeable solitude on the river Thames. At the other end of
the house my landlady teaches girls to read, make bone-lace, and
a curtsy; but I this minute hear my man Will repeating to her
out of Alexander the Great.

"Tis Beauty calls and Glory leads the way. W/[hen]the miller,
our neighbour hard by, drank a pot w[ith] me last night, my
landlady told his wife that she had seen gentry, perhaps as well
as another, but never the like of her lodger, for his very man was
as pretty a well-spoken gentleman as ever she saw. Some of her
scholars are a little too tall to be looked at with the indifference
that I would be master of were I able, though she sends ’em in
to me now and then upon a very hard word, I suppose that I
may at once see their breeding and their learning. You enquire
about Black Moll. There’s no guessing at women, for nature, who
knew it in us to be inclined to delude ’em, has armed ’em with
a natural cunning; but my method is this. I have the intimatest
acquaintance she has in the world wholly in my interests, and
whom she does not understand to be at all known to me. This
person carries her down to Greenwich, where en passant in the
park, on a bench, or some such accident, they are to fall into
acquaintance with my sister, who is now there. When they are
very well together, which you'll own to be probable, things will
come so oddly about that I all this while am this gentlewoman’s
o[wn] brother. But however this succeeds I shall I [hope] pay
my debts with my play, and then in spite of [D]elia, be very
easy, for whatever I may tell her, nothing can really make my
heart ache but a dun, from which Lord deliver you and your most
obedient servant.” Torn. 2 pp.

Addressed: ‘‘To the honourable Col. Rivet at Sir John
Robinson’s, at Deanson [Denston] Hall, in Suffolk. By Clare
bag.”

Endorsed: ‘‘ Sir R*: Steele,”
100

Earut oF MaruporoueH to Lorp Curts, at Breda.

1701, September 13-24. Loo.—‘‘The King will not be at
Breda till Thursday, and [will] see the English the next day, so
that you will be pleased to take care that they do not encamp till
Wednesday or Thursday morning early. I desire the favour of
your letting Groffey, my steward, know that the King will dine
with me upon the Friday. I hope you will remember to have
your house as near mine as possible, for here is so much company
that it will be all that you and I can do to take them between us.
If this messenger should return hither, I desire you will keep him
till Sunday night, that I may know how you have ordered
everything.” Holograph. 1p.

Lorp Currs to [one of the EneuisH CommanpeErs].

1701, [November 26—] December 7. Hague.—‘‘My Lord Marl-
borough commanded me before he left Holland (and repeated it
again to me on board the yacht in the presence of Brigadier
Ingoldsby) to give orders to all the regiments to be complete by
the first of January, English style, the present posture of affairs
making it reasonable to imagine that there will be movements
early in the spring, if not sooner, and the recruits which are not
with their regiments some time before they move will not be of
so much credit and service to his Majesty and their respective
corps as they ought to be. I think it not improper at the same
time to let you know that either myself or some other general
officer, if I should be at that time in England, will have directions
to make an exact review of all the regiments, about the fifteenth
or twentieth of January, English style, at farthest, and at the
same time, to take a particular account if the clothes, accoutre-
ments, arms, and tents are complete and in good order, the
report of all which will be forthwith transmitted to his Majesty
and the General, and therefore it will be necessary for you to
send immediately a particular account of these orders to Colonel
Withers or Colonel Shrimpton in England or elsewhere, that
such measures may be taken as the service requires.

‘“‘T would have you send me by the first post after you receive
this, an account of such alterations as have happened in the
regiment under your command, from the day that I reviewed
it to Saturday last, being the 28rd, new style, and to do it
according to the form here enclosed, continuing afterwards to do
the same weekly by every Monday’s post, dating the alterations
from Saturday to Saturday. If any orders come to you for the
battalion under your command to march or to give any detach-
ment, otherwise than for the service of the garrison where you
are, you will do well to say you are ready to obey the order, but
that you must first acquaint me with it (being the General
commanding his Majesty’s forces in chief in my Lord Malbrough’s
absence) and in that case you will immediately send me an
express to acquaint me with your orders and expect an answer,
unless it should be upon any extraordinary occasion where the
101

service would not admit of a delay, in which your own discretion
with the directions of the commander in chief of the English in
the garrison where you are must be your guide; but I would not

have you execute any such orders without my approbation, except
in a case of absolute necessity.

“I dare not neglect giving you these instructions, because 1f
anything should happen to the prejudice of his Majesty’s English
forces in any case where there were not an absolute necessity for
it, I may be called to an account for it afterwards, as commanding
in chief and being responsible for the whole. I desire you will
give me an account by the first post of the receipt of this letter,
and I think it not amiss to hint to you that I transmit an account
of it to my Lord Malbrough in England.

‘‘ As anything happens extraordinary in your regiment from time
to time, besides what is herein mentioned, you will not fail forth-
with to write me an account of it by the post, unless it should be
of so extraordinary a nature as to require an express. I have no
orders yet to go for England, and if I do, you shall not fail to
have notice of it and to what general officer you are to apply
yourselves in my absence. In the meantime (as always) I shall
be ready to serve in anything wherein I am able. I need not tell
you that no officer is to go out of the country without my leave
upon any pretence whatsoever.”’

Postscript. ‘‘If Count Noyell desires to review you, you are to
draw out and salute all but colours. You may go for England
when you please, and I shall be glad to see you here.” Copy. 4 pp.

Fart or MarueorouGcs to Lorp Curts.

1701, December 9.—Sending a paper, which he has signed,
and finds so just that he desires the necessary orders may
be given concerning it. Holograph. 4p.

 

Lorp Cutts to —

1701, December[11—]22. Hague.—‘‘I am obliged to repeat my
orders to you to deliver the man that was taken from Count
Noyell’s sergeant whenever he shall cause him to be demanded.
And you’ll give me leave to be the proper judge what I am to do
in these matters. The matter will be examined afterwards and
_ justice done to everybody; but the way of doing things is the
only question. I am sure you understand the discipline too well
to make any more words upon my orders.” 3p.

Lorp Currs to Cou. HastIneGs.

1701, December [16-]27. Hague.—‘‘ Thanks him for his
letters and his friendship, and hopes to see him at the Hague on
his way to England. Has now taken a house, and has always a
piece of mutton and a glass of good wine for a commanding
officer or a friend. Sends his service to Col. Elliot and asks for
his last weekly account, it being the only one not yet come in.

Copy. 1% pp.
102

Lorp Curts to Cou. Tatton.

1701, December [16-]27. Hague.—Praising his prudent
conduct in the affair proposed by his Governor, thanking him for
sending such speedy intelligence thereof, and asking him for the last
weekly account of his garrison, all the other regiments except one
having sent theirs already. Copy, on the same sheet as-the
preceding. 1p.

Lorp Curts to

1701, December [19-]80. Hague.—I send you herewith a
copy of Lord Malborough’s order. His Excellency wrote me a
letter with his own hand signifying his sense of the justice of the
demand, and I therefore desire you to go to Bois-le-duc and
Worchum [Guercom] and to cause my orders to be executed, by
drawing the respective battalions under arms or otherwise
(as you think fit on examining Major-General Stewart’s
sergeants and talking with the officers). I will not trouble you
to go to Breda or Gertrudenberg, and have therefore sent my
orders to the commanders of the English in those garrisons. If
any deserters are delivered to Major-General Stewart’s sergeants,
give them any assistance they desire towards getting the men
safe on board for England, acquainting the governor with
the whole proceeding, ‘‘as I have done the Prince of Nassau
here.”

Postscript. ‘‘Mons. Rolas, my aide-de-camp, will tell you the
rest.” Copy. 14 pp.

GENERAL Ju. Goor to Lorp Rumney.

(1701, December 22-]1702, January 2. Mastrigt— Recom-
mending ‘‘le sieur Coenen,’ who has served the King with
great care and fidelity, as commissary of horses for the artillery
in Ireland and the Low Countries, and who desires, if artillery
should be sent over in the ensuing year, to be allowed to provide
horses for the train. French. Copy. 1% pp.

Lorp Currs to [the Kart or Maruporover].

1701-[2], December 30-] January 10. Hague.—I am entirely
of your Excellency’s opinion that the King’s orders in all
cases are not to be interpreted rigorously to a day, and thought
it better to be five days late than one day too soon, especially as
wind and weather made it impossible for me to be in England in
time for the Speaker’s election. I expect Brigadier Ingoldsby
this week, with whom I shall leave instructions pursuant to your
commands, and some time next week I hope to embark.

‘‘As to what your Excellency says of telling Brigadier Ingoldsby
that whatever Prince Nassau Sarbrouck commands the English
forces, it must be obeyed, I shall be sure to do it. particularly ;
but I’m sure your Excellency means it that the orders shall
103

always be given to In[goldsby] and not sent to particular
regiments under his command with[out] his knowledge, because
that would be yielding a point that a general officer could not
justify to the King, the nation, or his own honour, and an accident
might unfortunately happen at some time or other, which might
ruin a man’s fortune and reputation, if he suffered himself to be
a cipher at the head of an English army in a foreign country.
But I’m sure your Excellency may depend upon it, that both I
and Ingoldsby will manage all things with so much caution in
general and so much respect to everybody concerned in particular,
that everything will go according to your Excellency’s mind, and
nobody will complain of us.

‘‘And whilst I am upon this subject, give me leave to inform
your Excellency of what has happened already relating to the mat-
ter 1 am speaking of. Orders were sent to some of the Danish
regiments to march, and the Prince of Wyrtenberg was not
acquainted with it, of which he complained to the States, and
the Prince of Nassau Sarbrouck telling (sic) them that if the
same should happen again, he would not be responsible if the
service should suffer any delay by it; and at the same time he
wrote to the Court of England to complain of it, and to desire
that orders might be given init. His answer from the English
Court was, that he was in the right, and that directions should be
given that.all orders for the future should be sent to him, and
that he should give them out himself to the Danish regiments
under his command, and his answer from the States and Prince
Nassau Sarbrouck was the same. The Prince of Wyrtenberg told
me this himself. Upon which in my visits and conversation I
carelessly insinuated to the States and the Prince that I was sure
the same regard (at least) would be had to the English, and they
have assured me that no orders shall be given to the English
but through my hands or the next commanders in chief in my
absence. And indeed, my lord, it would be a disregard to the
crown of England, a hardship upon the nation, and a slight
which no man of honour (that commanded in chief) if it were
otherwise [could] bear. I beg your Excellency’s pardon for
troubling you with this long detail, but it being a matter of
moment, and a nice point, I thought it deserved to be fully
represented to your Excellency.”

Pray continue to direct your orders as before, until I see you,
for fear of contrary winds or the like. Copy. 5 pp.

Lorp Currts to [the Eneiiso Commanpers of Garrisons].

[Before 1702.]—His Majesty continuing his resolution that
his English forces shall encamp, Lord Marlborough believes it
will be necessary for the regiments to have bread delivered to
them in the camp, but will not do it, unless the commanding
officers have a mind to it. He therefore desires to know whether
those in your garrison wish to have it, and if so, for how many

men, that it may be provided. Draft. 14 pp.
104

Lorp Currs to the L{orps] C[omursstonzrs] of his
Majesty’s Treasury.

[Before 1702.]—The stoppages to certain officers designed for
Flanders (without which they cannot go over) being, by neglect
either of the agent or of the clerks in Lord Ranelagh’s oftice,*
forgotten to be given in, he prays their Lordships’ order to
remedy the omission. Copy. 14 pp.

Lorp Currs to [the EnetisH Commanpers in the Low
Countries |.

1702, February [17-] 28. Hague.—My voyage into England
is put off by a letter from Lord Marlberough desiring me to
continue with his forces here, and signifying his Majesty’s
pleasure that I cause the respective commanders in chief with
his English regiments under my command to put their regiments
into a condition to march upon the first order.

‘“‘T must tell you upon this occasion that these orders are not
designed only to put you in a good condition for the opening of
the campaign, but that you will have a movement very suddenly,
and I have it in my orders (among other things) to take a par-
ticular account of the strength and condition of every regiment,
and when we meet to return the same exactly to England.

“T am doing my utmost endeavour in soliciting the business of
waggon-money and forage-money, but I am yet in no certainty.
You must in the meantime be sure to provide a good able horse
to carry the soldiers’ tents of every company for which you have
made stoppages. And, though possibly you have not stopped all
the money yet, the service is of that consequence that you must
provide for it, and I shall endeavour to find out some expedient
to help the officers afterwards.

“Some gentlemen may think these orders hard; I can only say,
tis the King’s orders, and (at the same time) the importance of
the service and the consequences of this war make it necessary.
You'll please (without fail) to give copies of these orders to
the commanding officers of the respective English regiments in
garrison with you, and tell them from me to execute them as
recommended by his Majesty and the General in a more par-
ticular manner than ordinarily. I believe we shall have orders
to march in seven or eight days at farthest; but keep this among
yourselves.

“Colonel Seymour is removed to late Brigadier Trelauny’s

, 393

regiment, and my Lord Malberough has Colonel Seymour’s.
Draft. 4 pp.

Earut oF MariBorovaH to Lorp Curts.

1701[-2], February 23.—‘‘I should have writ by the last post
to have desired what I now do, which is that you would let

 

*Lord Ranelagh was Paymaster General of the Forces from 1689 until 1702, when
he was charged with mis-application of the publie moneys, and resigned.
105

Wiville, who is ensign and adjutant to your regiment, be now
made lieutenant in the place of Mr. Markham. I hope you will
not have failed of improving the opportunity you have had of my
Lord Albemarl’s company, so that he may show his friendship to
you when the King shall think fit to make a promotion of
general officers. I know not as yet when I shall have the
happiness of seeing you, but be assured that where e’er I am you
have a friend and servant of Marlborough.” Holograph. 1 p.
Seal of arms and coronet.

Lorp Cutts to [tHe Enetish Commanpers in the Low
Countries].

1702, [February 24—] March 7. Hague.—Hopes to get waggons
for the officers’ baggage, but desires that horses may be provided
to carry the tents of every company, as they may have to march
so near their neighbours as not to admit of any ‘‘ wheel baggage.”
The commanding officer of each regiment is, if necessary, to draw
upon his agent in London for 1301. which will buy twelve horses ;
sending the paymaster of his regiment to Roterdam, where
Sweet will try to provide the money at once. Lord Marlberough
shall be asked to see these bills paid, and the regiments must be
ready in ten days at the farthest, without fail. 24 pp.

Memoriau of Lorp Curts to the [Dutcu] Councit or Strate.

1702, March [8-]14. Hague.—Having received orders from
Field Marshal the Prince of Nassau to march with the twelve
battalions under his command, and being destitute of the
necessary baggage waggons, he prays that a sufficient number
may be provided, and also that the English troops may be supplied
with straw and firing. French. Draft. 14 pp.

Lorp Cutts to the GovERNOR oF WILLIAMSTADT.

1702, March [4-]15. Hague.—Having the honour to command
the troops of the King my master in the absence of Lord Marl-
berough, I take the liberty of sending you the orders for the
regiments which we are expecting, according to advices received
from the Court of England, Field Marshal the Prince of Nassau
having left instructions to that effect. You will have the good-
ness to retain the orders for the regiments not yet arrived.

French. Copy. #p.

Lorp Curts to BricaDIER INGOLDSBY.

1702, March [10-]21. Hague.—Has agreed with Mercado,
the undertaker of the forage, for fifty rations of hay and oats to
be delivered to each battalion, for which the commission officers
must give acquittances.

All the officers must be told that he has had to engage, in

etting the carts, that every officer or company having a cart,
shall allow the carter two shilling a day, with a ration of hay and
oats for his horses, and shall not suffer him to be ill-treated by
106

any soldier or servant. Otherwise, the States have signified that
the men will desert. Prays him to tell Lord Athlone and Count
de Noyelle that he is only waiting for the coming of the English
mails (of which there are two due) and will then come to the
camp ; also to put them in mind that the sufficient supply of straw
and firing to the men was part of the memorial presented by the
Prince of Nassau to the Council of State, after the meeting at
Lord Athlone’s house. Copy. 3 pp.

Lorp Cutts to BricgapierR INGOLDSBY.

1702, March [16-]27. Hague.—I have ordered Sweet to
send you word whether he means to pay the money at Rotterdame
or Breda. You must send the quarter-masters for it, and had
better consult Lord Athlone and Count Noyelle about a party to
meet them on their return. ‘‘ Give effectual orders that the
regiments be all regularly and equally paid, and inform yourself
without noise if the officers use their men kindly at this critical
moment. JI am sorry I am not with you, but I’m glad you
have so good an occasion of showing your zeal, diligence, and
capacity, ‘which I shall improve to the utmost. We expect my
Lord Marlberough or directions from him every hour, and the
minute either of these happen, I'll come to you.”’ If it is necessary
to send any horse or dragoons with the money party, I am sure
Lord Athlone will not refuse you. Copy. 1% pp.

SopHizn, HKuecrress oF Hanover, to Lorp Curts.

1702, April [10-]21. Hanover.—‘‘ Je suis tout a fait sensible
que vous aves bien voulu me confirmer vous mesme ce que feu
my Lord Macquelsfild m’ avoit assure de vostre part, car on ne
scauroit estre plus sensible que je la suis de voir une personne de
vostre merite dans mes interres, et en celle de ma maison. Je
vous en demande la continuation, et sur tout que vous me donnies
lieu de vous tesmoigner par des services ma parfaite reconnoisance.
Je desavourois tous ceux qui m ‘apartienent s'il n’auvoient les
mesme sentiments pour vous, dont ils m’ont charge de vous
assurer. Cependant je vous souhaite une heureuse campagne, et
en suite que je puise estre connue plus particulierement de vous
comme une personne qui estime les personnes de vostre valeur et
de vostre conduite, dont j’ay ouy desja parler beaucoup. My lord
Malbourghe m’ a fait la plesir de me faire assurer de son amitie
par Mr. Cresset. Je vous prie de l’en remercier de ma part et luy
tesmoigner combien cela ma este agreable, et le plesir que cela
ma fait. Cependant je seres tousjour, my Lord, vostre tres
affectionee a vous servir, Sophie, Electrice.”’ Holog graph. Bt pp.

Cot. HucH Wynpuam to Lorp Curts.

1702, May[12-]23. Boisleduc.—Is extremely sorry to hear that
there have been any complaints of the horse or dragoons at the
Hague or in London, as he can answer for it that no wrong has
107

been done by any of the troops in this town, nor has he heard of
the least disorder in any of the other quarters. If the people
had had reason to complain, he would certainly have heard of it.

Lord Raby’s regiment has been so harassed by marching and
shipping and unshipping in England, that it would be of great
service to them if they might turn their horses out to grass, the
forage out of the stores being so very bad that the horses will not
eat it. Desires that Lord Athlone may be told that the country
people hereabouts will let no grass under forty-four stivers a
week for each horse, which is an extravagant price. Hopes his
Lordship will regulate the matter. The dragoons mustered
yesterday, and were, he believes, complete. 24 pp.

Earu or Maruporouanu to Lorp Currs.

1702, May 24. Hague.—Announcing that he has this day
arrived at the Hague, and that the first fair wind will bring the
rest of the troops from England. Sends his service to the
Karl of Athlone, Col. Ingoldsby, and the other officers, and
desires that Sir Beville Grandville may be sent to him at once.
Holograph. 1p.

RicHarp WarRE to Lorp Curts.

[1702, May 24-] June 4. Sunday evening. Hague.—‘‘ My
Lord [Marlborough] is just now arrived. I have only time to
acknowledge your lordship’s of the first, and to tell you the
news J have received from the servants that are come with him,
having not been able to speak two words to his Excellency.

“My Lord Godolphin is made Lord Treasurer; my Lord
Rochester, Master of the Horse, with a pension of 8,000/. per
annum ; my Lord Pembroke, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He
quits his place of Lord Admiral to the Prince. I cannot say this
is true: a servant told me so. My Lord Nottingham and
Sir Charles Hedges are the two Secretaries ; the last has chosen
under him Mr. Ellis and Mr. Tucker, and my Lord Nottingham
has not forgot your humble servant, and for the other has chosen
Dr. Aglionby. Mr. Cardonnell is come over with my Lord and
is to supply Mr. Whitfield’s place and mine. Mr. Whitfield is
Paymaster of the Marines, independent of my Lord Ranelagh.

‘Pray excuse my haste and communicate this to the Brigadier
with my humble service. Brigadier Wyndham is here and your
humble servant. We want six posts from England.” 14 pp.

Earu or Maryporoucu to Lorp Curts. |

1702, May 30-June 10. Hague.—‘‘I am using my utmost
endeavours for the obtaining from Hanover the ten thousand
men we want of our quota, which will keep me here for seven or
eight days longer. If the wind continues as it now is but a very
few days, I hope we shall have all we expect from England. . . .
As to what you write concerning our having an hospital of our
~

108

A

own, if you will consider what the Parliament has done concern-
ing that, you will see that it is impossible for this year. As for
the surgeon’s chests, Dr. Lawrance and the apothecary-general
are gone to Rotterdam to provide them. I gave orders before I
left England for the provost-general to come over, so that I
expect him by the first convoy. Since I shall be with you in ten
days, I hope the service will [not suf]fer for w[ant of ?] majors
of brigades . . . [I thJank you for making [my com]-
pliments [to] all the general officers. [As] occasion offers, you
will continue the doing of it. About four or five days hence, I
shall be sending my equipage away, so that it may be at the
camp before me, but I shall be sure to give you timely notice that
the quarter-master general may havea place for me.” Holograph.
Very much damaged. 24 pp.

Lorp GopoutpHin to Lorp Curts.

1702, July 21.—I have laid your memorial before the Queen,
who expressed much consideration for your Lordship, and great
reliance upon your duty and service. ‘She thought it might be
very inconvenient to allow anything as a pension or arrears of a
pension, but would be willing to show a distinction in your
Lordship’s favour,” especially as being recommended by Lord
Marlborough. Please let me know the exact time that you
commanded in chief in Holland, and be assured of my readiness
to serve you to the best of my power. 2 pp.

Earu oF NotrtincHam to Lorp Curts.

1702, July 31.—‘‘I ought to say something to your lordship’s
of the 25th, though perhaps it may not be to your lordship’s
satisfaction. As to the lieutenant-governor of the Isle of Wight,
I believe there will be nothing done in it till your return, and I
think ’twill be for your service to make no further attempt in it
till then, that your lordship may better support your pretensions
than at this distance, and I shall then very gladly assist you in it
as far as I am able.

‘The clause in your patent is indeed altered by the present
warrant, which your lordship apprehends to be a diminution to
you. I must own it is a circumstance that in appearance lessens
your power, but when you consider that, notwithstanding the
authority vested in you by your former patent, the late King
interposed and by his own commission constituted a lieutenant-
governor; that whatever your right in that case is, it cannot be
insisted on with prudence because your own patent is only during
pleasure, or, if ’twere during life, yet you, would never have
claimed this power in opposition to the King’s inclination, and
that you now declare the same with great duty to the Queen ; :
that, though the present clause differs from the former, yet it
differs too from the patents of other governors who have no such
clause in their patents empowering them to name a lieutentant,
particularly there is none such in Major General Earl’s nor in
109

the patents to the governors of the Plantations; when your
lordship reflects on these things I hope you will perceive that
there is a considerable distinction made between your lordship
and others, which should be some satisfaction to you; and that
should your lordship have an absolute power to name your
lieutentant, other governors would thereby pretend to some power
like it, whereas they have not now any power to nominate, not
even with the Queen’s approbation ; and though your lordship is
entirely to be relied on in the exercise of your power if t’were
not restrained otherwise than by your word, and though I
have no reason to doubt but that they are all men of honour
and would use their power well and with just respect to the
Queen, yet ‘tis not advisable for her Majesty to put the
like trust in all; methinks your lordship should not press
a thing which may be attended with such inconvenience.
Your lordship will do me wrong if you conclude from my
arguing against your inclination and desires that I am less your
servant than I have professed to be, but when I doubt of prevail-
ing for you in the manner you propose, I think the next best
service I can do you is to state the case so to you as to show
what grounds there are for your acquiescence, and if I can’t
obtain your gratification in the thing, I wish I could make you
easy under the disappointment.

‘“‘T have yet had no orders for your commission of lieutenant
general. I suppose it may be deferred to the end of the campaign.
Nor have I spoke to my Lord Treasurer about your pension,
partly because I am not fully apprised of it, but chiefly because
your Lordship says that my Lord Marlborough has writ to him
about it, and he is a much better advocate than myself; and if
there be a disposition to oblige you in this, it is fit that the
obligation of it should be owed to them. JBut in this and all the
other things I have mentioned let me know what you would wish
me to do, and I will endeavour to do my part.” 2 pp.

Earu of Rocnester to Lorp Curts.

1702, September 18. Newparke.—‘‘I cannot hear of so
glorious an action performed by your conduct and personal
hazard in the undertaking of it, without making my very hearty
congratulations to your lordship upon it, and assuring you that
nobody can take a greater share in the great honour and universal
reputation you acquire than I do, nor can wish you better success
nor more recompense for it.

‘“‘T beg your pardon for not answering your letters writ some
time ago concerning your affairs in the Isle of Wight. It was
because I found that matter was not like to be, dispatched so
goon and so well as I wished it, and that I could not contribute
anything to your satisfaction in it. I assure your lordship,
whenever I can, you shall see that Iam with great truth” your
most faithful humble servant. 14 pp.
110

Earu oF Maruporover to Lorp Curts, at the Camp.

1702, September 21. Sutendal.—‘‘I have received yours of
yesterday, and I hope in a few days to hear you are in Venlo, so
that if the weather prove favourable, that we may yet clear
the Meuse this campaign; for I am very confident Ruremond
will make a less defence than Venlo. I am obliged to you for
what you have done to the Prince of Hannover; I must desire
your further favour in making my compliments to him.”

Postscript. Pray give the enclosed (wanting) to Mons. Gilder-
Malzen. Holograph. 1 p.

GrorcE, Princk or Denmark, Lord High Admiral, and
Generalissimo of all her Majesty’s Forces, to Capr.
Wyatt, of H.M.S8. JVinchester, at the Maez.

1702, November 17.—Ordering him to sail with his own ship
and the Fowey into the Goree, and to send notice to the Kar! of
Marlborough at the Hague (or in his absence to Lord Cutts) that
he has orders to carry home the recruiting officers, and discharged
and invalided men. Having taken them on board accordingly, he
is to repair to the Maez for the trading vessels, and convoy them
safe to Newcastle and Hull (the Fowey escorting those bound for
Yarmouth), after which he and the ships under his command are to
make their way to the Hope, land the officers and soldiers there,
and finally repair to the Nore to await further orders. Copy.

1} pp.
Haru or Marusorover to Lorp Cutts.

1702, December 8. Peregrin galley.—‘‘ I have had the favour
of yours, and have writ the Pensioner word that I desire there
should be no change, but that if he continues to desire it, that
you have directions to allow it. I should have been glad you had
sent me the name of the quarters they propose Hamilton’s
regiment should go to; for if at any time they propose your
sending men to Berg[en] opp Zoome or any town in Flanders,
you must not give way toit. If the wind should not come fair
between this and Wednesday I am resolved to return to the
Hague. My service to Mr. Stanhope and all our friends at the
Congress.” Holograph. 1p. Seal of arms and coronet.

Marquis or Normansy, C.P.S.,* to Lorp Corts.

1702, December 8. St. James’ Park.—‘‘ I was agreeably sur-
prised with the honour I received from your lordship, being so
far from having said anything of that kind with design of your
being told it, that I cannot the least guess at the person to whom
Tam so much obliged. All I know of the matter is, that if I had
the misfortune of being your enemy, I should have said as much

 

*John Sheffield, Marquis of Normanby, and afterwards Duke of Buckingham,
was Lord Privy Seal from April, 1702. to March, 1705,
111

of that action, and from that minute wish’d to be your friend.
The serving a man of your quality and merit is in my opinion so
great a satisfaction as well as obligation on persons in any power,
that I think ambition excusable on no other account; and there-
fore your lordship I hope will not doubt of my employing the
little [ have in shewing myself on all occasions, my Lord, your
most humble and faithful servant.” 14 pp.

Lorp Cutts to the Duke or MarLporouau.

(1702, December 22-]1703, January 2. Hague.—Watkins
and Martial have not yet returned from their circuits. I doubt
not your Grace has given orders for hastening the recruits, all
letters from France giving accounts of the enemy’s resolution
of being early in the field. Copy. 1p.

JEAN DE Rey to Lorp Curts.

[1702 ?]—Having served the States General and the late
King William ILI. of England for fifteen years, and being willing
to continue in the service and to act with the same courage, zeal
and fidelity as heretofore, he prays for some consideration. He
suffered two years’ imprisonment in France for his religion,
abandoned all his property, and followed King Wilham to England
in 1688, after which he served in Ireland and Flanders as cornet
in Lord Galway’s regiment of horse, the King granting him a
pension, which he gave up in Ireland in order not to remain there
inactive, but to continue to serve his Majesty in the company of
the Guards commanded by General Auverkerth. Mons. D’Auver-
kerth and the States have given him hopes of employment, which
he prays his Lordship to obtain for him by his influence and
recommendation. French. 14 pp.

Mareuis or Normansy, C.P.S., to Lorp Curts.

1702[-3], January 1.—Has lost no time in discussing his
desires with the Duke of Marlborough, whose only objection is
that there are many others ‘‘ whose pretentions in seniority are
as valid, according to the formal rules in those cases,” as his
Lordship’s are in merit. The utmost that he can do, and indeed
that the friends of the others will suffer him to do, is to hasten
their advance, and so bring about as quickly as possible his
Lordship’s promotion, which will be as honourably distinguishing
as if he were alone in it; ‘‘ and everybody will know the reason.”

2 pp.
Lorp Cutts to Mr. Carponeu.™

1703, January [1-]12. Hague.—Praying him to send him
“the Gazettes, one of the best of the other printed papers, the

 

*Secretary to the Duke of Marlborough.
112

votes, and what is commonly called the Whitehall letter,” for
which he will gladly pay, and be thankful besides. Also he
would be grateful for an account of what passes in the army,
with what other news he can spare, and begs him to persuade the
Duke of Marlborough to let him have particulars of what is
being done concerning the recruits, of which he would make good
use for her Majesty’s service and his Grace’s honour. Copy.

1D,
T. Farrrax to

1702[-3], January 5. Limerick.—Thanks her for telling
him of the tricks put upon his regiment by charging moneys
already accounted for, and assures her that the informant shall
be liberally rewarded and his name kept secret. Has written to
his agent, Mr. Pain, of Prince’s Court, Westminster, to advise
with her and her friend in the matter. Copy. 1 p.

Lorp Curtrts to the Duke or Mar.BorouGcH.

1702[-8], January [8—-]19. Hague.—Will without fail obey his
Excellency’s commands, sent by Mr. Cardonnel, and make good
use of what he says about the recruits. Prays that he may still
feel the effects of his Grace’s generosity and favour. Copy. 1p.

Duke oF Maruzsorover to Lorp Cutts.

1702 [-3], January 12.—‘‘I am obliged to you for your constant
letters, and if it were for your service I should write to you
oftener.

‘““The Queen, being resolved to join with the States in the
treating for a cartel by land with France, has pitched upon your
lordship to do it, so that you will have powers for it. I shall
always be ready to forward everything that may be for your
honour and service. I am using all diligence for the recruits,
being resolved to be with you myself at the Hague very early
this spring.” Holograph. 1p. Seal of arms and coronet.

Lorp Curtrts to Mr. CarpDongEL.

1702-8, January 15-26. Hague.—Has reason to hope
‘that good resolutions will be taken here with regard to the
augmentations proposed by England,” but is sorry to hear of
such violent jars in the two Houses. Copy. 1 p.

Lorp Curts to Cou. FERGusson.

1702-3, January 18-29. Hague.—Thanking him for his
letter, desiring him to give all necessary orders for preserving the
garrisons under his care, and praying him to send the list of
every regiment of foot in the garrisons, when he sends his own
and Rowe’s, which hitherto have been the only two received.
Copy. The initial letters only of most of the words given. 1 p.
113

Lorp Curts to the Duxs or Maruborovan.

1703, January [19--]30. Hague.—‘“My Lord Athlone (one day
last week) acquainted me that there was to be a conference at
Wesel, where was to be a general of the Emperor’s, one of the
king of Prussia’s, himself on the part of the States-General, &c.,
and he offered me to go on behalf of the Queen of England, where
they are to confer about the siege of Bon, Ryhnberg, Gueldres,
&e. But your Grace having left me no instructions, either in
writing or by word of mouth, relating to any councils or con-
ferences to be held out of the States’ dominions, I excused myself
in the most decent manner, thanking the States-General for their
intentions communicated to me by my Lord Athlone, but re-
presenting at the same time that I could not, according to the
rules of good discipline, go out of the States’ dominions and leave
the troops, having only one brigadier with me at the head of
them ; that if any accident should happen during my absence, it
might endanger my reputation if not my head; besides that, as
their consultations there might possibly affect the succeeding
operations of the campaign, I had no power to give my opinion in
[such matters, not knowing your Grace’s sentiments [or] the
plan of the next year, and that if I should undertake to make such
a step, | might innocently make some mistake. I told themI was
ready, pursuant to my instructions, to march with any detachment
of her Majesty’s troops, joining with a proportionable number of
the Allies, upon any expedition within the reach of our garrisons,
and that no man can be more zealous for their service, but that I
dare not meddle with matters for which I have no instructions.

“This was the sum of what I gave them in answer, but I’ll
presume to tell your Grace more important reasons (if possible)
that I had for declining my being at this general consultation.

‘First, I had discovered privately, being every day with some or
other of the ministers, that there was a design to draw me in to let
some of the Queen’s troops, either English or Lunembourg, be
employed in the expeditions before mentioned, which would ruin
them for the next campaign, and in the next place, my going
thither and being present in such a council of war, if I should be
out-voted by much a greater number, may run me upon a dilemma,
either that I must be forced [to differ from ?] most of the rest,
which might occasion ill rep[orts, or be] involved in some re-
solution which may by its conseq[uences]| be contrary to the plan
which your Grace may possibly have projected for the ensuing
campaign ; which, though I don’t know it, I may possibly guess
at, by something Comte Synsendorf let fall to me in private at
Liege. And one thing confirms me that my Lord Athlone has some
reason for my going to this congress, more than he tells me,
which is that he, who never used to consult me’ or communicate
anything to me, was mighty pressing for my undertaking this
journey, having employed since Monsieur Smettau and Gel-
dermalsen to persuade me how much it would be for my honour,
but I excused it (as before mentioned) with all the modesty and
respect imaginable. I shall be extremely overjoyed to hear your

14170 a
114

Grace approves of my conduct in this nice affair, though before I
can have an answer to this the consultation will be over, my Lord
Athlone being gone away on Sunday morning and Monsieur
Geldermalsen being to go to-morrow. Iam sure at least I walk
according to rule, for ’tis not the business of one in my post to be
meddling in things beyond his instructions, unless it were in a
case of extremity to save the State. We [have] the news that
troops are to be treated for [and that] Mr. Stanhope will be em-
ployed in that treaty [until] your Grace comes over. I humbly
presume to offer to your Grace (with great submission) if it 1s not
usual and in some measure necessary to have a military person
joined in such treaties, because a great many things occur which.
a civil minister must of necessity be a stranger to, and in the
treaty made in Charles the Second’s time for the ten thousand
men to be sent hither (from which our following treaties did in
some measure take their rise) many things were left out, for which
our troops have suffered since. If I may be of use to her Majesty
and your Grace in that affair, I shall be very industrious, faithful
and exact in following orders, but I only mention it, and I do it
with great submisssion.

“T shall, as soon as I receive my powers and _ in-
structions for treating about the cartel, follow them
exactly, and in anything wherein the Queen or your Grace
shall instruct me, acquit myself to her Majesty’s and your
satisfaction. I beg of your-Grace to speak to the Queen or my
Lord Godolphin, that there may be an allowance to me out of
the Treasury for that service relating to the cartel, since the going
to [the place] which will be appointed for the treaty and my
[living] there, will put me to extraordinary expenses.

‘‘And now give me leave, my lord, once more to beg of your
Grace that my commission of L[ieutenant] G([eneral] may be
dispatched. Whoever your Grace designs for that post may as
well be made now as at the opening of the campaign, though
your Grace does not allow them L[ieutenant G[eneral’s] pay till
then; and your Grace will give me leave to represent to you
upon this occasion, that it is a discredit to such an army as your
English army is here at present to be without a L[ieutenant].
G[eneral], and what happens to no nation but ours in all the
Allies’ service, nor in any country in Europe; and in some
occasion or other it may be fatal to our troops, and occasion
unhappy reflections. First, whilst there is only a M[ajor]
G{eneral] here, whilst I have only that character, whenever we
draw out, they will be sure to put a L[ieutenant] G[eneral] with
their own troops, with whom I cannot take upon me so much
(where the interest of the English requires it) as if I had that
character ; besides that, if I had that character, they would not
put more than a Ma[jor] G[eneral] of their own with me, and in
all things I should carry more weight for the good of her
Majesty’s subjects and her interests, [and] I dare venture to say,
it will be more for your Grace’s honour in the world to distinguish
me by obtaining my commission for me with a good grace, than
115

by delaying it to the last moment, since I have had the honour
to follow you and to be so zealous in supporting her Majesty’s
and your Grace’s interests on all occasions.

‘“‘Martial went to Rotterdam and promised to send me his

abstract, but has forgot it. I will send it by next.” Copy.
Torn. 5% pp.

Lorp Curts to Mr. Carpongu.

1703, [January 22-|]February 2. Hague.—‘‘We want two
posts from England, which makes us barren of news here.

“Some letters (of good intelligence) from Spain of the 30th
January give us an account of that King’s having resolved, upon
the news of our preparations, to raise seventeen thousand foot,
four thousand horse, and two thousand dragoons there, with
orders to the officers of the Finances, to separate from the
several branches so much as may be necessary for this service,
notwithstanding all pretensions, excepting what relates to the
ecclesiastics. Besides this, he has ordered a regiment of foot
Guards and three of horse to be raised and paid in the same
manner, which ’tis thought will cause great clamours, and they
doubt whether it will succeed. The same letters give us an
account that they affirm at Madrid that the King of Portugal
has named a minister to go to Vienna.

‘Monsieur D’Odyck told me to-day that the province of Zelande
agreed to the. prohibition as England desires it. I mention this
because it was thought one of the provinces the likeliest to
dissent.

‘My service to as many of my friends as you meet at Court
or in Parliament.” Copy. 1p.

‘* MACKALSFELT, DOUAGERE CoMTESSE D’ATHLONE”’ to
Lorp Curts.

1703, February [2-]18. Utrecq.—Announcing the death of
her dear and honoured husband ‘‘ Monsieur Godarde, Baron de
Reede, Comte d’Athlone, Mareschal de camp, General des
Provinces Unies,” on Sunday, the 11th of February, from
paralysis of the left side followed by an “‘ apopleaie lethargique.”
Black border. Seal with two coats of arms surmounted by coronet.

1,
Lorp Curts to the States GENERAL.

1708, February [3-]14. Hague—Being commander in chief of
the troops of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain (in conjune-
tion with others), in the absence of the Duke of Marlborough, and
having received a commission from her Majesty to treat with the
enemy for the concluding of a cartel for the prisoners, both of
land and sea (jointly with ministers chosen for that purpose by
the States) he hastens to notify to them the receipt of the said
116

commission, that they may appoint.suitable persons, he, for his
part being ready to begin the treaty. Draft. French.* 1p.

Gir CHarues Hepass to Lorp Curts.

1702-8, February 5. Whitehall—I have received yours of
the 2-13 instantt, and have laid before her Majesty the
question of the charges you will be at for your com-
mission relating to the cartel, and will do the best service I .can
for you in the matter. ‘“Though mention be made in your Lord-
ship’s commission of a-cartel by sea and land, yet I am directed
to explain to you that you are to have nothing to do, in your
negotiation, with the sea-cartel, but only with that of the land,
and in that a condition is to be inserted for the exchange of the
Baron de Mean, great Dean of Liege, and the Queen will insist
upon it, in conjunction with the States, if they think fit.”

The cartel made during the last war is in Holland, where it was
framed. The Duke of Marlborough has received your letter and
will concert with the Dutch ambassador about it. 14 pp.

Lorp Curts to Mr. CARDONEL.

1702-8, February 5-16. Hague.—I have received yours of the
29th January, but have had nothing from you since. Dome the
favour to excuse me to my sister (?) for not writing to her this post,
being engaged in much business, and tell her I have had nota
word from her this two posts. Copy. Only the initial letters of
most of the words given. #% p.

Marouis DE Bepmar{ to Lorp Curts.

1708, February [6-]17. Brussels.—Acknowledges the receipt
of his letter concerning the hundred and fifty prisoners of the
British troops now at Dunkirk, and although he himself has no
power in the matter, will, in consideration of their old friend-
ship, willingly write to the court of France. Since his Lordship
is authorised to arrange a cartel, the matter will soon be ended,
if the States General will name some one on their part, and
appoint a place of meeting. In this case, he will pray his most
Christian Majesty to fix upon a commission and will himself name
one for Spain. French. 14 pp.

[Lirut.—Cou.] R. Surron to Lorp Curts.

1702-8, February [8-]19. Breda.—Congratulates him on his
promotion to be lieutenant-general, and sends him the proceed-
ings of the court-martial upon three offenders of Colonel Row’s
regiment and one of ‘‘ours”’ for stealing and mutiny against the
guard, wherein some of the regiment of Guards were concerned.
Prays for a speedy return, as the prisoners have lain long in
confinement. Myr. Watkins has gone towards Goreum and the

 

* In the handwriting of Lamberty.
+ See State Papers, Holland, under this date.
t President of the Council of the Low Countries for the King of Spain.
117

Bosch, and the writer had thoughts of meeting him at the Hague,

but was stopped by orders to be ready to march. The men are

badly off for clothes, but in spite of this and the rudeness of the

caste will think themselves happy when led by his Lordship.
Pp.

Lorp Curts to the Margesnaty pe Bourr.eurs.*

1703, February [11-]22.—Stating that the Queen has given
him full power to conclude a cartel (in concert with the ministers
of the States General) with such persons as are authorised by his
most Christian Majesty, and requesting that the Marshal will
write to the Court of France, in order that a place and time may
be appointed, it appearing to him that Antwerp or Mechlin would
be the most convenient for both parties. Copy. French. 1p.

Has been endorsed in the first instance ‘‘ Copie d’une lettre a
Monsieur le Marquis de Bedmar,” but his name is crossed out
and that of Boufflers substituted.

Lorp Curts to Secretary HEpGEs.

1703, February [12-]28. Hague.—‘ Yesterday the States
General notified to me by Monsieur Hulft, that they had pitched
upon him to treat and conclude the cartel in conjunction with
me, and we had our first conference.

“It was resolved (the States General agreeing to it) that I
should send a trumpet to Mareschal Bouffleurs, that Monsieur
Hulft should write in conjunction with me, to notify eur powers
and to agree upon a place to meet, for which we proposed
Antwerp or Maclin, the States having reasons why they would
not have it in their frontiers, though we kept that private.

‘TI must now, sir, earnestly beg of you to press her Majesty or
my Lord High Treasurer in the most decent manner, and with
all possible duty to her Majesty, to let me have an allowance of
a sum advanced to enable me to undertake this journey, and I
beg that it may be done with despatch. I suffered much from
some men in power during the last reign, who as often as the
King had taken a resolution to make me easy in my circum-
stances, interposed between me and his intended favour (though
he made me repeated assurances from year to year, commanding
me to rely upon it), and when he died [I was left in very difficult
and uneasy circumstances. . . Looking over my instructions
I reflect upon that article where you direct me to see that the
powers given to the French General or Minister be sufficient, and
consistent with her Majesty’s honour. I understand by- it, that
in the treaty France is to own her Majesty as Queen of England.
I understand it so, and shall insist upon it, unless I receive in-
structions to the contrary.”

Postscript. ‘‘I humbly presume I ought not to imagine France
will make any difficulty in owning her Majesty as Queen of

 

*Duc de Boufflers, Marshal of Wrance, in command of the French army of
Flanders.
118

England ; and consequently I say not a word of it, not believing
that I ought to start the question, unless the powers granted to
the French General or Minister give me occasion ; in which case,
if it should so happen, I suppose I am to proceed no farther, till
they give satisfaction upon that head. I write the Duke of
Marlborough word that I have given you an account, sir, of
matters relating to the cartel. The Grand Pensionary as well
as many others join with me in opinion that Spain as well as
France must be treated with, or at least that the King of France
must engage for Spain in the treaty of the cartel; the state
of affairs being altered in that point since the last cartel. But
of that I shall be able to write more particularly in my next.”

Copy. 2 pp.

Lorp Cutts to the Duce or MARLBOROUGH.

1703, February [12-]28. [Hague.]—‘‘ Yesterday the trumpet I
sent to the Marquis de Bedmar came back, and brought me a
letter from him,* wherein he tells me nothing can be done as to
the prisoners till the King of France is wrote. to. He compliments
me upon our ancient acquaintance, and concludes with a hint
that if the treaty of the cartel were concluded, which may be very
soon if we have a mind to it, it would make all this matter easy.

‘“‘The States have pitched upon Monsieur Hulft to treat and
conclude the cartel in conjunction with me, and yesterday we
had our first conference. We have with the States’ consent wrote
jointly to Brussells, I to the Mareshal de Boufflers, and he to
Monsieur Bagnol, to signify our commission and agree upon a
place to meet, which the States have consented to be Antwerp or
Maclin, not being willing for good reasons to have the French
come into our frontiers. All other matters relating to the cartel
(too long to trouble your Grace with) I have wrote to Mr. Secretary
Hedges. ;

‘“‘T beg earnestly your Grace’s favourable intercession to her
Majesty or my Lord Treasurer that I may have a sum of money
advanced to enable me for this journey and treaty. Your Grace
had the goodness to say to Monsieur van Hulft, upon the King’s
death, that my circumstances should be considered and taken care
of. This is a favorable opportunity for your Grace to express
your goodness to me on that subject.

‘“‘T presume to repeat my opinion to your Grace, not to let the
States break in upon the disposition of the Queen’s troops in
their winter quarters ; I mean the whole forty thousand in her
Majesty’s pay. Whatever arguments may be urged for it Pll
undertake to answer, and the consequences would.be fatal.”’ Copy.
14 pp. Perhaps only the latter part of a letter, as it begins
abruptly, without date or address.

Ricoarp Warre to Lorp Curts.

1702-8, February 12. Whitehall.—Congratulates him upon his
appointment as lieutenant-general, for which the commission

 

*See above, p. 116.
119

has been signed by the Queen. The others are Lord Teviott,
Colonels Ramsey, Stewart, Karle and Lumley, and Lord Portmore,
and the commissions are all to be dated the same day. ‘‘It is
‘believed the Parliament will rise the next week, or the beginning
of the week after. The House of Commons will read the last
money bill to-morrow the third time, and then there remains little
to be done, so that notwithstanding some heats” it is hoped that
the session will end very well. The Commons have presented
an address to the Queen, upon some mismanagements of the
revenues in the late reign, so long that it is said it will take half
an hour to read. 14 pp.

Lorp Curts to [Sir Cartes Hepass].

1702-3, February 19-March 2. Hague.—I am extremely over-
joyed that I understood my instructions relating to the cartel in
every article as the Queen and you designed them, and am infinitely
obliged to you and the Duke of Marlborough for having so kindly
recommended my affairs to the Lord Treasurer. I beg you to
add one favour more, which is to take the first favourable moment
to drop a word that he will please do what he does with despatch,
as there is great necessity for it, the hardships I underwent from
the ministers in the late reign having laid me under excessive
weights in my domestic affairs. 14 pp. [Two copies, slightly
different. |

[Lorp Currs to the Duke or Mar.zorovas. |

1702-8, March 2-18. Hague.—‘‘I most humbly desire
your Grace to believe that nobody (except your relations) bears
so great a share as myself in the affliction your Grace lies under
for the loss of my Lord Marquis of Blanford, the news of which
struck me with a sincere and sensible grief.

‘On the 6th instant, my lord, it was resolved in a council of
war of the lieutenant-generals then present at the Hague, that
we should all give our opinions in writing, signed each with our
respective hands, the next morning at ten of the clock to
Monsieur Opdam (who summoned this council) concerning the
project given in some time before by Monsieur Opdam and
Slanenberg, of which I sent your Grace a copy. The next day,
being the 7th, we met and complied with the resolution. We met
in a chamber adjoining to the chamber of Treves, and being sat,
Monsieur Opdam’s secretary read everyone’s opinion; the sum
of which is as follows.

Monsieur Salyche :—

That the Upper Rhyne and Moselle ought to be sustained,
and Monsieur Overkirke reinforced if occasion should require it.

That the infantry should be lodged in the places along the Mase,
and the horse drawn out and cantoned to make room for them.

That it was not practicable to make any diversion of conse-
quence in Brabant or Flanders.
120

Count de Noyelles :—

To sustain the Rhyne, secure the new conquests, and make
a diversion in Brabant and Flanders.

Lord Albemarle.
That the siege of Bon was necessary but not practicable as yet.

That we ought to form an army upon the Meuse, and make
a diversion in Brabant and Flanders.

Lieutenant General Fagell—

That the generals ought to be named for two armies, one to
be formed upon the Meuse and one at Bergen-op-Zoome ;
and that there should remain troops enough to reinforce
Monsieur D’Averkirke.

- That an artillery ought to be formed for those two armies
and got ready forthwith ; that boats should be got together at
Bergen-op-Zoome to alarm the enemy, and our troops as-
sembled upon our frontiers.

That the siege of Bon was necessary but not practicable yet.
That we ought to have a great artillery at Wesel.

That the Balliewx of the Plat Pays of Brabant and Flanders
should be summoned to have carts in a readiness, the more
to alarm the enemy in those parts.

My own opinion (as I gave it in writing) was :—

That all necessary preparations should immediately be
made to form an army upon the Meuse, as soon as it might be
practicable.

That the necessary preparations for a siege be made, with-
out determining to siege till we see the effect of the present
operations of Germany.

That a diversion may be made in Brabant or Flanders, whilst
the necessary preparations for opening the campaign are mak-
ing ; but that it be made by detachment only, not by entire regi-
ments, which detachments must return to their garrisons before
the opening of the campaign. But this upon supposition that
the intelligence which the States have of the enemy’s weakness
in Brabant and Flanders be certain.

I concluded with a representation that her Majesty’s forces
could not possibly march out of their garrisons in entire corps
till our recruits, clothes, and officers are arrived.

The next day in the evening I was seized with a violent fit of
a fever, which took me suddenly, and held me above thirty
hours. On the 9th I was desired to assist at a conference with
the deputies of the States General, but was so sick and weak
that I could not stir out of my bed; but the same evening
Monsieur Hope, the treasurer, came to me from the deputies of
the States General to let me know that they had resolved to
write to Monsieur Cohorne to undertake something in Flanders,
if he thought it proper, and that they desired of me some de-
tachments of the Queen’s troops. They left it to my choice
either to send my detachments into Flanders or to re-implace at

.
121

Bergen-op-Zoom such detachments of theirs as should march
into Flanders, only during the time they should be out. I
chose the latter, as the less fatigue of the two, considering that
some of our regiments are so bare till their clothes arrive that
they would not have been able te give detachments capable of
enduring the fatigue of so long a march in this season. I re-
member the hint your grace gave me about Bergen-up-Zoom ;
but Flanders is as sickly, and the fatigue added to that, with the
few officers we have here, would make it intolerable, besides that
it will be (as they assure me) but for eight or ten days at most.
Besides that, I’m told that Bergen-op-Zoom is much much
healthful than it was. Thus your Grace sees that though we
were pressed hard to resolve on the siege of Bon by Monsieur
Opdam and Slanenberg, all things will be at liberty at your
arrival, excepting that the army is to be formed on the Meuse,
which is necessary to sustain the Rhyne and secure our new
conquests till your Grace resolves how to operate.

‘“‘T hope I have done everything to your Grace’s satisfaction.
The detachment I shall send to Bergen-op-Zoom will be but of
six or seven hundred foot, which I shall take from Baldack and
Breda. I venture this letter, though I hope the wind will be
fair for you to come away on Thursday, for your presence is of
the last moment.”

Postscript.—‘‘.My fever, I thank God, is not returned, and I
hope to be abroad to-morrow.” Copy in Revett’s hand-writing.

5 pp.
Lizvut.-CoL. E{pmunp] Reverr to [Mr. Carponnen ?]

1702-3, March 2-18. Hague.—‘‘ Being commanded by my Lord
Cutts to come to this place upon affairs of great moment to his
lordship, and this being the fountain of news, I thought it my
duty with great submission to give you an account of what passes
whilst I am on this side.

‘‘The letters from Germany by the last post give better news
from those parts than was expected. Count Sleicke has defeated
a considerable body of Bavarians and forced their lines and
Count Stirum has defeated another body of them, having killed
and taken a considerable number; and both these generals are
marching into the heart of Bavaria with their respective armies,
Sleicke having about four and twenty thousand men, and Stirum
twelve thousand, upon which the Electress of Bavaria is removed
to Ingolstat. Some letters would give us hopes of the relief of
the fort of Keil, but I find the most penetrating men here fear its
being taken, and they give this reason for it, that being a post of
great importance, the French will not stick at sacrificing any
number of men to carry so great a point, which the map of the
country will explain to you. The King of Prussia’s process with
the Princess of Nassau Fresland continues yet undecided, and the
supreme court of judicature in this place have cited that prinee
to give his answer to the princess in form of law, the States not
intermedling as sovereigns. The foundation of the dispute is,
the late King of England having declared the young prince of
122

Nassau Fresland (who is a minor) his universal heir, his Prussian
Majesty claims by a former settlement some parts of his late
Majesty’s estate, which his council tell him if was not in his
Majesty’s power to alienate. The worst which thinking men
apprehend from this is lest it should in time produce a mis-
understanding between the States General—of whom the young
prince of Nassau is a considerable member (being already
Statholder of Groninghen and Fresland) and in expectation of
some military dignity,—and the King of Prussia, a very powerful
ally. The generals who are at present in town are frequently in
private conference with the deputies of the States General, but
their consultations are kept so secret that it is impossible to dis-
cover any of their resolutions, only this, that they relate to the
operations of the ensuing campaign, which appears by the effects,
the troops having all orders to be ready to march upon the first
notice, and the great artillery at Delpth and other places beginning
to move. My Lord Cutts assists at these conferences, but is
under a strict engagement of secrecy, as all the other generals
are. His lordship desires his humble and hearty service to you
and designs to write himself very soon.” 24 pp.

* Lorp GopoLPHIN to Lorp Curts.

1702-3, March 5—Has received his letter and will be very glad
to concur with Mr. Secretary Hedges in obtaining any reasonable
favour from the Queen in his behalf. 4 p.

Lorp Currs to [Secretary Hepazs].

1708, March [9-]20. Hague.—Thanks him for his last and
quotes the ‘‘ kind and hearty ” letter which he has had from the
Lord Treasurer. [See above.] Prays him ‘‘to give the ball one
more stroke and ’tis done.’’ Repeats what he has written to the
Treasurer concerning his pressing needs, his ill-treatment in the
last reign, and the consideration which he conceives to be due
to him as commander in chief during the last winter, as well as
the charges which he will be at in “‘ treating the cartel,” and
implores that what is done may be done quickly.

Has had frequent conferences with Monsieur Hulft, and they
are pretty sufficiently prepared to enter upon their business as
soon as Marshal Bouffleur’s answer arrives, which he supposes
‘“ to be delayed only from his being gone to Versailles, though
some people here imagine that there is some difficulty started at
the French Court.” Copy. 38 pp.

Lorp Currs to Lorp GopoLPHIN.

1703, March [9-]20. Hague.—Expresses his deep respect
and sratitude for his Lordship’s favourable answer, and prays
that what the Queen is pleased to grant may“ be sent him as
soon as possible. Copy. 1 p.
128

TurRockmorton [sic] to Lorp [Curts ?]

1703, March 16-27. Liege.—Praying for an answer, if only
two lings, concerning the matters of which he has written to him,
and mentioning a report that the Duke of Marlborough may be
expected in a few days, in which case he hopes his Lordship will
make the journey also. French. 2 pp. :

J. Howe to [Lorp Cvurrts].

1708, March 29. London.—A gentleman of my country and
acquaintance has applied to me to procure leave for him to
‘‘ take a resignation from Col. Edgeworth” of a company in your
Lordship’s regiment. I have obtained it of the Prince, but
without your approbation will proceed no further. He is a man
of estate, credit and quality, and will be very proud of your
Lordship’s favour.

Postscript. I pray you to hasten your answer, as Col.
Edgeworth has the promise of a regiment in Ireland which
depends on it. 1 p.

ApAM CARDONNEL to Lorp Cutts.

1708, April [5-?]16. Maestricht.—The Duke sets out from hence
on Wednesday morning, in order to be before Bonn on Friday or
Saturday. He will leave letters here for you and Lieut.-General
Lumley, to be forwarded by Mons. D’Auverquere, which will
inform you when the troops must arrive in camp, that you may
direct them to march out of their respective garrisons accordingly,
by which means they may be kept out of the field a few days
longer. I have acquainted Lieut.-General Lumley* with this, and
desired him, in your Lordship’s absence, to give the same
orders for the foot as for the horse and dragoons, not doubting
but that your Lordship has instructed him concerning the route

of each regiment. 2 pp.

Lorp Curts to Mons. te Duc pe Bovurrieurs.

1703, April[12-]23. Hague.—Acknowledging the receipt of his
letter+ with the passports for himself and Mons. Hulft,—who has
gone into the country for two or three days—and explaining that
as he is Lieutenant-General of the armies of the Queen of
Great Britain, and endued by her with full powers to treat and
conclude the cartel, it is necessary that these titles should be
inserted in his passport, without which he cannot use it, or show
it to anyone whatsoever. When such a passport is sent, he will
be ready to set out, and very desirous of using all means to help
towards the conclusion of the cartel. French. Copy. 14 pp.

 

* Colonel of the Queen's regiment of horse.
phere is a iy of the Duke’s letter, and also of Lord Cutts’ reply, in

State Papers, Holland.
124

Sir Cuartes Hepces to Lorp Currs.

1708, April 18. Whitehall.—That part of his letter which
relates to the cartel, and the copy of a letter to Marshal Bouftlers,
has been laid before her Majesty in a committee of Council, who
approves of what he has done. The rest, concerning himself,
has been communicated to the Lord Treasurer, who says that
something will be done, though he has not named the sum. 1p.

[Capr.] A[texanpEeR] Spotswoop to Lorp Curts, Lieut.-General
of the English forces, &c., at the Hague.

1703, April 17-28. Breda.—Lieut.-General Lumly having
just received orders from General Overkerk, and being wholly
taken up with dispatching orders for the march of the English
troops, desires him to state that the troops are to assemble at
Heeze and Leende on May 5th, N.S. The three regiments of
dragoons remain in garrison until further order. The rest of the
garrison marches on Wednesday next. 1 p.

Lorp Curts to Mr. Secretary HeEpGEs.

1703, April [27-]May 8. Hague.—Stating that H.M. sloop
Swallow, Henry Cremer master, has been taken in sight of the
Maese by a privateer with eight guns and fourscore men, after
having used the utmost endeavours to escape. At the last
extremity, the mails were thrown overboard. There were
twenty-five in the crew and thirty-seven passengers, of whom
none are named “‘ but Mrs. Wych, wife to her Majesty’s Resident
at Hamburgh, and an officer of my Lord North and Grey’s regi-
ment.’’ The master has prayed him that care may be taken for
himself and the other prisoners, but having no orders to concern
himself with the sea cartel, he can only send notice thereof.?

Copy. 2 pp.

Sir CuHarues Hepczs to Lorp Cutts.

1703, May 4. Whitehall—Repeating his assurances that
something will be done, of which he hopes ere long his Lordship
will feel the real effects. 1 p.

}

Lorp Cutts to ——

1703, May [4-]15. Hague.—By an express from General
Cohorn, dated in the trenches before Bonn the previous day,
the States General learn that at three o’clock that same afternoon,
the Marquis d’Allegre, Governor of Bonn, beat the Chamade and
hung out the white flag to capitulate. The terms of surrender
are not yet known. Copy. 1p.

 

* The letter sent is in State Papers, Holland.
125

Commissary Ivoy to Lorp Curts.

1703, May [7—]18. Boisleduc.—Upon Brigadier Rass’ [? Ross’s|
demand, I with much trouble got together a thousand rations of
hay and oats for Haare, and six thousand two hundred for
Breugel, [Breukelin?]sending them in carts and with an escort to
ensure their safety. At the same time I wrote, asking that the
carts and the sacks lent for the oats might be at once returned. To
this I have received the enclosed answer (wanting), by which you
will see that he has given no acquittance for the forage which he
has kept, that he is sending back part of the hay, and that he has
obliged the carts to take the oats on to the other camp and perhaps
further, whereas I had engaged that they should be immediately
returned. Moreover the poor villagers complain that the troops
have encamped amongst the corn, although there are heath-lands
above which would accommodate fifty thousand men, and that
they are collecting the green forage round their camp, so that I
am not surprised that they will not take the hay which they had
asked for. They have not even sent back the sacks. Having
done everything I could for the good of the troops, I did not
expect such thanks as these. No doubt you have heard the news
from Bonn, and also of the retreat of the enemy before Maestricht.
French. 34 pp. °

CoMTE DE ——— to Lorp Cuvurts.

1708, May [16-]27. London.—As you are acquainted with my
cousin’s affairs I need only say that I have persuaded her not to
push matters too hard, but to take ‘‘les voies de douceur et
Uhonnéteté.” I hope that your Excellency, taking this into
account, will send her some subsistance, until her main business
is accomplished. For myself, I long to be with you and to make
the campaign under your orders, for here I have much expense
and little profit. We hear of nothing but of your own brilliant
actions, which to repeat would be but sending back what you
yourself have given us. French. Seal with arms and coronet.
13 pp. [The signature has been torn off.]

Duke oF Marueorover to Lorp Curts.

1703, May 21.9 Camp of Thys.—“‘I have had the favour of
yours, and am sorry for the disappointments you meet with.
Monsieur le Marechal Boufflaire sent two days ago a letter and pass
much to the same purpose as your last was, without taking any
notice of her Majesty, so that [as] I thought there was no great
haste in your receiving it, so that I have sent it back and assured
the Maréchal that he shall have notice as soon as you shall come
to the army. I desire you will order all the officers that are of
the army in Holland to lose no time in joining the army.”
Holograph. 1p.

Ricuarp Warre to Lorp Cutts, at the Hague.

1703, May 21. Whitehall—We have no home news. Lord
Ormond began his journey for Ireland yesterday, with as noble

 

* This is dated old style. On the 21st, new style, the Duke had not reached Thys.
126

a cavalcade as has been seen. There has been a report that
Admiral Almonde, with the ships that are to join Sir Cloudesley
Shovell, had arrived in the Downs, but we begin to doubt it. Sir
Cloudesley Shovell has been on board at Spithead a whole week
with his orders, ready to sail. 1p. Seal with crest.

Mons. CuHartuy to Lorp Cutts.

1703, [May 22-]June 2. Grave.—Being very ill, he implores
permission to return to France, in order to obtain proper
treatment and for change of air. He was major of the
troops in Liege citadel, and was the first of the prisoners presented
to his Lordship, whose kindness then inspires him with hope now
that his prayer may be granted. He will be ready at any time
to present himself if desired by the States General, and if the
cartel should be concluded, his ransom shall be paid. Prays that
the permission may include his valet, as it is impossible for him
to dispense with his services. French. 4 pp.

Payments by Lorp Curts.

1708, June [8-]14. Hague.—Acknowledgments for money
received from Lord Cutts in payment for wine, looking
glasses and other things, signed by F. V. Maurick, Pieter
Van Millinges and others. Dutch. 2 pp.

BricaDieR D. O’Farretut to Lorp Curts.

1708, June 5-16. Le Haye.—Praying him to find out from
Mr. Cardonnel the state of his business, and to do what he
can to further it. French. 14 pp.

G. Lamp[ertry] to Lorp Curts.

1703, June [19-]30. Saturday. The Hague.—I have received
your Excellency’s of the 26th from Ruremonde; I send you a
letter from Brigadier O’Ferel, who says that he also gave one to
Mr. D’Ayrole to put into Mr. Cardonnel’s packet. It is needless
to give you any Flanders news, as it will be known at the army
as soon as here. Mr. Downing sends his compliments, as does
Mons. Stocken, who wishes me to tell you that he has seen a
letter from England stating that Lieut.-General Churchill is
to command in Portugal; which, however, he finds it difficult
to believe. French. 14 pp. :

“Le Connu”’” [G. Lamberty] to Lorp Currs.

1703 [July 28-]August 8. Hague.——I have shown the
article you spoke of to Mons. Pacheco, but not yet to the Comte
de Goez. ‘The person whose name you ask is Mr. Stanhope.
Mons. Obdam is still hoping for a command and those officers
who cannot get on with Mons. de Slangenbourg intend to
pray the States General to send him, in order to deliver them
from the yoke of the other.

 

* Most of his letters are signed thus,
127

The Portuguése envoy is urging on the preparations for that
expedition. Happily the twelve men of war destined to trans-
port the Archduke, and which were sent into the North Sea to
meet the East India fleet, have returned, escorting fifteen of
these vessels richly laden. With them came an English ship
from China, which had been given up for lost.

We have had a Spanish gentleman here, who has been for
_twenty years commissary-general in his own country. He is
sent from the Almirante to the Emperor, and after a long
interview with the Pensionary, left two days ago for the Imperial
Court. He tells wonderful tales of how well disposed they are
in Spain to the House of Austria.

In consequence of Mons. Stdcken’s memorial, the States
General have suspended the sale of the Danish vessels taken by
the armateurs of Zeland.

Mons. Lilienroot has again deferred his departure, greatly
desiring to sign the treaty before leaving, but every day seems to
bring fresh difficulties. The more he advances, the more the
people here draw back, especially since the spreading of the re-
port that the Courts of Prussia and Sweden are in treaty together.

A Mons. Meinters, secretary to Count Straatman, the Emperor’s
minister in Poland, has arrived here, and at first it was believed
that he was charged with some mission to this country, but it
seems he has only come on private business.

The mutinies at Amsford [Amersford] continue and troops have
been sent from here, including the Gardes du corps. The States
of Utrecht have decided to put down the tumult by force, after
which the citizens must apply to them, as their sovereigns, if
they have any complaints to make against their magistrate or
touching their privileges ; it not being fit that each town should
take upon itself to do justice by violence. We hear that the town
yesterday surrendered at discretion, and that there are to be
some executions, which will be an example to other places.

Affairs seem hopeful in Germany. Prince Louis of Baden onl
asked Mons. Goor for eight battalions, which should by this time
be at his camp, having left the lines of Stolhoven on the Ist inst.
The Duke of Burgundy has been obliged to repass the
Rhine, and we hear that the Bavarians have received fresh checks
in the Tirol. It is even reported that the Elector is shut up with
only two hundred men in a forest, and although letters from
Ratisbon say that he has got away, no one trusts news from
Ratisbon ; it has so often proved false.

Here the great business of Hildesheim is drawing to a close,
and the troops of the Duke of Zell are beginning to disappear.

French. 54 pp.

[G. Lamperty] to Lorp Curts.

1703, August [4—]15. Wednesday. Hague.—It is not believed
that the treaty with Portugal will be ratified this week, owing to
128

the delay of some of the Provinces in giving their consent, which
however the Pensionary has urged the deputies to obtain by the
17th instant.

As the departure of the Archduke depends upon the prepara-
tions for his transport, orders have been given here to equip ten
ships to join the twelve which were sent to meet the Hast
India, fleet.

M. de Lilienroot is making his farewell visits, but he has so
often changed his mind, that until his departure is an actual fact
no one believes in it. He is said to have reduced his demands
for money, which certainly no one here is in a hurry to give him.

The Muscovy ambassador, who is annoyed by this delay and
by, not receiving any answer to his memorial, has written to the
Pensionary, saying that the Czar’s express is waiting for a reply.

What renders M. de Lilienroot’s departure uncertain is Baron
de Botmar’s movement in his favour. The ministers seem to
think that the Baron is at the same time acting for his masters,
wishing to renew their treaty with this State, especially as great
umbrage is taken at the Court of Lunebourg in regard to a treaty
between the Kings of Sweden and Prussia, which is believed to
have been signed by young Wartensleben, but which the Swedes
here firmly deny.

Their annoyance is increased by some supposed pretentions
started at the Prussian Court in regard to the kingdom of
Scotland, and it is even said that the Duke of Hamilton’s
brouilleries in the Scotch parliament have other sources than his
own ambition, and that Prussia has it in view, In case of an
interregnum, to seize upon that throne. However this may be,
the Prussian Minister makes no sign, and continues to offer ,
memorials on all sorts of subjects. He has sent in one upon the
succession of Neuchatel, asking for the papers on the subject, &c.

Some days ago an express arrived from the Elector Palatine, to
represent the need of sending a detachment of the army to the
Upper Rhine to save Landau, but only a general answer has been
returned, which means nothing.

The Danish envoy is still urging the release of the Danish
ships stayed by the armateurs of Zeland, which creates a belief
that Denmark intends reprisals.

We have it on good authority that a great change is being
made at the Danish Court; the King’s favourite, son-in-law
to the Chancellor, Count Revenelau, being disgraced and
banished to his estates.

Three of the principal mutineers of Amersford have been taken
to Utrecht, where is is believed they will be executed. Seven
others have been arrested.

The Gardes du corps are said to have gone from Amersford to
Arnheim in Gueldres, where there is some disturbance. Those of
Tiel have been rendered submissive by seeing what has happened
at Amersford. It is said that the papists are at the bottom of
these troubles, hoping to introduce some of themselves into
the magistracy, against the fundamental laws of the States.
129

M. d’Obdam hopes to go shortly to the army. They say here
that M. de Slangenbourg has made a march on his own acdount,
against the Duke of Marlborough’s orders!

A rising in Catalonia is reported. The Bavarians have left the
Tirol, but the French are entering it from Italy. It is hoped
they will have the same fate as the others.

On the 20th of July the Swedes had an encounter with the
Muscovites in Livonia, near Systersleck, fighting from ten o’clock
until two, at which time the courier left them still engaged.
French. 4 pp.

[G. Lamperty] to Lorp Courts.

1708, August [14~]25, Saturday. Hague.—M. de Lilienroot
was to have left on the Friday of last week, but Baron de Botmar
begged him to wait until Saturday, and the delay was successful,
as he has signed the treaty by which he wished to crown his
embassy. But it is after all of no great importance, for no one
else has signed it. A space has been left for Lord Marlborough,
and the States will not sign until the King of Sweden has ratified
the article promising that he will not attack any Imperial or
Hanseatic town, nor any power allied with England or with this
State. It is not known whether it contains any guarantee of the
convention between the Duke of Zell and the Duke Rodolph
evens of Brunswick, although Baron Botmar certainly wished
or it.

The ministers of the Czar and of the Kings of Poland
and Denmark have been anxiously trying to discover whether
there was anything in the treaty disadvantageous to their
respective masters, but the first has had a notification (which he
has sent by express to the Czar) that there is nothing of the sort,
and the same assurances have been given to the others by word
of mouth. The Muscovite ambassador complains greatly of the
treaty made by the King of Prussia with Sweden, after all the
promises he had given the Czar in order to persuade him to
recognise his royalty when it was stillin embryo. The Prussian
minister declares that it is only a treaty of neutrality, but it is
believed to be ‘‘ un traité offensif” as well. M. de Velland was
expected back yesterday from Utrecht with the consent of that
town to the ratification of the treaty with Portugal.

M. d’ Obdam is awaiting orders to return to the head of his
army, the States General having unanimously given their consent,
since the letter from the Generals shows that they are ready to
obey him, to which Mons. Fagel and Mons. Coehorne have also
agreed. There is nothing new from foreign parts. We are
expecting to hear from Prince Louis, who promised a great stroke
on the 20th inst. The rebels in Hungary were beaten on the
30th and 31st of this month (sic). The news from the Tirol is

14170 a I
130

uncertain, but there seems no doubt that the Bavarians were at
Mitterwald and Seefeld, outside the Tirol, on the 14th, and that
there was no danger of any junction with the French on the
Italian side. French. 4 pp.

[G. Lamperty] to Lorp Currs.

1703, August [18-]29. Wednesday. Hague.—The King of
Prussia has sent orders to his minister to notify to the States
General that he will make no peace to the exclusion of the Czar.
The ambassador of Muscovy demands restoration of the wines
and sweetmeats designed for the Czar’s table, and taken in the
Danish ships by the Zelanders. The Danish minister has
presented another memorial touching these ships, and Denmark
only waits for an answer, good or bad, before granting reprisals
to those interested. The Swedes insinuate that the King of
Poland is not to be trusted, as he actually has a man in Paris
incognito, in order to treat with the King of France. The States
of Holland have been assembled to determine a difference in the
magistracy of Harlem on the election of a Vroetschap. The
matter has been settled quickly, for fear the people should say
that a Stadtholder was needed to remedy these disorders.

The Portugal treaty was ratified last Sunday, to the great
contentment of Mons. Pacheco.

There is some surprise expressed that the Emperor has not
proclaimed the Archduke as King of Spain, after the Count de
Goez’ notification, but he is believed to have deferred the

ceremony in order to force this State to pay half of the quota
for Portugal.

The Duke of Savoy’s treaty has been sent back to the

commissioners, but the difficulty as regards payment may delay
Mr. Hill’s departure.

The minister from Treves has received at Rotterdam part of
the money which England intends to pay the Cercle de Suabe.
Prince Louis’ inaction dismays everybody, but it is hoped he
will at last make up his mind to do something. The rumour of
the death of the Elector of Bavaria appears to be without
foundation, letters from Prince Louis’ camp stating that the
said Elector had arrived with eight thousand men at Boven-
housen, between Ulm and Memingen, by which we see that

he has left the Tirol. We hear that the French will not
succeed in gaining an entry there.

M. d’ Obdam is still awaiting his orders, which may be long in
coming, as what he has written to the Provinces ties the hands
of the deputies, or at any rate serves them as a pretext, they
being displeased by this proceeding on his part.

After the news received on Monday of the taking of the castle
of Huy, the States General assembled, with the Council of State,
and it is believed that the courier dispatched by them carries
full powers to the Duke of Marlborough.
131

The Comte de Lecheraine is here on behalf of the Elector
Palatine, to urge the siege of Trarbac, in order to cover the
Duchy of Juliers.

Mons. de Schmettau has presented fresh memorials for a
raccommodement with the Princess de Frise [land ].

The articles of the treaty between the Kings of Sweden and
Prussia are believed to be :—1. The recognition of the latter as
king; 2. The conservation of the Protestant religion and the
joint action of their ministers in the Diet of the Empire; 3. The
determination of the boundaries of Pomerania; 4. That Prussia
shall give no aid to the King of Poland, and shall help
Sweden if the Republic declares against her; 5. That neither
shall make a separate peace, nor without having due satisfaction
from the King of Poland or the Republic. 6. That the King of
Sweden shall interest himself for the King of Prussia regarding
the heirship of the late King of England.

We hear from Sweden that their loss under Cronhjort. against
the Muscovites amounted to a hundred and ninety-seven, infantry
and cavalry, and fourteen officers dead, and a hundred and fifty-
S1x privates and twenty-eight officers wounded.

Mr. Downing starts for Denmark next Monday. French. 5 pp.

[G. Lampzrty] to Lorp Curts.

1703, [August 28-] September 8. Hague.—We have been
looking for good news from the army and were even rejoicing
beforehand over our supposed success, but now all our hopes are
dashed. There are great complaints that the Duke has been
crossed in his plans.

Affairs in Germany however appear to be going on well and
it is hoped that Prince Louis of Baden will now make up for the
inaction which has dissatisfied people so much. It is said that
he crossed the Danube on the 31st, having been delayed in
getting up his bridge, owing to the badness of the roads.

There is also good news from the Comte de Reventhau and
the other Imperial Generals, although the Count, after bombard-
ing Scharding, which is half burnt down, retired to Passau upon
the intelligence given him by General Heister that the Elector
of Bavaria had entirely left the Tirol and was marching to the
Inn. Prince Louis of Baden has received a deputation from
the Tirol, consisting of an ecclesiastic, a gentleman and two
peasants, who prayed him to send them three thousand men if
they should be attacked anew, and declared that they had
re-taken all the posts occupied by the Bavarians, not excepting
Kaupstein, that the Bavarians had lost about five thousand men,
and are now only about three thousand three hundred, and that
the Tirolese had intended to attack them at Seefeldt, but the
Bavarians fled, abandoning everything; after which they made
an incursion into Bavaria, ravaging as they went.

It is to be hoped that the affair of Ratisbon will open the eyes
of those Princes of the Empire, who, to their eternal shame, have
132

suffered the Elector of Bavaria to affront them by surprising
Ratisbon, and who yet obstinately put faith in Bavaria’s promises.
They may now see that nothing is to be expected from that
quarter but the putting in practice the detestable maxims of
France “d’avowr ni lot ni for.”

It was on the 28th of June that Colonel Saulini put
dragoons and infantry to guard the gates of Ratisbon and other
posts hitherto kept by the burghers. He took possession of the
arsenal, and next day disarmed the burghers and made them
bring in all their fire-arms. But in order to show some respect
for the Diet and to throw dust into the eyes of his dupes, the
troops are not in the town, but are lodged in tents on the
ramparts, until barracks are built for them.

At last the Duke of Anjou’s decree in Council for the declaration
of war against the King of Portugal has arrived here. Although
the terms are Spanish the spirit is French—proud, haughty and
insolent, The King of Portugal is not traité de roi, but
distinguished only as Portugais, with threats that he shall be
chastised by the ancient valour of the Spanish nation.* This is
fit to be put into Don Quixote.

The same letters bring news of the iniquitous death sentence
passed at Madrid on the brave Almirante de Castile. Luckily

he is not in the power of the rabid and cruel Council of the Duke
of Anjou.

The Swabian deputies make no progress as regards their offer

of troops, for there seems no inclination here to take advantage
of it. French. 4 pp.

[G. Lampgrry] to Lorp Curts.

1703, September [1—]12. Wednesday. Hague.— Mr. Fagel is
to go to Portugal, and it is believed that M. de Belcastle will go
also as major general.

England has offered, besides the four thousand men which are
her own share, to send four thousand more for the Emperor, on
condition that this State agtees to pay half the stipulated sum.

Prince Louis of Baden has besieged Meminguen, and the
States General have letters stating thatit is already taken. Three
letters from Mareshal de Villars have been intercepted, in one of

which he complains bitterly of the Duc de Vendome and of
Tallard.

Letters from Stockholm relate that a Saxon officer named
Mulheim, having come out of Thorn, offered to show the King of
Sweden the weak points of that town. The King twice went out
alone with him but on the third occasion the pretended fugitive
threw himself at the King’s feet and confessed that he was sent
by General Rébel to assassinate him. The officer has been arrested
in hopes that he will discover others implicated, but some people
think that it is a got up affair, to discredit the King of Poland.

* There are copies of the Declaration in S. P. Holland.
133

Those who know Mulheim say that he is a ruined man, who may
have hoped to make money by it.

Notwithstanding the news of the arrangement made by the King
of Prussia with Sweden, the Poles have resolved to send Monsieur
Szwzcka, vice-chancellor of Lithuania and an able and experienced
man, to Berlin, to try to lead the King back into the right way
in regard to the Republic, especially as their recognition of his
new royalty is more necessary to him than that of Sweden.

The ambassador of Muscovy is annoyed that the Swedes of
Staden have seized upon the Elbe the military supplies going to
Moscow, including tents, clothes, arms, &c. The Swedes on the
other hand are angry with the Danes, all these things having
been got ready at Altona.

The Council of State demands two millions from the States
General for the affairs of Portugal. The request has been sent
to the Provinces.

Mons. de la Martinerie must be at the Court of Poland, as Mr.
Stanhope has received a letter for his wife with Mr. Robinson’s
packet. I have not heard from him since he was at Dresden.
French. 4 pp.

[G. Lamprerty] to Lorp Curts.

1703, September [4—]15. Saturday. Hague.—Mr. Hill has
renewed the Queen’s generous offer to furnish three quarters of
the men for Portugal for the Emperor. He has left, saying that
he would return shortly, but it is believed that he has gone to
the Duke of Savoy, and that the affair is off for the present. It
is even reported that the Duke was recalling the troops which he
had in the army of Vendome. The French commander, after the
taking of Arco, was repulsed with loss in a mountain pass which
he was attempting to cross.

We have good news from Prince Louis of Baden. The
Elector of Bavaria arrived on the 1st of this month at Villars’
camp, but left next day with about twenty thousand men for
Gunzbourg, whence he sent Comte d’Arco with four thousand
men to summon the magistracy of Ausbourg to deliver him the
red gate and a bastion, allowing them only one hour for delibera-
tion. They refused, and next day Prince Louis arrived by forced
marches and the Bavarians hastily beat a retreat. This grand
stroke will revive people’s esteem for Prince Louis, and give the
Elector of Bavaria food for reflection. His envoy at Ratisbon,
seeing the English resident after receiving an express from
the Elector, gave him to understand that he was willing to
negotiate by means of the Queen.

Letters from Treves—saying that a French governor had
arrived at Luxembourg and that it was publicly.announced there
that orders were to be taken only from the Court of France—
have given rise to a belief that the Spaniards have ceded the Low

Countries to France.
134

The Archduke was to be proclaimed on the 8th and to set out
on the 10th or 11th, according to our letters, and Count de Goez
has notified the same. The Prince will travel by Prague, Saxony,
Hanover, &c.

From Turkey we hear that the insurgents were fifty thousand
strong and had sworn to demolish the Sultan’s palace at Andri-
nople, in order to force him to reside at Constantinople. The
Sultan is not deposed nor the Vizier Effendi strangled, as the
public news reported. He has made the janissaries and other loyal
troops swear fidelity to him, giving to each a morsel of bread
upon the Alcoran, in token thereof, and is marching at their
head against the rebels. The Muscovy Ambassador declares
that the cause of the revolt is a Jesuit sent from France.

I received yesterday a letter from Mons. de la Martinerie dated
at Warsaw. He has seen the King of Poland, who does
not wish to be mixed up in his business with the Czar.
The letter will amuse you, for he declares he will go no further
unless the Czar gives him what will provide carriage, horses,
baggage waggons, and four more servants, besides the three he
has taken with him. 3 pp.

 

Lorp Curts to

[1703, September 6-17.*]—Owing to the inaction of our
army at present, I have little news to offer you. Our spies tell us
that the enemy have detached several regiments in the direction of
Namur, and that on the [38—]14 inst., they passed the Meuse at
that place and encamped on the heights of St. Barbe with a
strength of sixteen battalions and as many squadrons, commanded
by Mons. de Precontal. We have since learnt that they wished to
draw a line thence in front of Namur, to stop us from going and
firing the magazines which they have there, and which are very
considerable. For some days the weather has prevented any
work at our entrenchments, but it has now been resumed.
Mons. de Villeroy came yesterday to reconnoitre our camp, and
the same day one of our parties took eight horsemen of the enemy,
sent to reconnoitre on the other side. The quarter-master
general of the English army arrived here yesterday from Liege.
He left Lord Marlborough there, who only to-day begins his
march towards Limbourg. The country not being able to
furnish him sufficient horses to transport the artillery, Mons.
D’Auverquerque has this morning sent him nearly twelve
hundred from here, taken equally from the English and Dutch
artillery, with two hundred commanded horse to escort them as
far as Liege.

As the enemy have a body of troops encamped near Namur,
and may perhaps make some attempt upon Huy while we are
occupied at the siege of Limbourg, Mons. D’Auverquerque has
this morning detached three hundred grenadiers to reinforce
the garrison at Huy. French. 2 pp.

 

* For date, see Marlborough’s Letters and Despatches, Vol. I., p. 183.
135

[G. Lamperty] to Lorp Curts.

1708, September [8-]19. Wednesday. Hague.—The latest
news is that the officers and troops for Portugal are to be ready
to embark on the 15th of next month.

The Comte de Goez says that the Archduke was to be pro-
claimed on the 9th of this month, and will go, in the first place,
on a pilgrimage to some Virgin.* The number of troops named
does not exceed the four thousand which is the share of this
State, and touching the payment of those of the Emperor,
according to the Queen’s offer, nothing is settled, but it is hoped
it will be decided by the States of Holland, which have met this
morning.

Our English letters state that the fleet under Admiral Shovel
passed the Straits of Gibraltar on the 10th of last month into the
Mediterranean, but it was not known what was intended to be
done, since the Duke of Savoy is mistrusted. The decree of the
Duke of Anjou for declaring war against Portugal is so far
without any effect, as no such declaration has been as yet made,
although M. Pacheco insinuated it in order to hasten the
preparations here.

The French ambassador, Chateauneuf, is said to be going from
Madrid to Lisbon, with the consent of the King of Portugal,
but Mons. Pacheco declares that his journey will be without
result.

The Danish envoy has presented a memorial upon the Danish
ships seized by the Zelanders, declaring that, remonstrances
having proved useless, the King finds it necessary to use the
means which God has put into his hands for the protection of
his subjects, and that neither by God or man can’ he be
considered the author of the evils which may ensue. The
memorial was presented last week, but Mons. d’Odick, who was
President, refused to let it be read, so that it was not read until
last Monday. The two ministers of Denmark and Sweden act in
concert in such matters, both crowns being equally interested,
and to-day the Swedish minister has presented a note concerning
a Swedish vessel, stayed in like manner.

The Prussian minister has been in conference with the States
General concerning their complaints against Baron Kinsky,
drossard of the King of Prussia in the Comté de Mewrs and also
touching certain things which ought to be given to the dowager
Princess of Anhalt, as the barony of Turnhout, a pearl necklace
and the House in the Wood.

Mons. d’Obdam’s affairs are just where they were. He
hopes that his business will get on a little further at this
meeting of the States of Holland, but other people do not
think so.

We are expecting good news from Prince Louis, who, being
master of Ausbourg, may have been able to attempt something.

 

* Our Lady of Marienzel, in Styria. See Stanhope’s despatch of Sept. 7-18.
S. P. Holland.
136

In any case, his seizure of this great town, which is the Amster-
dam of Germany, will be enough glory for this campaign.. He 1s
said to have enough stores to supply an army of forty thousand
men for four years.

Mr. O’Farel intends to start for Ireland in a few days. He
seems vexed that your Excellency has not answered four or five
of his letters. French. 4 pp.

Lorp Currs to [Marsan DE VILLEROI?]

1708, September [18-]24. Camp of the Allies at St. Tron.—
Hearing that some fresh English prisoners have been brought to
your camp, whilst the others have been sent to Louvain and
Brussels, I am constrained to dispatch my drum to you again,
praying that he may see those in your camp, and have
permission to go to see the others. French. Draft. 14 p.

LG LAMBertv] to Lorp Curts.

1708, September [15-]26, Wednesday. Hague.—The intel-
ligence received from Vienna that the Archduke was, on the 12th,
proclaimed King of Spain, is not the only piece of news which
has gladdened our hearts here, or at any rate, that from
England has enhanced its lustre; the Queen, in order to obviate
all difficulties in the execution of the treaty with Portugal, having
now declared that she will not only furnish the four thousand
men for the Emperor, but will pay his share of the money as
well. The only thought therefore is now to hasten the
preparations for the transport of the new King of Spain, and a
conference has been held with the ministers of the Emperor
and of England.

Admiral Shovell’s fleet is in the Mediterranean and it is to be
hoped that there is truth in the news sent by the Imperial
Minister from Vienna, that, on sight of it, the kingdoms of
Naples and Sicily declared for the House of Austria.

All the same, one hopes that the fleet will return before the
winter, asit is only victualled up to the end of November, and
moreover, the treaty between the Emperor and the Duke of
Savoy has fallen through in consequence of the finesse of the
Duke, who used the embassy of Count d’Aversperg to his Court
only as a means to gain better terms in his treaty with France.

So many new difficulties have arisen in regard to the treaty
between Sweden and Prussia that it is doubted whether it will
ever be accomplished. It was thought that Mons. de Lilienroot,
who is at Hamburg, was waiting to go to the Court of Berlin to
offer compliments upon the new royalty, but the Swedish
minister here says he is only there on his way to Stockholm, and
this receives confirmation by letters from Stockholm, stating
that his father in law has gone to meet him.

If this treaty falls through, it will be a great mortification
to the government of Holstein, who have got a clause inserted
137

therein guaranteeing the treaty of Travendal. The House ot
Lunebourg, however, was annoyed at the treaty, and was moreover
displeased that the King of Sweden had written to the members
of their House in favour of the Duc de Saverin in his disputes
with them, saying, with some reason, that this Duke does not
merit the King’s favour, since, in his visits to the Courts of
Prussia and Denmark, he showed an inclination to enter into
engagements in opposition to Sweden.

The three Pensionaries of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Horn
have been appointed to investigate the case of the Danish ships,
and the King of Denmark will postpone granting reprisals until
he sees what may be done.

The minister of Munster states that his master claims to be
elected Coadjutor of Paderborn more legally—although he had
only nine votes—than the Baron de Mattenich, who had eleven;
which may lead to complications.

Prince Louis is said to have sent repeated orders to Count
Stirum to carry out his previous instructions; and letters from
Francfort state that the Count is on the march with his army.
It is rumoured that Boufflers has spiked the cannon going to
Limbourg, being in the Condros with fifteen thousand men
for the purpose. French. 4 pp.

Lorp Cutts to [MarsHau pE VILLEROI ?|

[17038, September 17—] 28. Camp of the Allies at St. Tron.—
Acknowledging his last letter, brought by the trumpet sent to
Mons. D’Auverquere, and informing him that he has given ‘the
Spanish drum, who is the bearer of this, two memorials from his
own secretary to his {correspondent’s] commissary, which he
commends to his consideration.

Sends salutations to the Duke of Barwick. French. Copy.

1 p.
Tue Same to [THE Samz ?]

1708, [September 20-] October 1. Camp of the Allies at St.
Tron.—Praying him to be good enough to send the passport by
the first trumpet which he sends to Mons. d’Auverquerc.

French. Copy. 4p.

[G. Lamperty] to Lorp Currs.

1708, [September 22—]October 8, Wednesday. Hague.—Mons.
d’Obdam, having received orders to join the army, was to leave
this evening. He is conceived to have sufficiently expiated his
misfortune, and will probably command the detachment for the
Moselle.
~ Westill have assurances that our Mediterranean fleet is returning
home. There is no longer any dependence to be placed on the
Duke of Savoy, letters from Paris asserting that he has renewed
his treaties with France.
138

The Danish ambassador has presented a memorial for obtaining
permission to transport seven hundred guns, purchased at
Amsterdam, for the use of the Norway Militia. He is still waiting
for an answer concerning his ships. |

The difficulties between Mons. de Lilienroot and Mons. de
Schmettau in regard to certain articles (which have been deferred
to another time) have not prevented the signing of the treaty, so
far as the other articles are concerned ; and Mons. de Lilienroot
had orders at Hamburg to go to Berlin to congratulate the King of
Prussia, but begged to be excused on account of his health. He
has now left Hamburg for Stockholm, and the King of Sweden
will send some one else to Berlin. I hear in confidence that the
King of Prussia has sent Mons. de Lilienroot a handsome present.

The town of Dantzic has come to an agreement with the King
of Sweden and has paid him 100,000 gulden.

The Saxon Generals Canitz [Kaunitz ? ]and Robel, who are in
Thorn, have fought a duel, and Robel is mortally wounded.

The affair of the Count Stirum is not so bad as we feared,
apart from the loss of baggage and cannon. The Count has
written to Count de Goez, and I send a short relation received by
the States General from a trustworthy source, and which agrees
with the Count’s own letter. French. 84 pp.

JuLtius HantELMan, sen., to Lorp Curts.

1703, [September 22—] October 8. Tangermunde.—Recom-
mending his son—who he hears is in his Lordship’s service—to his
notice and protection, and begging to know how he comports
himself. French. 2 pp.

Lorp Cutts to Sir CHARLES HEDGEs.

1703, [September 23-] October 4. Camp of the Allies at St.
Tron.—Announcing the arrival ‘“‘ to-day” of the Duke of Mar]-
borough, who will however probably only stay long enough to
arrange all matters relating to winter-quarters with the deputies
of the States General who have accompanied him. Copy. 14 pp.

Sir CuHaruEs Hepers to Lorp Cutts.

1708, September 27. Bath.—Your last letters have been laid
before the Queen. The Lord Treasurer leaves this place to-morrow
morning, so nothing will be done here, but I hope that when Lord
Marlborough comes over, your affair will at length be concluded
to your satisfaction. 4 p.

Lorp Curts to

1708, [September 27—] October 8. Camp at St. Tron.—The
garrison of Huy being, according to their capitulation, to be
exchanged against a like number of ours taken by the French,
will arrive here, by Lord Marlborough’s orders, this evening, and
the Marshal de Villeroy has ordered the two regiments taken at
139

the beginning of the year at Tongres, with what other prisoners
he has of ours, to be brought at the same time from Leewe.
The exchange is to be made to-morrow morning half way between
these two places. Hach party is to be accompanied by a
squadron of horse, the commanders whereof are to cease all
hostilities until the exchange is over, and all have withdrawn on
either side.

The artillery horses sent to the siege of Limbourg returned to
camp yesterday. Copy. lp.

[G. Lamperty] to Lorp Curts.

1703, [September 29-] October 10, Wednesday. Hague.—
There has been a change as regards the ships to be provided by
this State for the transport of the new [King] of Spain, for upon
intelligence that France was making some naval preparations, one
of the burgomasters and the Pensionary of Amsterdam have
hurried over here to urge the need of increasing the number of
ships of war, and the States General have resolved to augment
the number to twenty-four, in the hope, it is believed, -of
perhaps obtaining eighteen, knowing that some Provinces will
fail.

The Prussian minister has written to his master for consent
to lodge the King of Spain at Honslaerdick and also at the old
Court here, and expects a reply to-morrow. There is a
consultation going on here as to the ceremonial used towards
Charles II. of England in 1660, in order to obtain some guidance
for the present occasion.

Upon the representations of the ministers of the Emperor and
the Empire, as well as of Mons. Pacheco, the army is to be kept
in the field as long as possible, the former fearing that France
may overwhelm indolent Germany, and the latter wishing
to prevent the enemy from sending troops into Spain to attack
the Portuguese before they are ready. It is said that ten
regiments have been already detached from the Low Countries for
this purpose.

Mons. Machado has been ordered to distribute oats to the
cavalry, and an arrangement has been made with him for
magazines at Liege, Hui and other places on the frontier,
in order that it may be easier to assemble a large force
if occasion should require.

The deputies of Wirtemberg continue to try to obtain enter-
tainment for four thousand of their troops, with the condition
that, having no further use for them at home, they may be
employed wherever they are most needed, but apparently the
matter will not be discussed until the Duke of Marlborough

arrives.

The Prussian minister has recived intelligence that the bom-
bardment of Gueldre began last Sunday, and believes that by
the 15th instant it will be in his master’s hands. -
140

Trustworthy letters from Spain state that two couriers arrived
from the Court of France in one day, but what they brought
cannot be discovered, although it was noticed that the French
party appeared dismayed and the principal grandees joyful.

The cavalry at Madrid had been ordered to march towards
Badajoz, but had not yet done so. They lack magazines,
munition and cannen, which were to have been sent from
Pampeluna, but since the arrival of these couriers their removal
has been stopped, by which one supposes that they wish to guard
this place, in the kingdom of Navarre, as an asylum in case of a
rising in the other parts of Spain. Briefly, everything in Spain
appears favourable to the House of Austria.

My son wishes most respectfully to thank you for your
kindness towards him, in regard to the Duke of Marlborough.
If there is a chance of anything, he begs you to enlighten him.
French. 4 pp.

[G. Lamperty] to Lorp Currts.

1708, October [2-]18, Saturday. Hague.—It is long since
we were so bare of news asnow. The ministers of the Emperor,
England and Portugal have been in conference with some of
the deputies of the States General, in order to hasten the
preparations for the transport of the King of Spain. The
Emperor’s minister is much vexed that he has hastened the
King’s departure from Vienna, seeing that matters move so
slowly.

The secretary of Count Waldstein, now a prisoner in
France, has been here on his way from Vienna to England,
and so to Lisbon, and one sees well enough from his discourse
that the nomination of the new King of Spain has not been
made with the idea of sending him, after the fashion of a knight
errant, to conquer the kingdom, but that the thing rests upon
solid foundations, being supported by the greater -part of the
grandees, and that a general rising will take place as soon as the
King sets foot in the country.

It is rather singular that while some of the officers and
regiments destined for Portugal make difficulties about going,
others, not nominated, are praying to be sent. The States
General are still deliberating about the matter; but Mons. Friesen,
who objected to going, has now agreed to do so.

he Swedes no longer make any secret of their treaty with
Prussia, and the Baron de Friesendorf, their envoy at the Courts
of Zell and Hanover, has received orders to notify his master’s
recognition of the King of Prussia, and their new alliance, which
however will in no way prejudice the treaties of the King of
Sweden with the said Courts.

Much discussion has been caused by the order to Mons. de
Lilenroot to stop at the Court of Conehecen: under pretext of
arranging for the safety of their commerce on both sides in the
present troubled state of Europe. Suspicious folks believe that
141

this is only done to keep the King of Denmark amused, and so
stop his taking any steps in favour of the King of Poland or the
Czar of Moscovy ; whilst others go still further and imagine that
an idea of being of some use to France is at the bottom of it.

_ Affairs in Poland are going very badly for the King, and there
1s more talk than ever of his dethronement,-for he is abandoned
by everyone, and even Oginski, one of his strongest friends, is as
discontented as possible.

Letters from Count Stirum’s camp state that he had been
largely reinforced, had received sixteen pieces of cannon and was
expecting more, besides three great pieces from Nordlingen, and
would shortly begin to march.

From Prince Louis’ camp we hear that the Elector of Bavaria
is threatening to bombard Ausbourg, which the Prince would be
unable to prevent, but that the latter has sent word to the Elector
that if he fires a single shot, all Bavaria shall be laid in ashes.

Tallard has stopped short in his journey towards Landau.

The taking of Limbourg seems to have disconcerted the enemy.
French. 4 pp.

(G. Lamperty] to Lorp Curts.

1708, October (16-]27. Saturday. Hague.—The Duke of
Marlborough has arrived to-day, and went straight from the
vessel to dine with Mons. de l’Etang.

A harbinger of the King of Spain has come to make all ready
for his master, who is expected to-morrow. Count de Goez
has gone to meet him, and besides his own equipage, has
borrowed one from the Prince d’ Auvergne for the King’s use
during his stay here.

Several places on the Upper Rhine have prayed for help
against the ravages of the French, which it is feared may be
carried stilt further. There is every disposition here to help the
Empire, but nothing is more vexatious than to see that the
people will not help themselves, nor even second the generous
efforts which England and this State make to free “ l’indolente
corps Germanique ”’ from their troubles.

The Elector of Mayence, above all, is afraid of being over-
whelmed in his capital, and has written to the neighbouring
princes, as the Landgraves of Hesse Cassel, Homburg, and
[D] Armstadt. The first of these has sent his letter to the States
General, in order to stimulate them to make some diversion,
and in consequence of it, they have resolved to send the
hereditary prince of Cassel to the Moselle. As to the town of
Mayence, the States General some time ago sent orders to the
Governor of Bonn to render it all the aid it needed in a case
like this.

As regards the Duke of Savoy, all that is certain is that both
England and this State have the best will in the world towards
him.
142

I am very anxious about your Excellency’s health, not having
heard from you by the five last posts. I shall try to-morrow to
see some one who has come from the army, and so learn how you
are. French. 3 pp.

H. Horcxwater to Lorp Curts.

1703, October [18-]29. Tongre.—Stating that as the troops
march on Thursday, and to-morrow is “‘ le jour du pain” he has
thought good to deliver bread for six days instead of four to the
British infantry, that they may have something on their way.
French. 14 pp.

Lorp Cutrs to the CoMMANDER OF HER MaJrsty’S FORCES in
every garrison [in the Low Countries].

1703, November [8-]14. Hague.—Sir George Rooke and
Mr. Hill will move the Lord High Admiral to send over another
convoy for those recruiting officers who cannot go now. I desire
you to advertise the officers hereof, and also to issue orders that
no officers of her Majesty’s forces, either horse or foot, shall
embark for England without a pass-port under my hand and
seal, the General of the Foot (who intends for England to-morrow)
having delivered over to me the Duke of Marlborough’s orders
and instructions, and the necessary powers relating to the Chief
Command of her Majesty’s forces in the Low Countries. I shall
shortly send instructions to every garrison, and meanwhile,
desire you to send me weekly lists of the alterations in the foot,
and of all accidents happening in either horse or foot, that I may
transmit constant accounts to his Grace.

I have directed my secretary to take no fees for passports from
such officers as have already permission to go for England, and
are in the lists signed by the Duke ; and for such others as have
just pretensions to ask my leave, no more than what they shall
shall think fit to give him. Copy.* 2 pp.

Lorp Curts to BrigaprterR Woon.

1703, November [6-]17. Hague.—Recommending Sir James
Hayse, who, though unknown to himself, has certificates from the
Duke of Ormond and others which represent his case as a real
object of compassion. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to Mason Means, of the Duke of Marlborough’s
regiment.

1703, November [6—]17. Hague.—In regard to the oath
proposed by the magistrates to the officers in your garrison,

 

* Lord Cutts’ letters, from this date up to the end of December, old style, are
taken from a letter book written in his own hand (as are all the copies of his letters)
and headed *‘Letters to several persons during the time that I commanded her
Majesty’s forces in chief in the Low Countries, in the year 1703.”
143

Brigadier Ross was with me yesterday and represented that
matter to me at large. I desire the officers both of foot
and dragoons to make this answer to the Burgomaster :
‘that no man is more disposed to do everything: that may
be for the service and satisfaction of the town of Gorcum
than myself, as knowing the rank they bear in this
government, but according to the constitution and laws of
England, if I should order any oath to be taken without the
Queen’s command, I may answer it with my head ;” but you may
assure them that I will write to the Duke about it, and do all in
my power to serve them. You may tell the commanding officers
of the regiments with you, that they must on no account take
any oath without my special order, and ‘“‘ that I believe the Queen
will have a great deal of difficulty to order any such oath, by
reason of our laws provided in that case.” Copy. 1p.

Lorp Curts to THE CoMMANDERS OF GARRISONS.

1703, November [9-]20. Hague.—Encloses a copy of the
Duke of Marlborough’s orders, and desires faithful execution of
the same. The discharge of the men may be left to the
commanding officer of each regiment, but care must be taken to
see that it is done pursuant to these rules. Copy. #p.

Lorp Cutts to Myn Heer VANDERSPOEL.

1703, November [9-]20. Hague.—Sends two orders of Sir
George Rooke’s, which will be best lodged in his hands, and prays
him to signify the same to any of her Majesty’s ships, so soon as
they arrive, desiring the respective captains and commanders to
receive all such as have passes under his own hand and seal,
(by which they will know them to be the officers mentioned in,
Sir George Rooke’s orders) her Majesty having sent orders to
all her captains not to receive any on board without a pass
either from Mr. Stanhope or the Commander in Chief. Prays
him to advertise the arrival or intended departure of any English —
ships. Copy. 1 p.

The Enclosures :—

1. Sir George Rooke, Vice Admiral or England and
Commander in Chief of her Majesty’s fleet, dc. to: Capt.
Jesson, commander of the Portland. Warrant to receive on
board the ship or ships under his command such officers of her
Majesty’s army as shall bound to England for recrutts, giving
them passage and victuals. Rotterdam, November [8-}19,
1708. Copy. 4p.

92. A like warrant for the commander of any of her
Majesty’s ships bound for England. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Currs to the CommaNDERS of GARRISONS.

1703, November [10-]21. Hague.—Stating that Sir George
Rooke has left orders for some of her Majesty’s men of war, daily
144

expected, to take on board the recruiting officers, and that if any.
of these officers happen to come to Rotterdam, they may send to
him for passes and be ready to go aboard. Copy. 4 p.

Lorp Curts to the Duxr or MarRLBoROUGH.

1703, November [12-] 28. Hague.—The ‘‘Council of States ”’
having in the most pressing manner urged the necessity of send-
ing a regiment to Bergen-op-Zoom for the next three weeks,
he intends, if they insist on it on the morrow, to send How’s
or Lord North’s. He has seen a list of their garrisons, and
(except one Dutch regiment in each, which they say is necessary
for the affairs of their government) there are none but the
Queen’s forces at hand until some other troops return. Copy. #>p.

Lorp Curts to the Earn or RaneuacH.

1703, November [12~]23.—Requesting that the debentures of
the Isle of Wight garrisons may be delivered to Mr. Meryll,
whose discharge shall be sufficient and valid, notwithstanding
any directions formerly given to Mr. Acton or his Lordship.

Copy. 4p.

Lorp Cutts to the Commanpine Orricers of Breda and
Bois-le-duc.

1703, November [13-]24. Hague.—Desires that the enclosed
order may be complied with if Lieut.-General Salyche require
it. The States promise that the troops shall return in three
weeks, but for the time they are out their officers must furnish
them with money. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Cutts to the ComMaNDERS oF GARRISONS.

1703, November [13-] 24. Hague.— Sending instructions
which are to be communicated to all her Majesty’s officers, both
horse and foot, in each garrison. Copy. 4 p.

Lorp Cutts to the Witman anp Maarstracy of Gorcum.

1703, November [15—]26. Hague. — Stating that he had
intended to hang the man on whose behalf they write to him,
but as he earnestly desires to serve and please them, he promises
to pardon him, and will send orders to that effect. French.

Copy. % Dp.

Lorp Curts to the Duxe or Maruporoueu.

1703, November [16—]27. Hague.—States that instead of
marching a regiment to Bergen-op-Zoom, he has agreed to detach
three hundred men from the garrison of Bois-le-Duc, and the
same number from Breda, for two or three weeks, if it is
absolutely necessary. Desires promotion for two officers of his
145

regiment [unnamed] in case his lieutenant-colonel goes to the
West Indies, and begs his Grace’s favour with the Lord
Treasurer. Copy. #p.

Lorp Curts to BrigapieR Hamiuton.

1703, November [17—]28. Hague.—Acknowledging his letter,
but requesting to know why four hundred men have
marched when his order was but for three hundred, and desiring
that in future, no detachments or regiments may march without
his orders in writing, this being a positive article in the Duke of
Marlborough’s instructions. Copy. 4p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1703, November [17-]28. Hague.—Will order a general
court martial, as he desires. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to the Duxgn or MarLBorovuGn. :

1703, November [19-]30. Hague.—Nothing has happened
in the troops worth mentioning, and he does not presume to
trouble his Grace with other news, knowing that he has it better
from other hands. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to the Orricers CoMMANDING IN CurErF at Breda,
Bois-le-Duc, and Gorcum.

1708, [November 22-] December 3. Hague.—Sending
instructions, which are always to be left with the officer actually
in command of each regiment, and desiring that the names of
the officers to whom they are given and the date of their delivery
may be reported to him. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to [the Commanper of the battalion of her Majesty’s
own regiment of Guards].

1703, [November 22-] December 3. Hague.—To the same
effect as the preceding. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to Mr. Bripess and Mr. Warr.

1703 [November 28-] December 4. Hague.—Minutes. The
States General have written a very obliging letter to the Prince
Hereditary of Hessen, signifying their great concern for the ill-
success of the battle lost by the confederate troops that were_
marching to the relief of Landau. They “take notice of the
neglect in not having timely advice of the enemy’s motions, and
in not taking such necessary precautions as such an affair
required, but they assure him at the same time that they don’t

impute any part of the blame to him, but on the contrary are

 

* At Spires.
14170 a K
146

infinitely satisfied with his courage and conduct in that action,
and with the very great bravery with which the troops under his
command followed his example.” This letter will make the
whole blame fall upon the Comte de Nassau-Weilburg, the
Elector Palatine’s general, who commanded all the forces in
chief as being the eldest officer there. Copy. 1 p.

Lorp Currs to [Mr. Carponnet ?]

17038, [November 23-]December 4. Hague. — Private
news. ‘‘ The States-General have directed their deputies that
manage the conferences which are frequently held with the
foreign ministers to represent to those of the Emperor and the
Empire, in the most pressing terms imaginable, the ill-execution
of what their respective masters are engaged to for the carrying
on of the common cause, and the preservation of the liberties of
Europe, and to represent to them, at the same time, that since
England and Holland are obliged to send a considerable number
of their troops to Portugal, ’tis impossible for the States to assist
the Emperor and the Empire with such numbers of their troops
as they have done hitherto and to want them upon their own
frontiers, especially if the Princes whom it more immediately
concerns omit, as they have done hitherto, to make such pro-
visions of troops, artillery and magazines as they are obliged to
do by their treaties.” Copy. 1 p.

Lorp Curts to the ComMAaNpDERS oF HER Masrsty’s Forcgs
at Goreum, Worcum, Heusden and Gertruydenberg.

1703, [November 25-]December 6. Hague.—Desires that the
lists of the foot regiments, hitherto sent up once a fortnight,
may in future be sent up on the 1st of the month (old style)
only. Any accident, disorder, or extraordinary occurrence is,
however, to be reported forthwith, as also anything desired for
the service of the regiments. Copy. 1p.

Lorp Curts to Bricaprer Frercuson and Cou. Peyton, com-
manding her Majesty’s forces at Bois-le-duc and Breda.

1708, [November 25-]December 6. Hague.—To the same
effect as the preceding, with the additional instruction that the
lists are ‘‘to be drawn up by companies, in the same manner
that they were the last winter, and [not] in lump as some of

them were, by which one knows only the strength and not the
detail of a regiment.” Copy. 1 p.

Lorp Curts to Brigaprprs Hamiiron and FErGuson.

1703, [November 26—] December 7. Hague.—Enclosing an
order given the previous winter to the commander in their
garrison, and stating that he does not expect any monthly lists
of alterations in the Horse, ‘‘it never having been customary,
except when demanded upon some extraordinary occasion.”
Copy. 3% p.
147

Lorp Corts. to Mr. Caurcarun, General of the Foot.

1703, [November 28-]December 9. Hague.—‘‘Mr. Stanhope
has informed me of the ill-news he has receivedfrom Helvoet-sluce
of one of her Majesty’s ships of war being sunk and most of the
transport ships being run on ground. . . . ‘Tis the opinion
of the Grand Pensionary and Mr. Stanhope that some officer with
a character should be sent to the troops that are forced on shore,
to put things in as much method as is possible in such a
misfortune and to encourage the men, to prevent any accident by
desertion. Brigadier Ferguson had his Grace the Duke of
Marlborough’s orders to make the embarkation, but he being at
Bois-le-Duc, before he can get to the Brill and Helvoet-sluce
the occasion will be over. But Brigadier Withers being at
Rotterdam with you, Sir, I humbly propose it if you please to
send him with your orders. These troops designed for Portugal
being of a different department with the troops which you were
pleased to deliver over to my care, and Brigadier Withers being
with you, bound for England, I would not presume to send him
any orders in it, but humbly propose it to you as what may
possibly be of moment to her Majesty’s service at this time.

‘‘In the meantime, the Pensionary assures me that orders shall
be sent away from the States to those parts, that all possible
assistance may be given. . . I humbly presume, Sir, your
timely orders to Mr. Sweet to furnish money for the subsistence
of the men, [which] if their provisions be lost, may be necessary.
This I humbly thought fit to lay before you as the sum of a
conference we had here upon this sudden ill news.” Copy. 14 pp.

Lorp Cutts to the CoMMANDERS oF HER MasgEsty’s Forczs
in every garrison.

1708, December [1—]12. Hague.—Informing them that the
Parliament has unanimously voted ‘‘ the same forces by sea and
land as were last year, and the troops designed for, Portugal over
and above, as also complete pay for all the general officers in
service, forage money for the foot and dragoons and waggon
money for the foot;” and requesting them to communicate
this to all the officers of her Majesty’s forces. Copy. 4 >.

Underwritten :—

1. Postscript to Brigadier Ferguson.— ‘I sent you an
order to empower you to command convoys or reconnoitring
parties, as also a private letter in answer to that post of yours
wherein you complain of my unkindness, but have no account
of the receupt of them.”

2. Postscript to Col. Palmer. Thanking him for his letter.
Copy. 4p.

 

* The Vigo was sunk, the Russell ran aground and was lost, several others
were injured, and fifty or sixty men drowned, in a great storm. See Alexander
Stanhope’s despatches, S. P. Holland.
148

Lorp Cutts to Lorp TUNBRIDGE.

1703, December [5-]16. Hague——Recommending for a
quarter-master’s place one Mr. Armstrong, ‘“‘a brave and very
honest man,” who served as a volunteer the last year in the
expedition of the Maese, and distinguished himself “with a
great deal of bravery” in the sieges, and especially at the storm
of Fort St. Michel. Copy. 1p.

Lorp Curts to Cou. WHEELER.

1703, December [7—-]18. Hague.—Acknowledging the receipt
of the lists relating to the battalion of Guards under his com-
mand, and requesting that the same may now be repeated only
once a month. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to Mr. CARDONNEL.

1703, December [7—]18. Hague—Private news. ‘‘’ Tis said the
Elector Palatine is gone to the Emperor to represent to him in
person the ill-posture of affairs with relation to the Empire.

“The town of Amsterdam seems at present very much against
Monsieur D’Obdam’s pretensions.

‘Prince Louis of Baden and the Comte of Nassau Weilbourg
have represented that they have no need of the body of troops
which was proposed to be sent under the command of the Prince
Hereditary of Hessen, but in effect, the reason of their refusal is
thought to be trom that Prince’s being to command them, who
being a brave Prince and a Protestant, is supposed to give
jealousy to the one (upon the account of the late affair at Spire),
and not to be so agreeable to the other asa Roman Catholic
might possibly be.

‘*The Emperor has ratified the treaty of Portugal.

‘The Circle of Suabia have wrote a very pressing letter to the

Queen to desire her Majesty would please to assist them as she
did the last year.” Copy. 1p.

Lorp Cutts to the ComMMANDER oF HER Masgsty’s Forces in
every garrison.

1703, December [8-] 19. Hague.—Notifying (in case any
recruiting officers or discharged men bound for England are in
the garrisons) that the Portland and Advice are arrived, and
have orders to sail the first fair wind Copy. 4 p.

Underwritten :—

1. Postscript to Brigadier Ferguson's letter. The States
promise that the detachment at Bergen-op-Zoom shall forthwith
‘return. Order shall be taken as to what you write concerning
Fort St. Andrew.

2. Postscript to Lieut.-Colonel Grove. I have either not
recewed or have mislaid your last list, and pray you to send it
(or repeat it for this once) by the first post. Copy. 4 p.
149

Lorp Cutts to Monsizur SLINGELAND.

1703, December [9-]20. Hague.—Sends him, according to
promise, the substance of a letter received from Brigadier
Ferguson, dated at Bois-le-Duc the 17th inst., stating that Mons.
Reamaker, commandant at Fort St André, not only refuses to
send back the English detachment in pursuance of the resolutions
taken at the Hague, but has imprisoned the commanding officer,
contrary to the rights of her Majesty, the rules of war, and the
measures to be observed for maintaining good harmony between
the nations.

Prays him to move the States General that the detachment
may be sent back forthwith to Bois-le-Duc, and that the
commandant of the Fort may be made to give satisfaction for
the wrong done. Copy." French. 2 pp.

Lorp Curts to the Duke or MARLBOROUGH.

1708, December [10—]21. Hague. — “‘ Yesterday, Monsieur
Slingeland assured me that the States had sent their orders
(pursuant to the frequent and earnest instances that I had made) to
relieve the detachment of six hundred men of her Majesty’s
forces at Bergen-op-Zoom, and to send them back again to
Breda and Boisleduc. . . . At the same conference, I made a
complaint against Mons. Reamaker, the commander of Fort St.
Andrew, where by mistake a detachment of her Majesty’s subjects
of thirty men were sent without my orders from the garrison of
Bois-le-Duc, in the absence of Brigadier Ferguson. My complaint
was grounded upon a passage in a letter from that Brigadier,
dated at Bois-le-Duc the 17 inst., giving me advice that upon
Ferguson’s sending orders to the officer commanding the English
detachment at Fort St. Andrew to retire with his men to Bois-le-Duc,
pursuant to the resolutions taken here by the States, the
commander of the Fort put the officer in prison, and refused to
let the men go. This is contrary to the rules of war, and what
he can’t justify with relation to the Queen’s troops.

‘Mons. Slingeland desired me, after we had discoursed the
matter at large, to send him the substance of what I had repre-
sented to him in a letter, to avoid the formality of a memorial,
which I did the same afternoon, and send your Grace here
enclosed an exact copy of it verbatim. Mons. Slingeland told
me he doubted not but if the affair was as Ferguson represented
it, the commander of the Fort (who everyone says is very brutal)
will be severely reprimanded.” Copy. 1 p.

Enclosing a copy of the letter to Mons. Slingeland calendared
above.

Lorp Curts to BricgapreR Frrcuson and Cou. PALMER.

1703, December [13-]24. Hague.—Giving them private in-
structions that in no case are they to send any new detachment of
her Majesty’s forces, either horse or foot, out of any of the
garrisons (convoys and reconnoitring parties excepted) without
special orders from himself. Copy. 3% p.

 

* There is a draft of this letter amongst the loose papers.
150

Lorp Curts to Bricgapinrr FEerRGuson and Cou. PALMER.

1703, December [14-]25. Hague.—Sending a duplicate of
the preceding, in case of miscarriage, the matter having been
particularly recommended to him in his letters from the other
side of the water. Copy. 4p.

Underwritten :

Postscript to Brigadier Ferguson’s letter. My Lord Marl-
borough thought our last detachment a hardship, and wrote to
me about it. I shall let him know how prudently you have
acted. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to the Duke or MaruBorouGa.

1708, December [14-]25. Hague.—Brigadier Ferguson
advises me that Mons. Salyche has demanded another detach-
ment for Bergen-op-Zoom, which is the more extraordinary as
the States, upon my frequent instances, had promised to send
back the other two detachments to Breda and Bois-le-Duc. ‘I
thank God, I know my duty too well, so long as your Grace
instructs me, to let her Majestys’ troops be harassed by sending
detachments to unhealthy garrisons when there is no necessity
for it but to save their own troops, though there was some reason
for the last.

‘“‘Ferguson has very prudently excused it, representing that he
could not do it without a special order from me, and I shall
manage it in the most decent manner to your Grace’s satisfaction.

‘““T have sent Mr. Cardonnel a paper which (though ’tis kept
secret here), | had given me by one of this country, and what-
ever comes to my knowledge relating to military matters ’m
sure I ought not to conceal from your Grace.”” Copy. 1 p.

Lorp Curts to Cou. PALMER.

1703, December [15-]26. Hague.—Has received his of the
24th inst., and will forthwith send him the necessary orders for
holding a council of war in the horse, and another in the foot.
Has not yet seen Mr. Watkins, but if he does not come himself
with the orders, he shall be told to send a deputation to Mr.
Sandby, as proposed. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to Cou. FratHErston.

1708, December [15-]26. Hague.—Thanks him for the
lists of officers present and absent in his regiment. Had put off
having these lists until all the officers ordered for recruits were
gone, but is obliged to him for his care. Is sorry for poor Mrs.
Tempest ; ‘‘the number of her mourners is great.”” Copy. 4 p.

Lorp Curts to the Duc pz ScHOMBERG.

1708, December [15-]26. Hague.—Begs to recommend to
his Grace—upon the representations of several officers of the
151

regiments detached from the English army to serve under him
in the expedition to Portugal—the sad case of those who have
lost all their baggage in the late storm, after having made every
effort to equip themselves suitably, and especially of the bearer,
Mons. La Farrel, of Barrymore’s regiment, whose person and

company have both suffered heavily. Wishes him all honour,
health and happiness.

Postscript. Has written to Mr. Cardonnel to ascertain if the
case of these officers might not be included in the Parliament
vote for repairing the damage caused by the storm, and has
asked him to speak to the Duke of Marlborough about it.
French. Copy. 1».

Lorp Curts to Mr. CARDONNELL.

_ 1703, December [15-]26. Hague.—To the effect mentioned
in the preceding. Copy. 1p.

Lorp Currs to Cou. Paumer or the officer commanding
her Majesty’s forces at Breda.

1708, December [17-]28. Hague.—yYou are by no means to
detach any men out of your garrison either to relieve the detach-
ment at Bergen-op-Zoom or to go to any other post, unless I send
you orders. The Duke of Marlborough is very uneasy, and I
am very much surprised that those at Bergen have not been
returned, according to the promise of the Council of State.

I desire my service to Mons. Salyche. Copy. 1 p.

Lorp Curts to Cou. Leiax or the officer commanding her
Majesty’s forces ordered for Portugal.

1708, December [18-]29. Hague.—‘‘ Sir George Rooke has
just now acquainted me that there is a very great disorder and
confusion among the troops bound for Portugall, and though I
had no right to meddle with ’em so long as the General of the
foot was here, yet in his absence, upon the representation which
Sir George Rooke has made me, it is my duty as the eldest
lieutenant-general of her Majesty’s forces on this side of the
water, though the forces ordered for Portugall are not under my
care by special commission as her Majesty’s army in the Low
Countries is, it is my duty, I say, as the eldest general officer
here of her Majesty’s forces, to send you the following orders.

‘You are to take upon you the chief command, direction, and
care of her Majesty’s troops appointed for the Portugall expedi-
tion, till such time as some general officer shall join you, and to
be responsible for the same.

‘You are to cause all such orders and directions as shall be
sent by Sir George Rooke or any person acting by his authority
to the said forces or any part of them, relating to the placing of
any officers or soldiers on board any vessels, to be exactly
obeyed, or for the changing any of them out of one vessel into
another.
152

‘You are to cause immediately a list to be given you of all
officers present and absent of every regiment under your
command, of which you are to transmit me a copy forthwith
sisned by the commanding officer of every regiment, and to
deliver another copy to the first general officer that shall
join you.

‘You are to cause another list to be given you of the numbers
of sick, dead and deserted, or killed and drowned of every
regiment or of every transport ship since your first embark-
ation, to transmit me a copy of the same forthwith, and to deliver
another to the first general officer that shall join you as aforesaid.
In case any officers or soldiers are so sick as that it may be
inevitably necessary to leave them behind you, which is to be
avoided so far as ’tis possible, you are forthwith to send me the
names of such officers and the numbers of the sergeants, cor-
porals, drums and soldiers, marking in the list of what regiments
and companies they are, that I may give such further directions
therein as the service may require.

“And of all accidents, disorders, or other matters whatsoever
that it may be necessary for me to be acquainted with for her
Majesty’s service, you are forthwith to give me an account in
writing by this bearer, whom I send express on purpose.

‘T had sooner taken this matter into my care, but not hearing
from anybody belonging to these troops, and having heard some
time since that Brigadier Withers had put everything in good
order, by Mr. Churchill’s order, I concluded there was nothing
wanting. I desire. you will be careful in executing these orders
because it is a matter of moment and may be called in question
afterwards, and I desire you will direct the same to be strictly
obeyed by all the officers under your command.

“You must by no means omit sending me the lists above
mentioned, because I am to transmit them by the next Thursday’s
post to his Grace the Duke of Marlborough.” Copy. 24 pp.

Lorp Curts to Monsizur SatycHe, Governor of Breda and
Lieutenant General in the armies of the States General.

1703, December [18-]29. Hague.—Acknowledging his letter
and assuring him that he would not fail to remove the officer
complained of, were it not that the Council of State have promised

to send orders for the return of the detachment to Bois-le-duc.
French. Copy. 4.

Lorp Curts to BricapInR FERGUSON.

[1703, December 22-] 1704, January 2. Hague.—‘‘I send you
here enclosed a paragraph of her Majesty’s speech, which gives
us an account of something so important that I thought it worth
communicating to you. . . . The latter part of the speech is
very gracious and relates only to the public affairs already before
the House of Commons. The Bill to prevent Occasional Conformity
is thrown out in the House of Lords, and such prudent measures
153

have been taken that it has occasioned no heats in the Commons.
Some private letters speak of several persons seized in England,
and among others a secretary belonging to the pretended Prince
of Wales, coming from France.”

I am glad you have sent an officer to reclaim the officer of
your garrison who is so ill-used at Bommell, for until one has an
account from an unconcerned person, one cannot well draw up
a memorial. As soon as you transmit me the substance of his
report, you may depend upon it that I shall exert the full powers
of the special commission by which I act for her Majesty’s
honour and service and the rights of her subjects. In
the mean time, ‘‘I desire all her Majesty’s officers will
act with that decency and temper as is suitable to the Duke of
Marlborough’s instructions to me, and mine to all her Majesty’s
forces at present under my command, by which means we shall
always make unreasonable people appear in the wrong and more
easily carry our point.” Copy. 14 pp.

Undenwritten :—

Memorandum, that the same letter was sent to Col. Palmer
at Breda, as far as the words ‘‘ coming from France.”

JEAN VAN E.RKHUYSEN.

[1703, December 22—]1704, January 2. Hague.—Certificate
signed by Lord Cutts, that—having had the honour, as Brigadier
of the Guards of the late King of glorious memory, to
command the Dutch as well as the English and Scotch
Guards at the siege of Namur and elsewhere—he has
observed that Jean van Erkhausen, sergeant of the regiment of
Dutch Guards, has always shown himself obedient, diligent and
brave, and has distinguished himself upon several occasions.
French. Copy. 4p.

J[ames] Brypces* to Lorp Curts.

1703, December 22.—I should have answered your Lordship’s
most obliging letter before, but waited in hopes of being able to
announce the King of Spain’s arrival. ‘‘ Yesterday arrived at
Spithead three of Admiral Callemberg’s transports, having on
board an hundred and fifty of Major General Rhoe’s horse. They
parted from Callemberg sixteen days ago. We are in pain for
the Association, but hope she’s safe (and Sir Stafford Fairbo[r]ne
in her) with the Dutch Admiral, who’s northward. We have had
very warm debates in the House of Commons about the Occasional
Bill. I’m sorry it was brought in, and thought it by no means
a seasonable time for it, and wish it doth not breed such
divisions in the kingdom that wont easily be pacified, notwith-
standing its being flung out by seventeen in the House of Lords.
The Scotch plot hath occasioned a great deal of discourse. What
it is, and what it will end in, we cannot yet learn. Her Majesty

 

* Admiralty Commissioner. Afterwards Duke of Chandos.
154

hath been pleased to assure us she hath taken care it shall
produce no ill effects, and that as soon as matters are ripe for
it she’ll lay it before the Parliament. The proceeding that the
Lords have used in this business, in taking the prisoners out of
the custody of the Queen’s messengers and ordering nobody to
be suffered to examine them, was looked upon to be such an
invasion of the prerogative that our House thought themselves
obliged to address to her Majesty, to assure her of the concern
we laboured under for the conduct of the House of Lords in this
matter, and that we would stand by and support her Majesty in
defence of the rights of the Crown. Some reflections also in
the debate upon my Lord Nottingham occasioned a vote in his
justification. I hope we shall be up within three weeks or a
month, the business being pretty well advanced. I wont trouble
your lordship with an account of the damage we received in the
sreat storm, not questioning but you have long before received
the particulars of it.” 2 pp.

Lorp Curts to Cou. PALMER.

[1703, December 24]-1704, January 4.—Assures him that he
has all the reason in the world to be not only contented but
pleased with his conduct in every particular and only wishes
that everyone in the service had acted so well. Cannot think
that their Governor is uneasy upon any ground given by himself.
He only takes care not to let her Majesty’s forces be unnecessarily
fatigued, but will never be wanting when the common cause
requires them to march. Copy. #p.

Lorp Curts to [Bricapier Frreuson].

(1703, December 25-]1704, January 5. Hague. — ‘‘ The
Council of State having communicated to me some private
intelligences of a design of the enemy upon Bergen-op-Zoom in
ease of a lasting frost, whereby the inundations that cover one
side of that place may become passable, and having made very
pressing instances to me to send you the enclosed order, I find
myself obliged by an article in his Grace the Duke of
Marlborough’s instructions to comply with it; but I recommend
you to keep it secret to yourself till the alarm comes, or that you
receive Mons. Salyche’s orders, it being agreed so here, and really
necessary for the good of the service. And the Council of State
have given me a solemn promise that the march of these
regiments shall not be required unless it be necessary to defend
the frontiers, my orders being gone for another regiment to
march from Breda in case of the afore-said necessity. . . I
hope there will be no occasion, and ’tis my opinion the enemy are
not in a condition for such an enterprise, but at the same time
I must omit nothing in a capital affair, for which I may be called
to account in another place if any misfortune happens.”
Copy. 1p.
155

The enclosure :—

Joun, Lorp Currs* to Bricapizr Ferguson and
Cou. Paumer.

[1708, December 25|-1704, January 5. The Hague.—
Requiring them, upon the first orders from Lieut.-General
Salyche, Governor of Breda, to cause the youngest regiment
of foot under their command at Bois-le-Duc [and Breda] to
march to Bergen-op-Zoom, and there to remain until further
orders, the officers taking care to give no cause of complaint on
thetr march or in garrison. Countersigned by Gerard Russell.

Lorp Curts to Cou. FEATHERSTON.

_ [1703, December 25-]1704, January 5. Hague.—Request-
ing leave for ‘‘a friend of Cornet Pitt’s,” of her Majesty’s
regiment of horse under his command, to come to the Hague for
seven or eight days on business of some importance. Copy.

$ p.

Lorp Curts to Lizut.-GEneraL Satycue, Governor of Breda.

[1703, December 25-]1704, January 5. Hague.—Inform-
ing him that, upon a communication from the Council of State,
he has given orders to Brigadier Ferguson at Bois-le-Duc, and
Mr. Palmer at Breda, to cause a battalion to march to Bergen-
op-Zoom from each of these garrisons, if he (the Governor) so
orders; and assuring him that although his instructions require
him to save the Queen’s troops unnecessary fatigue whilst they
are in their winter quarters, yet no one will show more ardour
and promptitude than himself if the service requires it. French.

Copy. % p.

J. Betuamy to Lorp Curts.

1708, December 27. London.—Mr. Thomas Goodwin, ‘an
ingenious person, a great scholar, a good historian”’ and my
very good friend, has lately written and published a
folio entitled The History of the Reign of Henry the bth,
King of England, which he has dedicated to your Lordship
and of which he herewith sends a copy. He has begged
me to signify this to you, which I could not deny, believing that
‘he could not have dedicated a book containing so many heroic
actions of so wise and so courageous a prince to a more fit and
proper person than yourself. I beg therefore . . . that he
may have and be continued in your Lordship’s favour and be
suffered to stand (with myself) in the crowd of your Lordship’s
admirers.” 1 p.

 

* «John, Lord Cutts, Baron of Gowran, Colonel of her Majesty’s Coldstream
regiment of English Foot Guards, and Lieut.-General of her Majesty’s armies,
Captain-General and Governor of the Isle of Wight, Constable of Carisbrook
Castle, commanding her Majesty’s forces in the Low Countries, &c.”
156

Lorp Curts to the Duxe or Marigeoroven, Captain
General of her Majesty’s land forces.

[1708, December 28]1704, January 8. Hague.— The
detachments mentioned in my letter of the 25th have returned to
their respective garrisons, but on the 4th inst. Mons. Geldermalsen
came to my lodgings, and communicated to me, by order of the
Council of State, some private advice of a design of the enemy to
attack Bergen. His own opinion was that they would not do so,
but the Council were urgent for me to send private orders to
Ferguson at Bois-le-Duc and Hamilton (sic) at Breda, to detach
a regiment of foot from each of these places to Bergen, in case
Mons. Salyche (who commands upon those frontiers) should
request it. He assured me that they should not be demanded
except upon an actual alarm of the enemy, and this being
pursuant to an article in your instructions, I sent the aforesaid
private orders on the 5th instant.

The officer who complained against Mons. Reamaker ‘‘ was
forthwith set at liberty, Mons. Reamaker ordered by the
Council to attend me, the detachment sent back to Boisleduc,
and all that matter well ended. But I have a fresh complaint
from Lieut. Bennet, of Ferguson’s regiment, who is illegally
. imprisoned at Bommell by the factious new Governor there
upon a querelle d’ Allemand between him and a burger.” I
have sent the enclosed memorial to the Council of State, and am
assured by some of the members that I shall have justice done
me. Hitherto I have not lost a tittle of the rights of her
Majesty’s subjects. I have sent another private paper to
Mr. Cardonnell, and hope your Grace has received my last.
I beg you “‘to manage me in it . . . for these transactions are
kept [secret] here, and it would not be for the service to have it
known that they pass through my hands.

“T beg your Grace’s favour to Col. Rivett. There was a
mistake in my letter, wherein I mentioned [him] as second
captain after Chantrill, whereas he is the third, but he is most
certainly the fittest in the regiment to be major, and your Grace
knows that in the Emperor’s army, in France, here, and in
England, it has been always the custom to take one of the elder
captains who happened to be the fittest, to make major, without
observing either first or second; because indeed every man is
not fit to be a major, and the life of a regiment turns upon that
post. Your Grace had promised Rivett a regiment. If you
were pleased to give Holms one of the new-raised ones (I mean,
to be raised) all would end well.” Rivett has some particular
pretensions to be major, as being captain of the grenadiers.
2d pp.

The enclosure :—
Lorp Curts to the Counc, or State [in Holland].

[1708, December 25—] 1704, January 5. Hagwe.—Repre-
senting to them the ill-treatment of Lieutenant Bennet, of her
157

Majesty's forces, by the magistrate at Bommell (as will appear
by the papers presented herewith) and requesting satis-
faction. Copy. French. 2p.

Lorp Curts to Mr. Carponnet.

[1703, December 28-] 1704, January 8. Hague.—Sending
another paper ‘“‘ concerning matters which are kept secret here,”
and praying that it may be laid before the Duke. Copy. 3 p.

Lorp Curts to the Councm or Srare [in Holland].

[1703, December 28-] 1704, January 8. Hague.—Sending
further informations concerning the imprisonment of Lieut.
Bennet, and renewing his demand for satisfaction. French.

Copy. 4 p.

Lorp Curts to Cou. PaAuMgEr.

[1703, December 29-] 1704, January 9. Hague.—Thanking
him for his ‘expressions of kindness’”’ and promising to send
him by to-morrow’s post a special commission to hold a general
Court Martial in the horse and another in the foot, and with it,
a deputation from Mr. Watkins, her Majesty’s Deputy Judge
Advocate, that no time may be lost. Copy. #2 p.

Lorp Curts to Cou. WHITEMAN.

(1703, December 30—] 1704, January 10. Hague. — Upon
Sir George Reoke’s representations to me, as the eldest general
officer here, I sent orders to Col. Leigh, which he received and
acknowledged, promising particularly to report the condition of
the respective regiments and companies designed for Portugal,
with all alterations caused by sickness, death, desertion, &c.,
since their first embarkation, and also what numbers were left
behind, if any. As however I have heard nothing from Col. Leigh
or any other officer of the Portugal expedition, I must desire
you to take upon you the chief command of any troops left
behind, and to be responsible for them until some general officer
shall join you; and hereby require and direct all the officers of
the said expedition who are still on this side the water punctually
to obey your orders, as they will answer the same to her Majesty.
And I further desire you to send me a list of the regiments,
companies and troops of foot and dragoons left behind, with an
account of their state and all alterations happened to them, as
also what is wanting for their present subsistence and speedy
departure, and what numbers of sick men you shall be forced to
leave behind, if any, which is to be avoided if possible. Lastly,
you are to send me a list of such officers as are present with you
or absent, specifying where the absent officers are and allowing
none in future to be absent without your leave, in giving of
which you are to use your utmost prudence and discretion. ‘I
158

must recommend to you in the most pressing manner an exact
and careful compliance with these orders, as what may possibly
be called in question in England.”

Postscript. I have sent to Mr. Sweet to assist such companies
or troops as are in actual necessity. You must acquaint Myn
Heer Vanderpoel with my orders, who will have directions to be
assistant to you. Copy. 2 pp.

Addressed: ‘‘To Col. Whiteman or the eldest commission
officer of foot or dragoons with such of her Majesty’s forces
ordered for Portugal as are still on this side of the sea.”’

Lorp Currts to Bensamin Sweet, Deputy Paymaster General of
her Majesty’s forces in the Low Countries.

[1708, December 30—] 1704, January 10. Hague.—In case
any of the forces for Portugal want immediate subsistence, from
its being necessary to put them ashore, ‘‘ upon the coast being
frozen up,” I earnestly desire you to supply them on account,
and I will write to the Duke of Marlborough to have it stopped
for youin England. I also desire you to signify to any officers
of these forces at Roterdam that they are forthwith to repair to
their posts, there to receive such further orders as Col. Whiteman
or the eldest officer present shall give them from me. If the
forces do not disembark, and are without provisions, I pray you
to assist them with what is necessary. ‘‘ I could not avoid send-
ing you these orders, and indeed I am afraid this whole matter
will be called in question and make a noise in England.” Copy.

hop.

Lorp Curts to Mr. Sapuer, Commissioner of her Majesty’s
transports at Roterdam or elsewhere.

[1703, December 80—] 1704, January 10. Hague.—Represent-
ing the great importance of dispatching the rest of the forces
ordered for Portugal without delay, as the matter is like to be
called in question in England, and asking to be informed whether
anything is wanting in which the authority of the States General
or his own credit may be of use. Copy. 4p.

Lorp Cutts to Cou. PaumEr.

[1703, December 30-]1704, January 10. Hague.—Sending
him the two commissions for holding a council of war in
the horse and foot, together with Mr. Watkin’s deputation.

Copy. 4p.

Lorp Curts to the Duke or Marnuporouacn.

(1703, December 31—] 1704, January 11. Hague. .
“Upon Mr. Churchill’s having left the country, and upon “Sir
George Rooke’s representing to me the necessity of my sending
some orders to the forces at Helvoet Sluce ordered for Portugal, I
159

wrote to Col. Leigh, the eldest officer there, on the 29th December,
new style, and sent him such orders as I thought [fit] for the
service. . . . Hesent me word he would obey my orders;
from that time to the 7th inst. I heard not a word, and on the
7th I received a message from the commander of Raby’s
dragoons, that thirty-two companies of foot are left behind, and
the whole regiment of dragoons, and in great confusion. Upon
this, I have sent away an officer to Helvoet Sluce with necessary
orders . . . and have wrote to Mr. Sadler to hasten them
away, and to Mr. Sweet to supply such as are in necessity.”

Copy. 14 pp.

Lorp Curts to

[1708.]—It having been determined to collect forage under
the cannon of Leeuu [Leuwe], just where the enemy have their
strongest guard, Lieut.-General Schults escorted the foragers,
who advanced right up to the entrenchments and, notwithstanding
the fire of the enemy, gathered their forage and took a horse;
two of our men only being slightly wounded in the affair.
Yesterday the little town of Hasselt was occupied for the same
purpose, the enemy having made no movement to hinder us.
French. 14 pp.

J(oun}] Extts* to Lorp Courts.

1708[-4], January 1. Whitehall.—I have now received three
of your letters, as five mails from Holland have come in together.
‘Tt is holiday in the rest of the world, but not at Court here,
there having been Councils or committees of Council at least
once every day since Christmas began. One great subject of our
speculations is the augmentation of our forces in Flanders, which
seems probable to be done, people here appearing generally to
‘be persuaded of the necessity of it, if we will keep what we have
gained and not lose that and much more, next year. I wish
your Lordship a happy New Year.” 2 pp.

Lorp Currs to {the EneuisH CoMMANDERS OF GARRISONS].

1704, January [19-]80. Hague.—The Duke of Marlborough
arrived last night, intending shortly for England. If any
officers of your garrison have business with his Grace, you may
give them leave, ‘ not exceeding a third part of the officers
present with you.” Copy. 3p.

Lorp Curts to [Bricapier FERGUSON ?]

1704, [January 22—|February 2. Hague.—Would have sent
earlier the order to hold a general Court Martial, but that on
the Duke of Marlborough’s arrival he thought it his duty to

 

“ Under Secretary of State.
160

submit it to his Grace, whowdesired him to sign it, as he himself
is extremely busy and his stay is to be very short. Copy. 3 p.

=

Enclosing :—

Order for holding a general Court Martial at Bois-le-Duc.
Same date. Copy. 14 pp.
Underwritten. ‘By his Lordship’s command. Gerard Russell.”

Marquis pE Lancrey to Lorp Cutts.

1704, [January 27—-]February 7. La Haye.—‘‘ Comme vous
aves eu la bonté—quand le défunt roy Guillaume tardoit a passer
en ce pays et a me faire donner les mille florins qu’il avoit
acoustumé touts les ans de me faire donner-de l’en faire si bien
souvenir qu’il ne tardoit pas un ordinaire que je ne les receusse ;
aujourdhuy que je voy que la reyne donne et fait les libéralites
que la défunte reyne et le roy faisoient, dont j’etois du nombre,
comme estant le premier confesseur de France qui apres deux
années de prison avois obligé le roy de France par ma simple
persévérance de me tirer de la prison de la Bastille et de m’envoyer
a Mons, avec un exempt qui m’y conduisit; de sorte que la
reyne, alors princesse d’Orange, eut la bonté de me recevoir,
avec Madame la Marquise de Langey et Mademoiselle de Langey,
@une maniére que si la reyne avoit vescu elle auroit pourveu
aux necessites de notre vie, ala quelle je vous suplie, Milord,
d’engager la reyne. Sa Majeste ne sauroit mieux déployer sa
charité, ny vous vous employer pour personne qui soit tant que
moy, Milord, votre tres humble et tres obeisant serviteur.” 2 pp.

Lorp Curts to the Duce or MarLBoRouGH.

1704, [February 25—]March 7. Hague.—‘‘ The States-General
sent me a messenger yesterday in the forenoon to let me know
that they desired to speak with me in the Treves-chamber, where
I went, and some of their members, with some of the members of
the Council of State, after having discoursed with me about the
posture of our frontiers and the designs which the enemy might
have, together with the present situation of their troops, they
represented to me the necessity, in case of any appearance of
danger, of making such a disposition as to be able to defend the
head of the Maese and to prevent the enemy’s making up that
part of their lines which Count Noyelle has demolished, and at
the same time the necessity of my giving them eight battalions of
her Majesty’s English forces (Gf that occasion should happen
from the motion of the enemy) and some squadrons. I told them
it was beyond my authority to take the field or to move such a
body so far as the garrisons of the Maese without your Grace’s
order, and after a long debate they desired me to represent it to
your Grace favourably and to desire your positive orders in it as
soon as may be, which I promised them. It would be vain and

 

* Cf. Marlborough’s letter to the Marquis. Letters and Despatches, &c, Vol. I1.,
p. 447.
161

imprudent in me to enter into the detail of all that is to be said
upon this matter and to trouble your Grace with along discourse,
who knows better than anybody the plan as well [as] the posture
of affairs here with relation to what either we ought or the enemy
may undertake ; all that is necessary or fit for me to say to your
Grace is that if, from the enemy’s motions and the situation of
the foreign troops in our service (whereof your Grace knows we
have one and forty battalions in Germany, besides what we have
in Flanders and Zealand) I say if, for these reasons, it be of
absolute necessity for such a body to be given out of the English
forces as is desired, necessity has no law, and the safety of the
whole, with success of the ensuing campaign, are considerations
that surpass all others, but without an absolute necessity of that
importance, her Majesty’s English forces are ill in a condition to
take the field or march to the Maese before the recruits of the foot,
the recruit horses, a reasonable number of officers and some
General officers are come over. When I spoke of this to the deputies,
they replied that they desired only that I or the commander-in-
chief in my absence might have a power to command such a body
in case of necessity, declaring that they would not ask to make
use of it if such a real necessity did not actually happen, urging
that if it should so fall out it would be too late, when the
enemy began to move, to write to your Grace for orders, and by
their preventing us in this manner they might render the opera-
tions of the campaign useless on our side. They insisted very
much upon their not having troops enough to secure the head of
the Maese and prevent the enemy’s making up their lines without
the assistance of such a body of ours; considering what they
[have ?] in Germany and Flanders, as I said before. They told
me if such a movement was necessary they would put the Eng-
lish regiments in the garrisons of the Maese and not desire them
to encamp till the last necessity should demand it. Having said
what is necessary to your Grace, I humbly beg your speedy
orders what I, or the commander-in-chief of her Majesty’s Hng-
lish forces in my absence, am to do in this matter if required
upon an alarm. If it happens before I come for England, I shall
insist upon being informed of the particulars as well as authority
of their intelligence upon which they ground the necessity of such
a movement, and when I come for England, if nothing happens
before, I shall leave the same private instructions with the next
commander-in-chief of her Majesty’s English forces in my
absence. I should not omit to tell your Grace that I carried
Cardoghan this afternoon, he having dined with me, to Monsieur
Geldermalsen, who was one of the persons appointed to discourse
with me in the Treves chamber, and there we talked over the
affair again, I having proposed at my conference that Cardoghan
should be desired to put your Grace in mind, at his arrival in
England, of sending an answer by the first ; and this I did chiefly
that he might acquaint your Grace with the particulars and the
earnestness of their request. I think it my duty upon this occa-
sion to represent to your Grace that since by your special orders
I have warned all the English forces to be in a readiness to march

14170 w L
162

by the last of March and that it is very probable there may be a
necessity of a body of them sooner, and that nobody knows how
soon that may happen, my lord Orkney or Major General In-
golsby, if not both, ought to be hastened over as soon as possible ;
at least, I’m sure, one of them ought to be here by the middle
of March, English style, at the latest. I mean, my lord, actually
here by that time. Neither of them can in reason think it hard
or make any hesitation after having had so much time on that
side of the water, but when your Grace orders any of them you'll
please to do it without speaking of relieving me or my coming
over. . . . . I beg the continuance of your Grace’s protec-
tion, and your good offices with the Queen.”” Copy. 6 pp.

James BrypGces to Lorp Cutts.

1703-4, March 4.—Has done his best to serve Mr. Budiani,
and although Admiralty business prevented him from being at
the House when the bill for Naturalization was read, he took
care to lodge the motion in such hands as would ensure the
effect his Lordship desired.

The men of war convoying the horse recruits should have sailed
the day before, but upon the receipt of news that the Dunkirkers
were fitting out a greater strength, it was determined to delay the
transports a few days, when the whole Downs squadron would be
ready to take them over, and the whole number of recruits would
be ready to go. 1 p.

G. Lamperty,” to Lorp Curts.

1704, March [8-]19. Wednesday, 11 o’clock at night.
Hague.—lI only received your express at ten o’clock, and have
spoken to the post master, who is giving me a postillion to start
at midnight, and promises you shall pay only what the States
General do. I applied to him rather than to Mons. de
Slingerland in order to get the postillion sent off to-night. Ihave
been to your Excellency’s trunk and found the four licenses
for Orkney, Rowe, Ferguson and Meredith, with Mons. d’
Auverkirk’s two orders, which I send, and also return the key.
I wish you a pleasant journey and a safe return, and pray you
to remember the recommendation of the two brothers, the
Messrs. Pierrepont, to Captain Windham in Windham’s
regiment of carabiniers. French. 3 pp.

 

 

Lorp Cutts to

1704? + March [9-]20. Boisleduc.—I send you your marching
orders and instructions, by which you will see that I have ordered
Hamilton’s, Ingoldsby’s and Marlborough’s detachments to form

 

* In this letter he signs his name in full.

 

+ The date is apparently 1701, which however is impossible. The mention of
Meredith’s as a new regiment would seem to point to 1703, but on this very day
of that year, Lord Cutts writes from the Hague.
163

the two battalions at Ruremonde, and if you add two hundred
men to Meredith’s (by taking a hundred men apiece out of two
detachments at Maestricht or fifty apiece out of four), it will bring
the whole matter right. Meredith’s, being a new regiment, should
be put in a garrison where the exactness of the discipline and a
number of good examples of old regiments will form both officers
and soldiers. Maestricht will have a hundred men the less, but
they can be better spared from a large garrison than a small one,
and they will have little enough force at Ruremonde, two of the
regiments going there being also very weak in officers. Also a
new regiment would be more remarked in a small garrison than
in a large one where they will not be so much minded in the
crowd and where they will sooner learn from the old regiments,
besides being under your own eye.

I send you two warrants for holding Court Martials, and would
have given you power to confirm the sentences, but that I am not
authorized to vest that power in any person besides myself.
I mention forty-eight hours for an expedition, that you may not
be urged to fatigue the forces, but ‘“‘if an important emergency
should require it for three days, you are in such a case to use
your discretion for the honour of her Majesty’s arms, and the good
of the common cause.” You are to give instructions to Col.
St[anley] who, as eldest Lieutenant Colonel, will command at
Ruremonde, to give you constant intelligence and not to march any
of his troops (except upon convoys or parties) but by your orders,
and you must desire Count N[assau] to send to you whatever
orders he has for them. Draft or copy by Lord Cutts. 1p.

Enclosing ;—

I. Marching orders—viz.: to march with the detachments
of three hundred men out of each battalion of her Majesty’s
foot forces, the Guards excepted, according to the route signed
by Mons. @ Auverquerc, to Ruremonde, there to form and
leave two battalions out of the detachments of the regiments
of Hamilton, Ingoldsby and Marlborough, and with the rest
to march to Maestricht, forming them into five battalions
before entering that garrison. Liffectual care to be taken
that no cause of complaint be given by officers or solders,

either on the march or in quarters. Bois-le-Duc. March 20.
Draft by Lord Cutts. # p.

‘II. The Instructions. Yow are to take command of the
detachment of 3,800 foot, besides officers, which I have made
upon application of the States-General, causing them to do
duty at Maestricht and Ruremonde and to give necessary
convoys, but not to march into the ficld without orders from
myself or the Commander in Chief of her Majesty’s forces
for the time being, unless the Comte de Noyelles or the
general commanding on the Maes should require it for «
general affair or an expedition of forty-eight howrs, more or
less. And if the Count desire any of your troops to re-
inforce adjacent garrisons or upon some enterprise of the
enemy, you may comply with the request, of urged.
164

When the detachment is formed into battalions, you are to
charge a field-officer or the eldest captain to be responsible
for each battalion, who shall direct the captains under him to
be responsible for a proportionable number of men.

And you are to give such other orders as the service may
require, sending an account of all that happens to me or the
general in command for the time being, to be transmitted to
the Duke of Marlborough for her Majesty’s wmformation.
Rough draft by Lord Cutts. 2 pp.

Lorp Curts to the Duxse [or Marnporover].

1704, March [17-]28. Hague.—Only hearing after the
last post was gone that the letters of the 14th inst., new style,
were thrown overboard, he has not been able earlier to send
a copy of his of that date, which he now encloses, that his
Grace may see everything in detail. Copy. 1p.

RicHarp SHuTTLEWOoRTH to Cou. REVETT.

1704, [May 24-]June 4. Rome.—Six months at Paris and
six more in other parts of France have not made me forget our
diversions in London, Sandwich, Winston, &c. ‘‘I had rather
spend an evening with some of my old friends in a good English
frock and Bisseter waistcoat than dine with a prince of the blood in
the finest suit of clothes and the best powdered toupée in France.
Give my service to our friend Dick [Steele?], and tell him I should
be glad to hear he was suing for a divorce, and determined to live
as he used todo. If it was not for the English that are here,
this place would be insupportable, for the natives are so damned
formal there is no bearing them. The only diversion we have
had for this summer is a good Opera, which is put a stop to by a
quarrel between two Ambassadors.” I spent my Carnival at
Venice. If you think of coming abroad, I would gladly make
the tour of Flanders and Holland with you. 2 pp. °

Lorp Currs to [ALEXANDER STANHOPE].

1704, [May 28-|June 8. Rotterdam.—I landed yesterday
at the Brill, where I was obliged to stop to give some directions
concerning the troops I have brought over with me, and I must
stay here to-night to talk with some of the officers that are to go
with me to the army, but I find no positive orders whether
I am to take the squadron of Cadoughan’s horse at Breda and
of Ross’s dragoons at Gorcum, and beg to know the opinions
of the Pensionary and Mons. Slengeland in that matter.

I think there will be no difficulty about the horse recruits, and
the recruits of Lord John Hay’s dragoons must certainly go,
since that regiment marched away but thirty of a troop. If
the Duke of Marlborough has left any orders for me at the
Hague, pray send them by this bearer—and also the opinions I
165

ask for,—dispatching him to-night if possible, that I may give

the officers my orders and be with you to-morrow evening.
Postscript. Please send me word what route I am to take to

= army, that I may appoint the officers a place of rendezvous.
p.

Au[ExanDER| StanHopr to Lorp Curts.

[1704, May 28.] Sunday, near midnight. Hague.—Con-
gratulating his safe arrival on their side the water, and stating
that he has nothing to tell from the Duke relating to the
troops, but that the enclosed will prove Mons. D’Ayrolles’
diligence, who has done all that was possible in so short a time,
and will know more to-morrow. Fears that unless his lordship
comes next day he shall not have the honour of kissing his
hands, as he is going out of town on Tuesday for a week, but
Mons. D’Ayrolles will be there, always ready to obey his
lordship’s commands. 1 p.

[Mons. p’AYROLLES fo ALEXANDER STANHOPE. |

[1704, May 28 ?]—Mons. de Slingerland left this morning for
Amsterdam. Mons. de Geldermalsen says that he has no know-
ledge of the destination of Cadogan’s and Ross’s squadrons, but he
will to-morrow, at the Council, examine the dispositions of the
troops made with Lord Marlborough, and see if there is any
mention of them. He also says that Lord Cutts cannot do wrong
in setting out without these two squadrons, as he has no orders
to take them, and that in case the Duke meant to have them, a
letter could be sent and a reply received before they were ready
to march. He seemed astonished that Lord Cutts did not
mention the licenses needed for the newly arrived troops, without
which no town would receive them, but on my replying that this
was perhaps an oversight, and also that possibly, the troops having
been so long expected, the licenses had been sent to the Brill, he
promised me to look into it to-morrow at the Council of State,
and to send them off at once if they are not already gone. As to
the route, the right bank of the Rhine is to be followed to
Coblentz, keeping the river always between yourselves and the
enemy.

The enclosed paper (wanting) gives the latest news of the
Duke’s march. Copy. French. 14 pp.

[Ssrseant THurBarNE] to his sister [-in-law, Joanna Curts].

1704, July 20.—Complaining of the conduct of his son-in-law,
Col. Rivett, who abuses him and ill-uses his wife, ‘‘ because he
must not stay at home, and ride about in his coach and spend
all his incomes.” Is resolved to hold his own, and to save for
his dear Nancy and her two pretty innocent babes, who shall not
want so long as he lives and she continues obedient, and means
also to keep something to buy himself a plaster if Rivett cuts his
throat (and is not very nimble at it) and to maintain her and the
children if he is dead and her husband hanged for killing him.
Draft. 1p.
166 "

Overleaf. Note that this is the substance of his answer to his
sister Cutts’ disobliging letters. Believes that Rivett has worked
upon her to scare him out of some money to fit him for Portugal
‘‘which is basely done of her, to foster up a fellow which came
from nothing, to spend 6001. a year in luxury and wantonness,
and pay none of his debts.” Fears he illtreats his wife because
she cannot get money for him, and that “‘the Cutts are undoing of
her again,” as they say she is falling into despair, but by God’s
grace, though they kill him, he will stand up for Nancy and her
children and save for them. #4 p.

JEAN Van Weeve to Lorp [Curts].

1704, [July 23-]August 8. Hague.—Apologising for the
inconvenience and loss of time caused to his Excellency, before
his departure from the Hague, by the negligence of a clerk, and
declaring emphatically that it happened against his own express
orders, he desiring nothing more in the world than to testify his
respect for one so distinguished both by position and merit.
French. 2 pp.

Francis TRowWBRYDGE to CoLoNEL RIvett.

1704, July 26. London.—Sending him an introduction to Mr.
Canham at Lisbon, and praying him to give the writer’s services
to Mr. Tennell, Commissioner for Prizes, as also to Mr. Batte
and Mr. Gibbs, merchants there, and to forget not to put him
‘‘at the Envoy’s feet.” 1p.

J. Hawuer to Cou. River.

1704, July 28. Admiralty Office.—Stating that he encloses
an order from his Royal Highness for the Colonel and his servants
to go to Portugal in the Moderate, Capt. Lumley, the commo-
dore of the convoy. 1 >.

Addressed : ‘‘ For Col. Rivett, of my Lord Cutts his regiment
of the Guards, now at Portsmouth.”’ .

| Joanna Curts ?] to her brother[-in-law, Serszant THURBARNE |.

(1704, July ?]—Defending the conduct of his daughter
and Col. Revett, and asking what he can do more than assign
most of his pay for her use and the payment of-debt, and what
she can do more “‘ than to be willing to do everything that can be

thought of, however uneasy, to convince her friends that pleasing
herself is not her business.” 4 pp.

The conclusion wanting.

CoLDSTREAM GUARDS.

1704, August 8.—Acknowledgment of the receipt of three
hundred and eleven pairs of shoes for the several detachmenjs
167

of the Coldstream regiment of guards at Portsmouth, under

Cols. Sallusbury, Hubbord [Hobart], More, Hill,“* Hales, Masam,”

pecvanaes: Morrison, and the Major, and also for the grenadiers.
p.

J. Hawter to Col. Riverv.

1704, August 3.—Stating that the convoy for Portugal is
changed, the Canterbury, Greenwich and Flamborough being
now to proceed thither, and Capt. Walton of the Canterbury, the
commodore, having orders to dispose of the officers that were to
have passage in the men of war aboard his ships, according as
Brigadier Shrimpton shall desire. The battalion of foot Guards
ig to be embarked as soon as the convoy is ready. 1 p.

Joun Acton to his nephew, Cou. Revert, at Portsmouth.

1704, August 4.— Remonstrates against bills being drawn
on him for pay of Ensign Mathew and of a man “that Wakelin
allows him,” Col. Moryson having the Ensign’s pay in his hands,
and Wakelin being certain to refuse to pay the other, which he
therefore might expect from Portugal when he could catch it.
States that Col. Salusbury continues in Newgate, without hope of
relief ‘‘ except he can get his wife’s 1,000/: from her, or leave to
sell his commission.”” Has dined at Kensington, where he found
his niece well, but fears their affairs will be always puzzled while
they have ‘‘ that scurvy house” upon their hands. Finds that
his niece expects him to pay her 50s. a week, which, after all he
has done for them, surprises him much, as he does not know
how the repayment will be managed, but what is passed cannot
be recalled. He must (and he hopes his nephew will also) be
wiser for the future. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE Same.

1704, August 11.—Advising him to take up his subsistence in
Portugal, as the minute the detachment comes there, “they will
be subsisted,” and warning him that his two men may be more
chargeable than he imagines, wherefore he must always take the
liberty of preaching good husbandry to him. 2 pp.

Cot. B. Brappockx to Cou. River.

1704, August 18.—I join with you “ in thanks to God Almighty
for the glorious success the Duke of Marlborough has gained,
which I hope will be the occasion of your speedy return. However,
nothing shall be wanting in me to find out a better prospect than
that of Gibraltar, Count Newgent being made governor. We
shall for certain have some new regiments raised at spring, and
I do not in the least question, when I shall put the Prince in

 

* Lieut.-Colonels John Hill and Sam. Masham, the brother and husband of the

Queen’s favourite.
+ At Blenheim.
168

mind of his promise (if my Lord Cutts does not come this winter)
but to succeed... . Iam just going to Windsor, where I shall
take all opportunities of showing myself your real friend and
servant.” 14 pp.

Joun Acton to his nephew, Cou. Revert, at Portsmouth.

1704, September 12.—Is sorry for his misfortune in staying so
long and being put to such charges “‘ in that damnable cut-throat
place.” Mr. Watson is at Brigadier Webb’s, but will call on him
on his return. Has had to give bail to Salusbury, but Col.
Braddock and Swann have been so kind as to give it for him.
Now Mitchener sends word that he demands bail for another
account. He is certainly mad, for though he had orders from
Col. Braddock to go to his post (by the Prince’s order) he is not
yet gone. 14 pp.

Cu: Hart to Cou. Revert.

1704, October 22. London.—Requests him to seek out and
relieve one William Phillips, who lately kept the Ostrich Inn in .
Colebrook, but through misfortune has had to fly to the army,
and is now in Col. Newcomb’s troop in Brigadier Harvey’s
regiment and in great want. Will repay the money to Col.
Revett’s wife at Kensington. Wishes him a successful campaign,
and that he may be as fortunate in war as he has been in love.

1 p.
Ri. Warre to Cotonet Revert.

1704, November 7. Whitehall.—By the last letters from the
Hague, Lord Cutts was arrived there, and intended for England
in a few days. The Parliament is proceeding as fast as they can
in the Queen’s supply. 1 p.

THE Same to THE SAME.

1704, November 14. Whitehall.—I congratulate you heartily
upon your safe arrival, and am much obliged to you for the
account you give me of affairs in your parts.

‘““The House of Commons has allowed all the estimates that
have been brought in, and among the rest what has been
demanded for Portugal, viz., 222,3791. for the maintenance
of ten thousand two hundred men, as her Majesty’s
proportion of land forces to act in conjunction with the forces of
the King of Portugal. The money they have already resolved to
give amounts to above four millions and the remaining estimates
will come to above 500,000/. And these I hope will all be
dispatched this week. These matters have all passed
unanimously, without any opposition ; but the motion this day
for leave to bring in a bill against Occasional Conformity
produced a debate of two or three hours, which ended in a
division. A hundred and fifty three were for giving leave, and a
hundred and twenty six were against it, and so the bill is to be
brought in.” 14 pp.
169

Dr. Grorce CuaRKE to Lizut.-CoLoNneL REVETT.

1704, November 14. Whitehall.—I am glad to hear, by your
letter of the 26th ult., that you are safely arrived in Portugal.
“I hope your battalion will meet with better treatment from
those it comes to help than I find it has at its first coming.
There are several mails wanting from Holland, and therefore I
cant tell you whether Landau is taken or not. At home, the
House of Commons has voted all the supplies for land and sea
service this next year, and to-day the bill against Occasional
Conformity was ordered to be brought into the House. . . .
The Queen has turned out Mr. Salusbury for not going with you,
and I protest Iam afraid the poor man is grown quite mad.”
I have let the Prince know your desires and shall be very glad
to further anything for your service. Pray remember me to
Colonel Shrympton.

Postscript. Rear-Admiral Whetstone has been at sea with the
forces from Ireland, but was forced in to Cork again to wait for a
wind. 2 pp.

Nicuouas Buprani to Lorp Curts.

1704, November [17-]28. Hague.—Since your Lordship’s
last departure from the Hague, I have been sore oppressed by the
sense of your displeasure. As to what your Lordship told me—
that you had brought me a slave out of my country and had
been at great charges in bestowing above six years learning upon
me—I shall always acknowledge that you have been more than a
father to me, but I beg you to call to mind that I have since
served you for near thirteen years, since I came from school,
without any wages more than a guinea or two in a twelvemonth
(save the eight guineas I had last spring), so that you cannot
think I have been very chargeable to you. Your Lordship said
that you had as much right to do with me what you would as
over a Spanish horse that belongs to you, but though that were
true when I came to you, it cannot be true now, God’s will
and your goodness having brought me to a land where no
Christian is slave to another. If I have served you of late
without alacrity or pleasant looks (as you complain) I pray you to
reflect what coldness you have shown to my best endeavours, and
what gifts of clothes you have bestowed on Thomas West and on
Lature, who had forty pounds a year besides for wages. These
things have lain so heavy on my heart that perhaps they have
shown upon my brow. I never had the face to demand any
settled wages, but more than once you have promised to let me
know what I should have a year, and I have hoped you would
consider that it would be shame for me to say, after twelve years
of service ‘‘in the post of a gentleman to so noble and generous
[a] person of quality” that I have never yet been master of
twenty pounds. But I must stop these melancholy lines, which
have been laid before your Lordship to ease the heart of your
most sincere, faithful, obedient and most dutiful servant till
death. Seal with device. 3 pp.
170

Ri. Warre to CotoneLt Revert.

1704, November 21. Whitehall.—Lord Cutts has arrived in
London. ‘ The House of Commons have finished what supplies
are to be given this session, and yesterday began with ways and
means. They have given near five millions and have ordered a
bill for a tax of four shillings on land and five on offices. They
go again to-morrow into a committee on ways and means. By
the letters from the Hague of Friday last we understand that
hostages were exchanged in order to the surrender of Landau.
My Lord Duke of Marlborough was at Berlin on the 11—-22nd.” 1p.

 

to [Sir THomas Franxuanp ? |

[1704, Dec. 23—]1705, Jan.3. Venice.—I hope you received mine
of the 7th ult. from Rome. The following Tuesday Mr. Frankland
arrived there from Florence. ‘‘ He is, without flattery, one of the
prettiest young gentlemen I ever saw, and hath a right genius
for perfectly understanding architecture, painting, and the
curiosities of Rome. The Duke of Shrewsbury says he is the
prettiest gentleman he hath seen abroad, because he hath brought
more knowledge of his own country and its constitution abroad
with him than any of them ; he makes a good figure at a small
expense and does you a great deal of honour by his behaviour
everywhere. About a fortnight after Mr. Frankland’s arrival at
Rome, I took the road by Loretto for Bollognia, where I stayed
the Christmas holidays, and have recommended it to Mr. Frankland
as a place he ought to be at least a fortnight in; there are more
and finer palaces in Bollognia than any other city in Italy, and
the richest and noblest convents. Its government before
it put itself under the Pope’s protection was the same
with Lucca, and they have still a magistracy which are
chosen by the nobility every two months which governs
the Republic, but the sword is entirely in the hands of the Pope,
who sends a legate every three years to govern here, and without
whose approbation the magistracy can do nothing. However
they keep an ambassador at Rome called the Bolognese minister,
and pretend to be only under the Pope’s protection, not his
subjects. They cannot indeed make war or enter into alliances
without the Pope, nor he raise money on them without their
own consent. The way of living at Bollognia is the very reverse
of what I told you of Lucca. As the Luccese go plain and
without equipage, the Bollognese wear laced coats and never
go abroad without five or six footmen in fine liveries, and as the
Luccese think themselves great enough in being sovereigns
of Lucca without any other title of distinction, the Bollognese
affect the titles of counts and marquis, and the ladies wear the
richest clothes and more jewels than ever I saw anywhere,
and none of them without a coach and a_ gentleman
usher to lead them out and in. Its incredible the
number of gentry at Bollognia. I counted above two
hundred coaches at a cw'so of horses here, full of
171

ladies, besides what were in the windows of the houses; the
ladies here are reputed very handsome, but have all flat noses
like their dogs, with extreme good eyes. Bollognia is the nurse
and mother of music, most of the women that sing in the operas
in all the other cities of Italy being of this town, and the best
eunuchs, and most of what we call the courtesans of Venice are
young women of Bollognia, who go to Venice and get as much by
their industry during the carnival as maintains them at Bollognia
all the rest of the year. The country of Bollognia is the most
fertile in Italy, lying at the very foot of the Apenins, and their
revenue on wine and silk is incredible, and if ever they can
pull their necks out of the Pope’s collar they will make as good a
figure in the world as any of the other Italian commonwealths
except Venice. The present legate is cardinal Dada, that was
nuncio in England in King James’ time. The convent of St.
Michael del Bosco here is the noblest situation in the world. It
stands upon the side of the Appenins about half a mile from the
city; one sees from it at one time the city, the river Po for
forty miles; all Lombardy from the Apenins to the mountains of
Tiroll, about eighty good miles, and the Ferrarese to Padua, near
eighty more. There are but two prospects in the world that are
in competition with it, viz. that from the Carthusian monastery
at Naples and that near Damascus in Asia.

From Bollognia I passed through the fruitful yet miserable
country of Ferrara to Padua, and so to Venice. I took the palace of
Obessy [Obbizo] in my way to Padua as worthy of being seen, all
the rooms being painted in fresco by the famous Paul Veronese,
and what pleased me most was to see the history of one of this
{d’Este] family’s installation knight companion of the Garter at
Windsor by King Edward, and all the titles and coats of arms of
his knights companions still very fresh. He was then general first
in an expedition to the Holy Land and afterwards served that
King Edward in his wars in France; the family is still in a good
condition, the chief lives at Padua, one of the uncles is governor
of Vienna, and another at the court of Florence. Thusfar my
journey from Rome to Venice. But I cannot leave Itally without
making some general observations upon the country in general,
and first as to their religion ; it differs in name only now from
what it was in the time of the ancient heathen Romans. Iknow
this will sound very oddly with some sort of people, but compare
them together and then let any reasonable man judge of the
difference. The heathen Itallians had their gods for peace and
for war, for plenty and poverty, for health and sickness, riches
and poverty, to whom they addressed themselves in their wants,
and the Christian Itallians have their patron saints for each. of
these things to whom they also address according to their wants.
The heathen sacrificed bulls and other beasts, and the Christian
ones after the same manner a piece of bread, which a picture in
the garden of Aldobrandina at Rome painted in the time of Titus
Vespasian shews by the altar and priests’ vestments to have been
the same as used now. The Pantheon at Rome was dedicated by
the ancients to all the gods, and by the moderns to all the saints ;
172

the temple of Castor and Pollox at Rome is now dedicated to
Cosmo and Damion, also two brothers. Ido not remember one
church in Itally dedicated to God the Father and, except two,
dedicated to God the Son (viz. St. Salvador at Venice and
Redemptor at Rome).

“The respect that is paid to the Virgin Mary is far greater
than what they pay to the Son, and whatever English Roman
Catholics may be made believe by their priests or impose upon
us, it is certain that the devotion paid to the Madonnas in Itally
is something more than a bare representation of the Virgin Mary
when they desire her intercession. Miracles they not only
pretend to be wrought by the Madonnas themselves, but there is
a far greater respect paid toa Madonna in one place than another,
whereas if this statue were only a bare representation of the
Virgin to keep them in mind of her, the respect would be equal.
I visited all the famous ones, and it would fill a volume to tell you
the fopperies that’s said of them. That of Loretto, being what
they say is the very house where the Virgin lived, is not to be
described, the riches are so great, nor the devotion that’s paid to
the statue. An Italian servant that I took when my English
fellow died desired leave of me to confess and take the sacrament
here, and the priests plied about him lke oars and scullers at
London Bridge who should earn the ninepence his mass
cost him. The Lady of Savonna is another famous
one and very rich; she is much handsomer than she of
Loretto and a whole church full of the legend of the
miracles she hath wrought. She is in great reputation, and it’s
thought will at last outtop the Lady of Loretta; there is another
near Leghorne that I also visited called La Madonna della
Silva Nera, to whom all Itallian ships that enter that port make a
present of thanks for their happy voyage, and salute her with
their cannon, and most ships going out give her something for
her protection during their voyage. I could tire you with she
at the Annunciata at Florence, she within a mile of Bollognia for
whom the magistracy have piazza’d the road all the way from her
station to the city, that she may not be encumbered with sun or
rain when she makes them a visit, and hundreds more that would
fill a volume of fopperies that I had the curiosity to see, but it
would be imposing too much upon your patience.

‘The religious houses in Itally are designed as much for conve-
niency as devotion, and proves a very good provision for younger
children. The Itallians seldom allow more than one son to marry,
that their family may not be divided by separate portions,
and they seldom can spare enough to marry above one or
two daughters according to their degree, and they scorn to marry
them under, so that the younger sons and daughters are put
into religious houses, where they are provided for handsomely and
live as happily as people can wish. It’s a pleasure to see the
neatness of the several apartments in the convents, their gardens,
their libraries, and their tables. They go abroad and visit their
friends and most of them keep their mistresses, for they own
it’s more conveniency than devotion brings them there, and the
173

women like to be nuns because they have more freedom (especially
ati Venice) in the nunnery than in their father’s house ; they can
see their lovers at pleasure in their parlours and say and do any-
thing that can be done with an iron grate betwixt. I never
heard more downright lewdness than I have heard amongs the
nuns, and although it’s called being shut up from the world they
are never without company and talk of the things of the world
with more gusto than ladies that are out.

‘‘ All religious orders are respected because they are mostly
gentlemen, but what they call the secular priests, except such as
have settled livings, are as contemptible as a common soldier in

England, . . . . and at Rome their pay is less than that of
a common soldier.

‘“As the religious houses are great conveniencies in Itally
so their charities are very commendable. The Convertiti
for cast mistresses at Venice is a noble foundation; there
were three hundred and eighty women in it as I passed
through. The Pictas for bastards are in every town in
Itally ; that at Rome is the largest ; there is a fine one at
Florence, and two in Venice, where upon laying the child in a
window and ringing a, little bell, it’s immediately taken in and
very well taken care of. At Venice, the girls are brought up
to all manner of needlework and music, and after they are
fourteen years old are shewn every Whitsuntide to tradesmen
in order to marry, and havea portion of 200 silver ducatts, but if
they prove good musicians the hospital seldom parts with them.
The boys are put out to prentice, but mostly employed in their
arsenal and on board their galleys in the Morea. The hospitals
of the Incurabile for all manner of sick people, and Mendicantis
for all aged and decrepid are very noble things and worthy to
be imitated. I went into the Incurabile of Bolognia and was
charmed to see so many sick people so well looked after; nurses
with broths at every bed, their linen, even the curtains of the
beds, very clean, in one corner priests confessing dying people,
and in another surgeons and doctors according to the disease.
The largest in Itally and the best indued of this kind is at Genoa ;
it cost above fifty thousand pounds sterling building, and is not
quite finished yet. You will be surprised when I tell you that
amonest all their charities there is not a Bedlam in all Itally, nor
have they occasion for any, for I do not remember in all my
travels to have heard of either a down-right fool or a madman
in Itally. Whether its the regular diet, their keeping good
hours in going to bed, or the happiness of the climate, I don’t
know. Flashy wit and repartee is not so well understood here
as in France and England, but they make the best buffoons in the
world and will mimic anything. All the Itallians set up for
politicians, from the cavalier to the postboy, and a chamberlain
in an inn while he is warming your bed will talk of the interests
of princes, and where our fleets have miscarried, and the ad-
vantages of France, like a privy councillor. They have gener-
ally a very well turned understanding, admirable economists ;
174

extravagancy is laughed out of countenance here, and although
they can be as merry as any people, yet they never play the fool
in their own faces, which is the reason why masking is allowed
for six weeks every year in their carnival, that they may all be as
merry as they please without restraint or being known. The
ladies in Itally have very good features and especially good eyes.
They have no wit, but a sweetness in their address that’s very
becoming. An acquaintance is easier made with an
Italian lady than with an English, and asking the favour
in not thought a piece of rudeness in Itally. They may be very
virtuous, but they all love to be admired, especially by strangers.
The women are very good friends to their admirers, but the men
do not know what friendship is to one another ; civility they all
shew, but confidence never. Backbiting is hardly understood
in Itally, it’s looked upon to be so base a thing. Ifa man hath
done an ill thing, they will look down and shake their heads when
he is spoke of, but never say a hard thing of anybody, nor do
they ever give a refusal but by a shrug of the shoulder. Before
I left England I was of opinion that if ever it came to a war of
religion the papists would have the better of it, but I am
now fully persuaded to the contrary, for the common people of
Ttally are dispirited by the arbitrary sway of their princes, and
their minds so naturally enslaved that they have nothing of what
we call courage; an enemy may bring them on their knees to
pray, but never to fight.” 3 pp.

Ri. Warre to CoLoNEL REVEtT.

1704, December 26. Whitehall.—Parliament is adjourned for
the holidays, having made such despatch with business that they
may rise by Candlemas, unless detained by Scottish matters. It
is thought necessary to pass some acts for preventing the dangers
threatened from certain acts lately passed in that kmgdom. The
Queen is gone to Windsor for a day or two. The Lord Treasurer
is to be installed there on Saturday. Lord Cutts is in town.
1 9,

Mons. Des Ecnuauters to Lorp Cutts.

[Before 1705.|—Praying for help to enable him to pay his
actors and to obtain two or three more, to furnish his opera.
French. 3 pp.

Dr. GrorGE CLARKE to Ligut.-CoLoneL ReEvETT.

1704-5, January 18. Whitehall.—lI take the opportunity of
the Marine Commissary’s going to Gibraltar to thank you for
your two letters. ‘The latter gave us the most particular
and satisfactory account that I have yet seen of the manner of
your escape, and the succours getting into the town, which I
assure you was a most welcome piece of news. I did not fail to
let his Royal Highness know the request you made in both the
letters, but must own that I did not find him at all inclined to go
175

out of the Marines for an officer to put at the head of the vacant
regiment. . . . Weare told here that the enemy has thoughts
of continuing the siege, and we are using all possible endeavours
to get our fleet out so early this year, that if they do, you may
not be attacked by sea as well as land.” 13 pp.

Tomas Morice to CononeL Revert.

1705, January [15—]26. Lixboa.—I am glad you all arrived
safe, though Masham and I wish you were with us now and
again, eating some of my wife’s mince pies. I sent you a packet
by the Tartar, who returned into port yesterday. If the captain
does not bring the letters to me in time to go with this, I will send
them by Culliford and other ships that are fitting out. My
service to Wray, Morrison, honest Ned Purcell, Col. Rieuator,
D’Harcourt and all friends. 1 p.

Cot. EH. Brappock to Cou. Rivert, at Gibraltar.

[1705,] January 21.—My brother Meull, Commissary to the
Marines, is bringing 9,000/. to pay your garrison, so I hope he
will not be unwelcome. My uncle Swan, Stevenage and myself
often drink your health. Poor Mrs. Rivett was here two days
ago, ‘‘but could not be merry nor forbear her tears,” but I hope
God will spare you for the sake of her and your children.
Jackey grows a fine boy. Lord Cutts, your lady, my wife and
daughter and myself have dined at Mr. Acton’s, and his Lordship
seemed to be very fond of the boy. He has promised to do what
he can for you, and I hope you may have one of the six new
regiments. I believe he has spoken to the Prince and the Duke
of Marlborough already, but you know his humour, and that he
does not like to be put in mind of things too often. 3 pp.

Captain Gore to CoxLoneL REVETT.

1704[-5], January 22.—Wishes him glory, success and safe
return. His company is exactly as he left it, only Burchett has
lost his nose by the pox, and has been discharged by Col.
Bradock. A draft is expected for recruiting the battalion in
Flanders, which shall be done at as cheap a rate as possible.
Seal of arms. 1p.

Tuomas Morice to the Honourable CoLonEL Revett, of the
battalion of her Majesty’s Guards, Gibraltar.

1705, [January 27—-] February 7. Lixboa.—I imparted the
contents of yours to Col. Masham and Dobbins, who have taken
up their quarters with me in the Brigadier’s room. We daily
drink your good healths, and wished you, Wray and others with
us at a merry dancing bout we lately had with the ladies in our
hall.

‘‘T am sorry to find the enemy have so many fresh men come
to their camp, but I hope they will most of them die in their
176

trenches, and if they think fit to attack you, I doubt not but
they'll meet with such reception as will put them in despair of
future success.

‘“We hourly expect re-inforcements from England, and the
ships here are careening with the best expedition they can, to be
ready to make you a visit.

‘‘T hope you received the packets by the Tartar and Newport.
I gave the last newspapers from England to Capt. Padden for the
Brigadier, and on his changing ships, I suppose he delivered
them to Capt. Leake. Pray give my service to Ned Purcell,
D’Harcourt, Lundye and Reautour, and tell D’Harcourt that if
he will send an old friend a plan of the town and the enemy’s
intrenchments and approaches, I shall very much esteem it.’’
14 pp.

Cuarues TrussHaw to [Cou. Riverr].

1704[-5], February 5. London.—Since receiving his from
Lisbon, has heard of him by a letter from Gibraltar. Hopes to
see him before long in England. With note by Mrs. Rivett that
this was sent to her to be forwarded. 1 p.

J. C[urrs] to Cou. Revert.

1704[—5], March 13.—My brother hasasked and pressed on your
behalf for everything that has fallen out, especially for Lord
Lucas’s regiment, but so far has got only fair promises for you,
and no better for himself. ‘‘ As I told you in my last, that party
prevails at court that never were favourable to him, though I
am still of opinion that their and their patron’s time will not be
so long triumphant as they think, and that the same men that I
wished well to last winter will be the prevailing side next, with
this advantage that they will have a strong party from the other
side to join them. And to make you comprehend this, Peter
King and Ansley, with Bromley, &c., are reconciled, and have
shaken hands to stand by each other next winter to oppose the
iniquity of the times and promote the public welfare.’ My
brother is most really your friend and you have put it in
his power to make his goodwill effectual. By this last action
you will, if God spare you, have made your fortune, and have
given a new and good argument for pressing your advancement.
I was very glad your name was in the prints, for the sake of your
father in law, who has a considerable share of vanity, and with
whom this will-work more than many wiser arguments. He took
your last letter very kindly and has expressed himself since with
much concern for you. [Religious exhortations.] 5 pp.

Cuarues TrupsHaw to Cou. Rivert.

1704[-5], March 18.—Congratulating him upon his success,
(which he found in the Postman, short and sweet) and assuring
him that my Lord [Cutts] is pleased beyond measure and that
Mr. Acton daily solicits Cardinal [Cardonnel] to make out his
‘‘breviat for Colonel.” 1 p,
177
Dr. George Cxuarke to Cotonen Revert.

1705, March 27. Whitehall.—yYour letter of February 10
gave usan account of the two attacks made upon you, ‘ and by
other hands we have notice of the share you had in forcing the
enemy from the Round Tower, though you would not mention
anything of it yourself. I wish you may always have the same
good success and that this may find you well at Gibraltar, for
besides my particular concern for yourself, we are in some
apprehensions that Mons. Pointi’s coming before the town may
have put you in great difficulties by dividing your forces, if he
should attack you by sea at the same time that the Spaniards do
by land. |

‘““T can send you little news from hence. The Duke of
Marlborough is gone to Harwich, on his way to Holland, and
we hope our fleet will be soon in a readiness to sail, but before
the body of it comes towards you I dont doubt but care will be
taken to preserve that superiority which we reckon Sir John
Leake has over the enemy. The Prince of Hesse has wrote
twice to his Royal Highness in Col. Borr’s behalf, and a
commission is signed for his having the regiment to which he
was lieutenant-colonel.” 2 pp.

Account of the S1rrcE oF GIBRALTAR.

[1705, March ? |—‘‘ The city of Gibraltar has been nine weeks
besieged by the Marquis de Villadarias and Monsieur Pointi, with
four thousand five hundred French, one thousand two hundred --
Walloons and about nine thousand Spaniards. They had put
ashore, by a squadron of twenty-two men of war, forty-two cannon,
all from twenty-four pound ball to forty-eight excepting two of
twelve pounds and four of six and three pounds; they had seven
mortars, most of them thirteen inches in diameter and the rest
to fling grenades royal, they had fifty thousand ball put ashore
with proportionable powder and a great number of bombs of all
sorts. They first dressed a battery of three guns, then another of
four guns, another of seven, another of twelve guns, and their
nearest to us of eight guns, and had several small pieces firing
upon the mountain which oversaw their trenches, where we had
some cannon. ‘They first began to batter a large bastion called
the north bastion, and disabled our cannon and the round tower
communication to it. They then began to batter one half of the
curtain which was not covered by any covered way and made a
breach therein and dismounted about eight cannon, they then
fired on the parapet of the rest of the curtain and dismounted all
the rest of our guns but four, and could not go deeper with their
breach by reason that part of the curtain was covered, and thus
they battered for about three weeks with great fury and then
broke down our gate and dismounted two guns on the south or
seven gun bastion. They began their new battery of twelve guns
and broke down our [sic] to the round tower, which obliged us
to open another place in the wall, and by a correspondence from
the town they fired so hard against it that all that part of the
wall was broke, and then we opened another sally port at the

14170 a M
178

head of the walls on the hill which they could not reach to
batter, although attempted it. They then continued to fire
warmly to make some breaches in the walls that were continued
from our south bastion to the top of the mountain, and thought
they had made them wide enough to mount, but having two walls
or lines to pass before they could get at those breaches, they
fired for a long time against them but to small effect, and if they
had made breaches, the marching of any number of men that
way was altogether impracticable, yet we covered those breaches
as well as the ground would allow and made several lodgments
for men on that ground, and those are the two attacks they
seemed to have carried on. As for the bastions and curtain,
part of the curtain is secured by palisades upon the covered way
and a line of fire upon their flank from the round tower to the
town for five hundred men, and the covered way which can take
them in front can hold three hundred. Besides this fire we could
lodge men in several other places on the bastions and curtain,
and have a range of cannon on the old mole that bears upon
them on their right as they march, and so long as we keep this
round tower and the communication to it from the town, the
enemy cannot pretend to attack us there; but to strengthen
it more, a mine has been made from the edge of the hill to
the sea, which is about one hundred and fifty paces (which is all
the level ground the enemy has to march upon) under the glacis
of our covered way, of six large chambers, wherein we have
fixed sixty barrels of powder, which will effect any number
of men that can pass on the plain; and as, for to attack
us the upper way on the hill, they must pass within pistol shot of
our round tower, be exposed to all our fire and stones from the
uppermost mountain and exposed to our guns from the old mole,
and their access there being most impracticable, we have little
fear of it. We found the garrison here about nine hundred
strong and no more, the rest being disabled, wounded or sick,
and if that small number could defend the place, we are now
much better, being re-inforced with two thousand two hundred
good troops. The enemy has held correspondence in this place
with a friar now in custody, and a letter being sent to him our
out sentries took him, but in rifling his pockets the letter was
lost, yet the bearer says the import of it was only to know if the
mine had been charged, and if it was not, th[eir] army was
resolved to make an assault at the old mole, the covered way and
hill, and would have sent five hundred grenadiers in boats to
amuse us on the end of this island where they got up before, but
having no answer did not think fit to attack. Several deserters
come in and all agree that there are not above two thousand five
hundred of the French left by new wines and sickness,
that of the Walloons there remains but eight hundred, and as for
the Spaniards they are about five thousand but [in a] miserable
condition. Most of their horses are dead for want of forage, for
they have none but what comes by sea from Malaga; their am-
munition is short and it is thought they have drained Cadiz,
Malaga and Alicant of what they had of it, and have fired about
179

forty thousand ball against the place. Their cannon are made a
great many of them useless either by breaking or the vents grown
too large, so that they are forced to fire them by trains, and for
want of ammunition they fling no more shells (but formerly
threw one hundred and eighty, one hundred and seventy etc. by
night) and very modestly fire against the place. They brought
their approaches near the covered way in two branches, but a
party of two hundred men marched out two nights ago and de-
molished them, and believe they will proceed no farther on that
way because (now the garrison is strong) we can make a great
fire on flanks and front and sally when we think fit. In short a
few men more had been master of their battery if it had been
pushed home, but no disposition was made for going further.
By all appeauances the enemy intends a blockade, for they are
convinced they cannot take the place, and seems to close their
trenches home to the rock to hinder any sallies from us. As for
the matter of the fleet, &c. you can best give an account, and
what has passed since your arrival.” 3 pp.

Capt. Wriiu1am STaNHOoPE to Cou. Rivert.

1705, April 5. Gibraltar.—Requesting a loan of forty dollars
to defray his servant’s charges to England. 4p. Seal of arms.

Rr. Warre to CoLtonet REvVETT.

1705, April 17. Whitehall—.. . “‘The news from France
of the siege of Gibraltar being raised makes me hope this may
find you safely returned to Lisbon. My Lord Cutts is now in the
Isle of Wight, and in a few days he will be going for Ireland,
where he is to command the forces of that kingdom in the room
of Lieut.-General Erle, who is coming over. The Queen is at
Newmarket, and expected at St. James’ next Saturday, and on
Monday it is probable there will be a general Council and a
proclamation issued for calling a new parliament.”’ 1 p.

Marquis pE Laneey to Lorp Curts.

1705, May [9-]20. Hague.—Assuring him that he would be
extremely vexed by his going to Ireland instead of returning to
Holland, were it not that the appointment given him there by the
Queen will be so much more advantageous to him than a
subordinate position in ‘‘these armies.” French. 1p.

Rr. Warre to Coronet Riverr.

1705, May 15. Whitehall—I am very glad that you have
escaped all danger ‘‘ which was as great I fear sometimes from
the scarcity of provisions as from the enemy’s bullets. I
heartily congratulate with you for the honour you have obtained,
and wish you all happiness. The Gazette will tell you some of
our elections. We want our Dutch letters, but by the last, my
Lord Duke of Marlborough is now at Treves.”” 1p.
180

Grorce, Lanperave DE Hesse [Darmstapt, to the Prince
or Denmark].

1705, [May 25-] June 5, 1705. Gibraltar.—‘“‘ Vostre Altesse
Royalle me permettra bien de recommander a sa haute protection
le lieutenant collonell Revett, qui, dans touttes les occasions
durant ce seige s’est comporté avec tout la vigillance et exactitude
possible, principallement quan les ennemies donnerent l’assaut
a la breche et a la Rondele, luy, par le dehors du chemin
convert, donna si appropos que les ennemys, de crainte d’estre
coupés, se retirerent avec precipitation, ce qui assista nos gens
par le dedans des ouvrages, les repousserent [sic] avec tant plus
de facilité. J’ose done supplier vostre Altesse Royalle qu’en egard
de ces bons services rendu, que elle veuille bien se souvenir de
luy en temps et occations, et de me permettre de la pouvoir
assurer qu’il n’y a personne plus veritablement que moy, et
avec toutte soumission, de vostre Altesse Royalle le tres humble
et tres obeissant serviteur.” Copy. 1p.

J. Tucker to Lorp Curts.

1705, June 12. Whitehall.—I hope you have arrived safely at
Dublin. The enclosed (wanting) from Mr. Cardonnel will tell
you that the Duke of Marlborough is resolved to march with a
considerable part of his army towards the Meuse, where the
French have put the Dutch in great consternation by taking Huy
and investing Liege. ‘‘This proceeds from the Germans not
having joined his Grace’s army, which, ifit be not design in Prince
Lewis, it looks so likeit that a man must have a great deal of good
nature to think more favourably of it. All people’s mouths are
open against him here in an incredible manner, and if curses and
hard words will do him any harm, he has enough of it.” The
Queen has appointed the Earl of Sunderland envoy extraordinary
and plenipotentiary to the Emperor, ‘‘ to make the compliment
of condolence” and to negotiate an accommodation between him
and the Hungarians. I hear that a new commission of the Prince’s
Council is passing, and that Sir George Rooke is left out. Mr.
De la Faye shall send you the prints and our common news, and
I will be sure to trouble you if anything else offers. 2 pp.

Cot. Hans Hamiuron to Lorp Curts.

1705, June 26. O.8. Lisbon.—‘‘ Knowing your Lordship’s
curlosity for intelligence, and believing that news from this part
of the world may prove a rarity where I suppose your lordship is
at present, I flatter myself that this will not meet with an ill
reception. The public papers must ere this have given an
account of the arrival of our fleet in Portugal, whence on Friday
last Sir Cloudesly Shovell sailed to the Straits with the greatest
part of it, having left a considerable squadron to convoy our
transports and the Irish fleet (which arrived here the same day
ours sailed out of this port); their design being to prevent the
Brest and Tholoune squadrons from joining. We shall sejowr here
181

eight or ten days to take on board Rabi’s and Cuningham’s
dragoons, as also a Spanish battalion of four hundred men
raised by the Almirante of Castile, so that our army is to consist
of seventeen battalions and two regiments of dragoons, a force
sufficient to protect a people willing to take arms and join us, but
too few to design an entire conquest; The lords Peterborow and
Galloway are daily in conference with the grandees about the
operations of the campaign, the result of which is yet only
guessed at. Some talk of Catalonia, where (as we are informed)
a great part threaten to revolt in favour of the House of Austria ;
others of landing near Sevill, which with much facility we may
do, considering that all the French and Spanish troops. (which
are but an inconsiderable number at present) are upon the
frontiers of Portugal, save what are thrown into Cadiz, who are
all Spaniards, and about a thousand horse left to scour about the
coasts of Andalousie. Our General is teeming with vast projects,
for several others are current here, as taking of Cadiz, &c.
However the case stands, we shall undoubtedly meet with many
difficulties, for I can’t see how we can take the field in a season
when all other troops in these countries are: forced by the
extremity of the heat to seek for quarters of refreshment or some
cool retreat; besides, there is no provision of horses for the
officers of foot of any degree, nor for carrying the soldiers’
tents, by which I presume we cannot march far from the
water side, unless the inhabitants are willing to provide
such carriages as are necessary on these occasions. The
king of Portugal’s health would no ways be doubted of
if any durst tell him he’s pox’d, but that’s a crime de leze majesté,
and since the loss of his palate wont convince him, ’tis in vain
to have recourse to arguments, for nothing can persuade the
monarch of the infidelity of his swarthy mistress. The most
favourable account I can give of this climate is that I wish I were
fairly out ont, for the only comfortable thing I have seen since I
landed in it was onerainy day. Colonel Duncason is dead of the
wounds he received at the siege of Valence,* and Wade has got
his regiment, who was a brevetted lieutenant-colonel to Bloods.
Several both English and Portuguese are every morning found
dead in our streets, for murder is as frequent here and passes as
unregarded as picking of pockets at Comon [Covent] Garden
playhouse. People are generally fond of change and a new way
of living, but never was a man so weary of his wife as I am of
this. Iam mightily concerned for the affairs of Flanders, for
the taking of Huy has already reached our ears, as ill news
‘seldom moves slow or comes alone. I fancy there are years
de bergers as well as hours, and ’twas our good fortune to catch
the old gentleman ‘by the forelock and strike while the iron was
hot. I wish your lordship a more favourable campaign than I
am like to have, and as soon as our exploits are worth your
lordship knowing, you shant fail of a relation of them.” 3 pp.

 

*Valencia de Alcantara.
182

Ricuarp Warre to Lorp Curts.

1705, July 3. Whitehall.—Congratulating him upon his
arrival in Ireland and entrance upon his administration, and
mentioning the appointment of Lord Bridgewater as Master of
the Horse to the Prince, in place of Lord Sandwich, ‘‘ who has
not appeared for.some time,’ and a rumour that Mr. Russell
Robarts is made one of the grooms of the Bedchamber to his
Royal Highness. 1 p.

B. Portiock to Lorp Cutts.

1705, July 14. Whitehall—‘‘ This day about noon Col.
Durell arrived here, and is gone express to the Queen at Windsor.
We have not yet our letters, but have an account of these
particulars, viz., that my Lord Duke had forced the French
lines near Hespen and Heylishem on this day sennight, the
7-18 instant.* That upon the alarm Mr. D’Alegre appeared ‘with
a great body of horse and foot, computed at fifty squadrons and
twenty battalions, but was soon obliged to retire with considerable
loss.

‘‘ His Grace then ordered a detachment to march to Tirlemont,
where the battalion of Monluc was forced to surrender at
discretion. |

“The next morning they marched and encamped with the right
at Vlierbeck. within a mile of Louvain, and the left at Corbeck.
The enemy marched the night before over the Dyle and have
quitted Diest.

“Myr. D’Alegre and the Count de Horn, two leutenant-
generals and two major-generals, with about eighty officers and
fourteen hundred private soldiers, besides the regiment of
Monlue, are taken prisoners. We have likewise taken ten
pieces of cannon and many standards and colours. The further
particulars we expect with the letters.

‘“My Lord, his Grace [of Ormond?] commanded me to give
your Lordship and my Lord Chancellor this account, and with
his compliments to your Lordship bids me tell you that he will
next post be sure to answer your last letter.

‘“‘The bells are ringing and the Tower guns firing.” 24 pp.

Ri. WarRE to CoLONEL REVETT.

1705, July 17. Whitehall—Has only time to send some prints
to acquaint him with the glorious success of the Duke of Marl-
borough. 4p.

J. Tucker to Lorp Curts.

1705, July 24. Whitehall.—Hopes in a post or two to be able
to tell him that her Majesty’s letter for his allowance as Lieut.-
General is signed, it having been three or four days in the Lord
Treasurer’s hands. 14 pp. aos

 

*See Marlborough’s despatch of this date. Vol. II., p. 173.
183

Joun Irnwin to Cou. Reverr.

1705, July 28. [Gibraltar.]—Reerets that he has been unable
to ship the Colonel’s horse, Capt. Spelman having sailed before
he could secure one of the boats, which were engaged unloading
a collier at the old Mold. Afterwards, Capt. Hooper promised to
take him, but just as he was being hoisted up, “the captain
went on board, stormed like a devil, and sent the horse on
shore again, and had like to knock the master on the head for
assisting,” although it was by his own orders. 33 pp.

RIcHARD STEELE to Cou. Rivertt.

1705, August 2. Lady Mildmay’s, Bond Street, Piccadilly —‘ I
share with you in the pleasure you must needs live in from the
conscience of so many and honourable actions you have performed
since you left your friends here. After this congratulation I have
nothing to entertain you with except it may be agreeable to you
and inflame your own hopes at Court by hearing what Colonel
Moneall met with there, for the action in which you supported
him. You know, I suppose, he hada letter from the King of Spain
to the Duke of Somerset. His Grace appointed him to meet him
at Windsor in order to be presented to her Majesty: he was
attending there on Sunday last, the Duke of Ormond came to
him, and offered to introduce him, he excused himself and told him
the Duke of Somerset had engaged to do him that honour ; upon
which his Grace of Ormond went to the Prince, told his
Highness who waited, the Prince sent for him and _ himself
carried him to the Queen, who received him in a manner for
which any of you heroes would give all the limbs you have.

“Your friend Mr. Addison, who covers this to you, is secretary
to Sir Charles Hedges in the room of Mr. Ellis. He may be a
serviceable correspondent to you, and I am sure would be glad
of an opportunity. Write to him what passes, and to me how
you do under his direction. Your uncle Cutts (who always thinks
he has too many friends) has used me likeascoundrel. I wish you
laurels, titles, favours and adventures and a safe return, the same
good-natured man.” 2 pp.

Endorsed: ‘‘ Letter from Mr. Steel.”

Cot. Sam. Masuam to the HonouraBue Cou. Revert.

1705, August 2. Altea Bay, on board the Pembroke.—The
loss of your company is no small misfortune to me, but I hope you
are gone where it will be greatly to your profit. We have had a
good passage and came to an anchor here last Monday. “We
find no people of note, but the few peasants that are here seem to
be in our interest. Last Tuesday a ship came here from Ligorn
with letters from Mr. Hill, which tell us that Prince Kugene had
passed the Oglio in sight of the enemy and had taken nine
battalions, six Spanish and three French, and that he lay within
184

less than two leagues of Millan and had given them only three
days’ time to consider what they had to trust to... In our
passage the Kent took a boat laden with some of those brass guns
that saluted us so often at Gibraltar.” 1% pp.

RicHarRpD WaRrRE to Lorp Curts.

1705, August 2. Whitehall_—Stating that letters from Lisbon
report that the fleet there with Lord Peterborough, having taken
on board the King of Spain and the land forces, has sailed, and
got over the bar, and that the victualling ships were safely
arrived. Also recommending to him one Capt. Shadwell, “a
modest and deserving gentleman’? who has always behaved very
worthily.

T[Homas, Lorp] Wuarron, to Lorp Curts.

1705, August 20.—A letter of introduction for his kinsman,
the Earl of Kilmarnock.

Tuomas Morice to CoLoNEL REvETT.

1705, September [5-]16. lLisbon.—. ... ‘‘We have news
that Prince Eugene had beat the French in Italy. The battle
was very bloody and the Prince himself wounded in the hand,
though not dangerous. The Duke of Marlborough came up fair
with the’ French army in Flanders and by his superiority in
numbers as well as goodness of troops had promised himself a
great success, and when come to the point, the States’ Deputies
would not agree to engage. His Grace has writ them a letter
which pretty well shows his sentiments on that affair.

“The packet-boat waschased into the river by six French men-
of-war, so George Walton has thought proper to stay a little
longer.”

Postscript. ‘‘My service to honest Leffever, &c.” 14 pp.

Epwarp Darpsy to Cou. Revert.

1705, September 5-16. Lixbon.—If Lord Cutts is made Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, we hope you will be content with the
laurels you have already acquired and will sit down under their
agreeable shade. ‘Lord Marlborough was prevented from
attacking the enemy’s camp by the Deputies of the States, when
he had flattered himself with a complete victory. There has been
a bloody battle in Italy, according to the rumours before you
went, and both sides sing T’e Dewm. The malcontents have been
defeated in a considerable rencounter, which may facilitate an
accommodation. Five stout French privateers cruise off this
harbour, so that Capt. Walton is not sailed. ... There is great
news by a vessel put in at Faro from Denia that the kingdom of
Valencia has declared for the Archduke, and a considerable force
in Catalonia that espouse the same interest, but no advice from
the fleet.” 12 pp.
185

Lorp Gatuway to Mr. [Grorar] Cuarxe, secretary to the
Prince of Denmark.

1705, September 10-21. Elvas.—Requesting him to state to his
Royal Highness that Col. Revett, now returning to England, has
particularly distinguished himself in her Majesty’s service at
Gibraltar, and had a great share in repulsing the enemy from the
Round Tower. Can assure her Majesty and the Prince that they
cannot bestow their favours on a more deserving person.
French. Llp. Three copies.

Lorp Gawuuway to the Duxe or MarLBorovuGu.

[1705, September 10-21. Elvas.]—Assures him that Col.
Revett has acquitted himself with distinction at Gibraltar, as is
testified by the Prince of Hesse and all who were at the siege,
and is well worthy of his Grace’s protection. French. 4p. T'wo
coptes.

[CotoneL] Tuomas Lerrever to Mr. [Henry] Sr. Jonn .

_ 1705, September 11-22. Elvas.—‘‘ Col. Revett has desired me

to give hima letter to you, which I’m sure he does not want to
acquaint you of his worth and of his gallantry in the service, and
to such persons your favour will never be wanting. My Lord
Gallway was very desirous to keep him in this service, and would
by way of exchange have put him at the head of my Lord
Portmore’s regiment, but the officers worked upon their leut.
colonel’s goodnature not to leave them, which will prove a great
detriment to that regiment, that wants mightily a good officer to
command it.” Col. Revett has particularly distinguished him-
self at Gibraltar and his character sufficiently recommends itself.
He desires that I will join with him in entreating your protection,
‘‘which I very heartily do, and flatter myself we shall obtain our
request.”’ 13 pp.

Jo: Merauen [English ambassador at Lisbon] to Sir CHaRLEs
Hepaes [secretary of State].

1705, September [15-]26. Lisbone.—Requesting him to
present Col. Revett, one of her Majesty’s captains of the Guards,
to the Queen, ‘‘as one that during the whole siege and stay there
since hath behaved himself with a distinguishable bravery
and with a continual application to the service.” #p. Two
coptes.

Tuos. Morice to Lorp [BisHop or RocuesTER].

1705, September 16-27. Lisbon.—In my hurry and difficulties
I fear I am not so punctual in paying my duty to your Lordship
as I should be, but you and your family are never forgotten, and

 

*Secretary at War, afterwards Lord Bolingbroke.
186

no day passes without my drinking your good healths. The
bearer of this, Col. Revett of the Guards, has signalized himself
at Gibraltar, and was a great instrument in defending it. He is
nephew to Lord Cutts, and one of the best sort of men I have
met with amongst his profession.

I have told Mr. East, now at Gibraltar, to enquire after Tom
Mantle but can as yet give you no account of the matter, my
Lord Peterborough going from thence in so much haste that
things were a little confused.

JT am in great trouble through the death of Mr. Darby, who
came to assist me in my affairs (for which no man could be more
capable) and died suddenly while sitting at dinner one day this
week, but I have seen enough of the world to bear all things with
some patience, and hope to live and have some happy hours with
your Lordship still at Bromley.

I pray you to give my service and my wife and daughters’ to
my Lady, Mr. Archdeacon, Mr. Moor, Mr. Love, Dr. Knipe and
his family, the Dean of Christchurch, Sir Francis Lee, Sir Stephen
Lennard, and all friends. I have found for Mr. Sprat a puppy
of the finest breed of setters the kingdom of Castile affords. Pray
tell Mr. Guy that I have done what he ordered, but soldiers are
not apt to write, and I have not heard from’ H. Pulteney since
sending him the money. 3 pp.

Tomas Morice to CouonEL EpmMunp ReEvertt.

1705, October 2-18. Lixboa.—I hope you have got safely
to your lady. I fear you were badly provided with fresh
provisions on board.

“The news from Catalonia you'll have no doubt sooner than
we, for my Lord Peterborough has not afforded the Ambassador a
ship, and now we conclude we shall have none till the fleet
return. Old Red-nose of the Flamborough is dead. The loss of
the brave Prince of Hesse is what we all lament. The siege of
Badajos was at last undertaken, and three batteries are raised
with little or no loss, the one of thirty cannon, the other, sixteen,
the third, fifteen bombs, and not above a thousand men left in
the town, and they most or all Spaniards, Count Tesse with his
people being gone to Merida upon our giving out that we only
intended to sack and destroy that town, so our troops
struck in betwixt him and Badajos. He lies now encamped with
six or seven thousand men, as we hear, at Talavera. Our people
make no doubt of being masters of the place in ten days’ time.”’

My service to your lady and little ones, and to honest George
Clarke. Tell him our news. 2 pp.

H. St. Joun to his kinsman, Lorp Curts.

1705, October 9. Bucklebury.—A severe fever, which confined
me for some time to my bed, has now sent me down to my
country house to recover my strength. As to the report you
187

mention, I cannot tell how so idle a story should ever come to
spread. I treated it as a jest from the first, and advised my
cousin Cutts (when she sent to me) to do the same.

I wish I had any news to give you, but Iam so far out of the
way that what comes from me must be out of date, ‘‘only the
Duke of Shrewsbury’s marriage to the Marquise de Leide will be
news as often as.’tis told. Sure, my Lord, it 1s a matter of
great merit to make an ancient Roman beauty a convert at the
expense of making her a wife.

‘“*My Lord Marlborough was, by the last letters, at the Hague,
from whence he intended to go to the army to give his last orders
and so proceed to Vienna. Pray God they may be able to do any
good at that Court! It is insufferable that England and Holland
must every day take a greater burden upon them, while the
House of Austria—entirely applied to secure the confiscations
of Hungary and procure more—seems rather neuter than a party
in the war against France.” 24 pp.

Lorp Cutts to his sister [Joanna Curts].

1705, October 18. Clincarty House in Dublin.—You will do
me a signal service if you will send me all certain news of state
intrigues, party designs, or whatever comes under the head of
secret or cabinet news; but tell me nothing that you have not
sure grounds for, or at any rate, if it be doubtful, please mention
it as such. You have my honour for it that your labour shall not
be lost. ‘‘If I may add one request more, it shall be that you'll
keep your sentiments of public affairs as much to yourself as you
can possibly, but by no means to say anything of the ministers
and great men which may be mis-represented, or they may take
ill, nor to declare with any warmth for any party, for which
your sex has a fair pretence. This, since it will let you into the
knowledge of more secrets, and be for my interest, I hope you
will not deny me.”’

Postscript. Remember me to Cousin Lockhart and all friends.
I have no letters from any relation, excepting Lord B.* and
my cousin H. St John. 4pp.

Tomas Morice to his kinsman, CotongeL Revert.

1705, November [5-]16. Lisbon.—Yours from Falmouth was
joyfully received, as we feared privateers. We are well satisfied
with the honourable reception you had from our good Queen, and
hope that from the honest old gentleman will be a finishing
stroke to all you desire. Your baggage has been sent by Mr.
Foliet, but Mr. Traplin, Mr. Stevenson’s clerk, laid a sort of
embargo on it for omissions in your account and I had to pay
151. for you on that head.

‘“We hope one time or other we may see a man-of-war from
Barcelona or England, for we have French privateers come to

 

*Perhaps Paulet St. John, Earl of Bolingbroke.
188

the very mouth of this river, and nothing but merchant ships to
disturb them. From Barcelona we have not a line since they
left us. Our unfortunate campaign was, it’s said, chiefly owing
to Mr. Fagell, otherwise it had been very great. Shrimpton
writes that he must stop from yours and all the colonels’ moneys
for your sick men left in the hospital at Gibraltar and also for
Stevenson’s own allowance, so that what pay you receive at the
office there for yourself, servants, and no effectives, to pay for your
recruits, Mr. Acton must sign receipt for, and Capt. Cartwright
must return it here as a stoppage on the battalion, otherwise our
accounts will be all confused ....I hope the next news we
shall have of you is that you have a regiment of your own. My
Lord Portmore, we hear, is to have the Scotch Guards. If so,
cant you look out sharp. Friends and money are good things.”

Postscript. Pray tell Mr. Lowndes that I sent him the Articles
of capitulation of Barcelona by the last post. The enclosed for
Col. Lapell, you must deliver with your own hand, or get George
Clarke or some friend who knows him to do so, and desire his
friendship for my boy, who has a commission of ensign with him.
3d pp.

Lorp Curts to his sister [Joanna Curts].

1705, November 8. Dublin.—‘‘I have just now received yours
of the 1st of this inst., and having the Duke of Ormonde’s letters
of public business by the same post to answer, besides an hour’s
conference I am to have instantly with my Lord Chancellor (who
is this moment coming hither), I cannot write half of what I
design. . . . Ihave been forced to dine upon a rabbit in my
closet to-day, and have not stirred from my writing-table (but for
half an hour to eat) though ’tis now eight o’clock, and though all
the morning I was either giving audiences or in the Cabinet
Council.”

I will order you a supply as soon as possible. Your letter
received to-day is very full. Pray write nothing but what you
have good grounds for. 34 pp.

GeorceE Louis, Electeur, to Lorp Curts.

[1705 or earlier,] December [11-—]22. Hannover.—Monsieur
de Cresset m’a fait tenir, Milord, la lettre que vous avés pris la
paine de m’ecrire. Il ma étté tres agreable di voir par tent
d’expressions l’amitié que vous me tesmognés sy obligenment.
Je vous prie de me la continuér toujour et d’ettre bien persuadé
que jen fais un tres gren ca [grand cas]; le merite et la
distinction de vostre personne mettent sy fort connue. S’est de
quoy je vous prie, milord, d’ettre bien asseuré, comme ossy que
je me ferés un plesir tres singulier quend je pourés vous faire
counaitre den les occasions mon affection et lenuie que jay de

99

vous rendre servisse.” Holograph. 14 pp.
189

Memorial of Cou. Revert to his Grace [tHE DuKE or
MARLBOROUGH |.

[1705 or 1706. ]—That he has served almost eighteen years from
carrying arms in that regiment in Bergen-op-Zome, commanded
by Lord Cutts ;

That the King gave him a company in the same regiment after
the battle of Steinkerk, and after the siege of Namure gave him
his company of the Guards for his service there ;

That in June 1704, a battalion of Guards were ordered for the
service of Portugal, where he was commanded, and in which ser-
vice there were Cols. Wikeman and Hussey, two junior lieut.-
colonels who had obtained brevets of colonel from his Grace ;

That upon application to his Grace for a like brevet, he under-
stood from Mr Cardinell that it would be sent after him into
Portugal ;

That Lord Gallway granted him a brevet commencing from the
arrival of the battalion, October 20, 1704, which was a year short
of what he should have had.

That upon Cols. Sutton and Britton. having obtained their
brevets to be antedated to the most glorious battle of Blen-
heim, there were many officers senior to them that could not in
honour serve the last campaign ;

That he, being senior to them all, and lieutenant-colonel
when Sutton and Britton were but captains, was glad of the oppor-
tunity of having the honour to serve under his Grace’s own com-
mand, and prays that he may not suffer for his readiness to do
gO ;

That the letters sent to his Grace from the Prince of Hess,
Lord Gallway and others, testifying to petitioner’s service at the
siege of Gibraltar, gave him hopes of having justice done to him ;

And that therefore petitioner prays that his brevet and those
of the other senior officers may bear the same date as those
of Col. Sutton and Col. Britton. Draft. 14 pp.

JoHN CHAMBERLAYNE to Lorp Curts.

1705[-6], Jan. 5. Petty France, Westminster.—I have
written several times to your Lordship, both to ask some small
office in his own country for my wife’s brother, and also on
behalf of another person. On the former head, I shall never
again trouble your Lordship so long as you are Governor of the
Isle of Wight, but I must ever renew my attacks on account of
Col. Dudley, for my word and honour are at stake. Iam asked
‘‘Why did you not stop payment with the commissaries of the
soldiers’ accounts? Why did you not stop it in Lord Ranelagh’s
office? Why did you not apply to the Parliament? Why did
you not insist upon the money, and not take a bond which cant
be sued in Ireland? Lastly, why was you guilty of that excess
of generosity at the expense of other men, creditors of the
government of New England, to take but 50/. when. you might
190

have had 1001.? Pudet hee opprobria nobis et dict potuisse, et non
potuisse refelli. If I can make any answer to these reproaches,
my Lord, it should be: That when one has to do with a man of
honour, a verbal promise is bond and judgment; one’s debt is as
safe and come-at-able in Germany, in Flanders, or even in
Ireland, as if he were every day to be found in Petty France; that
it is as well worth 20s. in the pound whilst he’s a member of
Parliament as when he’s none, and finally, if one is so generous
as to take but 501. instead of 100/. from such a man, because it
would be extremely for his ease and convenience, one is sure to
receive from the said man of honour 100/. when one expects but
501.” If Iam mistaken in my argument, I know who has a
better title to such reproaches than I have. 14 pp.

Ricoarp WarreE to Lorp Curts.

1705-6, January 22. Whitehall— . . . ‘“‘The House of
Commons finished yesterday in the committee the Regency Bill.
The chief alteration that I hear of is this: that all persons in
office—except such [as] are particularly named, whereof I have not
a list—are excluded from being members of Parliament after the
Queen’s demise. It was thought that the Bill, as it was sent
down, would have imported a repeal of the clause in the Act of
Parliament for Settling the Succession in the Protestant line,
whereby all persons whatever in employment were made incapable
of being members; so that what is now ordered mitigates that

clause.” 1 p.
J. Crewe to Lorp Curts.

1705-6, January 26. Utkinton.—I venture to appeal to you,
as will appear by the enclosed (missing) on behalf of Thomas
Cookson of Chrisleton, near Chester, eldest son of Richard
Cookson, of this town, ‘‘ but ’ tis not so much on his and my own
concern that I thus trouble your lordship, as on the supplying the
army to her Majesty’s commands and purposes. Abler and
better men may be had, if the justices, instead of intrenching
upon an Act of Parliament upon particular occasions, would
require the constables in their several townships to send in such
as the law directs and inhabits with them, and upon their failure
to be punished.” The taking doubtful in leu of legal men
occasions complaints, lays unexpected burdens on towns who
have to maintain the women and children, sends unfit men
to the army, whilst abler and more useful ones are left behind,
and gives pretences for men to desert ‘‘when they be told they be
exempt by the Queen’s favours in the Act for raising men. . .

I say nothing of Capt. Henry Davis (I hear of Col. Le Pell’s
regiment), because his obtaining some of them under the con-
nivance or seeming power of some justices may be his excuse,
but that he has been about five months in this his native country
raising his men and that Cookson is not the first where I am
concerned who has been unaccountably brought on his account

before some justices.” 2 pp.
191

Sir G[zrvase] Exwes to Lorp Currs, at Dublin.

1705[-6], January 29.—On behalf of his grandson, eldest son
of Sir John Robinson, who desires to serve in his Lordship’s
regiment of guards. 4p. SHndorsed: ‘‘ Sir Jarvis Elwes.”’

TxHomas Moricr to CouoneL REVETT.

1706, April 19. Lisbon.—I am glad to find you have got to
your quinta. I wrote you a fine parcel of compliments by
Cloys, but that went to the bottom. ‘‘I could not have
believed you would have been ill when you got to your dear lady
and little boys. I’m glad to hear its so well over with you, and
that things have another face. I have seen damned ugly ones in
my time. Libere nos Domine.”

T hear that Adam Cardonell got my son’s commission from
Lapell. As to the respite, I believe Lord Cutts could give us a
general order for leave of absence which would put disputes out
of question.

‘You must put in for a member next Parliament, since you
see the convenience of a man’s serving his country.”

Tam sorry to dun you, but Lord Gallway would not allow the
3l. 10s. for the maintenance of the mules, and I have had to
repay him. -I pray you pay it to my sister, Mrs. Helena
Morice, at Westminster.

‘*We have begun our campaign very happily, and I don’t see
what can hindér our penetrating Spain where we please. First
my Lord made the Duke of Berwick scamper, and took and cut
off some of his rear, made a major-general prisoner, and the
night gave them the opportunity of escaping. Since that, we
took Alcantara with four thousand men prisoners of war for six
months, and my Lord will, in three or four days, march towards
Placentia, which is but fifteen leagues from Madrid.”

Postscript. My humble service to Serjeant Thurland (sic).
4 pp.

N. Bupranir to Lorp Curts.

1706, May 1, O.8., Barcelonia.—‘‘I am extremely glad to have
this occasion to send your Excellency [a] few lines, besides the
opportunity of presenting my most humble duty to you, after
which I shall endeavour to make you as perfect an account of
our voyage and good success as I am able to the best of my
capacity. Upon the twenty-sixth of March we set sail from the
cove and after twelve days we arrived at Lisbon, as my last
from thence gave your Excellency an account, which I hope is
come to your hands before now. Upon the eighth of April we
set sail out of the river of Lisbon with the addition of one man of
war more called the Antelope, by reason there went a report at
Lisbon the French had twelve men of war waiting for us at the
opening of the straits; yet, notwithstanding, we proceeded on our
intended voyage with a very fair and strong wind, insomuch
192

that in thirty hours we were within’a cannon shot off Cape St.
Vincent, which is about half way from Lisbon to Gibralter; and
as ill luck would have it we espied seven sail making towards us,
and it being towards the close of the evening and the wind
chopping about against us, we made all the sail we could possible
towards Lisbon, so that by break of day we were about twenty
leagues backward of our intended voyage, and moreover we saw
the enemy’s ships (as we supposed) all in a line of battle as our
men of war sailed all night; but with the sunrise we discerned -
them to be the convoy and the transports coming from Gibralter.
After the commodore had spoken with them they went on their
voyage and we back again [on] ours, but happened to be
becalmed, so that we were three days getting to Cape St. Vincent.
Yet nevertheless that day three weeks we set sail from Ireland, we
anchored in the bay of Gibralter, where we received intelligence
that Barcilonia was in a distressed condition both by sea and land.
The French had a fleet of thirty-five sail of line of battle ships [and]
thirty thousand land men encamped round it. Which news made
Sir J. Lake [Leake] out of all patience, and having there withal
contrary wind for ten days together; but as Providence would
haveit, Saturday before we came thither, the wind presented full
west as it could blow. With that Sir John set sail, leaving
orders for us to follow him, and if no further orders met us from
him we should all be disembarked at Denia or Althea and so to
march by land to Vallencia. In our second day’s voyage from
Gibralter we met with a French cruiser of forty four guns near
the cape de Gat[a] and one of our men of war forced her into a
small river at Vera and the men got ashore and blew the ship up
in our sight. In two days after we came in view of the Cape St.
Martin near Denia, where we met with an advice-boat from Sir
John Lake that we should sail under the command of one man of war
and land at Tarragona, and the rest of the men of war should
make all the sail possible and join his fleet, as Sir George Bing
had done two days before. But the wind slackening, our transports
came up with the convoy in sight of the fleet, after which proving
ereat calms, we kept them company to Tarragona, and before
which the transports received orders to sail on to Barcilona, before
which we came last Saturday, though we had very great calms
and great fogs, and landed our men immediately into the town, for
the enemy’s fleet had got intelligence of our approach and set
sail the day before, carrying with them the Duke d’ Anjou, and
left their army to go on with the siege, they hoping we should
not have come before the town was stormed, they having stormed

the fort Monjou some time before after having lost five thousand ~
men. And indeed we lost no small number of men, of which your
Excellency will have better account from other hands, with an
account of my lord Dunnagas being killed therein, as also a
col{onel] of the Queen’s Own regiment whose name I have
forgotten, as also Colonel Russell’s being taken prisoner. But,
my lord, I have the saddest news to relate to your Excel-
lency yet if common report may be credited, that all
the English had been massacred in less than forty-eight
193

hours as we happily arrived, for the inhabitants could
not believe but that my lord Peterborough had sold them to
the French; but this day we are adored like demi-gods, there being
so great an alteration, the new come forces having behaved them-
selves like [brave] men, in the which honour our regiment, though
I say [it], has no small share. I must tell your Excellency that
last night the enemy left their trenches with the greatest pre-
cipitation or fear that ever was heard of and marched towards
France, hoping to get off with their lives ; having left near upon
[a] hundred pieces of cannon behind them without so much as
nailing their touch-holes up, as also their mortars and all sorts
of ammunition innumerable as well as hundreds of sacks of
meal, notwithstanding their approaches was upon the glacis
these four days and the breach was as low again as that at Venlo
and six times wider, so that we expected them to have attacked us
ever since we came. This day is also very remarkable for the
great eclipse of the sun, that we were forced to burn candle at
nine o’clock in our rooms for five minutes whilst the sun was
wholly covered.”’

Postscript. 1. ‘‘I had liked to have forgot to acquaint your
Excellency that the transports out of England with the detach-
ment of the Guards joined us as we came this side of the Straits
and all your officers are well, I having seen Colonel Swan this
day. Mr. d’Abbodie has been dead these six months.

Postscript. 2. ‘‘I had left out a piece of material news, which is
that the French had left a burning match to have blown up most
part of their cannon and ammunition but as Providence would
have it, it went out as it was within an inch of the powder.”
3 pp. Seal with device.

Addressed: ‘‘ To his Excellency My Lord Cutts, one of the
Lords Justices of Ireland, at Dublin.”

British postmark: ‘‘ Ma: 381.”

H. Pyne to Lorp Cutts.

1706, May 4. Waterpark.—Concerning a race-horse which
Lord Cutts has apparently offered to take under his care “‘ till
after the match,” the writer having doubts about his groom, and
yet fearing to provoke him lest he should revenge himself upon

the horse. 14 pp.

Lorp Curts to his sister [Joanna Currs].

1706, May 11. Dublin.—Apologising for not writing to her at
large, as he has been taken up all day ‘‘ with settling the next
winter’s quarters throughout the kingdom, being to form a camp
soon, and not being willing to do it in a hurry, because the forces
will move from their camp into their new quarters.” 13 pp.

Joun Conyers to Lorp Cutts.

1706, June 18.—‘‘ The Chief Justice of Ireland and I, since his
coming over hither, have often met, and our greatest satisfaction
has been to remember your Lordship. . . . I do most gratefully

14170 a N
194

acknowledge, and return you my hearty thanks for your favour
to Mr. Baggs’s poor and distressed family in the advancement of
his son, who I hope will inherit his father’s virtues, and then I
doubt not but he will make a good man, in whatever post he
is. . . . Next session I hope we shall be so happy as to have your
company in St. Stephen’s Chapel, where your lordship will see
such a new appearance of public affairs, that, though you have
been so long a member of that body, you will scarce believe you
knew the men you formerly were acquainted with. But these -
remarks are not proper to be enlarged upon, nor is it fit for me
to take up more of your time.” 2 pp.

.Txomas Morice to CoLoNnEL Revert.

1706, [June 21--|July 2. Lisbon.—‘‘I have yours of
May 20 from Checkers, and am, you may believe, sufficiently
rejoiced at the glorious news from our great Duke. God prosper
him in his going on, that he may at once humble that mighty
monarch and reduce him to petit. I conclude on that side you
have been well pleased with the joy of the raising the siege of
Barcellona, and with that confusion that made us masters of all
that vast number of utensils.

‘My wife is sending Mrs. Revett a case of sweet waters, which

goes in the Expedition man-of-war, Captain Cole, to the care of
Brigadier Shrimpton’s man.” 3 pp.

Lorp Courts to his sister [Joanna Cutts].

1706, July 11. Dublin.—I requested Mr. Smith, my secretary,
to write to you last post, as I was going a few miles into the
country, for my health’s sake. I beg you not to say a word
about my coming over, for the time will soon be here now,
‘‘and it would be of the last ill-consequence to the Duke of
Ormonde and me both, if I should let go the thread of affairs
before I put it into his hands . . . ’Tis a mistake that this is a
bad air. They eat a great deal of flesh and fowl here; they have
their malt-drink usually new and their wines are extremely good
(which may make them more insensibly slip down) and all this
may influence strangers.” My colic was only due to ‘‘too
much closet-business, too little bodily exercise and too full meals.”’
4 pp.

Tue Same to THE SaAmr.

1706, July 19. Dublin—... . “’Tis very hard that the
insinuations of those who wish me dead (and have their designs
in reporting me so) should have more credit with my friends and
relations than my own letters.” I assure you that I am perfectly
recovered and that Ireland neither has nor has had any share in
my illness. ‘I thought I had told my mind at large upon this
subject when Captain Moore once officiously got me leave to
come over out of Holland ; but to cut this matter short, I swear
195

to you, and give you my honour, that if any one should, without
my knowledge or consent (which would be barbarous) if they
should get me leave to come over, and if another Lord Justice
‘were named in my place (which would be a step to my ruin) I
would not stir out of this kingdom till I saw the Duke of
Ormonde here, cost what it will. Manage this as you will with
Mrs. P[ickering?] but dont let my own relations stab me, when my
heart is sore enough.” 4 pp.

CHARLES Otway to Lorp Curts.

[1706, before August.*]—States that while sitting with the agent
of Lord Mohun’s regiment, in company with Major Whitmore,
Captain Rapin and Captain Samazan, some hot words passed
between the agent and himself, and the agent having struck him
with his cane, he returned the blow with his scabbarded sword,
when unhappily the scabbard flew off, and the man received a
wound of which he died. If he is brought to trial, and the worst
should come, he prays his Excellency to take pity upon his great
youth, assuring him of his true repentance and sincere resolution
to amend his life in the future. 3 pp.

Tuomas DANIEL.

1706, August 16.—Articles of agreement between Thomas
Daniel of Dublin, sword cutter, and John, Lord Cutts, one of the
Lords Justices of Ireland, colonel of one of her Majesty’s regiment
of dragoons, for the furnishing of certain swords, scabbards and
bayonets, by the said Daniel, for which his Lordship covenants
to pay at the rate of 4s. for every sword blade and scabbard ;
12s. for every sergeant’s sword and 2s. for every bayonet. Signed
and sealed by Daniel, the seal being a coat of arms. 1 p.

Lorp Curts to RicHarD WaARRE.

1706, September 24. Dublin.—Wishes his sister Cutts and
Mr. Trubshaw to be informed that seven mails are wanting
from England (lest they should wonder that their letters are
unanswered) and that the camp by Cork has given him so much
business that he has not been able to write so often as he would
otherwise have done. Is impatient for news from Italy and Spain
as well as Flanders, having nothing but ship news. 12 pp.

Sir Ricoarp Cox, C[hancellor], to Lorp Curts.

1706, October 2. Dublin.—The packets have arrived with
such good news that I have ordered a triple salvo. I enclose an
extract of Mr. Manley’s letter, brought by Mr. Trubshaw. I[
have but one public letter for the Lords Justices, and it

* Capt. George Whitmore was made major of Lord Mohun’s regiment on March 6,
1706, and promoted to be lieut.-colonel on August 5 of the same year.
196

mentions only the concordatum and convoy for a store ship from
Liverpool, and ‘‘to have Lord Windsor’s horse do duty at
Dublin.” Not a word of our troops at Cork, so your Excellency
need not be here before Saturday. 1 p.

THomas Morice to Linut.-CoLonet Revert.

1706, October 25. Lisbon.—I thank you for your care with
Lord Cutts about my son; pray communicate anything concern-
ing that matter to Mr. David Campbell of Pall Mall, who has my
letter of attorney.

IT am still insisting with Lord Gallway about the mules, “‘ and
hope to get over it, either for your good services, my own, or
both.” My wife begs you will send the knife which you took to’
have mended for her. Hither the Marquis of Montandre or Col.
Southwell might have brought it. Also you have neglected to
send my sister at Westminster the carpet, which, with others,
is to complete making up her bed. How you’ll atone for all
these things I cant tell. Your friend Mr. Fauler, who you say
had the tea, has, I hope, drunk it up by this time, as it will
hardly keep. I should like a pot of good mangoes to eat with
our friends over a piece of Portuguese beef and mutton. If you
wish to come to Portugal you may probably be admitted, for we
have sufficient need of troops on this side.

Postscript. My boys at Westminster say that Col. Moryson is

the best gentleman I ever wrote to them by, which pray let him
know. 38 pp.

JOSEPH Boucusr to Lorp Curts.

1706, December 1. London.—Praying his Lordship to give
order for the satisfying of his account, as he has applied to ‘‘ Mr.
Trubchar”’ for his money in vain. French. 14 pp.

Sir Epwarp Lawrence to Cou. River.

1707, June 10.—Concerning a bond of Mrs. Cutts’, which the
writer has left with his sister. 224 pp.

SERJEANT JOHN THURBARNE to Cou. RIvert.

1707, November 11.—Informing him that he has this day, by
the recommendation of Mr. Fleetwood and Mr. Price, been
examining into a misdemeanour committed by Parker Taylor,
vlz.: pressing a man, dragging him four miles by force, beating
and wounding him and exacting 6s. before they would let
him go. If Rivett does not examine and punish it, he will have
to bid good-night to all his interest in this country. 1p.

Addressed: ‘‘ Col. Rivett, at his house in Wardor-street near
old So[ho?] House, London.” Postmark: Wendover.
197

Rosert Harney to [Joanna Currts ?]

[1707 ?] Saturday.—Regrets that ‘‘a defluxion of rheum”
has for many days rendered him unfit for any business.
Must now attend the Queen with the foreign letters, but will not
fail to wait upon her on Monday. # p.

Case of Lorp Courts.

.

[1707.]—Recounting his services and stating that “in
the wars of Ireland, where many made estates, he made no
advantage by injustice, as is yet remembered there, and with his
being often wounded, was at more charge than the pay of a
private regiment answered ;’’ that the Isle of Wight never made
much more than 1,000l. a year; that the Guards were not so
much to him, who sold no commissions, and that this, “not
making 2,000. a year, which was for some years paid in remote
tally or bills, was all he had until he went for Ireland, except
general officer’s pay, which the charges of campaign more than
expended from him, who never had the dispose of contingent
money without account.” 38 pp.

Endorsed: ‘‘ Copy of my Lord Cutts’ case, given by his sister
to the ministers at the time of his death with her petition.”
[There are several copies of this or similar memorials. |

CHARLES TruspsHaw to Mapam Curts.

[1707 ?]—Stating that he has looked over the minutes
of Mrs. Pickering’s will, made in Lord Cutts’ life time, and finds
that besides medals, all the Cutts’ family pictures, &c., she gave
all the residue of her estate, real and personal (after the pay-
ment of certain legacies), to the said Lord Cutts, making him
her sole executor, which executorship would probably have been
worth more than 10,000/. 1 p.

JOANNA Curts to Mr. CaRDONNELL.

1708, July 14. Polland Street.—I beg you to have the charity
to remind my Lord Duke of the petition he promised me to
recommend to the Queen. I am sure it is in his power to put
this matter right, since I find my Lord Treasurer is not averse
to my being considered. The treatment which my brother’s
memory and I myself have met with is very hard, especially
‘‘when its remembered the manner of his going into Ireland,
which I need not repeat to you, and that if he had disobeyed that
command, whatever had been the consequences of his refusal, he
had been supported, and his debts paid, and I provided for, so as
not to have wanted favour, of which I can give full proof; and
that by that unhappy journey he got his death, and I lost with
him more than 30,000l., besides jewels and plate to a very con-
siderable value, which was fully given to him, and, had he
outlived Mrs. Pickering one hour, had been mine ; and if he had
not gone thither, by which means he was so long absent from
198

her, she had not fallen into those hands, who, though they had
not power to injure him, easily took the advantage of his death
toruinme. . .. I dont know who it was that gave the Queen
ill impressions of my brother and me, and such as are known to
God and man to be contrary to truth, as well as to good nature
or common humanity, but I’m very sure ’tis in the Duke’s power
to set this right.” I pray you to let me know his Grace’s pleasure,
and to tell me whether you think it would be well for me to come
over to the Hague, where many of my brother’s friends would
join me in soliciting the Duke. 4 pp.

Mrs. Curts to the Lorp TREASURER.

(1708, July?]|—Memorial setting forth her brother’s services
and charges and her own necessities, and stating that his going to
Ireland (which, as attested by the physicians, was the cause of
his death) was not, as given out by his enemies, ‘‘a reward asked
by him, but, on the contrary, a very unwilling act of obedience
and submission,” as his Lordship and Lord Marlborough know
well, Mr. St. John having been employed by the Duke to
persuade him to undertake the employment. Prays him to
support her petition to the Queen, believing that her case is too
singular ‘‘to be reckoned among the common beggars of the
Queen’s charity,’’ and reminding him how long she has waited
silently under the utmost difficulties and distresses. 3 pp.

A. Masgam to her cousin, Mrs. Curts.

[1708 ?]—Has acquainted the Queen with what she desired,
who thinks she will do very well to apply to the Duke of Marl-
borough. Wishes her success with all her heart. 4 p.

Memorial of Cox. Epmunp Revert, to SypNrEy, Lornp GoDoLPHIN,
Lord High Treasurer, &c.

[1709, early in?]—Praying for some assistance out of the con-
tingencies, such as was granted to Col. Gossuch, to enable him
to support his charges as commander of a battalion of her
Majesty’s foot guards in Flanders. 4 p.

Cou. Epmunp Revert to his cousin, Davin Pouuniiuy.

1709, [July 21-] August 1. From before. Tournay.—“I
fear the care I have taken to transmit to you the truth of what
happened in these parts since I have been here may be a reason
why you have had no more from me than I have had from you,
however as a Christian I persist, and cannot omit telling you that
on the 28th July, N.S., about six in the evening Monsieur Sour-
ville came himself to the breach and beat the Shamade. Hos-
tages were exchanged, and for the articles of capitulation I refer
you to the prints, and on the 31st the town was evacuated, our
troops marched into the town and about nine at night, we began
to fire upon the citadel, which is the finest and the strongest
199

fortification in Europe, and they have in it a sufficient number
of troops for the defence of it, which I apprehend will give us a
good deal of trouble. This siege is to be carried on by thirty
battalions of foot, ten of Imperialists, four of English, three of
Prussians, three Hannovers and ten Hollandais, and ten squad-
rons of horse in proportion as &c. [sic]. We fear the taking of
this place will take us up thirty days from this time, for there
is not a foot of ground that is not undermined and
casemated, which will oblige us for the ‘preservation of our
people to approach it a la sapp, which indeed is very slow but
sure. My lord Albermarle is declared governour of the town, and
though the citadel is not in our possession, we have declared one
a acne the principal engineer to the States, governor of the
citadel.

‘“We have this morning received advice that the enemy were
under great concern for the loss of the town, which they believed
would have held out longer, and this morning half their army
marched into their lines by Bethune and Doway, and the other
half lies at a place called Hornain, within two leagues of
Vallentienns, where they are throwing up of a line to cover it,
but I believe they will find it very difficult for them to guard so
great an extent of ground, and to keep us from passing. We
talk here that we shall march in a few days to a town called
Orches, four leagues from Tournay in the Chattilline of Lisle,
where we shall meet with forage and cover our siege till
the citadel is taken. We begin to talk about what will be our
next enterprise, and there are almost as many different
opinions as there are officers. But this I think I may
lay down as a principle, that we must hug either the Scheld or
the Lyss for the conveniency of living. Some thinks we shall
go to Condé, but the difficulties indeed are very numerous against
our passage into France that way, which I believe will hinder our
attempting it. But there is a town called Aire situated near the
source of the Lyss, within ten miles of St. Omers and about
thirty from Callais ; this town is strong, but will not take us up
so long a time to take it as the other, besides there is no town of
force to stop us from thence and we can be supplied with what
we shall want from Lisle; this is nothing but our conjectures,
and time will shew us who is in the right.

“The chat of Peace is again revived here, and the French
officers say that we shall be good friends before the end of
August. Indeed I am so great a lover of peace and the good of
my country, that I among the majority wish that there had not
been any cause for the loss of so many good men and officers that
have fallen at this siege, which are about three thousand lulled
and wounded ; but that is matter of speculation and so will leave
that to you who is a better judge.

“The plan of the town is imperfect, and till the citadel is ours
we cannot pretend to have one, which with the attacke as soon
as it’s over I will send it you. Mons. Sourvile’s plate was coined
down to pay the garrison, which is a good reason, and to shew
200

the vanity of the country there was no great occasion [sic]. This
Mons. Sourville was a prisoner with us in England and very
justly is looked upon asa good officer, and his conduct in this
siege is that that will make him marshal of France.

“We had this morning about one hundred deserters with four
officers of the Spanish troops, which had hid themselves in the
town and who came to us this day and they say there is three
hundred more.” 24 pp.

Addressed: ‘‘To David Polhill, Esq. To be left at Mr. Ben-
dishes, Hatten Garden.”

RicHarD STEELE to [Joanna Curts?].

1709, October 26.—Concerning the procuring of a “‘ pass home”
for a person unnamed. 1 p.

to Madam

1710, June 138-24. Hague.—Since we came over most of our
time has been taken up in seeing the provinces and doing some
business at Amsterdam, but I hoped before this to have sent you
the good news of the surrender of Doway and said something re-
lating to the peace, in both which I have been disappointed.
“Tis hoped you may next week have the news of Doway’s
being taken. We are masters only of one of the revelins within
the counterscarp, which has cost us, they say, about seven hundred
men, but "tis hoped the other works will not cost us so dear in
proportion. The D[uke] of Mar[lborough] and Pr[ince]
Eug([ene] are much together at play, but it is only at small game,
which makes still diversion. In the last report the deputies made
from Gertrudenberg, we hear the French offer all the per-
liminaries but Sicilie and Sardinia. Formerly they would have
had the forts on the coasts of Italy, but we have got ’em driven
from the continent. However they hold their grip, and
I doubt of their sincerity. For this they offer to pay the allies
monthly a sum of money till K[ing] Phil[ip] be driven from Spain,
and will give us the bankers of Paris as security for the
payment, A money expedient is good, but how they will pay us
when they cant pay their own troops I cant tell. The Emperor’s
ministers are offended with the proposition*and would reject
it out-right, others, though they do not like it, has taken some
time to advise with their masters of it, and against Doway be
taken we shall have their answers. They are making Cardinal
Boullion’s impeachment at Paris, who, is thought, will not so
easily escape as Sach[evere]ll did, but he is got out of
their hands, and I do not hear that so many take part in his
quarrel as there was for the Doctor, whose business makes a
strange noise even here. The Zar of Moscovey has of late taken
away the revenues of his Patriarch, lest he should be able at any
time [to] occasion tumults, and will have all his clergy maintained
on the public revenue, as is here. I wish, for the peace sake, that
our contentions made less noise, but I know things with us must

have their course, which I hope will be over before I have the
honour to see you, Madam.

 
201

‘“‘T am as happy as I can wish in my charge. My Lord Lonsdale
is a very hopeful youth.” If there are hopes of peace, we shall
stay here to see the treaty, and if not, shall go for Germany,
whither I shall be proud of carrying Dr. Hutton’s commands, as
also of his company. 24 )).

R. B. to [Joanna Curts].

1710, August 18.—Desires to know what further steps have been
taken for sending for their friend in Germany or tending to his
interest. Hopes the late good news from Spain may raise the
sinking stocks and make the new Commissioners more easy.
Asks whether the Archdeacon’s speech has been shown to the
party. Sends service to Mrs. Lockhart. 4p.

JoaNNA Cutts to N.

(1710, August.]—‘‘ I should have returned answer to yours
before, but both myself and since my cousin [Mrs. Lockhart ?]
have been ill. Her’s has been this fever. To the subject of
your last—the very great confusion they are all in till my
lord and lady Marlborough are out, both of which changes are
expected, makes it dangerous to meddle in your affair till it is
over, which I think will be very soon...... Having this
occasion to send by a private hand, I must tell you to entertain
your father what I think will be the Queen’s new measures, only
with this caution, that what is designed in some particular
changes is kept very secret, so I cannot be certain; what I tell
you a8 80, you may depend on. It is so that the Queen has been
always uneasy at the bringing in the Whigs, and from being
imposed on by a persuasion that they had the only interest in
England to believe it necessary, gave way to it but never liked
them. That ’tis now two years since she has been convinced
my lord M[{arlborough], my lady and the junto were her
enemies and dangerous to her interest and the constitution ;
that she delayed to make any steps before was in hopes of a peace
every year ; that she had certain intelligence that the Duke had
tricked her out of it, else what she now does had been again
delayed ; that on this, taking occasion on their insolence in mis-
representing her own words, giving assurances to foreign States
in her name without her order, intriguing with the Dutch and the
Court of Vienna, she has begun, and will go on to make a
thorough change. My lady M[arlborough] has been for some
months forbid coming to her and you may depend she never will
see her more. The Duchess of Somerset will be Groom of the
Stole, cousin M[asham] Privy Purse, and I hope lady Hide,
Lady of the Robes,” and by this division of her places her favour
will not be engrossed in so narrow a circle as before. This
for the women. How the great places will be disposed among the
men is not certain, only Mr. Harley and my lord Rochester are

 

* These ap pointments were not, however, made until the following January.
202

united, and with him all the heads of the church party are en-
tirely reconciled to Robin, to whose indefatigable diligence and
industry and wonderful intelligence is owing all this turn, since
he has by it opened the Queen’s eyes to see her danger. This
you may depend on. The Whigs give out my lord Rochester 1s
dissatisfied, but he will be soon declared in the ministry, which
will be a great blessing to you and I, though this is not to be yet
spoke on.

“You may also depend that the Elector of Hanover is in this
measure and perfectly in the Queen’s interest and she in his.
What the message to him is I can’t yet be certain, but by what
poor Cresset* told me before he died I do believe it is either to
offer him the command of the army in the duke of M[arl-
borough]’s room, or to invite him hither personally to confer
with the Queen. This I think I’ve good reason to believe.
The Queen takes nothing worse of the late ministry than
their endeavours to persuade people that she was not firm
to the Protestant successsion or had the least. inclination to
leave her people into the hands of a popish prince. I believe
it will be made appear in the next parliament (the writs
to call which will be out the first week in September) that
the design of the late ministry and their junto was to have
obliged the Queen to take a 10,0007. a year and retire and the
Bill of Regency to take place in her life, by which they would
have had England to sell to the highest bidder, tho [?thus] I shant
be much longer laughed at for saying the Whig lords were the
best friends to the P[rince] of Wales. The Queen sat last week
in her new Treasury, and will do so constantly, by which means
she will see all the former mismanagements which have been
more bold and enormous than ever happened in any reign.
Besides the extravagancy of Blenheim, &c., only, which has cost
the public 175,000/., there is appearing besides secret service
allowances for the army, contingent monies &c. appearing on the
Treasury books, fifty, forty, thirty and several such sums paid to
my lord M[arlborough] without any reason as if he were king and
his name the excuse. The remittances are made for Flanders
and Spain. Sir Rich[ard] Hoare, Sir Francis Child, and a
number of honest citizens have provided more than they have
occasion for this six months. Furnace, Heathcoat, &c. have
offered theirs, but the premium the late Treasurer allowed
them being what these thought they could not answer to the
public, they refused their offers.”’

Postscript. 1 think I have deserved something of our new
people, shall take care that your affair is included. ‘‘I have seen
C{ousin] M[asham] but once in a hurry since all this. Tis
impossible to be imagined the confusion they are in, but she has
assured me of her good-will to us when the storm is over.” 12 pp.

 

* “My. Crescet, who was going envoy extraordinary to the Court of Hanover, is
dead,’ Luttrell, under date July 27.
203

Nicuouas Bupranr to Joanna Curts.

1711-12, February 2. Dublin Barracks.—I pray you not to
think my silence due to disrespect, for since the death of my ever
honoured Lord and Master, I am under more obligation to you
than to any living soul, ‘‘ not only for your singular good favour
which you did for me with his Lordship when alive, but also
being the relict of his honourable name and family, which I have
wonderfullest reason in the world to honour and reverence to the
last moment I have breath.”’

The business of my calling has required such close attendance
with the regiment that I have not been able to pay my respects
to you. Iwas ‘‘sometime in Flanders, some months at sea,
sometime at great distance in England from London, and for the
longest part of the time up and down in Ireland. . . but now
we are on duty in Dublin, where we shall continue till June next,
if peace be not concluded before.

‘“‘ Tuesday night last we lost by death General Ingoldsby, one
of our Lords Justices, who is much lamented by all sort of people.
He died of a quinsey in his throat after five days’ illness and is to
be buried in a magnificent manner this day seven night in the
vault at Christ Church where my dear Lord and master was laid,
whose coffin I’ll see if I live and do well so long.” 2 pp.

Frances, Lapy Russeuu.

1713, July 10.—Note by Lady Russell that whereas it has been
alleged by some of the Russells that she brought nothing into the
family, the enclosed [wanting] is to show what she had in money,
‘‘ besides a much better personal estate’ than she has ever had,
~by much.

Also, memorandum of ‘‘an acknowledgment of 2,0001. received
by Sir Francis Russell”’ of her money when she married his son,
Sir John.

G. Lamperty to [Joanna Corrs].

17138, August [4-]15. The Hague.—Four days ago, the Earl
of Straffort’s secretary gave me your letter, the first I have
received since the packet given me by the late Col. Revett before
starting on the campaign during which the fight near Mons*
occurred. As to what you desire to know, I have a great mass of
papers collected during this long war, which I am about to
arrange, and I will send you extracts of anything upon this
question. At the time of the affair, I took care to publish several
things in the gazettes and also in the monthly historical letters
here. But in the report of the siege of Venlo, for instance,
where my late Lord took Fort St. Michel, the Prince. of Nassau
Saarbrug had a false relation printed, depriving my ‘ate Lord,
your brother, of the glory. French. 3 pp.

 

*i.c. Malplaquet,
204

Wituram Tuomas to [Joanna Curts].

1714, May 18. Treasury Chambers.—Stating that the Lord
Treasurer has directed the Officers of Works to examine her.
pretensions in her memorial of the 14th inst., and that whatever
vouchers she has to support them may be produced to that board.

1 p.
A [supposed] letter from the Parson or a Parisu.

[1714, July, after the 9th.*]—“‘Sir, I desire you will spare me,
being a plain old man, if Iam not so quaint in my expressions as the
rest of your correspondents. Ihave no doubt but you are a
very worthy gentleman, though somewhat testy when you are
offended. Of what sort, name or title I wont be so bold to guess,
but the appellation ‘Sir’ I think may serve for anyone living
that is not a peer, and that I presume you are not. The occasion
of my writing to you to be brief is this. There are two gentlemen
whose estates divide my parish, the one Sir James Carbunkle,
[a Tory, erased] the other Sir William Lawless. They are both
of them very vehement in their way, and both without any regard
to religion or good manners. Now, Sir, these two have distracted
all my parishioners. They write every post to their tenants such
strange news, and contradicting each other, that there rarely
happens a post night without some broken heads about the
politics. The last post, in Sir James Carbunkle’s letter were
these words, ‘you may depend on’t the fanatic dogs are
down and never will hold up their heads again. As soon as the
Parliament meets we'll have an act to hamper the rogues and
take away their toleration.’ In Sir William’s letter is these— .
‘It’s high time for you to better yourselves, for popery and
slavery are coming fast upon you. The Prince of Wales will be
in Scotland in two months, where four thousand men are ready
to receive him and as many stand of arms are just now arrived
there to equip them. All is adjusted here. The T[reasurer] is
to go out and Lord B[olingbroke] and the great favourite L[ady]
M[asham], who now carry all before them, have sent a
great lady into France with an important message to his
mother. We have sent notice of it to the Elector of Hanover,
but like a dull German as he is, he takes no notice of itt. And
notwithstanding notice of these things are given to the Secre-
tary’s office, nobody is taken up for it nor any care. Rank
Jacobites are employed in every place, and in the kingdom of
Scotland, where he is to come, none but such have any power or
authority.’ Now Sir, my parish being very honest, well meaning

eople, that abhor a popish successor on the one hand and a
change of the constitution on the other, are dist[racted?].
The business is done it’s all agreed. A great 1l[ady] is sent into

 

 

* The Queen prorogued Parliament on the 9th. Oxford gave up the staff

on the 27th.
+ This sentence is cancelled.

 
205 ‘

France with an important message by B[olingbroke] and that
bitch M[asham] who now carry all before them. The Tr[easurer]
1s to go out and they rule the roast.” 24 pp.

DUKE oF ORMONDE to JOANNA CurTTS.

{1714 ?] December 1.—Stating that he received her letter just
as he came to town last Saturday night, and will be ready to wait
on her whenever she pleases. 1} p.

Lorp Bouinesroxe to Mrs. Joanna Curts.

[1714?] Wednesday morning.—Promising to wait upon her the
next morning, and assuring her that her commands should have
been sooner obeyed, had his time been more at his own disposal.

4p.

Memorial of Mrs. Revert.

[1714? ]—That Colonel Revett served King William in
Flanders, and afterwards Queen Anne, for the space of twenty
years, and did good service in the defence of Gibraltar, as the
Prince of Hesse’s letters to the Prince of Denmark, and also
Lord Galloway’s will attest ;

That he lost his life at the battle of Blarneiys [Blaregnies or
Malplaquet| where he charged under the Duke of Argyle.

That petitioner was left with four small children, without a
penny in the world, and with 4,000/. debts contracted in the late
war.

That she has since had some estate from her father, but has
appropriated a great part of it to pay Col. Revett’s debts.

_ That she bought a commission for her son, who is now at

Gibraltar.

And that Queen Anne granted her a pension of 2001. per annum,
which enabled her to breed up her children, who are all alive
and growing up to be a great charge. 1 p.

Petition of Mrs. Riverr to Kine Georcs I.

[1714?]—‘‘Que le Colonel Rivett, ayant épousé une niece
de my Lord Cutts, il servit sous luy comme volontaire, et se
distingua par sa bravoure et par son courage dans touttes les
occasions ou le roy Guilhaume employa ce seigneur, particuliere-
ment au siege de Namur, ou il eust lhonneur de se faire
remarquer du roy, qui ordonna qu’on luy donnat une compagnie
dans la [sic] regiment des gardes commande alors par my Lord
Cutts.

“Que le roy lui avoit promis un regiment, mais que la mort
empécha sa Majesté d’effectuer sa promesse. _

‘Qu ’il servit en Espagne, ou, par sa conduite, il merita |’ appro-
bation de my Lord Gallway et de touts les officiers generaux, et
qu’au siege de Gibraltar, ou il commandoit tous les grenadiers,
206

il eust l’ honneur de rendre des services tres considerables, et par
sa bravoure ne contribua pas peu au salut de la place, de quoy
le Prince de Hesse luy avoit donné d’ amples tesmoignages.

‘Qu’ a la bataille de Tanieres [Tasnieres or Malplaquet] il
commanda le bataillon du second regiment des Gardes avec la
derniere bravoure, et y fut tué apres avoir receu diverses
blessures.

“Que Madame Rivett, son espouse, 4 qui il laissa quatre enfants,
avec une grosse dette sur son bien, obtint de la bonté de la reyne
Anne une pension de 2001. par an, en consideration des grands
services de son mary qui n’en avoit jamais luy meme receu
aucune recompense, laquelle pension elle supplie tres humble-
ment sa Majestié de lui vouloir continuer, sans quoy elle et
ses enfants se trouveront réduits a une grande misere.” 1 p.

Lorp Curts.

[1714?]—‘‘ An account of my Lord Cutts his conduct
in the time he served the public.”

‘That my Lord Cutts being born of a family which was one of
the first in England that embraced the reformed religion, and
that had ever since maintained a constant zeal against popery,
he was carefully educated in those principles, which engaged him
when not twenty years old amongst those who opposed the popish
faction.

‘“‘ Soon after king James’ accession to the throne, he having been
known to the then Prince of Orange, at his desire, who at the
same time did him the honour to entrust him in a negotiation
of very great importance, he went a volunteer at his own
expense to the Duke of Lorrain, by whom he was so much
distinguished that though then not twenty years old, at the end
of the campaign he recommended him to the Emperor’s favour,
and he was honoured with a considerable employment in the
Imperial service, in which he behaved himself with a general
approbation the next campaign.

‘“‘ At the end of which, coming home by the Hague to wait on
the prince, he acquainted him with the measures then concerted
for his speedy coming into England to protect the religion and
liberties of these nations. And as my Lord Cutts entered into
the Revolution, to which the credit and interest his family and
his own conduct had given him in England made him useful,
with a disinterested zeal for the public safety, so he spent 8,0001.
in that service before king William landed in England.

‘In the year ’88, king James, apprehending the approaching
storm and raising forces, did him the honour to offer him the
command of a regiment, and when he excused himself, as not
being capable to serve His Majesty because he could not be for
taking off the laws against papists (which was the question put at
that time) the king had so much opinion of his honour and
probity that he was pleased to dispense with that and only
required of him by the Duke of Berwick to promise to serve him
faithfully. | But his principles not allowing him on the one side
to serve against the religion and laws of his country, and on the
207

other being incapable of so much baseness to take a trust or make
any promise he could not keep, he refused employment on any
terms and for his safety was forced to go off that very night in a
fisher boat for Holland. By which sudden journey he suffered
very much in his private affairs. :

“By King William’s commands (who was pleased at that time
to promise him he would take care of his fortune, and that the
debts he had contracted on his estate in the service should be
repaid him) he quitted the Imperial service and came over with
him in his expedition for England.

‘“‘ He served in the command of aregiment of foot in Ireland
until the reduction of that kingdom, and in each campaign was
wounded, as well as suffered by the disease of that country, by
which accidents to him who took no advantages to himself more
than the direct pay of his regiment, or ever made profit of the
calamities of that country by plundering and making sale of corn
and cattle, a practice contrary to the King’s expressed order as
well as the public good, that service was more expensive to him
than either the pay of his regiment or the profits of his own
estate, now lessened by interest money, taxes, and that neglect of
his affairs which his constant attendance on the King’s service
occasioned, by which his debt still increased.

“The King was so well satisfied with his conduct in Ireland and
the service his regiment had done, that at the end of that war
most of his officers were advanced, and himself had the King’s
promise that when any of the forfeited estates were disposed of,
he should be considered. But the King being pressed by more
important solicitors, he, who always considered his master’s
interest more than his own ease or profit, and besides having an
entire confidence in the King’s good intentions to him, desisted
and gave up the custodium of a considerable estate, which it was
for the King’s service to dispose to another, though he had had
the grant of it.

‘The next year he served in Flanders, and in the battle of
Steinkirk received a wound of which it was with great difficulty
and length of time that he recovered, and whilst he lay so ill of
wounds at Brussells that no letters were given him, he lost 300/.
a year for ever for himself and family, an estate on three lives,
the two last dying before he could give his orders to renew the
first.

“In [16]93, the Isle of Wight being vacant, the King gave him
that post, which was the first employment he had after seven
years serving at a vast expense that did not create him much
more charge than the profits amounted to.

“ The next campaign he was employed in the descent to Cameret
Bay, &c., and his conduct in that expedition was so acceptable to
the King that at his return the King gave him the second regi-
ment of Guards. From thence to the end of the war he served
in Flanders, having always the approbation of the King to have
done his duty well, and in several occasions he had the honour to
208

be of use, particularly at the siege of Namure, where he com-
manded at the head of the English, and his conduct at the attack
of the Terra Nova was acknowledged to have hastened the reduc-
tion of that important place.

‘‘ After the Peace of Reswick, the King gave him a grant of con-
siderable forfeited estate in England, but there appearing after-
wards a settlement which made the King’s title void it proved of
little effect to him.

“His Majesty afterwards did him the honour to assure him by
himself by the archbishop of Canterbury that he should be pro-
vided for, and that neither himself nor his family should suffer
by his service to him, and till that could be made effectual gave
him 1,000/. a year out of the Privy Purse. He received it two
years, but the last year, that which was due when the King died,
though his Majesty had the goodness to order it in his sickness,
was never paid.

‘As never any man obeyed with more diligence and exactness
the King’s commands in his several posts, neither selling com-
missions, oppressing officers or soldiers under his command, or
making undue profits of the clothing, allowing false musters or
taking those perquisites which the King expressly forbid and were
thought inconsistent with the good of the service, so his diligence
and fidelity to the service of his Prince and country was not less
remarkable at home than in the field, constantly attending the
House of Commons, where he was always chose, had a great
many friends on whom he had influence and was always well
heard ; and as on every occasion where the Protestant interest
was concerned he shewed the greatest zeal, so most particularly
on the happy settlement of the succession on his present Majesty,
none could boast of more forwardness nor of a more steadfast
adherence to that design than himself.” 4 pp. Unfinished.

Sir Epwarp Lawrence to Mrs. Curts, at Somerset House.

1715, July 14.—At Sir Richard Steele’s request, he has stopped
proceedings against her, but he begs that she will not be long
before she takes up the bond, and must desire her to pay the
bearer, Mr. Attwood, his bill for entering the judgment, as she
agreed to do. 14 pp.

W. Vane to [Joanna Curts].

1716, December 18. Fairlawne.—.  . ‘‘On these surprising
changes that have lately happened in town, I firmly depended
upon the favour of hearing from my good cousin, had it been only
to have let me know whether her old friend, the great Duke, be
past all hopes, because we have here very various accounts of the
state of his health. The removal of the late Se[creta]ry* I find
creates many speculations in town, though perhaps it may be only
shifting the scene, unless his paying some particular respects to

 

* Charles, Viscount Townshend,
208

the son" has disgusted the father, and if so, I believe his Lordship
will hardly be transplanted to Ireland and we may perhaps hear
of further changes. Do you not expect the first Commissionert
will undergo the same fate with his brother-in-law? I perceive
by the prints that the flying squadron in Scotland carry all before
them. I doubt that prognosticates no good to some of our
friends, but who knows what a session may produce ? However,
I take it for granted that the Tories are still to be kept out of
play, unless the divisions amongst the Whigs force one of the
parties to apply to them. I hope you heartily congratulate me
upon my good cousin’s being made Privy Seal, t and I dare answer
for him that whatever his predecessor did, he will pursue very
moderate measures. Pray be so kind to let me know when you
expect the proclamation for the sitting of the Parliament. There
is now no further talk of a Captain General; if the alliance with
France take place, there will be no occasion for any. Pray give
my humble respects to Mrs. Lockhart and Mrs. Ballandine, and
ri the latter know that I am sure there are some new lampoons.”’
PP.

S[euiwa] Lapy Huntinepon to the Countess or Herrrorp.

1718, June 13. Chelsea.—‘‘ Did my dearest Lady Hartford
see the long arrears due to my many spiritual correspondents, she
would see a love to her that is not without partiality, and indeed
her last letter affected me strangely from the extreme tenderness
of it, and I cannot help crying out with the prophet ‘how long
shall these vain thoughts lodge within us.’ O how does my pride
still drink in the approbation of those Ilove! What attacks does
the shield of faith suffer from these fiery darts; they are so clothed
by reasonable excuses that makes their penetration but the more
unfelt. [Religious meditations and exhortations.] I cannot help
making dear Lady Hartford a sharer in my joys, and this is
at present with the hopes of the conversion of the blacks, of which
Mr. Whitfield gives me great hopes in North America. He has
had three hundred children in a morning brought to him to
baptize . . . O how glorious a day is this like to be, what many
wise and good men of all ages have longed to see; there is hardly
any Christian Church but what there is an awaking in (but
the Roman Catholic one) . . . I hear Mrs. Masham is near you.
By what I hear, she is really very earnest and a very good woman.
I-know her sister, who I esteem very much. As I can only
speak that I know, so it is all I am able to say of Mrs. Masham,
but inclined to believe most highly from report. She surely
would be a pleasure to you at times....I1 am _ fitting up a
little retreat close by the ancient walls of mouldering pomp, and
which now serves as a perpetual monument of that better part I
have chosen. The towers of these remaining ruins cast a solemn
gloom over my little habitation on one side, and on the other, I
am within the sound of those echoes praise lends to the venerable
walls in which my repository is prepared, and where my

 

* i.e. the Prince of Wales.
¢ Robert Walpole.
¢ Evelyn Pierrepoint, Duke of Kingston.
14170 a 0
210

slumbering dust will wait the archangel’s summons. It is to be
as primitive as possible, since the single eye has raised it only
that the poor, unworthy inhabitant may there glorify her Saviour
in body, soul and spirit while she is here on earth. When I am
fixed in it, I shall not fail to give you some account of my life
there ; contrary much to all the human views of happiness and
greatness, depend upon it.

“T had got this far ten days ago, but I have been so much out
of order that everything but trying to submit to the rod seemed
hard tome. My friend and old companion, pain, I hope he may
have done me some good, but I ever feel how much more I want
to learn obedience by such sufferings.

‘‘T have seen Lady Archibald [Campbell?], Lady Pomfret, Lady
Bath ; these are the enquirers after truth, but I might hope
their progress quicker than it is. Oh, my dear Lady Hartford,
how hard is [it] for all to be forsaken, to be counted a fool or
mad in return ; for this is all the visible reward for renouncing
earthly delights. But to God alone belongs the power to soften
hearts, and make them yield to that still small voice that calls
them from the trifles of time to the joys of eternity.”

Addressed: ‘‘For the Right Honourable the Countess of Hart-
ford, at Perey Lodge, near Colebrook, Bucks.” 54 pp.

Sevina, Lapy Huntinepon to the Countess or HERTFORD.

(1718, December 21? ]|—‘‘My dear Lady Hartford’s letters
give me such delight that I feel my whole heart under an im-
mediate engagement to speak in the simplicity of it all I feel from
them. Could I be sure you would look upon me as one of those
ten lepers that lay upon his face at the Lord’s feet, giving him
thanks, not only for myself but you, I could best and clearest (by
that figure) be understood. But shall I tell you that part that
most struck me was the text that is in St. Luke, and for more
reasons than one, it being that which first showed me the narrow
way that leads to life, by being repeated by an old pious clergy-
man, and to which he ascribed his salvation, as being the cause
of his conversion. [Religious meditations and arguments.] Your
judgment is most exactly right with respect to our Church, but
remember our Lord’s charge, let them alone. They be blind
leaders of the blind, but never was it known that a man
should open the eyes of those that are born blind. We must
love and pray for such, and did they know this, I should
still love them more, but they say they see, and _ so
their sin and unbelief must remain. . . I have met with
a letter wrote in Germany, which when I have got through
the translation of, I must send it you, with some history
of the person, who is a man of quality that wrote it to his
sister, and upon which she renounced all her former sentiments
of earthly happiness for the humility and patience of Jesus
Christ. He lives unknown now, but is a secret blessing to some
great people abroad, who is a-seeking for nothing less than the
possession of the kingdom of God, So nigh as my dearest Lady
211

Hartford is to this royal crown of life, I am sure it will give her
great pleasure, as the household of faith will have the first claim
to all our joys. How widely spiritual and natural comforts
differ! The temporal honours and riches create envy from those
who are not possessed of them, whereas in the things of God, a
holy rejoicing, as well as a holy emulation, makes us glory in
His gracious faithfulness to man. Your approbation would be a
means of making me vain about my son. He has great merit to
me, but this, with all my other offerings, are at the Lord’s feet,
and I am a simple pilgrim upon earth, who will have nothing to
hope from but the God of the whole earth. Seal with arms and
coronet. [Not dated, but with postmark of December 21.] 64 pp.

Ensign REWETT.

1722-8, March 7. London.—Receipt for 4501. pounds received
from John Russell, Esq.,on account of Ensign Rewett’s commission
in the Guards. By Lord Cadogan’s orders. Signed. A. Corner.

Slip of paper.

GovERNOR [JoHn] RussE.u.

1722-3, March 17.—Cabinet maker’s bill for 71. 16s. 6d.,
receipted by George Nix. # p.

[Joun Futterton ? ] to the Honourable Henry Franxvanp, &c.,
. owners of the ship Prince George.

[1727.* Jiddah.]|—Giving an account of a great tumult
and massacre of Englishmen, on June 6th, ensuing upon the
bringing ashore from the Prince George of the corpse of a
Musselman sailor. This was done to satisfy the people (there
having been a great mortality of the ‘‘Moors”’ on board the ship,
and rumours of their being maltreated or murdered) ; but it had
a quite contrary effect. The people gathered in great numbers,
shouting ‘‘a Musselman killed by Twingee [sic]’’ rushed to
the house where Mr. Robert Frankland, Captain Dalghish,
Thomas Hill, William Moresons, Richard Barnby, and John
Fullerton had just finished dinner, burst open the doors, and
murdered all except the writer. He escaped and got on board
the Prince George, where in the name of the owners he deputed
Mr. Thomas Cross to be captain in place of Capt. Dalghish,
and afterwards returned to the town and, protected by the
authorities, took up Mr. Robert Frankland’s place, although his
new station sat but very heavily upon him. On the 9th he was
sent for to the Fort, and ordered to give an account of money
and goods lost, which he did to the best of his ability, Mr.
Frankland’s ledger and day book not turning up until after he
had finished.

*For date. see Mr, Stanyan’s despatch of October 6, 1727, State
Papers. Turkey, 4
212

On the 18th, a grand Council was held at the Fort on
the affair, there being present the Xeriph, who came from Mecca
for the purpose, the Bashaw, the Muftis and Cazies of Mecca and
that place [Jiddah], the General of the Janizaries and the most
noted of the merchants. The Xeriph and Bashaw declared their
great concern for the late accident, saying that it was entirely due to
an unruly mob, and appealing to the writer and to Mr. Cross
whether they had ever given suspicion of their being concerned
in it, to which the Englishmen replied in the negative, and that
they had always found the utmost civility and kind usage. The
authorities promised to make good all losses, and to allow them
to depart with their ship that they might not lose the monsoon, but
in August they are still detained and much of the money is
yet unpaid. They sent an account of the accident and their
losses to the English ambassador at Constantinople, but, never
thinking of their ship being detained, did not request
his interest for their despatch. It is very doubtful
however, whether their letter would ever reach him, most being
intercepted on the way. Unsigned. 63 pp.

[It ts probable that John Fullerton was the writer, as his
name comes last in the list, but excepting for this wmference it
might be either Morison or Barnby.|

Henry FRanxuanp, Governor of Fort William, to his uncle
JoHN RussEeuu, late Governor.

1728, July 31. Fort William.—Is much concerned and grieved
by the sad news contained in his uncle’s letter. His cousins
Molly and Betty have arrived safely, he is glad to say, (although
heartily sorry for the occasion), and he will love and help them as
if they were his own children. Sends assurances to his aunt that
he will try to ‘“‘ make all her babies as happy and as easy as Bengal
can afford.” Frank Russell has been ill, but is better, and happy
in a good wife. Billy Rivett is very well, and coming shortly to
see his sisters. ‘‘Governor Dean’s coming out again is much
more to the satisfaction of the place than if anybody else had come
abroad.’ Is very ready to deliver up his government, and longs
for the happy day when they shall meet in Old England. 2 pp.

Addressed: ‘‘To John Russell, Esq., at his house in Greek
Street, Soho Square, London, per ship George.”

Endorsed : ‘‘ Bengal, Governor Frankland.”

[The two girls mentioned here are apparently John Russell’s
daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, and Billy is their half brother,

Governor Russell having married Col. Revett’s widow as _ his
second wife. |

RicoarD MovuntTeney to Caprain Cuarures Russewy, in Duke
Street, St. James.

1736, April 18. South Shields.—Concerning three bonds in
which Captain Russell, Mr. Ben. Bradley and the sons of the
writer are joined with him as sureties to the government, and
2138

also concerning a proposal made to Russell and Mr. Cowslade for
securing certain trust money by the Broughton estate.

Postscript. Approval, signed by Richard and Anna Mounteney,
of the proposal to place the money in trust for the latter in South
Sea annuities (as their sister Gascoyne’s is) until the Broughton
security is agreed upon and settled. 2 pp.

JoHN Franxuanp to the Rav. Mr. Winn, at Thirkleby.

1736, May 6. Cambridge.—Thanks him for the melancholy
information of his uncle’s death. Although the will is not so
perfect as it might be, yet as it only needs Sir Thomas
Frankland’s approbation, he believes that he will not ‘‘suffer much
in that quarter.” 3 p.

Endorsed: “Jo. Frankland on H. F.’s will.”

[CHarLes Russett to Mr. Houmes at Calcutta ? |

1736, October 20. Checquers.—lIs glad to hear that every thing
has arrived safe, and is now sending shoes, pumps and boots by
the Lowisa, Captain Pennell. The clothes and periwigs shall
follow. Mr. Gascoigne is sending him some claret by the same
ship, with Mr. F. Russell’s wine. Thanks him for the stockings
sent to Captain Revettand himself. Can give him no encourage-
ment about the suit at law, unless there were better grounds to go
upon, and has heard nothing of his brother Vanduren, but if the
lawyer can get any tolerable foundation to go upon, will not fail
todo his utmost. Has sent out full powers to his cousin [Francis |
Russell to recover whatever may be due from the black merchants
Bissnodass Leat or Samsunder Leat to his [the writer’s] father, and
has attached his father’s will and probate to the letters of
attorney.“ His correspondent’s name is also put into the
letters, in case of death, although he trusts that poor Mr. Russell,
who has been so many years in India, may live to see his native
land once more.

Postscript. Hopes that Mrs. Holmes and his little ones are
well. Draft. 4 pp.

Ben. Gascoyne to [CHartes Russeu].

1738, December 27. Turnweele Lane.—Stating that he has
sent some of the things for Sir Francis Russell by Mr. Charles
Fowlis, third mate of Captain Gilbert’s ship, and offering the
compliments of the season. 1 p.

[Cuartes Russevy to Sir Francis Russet. |

[1742, February ?]—Concerning the loss of Mr. Hume’s
election, Miles Barnes’ having put himself out of the direction [of
the East India Company], Mr. Fazakerley’s money, letters
sent out by the Houghton, the calculation for the eclipses, the

 

* John Russell, late governor of Fort William, died December 5, 1735.
214

change of the ministry, the well-being of Billy and Miss Fazaker-
ley, and the likelihood of the writer’s being sent abroad, in
which case his wife will look after the Indian letters, &c. [Notes
in Chas. Russell’s hand. ]

Lizvut.-Cou. CHaRLes Russeuy to his wife Mrs. Russe, JunR.,
Duke St., near St. James, London.

1742, June 3. On board a billinder, between Bruges and
Ghent.—I am now on board a billinder, which is very like one
of our west country barges, and have just stopped for an hour
at a half-way house on the river, where your brother and many
more of us have made a very good bait, with a piece of cold beef
and tolerable good thin burgundy. The weather extremely hot.
Only one company on board, so Mr. Vane and I have a little
cabin, which keeps us from being broiled. Your brother and
Mr. Berkeley are in the next boat. Yesterday we disembarked
from our transports, and came in billinders from Ostend to
Bruges, twelve miles through a very flat country, not a house
worth 50/. and scarce a tree (except a willow) or a hedge all the
way. When we arrived at Bruges we had three, miles to march
into the middle of the town; saw a great many Franciscan,
Dominican and St. Augustine friars; a very large town; the
Governor, burghers and all the best people turned out to us.
‘Twas eight o’clock before our quarters were allotted, and past
eleven before we got to bed, but I slept well and was up again at four,
when, with no small difficulty and confusion, Mr. Vane and I got on
board with all our men. “‘I take this opportunity, whilst Mr. Vane
has been snoring ever since we baited, to write this strange and
confused account to my dearest life, who I dare say wont expose
it, but can fancy to myself I am now talking to her and seeing
my dear little Molly playing about, calling ‘Ah, Papa,’ but can
scarce see to read it without help of my handkerchief.” We
hope to reach Ghent at five or six o’clock and I shall send this by
Colonel Douglas of the 3rd regiment, who is in parliament, and
returns to England to-morrow.

At Bruges we heard that the Dutch persist resolutely in not
coming in to join us, so our stay perhaps may not be long. If
possible, Lord Robert Manners, Gel[orge] Walgrave, your
brother and myself mean to mess together and lodge near one
another. Remember me to Mr. and Mrs. Knight and Worsley ;
‘““my duty to my mother, who I hope keeps up her spirits, and
love to Fanny and Jemmy, and a few kisses to little Molly and
Johnny.’

Postscript. Mr. Vane is now awake and sends his service to
you. Weare on deck, drinking your health in burgundy. A
fine breeze has sprung up, which makes it pleasant, and we are
within a league of Ghent; ‘‘a much more fertile country than

 

*All Colonel Russell’s letters contain many warm expressions of affection to his
wife and two little ones, and are often, in great part, about his private affairs.
Almost all have a seal with his coat of arms and crest in very high relief.
215

between Ostend and Bruges; great plenty of wheat and barley ;
a sandy road each side the river planted all the way with oak and
ash, not one tree that looks thriving or worth sixpence in the
whole plantation ”’ !

6 o'clock. Just got well to Ghent, and can say no more, for
Colonel Douglas goes away to-night. 34 pp.

Lrevt.-Cou. Cnartes Russexy to nis Wier.

1742, June9. Ghent.—‘I can have no pleasure here like that
of conversing in this manner with my dearest life, and telling you
tis not to be expressed what joy I feel even in the expectation of
a letter from you. . . At present there is very little amusement
in this place. The principal inhabitants, of which there are a
great many who keep their coaches, drive about every evening
round one of the large market-places and some of the streets, all
the officers bowing to them as they pass by; the ladies dressed
all in sacks, but so disguised that there appears no beauty among
em; some of their equipages are very gaudy and fine. The
greatest beauty we have here has followed us from England,
which is Lady Vane, who arrived here last Monday night, and in
reality has followed the brigade of Guards, which, as soon as she
is tired with, intends to proceed to Brussels. She has no woman
with her, and walks about each evening with an officer of each
* side of her.” We have mostly had cold easterly winds since we
came here. Our provision is tolerably good, but the wine very
bad, weak and thin. On Saturday we go into the house which
seven of us have taken together; what housekeeping we have
there you shall hear by and by. I will try on Friday to send a
line or two by Sergeant Lee, of Col. Lascell’s company, who the
Duke sent hither with our men’s kettles and flasks. Your
brother wishes to know whether Captain Stanhope, Earl Stan-
hope’s brother, who is gone from Bruges to England, is about
buying Col. Duncomb’s company. 384 pp.

THe Same to tue Same.

1742, June 16. Ghent.—I received both your letters on
Monday, June 14,* and need not tell you how happy they made me.
Iam pleased to find you rise so early and begin to use some exercise,
for if you fail to take proper care of yourself and thereby injure your
health, reflect only how miserable you will make me, and to what
little purpose all your kind expressions of love and regard will be,
if, by neglecting yourself, you deprive me of all that is valuable
to me in this life. I am now going to dine with the Governor,
who dines at twelve o’clock, so must break off for the present.

“After a great feast of three courses and a fine desert I am too
full to entertain you. Ten colonels, including myself, were
invited, and I could understand French enough to perceive the
Governor a very agreeable man, and extremely polite. We were

 

*This shows that the letters are dated old style.
216

three hours at dinner and a great deal of good wine at it, but
none after, which there was no want of. He lives in a very
good house; a hall and two fine apartments of each side,
the rooms large and very lofty, furnished with tolerable
good tapistry and some fine landscapes, and an exceeding
good picture, just sent him, of the Queen of Hungary,
very like, they say, and very beautiful. A piece of very good
news, the Governor told us, was just arrived, which came from
Lord Stairs and also from Vienna ; that the King of Prussia had
signed a treaty with the Queen of “Hungary, that in ten days he
was to withdraw all his troops, who were neither to serve against
her or any of her allies, and in consideration of this, his Prussian
Majesty was to have all Upper and Lower Silesia (with some
small exception) and the town of Glatz which did formerly belong
to Silesia; upon which Te Dewm will be sung in all our churches
to-morrow.”

The wine and food here agree with me very well, but the
latter is spoiled by the dressing. No salad can I eat, the oil is
so bad, so if Lightfoot and Merriden will bring some, they wont
be sorry when they get here. There are plenty of baggage
horses in this place, and I do not believe we shall go far enough
away to make them necessary.

You surprise me when you say you fear you will be obliged to
use the money I left with you. [I left it for no other purpose,
and if you spared it, or as much more, if you had occasion
for it, you would make me very unhappy. There is no
fear of our wanting money when we meet again. [Directions
about the poor rates at Missenden, sale of hay &c.] The weather
here has been so cold that several people have had fires. I told
you in my last that I was to hear some fine music on Sunday,
but it proved very indifferent. ‘It was, according to new
style, St. John’s day, and a very great festival here, many
solemn processions being carried about the town, with
St. John’s head finely wrought in silver in a charger. The
church dedicated to that saint is by much the finest here.
It is called St. Bave’s Church, or St. Bavain, and has a great
many curiosities in the inside of it, many fine monuments,
pictures and statues, particularly one of exquisite workmanship
of St. John, brass, and marble columns of the different orders
are really very fine in the church.

‘‘As for the ladies, I have seen none but in their coaches, and
have not spoke to a woman since I’ve been here, except here and
there a servant-maid ; as for the tradesmen’ S wives, they appear
to have nothing of any beauty among ’em . . . . I am sorry to
tell you poor Vane has been in arrest ever since the 11th of this
month, having had a fracas with Capt. Rich. A blow has been
given by the latter, so not easily to be made up. So far I can
say, and not one here says otherwise, that my friend has not
been in the least to blame, which is a great comfort to him.”

Postscript. Robinson, Durand, Vanbrugh and Hildesly are
all well. 9 pp.
217

Lirut.-Cou. CHarues Russetu to Is WIFE.

1742, July 18.—‘‘ Set out at ten in the morning from Ghent
to Antwerp, dined at St. Nicola and got to Anvers, which is
thirty-three English miles, at 7 o’clock. Went the next day to
see the Notre Dame eglise, where was the picture of the
Assumption of the Virgin Mary done by Rubens, and a most
exquisite fine piece, also another fine picture by the same hand of
our Saviour being taken down from the cross, with Rubens’ own
picture in it, his two wives, and two daughters. The same day
went to see the eglise de St. Jacque, where there was a bas-relief
of our Saviour’s crucifixion, executed in a most elegant manner ;
went the next day to see the convent of the Carmelites, where we
saw our Saviour’s head finely drawn, which was taken from
the Turks ; we then went to see the Jesuits’ convent, where was
a fine picture of St. Ignatius driving the devil out of those that
were possessed, by Rubens, and a fine picture of St. Bernardus
making an offering, by Vandyke, and the architecture of the
church was most beautiful, belonging to the said convent; then
went to see Mr. Sneye’s fine collection of fruit and flower pieces,
and a fine picture of a Jesuit by Vandyke.” 1p.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1742,] October 1 and 2. Ghent.—Our family being all gone
out except Lightfoot, who is below stairs learning French dialogues,
I cannot divert myself better than by fancying you sitting by me,
and chatting to you.

Our present orders are to march next week and cantoon in a
village near Courtray, about two days’ distance, and in a very
wholesome situation. I keep very well, partly I think because I
take no malt liquor. Poor Merriden and many others are miser-
able for want of English beer, and sometimes drink that of this
country, which is mere hogs-wash. You ask what place we have
for divine worship. ‘‘ Tis a shameful thing we should have but
two for all the troops in this garrison; one only for all the horse
Guards and grenadiers, and foot Guards. Since the former came
they have constantly had the church for the morning service, and
the afternoon only for us, but as the horse officers dont take up
all the room allotted for them, I have an opportunity of going in
the morning; and chaplains we have in plenty, and some very
good preachers and agreeable young men. We have a brother of
Mr. Barton’s of St. Andrews often with us who is chaplain to the
train of artillery. On Sunday next a sacrament is appointed and a
collection intended for the poor soldiers’ wives and families, and
those sick in our hospital... . . Seven or eight of the King’s
coaches came in last night, I suppose from the Hague, but yet
we doubt of hiscoming. Nothing this day talked of but cantoon-
ing, which they say we are to do if his Majesty should not come,
and without fail next week, though my Lord Stair’s coming, I
find now, is not to be till Tuesday or Wednesday. . . . On Monday
next, being the Queen of Hungary’s birthday, the whole garrison
is ordered to be under arms, and great rejoicings we are to make,

with a feu de jote, &e.” . . . 5 pp.
218

Lievut.-Cou. CHaruEs Russeuit to nis WIFE.

1742, November 2. Ghent.—I was sorry I was obliged to
break off so abruptly in my last, and not able to give you a better
account of the review. ‘I was mistaken in the short description
I gave you of Prince Frederick of Hesse, for *twas only Prince
George, his uncle, I saw at the review, whose person, I can assure
you, dont please me near so well as his nephew’s, who I saw on
Sunday last at Lord Stairs’, and like him extremely well. His
stature a good deal resembles the Duke’s Mr. Windham, only
thicker legs and rather a plumper face, but in that much the
creater advantage. If you remember, Miss K—pe gave a quite
different account of him. He was extremely pleased, I hear,
with the appearance we made at the review, and as we gave a
peculiar satisfaction to our General and Commander in Chief, 1
cant omit the manner in which he expressed himself by the
orders that were given out the day following, viz. :—

‘Ghent, October the 31st, 17-42.

The parole is Frederick and Bruge. As my Lord Stairs has seen
with great pleasure the great beauty of all his Majesty’s forces, both
horse and foot, belonging to this garrison, he is persuaded that
the troops he has not seen are answerable to the sample of those
he has seen, and that there is nothing wanting to make that body
of troops irresistible but that the flourishing youth of which the
different corps are composed should vie with one another to excel
in their exactness of duty, in which case the British troops will
soon acquire the reputation of excelling in order and discipline,
as they have already the fame of surpassing other troops in
vigour and beauty. My Lord Stairs expects that the officers will
pique themselves to stay in quarters this winter, and that no
officer will desire to be absent but in case of necessity. In that
case, my Lord Stairs flatters himself that very early in the
spring his Majesty will find an army worthy to put himself at
the head of.’

By this you may see how few officers will leave Flanders this
winter. The Duke of Marlborough set out for England this
morning, before the orders came out.”

By the time this reaches you, I hope you will be preparing to
go to London, whence I shall expect to hear a great deal of news
from you, which the Town will be full of, at the meeting of
Parliament. Before they adjourn at Christmas, people will be
able to conjecture what turn the affairs of Europe will be likely
to take, and if pacific measures are upon the anvil, as is the
common opinion. (Private affairs. Recommends ‘“ Daffy”’ for
his little girl.) You will be surprised to hear that I have not
eaten one grape this season, nor scarce seen one that was ripe.
Walnuts we have had in plenty, and baking apples and legumes,
particularly celery and endive, but no eating apples at all, either
golden pippins, russets or non-pareils. 4 pp.
219

Lrevut.-Cou. CHarLtes Russeuu to nis WIFE.

1742, November 18. Ghent.—We expect that the orders from
England of which I spoke to you will be countermanded, for
‘our Commander-in-Chief and our generals are of the opinion
that such a march in this season will quite destroy our flourish-
ing troops, and I believe another express or two must come
[from] England before we set out, for all this time we have
received no orders to prepare for our marching. Comfort your-
self only with this, that it is thought and known to be so imprac-
ticable, that we could scarce reach further than Namur or Luxem-
burgh, which are very agreeable places for our winter quarters and
a fine pavement all the way thither.” Iam only sorry for your
brother’s disappointment and poor Bos[cawen’s], who was stopped
at Bruges; but if we stay here, those who have furloughs will
soon have orders to use them when they please. ‘‘ How much
more desirable would it have been to have taken the field soon
after we arrived here and have had something to have done
worthy our calling; after which one might have hoped to
have enjoyed one’s winter quarters in a much happier manner
than what I have, or am likely to do. [Private affairs.]
Pray remember to see Oliver and let me know a deal from
St. Helena and of Kendall, and what he hears in the
city of Sir Francis and his lady. Who knows but Bellasyse went
this time of the year to see the worst, as he before saw the best
of Missenden ; but that would be a piece of news too good for me
to hear, more successful than could well fall to my lot to be; as
the purchase could not be done without me it would necessitate
me to come to England . . . provided the troops dont march
far from here. But what could induce me to build such castles
in the air; [I] thought myself chattering as I used to do to my
only life, and expecting some cheerful, prudent reply.” Our
messmate Lightfoot has left and Merriden has taken a small
house. He is mighty civil now, and lays his objections to Berke-
ley’s door, for they had scarce common patience with each other.
D pp.

Te regeae ‘“‘To Mrs. Russell, junr., at Great Missenden,
Chesham, Bucks.”’ .

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1742, November 16 and 17. Ghent.—It must be intolerable
to you to know that if the wind had changed earlier your brother
would have been with you before Duke D’Arembergh arrived
here and put a stop to all leave except for those going for their
health and members of parliament. Some of the latter are still
waiting to see whether we are to marchor not. ‘‘ We have not
till this day received orders to be in readiness for a march,
yet we dont in the least expect it (though all prepared) but
believe the next mail will bring orders to the contrary from
England, in answer, as it is said, to what Lord St[air]s has
wrote over, who is strongly averse to a winter’s march, as are all
our g[enera]ls, knowing for a certainty ‘twill be the destruction
220

of the greatest part of our men, but especially of our cavalry, which
cant without an immense expense be repaired and which is of
the greatest consequence. As for our officers, they will be so
well provided, both within-side and without, that no harm can
happen to them, but for our men, who cant have those advantages,
and have not been used to it, they will be to be pitied. Lord
Stairs is this morning gone to Brussels for a few days, to consult,
we suppose, upon this occasion with Count D’ Harrack.”’

T fear Bellasyse saw no temptation to make him a purchaser.
It is unlucky Drayton proves so convenient to him. Fanny writes
that Lord Effingham sent her a letter from me, with not a word
init, but the lace I sent for you. I wrote by the post to both you
and her and thought the letters would have arrived first. As to
the French tippet, give it to her from me if you do not like it,
but I had much rather you kept it if you think it pretty and I
will get her another. I find poor Mrs. Trevor dont approve of
her lace because it is not Brussels and like that which Bos[cawen |
sent Nanny Trevor, but that cost more than we were com-
missioned to lay out. I am vexed that Lord Effingham should
have told Fanny that I was in hopes to get leave, which I should
never have said to him without telling you of it. I have read the
India letters and dont advise you to send out more than fifty or
sixty pounds in nick-nacks or ivory toys, a model in tin of a grate
of about eight or ten pounds value and some few books that you
think worth reading. 5 pp.

Ligeut.-Cou. CHarLes Russett to HIS WIFE.

1742, November 19 and 20. Ghent.—lIt is said that an express
went yesterday to Lord Stairs at Brussels. We hope to hear the
contents to-morrow, when his Lordship returns here, but every-
thing confirms the impracticability of our undertaking a march
into Germany this winter.

The chief purport of the letter from India ‘‘seems only relating
to Eyres and himself,“ and his own conduct and abilities in the
discharge of the Company’s affairs at Cossimbuzar. .. .

“In my last, I mentioned something of a court-martial relating
to Captain Rich, and can now with great pleasure tell you that
long and tedious disagreeable affair is happily decided. The
battalion was ordered yesterday morning under arms, and Captain
Rich, before all the officers, offered Mr. Vane a stick, to make what
use he thought proper of, asking him pardon at the same time
for the rash and most extravagant action he had been guilty of,
and that he did it much more sincerely from his own inclination,
and begged him to accept of it as such, than from any obligation
the sentence of the court-martial required him to do. Upon
which Mr. Vane assured him he heartily did forgive him, as it
appeared to be from a motive of his own, not thinking the court-
martial had anything to do with it. . . . Mr. Rich’s behaviour
was much approved of upon the occasion, and after having so

 

* Sir Francis Russell.
221

long a confinement, Mr. Vane was justified in the acceptance of
such a submission. I cant help feeling for poor Rich and his
family, he having been sufficiently mortified for so many months,
and to think what joy they must be in when they come to hear
of his being so happily set at liberty. . . . This morning we
have had a very disagreeable affair, which was obliged to be put
into execution, but very luckily neither your brother nor myself
were upon the command. Two troopers of Lord Pembroke’s
regiment were last week condemned to die for mutiny, the one
for abusing and striking his officer, Jack Boscawen, the
other for as grossly abusing him, and being more guilty if
possible, all but striking, both belonging to the same troop with
our friend Jack, whose duty it was to prosecute, but would have
been very happy to’ve had them both pardoned, but for example’s
sake ’twas necessary at this time not to show mercy; and
accordingly they both marched, attended by a great
number of the troops of the garrison, to the place of execution.
Both kneeled down, some distance from each other, and when
one was shot, which was him that gave the blow, the other was
pardoned, but drummed out of the regiment and quite through
the garrison.” . . . 5 pp.

Lievt.-Cou. Cuarues Russet to nis WIFE.

1742, November 24. Ghent.—The contrary winds still pre-
vent us hearing from England, but it is thought that Lord Stairs
will give no orders for marching, whatever he may himself re-
ceive, until he has an answer to his own express. I believe he
has sent ‘‘ the concurrent opinion of the Hanoverian and Hessian
generals joined with his own to let the grandees in England
know how impracticable ’tis to begin a march into Germany
in this season without destroying our cavalry and the greatest
part of the British troops.” [Private affairs.] This place is
extremely dull, no public place of any sort but the play-
house, and that of no use except as a coffee-house, “for if
one understood the language never so well, not one word
could one hear distinctly enough to be able to understand
what was said. The coffee-houses are so bad that I never
go toone. . . . The meadows all round this town are now
under water and almost all frozen, so that they begin to talk of
making use already of skates; in short so shocking a country as
all this part of Flanders is, is much worse than I can express or
represent to you. . . I know you will wonder we have none of
us all this while made an acquaintance with some of the Flemish
ladies and have been introduced to some of the agreeable families
amongst ‘em, but can assure you, even of those who are masters
of the language, it is not to be done. Very few are acquainted,
and they only to speak at the play-house, but very little at their
own private houses, the chief cause being their frugality and
economy, few or none of ’em having any fortunes more than
222

will answer their public show, which is to drive a coach and
pair and have a large house, that being their only ambition.”
Vane and Boscawen desire to be remembered to you and little
Molly. 5 pp.

Lieut.-Cou. CHarLes Russet to nis WIFE.

1742, November 27. Ghent.—Next Monday we shall have five
mails due to us, and, unless the wind changes, we may have
fifteen. Weare very quiet here. Berkeley reads a great deal
and never goes out when he can help it. I visit my company in
their barracks and see them mess whenever it is fair, but ex-
cepting twice a week to a play, as to a coffee house, I never leave
home in the evening, either agreeably entertaining myself in this
manner, or reading Shakespeare or some Other book. Your
brother leads the same sort of life, and very soberly I assure you.
Poor Merriden has gone, and at the last tried to insinuate
that it was more our disapprobation of him than his dislike
to us which was the cause of his leaving, but I reminded
him that the first week he came he found fault with everything
we did. Berkeley scarce knows how to contain his joy for
having so good a riddance of him. We are wondering whether
it wont be worth while to send a cart for our letters when
they do come, there will be such a load of them. 4 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1742, December 1. Ghent.—To my great joy I yesterday
received five letters from you, which confirmed our belief that a
stop is made to our winter’s march into Germany. It was not
owned at Lord Stairs’ in the morning, but was known at night
by Lord Ancram and George Bos[awen] having their leave
renewed. They set out to-day and your brother to-morrow. I
have not dared to indulge myself with the least thought of it, so
many of my own rank being absent, yet I intend now to try, my
India affairs and my family business being a good plea. If I
dont succeed, I know you will bear it with all the philosophy you
can. 4 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1742, December 6. Sittingborough [Sittingbourne].—An-
nounces his safe arrival in England, Lord Robert Manners,
Hildersley and himself having come over in a small fishing-boat
from Ostend to Dover, together with Vane and her brother, who
have gone to Sandwich. Hopes to reach Duke Street next day.
Lp,

THe Saur to THE SAME.

1742, December 6. Rochester.—To the same effect as the
above. 1p,
223

«

Lrevut.-Con. Cuarues Russet to ars WIre.

(1742-3, February. 18,] Friday night. Dover.—Announcing
his safe arrival at Dover, where he fears they may be detained
by contrary winds. 1 p

Endorsed with the above date.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1742-8, February 19,] Saturday afternoon. Dover.—We
took a walk round the Castle this morning and had the pleasure
to see the wind blowing fair. We must wait for the packet from
London, but Captain Hodgson assures us the wind will hold.

Nine o’clock at night. Have just come to my quarters at the
Ship from the coffee-house, where we heard of the success of the
Austrians, which your welcome letter confirms. Your account of
the dear sweet babes makes me happy. Captain Durand says
you behaved like a heroine.

Lord Rothes has crossed to Calais. Col. Brown arrived here
three or four days ago, and by Capt. Hodgson’s account cannot
live a month. We embark in a few hours. 44 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1742-3, February 21, Monday morning. Ostend.—Announces
their safe arrival after a passage of twenty-six hours. They
set out presently in the trachschute for Bruges, but Col. Gee
is first going to walk them round the works of the place. 1 p.

THe SaME to THE SAME.

1742-3, February 23. Ghent.—We had a pleasant journey
here in the trachschute, and found Merriden and Collier ready to
receive us. Berkeley has nearly fretted himself ill because his
baggage is left behind. To-morrow we set out by diligence for
Brussels and Liege. I hear that Lady Vane has come over and
gone to Aix-la-Chapelle. Hope we shant overtake her. I am
sorry to say Dueren is twenty-one miles from Aix, but for the
present you must direct to me in the first battalion of Guards, to
be left at the post-house at Aix-la-Chapelle. I have been almost
too busy to think of the happy ten weeks I so lately enjoyed, but
must now look forward to our next meeting. 3 pp.

Tore Same to THE SAME.

1742-3, February 26. Brussells.—I wrote last to you from
Ghent. General Honeywood told Durand we were so good in
coming over so soon that it was an encouragement for us to have
leave another time. We hope to be at Aix next Tuesday, and as
that is our head-quarters, shall stay a day or two to wait on Lord
Stair and divert ourselves before we go to Dueren. Many
accidents have happened to our troops in their march, such as
the breaking down of waggons, baggage carts, &e. Poor Lord
224

Stair was overturned before he got to Maestricht, and his coach
broken, but nobody was the least hurt. Frank Townsend had
his cart broke down and all his baggage in the dirt. It has cost
him four pounds to have it repaired, and he says he now begins
to be sensible of the pleasures of his profession. Ghent will soon
be a melancholy place. All the horse are to be here; the first
of them come in to-night. Mr. and Mrs. De la Ruelle wanted
me to stay with them, but I and my fellow travellers made
the Pom d’ore our house. The meagre dinners of this Lenten
season have not suited us very well, for they spoil their
fish by their bad sauces, having only oil instead of butter,
but we are making up for it here, at the Hotel de Flandre,
which is really rather too luxurious, so that it is high time
to be gone. Three or four agreeable young fellows belonging
to the horse have lived with us. Being meagre season, the
family ladies of this house have not eaten with us, but at break-
fast, and in the evening, at tea and cards, we have been much
with them ‘‘and who should be amongst ’em ever since we have
been here but Lady Vane, who keeps Lent with the family, has a
lodging near and is well received in this town, but whilst we’ve
been here is chiefly with us. Berkeley shuns her much and
assured me he would never be with her but in my company. She
behaves extremely modest and very agreeable.’”’ An Abbé here,
the author of the Brussels Gazette, tells me that the post to
Aix la Chapelle and thence to the cantonments, is very well
regulated, so I hope to enjoy my greatest pleasure, that of hearing
regularly from you. When you see Mr. Fred. Frankland and
Worsley, the young ladies of this house, Mesdemoiselles Caroline,
Tonton and Nazette, desire their compliments to them.

Lord Ancram, Lord Robert Manners and Hildersley are just
come, the latter bringing me your welcome letter. 44 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHaruEes RusseLtut to His WIFE.

1742-3, February 28. Liege.—We left Brussels yesterday and
came through a fine country as far as Louvain, with hills, woods,
arable lands and villages with large churches and convents.
From thence, to Tirlemont and St. Iron [Tron], but this part of
the day’s journey very dull; a great waste of arable land with
scarce a house or a tree. To-day the country has improved again,
but ‘‘I cant say much in recommendation of this city, it lying
very low, buildings but indifferent, and a strange beggarly set of
people for its inhabitants.” The river Maes however has a fine
effect, being broad and not too rapid, with some fine meadows
near it and rows of trees, and a rising hill at a little distance.
To-morrow we go on to Aix-la-Chapelle. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1742-3, March 8. Aix-la-Chappelle.—After a journey through
as delightful a country as any in England, diversified with hills,
wood and water, we arrived last Tuesday at this place, which is
situated just like the Bath, in a bottom surrounded by hills.
225

Next day we waited on Lord Stair, were graciously received,
and afterwards dined with him. We have had invitations from
Generals Campbell and Legoniere, and shall stay here a day
longer to accept their civilities. Brigadier Frampton is here
from Dueren and gives us a poor account of the place, as to the
badness and scarcity of provisions, ‘‘ but we have great reason to
believe it will mend every day, the people being extremely civil
and very fond of us: were at first frightened out of their senses,
and almost all ready to desert their houses, expecting to be used
as they were by the French last year, who . . . took all their
forage and provisions and paid nothing for’em. As soon as they
saw our money, and the different treatment of our troops, there
was nothing they would not do to oblige us, so hope soon to fare
well among ‘em. The country all about it is very fine, and I
think it very lucky we drew such quarters, for all our regiment
except the grenadiers lie together and only three companies in
that town besides, belonging to the 2nd regiment. The rest,
with all the 8rd regiment, lie dispersed fifteen miles asunder
from each other, and our grenadiers are marched still twenty-one
miles further than us.”

_ Postscript. I have just got your letter, but when I opened
it and did not see your hand, I was somewhat amazed.
‘‘ However, soon found out your eleven lines, which were five
too many” and hope you are as well as you say. I was
afraid your behaving so well at our parting might have this
result, and can only thank God that things are no worse. I
long for my next letter to bring a good account of my dearest
soul. 34 pp.

Lizvut.-Cou. CHARLES RussELL to His WIFE.

1742-8, March 5. Dueren.—Has just arrived safe and well
after a fine day’s journey through a pleasant country. Regretted
leaving Aix, where he received great civilities from the general
officers and met many old acquaintances, but likes his present
quarters better than he expected. Lord Ancram, &c. will follow
on Monday. Is vastly impatient to hear again from his dearest
life. 2 pp.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1742-8, March 9. Dueren.—The quarters allotted to me here
were so bad that I went to the magistrate and got them changed
for very good ones. We are all quartered upon private houses
and are happy if we have one good room and a fireplace in it.
Stoves are chiefly made use of, for cheapness, which give a very
disagreeable heat and make the rooms so warm that, without
great care, people inevitably take cold when they go out into the
air. Coals and candles are found us by our landlords, but as I
think this a hardship for them I have had some laid in of my
own. ‘‘ This town has formerly been a very good one, much
larger than at present, and was once one of the Hans towns, but
is now a very beggarly one, being subject to a despotic power and

14170a P
226

very much fleeced by the late Elector Palatine, nor will they now
be any gainers by what will be expended by our troops, for ’twill
be all squeezed from them again by the present Elector, to whom
this Duchy of Juliers is subject. There are about twenty-five
Protestant families in this town and three hundred Catholic ones,
but the former few pay as much taxes as the latter ; and there is
also a very pretty church belonging to the former where we had
divine service last Sunday, performed by a very good sort of man,
the chaplain to the 2nd regiment, which is to be continued every
Sunday, with a collection made for the poor Protestants of this
place. The inhabitants, who have their service in high Dutch,
go to church at eight and we at ten o’clock, and can assure you
we had a very great congregation. The Protestants here were in
great hopes once of having the King of Prussia to have been
their protector, when he was to have had Juliers and Bergues,
which claim he gave up upon the French being guarantee to him
for Silesia.”’

Berkeley is next door to me and Durand close by, and though
the town is shabby, we have very good rooms and I have a good
bed, which is lucky, as my wise sergeant let mine be carried off
with Conway’s baggage when the grenadiers marched to Gemund,
a town twenty miles away. ‘‘They really have been unfortunate,
for their quarters are miserably bad, whereas they ought to have
covered Lord Stair’s quarters at Aix, . . . where the grenadiers
of the marching regiments are suffered to be.” This place lies
low, but there are the pleasantest rides and walks imaginable on
all sides of it, with pretty little villages and romantic hills covered
with woods and interspersed with some fine chateaux. 5 pp.

Lieut.-Cou. CHarues Russetu to nis WIFE.

1742-8, March 12. Dueren.—It is surprising how difficult it
is to get anything here except bread, milk, and Dutch cheese.
The meat is very poor, and garden stuff not to be had, although
there are gardens all round the town, but they were all destroyed
last autumn by the mice, who came in such numbers that they
ate up even the roots of the herbage for twelve or fifteen miles
around. The little hillocks and the banks of the high-ways are
full of the holes where they burrowed, just like rabbits. And to
add to this misfortune, the French were quartered here for nine
months. However, the mice have all vanished again, so matters
will soon improve. Berkeley and I had great difficulty in finding
any place where we could get our food cooked, for the only two
public houses in the place were engaged for fixed messes; but
after a day or two we poked out a place where the quarter
master sergeant was quartered, and where the good woman is
willing to dress any thing we can get. Here Berkeley
and I dine téte-a-tete, with now and then eggs and bacon and
a pudding, and upon hares and woodcocks, which are very
abundant, but as their season is now over nothing but necessity
will make them go down. However things are mending now, for
the butcher has got an ox from Cologne, of which we have laid
227

in as much as we could get, and I believe our mess will increase,
for Lord Robert Manners and Boynton are coming from Aix,
‘“ both which, we take it for granted will be glad to live, and cant
well refuse ’em a place at our table.” Mr. York is in a mess
with Col. Churchill and four others of the 2nd regiment. He
has a German cook, whom he is good enough to allow to help me
in getting in provisions. Durand’s mess is glad to come to us at
night, as our room is larger than most. ‘‘ We meet every night
at six o’clock, have two tables at whist, at a shilling or two, then
have a cold collation of almonds, raisins, figs, macaroons, butter
and cheese, drink a very thin Moselle wine, without water, of [sic]
which there is no other liquor here to be had, except sometimes
a little brandy punch, drink, laugh and are merry till half hour
after ten, and then all retire to our respective homes. .. . How
long we shall remain here I cant tell, but ’tis the only place I
have yet been in that an officer may live upon his pay, if it may
be called living at all.” We only pay sixpence a day for stabling
and forage in plenty for each of our horses. I am glad I brought
Poppet, and wish I had his fellow. We hear that the Spaniards
could make no further progress in Italy, and that the French
troops had been in a very miserable condition in Germany and
were retiring into Lorraine.

What good news it would be to us to hear that Mr. Eyre would
purchase Missenden ! 5 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHARLES Russet to unis WIFE.

1742-8, March 16. Dueren.—[Private affairs.] You may be
quite easy about me, for this air and the sort of life agrees with
me very well and I was never better. You are very good in
sending me so much chit-chat, and need make no excuse about
it, for whatever you say or do gives me pleasure. The fine
weather has made this place very agreeable, and Lord Robert
Manners has brought beef, mutton and hams, as well as burgundy,
claret and old hock, so we shall fare well. Those few of our
men who got colds and fevers upon the march are mostly re-
covered, and we have scarce any sick at all, but having consumed
most of the forage here (which the dragoons cant subsist without)
we have orders to march a few days further on, and expect to
start on Tuesday. We shall cross the Rhine at Andernach and
be cantoned in villages near Coblentz, where I believe we shall
have a pleasant summer, see a little more of the world and then
return home. I dont hear that the horse are to leave Brussels,
nor that any troops but our English foot are yet to cross the
Rhine, but shall perhaps know more before next post. 5 pp.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1742-8, March 19. Dueren.—You have this morning made
me inexpressibly happy with your two letters of the 7th and 11th,
but just think how miserable it made me to see Parslow, Berkeley
and Durand receive their letters, and not one for me. However
228

Mr. Ramsden has been so good as to send these enclosed in Lord
Stair’s packet by a messenger. I cant determine which is your
best way. It will be giving youa great deal of trouble to send
to the General Post Office in Lombard Street, and put in a
shilling with every letter, yet if you pay the money at any of the
common offices, it will be sunk, and the letter lost. The other
way isto trouble Mr. Ramsden every time, which perhaps you
wont care todo. I advise you to get George Bos[cawen], who
will want to know for his own sake when he comes out, to find
out from Mr. Ramsden which is best to do. You must direct
A Monsieur, Monsieur Russell, Lieutenant-Colonel dans le premier
regiment de gardes de S. M. B. a Dueren, ou partout on Varmee
sera en marche.

I have just bought a new horse for Nat to ride. Poppet is
worth his weight in gold, and good for everything. I have been
so interrupted that I am forced to lock myself in, ‘“‘ being deter-
mined the little time I have, to talk to and think of nothing but
you. Indeed, my dearest life, the pleasure of hearing you are so
well is sufficient happiness for me, but don’t think you amuse
yourself enough.’’ I have one favour to beg of vou and that is
that you will go to my sister on a Thursday, not only for her
sake but your own, for if she goes to Stockholm and this is
her last winter at St. James, I know it would hurt you to think
that you had refused her. She mentions without the least
reserve that if her mistress should marry she would go with her,
and say good-bye to England, God knows for how long.

Lord Robert Manners has had some fine courses with his grey-
hounds, and brings home two or three brace of hares almost
every day. We go to Novenich, seven miles from here, on
Tuesday, halt there until Friday and then proceed towards the
Rhine.

My compliments to Lady Lee, and thanks to Fuller for his
kind letter. 5 pp.

Lirzvut.-Cou. CHarues Russevt to Huis WIFE.

1742-3, March 22. Norvenich.—This morning I left Dueren
with some regret but in good spirits, at seven o’clock, and marched
to this place, a distance of not more than eight English miles.
We arrived about eleven, with only three companies, the rest
being quartered in the neighbouring villages. So fine a morning
and so delightful a country I scarce ever saw. Our village con-
sists of fifty or sixty thatched and dirt houses, where however
our men are well quartered. As for ourselves, there was but one
house, which Brigadier Frampton had fixed upon, but that one
so noble a chateau that it easily holds us all. The quarter-
master was refused admittance, although the house is quite empty
and unfurnished, and he was accompanied by the chief burgo-
master, who however is little better than a peasant, ‘‘ so force
took place, the doors broke open, and we now are in possession of
a perfect palace,” with a draw bridge, great court, and twelve
rooms on a floor. There is a moat with plenty of fish, but these
229

we have spared, not being dexterous in catching any. Poor
Berkeley is in a neighbouring village, but Lord Robert and I
have apartments next to each other, and Durand is withus. We
all mess together, the Brigadier’s cook and my drum performing
most nobly in avery spacious kitchen.

We halt here two days and on Friday march for Leghenich,
some nine or ten miles further on.

I am obliged to you for dispatching Sir Francis Russell’s letters
by the last ships; am sorry Eyres is such a fool, but never much
depended upon his having taste enough to like Missenden.

34 pp.

Lirut.-Cou. CHARLES RusseLu to HIS WIFE.

1742-3, March 25. From the grand chateau at Norvenich.—This
morning we proceed on our march, but have only six or- seven
miles to go. We have lived very cheerfully in our noble chateau,
the Brigadier with his staff, that is, his brigade major, adjutant,
quarter-master and surgeon, and four more of us having passed
our time very sociably, walking and riding out a-coursing every
morning, having the finest sport, in a most delightful country,
and with plenty of game.

Berkeley is with us all day long, for the other villages are only
a mile or so away. They are thick and prettily dispersed, and
though there are great signs of poverty in them, our men have
done very well, finding eggs in plenty, some bacon and greens,
and very good bread, made all of wheat. Livery evening we walk
through pretty woods and gently rising hills to pay our
neighbours’ quarters a visit ; then home to- whist, a slight supper,
‘and so early to bed.

Leghenich.—It is now eleven o’clock, and I have found a man
who is going to Dueren and will post this there. Last night so
much snow fell that it was two feet deep all the way, but we have
had a most delightful morning for our march, only a little
troublesome to the men. However they were much delighted to
see our sport, for we killed three brace of hares in our way, with
Lord Robert’s greyhounds. We are quartered now in single com-
panies, but so near one another that Lord Robert, Berkeley and
I shall be every day together. 3 pp.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1743, March 28. Rhynbach.—I sent my last from Leghenich
by a Jew who is our contractor for bread, and have now an
opportunity by an officer in the Queen of Hungary’s service to
send this to Aix-la-Chapelle. On Saturday we marched from
Leghenich to Gross Bullesheim, halted on Sunday, and came
here to-day. The country has continued to be more delightful
and diversified than any I have ever yet seen, but our pleasure
has been a little abated by the great snow which fell when we
were at Norvenich, for the roads are now very dirty and the
230

marching consequently very bad for the men, though none have
as yet suffered by it. One good attends them, by their coming
into quarters where the French and Austrians have both been,
who not only paid nothing but expected money from their land-
lords. Our men, not being used to be so unreasonable, think
themselves very happy in being entertained, as they mostly are
in the villages they come to, with the best fare they can get.
For myself, I always choose the route where the Generals have
been, and have my company in a neighbouring village, where I
can see them every day. Lord Robert, having an officer to his
company, has had my leave to be with me and Berkeley is near
enough to dine with us every day. Brigadier Frampton and his
staff are always in the same village, but, though asked, we never
eat with him. Yet we see him when we please and hear all
expresses going to and from the Generals. I travel with my man
cook, have my soups every day, and lay in provisions where I
can. Lord Robert and I have coops behind our carts which are
often recruited with fowls, and we kill two or three brace of
hares every day. Poor Durand, with three other companies,
has been three or four miles from us, but I hear he is well.
‘‘We should have been vis-a-vis de Coblentz on Sunday but have
just had orders from General Ligoniere, who is a day’s march
before us, to halt till further orders, the late snow and to-day’s
rain having swelled the Rhine so much that its impassable and
may be so for these five or six days or longer.”” 384 pp.

Liezut.-Cou. Cuartes Russet to HIS WIFE.

17438, March 380. Rhinbach.—We are to march to-morrow to
a town called Ahrweiller, about nine English miles further, and
there to halt again. We shall there be within about six leagues
of that part of the Rhine where we are to cross as soon
as the waters are abated. ‘‘Lord Robert Manners, who never
writes, hopes my mentioning him so often to you will be a means
of the Duchess of Rutland knowing he is well, which I can
assure you is not only so, but in good spirits, saying every day at
dinner he never desires to live better than he has done upon this
German march; behaves. extremely well, without having the
least quality airs about him, and I have brought him to be as
useful in providing and catering as I could wish. Only we two
keep a table, have had four dishes every day well served up, and
can afford to ask two constantly to add to our table. Berkeley is
one, and one always from the Brigadier’s mess, who is glad
of the honour of being invited. Hot rolls, good butter, with
tea and cream every morning, except the marching mornings,
and then I don’t allow it.” Few fare so well, but we
old soldiers know how to live. In some of the villages, the
companies have had nothing but the bread we are provided with
and water, and Berkeley was forced to buy a cheese here and carry
it with him to the King’s company. My company has had the
luck to fare well, and to-morrow will be in the same town with
me. I have had but one man sick, with ague, and I have sent
231

for him to be under the care of our surgeon, and to keep with us
until he is well, having a waggon for the sick. I am just come
from visiting my men and was very happy to see them all so
well and in such good spirits. I have not lost or left a man sick
upon the road since leaving Ghent, except one who is ill with
fever at Louvain. Here I and my mess-mate have to take up
with one room between us, where we must both sleep and live,
entertaining in the grand manner that I have described, though
the dimensions of the room are only fourteen feet by ten. Yet
we pass our time very merrily, and go to the Brigadier’s in the
evening whenever we have a mind for company. Not having an
officer to my company, I should have been forced to keep with it,
had I not commanded the battalion.

April 2. I am now at Ahrweiller, a small city on the
Ahre and a very romantic place, “lying in a bottom, tolerably
well built with stone, and slated, not thatched. It is sur-
rounded with vast high hills, the sides of which are planted
with vineyards and the tops of the hills all covered with woods,
in which are wild boars. We went with the Brigadier and five or
six more of us yesterday in pursuit of ’em, with the assistance
of two or three of the country people with dogs. We saw seven
or eight, and only wounded one, which they are gone after this
morning in hopes to find again. . . . To-morrow we march
three leagues, and on Monday we shall beat Andernach, on Tuesday
cross the Rhine, and on Wednesday we shall be at the end of our
route, over against Coblentz.”’

April 3. Iam now at Sinzich, after a pleasant march over a
delightful hill which brought us to the Rhine, close to which this
town is situated. 54 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHarutes Russewt to nis WIFE.

1743, April7. Neuweidt [Neuwied].—We marched on Monday
to Andernach, where we halted two days. Lord Robert and I were
quartered in a private house, where our landlord invited us to a
very good dinner, and was so obliging next day as to lend us
plate, &c., for an entertainment which we gave to Lord Ancram,
Walgrave and Berkeley. We marched thither six miles by the
Rhine, “‘and I think I never saw so romantic and so fine a pros-
pect, a noble river but rather too rapid a stream, a rich valley on
the side we were of, with high hills near it planted with vine-
yards from the bottom to the top, on the other side of the river
vast high mountains, [at] the bottom of which were villages and
towns well built, and so thick that they were in less than half a
mile of each other for several leagues together. This day we
marched from Andernach; only four miles, crossed the Rhine
over a bridge of boats, and came to Neuweidt, where we now are,
within half a mile of the bridge; by much the prettiest and best
built town we’ve been in. There is a fine chateau joining to it,
belonging to the Count of Neuweidt, which the Marshal Neupergh
232

at present isin. He is one of the Austrian generals that com-
mands those troops that are to join us. He invited all the officers
to dine with him that belong to the four companies that are here,
and gave us a fine entertainment.”’

Friday, April 8. We halt here to-day and shall march four
leagues more to-morrow, to a place called Horen, where we are
to halt till further orders. Lord Robert Manners’ company and
that which Durand belongs to will be with me. The weather has
been very cold and it has snowed every day for this last week,
which has made the roads a little dirty, but as our marches have
been very short, the men have no ways suffered by it.

You surprised me by your account of the reception your brother
met with from his Royal Highness. I think him cruelly treated,
particularly in not being allowed to sell. As to his resigning at
this time, it would have been want of spirit to have acted otherwise,
if he could possibly live without it, after such hard usage and long
services without preferment. None but fools can think it any
dishonour to a man who has gone twice upon service. If the
matter of Miss Killig{re]w should succeed, it will be lucky for
him and may for once in his life make him think himself
fortunate, which, poor man, he has hitherto had little chance of
doing. I am sorry you have been puzzled about settling
your money affairs. God knows you have so little that I fear
you have not cause to be much perplexed. Pray thank Johnny
Greenhill for his letter, and tell him how pleased I am that he is
so pretty a poet.

As for what we are designed to do, ’tis impossible for me to
know or even surmise. 5 pp.

Ligut.-Cou. CHarues Russett to HIs WIFE.

1743, April1l0. Horhen—Weleft Neuweid yesterday and marched
to this place, about two leagues from Coblentz. We married men,
Capt. Parslow and myself, flatter ourselves with the hope of
finding letters at every great town we come near, and have now
sent to Mountabour, a fine spacious town in which the 38rd regi-
ment have the good luck to have six companies quartered. If
there is nothing there, we shall try another chance to-morrow,
when Durand, Lord Robert, Berkeley, and myself propose to pay
Coblentz, the residence of the Elector of Triers, a visit, and
intend making a jolly day of it. I cant much brag of our
present quarters, but being near two such great towns, we are
sure of provisions enough.

_ If the Duke enquires any more about my writing, pray ask my
sister to tell him that I hope his Royal Highness has received
the weekly returns that I have sent him. ‘‘The posse has broke
in upon me, so that its impossible I can say any more than that
you are never out of my thoughts.” 38 pp.
233

Lizut.-Cou. CHarues Russect to nis WIre.

1748, April 14. Horhen.—My Lord Stair’s secretary has sent
me yours of March 18, for which Il am much obliged to Mr.
Ramsden, not on account of its coming free, but securely. As
Lord Stairs can now seldom or never be far from us I shall be
made happy by getting all your letters. His Lordship came
yesterday to Neuweid. When the rest of our army moves
forward, we shall have to make room for them and shall march
on five or six days further, to between Francfort and Mayence;
with the river Main in our front and the Rhine on our right, and
in a very fine country, where we shall remain till we encamp.
We could not go to Coblentz on Monday as it snowed all day, but
the next day we went, which proved rainy, and with it ended, I
believe, our winter. It has been more like December than April,
but yesterday and to-day have been midsummer ones. The
country here is extremely romantic; mountains all round us,
many of them covered with snow, but their sides and
the valleys well cultivated and with a great deal of
woodland, which, with the view of the Rhine and the
Mozelle, adds greatly to our prospect. The latter runs into
the former at Coblentz and so gives that town its name,
meaning the confluence of the two rivers. The town is by much
the finest I have seen since I left Brussells. On our way to it we
pass a place called Vallendor, where I saw Major Honeywood and
your acquaintance Jo. Child, who are quartered there with four
troops of dragoons. From thence we have ‘‘a most delightful
ride, viewing the mountains of each side the Rhine and seeing
seven or eight towns dispersed among them. Then the road leads
us quite round a fine castle,* very well fortified on the summit of a
hill, the bottom of which is a fine house where the Elector of
Triers resides, and is just vis-a-vis Coblentz.’”’ We cross the
river by a pons volans, kept at the Hlector’s expense, with only a
small toll, from which we are exempted. ‘‘ This bridge is finely
adorned and is a very pretty piece of machinery, is conveyed over
by being fastened with along chain to five or six boats which lie at
anchor constantly in the middle of the river, so that by the force
of the stream, which is very strong, and the help ofa great rudder,
it is, in the space of eight or ten minutes, forced over a very
broad river, as wide as the Thames at Westminster Bridge.”

This is but a poor village and at first our men could get no
meat, so we sent a cart to Coblentz, and bought almost an ox,
which we divided amongst them, and which, though very fine meat,
did not stand them in so much as twopence halfpenny a pound
English. The malt liquor is very good, but I cant brag of the
wine, there being nothing but thin Mozelle and Rhenish to be
had.

I hear that Lord Rothes has got the troop of horse grenadiers
and Frampton his Lordship’s regiment, so I suppose we shall
have Folliot in his room, and that the Duke of Marlborough will

command our brigade. 7 pp.

 

* Hhrenbreitstein.
234

Linut.-Cou. CHarues Russeuut to nis WIFE.

1743, April 18. Werges, five leagues beyond Limpurg.—I
posted my last to you in Coblentz, and when I got back to my
quarters, found orders for marching next morning. I was
quartered yesterday near Limpurg upon the Laun | Limburg on
the Lahn]. This morning I came through the town, near to
which, in a fine situation, is a house belonging to the Prince of
Orange, who has four old maiden aunts living there. He is
expected himself next month.

We have to-day marched through a very fine country, rather
too hilly, but with good roads and great variety of agreeable views
and landscapes. The chief objection to the country is the lack
of pastures and meadow lands, of which there are very few, and I
have not seen a bis of mutton since I left Aix-la-Chapelle.

‘The greatest difficulty we meet with in our village quarters is
not finding a creature that can understand one word but German.
If by chance a person can speak French, I rejoice as much as if
they spoke English. Now and then my Latin helps us out,
which one would be surprised to find spoke by some of the
meanest sort of people.”

I wish with all my heart you would try to keep up your spirits
better. Surely seeing what a flow I have ought to help to raise
yours. I assure you I was never in better health, and we hear
we shall be cantoned in a very fine country, and being near
Francfort, can want for nothing.

I suppose we shall now soon have some more officers coming
to us, as the Parliament is to rise this week and the K[in]g to
go to H[anove]r. We hear that General Clayton has arrived at
Lord Stair’s, at Neuweid. 54 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1748, April 22. Eschborn.—This morning we marched to this
village, which is within five English miles of Francfort on the
Main. It is a poor place, but being so near a great town, where,
we are told, we may be supplied with everything almost as well
as in London, we and our men shall all fare well. Colonel
Hemington, Durand and Lord Robert are with me, at a little
chateau deserted by the landlord, which is the usual way and
only too natural when troops are upon the march so near.

I believe we shall only stay a few days and then remove a
day or two’s march more, to make room for the troops behind
us; shall then proceed no further till we encamp, which I believe
will be in less than a month’s time. ‘‘ To-morrow I propose
going to see Francfort, from whence the Emperor has thought
proper to retire; has lett the Empress there, who, I’m told, goes
every Sunday publicly to chapel. Perhaps I may get a sight of
her. I can’t but say I pity her much and don’t think her crown
can sit easy upon her.”

I have been forced to buy another horse, a very fine one,
which cost me but twenty ducats. I have now six, all in very
235

good order, not having had the least accident to either horse or
cart during the whole march, though they have had pretty good
trials, over rocks and mountains. My own servant and myself
have kept very well, but my cook and three or four of my men
have been very ill with fevers; “two of ’em I have brought in
my own covered cart for these last two or three days, and what
with white wine whey and good broth; I have nursed ’em up and
got ’em pretty well recovered.”

I have just heard that Jack Robinson and A’Court have
arrived at our Brigadier’s quarters, and have brought me no less

than five letters; happiness enough to last me some days.
[Private affairs.] 54 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Cuarues Russeuit to wis WIFE.

1748, April 28. Eschborn.—I told you in my last how happy I
was made with your five letters. I went that same day to
Francfort, ‘‘ which was the last day of a fair that had been held
there for three weeks ; it was a good deal in the nature of our
Bartholemew fairs ... I have not seen since I left England
anything so like our metropolis ; fine large streets and tolerably
built, people in general extremely civil and glad to see the
English, more populous a great deal than any town I’ve met with
lately, and an appearance of trade much beyond my expectation.
The situation indeed must greatly contribute towards it, being
upon a fine river called the Main, which runs into the Rhine at
Mayence and so to Holland. . . Lord Robert Manners and Berkeley
went yesterday without me to see Walgrave and the grenadiers,
who are quartered within half a mile of the town, in a place
called the Drury Lane of Francfort, and such a description of
debauchery they give of it that in my life I never heard the like.”
The young people are quite wild and mad with the place, but the
more grave and thoughtful declare they never heard of more
abandoned wickedness. How this may unfit our men for martial
service, if any should be, one can easily guess.

I was pleased with the order sent to Bengal for appointing Cole
governor and Sir F[rancis] R[ussell] to be continued chief of
Coss [imbuzar ].

My Lord Stair is expected to-day at his quarters at Hockts or
some such name, within three miles of this place. How soon we
shall encamp I cant yet tell, but fancy not this fortnight at least.

I am rejoiced at your brother’s scheme for parting with
Sandwich. He will now know what he has to live upon, besides
saving the expenses of the Kentish estate. I think he has ‘“‘some
reason to hug himself and thank his stars that he is no longer in
a regiment that could have five vacant companies and not one
regular preferment in it.” 54 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1743, May 2. Eschborn.—You cant imagine what extremes
we have had in the weather, at first so cold that we needed to
keep good fires, and now so hot that we can scarce sleep at
236

night. ‘‘I have been at Francfort two or three times; have
seen the Empress and her daughter at chapel, to which they go
publicly every day, but with her maids of honour and her small
attendance make but a very poor figure. Tis really a fine town,
but everything so dear, especially since we came into its neigh-
bourhood, and so many necessaries one fancies one wants when
we see em, that my money will draw short sooner than I.
expected. . . . This fine weather, the troops coming up to join
us, and the expectation of the King’s and Duke’s near approach,
will make you think we shant be long before we encamp.
"Twas expected we should have received orders for it this week,
but believe it cant be, for want of wood and straw, till the
beginning of next.”’ T am glad of the delay,as my man has
had fever, but with care, kitchen physic, and having our
surgeon always with me, he is likely to do very well again, and
I hope will be able to take the field with me. He is in the
pastor’s house, who is a protestant, as is the whole village, and
he a good sort of man; lent me his church yesterday, where I
had divine service performed by the chaplain of the second
regiment, who came the day before to offer me to officiate in
the absence of our chaplain, and a very good congregation we
had. To-morrow I go to General Ligonier’s quarters in Franc-
fort to sit at a general court-martial. ‘‘Officers come thick and
threefold now daily, and bring accounts of preferments, especially
this day that Frampton has a regiment and that Ingoldesby is
coming to command this battalion, which was what I expected ;
and how generous the Duke has been to him; that Bos[cawen |] is
coming with the command of a company, which must have been
very agreeable to your brother, had he been here, and all the
preferments going out of our regiment you may believe has
made our officers very happy, and gives great encouragement
in time of service.” 5 pp.

Ligut.-Cou. CHarutes Russevi to wis WIFE.

1743, May 7. From the Camp near Hoechst.—Yesterday
morning, at twelve hours’ notice, the brigade of Guards marched
to this place, which is within half a mile of Lord Stair’s quarters
at Hoechst. We came to our ground about eleven o’clock, and
were all encamped before one. Our tents are pitched upon
ploughed ground, but the weather is so hot that it is hard and dry
enough. The river Main is within two hundred yards of us, and
the country about is very pleasant, but not a tree near us to give
us any shade. I never knew such heat at the beginning of May ;
there is no comfort but in drinking Rhenish. These two days
I’ve dined in camp with Lord Ancram, Lord Robert Manners,
Walgrave and Berkeley. This is our mess, but we shall add Col.
Conway when he comes and perhaps Bos [eawen]. I have left
poor Nat, with a good woman nurse, at my last quarters, wishing
to have him quite well before he comes into camp. It is thought
that all our horse will not be here for three weeks or a month
yet, and how much longer we shall stay I cannot tell. ‘‘ The
237

Queen of Hungary has begun her campaign with great success,
having totally defeated five or six thousand Bavarians; the French,
under the command of Broglio, refusing to give them assistance,
but, when he was sent to, said he had no orders, but retired with
his troops.” Iam, thank God, well, but not in such spirits as if
I had. had more of your letters. 3 pp.

Liszvut.-Cou. CHarues Russet to us WIFE.

1743, May 10. From the Camp near Hochst.—The day after
I last wrote I was made surprisingly happy, for going to wait on
Lord Stair, I was invited to dine, and an hour before dinner,
Dick Littleton brought me a packet with four of your letters,
so that I now have not missed one up to the 26th of April.
Only one could I read there, and then sat down with twenty-
six people to an exceeding fine dinner, but no more than what
his Lordship has daily. It was something new to eat hot
victuals, but my greatest feast, 1 can assure you, was in my
pocket. ‘The head quarters is finely situated, being a very
good house close to the Main, and from it a very agreeable view
of our camp, which is to consist of the right wing of the
“English army, the left extending itself from Hochst almost to
Francfort, which is to be when they are all come up. About
five of our English [miles?] from their left, part of the
Hanoverians are encamped, and the Austrians about the same
distance on our right. The next thing I believe we shall do will
be to cross the Main in a bridge of boats which is now building,
and encamp the whole of our army in one line, just on the
opposite side where we are, and further this deponent says not,
nor do I believe does anybody else here know. The Duke of
Marlborough now commands our brigade, and whether Framp-
ton will have one here I don’t know, but can searce think he
will.”’

Parslow tells me how good and obliging you have been to his
wife, and came to me full of compliments. I am sorry for poor
Worsley. Hutton is lucky at last, and his merit claims it. I
pity poor Lady Talbot much; Fred has surely shown too much
indolence in all her affairs. Iam obliged to him for the tickets,
and hope my dear babes will prove lucky.

My mess-mates and I go on very agreeably, cold meat and
one good substantial dish of it, which we have daily, being very
wholesome, and with our good appetites very toothsome. I[
am glad Billy Russell is recovered, and rejoice that Fanny is not
likely to go in haste to Stockholm. I shall post York, Winn
and Alston to-morrow, as lieutenants in our battalion. The
latter arrived here this evening with Col. George Stanhope.
I have placed Berkeley to my company, at his own request.

44 pp.
THe Same to THE SAME.

1748, May 16. Hoechst.—I have had a feverish attack,
brought on by cold, but to show you that my case has not been
238

bad, I have neither been blooded, blistered nor purged, and am
now quite well again, though I have not recovered my strength.
I am in very good lodgings in this town, and dont intend to lie
in camp for three or four days yet, or perhaps longer, this hot
weather. 2 pp.

Lievut.-Cout. CHarLes Russet to unis WIFE.

1743, May 18. Hochst.—You will easily see that I am_ better
by my manner of writing, and I can assure you that I yesterday
ate a whole chicken, that I sleep well every night and that I
recover my health and spirits daily. Boscawen and Berkeley
breakfasted with me this morning, and I mean to ride out to-
morrow, but shall not quit my lodging for some time, and when
I do shall leave Nat init. He is back, and well again, but has
had a bad time of it. Bos[cawen] is well and in great spirits,
but thinks and wishes already for the meeting of the Parliament.
Berkeley, as I told you, I have appointed to my company. We
seem as real old friends to one another, and when I was ill in
camp he was quite a nurse to me.

I must ask you to enquire about two men of my company,
Henry Holmes and James Harding, who were discharged from
the hospital at Ghent as incurable and unfit for service, so I sent
them their discharges. Will you get Captain Mitchell or some
friend to enquire after them at the agent’s and get them into
the College for me?

‘“‘T shall be obliged to subsist ‘em till they are got in, and they
wont endeavour it by applying to anybody themselves, because the
agent will supply ’em at my expense, which they would choose
rather than the College.” Our agent is very careless, in short
he does not know his business, and has over-paid men forty
shillings before this, putting it to my account. The horse, that
is the Blues, are just come, and late Pembroke’s are within a
day’s march, so I shall see Merriden soon, although he will be
encamped quite on our left, at some distance. 5 pp.

Tue Same to THE Same.

1748, May 21. MHoechst.—This is the third letter I have
written to you this week to tell you how well I am, and now
I have a mind to let you a little more into the cause of my indis-
position. ‘‘ The day I came into camp I indiscreetly dined
without my wig, only my handkerchief about my head, which
gave me cold, for which I hope you'll forgive me.’’ By the help
of Lord’s Stair’s physician, Dr. Pringle, a very good sort of man,
I got a comfortable lodging here. He would neither prescribe
nor take a fee, a little unusual for the profession, but he has
daily attended me, and with difficulty I have forced two fees
upon him. I shall not go back to camp until we have passed the
Main, which will probably be to-morrow or the day after. The
bridge is ready and the ground on the other side of the river is
being marked out. I am able to march, but as I should
command, the little hurry might not be good for me.
239

Capt. Rich and one or two other invalids have lodgings in the
town. Rich has been to see me several times and I dined at his
quarters yesterday and shall continue to do so. The grenadier
officers who have marched with him from Ghent say it was
impossible for anyone to have behaved better than he has done,
never failing to oblige everyone to the utmost of his power, so
that his last unhappy affair with Vane may have been of infinite
service to him. 5 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHarues Russet to nis WIFE.

1748, May 23. Hoechst.—‘‘I have but just now received
yours of the 8rd, 6th, 10th and 18th of this month, and that
nasty Merriden could tell me yesterday he had received one of the
13th two or three days ago; however I dont complain, but think
myself extremely happy to receive four this day, do indeed enjoy
myself beyond expression . . . sitting tete-a-tete with my
dearest love, first hearing her and now talking in my turn, and
telling you in the first place how well I am, but that I did not
think proper to undergo the fatigue and heat of this day’s
decamping and marching across the Main.”

I have just heard that my tent is pitched and that my horses
went over as quietly as if they had been used to it. Merriden
marched into camp on Saturday, and in the evening he and
Lightfoot came to see me. He looks the picture of health, and
is very happy at having heard from his sister that there is a
peace on the tapis and that he would certainly be at home again
by November.

In my opinion this is by no means to be depended on, though
‘if it is certain that the Dutch will march twenty thousand to
join us, we shall then have so much the superiority that I should
think the French must submit. We have daily great numbers
of deserters come to us, not less than eight or nine at a time.
We had nine this evening came, besides two French hussars.
This day all the British foot crossed the Main and encamped,
to-morrow the dragoons follow us, and the next day all the
Hanoverians encamp and join us. The horse, who are all come
up, remain on this side of the river, I believe as long as Lord
Stair stays here.” I have not seen the Ramsdens, but hear they
are both well. If Vane comes through Flanders, he will find it
very tedious. Lord Louden only left London on the 14th,
stayed two days in Holland, and yet arrived here yesterday. He
it was who brought me all your letters.

- T dont care to leave my lodgings for two or three days yet, they

are so pleasant. Within fifty yards is a delightful garden, with
all varieties of flowers, and a terrace close to the river-side
commanding a beautiful view of the river, our camp on the other
side, and a fine wood in front of our line.

Tuesday morning, the 24th. From my window, I have just
been watching the Hanoverian troops marching to their
place on the left of ourcamp. We want rain most miserably,
240

for otherwise we shall be smothered with dust. We shall make
so fine an appearance when the foot and dragoons are all
encamped that there will be no end of people coming from
Francfort to see us. The weather is hot, but I dont find it worse
than it was at Hounslow Heath. Ingoldsby is not here yet and is
said to be waiting for his baggage. I assure you his coming is no
disappointment to me, for I always imagined that as soon as
Frampton was provided for and left us, a field officer would be
sent over.

It would be ungrateful of me not to tell you how good you
have been to send me so much money. Unless some accident
happens, I shall want no more for three or four months.

“It is said that we shall march further in less than a fortnight,
and that the French are not above thirty-five thousand, so that
as we shall be so much superior in numbers, ’tis thought they
will retire.”

I hope you will go into the country this hot weather. Captain
Rich entertains me every evening with music; he plays finely on
the German flute, and has another, and sometimes a bass viol, to
accompany him. 74 pp.

Lirvut.-Cou. CHarues Russevu to wis WIFE.

1743, May 27. Hochst.—I said all my say last time, and
have nothing left to tell you but that, thank God, I continue
very well. I had intended to go into camp to-morrow, but a
pleasant jaunt to Francfort will delay me a day or two.

We had some rain last night, the first for a month, and are
hoping for more, for this has not laid the dust. I shall greatly
miss my evening’s entertainment here, that is, going to a
summer house in the pleasant garden I told you about, and
there sitting drinking tea, and ‘‘continually entertained with a
moving landscape on the other side of the water, being opposite
to that part of the camp where the Hanoverian infantry are, and
who have dressed all their tents, the men as well as the officers,
and also all round the pickets where their horses stand, with
large green boughs, which has a very good effect to the eye and
very convenient this hot weather to them. It has such an
appearance of so many arbours that we call it a representation
of Vauxhall. After the evening gun has fired and the tattoo
beat through the whole line then there is music playing, which
still resembles it more. I fear our battalion has not followed so
good an example, as well as some more of the English, but we
have taken care our horses have shade enough. As for our
men, I really believe they think so much of moving again that
they have not thought it worth while. We are in expectation of
the Hessians soon and six thousand more Hanoverians, but as
the latter will not be here these three weeks, we cant stir till
then, and as I do take for granted we shall at the same time see
his Majesty with them, it may make our stay somewhat longer.”
241

Merriden is in full pay now, a captain of theirs having died at
Brussels. He and Lightfoot and all the horse are encamped
where we were, on this side the river. 38 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHartes Russetu to ars WIFE.

1743, May 29. MHochst.—I went to Francfort yesterday,
dined with the Ramsdens, bought a few necessaries and returned
home in the cool of the evening all by the river side. I must say
it is a delightful country. The Guards yesterday marched and
encamped about a league further on, in a much more convenient
piece of ground and near the river, so that necessaries can come
by water. Capt. Rich and I set out in two or three hours and
my baggage is waiting to be packed, so I cannot answer your
letter till I am in camp.

Our weather is cooler, as it always is with a west wind. 2 pp.

Addressed ‘‘Mrs. Russell junr., at Checquers, per Tring bag.
Hertfordshire.”’

Fanny Russexu to her brother, [Lrzvur.-]Cot. Coartes Russenu,
of the First Regiment of Guards.

1743, May 31. St. James.—My sister has left town, and
though for my own sake I am extremely sorry, yet for her and
the child’s sake, I cannot but be glad that they are at Checquers.
There seems now great likelihood of peace, for we hear that the
French are in great distress and have told the Emperor that they
cannot assist him any longer. I find we are to lose Princess
Louisa very soon, Mrs. Purcell having orders to have all her
wedding clothes ready in six weeks. It is said she is to go to the
King at Hanover.

‘““T want mightily to have it decided if the Bishop of Lubeck
is to be the King of Sweden’s successor or no. Now I will tell
you of a set of weddings that are to be, if I can remember
them :—Lord Carlisle to Lord Byron’s sister (they was either
married yesterday or is to be to-day; her mother married Sir
Thomas Hay), Sir Roger Newdigate to Miss Conyers and her
brother to Miss Atkins or Miss Vancittron ; the great Mr. Booze
to Miss Gilbert, that Charles Gore was talked on for; Lord
Lichfield to a Miss Smith, with seventy thousand pounds; Lord
Burlington’s daughter to Lord Hervey’s eldest son. Lord
Torrington, Sir Conyers D’Arcy, cousin Fred and Talbott set out
their progress last Thursday for the West, then for the North.
Mr. Trevor was to a gone with them, but not being very
well, did not go. I believe he will go next week with his two
sisters (Mrs. Boscawen and Peggy) to Windsor. Instead of his
growing better, he seems to grow worse; am glad they have
persuaded him to go to his house again in Grovner Square. I
dined with Mrs. H. Frankland last Friday. Her son Fred had
been to see Mr. Berkley’s three sisters. They have left Han-
worth and are come to live in Soho Square and Mrs. Villiers is
with them. . . Mr. and Mrs. Burchet has sent two or three

14170 a Q
242

times to beg I would come and dine with them; they are at
Hampstead ; so last Sunday they sent their coach and I went.
He is mighty well, and always in good humour when he is there.
I met Col. Durer last Saturday at Lady Harriot Campbell’s and
he begged I would give his services to you... Sir Thomas and
Lady Frankland was here last Thursday. They says she looks
big, but I do not perceive it. People differ much about what Mr.
Corbier has left; am afraid ’tis but little. Captain Jackson, her
brother, and she are to live together. The Groom Porter’s death,
I hear, will now soon bring that match about of Mr. Archer and
Lady Betty Montague. Mr. Sam Stroud is gone to Bath, I hear,
to marry General Cope’s daughter.” Pray give my service to
Vane, Berkley, Boscawen and Hildsly, and tell the last I have
seen Mrs. Powis, who has a little boy. Mrs. Spence, her
mother, was with her. My brother Revett came to town last
night. We hear that the Princess of Hesse has been brought to
bed of a son. Pray mention Mr. Merriden in your next, as Mrs.
Swan has had nothing from him this month. 3 pp.

Lizvut.-Cou. CHarLes RusseLtu to nis WIPrE.

1748, June 2. Hochst.—‘‘ When I wrote my last, I was fully
resolved to go to camp in a few hours after, yet I was taken
with such a flux before I had well finished yours, that [it] put
me much out of sorts. . . . What added to my distress was that
at nine o’clock that very night I had an account brought to me
that the whole army was marching to a hill where our brigade of
Guards and another lay, and that they were to draw up in a line
of battle, expecting to be attacked by the French the next
morning. My doctor was with me and another invalid at the
time I had this account. The former told me I should be mad
if I had the least thoughts of going to ’em; that I had nothing to
do but to compose myself and get to my bed, unless I had a mind
to throw myself away. This, you may imagine, lay upon my
spirits, nor could I sleep all that night. The next morning I
heard our people lay upon their arms all that night, and that
about four o’clock, Lord Stairs with all the general officers were
there, and that his lordship had made as fine a disposition as
could possible be; the whole consisting, with the Austrians,
Hanoverians and British troops, of about thirty three thousand
men under arms. The situation of our ground was so
advantageous, with a wood on one side and the river Main on the
other, that had the enemy double the number, they could not
have succeeded. Our men were in general in great spirits and
wished for nothing so much as the approach of the enemy, being
sure of conquest. Lord Stair all this time did not believe they
would attack us, but from the intelligence he had received of their
approaching us and from the accounts he had had from England
and Hanover that the French had orders to attack us, made his
Lordship be ready to give ’em a warm reception. In the end it
proved that the French had also intelligence that we were
marched in the night with our whole army across the Main, and
243

expecting we were approaching them, they likewise drew up in a
line of battle and lay upon their arms from seven in the morning
till eleven at night, the distance from each army being between
three or four leagues, or ten of our English miles. The accounts
varied so much about the number of the enemy, but I believe they
were not superior to ours. Lord Stair, being sensible how much
our people were harassed and fatigued, having lain upon their
arms so many hours; and that the enemy seemed to have no
intention to approach us, as we could not remain in that situation
any longer, he ordered we should all march back and repass the
Main, which our whole army did by Monday night and now lie
encamped upon the same ground we did before. The French
remain likewise on the same spot they were, about four leagues
distance from us; however they sent their hussars to pick up
what they could find, whom we’ve seen thirty or forty at a time
the other side of the river. They likewise went to the place we
left and there took seven of our men, who had gone back to look
for something they had left. The hussars stripped ’em of their
clothes and what they had and carried ’em to their general, the
Duke de Noailles, who ordered all their clothes to be returned,
and, in lieu of what other trifles they had lost, ordered ’em a
lewis d’or for each man, and sent ’em back to us. A sutler’s
cart and horse and a man with it was yesterday likewise taken
and sent back in the same manner, a piece of politeness that we
think extraordinary. But we begin to account for it by believing
they would not show us so much humility at any other time, and
wishing now to be upon good terms with us, for their condition
is bad. We shall have sixteen thousand men join us in a few
days, besides the Dutch who are expected, and then we shall be a
very superior army indeed. Besides, ’tis a fact that the Austrians
have been so successful in Bavaria that the French are retiring
from ’em and have repassed the Danube. Lord Carteret is
expected on Sunday, and his Majesty and the Duke the middle
of next week. We are to remain here or hereabouts till then, and
I cant help suspecting some pacific measures on the anvil.”
There have been reports printed, even in Francfort, that we have
had a battle and defeated the French, and no doubt there will be
enough of such in England. Vane, Lord Charles Hay, Lord
Hume and Barrington all arrived here in time to take their
posts in their respective regiments. I am much better, the fact
of there having been no engagement in my absence having not
a little contributed to my amendment. Boscawen, Berkeley and
Vane have been very good to me, and I have found much benefit
from taking “‘ bark infused in brandy with some juniper berries
mixed with it,’ which my doctor ordered and which has entirely
removed my complaint. No Ingoldsby come yet. Hildesly is
just come in and well, but tired enough, like most ofthem. 7 pp.

H. B[erxevey] to (Jonn] Revert.

1743, June [8-] 14. Camp at Hoechst.—You flatter me exceed-
ingly by the trouble you took about my rank, “ when it pleased our
great men to judge me incapable of maintaining so exalted a post
244

as that which Mr. York, Mr. Alston and Mr. Tuffnell succeeded
to, but Iam vain enough to think never the worse of myself
upon this account, and to have this opinion of their favours, that
at, Whitehall they would be hardly worth accepting of, though the
want of them upon the Maine is rather disagreeable.” As for
yourself, you have spent your youth in trying to make yourself
a useful member of society, and if you made no great figure in
your profession it was owing to the ill-discernment, or rather
iniquity, of those who ought to have placed you in a station equal
to your abilities. If we meet again, we will have many another
batch of laughter together, ‘‘meantime, ride st sapis: dont ask
at what, but at everything. If the world spits at you, laugh at
it; if it fawns on you, laugh; if it does neither, laugh still.
You cant be wrong, and ’tis exceeding good for your health.
‘“You expect, to be sure, a little camp news before we
conclude. Majesty is expected in four or five days. We have
marched much against the French, and had like to have fought
once. The aforesaid troops have fared ill in Bavaria, and are
grown so civil to our men that when they take them prisoners
they send them home with money in their pockets. . . . My best
respects to Mrs. Russell and your family and something tender
to Molly, who, you know, begins to be a flame of mine. The
Colonel sends his love; has been a little out of order, but is
recovered ; Bos{cawen] and Vane their best wishes. I have lain
four nights together upon my arms, yet am so well and in such
spirits that one would swear I had your conversation to enliven
me.” 4 pp. [Signed: H. B. only, but endorsed: H. Berkley. |

Linut.-Con. CHARLES Russeuu to ais WIFE.

1743, June 4. Hochst.—‘“‘ Dont be uneasy to find me still at
Hochst. . . I should have gone to camp this day, as I wrote
you word in my last, but as we are expected to remove to-morrow
and encamp about three leagues beyond Francfort, near Hanaut,
(a town belonging to the Prince of Hesse, where his Majesty’s
headquarters are to be) I thought it very prudent and happy for
me to avoid two hot days’ march. . ._ I therefore propose to ride
to Francfort at my leisure and lie there the first night, and in
camp the next; possibly it may be Monday before we march;
it cant well exceed that, because a party of our horse Guards
went yesterday to meet the King, who is expected to be at Hanaut
next Thursday. The Duke set out before him and stays two
days with the Princess of Hesse in his way hither; do suppose
we may make some stay before we shall all have been reviewed,
but what further progress we shall make, time will shew, for now
do imagine Lord Carteret will be our general. The French con-
tinue about five leagues distance from us the other side of the
water, and by what I can find never intended to attack us but
act only on the defensive; do believe they will have orders soon
to return to their own frontiers to endeavour to protect them,
when they come to know what ill success they have had in
Bavaria, an account being come of their having had another
245

defeat since I wrote you last, that they are certainly retreating
out of that country if they can, but that Prince Lobkowitz and
Kevenhuller are of each side the Danube ready to intercept and
cut off Broghlio with what few he has left. Prince Charles has
been principally concerned in all their conquest, whom you'll
have no small veneration for. His army was in pursuit of what
few of the enemy was left, and he was expected at Ratisbon a few
nights ago, from whence we’ve had our account. Lord Stair
expects an answer to-day from him, by a courier which was lately
dispatched from hence with the particulars of all that has
happened. The Duke of Marl foro gh had a letter from a friend
in Bavaria, who assured him they could now say they had no
enemy to oppose ’em in all that part of the country. All this
must bring the French into terms, but what we and our allies
will insist upon a little time must shew... We see a few
hussars daily, but they come in pursuit of their own deserters,
which prevents in some measure their coming to us, though
we’ve two or three almost every day. I’ve not seen Lord
Crawford, but he is here and in great spirits, and so well to
go only with one cane.”

I hope you found the boy well, which would add to your
pleasure in seeing Checquers. I fancy I see Molly there, in the
midst of a strawberry bed! 54 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHARLES Russeti to His WIFE.

1743, June 7. Hanau.—‘I bless God I am pure and well, by
having lived comfortably and at my ease at Francfort ever since
Sunday last. . . Intended to have been in camp as yesterday
between this place and Francfort, but Lord Stair having had
intelligence that the French designed to take possession of a
pass where there is a bridge over the Main, at a place called
Aschaffenburg, by which means they might have had it in their
power to have been somewhat troublesome to us, his lordship
therefore ordered the Guards and some regiments of dragoons to
march on Saturday night last at twelve o'clock, and though the
French were nearer to this place than we and marched with
15,000 to it, yet we, with 90,000 [sic] got there four hours before
em, and threw up trenches sufficiently to defend the pass, which,
as soon as the French perceived, they retired. Lord Stair sent
an express to the King, to inform him of this, who is expected
at a palace of the Prince of Hesse’s within half a mile of this
place. I came by it hither, and it appears to be a fine house
and agreeably situated on the river Main.’”’ To-morrow I purpose
to go to our camp, which is about twelve miles further, near to
Aschaffenburg. ‘‘The Marshal Noailles was to see the Empress
at Francfort on Sunday last, just after I arrived there,
and was seen by two or three of our officers. He made
but a short stay, and returned to his camp, but our General
nicked him in our march.’ Merriden has gone to meet
and escort the King, which will put him into good humour
this hot weather. Ingoldsby came to Francfort last night,
246

but, his baggage not being come up, will not be in camp
these three or four days. By great good luck I got room
here for ourselves and our horses; General Diemar and many
Austrian generals almost filling the houses. Our army is
marched to lie between this place and the pass. I’ve just been
walking in a garden belonging to the Prince of Hesse, and bought
some artichokes, cucumbers and lettuces to carry to my mess-
mates in camp. 384 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHarLes Russet to nis WIFE.

1748, June 10. From the Camp near Aschaffenburg upon the
Main.—‘“‘I wrote to you from Hanau on Tuesday night last,
when I told you I proposed being the next day in camp, but alas
they were again removed on this side of Aschaffenburg and lay
encamped near the bridge, and the whole French army drawn up
in line of battle on the other side of the river about two miles
distance from us, intending to prevent our going into the
country opposite to us. Whether that was our design I can’t
say. By that time I came up into the town ’twas late, and my
baggage not being come up, I got with some difficulty a room
and a bed and lay there all Wednesday night. His Majesty and
the Duke arrived about a few hours before me, and are in a
palace belonging to the Elector of Mentz. To make room for
the rest of the army, our brigade was marched about three miles
further, so yesterday morning I got to them, and my baggage
about an hour after me. A few garden things that I brought
with me from Hanau was very welcome to our mess, who had
got some dinner for the day in a small village close to
our camp, dressed by my cook, and some cold boiled beef.
Some of our grenadier officers of the brigade, who was upon
duty to protect this village, and his Grace of Marlbro dined with
us. I never ate more heartily in my life, which I think was a
good beginning, but never saw such poor souls so fatigued as
some of our officers are, his Grace of Marl[borou]gh not the
least so among ’em, but hope a little rest will soon recover
‘em. I believe the French intend only to act upon the defensive,
but what we are to do God knows, especially now the King is here,
and the rest of our troops expected soon. We lay upon our arms
last night till break of day, since which I ’ve had a very good
sleep in my bed till eight o’clock, when his Majesty surprised us
by coming on a Sunday [sic Jalong our line. However, I was so alert
as to be dressed and at the head of the colours as he came by,
and scarce two officers of the regiment besides myself could get
there. His Majesty asked me where Colonel Ingoldesby was, if
he was come. I told him he came yesterday, which he did very
luckily ; when the King came back again, we all were there.

‘“T’ve a letter from Mrs. Ingoldesby by her servant unknown
to him, to desire I would put him in mind of writing, and
mention him in my letters to you; you may let her know he is
extremely well, but that I can’t possibly answer hers; will obey
her commands, but could scarce find time to write this, for we
947

are just a going to remove again, the King not approving of our
ground; says we shall encamp in a better place, about a mile or
two nearer the town. We don’t do duty upon him; his baggage
will not be up this fortnight, so don’t look upon himself as King
here. I have only time to add how extremely well I am, which I
thank God for and look upon as a great blessing. I hope we
shall have time to dine first, as we have not above a mile or two
to remove.” 8 pp.

Fanny Russexz to her brother, [Lreur.] Cou. Cuarnes Russewn.

1748, June 10. St. James.—I am sorry to hear that you
expect to go on further, for I think you are too near the French
as it is and by all accounts they have been great cowards in not
having fallen upon the English all this time. I hope they will
retire soon, that you all may come home, but cannot help being
in a fright at the King’s going to the army so much sooner than
he intended, and before his baggage and attendants can get
there. I saw Lady Betty Germain last Saturday at Lady
Harriot Campbells, and she told me that Mr. Berkley had had
fever but was better. I saw the Duchess of Montrose there too,
who said her mama wondered that she had never heard from
Lord Robert Manners. You will probably have the King and
Duke before this gets to you. I dare say the Duke was very
happy in seeing the Princess of Hesse. I called on Sir Thomas
and Lady Frankland on Monday, on my way home from Mrs.
Adams’. He has taken Lord Cooper’s house in George Street,
over against Mrs. Corbier’s, for 150/. a year without the
stables, and has let that which he is now in to Mr. Egleton,
of the City. Lady Talbot goes into her new house next
“Monday. Mr. Trevor has gone with Dr. Trevor to his living
at Hemingford and Worsley with them. My mistress set
out last Monday night at twelve oclock to go a-hunting and
came home at eleven next morning, having had a good chase. I
had much rather she did it than I. I am glad my sister is not
in town, for I have been almost crazed with the flying reports of
a smart skirmish between the English and French; but Lady
Rothes has had a letter from her lord in which he says that
the English lay under arms for thirty hours, but the French
sneaked away, so that nothing was done. I hear Jemmy
Ramsden has got Mr. Corbier’s place of the wine license.

Lord Talbot has let his house in town furnished, to Mr. Booze,
who is to marry Miss Gilburt, for 400/ a year. Lord Carlile

was married last Wednesday. 3 pp.

Lirut.-Cou. CHarues Russety to Ais WIFE.

1743, June 12, Sunday. From the King’s quarters at Aschaf-
fenburg.—I had the happiness yesterday of receiving two of
yours and one from my sister. Just after I wrote my last, on
Friday, we moved our camp, but although we had only two
little miles to go and began about six in the evening, it was near
two in the morning before we got to our ground, owing to the
248

number of troops before us and the narrow pass. Most of the
baggage was stopped, but ‘“‘Nat and my people had contrived so
well that I found my tent pitched, my bed made, and nothing for
me to do but to go into it and sleep for seven hours, which I did
most comfortably. Berkeley and Boscawen had the same good
fate, but very few besides . . . We are now encamped so near
this town as to have the honour of doing duty on his Majesty,
and as it was my turn as eldest of the first regiment, am
now upon guard; dined next room to the King, who had
ten people at his table; my subalterns at a second table in
the same room where I did, none under the rank of a
lieutenant-colonel being invited where I was, such being the
German fashion; but so bad a dinner I never saw, all owing
to the King’s baggage not being come up, nor any of his
people but Col. Herbert, Mr. Finch and Ranby, who came on
Friday night, and the Duke of Richmond, Lords Delawar,
Holderness and Har[cour]t today. What gave me the most joy
was to have another letter from my dearest soul whilst I was at
the King’s levee. . . The King is just gone to ride along the
line, and the Duke with him. They made it so late that I
thought I should not have been able to say what I’ve done; in
short I can tell you nothing but that we have many deserters,
and kill and take some hussars who always are in pursuit of ’em.
The French army march and countermarch to the right and
left, over against us, and we follow their example.” Pray let me
know more about Harding and Holmes. 34 pp.

Lizvut.-Cot. Cuarues Russeiu to His WIFE.

1743, June 15, Wednesday. From the Camp near the King’s
head-quarters at Aschaffenburg.—My last was scarce worth your
acceptance, for Ranby and Col. Herbert were in the room all the
time and I hardly knew what I wrote, but am resolved to omit no
opportunity of scribbling away and telling you how well I am.
‘7 thank God I sleep well and have a very coming stomach, so
much that when I came off guard on Monday, believing my mess
would provide ill in my absence, I was glad to accept of an
invitation at my Lord Stairs, who really lives like a prince; and
my messmates had scarce any dinner and no bread.” Provisions
are very scarce here, bread especially, and I have to set a man to
watch at the bakers for the opening of the ovens, in order to get
any. ‘‘Our mess is rather too numerous, but as we are all
honest fellows, we can none of us part. It consists of Lord Ancram,
Lord Robert Manners, Conway, Boscawen, Walgrave, Berkeley,
Vane, Fitzroy and myself. We dine always in Walgrave’s tent,
being a large one with a boot to it; we never have a table-
cloth, but each carries a napkin of his own... Can assure
you we have, whenever we can rest in a place, a good soup and
‘boulée’ with a fowl or two sometimes in it, and some roast
mutton or beef every day. This has been only since I came
among ’em that we live so well; hope ’twill last. We are
marched a good deal further than where our magazines were
249

appointed, which in some measure has caused our distress, for
flour is very scarce, and as to forage for our horses, we have had
none, only what little grass we could cut, and the privilege of
that is scarce allowed us, I mean us foot officers, though if our
horses are starved we can be of no service. The Horse have but
scanty allowance, but we are promised that there will soon be
enough.” I have had two of my servants ill, but they are now
recovering ; “I’ve also taken a soldier’s son from being almost
starved, have clothed him, and Nat takes care of victuals for him,
and being a smart boy of about eleven years old, find him
extremely useful, being never from my tent but when sent of
errands, which are not a few. We have deserters come in
great plenty, though the hussars are flying about to prevent
"em. The river, from so much dry weather, is fordable in so
many places that the hussars pester and plague us much, by
stopping what provision they can coming from Francfort
and Hanau, but care is now taken to prevent it by troops being
posted all the way to guard it.

‘‘How long we shall remain in this uncertain condition I cant
say. The enemy make a very agreeable prospect on the other
side of the river, their army being extended from right to left a
great distance and taking up a great tract of ground. We have
certainly prevented hitherto their detaching any number of men
to the assistance of Broghlio, who is, with a flying army reduced
to only fifteen thousand, endeavouring all he can to make the
quickest retreat to save those few, as Marshal Kevenhuller has sent
word yesterday, who is doing what he can to cut off his retreat
with an army he has of above fifty thousand. Great news from
Italy is come within these two days of ten thousand of the
Spaniards being all defeated and cut to pieces, but the Austrian
General, Count Traun, is killed, a man of great character and
much esteemed. The Spaniards have now no troops left in
Italy, which is well for us, but great happiness to the Queen of
Hungary, who has now no enemy to oppose but what are over
against us; do suppose she may send some to us, which, if she
does, we may then really humble France.”

Our weather is now very cool, there having been great showers
of rain. Poor Lord Ancram has had a fever, and is now laid up
with rheumatism; Berkeley has got a flux, much worse than I
had, and your friend Durand has got the gout, and goes to the
sutler’s to dinner, limping with a great gouty shoe. Vane (who
says nothing will hurt him) and the rest of your friends are
quite well. ‘‘I forgot to tell you how pleased you would have
been to have heard Lord Crawford talk of Lady Robinson at
Vienna, who has gained the heart of every soul she knows and
is a vast favourite with the Queen. I dined with his lordship
two days together, at court and Lord Stairs, and you would be
surprised to see how well he is. Our men are much diverted
with the scampering about of the hussars. Some we've taken
and some have deserted, but if we had some of the Hungarian
hussars, which they could very well spare, these would be kept
much in awe by ’em, they being far superior in everything to
250

the French; and we have expected some a great while, but dont
find any are likely to come.”’

My blessing to my dear babies. I wish I could partake of
some strawberries with Molly. Lady Carteret died last week at
Hanover. 54 pp.

Fanny Russzuy to her brother, [Lisut.] Cou. Cuartes RussEuu.

1743, June17. St. James.—. . .‘“You cannot think how it obliges
my mistress, the accounts that my sister is so good as to write
me out of your letters, and especially about the last transaction,
for though we had heard a little by different people ‘twas
nothing in comparison to what you writ.” I feel assured there
will be a battle before there is any peace, and though I am
extremely glad my sister thinks that they would not let the King
go to the army if anything was to be done, I cannot share her
opinion. Captain Hudson has been inquiring if you have men-
tioned Col. Hemington. Mr. and Mrs. Holman and the two
Lightfoots were here last night.

‘Poor Princess Carolina was very much frighted last Wednes-
day. As she and Princess Louisa had been out in the chaise,
just as Princess Carolina was got out, Mr. Cook, a mad-man,
took hold of her hand so fast that she thought he would a broke
her arm, and four men was not able to get him off, till the
coachman with the butt-end of his whip (sic) so that stunned
him. This man has 1,500/. a year in Suffolk, and a mighty
good-looking man.’ Poor Miss Spencer is dead. Jemmy goes to
Mr. Spencer next week to Altrop. I fancy he will not be much
at Checquers this summer.

It is a very sad thing about poor Mr. Trevor, for I greatly fear
that he is mad. About five weeks ago he took Di. F[rankland]
and his two sisters to my cousin Dick’s, and at the same time
Lord Talbot was at Mr. Tryons with Mally and Jack Shirley,
and wrote a very civil letter to Di. inviting them all to go and
drink a syllabub upon Norborn Hill, and that if they did not
come he should call her and the two sisters a name which he
hates. He did not say prude, but it seems he meant it, and Mr.
Trevor was so affronted that he gave Worsley achallenge to carry
to his lordship. Worsley did not take it, but, when Trevor had
cooled his heels for some time by the Serpentine river, went and
told him that he could not find Lord Talbot, upon which Trevor
went to his lordship’s house, and was with difficulty got away by
Fred Frankland. After this, Lord Talbot himself sent a
challenge, but was persuaded, for Di’s sake, not to go on with it,
and was so good as to meet the rest at Spring Garden and beg
Trevor’s pardon, which he certainly had no occasion to do.

In a day or two Trevor went with Dick to Headly, where he
did nothing but dance and sing and write challenges all day long,
and frightened Dick so much that they sent for his cousin, Dr.
Trevor, to come and take care of him, who took him back to
Hemingford, Worsley going with them, and afterwards to Scar-
borough and York. He soon came back to town however, and
251

sent Lord Talbot another challenge, but since that, the Duke of
Newcastle and his friends take care not to have him go about,
and he has now returned to Hemingford to the Doctor, who is
desired to see that care is taken of him. 84 pp.

Lrevut.-Cout. CHARLES RussELu to nis WIFE.

1748, June 18, Saturday. From the Camp between Hanau and
Francfort.—‘‘I have only to say that I am well; that as a soldier
and a man of honour I must tell you the brigade of Guards had
the misfortune not to be in the field of battle* on Thursday last.
When our whole army marched from Aschaffenburg very early in
the morning, we on the left brought up the rear of the army,
which with four battalions of Hannoverian Guards and some of
their horse were commanded by Baron Ilton, an Han|[overia]n
general, who to preserve us from a battery of cannon (planted by
the French and played upon us to intercept us from the right of
our army) caused us to wheel off to the right to the top of a hill,
from whence we might have gone round and joined our army,
but instead of that he ordered us to halt, and kept us only to be
spectators of what and where we ought to have been principals.
The French with their choicest troops had passed the Main about
two miles from Aschaffenburg, to the number of about thirty
thousand, and we had not above twenty-four thousand. They
began with cannonading us with eighteen pounders, which did us
great mischief, before ever our cannon could be brought to play
upon them. They then came through a wood upon us and we
attacked them with our foot with great bravery; they had the
advantage of the ground, but yet our British infantry made ‘em
retreat and with so many huzzas every time that in a few hours
they were obliged with precipitation to repass the river over two
bridges that they laid. Our dragoons also behaved very
gallantly; in short we gained a victory, and killed and took many
of their best troops with twelve pieces of cannon, but lost many
of our officers. The King commanded, and is well; the Duke is
shot through the calf of his leg, but is well; poor General
Clayton is killed and much lamented, and our poor friend
Merriden is also killed, and Ned Draper, an acquaintance of your
brothers. Lightfoot is well. Major Honeywood, five wounds,
twice shot through his body, but yet hopes of his life; Major
Brereton killed, and every officer wounded in the regiment
late General Honeywood’s, but Jo: Child, who was untouched
but had three horses shot under him.

‘We've gained a great advantagé by being able by these means
to ecome~ hither, which the French intended to have
prevented, we being in distress for provision and forage, and also
bave now joined the Hessians and Hannoverians, so are far
superior now to them, whom if we could beat with a less number
of troops, there is no fear but we shall succeed for the future if
they should any more attack us; but having seen no more of

 

* The battle of Dettingen, June 16-27.
252

them since, believe they are sick of it. Though I have laid in a
soldier’s tent only for these three nights, was never better. . .
I’ve wrote this in the open air, my tent not having been pitched
these three days ; but will be this night, and encamped in a line
with near fifty thousand troops.” 384 pp.

Lirut.-Cou. Caarutes Russeczt to nis WIFE.

1743, June 19. From the Camp near Hanau upon the Main.
—‘‘Though I wrote to you but yesterday, lest that should mis-
carry I’m resolved to tell you once more that I am well;
believe you will hear a great deal and may see the particulars
in the Gazette relating to the engagement we have so lately had
with the French, yet I persuade myself you will be better
pleased to see it under my hand; that when I wrote to you from
our camp near Aschaffenburg last Wednesday, I little thought
what was so soon to happen, but immediately after, we received
orders to strike our tents, lie upon our arms that night and
marched the next morning at four o’clock, being Thursday the
16th instant, O.S. As we, the brigade of Guards, were on the
left of all, we were appointed as a rear guard to the whole army,
and when we had marched about a mile and a half we were
joined with the Hanoverian Guards and part of their horse,
which was about six in the morning, at which time his Majesty
rode up to us andreceived us. He then left us under the com-
mand of General Ilton, an Hanoverian General, and so rode
away with a proper escort to the right of the army.

“No sooner had we marched above half a mile further,
but a battery of cannon played upon us to intercept us from
the main army, upon which General Ilton had orders sent
him to wheel to the right to be covered from the fire of the
cannon, so that we marched up a hill on the top of which we
halted and was separated by this means from our army about
two miles, and nothing but woods between us. From thence we
could see what I am now faintly going to describe, that about
twelve o’clock the French begun playing several batteries of
cannon at our forces from the other side of the water, which
annoyed us a little; upon our marching a little forward our
forces perceived the French army had passed the Main near a
little village called Dittengen, and was advancing up to us
through a wood, cannonading us all the time, upon which a
very smart engagement ensued. Lord Carteret was in a coach
and six not far from the field, and in no small anxiety, you may
imagine. The French, by the best accounts we can learn, was
come over with the greatest part of their army, and was not far
short of being double in number to what we had in the
field, had in short all their mason du roy and all their
best infantry, leaving nothing but their militia (which
they had lately raised) on the other side of the water to guard
their camp. ‘Their scheme was so well laid, and so sure were
they of success, that they had sent the Emperor to Francfort the
day before the battle; but however, by the blessing of God
253

and the great bravery of our English infantry, which is hardly
to be paralleled, we made them retreat, and at last so precipitately
that great numbers were drowned. His Majesty was in the
field of battle the whole time and behaved very gallantly, went
himself and placed a battery of Hanoverian cannon, which was
of utmost service and did great execution. The Duke also
charged with General Clayton in the first line in the warmest
part of the action, riding about animating the men with great
bravery and resolution, at which time he received a wound in his
leg, but is likely to do very well. The whole cry was, ‘ where
were the Guards, what shall we do without ’em, why are they not
sent for’; in short we came, but had it been one hour sooner,
before they had begun to retire, we must have made a complete
victory, by pushing ’em with our fresh troops, which must have
{so} added to their panic that scarce any of their men could
have escaped; must have been forced into the river, or made
prisoners of war. As it is, the advantage we have reaped is so
great that the flower of their army is certainly destroyed; scarce
any of their mason du roy has escaped being cut to pieces or
made prisoners of war; and the number of their drowned is so
great, that with the wounded, killed and drowned, it is said it
amounts to between six andseven thousand, and the most we’ve
lost don’t exceed fifteen hundred, the wounded included.
The Dragoons had great share in the action, particularly late
Honeywoods, there not being above one squadron left of the
regiment out of three. The Horse Guards and Grenadiers also
behaved well, but our other corps of horse have not acquired so
much fame in this engagement. The officers in general are
greatly applauded, I mean of the English. The Hannoverian had
scarce any share at all in it, but some of the Austrians behaved
well, only one of their battalions made an unfortunate mistake,
by firing upon our troops several times. Both the King and the
Duke are thoroughly sensible of all the honour of the day being
owing to the English. His Grace of Marl[{boroug]h, who
commanded our brigade, but was commanded, wont in haste
forgive the Han[overia]n general, for the moment we came
into the field of battle, expecting to be of some service, the enemy
was all flown; such a sight I never saw as the number of dead
bodies all round us, among which we lay all that night without
our tents. Many prisoners of distinction we saw that were
wounded and taken, and carried ’em water and other necessaries,
for which they expressed great gratitude. I fear I wrote you a
strange account yesterday, was then in a great hurry, being just
ordered to remove our ground to where we now are; could not
write before, for it rained without ceasing from the end of the
battle twenty four hours, which was all Thursday night and all
Friday, nor was I under cover the whole time but in a soldier’s
tent at night, and eighteen hours a horse back all Friday till
ten at night, but a good rest all last night in my own bed has
quite refreshed me, and many more I find I’m likely to have.
Major Brereton is alive and well, who I mentioned dead yester-
day. I can’t help pitying poor Mrs. Swan.”
254

Postscript. Duke of Richmond and Lord Har[cour]t were
with the King the whole time: the latter with his Grace c%
Marl{borou]gh. Mr. Carteret and George Stanhope has ee
sitting in our tent with us from dinner all this evening. 54

Lrevut.-Cou. CHarues Russetn to nurs WIFE.

1743, June 22, Wednesday. From our camp near Hanau.—
‘¢T cant help being in great concern for you till you have received
my two last letters, for by all accounts from Hngland by the
several private letters, I find everybody is in che utmost anxiety
for their friends from the consequence of an engagement with the
French, being what was expected to be heard of by every mail
from hence. Both my letters I sent by the way of Holland for ex-
pedition ; am afraid you would think the time too tedious between
hearing of an express being arrived of a battle and before you
could hear from me, none of us being able to write to our friends
so soon as we imagine the King could send away an account of
it. Our only hope was that the same express would mention -the
Guards not being in the engagement; how that would gain
eredit I don’t know, but hope my letters had a quick passage that
you might be made easy. You and I, that have the same way of
thinking, must believe that Providence had a hand and assisted
us in our late engagement, so to repine at our not being there
must surely be wrong, but otherwise ’tis natural to imagine, had
we come into the field of battle but one hour sooner, which was
just before they had begun their retreat, we doubtless might have
had it in our power easily to cut off their pass over the bridge,
so have either pushed ’em all into the river or made ‘em
prisoners of war. On the other hand, when one considers the
well concerted scheme of the Marshal Noailles, who had ordered
a body of men to pass at a bridge on the left where we had lain
encamped in order to cut off the rear-guard of the army of which
we had the principal care—but we had marched as it happened
too early for ’em and so frustrated that part of it—at the same
time placing batteries of cannon and moving them all along the
side of the river opposite to which the right of our army was obliged
to march, playing them all the time upon our troops; they also
bringing over such a number of all their best troops, so that noth-
ing but an appearance of our being totally destroyed seemed to be
the result of their General’s scheme ; to stay where we had been
must have been absolutely starving us, and the reinforcement of
Hessians and Hannoverians and four more of our own regiments
from England being intercepted from us, there being no way to
jom ’em excepting the marching the very way we did, for to
avoid the enemy was impossible; our only faux pas was
not having notice soon enough to prevent such a_ body
of troops passing, but as the case was, that the Marshal’s
scheme had so far taken effect that we seemed to be hemmed in
a cleft stick, nothing but the unparalleled behaviour of our
infantry and the hand of God could have saved us; the latter
they own it to be. I wish Worsley was with you to hear ‘how
255

“twas possible to think that all the grenadiers of their army were
joined with their foot Guards and actually turned tail: that the
Musquetaires, which consisted all of gentlemen of the first
families of France, who are known to be brave, were almost all
slain or wounded, as well as the greatest part of their mason du
roy; that we have a report that the Marshal stopped the
Hmperor, who was going to Francfort, and told him if he would
stay but an hour he would deliver the king of England into his
hands, a fine gasconade. Lord Harcourt breakfasted in my tent
yesterday morning, who confirms a piece of news that the Emperor
has sent to our King, to offer him to be under his protection and
to come into what terms he shall think proper. We are, I thank
God, now encamped where our men and we have great plenty of
all kind of provisions and now are finely refreshed after the
great fatigue we have all undergone, lying three nights together
upon the ground, two of which were extremely wet, and no
straw ; and yet I thank God I never was better in my life; bread
and brandy was my food, and the men absolutely for near forty-
eight hours had nothing but gin to subsist upon. We had but
few officers killed considering the great cannonading. Poor
General Clayton survived the first charge, where he had been in
the thickest of the fire, and told the other general officers that he
always said that they might ever depend upon the English foot ;
poor man, ’twas just at the conclusion of the affair that he met
with his fate by 2 musket shot. As for poor Merriden, he was haif
dead before he begun to charge, seemed to foretell what was to
happen to him; his excessive pale looks made his lieutenant ask
him to drink a dram and cheer up, which he refused, nor could
he be brought scarce to speak a word. He called to a favourite
quarter-master and gave him thirty ducats to take care of, which
if he dropped was to be his own; he had near eighty pounds
more in his pockets, which were all stript. In short the
regiment behaved very ill and did not follow their officers, so
that upon the latter’s being obliged to retire, having none of their
mfen] to charge with them, they all suffered so [much].
Merriden received his shot in the back of his [torn] and
dropped at once. Poor Ned Draper received one in his back and
out at his belly, lived two hours, but would have his joke, by
saying, if he lived to go to England he never would own but that
the ball went the reverse way. Captain Smith and Major Car
both were much wounded, but are now thought to be out of danger.
They confess with great concern the ill behaviour of their men.
The Blues did still much worse. Major Honeywood’s behaviour
was gallant beyond expression, and thank God ’tis thought he
will recover. Of the foot there has been but seven officers killed
and twelve wounded; one hundred and forty three privates
killed and three hundred and nine wounded. Of the horse and
dragoons I have yet had no certain account. To our great shame
be it spoken, we left the field of battle the next day and the
village where our sick and wounded lay, without taking proper
care to bring ‘em with us; so that when we came hither, the
French seized upon ’em as prisoners of war, and lucky for ’em took
256

care of em, which was more than we had done, and what had not
the appearance, of our side, of being victorious. The enemy are
encamped behind a wood opposite to us, and part of their army
are filing off they say towards the Rhine; the rest I suppose will
follow. Ihave had no letter since the 8rd, hope soon to hear
that you and my dear babes are well.” 53 pp.

Fanny Russexu to her sister [in law, Mrs. Russexy].

1748, June 23.—A messenger has brought my mistress a letter
from her brother. He writes that ‘‘ thank God the King was
very well and that they had heartily beat the French. The
foot Guards was not there: that he was there, as a major-
general, and had got a slight wound in his left leg, which obliged
him to be carried off; he was very sorry to be hindered seeing
the whole action; that the French had crossed the Main and
attacked us first. This action was at a place called Detting,
between Hanau and Aschaffemburg ; it happened last Thursday,
and two hours after the battle was over, the Hessians came,
which gave the English great spirits to have the army so much
strengthened, though they were not wanted. Now, asI tell my
dear sister every thing I know, I hope in God she will make her-
self as easy as possible. . . My mistress was very good, and
called to tell me the Guards were not in that action before she
said one word to any one body. She has had this messenger with
her again this morning to ask him all the questions she could.
He told her he was in a wood, just by where all this happened,
with Lord Carteret and Ranby. That the King was at this
action, with Lord Stair and Duke D’remburg on each side of
him, and Duke D’remburg had a bullet shot at his breast.
Lord Albermarl had his horse shot under him, but got no hurt.
As, thank God, we have got the better, ’tis believed that now
‘twill soon be made an end of. I heartily pray God it may.
The messenger said there was but three of our officers killed,
General Clayton, young Honywood, and poor Merriden. . . We
have taken eight pieces of cannon and a standard, one of the
oldest the French have.” Iam writing to Mrs. Boscawen to tell
her that her husband is safe, and have sent to Mrs. Holman and
Mrs. Parslow.

‘TJ hear Lord Fytchwilliams has left his son Jack thirty
thousand pounds, and ten pounds to another son.” 2 pp.

Fanny Russeuy to [Lreut.-]Con. Coartes Russeuy.

1748, June24. St. James.—I cannot tell you the pleasure it
gave me when my mistress told me that the foot Guards were not
in the action at Detting, but I own that I dread the next
messenger, not knowing what news he may bring. [The next
part of the letter is almost a repetition of that to his wife.| Poor
Mrs. Swan sent to me yesterday to ask for news of her brother, and
her man heard in the court below that Mr. Merriden was killed,
but I begged him only to tell his mistress that no particulars had
257

come. Noone says a word of either Felton Hervey, Campbell or
Fytchwilliams. Monsieur Hop was asked yesterday, in the
drawing room, if he thought the Dutch troops would get to the
army by next summer. My mistress has given me leave to go
some Saturday to Checquers (when she goes a hunting) and stay
till Tuesday, which will be charming. Since I began this, Col.
Swan has been here to ask about poor Merriden. ‘ He got Lady
Hinchingbrook to hear of his death last night.” [sic] Johnny
G eee and Billy R{ussell] called here this morning, in
their [way] to the Cowslads, it being a holiday. Jack has got
into the fifth form. My cousin Mills is dead at Hillingden. I
dine to-day at Lady Lees. 8 pp.

Lizut.-Cou. Russeii to His WIFE.

1743, June 26, Sunday. From the camp at Hanau.—
Yesterday I was made happy by four of your letters, brought
by the King’s messenger. ‘‘I intended to have taken a little
more time to have retired to my tent, and thus indulged my self
talking to my dearest soul and answering as much as I could
what you told me yesterday, but have been so well employed for
these last two hours that I’m sensible you will be pleased I was
so prevented. I am but just come from the head of our regi-
ment, where we have had divine service, and have been returning
thanks for our late victory, which though far from being a
complete one, yet must be allowed as a signal instance of
providence and of great mercies bestowed upon us. I had also
the pleasure of seeing every officer in our whole battalion except
one who joined in this public prayer and thanksgiving. The
order was for the whole line to sing T’e Deum as this day and in
the evening we are to have a few de joie.

‘“‘The French lie encamped at some little distance over against
us and extend themselves towards Francfort, but they have
entrenched themselves so much all the way, which is a strong
instance how much they dread us and shews how little there is
any appearance of their attacking us any more, at least for the
present; and whilst this river is between us, ’twill be no easy
thing for us to attack them, especially whilst they watch us so
narrowly and give so good a look out, which it highly becomes
them to do. As for us, I don’t find we had the least notice of
their passing the river, though ’twas done within a league of us,
at the time they laid so good a scheme; and nothing but the
hand of Providence could have saved us, if you knew all, though
the second cause must be ascribed to the bravery of our foot,
and one or two regiments of Hanoverians and Austrians. The
latter are so fond of our men that they never meet one but clap
him on his back and cry brave home. The behaviour of all our
horse officers was commendable, but the private men, especially
of that regiment called the Blues, was scandalous; one general
officer had ordered some platoons of his regiment to present and
was going to fire upon the latter cavalry, but in consideration of
the officers of that corps prevented it. By all accounts the enemy

14170 a R
258

have not lost less than six thousand; out of four hundred of their
musquetaires, who are allgentlemen and have servants and horses
each to attend ’em, but eighty has escaped unhurt, besides a
great slaughter among their mason dw roy, who were those that
exposed themselves so much to our fire. By our returns which
are now come in, the English have had killed and wounded eight
hundred and forty eight, Hannoverians, five hundred and twenty
three, Austrians, nine hundred and ten, private total, two
thousand two hundred and eighty one, besides officers about one
hundred killed and wounded.

‘“‘Lord Stair exposed himself during the whole action with great
bravery and conduct, and what was remarkable, neither he nor
his seven aide-de-camps were the least hurt. Poor Brigadier
Hurst, who distinguished himself remarkably, received a wound
in his foot, which I fear will disable him for this campaign, and
I can assure you his Royal Highness’s wound, being quite
through the fleshy part of his leg, though I hope he has now no
fever attends him, yet I believe will make him incapable of any
further service these two or three months at least. Poor Mr.
Wyndam I’m told had his horse shot under him, as well as
Fitzwilliams, and lucky for Harvey that he’ll have no occasion
to attend, if anything more was to happen. Duke of Richmond
and Lord H[arcour]t and Lord H[older]ness were with the King
the whole time ; a younger brother of Sir T. Hoby’s, a cornet in
Sir Robert Rich’s, behaved so gallantly, that though he was cut
to pieces, saved his standard, it being found wrapped up within
side of his coat. Young Horsey’s standard was also forced from
him, but he bravely recovered it, by riding up and shooting the
man that took it.”’

I fear I have been too tedious in my accounts, though I have
omitted many particulars. Fanny has sent me a most melancholy
account of poor Mr. Trevor, who I fear is not recoverable.
Boscawen appears to know nothing of it. Lord Ancram is still
laid up with rheumatism. Ingoldsby is well and has written
twice since he came. Jack Robinson and all you ask news of are
well. Poor Merriden’s things were sold yesterday for double
what they cost. 54 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russeut to nis WIFE.

1743, June 28. From the camp near Hanau.—Our life
here is all extremes, either harassed and fatigued or else idle and
little to do, as is our present case. The variety of reports and
conjectures is endless. Broglio’s flying army is thought to be
coming to join Noailles, and if so, Prince Charles wont be long
after him, whose glorious army of 70,000 men, flushed with
conquest, must succeed wherever he goes. All this, I think must
end in peace with this campaign. ‘‘Our able and mighty
minister,* who attends our great Captain,t is fully employed,
and as we hear, is no less than sixteen hours out of the twenty-

 

*Lord Carteret. +The King.
259

four busy with pen, ink and paper. Schemes of pacification
must doubtless be the result of his present labours. Time only
must determine what will be the effect.” It is a great mis-
fortune that our Captain shows such partiality to his own
people, which our men of spirit can never bear. We
are forced to submit, but the independents by no means
will. Lord H{arcour]t leaves for England to-morrow, and
Jack Mor[daun]t, ‘tis. said will do the same, for some mal-
treatment he has met with, ‘all which greatly disconcerts our
minister, who mugt have a difficult task to play. I cant help
thinking how much the certain General will be in your favour,
who certainly was a means of our not being the last two hours
concerned in the late engagement. His Majesty says since we
are so uneasy we were unconcerned, we shall the next time have
our belly-full. Our Colonel* I’m sorry to say was thought
yesterday to be in some danger, his wound being attended with
a fever, and his body being gross makes it go but ill with him ;
his Papa, they say, was in tears for him yesterday morning. . .
I am very much obliged to your brother for getting me the two
men into the Hospital; should have thanked him for it in my
last, which I wrote to you a Sunday, the 26th, and mentioned the
feu-de-joie we were to have that evening, which was a fine one.
The Captain rode by us before it began, never spoke to one of the
English, but to every one of his own.”

We have continual showers, which makes the weather ex-
tremely pleasant. Nothing can be more delightful than the
country all about us, were it only not so far from our dear sweet
island. Provisions are plentiful and good and I think I eat more
heartily than I ever did in my life. To-day we are to have a
table-cloth for the first time, as we have company to dinner.
Our mess is very jolly, especially in an evening, when we all
meet, but part again before twelve. Vane desires to be
remembered to you. Jack Robinson, Durand, Hildesley and
Ingoldsby are all well. The latter has promised me to write
again in two or three days, which pray send word to Madame,
who he tells me is at Ditton. ‘‘Lord Harcourt, I find, saysas he
was disappointed in not being made an aide-de-camp to the King,
as there were five or six lately made. Itis not worth his while to
stay, so all his military expectations must now be laid aside. ...
Capt. Walgrave is made captain-lieutenant in the 3rd regiment ;
Lightfoot will be made a lieutenant and Collier is to be a cornet
in their regiment, which your brother will be glad to know. The
Duke is much better to-day and has had a good night.”” 5 pp.

Lrevt.-Cou. Russevt to His WIFE.

1743, June 29. From the camp near Hanau.—Lord Har-
court has promised to send this safely to you. ‘‘ We all shall
have a loss in his going, and much more so if his example is
followed, which ’tis expected will be if the same treatment 1s

* The Duke of Cumberland.
260

continued. The Captain snubbed his lordship before company
for inviting so many English to dine at his table and not asking
more Han[overia|ns. Jack Mord[aun]t has also been ill-used
by one of the H[anoveria]ns having the preference of holding
the C[aptai]n’s stirrup when he was equerry in waiting; he there-
fore has asked leave to resign, but to stay as a volunteer this
campaign ; the first was granted, but the latter not. In short,
so impolitic a head was scarce ever known, and his treatment of
the people of the island almost insupportable, scarce lending an
ear to any other advice or counsel but his own natives ; and as
for our tr Peale he seems to hold us in great contempt. ‘Tis
true we are brave, he says, but he would give up a little of that
for us to have the discipline of his, when at the same time ’tis
a known fact that their cavalry refused to march when orders
were sent them by an aide-de-camp of our chief marshal, and
though they had twenty squadrons in the field of battle,
not one of them once charged. A few of their foot did, and
behaved well. The very enemy own that we were very favourable
to ’em; that had we made a proper use of the advantage we had
gained, we might have destroyed the greatest part of ’em, by
pursuing ’em. “T'was what they dreaded, and the consequence
they say must have been a dreadful slaughter. Our chief marshal
would have done it, but scarce one of his orders were complied
with, nothing but an H[anoveria|n ear was listened to or
regarded, so that though we have been victorious, destroyed great
numbers of ’em and those of their best troops, and have been
able to join the forces we are now with, yet we left them the field
of battle to come to take possession of the next morning, to bury
our dead for us—which they say they did, but excepted the men
with whiskers, who are H[anoveria]|ns; also left our wounded
to the number of near four hundred to their mercy; all which
Lord St[ai]r would have prevented, but the counsel of the
H[anoveria|ns prevailed againsthim. The Cap[tai]n, to give him
his due, behaved with as much bravery as was possible, and
said he believed now, when it was over, that he could not be
killed. Duke D’Aremberg, who has received a dangerous wound,
before that rode up to him and begged of him not to expose his
person in the manner he did; that he was liable to be surrounded
by the enemy and taken prisoner. He answered, ‘what do you
think I came here for? to be a poltroon?’ In short, excepting
three or four of our generals, the rest of ’em were of little
service; that our men and their regimental officers gained the
day; not in the manner of Hyde Park discipline, but our foot
almost kneeled down by whole ranks, and so fired upon ’em a
constant running fire, making almost every ball take place; but
for ten or twelve minutes ‘twas doubtful which should succeed,
as they overpowered us so much, and the bravery of their mason
du roy coming upon us eight or nine ranks deep; yet our troops
were not seen to retreat, but to bend back only, I mean our foot,
and that only whilst they fresh loaded ; then of their own accord
marched boldly up to ’em, gave ’em such a smash with loud
huzzas every time they saw them retire, that then they were at
261

once put to flight; that had our horse been of any service, and
those of our mercenaries, we should, as it was, [have] made a
much greater slaughter. Our three fine regiments of horse have
indeed lost their character for this time. The H[orse] G[uar] ds
and Grena[die]rs behaved well, by standing their ground and
not running away. Sauring, Wallis and Cholmondley were
wounded, as also Le Meloniese and Major Johnson ; the former
will do well, but the last is in danger, his leg being shot off.
Alcroft of late Pembroke’s, and Campbell, Clayton’s aide-de-
camp, were killed; these I mention because your brother knew
‘em.’ Lord Harcourt waits for my letter, so I must say adieu.

34 pp.

Fanny Russevzt to [Lrevr.-]Cou. Caartes Russe.

1743, July 1.—My sister has just sent me an account of what
you have written to her. You cannot think how pleased my
mistress has been with it, it beimg much the best she has seen.
How I long for, all this ugly fighting to be over. I dont expect
you to answer my letters, but I beg, for God’s sake, that, if there
should be another battle, you will send me three words to say
how you do. Last Sunday poor Mrs. Swan had some little hope
that the news of Merriden’s death might not be true, as she heard
that Col. Madden had written to Lord Pembroke and had not
mentioned it, but my mistress had told me how much concerned
Lady Pembroke was at his death. The Lightfoots were with me
yesterday, and also Miss Boscawen, the maid of honour, Lady
Talbot, Di. Frankland, and Mrs. Adams and her danghters.
The Adams are not to go to Barington till Lady Talbot is settled
there. I have heard from Mrs. Knight, very happy that the
Guards were not in the action.

‘‘T hear the Blues are sadly blamed. They say the King was
forced to stand sword in hand, and rallied them three times ;
that they did great mischief by going back and trampling upon
the foot that was behind them. As the Duke wrote to my
mistress the day after he was wounded, she was very uneasy
not to have a letter from him by the messenger that came on
Tuesday night. He brought a letter to Mrs. Dearing from Mr.
Ranby, in which he says the Duke is in as good a way as can be
expected from so large a wound. My mistress was and is very
uneasy about him, for now they have told her that Ranby says,
though the bone is not touched, he is afraid one of the tendons

is, and if so he will be always alittlelame. . . If Princess Louisa
goes any time in August, I believe Mrs. Purcell will go with her,
and be left at Loo, with Princess R[oyal]. . . . I hear the

soldiers of the foot Guards was so hasty to get to the battle
that they went a great many before their officers could be ready
to go with them. .Thank God ’twas over before you got there.

. . Windome, I hear, had his horse shot under him. Light-
foot writes word they have now plenty of provisions and cheap.
262

I was extreme glad to hear it; it must be since the battle, for I
hear that before the battle they could scarce get a dinner for the
King, and if so what must the poor officers and soldiers do?”
Mr. Trevor is still at Glynd. 3 pp.

Lizvut.-Cou. Russeut to ais WIFE.

1748, July 2. From the camp near Hanau.—l begin to fancy
that the accounts I have sent you of our late battle were not so
good as I could have wished, but ‘“‘ the whole was so confused an
affair of our side, so little order or regularity kept, nay, in short,
no one order of any one kind given out to any one commanding
officer of any of our troops as to charging or attacking, or what
they were todo. I thought the horse only was destitute of any
one general to give ’em orders, but by what I can find, the
infantry make the same complaint. Our generals rode about
and exposed themselves, may be very properly said, without
giving any sort of orders or directions, so that nothing but the
bravery of one side and the cowardice and misbehaviour of the
enemy's infantry gained us what advantage we had; and had
we not been the most favourable people in the world, they
must have suffered much worse, nay scarce any would have
escaped that had that day passed the river. And to shew a
continuance of our great politeness and kindness to them, in
return to their mighty ill behaviour and cruel treatment of
cannonading us so unmercifully so many hours as they did
before the battle, we, I say, in return, have suffered them to go
off the ground unmolested and undisturbed, which the rear of
their army did yesterday morning by six o’clock, when we might
as easily have cut off that part of them by crossing the river the
day before yesterday, which Lord Stair fain would have done.
I dined and sat next to his lordship at his own table, who told me,
if he had been but permitted to have done it, he was well per-
suaded he could have given a very good account of what troops
of theirs marched away but yesterday, without risking but'a very
inconsiderable loss on our side. . . . Our minister we take for
granted is hard at work for pacific measures, and I do suppose is
our present General. Whether we are to return to Flanders or
stay and join Prince Charles, we can’t tell. That the French are
gone towards the Rhine to pass it and meet Broghlio to secure
their own frontiers is pretty plain; some say Prince Charles is
gone to make a diversion into Lorain, but a little time will soon
discover all this, which in a post or two more IJ shall be able to
inform you. The Duke is much better, but his Papa as national
as ever; studies and only does everything to disoblige those he
should not; he has made it up with Mordaunt, who now stays
here.” 4 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1743, July 5. From the Camp near Hanau.—I find from my
sister’s letter that she was so good as to inform you that the
Guards were not engaged, as soon as the news of the battle
263

arrived in England, and that she also sent to Mrs. Parslow and
Mrs. Boscawen, for which their husbands are exceedingly obliged.
You cant imagine what mischief I have made between Mrs.
Parslow and him; she has wrote him such a letter with reproaches
for not having heard from him for some little distance of
time, when she says Mrs. Russell could receive five or six
letters in that time; however he had a good excuse, as no doubt
she knows by now. Our late near neighbours have stolen away
and have now passed the Rhine. Great numbers of deserters
have come from them, twenty-five hussars the day before
yesterday, besides foot without end. I find we are likely to stay
here another two or three weeks, until his Majesty goes to
Hanover to meet the Prince of Denmark, when we shall probably
march towards Flanders, remain there for the winter and then
return to England. ‘I think our great backwardness in not
pursuing and making the most of the advantage we had gained
shews how unwilling we are to enter into a war with France; but
surely the more we had distressed them, the better terms we
might have had. From all accounts we have heard ’tis
incredible to tell you how great was the panic that had seized the
French the night of the battle; both that night and a day or two
afterwards, they could not make their men lie in their camp, who
instead of it kept skulking about in hedges and in vast woods that
were near them, and all for fear of our pursuing and attacking
them. They really say, and with an air of truth, that the killed,
wounded, drowned, and what are incapable for the service of this
campaign, can’t be less than ten thousand of the French. His
R[oyal] H[ighness] is much better and is in fine spirits. I wish
I could remember to tell you all the good speeches of our noble
Captain upon this late occasion. ‘William, I’m glad you behaved
so well, you acted like my son; if you do well, I shall not be
sorry for your wound.’ Heis now made a lieutenant-general.
Lord de l’ W[ar|r was asked, ‘have you received any letters
from England of the rejoicings upon the account of the late
victory’? ‘Yes, sir.’ ‘I believe I shall be almost as popular as
Ad[{mira]l1 V[erno]n.’ Many more of this nature divert us
much. He goes to-morrow to see our late field of battle;
I suppose to correct against another time any omission he might
there be guilty of in the disposition that was there made. Marshal
Niepergh, the Austrian general, behaved very gallantly at the
head of his troops, who is a very able and experienced general ;
he said in his life he never saw such a firing as came that day
from the English infantry. There was a good deal of money and
many watches picked up by our people, servants, boors, and
others who fell to plundering; the most shocking part of all
was the numbers that were plundered and stripped before their
servants got up to ’em, and even too many before they were
dead; poor General Clayton was stripped and plundered, as well
as poor Merriden, and Major Honeywood was the same, though
not dead, and who now is thought to be out of all danger.
Merriden’s fate was hard, had escaped all the cannonading, and
likewise the first charge, but was taken off by a musket shot in
264

his head, which entered just in the little open [sic] of the skull-
cap, which was made but very lately according to a new whim of
Lord Pembroke’s. Major Carr’s life was saved by his skull cap,
which was cut and hacked, and received many bruises. Poor
Lord Crawford had a narrow escape by a ball that would have
nicked him in the same place wh[ere] he received his former
wound, but that his pistol saved him, which was split into many
pieces. Our camp is now tolerably pleasant, having lately had
a great many fine showers, so that it has not been the least too
hot, and we have a fine river in our front and in our rear the
most delightful pleasant woods one could wish to ride in, with
great variety of lawns within ’em, in the most parkish manner I
ever saw; in short I never saw such in England that was not en-
closed, fine oak, beech and firs being the only trees; all in the
domain of Prince William of Hesse, who has a fine house near
us, where he and our Prince of Hesse, his son, at present reside.
I can’t but think how happy Fanny will be to have leave to he
three nights at Checquers. I long to hear a successful account of
your Missenden tenants, and that they may become purchasers ;
but fear their going to see houses at Richmond will prevent their
coming to you. Ican’t but think how well your brother judged
in not coming over here. I could not have had patience to have
seen Walgrave and every young fellow put over his head, even in
time of service, which would have been the case. Your brotheris
very good to be so fond of little Johnny, but I hope Molly’s nose
is not out of joint.” 54 pp.

Fanny Russeuy to [Lisvr.-|Con. Caartes RussEun.

1743, July 8. St. James.—You cannot think what pleasure
my sister’s letters give me, in telling me that you are well, after
your great deliverance. ‘‘1 cannot help calling it so, for by all
accounts they had laid their scheme so well that had it not been
entirely the hand of God you must all have been destroyed, and
I shall love General Ilton as long as I live, for making the
Guards halt upon the hill. Ifthe Emperor makes peace with the
Queen of Hungary, I hope the French will be so good as to go
home, and then what business have we but to come home too.
. . . My mistress wants mightily to know how her Papa spends
his time, so if you could learn by Lord Harcourt and write
word, you need not name names, and you would oblige her
mightily. She is very uneasy about her brother. I fancy the
wound is much worse than you think it is, and by the accounts
that came last Wednesday by the messenger, last Monday
sennight the King and everybody there about him was in a great
fright, for his fever was returned, with shivering. They gave
him bark, and they hoped he was better. Lord Willminton* is
dead and they cannot find a will. They have looked all over his
house in town and at Chiswick and cannot find any. If there is
none, t’will be a charming thing for the lady Comptons, and I
am very glad of it, for I hear that his fortune will be divided into
eight shares: the Duke of Dorset will have one, and Lord

 

* Spencer Compton, 2nd son of 3rd Earl of Northampton, Prime Minister.
265

Northampton and his brothers and sisters the other shares. . .
Fan: Meadows was here yesterday, and did not disown her sister’s
going to be married to Tommy R[amsde]n.”’ I told her I wanted
sadly to thank him for his kindness about your letters,
and prayed her to ask him to drink tea here next Thursday with
her and her sister. She tells me her own match cannot be for
some years; I suppose not while his mother is alive. Last
Thursday I had the two Lightfoots, Mr. and Mrs. Holman, Sir
Thomas Frankland, his wife and her sister, Billy Mellish and his
wife, and in fact twenty-one at one time in my room. Lady
Frankland is certainly with child. Sir Thomas talks of going
into his new house in a fortnight. Her sister only came up
about their law suit and goes back next Monday, taking Carlo
with her. I believe we shall lose Princess Louisa next month.
It is not yet settled whether she takes Dives, Dearing or Swinton
with her. Pray tell Lord Crawford thatI had a letter from Lady
Susan the other day, who is grown quite another creature, loves
home, and is mighty fond of her child and a very good manager.
Now that Mr. Schuzts has his own time, he can never stay above
a fortnight or three weeks at that charming place, Shotover. 38 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. RusseELt to HIs WIFE.

1748, July 10, Sunday. From the camp at Hanau.—As the
French have all passed the Rhine, and I fancy will no more
in haste come into Germany, our game at present seems to be at
an end. What their designs are now I cannot tell, or whether
we shall enter into a French war or not, though I can give a good
guess. The ministers are hard at work at Francfort, and a little
time will show whether cessation of arms, congresses or
preliminary articles will be the result.

We have had nothing but rain and wind here lately, and |
imagine you have had the same sort of weather, which I hope
has at any rate had the good effect of making water more
plentiful than usual at Missenden. If Kitty’s friends have
but good taste ‘‘how I shall think myself indebted to that
agreeable and sprightly damsel, and shall so often wish it
in my power to do her as good a turn by finding out some
person with as good a taste to prevent her leading apes in
hell.* Poor Mrs. Mills, I hear, fell a sacrifice to that darling
creature her good mother was so good to introduce her to;
though, poor soul, I fear of late years she had cause enough to
have recourse to anything that would give her the least com-
fort. . . . The Duke mends every day, and will, I daresay,
recover as soon as the nature of the wound will admit of. We
are in hopes, as he has now seen some service, and what a farce
there is in so much high [? Hyde] park discipline, that he will
in some measure have a contempt for the superfluous part of the

 

* «Tis an old proverb, and you know it well,
That women, dying maids, lead apes in hell.”— The London Prodigal.

See note in the Wentworth Papers, ed. Cartwright, p. 285.
266

latter, and must own that we are not very sorry for his having
been lately tied by the leg,as he is now likely to do well again,
since it has been some relief to us.” Boscawen and I feel rather
unhappy that the post has come in, and every body has got their
letters excepting us, who must wait until the messenger comes
from the Duke of Newcastle’s office. I believe Ramsden thinks
this the safest way, but wish he would send them by the army post.
I never saw anyone so unhappy at being away from home as Bos-
cawen is, and he has less reason than any others, being sure of
his return home in November, against the meeting of Parliament.
He was really very ill two days before the battle and had to be
brought away in a chaise, ‘‘ in which he lay in the wood near the
engagement; was next to Lord Car[tere]t’s coach, who had a
great guard with him, and talked with his lordship sometime ;
says he never saw so much anxiety in any body’s countenance in
his whole life, who had indeed great cause for it, for had any
accident happened to his Majesty, and our troops failed of the
success we had, as we should have had no place for refuge, and
would have suffered much more in all respects than our enemy
has done, what then must have become of our minister ?”’

Lord Ancram has continued so ill with rheumatism and a fever
on his spirits, that the King has ordered him away, and he is
gone to Aix-la-Chapelle. Jack Boscawen has just come to our
tent, ‘“‘and so welcome a guest I never saw, with smiles in his
countenance and a packet of letters from my dearest soul. . . .
George Boscawen is also happy. I shall make much of Jack,
you may be sure, and glad am I that I had before got a good
dinner for him. Lord Carteret is working hard to get the King
to Hanover. Prince Charles’ hussars has taken all Broghlio’s
baggage in his retreat and made great havoc among his troops,
who they say are strangely dispersed.” 54 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russeuu to HIs WIFE.

1748, July 18. From the camp near Hanau.—I could wish
that the accounts I sent you of the late action had been less
confused, but I assure you the truth was so little known amongst
ourselves that one could scarce depend on anything one heard.
Such was the disorder from the situation of the ground (not being
sufficient for our troops to draw up in order), the unexpectedness
of the engagement, and the little disquietude in the minds
of those who had never before seen service, that few were
able to describe anything but what happened close to them.
“Some reflections upon the non-behaviour of some of our
commanders is not proper to insert, except the great God of War,
whom you can’t fail of knowing, thought the fire so great that he
thought fit to retire, and was not seen for some hours, till all was
over. As for the Blue regiment of horse, they fairly one
and all faced to the right about and never stood their ground.
Late Pembroke’s pretty near followed their example. Though there
was not one man nor horse of that corps hurt by the great
cannonading, yet when they should have attacked the enemy’s
267

horse, they failed, but suffered their officers to charge without ’em,
which in some measure occasioned that slaughter among ‘em.
The other regiment of horse, called the Blacks, behaved the least
ill, but bad enough, and would not closely follow their officers.
Their lieutenant-colonel was shot through the thigh, Captain
Stewart and Cornet Cholmondley very much wounded, but all
likely to recover, which Ranby, who I saw last night, told me.
Had these fine regiments, to appearance only I must now say,
but done their duty, what a slaughter there must have been
among their cavalry; but our foot did their business for ’em. As
for them, they may properly be said to be routed and beat by the
enemy’s horse, but in the pursuit, what use might our horse
[have] been of. I must make one observation, that the few
wounds our broadswords did make among the French which
Ranby had the dressing of was real slaughtering, and what
wounds our people received in general from their cavalry were
only scratches, their musquetaires being chiefly young men
and boys, so that where we had the superiority in strength
and weight of cavalry, there we shamefully failed; but
our foot, who did engage with some old troops and
regiments that had seen service, there, from our spirit and
bravery only, with loud huzzas upon first seeing ‘em before
our men fired, and then, you may believe, with some louder
huzzas after we made ’em face about, was what we gloriously
gained the victory by. About three battalions of Hanoverians and
as many or rather more Austrian foot were in this line with ours
who behaved so well upon this occasion.

“The Duke continues to mend, and is out of alldanger. Lord
Carteret, they say now, will keep the King here as long as he
can, I suppose till ’tis time to take his troops to Hanover with him
and for us to return into Flanders. Prince Charles and
Kevenhuller, they say, is expected at Hanau every day, I do
imagine to consult what is to be done, but they’ll not be able to
draw our minister in to protract the war. I dined at Lord Stair’s
the day before yesterday, who seems pretty well assured that
we shall see no more of the French this year.”

Lord Holderness dined with us yesterday. We have lost poor
Walgrave, who is preferred to the 3rd regiment. Lord Ancram
has gone to Aix-la-Chapelle, but has lent us his tent, “ and also his
batterie de cuisine; I know’tis spelt wrong, but ’tis of great use
to us. We smoke, drink Rhenish, and sing the Mallard almost
every night, which keeps up our spirits,” but unless some
summer returns before we leave Germany we shall have a very
bad opinion of the climate.

The French have sent in great form to the Elector of Mentz to
let him know that they have now evacuated the Empire, and in-
tend to disturb it no more.

Poor Merriden was not much regretted here, but as for Ned
Draper, everyone lamented him. ‘‘We were mighty hot one
while to have most of our general officers made knights
bannerets, a week after the action, butthe ancient custom used
to be only in the field of battle, and that after some particular
268

remarkable action. Since that they were to be made Knights of
the Bath ; Hurst refused it, who did behave gallantly, and I hope
will recover of his wound, but ’tis better, I think, for the rest,
that it is dropped.” 5 pp.

Fanny Russeuu to [Lreut.-]Con. Coartes Russe.

1743, July 15. St. James.—Your kind letter gave my mistress
sreat pleasure, for she was very miserable, not having heard of
her brother for six or seven days. It is very odd that so many
idle people as are with him cannot write oftener. Directly
afterwards she received a letter from him. ‘‘ It seems he was so
ill for two days that they did not think he would a lived. He
says that that was the sixteenth day since his leg was opened,
and that he suffered a great deal, but hoped he should get up in
a week. He told her that he suffered so much that he often
wished he was dead, and often tried to put on a cheerful face,
very much against his will, . . I am very sorry Lord
Harcourt is coming away ; ‘twill make a great noise, both his and
Mr. Mordaunt’s coming. The first, I hear, desired to be aide-
de-camp to the King, and the latter, I hear, had a dispute with
the King’s German equerry. Am sorry for it, but I am extreme
glad the French are gone away. ’Tis just what I wanted, and if
sweet, dear Prince Charles will but be so good as to beat the
French without us, I shall love him extremely. His army is so
very great, that he does not want any assistance, so that if he
ean but get the better of Broghlios and Noailles, they must
desire a peace. All I dread is that we shall be drawn into a
French war.” |

I had invited Mr. Ramsden to drink tea and play whist with
some ladies yesterday, but Miss Evelyn came and said he was
sorry he could not come, for he was married yesterday morning
to Miss Nanny Meadows at Somerset Chapel. I hear that they
are to live with Sir Philip and my lady for the present.

Poor Mr. Trevor has certainly done something, for his man is
gone with a surgeon to him, either at Northampton or Dunstable.
Some say that as he was going down to Wales with his two
youngest sisters, he jumped out of the coach, ran into a cornfield
and cut his throat; others that he has fought a duel and was
very much wounded. I am pretty sure it could not be with
Lord Talbot, for he isin town. It wasa great pity his friends
did not take better care of him. The Duke has sent my
mistress a true account of all the killed and wounded, and there
is but fifteen officers killed and thirty-nine wounded. 8 pp.

Lirvut.-Cou. Russett to ars WIFE.

1743, July 17, Sunday. From the camp near Hanau.—‘‘ I am
just come from Court, where I have been purely to see Prince
Charles of Lorain and Marshal Kevenhuller. They came on
Friday evening, and yesterday the King entertained them with
the review of our whole army, which they could no less than be
269

pleased with ; but as I wanted to have my curiosity more satisfied
I in return took a thorough review of them. The Prince is tall
and has a very good person, has a long face and much pitted
with the small pox, and of course has many likenesses, such as
late Lord James Cavendish, some say Lady Herriot Campbell,
but he is far better than either and I think has a resemblance of
late Duke Hamilton; but I could not help at the same time
admiring Kevenhuller, by whose means and the great hand of
Providence the first turn was given to the affairs of her Hungarian
Majesty. His stature is rather low, but'a good look and a fine
piercing eye, very much denoting the able man he has since
proved himself to be. There is with them a fine young man
about nineteen years old called the Prince of Esterhasi, in the
habit of a hussar, and is colonel of a regiment of hussars; he
had a relation with him, a lad of seventeen years of age only,
who late did a very remarkable action: his captain, with about
sixty or seventy hussars, attacked above two hundred of the
French, who lately had the guard of some baggage and who
intrenched themselves behind waggons and other carriages; but
the captain was very soon slain, upon which this lad commanded
and rode up to his men and asked them if they would follow his
advice and stand by him, which they promised to do. He then
ordered ‘em to dismount and marched them on foot close up to
the enemy, demanding them to surrender themselves prisoners,
at which they held him in great contempt, and only laughed at
him; he then attacked ‘em so bravely that there were scarce
any left but what were cut to pieces, and all the baggage taken.
The Prince and the Marshal return to-morrow to their army,
which lies between the Neckar and the Rhine, but whether they
will pursue the French or march into Lorain, | can’t as yet tell,
but don’t hear, nor do I believe it likely, that we shall join in any
further military schemes with them. Ifthe French evacuate the
Empire, which Mr. Villars, who is here but has lately resided at
Mentz, told us that they had declared so to do, to that Elector,
I say if that should be the case, whatever Power should then
march into France must declare war against that nation, all
hostilities having ceased between the Emperor and the Queen of
Hungary. That Her Majesty will scarce alone be able to carry
ona war against France is certain, and that we cannot join
with her without the Dutch, and they I believe will by no means
be drawn in the scrape; so I leave you to judge if the sword now
is not likely to be sheathed. I think ’tis high time to thank you
for yours dated the 8rd, which I received just before I sealed my
last, and hope you have now pretty well recovered your spirits.
I must now answer for your friends which you have so lately
enquired after. As for Berkeley, he was recovered, till lying in
the wet all the night after the battle gave him such a cold and
so disordered him that he was forced to be brought in his cart
to Hanau, where he stayed in a lodging for about a week, then
got well and came to us and has since been the rake of our mess.
Durand soon got well of his gout and continues so. Lord Ancram
is still much out of order at Aix la Chappelle. As for your friend
270

Vane, he holds tolerably well and nothing hurts him whilst he
keeps sober, but can’t bear drinking, which he is forced to avoid
by not coming to us of a night. He begs to be remembered to
you all and bids me say he would write to your brother if I did
not write so often and send you all the news, but I tell him thats
a poor excuse and ’tis only his idleness. Berkeley hopes soon
to hear from your brother. The Duke is now so well that he
has been allowed to get out of his bed, and has sat up for these
three days past, and continues mending daily and in high spirits.
Colonel Madden and Jack Bos[cawe]n dined with us in camp
to-day, and has given me an account of Plaistow which I did not
know before ; that he had behaved very gallantly in the day of
battle, that he had received many wounds, some over the head and
all by the sword only, but none very dangerous; that he is now
in the hospital, but likely to be well very soon. He must have
been of the number of those very few of the horse that stood
their ground; had there been many Plaistows, there would not
have been so many Frenchmen now living. As for Brown and
Evans, your brother’s recruits, they are both well; the former
is bawman to one of the subs of that company. Major
Carr and Captain Sauring are recovered of their wounds, but
Captain Smith has been in great danger, though I hope now
he will recover. As for Major Honeywood, out of nine
wounds five are healed, and there is but one of the four re-
maining that there is any danger from, and that is so near the
brain that till there is a perfect cure there is no answering that
his life is safe, but very great hopes. He remembers that
he was not only stripped but that an Austrian soldier came up
to him and stabbed him twice with a bayonet, and was going
to fre upon him, but that he had strength enough to call out
he was Anglois, which saved his life.

Our weather here, though upon such a continent, is as un-
certain, and has been so for this last fortnight, as ever I knew it
in England. I own I dreaded we should have had much more
heat than I find we have had, which has made it altogether
pleasanter than I expected. [I] dare say we shall now have
none to complain of, as the days begin to shorten so perceiably
(sic). Bos|cawen] and I dined a Friday at the Greencloth, at a
magnificent table, but the German twelve o’clock hour did
not suit with us, so that we never fare better than at our mess.
Bos[cawen] tells me Tom Ramsden is certainly married, and
that Fanny will be so very soon, Sir Phillip having been pr evailed
on to come down with two thousand to each, which was all was
required.” 5 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russet to nis WIFE.

1743, July 21. From the camp near Hanau.—I begin to
think it long since I heard from that dear delightful place,
Checquers. No situation that I have seen comes near to it, and
it makes me happy to think that the dear babies are there. I
can often fancy 1 see them tumbling up and down the hills.
271

I should like to know whether you think any of my letters have
been opened. Iam satisfied that some of yours have been, and
the Duke’s Campbell tells me that one from his wife, though
enclosed in the Duke’s own packet, certainly was, therefore one
must be careful what one writes. I dined on Tuesday at the
Greencloth with Harvey and Campbell and also Lady Townsend’s
son, who is here as a sort of volunteer, acting as a supernumary
aide-de-camp to Lord Dunmore, and behaved with a good deal
of spirit at the battle. Campbell and he breakfasted with me
yesterday morning, and he asked after all his friends in Duke
Street, including Jack Horner. He takes much after his mother
and has a good deal of humour; “his remarks on the day of battle
are very droll.’’ He does not like the army, is determined not to
be of the profession, and says his father sent him only that he
may get a commission, and so not need an allowance. Prince
Charles did not leave us till Monday evening. The Duke of
Richmond, Lord Bury and Mr. Carteret are gone with him to see
his army, which it is said the Austrians with us are to join, for
which I should be sorry, as they are good troops. They talk of
our moving next week for want of forage, and I should be glad
to be drawing nearer our winter quarters before the short
days and rainy weather come. There is a little boy here of two
years old, Sergeant Sabine’s son, who often puts me in mind of
my own. He came with his mother in Capt. Parslow’s cart
and was a good deal in the cannonading. She isa sort of house-
keeper to Parslow’s mess, and the boy runs in and out of his
tent, and knows everybody. The Prince of Hesse’s garden is
within a hundred yards of our front. The parterre is like our old
style of gardening, with evergreens and borders, and there is a
terrace bordering the Main, which is here about as broad as the
Thames at Richmond. I was walking there in the moonlight
last night, which you may imagine was very pleasant after the
hot day. 3 pp.

Fanny Russexy to [Ligvrt.-]Cou. Caartes RussEuu.

1748, July 22. St. James.—Lord Harcourt has arrived and
been with Princess Caro. My mistress had gone, and Lady
Albemarle with her, to dine with the Duchess of Newcastle at
Clarmount, but was very happy, as Lord Harcourt went
there to dinner also, and made her very easy about the Duke.
Everybody is mighty glad that Lord Harcourt has not quitted, and
I think Mordaunt would have done much wiser (as none of the
King’s English horses were there) if he had kept out of the way ;
for I think you wrote that the Guards were not to do duty upon
the King till his baggage, &c., came, so, as I take it, he was
meanwhile there as Elector of Hanover, not as King, and so to be
attended by his Hanover people. I fancy things are not going
well with Campbell, for he told me that if the Duke had two aides-
de-camp, he had the promise of being one; I believe he will quit
being equerry when he comes home.
272

I had a letter from Peggy Trevor the other day (who is with
Mrs. Boscawen at Windsor) saying that she was very miserable
about her brother, who was ill of a fever. The true story seems
to be that when they got beyond Northampton, he sent his
sisters on in the coach, and he would follow them alone in a
chaise, ‘‘so like two great fools they left him,” and by and
by, the driver stopping to ask about the roads, found poor Trevor
making wounds on himself with a pair of scissors. He prayed
the coachman to kill him, as he was the most miserable man on
earth ; however the man got help, and Dr. Trevor and Hawkins
the surgeon were sent for, and now he has been brought up to
his eldest sister’s house in Sackville Street.

Lord Harcourt tells us that the Duke was so ill that for twenty-
four hours they had all the reason in the world to fear mortifica-
tion, and that his leg would have to be taken off. They sa
Ranby has done great cures with the bark, not only by the Duke,
but the other officers. I met the Duchess of Rutland and
Montrose at Lady Harriot Cambell’s last Tuesday. The Duchess
of Rutland said you were very obliging to name her son in your
letters. We hope soon to know if the King goes to Hanover. ‘I
approve mightily of the King’s making General Ilton confectioner
to the foot Guards just before the battle, though the Duke of
Marlborough didn’t.” 34 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russet to His WIFE.

1748, July 23, Saturday. From the camp near Hanau.—
To all appearance we shall have little or nothing more to do
this year. Prince Charles was to march yesterday towards
Alsatia, the Austrians are to start shortly, presumably to join
him, and it is said that we are to move on Friday or Saturday,
but only to Hochst or somewhere near Mentz, where we shall
receive our new clothing, and, I take it, shall remain encamped
till we hear what progress Prince Charles has made. What we
shall do next I cannot tell, but am strongly of opinion that we
must winter in Flanders.

‘Lord Holderness, Mr. Villers and a young Silesian Baron,
who has been in England and loves us much, dine with us.
I give ’em, I'll assure you, only our own dinner, excepting the
addition of one of my table-cloths. I hear they are coming, so
must defer my present happiness till another time.

‘Sunday morning. Our guests are so well pleased with a camp
life that they threaten to visit us often. They did not sit
long after dinner, but chose to see a cricket-match, which some
of our officers play almost every evening. Mr. Villers desired
his service to both your brothers. Speed called upon us in the
evening. He always enquires after you all. I ought in justice
to him to have mentioned him before. He behaved himself
particularly well in the day of battle in playing off the first
battery, which did great execution, and not only so, but his
advice was asked and followed, and his judgment thought to be so
273

right that he was of great service, so that Lord Stairs, and every-
body that thinks merit ought to be rewarded, will do what they

can that he may be preferred. He has given in a memorial and
IT hope ’twill succeed.

‘You cant imagine how poor Trevor’s affair concerns me, for
just before I received my sister’s last letter I heard that some
officers in the 2nd regiment had heard he had stabbed himself
with a pair of scissors in several places, and was thought to be
in danger of his life; and the account Fanny sends me has only
this difference, that as he was going into Wales with two of his
sisters, he all on a sudden jumped out of the coach and cut his
throat, but does not say whether he has effectually done it or
not. My concern is the greater upon our Boscawen’s account,
who 1s doatingly fond of his wife, from friendship as well as love.
He does not as yet know that Trevor has been so disordered ; has
often said he believed he would never be the man he was till he
had got him another wife again, ’twas the only life that could
make him happy. This Boscawen has often repeated, so you
may be sure we have done all we can to keep it from him ;_ but
what now makes him miserable is that yesterday, when he
should have received letters from Mrs. Boscawen, by the same
messenger that brought mine, he has been so unhappy as not to
have one; and in the condition she is in, makes me fear she is
not well; and if she knows, which I suppose can’t be concealed
from her, the misfortune of her brother, it may be of ill conse-
quence to her, and the thoughts of its being in the blood may
make him very unhappy.

‘“‘T am just now come from church, and have asked our chaplain
to dine with us; as for our commandant, he takes no notice of
him nor our church, having been there but once since we’ve had
any ; and though our pastor is no ways an agreeable man, yet
the showing him a civility and countenancing him before the
men is what I think very right.

“Pray let my sister know how much I am obliged to her for two
letters ; would certainly answer ’em if she was anywhere but at
the place she is, and where seldom any letters are directed to but
are opened here, so could send her no sort of accounts from this
place with any safety or what would be imprudent todo. She
has been desired from her friend to have an account how her
Papa spends his time. You may let her know that he rises early
and comes out dressed to his levee, always booted, before ten
o’clock, where he talks to the grandees, sometimes retires for half
an hour with his Premier, then returns to his company till
twelve o’clock, at which time he constantly dines, and has ten
people to sit down with him, all, or the major part, consisting of
his own natives, or is displeased. After dinner he sleeps till six,
then comes out, talks his native language to his own favourites,
sometimes looking into a room where there are four or five of our
friends, his domestics, at cards; he amuses himself a little with
them, then returns, conversing in the same language as before,
till ten at night, then retires and goes early to bed.”

14170 a 8
274

We are very happy in the healthy situation of our camp, very
few of our men and scarce any of our officers being ill, whereas
on the right of our army, they have violent fluxes and_ the
hospital is thronged with our sick. ‘‘I am sorry poor Lady
Talbot should be so embroiled; think it scandalous behaviour in
him that should be her friend ; had poor Trevor had a friend with
him I believe his misfortune might have been prevented.”

The following is, I believe, a tolerably authentic account of
the enemy.

‘“Htat des tues et blesses au battaille de Dittingen.
Officiers-Generaux
tues et blesses.

 

 

Lieutenant Generaux 5 2
Mareschaux de Camp 2 4
Brigadiers i 6
—- — 26
Officiers, mason (sc) du roy - 27
Cavalerie, mason du roy - 371
Officers aux gardes Francoise - 56
Sergent - - + - + 36
Soldats - - 515
1029 (sic)
Officiers des autres regiments 327
Soldats - - - - 2748
4104
Perte dans le riviere 3623
Desertez - - 6400
14127
Malades laissez 2400
Tambour Major de l’armee tues
a DD. Total 16527”

 

Lrevt.-Cou. Russett to ars WIFE.

1748, July 27. From the camp near Hanau.—We expect to
march at the beginning of next week. ‘‘ The brigade of Guards
will be the last, because we are to take care of the King and his
baggage. ‘Tis said his Majesty will have his quarters at a
chateau not far from Mayence or Mentz, that we shall either
pass the Rhine and encamp some where near it, either the other
side or this. The Duke of Richmond, &c. are returned from
Prince Charles’ army, from whence fifteen hundred hussars had
been detached, had passed the Rhine by swimming over it and
ordered to go into Alsatia to ravage, destroy and lay waste, and
dont doubt but they will make the best use of their time. The
Prince was expected to pass the Rhine with his army yesterday
and to-day and follow his hussars as soon as he could. I believe
if we amuse the French by keeping a body of their troops to
275

observe our motions ’twill be the most Prince Charles will expect,
for he seems pretty well assured, with what forces he has, to give
a good account of what he shall undertake . . . but as to the
D[utce]h joining us, and our entering into a French war, is what
I cant believe till I see it.” I shall be sorry to leave this ground,
for no camp could have a finer situation; a fine wood in our
rear, a most beautiful river in front, the soil so sandy that even
after severe rains we can walk in our slippers, and an agreeable
prospect of hills covered with wood to complete our view.

Collier dined with us yesterday. I daresay your brother will
like to know how he got his cornetcy. ‘‘ He is very intimate with
Mr. Car|tere]t, and his father asked the King for it, who always
was aversed to giving any quarter-master a commission, which
was his objection; but being answered, his son had so much
teased him about it, being for his particular friend, he could not
refuse his request ; at which his Majesty asked how his son could
keep such company, was answered that he had also been as
much surprised at that, and upon questioning him upon it, was
told he was a gentleman and of a good family, had always done
his duty and behaved extremely well and was esteemed and
beloved by every officer that knew him, whereupon the King soon
consented to his preferment.

‘“‘The Duke is a great deal better and begins to see company, as
I was told yesterday. Brigadiers Pulteney, Onslow, Ponsiby and
Hurst are made Major-Generals. General Honeywood and
Lieutenant-Generals Campbell, Legonier and Cope are to have
red ribbons, and whose regalia, they tell me, are sent for.”

I am longing for the next mail, hoping to hear a better account
of poor Trevor ; I am surprised no one of the family has written
to poor Boscawen, who is constantly asked about it by some
wrong-headed creature or other, suspects something very bad, and
wonders he has no letter.

I hope Billy Russell and Johnny Greenhill are well. Pray
give my love to them. You will soon be expecting the Kast India
letters. An extract from them is all I desire.

We have just received orders to march on Saturday. 5 pp.

Fanny Russexu to [Lrevut.-|Cou. Caarnes RussELu.

1743, July 29. St. James.—Mrs. Harry Frankland has been
in town for a few days with Mrs. Onslow, who has had a letter
from her husband, telling her of his promotion and that Prince
Charles was to leave next day. Lady Talbot goes to Barrington
shortly and Di. Frankland with her. The two Miss Adams will
join them there after they have been at Checquers. The
Ramsdens have bought a house in Whitehall. Mr. Trevor is
much better, and I hear Dr. Wilmot advises his going abroad.
Sir Thomas Frankland has had a letter from his nephew,
Tommy Frankland, saying that he hopes to get his station at
Boston, since his brother Harry has no thoughts of coming to
England, and announcing his marriage to a young lady of
eighteen, a very pretty woman.
276

Poor Lady Mary Osborn died last Saturday, just a week after
the birth of a fine little boy. Poor Mrs. Lee is also dead.
Dr. Lee has got his 9,000/. in a very little time. To-morrow
Iam going with Lady Effingham to dine with Sir William and
Lady Yonge at Petersham.

“T had a long letter two or three days ago from Lady
Harford, to beg I would contradict a false report that was spread
all over the town . . . of the ill-behaviour of her Lord’s
regiment, and that Col. Beake intends to get a letter from Lord
Stair in their vindication, and that it should be printed.

“T doubt ’tis quite sure my mistress’s marrying the Prince
Royal of Sweden. The town says he is in love with Princess Mary
of Hess, and yet he is to marry her.” 3 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russeuu to nis WIFE.

1743, July 31, Sunday. From our camp near Rodelhem.—
We marched from Hanau yesterday, and encamped two miles
beyond Francfort, near Rodelhem [Rodelheim] which is the
King’s quarters. His Majesty stays till Tuesday, when we shall
march to Wisbad [ Wiesbaden] not far short of the Rhine, which
we shall cross on Wednesday or Thursday. The Austrians
under Marshal Neiperg have already got over the bridges and are
to remain to guard our passage. Whether the French will
oppose us (who will have two thousand hussars and four thou-
sand more English with us) or whether they will obstruct Prince
Charles in his scheme, only time will show. The Duke is so
well as to come here with the King; poor Colonel Peers is dead
of his wounds, Major Johnson will be able to go to England
next week, and Major Honeywood is at Francfort and quite out
of danger. General Hurst is in no danger and has gone to
Mayence, but will not be recovered of the wound in his foot for
some time. Poor Captain Smith has had a relapse and his life .
is now despaired of.

Lord Holderness has been to ask us all to sup with him and
to bring us word that the King will come to see us this evening,
which I fear must shorten this letter. ‘‘ The King commands
and I obey. He has just walked by us at the front of our
brigade, and returned through our street of officers, and looked
in high good humour. . . . Three letters just brought to
my tent by Mr. Huxley, of the Secretary’s office. O happy me!”

3 pp.

Tae Same to THE SAME.

1743, August 4. From our camp, close to the King’s quarters
at Bibrick [Biebrich].—Your last letter came from London to
me in five days; do but think how expeditious that was. I told
you before that the King was to go to Wisbad, but there being a
much more convenient palace found for him, belonging to the
Prince of Nassau Usingen, we marched last Tuesday twenty-
four English miles through a most delightful country, and are
O77

encamped within a quarter of a mile of his Majesty’s quarters.
““The Palace makes a much better appearance than any I have
yet seen in Germany. After the death of the present possessor,
tis said ‘twill come to our Prince of Orange. It is situated
upon the Rhine, within three English miles of Mayence. The
rest of our army made two days march of that which we came in
one, but the Guards could always do more than any other troops;.
they bore it extremely well. . .. The King came by us on our
march, looked in high good humour upon us, and the Duke
followed in a chaise, and I think I never saw him look betiter.’’
Lord Crawford and the horse Guards are encamped with us, and
the.rest of the army within a mile or two, except the Austrians,
who are on the other side of the Rhine and. several regiments of
Hungarian hussars near them. A bridge of boats is laid ready
for us, but we shall not cross until our new clothing is distributed,
which was brought yesterday by the Highland regiment and
other troops from England. ‘‘ We really now are a most formid-
able army and might do a great deal if the higher powers
thought proper, but as they are the best judges and whom it
mostly concerns, I leave it to them. As for any enemy, we have
none near us, for the French are gone after Prince
Charles, who I hope and dare say will give a good account of
’em.’’ Our mess hoped to have had a jolly day at Mayence
yesterday and to have seen the Elector’s palace, but not being
able to get into a public house, we had to come back to dine
incamp. ‘‘ Such enconiums of the King’s palace I never before
heard; propose to-morrow to go dine there and seeit. Lord
Holderness entertained us at his last very handsomely, but that
was a beggarly place.” 34 pp.

Fanny Russevu to [Lrevt.-|Cou. Cuarues Russe.

1748, August 5. St. James.—I am very sorry to hear that
you are all going after the French. My mistress has a letter
from her brother, saying that he is extremely lame but means
to follow the army, though he is sadly afraid he shall not be
able to be at another battle if there is one. Ranby says he has
done all he can to persuade the King and Duke that the latter
ought to come home and go to the Bath, but they both seem
utterly against it. I hope, if there is anything more done, the
King will not put himself in so much danger as he did before.
Admiral Hagger and my aunt are expected in town for a few
days. The Duchess of Ancaster has gone to the Cowslades.
Lord Hervey is extremely ill. ‘‘I hear Mr. Sheffield has lost
his cause in having Buckingham House. I am very sorry for it;
twill be a great pleasure to Lord Hervey. . . . I went last
Monday with Sir Thomas and my lady and Di. to Ranelagh
Garden. There was a great deal of company there, and Lord
Eusten, who is in town and goes about everywhere, and is very
glad if anyone will take notice of it. Lord Litchfield was in
company with us most-part of the time we was at Ranelagh, and
talked a great deal to Di.” 3 pp.
278

Lievut.-Cou. Russett to nis WIFE.

1743, August 6 and 7. From the camp near Bibrick.—We are
having very uncertain weather, and I fear it may fare ill with
our men, of whom many have been down lately with the flux,
chiefly from eating green fruit. Our situation here is very fine,
though you might perhaps think the Rhine too tremendous, from
its depth, width, and rapidity. If the islands were removed, I
believe it would be above a mile across where our bridges are

laid, but the two islands greatly lessen the expense and number
of the boats.

‘“‘ Yesterday I went to Court, dined at the Greencloth, and saw
the Elector of Mentz have an audience of his Majesty, who
received him with great politesse and much grace. His Electoral
Highness has a very Germanic person, is an ecclesiastic, whose
finery in dress could not exceed what he wore, which was a light
grey coat embroidered with black, and an exceeding fine cross
hanging before him, set in diamonds and emeralds. The Duke
was there, who is so well [as] to appear every day at Court, but
has the help of a cane and one crutch ; I wish he ever has quite
the right use of his leg again. The palace which his Majesty
is in has two fine long rooms in the nature of galleries, adorned
much but ill-furnished, and only fit for a summer habitation,
with a fine large dome between, in which the King dines,
supported with marble columns with brass pedestals and capitals,
marble pyramids being between each column and marble statues
in niches behind them; the roof all painted in mosaic work.
This room has a tolerable good effect, but looks upon a very poor
garden on one side, with evergreens and orange trees, but on the
other side has a fine view of the Rhine and the opposite country.
You seem surprised at our number of deserters and what we do
with ’em; they have only passes given to each of ’em by Lord
Stair, and are then sent about their business with some money
besides to every one. As to what intelligence Fuller has had,
can assure you he is in general misinformed: that the enemy
were thirty-thousand that had passed over to us is certain; that
the Austrians behaved well is also true; that except one of their
battalions which fired only once by platoons, they all fired as
irregular as we did ; that the English infantry behaved like heroes,
and as they were the major part in the action, to them the honour
of the day was due; that they were under no command by
way of Hide Park firing, but that the whole three ranks
made a running fire of their own accord, and at the same time
with great judgment and skill, stooping all as low as they
could, making almost every ball take place, is true; that the
enemy, when expecting our fire, dropped down, which our men
perceiving, waited till they got up before they would fire, as a
confirmation of their coolness as well as bravery, is very certain ;
that the French fired in the same manner, I mean like running
fires, without waiting for words of command, and that Lord Stair
did often say he had seen many a battle and never saw the
infantry engage in any other manner is as true; that both poor
279

Clayton and Neiperg commended greatly the behaviour
of the English infantry; that had all our troops been in
the engagement, they would not have exceeded thirty
thousand, that the rear of our army was not there, is
pretty well known, nor did great numbers of our troops engage
who were there, especially scarce any of our horse and but few
dragoons, and excepting two or three battalions of Hanoverians,
none of their troops; so leave you to judge if our honest John
Trots did not do the business, assisted by some of the Austrian
foot and [a] Hanoverian battery, the latter of which certainly
did great execution.”’

Sunday morning. I find that we are to remove on Wednesday,
some of our troops passing the Rhine on Tuesday, and the last
on Thursday. The King is to have his quarters in the Car-
thusian Convent, about halfa mile from Mayence, in a fine high
situation, so we shall have dry ground for our brigade to encamp
on. We daily expect to hear what Prince Charles has done, and
wish he may have crossed the Rhine without great loss.

I was glad to hear of Hutton’s and Herrings’ preferment, and
hope they will live to be great ornaments of our Church.

I took a pipe extraordinary last night, upon your advice, which
is not the first time I have found benefit from your wholesome
doctrine ; and can assure you that though our ground was last
night almost all in a float, I never was better in my life.

Tell Miss Kemp that her master looks very well, and her
friends Felton and Campbell also. We sat together at the Green-
cloth, and drank all your healths. 53 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russeiu to wis WIFE.

1743, August 10. From the camp near Biberick.—Just as I
was sitting down to write, Lord Holderness came in and said he
was come to dinner, and stayed so long that I have only time to
tell you that I am extremely well and the weather very fine.
Our decamping is put off until to-morrow. Although we only pass
the Rhine and march in all four miles, yet we make such a long
affair of it that it will take the whole day. The King goes to-
morrow after dinner to his convent. He has had a slight cold,
but is better. The Duke has been a horseback and reviewed us,
but Ranby complains that he uses his leg too much, and says a
little rest and common patience would ensure it being as
well as ever ‘‘ but youth and his great personage cannot be pre-
vailed on.” Prince Charles is near Strasbourg, where the river
is so wide and rapid that I fear he may find great difficulty in
crossing it, especially as the French with a very few forces may
prevent him. We do not know whether he has accomplished it
yet or no.

Jack Robinson and all his friends are well; “poor Ingoldsby
tormenting himself all yesterday morning with writing an epistle
to his deary, as he himself literally told me.”’

The French are at least a hundred and fifty miles away.

3 pp.
280

Lievut.-Cou. Russett to ars WIFE.

1743, August 14. From the camp near Mayence.—We came
here last Thursday, where we are about half a mile from
Mayence, and the same from the King’s quarters, on a fine rising
hill fronting the river Main where it joins the Rhine, and with a
beautiful prospect of the two rivers and the hilly country on the
other side, interspersed with towns and villages. Under other
circumstances how very agreeable it would be to have so many
different country houses, so finely situated for the most part, and
to stay at each of them during the summer season.

We have a great advantage in the King’s being with us, as we
march apart from the rest of the army, and can go to his
quarters as often as we please.

We went yesterday to Mayence, ‘‘ where there was nothing
extraordinary to be seen but the church and the Elector’s palace,
which are tolerable good buildings. The town itself is but
indifferent, but the fortifications and outlines are very fine and
strong, . . . They talk of our making a few days march up
the Rhine, towards Worms and Spires; that our next country
house will be near Oppenheim, about eleven English miles
distant from hence. . . . Whether we shall like that villa
well enough to make any stay or not I can’t tell; whether we
shall go further, and so make a tour through France in our way
to Flanders, I can’t say neither, but you know it is always more
agreeable to return a different way to what one came, which
makes one see more of a country; but whether there is not a set
of gentlemen that are met at Aix-la-Chapelle to frustrate our
designs and put a stop to our progress if any such we had in our
thoughts, time must soon discover; but private letters from
those parts inform us that one Monsieur Fen[to]n and one
Mr. Vil{lie]rs, who secretly stole away from us, are there met,
and many more ordinaries and extraordinaries are soon to jug
together with them. What will be the result of so much good
company meeting together, we must wait in patience for.”

I am glad my sister is not likely to go to Sweden, and that she
has been at Checquers. I dare say she made Billy happy by
carrying him with her. It was very good of your brother to
invite him down. I am sorry she mentions Capt. Frankland
being married, and that my lady expects every day to lie in,
which I hoped would prove a mistake.

I think you have got a good tenant for Cox’s house, and that
you have managed extremely well, as you always do in whatever
you undertake. 4 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1748, August 17, Wednesday. From our camp at Oppen-
heim.—We marched yesterday to this place and are encamped
within a hundred and fifty yards of the King’s quarters at a little
town called Oppenheim, which was formerly fortified, but great
281

part of it was burnt by the French and lies in a ruinous con-
dition. Itis on the Rhine, with a rich valley about half a mile
wide running along the river side, where we are encamped.
Behind us is a ridge of steep hills covered with vineyards, whose
aspect and soil are so good that the Rhenish wine here is the
best we have had yet. Marshal Noailles’ name is written over
the King’s quarters, he having resided there when he retreated
with his army from over against Hanau and passed the Rhine
-here on his way towards Landau, where great part of his army
now lies. About twenty thousand only are attending Prince
Charles’ motions, who has not yet been able to cross the Rhine.
I suppose our design in marching hither was to favour his pas-
sage over, but how it will answer I wont presume to say.
To-morrow we marchanother ten miles, to within a league of
Worms, a town upon the Rhine belonging to the Elector Palatine,
where it is said we are to remain until the Dutch, now reported
to be within five days’ march, joinus. Whether the French
will retire or meet us, time will show, but if we should come near
them after the Dutch have joined us, whose troops are extremely
good, I dont doubt but we shall give a good account of them.

‘* You cant imagine how often I peruse the accounts you give
of my dear babes; nobody but those that have ’em can know
the joy they give.” 34 pp.

Fanny Russet to {Lievt.-|Cou. CHartes Russe.

1743, August 19. St. James.—I have had three pleasant days
at Checquers, whichis indeed in great beauty. Jack is grown a
. charming boy, and my brother Revett is extremely fond of him ;

but Molly must be my favourite still.

My mistress would not let anyone lie in the room whilst I was
away, and seemed very glad to have me back. Poor Lady De-
‘larain’s little boy of six or seven has died of fever. Mr.
Windome will be in great affliction, for ’tis his only child, and
it will almost break the poor old grandmother’s heart, for he had
never been out of her sight, until the fortnight he was at school.

The report of poor Mr. Trevor cutting his throat was not true,
but he attempted to fling himself out of the window. He is
so much worse that he has been. taken to Chelsea. Captain
Hudson begs that you will name Col. Hemington sometimes in
your letter. ‘‘He told me that Col. Peer’s regiment was
given to Hursk, and that his lay between Ingoldsby and
Colonel Herbert.” The Lightfoots have had a letter from their
brother Bob, who tells them that Tommy Frankland was come
there with his wife, and that she could sing and play, and
was quite an accomplished young lady. The Lords of the
Admiralty have written a letter of thanks to my cousin Dick
for his good services and offered him a forty gun ship, or to
name what station he would like and he should have it. I
know he wants a station at Boston sadly. His letter to Sir
Thomas was very much liked at Checquers, as I knew it would

be. 24 pp.
282

Lieut.-Cou. Russet to nis WIFE.

1743, August 20, Sunday morning, 7 o’clock. From our Camp
at Worms.—I am just now told that the Hollands post goes out
in an hour’s time, and so have jumped out of bed, determined
that you shall have a letter, if but ten lines. We left Oppen-
heim on Thursday, and had a two days’ march to this place,
where we are encamped on the same ground that the French
were, within half a mile of Worms, a fine, large Imperial town,
very good quarters for the King, and with plenty of provision.:
We are but two days’ march from Spires, the last town in
Germany, whence the French forces, numbering about fifteen
hundred men, have retired to Landau, where great part of their
army lies. As that is a strong garrison in Alsatia, their own
country, I believe we shall think twice before we proceed, for the
Dutch, when they come, may judge it not convenient to enter
France and begin a French war. Another letter from our mess-
mate at Aix tells us that Fen[to]n, Vill[ie]rs, Prince William
of Hesse, &c., are in strong conference, so you may be easy,
although we are only about thirty miles from the enemy. We
have some two thousand hussars with us, who have brought in
a hundred and fifty prisoners of the French dragoons. ‘‘ The
great Colonel Mensel, who came to us about a fortnight ago, who
is Colonel of one of those Hungarian hussar regiments, has been
detached with three or four hundred of his people into Lorain,
has raised contributions and made sad havoc, committing some
eruelties with a few of his Croats that were with him, according
to their custom. He has within these two days sent an express
to us that if we would send him the two regiments that are with
us, he would engage to enter France and give a good account
of himself; but he has been denied his request and is ordered
to return to our army. A volunteer from us went with him, and
has given us such an account of the barbarity in cold blood
of some of these Croats, that I should almost believe there
would some judgment befall if we were to employ such in our
service, unless the utmost necessity required it. . . A
French deserter is just come in, and tells us that they ‘have
only ten thousand men in Landau, and that they are preparing
to defend themselves, lest we should besiege them, but alas we
have no tools for that work.” He says they have ten thousand
men four miles further away, and that all the rest of their
army is attending Prince Charles. 34 pp.

THe SaME to THE SAME.

1743, August 23, Tuesday. From our camp at Worms.—We
are likely to stay here till the arrival of the Dutch, and if their
progress is slow, our measures will probably be the same. They
say it will be a week before they join us and then they must rest
two or three days, so, in the interim, many messengers will pass
between Aix-la- Chapelle and this place, and then perhaps we
may march to Spires, ‘‘and if our enemy is not then to be seen
283

twill be evident they will be out of Germany, for which purpose
we came hither. If we shall advance any further and enter
France I shall then be out of my politics. . . . Prince Charles
has not yet passed the Rhine, nor do I believe he will be able to
do it, as it is the business of the French to do their utmost to
prevent it. If he should be able to succeed, the consequence
would be fatal to the French, for as he has about twenty thousand
hussars, Croats and Pandours, with him, they will play the devil
wherever they go, and I am told the people at Paris are under the
utmost consternation lest he should be able to gain a passage
over the river. Colonel Mensel, whom I mentioned to you in my
last, has since committed great devastations with the handful of
men he has had with him, by burning magazines &c. and raising
many contributions; has often been out of breath with the
slaughter he has made by his own hands, whenever he met with
any parties of the enemy ; this account I had from one who was
an eye-witness to it. This very man I sat next to at dinner at
the Green-cloth at Biberick the day before he set out on his
expedition; he was in a hussar’s dress, and his looks were
answerable to his late performances, and put me a good deal in
mind of what, in his person, I always conjectured Charles XII.
of Sweden to be.”” The two regiments of hussars with us keep a
good look out, always advanced in frontof ourarmy, and one party
of a hundred and fifty has completely routed three hundred
dragoons near Landau, taking eighty-four prisoners, with their
horses. In short, the French are so intimidated that I believe
we should beat them wherever we should fairly meet them.

Pray thank Fanny for her last letter, though it was a very
melancholy one, being chiefly filled with poor Trevor’s last
misfortune, which you foretold would happen when he got to his
new house and was left to himself. Poor Boscawen is very
unhappy about it, upon Mrs. Boscawen’s account.

You have been very good in sending me the abstracts of the
India letters. I could not help being concerned for our friends
at Cossimbuzar, and thought some ill fate was always to attend
poor Sir Francis, and prevent his ever again seeing his native
country in any circumstances worth his coming, but hope from
my lady’s lastletter that it is all over, and no danger to be feared
from those Morottos [Mahrattas] any more.

I suppose in your next I shall hear of Lady Frankland
having a boy or a girl; must confess I hope it wont live. I’m
told of more prizes that Capt. Frankland has taken ; that he had
a present of a piece of plate made him with the thanks of the
merchants trading to Carolina for the great service he has done
in protecting their trade. I hope poor Harry is well. I saw a
letter yesterday from Fred to Captain Speed, written in high
spirits. The Adams’ intelligence of Major Honeywood is not
true, for he has long been out of all danger and is nearly ready
to take the field again.

I have not yet been to see the King’s quarters, but hear he has
a very good house, and propose dining there to-morrow. 7 pp.
284

Lirvut.-Cou. Russeiu to nis WIFE.

1748, August 26, Friday. From our camp at Worms.—‘“‘I
wrote you a letter on Tuesday last of a tolerable length; having
then said all my say, I fear this will be a very short one, nothing
having happened of any consequence excepting one piece of news
that I believe will a good deal surprise you, as well as the rest
of the people in England, which is that we have lost our general;
in short, that Lord Stair on Wednesday last thought proper to
wait on his Majesty and resign his commission as Field Marshal
and Commander in chief of his Majesty’s forces in Germany.
The reasons for his so doing at this juncture, and before the
end of the campaign, are what I must leave to other people, and
was I in the secret, perhaps might be judged very improper
for me to communicate in this manner. His Lordship has
presented a memorial to his Majesty, the contents of which I
take for granted will be known in England even before his arrival.

‘‘He leaves the army on Monday or Tuesday next, and goes
with his family in a vessel alldown the Rhine, and so, all by water,
to Rotterdam, and makes some stay in Holland in his way to
England.

‘‘T don’t hear the French are any nearer to us than at Landau,
and that they are entrenched there, as we hear, up to their noses
under the cannon of that garrison. If that be the case I dare
say we shall have but little more to say to ‘em, though perhaps
we may march one day more to Frankinthall, which is seven

miles further; nay, even to Spires. . . . A very little time
must determine when we shall incline towards our winter quarters,
which can be nowhere but in Flanders.’ Our weather is

extremely pleasant, with a fine sun but fresh air all day, and
now with a glorious moon at night. The flux among our men is
greatly abated. The first column of Dutch, it is said, will pass
the Main to-morrow, but when they will all be able to join and
march with us I cannot say. ‘‘I hope in two or three days to
have another packet from my dearest life. I know none so
happy as Boscawen and I when those agreeable messengers
come to the office.” 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1748, August 26, Friday. From our camp at Worms.—‘ I
wrote you a letter on Tuesday last of a tolerable length ;
having then emptied my budget, fear this will be but a short
one, there being but one piece of news to tell you that has
happened since, which I dare say will a little surprise you, and
that is we have lost our genoral; in short, Lord Stair has for
some time past thought himself extremely ill-used; greatly
neglected, seldom consulted, and when so, his schemes rejected
and disapproved of, so that on Wednesday last he thought
proper to wait on his Majesty and resign his command as Field
Marshal. He delivered at the same time a memorial, setting
forth his reasons for his present conduct at this juncture, before
285

the end of the campaign. I’m told it is so prettily worded and
so well expressed that I dare say ‘twill excite everybody’s
curiosity to peruse it. I dont know of anybody that has -yet got
a copy of it, but take it for granted ‘twill be made public in
England. His Lordship leaves the army in two or three days
and goes through Holland in his way for England. A general
concernment seemed to appear in the face of most people
yesterday at Court upon this occasion. I will venture to say he
is a man of great honour, strictly honest and a noble spirit, a
fine capacity which nobody can question; but how far able as a
general I wont take upon me to say, yet believe no one will
succeed him here but what will come far short of him.” [The
next part of the letter is a repetition of what is said in the
preceding one. |

‘“‘ August 28.—The above you will find a duplicate of almost
what I sent you in my last letter by the post and of the same
date. You may see ’twas wrote just upon Lord Stair’s resign-
ing, and I intended then to have sent it, but was told every
letter would be opened and so wrote another, proposing to have
this conveyed by a: private hand, as you'll see I have here
mentioned some particulars relating to Lord Stair that I thought
would be better not to be seen.’’ Col. Stanhope has promised
to take charge of it. He and Littleton go with Lord Stair to-
morrow. ‘‘ Our march this way has been much against the will
of our minister, so take for granted he will not suffer us to
advance any further or take any steps against the French, who
will not molest us, but will act only defensively. What we do
now is only to cause a diversion in favour of Prince Charles, to
draw the enemy from him.”’ 34 pp.

Fanny Russexu to [Lreut.-]Cout. Cuarues Russeu.

1743, August 26.—My mistress hears from her brother that
you were all going after the French, and were to fall on them
whilst Prince Charles crossed the Rhine. I was in great hopes
that he would have fallen on them and quite demolished them
before the Allies came up.

Lord Hervey’s will has made a great noise, and I think he
has finished his charming character by it. Lady Hervey has
made the best of wives and mothers, yet he leaves her nothing
but her jointure, which she must have; and has ordered his
eldest son, immediately after his death, to carry away his eldest
unmarried daughter to Mrs. Horner, and the rest of his children
he has left away from his wife to the care of his eldest son,
though the two youngest girls are not above five or six years
old. Lady Hervey’s jointure is but 300/. a year, so it is to be
hoped Lord Bristol will add to it, for this Lord Hervey has
3001. a year that her mother left him. Most people seem
pleased that Mr. Harry Pelham has Lord Willminton’s place,
rather than Lord Bath.

Lady Bell Finch has been thrown in the hunting field and
it is a mercy she was not killed, for her horse both dragged
286

her and kicked her. There have been no races in Burford
for forty years, but now the Duke of Beauford has got up a
subscription and they are to be next week. Sir Thomas tells
me that Fred was at Thirkleby, and the Archbishop and all
his people, and that he had been with the Archbishop at the
visitation.

‘“My mistress and her youngest sister [Princess Louisa] went
last night to Bartholemew Fair; did not come home till one
this morning, and then went and supped at Lady Ann’s, and
stayed till two. Lady Harriot and Lady Ann went with them,
and the Duke of Grafton, Lord Lydford, General Churchill and

Mr. Will Finch. . . The Princess of Wales, I hear, is to lie
in in November. She and the Prince was at Bartholemew
Fair. . . . Sir James Grey’s eldest sister is going to be

married, I hear, to a Mr. Honeywood of Kent, and his
youngest sister going to be maid of honour to Princess Royal
in the room of Miss Forrester, who has quitted.”’

Pray tell Felton of his brother’s pretty will. He will not
approve of my lady’s being used so ill. I think his niece
Mary is behaving very badly not to stay with her mother.

Mr. Gumley has died in Bengal, leaving his wife in great
distress, ‘‘so I have made a match between [her] and Mr.
Holmes.” 3 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. RusseLtt to HIs WIFE.

1748, August 31, Wednesday. From our camp at Worms.
—You see we are staying here longer than we expected, and I
don’t believe we shall remove till we go towards our winter
quarters. We have a new bridge laid across the Rhine for the
Dutch, one column of whom arrived yesterday and are encamped
over against us, the rest being expected on Friday or Saturday.
Some say they will return without crossing the river at all, it
being thought there will be nothing for us to do, either here
or elsewhere. I waited on Lord Stair on Sunday to take my
leave. He starts to-morrow. The same day I dined at Court,
where there was nothing but joy at the news that Prince Charles
had passed the Rhine. ‘‘ This had not long been buzzed about
but it proved he had only passed better than three parts of the
river, and was in possession of an island with a great body of
men, and that we hourly was to expect to hear he had passed
with the greatest part of his army; but alas, the next account
was that Prince Waldeck had got over with five companies of
grenadiers and some Croats, who had taken several forts and
redoubts, but for want of being supported with more men, which
they say was occasioned by a fog intervening, poor Waldeck met
with a rebuff; his grenadiers, consisting of five hundred, were
all put to the sword, and the enemy, bringing down more men
and batteries of large guns, has obliged poor Prince Charles to
quit his island, and [he] has of course failed in his attempt of
passing at that place. Whether he’ll be able to succeed in any
other town I make some doubt; am certain he’ll find it a very
287

difficult task and which must be attended with a very great
loss. In this attempt the French have lost as many men as
the Austrians. The Duke is now almost recovered of his
lameness, was in high spirits on Sunday, and seemed to be
in great hopes we should have another brush, as he called it,
with the French; however, that he has longed for a great
while, but begins now to fear he shall be disappointed. He
vouchsafed to speak to me that morning, and asked me when
I heard from England and supposed I had letters very often.
Yesterday the King gave Hurst’s regiment to Col. Skelton of
the 8rd regiment, by which last promotion the commissions
have gone quite through that corps. By this, Walgrave has
now a company and Kingsley succeeds him. Stanhope is not
a little pleased to go for England, having been tired with
being aide-de-camp, but for the others, who are forced to come
to lie in camp and have lost a good table, such as Lord
Robert Bertie and Lord Cathcart, they are to be pitied, Lord
Stair being a real loss to them. 3 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russeti to nis WIFE.

1743, September 3, Saturday. From our camp near Worms.—
It is expected that the Dutch will all be here in two or three
days, but as they have been so tardy in joining us, and we
so long here in an inactive state, we shall probably do nothing
more this year, and though not a word is said of our moving,
we are pretty sure to decamp in ten or twelve days. ‘‘ Letters
from Aix still are full of the great negotiators that are there
met to drink the waters; that (late) Lord Bolingbroke is among
’em for the recovery of his health. I hope our friends there
will be upon their guard, lest the waters should have too great
an effect, and make him surpass all our understandings. Not
a word is mentioned when his Majesty intends to leave us.
Next to him, Sir Philip Honeywood is our commander in
chief, but in settling, stating and signing all accounts relating
to our army, it is done by a triumverate; the forenamed being
one, then Lord Dunmore and Sir James Campbell. These
three succeed Lord Stair in all points of business. Some have
said that General Wade is to come to us, but that gains no
credit, so that for this year, his Lordship will be succeeded
by no one.” Poor Boscawen has had another fever, but is
now much better. He has gone into lodgings at Worms.
Take no notice of this to my sister, lest it should reach Mrs.

Boscawen’s ears. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

[1743, September 7.] From our camp at Worms.—Just
after I had sent my last letter to the post, the messenger
arrived, and made me happy with four of yours. ‘I
enquired after Plaistow soon after I received yours, and Jack
Boscawen told me he died about a month ago; was recovered
of his wounds, but fell ill of a fever and bloody flux, which
288

carried him soon off. We had also buried poor Trevor .

but your last accounts, I. find, have brought him to life again,
yet by what my sister says of him I dont know whether ’tis
not better to wish him dead than alive. I find you are all
very impatient to know what we are doing. I can say no-
thing for ourselves, but hear the French are strongly intrenched
and have been in some expectation of us, but if Prince
Charles does not succeed we shall advance no further, and if
he does, we can gain no advantage by forcing the French lines,
as they have fortified towns beyond them, which will always
stop us from making any further progress, and we have no
artillery with us, so that to any reasonable understanding, ’tis
impossible we can do aught but incline our march towards
the lower countries. The people about the Captain seem
very sick of Germany, and none more so than poor Felton.

‘You differ much in politics from us by your supposing a
French war is inevitable; we think quite differently here, and
imagine the contesting powers will be glad to make up matters
this winter, except her Hungarian Majesty, and she will be
obliged to submit.”

Why is Fanny so desirous to have the Lubeck match go
on? She surely would not remain there, but would, I sup-
pose, make a short stay and so have her quietus and return
home. Poor Windham is very melancholy for the loss of his
son. ‘‘ Major Lambert’s death must be a great concern to
Miss Kemp, as the widow and young ladies must be in some
distress. Gumley’s death I had just before heard from his
brother, who is with us. I am glad poor Billy Russell is so
happy among you; dare say that air will recover his hectic
disposition as it did mine, and made me the happiest of men.”
I have got some agate marbles for poor little Jack; as to his
going to town, I should certainly leave that and everything else
relating to the children entirely to you, but if you would have
my opinion, I think he had better stay in the country all next
winter ; and. although you would miss him, I know you would
sive up anything for his good, and besides, Molly would be
happier, and be the finer lady without him.

You need not be uneasy about Fuller, for I did not mention
his name to anybody. Lady Lee was very good to come to
see you. Boscawen is much better, and the happiest man I
know, for he has got a letter from Lord Carteret with the
King’s leave to go to England to recover his health, and set
out this morning in a post-chaise for Helvoet. ‘It now begins
to be buzzed about that his Majesty will leave us in a week or
ten days, though at the same time ‘tis said that the army will
march in two or three days as far as Frankinthall. Our brigade
of Guards, with the horse ditto, are now within six English
miles of it, but the rest of the army are at least ten or twelve
distant from thence, so that we shall not move, the King remain-
ing where he is.”” 5 pp. [Undated and endorsed by Mrs. Russell,
“August 28rd,” but clearly the letter spoken of below.]
289
Lievut.-Cou. Russert to nIs WIFE.

1748, September 10. Worms.—I am much ashamed that
my last, which should have been dated the 7th, had no date
at_all. In it I told you of my happiness in receiving four of
your letters at once, and since that I have had two more. I
am sorry I gave you hopes of our returning towards Flanders
sooner than I now find we shall do. It was then believed
that the King would leave in about ten days, but I dined at
Court next day ‘‘and found though his Majesty was pressed
to name a time for our going to winter quarters he would
not do it, and the Danish envoy went but on Thursday last
with proper powers to demand the Princess Louisa, who he is
to go with to Hanover, where the nuptials are to be performed,
and where they cant well arrive till the latter end of next
month.” It is true his Majesty may go sooner to meet them,
and I believe he will, as the English generals are anxious to
get both horses and men safely into winter quarters. ‘‘ The
Austrian commanders, who want us by all means to be engaged
in a French war, stick at nothing to prevail upon the King
to advance and attack the French lines, let the consequence
be what it will, but as succeeding in that would nor could be
of no advantage to us, nor anything that we can do here, so
I can never think but that we shall return from hence in a
fortnight or three weeks at furthest. . . . Fanny has sent
me a strange account of Mrs. Jennings telling her that Sir
Francis Russell was afraid of the Morrottos, and run away to
Calcutta, and had there liked to have been suspended for it
by the Governor and Council, and so was by them sent
back, and that his sudden leaving of Cossimbuzar in that
apparent fright was owing to his lady. I sent you word in my
last that Plaistow was dead, but know nothing of Oakley. . . .
There was a skirmish happened a few days since by some of
our Hungarian hussars. About three hundred in number went
and attacked a foraging party of the enemy of little more
than that number, killed a hundred on the spot, and took a
hundred prisoners, about eighty of whose horses were to be
sold this day at Worms, and they also took and brought away
with them forty waggon loads of forage. The Dutch are all
arrived, but have not nor know not when they will pass the
Rhine.”’

I am glad Sir Francis Dashwood happened to be at home
when you went to see West Wickham. Tell Miss Kemp that
I dined with her friends Campbell, Felton and Mr. Windham,
who desired to be remembered to her. They are very well
lodged in a fine palace, but are quite weary of it, and have
not the common patience we have, for which I was very angry
with them.

Jack Boscawen has just sent for his brother’s letters. How
happy are those who are in parliament, and will see dear
England in November! 4 pp.

14170 a T
290

Linut.-Cot. RusseLu to nis WIFE.

1748, September 12, Monday night. From our camp at
Worms.—Colonel Douglass was sent last Saturday with an express
to Prince Charles, and until he returns we shall know nothing,
but a grand council was held that day in which I believe it was
determined that we should soon move towards our winter quarters,
Brussels being designed for the horse and Ghent for the foot.
To which of the two our brigade will go I cannot say. Poor
Prince Charles, I fear, will not succeed in his attempt unless he
makes a winter campaign of it, and that would go hard with his
troops, although they can bear it better than any other. The
French have a number of good garrison towns in Alsatia and
upon the Rhine, so that their men will be safe enough, and a few
in comparison will be sufficient to prevent Prince Charles’
passage.

Col. Ingoldsby wonders that his letters should be so long in
reaching his wife, but he scarcely writes above once a month and
then with great reluctance. I suppose in my next I shall hear
of an heir to the Frankland family:

Tuesday evening. From the King’s guard at Worms.—An
account came this morning to the King that the French have
retired from near Landau to some stronger lines six leagues
further back, whereupon his Majesty has given orders for the
army to march to-morrow towards Frankinthall, and next day to
Spires, where we shall encamp for a few days, but as the French
lines are a little too strong to undertake, you may be easy that
we shall advance no further. I am just going, with my officers,
to sup with Lord Holderness. 34 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1748, September 17, Saturday. From our camp near
Spires.—The day after I last wrote we marched to Frankin-
thall, only six English miles; on the 15th, nine miles further,
to a village called Mutterstadt, where the King lay in ex-
ceedingly bad quarters, and on the 16th, nine miles more, to
where we are now encamped. The weather has not been
finer the whole summer, but indeed we have been very lucky
ever since the day after the battle, never once having had
rain on our march. The heat is sometimes disagreeable, but
it is not half so bad as wet. ‘‘ His Majesty has been very
happy these last three days’ march, being now perfectly well
in health and marching at the head of one of the columns of
our army each day, and halting and taking a repast of cold
provisions, with which his mules are constantly laden, and
everybody about him partaking. Our Colonel was also in
great delight when I was last upon duty, he being the lieu-
tenant-general of the day, and received the orders from the
King, which he gave out to the respective officers for our last
march. The joy I saw in his countenance, and the vast
business he was then so much taken up with, could not help
291

putting me in mind when I used to see him diverted (which
seemed to me as but the other day) with little , brother
to the lady that is or has been lately with you. The Dutch
have now passed the Rhine, and will join our army as this
day. We have as yet received no orders for marching further,
but perhaps if this fine weather lasts, we may advance a few
leagues more up the Rhine, till we get to the borders of
Alsatia, which belongs, I suppose you know, to the French.
If we should go further, I shall be out in my politics. As for
the French, they have left all their lines, and are marched
towards that part of their army that is preventing Prince
Charles passing the Rhine.” I forgot to tell you, in answer
to your question, that Nat is very well, and continues to be-
have beyond my expectations. 38 pp.

 

Lirvut.-Cot. Russet to wis WIFE.

1743, September 21, Wednesday. From our camp at Spires.—
I have just heard that Prince Charles is coming our way, and
that we are to lay a bridge over the Rhine for him a little below
us; also that when he and his army have crossed into Lorraine,
the King will leave us, and that we shall go into winter quarters,
but instead of returning to Flanders it seems now decreed that
we shall stay in Germany, and cantoon dear Francfort. I own
the thoughts of this at first vexed me much, but if it disconcerts
the measures of the French, “‘ who could never have believed we
should stay with our army here all winter, and Prince Charles at
the same time making a winter campaign in France,” and so is
a means of making them listen to terms, it may give us hopes
of returning to England much sooner than we expected.
Meanwhile we shall put ourselves here in the best posture of
defence in case of an attack. ‘‘I must own it to be a cruel and
long separation from my dearest soul and my sweet little babies,
when at the same time I have no appearance of gaining any
advantage for their service,’ but, as I say, if our winter’s
cantonment hastens an accommodation I shall indeed be happy,
and cannot for the present be too thankful that I enjoy such
good health. The fine season is ripening the grapes here so
much that they begin to be extremely good, and, they say,
very wholesome to eat. ‘What I mentioned to you about
Aix-la-Chapelle was certainly true, but take it for granted the
French would by no means come into our terms. Mr. Villers
has been returned above this fortnight; Lord Ancram has had
positive orders from the King to go for England upon account
of his health, so has left Aix about a week. The Duke of
Marlborough has had an ugly wrench in his back, by his horse’s
taking a leap over a ditch whilst he was looking another way.
It has confined him at Worms, which thoroughly mortifies him,
poor man, and what is worse, he may not be well a long time.
The King has sent him orders to go for England, which he wont
do, but will be brought hither in a litter as soon as he is
able. . . . Yesterday I dined with Lord Crawford, who lives
292

more like a general officer than any we have. We often sup
with Lord Holderness, and have hitherto passed our evenings
very cheerfully in camp; continue smoking to keep out all
infection and make us warm. Fanny has sent me a long and
dismal account of poor Trevor, that he is at last happily released
from his misery.” If Mr. Price comes to see the children you
may ask him to go and see Missenden. He may like it well
enough to become a purchaser. 54 pp.

Lirvt.-Cou. Russett to nis WIFE.

1748, September 238, Friday. From the King’s guard at
Spires.—I have leisure to say three words whilst I am on
duty, and will finish to-morrow. I see none but smiling
countenances at Court to-day, as the King has sent many of his
horses and all his mules away for Hanover and will almost
certainly leave us next week. ‘‘ Two days ago we sent a detach-
ment of two thousand five hundred men to the first lines,
nearest to Landau, which the French had deserted, and em-
ployed two thousand of the peasants to level them. This work
his Majesty went yesterday to view, and returned greatly pleased.
The work will be completed this day and make a paragraph in
the newspapers, and at the same time will conclude the oper-
ations of this campaign, so that I take it for granted Prince
Charles will scarce be able to cross the Rhine this year, but
will harass the enemy as long as he can in attempting it.
As for us, I wish I could say what will be our fate, but ap-
pearances seemed this day greatly in our favour that we should
soon return to Flanders. I wont quite flatter myself with the
thoughts of it, but have one that ought to be a substantial reason
in my favour, which is that ’twill cost the Government of England
400,000/. more in the foraging and providing bread for the troops
here than it would in Flanders.” It has been said and with some
authority, that the Duke would stay with us in Germany, so much
so that Mr. Windham got leave to go for England, and Felton
Harvey is set out to-day for Aix-la-Chapelle to send Mrs. Harvey
to Hanover, returning to go himself with the Duke, who is to
attend the King thither, and then meaning to bring his wife
back with him, in case his Royal Highness should stay; but I
now hope they will all go together from Hanover to England.
The Duke of Marlborough started for home yesterday; he is
something better, but not much. Lord Robert Manners has
been out of order this last fortnight. For two months he has
suffered from violent headaches, but would not regard them,
and at last was seized with a sort of paralytic disorder. He
has in great measure recovered from this, but now the pain in
his head has returned and I fear he will not soon be well. Do
not take any notice of this, Our mess is reduced a good deal,
“but we never want company to make our evenings pass
away in a very jolly way and yet soberly. Vane is upon guard
with me and desires to be remembered to his friends at
Checquers. We always dine at the Greencloth upon guard and
298

sup with Lord Holderness, as Lord of the Bedchamber, who has
sent for the rest of our mess to meet me this evening. There is
seldom a day-but he calls upon us at camp, and is like one of our
mess. There is one Monsieur Hardenbergh, aide-de-camp to the
King as Elector of Hanover, a very agreeable sort of man, who
always sups with us at Lord Holderness’s; he desires I would
make his compliments to Monsieur Bilderbeck, which I desire
you would write my sister word of. . . . I dont fear but by the
blessing of God that I shall do very well this winter: if we are
to have a march to Flanders, though it will be a very long one,
our spirits will be all so raised that that alone will be a means of
admitting no one difficulty to be raised, but cheerfully to go
through all; and if we should remain here in Germany, our
march will be but short, which pray God in his infinite mercy to
prevent, and send us all so much nearer to our long wished
for home.”

Postscript. ‘The King has this day put off his military garb
and has wore for the first time a brown coat. His coaches
he has also ordered away all but two; so that when once he takes
it into his head, he will be, I hope, in as great a hurry as one
could wish him to be.” Saturday, September 24. 44 pp.

Lrevt.-Cou. RussELt to HIS WIFE.

1748, September 27, Tuesday night. From the camp at
Spires.—‘‘I wrote to you last Saturday from the King’s guard,
and then gave you some hopes of our going this winter for
Flanders. The next day, Mr. Berkeley, myself and two or three
more went to see Manheim, which is about twelve English miles
from hence, is the present capital town in the Palatinate, is
situated on the Rhine, but on the other side, and is a very
strong fortification, whose works are well worth seeing. This
town is famed for being neatly built and always clean, and whose
streets are all in a line, but the most remarkable ofallis the
Palace, where the Elector now makes his winter’s residence. It
is but a modern building, very magnificent in its appearance,
and has indeed a great many very fine, well-proportioned rooms,
but not extremely well furnished and worse finished, and paint-
ings and pictures intolerably bad: however, has a theatre in it
for operas, built, fitted up and ornamented in most elegant taste,
which has indeed a very agreeable effect. The size of it is
something larger than the little theatre in the Haymarket. We
stayed at Manheim that night, and took post-chaises yesterday
morning to go twelve miles further to see Heidelberg, which is
situated upon the Neckar and was formerly the capital of the
Palatinate, till the year [16]88, when the whole town was burnt
and destroyed by the French, and with it a very spacious
magnificent palace for the most part bombarded and burnt, the
ruins of which are worth going a great way to see. In short,
‘twas a castle built [sic] by an Elector Palatine that married the
daughter of our King James the First. Some part of it remains
entire, with some of it Ionick and some in the Corinthian style.
294

The gardens that belong to it are a good deal confined, from the
situation of the hills that surround it, though the building is yet
upon a great eminence, but what there is of a garden is
delightful beyond my description, with a wood that forms a fine
natural amphitheatre and some stately sycamores that make a
charming shady walk, near to which is a terrace that commands
the Neckar, the whole town, that is very spacious and better
built than any I have seen in Germany, a ridge of hills all
covered with wood and planted with vineyards down to
the bottom, and at the same time a prospect of a
great extent. But I should be unpardonable if I should
omit naming the great tun, which is kept in a _ great
vault under this castle, among many other trifling smaller
vessels containing only about four hundred barrels more or
less; but for this great one, it is twenty four foot diameter,
thirty-two long, and contains eight hundred and twenty-five
English hogsheads and twelve gallons. We were so well
pleased with the place and the romantic situation of it that
our only concern was that we were straightened in time and
so soon obliged to return to Manheim, where we had left our
horses, that we made a short dinner there, and so returned
last night to camp, and was here made happy with the
agreeable news that we are soon to march hence for
Flanders.” I hope to-morrow to hear that the time is fixed,
the King seldom naming above twenty-four hours notice for
his own departure. I find from my sister’s letter that the
Princess Louisa was to set out soon, so the King will not be
long before he meets her. I dare say that Stanhope’s
accounts will have made you easy that nothing more will be
done this year, and as for Prince Charles, I suspect he can
make no further progress either, this campaign.

Wednesday, the 28th. ‘‘I am just now informed that the
orders are out at Court for our marching on Friday next;
that his Majesty will go with us as far as Biberick, and that
he will then leave the army and make the best of his way
for Hanover, that we shall from that time encamp no more but
cantoon all the way for Flanders. The Guards will be at
Brussels.’ 4 pp.

Lrievut.-Cou. RusseLL to His WIFE.

17438, October 2, Sunday. From our camp at Worms.—We
marched from Spires on Friday, but the whole army marching
together in four columns makes our progress slow, and we have
only come seven miles a day though we marched at four o’clock
in the morning. The wheel carriages were sent on before, and
only I and one other officer in our regiment had a horse to carry
our tents, and even we were without beds, ‘‘so we pigged in a
good many of us in our two tents well filled with straw, and
slept very well. We did not want much dressing in the morning,
80 were soon ready to march. . . . I thank God I was never
better in my life, nothing agreeing so well with me as this sort
295

of exercise and keeping such early hours. I have got up about
three o’clock, breakfasted half an hour after, eat another when
we came to our ground and got a good dinner about one;
smoked our pipes and so laid down about eight o’clock or
sooner. To-night our mess is to sup with Lord Holderness,
with whom we always fare well, and to-morrow, being halting
day, occasions our baggage to be with us, so that we shall lie in
our beds this night and as long as we please to-morrow
morning. Tuesday we shall march again and hope to cross the
Rhine in four days more, which will bring us to Biberick, where
we shall take leave of the King. We shall then proceed to
Newett [Neuwied ] over the mountains and there cross the Rhine
again, and so return the same way to Flanders as we came.” I
am glad to hear that Boscawen is safely arrived. 3 pp.

Lirvt.-Cou. RussELt to ais WIFE.

1743, October 6, Thursday. From our camp near Mayence.—
We stayed a day longer at Worms than we expected but made
amends by taking only two days in our march here. We have
now fine nipping frosty weather, but what with a stove in my
tent and burning brandy at night I keep as comfortably warm
as is proper in camp, and never dine in any town, though it
it is much warmer and more cheerful to be near a fire, in
order to inure myself to the cold. The King left us yesterday
morning at Oppenheim, crossing the Rhine on a flying bridge
and so proceeding for Hanover. The Duke followed him this
morning, attended by Mr. Harvey, Campbell, Fitzwilliams and
Windham being gone for England. The Prince of Hesse
went with his Royal Highness, who is to stop at Hesse Cassel
to see his sister on his way to Hanover. Our bridge of boats
will not be ready before Saturday, when we shall cross to
Biberick, but must there wait two or three days, as two divisions
of our English army are to march off first. We then encamp
all the way on that side of the Rhine to Newett, there cross
again and thence cantoon to Brussels.

I was much diverted with the matrimonial progress your
brother had made, and hope it may in every respect answer
towards his present and future happiness. As regards what
you just lightly touch upon, “I must first inform you how
good his Royal Highness was, to leave repeated orders with
Colonel Ingoldsby to permit no one of our battalion to go for Eng-
land unless members of parliament and those whom from necessity
[of] their health will require it,” notwithstanding which, two
nights before the Duke left us, I mustered up resolution,
desired an audience of him, and told him that my business
in England so much regarded the welfare of my family, I
having now a chance to sell my estate in Bucks to a
good purchaser, a gentleman just home from India, that I
prayed his favour in giving me leave after we reached winter
quarters. He gave me no denial, but hoped I would think
better of it at the end of the march, and that perhaps I
296

might not then have that urgent business. I must now leave
it to you to get my sister to work with her mistress to write
or speak to him about it, so that General Foliot might write
in his name to our General Honeywood for leave and enclose
it to me. Felton Harvey has promised to speak for me whilst
he is at Hanover.

Postscript. Col. Conway has left us and Lord Robert Manners
also, the latter upon account of his health. 44 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russet to ais WIFE.

1748, October 9, Sunday. From our camp near Mayence.—
Our bridge was finished yesterday, and this morning the Dutch
will pass over and to-morrow the English forces, when we
shall encamp near a very good town called West Baden [Wies-
baden] and there halt till next Saturday, for on Tuesday the
dragoons will all march in one division, on Thursday the
horse Guards will follow, it being proper to have a day between
every division, and on Saturday we shall march, encamping
as far as Newett and then cantooning by Maestricht to Brussels,
where Mr. Berkeley and I have desired Mr. Speed to take up
a house, he leaving to-morrow and calling at Brussels on his
way to England. I shall try every possible means to get leave,
and am satisfied that if Fanny’s mistress would speak to
Foliot, who is our lieutenant-colonel, and desire him to write
in her name to General Honeywood, it would do. There will
be sixteen officers of our regiment left, that don’t think of
going to England, which any reasonable person will think
sufficient to stay with our battalion in winter quarters. Our
mess begins to look very solitary, only Fitzroy, Berkeley and
myself being left, and the first will, I suppose, soon leave us.
Lord Holderness is a great loss, but he left me a remembrance,
promising me and Fitzroy a baggage horse each at a low price,
to be sent from Mayence; but alas, instead of the two horses,
there arrived his chariot and four, with a civil message that
having gone for England, his Lordship sent me two more
horses to dispose of if I could and also the chariot, but that
if I could not get rid of the latter, I might burn it or do
what I would with it. At first I inclined to take it to Brussels
that in case of bad weather I might get into it, and perhaps
find it useful in quarters, but on reflecting that I did not
propose to reside this winter in Brussels, nor intend to be ill
on the march, I sold it a pennyworth to Colonel Ingoldsby
for thirty guineas, with one pair of horses and the harness.
The poor man was very unwilling to give so much, as he
thought it, but another person asked for the refusal of it at
that price. This thirty guineas, and 251. I have had of Berkeley,
will a great deal more than bear my expenses to Brussels.

44 pp.
Toe Samp to THE SAME.

1743, October 11, Tuesday. From our camp near West
Baden.—Yesterday we marched from Mayence to this place,
297

having crossed the Rhine at Biberick. We had a very fine
morning and luckily got to our ground just before some very
heavy rain fell. We are encamped on the side of a hill, with
a rich valley. before us, on the right of which, very near us,
are rising hills lying all like a garden and covered at the top
with wood. To our great joy, news has come that we are to
cantoon from this place, which has raised my spirits and
reconciled me to staying here until Monday, which cannot be
avoided, the horse and all our dragoons making three divisions
and marching on Thursday, Friday and Saturday, and then
halting ; then the two brigades of horse and foot guards, under
the command of Lord Arlebermarle, making the fourth
division, march on Monday next and cantoon it all the way
to Brussels, where we shall not arrive before the 9th of
November. I cannot be too thankful that we are no longer
to lie upon the ground, the worst house or barn in any
village at this time of the year being better than a tent, and
what may save us a great many men. I went to-day to
head-quarters, and talked to my old friend Major Cockayne,
who is secretary to our General. He doubts much whether I
shall succeed in getting leave, as I was over last year and
Gumley not, who is now asking for it, and there would be
only Hemington left, besides Ingoldsby, if I was to go; so
that nothing but a recommendation from England will be likely
to prove successful, which I must leave to you and my sister.

Postscript. ‘‘If Fanny’s mistress dont do this for us she
is a b—.”

Lievut.-Cou. Russeiut to ais WIFE.

1748, October 14, Friday. From our camp near West
Baden.—I never thought a week so long as this, but in two
days we march, and then every day will bring me nearer to
a happiness which I have never so much as indulged myself
to think on until now. Almost all our members of parlia-
ment have left us, but Fitzroy is so good as to stay and
march with his mess-mates as far as Newett, we being all
that are left excepting Vane, who has been ill and not able
to lie in camp this last fortnight, but is now better.

I am sending Lord Holderness a bill for the thirty guineas
I received for his chariot and pair of horses, and also five
guineas for the horse I had of him for our kitchen cart, but
which I have taken for myself.

If Foliot cant be prevailed on to enclose a letter to me
for Honeywood, and Fanny’s mistress is backward in my
behalf, I am sure a word from Fred. Frankland to the
Secretary at War would do. My lieutenant, Parslow, will
stay, and sixteen or seventeen at least of our battalion, with
Ingoldsby to command and Col. Hemington under him. I
dare say there will be no more colonels left in the second and
third battalion that is here. Our dragoons are all gone
to-day and our horse move off to-morrow. The field officers
298

of our battalions now lie out of camp, but I like my tent
very well, and Fitzroy, Berkeley and I smoke our pipes, sing
catches, and pass the time as cheerfully as the place and wet
nights will admit of. 3 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russeuut to His WIFE.

1743, October 17, Monday.  Adelsffeck [? Adolfseck].—
‘This morning we decamped after a very rainy night and
marched through a long wood and up a rocky moun-
tain about a league and a half high [sic] and in the
thickest fog one would wish to see. This brought us to
a view of about twenty other mountains, with little villages
and a town at the bottom of ’em, which we were also to
descend to, the air being then clear and the sun appearing,
which afforded us a diversity of prospects and not unpleasant.
The town we marched through was the head quarters, called
Swaltzbach [Schwalbach], where Lord Arlebermarle and the
brigade of horse lay. It being the fate of the foot to go
always in villages, I proceeded with two more companies
besides my own about half a league further to this place,
with Captain Parslow and Berkeley and honest Fitzroy, who
is only a volunteer upon this occasion, he having had leave
to go for England from Mayence.’” We got here without any
accident to our baggage, but were obliged to put all our three
beds in one room.

Endlichoffen [? Erlichoffen]. Tuesday, October 18. ‘‘This
morning we left Adelsfeck and climbed up another hill
and after marching above five leagues all upon the hills, and
really a very fine country, with plenty of corn growing and great
variety of woods and agreeable prospects, we came to a very poor
village, with nothing but thatched houses and not even a church
in it, and this proved to be our quarters.’”’ However we found
two tolerable rooms, had our kitchen cart with us with plenty of
wine and provisions, and both we and our men fared very well.

Tosenau, near Nassau upon the Laun. Wednesday and Thurs-
day, October 19 and 20. After a miserable day’s march over
such rocks and mountains that it was great odds but all our carts
and carriages must be demolished, we came safely to this place,
although Ingoldsby and several others had their vehicles broken.
This is a large town and contains nine companies of our battalion.
It is within a league of the head quarters at Nassau, and both
places have the most romantic situation I ever saw, and a very
tremendous prospect. These towns and the country we have
passed through are half the property of the Prince of Orange.
To-morrow we march for Horen.

Friday, October 21. From Horen. After a very rainy day
and a march which though only ten miles was over hills and
mountains, steeper if possible and much worse than any we have
had yet, we arrived here by twelve o’clock, and Iam in my
old quarters, where we halted a week when we first came into
Germany. We have had a good hot dinner as a farewell to our
299

messmate Fitzroy, who has this evening gone to Coblentz and so
for England. ‘To-morrow we march at five o’clock and expect
to cross the Rhine at Newet at ten and to le to-morrow night
near Andernach.

I am sure that if the Princess were to desire Foliot to write
but the least word for leave for me, the thing would be done, and
I should like it to be before the Duke’s arrival in England. I
believe our Commander in chief will consent to anything of that
nature from England, but have great reason to fear I should be
refused here. I am perfectly well, and as we have now no more
mountains to ascend on this side the Rhine I take it the worst
is over with us. 6 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russet to wis WIFE.

1748, October 238, Sunday. Ober Lutzingen.—Our two
brigades of Guards, horse and foot, yesterday crossed the
Rhine at Newet in two flying bridges, and made a short march
on this side the river to Waesinturren [ ? Weissenthurm].
To-day we have marched by the Rhine-side to within a league
of this village and then ascended a pleasant mountain. It is
such a miserable place that the only place we could make a
shift to be in was the poor parson’s, who came out with a
pitch-fork to prevent my sergeant from entering. However we
persuaded him that if he would consent without giving us any
trouble he should fare the better for it, and we are now very
good friends. This, though the best, is so wretched a cottage
that his only spare room will scarce hold Berkeley’s and my
field beds, which cant be put up until after we have supped.

If I get leave this winter, you must tell me how much
Brussels lace will make you a cap or mob and_ neckhandker-
chief, and what narrow lace you would like for yourself and
Molly. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1743, October 27. Thursday. L’Undorff.—I wrote to you on
Sunday from Ober Lutzingen, where we halted the next day.
On Tuesday we proceeded to Carrweiller and yesterday marched
here, in fine weather and on the best of roads. To-morrow we
shall reach the neighbourhood of Dueren, on Saturday shall be
within a day’s march of Aix-la-Chapelle, and expect to arrive at
Brussels on Wednesday se’ennight, the 9th of next month.

As Foliot may postpone writing to Honeywood for me till
our Colonel’s arrival in England, and his Royal Highness
‘being now so outrageously and shockingly military,” may
very probably start some difficulty about my leave, I have
desired Fanny to get her mistress, if possible, to speak to Sir
William Young, ‘“‘who, as secretary of war, if he writes but
three lines at her request to Honeywood, I know it will succeed.”
You must let me know if any table-linen or holland for sheeting
will be wanted, and the proper sizes.

Postscript. ‘A ticket by all means for Billy R[ussell] and
Miss Faz[akerley], who I hope are well.”
800

Lrevut.-Cou. Russet to nis WIFE.

1748, October 80, Sunday. Heisterren.—‘‘ This being halting
day, you must have an account how I proceed with my friend
Berkeley and my own family, which I look upon at present my
company to be.” On Friday I marched to a village called
Binsfeldt, where my landlord, a good substantial farmer, being
able to talk Latin, we conversed much together. I assure you
I have found the little remembrance I have left of that
tongue a great help upon this march. Yesterday we came
through our old acquaintance, Dueren, and I made half an
hour’s halt that my men might go and see their landlords,
who made them all very welcome, as did the family where I
was so well quartered, who gave me coffee and offered me
anything their house could afford.

We then proceeded hither, which is within four leagues of
Aix-la-Chapelle, and to-morrow go to the neighbourhood of
that place. Before we halt again, we shall march three days,
which will bring us to the plains of Maestricht, and
after that have but one halting day more before we get to
Brussels. On our idle days, we generally have some
one or other of our officers to dine with us, but
to-day we shall be alone, although in honour of the day
{the King’s birthday] we are having a sort of entertainment,
viz., a fine Westphalia ham and chickens, a good plum
pudding, a chine of mutton of my own killing and a bowl of
punch after dinner. Our sergeants and corporals are to have
a bowl of the same liquor, and I am entertaining all my
company with meat and good drink to celebrate the day and
drink his Majesty’s health.

We have been favoured during our march with the finest
summer weather I ever knew in this month, and if we are
lucky for three days more we shall be happy enough, as we
shall then get to the pavement.

Vane and Sebright have just come in and the former desires
remembrances to all friends at Checquers. 384 pp.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1743, November 2, Wednesday. Gronsfeldt.—We marched,
the day after I last wrote, to Bourcheit [Burtscheid], a good town
contiguous to Aix-la-Chapelle, where I had three companies
quartered with me. The principal inhabitants are wealthy, their
chief trade being a woollen and needle manufactory. The latter, I
find, they are famed for, so I laid out a ducat on a packet of them,
which will serve you and Molly these many years. I hope you and
my sister will have in time enough the letters I wrote from
Lundorff, desiring that if possible Sir William Young might be
spoken to by the Princess to write to Sir Philip Honeywood, which
would be better than waiting for the Duke. I told you before
that I had decided not to speak to General Honeywood, being
unwilling to have a denial, as would probably be the case, ‘‘ he
801

having taken a great aversion to the Guards, not for any reason
but that he is so excessive stupid as that the small privileges we
have he can by no means bear we should insist upon; so that
ever since we were last at Ghent, I find he has taken it into his
thick skull to use us ill.”’” But I have no cause to suppose he has
any ill-will to me, and am persuaded that a letter from any
person in power in England would have the desired effect.

T left Aix-la-Chapelle yesterday morning, and marched with
four companies to a village called Mechlen, near Gulpen. ‘‘ So
miserable a day I’ve not seen these many months, both for wind
and rain, not that one has any cause to complain, but that ’twas
painful to one to see the poor wretches march up to the knees in
many places in mud and water, the roads were so
bad. However I comforted most of mine with a dram
of gin each when we got to the end of our march,
which we all did safe and well.” To-day is fair, but cold
and windy. After some bad and difficult roads we have arrived
here safely, where we are to halt to-morrow, and then march
three days together to Tirlemont, whence you shall hear again.
If I get Lady Lee’s table linen, am I to pay the duties for it?
‘*My love to Molly, and thank her for providing a house for me,
and pancakes for my dinner, and that I have ’em almost every
day, and eat her health in them. ... From the Hague I hear
we are to have a peace that ’tis thought ’twill be patched up
only for two or three years and then break out into a general
war.” Houses are excessive dear at Brussels, and Berkeley and
I fear we shall not get one under six guineas per month. 34 pp.

Addressed :—‘‘ To Mrs. Russell in Duke Street, St. James.”

Lrevut.-Cou. Russeuu to nis WIFE.

1748, November 7, Monday. Tirlemont.—When I last wrote
to you from Gronsfeldt, Ingoldsby, Berkeley and I proposed to
dine at Maestricht and see the fine Dutch garrison there the
following day. Dine there, it’s true, we did, but nothing could
we see, for it rained hard the whole time; however we were
lucky enough to have it fine next day, when we marched on foot
and in great form through Maestricht, and on to some villages
beyond Tongres, twenty English miles in all. Next day we
reached St. Iron [Tron], which being a large town, held both our
brigades of horse and foot well quartered, and yesterday we came
to Tirlemont, where we are extremely well provided with every-
thing. As we are now upon a fine pavement I no longer fear
any accident to my carriages; their escape hitherto is one of the
many great instances of good fortune which I have had since I
left my dearest life. To-morrow we go to Louvain and next day
to Brussels, where Capt. Speed had promised to take a house for
me and Berkeley, but he found them so dear that he did not
venture to do so. I have sent Sergeant Sabine forward to find
us some place to put our heads in. 38 pp.
302

Lievut.-Cou. Russeuu to urs WIFE.

1748, November 11, Friday. Brussels.—“‘ On Wednesday last,
being the 9th of November, 0.S., and according to my appointment
from Westbaden, we marched into this town, concluding with
one of the finest days I ever knew, which rather made it a party
of pleasure from Louvain than fatigue. Our being obliged to halt
before we came into town, to make the men appear as clean and
as decent as the nature of such a march would admit of, took up
a good deal of time, though it did not appear so to me, for all
that while I was so happy as to be employed with four letters
from you and two from my sister, which were brought me from
this town. . . . My sister was so good as to have given
herself a great deal of trouble and me the satisfaction of knowing
that her mistress has wrote to her brother, and will do her
endeavours to procure me leave. When I had finished my
letters, my sergeant, who I had sent before, brought me an
account of having got a lodging for Berkeley and I, and stabling
for our horses, which was another comfort, so twas now time to
march into town, which we did in great form, having all the beau
monde turning out to us and we in our regimentals.” Berkeley
and I were invited to dine with three ensigns of ours, Pearson,
Sebright and Vernon, who are in a mess, and in one of the
prettiest houses in town, all ready furnished and complete. It
was taken for them by Pearson, who had leave to go earlier to
Brussels, for his health. The other two were often with us on the
march and welcome at our table; they are very agreeable young
fellows and made us very happy in their new house. Our own
lodgings are, God knows, bad enough, though at the rate of five
guineas per month; in short, so unhappy was Berkeley, that he
got up early yesterday morning and took lodgings for himself in
another house, where there is not room for me, being resolved
not to be an hour longer in that one. He has been helping me
to look for rooms, but we have determined to eat at the Hotel de
Flandres and I mean to go to-morrow into one of the great
hotels, where I pay only so much a night, and remain there till I
hear from England about my leave. Yesterday I was made
happy by a letter from you and one from my sister." I give you
joy of having brought your little family safe up to town. Fanny
says that her mistress is sure she will get me leave, but I doubt
it, if it is to depend on the Duke. A letter from Sir William
Young I know would do, and beg it may be got if his Royal
Highness makes the least put-off. Several officers are gone this
morning; York only of ours. The elder Ramsden has been to
see me and hindered me full an hour, but I could not send him
away when he was so good as to come and take leave of me. He
has promised to callon you as soon as hecan. ‘ He’s a great
favourite of mine, and I can’t help being partial to his whole
family, in which I know, as in everything else, [’'m so happy as
to have you in the same way of thinking.” 5 pp.
803

Lirvut.-Cou. Russenu to nis WIrr.

1743, November 12, Saturday. Brussels.—‘‘ My dearest life,
love, soul and only joy, this morning I got leave from Sir Philip
Honeywood to go on Thursday next for England.” After I wrote
yesterday he issued an order that a return should be made through
Lord Arlebermarle, who still commands our two brigades,
of all officers gone, or desirous, upon special business, to go for
England, and I was told by a friend that if I did not now put in
my claim, I might be answered hereafter that it was my own
fault not to have asked sooner. Lord Arlebermarle’s answer was
that he could not consent, from the instructions he had received
from the Duke, but that he wished with all his heart that the
general would give me leave. However I saw him this morning
and he promised to put my name in the return. I then proceeded
to levee the General himself, and he was so jocose and familiar
(although I had not leveed him but once before these six months)
that I ventured to take him aside and said that I had not meant
to trouble him myself, but was in hopes of getting a powerful
advocate to intercede for me, and that I had now heard that her
Royal Highness would solicit on my behalf. He assured me this
would have great weight with him, and finally gave me permission
to write to let her Royal Highness know that I had obtained his
leave, and consented to my starting next week with Colonel
Southby, “‘ so that by the packet from Ostend to-morrow se’en-
night I hope to sail, and leave you to guess what a flutter I am

29

in.’ § pp.

Toe Same to tHE SAME.

1743, November 16. Brussels.—God willing, I propose leaving
this place to-morrow, having just this minute got my leave signed,
from Cockayne. If only the wind continues favourable till
Sunday, it will not be long before I shall kiss your hands, to
which happy time I leave all my budget. 1 p.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1748, November 20, Sunday night. Ostend.—I am sending
this by an officer who goes to-morrow to Calais, that you may
know that I am not tossing to and fro at sea this windy weather.
General Cope, Brigadier Campbell, &c. have taken up one
packet; Col. Madden, Jack Boscawen, J ack Robinson, Ramsden
Walgrave and two more are with me in one house and have
taken up another packet, and all are not a little anxious for an
easterly wind. Our packet boat is a very good one, with a good
captain and a skilful pilot, therefore by God’s blessing I don’t
doubt but to have a good voyage.

Postscript. ‘‘ Col. Waldgrave begs you would send to Arleber-
marle Street to Lord Walgrave’s, only to let him know he is
here windbound with me.” 2 pp.
304

Lrevt.-Cou. Russert to ars WIFE.

[1743, November 24,] Thursday evening. Rochester.—I was
in Canterbury last night, by the help of Mr. Paramour’s coach,
and hoped to have been with you as soon as this letter, but could
not prevail on our coachman to go further than this place to-day,
so shall not be in Duke Street till near six o’clock to-morrow,
which though only three hours later, seems an age tome. Il p.

Endorsed by Mrs. Russell :—‘‘ Rochester, the 24th November,
1743. Was at home the next day at about seven in the evening.”

Tue Same to THE SAME.

[1744, April 8,] Tuesday noon. Chelmsford.—Has safely
arrived at this place, and intends to proceed to Colchester after
dinner. 1 p.

Tor Same to THE SAME.

(1744, April 8,] Tuesday night. Colchester.—Has reached
Colchester, hears that the Harwich packet-boat is under no
apprehension of meeting with a French privateer, but fears that
their embarking may be delayed by the weather. 14 pp.

Tor Same to tHE Samn.

[1744,] April 4, Wednesday. Harwich.—Is safe and well,
and expects to sail as soon as the London mail comes in. 1 p.

THe SAME tO THE SAME.

[1744,] April 4, Wednesday, 7 at night. Harwich.—The
mail has not yet come.

Thursday morning. Is delighted to hear that she and the
dear babies are well. Assures Molly that he thinks as often of
her as she does of him, and wishes Jack to have two plums
extraordinary from his Papa every time he says his book well.
Their party consists of six and they have a tight battle at whist
every night. The Captain has just been in to say that the wind
blows fair and that they are to be aboard before one o’clock. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1744, April 6. Friday morning, 10 o’clock. Helvoet
Sluice.—Had a fine passage of eighteen hours, and saw nothing
of any privateer. Are about to set out for the Brill, on their way
to Rotterdam. 1 p.

THE Same to THE SAME.

1744, April 10, Tuesday. Ghent.—We lay at Rotterdam on
Friday night and next day viewed the town, which is finely
situated for trade, with canals filled with ships almost in every
305

street: We were in an English house, where I feasted upon
waterzutchy [sic] and very good provisions and wines.
On Sunday we went in a yacht to Moredyke and there took
covered waggons to Breda, where we saw the Prince of Orange’s
house, a very good one, with some grand apartments and fine
tapestry init. Breda is a neat pretty town on the frontiers of
Holland, and its fortifications in extreme fine order. Yesterday
we travelled in covered waggons to Antwerp, and this evening
have arrived here after a very pleasant journey. - Middleton (the
surgeon) and a friend of his, with our four, were the party. We
lay one night in our yacht upon the Scheld, and played at cards
all the time we sailed.

Wednesday. I have just been with Lord Robert [Manners]
to wait on General Campbell and the rest of our generals.
We only saw the first, who has invited us to dine with him
on Friday. Iam lodging at the Pom d’or, and as we shall soon
march out of garrison, shall probably continue there. Brigadier
Ingoldsby has the next room to me. If Berkeley has not come
away before you get this, tell him I have got him a cart and that
there will be a bed provided for him. Vane and Parslow
and many other officers went to Brussels for Prince Charles’
inauguration last Monday, when there were very grand doings.
The same ceremony is to be performed here on Monday next, his
public entry being on Saturday. At Brussels he took his oath
of fidelity to the States of Brabant, that being their capital, and
he will repeat it here, Ghent being the capital of Flanders; all
which he does as being appointed governor of the Austrian
Netherlands.

I’m glad to hear of the floods, which I hope will fill the pond
at Missenden. Let me know if Fred. Frankland is or will be a
cornet.

Postscript. Ihave seen my family of red-coats this morning
‘‘who are all brave and well; and are going to be very spruce in
their new clothes against Monday. Nat. is very good and well.”

5 pp.
Lievt.-Cou. CHarLtes Russetu to nis WIFE.

1744, April 14, Saturday. Ghent.—The inhabitants and
magistrates here are making great preparations for the reception
of Prince Charles and his Archduchess, who make their entry
this afternoon by the Brussels gate, and through two streets to
the ‘‘Abbe [Abbey] de St. Pierre’s,”” where they are to reside.
“The burghers have insisted upon the privilege of lining the
streets through which they pass, so that the military have nothing
to do in it but to be under arms, only to be kept out of harm’s
way. . . . The town is so full with people flocking hither
from all parts that there is scarce a lodging to be got.” We live
a very lounging life here. There is a very bad set of comedians,
who have performed but once since I came. Those of our officers
who have been at Brussels have come back so full of the joys
and charms of that garrison that they are quite melancholy at

14170 a U
306

being here, but we who have just come from England are deter-
mined to do all we can to reconcile ourselves to it. Yesterday I
dined at General Campbell’s and in the evening went to see Capt.
Parslow and his messmate Vane. By our Marshal’s orders, we
are all to be in readiness to take the field in ten days or a fort-
night, but most people think it will not be so soon. 34 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHARLES RussELu to HIS WIFE.

1744, April 20, Wednesday. Ghent.—We have had almost
ceaseless rain since Saturday morning, but it has not prevented
our fine doings, though it must have damped them a little.
Prince Charles made his entry on Saturday but it was a very
shabby one, with few attendants, bad equipage, and post-horses
to his coach. The next day passed with dining and supping,
‘but on Monday was the grand day, when Prince Charles was
inaugurated as a proxy, representing the Queen of Hungary as
Countess of Flanders. In the morning he went to Mass, both to
St. Pierre’s at the Abbey and to the great church here, called St.
Bavo’s [St. Bavon’s] ; about one he went in a grand procession
with all the ensigns, standards, and trophies of the different
provinces of Flanders preceded by very fine equipages, the
coaches and horses being finely ornamented, belonging both to
church and state, then came the Prince in but a moderate fine
coach attended with one of our regiments of dragoons,
called the Scotch Greys, whose fine appearance was no
small addition to the cavaleade. In this manner they pro-
ceeded to the further end of the Friday market, where there
was prepared a very magnificent structure open to
the square with grand arcades, above which were painted many
emblems relating to the states of this country, and in the middle
a very large picture of the Queen of Hungary with a representation
of Flanders paying homage to her. Within this building was
erected a stage all covered with red cloth, and in the middle a
very noble throne and canopy made with crimson velvet embroi-
dered richly with gold, where the Prince ascended, and when he
was seated, there were all the states, bishops, abbots and priors
stood of each side of the throne, and the laity made a fine
appearance with the richness of their clothes. At this time all
their laws and statutes were read to him, which he in the name
of the Queen ratified and confirmed to ’em, and by oath obliged
himself to support ’em in all their ancient just rights and
privileges; they also took oaths of allegiance to him. All this
was performed in the grand square before all the populace and
the buildings all round thronged with people from the top to the
bottom of the houses. There was a balcony prepared for the
Archduchess for to see it, next door but one to Mr. de la Ruelle’s,
where I was with all our generals. Honywood only from Brussells
was with us, the rest had seen enough before. I took Lord Rob[ert
Manners] with me and got leave for Ingoldsby to be there also.
This lasted till four o’clock, then all went to dinner with the
Prince to the great Stat House where all us field officers were
307

invited to partake ; about two hundred in number in one room,
and about seven hundred dishes at two courses, but it took up
near an hour to take off one and serve up the second course,
besides as long for the dessert, which was magnificent beyond
expression, a printed book of the description of it being given
about to.everybody, but all in Flemish; vast high structures
with colonnades and figures composed of sugar paste and barley-
sugar with ensigns, trophies, and emblems of this country, and
representing the past great acts and virtues, as well as the
present, of the House of Austria, with innumerable Latin labels
and mottoes as described in the book, being the principal part of
the dessert, with music playing all the time, which lasted till
near nine o’clock, when we parted. Yesterday morning I went
with Lord Robert . . . to the Prince’s Court, and among others
were presented to His Highness and the Archduchess; she
seems to be an agreeable woman, and has a tolerable good person,
does not look quite so well at present, as she is with child. Her
dress was plain, but had on some very fine diamonds; her maids
of honour, of which she had three or four, were very plain and
had but disagreeable persons. Duchess d’Arembergh, who is
with them, is really a very fine woman of her age, appears to be
about forty, but must have been very handsome. In the evening
we saw their Highnesses at the play, after which they went to the
Friday market to see the fireworks prepared for em. I was again
at La Ruelle’s, from whence I saw as fine an execution of rockets
and all the composition of that kind performed as well as the art
of man can contrive. ... I then came home to supper, and the
young ones all went after that to the ball which was at the
theatre and stayed pretty late.’’

The Prince and his Archduchess returned this morning to
Brussels, to consult about the operations of our campaign, and
then he is to proceed to command the army on the Rhine. Duke
D’Arembergh arrived yesterday from England, so that Berkeley,
Robinson and our drafts are safely landed at Ostend and will be
here to-morrow.

Our deputy quarter masters general have been these two days
gone to mark out our camp between Aeth and Mons, and if the
French have taken the field, we may march out of garrison next
Wednesday, but as the rains may have prevented them, there is
a chance that our going may be postponed. We shall know after
the great Council at Brussels to-morrow.

‘Our good people in England have thought proper to send our
British troops here not above a fourth part of the allowance for
forage money as they did the year before last, and our brigade
ig still worse than the rest, for instead of 40/. each, which we as
lieutenant-colonels received before, are now to have but 10/.;
that is, instead of eight rations a day, which is for eight horses,
we are to have but two, which, if not redressed, will ruin half the
officers of the army.’ Our Marshal has sent over representations
of it, thinking us very ill-used, but I fear we shall get no redress.
I am sorry for Lady Talbot’s distress at Barrington’s not having
308

a company, and not sorry that Lady Exeter feels for the loss she
is going to have, for I would always have pride so humbled. I
hope young Fred. F[ranklan]d wont be disappointed. 8 pp.

Lievt.-Cou. Cuarues Russevut to wis WIFE.

1744, April 21, Saturday. Ghent.—I was upon duty as field-
officer yesterday, and so could not avoid dining with General
Hawley, which prevented my beginning my letter, and to-day
Colonel and Mrs. Gee have come from Brussels in their way from
Maestricht, where they have been to fix their boy at school; and
I have to give up most of my day to them. General Campbell
has not come from Brussels, so we shall not march next week.
Berkeley and Robinson arrived last Thursday, with the drafts in
their charge.

I have bought an English horse of Lord Charles Manners for
Nat. 3 pp.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1744, April 24 and 25. Ghent.—Colonel and Mrs. Gee have
placed their boy with an acquaintance who is a substantial
merchant and has five or six boys of his own. They go to a
school in the town, where they learn only French and Dutch.
“Do but think of the poor boy left with all strangers and not
knowing a word of their language. However, Mrs. Gee said he
was so happy with the sight of so many playfellows, that they
presently understood one another with signs.” He is a fine boy
of eight years old, and will soon know both languages, which as
he is to be a soldier may be of great use to him. Mrs. Gee and
another officer’s wife of the same regiment are going to live
together at Bruges, but I cannot bring myself to wish you in the
same situation. Some people already suspect an inactive
campaign, unless there is war between France and Holland,
‘for without the latter are concerned as principals as well as we,
nothing in this part of the world can be done.” However, we
talk of marching next Monday, and when we do go, are to encamp
within a few miles of Brussels.

If Colonel Boscawen has not come away, try to prevail on him
to bring over some low, thick wineglasses for our mess, such as
your brother had in the camp on Hounslow Heath. Berkeley has
gone to Brussels. He believes that Lord Berkeley will certainly
marry, but if anything prevents it, it will be her not having the
fortune he expects. Lord Robert is also gone to Brussels, but
Jack Robinson is kept here by a general court-martial. Lord
Robert has had a letter from the Duchess of Rutland in which she
says many fine things both of you and me. Ingoldsby came
from Brussels last night, and does not think we shall march
on Monday, by what he can learn from the great generals. Pray
tell Col. Boscawen that the Duke has sent no men either for his
company or mine among the drafts, having sent but six men in
all, Davis, the surgeon, who came with them, says one man was
309

meant for us, but was too ill tocome. Whilst Prince Charles was
here, young Townsend, Mr. O’Brian (Lord Thomond’s heir) and
young Viner came here from Brussels. The latter is but dis-
agreeable, but the former are two pretty young fellows, and
Townsend is very good-natured as well as droll. 5 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. CHarues Russeii to nis WIFE.

(1744, April 28, Saturday. Ghent.—I am pleased to hear that
Billy Russell has got so well through the small-pox, which will be
a great joy to them in India. I wish it was so well over with
ours. I am also glad that your brother is with you. His real
value and friendship for you and the dear little ones is one of the
greatest comforts I have. As Mobwell is full, I hope there will
be plenty of water again at Missenden, especially if Kyres goes to
see it. I long to hear whether he approves of it. You surprise
me about Hampden’s match, but surely he expects that her rich
relations will in time make her fortune more considerable. ‘‘ As
for your news of peace, I do believe ’tis only an empty sound,
but yet, as I have already said, till the Dutch are heartily Joined
with us, and are got as much in the scrape as we, I can never
think that we can or shall act vigorously.”” We march on Tues-
day to Alorst, where we were to have encamped, but upon the
request of the people, who fear the destruction of their green
corn, we are to be cantooned at the villages near. The next day
we encamp near Anderlecht, within a league of Brussels, for two
or three days, and shall then probably march one day more, and
encamp with all the army near a place called Hale, where we
shall await the motions of the enemy. ‘‘ Lord Robert, Berkeley
and a whole posse are just come in from Brussels, and lucky for
me that I’ve just done, for they are enough to turn one’s head.
The King of France, they say, is at Valenciennes, and all the
fish at Brussels was bought up for his court. I was told yester-
day he only intended to review his armies, first in Flanders, then
on the Moselle, and last of all on the Rhine, and so return
home.” 5 pp.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1744, May 1. Sherbach St. Job, near Alorst.—We marched
this morning from Ghent, and I am now in this little village
with my whole battalion. To-morrow I must be up at three
o’clock, in order to march to our encampment near Anderlacht,
where we may remain some time. Lord Robert Manners and I
have but one room here. Jack Robinson and all friends are

well. 2 pp.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1744, May 5, Saturday. Anderlech Camp.—We marched here
last Wednesday in cool weather, and our battalion is very agree-
ably encamped on rising ground, “but I could not help thinking
310

it shocking to destroy such a vast quantity of fine corn, which
we not only was obliged to march over, but also to pitch all our
tents in the midst of it. The poor larks I also pitied much,
whose young fell a sacrifice to us, and whose tuneful pipes remind
us early every morning of what they have so lately suffered. But
I can assure you the greatest concern I’ve been in was upon the
account of our men, lest they should fall sick, the ground being
very damp the first night, but as we luckily had a fine drying day
with a warm sun all Thursday, our men’s tents were all struck
and the straw removed for several hours, which had so good an
effect that I hope they will all hold well. . . . The next day
after us, the garrison from Bruges all joined us, so that we have
now two lines encamped. We are on the right of the infantry in
the front line, within a mile of Anderlech, which is about three
more from Brussels. . . . . The H[anoveriajns, who are
all encamped on the left of us, reach within a little mile of
Brussels. All proper orders have been given to prevent any disputes
that may arise, which I hope and dare say will be observed to the
utmost of our power. All our troops and those in our pay are
encamped but those at Brussels, who will remain there till the
weather is warmer. All our generals and the Marshal would
fain have kept us some days longer in garrison, but Duke
D’Arembergh, on the contrary, insisted upon it, who prevailed.
The Austrians, I find, wont furnish us with more than one-third
of the troops that they had engaged to do, so that our army will
not be so strong for want of them and the ungrateful Hessians
as we expected, and consequently ’tis thought can only be on the
defensive. Yesterday I waited on Marshal Wade, was introduced
by General Legonier, had many instructions given me by his
Excellency relating to the officers and men under my command,
who I puffed of very much on their good behaviour and well-
marching into camp, after he had with great warmth expressed
so much dissatisfaction on his seeing those troops who came from
Bruges the day after us into camp, on whose misconduct he
greatly reflected on [sic], but what was greatly owing to the
violence of the heat of their day, which fatigued them so much
more than us: that he hoped we should be an example to the
troops, which Mr. Legonier said the Guards always were, and I
can assure you, he is much our friend, and a great favourite of
mine; is declared General of the infantry, to whom we are to apply
to [sic] for all we want. I don’t [know] any body more beloved
and more deserving of it. I must also do our Marshal the justice
to say that he seems assiduous to act for the general good. I
dined with him yesterday. He lives well, but I can’t say any-
ways equal to Lord Stair. However, if he is in the whole care-
ful of us, he must gain great applause.”’ He told me that there
had been a dispute between the master of the packet-boats at
Dover and the Governor of the Post Office in Lombard Street,
and that he feared for some time our communication to Ostend
would be stopped, so I send this by way of Holland.

_ ‘Mr. Legonier came along our line this morning, and has
mivited me to dine with him to-morrow. ‘Twill be some comfort
311

to have such a friend to stand by one in case of any inadvertent
omission, by which I can learn by the Marshal that I am, as
well as other commanders of corps, to be answerable for all or
any neglects or faux-pas, committed not only by myself but those
under my command. Therefore do but think how circumspect I
must be. Honour, ’tis true, I have and may have more, but
God knows but little profit. However, with the blessing of
God... . all these troubles and difficulties may turn out for my
advantage.” 54 pp.

Lieut.-Cou. CHargues Russet to nis WIre.

1744, May 9, Wednesday.‘ From our camp near Ash.—‘‘ On
Monday we were alarmed at Brussels that the French were upon
the march towards Ghent; that they had possession of Courtray,
which is an open town, and that they encamped on this side of
it’”’; upon which we sent a detachment of dragoons and six
companies of grenadiers under General Campbell towards Alorst.
A report was spread that the French were actually in Ghent, but
this proved otherwise, as General Campbell arrived there yesterday
morning. The whole army had orders to follow him next morning,
being about thirty thousand, and as we were unluckily the rear,
if was nine at night before we got to our ground, which is within
three miles of Alorst. Now we hear that the French advanced no
further than Courtray, and after plundering the town, retired
again, and are now marching towards Mons, so we shall probably
shortly return whence we came, and shall then have the advantage
of marching in front of the army, which wont be near the fatigue
to either officers or men. ‘‘If the French had pushed on a forced
march to Ghent, it would have cut off our communication from
Ostend and intercepted our drafts from England, which would
have distressed us not a little . . . We shall, I hear, have
to-morrow some few Austrians and ten thousand Dutch to join us,
which will be some help, but not a fourth part of what they ought
to supply us with. My jolly boys are in great spirits, and came
singing to their ground last night, and wish for nothing more than
to meet the French, being sure to beat ’em.” 34 pp.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1744, May 12, Saturday. From our camp near Assche.—
Our camp here is a very pleasant one, on the right of the
infantry, and close by the paved road from Ghent to Brussels,
‘so that we don’t want for company, and seem to live in the
midst of Pall Mall,.with hearing coaches and all sorts of carriages
rattling along the stones without end; at the same time a fine
fertile country all round us.... The Dutch and Austrians are
daily joining us, but at present there seems to be but few of ’em.
It is said we shall remove from hence on Monday next to a few
miles beyond Alost, and so march on to a very strong encamp-
ment between Ghent and Oudenarde, called Gavre.... We
shall there have the Scheld on our front, and another river on
312

our left, where we shall remain till all our strength have joined
us, and then, if we are powerful enough, dont doubt but we
shall act, if the enemy shall think fit to receive us, which last I
pretty much question. When we shall be at that encampment,
the French will be about ten leagues from us, if they remain
where they now are. Their King has certainly been with their
army, and they say has rode post several times between Lisle and
Courtray, but that he is now gone back to Versailles. I am very
sorry to be obliged to make an excuse for not saying more to
you... but I must first tell you that I have wrote a copy of a
long letter to the Duke, which I have to write fair, and would
have you get my sister to find out how his Royal Highness relishes
it, or what he says upon it; being the first time of my having
said anything more than enclosing his weekly return. I have
likewise just received orders that the Archduchess will come
from Brussels to review us between twelve and one o’clock this

day, so that some fuss and preparations will be necessary on
this account.” 3 pp.

[Mrs. Russext to her husband, Lreut.-Cou. Russet. |

(1744, May, about the 14th. Duke Street. ]|—[Pwrst part of the
letter wanting.| Ramsden tells me that he has at present no
correspondence with that Van Kock at the Hague, but I do not
doubt, through Talbot, to find some one for you to direct to. I
hear that Prince Saxe’s interruption to the officers is removed,
so hope they are all safely up with you. ‘‘I find they dont
think things will be the worse for the Duke of Freeze’s death ;
the Dutch being ready to give up the towns was thought would
occasion the splutter. I hope you will be pleased with a note
I had -from Fanny since dinner, to tell me when she began to
name to her friend your having wrote to her brother she said she
knew it before, and that he was mightily pleased, which you
may be sure is no small pleasure tome. Iam told since I went
out to-day that the Duke’ certainly has at last leave to come to
you, and that he only waits till there is a certainty what the
King will do, which I find is still very doubtful. It is reported
that if he does leave us, the P[elha]ms will certainly throw up.
My dearest life, the situation you are in to me is terrible, yet
nothing so bad as the not hearing of you. Must thank God you
are in health and spirits, and trust to him as our only defender
in all dangers. I believe I have not said a word of the dear
babies, who are well, and making such a noise in the yard and
passage, they have drawn all Lady Shelley’s family to look at
them. . . . Ramsden assures me there is no truth in the
packets not coming as usual, and that it was only occasioned by
the wind. My dearest life, take care of yourself, not as your own
but mine.” 2 pp. [or the date, see Colonel Russell's letters of

May 12th and 19th. This is apparently one of those received
by him on the 18th. ]
313

Lievut.-Cou. Russenu to unis WuIre.

1744, May 16, Wednesday. From our camp near Assche.—
We are still here, and have had such wet, cold weather that we
have had to have recourse to tobacco and a bottle of good wine
to keep us warm in the evenings, and gin for the men. I told’
you in my last that the Archduchess was to review us at twelve
o'clock, ‘‘ but [she] made it half past four, keeping the whole
army under arms many hours; and when she came, it was only
in a hired coach and four horses drawn with ropes for harness ;
too poor an appearance did her Highness make for to have the
English Guards drop their colours. |Our whole army has
consisted only of English and Hanoverians till within these few
days, and now we have got an addition of about twelve thousand
Dutch and Austrians. They tell us we are to have more, but till
then, we can do nothing but upon the defensive. What you are
all doing in England, God above knows! Sure the French are
not threatening you again? No, that can’t be; then we should
hear of you; you would have wanted our assistance and so of
course sent for us; but I wish some deluge has not happened, or
sure somebody must have heard from England by the way of
Holland.’ Even our Marshal has not had a line for three weeks.
A poor young fellow of mine, one of the Nottingham recruits,
who deserted about three months ago, drawn away by an old
offender, has just come in from the French, and I must go to the
Marshal and try to get his pardon, so cannot write more. 4 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1744, May 18 and 19. Camp near Assche.—I sent my last
letter enclosed to Monsieur Pouchond, the King’s agent at
Utrecht, and this one I have leave to enclose to Monsieur Walters,
the King’s agent at Rotterdam, so I hope you will duly receive
them. We have an English post-master always attending head-
quarters, and he has gone to Brussels to get all the letters for the
camp. ‘To-morrow a detachment consisting of four regiments of
foot and some dragoons are to march, I suppose towards Ghent,
and we shall follow soon after. ‘‘The French King is still at
Lisle, and they are going, ’tis thought, to besiege Menin, which
is a Dutch garrison, and if the French are in earnest, the Dutch
will then be obliged to join us with their whole force. This town
can’t hold out long, not having above two thousand men in it at
most; ’tis said the French have already with twenty thousand
men invested it.” We have a very good sutler in our regiment,
where all our officers, not in messes, dine every day; and to
encourage this man we have established a club every Friday
night where our whole regiment meets, for we are very sociable,
and not a corps in the army lives with more harmony than ours.

Saturday morning. Last night, while I was at the
club, the postmaster brought in our letters and made me
happy with four from you. I could not help being diverted
with one sent to Mr. Vernon, with a list of above twenty
814

marriages, but I dare say not a third of them true. Berkeley has
one which confirms the news of Lord Berkeley’s marriage. I
find by what you say and by the messenger that nothing but the
wind has prevented the packet-boats from sailing, so shall write
by Ostend, if the wind is fair, as being the quickest way. I
seldom see Ingoldsby, as he belongs to another brigade, but he
invited six or seven of us to his quarters last week, and gave us
a very pretty dinner. ‘‘If command was what I loved, I might have
enough of it: hope I shall discharge my duty to the satisfaction
of Marshal Wade and General Legoniere and then I shall be con-
tented. The last is our General of our foot, to whom we apply
for everything. Heis vastly good to us and a great favourite
with me. I hope I shall not displease his Royal Highness, but
cant help it if I do; fear he’ll not like my last letter. Corporal
Barker must be subsisted by our agent till he dies, if he lives
and is unable to serve. If he could get up to London he might
be got into the [Chelsea] College.”’

Our detachment which was to have marched to-day is counter-
manded. What we shall dol cant say. Ourarmy is too small
to act except on the defensive, ‘‘ nor will the Austrians, or can
they, as it is said, assist us more, and from them we have not ex-
ceeding two thousand men. As they have drawn us in to be
principals, they now leave us to ourselves. What hussars we
should have are kept by Duke D‘Aremberg to protect his own
house and estate.” 54 pp.

Lireut.-Cou. RussELtu to His WIFE.

1744, May 23, Wednesday. From the head-quarters at Beir-
leghem.—On Monday we began our march towards Oudenarde,
and yesterday reached a strong encampment near a village called
Mariotathem, where our army now lies, with the Scheld on our
right flank and the Swalme on our front, within two leagues of
Oudenarde and three of Ghent. The Marshal is at a chateau
near the village of Beirleghem, where only our first battalion of
Guards is encamped to cover his quarters, so that [am not only
commandant, but commander in chief of this camp, which is very
prettily situated, with plenty of wood and water. We had two
very pleasant days for marching, and General Ligoniere, who
marches at the head of our battalion, entertains us each day
when we halt, with a good cold repast. Yesterday, as soon as
we came to our ground, the Marshal’s aide-de-camp came and
invited us to dinner.

All who came by the last transport are at Bruges, ‘‘including
seven general officers, Boscawen and all the members of Parlia-
ment except Lord Petersham, who took the opportunity of com-
ing away to Ghent with three hundred and fifty horse, who was
sent from Bruges almost upon their first arrival there.

“Since that, we have an account that all the rest are detained
upon Count Saxe’s marching with five thousand men and some
few field-pieces, close to the canal, half way between Bruges and
315

Ghent. The officers, whom we want much, ’tis to be hoped will
find an expedient to come round by Holland. As for the two
towns you mentioned the French had taken, they are only at
present in possession of Courtray, which is an open town, but
believe they soon will be masters of Menin, which is but six
leagues from us, and the wind setting fair made us yesterday
hear a cannonading all day long. ’Tis pity that so pretty a
fortified town [should be taken], that had it but four or five
thousand men in it would be able to hold out a very long time
and give the enemy their belly-full; but as it has only fifteen
hundred, ’tis thought it cant hold out many days. However, the
Dutch deserve it, since they would not supply it with more men,
and as it is one of their barrier towns, garrisoned by their meng
‘tis to be hoped they will now be convinced how much the
French have been their friends and so join us with a strong re-
inforcement of troops, with which we might be able to makea figure
in the world and treat the common enemy as they deserve.
Till then, what forces we have will do well if they can but take
care of themselves.

‘You desired to know in one of yours about the Archduchess’s
hand being kissed. I thought I had told you nobody then at
Ghent did her that honour.

‘Pray, with my service, let Mrs. Fisher know that I'll take all
the care I can of Mr. Elliott when he comes, for the sake of
smiling Kitty. .... I shall be very sorry if no care has been
taken to prevent Freddy Fr[ankland]’s coming; hope Jeny
Mount[enay] will get away soon and go into the North: ’twill
be a certain cure.” 5 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. RusseLtu to His WIFE.

1744, May 26, Saturday noon. From Gaver on the Scheld.—
On Thursday evening, I received orders, as the next field officer
in the line upon duty, to march next morning with three hundred
and fifty foot and sixty horse to take possession of this village,
in order to prevent any of the enemy or their hussars from pass-
ing the river hereabouts. The enemy not being near us, it
happens to be a post of no great danger, only obliging me to be
upon my guard and acquaint our Marshal if there should be any
appearance of the enemy on the other side, the object being to
keep the communication of the river open from Ghent to Oude-
narde. Our detachment only stays forty-eight hours, and then I
shall be relieved and return to head-quarters. These parties
are not always very agreeable, there being never any of the
Guards with us, sometimes not an officer of one’s acquaintance,
and perhaps half of them Hanoverians. As for some time I
have been next on the roll for out duty, it has been like a rod
hanging over me, but it has really proved quite an agreeable party.
‘“‘T have two officers of the Blue horse and two or three more of
the foot of my acquaintance and only one poor old hardy Hano-
verian subaltern of horse, that served the last war, and a good
creature, that is with me. He speaks nothing but German, but yet
316

I understand him, and he is very grateful for the good meals I
give him here.” We are in a pretty situation, on arising ground
overlooking the flat country. For some distance along the river
it is a morass, and the river here is very deep and muddy, with
no fords. The house I am in belongs to the parson, and there
are not many better parsonages in England, only the poor man
tells me he has sent all his best goods to Ghent for fear of the
French, who always pillage and plunder much. The poor people
are glad to come to us, finding that they are protected and are
paid for the provisions they bring, so that both we and our men
fare very well, and have everything cheap. A younger brother
of Mr. Scott’s of Chesham is one of my subs. I have taken a
Flemish boy from Ghent, whom I find very useful. He is about
thirteen or fourteen, and the best boy I ever knew. He speaks
English well, acts as my interpreter as well as my butler, and is
ready on all occasions to be at my elbow. This day our quarter-
master general and engineers have come and laid two bridges
over the river, and two more are to be laid near Oudenarde, but
it is doubtful whether we shall cross over. ‘‘ Menin, they say, is
certainly taken, and that the enemy are going to besiege Ispres,
another barrier town with a Dutch garrison init. If that wont
make ’em join us with all their force, nothing will. What we
shall do till then I know not... As for the men and drafts
coming from Bruges, they had liked to have been taken, but from
some intelligence from a hussar officer, they had just time to
save themselves by retreating to Bruges. When the enemy
perceived they had been discovered, they marched off to their
main body, and our people are all come safe to us... Your
account of the Duke of Marlborough’s behaviour to the Duke of
Richmond, relating to his daughter, has made much noise here.
I had before heard it by means of Col. Bentinck, who is in the
Dutch service here. Everybody attributes it to great weakness
in his Grace. Your account of the Thirkleby family* is very
extraordinary and somewhat entertaining,’ for which and all in
your agreeable letter (which was brought to me by George
Boscawen just before I received orders for this duty) I thank
you. J have no greater happiness than in thus talking to you
alone, and am glad I have had so much of you before my
company came in, who being all very hungry, and it past three
o’clock, I must bid you farewell. 7 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russetni to nis WIFE.

1744, May 30, Wednesday. From our Camp at the head-
quarters at Beirleghem.—I wrote to you last from Gaver, where
I had command of a detachment for forty-eight hours. The next
day I returned here, and when I had made my report, found
‘Mr. Wright waiting at my tent. He gave me a most agreeable
account of you and my babies, and told me a great deal about the
Thirkleby family. I have recommended him to his lieutenant-

* The Franklands.
317

colonel, young Howard, and will do him what service I can. I
have answered my cousin Fred’s letter. My young ensign Elliot
came at the same time. I have posted him to my company, and
made him dine with us ever since he came, and believe he will be
a good lad. He desires his service to his cousin Fisher. Our
people are now all come, and we are very strong in officers, but
our numbers are too few to act as we ought, unless the Dutch re-
inforce us, ‘whose actions at present are unaccountable, to
suffer Menin to be taken for want of troops to defend its garrison
and to have Ispres follow the same fate, which ’tis thought it will
soon do! . . . It is, you may believe, a great happiness to
me to find so great and general a satisfaction through our whole
battalion amongst our officers, and never was more harmony
than there seems to be; which you may suppose I have had no
small pleasure in hearing often expressed that they would not
change their commandant but with great reluctancy. This with-
out vanity I can tell you, though it would be intolerable in me to
mention it to anyone else. . . . I wish the Duke could know
it, and not from me; for he seems to think Ingoldsby has
the chief care, whereas he has very little to do with us, having
the care of four marching regiments in his brigade under his
command. However, I do nothing of consequence without
informing him, if his quarters happen to lie near us; if he
disapproves, I dont alter my opinion, and what I think necessary
for the service, I persist in making my application to General
Ligoniere for it. However, Ingoldsby I cannot nor shall disagree
with, and what little he does, which is now and then to enquire
how we go on, and reviewing the battalion when I was absent
the other day, I am sensible is wholly owing to what he says the
Duke said to him before he left England, which was to have an
eye to this battalion, for fear, I suppose, I was not capable of it.
I cant but say a bad help-meet I should have in him. Poor
man, ever since we have been here, he has been much out of
order with the gout. ... Iam sorry to find the Duke, as you
say, is so mortified about not coming that he will neglect us by
that means, for he does not use us well, and when I write to him
about business, if he neither answers nor orders mine to be
answered, my writing will be to no purpose.’ As for Corporal
Barker, if he can come up to London, I dare say Colonel Dury
or Lee will get him into the College for me, but if he is too bad
to be removed let him be paid twenty shillings and threepence
per month, as long as the poor fellow can hold it.

Postscript. Miss Mounteney, I hope, is released by this time,
for I find Fred is in much want of her. 7 pp.

Lieut.-Cou. Russevi to His WIFE.

1744, June 1. Head quarters, Beirleghem.—I do not doubt
but that our absence from each other may teach us more than
ever the blessing of being together when those happy days arrive.
Meanwhile I do my best to keep cheerful, and am in good health
and spirits. “Our life is either made up with rather an excess
318

of fatigue or else too inactive. The latter happens to be our
present case, the enemy being at a distance from us, and we only
in a defensive state. Were the French nearer, they would not
dare to approach us, though inferior to ’em in number, for in our
situation, we could give ’em a hearty welcome. We however
flatter ourselves with fresh advices from Holland that the Dutch
will considerably reinforce us, and put us in a capacity to act as
we ought todo. If they don’t, I don’t see how we can stay long, or
have any business on this side of the water. Had we it in our
power, I say, we should then behave like Englishmen, and
give, I don’t in the least doubt, so good an account of our enemy
that his most Christian Majesty would soon retire to Paris. Only
thirty of our hussars the other day but a little way on the other
side of the Scheld, met a party of forty-eight foot, commanded by
one captain and a sub. of the French, who at the sight of the
hussars, fled, and retired into a neighbouring castle, which the
hussars surrounded, and threatened, if they did not capitulate,
to put ’em to the sword. They therefore thought fit to surrender,
which showed great marks of cowardice; and the affair of Menin
they have no great reason to boast of, it being more like a sham
siege than anything else, not ten men being killed on both sides
with the taking of the town. Ispres, I suppose, they’ll have the
same reason to brag of, and sound their Te Deuwms thereupon.”

Whilst we remain here, the first battalion will continue to
cover the Marshal’s quarters, which is very lucky for us, as we
are on fine verdure; on a rising ground and free from dust, close
to the old castle where the head-quarters are. The right of the
camp is not much above half a mile away, but we only know it is
there by the number of generals one daily sees here. I might
constantly dine at head-quarters, but I keep so elegant a table
for our mess that we prefer it to any other. In the even-
ing we generally ride by the river, being in no fear of
the enemy’s hussars, as we have fifteen hundred of our
men who would always keep them off, even if we were
nearer to each other. Our general officers and the drafts
from England had a very narrow escape in their march from
Bruges to Ghent, coming within half a mile of three thousand
French, lying in wait for them. Fortunately they were stopped
by an officer of our hussars, whose information prevented their
being all cut to pieces or carried as prisoners into France.
Boscawen daily drinks the officer of hussars’ health. I have
been reading David Simple, ‘‘which I like well enough, and
think there are a great many good reflections to be made from it,
and therefore very amusing.’ To-morrow, General Onslow
favours us with his company to dinner, as an old acquaintance of
mine. Our mess consists of Lord Robert Manners, Col. Fitz
[roy], Boscawen, Berkeley, Alston and myself, Lord Ancram
being detained at Ghent with a great boil, such as I had
at Hounslow Heath. Lord Robert has a chaise, which will
always go in front of our battalion, and which carries a trunk
and one valise of mine, in return for which J shall take as much
B19

for my lord in my cart. Our carts we sometimes do not see for
a day or two on the march, as they have to follow the train,
while we now always march with the line.

Poor Ingoldsby is still very bad. Boscawen tells me that the
very last of his acquaintances he saw before leaving London
were my Molly and Jacky, and that the former jumped into his
arms and sent me many kisses, which I return with a thousand
thanks. 7 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russetut to ais WIFE.

1744, June 6, Wednesday. Beirleghem Camp.‘. . . Thereis
a report as if his Majesty intended toseeus. I must own we wish
it, believing he could not think of it without an assurance of such
a reinforcement as would make us happy.” Yesterday our mess
dined with General Onslow, and were very civilly entertained,
though I assure you we fare better at home than perhaps most
of the generals. Our expenses are much increased owing to our
having more company, and also because liquor is much dearer
here than Rhenish wine was in Germany, but we certainly
have the fame and credit of keeping a good table. Your glasses
help greatly to adorn our sideboard, for which you have our
thanks. ‘‘I suppose we shant lie idle long, for as soon as the
French have taken Ispres, surely they’ll attempt to entertain us;
but ’tis said they will not have the possession of that town given
‘em up so shamefully as that of Menin, which might have held
out ten days, though the garrison was weak. Ispres, though not
near sufficiently supplied with men, having two thousand five
hundred only, yet by the resolution they have seemed to have
taken, they’ll divert the enemy tolerably well before they can be
masters of the town. Had the Dutch sent in three or four
thousand more men, the French could not take it in a long time
without losing more men than they would be willing to spare,
whereas they'll now find their conquests at a much easier
expense, both as to men and money, and unless we are reinforced,
they will afterwards have Bruges and Ghent. The former at
present lies near and ready to fall a sacrifice to ’em ; for Count
Saxe, who is detached from the rest of the French army, lies
between Courtray and Deinse (I don’t spell the latter right) with
forty thousand men. He could be easily re-inforced from their
main body, which consists of about eighty thousand more, other-
wise we could force the Count from his quarters; but as that is
not proper to be done, we wait upon the defensive till we can
have it in our power to do greater matters. In the mean time,
Count Saxe, who is an active, enterprising man, reconnoitres all
about him, and keeps us close to our duty and ready to watch
him, lest he should attempt anything our way, either our bridge
and [sic] some few outworks we made there to defend it
which we call a tete de pons, at Gavre. . . . We
have now sent some cannon there, and have a colonel’s command,
with two lieutenant-colonels and seven or eight hundred men,
but believe we shall not have anything to do in earnest till we
320

are re-inforced or our enemy atttempt to force us in this camp
before that time, which, if they do, we hope to be able to give. a
good account of ’em. What j joy it would be to the Duke if his
father came, for he certainly would attend him, and then we
might be redressed in several things that at present we are
cruelly used in. We that do all duties as lieutenant-colonels
have no more rations allowed us than two, which is two less than
all the captains of the army had last year. For that two, we are
paid 101., instead of eight rations, which was 40l., we had before.
As commandant, I now have six rations, which is 301., but should
receive sixteen, which would be 80/. The whole is but a trifle
saved to the Government, whilst we suffer for want of it and are
obliged to keep such a number of horses. All this frugality is
owing to Mr. Scroop of the Treasury. Our whole English army
is cruelly used by it, but still a greater injustice is done to the
Guards. I did not care if Fanny was to talk of this when she
waited.

“...I1 have read one volume of David Simple; am vastly
pleased with many things in it, and though ’tis not so well wrote
as to the style, yet there are too many truths in it of which one
may make a proper use on [sic], and very applicable to the
present age.’ You may think that my time hes often on my
hands, but with going to the Marshal’s or to church (which I
never fail three times a week), talking to you, and giving a look
to our horses, my mornings are tolerably taken up. Almost
every evening we ride to Gavre to see our new works and the
strong detachments which are sent there every forty-eight hours,
to prevent any enterprise of the alert Count de Saxe. I’ve sent
my compliments to Miss Kemp by Lieutenant Wallis, of Honey-
wood’s horse, who came the other day to his post, but as, owlng
to the wound he received last year, he cannot ride, he is being
sent home. This is the man who is married to Lady Saville. I
was told the other day how well he was married (as he had not a
shilling of his own) by Collier, who in respect to the wretch he is
married to himself, feels for the happiness of the other. In-
goldsby is better and has gone to Ghent to take physic. 7 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russeuu to urs WIFE.

1744, June 9, Saturday. Beirleghem Camp.—lIf Bruges
should fall, it would stop our Ostend post, and I think it very
probably may, unless our long-talked-of re-inforcements join us
soon. Weare told that six more regiments from England and
the six thousand Dutch from thence are coming to us, and that
twelve thousand more Dutch are marching hither from Breda.
If these come before it is too late, we may make a good figure
and pull down the pride of the French, being assured they
cannot stand against good troops. ‘‘ We are also told that the
King will certainly come to us, and your saying the Duke has
leave to come, but waits only for his Papa, looks like a confirma-
tion, not believing the one will be permitted to see us without the
other ;’’ yet knowing how discontented our people at home will
321

be, and the ill consequences that may attend his leaving you,
it may be that he will be prevailed on not to cross the water
this year.

I must thank you for your good news of our success at sea, in
taking so many of the enemy’s merchant men. Nothing
can be more destructive to them and advantageous to us,
by depriving them of the great trade they have carried on of
late years ; and which we may easily prevent if the present war
with France is well-conducted. So poor Missenden is let at last,
though I fear the people have taken no ground with it. I shall
hope for a better tenant in Temple Laws by and by, and that he
may become a purchaser.

Dont imagine that I lead a life of anxious cares. On the
contrary if is one as agreeable as our circumstances permit. If
I had been so happy as to be independent, I might perhaps have
been deprived of the many blessings I now enjoy ‘all which
have centred in the possession of my dearest soul, without whom
I would not be the greatest and most independent man in this
world... . I must own I cant persuade myself the King will
come. If we have the number of troops expected, we shall do
well. At present, forty thousand is our utmost, and of them, in
proportion, too many cavalry a great deal; so that all our
expected re-inforcements being foot, they will be of infinite
service. The enemy we have heard yesterday and to-day very
plainly cannonading the town of Ispres, but we flatter ourselves
the Dutch in the garrison will behave better than the last, and
that the French will find a tight piece of work of it; though
it can’t be great while before they must be masters of it, from
their numbers being so great, and we not in a condition to oblige
"em to raise the siege. On Monday next, our army will move
about a league further, the right of which will extend within two
leagues of Ghent, and close upon the Scheld on our front, which
will be posting ourselves still in a more advantageous situation.
Our left by this means will reach near Oudenarde, and as our
Marshal’s quarters where he now is will be in the centre of the
whole, so our battalion will remain with him as it does,’ which
is very agreeable, as although we do as much duty as if joined to
the line yet we have certain conveniences here which make us
prefer it. The Marshal’s secretary told me this morning that
Freddy’s commission was signed as long ago as April, and given
to some one here of the same regiment, who paid the fees. I hope
it may be prevented from going, or at least that, by some applica-
tion to Lord Hertford and from him to our Marshal, Freddy’s

coming over may be stopped. 74 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russeiu to nis WIFE.

1744, June 18, Wednesday. Beirleghem.—I shall be glad to
hear that you have got to Checquers, where the two dear babies
can rove and range with so much more pleasure than in London.
I cant help regretting that I must lose the pleasure of them in
these years while they are such delightful playthings, but am

14170 a x
322

happy to think that you and your brother have the enjoyment of
them. “His Majesty’s coming to us or not is at present the
great affair in debate. . . . Wehave just now heard that there
has been some advices from Italy, where Prince Lobkowitz has
been very successful against the Spaniards, whom he has entirely
defeated, and had surrounded in a village what few were leit,
with the King of Naples and the Duke of Modena among them,
who of course must become prisoners. This, we hear, is authen-
tic, and hope therefore soon will be confirmed, as it must make
a great alteration of affairs in Europe. We remain here
as we did, our army extending near eighteen miles, being but in
one line, but our intervals are large, which we could soon join if
occasion required it. We've sent two Dutch regiments and a
detachment of six hundred men from us to Tournay, in case
the French should have any thoughts of besieging that town,
where, if they should make any such attempt, they will now find
a tough bit of work ofit. Itis thought that will be their next
motion, if they lay siege to any more, but they have not yet
made themselves masters of Ispres, which I hope may divert
them some time longer.” It was lucky I got my duty over at
Gavre, or I might have been sent to Tournay instead of Lieut.-
colonel Corbett, of the 2nd Regiment, who may be there
most of the summer. It would have been disagreeable to be
without one of our own corps, or perhaps even an acquaintance.
I likewise escaped going to Bruges before that, where Col.
Needham will probably have to remain. Mrs. Gee is still there,
though her husband has urged her to return to England, or at
any rate to go into Holland, but she chooses not to stir. However
if she falls into the hands of the French, “‘ the great politesse of
that nation would never hurt a fair lady.”’

I am glad to hear that Billy Russell is so well recovered.
Fred’s cousin Wright was to have dined with me, but his
regiment is now encamped too far away. Give my love to
Johnny Greenhill, and tell him he might learn to swim, but not
out of his depth. Love and kisses to Jack and Molly, whom I
was glad to hear Miss Nanny F/ranklan}d made so happy.

7 pp.

Ligvut.-Cou. RusseLtut to His WIFE.

1744, June 16, Saturday. Beirleghem.—We do not here think
that the King will come, or that the Dutch will heartily join us,
their ambassador having returned to Lisle, where he has taken
a house for some time. We have heard no sound of cannon
from Ispres for two days, but hope it is only owing to the change
of wind. The news from Italy, though repeated in the Cologne
Gazette, is not confirmed, which makes me doubt that it is
not true.

Our army was never more healthy or in finer spirits, which
makes it a great pity that if anything is to be done this campaign
it should be so long delayed, when perhaps, with the coming of
the fruit season, there will be more sickness amongst our men.
323

I am sorry Fred Frankland did not say more to the purpose to
Lord Har rhigrs| n and so get leave for his nephew to stay at home.
I mentioned it to General Onslow, who has tried to persuade the
Marshal to dispense with his coming over this year, as he is so
young, but the latter says he has Lord Hertford’s letter,
representing him to be a fine youth, fit for service and ready to
come; so I fear it cant be prevented, and when he comes, he must
make the best of it. I shall speak to any officers that may be
of service to him. Lord Ancram has come, but is allowed to be
in quarters ; ‘tis a pity so young a man should be so infirm. As
for Ingoldsby, he is still at Ghent, and in but a bad way. An
express has just arrived at Duke D’Arembergh’s, to say that
Ispres was taken yesterday, so we shall soon know what steps
the enemy will take next. I dont think they will pay us a visit,
but if they do, we are ready to receive them.

I shall like to know how the Adams’ like their habitation. I dare
say they will be too fine folks for the Abbey family.

Postscript. ‘Had a proper use been made by us of this day
twelvemonth, we might not have been here now.” 5 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russeuu to ars WIFE.

1744, June 20, Wednesday. Beirleghem.—I am glad you have
arrived safely at that most delightful place, Checquers, and know
how happy Jack will be. Molly will feel the charms of a country
life more as she grows older, though the little vanity of dress and
desire to see company is too natural to be displeasing. I am
glad your brother returns so soon, for he is the life of any place,
and I shall be surprised if the Adams’ dont make you the best of
neighbours. Pray tell Miss Betty that Lord Robert Manners,
who is sitting by me, desires to be remembered to her, and sel-
dom fails a day in drinking her health. I beg you will let your
brother have what beer he likes, and any wine in the cellar at
Missenden that he thinks won’t keep, such as the claret and
port.

We are still where we were, and nothing could be pleasanter.
The plantations and avenues of trees remind me of Checquers.
You may imagine the Crow Close rather bigger, and our camp
pitched about half way up, my tent being opposite to one of the
cross walks, at which I am now looking, but, alas, can only in
imagination see the dear object of my wishes, and the two little
lambkins skipping about on the grass.

We have our club every Thursday night and one might think it
was at Pontacks ; a long table well set out and illuminated, never
less than four or five and twenty officers, and the music of our
regiment playing all the time. General Ligoniere and Lord
Albemarle have gladly accepted an invitation to join us. “ All
this seems pleasant, and for the time it lasts, is so, provided one
could divest oneself of thought, and not consider what can be the
consequence of such a campaign as we are likely to make, to see
the French taking all the towns with so much ease, scarce meet-
ing with the Jeast resistance, and we not in a capacity to act, or
324

likely to be in one.” I hear from my cousin Fred that his
daughter has had two ec with Miss Mounteney and seems
to like her. He also mentions a report of Sir Francis Russell’s
death, at which I cannot be surprised. 7 pp.

Lirvut.-Cou. Russett to nis WIFE.

1744, June 23, Saturday. Beirleghem Camp.—lt is said that
the French are going to besiege Ostend. If so they will finda
strong garrison and a tough bit of work, for our last four
regiments from England are stopped there; and with two more
coming, two already there before, and two hundred Hanoverians
(making above eight in all) and a very capable Austrian governor,
together with some of our men of war, they will find the enemy
some diversion, and entertain them some time longer than the
Dutch lately have done. We hear that our Marshal has just had
a letter saying that the Dutch are sending six thousand foot and
four thousand horse immediately to join us, and if so, with the
six thousand from England, we may be able to hold up our heads
and humble the French, but I shall not believe it till I see them.

I went yesterday to see an exercise of the Hanoverian artillery,
which our Marshal reviewed, and afterwards, with my messmates,
to Oudenarde, to see the fortifications, which are put into tolerable
repair. The town, which stands on the Scheld, is very indifferent,
but the country about it pleasant enough.

The town of Bruges, being incapable of defence, and
only three hundred of our men in it, may very possibly
fall into the hands of the French, and the English ladies
there came away to Ghent last Monday, amongst whom was Mrs.
Gee, on her way to Antwerp. She herself came safely in a
coach, but her baggage, with her clothes and plate, being sent by
the barge, was seized by a small party of French, who frequently
lie skulking near the canal. They made the passengers get out,
used them very civilly but took all the large baggage, “‘the French
having some good friends in that as well as many other of these
cursed Flemish towns [who] gave ’em certainly some intelligence
of this booty.” I fear the Gees have lost two hundred pounds
worth of plate, besides all Mrs. Gee’s clothes, and the fine laces
of which she had been picking up great pennyworths by degrees.
I shall be glad to know how Jenny Mounteney goes on, and if she
is approved. I hear some Dutch East India ships are arrived, so
we shall probably soon know about Sir Francis Russell. 5 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1744, June 27, Wednesday. Beirleghem Camp.—You will be
glad to hear that Mrs. Gee has recovered her plate and clothes,
Count Saxe having delivered up the barge and everything on it,
which in fact he could not detain, as it had a pass, for which the
States of Flanders had paid considerably.

Foreign affairs seem to have taken a great turn since my last,
for an express from Prince Charles to Duke D’Aremberg has
825

brought the news that he has passed the Rhine with his whole
army, and scarce the loss of a man. This was done by a feint,
pretending to pass with one part near Mayence, whilst he marched
with the greatest part of his army near Spires and crossed there,
thus preventing the French from retiring into their strong gar-
risons in Alsace. By intercepting their retreat, and by the
superiority of his army, the Prince will have it in his power to
destroy Monsieur Coigne’s army before reinforcements can reach
it, after which it is thought he will march into Lorraine,
“and if he has a mind to it, may send his thousands of Pandours,
Croats, &c. all over France, to devour and lay waste where e’er
they come, greatly to the terror even of their capital . . . I cannot
reflect on it without horror and shuddering at the very thoughts
of what must happen to the poor miserable, innocent individuals
who must fall a sacrifice to the ambition of their Grand Monarch
and his devilish councils. The French in our neighbourhood,
who, till now, have thought the world their own, have raised the
siege of Fiurnnes upon having early intelligence of this; have
detached twenty battalions and twenty-five squadrons to join with
what other troops they can spare to oppose Prince Charles, and
are now, instead of acting offensively, intrenching themselves,
and throwing up strong lines towards Lisle . . . lest they
should be attacked by us. We, it is thought, shall wait till we
have our re-inforcement of the Dutch, and then, I suppose, shall
endeavour to distress the common enemy here, whilst Prince
Charles on his part, and at the same time her Hungarian
Majesty’s troops in Italy, shall each seem to push on their
conquests with great success. . . . The good news that is
come from Italy—where the Piedmontese with a few troops and
some militia have entirely cut to pieces about ten battalions of
Spaniards and two of French, with some squadrons of dragoons,
at a narrow pass on the mountains near Oneglia, and rendered
their attempt fruitless at that pass, which is certainly true, and
by this means has firmly secured to us the King of Sardinia—all
this I suppose you may have heard before.”’

Let Mrs. Frankland know that I have spoken to most of the
officers of the regiment on Freddy’s behalf, and particularly to
Lord Crawford, who, having some obligations to the family, and
being very goodnatured, has promised to countenance him much.

You need not be uneasy about the number of robbers at our
elbows, as you call them, for although Marshal Saxe is at
Courtray with thirty thousand men, we have, ever since we came
here, had twelve squadrons of hussars between Ghent and
Oudenarde, on the other side of the Scheld, who have kept Saxe’s
flying parties and all his hussars at a distance from us. ‘‘ The
French infantry are much terrified at us and are such poltroons
that at the siege of Ispres they were forced to dismount their
cavalry and oblige ’em to march close to the rear of their foot to
keep ’em up, and fire upon ’em sometimes, lest they should run
away.”

toed Albemarle asked us this morning to dine with him to-day,
so I have missed church to write this, which I have not done
326

before. On week days we have often ten officers there at a time,
and on Sundays seldom less than seventeen or eighteen, besides
three or four always on duty. 74 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. RusseLu to HIs WIFE.

1744, June 80, Saturday. Beirleghem.—We find that Prince
Charles passed the Rhine in three places. We have had great
-rejoicings here, and on Thursday, a feu de juie through our
whole army, beginning with the cannon at Ghent, on the right,
and ending with the garrison of Oudenarde and the Dutch on the
left. All the Queen of Hungary’s garrisons in Flanders fired at
the same time. We daily hope to hear of further successes, but I
cannot help feeling for the poor Archduchess, who is still at
Brussels, and great with child, and whose anxiety must be
very great. We hear that the young French monarch has gone
to Lisle, but cannot learn what he proposes to do.

Some of our letters from England still speak of the King’s
coming, while others say that Price’s and Mordaunt's regiments
and the Dutch in England are absolutely countermanded on the
marching of fifteen thousand French to Dunkirque, which has
given the alarm of aninvasion. ‘All that I take to be likely to be
swallowed down in England, in order to keep the King from
coming abroad. . . . There are two postilions just now rode by
express from Germany to Duke D’Aremberg, who say the French
are entirely defeated by Prince Charles, who is now in pursuit of
them and has possession of their lines.”

Captain Rich has just got leave to purchase our old friend
Colonel Knowles’ commission as lieutenant-colonel to General
Barril’s regiment, and a very old one. I have got the Marshal
to agree to Ensign Vernon buying Rich’s and arranged it with
him for a reasonable sum. I am the more pleased as he is a very
agreeable man and old Lady Harcourt’s nephew, about whom she
sent to me last winter. 5 pp.

THE Same to THE SAME.

1744, July 4, Wednesday. Beirleghem.—I wrote both to the
Duke and to General Foliot last post. The latter does not stand
at all well in our books, as we think ourselves ill-used in many
things, which we can attribute only tohim. We still do not believe
that the King will be allowed to leave England, but find that the
Dutch have arrived at Ostend, and are now told that two or three
battalions from Holland have already got as far as Antwerp.

Prince Charles has possession of the lines at Lauterbourgh—in
which town were seventeen hundred men, whom he obliged to
capitulate—and the same lines extend three leagues to Weissen-
burgh, “‘where he had detached Count Nadasti to make them
surrender there, but he had no sooner possession but the French
had with their whole army made two such forced marches as
twenty-four leagues in two days (which has redounded much to
their honour) and obliged Nadasti to retreat, but who first had
destroyed between three and four thousand of ’em, with the loss
327

only of about six hundred Pandours, and they suffered from their
own obstinacy, who, notwithstanding [they] had repeated
orders given ’em to retire, would not, but said they had never
been used to retreat, nor would they receive quarter from the
French, though often offered to ‘em, so were all cut to pieces:
You must know Prince Charles’ army at this time were greatly
inferior to the French, for that part which passed the Rhine at
each side near to Mayence, under the command of Berenclau,
could not possibly have joined Prince Charles, so that though he
1s In a safe place in the lines at Lauterbourgh, yet before the rest
of his army can join him, it is thought the enemy will be able to
march before him into Alsatia, and intercept his getting into that
country. . . . However it must be confessed that the passing
the Rhine at this time was and will be always esteemed a very
memorable exploit, and I dare say will be still attended with some
great successes ; for that Prince Charles will be able to penetrate
into some part of the French dominions and do them some
essential disservice is not the least doubted.

‘* We had another piece of good news that came to us yester-
day, that the Zarina has obliged Monsieur Chelardie, the French
minister at Petersburg, immediately to depart her kingdom, and
that Lord Tirawley was in high favour, which they say will be of
great advantage to us.”

Three of the English regiments which came last will encamp
with us next Friday. Lord Harry Beauclerk stays at Ostend.
I hear nothing as yet of Freddy’s arrival. I own that every
post I expect to hear bad news from India; if it should prove
otherwise, the joy will be the greater. Your news of Miss White
and the Duchess of Cumberland has been in everybody’s letters
this week past. I hope it is all true. 7 pp.

Ligevut.-Cou. Russeuut to ais WIFE.

1744, July 7, Saturday. Beirleghem Camp.—I can send you
nothing new since my last, but that the Dutch from England
will be in Ghent to-morrow, and that some battalions from
Holland are within five leagues of us, all which will sometime
or other make up twenty thousand, yet ‘‘I find they say they
will assist us only in case we are attacked, but if we should act
offensively, then they will not join us, but be by-standers to see
fair play. If this is what is called coming in, they might as well
stay athome.” It wassaid that the Dutch had formed a plan fora
peace, but whether Prince Charles having crossed the Rhine will
alter matters, or whether any progress is being made in it, I
cannot tell. If we end by having a pacific campaign, it will be
altogether owing to the Dutch, who will try by all possible means
to avoid declaring war with France, and without which I don’t
see how it is possible we can proceed. ‘“‘I expect to hear in your
next a further account of the Duchess of Cumberland. We are
informed she boasts much of her increase of size, and that she
has a lawful father, not to be ashamed of. I can’t help thinking
it must turn out bad for her, and that she’ll meet with no pity of
328

any sort.” There is now a grand council of war sitting and it
is supposed that we shall not remain here long, as the enemy
have moved, and are said to be on the march for their own
country. 7 pp.

Lirut.-Cou. RussELL to His WIFE.

1744, July 11, Wednesday. Beirleghem Camp.—I do not
find that there is the least word of our moving, but we hear that
the enemy are certainly retired towards Lisle, have sent their
baggage and heavy cannon into that garrison, and have made a
considerable detachment towards Alsace to stop Prince Charles’
progress, at whose approach they appear to be greatly alarmed.
If this is true, the campaign in this part of Flanders will be over,
but whether we shall march towards Maubeuge, and so, by
acting offensively, carry the war into France (which some
politicians think would be our best step) or whether there are.
any pacific schemes on the carpet, time will show. It is said
that the Dutch minister is gone to France to demand a categorical
answer. These last three days have been taken up by the
Marshal’s reviewing us. Our battalion joined eight English
marching regiments, but as soon as the Marshal had seen us,
he gave me orders to march home, he having been very well
pleased with our appearance, and we as happy to be dismissed so
soon. Ingoldsby marched as Colonel and your humble servant
had to act as Major, riding a fine parade horse which was lent
me, and so heading the grenadiers.

I now hear there is a report that we shall shortly march
towards Tournay. I think it highly probable that the Dutch
would join us in this, to prevent their best barrier town from
being taken, if the French should form any scheme to attack it,
and we may perhaps lie near Tournay as long as we have done
here. This I think is very possibly a scheme concocted between
the Dutch and French.

Postscript. I hear nothing yet of little Freddy Frankland, but
dining last Sunday with General Honeywood, met Colonel Beake,
who is Freddy’s lieutenant-colonel, and who was exceedingly
civil, promising that he would give him leave to stay as long as
he pleased in garrison if he was not fit for duty, and that if he
did come to camp he should always have a bed in his, the
Colonel’s, quarters. 5 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1744, July 14, Saturday. Beirleghem.—We have had another
council of war, but still no orders to move our ground. Since
the review, everyone has been saying that our battalion is the
finest in the world, and all the generals, as well as the Marshal,
have been loud in its praise. ‘The latter said to a great man
that is a foreigner what a pity it was such fine men should not
be employed, and—speaking of the rest of the troops that had
that day been seen—that he was sure nothing could withstand
them, and that they must meet with success whenever they were
329

tried. Monsieur de Gesvres, who is Commissaire des Marines,
came to us yesterday from Dunkirk, with three or four servants
and a French trumpeter. His business, I find, is to settle a
cartel for the prisoners taken at sea between the French and us.
The Marshal told him he was sorry he did not come the day
before, that he might [have] had an opportunity of seeing some

of his troops pass in review. To-morrow he returns to Lisle or
Dunkirk.”

IT am glad you liked the description of our camp.
We have no damp, the soil being sandy, yet I often
make use of tobacco, especially after rain. As to the
bottle, I can assure youl have not seen one person
drink to excess in our dining tent since we took the field
this year. I wish you could have been a spectator of the
theatrical performance at Woburn ; it must have been very enter-
taining. I was not much surprised by your news of poor Sir
Francis Russell. It is in vain to think of a Russell being ever in
affluence, but I hope there is at any rate enough left for the poor
boy to give him a tolerable education. “As for his being a page,
unless it could be to the King, I fear it will be scarce worth
while, unless to pay for his schooling.’ If any of them would be
so humane and generous as to look on it in that light, and so
dispense with most of his attendance, it might be of some service,
and worth Fanny’s applying for.

I hope her ladyship will stay out and collect what may be left
for them. Perhaps she may make a second choice, but that I
don’t much think, as she does not want for understanding, and I
trust she may make good use of it, for herself, her boy, and her
niece.

Give dear little Molly a double portion of love and kisses, ‘‘ and
tell little Rantipole I’m glad to hear he grows such a man, and
that he shall have a little horse when I come home if he continues
to be so good and mind his Mama, and that his sister shall have
fine caps and laces that I will bring for her.”

Postscript. Ask Fanny to find out what the Duke says of a
short letter I sent him (with the weekly returns) about the fine
appearance our battalion made when reviewed. 5 pp.

Lieut.-Cou. Russeut to ais WIFE.

1744, July 18, Wednesday. SBeirleghem.—I am much obliged
to my sister for what she has done for poor Billy, and if the
Princess will admit him as a page, I think it will be worth
accepting, and save so much towards his education. I am
entirely of your mind in thinking that we must not spare expense
in giving him the best that is possible. As for poor Miss
Faz[akerley], if Lady Russell stays out, no doubt she will give
you directions what to do, and if she comes over, may probably
send her to her Uncle Gee. I think we shall soon move, but
only to cross the river. It will be a sign that we are not afraid
of the approach of the enemy, who are supposed to be weakened

by the detachments sent towards the Rhine. The French King
330

has certainly gone from Flanders, some say to see his fortified
towns on the borders of Lorraine, others, to his army in Alsace,
but the latter is not much credited. We hear that Prince Charles
has had reinforcements from Bavaria, which have made his army
very powerful, but what mighty exploits will be done, God above
only knows.

_ “TJ suppose it is matter of great speculation, now we have a
good many of the Dutch troops come near us, why we lie so
inactive, but believe all our orders and instructions come from
home, and if we continue much longer idle we may then
conclude we shall for the whole campaign.” Pray tell Mrs.
Fisher that her acquaintance, my ensign, is quite well, but I
must say to you “there never was such a recruit sent over

as he is . . . he being so odd an animal ; a very soft one, and at
times appears to be a little touched, especially if he has the least
liquor ... I don’t think he will stay long in the service, and

as he’ll have a pretty fortune of his own, ’twas pity he came
in.” Iam glad to hear Johnny Greenhill has got into the Shell.
I am sure he will take what care he can of poor little Billy
whom I can’t help pitying, though he is not of an age to know
his loss. 7 pp.

Ligvut.-CoL. Russetu to His WIFE.

1744, July 20, Friday. From our camp at Axellwalle.—
This morning our whole army crossed the Scheld by seven
different bridges. We passed it at Gavre and marched about six
English miles to this place, where we are on the right of the
infantry of the first line, being within half a league of Oude-
narde, and our left extending about two miles beyond it. The
second regiment covers the Marshal’s quarters at Axellwalle, two
miles away. ‘‘ We now look upon it as but just beginning the
campaign. . . . The country all about us is full of corn, and
though we are as careful as is possible to destroy only that part
of it wherever we lie encamped, yet it grieves one to see so much
fine wheat and rye, so near being housed, made so much havoc
of. . . . Two days’ march more will bring us near Courtray,
from whence, if the enemy don’t think fit to retire, we may
probably endeavour to oblige ’em to it.” I was up at three this
morning, and not off my horse till eleven, so I can now scarce
keep my eyes open. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1744, July 24, Tuesday. Elseghem.—‘‘ Yesterday we marched
from Axelwalle to Warmar, where we now lie, being the right of
the first line of the infantry of our army. The head quarters
are at Elseghem, the place from whence I have dated this, and
[which] is about three miles off, on our right, where the 3rd
regiment encamps. The Dutch, who are on the left of our army,
are ata place called Helchen ; thither we shall march to-morrow ; ;
that is, the right of us will be there. You'll find by the map
331

that it is close upon the Scheld. As ’tis our turn, our battalion
is ordered to the Marshal’s quarters, but the name J dont yet know.
As we shall be marching about three in the morning, which will
be between two and three hours before the army moves, we shall
be on their left with our baggage uninterrupted before they
decamp.” Jack Robinson has just come in, in his usual spirits.
Mrs. Gally has persuaded him to write to Lady G. Howard, who
has lost her son, and Jack, being already in her will and one of
her nearest relatives, has great expectations from her.

Saturday morning. We are not to march to-day, but
pioneers are gone to clear the roads. The enemy is encamped
upon each side of Courtray, and if they continue there, we can
scarce attack them, but whether we shall go into their country to
draw them away, we do not know. We have now, with the
Dutch, a glorious army of seventy thousand men, so I hope we
shall make good use of them. 84 pp.

Lirvut.-Cou. RussevL to nis WIFE.

1744, July 27, Friday. From the Head Quarters at Le Bie,
upon the borders of French Flanders.—We got here yesterday
morning by eight o’clock, the head quarters being a delightful
chateau, where we thought we should be quiet and snug, but all
of a sudden an order has come to march immediately. The
Marshal had invited our mess to dinner, and advised us to eat,
as we did not know when we should do so again, so whilst we
were at dinner I have had all packed up, and we march at five

this afternoon towards Tournay. 14 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1744, July 80, Monday. From our camp, within a mile of
the head quarters at the Chateau d’ Anstain.—I wrote last on
Friday from Le Bie, half an hour before we marched. I wasall
that night on horseback, and did not arrive at our ground, within
a mile of Tournay, till three o’clock next day in the afternoon.
After two hours’ rest we marched again all that night upon the
pavement leading from Tournay to Lisle, our music playing most
part of the way. I was at the head of the first column of British
infantry, with one general officer commanding. At three o'clock
yesterday morning we came to our ground near the river Marque,
about two leagues from Tournay, and rested there until six
o’clock this morning, when we crossed the river and now lie with
the whole of our army within a league and a half of Lisle; the
right of our army being a little beyond Pont Tressin, and we—
at the right of the first line of infantry—within a mile of the
head-quarters at Chateau D’ Anstain. Count de Saxe, I am told,
is still at Courtray, but made no attempt to disturb us on our
march. The garrison of Lisle is reported to be very weak, and
when our heavy cannon come, we may perhaps take it, unless
the enemy throw in more troops, which we cannot prevent.
Meanwhile we shall raise contributions in their country, and so

distress them not a little. 3 pp.
332

Lizut.-Cou. Russexu to uis WIFE.

1744, August 3, Friday. Camp near the Chateau d’
Anstain.—I am in good health and spirits, in spite of the fact
that ‘‘ there is no one encouragement given to any of us to wish
to continue in the service, but in general everything done to make
one grow sick of it. There is an order lately come out for us to
pay for our summer’s forage, to the 30th of June last, of which
there never was an instance before known, not during all the last
war, and in short, what cant possibly be complied with without
starving the major part of our army. This I dont say in respect
of myself, because, as commandant of the battalion, I shall have
little or nothing to pay, but all my brother captains will, as well
as almost every officer.” There seems no chance of our laying
siege to Lisle, as the Dutch have not yet declared war, though
they have joined us as allies to the Queen of Hungary; and they
will not agree to the expense of carrying ona siege. ‘‘ When the
Duke of Marlborough took it, the expense was two millions of
money, of which the Dutch bore the greatest share, besides the
cost of twenty thousand lives.” Count Saxe, ’tis thought, has
sent four or five thousand men into it, and still remains himself
at Courtray, from whence he may gather in contributions, as we
do here. If we go in quest of him, he will only retire to his
fortified towns, where we cannot reach him.

Some of our young gentlemen were riding quite near to Lisle
last Tuesday when a small party of French fired upon them,
killing one and wounding Captain Ross, of the 3rd regiment of
Guards, who was taken prisoner, butis, we hear, being well treated
and will be permitted to return when his wound is healed.
“He is a mighty pretty Scotchman, with a tolerably good estate,
and in Parliament, and being always much esteemed, therefore
wont suffer so greatly, otherways ... their conduct would be
more censured, and looked upon as a great piece of folly.’’ Lord
Charles Manners had a lucky escape, being with them, but about
twenty yards behind.

My sister tells me ofa conversation she had with the two
Princesses about the government of Yarmouth, but does not
give any hopes of success. She also says that her friend
desires that I would send you more news, so you might let her
know that there were some things you had not thought proper to
inform her of, one being the order for our army to pay for their
forage, “‘ which the Marshal and every general officer think is the
most cruel treatment that ever was... but more particularly
the greatest hardship to the brigade of Guards, who are looked
upon at home, we suppose, by some mistake of a Leheup, some
scrub Scroop, or some other Treasury clerk, and are accounted
only as so many battalions of foot, without recollecting the
different ranks we bear in the army.” We are drawing up a
memorial to the General, and I shall send a copy to the Duke,
but we do not expect to get any redress. Here we get
forage in plenty from the enemy; we shall not pay for that, I
hope.
333

Count de Saxe has re-inforced this fine garrison and those
lately taken from the Dutch, leaving himself only about fifteen
thousand men as a flying camp, which can noway hurt us.

Postcript. Freddy Frankland came to our camp at Elsegem,
but General Onslow, whom I had luckily told what Col. Beake
said before, sent him away to Ghent, where he will stay till we
return to winter quarters. 74 pp.

Lrevt.-Cou. Russett to nis WIFE.

1744, August 6, Monday. D’Anstain Camp.—We have now
an army superior to any the enemy can bring into the field,
therefore they will keep out of our way, only taking great care to
supply their garrisons well. We still have no heavy cannon, and
can do nothing without it. I scarce believe we shall see it this
campaign, or only so late that no use can be made of it. We
every day send detachments almost to within cannon-shot of
Lisle to cover our foragers, who will soon pretty well clear the
ground, after which we may go a little further into their country.
Meanwhile our three chief commanders of the English, Dutch,
and Austrians are raising a tolerable sum by way of contributions.
The part we are in, the Chastellenie de Lisle, is reputed the
finest and richest of all French Flanders. On Saturday last we
were drawn up in line of battle and reviewed by our Marshal and
Duke D’Aremberg, and I believe a finer army never was seen,
there being about seventy thousand effective men.

The sale of Sowl’s regiment to Col. Ligoniere was all agreed
upon here, but his Majesty would not consent to it, which put a
stop to one or two others that were talked of. Your account
of Lord John Sackville surprises every one here, we having
a much more honourable way of thinking in this part of the
world.

What would I have given to hear Jack’s remark of
Ingoldsby’s nose! I shall be miserable if I do not see
him this winter. You might hint to Fanny to keep well
with Mrs. Hambleton, and get her to write to our Marshal,
as by order of the Princess Am|[elia], which I think could
not fail.

Pray tell Mrs. Fisher that her friend Mr. Elliot was taken
about a month since with as downright a fit of madness
as anybody in Bedlam. As soon as he improved a little we sent
him to Ghent, where he is still under the physician’s hands.
His complaint is a nervous fever, and as he will never be fit for
our profession, Mrs. Fisher had better tell his mother and get
him senthome. I’m glad Fred is so, pleased with Mounteney.
He sent me his thanks for recommending her in a letter to
Ensign Wright the other day, and said he had so cold a reception
at Thirkleby that he did not trouble them long with his company.
I am sorry for the death of Mr. Bellanger; but by time and
prudence, and the help of Scarborough waters, I hope she will
recover her health. 84 pp.
334

Underwritten.—Note of the strength of the army.

British battalions — - 22.
Hanover ,, - 13
Austrians - 8
Dutch - 28

71, besides two at Ostend.

British squadrons 29
Hanover 3 33
Austrians 10
Dutch - 42,

114, besides 2,000 Hussars, dc.

Battalions at 700 each and squadrons at 130 each will near
complete 70,000.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russeui to nis WIre.

1744, August 10, Friday. D’Anstain Camp.—Our bawmen
still go on foraging, daily by stealth and every three or four days
publicly by order, therefore our horses fare very well, but I
cannot help thinking what a miserable thing it is to live in a
country that is subject to become the seat of war. It is sad to
see the fine groves and avenues daily made a sacrifice to our
common use, and yet we do nothing but what necessity requires.
At our first coming, the Dutch and Hanoverians, who marched
first into the enemy’s country, marauded in a shocking manner,
contrary to all orders, and set so bad an example to the English
that they also made havoc enough, but severe orders for the
provost to hang up all offenders, and to the pickets to prevent
such outrageous doings, soon puta stop to them; and now we
have what the country affords brought to us, but the best of our
provisions come from Tournay. Captain Ross returns to-morrow
from Lisle, in exchange for a captain lately taken by our hussars.

We hear that everyone in England is dissatisfied with our
inactivity, but there is nothing we can do without cannon, and of
that, all sides seem to avoid the expense; and as to marching
into and ravaging great part of France, which we certainly
could have done with such an army as ours, the Dutch absolutely
refused to join init. In short, ‘‘an allied army like ours, with
so many different commanders, each pulling their several ways,
and influenced by their separate interest, can never undertake
what an army should do that has but one head, are under one
interest, and understand all the same language.”

We heard very lately that the French King was dying at Metz,
and had received extreme unction, but as no further news has
come, we suppose he is recovering.

Tell Mrs. Fisher that I have got the Marshal’s leave for Elliot
to go home, and that he is very desirous to do so. Two new-
ensigns have come to-day from England, and I have already fixed
335

one to my company. ~ Our mess dined to-day with General
Sinclair. George Stanhope, who has a command at Ostend, is
staying in camp with us for a few days. 7 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russevi to His WIFE.

1744, August 14, Tuesday. D’Anstain Camp, before Lisle.—
To-morrow will, I believe, be our last forage here, and in three
or four days we move two leagues to our left, toward Orchies,
and after that, with our right to St. Amand, and our left towards
Douay. There are reports that the King of France is dead, the
foreign newspapers from Cologne and Mayence stating that he
died at Metz on the 14th instant, new style. If it be so, ‘there
will be but one life depending between that crown and the Duke
of Orleans, which may create some jealousy between that
kingdom and the pretensions of the crown of Spain, but as they
say the Dauphin is of age, it may at present make no great
alteration of affairs. . . . We have but bad reports relating
to a march of the King of Prussia’s, with many thousands, into
Bohemia. ‘Tis said likewise that the Czarina has threatened
him to march as many into his country if he should offer to stir
aman.”

Here I was interrupted by Cornet Frankland coming from
Tournay to pay me a visit, with his fellow traveller, Mr. Stafford,
the chaplain to the Blues. The boy looks well, and will, I believe,
be allowed to stay at Tournay until we go into winter quarters.
I am glad Mrs. Mounteney pleases so well. I find Fred Frank-
land writes to Mrs. Frankland much in her favour. I dont like
Die Frankland’s match being put off. 4 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1744, August 18, Saturday. Lannoy.—This place is about five
miles from our camp at D’Anstain. A party of men called the
Franche Compagnie, belonging to the Queen of Hungary, in
number about three hundred, were ordered to take possession of
it, and upon their approach, the French, who were about two
hundred, immediately retired ; so when Duke D’Aremberg had
settled the contributions here, he and the Franche Compagnie
left, and a detachment of five hundred English and Hanoverians
was ordered here instead, under a colonel, lieutenant-colonel and
major, to be relieved every forty-eight hours. It came to my
turn on Thursday, with Lord Sample [Sempill] as colonel, a
Hanoverian major and fifteen other officers. It is the custom for
the commanding officer to entertain, and he happens to be a
Gibraltar acquaintance, a worthy, honest, good-natured man as
can be, so we live very sociably together. The eldest Han-
overian captain, a Captain Sancé, is the only officer of that nation
who speaks French. He and I marched together in the rear, and
I found that he was a near relation of Le Forest and Major
General Lounay. We find this little town more secure than we
expected, with a broad ditch or fosse full of water and a brick
336

wall surrounding it, so that it could not easily be taken without
battering cannon, and not then before our camp could have
timely notice to assist us. The dinner for the officers is provided
and dressed at a convent here and so brought to the quarters of
the commanding officer, who pays for it, but not upon very un-
reasonable terms. <A jolly party of about twelve sit down to
dinner, and we pass our time in playing whist and piquet,
as it rains incessantly.

We find that we are not to be relieved until Sunday, and feared
that would mean that we should be in the rear of the army the
whole time, but have since heard that the army is not to march
until after Sunday. I dare not send this back to camp, as
there are frequently small parties of the enemy lying in wait
to catch stragglers, marauders or those who venture with too
few people to get forage. We have lost many men and horses in
this manner. It is quite new to me to be in an enemy's
country, and very shocking to see the poor people so distressed.
Here they have reason to pray for us, as we protect them and
pay for everything but what our horses eat. There are five or
six great brewers in this town, who supply the army with large
quantities of beer, and are able to pay good contributions, as do
the towns of Roubaix and Toureoin.

Monday morning. From our old Camp at D’Anstain.—We
were relieved yesterday morning, but were sent to form part of
the three thousand men to cover the foragers, it being a great
foraging day. I was with two hundred men at a village called
Toufflers, near Lannoy, and after placing some little detachments
to guard the avenues and out-parts of the village, in case of
the approach of an enemy, posted the rest of my men in the
church yard. I was able to protect the poor parson and
three poor farmers from the Hanoverian foragers, who, rather
than be at the trouble to cut the forage in the adjacent fields,
would have pillaged and plundered the houses and taken their
thrashed corn out of the granaries. The poor grateful people
brought me eggs and the parson offered me the use of his house
and gathered me fresh fruit out of his garden, while I took care
of my men with good beer, bread and butter out of the village,
all of which was paid for. 94 pp.

Lirut.-CoL. Russet. to HIs WIFE.

1744, August 21, Tuesday. D’Anstain Camp, near Lisle.—
Prince Charles has been obliged to repass the Rhine, in conse-
quence of the King of Prussia’s marching so many troops into
Bohemia. The re-crossing of so broad a river with so little loss,
when an enemy was so near at hand, is looked upon as a fine
piece of generalship, but what the consequence will be to
TKurope I must leave more able politicians to decide. A strong
detachment has been made from the French army on the Rhine
towards these parts, which I do not believe will have power to
give us any disquiet, but which may prevent our advancing much
337

further into French Flanders, or laying siege to any of their
towns, if there was any such idea. This latter, however, would
have been too expensive for us to have undertaken alone.

We shall be obliged now to forage out of the barns and’
granaries of all the villages here, which to me has a shocking
appearance, although necessary. When that is done, which cant
last long, we must either advance, or retire to secure Brabant,
and very possibly, if Prussia has no other view than to settle the
peace of the Empire, some accommodation may be brought
about this winter.

I would have you make a point of sending the Princess any
news you can, and write to Fanny that you entirely rely on her
Royal Highness’s interest with General Wade to get leave for
me, on account of the extraordinary business which Sir Francis
Russell’s death will occasion. It should be done before we get
to winter quarters, as the Marshal’s health is not good, and I
take it for granted that he will then leave us.

You need be under no apprehensions for me while my health
continues so good; ‘as for skirmishes, our hussars and some of
the enemy’s have a few, and some of our careless foragers are
likewise nabbed, but that is all. . . Lady Frankland has
bedevil’d Sir Thomas, and he is an old superannuated f . . 1; as
for Miss, her part is not to be wondered at, to get so good a
husband. Young Freddy is now encamped. Le H[eu]|p’s
infamous economy as to the rations for all our troops here,
excepting the general officers, is a saving only of 4,600/. sterling
to the Government for our last winter’s forage. It related only
to twenty-one battalions of English in garrison.” 54 pp.

Lievut.-Cot. Russeut to ars WIFE.

1744, August 24, Friday. D’Anstain Camp.—The result of a
grand forage yesterday is such that every officer seems to have a
little farm of his own, and my share, from this one day only,
resembles much what I used to get from my tithes. ‘‘ The
distress I must own to be great, but they must thank their grand
monarch for the cause of it . . . The people in England, I hear,
are greatly dissatisfied with our inactivity, and for which
they probably may have great reason, but without cannon we
can do nothing of consequence, and why we have not that—that
is, why the Dutch and we cant agree in being at the expense of
it,—I must leave to more able politicians. Butsuch an army as
we have, though let it be never in so glorious a condition in
respect to the goodness of the troops, yet if half of ‘em are
in such a situation as by not having declared war against the
common enemy, make any obstacles, and are not as hearty in
the expense, as well as everything else, nothing can essentially
succeed, and therefore no grand point can be put in execution.”

The Marshal is better, but not able to dine with company.
His table at best is a bad one, and scarce any of the general
officers dine there unless they cant avoid it. Yesterday, I was
obliged to go by invitation of the aides-de-camp, but it was doing

14170 a x
338

penance. To-day I met General Ligoniere at Lord Albemarle’s,
where we were entertained en prince; finer fruit of all sorts |
never tasted. Champagne, burgundy and claret abound at our
own table, but a beef steak and a bottle of port in England would
be better than any of them. “If Princess A[melia] does not
procure leave for me without speaking a word to the Duke about
it, I shall never forgive her, but you may send her word I will
never write a syllable more of news for you to transcribe to her
whilst I remain in Flanders. Lord Albemarle joked with me
much about the impossibility of my going over this year, as I
was there last winter, and appealed to General Ligoniere ; but if
their interest would do it, I should have great hopes.” 5 pp.

Fanny Russeut to [Lievr.-]Cou. CHartes Russe.

1744, August 27.—My friend bids me tell you not to say a word
about coming home until you are in winter quarters, and then
to ask leave from the Marshal, and if he refuses you, they
[i.e. she, the Princess] will see what they can do, but I am to beg
you not to mention their name to the Marshal, or “he will write
it to you know who here, and that will spoil all, for you know he
used them very ill upon your account last winter.” Sir Thomas
Frankland has had a kind of apoplectic fit, but is well again.
I am glad Fred likes Mrs. Mounteney so much, but I did not
doubt it, when he once knew her. Lady Caroline Fytchroy is
pretty well again, she put out her neck in her sleep, which is the
second time she has done so.

‘““The Duke is very little here, but on Thursdays and Sundays.
His great passion at present is for shooting, so [he] is a good
deal at his farm house in the forest. . . . Lady A’s passion for
the and his for her, I fancy is now quite at an end. It has
really made talk enough, and I hope, for her own sake, she will
never let it come on again. . . . As to news, I never knew
less, and hear of no weddings but Lord Middlesex and Miss Boy].
They are to live in the house with Lady Shannon, in town.
Lord and Lady Vane keep mighty well still, but ’tis not supposed
she will stay long with him. Mr. and Mrs. Hervey has been at
Tunbridge for a fortnight. I met the Genoese envoy t’other day
at Mrs. Kains, and he told me he heard the reason that Lady
Litchfeild was so much against her son’s marrying Miss
F[rankland] was because she was grand-daughter to Oliver
Cromwell. Every body now agrees that ’tis certainly to be.”

Little Bishop tells me that the gentleman who has care of
Lord Vane wants a house in the country, and says he will men-
tion Missenden to him.

Postscript. ‘‘Everybody is very sorry that poor Prince Charles
was obliged to cross the Rhine, but he made the finest retreat
that ever was known. What a devil the King of Prussia is; ‘tis

he that has made poor Prince Charles do all this, to save his
army. 3 pp.

 
339

Lrsut.-Cou. RussEuL to nis Wire.

1744, August 28, Tuesday. D’Anstain Camp.—I am afraid
I must have tired you with all my accounts of foraging and raising
contributions. “ As to the former, it is now become nothing but
misery and distress. Whilst the forage was upon the ground, I
cant say it had half so bad an appearance to make free with
what our horses wanted; but after the poor people had been at the
pains and trouble to house their grain for their own and their
cattle’s winter sustenance, to force it out of all their houses, barns
and granaries, amidst all their cries and lamentations, is shock-
ing. . . As to the manner of raising our contributions, that is a
sweet or douceur that belongs to our commanders in chief,’”’ who
summon the chief magistrates and burgomasters of the towns
and villages to pay certain sums, that their districts may be
preserved, many safe-guards being granted in this way. More
distant places are threatened with hostilities upon their fine
villas, plantations and farms. Duke D’Aremberg lays claim to
the greater part, to recompense the Queen of Hungary for her
losses in Flemish Flanders, but most people believe that he will
place it all to his own account. It is said that Count Saxe has
made our people at Ghent very uneasy by coming a little too
near them with some detachments, which has probably been done
to draw us from this part of the world. Lest he should grow too
saucy, about ten thousand of this army are to march towards
Ghent to-morrow morning, and the Guards and the rest of the
army will soon follow, so that the Count will be glad to retire to
his trenches near Courtray, and perhaps will be inclined to
move towards these parts for his winter quarters. If he does not
choose it, we may think it necessary to oblige him to it.

Captain Parslow and the other paymasters returned from
Antwerp this afternoon. He has brought me the six yards of
edging for you as I asked, but it was only 7s.a yard and I do not
think it good enough, so shall get you some more. Berkeley and
Boscawen are both recovered. 5 pp.

a

THe Save to THE SAME.

1744, August 31, Friday. D’Anstain Camp.—We expected
to march yesterday morning, but our great men varied in
council, the Austrian and Dutch generals rejecting what ours
proposed. Count Saxe has certainly detached ten thousand men,
who crossed the canal between Bruges and Ghent with a design
to forage and raise contributions towards Antwerp, but having
now received intelligence of our having sent a large detachment
after him, he may probably retire before our troops can intercept
him. We can still get forage here, though it has been some-
times attended with ill consequences, some of our cavalry having
stayed beyond their time and straggled a little too far, by which
means both men and horses have been taken. The foot likewise
have lost too many of their men, by going out to gather roots
and herbs without leave; for the French—to whom the peasants
340

give intelligence—have parties lurking-in woods and ditches,
ready to catch these men and carry them off prisoners to Lisle.
The men are all sent back to us, but that is sHonged with expense
to Government. If we stay here, we shall suffer more in this way,
as well as from the desertion of numbers of Irishmen.

Count Nassau, the Dutch general, was taken so ill yesterday
that he has been given up by the physicians. Our army in
general has hitherto been extremely healthy, and now we shall
not be long before we get into winter quarters. We hear that
they have a very good harlequin at Lisle and cut many jokes
upon our Marshal, ‘‘ representing him in his formal dress, and
very severe upon him for his having left his heavy cannon
behind.” Freddy Frankland has, of his own accord, come into
camp, and has been upon foraging duties, so that he has seen a
little of his profession. Provided he does not catch cold, it may
rather strengthen him than otherwise. We have a great deal of
game here, especially partridges and hares. The former we buy
for 6d. a piece, and the latter give fine sport with our greyhounds,
which would delight Fuller greatly, only he would be sorry to
have Beaconsfield so situated as to be at the mercy of so many
rapparees. “I think I may venture to tell you that our Marshal
had a few days ago a letter from Lord Clartere]t, to march
further into France, and lay siege to three or four towns, or else
to march directly towards Paris. These Don Quixote schemes
vexed him much, which he laid before his brother Marshals,
which could not be complied with; but he then proposed another,
which, ’tis said, they also absolutely rejected.’ 5 pp.

Lievut.-Cou. Russet to nis WIFE.

1744, September 4, Tuesday. Camp D’Anstain.—I have
written a formal letter to Fanny, in which I. have had the
assurance to desire two lines in her friend’s own hand, promising,
on my honour, not to use them unless my own application for
leave is refused. The end of this month will undoubtedly drive
us into winter quarters. We stay for nothing but to forage in
the enemy’s country, and I know our Marshal is inclined to turn
homewards, ‘‘but the Austrian general will not consent to it as
long as contributions can be possibly had to line his pockets
with.” Count Nassau, the Dutch general, is recovering. The
French who had crossed the canal returned to their main body
upon our sending a detachment towards those parts. I think I
never read a finer worded memorial than that of Mr. Trevor to
the States-General, but I fear it has no great effect. I have got
a very agreeable man named Nash, whom I knew a little in
England, as my ensign, in place of Elliot. 7 pp.

Tue SaME to THE Samet.

1744, September 7, Friday. D’Anstain Camp.—You need not
be uneasy about our cannon coming tous. It is too late now,
if it had been with us, to do anything, but, as the case is, it is
341

ordered to remain at Antwerp, “and I believe we now stay
here only because Duke D’Aremberg chooses we shall be as
little a time as possible in the Queen of Hungary’s country,
in our way into our winter quarters. 4 pp.

Lieut.-Cout. Russeut to nis WIFE.

1744, September 12, Wednesday. D’Anstain Camp.—TI have
just come back from Lannoy, where I have been on foraging
duty. I did not tell you of it beforehand, as I thought you might
see in the newspapers that last Thursday our party was attacked
in their march to Lannoy by a party of the enemy, who fired
upon them through a thick hedge, killing six or seven of our men
and one captain, and wounding another officer. Colonel Walde-
grave was with them, but not hurt. My party had a few alarms
on our march back, but we marched on foot, kept on our guard,
and were not molested. 38 pp.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1744, September 14 and 15. D’Anstain Camp.—lt is said that
on Monday next we shall certainly decamp and go towards
Ghent, perhaps to Berleghem, where we were before. You must
not depend too much on my getting leave, for I fear ‘‘ every
colonel in our regiment will have leave to go before me.” Gum-
ley and Hemington seem to be thinking of it, but I doubt the
latter’s going unless he means to stay, he being so old that the
Duke would be sure to send another over in his room. The
account from India is dreadful. I expected that affairs there
would be bad, but thought his regard for his son would have
made him manage some reserve for him which creditors could
not touch. As for anything her ladyship can do for him or
Miss Fazakerley, I look on it as nothing. Perhaps her Uncle
Fazakerley will advance something, and I quite agree to your
suggestion of going earlier to town, in order to help the poor
girl, but I am sure whatever we advance will be lost, and as to
decking her out in clothes at our expense, which Lady Russell
hints at, it really is not in our power to doit. I am very sorry
for poor Billy Frankland, and must not think of my poor three
or four hundred pounds; though he should not have let me lose
it after all I have done for him.

The poor boy must be our great care, and he shall never want if
I can help it. Perhaps his mother—either by marrying some
old rich fellow, or in some other way—may be able to scrape up
something for him; and if not, though there is some risk about
it, I think his being made a page—with great care and a watchiul
eye over him—might be an advantage. 7 pp.

Tye Same to THE SAME.

1744, September 18 and19. Camp near Tournay.—We marched
this morning at break of day, crossing the Marque in a
great many columns over many bridges, in good order, the
342

grenadiers being ordered to form a rear-guard, to prevent any
insults from the enemy, and cannon being planted at all the
bridges to give them a good reception if they followed us; but
they seemed to have no such design. We.demolished our bridges
after crossing and came on here, a slow, tedious march. To-
morrow, bridges will be laid over the Scheld, which we shall
probably pass on Thursday. I suppose if Count Saxe could
interrupt us—without venturing too far or endangering his return
to his hole and intrenchments—he would do it, but all the French
are good for is to he in wait, fire upon us and then run away ;
they dare not come up and show themselves in any open place
with equal numbers. When we are on the other side of the
Scheld, we shall march through the woods and defiles without
any difficulty.

I hear from Fanny that I must do all I can by myself before
her mistress will interfere. I think it highly proper to accept of
Sir Billy’s being a page, and am writing to thank her Royal
Highness.

Wednesday morning.—The name of this place is Froienne.
The French have their little parties out on the right of us in
woods and holes, ready to snap up any of our men that should
by chance straggle that way. 5 pp.

Lirvut.-Cou. Russeuu to HIs WIFE.

1744, September 21 and 22. Avelgem Camp.—Just after I
had finished yours last Wednesday morning, I heard that Count
de Saxe was come within-five miles of us with thirty-thousand
men and several pieces of cannon, to fall on our rear in case we
crossed the Scheld, or to defend a pass called Pont de Espierre,
if we marched without crossing it. Upon this a grand council
of war was called, our heavy baggage was sent over the river,
and this morning we marched to attack the enemy, the English
and Hanoverian infantry being in two columns on the right, next
the river, the Dutch and Austrians in two more on the left, the
grenadiers at the head of each column, and all the cavalry in the
rear. ‘‘No sooner had the infantry begun their march but they
set up such huzzas and shewed so great a spirit of joy and
assurance of beating the enemy [as] gave great pleasure to the
commanders and all that heard them,” observing at the same
time the greatest order and regularity in their march. When we
had gone about three miles we heard that the enemy had all fled,
and in so much hurry that they left a great deal of forage on the
ground, which we found very useful.

We continued our march along the Scheld to Avelgem, which
is the Marshal’s quarters, it being our turn to be on duty.
To-morrow we rest here, and on Sunday march again.

Saturday morning.—Two bridges have been laid across the
river that we may be able to send over to our baggage.
Yesterday, just after we had dined the Marshal was made
very uneasy by hearing that his secretary, chariot and all his
343

papers—coming round by Oudenarde with no great guard—
were in danger of being taken by five squadrons of horse,
which were seen marching towards them, upon which I was
ordered to march our whole battalion to their assistance, but
when we had got about a mile, the enemy, if any, had all gone,
and the chariot returned safely. 4 pp.

Lirzvut.-Cout. Russetu to wis WIFE.

1744, September 25 and 26. From our Camp at Huys, near
the Leys.—Last Sunday we marched to Petegom, halted there
one day and this morning came to within a league of Deynse,
and not above four miles from Gavre. We expect to go to-
Deynse on Thursday, and there cover the Marshal’s quarters.
The French had possession of it, but it being no ways tenable,
they have retired from it and other places thereabouts into
Courtray, which they have fortified and intrenched very strongly.
I believe we shall make no attempt upon it, as it would be of
little service to us unless we had Menin and Ipres, which the
Dutch so shamefully gave up at the beginning of the campaign.

Wednesday morning.—I am just going to ride over to see
Freddy Frankland, who has been with us now for six weeks, has
done a great deal of duty, and seen more of what belongs to the
horse service than he might do again in many years, which will
be a great advantage to the boy. Onslow has been very good to
him, and has taken care to get him settled at Brussels, where he
will be quartered, and where I have desired that he may pass
most of his time at the Academy. They say the Guards will
certainly go to Ghent, and as Hemington’s two sons will be on
garrison duty there, I hope he will not wish to go to England. I
think we must be glad for Billy Russell to be the Princess’s
page; if he may be excused attendance, except on Sunday, it
will be no hindrance to his school. I suppose you and poor Miss
Fazakerley are preparing for London, and little Molly too, who
may go every day in the Park, so that I hope town will not hurt
her. Love and blessings to her and Rantipole Jack. 5 pp.

Tur Same to THE SAME.

1744, September 28 and 29. From the Camp of Chateau
D’Huysse.—In my last I told you we had orders to go to the
Marshal’s quarters at Deynse, but they were countermanded,
and I believe we shall stay here till we cross the Scheld (three
or four days hence) and march to our old camp near Gavre. We
have only detached four regiments with eight pieces of cannon
to Deynse, which is enough to secure it from the enemy whilst
we are so near, and indeed they show no inclination to come out
of Courtray.

I wish you could sell Missenden, but would rather you let it
than that it should stand empty.

As for Miss Fazakerley, I will certainly be at the expense of
her learning all she can, and risk the re-payment, but unless
344

her uncle or Mr. Speke advance money towards fitting her out
in an expensive manner with fine clothes, I shall not do that
upon her ladyship’s account, for if anything happened to the
latter, Sir Francis’ creditors ‘‘ would fish out everything she may
have hoarded up for herself or the children.” I shall assuredly
try to get myself repaid as much as I can for the money I had
abroad if her ladyship has wherewithal to answer it; for I can
at least but give it again to the poor boy, if he should want it, as
is I fear only too likely.

My reason for wishing to get the Princess’s interest early is
that Colonels Hemington and Gumley both propose to ask leave,
neither of them having yet had it, that Lord Ancram and Lord
Robert Manners, having both superior interest, will certainly
not be denied, and that the rest are in Parliament; however, if
as Fanny says the Princess calls it being teazed, there is an end
of our hopes from her. 4 pp.

Lrevut.-Cou. Russett to ais WIFE.

[1744, October 2.] Chateau de Huysse Camp. Little Jack’s
birthday.—“ I dont begin this for the sake of the dear little boy
being three years old this day, of which I give him joy and send
him as many kisses,’’ but because I hope to finish it to-morrow
at Petegem. Thence we march to Drongen, within two miles
of Ghent, where we shall halt for the troops to divide, and
then go to our winter quarters. Only the horse will be at
Brussels, all the dragoons and half our foot at Ghent, and the
rest at Bruges, except two regiments at Ostend; the Han-
overians in Brabant, and the Dutch, who marched to-day towards
their quarters, at Tournay, Mons, Aeth and Charleroy. The
French are already gone for their quarters, after demolishing
their works at Courtray, so that it will be neither worth their
while-or ours to garrison it. I find we had determined to attack
it, but were prevented by our allies, nor would it have been of
any great consequence, “ only the playing [sic] of some of the best
of our troops to have pleased some people at home, who only are
satisfied when they have blood for their money.” I have written
to my sister that this morning I waited upon General Ligoniere,
who told me the Marshal would give no leaves until he
heard from England how many officers from each regiment
might be absent (which means that only those who have the
best interest will be allowed to go) ; that none but Lord Ancram
has yet got leave, that Gumley does not propose going, that
Lord Robert Manners is doubtful of success, and that Hemington
hopes to go; but if I can get a letter from a friend to the
Marshal, who stays a month in Ghent before going for England,
I shall be sure of success; so that upon her mistress’s goodness
alone depends my happiness or misery.

Wednesday, 3 in the afternoon.—We marched about two hours
ago to Deynse ; my men have pitched all their tents, and I have
got into a very good house, within thirty yards of my battalion.
To-morrow we march to Drongen and then for Ghent.

Say all you can to the Princess. 384 pp.
345

Lizut.-Cou. CHarLEs Russevy to the Duce or CUMBERLAND.

1745, March 27. ([Ghent.]—Agreeably to his Royal
Highness’s orders, informs him that the drafts of the first
battalion of Guards have marched into this town; that the
clothing has all arrived except the grenadiers’ and drummers’
caps; that the brass plates belonging to the caps, having been
frequently mended and often soldered, are now quite unfit for
use ; that the drums have been thoroughly examined at Brigadier
Ingoldsby’s and are found to be also unfit for service; and that,
as new ones can be had on the spot more cheaply than in
England, and he fears there is not’ time to wait for his Royal
Highness’s orders, he is venturing to order them.

Requests the Duke to send them two pairs of new colours,
those they have being worn out, and further informs him that
orders have been received to provide match boxes for the two
companies of grenadiers, as all the grenadiers in the army are
to be supplied with them. 13 pp. Draft, written by Col. Russell
on the cover of a letter addressed to himself.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1745, March 30. Ghent.—Stating that although he had taken
the liberty in his previous letter to say that he should venture to
order new drums to be made, he is fearful of incurring his Royal
Highness’s displeasure, and will therefore await his commands.
1p. Draft.

FREDERICK FRANKLAND” to his cousin, [Lisvur.-]Cou. RussEn:

1745, June 6. Ditchley— You would hear of me and my little
fellow traveller from Checquers, where I spent three most agree-
able days. I dined one day at Sir Thomas Lee’s with your late
colonel and Mr. Ingoldsby ; the case of the latter is looked upon
as a very hard one. I confess that at present it is a mystery to
me.

Your brother Revett escorted us through Tame, whence we
proceeded to dine with Mr. Schutz at Shotover, and thence
through Oxford and Blenheim to this most delightful place, the
possessors of which are happy in one another and cheerful to all
around them. ‘The rain has hitherto prevented a party to Stowe.
After a visit to Barrington, we shall cross the country to
Yorkshire, whither all my family except Nanny and I (and Mrs.
Mountney, who is on a visit at Burleigh) are already gone to get
my house in order. ‘I am in my chaise and a pair of horses,
. . . intending to train up my girl to follow a camp and shift
for herself. Thus you see how we are idling away our time in
pleasure whilst you are toiling and running hazards for us.”

Nanny sends her love to the Colonel. 23 pp.

 

*A son of the first Sir Thomas Frankland.
346

J{oun] Revert to his brother[-in-law, Lreut.-Cot.
2 Cuartes RussELu].

1745, June 23. Checkers—‘‘I ought long ago to have con-
gratulated you on your late happy escape from the damnable
fire of the French, and your having gained so much honour by
your conduct and bravery on that occasion;* . . . and doubt not
but you will soon have some reward for your service, if there is
any feeling or gratitude left to serve a man who has acted well,
though not in Parliament. Poor Berkeley! I am heartily glad
to hear poor Hildesly has got what he has long wished; hope
he is entirely recovered of his wounds.”

I write to-day to beg a favour of you, which is that you would
speak to Middleton the surgeon in favour of one Dorman, who
went out with him as an assistant surgeon, but not having
a proper recommendation, has not been employed. An
alderman of Sandwich (uncle to the young fellow) has
written to me asking for a word from you in his behalf; he is
said to be knowing in his business. ‘‘The babies are both in
high health and if Jack goes on as he begins, he will be as lusty
as the strong man of Islington. Molly and he are as busy as can
be, being in the middle of haymaking.” 2 pp.

Lieut.-CoLONEL CHARLES RusseLL to THE KING.

1745. October.—Memorial, shewing that he has been in
service for twenty-eight years, was at the last siege of Gibraltar,
has been with the troops in Germany and Flanders ever since
the commencement of the present war and has been commandant
of the First battalion of Guards during the last two campaigns,
“by which he had the honour to command the same at the
late battle of Fontenoy.” Having been for some time the eldest
lieut.-colonel of horse, foot and dragoons, he prays that he may
succeed to the regiment now made vacant by Col. Ligoniere.
#0. Draft.

CoLONEL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1746, August 21. Duke Street.—I got safe to Kensington at
two o'clock, and heard that I shall have to stay here three weeks
before the court-martial is over. I have sat to-day on the trial
of old Jef[fries?] which will be finished to-morrow, and we
have appointed September 15 for the trial of Col. Durand, and
September 29 for General Oglethorp, so that I hope to come down
to you on Saturday, bringing Sir William with me, and desire
that Jack may be at the Hare and Hounds with Poppet in the
single horse chair at eight o’clock. If Jack Chestnut is not lame
he may be brought for Sir William to ride. 1p. Addressed to
“ Mrs. Russell, Junior, at Checkers, Bucks.”

 

 

 

 

*Fontenoy, May 11, 1745.
347

CotoneL RusseLt to His WIFE.

1746, September 9. Wednesday. [The Mary transport.]—
‘* Past two o’clock from Woolwich and all our troops embarked,
and I thank God I’m perfectly well with good spirits, especially
when we left Tower Wharf, where the Duke stood by to see the
two battalions march and go into our billanders. I was near his
Royal Highness whilst our regiment marched by him, and upon
my allowing a soldier's wife to break through the ranks and take
one farewell kiss of her husband, the Duke called out upon me,
with great good nature, and said ‘twas like me.” We
expect to be at Deal in two or three days. Iam in the best
ship of the fleet, carrying five hundred ton, and as we have a
spare ship, we have got rid of Col. Parson’s company and his
two disagreeable officers and have now only Colonel Lethulier,
with half his men, Colonel Noel’s and mine, seven only in all.
Our Captain says our ship is but two years old, and has not
leaked one drop of water these eight months, and we are likely
to live well as to provisions. 2 pp.

Tue Same to THE Same.

1746, September 11, Thursday. From on board the Mary,
at the Buoy of the Nore.—I wrote yesterday from Woolwich,
whence we fell down to Gravesend, and at the break of day came
to the Nore. We have two sloops of war to convoy us to the
Downs with this evening’s tide.

Friday morning.—We shall not leave the Nore until to-morrow.
Colonel Lethulier and his men have orders to remove, so our
ship will be light enough, and our men will have flesh twice or
thrice a week.

Jack, who behaves very well, begs I would send his duty to
you and his young master.

I send my love to everybody, and especially to my two dear
babies. 2 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1746, September 13. Saturday. From the Downs.—We
came here this morning, and sail immediately for Plymouth. 1 p.

THe SaME tO THE SAME.

1746, September 18. The Mary transport in Portland Road.
—We have been forced to beat the seas until to-day, when we
were off the Start, but the wind still blowing hard against us, we
have been obliged to put into this Road. I am the only one on
board who has been quite free from sickness, but Col. Noel is very
well now we are at anchor. I have been in glorious spirits ever since
I came on board, have very good company, a good Captain and
plenty of provisions. ‘‘Had we not had a very young Commodore
for our convoy, being only a sloop of twelve guns, and one more
of the same force, I believe we should have been at Plymouth
yesterday.” 3 pp.
348

CoLONEL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1746, September 20, Saturday morning. Weymouth, near
Portland Road.—Colonel Noel, Vernon and myself lay at this
place last night, our whole day being taken up in laying in
provisions for our sea store, and everybody as busy on the same
account. As Col. Braddock has just sent me word to get on
board as soon as possible, the wind coming fair, I must defer
saying more till I get to Plymouth. 2 pp.

CoLONEL RvussEuL to His WIFE.

1746, September 21, Sunday morning. From the Mary
transport, within a league of Plymouth Sound.—We have had a
fine wind since yesterday, but now hardly any breeze and the
tide against us, so that we shall not come to anchor until afternoon.
By the advice of the captain of the man of war, we laid in our
stores at Weymouth, and if you had seen the stocks of everything
you would imagine it was for a West India voyage. My trouble
has been greatly taken off by having Noel and his servant. We
have bought wine, cyder, Dorchester beer, Portland sheep, fowls,
ducks, porkers and other things without number, all of which may
be of great use to us on our return, provided we should not find
plenty in France; and also we shall have more time there to
plunder what may turn to a better account, if our ship is well
stocked with provisions. We have been retarded in our voyage
by a store ship, for whom we have had to slacken sail several
times, she being under the same convoy with us.

A pilot is just come on board, and brings advice that Admiral
Lestock sailed from hence with his fleet and transports on Monday
morning last, so that he may now be at the place he is designed
for. He has left four men of war here, I suppose to lead us to
the same place. I imagine Fuller is come, but as the Welsh
Fusiliers cannot yet be marched hither, it is very uncertain when
we shall depart.

At anchor in Catwater, close to Plymouth, six o’clock.—The
Commodore has just sent on board, and we hear that the Welsh
Fusiliers are come and that we shall sail as soon as they are
embarked, but the transports are not yet here, though hourly
expected. 4 pp.

THe Same to THE Same.

1746, September 28, Tuesday. Plymouth.—‘‘ Yesterday
morning I came on shore, and by invitation dined with General
Fuller. You may imagine how well I must be with him when he
thinks proper to make me a confidant, and likewise permits me to
tell him of his fretful and hasty disposition.’’ All our officers
are to lie on board, except in case of illness or special leave from
the field officers, and one of a company to stay on board during
the day. I have a pretty lodging, and Colonel Noel with me.
He has been much out of order with toothache, but is now on the
mending hand. ‘The transports for the Welsh Fusiliers are not
349

‘

yet come and one of the 1st regiment is wanting, but we hear it
put into the Isle of Wight, and expect it with the empty ones,
which probably were forced to put into Spithead, and, with a
convoy that lies ready there, will be with us the first fair wind,
‘“‘which same wind, if it continues after the regiment here is
embarked, will carry us out to sea, and when we are in such a
latitude, eur Commodore is to open his instructions, and will then
lead us to the place we are destined. There has been a sloop
returned from Lestock, who left him ten leagues to the westward
of Scilly and from which we may be assured they must some time
before this be arrived at their destined place, and which must be
somewhere within the Bay of Biscay, so in all probability there
may be no plunder left for us, but hope they wont be quite so
unreasonable. Poor General Fuller is extremely anxious and
impatient for our being all gone from this place, and indeed
I don’t much wonder at him (as censure is at present so very ripe)
lest there should be thought any delay, and, of consequence, that
laid to his charge.

‘Since I wrote the above, Col. Braddock and Lord Bury, who
was invited to dine at Mount Edgecomb, called upon me to take
me with ’em, which I could not refuse, and was indeed elegantly
entertained, not only at dinner but with seeing the most delightful
place in the world and impossible for me to describe. So rich
and so beautiful are the views and prospects that nature has been
bountiful beyond measure, and with a very little addition of art,
laid out in a good taste about the house and park, the whole is made
complete. I was invited to lie there and pressed to it very much
by Lord Edgecomb and his son, but chose to leave Lord Bury and
Colonel Braddock there and came away with Colonel Dury,”’
having left your letter half written and expecting one from you,
which made me pretend business of consequence to get away.
Lord Edgecomb and his son go from home to-morrow for ten or
twelve days, but hope to find us here when they eturn and have
given us an invitation to go again. General Fuller and Captain
Keppel desire to be remembered to you.

Postscript. Jack Flemming is a good boy, and desires his duty
to you and his young master and lady.

GCoLonEL RussELL to Hs WIFE.

1746, September 26, Friday. Plymouth.—‘‘Dont say I am
better without your letters, for I shall be miserable should a post
come in whilst I am here without hearing from you. .
Surely you thought me in raptures about Mount Edgecomb; a
sweet place indeed it is, but never such a country did I ever see
as itis all about it, so that with all its beauties, I would not be
obliged to live altogether there to have it for nothing. No wheel
carriage can pass or repass in this country but with the utmost
difficulty, so that nothing but pack-horses are used, and some
few coaches among the country gentlemen, but they go more by
water than by land in their common visits, which would be
dreadful to you. Though Mount Edgecomb is within two or

”
350

three miles of this town, one could not get to it in a coach by land
without making it two or three and twenty miles. We have had
rain for these two days past, which makes this place absolutely
worse than Wapping ; am forced to wear my boots all day long.
Dined again yesterday with Fuller, but refused him the day
before, to dine with two or three friends. I must say I’m much
better than ever I thought I could even like to be with the
General; wish his education and late past life could make him
choose and prefer better company than he seems to collect . . .
He is obliged to me for my company, and [I] cant help having
a good will to him, as he behaves well enough and keeps within
bounds, and his good sense, I hope, will make him acquit himself
with credit and reputation.”

I have not dined once on board since we came into harbour, for
I must own, though it is so much like Wapping, I prefer dining
on shore rather than in a cabin, but I shall be very well
reconciled to return to the Lovely Mary (for pray tell Molly that’s
what I call her, in memory of her and her dear mama) especially
as she is one of the best sailors, and perhaps the best ship, in
the whole fleet.

‘You seem to be desirous of knowing my ship-mates. Captain
Vernon is a sensible, pretty sort of man and an agreeable
companion ; Noel also behaves as I could wish; Wiseman, my
ensign, conceited and stupid but very good-natured and inoffen-
sive, and therefore no harm in him; Noel’s ensign, Kingscoat, a
Glocestershire man and a very good lad; but my adjutant,
Gausel, a little maddish sometimes, and serves to make one
laugh when he dont exceed ; when he does, we dont mind him.

Lord Bury goes from hence in a man of war, being
clad to get rid of Brad[dock] as his principal reason ; and poor
Keppel repents his having changed to the orenadier company
till we had disembarked, or otherwise would have been with
me. . . In short Brad(dock’s] behaviour is so excessive bad
that everybody shuns him and hates him. He is extremely
civil to me, which I encourage, and can always keep him to his
good behaviour by keeping him always at a distance, being as
little with him as I possibly can, doing my duty, and as much of
his, with as little trouble to him as he can wish.

“Tord John Sackville, I do suppose you know, has resigned, and
Colonel Cesar is come down here and has his company. The
Good Intent, a transport, with Lord George Bentinck, Lord
Ossultone and Colonel Sabine’s companies, have been parted
from us, were in some distress and put into Spithead, but they
safely arrived this morning. We dont hear yet any account of
the empty transports for the Fusiliers; the wind was fair to
bring ’em in yester day, had they been near at hand, but now ’tis
quite against them.”

The post has come in, bringing the most agreeable sight I
could wish. As they did not at once deliver out the letters, Lord
Bury and I went ourselves, soon cleared the way at the post
house, and got our own. 74 pp.
851

CoLoNEL Russetu to ns Wire.

1746, September 28, Sunday. Plymouth.—Captain Boscawen
in the Namur, and two more seventy gun ships, came in on
Friday night, and are,to sail the first fair wind to join Admiral
Anson. They overtook the empty transports, which would have
been here before this had the wind continued fair. If we stay
here a little longer, as General Sinclair and Lestock must long
ago have reached their destination, our going may be to no
purpose, for as the season advances, what is to be done cant be
long deferred.

I see Fuller every day; in an evening he always has a set of
the Welsh Fusiliers, ‘‘ Wait, their lieutenant-colonel, a constant
man with him. They are good sort of people, very well in their
way, but low enough, and adapted to his turn of life and
conversation, and therefore only fit for him. They sit with him,
drinking port, till half an hour after nine, and then he packs ‘em
off. That is not what will go down with people in another kind
of life. I sit with him sometimes for an hour or two with this
company, but scarce drink a drop, as I call it drinking between
meals, and come home to Vernon and Noel and sup upon an egg
or some toasted cheese, and drink cyder only. . . Yesterday
was a tolerable day, and I went to look after my family on board
the Lovely Mary ; carried a fine dish of fish with me and had a
very pleasant repast ; walked about an island after dinner, very
near my ship, which was partly rocky, had a pretty verdure, and
was as romantic, as were all the views about it, as anything I
ever beheld. Here is a dock about three miles distance that is
worth seeing, which I shall go to the first fair day. Phil.
Vanbrugh is Commissioner, and resides there, but I dont know
him. We have had a tolerable fine morning and I hope it will
continue, to give one an opportunity to take a walk and breathe
a little fresh air, for I’ll give you my word, this town is the most
shocking, stinking, disagreeable of all places, and to people that
are not sea-sick, ’tis vastly more desirable to be under sail :
especially when there is an expectation of seeing an end of what
we are to do.”

‘Tis now past one, and I have had a delightful walk with Don
Brown, and heard all his grievances about his General. There
is a hill near the citadel that commands a most agreeable pros-
pect, and where one may walk upon a lawn for near a mile.
Fuller dines with the Mayor to-day, so six of us have bespoke a
dinner and have his room to eat in, there being no other public
house fit to eat at in the place.

The post is now in and I have been made happy by your
letter. ‘‘ My dear little babies I think I see at the pond, and could be
glad to be of their party. Pray tell Molly she cannot think more
of me than I do of her, . . . andthe more she endeavours
to amuse you, the more I shall love her.”

Captain Boscawen and the two other ships all sailed out this
morning on a cruise. Though the wind is not fair they will beat
about and get to the Land’s End, when we with our fleet of
352

transports could not get out of the Sound. Col. Durand has
come to Portsmouth and there embarked on a convoy setting out
with the empty transports. Lord George Bentinck, who has
commanded his company for him, will be glad to see him, that
he may get home.

Postscript. ‘‘Keppel desires his compliments. Nobody so
immensely civil to me as Colonel Braddock.” 8 pp.

CotoneL Russeti to HIS WIFE.

1746, September 80. Plymouth.—Yesterday General Fuller
received an express from the Duke of Newcastle, ordering him not
to wait for the empty transports, but to take the Fusiliers on
board of us and to sail with the first fair wind. We have made
the best distribution we could, and by the help of one more
transport which we found here, have managed to spare them three
good ships without greatly crowding ourselves. Yesterday it blew
so great a storm that no part of this could be executed, but to-day
the wind is abated, so that we shall get all settled before night,
and. to-morrow the General and everybody will be aboard, and
only waiting for the wind.

Since writing this I have been made extremely happy by
receiving yours of the 25th, and the more so as my last night’s
rest was disturbed by dreaming that poor little Johnny was dead,
which affected me so much that I could not sleep after it. Lord
Bury was talking much of him to me yesterday, Fuller joking
that he was an ugly boy (to which I made no answer), which I
suppose put him so much into my head as to make me dream of
him. Fuller is much on the fret lest the wind should be fair
before we are ready to sail, for the sea has been so tempestuous
that the men of war could not send in their boats for the grenadier
companies, so that nothing can be done until to-morrow. If we
dont make haste, Lestock and Sinclair will have done all before
we come, and leave no laurels for us to bring away, so a fair wind
and success must be all your prayers. 34 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1746, October 2. Plymouth.—This being my dear little
Johnny’s birthday, his health was drunk in a bumper by ten of
us at dinner, being begun by Lord Bury and Braddock. I've
dined with this company for three days, in the same public house
with Fuller, but preferring it to my General’s table. I am still so
well with him that I have a constant invitation, but I must own
tis rather more agreeable to be with these people. Mr. Edge-
comb is one of us, and Capt. Gambier, a pretty young fellow,
captain of one of our sloops of war, another. He is an intimate
of Tom Frankland’s, and has made me a fine present of five
dozen lemons, which are very scarce here. We have six dishes
well dressed every day for 1s. 6d. each, and bespeak what we
like. I never sup with them because they keep bad hours, but
chiefly sit at home with poor Noel. We generally have one or
353

two callers, pass our time cheerfully till near eleven, with a bit
. ence and a glass of wine or cyder, and so soberly repair to
ed.

You will wonder I say nothing of being aboard ship, but the
weather has continued so bad that our grenadiers have only
to-day been able to change-from their ships to the man of war,
and the Fusiliers will not all be embarked until to-morrow.

._ Friday the 3rd.—All our troops are now aboard, but one of the
transports is leaky and must be corked, and the Lovely Mary
needs a new rudder, so that we shall not be ready till Sunday
night or Monday morning. The wind is now fair, and I think we
are likely to have fine weather. 5 pp.

CoLoNnEL RussELtL to His WIFE.

1746, October 5, Sunday.—I expected to-day to go on board
and sail away, when, to my great surprise, General Fuller came
to my bed-side early this morning and informed me that he had
just received an express to disembark the troops, cantoon them
near this place and wait for further orders. So to-morrow by
break of day our two battalions of Guards will march into this
town and be quartered here, what additional companies and
marines are here being ordered to remove to the docks to make
room for us; and the Fusiliers will be quartered in some neigh-
bouring towns and villages. This looks as if the expedition were
over, and as if we should next have orders to march towards
London. We may perhaps winter in some country quarters, but
as there are no regiments of foot near the metropolis it is more
probable that we cannot be spared from there, ‘‘and ’tis not
impossible the same place of troops marching towards Dunkirk
may be returned upon us.”’

THe Same to THE SAME.

1746, October 7, Tuesday. Plymouth.—Such is the un-
certainty of a soldier’s life that having received orders on Sunday
that we were all to disembark, which were put in execution the
morning following, yet less than an hour after this was done,
another express came for us to re-embark till further orders, in
which situation we now are, but have waited all day in expectation
of the said further orders, whether to sail east or west. The
general opinion is that our expedition is put a stop to and that
we shall go towards Portsmouth. Colonel Noel and I have dined
with General Fuller, and our empty transports having arrived, we
have been settling a fresh distribution of our ships, so as to make
everybody easy, ‘‘in which, to give General Fuller his due, he has
behaved with the patience and temper of a philosopher, hearing
such number of complaints, where he had real cause to be
provoked, but chiefly by the commanding officers of the Welsh
Fusiliers, who taxed him with favouring the Guards, to which he
showed such a proper spirit, and withal so much coolness, gave
such sevére and just reprimands, that he has gained great credit
among us. I must say, witha little of my advice he has recovered

14170 a Z
354

his character in some measure with regard to his company he
invites and to his table; having now eight covers every day, and
much better dinners, and yet no more expense, for provision 18
very cheap, especially the best of fish, which is a constant dish.
. . . The Lovely Mary, who I was in some pain for, is now recovered
and has got a new tail, and being the second best ship without
dispute I was glad to keep her, and have only Noel’s company
and mine on board of her, and not one man sick between us, she
having proved so healthy, whereas many others have been other-
wise... The grenadiers are all now returned to their several
transports . . . so Braddock and Lord Bury are to be together
again, but the former, by having been now and then taken down,
is greatly reformed, behaves well, and, to me, continues to be the
most polite, civil creature imaginable.” The three seventy gun
ships are returned from Torbay, having been in all that storm,
and in some degree disabled, but will soon be refitted here, as
Captain Boscawen tells me. ‘‘The news of this day has killed
poor Burchett, buthope ’tisnot true. . . Fuller and I often drink
all your healths, and says when alone with me that he really thinks
I have one of the finest boys inthe world.” I have been able to
return good for evil by procuring Col. Mitchell a good ship when
he was in a very bad one, and so made him, Wetham and my
late company all very happy, for which I have had his, the
Colonel’s, thanks. 54 pp.

CoLONEL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1746, October 10, Friday. Plymouth.—I am distressed for
your sake that the hopes I have given you in my last two letters
are over, for ‘‘General Fuller this morning has received an
express with orders for us to sail. We know no more, but have
reason to believe “twill be into the Bay of Biscay, and join
Sinclair. We have news from London that there has been an
account come there, by the way of Holland, that Lestock’s
expedition has landed, so that if the wind continues as it now is,
we shall join them in four or five days: . . I have nothing to
rely upon but your usual good sense and resolution upon this
occasion to keep up your spirits, for the sake of yourself, the
dear babies and me, and never doubt but the same providence
that has been hitherto so good to us, will take care of us all.” I
never was in better health and spirits. 3 pp.

Postscript. ‘‘I don’t find there is the least credit given to the
news by the way of Holland about Sinclair. If’twas, the news-
papers and all Europe would know it.’’ On the cover is written
in pencil, by a child’s hand, ‘‘I love my Uncle John. I wish my
Papa was at home.”’

Fanny Russeut to Cou. CHaruEs Russe.

1746, October 11. Bath.—This morning came an express
from my mistress that the battle was on the 11th, their style,

SEE ees 5 — Sener tees

* At Roucoux, near Liege.
B00

and that the French had lost as many as we, but no particulars.
The Princess of Hesse has had a letter from Prince Frederick,
saying that two regiments of English, two of Hessians and two
of Hanoverians have been cut to pieces, but that the Dutch, who
behaved very handsomely, lost a great many more than any of
the rest. I dont as yet hear that the Austrians were in the
engagement, but in short, by Prince Frederick’s account, the
French have gained the victory. Accounts sent here to Lord
Chesterfield and Mra William Pitt state that the French have lost
eight thousand, and we, five thousand. The only officers that I
have heard named as killed are Sir Harry Nisbet, Colonel Moun-
tague, and one Campbell. It was Brigadier Douglass’s brigade
that suffered so much. I hear that the Dutch have offered
winter quarters to all the allied army except the irregular troops.
Mr. Shaw has since written to P([rincess] C[aroline] by my
mistress’s orders, that news has come that Lestock has taken and
destroyed Port L’Orient and Port Lewis. -

One of the Mr. Lees told me two days ago, with much pleasure,
that Lord Kildare had a letter to say that the Guards had orders
to come back. Mr. Adair is here, and hears often from
Lord Bury or his brother. Lady Caroline and Sir Harry Harper
left last Monday. She told me that Lord Robert goes to-morrow
to Mr. Noel’s. Poor Lady Louisa Bloodworth is dead, leaving a
boy and girl. Lady Betty and Sir Hugh Smithson come
to-morrow, Mrs. Purcell and little Twysden to-day, and Felton and
his wife on Monday or Tuesday. This being the 11th", the
Princess of Hesse is to have a drawing-room, and Mr. Nash gives
a ball to-night. We four of this house were invited to dine with
the Chief Justice and Lady Lee, but Lady Herbert and more
company dine with us. Mr. Trevor sent Col. Hildesley, from
the Hague, a copy of Prince Waldeck’s letter to the States after
the battle, desiring him to let the Princess see it. ‘‘ Prince
Waldeck in that letter will not call it a battle, and he says the
Austrians was not engaged at all. We fear he makes it too
favourable of our side, and he says they was but an hour and a
half in the very heat of the battle, but Prince Frederick says he
was in the firing that was as hot as hell from one at noon till
seven.”

I have just met Lord Robert, who tells me his numbness is
better, but his leg still very weak. I believe he goes to London
very soon with the Duke of Montrose, who has been to Bristol to
fetch his brother, Lord George, who is ill. It is General Charles
Howard’s and Graham’s regiments that have suffered most, and
Brigadier Douglass’s likewise but not so much. One letter states
that it cannot be called a battle, because not a third of our arm
was engaged. The post has now come, and P[rincead]
A[melia’s] letter says that the Duke is not coming. Mr. Adair,
whom I saw at the drawing-room, says there is some scheme on
foot, and he fancies the Duke is to go somewhere, but does not
know where. There was a great crowd at the drawing-room.

 

*Coronation ‘day.
356

P[rincess] C[aroline] is better, but was not able to be at it. We
expect the Princess of Hesse will leave us next week.

Pray give my services to the General and Mr. Keppel. 4 pp.

Addressed :-—‘To Col. Russell of the 2nd Regiment of Foot
Guards, on board the Mary transport, at Plymouth,” with
direction that if the Mary has sailed it is to be sent back to
‘‘Mrs. Russell, at Princess Carolina’s at Bath.”

CoLONEL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1746, October 25, Saturday. From Margate Road.—’Tis
impossible to account for it, but we are ordered to return from
hence to the Downs and from thence again to Plymouth. How
long these orders are to subsist before they are countermanded I
know not,” but beg you to stay at Chequers till you hear that I
amin London. 1 p.

A[nna, Lapy] RusseLt, to CHartes Russeuy, Esq.,
Duke Street, St. James.

1746[-7], February 1. Cal{cutta]—My niece*® has just
arrived, and I cannot express my gratitude to you and your good
lady, who have been the best friends to her that ever she had.
Both she and I will have reason to thank Heaven all our lives
that she fell into your hands ; you have made her just what my
ambition has desired, and in good sense, genteel behaviour and
education she far exceeds my expectation.

You may imagine the satisfaction she is to me, who have lost
so many of my family in this dismal climate, and am now almost
always separated from Mr. Holmes. He left yesterday for
Bussorah, not being able to wait fora sight of Nancy, and begged
me to give you ten thousand thanks for your friendship to the
children, and to pray you to continue your goodness to my dear
Billy, and keep him to his learning, for which he will yearly send
a supply of money.

T have hardly had time to read dear Mrs. Russell’s and your
kind letters, we have been so crowded with visitors since Nancy’s
arrival, but I value them doubly as being sent at a time when I
was in affliction and very indifferent circumstances.

‘“‘T thank God I have now no fear of my enemy ; I am out of
her reach in every respect, being married to one of the best men
alive and in very prosperous circumstances.’’ I hope one day to
thank you in England, and to become personally acquainted with
those whose goodness has supported my spirits so long.

Mr. Manningham, whose health obliges him to return home,
will give you a full account of everything, and Captain Raymond
will deliver some aprons and handkerchiefs, which I am sending
for your lady, Miss Fanny Russell and Mrs. Gibson. 5 pp.

 

* Probably Miss Fazakerly.
357

Cou. Russeiu to nis WIFE.

[1747, May 9,] Saturday night, past eight o’clock. Woolwich.—
I have only time to say that the fatigue which your brother
Jemy saw me undergo with the embarkation of the men agreed
with me so well that I have never eaten a more hearty dinner
than this afternoon. We have just weighed anchor, and shall be
at Greenwich by four in the morning. I havea great state-room
. for my private cabin and we are in a fine new ship of five hun-
dred ton. We have only six men absent in our four companies,
who I hope will be with us to-morrow. 2 pp.

Tur Same to THE Same.

1747, May 10, Twelve at noon. Gravesend.—General »
Husk has just sent for Noel, and has invited me to dine with
him, but I have excused myself, as we are now under sail for the
Nore. My opinion is that at Flushing we shall find orders not to
disembark, but to go for Williamstadt, which will make us a day
or two longer on board, but as the accommodation is good and
the weather fine, there will be no great harm init. Pray God
bless you and the babies. My love to Jemy and Fanny, and
thanks to my brother Revett for his last letter. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, May 12, Tuesday. Flushing Road.—Yesterday morning
we left the Nore at five o’clock, had a very fine day with a fair
wind and sailed about half seas over, but this morning proving
very rainy and exceeding hazy, we made but little way. We at
last saw land about twelve o’clock and arrived opposite the town
of Flushing about four this afternoon, where we had the pleasure
of seeing Commodore Mitchel with all his ships and sloops of
war at anchor in defence of this island. ‘“ The Commodore’s
ship was decked out with all the colours of different nations,
which is usual upon some very extraordinary rejoicing, so that I
could not help suspecting it was on the arrival of the Prince of
Orange. Every steeple and high building in the town seemed
also to have colours hanging out upon them. At last upon
information, we learnt that the Stadtholder was arrived, that
triumphal arches were erected all over the town, and all the
burghers and people in general making great acclamations on
that account ; that General Husk had dined with him and had
returned to his yacht about eight this evening, and no orders of
any sort were as yet ready to be sent us. In all probability
whilst the town is thus mad with these rejoicings, it may be thought
prudent for our troops not to march into it, so whether we shall
disembark to-morrow, I know uot.” I have hada much more
agreeable passage than I expected, considering that I lost Noel’s
company, and I have found a very good cook in Colonel Parson’s
company, on whom I have already laid an embargo for the
campaign. I have just had the pleasure of seeing seven large
Dutch men of war lying at anchor to observe the motions of the
358

French, as also many other of their vessels of war, reaching a

great way up the Scheld, in defence of their so consequential a
province as Zeeland is.

Wednesday morning.—The wind continues to blow so hard
that we cannot disembark till to-morrow, when we shall go up a
mile higher, into smoother water, and from thence march into
Flushing, I hope, where a Dutch regiment has orders to march
out of the town to make room for us. If we are soon to join the
Duke, it would be unnecessary to encamp for so short a time, ~

but I sometimes think we shall stay here until the two regiments
come from Scotland.

‘‘ What you said in your letter about G. F. [General Fuller] I
heard before I left London, but hope if nothing worse can appear
_than his not being with them when they retreated, that he may
yet come off without much disreputation, and so, with no great
difficulty, be able to retrieve his character. The Prince of Orange is
gone to Middleburgh, the chief town in this island, and General
Husk followed him thither this morning, I suppose to consult further
about us. I dont as yet hear anything of the French, nor can I
believe they intend to make any attempt this way. I’msure from the
Island of Catsand they cant, which we see very plain, being not
above four miles from us.” 5 pp.

CoLoNEL RusseLtt to His WIFE.

1747, May 16, Saturday. Flushing.—Mr. Stewart will send
this by the packet boat which he dispatches to Dover twice a
week, and as often, if the winds permit, one is sent from thence
hither, so you have only to enclose your letters to Mr. Ramsden,
and if we are with the army, they will be forwarded to me.

We disembarked yesterday morning, “anda fatiguing day enough
we had of it, before our men in the first place, our horses in the
next, and ourselves at last, were tolerably settled, but after many
difficulties, complaints and grievances with the States and
magistrates of this place I hope we shall find ourselves as easy
as the nature of our situation can admit of. Colonel Braddock
came on shore the day before we disembarked, and took very good
quarters for himself and me in one house, and which is one of
the best public houses in the town. Evelyn and Craggs have
also one large room between them in the same house. We have
also a spacious eating-room, where we four breakfast, dine and
sup. Col. Noel and my ensign complete our mess, and I must
say [we] live very well, that is, far beyond what I expected, and
have exceeding good claret at 16d. per bottle, and fish in plenty.
The provision is in general very dear, owing to the great
mortality which so lately happened among their cattle, and the
great loss of all their corn country which they possessed on the
other side of the Scheld, now in the hands of the enemy. Icant
say I should pity them so much were we not present sufferers by
it, for it is thought this town, which is chiefly composed of
Scotch, Irish and English smugglers, would soon have been given
up, had we not sent Commodore Mitchel and some forces to
359

defend it, but that [sic] I am now very much of the opinion the
French, whatever thoughtsthey might have had, have laid them all
aside and will by no means make any attempt on this island.
General Husk takes much pains to do all he can for our service,
and to see everything regulated for our advantage. He pays
great court to the head magistrates, and soothes and flatters ‘em
all he can, advising us and all our men to do the same, by which
means we gain all we can expect; whereas when poor Fuller first
arrived and was here with his three regiments, his patience could
not hold, so that he flew out, stormed, and swore excessively,
by all which they stood mute with their hands in their pockets,
and would scarce grant him any one request.

‘* Brigadier Douglass is arrived in Beveland, and succeeds him
in his command, where I find those three regiments are still to
continue. How soon we shall remove, I wont pretend to say,
but dont think they can well send us away till the two regiments
from Scotland at least join us; nor dol see why they should
then desire us with the army, since I fear they have already more
mouths than they can well fill. . . . The Prince of Orange is
at Middleburg, about four or five miles from hence, but his stay,
I suppose, will be but short. The country, though flat, seems
very pleasant, and to abound with many plantations ; if time and
leisure will permit, shall ride about, and be able then to describe
it to you. This town is well fortified, the streets very neat and
clean, and some good houses and public buildings. We have
two or three Dutch and Swiss regiments with us in the town, and
many more encamped in different parts of the island. I should.
have told you my horses all landed safe, and are now very well
in good stables, chiefly owing to the indefatiguable care of honest
Frank. Jack, I'll assure you, does his part well, and is of great
use as an interpreter, we living in a house that knows neither
the French nor English language not in the least.” 54 pp.

CoLoNEL Russett to wis WIFE.

1747, May 17. Flushing.—I can only say three words, to tell
you ‘‘that Col. Bar[ringto]n came to us last night from the army,
who is put to Col. Legg’s company; that he left the Duke but
Thursday last, and by his coming it is very plain we are likely to
stay here, he says perhaps two months or more; that as stabling
is going to be built for us at the expense of this town, it 1s not
likely we shall even encamp; that his Royal Highness has
marched to the river Nete, leaving Antwerp in his rear; that
Prince Heildburghausen, with thirty squadrons, has taken post
between Breda and Antwerp, to preserve the communication and
be watchful on the enemy, lest with any small party they might
be troublesome thatway. Our old friend [Fuller], who is succeeded
by Lady Irwin’s consort, I fear is in a very bad way, hearing he
was five miles from his post at a farm house, but that he got to his
troops and might have made a very good defence, but caused
them to retreat, and so precipitately that they made a very long
train, and had ordered ‘no rear-guard to them; that his Royal
360

Highness saw him with his people in this condition, and sald very
severe things to him; that he ordered him to remain in a little
village in Holland, where he now is, and I do suppose, will be tried
with Le Rocque, who I find has behaved most infamously.” 2 pp.

CotonEL RusseLt to His WIFE.

1747, May 20, Wednesday. Flushing.—No packet yet from
England, although one is hourly expected. Commodore Mitchell
is sending off a cutter for Deal in half an hour, which makes me
in a hurry. We have begun now to have field days daily to
perfect ourselves and our men. ‘‘Col. Braddock, Noel and my-
self went to Middleburgh, to wait on the Prince of Orange, on
Monday last. He was extremely civil and polite to us, told us
how glad he was to see us, and that next to the providence of God,
it was owing to us and the assistance from England that this
province was preserved ; that the hurry and confusion this island
had been in occasioned any inconvenience we might suffer, but
that he would do all that lay in his power to accommodate in
everything ; and give him his due, he has done us some service,
but [? both] for our men and ourselves, of which I will be more
particular in my next. His Serene Highness is extremely
improved, being a good deal fatter than when I saw him in
England, which makes him look well and healthy. He had a
creat deal of business with the States of this province, being
obliged to leave the island the next day, so dined very late,
. which prevented our dining with him, though had the honour to
be invited.

‘“‘T rid out yesterday for two hours, so had the opportunity of
seeing all I could do if I was to stay never so much longer, all the
variety this island can afford, which is nothing more than a dead
flat, cultivated and improved to the best advantage in the Dutch
taste, with burgomasters’ villas every half mile... . The town
of Middleburgh is spacious and large, being the third best town
in the seven provinces.” How long we stay here, the motions of
the Duke’s army must determine. Mons. Grovestine was very
civil. I promised to let Mr. Billerbeck know that he is angry
with him for not writing. 38 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME:

1747, May 22, Friday. Flushing.—I have been here nearly
a fortnight and yet not able to have a line from you, but have
opportunities of writing to you three times a week, either by the
Commodore’s sending a cutter to Deal, or-by our Consul Stewart's
packet. This first week, our mess has lived in the best public
house here, but the scoundrels used us very ill, so we have left
them, and are now, with the addition of Col. Barrington, in one
large house, where we each have a separate room, furnished with
our own camp equipage, at an easy expense. One officer is
deputed to have the entire care of the cellars, and my ensign of
the housekeeping, so that I have no trouble on that account.
361

Liquor and fish are good and cheap, but other provisions dear and
greatly excised, on account of which our men have an additional
allowance of 12d. a week. .

“The only packet come in here arrived yesterday morning,
which brought us the good news of what Admiral Anson’s fleet
has done, that we are going immediately to have a few de joic
thereupon ; may there be a continuance of such good success.
I find ’twas expected the French would attempt something
against this province, which will occasion our stay here longer
than I imagined, but we are so well prepared, both by sea and
ane that I’m persuaded our enemy has laid aside all thoughts
OF i,

Postscript. My messmates are very cheerful, good-natured,
agreeable people, and Braddock behaves as well as one could
wish. 32 pp.

CoLONEL RusseuL to His WIFE.

1747, May 25, Monday. Flushing.—Our mess was just going
to dine on board Commodore Mitchell when your letter was put
into my hand, and I regaled myself with it all alone in his great
cabin. The news of our being driven back to the Nore, and of a
French attack upon Zeeland, is not true. “I believe had neither
Mitchell nor our troops come, that the honest magistrates of this
town and the States of this province had certainly delivered up
and sold it all to the French, but now it is so well defended that
I cant think they will make the least attempt to attack it; but
if the English land and sea forces were once to leave it, I am of
opinion the French yet would soon be in possession of it.” We
have our field days every morning, that we may not be stigmatized
(like the other two with his Royal Highness) as a militia battalion.

We have to-day begun our mess with the best dinner we have
yet had anywhere. By my interest with Mr. Stuart, we got
claret and Rhenish from a place called Ter Vere in this island,
duty free, the former for 14d. and the latter for 21d. a bottle,
both very good, and good arrack at 7s. per gallon. Braddock,
Noel, Barrington, Evelyn, Craggs, Wiseman and myself are allin
one house for a guinea a week between us, and live in great
harmony. My chamber is a large room near the ramparts, with
a view both up and down the Scheld, with all its ships.

I have just come from exercising the battalion, which performed
so. well that for the future I shall only have them out three times
a week.

Before the French possessed the island opposite to us, this
place abounded with corn, poultry, &c., that island and Dutch
Flanders being the magazine for this country. Garden things
we shall shortly have in great abundance, but the country being
under water in the winter makes them very backward. Mutton
is scarce, and more properly to be called lamb; beef, young and
lean, but good for soup; veal the most plentiful and very good.
What meat is most scarce we shall have from England, both for

ourselves and our men.
362

I've heard nothing of consequence lately from the army.
Brigadier Douglass is within three hours’ sail of us, in the next
island, and is now holding a general court-martial upon a
captain in the Royals, that is Sinclair’s regiment, for his mis-
behaviour near Hulst. By the Duke’s orders they have had two
lieutenant-colonels and two captains from us, to help to compose
the court. ‘‘I wish I could send you any better account of poor
Fuller. What will become of him I know not; ’tis imprudent to
say anything of his affair till he is tried, but, by report, I dont
like it. The regiments from Scotland are soon expected, but do
not think we shall then remove soon from hence. My horses
are well, and so are Frank and Jack, who behave well, and desire
their duty. The moment I had a letter, they both had heard it,
and came to enquire after youall. Mat. Barnet is well, and keeps
very sober, and makes a good baw-man.” 7 pp.

CoLONEL RussELL to Huis WIFE.

1747, May 28, Thursday. Flushing.—We frequently hear
from the army, but nothing of consequence excepting a letter
received by Col. Barrington to say that a very good French cook
is coming thence for our mess, with a batterie de cuisine, and a
batterie de cuisine rolans, for a hot dinner upon a march. There
is also a letter from Lord Bury, who has got leave to come to his
grenadier company here, but we shall not expect him in haste, as
he says that we have no chance of joming the army. Our officers
have not yet returned from the court-martial at Beveland. I
hope we may learn something of Fuller from thence. I hear that
Lord Stair is dead, that Lord Harrington is to succeed him as
General of the marines and that the Duke of M[arlboroug }h is to
go to Ireland. If so, I hope it may be of advantage to Jemy.
We have had a great account of Lord Anson’s success; that the
India men, besides the men of war, are all taken ; if so, it must
be of great consequence.

Postscript. I’ve had no opportunity of sending Jack’s sister as
yet. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, May 30, Saturday. Flushing.—I have yours of the 17th,
which came inclosed to Stewart by the post. Had Mr. Ramsden
sent it to Dover, I should have got it sooner, for the post from
Harwich to Helvoet goes round by Bergen-op-Zoom before it
comes here. The Duke has had a present of six Hungarian
horses, which are waiting here for a wind. I think the news
from Anson ‘‘of very great consequence, not only what the French
wont easily recover but will be the preservation of our East India
Company.” Our officers are back from the court-martial, which
is adjourned. Fuller and Le Roque are both at a village near
Breda, and to remain there until the Duke has leisure to order
a court-martial for them. The former is not near so much to
blame as the latter.
363

_ It is said that the French King has arrived at his ariny, which,
if so, it is not inferior to ours, and unless they attempt something,
I do not think there will be any general engagement this
campaign. Nothing can be more agreeable than riding about
this island, which is all a perfect garden, and, as Braddock
says, very like Buckinghamshire, though lacking the hills.
Barrington’s brother, the captain of a man of war, dines with us
to-day, and will sail for England to-night, convoying the ship with
the Duke’s horses. The regiments from Scotland are not yet
come.

Afternoon. ‘‘ Two agreeable Swiss officers have dined with
us; good claret, Rhenish and arrack punch have jovially gone
around, and I’ve not forgot, by looking in your little almanac,
that it is Amelie and Caroline’s birthday, and have drunk their
healths in a bumper, which I desire you'll let my sister know ;
“and that though I was prudent enough to leave my company,
and thus to talk, to think and dwell upon you, that I could not
possibly, for my soul, write to her, knowing she will excuse me,
and what an odd scrawl I shall write for her mistress to see.’

Postscript. Our new stables are finished, and our horses and
servants settled in them. 4 pp.

CoLONEL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1747, June 3,t Wednesday. Flushing.—I sent my last by
Capt. Barrington, commander of a fourteen gun sloop, who
convoyed the Duke’s horses to Dover. Lord Sandwich came
hither at the same time from the Hague, in a yacht, and sailed
ina twenty gun ship for England, on his own private affairs.
We have had hints from our commander here that soon after
the arrival of the two regiments from Scotland (which for some
days have been hourly expected) the six British battalions in
Zeeland will be ordered to re-inforce the Duke, and this province
be defended by their own troops. We are putting our regiment
in the best possible order, against the time that his Royal
Highness shall see it.

I had a delightful ride yesterday close by the sea-side all the
way to Middleburgh. The whole island does not exceed my
Lord Northampton’s chase in bigness, but has all the variety
which such a flat can admit of. To-morrow I hope for a packet
before I go to dinner with the Dutch Admiral, and shall relish
his water-zuitchy the better for it. 34 pp.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1747, June 4, Thursday. Flushing.—This morning I was
made happy with a letter from you dated May 28; and soon
after, Col. Barrington brought me another dated the 21st,

 

 

* The writing just here is very untidy, perhaps for fun, as it is neat both before

and afterwards. ,
+This and the following letter are dated “N.S.” but evidently by mistake, as

June 3rd new style was a Saturday,
364

enclosed to him from the army, so I went off joyfully (as I fore-
told you I should) to dine with Admiral Scriver on his yacht, in
a dyke in the middle of the town. Col. Braddock, who was with
me, says ‘tis their constant custom to live aboard their yachts.
We had a good Dutch dinner, but no fish, and having company at
home, and the Admiral’s hours being early, we shortly returned
here and have been very merry with our mess, drinking tea.
Now I have retired to my own apartment above stairs, and far
the best room in the house; Braddock, through indolence, having
chosen the one below. Here I am happy talking to you while
Noel is drinking Persico. He is quite recovered, but I have
advised him to be a little more prudent, or his distemper may
return. My mess is much more agreeable than I expected,
‘“‘and the one I most feared is, if anything, the best of
the whole; never a disagreeable or impolite expression
coming from him, not only to me but to any of
the mess. His behaviour is’ so surprisingly well, and
appears quite natural to him, I must say I can attribute
it only first to his good sense, and next to the good company his
whole mess happens to consist of. We have no gaming of any
kind and drinking but moderately (excepting by accident this last
day or two) in w hich I have made a point in every one’s having
liberty in our mess; met only with opposition from Noel, but have
a majority on my side.” Letters have come to-day both from
the Duke and Lord Albemarle, but not a word in either about our
removing. General Sinclair's battalion arrived this morning, and
Lord Loudon’s—which was not all come to Leith when they
embarked—may be expected shortly. ‘‘I now find the Prince of
Orange wont care to entrust this island to his own troops, so that
if we, I mean the Guards, were to go, the rest of our forces would
stay in this province. . . . ‘Tis impossible men can behave
better, more regular or more sober than ours, of which the
General has wrote the Duke, and the finest battalion in the
world.”

Postscript. Parslow is made captain-lieutenant. 54 pp.

CoLoNEL RusseLtt to HIS WIFE.

1747, June 6 and 7, Saturday and Sunday. Flushing.—I
should have more time to chatter to you, had I not been obliged
to write a long letter to Mr. Jeffreys, our chaplain, advising him
to send some one to officiate for him, who may return again if we
remove to the army. It is unlucky for him that we should be
here so long, and that the regiment from Scotland has likewise
no chaplain with it. I had a very pleasant ride yesterday, the
whole country being a nosegay, and many crops of beans in bloom.
All our mess ride together, and really find more variety than one
would imagine, considering that.the island is but twenty English
miles at most quite round, and that we cant ride out of a road,
there being deep ditches with water as a fence to every one, as
also to every cornfield and meadow, with perhaps twenty little
dykes in between. There are no hedges, except in the gardens,
365

so you see all round you for two or three miles together, when
you get out of the thicket of burgo-masters’ villas and gardens
which abound near the chief towns, and in some of which we can
ride for near an hour in a sort of broad, sandy walk, there being
no gravel. Here hedges and plantations abound, tolerably kept,
but with many long grass walks unmowed, with terminations of
statues and obelisks. The whole island is verdant all through
the summer, and the cows, the finest I ever saw, and in great
abundance, so that our milk, cream and butter are fine. What
will surprise you is that there is not a drop of fresh water in the
island but what comes from rain, every village having its
reservoirs, and every house also, of any size or condition, some
good and some bad. We have one for the kitchen, with a pump,
tolerably good, and another pump for our own use, exceedingly
good, so that we keep all our Bristol water by us.

Whitsunday morning, June 7.—I intended to have dedicated
this morning to you as we have no church, and to have filled this
paper, but must leave off for a pleasure which you will indulge
me in, two letters, one from you and one from Fanny, having
just arrived; both of which have taken a tour round by the
army.

Brigadier Douglass was here on Friday and dined with General
Husk. He seemed to think we were not likely to remove soon ;
also that our friend Fuller is having but a disagreeable time of it,
as he cannot be tried till the close of the campaign, which, I
should think, ought to be mortification enough, even if he should
come off whole, though I fear not without a slur.

Our stay here is very uncertain, the Dutch perhaps not to be
trusted, but our battalion only may be sent away, as | believe
his Royal Highness will take the first opportunity to order us to
join him. ‘As to the grand army, the French at present lie
with their right at Louvain and their left at Mechlin, the last
being Marshal Saxe’s head quarters. Our right is at Liere, and
our left is behind the river Nete, opposite to Mechlin, or rather
extending further. Our army is now upon green forage. I take
it, at present much depends upon the affair of Genoa; that I hear
there is a good understanding between the King of Sardinia and
the Austrians, and if so, and that Genoa should soon fall into the
hands of our allies, they would then march immediately for
Provence, which would give a great turn to affairs.”

The Commodore dines with us to-morrow. He is very civil,
and ready to do us any good offices. If you would write on a
sheet of folio paper it would be no more postage and then Molly
might show how she is improved. a

Postscript. ‘Noel desires his compliments; has been in his
penitentials for some days, living very cool, and resolving not to
[be] exceeding again.” 9 .pp

CoLtoneL RusseLt to HIS WIFE.

1747, June 10, Wednesday. Flushing.—‘‘The Commodore

dined with us on Monday. I can assure [you] he is and has
been a man of great consequence here; he has a great command,
366

and has been of the utmost service to the Prince of Orange and
this province ; so much as to have great honour done him by the
new Statholder. . . . I wish you would contrive to let Kitty
Fisher know it, especially as he is so very civil and obliging to
me. - 3 Pray tell my brother Revett that one Mr. Hudson,
a, nephew of Mr. Paramour’s, who was made lieutenant by the
solicitation of your brother, is here, and desires his compliments
to him; that he is a volunteer with the Commodore, and was sent
by him with the news of Anson’s success to the Prince of Orange,
who made him a present of a fine gold snuff-box, with his Serene
Highness’ picture init. . . . Iam much obliged to you for
your reminding me about my French, but I fear, being so near
fifty, 1s too late for application. Two Swiss officers, who are
captains of companies consisting of two hundred men each, very
agreeable men, have again dined with us, and I have ventured to
chatter French, Braddock, who is a refined Frenchman, putting
me upon a footing with Noel and the Swiss officers, and that I
speak as good French, though not so fast, as ’tis impossible, even
in English, to keep pace with Noel.” —

Thursday morning.—The Highlanders are not yet come, but if
we receive no orders within ten days I think we may remain here,
at any rate until some stroke is struck by the grand army. We
are surprised to hear that Parliament is to be dissolved next
week, but dont doubt that there are very good reasons for it. I
forgot to tell you that when I talked to Meinheer Bentinck, one
of the States, who was with the Prince of Orange, he enquired
after a sister of mine, who was in Holland with Sir Charles Eyre.

Our mess goes on very harmoniously, “amusing ourselves with
entertaining our friends, a little music on the German flute and
fiddle, the latter sometimes by Captain Thomas, and riding or
walking every evening as usual; thank God not the appearance
of a card, though Brigadier Douglass has nothing else at his
quarters. . . . I hope, by some accident or other, after your
letters have taken the tour of the army, I may have the pleasure
to know how you and my dear babies do.” '

Jack has heard of his sister’s safe arrival with her mother.
5 pp.

CoLoNEL Russeuu to HIs WIFE.

1747, June [15]. Flushing.—No news of consequence since I
last wrote. The two armies remain where they did. The
French attempted to outflank ours, but finding that they were
observed, returned to their former ground. I do not think we
shall remove in haste, for if anything bad should happen, we shall
be wanted here ; and if good, perhaps they would not need us
there, so possibly we may only join them in next winter’s
quarters. We still live in great harmony, our commanding
officer being quite agreeable and extremely sensible, civil and
polite. No private house, without women, could be pleasanter.
Our French cook has now come to us, and will decrease our
expense in living, for hitherto we have had such quantities of meat,
367

by which our servants only, who are all on board wages, have
gained ; but now we have many pretty plats, ragouts, &c., and
get more variety at less cost.

General Fuller is at a place called Oosterhout, where our army
hospital is, between Breda and Gertruydenberg. By what I
hear from Col. Lethulier, who has been at Brigadier Douglass’s
quarters attending on a court martial, ‘“’tis hoped ‘twill not
appear to be so bad against our friend F[uller] ; only some want
of that care which in another, he himself perhaps would have
thought unpardonable, and very probably more than I know of,
which may be a slur he will not easily get over; at least being in
the situation he is in, for all this campaign, in my opinion, is
bad enough.” The weather is very hot, but ours is like a
country house, with green trees before it, and the sea, that is the
mouth of the Scheldt, open to the south. Iam very sorry to say
we live like heathens in one respect, having no chaplain as
yet, but I hope Jeffreys will soon send one. 5 pp. [Dated June
16 ; but see following letter. ]

CoLoNEL Russeuu to His WIFE.

1747, June 16, Tuesday. Flushing.—I wrote to you yesterday,
but dated it this morning, when I meant to conclude it; but
hearing that the Commodore was despatching a cutter to Deal,
sent it offin a hurry. To my great joy I have got three of your
letters, and one from my dear sweet jewel Molly. Tell my dear
baby that I cant answer her pretty letter in such a hurry as I
am in to-day, but she shall be sure to hear by the next mail. It
was pleasant to hear so many good things of Sir William, and
not a little so to think how happy he will make poor Johnny. I
am glad to have so good an account of Fanny, and hope she will
have but few thorns in her side at Court, now Deareing is gone.

I believe Le Roque is the occasion of Fuller’s being brought
to trial at all; but some censure I fear he has deserved, though
perhaps not a public one.

Last evening, six of our mess drove to Middleburgh in one of
the phaetons of this country, having three seats besides the
coachbox, and a covering, but all open at the sides. We went
to taste wines at a merchant’s, who made us very welcome and
has supplied us well. 5 pp.

Tue Same to THE SAME.

1747, June 20, Saturday. Flushing.—I sent you a letter
enclosing one to Molly by a man of war the day before yesterday,
but as she has not sailed yet, this may kiss your hands first.

General Husk is to dine with us next week, and though he
lives well, yet we think we far exceed him. We have made an
excursion to Ter Veere, a town of great trade at the extreme end
of this island, looking north towards Scowen, another island of
this province. It is not equal to this place, either in bigness or
beauty. ‘I hear Richbell’s regiment is ordered for Hast India ;
368

surely they'll leave themselves so bare at home that perhaps
they'll be obliged to send for us against the winter. No Lord
Loudon come yet. . . Let me know how elections go. I hear
Cleveland of the Admiralty sets up for Sandwich.” 34 pp.

CoLoNEL Russe to HIs WIFE.

1747, June 28, Tuesday. Flushing.—We hear that Mr.
Jeffreys set out from London as yesterday, so hope he will be
here in time to officiate next Sunday.

‘“‘T’m very well pleased with his Majesty’s speech, especially
the latter part, and hope all will go well at home, which will be
a means of their doing so abroad. Find by all accounts great
rioting is going forwards with the elections, but hope ’twill soon
be over; think this late resolution at such a critical juncture has
been one of the best steps that has been taken by the Ministry.
Mr. Hunter, our postmaster abroad, came and surprised us
here yesterday from Rotterdam, but we soon found ‘twas on the
same errand as many others are from the army whose elections
were any ways hazardous; Lord Bury, among others, is upon the
same account. Mr. Hunter tells us of a skirmish between an
advanced detachment of ours attacking one of the same of the
enemy’s who were going towards Maestricht, in order to invest
it, and which was to be supported by a greater body of the
French, but we charged ’em so briskly that they retired very
precipitately, and by that means a thousand of theirs were
killed and five hundred taken prisoners; and which, I imagine,
has prevented their scheme, and unless something of greater
consequence had since that happened, it looks as if the enemy
would only act upon the defensive, which, if they have a mind to
do, nothing will be more difficult than to make ‘em fight,
especially if they are so numerous as ’tis thought they are, with
the King at their head. I hear they have great divisions in their
councils on account of Marshal Saxe, their general, who has so
creat a party against him, on his being and having been in such
high esteem with the King, which brings the envy. of all the
princes of the blood and great men upon him, he treating them
at the same time with the greatest contempt imaginable. This
skirmish, I find, was near Tongres, and in sight of the garrison
of Maestricht.

“T am glad to hear poor Johnny is going to have such an
allowance; his father can never be such a brute as to refuse it
him, if hie farms are all let.

“Noel had a letter from his sister yesterday, and in it so much
news, and he reading it so often, and some particulars which he
might have kept to himself, made us all think his sister loves
talking as much as her brother, whose tongue sometimes never
lies still. He is very good- humoured, but when in spirits, which
the effects of a little liquor keeps up for days together, makes
him almost insupportable.
869

“I find his intelligence says Johnny Waldegrave is at last
catched in the net, and is going to be married to Peggy Banks,
for which his friends, I find, pity him much; and what I’m
sorry for is that Lady Caroline Scot is going to be married to a
younger Peachy, who is a rattle and no fortune.” 5 pp.

CoLoNEL RussetL to nis WIFE.

1747, June 24, Wednesday. Flushing.—‘‘I daresay before
this time you must have heard that our army has been defeated.
The account has been sent to us from the Prince of Orange but
a few hours since. No one particular do I know but that our loss
has chiefly fallen upon the Dutch and Austrians; that we have
received orders to be ready to embark, but expect to go no further
than into South Beveland, to which place we shall in all
probability arrive either to-morrow evening or next morning, and
shall supply the place of some other regiments, which will be
thrown into Bergen-op-zoom ; the other regiment here, which is
the Royals, will also attend us from this town. As for joining
our army, I believe that thought is over with us, it not being
altogether so practicable. How long we shall remain in this
neighbourhood I should think a little time will shew, but far we
cannot now go. The left of our army, we hear, is retired under
the cannon of Maestricht, which we suppose to be the English
and Hanoverians; if so, the loss has not fallen so heavy on our
particular countrymen, which is some little comfort, though a
most melancholy misfortune to have it fallen so heavily upon our
allies. I heartily pity his Royal Highness, who must feel
greatly upon this occasion. I long to have a particular account
and can only hope it is not so bad as it is at present represented.”

Postscript. Thursday, June 25.—‘‘A copy of a letter from
his Royal Highness the Duke to Prince Heildburghausen,
is just now from the latter arrived here, to the States of this
province, in which H.R.H. says a battle was on Sunday last
fought at Kisteldt, near Maestricht; that the enemy attacked our
left wing, on which we suffered greatly, and was obliged to retire
under the walls of Maestricht, but that the loss of the enemy
was equal to ours. We have since passed the Maes, and are
- encamped on the other side of Maestricht. I am sorry to say
this left wing was chiefly composed of English and Hanoverians ;
that this account is far different from the first part of this letter,
and that I expect to hear a bad account of some of our acquaint-
ance, when the black list shall appear. We are only under
orders for embarking, which perhaps may be in a day or two, for
Beveland, or may be not at all; but shall every day be in
expectation. of some orders or other. I have just now had the
pleasure of receiving yours of the 14th, which I shall answer
next mail. There will be a cutter at all events sent out this
night, by which this shall go. I ought to have tore out the
former part of this letter, but that news came from Grovestin in
a letter to the Prince of Orange, from whom ’twas transmitted
hither, and I believe sent to England before this last account

arrived.” 84 pp.

14170 a 24
370

CoLoneL RusseLu to His WIFE.

1747, June 27, Saturday. Flushing— . . . “I take for
granted you have long before this had all particulars relating to
the battle near Maestricht. I have not heard one circumstance
more than in general (that our left was attacked, and we obliged
to retire, but that the loss, which has been considerable, has been
near equal on both sides), till this moment an officer of ours from
the Hague has just brought a very few particulars, which, lest
you should not know, shall just mention: that our left wing was
attacked, but that twice we repulsed the enemy and made them
fly, till a masked battery stopped us, which we took but could
not maintain; that the French also attacked the centre of our
army, which were composed of Dutch and Hessians, who turned
tail, upon which the enemy divided the two wings of our army; that
his Royal Highness, in endeavouring to rally the Dutch, had liked
to have been taken, and therefore was obliged to retire under the
walls of Maestricht, without the loss of either cannon or any of
their baggage, and that we all are now encamped behind
Maestricht. Not one particular of any of the Guards do I hear,
or whether they were engaged, but think they must have been;
that Sir John Ligonier and his aide-de-camp, Campbell, are taken
prisoners, that General Bland and Brigadier Price are wounded,
and Lord Glascow killed; that ’tis thought we have lost about
four thousand English and Hanoverians; that we have taken a
French General prisoner, who is since dead of his wounds, and
several colours and drums, but do not know the number of their
slain. A deserter of theirs reports that the number of the
enemy’s forces were, before the battle, one hundred and sixty
thousand men. The consequence of this made the Prince of
Orange order our two battalions in Flushing to be sent to
Bergen-op-Zoom, which General Husk could not comply with,
for many good reasons, lest we might be wanted elsewhere, and
not able to get out of that fortress; but he has since ordered the
two regiments of Highlanders, one from Ter Veere, the other
from Beveland, to the foresaid garrison; we have been however
in readiness for embarking ever since, perhaps to Beveland, but
now believe will not be, so may remain here, till we may be
ordered to join the Duke. . . . I find ’tis supposed very
probably that the Guards, being on the left of all of our army,
might not be engaged ; the attack being, though on our left, yet nearer
to the centre of our army. Colonel Campbell, lieutenant-colonel
to Lord Louden, and nephew to our Campbell, is just going with
this cutter for England on his way to Scotland to his election; he
dined with us, and tell his uncle he is well. . . . I dare say
Fuller will come off well, by what I have heard from our General
here, who says he would stand his chance, by what he had heard,
for half a crown.” 54 pp.

Tue Same to tHE SAME.

1747, June 30, Tuesday. Flushing.—Col. Barrington has had a
letter from George Townsend, one of the Duke’s aides-de-camp,
371

dated on Friday last from Moredike, in which he mentions
that Conway is wounded and made prisoner, and that the
behaviour of our national troops was so good that the Duke
publicly thanked them. His Royal Highness is, I believe, now
stronger than he was before this last affair, having lost only one
thousand English, two thousand Hanovyerians, and a hundred
Dutch, and expected nine thousand additional men from
Germany, three of which are Hessians, and the other six
Munsterians and Germans. We daily expect the Duke’s answer
to General Husk’s letters, asking what we are to do, as also an
answer from England to know if it is approved that we stay in
Zeland. We have sent the two Highland regiments to Bergen-
op-Zoom, and if the Dutch have to send more of their troops out
of Beveland thither, we may replace them in Beveland.

I’m glad Johnny Greenhill has so great a character at Oxford,
and sorry that my brother Revett is so lowin spirits. I hope
your hearing nothing from Colebrook is owing to his business in
his election at Malden.

Postscript. Prince Hilbourghausen has alittle detachment of
about twelve thousand men between Breda and Bergen-op-Zoom,
ready to assist which place may want it, but particularly the
latter, as being capable of making the best defence if the French
move that way. 5 pp.

CoLONEL YorK to CoLONEL BARRINGTON.

1747, [June 30-] July 11. Camp of Richelt.—“I found people
here were so hurried. since the action that they never thought
of informing you in Zeland of particulars, which made me send
some as soon as I could.

“His Royal Highness’s family, thank God, have escaped
with their usual good fortune, none but poor Zigesaer having
met his fate. He was his Austrian aide-de-camp ; he was killed
at the first attack of the village by a cannon ball just by us, he
was hit on the bone and died instantly. Poor Harry Campbell
we cant hear of, so conclude him dead. He was well at the
beginning of the retreat, but uneasy to find his General: could
not be persuaded to give over seeking him, and fell a victim, I
fear, to the French Irregulars on the left. Keppell is sent back,
he has two sword cuts, one on his elbow, the other, which is a
bad one, just by the shoulder joint; he will do well I believe,
but is in a great deal of pain. Colonel Ross is dead of his
wounds, Jackson must die, Deane is very ill wounded, Stanhope
is in high fever with the loss of a finger, Lockart is very bad,
nothing but his good spirits can save him, poor Williams died
the next morning. The forementioned six were lieutenant-
colonels, and most of them commanding regiments. Poor
Majors Roper and Petrie were killed, Major Lafausille is
wounded, so are Leslie and Wolf, but will do well. Colonel
Hardenberg, of the Hanoverians, is a great loss. Our chief loss
you see is in Field Officers. General Bland is wounded but will
372

do well. The French success has cost ‘em dear; Sir John
Ligonier, who came back yesterday, says Marshal Saxe owned to
him eight thousand infantry, one thousand horse and one
thousand officers, and they have certainly lost many more; they
are not at all uppish with their success, nor can I say it has at
all dispirited us. The Austrians are horridly vexed to have been
out of the two last actions, and Iam convinced would be glad
of their turns. For our other friends, entre nous, I wish ’em
out of the line, for the whole miscarriage was owing
to their having the centre. The day was as much ours
when they ran away, as it is now theirs, and when we
retired we were in as quiet possession of the village as before the
action began, but it was impossible to stay when the army was
cut in two. His Royal Highness did wonders; I believe in
my conscience the strength of hisown arm saved him from being
a prisoner. He was in the middle of a French squadron, and
one of the troopers going to lay hold of him, he gave him such a
cut with his sword, that if he did not cut his arm off, ’twill not
be of much use to him the rest of his life. His family and
servants ran to his succour, and brought him off with no other
loss than four of his own hussars being wounded. Ml[arshal]
Saxe was as near being taken by the Scotch Greys; as he says,
one of them had his pat upon his shoulder and he was forced to
run for it. We have changed our camp yesterday, and extend
with our left above Meys, and our right towards Stochem.
General Trips is at Viset, where the enemy have a camp volant,
as they have another towards Lonaken; their grand army is still
upon the field of battle. Believe me. we are as fit, without
gasconading, to fight the enemy to-morrow and the men as
willing as before the action, and I dare say ’twill hardly be long
before we try again. The enemy had ordered the cannon from
Namur, but have remanded it. The only disgraces of the battle
are young Cholmondley of the third regiment of Guards, who is
broke and sent from the army, and it is thought it will go hard
with the deputy-brigadier of that corps; all the officers appear
against him, it is certain nobody saw him at the head of his
brigade. You know the Guards, unfortunately for them, were
posted between the Hessians and Bavarians, which was a
bad neighbourhood.” [Enclosed in Col. Russell’s letter of July
10. See below.| 4 pp.

CoLONEL Russet to HIS WIFE.

1747, July 3, Friday. Flushing.—‘‘. . . I am satisfied you
must know all particulars relating to this late action. I yesterday
read a copy of an extract of an account of this affair, from Colonel
York to his father, which was well wrote, being a clear, plain, and
an exact account of the whole action, from the 30th to the
2nd of this month included, N.S., being the day of the affair,
and in which it appears, though we lost the day, entirely owing
to the misbehaviour of the Dutch cavalry, yet greater honour
could never be gained by the British and Hanoverian troops, who
373

drove the French for several hours, with that success that their
infantry never could be brought to rally, but as often as they ran,
still fresh brigades were brought up to supply ’em, so that had
our troops, I mean our infantry on the left wing, been sustained,
for which all the proper orders were given, but prevented in the
execution by the conduct of the Dutch, who permitted the enemy
‘to cut off our right wing from sustaining us; had that misfortune
not been, there was not the least doubt but success might have
fallen to our share. As for Sir John Ligoniere, Lord Robert
Sutton and Conway, they are returned to our army, having been
exchanged, but for Keppel, I fear he is not yet recovered of his
wounds, yet hope they are not dangerous; and as for my
lieutenant, Harry Campbell, another aide-de-camp of General
Ligoniere’s, who was a fine youth, ’tis with too much reason
believed he is killed, not having been heard of anywhere as a
prisoner, not yet found in the field of battle, though great search
has been made after him. His brother the Colonel, who went
but yesterday for Scotland from hence, was inconsolable for his
loss. Mr. Jeffreys, our chaplain, came yesterday morning just
after we had another repeated order to be ready to embark at an
hour’s warning, though I hope we shall have time to have service
once before we go, having borrowed the French church for that
purpose on Sunday next.

“Saturday noon. We have for these two or three days had
accounts of Count Lowendal advancing from Antwerp with a
body of men; that he has taken some forts on this side of the
Scheld, the last of which is Sandvliet, and which is within nine
miles of-Bergen-op-Zoom ; that it is thought they will very soon
lay siege to that fortress; if so we shall then not remain here long,
but shall either be sent in thither, or join Prince Hildbourghausen
in defence of the lines, which are very near that town. That
commander has about twelve thousand men at present with him
of Swiss, Austrians, Bavarians, and other nations, our two
Highland regiments are also with him. The French have not
yet broke ground before it, and we shall soon know what they
purpose to do.”

Postscript. “‘. . . “Tis now Sunday evening. I’ve this
morning seen a fine sight of redcoats at church, and heard an
excellent discourse, very proper for us. . . . There seems

now no great appearance of our going to Bergen-op-Zoom, for by
accounts this day from thence, the French opened their trenches
before that town yesterday, and a strong garrison of men we have,
as also above ten thousand men in the lines near it; however, by
what I can hear, the enemy have sufficient intelligence that many
necessaries are wanting to make a proper defence, so that if that
is true, though we have ever so many men, the place must be
very soon in the hands of the enemy. What will be their next
step I wont pretend to say. We may remove from hence to
Beveland to defend that island, but there is not one fortified town
there, so that if we should at last be obliged to defend this
island, which is worth all the rest in this province, we might be
able to make a good stand, for the ships can be a great means in
374

assisting to preserve us here, which is more than they can do in
Beveland; but if Bergen-op-Zoom should fall, perhaps
Williamstadt and Breda may be the next places they may have
in view, all which a little time will soon determine ; in the mean-
time can only say, we do not seem to be in such a hurry to
remove from hence as we did, when I begun this.” 6 pp.

CoLONEL RussELu to HIS WIFE.

1747, July 7, Tuesday. Flushing.—... ‘We frequently
hear from Bergen-op-Zoom, before which place Count Lowendall
is with about forty thousand men of one sort or other, which he
has brought from Antwerp, and there collected together from
every place he could possibly get them, so that I dont believe
there is at present any one garrison in all Flanders with two
hundred men in it belonging to the French, excepting some few
of their sea ports. We have under Prince Sax Hildbourghausen,
in the lines, about fifteen thousand men. These lines are
contiguous to Bergen and extend northward from the town;
there are besides about five thousand men in the garrison which
could be fresh supplied from these lines, and the town is open to
us by the water all to the east, from whence they could be
supplied with every one thing wanting; so that as the enemy can
approach it but one or two ways, if the governour will but do his
duty and those under him, there would be no fear of the enemy.
But the Dutch have sent an old man of eighty-five called General
[Cronstrong, erased] but two days.ago to command the garrison.
This old man we had in the field with us two campaigns in Flanders,
and by his actions then, and by the character he has always bore,
in being in an interest not agreeable to us, I should apprehend
things will not go so well as one could wish. If this garrison
should defend itself, which it might do, for a month, by that time
I should imagine the motions the Duke might make to preserve
Holland would oblige the enemy before Bergen to raise the
siege. If that town should fall, Holland will suffer greatly if the
enemy should then advance this way. We shall then encamp
either here, or in Beveland, where Brigadier Douglass talks of
encamping the two regiments that are with him very soon. We
had arrived here yesterday a sergeant of the Guards with some
deserters that were sent hither from the Duke; hear nothing
extraordinary from thence, but that they remain encamped on
the other side of Maestricht. . . . Poor Jack came a few
days ago with a melancholy face to tell me his sister was come
back again, and soon found ’twas to meet the man who carried
her to Antwerp. You must know this man has a house here, captain
of a little privateer, in short an Ipswich smuggler, drove here, or
would have been hanged; but has been found so useful a
man these last two or three years to our commanders in the
field, that they have chiefly made use of him and his vessel, to
gain intelligence, to fight on the Schelde with his armed vessel,
and sometimes on shore asa hussar. In short the fellow is very
brave ‘and gallant, and has no fear of death, but I believe is, and
375

has been, as great a rogue as you please; however his Royal
Highness keeps him in his constant service, and finds him a very
useful person. Upon several occasions, he has been often sent
to and fro from the army hither with expresses; was at the last
battle as a hussar, killed two or three men with his own sword,
and brought from the enemy one of the Duke’s dragoon drums,
who had been taken prisoner ; he arrived from the army hither
about two days after Jack’s sister came, and find they agreed to
be married, when he carried her to Antwerp, and took care to
send her to Ghent. I had no idea the man would keep his word,
but . . . indeed, married they were two days ago by the
Scotch Presbyterian clergyman of this — town. He
has been of that service to the Duke, that he will have his pardon
in England, and proposes soon if there is any danger here, to
send his lady to his relations at Ipswich, there to visit Mrs.
Cloysterman and Linton as Captain Pigsley’s lady. This will be
a pretty story for Molly and Johnny.” 4 pp. Seal of arms.

CoLONEL Russeuu to unig Wire.

1747, July 10, Friday. Flushing—‘“TI have enclosed to you
an extract of a letter which came hither about two days since
from the the army * which perhaps may have some particulars
which will not be inserted in your Gazette. The French are
going on with their siege before Bergen-op-Zoom, and by what I
can learn they were suffered unmolested to open their trenches
s0 near, as to be almost at the the foot of the glacis: and I can’t
help thinking what with the goodness of the French engineers,
and the reverse of ours, as also the bad disposition of the people,
and too much to be feared that of their troops, that very little
good can be expected from them. Which way the enemy will
proceed after they may have succeeded there, I know not; but
believe we may stay here to make the defence of this island.
. I can thus far say, if the inhabitants of this island,
who are very wealthy, had at heart the preservation of it,
it is capable of being made in such a condition of defence,
that a few troops and batteries in the eastern part of it, where
our ships could not be of great use, and with the assistance of
those ships which would be properly stationed where they would
be of service, half the power of France would then find it a
difficult task to be masters of it. The Commodore is just
returned from being up the Schelde in a boat near the French
camp that is before Bergen-op-Zoom, to make the best observa-
tion he could; was within a hundred yards of their tents, was in
hopes to have been able to have brought his bomb-ketches to do
some service, but the water is too shallow for it. He brings word
that the garrison makes a vigorous defence, and that we have
such a number of troops in it and near it enough to supply it
with fresh ones if wanted, that the enemy will find it a hard bone
to pick to take it; and besides the Commodore is of opinion that

 

*See Colonel York’s letter. p. 371 above.
376

they have not fifteen thousand men before the town, so that then
it cant be lost, unless given away, and the old governor swears
he will hold it out to the last extremity. He also says that
thirty thousand Prussians are already upon their march to join
us, but that wants confirmation. General Husk has had letters
from England to approve of his not sending us from hence, and
had letters yesterday from the Prince of Orange to the same
effect; though His Highness did at first particularly name us to
be sent to Bergen[-op-Zoom]. . . . The poor Commodore is
sufficiently uneasy, which I dont wonder at, the Prince of
Orange having sent him and our General word that he only relies
on them for the preservation of this island, so that if Bergen
should be taken, we shall not remove I find from hence, but shall
I suppose have all our British troops here to defend this island
in case of necessity. Believe the Dutch the same people they
have been, and fear the Statholder, having neither land nor sea
forces, 1s little more than a cypher; that Scriver, the Dutch
Admiral, has left us, and ordered all his ships from hence,
which would have been gone before now, had the wind been fair;
so leave you to judge what a part they seem to act.” 54 pp.

CoLONEL RusseLu to HIS WIFE.

1747, July 18, Monday. From on board the Commodore’s
ship.—I have just come on board to dine with the Commodore,
and have been most agreeably presented with a letter from you
by a relation of my own, Capt. Russell. He iscommander of a
sloop upon this station, and the Commodore gave him a great
character. As he returns for England this evening, I take the
quarter of an hour before dinner to tell you as much as I can.
An account has just come that the garrison of Bergen-op-Zoom
made a sally yesterday and killed four hundred French, and
that two hundred Dutch out of their ships have offered to go as
volunteers into the town, which, as most of them are gunners,
who are needed there, will be of great service. An engineer
whom the Commodore sent into the town returned yesterday
with a very good report of the works there, and says that our
people fired with great success, and that the works are so strong,
that the place can hold out a long time, provided the men do
their duty. Jack is made happy by his letter, sends his duty
and will write soon to give an account of his sister’s wedding.
I often see her walking with her husband, who promises very
fair to be good to her. I have been rather miserable about poor
Frank, who has been so ill with fever that I thought I should lose
him, but the moment an intermission appeared, I ordered him
the bark, which has, I thank God, saved him, and with good
kitchen physic, he is now got brave and hearty, and begins to be
about his horses again, who are very well, but almost eat one up,
their expense is so great. Mr. Hunter, who got his election
without going over for it, was forced to return to Rotterdam when
our first bad news arrived, and frightened enough he was. He
has promised to help us about our forage, as the contractor for
the Duke lives at Rotterdam.
377

“My dearest life, talk not of rewards for me. If I merit any
and shall have any blessing, ’twill be owing to you, which you
know I’ve said a thousand times.” 4 pp.

CoLoNeL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1747, July 16, Thursday. Flushing.—We live in a strange
state of uncertainty, our movements depending chiefly on the
siege of Bergen-op-Zoom. ‘‘If the besieged do but their duty, it
may hold out long enough to make the enemy’s hearts ache, and
who will at last be obliged to raise the siege, if the Duke can but
make a motion with his army this way. Three thousand
Hessians, who were to have joined his Royal Highness, when
they were at Nimiguen received orders to come this way, the first
division of which are already got into the garrison. The rest
will not be long after them, so that by receiving so great a
re-inforcement, nothing then but misbehaviour or treachery can
make the Dutch lose so important a fortress; for as to
ammunition, gunners, and any part of a train of artillery, ’twill
be their own fault if they are not supplied with them, since a
communication with Holland is, and can always be open to ’em.
The French have certainly detached from the army to the
besiegers, or they never could have been thirty thousand
men before the town, which by all accounts they are at present are.
However, we continue to make a very vigorous defence, having
dismounted several of their guns in their batteries, and no less
than five magazines of the enemy have blown up. One good
thing is, part of the garrison consists of Austrians, Hanoverians
and Swiss, who may be depended on, and the old governor,
General Crompstron, promises to defend it to the last; but how
far a man’s senses will hold out at eighty-five, or can be relied on,
I wont venture to say. In the midst of this, we seem to be
enjoying our ease at present here, having only two British
battalions left to guard this island, one German regiment that
was at Ter Veer being ordered away-to Bergen, so that to-morrow
two or three companies of the Royals march from hence to Ter
Veer to do duty there. By this means, our men will have pretty
hard duty here, but as they are not under canvas when off duty
and that they receive twelve stivers per week added to their pay,
which is better than a shilling English, they do extremely well,
and are not half so sickly as the men in Beveland, who are
encamped. . . After we’ve done firing with ball, which we
make the men practise every afternoon at six o'clock, we
then ride or walk till nine, and make ourselves as
cheerful as we can, few exceeding the bounds of reason
except my friend the Duchess of Rutland’s relation, who,
though very good-natured, is an empty, very noisy fellow, and
has really been guilty of more excess than I could have
imagined him to be capable of after so many promises to
me of his future sobriety.”’

By my stale letters you will see what early intelligence
we received from the army, the action happening on Sunday,
and the news arriving on the Wednesday from the Prince
378

of Orange. The Duke was not so much as mentioned in
his letter, which much alarmed us, but early the next morning
we were put out of our pain by a much better account.
It is said that Prince Waldeck is on the march with a
detachment from the army, and that he set out on the 19th, new
style. ‘‘I think ’tis very probable, since Holland is in great
danger in case the enemy should succeed at Bergen-op-Zoom,
and I hope his arrival may occasion the raising of the siege.
I’m much concerned for the honour of the corps of Guards,
therefore feel for any disgrace they may lately have suffered, but
by what I can learn, the officers have no ways been censured or
have been to blame except those in a public manner which I can
have no pity for.”

Friday noon. The masters of our packet-boats have behaved so
ill that the Commodore means, I believe, to suffer no more to go
at present, but will send all letters by his cutters. Last evening
I went with Braddock in a chaise to see a most delightful place
about two miles off, the owner of whom we met in a shady walk,
when he begged leave to show us his gardens and plantations,
and persuaded us to drink a bottle of excellent champagne under
a shady tree. We have invited our new acquaintance, whois more
of a gentleman than any we have yet seen, to dine with us, but
we do not yet know his name.

As to the re-inforcement of Hessians, I fear it wants confirma-
tion, but that Prince Waldeck is detached is pretty certain, and
by his route, was to be at Breda as last night.

I find from Noel that Lord Robert Manners and Johnny
Waldgrave are both chosen members of parliament. Iam glad
Sir Hugh Smithson has carried hiselection. Poor Jack Robinson
will fret much at his loss of money.

‘“T’m sorry for poor Col. Jackson, who is since dead of his
wounds. Lockhart, ’tis thought, will recover, from his vast
strength of spirits. Keppell, I hope, will soon do well. I love
poor Johnny for his concern for his being stripped. Lord Robert
Sutton was served the same, though not wounded, and supped
the same night with Marshal Saxe.” 8 pp.

CoLoNEL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1747, July 19, Sunday evening. Flushing.—I hope in my
next to say certainly that Prince Waldeck has arrived. His
coming is of much consequence, for the French, having found
it a little too difficult to continue the attack against the town,
are preparing batteries against the forts commanding the lines,
which, if they could master the forts, they would be able to force,
and would then more easily succeed in their attempt against the
town. Prince Waldeck has a detachment from the whole army,
including two or three English regiments, with him, and if he
should arrive before the enemy make their grand effort against
the lines, they may be defeated in their schemes. General Husk
some time since received answers from the Duke, wholeft us entirely
379

under the command of the Prince of Orange, so if he thinks it
necessary for us to remove from this island, we shall certainly

march.

An officer come from Beveland gives so good an account of
Fuller’s behaviour with the troops near Hulst that I dont in the
least imagine but (whenever he has a hearing) he will come off
with honour. 3 pp.

CoLoNEL Russetut to nIs WIFE.

1747, July 25, Saturday. Flushing.—The sixty sailors whom
the Commodore offered the garrison at Bergen for gunners
have been refused because they don’t understand the language,
although before he went there he had had two or three letters
praying him to supply them with much more than that number.
He gives a tolerably good account of the defence made by the
garrison, so that if the re-inforcements join the lines, there can be
no fear of the enemy easily masteringit. I have just seen a letter
from the captain of one of our sloops of war, ‘‘dated from Bergen-op-
Zoom,on Thursday last,in which he says: all the French deserters
who arrive here assure us that it is impossible for the soldiers to
keep their entrenchments, by reason of the great fire which is
made from the town. The number of wounded and sick
transported to Antwerp is incredible ; that latter part is thought
to be true. He goes on: the re-inforeement expected here is
not above three leagues distant, consisting of eighteen battalions,
thirty squadrons and some hussars; we have in our lines ten
thousand, and in the town, we had three thousand six hundred
men, of which there are killed and wounded five hundred, and of
the artillery, sixty killed and wounded, and of the sailors, four
killed and thirteen wounded. All our men in general are in high
spirits. General Swartsenburg commands our re-inforcement.
General Cromstrom and the Prince of Hesse Phillipstat are
continually together in council; the latter was governor of the
town before Cromstrom was sent. It is said for a certainty that
ten thousand men are arrived in the French army before the
town. Nothing more of any consequence is in the letter.

‘““When Prince Waldeck was detached, it is very certain the
French also sent a detachment which we expected would have
endeavoured to have intercepted ours, but as they have not been
able to do that, ’tis very probable that detachment has re-inforced
their own troops before the town. By letters from the army, we
are informed that Sir John Ligonier, though sent back to us, is
not yet at liberty to serve, nor yet Colonel Conway; that the
former is gone to Liege and the latter is at Aix-la-Chapelle ; that
Col. Reynolds has been acquitted by the General Court-Martial.”

I have heard that our champagne friend is one of the chief
magistrates of Middleburgh, and an India Director of Zeeland.
We often walk in his shady groves, and expect him to dine with

us soon. 5 pp.
380

CoLONEL RusseLu to HIS WIFE.

1747, July 26, Sunday night. Flushing.—A vessel has just
arrived from Bergen, bringing a good account of the garrison
and the lines, against which the enemy do not fire near so much
asthey did. Three battalions of the re-inforcements have arrived
and the rest are within four miles, but may wait there to harass
the enemy, who were attacking Fort Rover, the fort nearest to
Steenbergen and in front of our lines. Our irregulars have
taken some prisoners already, and some of the enemy’s baggage,
and are near enough to supply any want which either the lines
or garrison may have. This will give great spirits to our troops,
who have been much fatigued by the enemy’s former continuous
fire. I find that we had only six thousand in the lines before
the re-inforcements came in. Hearing that a cutter had arrived
and that the Commodore was on shore, I gave up my ride this
afternoon, sought him out, and did not leave him until his
packet was brought; when to my inexpressible joy I received
three of yours, which I have only had time just to run over. I
am writing this in a bookseller’s shop, and have scarce daylight
to conclude.

Postscript. Col. York was at Bergen yesterday, was to go in the
evening to the Hague and thence to the army. Mr. Jeffreys is
well, and gave us an excellent discourse to-day. 44 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, July 29, Wednesday. Flushing.—My cousin Russell
has arrived from Deal, bringing three sheep and some fine beef,
and he convoyed some cutters which brought us a hundred and
fifty hogs and a great quantity of good bacon at 5d. a pound, for
our men as well as ourselves. He also brought me your letter,
and it made me really happy to hear what you were all doing at
Chequers and that Fanny was with you. “Your account of the
room she bespoke so long beforehand, and the removal that
occasioned, was jocose enough. I am persuaded ’twas his fault
if further consequences did not ensue . . . ‘tis now full time
to be over, with both parties.

“Our whole mess had a party of pleasure yesterday to a place
called Domburgh, fifteen miles across the island. We hired a
fine coach and put six of our horses to it, and a grand appearance
we made, nobody except the Stadtholder ever having dared to
drive in a coach and six. We had a delightful day, the country
on that side being more open and looking more English. Round
us here it has more the appearance of the gardens near the
King’s Road, going to Chelsea. Near Domburgh there is a shady
walk to the high banks of the sea-side, whence I could see the

ships all coming from England, which I knew were bringing me
your most welcome letter.

‘‘As to Bergen-op-Zoom, I wont pretend to say anything more
but that I think they have made a glorious defence, I mean that
the old General and the troops seem to behave well; that this
381

morning an account came to the Commodore that we sprung a
mine and blew up four hundred grenadiers of the enemy, but
that is nothing. The French can bring what artillery they
please, can be supplied by water carriage with all the artillery
they have in Flanders, to within a very few miles of their camp
before Bergen, and as they can have large detachments from
their grand army, I leave you to judge if they wont have the
town, unless our army could march to raise the siege. As to the
re-inforcements, their great use may be to preserve Holland after
that, and prevent worse consequences.” 5 pp.

CoLONEL RusseELu to HIS WIFE.

1747, July 31, Friday. Flushing. —‘. . . The affair of
Bergen-op-Zoom begins now to draw near to have its fate, which
a very few days will, I believe, determine in favour of the enemy.
Last Saturday they attacked the covert way but were repulsed
with a great loss of men of their side, since which I’m of opinion
they have taken and keep possession of a horn work, so that
before you receive this, by all I can learn .. . that noble and
most remarkable fortress will be in the hands of the common
enemy.” Our detachment near Steenbergen will I suppose try
to stop their advance towards Holland, and the troops in the lines
may retire to these islands, to join with us in their defence in
case they should be next attacked, but I believe the French have
suffered so much in this last grand undertaking, that they will
probably content themselves with the glory and success they will
have gained, lest by attempting too much, they should fail in the
end.

Postscript. This has been the longest and certainly the hottest
month Iever knew. What must it have been in Bergen, where,
to add to it, the town has been twice all on fire, although put out
again. ‘‘ Every house is now almost beat down or laid in ashes.
Tis lucky the old General is so deaf that the noise could not
affect him. He wrote to our General for a quiet horse that he
might ride and visit the works, which wassent him. In his letter
he calls himself eighty-seven.”” 34 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, August 5, Wednesday. Flushing.—As Braddock (who
continues to behave with great politeness) is in the room with
me, sending off returns, and writing a very good letter to Lord
Albemarle, of which nobody is more capable, and as he continually
interrupts me to hear it, which, it being for the good of the
regiment, I must do with patience, I shall have to wait until he
has done before I can collect my thoughts. I keep well in spite
of the heat, by wearing warm clothing morning and evening
and hardly touching fruit, unless with a good deal of bread, and
qualified with two or three glasses of strong mountain Malaga,
which we have here good at 8d. per bottle, but ‘notwithstanding
all our care of our men, of which all our officers are greatly
382

concerned about, and pique themselves that nothing on their
part shall be wanting, yet we daily fall sick in such numbers
that we have a hundred and eighty men now down, chiefly with
agues and fevers, in our battalion, and yet the sickly season 1s
not yet begun, ‘which is expected about a fortnight hence.”
None of our men have died, and we hope by the care we take to
prevent them from relapsing. We have two able surgeons sent
us from the Grand Hospital, but they are chiefly for the High-
land regiments, who fell ill in such numbers when they were first
sent to the lines. ‘‘ We’ve just now heard from Bergen-op-Zoom
that they still hold out, and may now perhaps defend it a week
or ten days longer. This last is my own opinion only, for they
talk and are in high spirits, as if they might hold out a
considerable time, but that is owing to General Swartzenburgh’s
having sent in eight or nine battalions into the lines out of his
re-inforcement.”’ The lines have not of late been attacked, but
before that they hardly had one night off duty, and also a great
part of them relieved the garrison every third or fourth night.
Colonel Speed has been sent thither from the army by the Duke,
I suppose to act as engineer, of which he is very capable.
Middleton, the surgeon, has just sent us a mate by Lord
Albemarle’s order, in the room of one who died a month ago,
but his lordship neither answers Braddock’s letters nor takes the
least care of us in regard to our forage, which we have hitherto
paid for ourselves. ‘Those who live well, but without excess, fare
best, but even those that exceed are not the worse for it amongst
our men ‘‘only the consequence of drinking cooling liquors after-
wards is the destruction of all our careless and unthinking
fellows.”

I am sorry to have to give a melancholy account ‘“‘of a
very pretty young fellow, a son of Tom Hales, who was an
ensign in the battalion with us, and the flower of all his brother
ensigns here.’”’ He was riding yesterday with Captain Gausel,
Mr. Jeffreys, our chaplain, and one Ensign Gwin when his horse
fell, flinging him upon his head, and occasioning such contusion
that in spite of all imaginable care by the surgeons he remained
senseless for eighteen hours and then died. It is my duty now
to write the news to his father, and so I must bid adieu to my
dearest soul for this time. 64 pp.

CoLONEL Russet to HIS WIFE.

1747, August 8, Saturday. Flushing.—General Husk has
this morning received an express from the Duke, with orders for
him to go to Bergen-op-Zoom and thence to his Royal Highness,
Brigadier Douglass taking the command here in his absence.
He sets out this afternoon with only a cloak bag, his aide-de-
camp and two servants, and knows nothing about his returning,
but I think it looks as if he may, unless the Duke thinks him a
necessary person to have near him to advise with. If Douglass
chooses to continue to reside where he is, ‘‘Col. Braddock will
command the two battalions in this town, which he will not be
883

é

fond of, as he will be obliged so often to correspond with
Douglass. I own I am sorry for Husk’s going, as he took great
care of us, and at the same time had a good deal of trouble with
the magistrates, and by sweetening them sometimes, as well as
souring them, he gained his point with ’em in almost everything
he wanted, so hope he’ll return to us before ’tis long. As for
Douglass, he is also a very good sort of man, and if he finds Husk
may probably make some stay he may then think proper to come
to us, though they say he is very prettily settled in Beveland.”

The French have marched towards Tirlemont, but I
believe only for forage and provisions, they having eaten up
everything in their last camp near Maestricht, so that if the
Dyke repasses the Maes after them, he will be liable to starve.
As for Bergen-op-Zoom, it still holds out, and if the garrison and
lines had been at first as strong as they are at present, the
French could never have taken it, but now it must certainly fall
into their hands. 8 pp.

CoLoNEL RusseLtu to nis WIFE.

1747, August 15, Saturday. Flushing.—Our doom after
Bergen is taken will depend upon the motions of the enemy, but
I believe they will give their men some rest before proceeding
elsewhere. Col. Barrington, who went with General Husk as far
as Bergen, reports that the garrison now makes a very good
defence, but when the enemy first broke ground they were
permitted to do it within a few yards of the glacis before so much
as a gun was fired at them from the garrison, nor were the trees
and houses cleared away from before the town.

He dined with Lord John Murray and Lord Louden, the former
of whom commands the two Highland regiments there. They
live very comfortably, being the only two regiments who dont go
on duty into the town, and the enemy having brought no forces
against the lines since they left off their attack upon Fort Rover.
The desolation of the place is not to be wondered at, as the enemy
has been for six weeks so near it with artillery at their command.
Yesterday being St. Louis day, I suppose they would make no
small effort, and probably by now have gained the outworks;
chiefly by undermining and blowing to pieces.

Marshal Saxe and the grand army have only moved about
ten miles for the sake of fresh green forage, and ours remain on
the other side the river, but are moved nearer Liege. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, August 21-September 1, Friday. Flushing.—This is
the Prince of Orange’s birthday, but I am told he has desired
that it might not be publicly kept. Bergen still holds out,
although Lowendhall had promised his monarch that it should
be in his hands long before this. The enemy for the last few
days have been employed in forming lines of circumvallation,
in case of an attack from‘ our own re-inforcements, which will soon
384

amount to a little army of thirty-one battalions and forty-four
squadrons, besides six thousand irregulars under Prince
Esterhazy, the whole to be commanded by General Chanclos.
These will serve to cover Holland, but I have no idea that they
will be able to raise the siege.

Bishop Twisden has been very lately at Bergen, to try to pick
up some fine pictures, and out of curiosity visited all our works
in the midst of the fire.

I am sorry to say that Brigadier Douglass is so ill that his life
is in great danger. He would indeed be a public loss.

This goes by a Captain Noel, now going to England to take
command of a new fifty gun ship called the Serern. He is a
distant relation of our Noels and the elder branch of the family,
but he knows Bledloe very well and much of our neighbourhood,
and is brother to Lord Wentworth, the present possessor of
Bradnum, to whom late Lady Wentworth left 1,200/. per annum
with the title.” He is a very agreeable, polite man, from whom
I have received great civilities, and has promised to come to see
me in co. Bucks. He is often with Tom Rowney at Oxford, who
is his uncle, and from whom he has expectations, and tells me
he will go and see Johnny Greenhill. Three other captains have
been preferred from this station, while our poor relation, though
full as meritorious, for want of interest must remain commander
of a sloop only. I wish you would mention this to my sister, so
that her mistress might see it, and inform her that he is a Russell
and worthy of the name, and one also whom Commodore Mitchell
would strongly recommend; so that if his Grace of Bedford
were applied to, he would have no reason to be ashamed of pre-
ferring one of his own name who would be an ornament to it.
Perhaps Lord Sandwich would speak for him to have command
of a post ship, instead of only the Sian sloop, on this station.
The sickness amongst our men increases in spite of all our
care. Opp.

CoLONEL RussELL to HIS WIFE.

1747, August 22, Saturday night. Flushing.—Captain
Russell, who dined with us to-day, tells me he has been sixteen
years in the service, and has a hundred junior officers made
post-captains over his head. There is none he would refer his
character to in preference to Admiral Boscawen, who recom-
mended him for his sloop, and was always his good friend. If
Fanny could help him, I should be glad.

We had no great doings here on account of the Prince of
Orange’s birthday, but there were some at Middleburgh and at a
little village or two where some people had a mind to appear
loyal, and at Bergen the garrison kept up a continual fire from
sun-rising to sun-setting, in honour of the day. The Commodore

 

*Martha Lovelace, Baroness Wentworth in her own right, was succeeded by Sir
Edward Noel, grandson of her cousin, Sir John Noel. She had married Sir Henry
Johnson of Bradenham, co. Bucks (whose daughter Anne married Thomas
Wentworth, lst Earl of Strafford of the new creation),
385

is very sanguine that the town may still hold out, and when the
spring tides come they may be able to flood the enemy’s trenches
and so retard their progress. At least seven hundred men in
our two regiments are down with fevers and agues, and many
more than that in the two regiments in South Beveland. I am
in hopes that Brigadier Douglass is better. 38 pp.

CoLoNEL Russetu to Huis WIFE.

1747, September 8, Thursday. Flushing.—Capt. Russell
has conveyed General Husk to Deal, but I think I now see his
sloop returning hither, and hope he will bring mea letter. ‘I
am sorry to say that the fate of poor Bergen must now very soon
be over,” the enemy having raised four or five new batteries (by
which the poor old General’s quarters have been laid flat), and
done great execution in the town by their continued firing of
cannon and mortars. The Dutch cannot be brought to stand the
fire, though made almost drunk to animate them, and the only
reliance is on the Scotch Dutch, Swiss and their allies, who have
fought bravely, aided by the vast strength of the works them-
selves, but the garrison must submit at last, and I believe will
have orders to retire without being made prisoners. Then a
little time will show whether anything further will be attempted
in these watery parts of the world, with Chanclos so near, while
we have some force at sea and the Dutch ships without number
are posted up the Maes to preserve Holland; or whether any pen
and ink work is going on. These low countries and ditches cant
be the scene of action long, for after all this dry weather, we
must expect rain, when it does come, with a witness. And weneed
it much, to wash not only the town but the whole island, filling
the dykes and ditches with whoelsome water instead of putrified
nauseous, stinking puddles, which infect the very air and greatly
increase the country’s distemper. I cant help telling you of one
of the Swiss captains here, who for many years has kept up a
constant correspondence with his mistress in Switzerland, they
writing to each other twice a week, letters of the smallest
character, lines very close, and sixteen pages long. When he
was at Bergen, he never failed, even when on duty, and as he
was writing by the help of a candle, in one of the front works
of the town, a cannon ball snuffed his candle for him, but he
merely had it re-lighted, as it was snuffed too close, and continued
his letter. The world does not abound in such instances of love
and friendship.

Postscript. Two o’clock. The Commodore has come to dine
with us, bringing the sad news of poor Speed’s death. He showed
me a letter he had to-day received from him ‘‘with a very pretty
account of the condition they were in, with several jokes, and
concluding that General Sanclos was come to hold a conference
with General Cromstron, that the knats were very troublesome
to them, but believed they were more so to the enemy, and
would have a worse effect among them than the result of the two
Generals’ councils.” Two hours after this letter arrived, another

14170 a 2B
386

came from Lord Lempster, who is a volunteer at Bergen, stating
that as Colonel Speed was standing by him on a ravelin, he was
shot through the head by two musket balls. He had just written
to the Dukes of Bedford and Montague, and Lady Betty Jermain.
“T saw another very good letter from an officer, giving a great
character of poor Speed, and that what a loss the garrison had
had, nobody having animated the troops more than he had done,
and had no fault but that of exposing his own person too much.’

5 pp.
CoLonEL RusseLut to wis WIFE.

1747, September 6, Sunday. Flushing.—‘‘About four hours
after I wrote to you yesterday, and that the Commodore had
dispatched the cutter, advice came from Bergen-op-Zoom that
between one and five o’clock yesterday morning, the enemy
stormed the town in two or three places, and put the whole
garrison to the sword.” This morning a confirmation of it has
come, but we know no particulars. We expect General Husk in
four or five days, but if an answer from the Prince of Orange
should arrive, with powers for us to press boats, we should
undoubtedly go for Breda. Our transports will be our last
refuge, if absolutely necessary. ‘‘ The people here seem to be in
some consternation, which I don’t wonder at, but however, if
if they had taken better care of us, we might not have been s0
sickly, and in a condition unable to defend them if wanted.”

2 pp.
Toe Same to THE SAME.

1747, September 8, Tuesday. Flushing—‘‘It is in vain to
attempt to give you a perfect account of the taking of Bergen-op-
Zoom, but shall relate part of a letter I read from one of our
engineers who was in the town, who says that the enemy had
made five breaches, at all which they made a general attack, and
which begun about four in the morning on Saturday last, the 5th
O.8., but that the enemy was in the middle of the town before
the garrison was under arms; however, that we disputed it till
nine before the enemy was in possession of the whole town ; that
he could give but an imperfect account of our loss, but believes
we might lose about fifteen hundred killed and wounded ; that
the Prince of Hesse Philipstadt was shot through the leg; that
our troops in the lines retired with General Cromstrom to Stein-
bergen, except six regiments who went into Tholen, by crossing a
bridge of boats, in order to defend that place and the island.

“T cannot help observing that ’tis very extraordinary that
a garrison which has defended itself so well for nine weeks
should at last be so surprised as to be taken by storm with-
out being prepared to defend themselves, for had the breaches
been properly guarded, and a sufficient number of men to

 

* Several letters written by Speed to the Duke of Montagu are calendared in
the Commissioners’ Report upon the Duke of Buccleuch’s MSS. at Montagu
House, Vol. I., issued in 1899,
387

sustain them, the enemy would have found it a much more
difficult task than they did; besides it is said the breaches
were so small that they might have been with the more ease
defended and that the enemy took the opportunity of the setting
of the moon to begin to fill the ditch with fascines, and which
they had but little time to do it in, being between the moon
setting and day-break, the only suspicious time, by which means
they filled the ditch and so begun the attack. This is certainly
agreed on by all hands, that the enemy was in the town before
the garrison was under arms, and therefore am afraid all who
could make their escape took to their heels. Those who could
not, made the best defence they were able, which made the
confusion and slaughter last so long before all was over, and by
what I can learn the Scotch Hollanders and one or two more regi-
ments have very few men or officers left. Asa confirmation of the
surprise, it is to be feared that the troops in the lines have so
precipitately retired that they have left all their tents and baggage
to be a prey to the enemy. The French will have gained great
glory by this conquest, and being flushed with success, if they have
sufficient troops to spare, may make still further attempts, but
what or which way they will next advance, I wont pretend to say.
This being the island of the most consequence, the Commodore
is placing his ships to the best advantage between this and
South Beveland, in case they should bend their course to these
islands. To-morrow or next day we may expect an answer from
the Prince of Orange with regard to us and our going to Breda;
perhaps he may throw obstacles to our going there, since the
fate of Bergen is determined, so that we still continue in a very
uncertain situation.”’

A very good physician, Dr. Barker, has been sent to us from
London, on General Husk’s recommendation, who has brought with
him a hundred weight of bark and other medicines for the sick.
The General sets out from London as to-day, and is to make but
a short stay with us on his way to the Duke. The doctor says
that if our men are not removed from this town they will not get
rid of their agues, &c., all winter, and will be unfit for the
ensuing campaign, and even those who are tolerably well will
fall down if they are not better provided for by the magistrates,
who however are now ready to supply us with everything, if we
would but stay here.

I hope you will write to Mrs. Mountney that she may inform
Mr. Frankland of poor Speed’s death.

Postscript. Wednesday morning. An engineer just come from
Tholen, who escaped from Bergen, says ‘‘ that the works have all
along defended themselves, and that before the town was stormed
the old general was fled and left the garrison asleep. The French
are investing of Steinbergen, and our troops, who retired thither,
are cut offfrom Tholen. I wish this surprise upon the town does
not, if the truth was known, turn out a black story.”” Our com-
munication with Holland may soon be cut off, except by sea, so it
is doubtful if we shall go to Breda. 5% pp.
388

CoLtoneL Russet to HIS WIFE.

1747, September 18. Sunday, Flushing.—I fear when you
got my letter, with ‘‘the account of poor Bergen’s cruel fate, that
your mind would be filled with strange ideas of Breda being the
next place, but it is not likely that four invalid regiments would
be sent to waste provisions and take up room in a town that
might be invested, and you will see by my last that the Duke
has ordered us to Grave, a healthy situation on a fine flowing
river, where I hope our battalion (once the finest I believe in
Europe) will recover from its present deplorable condition.
General Husk was very good in representing our state in
England, and the King has sent us ten live oxen and fifty sheep,
which are to be sold at threepence a pound, for the use only of
the four battalions in Zealand, with small beer and Thames
water gratis. The whole is consigned to Colonel Braddock to
distribute, receive the money for, and make return to the
Treasury of the Navy, and as this gives no small trouble, you
may be sure it falls upon me. However, as so great a good
attends it, it is no little pleasure to me, and with the help of my
quarter-master, Captain Evelyn, who is not only a real-pretty
fellow but extremely clever in all his disagreeable duty, the poor
men will, J hope, be comforted and strengthened. We have at
this time above six hundred in our regiment unfit for duty,
besides many who call themselves fit but would not be allowed
so at any other time, and so have not enough to do the ordinary
guards, though they are reduced to as few as possible. I cannot
yet be quite without hope that England may be thought the best
place for us, but next to this, our present destination certainly
gives the best prospect for the good of our people. We cannot
stir until Captain Orme, whom Col. Braddock sent yesterday to
the Hague, returns, and also our scoots are not yet here, and,
some say, will not come until they bring other troops to supply
our place. Col. Braddock and I think of hiring a yacht, as our
voyage may last seven or eight days, and the scoots are far from
comfortable. ‘‘As for poor Bergen, ’tis certain a messenger came
in the night before, and told em what they were to expect if
they would not give up the town, which their Generals had much
better, though shamefully, have done than in this much more
ignominious manner; that the Prince of Orange is in the
utmost concern, at a time when he was in hopes his nation and
troops were going to recover their character by bravery and so
gloriously defending Bergen as he thought they had done for
nine weeks, should at last so shamefully forfeit what he
was so big with expectation of, and now, ’tis to be feared, will
irrecoverably lose . . . The French are at present about
reducing the fort of Lillo, which is the only little fortification
between them and Antwerp, and lies upon the Scheld. Twill
amuse ’em a little while, and perhaps all they may undertake
this campaign.” |

I am sorry to say poor Kepple has lost the use of his arm.

Postscript. General Husk has just arrived, but brings nothing
389

a and leaves us on Tuesday or Wednesday, to go to the army.
pp.

CoLoNEL Russeuu to nis WIFE.

. 1747, September 16, Wednesday. Flushing.—At the time the

Duke sent his orders he did not know that we were designed for
Breda, so that probably some expresses must pass and repass
between him and the Hague before our destination is settled.
When General Husk was in England, it was once decided that
we should go to Dover, Deal and Canterbury, until our men
were recovered, but some mighty reasons of State altered that
resolution. The General has been advising with us in every-
thing we could think of for the welfare of our men, but he leaves
us to-morrow morning to go to the Duke, and does not know where
he will be in winter quarters himself. Breda is not likely to be
our fate, though it isa healthy and agreeable place, and Grave
appears to be at too great a distance in case we should be wanted
at home, so we do not know what is to become of us, but no doubt
all will be for the best. If this bad weather continues, the French
cant keep the field long. All they have done since they took
Bergen has been attacking Fort Frederick, after which Fort
Lillo will, I suppose, be the next, and then they will have all
the Scheld between Bergen and Antwerp. Pray thank my sister
for her endeavours to get some one to speak to the Duke of
Bedford on Captain Russell’s account. General Husk
promised to do so, ‘‘but for want of seeing him made
Lord Anson memorandum him in [his] pocket book in order
to speak for him to the aforesaid Duke.

“Tam sorry to say poor Lady Irwin behaves so idly to desire
her Brigadier may be taken up, and has sent for his corpse over
to England. I suppose Merrick, the first major to the First
regiment, is dead, and I don’t doubt but Parslow will have
his company, which may be a means of his going home. In
the room of poor Campbell, my late lieutenant, a younger son of
Lady Exeter succeeds him, and is arrived here, but as I heard
not the best character of him, and supposing he would be of
little use to me, I got Evelyn to be posted to my company a few
days before he came. He has dined with us, and knows me
through Mrs. Mountney very well, but that’s enough. Noel is
his acquaintance, but the General has desired him before Noel’s
face to be cautious of him; that he might do him no harm, but
he is sure he would do him no good. Poor Noel is a great
f ; is good natured when sober, but very disagreeable, wrong-
head[ed] when otherwise. . . . Heis happy when he can
get any one to dine with from home, for then he is sure to take
his scope, and if ’tis in this town, he makes it very late, and
generally comes with such a cut face or a black eye in some fall
he contrives to get, that he cant appear for some days. He is
under that circumstance at present, but of this you'll take no
notice. Braddock, Colonel Barrington and my ensign and myself
go on very well.’”’ Craggs and Evelyn have, to our concern, left

 
390

us on account of expense, but we often see them at our nightly
assembly, when we have a good fire, whist at a guelder, which is
20d. a corner, a chess table and a cold supper at nine; always
abed before twelve, sometimes before eleven.”’ 7 pp.

CoLoNEL RusseuL to His WIFE.

1747, September 18, Friday. Flushing.—I knew you would
be sorry for poor Speed and poor Bergen. The old General had
certainly orders, when the town could no longer make defence, to
march out with all the troops (except those few who, I suppose,
were destined to be sacrificed), but surely they ought, as long as
the garrison was capable of making a vigorous defence, to have
withstood the attack. Where the fault was I wont pretend to
say, but their national troops could not have behaved worse than
they did. Our two Swiss friends were luckily not on duty that
night, but in the lines, and so were safe. Yesterday morning
Braddock received an express from his plenipo. at the Hague, with
orders from the Prince of Orange that, agreeably to the march
route sent by him before, we were to take boat to Breda, of
which advice had been sent to the Duke. About seven hours
later the plenipo. himself arrived, but, in the interim, the Prince
had changed his mind, and had signed fresh routes. He told
our plenipo. that he thought Grave too far from England, and
our present orders are for the two battalions of the Royals to go to
Heusden, and General Brage’s regiment and our battalion to go to
Bois-le-due. This also the Prince has signified to the Duke, but
as the boats have to come for us, and places to be provided for
our sick at Bois-le-Duc, another order may meanwhile arrive from
the Duke for us to go to yet another place.

‘“‘T know nothing of the French but that they have pretty well
reconnoitred Steinbergen and Tholen, and find, what with the
late rains and inundations about those places, ‘tis not easy to
attempt ‘em: and that they are reducing still the two forts of
St. [sic] Frederick and Lillo, upon the Scheld, both which, I
imagine, may soon be in their power, after which I believe ’twill
be time to go into winter quarters on all sides. The French King
is certainly gone, and passed a few days since through Brussels
and Ghent in his way to Lisle and so to Paris.”” The Commodore
tells us that the Duke and our army have passed the Maes.

If Fanny should see Mr. Adair, our agent, who is very great
with Lord Anson, she might remind him of General Husk’s
recommendation of Capt. Russell to the Duke of Bedford. Tell
my sister that I know nothing of Colonel Cornwallis, but hear

that the two Scotch regiments were seen going in their transports
to Williamstadt.

No place could be so good for our men as England. Itisafact
that we have not at present eighty men fit for service. 5 pp.
391

CotoneL Russett to ars Wire.

1747, [September 20—]October 1, Sunday morning.
Flushing.—News has come that the packet boat dispatched from
here on September 12, old style, was taken and carried into
Ostend by a French privateer, and all the letters thrown over-
board, so you will lose the long letter which I wrote to you on
the 11th, telling you of our orders from the Duke to proceed
directly to Grave, and describing the beauties of the place, a fine,
healthy town on the Maes, opposite to Nimeguen. However,
since then we have had counter-orders from the Prince of Orange,
as I told you in my last. Our state is worse than ever, and
Braddock’s return to the Duke to-day is only fifty-five men who
have not been ill, four sergeants and two drums, out of our whole
battalion, and none recovered sufficiently to be called fit for
service. Col. Cornwallis has safely reached the army under
General Chanclos. Excuse this scrawl, as Iam in haste. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE Same.

1747, September 22, Tuesday. Flushing.—The Prince of
Orange has sent us some boats, but Col. Braddock had a letter
from Lord Chesterfield last night directing him to wait for the
Duke’s orders, which we expect to have shortly: When we are
in earnest about going, my business will take up much of my
time, as the preparations for our poor sick men will require some
care and thought.

‘‘T can send you no news but that the enemy are still attacking
the two forts of Frederick and Lillo; that the governor of the
latter is killed; that our army under Chanclos is still at Oudenbos,
and the Duke where he was, behind the Maes.” 38 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, October 1, Thursday. From on board the Mary yacht.
in Ter Veer Road.—We left Flushing yesterday with the tide,
with all our scoots, to the number of three-score, and came to an
anchor in this road about twelve o’clock. To describe to you the
melancholy objects I saw yesterday when our poor souls were
embarking would give you the spleen, for such a sight I never
saw before. It was far worse than a field of battle. However,
it is a great comfort that our sick are rather better than worse
to-day, and I hope we may not lose many upon the voyage. We
have stopped here to take in bread, provided gratis by the Prince.
of Orange’s orders, but the Dutch are so slow in all their pyro-
ceedings that we have lost the tide, and must remain many more
hours. Our yacht is most comfortable and convenient, and as
our doctor, not being any better, got.leave to make his way to
Bois-le-due as quickly as he could, we have taken in poor Evelyn,
who is an invalid, in his room. Colonel Braddock is only ill
every other day, and keeps up very well. 3 pp.

 

* This letter, contrary to Col, Russell's custom, is dated new style,
392

CoLonEL Russet to ais WIFE.

1747, October 8, Saturday. Dort.—After a pleasant voyage,
we arrived at this place about ten last night, and are now dividing
the worst of our sick, supplying them with provisions, and send-
ing them away to our grand hospital at Ousterhout. We send
but a hundred men, the hospital not being able to take more than
that proportion from our battalion. Our two regiments designed
for Heusden also leave us here, and this evening I hope we shall
proceed on our way. Ihave just been ashore to take a view of
Dort, which is one of the principal towns in the province of
Holland, large, finely situated, and exceeded by none for trade,
all kinds of goods and wines coming down here from Italy by the
Rhine. We always dine on our yacht and have the good luck to
have a very good English woman cook on board, who can cook
us a ‘‘water zuitchee” to perfection. Our French cook is so ill
that we had to send him to one of our sick ships. Captain Evelyn
is well enough to be sent forward to provide quarters for us
at Bois-le-duc, which we hope we may reach to-morrow night.
Col. Braddock has really been very ill, but behaves very
well with it. He begins to take bark to-morrow, and I
hope will have no more of it. John Russell has been
my true and trusty servant, and not had a day’s illness, and
Jack has no return of his ague, but I assure you scarcely a
servant has been able to attend his master at our mess, although
not one of the masters has been ill except Braddock, who, as I
tell him, has lived too abstemiously. Craggs and Evelyn have
both been ill, but since they left us. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, October 7, Wednesday. Bois-le-duc.—We arrived here
on Monday night and disembarked yesterday. Our men are
already the better for their voyage, and will have good care taken
of them here, in a well-regulated hospital under the direction of
a proper man. Also their quarters are better than at Flushing,
but air and situation, I fear, are not, for although the town is
spacious and there are no stinking dykes, yet the whole country
round us lies under water, excepting some few causeways leading
to the neighbouring towns. However we are in hopes that
we may soon be removed to Breda, which is a much more
healthy and agreeable place. In consequence of Braddock’s
illness, I had to wait on Major General de Guy, the com-
mandant of this town, as well as the governor, who proves to
be old Cromstron, to receive directions about our disembarking.
“The old General looks much more ready to go into his
grave than to be fit for this world, therefore am the more
surprised how he could have the command of so late an
important fortress to this country.” The Duke began his
march yesterday, and will be in this neighbourhood with his
army in a few days, where they will remain until they
go into winter quarters. General Husk, who is at Breda
393

arranging for the English infantry, told our quarter-master that
we also should soon go there. The Duke leaves the army to-
morrow, calls on the Prince of Orange, who is at Oudenbos with

his army, and thence proceeds to the Hague, and, I suppose, for
England. :

Lord Bury writes to Braddock that Bockland will very likely
succeed to a regiment. Poor Dr. Barker is left at Heusden, sick
with ague and fever. Dr. Maxwell, another of our physicians
general, but more used to this method of our hospitals, has the
care of us, and was sent before us from Flushing to prepare
everything for our sick. 5 pp.

CoLonEL Russet to nis WIFE.

1747, October 11, Sunday. Bois-le-due.—I hope this fine
weather will be good for our men, and the goodness and cheapness
of provisions will be an advantage to them, as also their better
quarters, but this place is as bad as Flushing for agues and fevers.
Happily our stay here will be short. The day before yesterday
who should I meet but Jack Robinson, sent here by Lord
Albemarle to announce that he was coming next day to review us.
He dined with our mess, who in a snug manner have got together
again (except Noel) and we set up a bed for him. Yesterday
Lord Albemarle paid us a visit (the English troops being on their
march to their head-quarters at Breda) ‘‘and saw about twelve’
men a company, with about six or seven sergeants in all; which
he seemed to bear with great patience, in hopes time and a better
situation will greatly recover us, and telling us the other two
battalions were extremely weak.” The Duke is to return from
the Prince of Orange to Breda before he goes for the Hague,
when the English winter quarters will, | suppose, be quite
settled. That place being thought not large enough for the
twenty-two British battalions, some will probably be cantooned
in adjacent towns, but our brigade will be sure to be together there.
Lord Albemarle only breakfasted with us, as, being General of
the day, he expected a good deal of company at his quarters for
dinner, and so had to return to the army, which lies encamped
at Ousterwick, nine miles away. Noel has been in and tells me
he dined there and saw all my acquaintances of the Guards. I
have just given him leave to go again; he is quite wild, but as
good-natured as ever when sober, and surely as great a fool as
ever you saw. However, we are very well together, and I mean
to keep so if possible. He and seven or eight more put down
their reasons for wishing for leave, and sent them to his Royal
Highness, but were all refused, as Lord Albemarle told us, except
Barrington, who he took care should get it, and very reasonably,
as he is here asa sort of volunteer. ‘‘His Lordship joked with me
by saying the Duke took notice of my not having asked leave,
and that he was sure I should always turn out well in the end
with regard to going home, but I. gave his lordship for answer
that I hoped his Royal Highness would be sensible of my having
no aversion to go for England, and that if one field officer was
394

thought sufficient to stay with a battalion of Guards, as Colonel
Braddock did by no means desire to go, that I should really
have no objection to going. I take for granted they want their
joke, and to have a pleasure in giving me a refusal, but I shall
not be so caught, but shall certainly give his Royal Highness, as
well as his Lordship, to understand that I have been every year
abroad, and at no small expense, and that how easy it may be to
make one some amends by having it in their power to make one
happy at home, in the winter, if not wanted here. . . . Iam
sorry I can send no memorial from Captain Russell. His ship
is going home, and he may then perhaps call upon my sister.
If so, she may advise him what is best, but no memorial is better
than a very ill drawn up one, which he sent me the day before I
left Flushing, which I tore, unknown to him.”’

Postscript. Lord Albemarle has just sent to invite Braddock,
Barrington and myself to dinner to-morrow at his quarters.

53 pp.

CoLoneL RussevL to HIS WIFE.

1747, October 14, Wednesday. Bois-le-due.—Barrington and
I rode over to the head-quarters at Ousterwick yesterday, and
there met General Ligoniere, Conway and such a vast number of
my acquaintances that I had no time to go to the Guards, who lie
encamped only a quarter of a mile away, and so did not see
Parslow, Hudson, &e. On going with Lord Albemarle to his
own quarters, which are at a fine chateau, belonging to the old
ras[cal] governor of the town, his Lordship took me aside, asked
me many questions concerning his regiment, and in fact, showed
so much confidence in me and made me such a number of fine
speeches with regard to my known humanity, good conduct, &c.,
that I suspected all the time what would be the consequence.
He said nothing about it, but I have since learned that Reynolds
is to have leave, and, it is thought, will sell, and that Braddock
will, of course, command the Brigade, so that I shall have the
whole and sole care of this battalion and there is little hope of
my getting away. The army marched this morning to within
two leagues of Breda, where they will remain a few days, and then
march into their quarters, soon after which his Royal Highness
will probably set out for England. Mr. Wiseman has returned from
Breda, and has taken a very good house for us four, ready
furnished. Poor Kepple is at Aix-la-Chappelle, very well,
and has greatly recovered the use of his arm. Sebright, whom I
saw with great pleasure at head-quarters, has been aide-de-camp
to Sir John Ligoniere ever since my leutenant’s vacancy.

Postscript. As to the Guards being ordered home in the winter,
it is too good to be true, and I give no credit to your English
newspapers or the rumours from our army. I have known too
much of camp reports to listen the least to them. 44 pp.
395

CotoneL Russet to us Wire.

1747, October 18, Sunday. Bois-le-duc.—All the Brigadiers
here are made major-generals, and no more Brigadiers are to be
made, otherwise, Braddock, being made one, would have been
quite taken off from this battalion. As it is, he might have
cognizance of it in my absence, but that signifies little if
His Royal Highness has decided against me. I hear he goes
straight from the Hague to England, so that I shall not see him
again, but must try Lord Albemarle. It is not impossible he might
take me with him if he goes himself, and though you must not
flatter yourself with it, yet while there is life there may be hope.

I thought I told you we had been obliged to exclude Noel; and
Lord Albemarle sent an order by me to Braddock, that without
his leave, no officer here should go to camp, all to prevent Noel’s
going, as he would call at everyone’s tent early in the morning
and disturb them, whether he knew them or not. Iam sorry he
has done himself so much harm, but he seems quite insensible
of it, and I never knew him happier than now. Yesterday I was
surprised by Kepple, on his way to the army. He has quite
recovered the use of his arm, is in high spirits, and is now gone
to his general, Sir John Ligoniere. I have seen Cary, and young
Capt. Fuller has also been here. He bad a narrow escape in the
last battle, but seems very well. He tells me that his father will
call here, from Aix-la-Chapelle, on his way to the army, and that
he left him in high spirits. The Duke has promised that he will
soon determine his affair, and I know that the King has ordered
the Secretary at War to send him word that a commission is
ready for him as lieutenant-general, to be signed as soon as this
is Over.

Middleton, the director-general of the hospital, is just come
hither, and dines with us on his way to the army. He has
orders to send all his recovering men hither in their way to their
regiments, but the magistrates wont take them in; ‘in short
this is a Dutch town, and they are all such ad d race of
people that they are all alike wherever we go, and the same
usage we meet with in all their towns. Our men are not so
much as allowed fire and candle, nor we slope gelt.’’ I hope our
troops will soon be removed, for they are as sickly here as in
Zeeland and will all relapse if they stay here. 54 pp.

 

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, October 21. Bois-le-duc.—There are very fine ramparts
round this town, three or four miles long, planted with double
rows of very lofty trees and with a wide view over the watery
marshes and flat country beyond, a ride round which gives me a
good stomach and helps to keep off the distemper. ‘‘ We are not
at all mended with regard to the sickness of our men, for as
every one almost without exception have been ill before they
came, so now they relapse, which this vile situation will not
prevent, and I am sorry to say as the enemy have been so
successful for their late campaigns to drive us out of the most
396

healthy parts of the Low Countries, so now they have no occasion
to dispossess us of what places we have left, for whatever troops
remain in these countries in winter quarters have need of no
more powerful enemy to contest with than the natural inclemency
of the climate, which will destroy, or what is worse, render use-
less, more brave men than all the fire and sword that they have
SO lately felt.”’ I hoped the day of our removal would have been
fixed by now, but the winter quarters of the army are not yet
settled, as I hear from Jack Robinson, although the Duke is
hourly expected back there and then no doubt it will be done.

Postscript. ‘‘ My care has been lately among my own sergeants
and corporals, who have all been ill, and to prevent relapses,
except poor Sabine, who has been very ill again here, and
another new, careful non-pareil of a sergeant I’ve made. The
former with great difficulty I’ve got the tincture of bark to keep
on his stomach, so have conned his fits, and he’s on the mending
hand ; the latter I hope also to bring about, as also to do some

good to my company, which is much stronger than any two in
the battalion.”’ 84 pp.

CoLOoNEL RussELuL to HIS WIFE.

1747, October 25, Sunday. Bois-le-due.—Jack Robinson
arrived yesterday from Lord Albemarle, with orders (sent by the
Duke) for our immediate march to Breda, so to-morrow we go to
Loon-op-zant, and shall reach Breda nextday. We shall only have
about a hundred of our battalion under arms, about two hundred
will be taken in covered waggons, and those unfit to move will
stay in the hospital here. Bragg’s regiment also goes with us,
with about five hundred nnarmed, recovered men from the
hospitals of Maestricht and Venlo, belonging to our whole
English infantry, and also some artillery, about twenty pieces of
heavy cannon, and fifty carriages belonging to them; all under
the command of Colonel Braddock. Poor Sabine and my next
best sergeant must stay behind, but the physician has promised
to take great care of them, and to send them after me as soon as
it is safe for them to travel. Frank, Jack, and John Russell
are all well and hearty, and of great service to me; and the cart
I had made in Flushing will be of the greatest use, to convey all
my baggage safe and dry to Breda. The Duke is expected daily
at head-quarters. He has so far sent orders for none but our
garrison here, so that we shall be fixed before the rest march in.
‘Twelve regiments are to be with us, and the rest of the infantry in
the neighbourhood. I hear that Colonel Duncomb is dead, which
makes a fifth regiment vacant, and gives me great hopes that
Bockland may get one. Lord George Beauclerk is to have one, I
believe. He is here and elder than Col. Dury; and the
latter is made major by the vacancy of General Merrick.
Who should come here yesterday but Fuller, on his way from
Spaw. He has received a letter from Col. Hodgson by order of
ie Duke that ‘‘if he receives no satisfactory answer from the
Prince of Orange or the States to justify General Fuller” he
897

shall declare him innocent in public orders, and of course he will
then be declared lieutenant-general, which is all that at
present can be done for him. He is greatly broke, but the same

man. He dined with us to-day and sets out for Gertrydenburg
to-morrow. 34 pp.

CoLonEL Russett to HIS WIFE.

1747 October 29, Thursday. Breda.—We have had two
fine days for our march, and arrived here on Tuesday afternoon.
‘‘ Lord Albemarle sent us word to halt and clean ourselves about
a hundred yards before we came to the gates, which we soon did,
and marched about a hundred and fifty men, rank and file, into
the town, with colours flying and drums beating, but of the latter
had only two able to march. However, we made so fine an
appearance that ’twas a sample of what the battalion would have
been, and was, before the men began to be sick, so I can assure
you we gave great content.’’ We were miserably cast down when
we saw our house, but after making some improvements we shall
rub on very well. Lord Albemarle is in camp but comes every
day to town, having a magnificent house of his own. The Duke
came this morning to his quarters, about four miles away, and
all the regiments will be in winter quarters to-morrow except the
Guards, who will wait until his Royal Highness removes from
head-quarters.

The five following marching regiments are to embark forthwith
at Williamstadt for England, viz.: Lord George Sackville’s,
Poulteney’s, old General Howard’s, Flemming’s and late
Douglass’, but it is said they are to return in the spring. I
believe it is imagined that if any of the Guards had gone, it
would not have been so easy to get them over again.

‘“‘ Nothing can come up to the inhumanity of that old villain,
old Cromstrom, who no sooner had we marched out of Bois-le-duc
but the sick who were left in quarters and barracks, both of ours
and Bragg’s regiment, that were to be sent for hither by the
returned waggons, did that wretch give orders should be turned
out into the streets, and if they did not immediately comply, he
would send to the main guard and give orders for their being
pulled out by their head and shoulders. Two letters came to
this effect, which his Royal Highness by this time has got, and
hope ’twill be a means of that rascal’s being turned out of his
government at least. As for his answering for his conduct at
Bergen, he, though sent for by the States more than once, has
refused to comply with their orders, and pleaded his inability in
moving, by reason of his old age and sickness, and yet is just as
hearty and well as he was during the whole siege.”

Colonel Parslow is here to provide quarters for the first
regiment. 5 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, November 2, Monday. Breda.—‘‘The two battalions
of Foot Guards marched from their camp into this garrison on
398

Saturday last, and his Royal Highness came that morning to his
quarters hither, having borrowed the Prince of Orange’s house
for that purpose, which is, I'll assure you, a very magnificent one.
Iwas at Lord Albemarle’s window when his Royal Highness
came into town, who did me the honour to speak aloud, and say
‘how do you do, Russell’ as he passed by. 1 thought it hada
good look, and when I went to wait on him, Braddock and I was
told to kiss his hand, when he received me also in a very obliging
manner. I afterwards was asked by Lord Ancram and Bury to
dine with his Royal Highness, all which I did accept of.” Lord
Albemarle advised me to defer speaking about my leave until
the Duke had more leisure, which I thought had a bad appearance,
and as he has great influence in the matter I meant to make a merit
of it and tell him I would entirely depend upon him ‘‘however, I
was saved all that trouble, and dont think I was prettily treated
by his Royal Highness, for towards the evening, after having had
a little business with Lord Bury, and talking to him about some
regimental affairs, when he had thanked me for a fine recruit of
six grenadiers I had helped him to last winter, it was rather late
and nobody with his Royal Highness but his own family of seven
or eight, with whom he was going to sit down to cards, he asked
who was in the outward rooms and was told nobody but me with
Lord Bury; upon which he sent for me to him, and began to ask
me if I did not want to go to England, upon which I was silent
and only bowed. He then repeated to me he was sure I would
be glad to go, upon which I again bowed, and said his Royal
Highness must be assured I would have no objection to it, and
should not be greatly concerned to go; for all this time I knew
his Royal Highness was, what they call, and has been for some
time at the head-quarters called cherry-bobbing, treating
me in that manner, so was very short in my answers . . . and
thus finding he could make no joke of it, he turned it off by
asking me many questions relating to the battalion and how the
men behaved and lived and how I escaped so well at Flushing.”
Lord Ancram, York and other friends, flattered me by saying how
well I had judged in answering so shortly. Next morning I found
that Lord Albemarle had heard all that had passed, and I now
consider my doom as fixed. I believe, even if I had pleaded
business and succeeded in getting leave, it would hardly have
been worth having, for Barrington, who has real business, has
only a pass for a month, which I would not have thanked any-
body for. I should like my sister, when she sees his Royal
Highness, merely to say that her brother thought it hard to be
tantalized* in the matter, but she must not for the world take
any notice of it unless he speaks to her. I must now tell you
what I promised not even to write to you about, that if one
person should have a regiment, my station and command would
be at home, but perhaps this is saying more than you can read
or than I ought to write. 5 pp.

 

* “cherry-bobbed ” erased.
399

CoLoNEL Russeuu to HIS WIFE.

1747, November 38, Tuesday. Breda.—I must tell you ‘‘ that
when Herepeated to my Colonel the manner of his cherry-bobbing
me, to show it did not answer his purpose and that I prevented
the fun he might propose to have, that he added many things
which he absolutely did not say; for instance one was that he
told me, had I been in his own regiment, he could not have
refused the solicitations of his sisters, but that now he must
perhaps disoblige my Colonel, which would be a sufficient answer
for them all. That he might intend to say, but did not,
These are jokes much too low with people in high station,
however, ’twas a satisfaction to me, since I could have no hopes
to gain my point, that-it did not answer other peoples.’ My
Colonel still assures me that he will send me home if I should be
advanced to be first M[ajor], but that you must keep to yourself
until the vacancy happens. His Royal Highness left us on
Sunday morning to go to Oudenbos and view some adjacent
places where some of our regiments are to be cantooned. I hope
the good news of our success at sea may induce the enemy to
offer better terms than they have done.

I have dined with Lord Ancram since the Duke and he has
made me sit by him, and showed me all the civility possible,
remembering, as he was pleased to say, my goodness to him
when he was of our mess. 3 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, November 6, Friday. Breda.—His Royal Highness’
motions have of late not been communicated till ready to be
executed, so that it was scarce known on Wednesday that he
‘meant to leave yesterday, which he did, early in the morning,
for the Hague. I dined with him the day before, being asked
again by Lord Bury, and took my leave of him in the afternoon,
wishing him health and a good journey. In the evening I met
Colonel York at Parslow’s, who told me he was sure his Royal
Highness meant to be very civil to me, sending for me that
evening as he did, and that if I had pushed my going home
further, he would probably have told me that he could not
possibly spare me. ‘‘I said I was then glad I saved him that
trouble, but could not for the soul of me take it as any favour to
be joked with in that manner on a subject that touched me a
little too near.” Philosophy is more requisite in our profession
than in any I know, but I was never put to the trial of it so
much as upon the present occasion. Every colonel in the First
regiment except Hudson and Parslow are gone. Dury has been
employed as commissary of the forage, ever since General Bland
was wounded and left the army, and now he is second major he
has been sent to the Hague, and after settling some forage accounts
there, he goes to England, but returns in the spring, when
General Leforey will be sent home. The 38rd regiment has no
field officer left (Reynolds going home in two or three days),
and scarce above one colonel, but ours are every one kept except
400

poor Barrington, and if he can get his business done without
him, he wont accept his month’s leave. I think Bockland’s
affair will be settled in a month’s time, as the day for clothing
the army has of late years always been fixed for the 9th or 11th,
old style, of this month. Lord Crauford is to have the clothing
of his late regiment of foot, his present regiment of dragoons
having cost him a great sum by their losses in the late battle,
and it not being a clothing year with them. ‘‘General Fuller
sat next to me the last day I dined with the Duke. It was the
first day his Royal Highness had seen him. I asked him what
he said to him when he was presented ; he tod] me, nothing,
that is to any purpose. I believe I forgot to tell you that
just before we came here, ‘twas given out in public
orders in camp that Major General Fuller would soon be
declared innocent, as would appear by the public trial
of General Rocque, and would then have his rank of a
lieutenant-general. I also omitted to tell you that Le Rocque
was sentenced to be beheaded, but that I heard the Princess of
Orange had interceded for his life, so that he is to be perpetually
imprisoned in a castle near some river in Holland. I heard
Lord Albemarle ask Fuller his choice, which he might have,
either to stay or go into England. He chose the latter and to
return hither in the spring.

‘If Fred Frankland had been properly asked, I don’t see how
he could have refused choosing me in Parliament this last
summer till Tom returned, when I could have vacated my
seat, and have gone, in the interim, every winter to London ; but
the Franklands were never born to serve the Russells, so ’twas
not to be.”’

Noel has asked for leave, but has been refused. Sabine is
come and is greatly recovered, which is some comfort to me.
Everyone in the whole regiment is or’ has been ill, not above ten
excepted. I am glad Canterbury and York will be so well
supplied.” I wish Johnny Greenhill was inclined to take orders,
as we might then provide for him. Pray send me the numbers
of my two lottery tickets, that I may have a hope, when I peruse
the newspapers, and the lottery is drawing.

Braddock and I continue very good friends, and I flatter
myself he has a very favourable opinion of me, which is a little
uncommon. 51 pp.

CoLoNEL Russet to HIS WIFE.

1747, November 10, Tuesday. Breda. Iam very happy in .
the description you give of my little Johnny, and as to my dear
Molly, ‘‘I often please myself with the thoughts of the real
happiness she will be to us both: thatif it should please God
she may have a lucky lot should she change her condition, that
would be an unexpected piece of good fortune, but as I think the

 

*Dr. Matthew Hutton made Archbishop of York vice Dr. Thomas Herring
translated to Canterbury.
401

odds are so much against her and that her chance of being happy
is much more likely to be in the preserving her own liberty, that
the friendship we shall find in her, and the companion she will
be to us both, is a thought that frequently revives my spirits.”
I feel that I ought to be very happy with so many blessings and
try to make the best of everything here, in hopes of living to
enjoy my family at home in peace and tranquility. My mornings
are fully occupied by matters relating to the garrison and
the men, and any service that I can do to. our poor
unhappy sick men is a great satisfaction to me. My duty as a
colonel in the garrison, where there are only two of us of that
rank, is scarcely anything at present, except in the care and
exact inspection of our respective corps. Braddock will have
that of the brigade this week, as Reynolds goes on Friday. I
rise early every day, Lord Albemarle showing us the example
and being on parade almost every morning. Last Friday ‘I
went to an assembly to the Commandant’s, the present governor
of the town, one Brigadier Van Leyden, who has a very good
house, a good sort of woman for his lady, both very well bred
people, and speak only French and Dutch; but have a son and
daughter, both very agreeable, young, and the latter really
tolerable handsome, and both speak very good English. In short
I found four tables at whist and soon made one among
‘em, playing no higher than one, two, three half florins a game.
A florin is 20d. Two or three very good sort of people I found
there, especially one Colonel Mackey, commandant to a Scotch
Dutch battalion that behaved so well at Bergen; who lost seven-
teen officers and brought off but forty men with the colours the
day the town was taken, having defended themselves to the last
in that manner. This man also speaks good English, and lives
in this town; is my particular acquaintance and was vastly fond
of poor Speed. He has a most beautiful daughter here, who will
have 80,0001. . . On Saturday I dined with Prince Wolfen-
bottle, who commanded as a general of Foot in the Austrian service
this last campaign and is to command this garrison this winter.
He is between thirty and forty, a handsome person, fond of the
English, a very good officer and the most amiable character a
man can have; in politeness, civility, &c., cant be exceeded. He
is a prince of the blood, being first cousin to the present
Empress.” At night I went again to Madame Van Leyden’s on
purpose to see Madame Vanharen, our old acquaintance, Mrs.
Charles, whom I remember we would scarce take notice of, but I
suspected that now she would play the great lady and forget me,
and so it happened; however, when I told her who I was, she
was mighty civil, enquired after you all, and said I was much
altered by being so much fatter than when she saw me last. She
is not in the least altered, but looks rather better by being a
little fatter than she was.

Yesterday, at Lord Albemarle’s request, I went to see a
chateau for an hospital for our regiment, taking Evelyn and our
surgeon with me.

14170 a 2¢
402

We have taken another house, into which we move on
Saturday se’ennight, the fine lady to whom it belongs and her.
daughters packing up all their fine furniture to go to the Hague
and leaving us scarce anything but some chairs and tables, but
it is a magnificent house, with gilt leather hangings and vast
conveniences. 6 pp.

CoLoNEL Russeuu to HIS WIFE.

1747, November 18, Friday. Breda—I wish my dear little
Molly could communicate her application and memory in French
to her Papa, for it would be of great service! Ican chatter the
common dialogue at cards, but at Prince Wolfenbottle’s table it
is with the utmost difficulty that I can understand three. words of
what he says, for he speaks very fast and stammers a little. I
have twice refused to dine with him, he not failing to invite me
if I go to his levee, which is unavoidable sometimes; and indeed
I ought not to complain, since there cant be a more agreeable
man, especially at his table, and that avery elegant one. On
Monday night there was a grand entertainment at Monsieur Van
Leyden’s for Monsieur Vanharen and his lady, who was most
particularly civil to me, but amazed when I spoke of my wife and
family, and said I must have forgot how many years she had
left England. ‘‘I told her, her being not the least altered, made
me think ’twas but the other day, and in fact, tis so, she is just
the same, and if she has any wrinkles, she lays it on to that
advantage that one cant discover any. She left us yesterday
morning and is gone to stay at the Hague, but her great Lord
remains with us, sometimes going to Steinbergen and Tholen,
acting all he can for the service of the Prince of Orange. By all
accounts he is a very able man in politics, and not in extra-
ordinary circumstances; the latter I imagine is the reason for
his being so much in the Prince’s interest.”’

Colonel Reynolds left us yesterday, and Braddock acting in his
room gives me the command of the battalion, so that at present
I am fully employed and fear I shall continue to be so, from the
deplorable state we are in, for our men are rather worse than
better, and I firmly believe we shall not be in a condition to take
the field next year, ‘‘but if you must know my opinion, I have
no idea any of us will, for necessity will oblige our people at
home to accept of terms we should not otherwise have done, and
which I believe will be all settled at a congress at Aix-la-Chapelle
this winter. Col. Rambouliet’s death will, I believe, send home
Hudson, and Parslow will also go, as he has been promised
Merrick’s company in England.” Don’t fancy that anything
here does more than serve to make the tedious hours pass less
disagreeably. The Prince says we shall have a comedy, but it is
impossible to have a tolerable company here. I have subscribed
to a concert, but it does not begin till next week, The Duke
sailed last Wednesday. 34 pp,
408

CoLonEL Russett to wis WIFE.

1747, November 17. Breda.—I must own that I feed myself
with hopes that Bockland will succeed, or that we shall not have
another campaign, and that therefore we cannot fail of meeting
next summer. ‘‘Dury is certainly a lucky fellow, for I believe
the Duke will keep him in England to have the care of the two
battalions there, and that Folliot, being in greater disgrace than
ever, will no longer receive his Royal Highness’ bounty of 1,0001.
per annum, and of course cant be refused a regiment .. .
so that the aforesaid Colonel, by being in high favour, will, I
dont doubt, before ’tis long, succeed to the annual gratuity given
out of the clothing for taking care of the regiment, the poor
wretch of a man who is left field officer here being such a good-
for-nothing miser and worthless animal that he meets with his
proper deserts by being despised by all, from his Colonel to the
lowest ensign. Had he not been recommended so strongly as he
was by Folliot to the King, for fear I should have succeeded to
the then vacant majority, I should have been at this time /irst
and Dury second Major, but . . . I’m thankful for the past
as well as present blessings I enjoy, and greatly depend on
speedy future ones.”’

We go into our grand house next Saturday, where I have a
warm pleasant bedchamber, hung round with handsome gilt
leather, a modern marble chimney-piece, and two sash windows,
looking into our garden and with a view of the Prince of Orange’s
house. Barrington leaves us about ten days hence, and in his
room we shall have Colonel Cesar, who is a good-natured
agreeable man, but we shall lose the life and high spirit of the
former. Except Cary and Parslow, and three or four of our own
regiment, I hardly know anyone here, though we have seven or
eight regiments in the town besides the Guards; but Lord
Albemarle is the only general officer, the Guards have only four
colonels in both the other battalions, and excepting these, we
have scarce an officer above the rank of a major but what has had
leave to go to England. Jack Robinson is well and leads an easy
life, without the expense of a shilling, but if he cant purchase a
company before the next campaign, I believe he will quit the
service. ‘‘His patron, as he is commander in chief of the
English troops in the Low Countries, and so has nobody near
equal to him in rank here among the English, he for that reason
perhaps wont let himself down, by way of entering into any sociable
way of an evening, as he used formerly to do, but in short passes
his time in a more retired way; as usual keeps a good table which
is always full, and nobody more polite at it.” We have avery good
man here, the chaplain to the 1st regiment, who supplies
Jeffrey’s place with us. He gave us a very good discourse on
Sunday at the great church, where we have service twice a week.
‘‘Our men, I’m sorry to say, are much worse than better. What
effect the cold weather may have I cant tell, at present it only
makes ’em relapse, and gives the distemper to those who had,
escaped it before; some of those that one hoped might recover
fall at present into fluxes.”
404

I long to know what’s doing at the meeting of the parliament!
54 pp. ,
CoLoneL RusseLt to nis WIFE.

1747, November 25, Wednesday. Breda.—I have entrusted
the execution of your commissions to a major in Lord Rothes’
regiment of dragoons, who has a wife and about a dozen children
at the Hague, and may go to them when he pleases. He and
they are unparalleled in their goodness and his judgment is
excellent, so I could not have picked out a more proper person.
Col. Barrington started at four o’clock this morning for Helvoet,
and hopes to be in London to-morrow night. We have a lovely
day after a very rainy one, and I hope a little cool fine weather
‘may be of service to our poor sick battalion, which by no means is
on the mending hand as yet. I have been obliged to see it, such
as it is, out just now in single companies, to prepare ’em against
being reviewed to-morrow, Lord Albemarle going through the
whole garrison, seeing two battalions per week till he has viewed
them all, and examined the condition they are in upon their first
arrival, as is usual, into winter quarters.”

I should be grateful if my sister could contrive, with Mr.
Ramsden’s advice, to send me an Evening Post (for which I would
gladly pay the postage) twice a week, as our army post, which
used to supply us, is broken up. The Whitehall Evening Post
IT should choose. 384 pp.

THe Same to THE SAME.

1747, November 29. Bredai— . . . I am sorry to hear
that Sir William is likely to come over with the Duke, but if it
must be, pray do not send a tutor with him, as we should not know
what to do with him, and he would be a great embarrassment to
poor Sir Billy whenever the army marches. One useful honest
servant is all he needs, as the Duke’s grooms must provide his
horse for him, so that his own servant will only be to dress his
hair, take care of him and pack his things. Jack Boscawen could
probably find some such man for you, and you should take
Mr. Windam’s advice of how few things would be necessary to
bring over. ‘‘Mr. Shipley, the Duke’s chaplain, when he is
un-engaged, which will often be, will, I know, be glad of his
company, and young Wallop, I’m sure, will be good to him.
Tis not likely the affair can last long, so hope the poor boy will
not lose a great deal of his time, I mean of being at some
academy, for after this, he can never return to school.” As to
money, 80I. will set him out, including what he brings with him,
which you can easily get from my sister, and I will repay it
when I return home. _

The death of Major-General Price, which occurred a few days
since, near this place, may perhaps help towards Bockland’s
succeeding. I should be glad to share with Fanny in the 2,000I.
subscription which Mr. Gore has promised to help her to,
knowing it will be advantageous.
405

“T am but just come from the assembly atthe Governor’s,
where there were seven tables, and Van Haren, the Prince of
Wolfenbotile, and Lord Albemarle were there, and all our fine
ladies. I played only at faro, lost five florins and so came away ;
had played at whist at Lord Albemarle’s before I went, where
Braddock and I had dined, being invited by his Lordship to meet
Prince Wolfenbottle and an Austrian major-general. The
pleasure of dining there consists in being just as easy as at home.
The Scotch, I mean the field officers of that nation, make
entertamment to-morrow, being St. Andrew’s, and we field
officers with Lord Albemarle are invited. My cross has cost me
a ducat, and I hope to come off sober home, or shall take it very
ill of myself.” John Russell’s wife went yesterday for England
by my advice, as she had not her health here, and no quarters or
houses are allowed for soldiers’ wives. It is a great comfort to
me that Sabine is better, he is so valuable a man and beloved by
the whole regiment.

[The first part of this letter gives a detailed description of the
fine house the Colonel is in, with a marble passage sixty feet
long, an eating room wainscotted below and hung with flowered
velvet above, with fine marble mantelpiece, side-table and cistern
to wash glasses, and other rooms with mirrors, carved wood-
work and pictures. The great charm of the house is that there
is not a smoky chimney in it, which is more than can be said for
any other house in the town.] 74 pp.

Fanny Russewuu to Cou. Coarues Russewn, at Breda.

1747, December 1. St. James.—‘‘I am extreme glad to let my
dear brother know that the regiments are at last given this very
day, and that Bockland has one. My good friend rang my bell,
and behold ’twas to tell me this news.” She wished me to let
you know at once, that you might apply to Lord Albemarle,
‘‘but remember, I do not say who bid me do this, so must not
name her name upon no account. . . . The other four regiments
are given to Lord Ancram, Lord Panmure, Col. Layton and Lord
George Beauclerk has the Marines. __I find they dont think the
Duke will go back till the end of January or beginning of
February, so hope you will have time enough here to fit out Sir
William, who will certainly go back with the Duke if Master
Howard has a commission. . . . Poor George Stanhope will be
sadly disappointed at his not having a regiment. Lady Brompton,
I hear, is married to Mr. Cabinet, and they both are to
stay at Thirkleby this winter. She has let her house in
town to Admiral Rowley. Lady Mary and Lord Cook are
certainly, I hear, going to part. She is going to her
sister, Lady Strafford, and poor Lady Limington lives with
Cutts Barton and his wife at St. Andrews, Holborn. . . Brother
Greenhill is made Comptroller of Antigua, and will send a deputy
if Mr. Pelham will let him, and promises whatever he gets by
that place, poor Johnny shall have itallfor his education. If ’tis
but a hundred a year clear, 'tis better than nothing.” 2 pp.
406

Cou. Russeuu to Huis” WIFE.

1747, December 2, Wednesday. Breda.—You see that my
opinion concerning a tutor for Sir William Russell is justified by
what the Princess says. ‘‘Pray desire my sister not to speak to
everybody she knows of the brigade of Guards to take care of
Sir William, for my Lady Evelyn, at her request, writes to her
son here on that account, who very naturally says, whatever lies
in his power he surely would do, but it is his Royal Highness’
family ought all to be applied to, tocountenance him, . . . I
find my sister also tells everybody I am to go home; wish she
could be, in an affair of that consequence to us, a little more
prudent and cautious, for till Bockland has succeeded, it cant
be,” and I am afraid of Lord Albemarle’s suspecting I have
divulged what he seemed to tell me in confidence. Everybody’s
letters say that Bockland is to have aregiment and too many that
I am to be 1st Major. ‘‘Lord Albemarle joked with me yesterday
about my being in such a condition the day before at St. Andrew’s
feast, but I was not so far gone as his Lordship, and to tell you
the truth, drank only wine and water in all my bumpers and was
at home by five o’clock in the afternoon, and very drunken
doings I heard the next day there was among ’em.

‘His Lordship continued his joking, after having been pleased
with a report I had made him yesterday of the good condition
our hospital was in . . . that he found Bockland by all
accounts was likely to have a regiment, and that he was sadly
afraid that would occasion such a loss to him if my leaving him
should be the consequence of it, that he could not possibly tell
how to spare me,” upon which I begged him to say no more upon
so tender a subject, but thanked him for his good disposition
towards me. I begin to be more hopeful, since all accounts say
that Lord George Beauclerk and Bockland are certain, and
especially since the Princess spoke of my soon returning, as my
great fear was that when the Duke got home he might put a
spoke in the wheel, and apply only for those to have regiments
who had been employed on this side of the water. His Lordship
has invited our mess to dine with him to-day, andreturns us
that honour on Friday. You must know that Iam in high favour,
and surely one cannot be with a more agreeable person. I do
not think they will dispose of the regiments till just before the
Duke comes away, which will hardly be till towards February. I
am sorry to find that I am not likely to get any subscription from
Mr. Gore, but hope Fanny may have a thought of her old friend
the Duke of Newcastle, and if not too late, get 2,000/. more
between us. Surely amongst us we can provide for Mr. Russell,
now Herring will have so much in his power. 5 pp.

THe Same to THE Samp.

1747, December 6, Sunday. Breda.—There has been so
much rain that the inundations round this town are greatly
increased, and though it is tolerably well paved, it is so dirty that
407

everyone goes about in boots, and it is the fashion even to go to
the assemblies in them.

The families here chiefly belong to the military, except the
great Van Haren (whose lady arrived two nights since) and a
Monsieur a Longius, who is Grand Bailie of a neighbouring
district and has a very handsome wife. They all sent away their
plate and best furniture to the Hague, in expectation of being
besieged, immediately after the taking of Bergen-op-Zoom, and
so make an excuse for not entertaining us better, but I have been
at two suppers, one at the Governor’s and one at Madame
Cassimbrode’s, whose husband is a colonel in the Dutch-service.
We were elegantly entertained at each, sitting at table till past
one o’clock, drinking and singing, then getting up and dancing
three or four country dances, and concluding by drinking coffee
till three in the morning. Monsieur a Longius sent for his
fiddle and played for us. ‘They are very fond of our country
dances here, but the Governor and his wife, though they love and
join in all mirth and jollity, wont suffer a ball in their
house, because of the great danger and calamity which their
country is at this time threatened with in all the seven provinces.
. Ever since their frontiers were attacked they have had orders to
keep Wednesday holy, and, if possible, observe it more religiously
than Sunday, especially in Zealand. However the officers of the
garrison are getting up a subscription for an assembly and ball
every Tuesday, and Lord Albemarle has prevailed on Madame
Van Leyden, our Governess, to come, which will be a sanction
for the rest of the ladies. I believe it will be decently and well
conducted, as they say that one Captain Lucas will undertake it,
“and make a good and proper Mr. Nash.” We have parted
with our French cook and got one Thompson, who has just left
Lord Albemarle, because he could not serve under the French
cook there. He gave us avery good specimen of his perfor-
mance on Friday, when his Lordship, with three aides-de-camp
and Col. Forbes dined with us. :

Postscript. ‘‘I am just come from church, where we was to
have had the Sacrament, but Jack’s sister's long-winded parson
gave us so long and so improper a sermon on metaphysics and
upon the centre of motion and centre of gravity that the Dutcn
people came in . . and we were forced to defer the Sacrament,
and I intend to propose leaving parson Hamilton out of the
‘roster,’ having a very good set of chaplains without him.”
5% Pp.

7.

CoLONEL RusseLuL to HIS WIFE.

1747, December 8, Tuesday. Breda.—A letter to Lord
Albemarle with a return of the battalion at home mentions that
the next return would probably be signed by Colonel Lambton as
major, so you see Bockland’s vacancy will be filled as soon as he
succeeds to the regiment, but in any case I think I shall be
ordered home in spring, as Lord Albemarle said. this
morning that I should have the company in the first battalion at
408

home and that he supposed I should want to take Sabine with
me, ‘‘ without which, I answered; I should lose my right hand,
and the battalion at home would be better for such a sergeant-
major. . . . I wish with all my heart Greenhill may succeed
to anything worth his while to go abroad. His family at home
would then be almost as happy as we shall be to meet. What a
difference between us two!”

Postscript. ‘‘This night our subscription assembly will open,
but I dont propose to make one at the fiddle, unless under the
necessity of two dances; the Commandant’s daughter having
desired me to be her partner if but for three dances. She is a
good sort of young woman, but I told her I believed the rules of
the assembly would not admit of any choice of partners.”

24 pp.

CoLoneL RusseLtu to wis WIFE.

1747, December 11, Sunday. Breda.—On receiving the good
news contained in your and Fanny’s letters, I posted away to
Lord Albemarle’s, endeavouring to keep a grave countenance, but
was soon given joy by everyone in the room. When Lord
Albemarle came in, he told me he had received a return signed
by Major Lambton. In short, I find that, although first Major,
I must stay here until Lambton has orders to come over. His
Lordship promises to write to the Duke, and as soon as he hears
that the orders are issued, he will send me away; so all now
depends upon the sincerity of the intelligence you had from
St. James’. His Lordship said I might be able to fit out
Sir William Russell before he left England, which I thought
looked well. 4 pp.

Toe Same to THE SAME.

1747, December 13, Sunday. Breda.—I have no reason to
suppose that Lord Albemarle will object to my coming over, and
the way in which he has joked me about it looks rather well.
The very day before the news came, I was standing by him at
our public ball, and in great good humour he said what an.
unlucky precedent it was that Col. Le Forey should be kept here,
though 1st Major; and then, seeing me look a little grave,
recollected some order he wanted me to give out, saying that he
told it me then lest I should be hurried away and he should
forget it.

Our assembly goes on, and we had a tolerable one last Tuesday,
but I only danced one dance, which my partner insisted on. All
public assemblies will be stopped this next week, on account of
their Christmas. To-morrow night we start a weekly club for
ten or twelve of us, to play whist, sup, and call for a bill at
eleven. Lord Albemarle, his aides, Colonel Forbes and Cockayne,
are to be of it. 44 pp.
409

CoLoneL Russeiu to HIS WIFE.

1747, December 15, Tuesday. Breda.—I went to Lord Albe-
marie yesterday, and finding that he had not yet written to the
Duke, told him that I believed it to be altogether unnecessary, as I
was sure if was in his Lordship's power either to keep me here
or send me over. He said he believed it was, and assured me
that I should certainly go, but that he must keep me two months
longer, and then nothing but the Duke’s order should prevent my
going. So that is settled, unless his Royal Highness should object,
which he wont be likely to do, as he is not to be consulted.
Jack Robinson starts to-morrow, having heard that his borough
has lodged a petition in his favour. 384 pp.

Tse Same to THE SAME.

1747, December 17, Thursday. Breda.—Lord Albemarle has
behaved very prettily to me ‘“‘ by carrying me into his secretary’s
office and showing me his letter that he has wrote to
Colonel Lambton, with orders for him to repair to the command
of this battalion as fast as possible, having appointed me, as ’tis
my right, to the command of that at home.” As he has always
told me I need not wait for Lambton’s arrival, I hope to get
away in about five weeks. ‘‘ How quick the time would pass if I
was in England and had no longer to stay there, but now ’tis
really an age, and every day appears to be a month.” Jack
‘Robinson will be like a ghost to my brother major, for he will be
always asking him what day he sets out. 24 pp.

Cou. JosepH Yorke to Cou. RussEewu.

1748, April 14-25. Camp of Hellenrouck.—Regrets that
owing to his constant attendance upon his Royal Highness, he
has not been able to give the personal care to his company that
he would have liked, and prays that if he loses Captain Burton,
an officer may be appointed who will take care of it and preserve
it from ruin (a task for which he fears his ensign, Mr. Linton,
is hardly sufficient), as he has had a sergeant who “ has played
the dog,’ and his pocket has suffered greatly thereby. The
company has been a very expensive one to him, and yet he fears
that people have given strange accounts of it. Is sorry to
trouble Col. Russell, but ventures to do so from the experience
of his friendship during the time passed under his command.

3 pp.
Ture Same to THE SAME.

1748, May 31-June 11. Camp of Nestelroy.——I am so
sensible of the kind manner in which you have interested your-
self in my concerns that I shall never forget it. I can only say
you have more good nature than any officer under you deserves
at your hands. I have no doubt Sergeant Matthews, whom
you have posted to my company, will answer all that we
410

expect, and will now pray you to leave the company as it is,
without any new officers, as, when I return to England, I hope
to have leisure to look after it myself.

‘As to the profits of our companies, there are very few of the
keenest amongst us that have been able, I believe, to make much
of ’em. I can answer for myself that I have been out of pocket
by mine for the three years that I have had it, so I shall think
myself a very lucky fellow to receive my personal pay clear. . .
Married men that live happily at home with their wives may be
congratulated on the approaching peace; young bachelors, whose
fortunes are to make, should be: condoled with. We must do,
however, as well as we can, and whilst we keep up our spirits
with our annual grievances, let us always be thankful for our
whole bones, which peace wont secure more than war, witness
Wynne, who broke his leg the first guard he mounted at this camp.
He is in a fair way of doing well, and in as fair a way of lying on
his back for two or three months longer. We are all new
clothed, and are very orderly, but our poor battalion continues
still to swell the hospital accounts. Nothing but their native
air, I am convinced, can recover them.

“Sir William Russell desires his duty to you. Heis universally
loved, and indeed nothing can exceed his whole behaviour,
ambitious of improvement in his exercises, as riding, drawing
and French, and as well-bred as the King of France.”’ 8 pp.

Endorsed :—“ Sir Joseph Yorke’s character of Sir William
Russell, then page with the Duke in Flanders.”

Cot. Russet to HIS WIFE.

[1748, September 7], Wednesday. From my sister’s.—I am
glad to tell you that his Royal Highness set out at five this
morning for Harwich, so that I propose to go with General
Pultenay to-morrow at nine o’clock. I could be back again in
two hours if necessary, so fear no ill-consequences in going till
Friday. I will write from Balls on Tuesday. Yesterday I went
to dine at the Thatched House with four or five of the Duke’s
family [i.e. household], after which I went to Maribone, ‘‘it
being the last night there, and no smallcrowd. His Royal Highness
caught me in a dark walk with my company, laid hold of me and
said he would tell, and my family should hear of me. In short he
afterwards called to me whilst the music was playing and near
the orchestra, and was pleased to joke a little, and then we took
leave, and [he] gave us to understand how early he was to go
this morning, which made me sleep the better.” I took care not
to stuff at Billerbecks, where, as you. guessed, we rolled in good
things, and afterwards played at cards with eighteen wax candles
in one room, which made it intolerably hot. But by the help of
his lemonade and afterwards persuading him to put out halfa
dozen of his lights, we got cool again. I am glad to hear that
Faw Play continues rather to mend. Tell Mrs. Vere that her
son already looks cent. for cent. better than he did.
411

When I return from Balls, I must be in town four or five
days, to order the quarters of the three regiments to be changed
and for reports to be made to me of their being well settled in

their new ones, but you may be assured nothing shall detain me
a day longer than is necessary.

_ [have bought a new mahogany oval dining table from Hallet,
to hold ten or eleven persons. 84 pp.

CoLoNEL Russeuu to nis WIFE.

1748, September 14, Wednesday. Balls.—This morning I
was made happy by receiving yours and the two enclosed from
Johnny and Molly, for which pray thank them. Tell the
first that I will take care to bring his ship and Tom Thumb,
and say to Molly that I will be sure to obey her commands and
will come up no more to London till I take her with me. The
night before last we all went to the assembly at Hertford, where
I danced two minuets, played two rubbers at whist, and came
home to supper at ten, but left nine couples of young ones, who
were to dance till four in the morning.

I fear I shall not get away from London till the 23rd, when I
am to order the three regiments to change their quarters, but as
ours only is to make a report to me, that need not detain me.
On Thursday, however, our battalion mounts guard, which would
somewhat prevent my getting to Checkers the same day. Let
Frank and the single horse chaise meet me at Uxbridge on
Friday. The best way will be for him to go the night before; it
will certainly be best for Poppet.

I hope Fair Play continues to mend.

I’m quite of Molly’s mind that she will like Duke Street vastly,
since it is so cleaned up. 4 pp.

 

to Cou. Russeuy, 1st Major to the Coldstream regiment
of Guards, Duke Street, St. James.

[1748?] December 5.—Cover of a letter, endorsed ‘‘ Con-
cerning the non-effective fund of the Coldstream,” and with seal
of the arms of the Guards, surrounded by a Garter, with their
motto ‘‘ Tria juncta in wna” and surmounted by an Earl’s
coronet.

Cov. Russett to the DuKE or CUMBERLAND.

[1748 ?].—Reports that the troops which sailed from Helvoet
on Saturday, at ten in the morning, arrived at Gravesend next
day at five in the evening, whence the Brigade of Guards
immediately proceeded to the Tower, and disembarked there next
morning. He then received orders to march with the Ist
battalion to the parade in St. James’ Park, and has the pleasure
to state that they marched with such order through the city that
not one man was seen otherways than sober, and that the whole
412

brigade this day received in. Public Orders the thanks of General
Ligonier for their good behaviour al the march. ae
1 p.

“On. the back,

Memorandum concerning the confinement of seven soldiers
belonging to Col. Russell’s, Col. Conway’s, Col. Gamley’s,
Col. Hemington’s and Lord Ancram’s companies for divers
offences, viz.: neglect of duty, selling beer contrary to orders,
missing drill, cutting a comrade’s face with a kettle, getting
drunk, missing field day and embezzlement.

JosEPH SaBine to CoLtoneL Russevt at Cheltenham.

1750, July 28. London.—The exchange of Captains Robinson
and Clarke has been given out according to his Honour’s orders.
Corporal Ash, of Lieut. Col. Perry’s company, is dead, and
Richard Fox of Col. Yorke’s company, whom Lord Albemarle
desired might be provided for, is appointed in his place. Captain
Sorell is desirous that one John Hodgin of Lieut. Col. Perry’s
company—who was formerly a sergeant in Col. Otway’s regiment,
has behaved well, has a good appearance, and is given an
excellent character by an officer of his late regiment—may be
made a corporal, several gentlemen having spoken on his behalf.
Ensign Scott is better, and in a fair way to do well. lp. Seal
with crest.

EipwarpD WaRNER to Cou. CHARLES RUSSELL.

1751, May 2. Antigua.—Accepting the Colonel’s offer to
compound the affair between the late Mr. Greenhill and himself
for 56l., and praying that the money may be paid to Mr. John
Johnson, Lawrence Lane, London. 1 p. Seal of arms.

Memorial of Cot. CHartes Russeuy, First Major of the
Coldstream regiment of Foot Guards, to THE Kina.

1751, November 20.—Praying that if the present vacancy of
dragoons should occasion a vacancy of a Foot regiment on the
English Establishment, he may succeed to it, as he has served
thirty-four years in the Foot Guards, was at the last siege of
Gibraltar, was every year abroad on service during the late war
except the last campaign, and had the the honour to command
the First battalion of Guards at the battle of Fontenoy. 1 p.
Draft.

Paut H. Ourry to Cou. Coartes RussEwu.

1754, June 14. Gibraltar—I am heartily rejoiced to hear
of your return to health, but your leaving Mahon has been
greatly lamented. “ Stanhope’ s Tower is no longer the happy
tower it was in your time; it is become the seat of war, and a
place of confinement to those that inhabit it.” I have never
entered it since you left. I must not omit to thank you for
4138

paving my way with Col. Rich, who told me you had said that I
was often at Stanhope Tower; in answer to which I told him
how much [ and others regretted your leaving us. This did not
please him, and soon after he invited the Commodore to dine
with him, but did not speak to me. This happened at the good
General’s, who could hardly keep his countenance at my plain
answer, for I assure you his company is not agreeable to any one

here. Your own officers will inform you of the many un-officer-
like things he has done.

We sailed from Mahon soon after the guard-ships’ arrival,
when I hoped I should have been able to come home, as one of
the lieutenants agreed to change with me, but when I spoke to
the Commander (before Commodore Byron) he answered shortly
that he knew when he was well, and would keep so. Having no
interest, | have given up all hopes of promotion, although this
is my twenty-fourth year of service constantly on board his
Majesty’s ships. 3 pp.

Lorp LyttTELTon.

1755, July 6 and 14.—M.S. Copies of two letters from George,
Lord Lyttelton, giving an account of a tour in Wales, and here
stated to be written to his brother [Charles] then Dean of Exeter.
Printed as an appendix to his ‘“‘Account of a journey into
Monmouthshire and North Wales” (British Musewm press mark,
10,369, bbb, 10) but there addressed to a Mr. Bower, which is
probably correct, as allusions to ‘‘you and Mrs. B.”’ occur in the
letters. 15 pp.

FREDERICK THE GREAT to the CounTEssS or BRuUHL.

1757, May. [Dresden.]—Acknowledging her letter, but stating
that his suspicions are too well founded for it to be possible to
allow her to remain in Dresden, and thatshe is to travel to Poland
without delay. Also reminding her that no one can offend him
with impunity, warning her and her husband not to exhaust his
patience, and stating that the Queen, the French and the
Austrians all desire the Count’s ruin. French. Copy. 1p.

Endorsed: ‘Just after the King of Prussia had detected the
Countess of B. of endeavouring to poison him” (sic).

Sir F. Dasnwoop to [Jonn Revert ?]

[1759,] March 10. Hanover Square.—Hears that he is now
at Chequers. Hoped to have met him at Ailesbury, where there
was a pretty numerous meeting of gentlemen offering to serve in
the militia. He has been chosen colonel of the county regi-
ment and earnestly hopes that his old friend, Sir John Russell,
may be persuaded to be his captain-lieutenant. Solicits his
correspondent’s interest in the matter. 1 p. |
414

(Mrs. Russenn to her brother, Jonn Revert.]  _.

1759, March 13. Duke Street.—I was so pleased that you and I
agreed about this foolish affair, that I shall be the more vexed if
we are drawn into it. I entirely agree with you that it is the
duty of every man to take up arms if need be for the defence of
his country, but cannot tell how the wearing spruce regimentals,
being called on but once a year, and being drawn into many jolly
meetings, may affect such'a youth. However, I need not say
this to you, who were not overpleased with what passed at
Ailesbury this year. Also if anything should happen to Sir F.
another colonel might be more troublesome.

If you have determined in favour of the thing, I give you my
word not to say but that Iam pleased. If however you have a
mind to get off, you may, as between yourself and Sir F., lay the
blame on me. 2 pp.

Endorsed :—‘ Relating to Sir John’s accepting a post in the
Militia, 1759.”

 

Tuomas Franxuanp to his father [Apmirau FRanKLanp].

1761, April 21, Tuesday. [Hton.]|—Dear Papa, I hope that
you received my letter safe, and that I shall sometimes have a
letter from you, to know [how] you all do at Kirby. I am quite
well and in very good spirits. I was out at a badger baiting last
night, out on Eaton Common; we worried one to death almost,
with the dogs; then turned out another which was very big and
huge, it was as huge as the twenty moons. At last it broke its
cord and we ran it about a mile over hedges and ditches and
gates and stiles, and finished our sport at eight o’clock, and did
not kill it, but it is to be hunted to-day again with a pack of
hounds, and is to be ten minutes before them, which sport I shall
not have the pleasure to see, for none but the fifth and sixth form
boys go to it. My watch is very well and goes always exactly by
Eaton clock. Iam a-making a bottle of cowslip wine, and go
every day out of bounds for to fetch cowslips; it goes on very
well and I intend to keep it till Bartholemewtide, and cork it up
close, and by that time it will [be] extremely good. Pray give
my love to all my sisters and give them a kiss all round for me.
I hope mama will not be affronted with my not having mentioned
her before sisters, but indeed I had quite forgot, and to make her
amends, tell her that little trumpery boy is quite well.

Postscript. Iam extremely glad to see that Nan is so much
improved in her writing as to be able to write a letter. [Ina
round, childish hand.| 2 pp. .

Mary, Lapy Linpszy, to Mrs. Russeun.

1788, December 14. Nice.—I have had the misfortune to
find myself less qualified for the wife of a Commodore than I
imagined, having been sick and helpless all the voyage. We
spent a few days in Lisbon, which, in spite of its situation, is the
415

dirtiest and most disagreeable city I was ever in, and left it
without regret, but only to verify the old proverb of going
further to fare much worse; for alas, when we arrived at
Gibraltar, the Governor did not salute the flag, but sent an
officer on board to welcome Sir John, to say he had prepared the
Lieutenant-Governor’s house for his reception, and to beg to
know the hour he would come on shore, that he might have the
guns ready to fire upon his landing. Sir John returned for
answer that he was much obliged to the Governor for his kind
attention to himself, but could accept of no personal mark of
respect as Commander in Chief, unless a proper one was first
paid to the flag. This has been an old bone of contention
between the two services, which lay dormant during the war.

A polite correspondence took place, but neither of the
commanders were at all likely to yield in a matter where military
and naval honour were concerned, therefore the affair must be
decided at home.’ I was the greatest sufferer from this point
of etiquette, as Sir John would not land, and we remained
tossing about in the bay, until I persuaded him not to wait for
the Trusty, but to proceed up the Mediterranean to Nice, where
we arrived at the end of November, though not without perils,
for during a violent gale, the sea rushed into my cabin and flung
me against a cannon, cutting and bruising me; while at the
same time Sir John had gout in every limb and could not be
lifted out of his cot. Our servants were sick and helpless, and
Captain Colpoys was quite a slave to us both.

I hope Sir John may find this a centrical situation for his
fleet, as it is a pretty town, with a large colony of English, a fine
climate and beautiful country. The gardens are full of orange
trees laden with fruit ; roses, carnations and all kind of flowers,
green peas and every sort of vegetables in the highest perfection,
and I am now writing without a fire. Although Sir John could
only just get on his shoes when we landed, his spirits were so good
that he was carried to the French comedy that same day, and the
next, dined with the Commandant, by whom he has been treated
with every mark of distinction, the guard turning out for him
every time he passes the Palace or the gates.

The Duke and Duchess of Gloucester are here, living very
retired, and receiving only such English as they knew before.
They have been most uncommonly gracious to us, allowing Sir
John to be carried in by his servants, and the Duke coming down
one pair of stairs to meet him. He afterwards went in the same
way to the Duchess, and found her and Lady A. Carpenter at
work. For a fortnight I could not go out, ‘‘and am still obliged
to wear a hat, but that dishabille did not excuse my going to the
Duchess of Gloucester, as she told Sir John she would receive me
in any dress; therefore as soon as I could leave off my night-cap,
I was obliged to go one evening, and we have since dined with
them, and they made a whist party for Sir John, which was the
first time they had had any cards in their house. The Duke has
made Sir John several morning visits, and I fancy when the
416

Trusty arrives, we must give them un grand repas. His Royal
Highness seems in good health at present. His son is very pretty,
but looks delicate, and his daughter is not handsome, but robust
and the picture of health. Here are no public amusements
allowed during Advent, but a subscription concert and assemblies
at some private houses. Lady Pembroke and Lady Rivers
have had little balls and concerts. Lady Charlotte Herbert
is better. . . . Lord North’s third son is here, and has had a
fresh attack of gout lately. What a melancholy prospect for a
young man of seventeen!’’ Colonel Legg and Mr. Legg are just
arrived. Captain Milner and Captain Colpoys ride out every day
to explore the country, one mounted on a pony, the other on a
mule, ‘“‘and to-morrow lam to accompany them on an ass. Dont
you think we should make a pretty appearance in Hyde Park ?
Mais c'est la mode de Nice. The King of Sweden is at Florence.
The Court remain at Pisa, and he has been treated with great
coolness by the Grand Duke, notwithstanding which he stays
till the Emperor arrives, who is expected there soon. His
Majesty has been most magnificently entertained by Lord Cowper
and Sir Horace Mann several times.

‘Our own family consists of Captain Colpoys and his nephew
Captain Milner, and Sir John’s secretary. We have twice a
week great dinners for about sixteen; one day for the English
and one day for the grandees of this place, who do not dislike to
be fed.” 4 pp.

[A Memper of the Royan Faminy to Fanny Russet? ]

Undated. Two scraps of paper without date or signature; one
of them addressed to ‘‘Mrs. Russell.” ‘I thank you my dear
Russell, and as you have essences in your hair, and are always
well dressed, to be admired of your bon ton, you will order what
you please.”’

“YT thank you, my good Russell, for the books. I fear I shall
keep them too long for your friend. I desire you to send me no

more of Miss Pelham’s notes except they are good, for I feel
much for Lord Pelham.”

 
A1T

INDEX.

A

\

NC

A., Lady, 338,

Abbey family, the, $23.

Abbodie, Monsieur de, 1928.

A’Court (Capt. William, of the Coldstream
Guards], 235.

Acro-Corinthus, the, 98.

Acton, John, solicitor to the Coldstream
Guards, 74, 86, 95, 144, 175, 176. 158.

——., letters from, 94, 167 (2), 168.

, letter to, 64.

——, elerk of, 94.

Margaret, wife of John, 64 note,

. letter from, 86,

Peggy, 86.

Adair, Mr., 355, 390.

Adams :

Mr., 261.

Mrs., 247, 261.

, daughters of, 261, 275.

Miss Betty, 323.

Adams’, the, 283, 323 (2).

Addison, Joseph, as under secretary of
State, 183.

Admiral, Lord High. See:—

Nottingham, Earl of.

Pembroke, Ear] of.

George, Prince of Denmark,
Admiralty :

Board, 6.

Lords or Commissioners, 79, 281.

——., letter from, 78.

business, 162.

elerk of. See Hawler, J.

Office, letters dated at, 78, 166.
Adolfseck (Adelsffeck), letter dated at, 298.
Adrianople (Andrinople), palace at, 134.
Zéschines, 7.

Z&sop, fable of, quoted, 71.

Aeth, 307, 344.

Aglionby, Dr., under secretary, 107.

Ahre, the river, 231.

Ahrweiller, 230, 231.

Aire, in Flanders, 199.

Aix-la-Chapelle, 223-227, 229, 234, 266,
267, 269, 291, 292, 299-301, 379,
394, 395.

conference at, 280, 282 (2), 287, 291.
proposed, 402.
letter dated at, 224,
waters of, 287.

14170 a

 

 

 

 

|

|
|
t

i

 

Albemarle (Albemarl, Arlebermarle) :

George Monck, Ist Duke of, 25, 35.
Christopher Monck, 2nd Duke of, 55.
——, illness of, 93.
rts Joost Von Keppel, 1st Earl of,
5.
——, opinion of, 120.
, made governor of Tournay, 199.
William Anne Keppel, 2nd Earl of,
a 325, 364, 381, 382, 393-407,
——, entertains en prince, 238,
——, at Dettingen, 256.
——, as commander of the Brigade of
Guards, 297, 298, 303.
——., orders of, 395, 397.
——,sons of. See Bury, Lord; Kep-
pel, William.
Lady, 271.
Aleantara, taking of, 191.
Alcoran, oaths taken upon the, 134.
Aleroft, Captain [George], killed at Det-
tingen, 261.
Aldborough, co. York, 41.
election at, 40, 41.
Alegre. See Allegre.
Alexander the Great, a poem, 99.
Alicante, 178.
Allegre or Alegre, Marquis de, governor of
Bonn, 124.
taken prisoner, 182.
Allemande, querelle de, 156.
Allies :
army of, 131 et seq. passim.
defeat of, 355.
——, near Maestricht, 369-373, 375.
, at Spire. See Spire.
retreat of, 286.
Allington, William, Lord, late constable
of the Tower, 58.
Almonde, Admiral, 126.
A Longius, Monsieur, 407.
wife of, 407.
Alost (Alorst), in Flanders, 309 (2),
311 (2).
Alsace or Alsatia, 272, 274, 291, 327,
328.
French garrisons in, 282, 290, 325.
regiment of, 85.
Alston :
Lieutenant (Rowland, of the Ist regt.
of Guards], 237, 244, 318.
Sir Thomas, 87.
Altea (Althea), 192.
Bay, letter dated from, 183.
Althorpe (Altrop), co. Northampton, 250.

Altona, 133.

 

 

2D
418

Amelia, Princess, daughter of George II.,
250, 256, 261, 277, 285, 312, 355, 406.

proposed marriage of. to the Prince of
Sweden, 228, 276.

kindness of, 256, 281, 405.

anxiety of, about her brother. 261,
268, 271.

wishes to know how her father spends
his time, 264, 278.

goes to Bartholomew Fair, 286. ;

interest of, desired, 296-308, 333, 337,
338, 340, 342, 344 (2), 384.

makes Sir William Russell her page,
829, 342, 343.

messages from, 232, 338, 354.

birthday of, 363.

woman of the bedchamber to, See
Russell, Fanny.

Ameriea, North, ‘‘conversion of the blacks’
in, 209.

Amersford (Amsford), in Holland, mutiny
at. 127, 128.

Ampthill, co. Bedford, letter dated at, 24.

Amsterdam, 138. 148, 165. 200

burgomaster of, 139.
pensionary of, 137, 1389.

Aneaster, Duchess of. 277.

Ancram, William Henry Ker, Earl of,
Lieut.-Colonel in the Ist regiment of
Guards, 222. 224. 225, 281, 286, 248,
249, 258, 266, 267, 269, 291, 344 (2),
398, 399.

illness of, 318, 323.
a regiment given to, 405.
company of, 412.
Andalusia (Andalousie), troops in, 181.

Anderlecht (Anderlech, Anderlacht), in |

Brabant, camp at, 3809 (2), 310.
letter dated from, 309.
Andernach, on the Rhine, 227, 231 (2), 299.
Anderson, Alderman, 12.
Anhalt, dowager Princess of. 135.
Anjou, Duke of. See Spain, Philip V. of.
Ann, Lady, 286.
Anne, Princess. afterwards Queen, 87, 94.
marriage of, 54.
as Queen, 108, 109, 113, 114, 116, 119,
122, 124, 133, 188, 143, 162, 164,
179, 182, 197, 205.
at Windsor. See Windsor. _
and the Emperor's quota for Portugal.
See Emperor, the.
appointments or commissions granted
by, 112. 115, 117, 119, 128. 180, 182.
allowances or help from, asked for,
117, 118, 122, 148, 160.
reluctance on the part of France to
acknowledge, 117, 125.
address presented to, 119.
and her Parliament, 152. 154, 168.
officer dismissed by, 169.
movements of, 174, 179.
presentation to, 183.

and Lord Cutts, 185, 187, 197, 198 (3).

demise of, arranged for. 190.

and the Duchess of Mar]borough, 201. 3

turns out the Whigs, 201. 202.
plan to depose, 202,

 

 

Anne, Queen—cont,
pension granted by, 205, 206.
household of :
Groom of the Stole, 201.
Lady of the Robes, 201.
Privy Purse, 201.
Master of the Horse. See Roches-
ter, Lord.
Anne, Princess, daughter of George II.
See Orange, Princess of.
Annesley (Ansley), Arthur, M.P. for Cam-
bridge University, 176.
Anson, Admiral George, 351
as Lord Anson, 389, 390.
victory of, [at Camperdown], 361,
362 (2), 366.
Anstain or Anstein, Chateau de, head
quarters at, 331.
camp near, letters dated from, 331-341.
Anthony, 90.
Antigua :
comptroller of, 405.
letter dated at, 412.
Antoninus, the Emperor, 70.
Antwerp or Anvers, 85, 86, 117. 118, 339,
341, 359, 373-375, 388, 389.
churches and pictures.at, 217.
travellers to, 805, 324, 339.
troops at, 326.
Appenines (Apenins), the, 171.
Archer, Mr., 242.
Arco, Comte de, 133.
Arco, taking of, 133.
Aremberg :
Due de, Austrian General, 219, 256,
260, 307, 310. 323, 324, 326, 335, 341.
——., avariciousness of, 339, 340.
——-, house and estate of, 314.
—~—, troops reviewed by, 333.
Duchesse de, 307.
Argyll (Argile):
Archibald Campbell, 9th Earl of,
escapes from Edinburgh Castle, 49.
John Campbell, 2nd Duke of. at
Malplaquet, 205.
Ariosto, 71.
Aristotle, 7.
Armstrong. Mr., 148.
Army, the:
apothecary general for, 108.
artillery, train of, 134, 139.
—. chaplain of, 217.
brigadiers, no more to be made, 395.
chaplains in, 217, 407; and see
Jeffreys and Hamilton.
‘«cherry-bobbing ”’ in, 398, 399.
church services in, 217, 278, 320, 326,
378, 407.
elotbing of, 403.
commanders in. See
names.
commissary of the forage, 399.
commissioner of transports. See Sad-
ler, Mr.
court martials (councils of war) in,
116, 145, 150, 157, 158, 159, 160,
163, 220, 236, 308.346, 362, 367,379,
cricket matches in, 272.

under their
419

Army, the—cont.

deputy judge advocate of. See Wat-
kins, Mr.

deputy paymaster for. See Sweet.
Benjamin.

dragoons, 227, 233, 240, 245.

engineers, 316.

generalissimo of.
of Denmark.

generals of the Foot, 142; and see
Cutts, John, Lord ; Churchill, Gen-
eral; Ligonier, Sir John.

grenadiers, 225, 226, 238, 235, 289,
253, 261.

hospital for. 367.

hussars, 276, 232. 283.

lieutenants-general, 119; and see Cutts,
Lord.

pe pereta appointment of, 275,

95.

M.P.’s in, 314, 368.

memorandum on the state of, 91.

officers of. imprisoned, 149, 156, 157.

——. instructions and marching orders
for, 142-148. 159, 163.

paymaster general. See Ranelagh, Lord.

—— , office of, 104.

post-master with, 313; and see Hunter.

prisoners taken by. 191.

promotions in, 396. and passim.

provost-general of, 108.

quartermasters, 88, 148, 228, 229.

—— general, 108, 134.

sergeant. 226.

recruiting officers of, 143, 144, 148.

regiments of, embarkation of, 79-85.

—— fresh colonels for, 405.

—— names of, see below.

remaining in England, 80.

—— returning to England, 397.

victuallers of, 84.

of James II.. 68 (2).

in Ireland, 73.

with William III. in Flanders,79,86,88.

eampaigns of, under Marlborough,
98-165, passim. 180, 182, 184, 187,
198-200. 203.

in Spain or Portugal, 169, 177, 181,
185. 186, 189, 191-193.

campaigns of, in Flanders and Ger-
many (1742-1747) 214-410, passim.

recruits for, 81, 83, 84, 190.

money for, needed, 80.

discontent in, 91.

disbanding of, determined on, 92.

expected attack upon, 242,

—— proves a false alarm, 243.

at the battle of Dettingen, ill: con-
duct of the Horse and bravery of the
Foot, 253, 255, 257, 260, 278. 279.

scarcity of provisions in. 262.

triumyerate for the affairs of, 287.

is ‘‘sick of Germany ,”’ 287.

forage money for, 307.

harm done by, in marching, encamping
a foraging, 310, 330, 334, 336, 337,

9,
deserter from, 313,

See George, Prince

 

 

|

 

Army, the—cont,

good health and spirits of, 822, 340.
difficulties arising from the various
interests in, 334.
inactivity of, dissatisfaction concern-
ing, in England, 334. 337.
parties of, surprised by the enemy,
339, 340. = a -
lack of cannon for, 340.
defeat of, near Maestricht, 869-373.
sickness in, 382, 384, 385, 387, 388,
390-393, 395, 396, 400-404.
Regiments :
the Guards, 10, 111, 116, 153,
163, 411 (2) and passim,

—-—, arms and motto of, 411.

, captains and colonels of.
See under their names,

——, commissions in, 189, 211.

——, payments for, 94,

——, battalion of, in Flanders,
148, 175, 198.
——.in Spain or Portugal, 189, 193.
, brigade of, in Flanders and
Germany, 215, et seq. passim.
——,. not in the battle of Dettin-
gen, 251-256, 261, 262, 264, 272.

——, praise of, 277, 310.

——, injustice to, 320, 332.

——, clothing and drums for,
345 (2).

——., at Fontenoy, 346, 412.

——, position of, at the defeat
near Maestricht, 372.

——, honour of, 378.

, reason for their not going

to England, 397.

, officers of, in England, 403.

_ return of, to England, 411.

Guards, lst regiment of (aft, the
Grenadier Guards), 48, 87, 96,
349, 399.

——, ——, chaplain of, 236, 273,
403.

——, —-—, elub for, 313, 323,

——. ——, colonels of. See Rus-
sell. John; Grafton, Duke of ;
Marlborough, 2nd Duke of;
Cumberland, Duke of.

——, ——, ensigns of, 302.

——, ——, commandant of, 273.

——, ——, lieut.-colonels of.
See Frampton and Foliot.

, , lieut.-colonels [i.e.
captains] in, 399; and see under
their names.

; , majors of. See Le
Forey, Merrick, and Dury.

Guards, 2nd regiment of, the
Coldstream. 97, 123, 166, 189,
191, 205, 225, 227, 322, 330, 356,

——, ——, chaplain of, 226, 236 -
and see Jeffreys.

: colonels of. See

Cutts, Lord; Cumberland, Duke

of; Albemarle, Earl of,

, ——, lieut.-colonels of, See

Braddock, Edward, sen, and jun.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

—_—_
420

Army, regiments—cont,

Guards, 2nd regiment of, majors of,
156, 167, 899; and see Bockland,
Maurice ; Russell, Charles ; Lamb-
ton, Hedworth.

——, ——, officers of, not allowed to
go to England, 399,

——. ——. non-effective fund of, 411.

——, , shoes for, 166.

, at Malplaquet, 206.
Guards, 3rd regiment of, the Scotch,
153, 188, 214, 225, 232, 287, 332.
——. ——, officers of, 259, 267, 372,

399.

Horse Guards, 217, 253, 261, 277,
288.

the Blues [Royal regiment of Horse
Guards], 238, 315.

——, colonel of. See Hertford, Lord.

——, chaplain of, 335.

——, conduct of. at Dettingen, 255,
257, 261, 266, 276.

Queen’s regiment of Horse [earliest
name for Ist Dragoon Guards], 155,
192.

——, colonel of.
General.

——, commander of, 145.

King’s Regiment of Horse [lst
Dragoon Guards], 238, 266, 320.

. colonels of. See Pembroke,
Lord; Honeywood, General.

——, officers of, 261.

the Blacks (7th Dragoon Guards], 267.

——, colonel of. See Ligonier, Sir
Jobn.

——, lieut.-colonel of, 267.

Dragoons, ‘‘the 3 regiments of,’’ 124,

—— Scots Greys [2nd Royal North
British Regiment of], 306, 372.

, the 8rd or King’s Regiment of,

251, 2538.

 

 

See Lumley, Lieut.-

 

 

, ———, late colonel of. See
Honeywood, Genera).

the Royals or Sinclair's Regiment,
[ist Foot], 362, 369, 377, 390,

,colonel of. See Sinclair, General,

es Own [4th] Regiment of Foot,

 

——. colonels of. See Trelawny, Sey-
mour, Barrill.

—-—, King’s company in, 230.

Welsh Fusiliers, [23rd Foot], 348 (2),
350-353. |

——. lieut.-colonel of. See Wait, John.

——, officers of, 353.

Highlanders [42nd Foot], 277, 366,
370, 371, 378, 382.

—— colonel of. See Murray, Lord
John.

——, —-. former. See Crawford,
Ear! of.

Marines, colonel of. See Beauclerk,
Lord George.

 

, general of, 362.
[or other Regiments, see under the
Colonels’ names, |
Arnheim, in Gueldres, 128.

 

Arthington [Henry], 40, 41.

Arundel (Arendoll), Henry,
Wardour, 30.

Aschaffenburg, 245, 248, 251, 256.

English camp near, 245-249, 252.

, letters dated from, 246-248,

Ash, Corporal, 412.

Ashburnham (Ashbernam) John, M.P.,
expelled the House, 34.

Assche (Ash), in Brabant, camp
letters dated at, 311 (2), 318 (2).

Athey, John, 45.

Athlone, Earl of, ‘‘Godarde [de Gine-
kell], Baron de Reede, Comte d’ Athlone,
Mareschal decamp, General des Provinces
unies,’’ 106, 107, 113, 114.

death of, 115,
‘‘Mackalsfelt, Douagere Comtesse de,”’
his widow, letter from, 115.

Atkins, Miss, 241.

Attorney General,
liam.

Attwood, Mr., 208.

Audley End, co. Essex, 48.

Augsburg (Ausbourg) saved by Prince
Louis, 133, 135, 136.

again threatened by Bavaria, 141.

Austria, House of, 70, 186, 187, 307.

feeling towards in Spain. See Spain,

Austrian :

Aide-de-Camp, 371.
Archduchess, 326.
generals, 246, 249, 333; and see

Lord, of

 

near,

See Jones, Sir Wil-

Aremberg, Count de; Charles,
Prince ; Kevenhuller ; Neipperg, and
W olfenbottel.

——, desire a French war, 289.

, reject what the English propose,
339, 340.

major-general, 405,

troops or army, 230, 237, 242, 269,
271, 272, 276, 277, 287, 342, 355,
365, 369, 372, 378, 377. 413.

. at Dettingen, 253, 257, 258,
263, 267, 270, 278, 279.

——., full number not sent, 310-314,

——., strength of, 334.

, successes of, 223, 243; and see

Charles, Prince.

Austrians, the, 365, 413.

Auvergne, Prince de, 141.

Auverquerque (Auverkirk, Overkirk,
Auverquerc, Auverkerth), General de,
111, 119, 120. 123, 184, 187 (2), 162.
163.

——, orders from, 124.
Henry de, eldest son of, made Ear! [of
Grantham], 92.
Avelgem, camp of, letter dated from, 342. °
Aversperg, Count de, 136.
Axelwalle, camp at, letter dated at, 330.
Aylesbury (Ailesbury, Alisbury). co.Bucks:
election at, 61.
meeting at, 413, 414.

eae Ayrolles (Ayrole), Mons, de, 126
5

 

 

 

letter from, 165,
421

B
BC: 00;
B., B., letter from, 201.
B., Lord, 29.

Badajoz, 140.
siege of, 186.
Baden, Prince Louis of, 127, 129-182, 135,
137, 141, 148, 180.
relieves Augsburg, 183.
Baggs, Mr., family of, 194,
Bagnol, Monsieur, 118.
Baldack, in Holland, 121.
Ballandine, Mrs., 209.
Balls, 410, 411.
letter dated at, 411.
Banks, Peggy, 369.
Banninge, Alderman, 12.
Barcelona (Barcelonia), 187, 188.
articles of capitulation of, 188.
Fort Monjou at, 192.
letter dated at, 191.
siege of, 192, 194.
Barker :
Corporal, 314, 317.
Dr., 387, 393.
Barnardiston, Sir Sam., 47.
Barnby, Richard, 211.
Barnes, Miles, 213.
Barnet, Mat., 362.
Barril, General [William], regiment of,

Barrington :
Lieut.-colonel John, of the Guards,
243, 275, 307, 359-363, 370, 383,
389, 393, 394, 398, 400, 403, 404.

——, letter to, 371.

Captain, in the Navy, 363 (2).
Barrington, co. Gloucester, 261, 345.
Barrymore [James Barry, 4th] Earl of,

regiment of, 151.
Barton:

Cutts, and his wife, 405.
Mr., brother of, 217.
Basingstoke, letter dated at, 91.

Bates, Dr., 23.
Bath (Bathe) :

John Granville, Earl of, 82.

William Pulteney, Ear] of, 285.

Lady, 210.

Bath, order of the (the red ribbon), 268,
275.
Bath or the Bath, 21, 224, 242, 277, 356.

letters dated at, 188, 354.

Batte, Mr., at Lisbon, 166.
Bavaria, 121, 131, 141.

Elector of, 64, 127, 130, 1383, 141.

_ seizes Ratisbon, 132,
——, camp of, 87.

, envoy of, 133.
Electress of, 121.

French retreat from, 243-245.

 

 

 

Bavarian troops, 85, 130, 182, 372, 373.
defeat or retreat of, 121, 127, 129, 131,
133, 237.

Beaconsfield, co. Bucks, 340,

ar Lieut.-Colonel [Gregory], 276, 328,

Beauclerk :

Lord George, 396,

——, made colonel of the Marines,
405, 406.

Lord Harry, 327.

Beaufort (Beauford),
Duke of, 286,

Bedford, John Russell, Duke of, 384, 386,
389, 390,

Bedford, county of, 87.

Bedmar, Marquis de, president of the
Council of the Low Countries for the
King of Spain, 117, 118.

letter from, 116.

Beech, Major, brothers of, 73.

Beirleghem or Berleghem, in Flanders,
314, 341.

camp and head quarters at, letters dated
from, 314-329,
Belasyse (Bellasyse, Bellasis, Bellasys) :
Barbara, 43, note.
—w— as Lady Dalton, 43 (2).
Charles, 41 (2),
Henry, 21.

[Grace] wife of, letter to, 2].

Sir H., 83 (2).

John, Lord, 32, 48, 49, 63.

——. letter to, 70.

, annuities left by, 73.

Mr., brother of Lord Fauconberg, 49,
90 (2).
Thomas, son of Henry, letter of, 21 -
and see Fauconberg, Lord.
— (in 1742) ; 219, 220.
widow, 69,
regiment of, 80 (2).
Belcastle, Monsieur de, 182,
Bell, Mr., 40, 42.
wife of, 40.
Bellamy, J., letter from, 155,
Bellanger, Mr., death of, 333.
wite of (?), 333.

Bellasis or Bellasyse.

Bendishe, Mr., 200.

Benedictine, ‘‘an old,”’ 63.

Bengal, 212, 286.

governor of, 235; and see Fort
William, governor of.

Bennet, Lieutenant, 156 (2), 157.

Bentinck :

Colonel, in the Dutch service, 316.
Lord George, Lieut,-Colonel in the Ist

regiment of Guards, 350, 352.
Meinheer, 366.

Berenclau, General, 327.

Bergen op Zoom, in Brabant, 110, 120,
362.

governor of. SeeCronstrom, General.

——, the late, 379.

siege and taking of, 369-390, 397, 401.

troops for or at, 121, 144 (2), 148-
151, 154, 155 (2), 156, 189,

Henry Somerset,

 

 

See Belasyse.
422,

Bergues, in Flanders, 226.
Beringham, regiment of, 85,
Berkeley (Bercley) :
Augustus, 4th Earl of, marriage of,
308, 314.
Ensign and Lieutenant Henry, of the
Ist regiment of Guards, 214, 219,
222-224 226-232, 235-238, 242. 243,
247-249, 269, 270, 293, 296, 298-
302, 305, 307-309, 314, 318, 339.
——, letter from, 243.
——., death of (at Fontenoy), 346.
——, sisters of, 241,
John, 3rd Lord,
Blue, 79, 80.
Berkeley plot, the, 87, note.

Berleghem. See Beirleghem.

Berlin, 133, 188.
the Duke of Marlborough at, 170.
Bertie, Lord Robert, of the Coldstream,
287.
Beek (Barwick), Duke of, 78, 137, 191,
06.
Bethune, in Flanders, 199.
Betty, Mrs., 69.
Beveland, 359, 362 (2), 369-371, 373, 374,
377, 379.
South, 369, 335, 387.
Beveridge, Dr., 63.
Biebrich (Bibrick, Biberick) on the Rhine,
283, 294, 295, 297.
camp near, letters dated at, 276-279.
Bilderbeck ov Billerbeck, Monsieur, 293.
360, 410.
Billingsley (Billingesly) :
Sir mah alderman and lord mayor.
4-7,
Sir Thomas, 32.
Binsfeldt, village of, 300,
Biscay, Bay of, 849, 354.
Bishop, “ little,”’ 338.
Bishops, proposals of, 69.
Bissnodass Leat, Indian merchant, 213.
‘* Black box,’’ the, 61.
‘* Black Moll,’ 99.
Bladon, Mrs., 35,
Blakeston (Blakestons), Mr., 41.
Blakestone, co, Durham, 41.
Bland, General [Henry], 370, 371, 399.
Blandford (Blanford), Marquis of [John
Churchill}, death of, 119.
Blaregnies (Blarneiys), battle of.
Malplaquet.
Blathwayt, William, secretary at war, 81,
84, 85.
letters from, 75, 81, 83 (2), 85.
Bledloe, co, Buckingham, 884,
Blenheim, battle of, 167, 189,
Blenheim, oo. Oxford, 345.
[palace of] cost of, 202.
Blood, Colonel, 181.
Bloodworth, Lady Louisa, 855,
children of, 855.
Boar hunt, 231.
Bockland, Lieut,-Colonel Maurice, 1st
major of the Coldstream, 393, 396, 400.
promotion of, 403-407,

admiral of the

See

 

Bohemia, troops in, 335, 336.
Bois-le-due (Boileduc, the Bosch),
147, 160, 390, 391, 395.
commandant at. See Guy, Monsieur
de.
English troops or garrison at, 99, 102,
144, 149, 150-156, 397.
governor of (1747). See Cronstrom.
General,
letters dated at, 106, 125, 162, 163,
392-396,
magistrates of, 395,
Boislin, Mons. de, 86.
Bolingbroke :
Henry St. John, Viscount, 287,
Paulet St. John, Earl of, 187.
Bologna (Bollognia), 170-172.
Convent of St. Michael de] Bosco at.
ra; ’
Incurabile at, 173.
Bolognese :
luxurious living of the, 170.
minister at Rome, 170.
Bolton, Charles Paulet, Duke of, com-
missioner of, 94.
son of, See Winchester, Marquis of
Bommell, 153, 156.
magistrate or governor of, 156, 157.
Bond, Sir Henry, 73.
Boneale, —, 47.
Bonn:
governor of, 141.
French, See Allegre, Marquis

Li,

 

de.
Lord Marlborough goes to, 123.
siege and surrender of, 113, 120, 121,
124, 125.
Bonython (Bonitor), Charles, 61.
Bogks, named:
David Simple, 318, 320.
History of the Reign of Henry V..,
155.
Papists protesting against Protestant
popery, 63.
Booze, Mr., 241, 247.
Borough Bridge (Burrow-bridge), co. York,
41

Borr, Colonel [Jacob], 177.
Boscawen:
Captain, 351, 354.
Admiral Edward, 384.
Lieut.-Colonel George, of the Ist regi-
ment of Guards, 219, 220, 222, 228,

236, 238, 242-244, 248, 256, 258,
203, 266, 273, 275, 283, 284, 287-

289, 295, 308, 314, 316, 318, 319,
339.
Lieut. John (Jack), of the King’s regi-
ment of Horse, 221, 266, 270, 287,
239, 300, 404.
Miss, maid of honour, 261.
Mrs. {Anne Trevor] wife of George,
241, 250, 256, 263, 272, 273, 283,
OE
Bossurt, regiment of, 85.
Boston, in America, 275, 281.
Botmar, Baron de, 128, 129.
Bouche, Joseph, letter from, 196,
423

Boufflers (Boufileurs, Boufflaire) Due de,
Marshal] of France, in command of the
French army of Flanders, 117, 118, 122,
124, 125,

letters to, 117, 128, 137.

Bouillon (Boullion) Cardinal, 200.
Bovenhousen, in Schwabia, 130.
Bower, Mr. and Mrs., 413.

Bowes, Sir William, 63.

Bows, Peggy, 68 (?), 69.
father of, 69.

Bowyer, Lady, and her daughter, 97.

Boyle, Miss, 338.

Boynton, —. 227.

Brabant, 119, 120, 337, 344.
Ballieux of, 120,

capital of. See Brussels.
states of, 305.
Braddock :

Edward, Lieut.-Colonel of the Cold-
stream Guards (in 1704) 168, 175.

Edward, son of the above, Lieut.-
Colonel of the Coldstream (1745).
348-350. 352. 354, 358, 360, 361.
3638, 364, 366, 378, 381, 382, 388-
396, 398, 400-402, 405,

, letters from, 167, 175.

——, wife and daughter of, 175.
Bradenham (Bradnum), ¢ co. Bucks, 384.
Bradley, Ben., 212.

Bradshaw, Con., 63.
Bragg, Major-General {Philip}.
of, 390, 396, 397.
Breda 86, 100, 106, 359, 362, 367, 371,
374, 378. 386-390, 392-894,
commanding officer at.
Colone}.
English troops at, to, or from. 102,
121, 124. 144, 149, 150, 154-156,
164, 320, 394, 396, 397.
governors of. See Salyche, Lieut.-
General,and Van Leyden ; Brigadier.

letters dated at, 116, 124, 397-409.

letters addressed to, 100, 405.

Prince of Orange's house at, 305.
Brent, Mr., 73.

Brereton, Major [William], 251, 253.
Brest, squadron of, 180.
Brett :

Richard (Dick), 51.

Mr., 47.

Breugel [? Breukelin] in Holland, 125.

Bridgewater, Scroop Egerton, Earl of,
made Master of the Horse to Prince
George, 182.

Bright, Sir John, 51.

Brill, the. in Holland, 147, 164, 165,
304.

Bristol, John Hervey, Ear] of, 285.

son of. See Hervey, Lord.

Bristol, 355.

water, 365.

Britton, Lieut.-Colonel [William], 189.
Broglio (Broghlio) Marshal de, 237, 245,
249, 262, 266, 268.
army of, 249, 258, 266,

 

regiment

-

See Palmer. |

 

Bromley, William, M.P. for Oxford
University, 176.
Bromley, in Kent, [the Bishop of Roches-
ter’s palace at], 186.
Brompton, Lady, 405.
husband of. See Cabinet, Mr,
Brooks, Bishop of, 20.
Brooks, —. 34,
Broughton estate, 213.
Brown:
Lieut.-Colonel [James], 223.
Don, 351.
a bawman, 270.
Browne, Mr., 51.
Brudenell, Colonel Thomas, 88 note.
regiment of, 83.
Bruges, 214. 215 (2), 219, 228, 314, 316,
318-320, 322, 324, 389, 344.
English officers’ wives at, 308.
garrison of, 310.
governor and burghers of, 214.
Bruhl, Countess of, letter to, 413.
husband of, 413.
Brunswick. Duke Rudolph August of, 129.
Brussels, 86, 88, 118, 307, 215, 220, 223,
224, 233, 241. 296, 302, 305-309, 312.
313, 326, 350.
academy at. 343.
alarm at, 311.
council at, 307.
English army at or near, 85, 227, 310.
—— camp near, 308.
—— envoy at. See Wolseley.
garrison at, 305.
Gazette, ‘ author of,” 224.
Hotel de Flandre at, 224, 302.
letters dated at. 74, 223, 302, 803 (2).
Prince Charles’ inauguration at, 305.
prisoners at, 136.
winter ‘quarters at. 290, 294-297, 299-
301, 344.
Brussels lace, 299.
Brydges, James, Admiralty Commissioner
(afterwards Duke of Chandos):
letters from, 158, 162.
letter to, 145.
Buchanan, Mr., 73.
Buckingham, George Villiers, 2nd Duke of,
44 (2).
Buckingham, county of, 210, 219, 295, 363,
384.
militia of, 413. 414.
Bucklebury, co. Berks,
186.
Budiani, Nicholas, 162.
letters from, 169, 191, 203.
Burchet, Burchett :
Mr, and Mrs., 241.
a soldier, 175.

letter dated at,

—; 354.
Burgundy, Duke of, 127.
Burleigh, 345.
Burlington :
Richard Boyle, Ist Earl of, 59, 62, 67.
, son of. See Clifforde, Lord.
Richard Boyle. 3rd Earl of, ‘941.
——, daughter of, 241.
Burton, Captain, 409,

 
424

Burtscheid (Bourcheit),
Chapelle, 300.

Bury, George Keppel, Lord, son of the
Earl of Albemarle, 271, 349, 350, 352,
354, 355, 862, 368. 398, 398, 399.

brother of. See Keppel, Captain
William.

Bush [? Bois-le-duc], letter dated at, 86.

Bussorah, 356,

Byng (Bing) Sir George, 192.

Byron:

Commodore, 413.
See Lord, sister and mother of,

near

C

Cabinet, Mr., marriage of, 405.
Cadiz, 81, 178, 181.
Cadogan (Cardoghan, Cadoughan), General
William, aft. Earl Cadogan, 161, 211.
troops of, 164, 165,
Cesar :
Julius, 97,
Lieut.-Colonel [Julius, of the Cold-
stream], 350, 403,
Calais, 199, 223, 303.
Calcutta, 213, 289.
governor and council of, 289.
letter dated at, 356.
Callemberg, Dutch Admiral, 153.
Calverley, Sir Henry, 38, 41.
Cambridge, 50, 93.
Black Boar at, 35,
coach, 35 (2).
election, 86, 92.
letter dated at, 213.
University :
degrees at, 86.
students going to or at, 42, 44,
45, 46, 51.
Corpus Christi or Bennet Col-
lege, 86.
Trinity College, Master and Fel-
lows of, 51.
— —, new library for, 51.
Cambridge, county of, 93.
election for, 77, 78, 86, 93.
knight of the shire for.
Lord.
sheriff of, 77, 78.
—— under, 78.
Cameret Bay, expedition to, 207.
Campbell (Cambell) :
Lady Archibald, 210 (?).
David, 196.
Lady Harriot, 242, 247, 269, 272,
286 (?).
Harry, lieutenant to Col. Russell and
eae to General Ligoniere,
0.
——, killed near Maestricht [June,

?

1747], 871, 378, 889, 394.

See Cutts,

Aix-lae —

 

\

Campbell—cont.
Brigadier, Lieut.-General, or General
Sir James, 225, 287, 303, 305, 306,

308, 311.

, made Knight of the Bath, 275,

{Juieutenant James] ,killed in the battle
near Liege [Oct. 1746], 355.

Lieut.-Colonel [John], 370, 373.

——, brother of. See Campbell,
Harry.

[Lieut. Mure] of the Scots Greys,
aide-de-camp to Gen, Clayton, killed
at Dettingen [June 1743], 261.

equerry to the Duke of Cumberland,
257, 271 (2), 272, 289, 295.

, wife of, 271.

Sir Thomas, sheriff of London, 12.
Lieut.-Col. [William] of the Cold-
stream, 370.

Canham, Mr., at Lisbon, 166.

Canitz (Kaunitz?], General, 138.

Canterbury, Archbishop of, 70; and see
Tillotson, Dr. John; Tenison, Dr.
Thomas; Herring, Dr. Thomas,

Canterbury, 304, 389.

Capel, Sir H., 60.

‘‘Carbunkle, Sir James,’’ 204.

Cardonnel (Cardonnell, Cardinell), Adam,
secretary to Lord Marlborough, 107. 112,
126 (2), 150, 151, 156, 176, 180, 189, 191.

letter from, 1238.
letters to, 111, 112, 115, 116, 121 (2),
146, 148, 151, 157, 197.

Carey, Sir George, captain of the Isle of
Wight, temp, Elizabeth, 75.

Carisbrooke Castle, Isle of Wight, 76.

——., Park, Isle of Wight, keeper of,
79,
Carlisle (Carlile) :
Edward Howard, Earl of, 69.
Henry Howard, Earl of, marriage of,
241, 247

Carlo, 265,

Carolina (Caro), Princess, 250, 271, 382,
355, 356.

birthday of, 363.
Carolina merchants, 283.
Caroline, Lady, 355.

Mademoiselle, 224.

Carpenter, Lady A., 415.

Carr, Major [Timothy], of the King’s
regiment of Horse, wounded at Dettingen,
264, 270.

Carrweiller [? Ahrweiller], 299.

Carteret :

John, Lord, Secretary of State, 258,

266, 267, 288, 340.

——, expected at the army, 243, 244.

-———-, at Dettingen, 252, 256, 266.

——, pacific views of, 262, 267, 285.

— —-, as the King’s premier, 273.

——, request of, to the King, 275.

Mr., son of Lord Carteret, 254, 271,

275.

Lady, death of, 250.

Carthusian Convent, near Mainz, 279.

Cartwright, Captain, 188,

Cary, —, 895, 403.

 

 
425

Cassel, letter dated at, 95.
Cassimbrode, Colonel and Madame, 407.
Castile :
Almirante of. 127, 1382, 181.
breed of setters in, 186.
Castleton, Nicholas Saunderson, Lord, 34.
sons of. See Saunderson, Nicholas
and John.
Catalonia, 184, 186.
rising in, 129, 181.
Catechism :
the Assembly, 44.
the Church, 44.
Catesby (Katesby), family of, 87.
Cathcart, Charles, Lord, 287.
Catherine, Queen of Charles II., 30, 50. 52.
Catsand, island of, in the hands of the
French, 358, 361.
Catwater, near Plymouth, 348.
Cavendish :
Lord James, the late, 269.
(Candish) heir, the, death of, 37.
Cecil, Capt. Arthur, of the Coldstream,
97

Chailly, Monsieur, letter from, 126.
valet of, 126.
Chamade, beating of the, 124.
Chamber or Chambers, Mr.. 39, 40, 42, 46,
ov.
Chamberlayne, John, letter from, 189.
his wife’s brother, 189.
Chanclos |Sanclos), General, 384. 385.
army of, 391 (2).
Chantrill, Lieut.-Colonel] [Francis], 156.
Charleroy, 344.
Charles I. at Newcastle, 21.
letter to, 18.
Charles II., 30, 38, 48.
at the Hague (in 1660), 139.
grants by, 48, 58.
movements of, 30 (2), 46, 50-52.
order of, 52.
treaty with, 114.
death of, 58,
Master of the Horse to.
mond, Charles, Duke of.
Charles V., Emperor, 70.
Charles, Archduke of Austria and titular
King of Spain, 183, 184.

See Rich-

proclamation of, as King of Spain, |

130, 134-136.
arrangements for and journey of, 127,
128, 134-136, 139-141, 153.
party in fayour of, in Spain, 140, 184.
Charles, Prince, of Lorraine, and his army,
245, 258, 262, 266, 268, 271, 272, 274-
294, 325-328, 336.
visit of, to George II., 267-269, 271, !
275.
inauguration of, as governor of the
Austrian Netherlands, 305-307, 309.
Court of, 307.
victory of, 326,
retreat of, 338.
wife of (the Archduchess), 305-307,
315,
——., review of the English troops by,

 

 

312, 313,

Charles, Mrs. See Van Haren, Madame.
Chateau-neuf, Marquis de, French am-
bassador at Madrid, 135.
Chelardie, Monsieur, French minister at
Petersburg, 327.
Chelmsford, Essex, letter dated at, 304,
Chelsea (Chelsey), 70, 281.
ore or hospital, 238, 259, 314,
Le

King’s Road at, 380.
letters dated at, 98 (2), 209, 210.
Cheltenham, letter addressed to, 412,
Chequers (Checquers, Checkers), co. Bucks,
194, 241, 245, 250, 257, 264, 270, 275,
280, 281, 292, 300, 321, 345, 356, 380.
411, 4138.
the Crow Close at, 323.
letters dated at, 213, 346.
letter addressed to, 241.
Chesham, co. Bucks, 219, 316.
Chester, 190.
Chester, county of, raising of men in, 190.
Chesterfield, Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl
of, 355, 391.
Chicheley :
Sir John, 31.
‘cousin,’ 30,
‘‘unele,” 36, 37.
Chichester, co, Sussex, 93.
Child:
Sir Francis, 202.
Jo(siah], 238, 251.
China, ship from, 127.
Chinery, Mrs., 33.
Chippenham (Chipnam), co. Cambridge, 28,
30-32, 36, 46, 48-50.
letters dated at, 25-28, 36.
Sir Francis Russell buried at, 29.
sale of, 72.
Chiswick, house at, 264.
Cholmley, Cholmondeley (Cholmondly) :
Sir Hugh, 58-60, 62 (2), 63.
Cornet [Nathaniel] (of the Blacks),
wounded at Dettingen, 261, 267.
[Robert, lieutenant] in the 3rd regi-
ment of Guards, 372.
Chrisleton, near Chester, 190.
Church and State, preservation
promised, 58.
Church of England, 67.
Church :
party, reconciled to Harley, 202.
preferments, 279.
Churchill :
John, Lord, as envoy to France, 60.
, made Ear] of Marlborough (q.v.)
63.
Lieut.-General Charles, his brother,
126.
——, as general of the Foot in the
Low Countries, 151, 152, 158.
, letter to, 147.
Lieut.-General Charles (in 1748), 286.
Lieut.-Colonel [George], of the Cold-
stream, 227.
Clare, co. Suffolk, post to, 99.
Claremont \Clarmount), 271.

of,

 

 
Clarendon, Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of, 34.
letters from, 37.
Clarke :
Captain, 412,
Dr. George, secretary at war,
80 (2), 83.
——, lettersfrom, 81, 82.169, 174, 177.
——., as secretary to Prince George of
Denmark, 186, 188,
——, letter to, 185.
Clavering, Sir James, 41.

79.

Claypole :
Adam, 31.
Mrs, [Elizabeth Cromwell]. illness

and death of, 23, 24 (2).
Clayton :
General Jasper, 234, 279.
killed at Dettingen, 251, 253, 255, 256,
2638.

——, aide-de-camp of, 261.

Justice, 63.

Sir Robert, 83.

Clergy or ministers, called in question fur
preaching against popery, 59.

Clerke, Mr., 43.

Cleveland, Jobn, 2nd secretary of the
Admiralty, 368,

Clifforde, Charles Boyle. Lord, 33-40.
58, 59, 61 (2).

letter from, 67.

father of. See Burlington, Ear] of.
Cloys, —. 191.
Cloysterman, Mrs., 375.
Cobbett’s Parliamentary History, speeches

given in, 13, 14.
Coblentz, 165, 227, 230-234, 299.
Cockayne, Major [Thomas]. secretary to
General Honeywood, 297, 308, 408.

Cockleberg, English camp at, 91.
Coenen, Commissary, 102.
Cohorn, Coehorne, General, 120, 124, 129,
Coignies (Coigne), Count, army of, 525,
Coke (Cook) :

Edward, Lord, son of the Earl of

_ Leicester, 405.
‘Lady Mary. his wife 405.
——, sister of, See Strafford, Anne,
Countess of,

Coks, Dr., 31.
Colchester, 304.

letter dated from, 304.
Cole:

Captain, of the Expedition, 14.

Sir Ralph, 41.

— , to be governor of Bengal, 235.
Colebrook, Robert, M.P. for Malden, 571.
Colebrook, Bucks, Percy Lodge, near, 210.
Collier, [of the King’s regiment of Horse];

223, 820.
obtains his cornetey, 259, 275.
wife of, 320.
Collins, Mr., 73.
Colliton, Sir Peter, 46.
Cologne, 226, 335.

Gazette, 322.

Colpoys, Captain, 415, 416.

nephew of, 416.

Colt, Sir Henry Dutton, 92-94,

426

|

 

 

Colyear (Collyer), Sir David, regiment of,
79. And see Portmore, Ear] of.
Commercye, Prince, 65.
regiment of, 65.
Common Pleas, justices of, 18.
Commons, House of :
(Queen Elizabeth], 12.
Speaker of. See Croke,
John,
[Charles II.], 25.
(James II.], 63, 67.
[William and Mary], 92.
——, proceedings in, 71, 72, 82, 96.
——. choice of a Speaker for, 82 ,102.
——, member of expelled, 83.
——., fear of setting in a flame, 85,
——. and the East India Company.
See Kast India Company.
——, Speakers of. See Trevor. Sir
John; Foley, Paul.
(Queen Anne], 208.
——, addresses presented by, to the
Queen, 119. 154. ,
——. bills in, 119. 152, 153, 162, 169,
170.
——. ‘heats in,’ 119.
——, money voted by, 168-170.
Compton, the ladies (sisters of the Earl of
Northampton). 264, 265.
Comptroller, the. See Wharton.
Condé, 199.
Condros, the, troops in, 137.
Constantinople, 134.
English ambassador at [Mr. Stanyan].,
209 note, 210.
Conway. Lieut.-Colonel Henry Seymour,
226, 236, 248, 296, 371, 373, 379, 394.
company of, 412.
Conyers :
John, letter from, 193.
Mr,. 241.
Miss, 241.
Cooke (Cook):
Colonel, letter to, 22.
Lord. Sce Coke.
Mr., a mad-man, 250.
Sir Thomas, sent to the Tower, 85.
Cookson :
Richard, 190.
Thomas, his son, 190.
Cooper. See Cowper.
Coote, Col. [Eyre], regiment of, 79, 80, 81.
83.

Sir

Cope:
Sir John, 46.
Lieut.-General John, 303.
——. made knight of the Bath, 275.
——, daughter of. 242.
Copenhagen, Court of. See Denmark.
Coplecroo [? co. York], 63.
Copley, Sir Godfrey, 41.
Copt Hall, [?co. Cambridge], 57.
Corbeck, forces at, 182.
Corbett, Lieut.-Colonel [Thomas], 322.
Corbier :
Anthony, commissioner
licenses, 242. 247.
Mrs., 242, 247.

for wine
427

Cork, 169, 195, 196.

Corner, A., 211.

Cornwallis, Colonel, 390, 391.

Cossacks, 70.

Cossimbuzar. in India, 283, 289.

agent at. See Russell, Sir Francis.

Cotton. Sir Robert, 93, 95.

Council. the Privy. Sce Privy Council.

Council books, mentioned, 73.

Court, the, 44, 95, 108, 105, 183, 367.

at York, See York.

councils and committees at, 159.
persons not to be admitted to. 60.
prevailing party at, 176.

Courtrai (Courtray, Courtrey). in Flanders,

217, 312, 319, 330, 331, 339, 348, 344.
taken by the French, 611, 315.
Marshal Saxe at, 325, 331, 332.

Cowes, Isle of Wight, 76, 94.

Cowper (Cooper) :

William, 2nd Earl, 247.
George Nassau, 3rd Earl, 416.

Cowslade, Mr., 213.

Cowslades (Cowslads), the, 257, 277.

Cox. Sir Richard, Lord Chancellor and one
of the Lords Justices of Ireland, 182, 188.

letter from, 195.

Cox’s house, 280.

Coxwold (Coxwould). co. York, 41.

Cradock [Thomas], 41.

Craig or Craggs, [Ensign Charles], of the
Coldstream, 358, 361, 389, 392.

Craike, —, 42.

Craven, Sir William, sheriff of London, 12,

Crawford :

Alexander Lindsey, 4th Earl of. 245,
249, 264, 265, 277, 291, 325.

John Lindsey, 5th Earl of, regiment
of, 400.

——, former regiment of. See High-
landers, under Army regiments.

Cremer, Henry, master of the Swallow,
124.

Cresset or Crescet, James, envoy to the
Court of Hanover, 106, 188.

death of, 202.
Crewe, J., letter from, 190.
Croats. in the Austrian army, 286.
cruelties of, 282, 283, 325.

Crofts, William, Lord, 30.

Croke, John or Sir John, M.P., Recorder
of London, and (in 1601) Speaker of the
House of Commons, MS. note-book of,
containing his speeches, etc., I.

election of, as Speaker, 12.

grant to, 12.

made justice of Common Pleas, 18.
Cromwell :

Elizabeth. See Claypole.

Frances, 21-23.

,as Lady Frances Rich, letters

from, 26.27. ‘°

, letters to, 23-28.

, endorsements by, 22, 23.

——, as the wife of Sir John Russell.
See Russell, Frances.

Henry, 22, note,

 

 

 

 

Cromwell—cont.

Mary, 22, note; and see Fauconberg,

Mary, Lady.

Oliver, Lord Protector, 21, 24.

——. wife of (her Highness), 24 (2).

——. [great] grand-daughter of, ob-

jection to marrying, 338.

——. time of, alluded to, 32,
Cronhjort, Swedish general, 131.
Cronstrom (Crompstron, Cromstrom),

General, governor of Bergen-op-Zoom,
374, 376, 377, 579-881. 385-387, 390.
as governor of Bois-le-duc, 892, 394.
inhumanity of, 397.
Cross, Thomas. 211, 212.
Cullen, Sir Rushout, 78,
Culliford, —, 175.
Cumberland, William, Duke of, son of
George II.. 215, 232, 299, 300, 302, 303,
308, 341, 355, 403, 408, 409.
aides-de-camp of, 271, 370.
anecdote of, 347.
army of, 360, 361.
chaplain of, See Shipley, Mr.
contractor for. 376.
dragoon drum of, 375,
equerry of. See Campbell.
grooms of, 404.
household (family) of, 371, 372, 398,
406, 410,

letters from, alluded to, 256, 277,
285.

letters to, 3845 (2), 411.

——, alluded to, 312 (2), 314, 326,
329,

memorial to be sent to, 332.

orders of, 295, 303, 317, 362, 388,
391, 396.

pages of. See Howard, Master, and
Russell, Sir William.

present of horses for, 362, 363.

regiment of (in 1747). See Army,
Guards, Ist regiment of.

servants of, 372.

smuggler in the service of, 375.

is expected to join the army, 236, 243,

2A4.

es army, 246, 247, 248, 271,

292.

present and wounded at the battle of
Dettingen, 251, 253, 256, 258, 259,
261-265, 267, 268, 270-272.

the King's speeches to, 263,

as lieut.-general, 263, 290.

recovery of, 275-279, 287.

leaves the army, 295,

and Colonel Russell, 295, 393, 398-400.

is ‘‘ outrageously and shockingly mili-

tary,’ 299.
probable return of, to the army, 312,
820.

is shooting at his farm house, 338.

in Flanders (1747), 358-399.

and the defeat at Maestricht, 369, 370,
372, 378.

and General Fuller, 395, 396, 400.

sails for England, 402.
428

Cumberland, William, Duke of—cont.

return of, to Holland, 404, 405, 406,

410.

[soi-disant] Duchess of, 327 (2).
Cumberland, county of, gentleman of, 218.
Cuningham, Colonel [Henry], dragoon

regiment of, 181.
Cutts :
Elizabeth, Lady, Ist wife of Lord
Cutts, letter from, 74,

——, death of, 74.

——, former husbands of, 74.note.

——, children of. See Trevor.

——, cousins of, 74.

Elizabeth, Lady, 2nd wife of Lord |

Cutts, 91.
Joanna, sister of Lord Cutts, 116, 166,
187 (?), 195-197.

——. letters from, 75, 92, 93, 166 (?), |

176, 197, 198, 201.

. letters to. 73. 165, 187, 188,
193, 194 (2), 198, 200 (?), 201, 203-
205, 208 (2).

——, sister of, death of, 75.

, Diece and cousin of, 75.

John, Lord, Baron of Gowran,
colone] of the Coldstream Guards,
lieutenant-general of the forces,
captain-general and governor of the
Isle of Wight, constable of Caris-
brook Castle, 79, 110, 122. 165, 168,
175, 176, 183, 184, 191, 196, 203.

—~—, aide-de-camp of, 102.

—~—. articles with, 195.

——., ease of, 77, 197, 206.

——, certificate by, 153.

, drafts or copies by, 75-164,

 

passim,
——. house of, in London, 88.
——, instruetions and marching

orders by, 163.
. letters from, 6466, 74-164,
187-195, passim.
——., letters to, 74-196. passim.
——, letter book of, 142 note.
——, memorandum by, 91.
——, memorial of, 105.
——. orders of, 121.
——., regiment of (Lord Cutts’ regi-
ment), 79, 80.
_ ——, the Coldstream Guards.
See under Army.
——, remarks by, on the Isle of Wight,
OT Ee
——., seoretary of, 137, 142.
——, servants of, 78, 169.
——, slave rescued by, 169.
——, niece of. See Revett, Joanna,
——, cousins of, See St. John,
Henry; Lockhart, Mrs.
——. family of (the Cutts’), 166, 206,
~—, pictures of, 197.
—W—, in the service of the Emperor,
64, 206, 207.
——, leayes King James’ service and
goes to Holland, 66, 207.
as colonel of Cutts’ regiment,

 

 

 

 

2

74,

 

Cutts, John, Lord—cont
——, and the Revolution of 1688,

206.

——, in King William’s service, 207.

——, ‘‘in the wars of Ireland,’’ 197,
207.

——. as brigadier of the Guards, 153,

——, made brigadier-general, 75,

——. as governor of the Isle of Wight,
75, 76, 189, 197,207.

——, elected as M.P. for the county
of Cambridge, 75, 77, 78.

——, unseated on petition, 78 note.

——. helps to defeat the Berkeley
plot. 87.

——. as colonel of the Coldstream,
197, 207.

——, again elected for the county of
Cambridge, 92, 94.

. bravery of, at the fire at White-
hall, 92.

——. as commander-in-chief in Hol-
land, 108.

. brave conduct of, 109.

——, made lieut.-general, 109, 119.

———, and the cartel with France, 112.

——., illness of, 120, 194,

——, moneys received from, 126,

——., in London, 170, 174.

——, to be commander-in-chief in
Ireland, 179 (2).

——. arrival of, in Ireland, 182, 197.

——,as Lord Justice in Ireland, 198.

——. agreement made by, 195.

——, and Mrs, Pickering, 197.

——, death of, 197 (2), 198.

——, burial vault of, 208.

 

 

D

Dada, Curdinal, nuncio to the Court of
James IJI,, 171.
Daffy’s Elixir, 218.
Dale, Mathew, Recorder of London, 12.
Dalgrieh or Dalghish, Captain, murder of,
1.
Dalton :
[Barbara], Lady, sister
Fauconberg, 63, 91.
. steward of, 63.

Sir Marmaduke, 48 note.
Damascus, 171.
Danes, the, 133.
Daniel, Thomas,

signed by, 195.
Daniell, William, serjeant-at-law and
Recorder of London, 12,
Danish :

envoy, 289.

regiments, 103.

ships seized by the Zelanders, 127,

128, 180, 135, 187, 188,

of Lord

 

sword-cutter, articles
429

D’Anstain camp. See Anstain.
Dantzic, 138.

Danube, troops on or crossing, 131, 243,

Darby, Edward. letter from, 184.
death of, 186.
D'Arcy, Sir Conyers, 241.
Darcy family, the heir of (heir of Hornby),
49

his father and grandfather [probably
John Darcy and Lord Conyers], 49.

Darley, Mr., 63.

Dartmouth, William Legge, Lord, made
Master of the Horse and Constable of
the Tower, 58.

made an Earl, 63.

Dashwood, Sir Francis, 289, 414.
letter from, 413.

Daude, Peter, letter from, 74.

Davis :

Capt. Henry, 190.
army surgeon, 308.

Davison :

Jack, 41, 42.

, uncle of.
Lady, 40, 41.
Ralph, 42 (2).

Dawney, Sir John, 41,

Deal, 347, 360, 367, 380, 385, 339.

Dean, —, governor of Fort William, 212.

Deane, Lieut.-Colone] [William], 371

Dearing, Mrs., 261, 265, 367.

Dearmer, Mr., 69.

Deinse. See Deynse.

De Ja Faye, Mr., 180.

Delaval, Sir Ralph, 42.

Delawarr (Delawar), John West, Lord,
248, 263.

Delft (Delpth), artillery at. 122.

** Delia,”’ 99.

Deloraine (Delarain), Lady, loses her son,

 

See Davison, Ralph.

281.
husband of. See Windham, William.
Denia, in Spain, 184, 192.
Denmark :

[Frederic], King of, 135, 137, 141.
, favourite of, 128.
Prince of, 263; and see George, Prince.
Denmark, 57, 128, 130.
chancellor of. See Reventlau, Count.
Court of, or Court of Copenhagen.
128, 187, 140.
envoy going to, 131.
minister of. See the Hague.
Denston (Deanson) Hall, Suffolk, 99.
Derby, William Stanley, Ear] of, 39-42.
Dermonde, in Flanders, 88.
Des Echaliers, Monsieur, letter from, 174.
his actors, 174.
Dettingen (Detting, Dittengen), battle of.
251-258, 263, 266, 269, 278, 279, 323.
, accounts of, 260, 262, 263, 266.
, thanksgiving service after, 257.
the English leave their dead and
wounded at, 255, 260.
English dead plundered at, 263.
Devon, county of, difficulty of travelling in,
349,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Devonshire :
Christian Cavendish, Countess Dowager
of, letters from, 22-24.
——, grandson of, See Rich, Robert.
William Cavendish, Earl of, Lord
High Steward, letters to, 69, 70.
 ——, letter from, 70.
Deynse 07 Deinse, in Flanders, 319, 343, 344,
D’Harcourt, Lieut.-Colonel [Oliver], 175,
176.
Dick (cousin of the Russells), 250, 281.
Diemar, General, 246.
Diest, quitted by the French, 182.
Dillington, Sir John, 94,
Diocletian, mentioned, 70.
Ditchley, co. Oxford, letter dated at, 345,
owners of. See Lee.
Ditton, co. Bucks, 259.

| Dives, Mrs. (in waiting on the Princesses),

265.
Dobbins [Lieut.-Col. William], 175.
Doget, Mr., 33.
Dolben, Sir William, 61.
Domburgh, in Walcheren, 380.
Dominican friars, 214,
Donegal (Dunnagas) Arthur,
killed, 192.
Don Quixote, mentioned, 182.
Dorchester beer, 348.
Dorman, assistant surgeon, 346.
uncle of, 846.
Dorset, Lionel Cranfield Sackville, Duke of,
264.
Dort [Dortrecht], letter dated at, 392.
Douai (Douay) in French Flanders, 199, 335.
siege of, 200.
Douglas, Lieut.-Colone] or Colonel William,
214, 290.
as brigadier, 374, 382, 383.
illness of, 384, 385.
regiment or brigade of, 355, 359, 362,
65-367, 397.
corpse of, 389.
Dover, Lord [Henry Jermyn], 73.
Dover, 222, 223. 362, 363, 389.
castle at, 223.
letters dated at, 2238 (2).
packet-boat to, 358.
——, master of. 310.
Ship Inn at, 223.
Dowman, Mr., 33.
Downing, [George], 126.
is starting for Denmark, 1381.
Downs, the, 126, 347, 356.
letter dated from, 347.
squadron, 162.
Draper, Lieut. Edward (Ned), killed at
Dettingen, 251, 255, 267.
Drayton, 220.
Dresden, 133.
letter dated at, 413.
Drongen, army going to, 344.
Dublin, 180.
barracks, letters dated at, 203.
castle, letter dated at, 97.
Christ Church in, burials at, 203,
Clinearty House in, letter dated at,
187.

Earl of,
Dublin—cont.
letters dated at, 188, 193-195.
letter addressed to, 191.
troops at, 196, 203.

Dubois, —, 47.

Dudley, Colonel [Lord Cutts’ lieutenant
in the government of the Isle of Wight],
81, 83, 94, 189,

son of, 94.

Dueren, in Flanders, 223 (2), 225, 226, 228,

229, 299, 300.
letters dated at, 225-227,
magistrate of, 225,

Duncanson (Duneason), Colonel, death of,
181.

Duncombe (Duncomb),
[John], company of, 215.

death of, 396.

Dunkirk (Dunkirque), 326, 329, 353.

British prisoners at, 116,
inhabitants of, (Dunkirkers), 162.

Dunmore, John, Earl of, colonel of the

3rd regiment of Guards, 287.
aide-de-camp of, 271.

Dunstable, co. Bedford, 268.

Durand, Captain and  Lieut.-Colonel
[James], of the Ist regiment of
Guards, 216, 223 (2), 226,-227 (2), 229,
230, 232 (2), 234, 249, 259, 269, 352.

trial of, 346.

Durell, Lieut.-Colonel [Henry], 182.

Durer, Colonel, [? Col. Scipio Duroure},
242,

Durham:

Bishop of [Lord Crew], brother of, 38.
Bishopric of (the Bishoprick), 41, 63.
city of, election at, 41.

county of, election for, 41.

Dury. Lieut.-Colonel [Alexander] ,317, 349,

403.

as 2nd major to the Ist regiment of

Guards, 396, 399.
Dutch or the Dutch, 355.

admiral, See Scriver.

alarm of, 180.

ambassador, 116, 322.

army. See Dutch troops, below.

artillery, 134,

cavalry. misbehaviour of, 372, 373.

cheese, 226.

colonel, 407.

commander, 333.

cowardice of, 385.

fleet, 127, 128.

fund for, 73.

garrisons or fortresses, 301, 377 ;
and see under their names,

general, See Nassau, Count.

generals reject what the
propose, 339, 340.

guards, 153.

, sergeant of, 153.

gunners, 376.

ill-usage of the English by, 395.

inactivity of, 214, 257, 269, 275, 309,
815, 319, 322, 391.

intrigues with, 201.

Lieut.-Colonel

English

 

 

430

Dutch or the Dutch—cont,
invasion (1667) and treaty. 31-33.
invasion (1688), 68 (2), 69; and see
under William of Orange.
language, paper written in, 126.
men of war, 357.
minister, 50.
objection of, to declaring war, 327,
337.
proprietor, 378, 379.
refuse to invade France, 334.
regiments, 322, 358, 359.
as Scotch regiment in, 885, 387,
Oi;
ships, 385,
towns lost by, 343.
——, to be surrendered by, 312.
troops, 129, 144, 160, 161, 199, 239,
243. 296, 342, 355, 369, 370, 371.
. expected to join the English,
281, 282 (2), 284, 286, 287,
——, arrival of, 289, 291,
——, re-inforcements of, 311 (2), 313,
320, 324-327, 330, 331.
. Strength of, 334,
——, in England, 326.
——, marauding by, 334,
——, winter quarters of, 344.
Duval (Devall), Claude, execution of, 36.
Dyle, the river, troops crossing, 182,

 

 

EK

Earle or Erle, Major-General [Thomas],
88, 108.
as Lieutenant-general, 119, 177.
East, Mr., 186.
East India Company, 85, 220, 362.
directors of, 213.
Dutch, director of, 379.
East India:
fleet, 127, 128.
letters, 275.
regiment for, 867.
ships, Dutch, 324.
Eden, Sir Robert, 41.
Edgcumbe (Edgecomb) :
Lord, 349.
Mr., his son, 349, 352.
Edgeworth, Colonel, 128.
Edinburgh, 29.
castle, 49.
Edward III., 171.
Effingham :
Lord, 220.
Lady, 276.
Egerton, Sir Thomas, Lord Keeper of the
Great Seal, 1, 18.
speeches by, 13, 16. :
as Lord Ellesmere and chancellor, 18.
Egleton, Mr., 247.
431

Ehrenbreitstein, castle of; 233.
Elbe, the river, 133.

Elector Palatine. See Palatine, Elector.
Elizabeth, Queen, 1-16.
council of, 76.

knights made by, 2.
letters patent of.
of.
speeches made to, 2, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11,
18, 14 (2).
views of, 77.
wars of, 17.
death of, 15.
Household of :
Comptroller.
William.
Vice-chamberlain [pro tem.] See
Stanhope, Sir John.
Lord. See Egerton, Sir

See Wight, Isle

See Knolles, Sir

Ellesmere,
Thomas.
Elliot :
Colonel, 101.
Ensign, 315, 317, 330, 833, 334, 340.
, mother of, 333.

 

Ellis:
John, under secretary of State, 107,
183.
, letter from, 159,
a barrister, 32.
Elsegham, camp at, 333.
letter dated at. 330.
Elvas, letters dated at, 185 (3).
Elwes, Sir Gervase (Jarvis), letter from,
191.
grandson of, 191.
Emott, Mr., 51.
Emperor. the:
[Leopold I.], 65, 130, 146, 148 (2).
———, ambassadors or envoys of. See
the Hague, and Poland.
——, army of, 156.
——, court of, 136.
, envoy to, 127 ; and see Sunder-
land, Ear] of.
——. general of, 118.
——., minister of, 136.
——. service of, 206, 207.
——, treaty of, with France, 136.
——, treaty of, with Savoy, 136.
——, England offers to provide the
quota of, for Portugal, 182, 133,
135, 136.
[Joseph I.], ministers of, 200.
[Charles VII.], 241, 264.
——, leaves Frankfurt, 234.

 

 

——,returns to Frankfurt, 252.
255.

—_—, message sent by, to King George
II., 255.

hostilities between the Queen of Hun-
= gary and, have ceased, 269.

[Joseph II.], 416.
Empire, the, 65.

diet of, 131. 182.

indolence of, 141.

ministers of, 139. 146.

Prinees of, 131.

 

Empress, the (wife of Charles VII.), at
Frankfurt, 234, 236, 245.
daughter of, 236.
cousin of. 401.
maids of honour of, 236.
English, the, ‘‘ good rich folks and indus-
trious,’’ 97.

' Epicurus, mentioned, 38.

Erith, Kent, 51.

Erkhuysen, Jean van, sergeant of the
Dutch guards, 158.

Erle. See Earle.

Erlichoffen (Endlichoffen), letter dated at,
298.

‘Eschborn, near Frankfurt, church and

pastor of, 236.
letters dated at, 234, 235 (2).
Essex, Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of,
expedition of, to Cadix, 6.
Esterhasi, Esterhazi, Prince, 269, 384.
Eton College, 5th and 6th forms of,
414,
the Shell at, 330.
Eton (Eaton):
clock, 414. |
common, 414,
letter dated at, 414.
Eugene, Prince, 200.
victory of, 183, 184.
Euripedes, mentioned, 7.
Euston [George Fitzroy], Earl of, 277,
Evans, a recruit, 270.
Evelyn :
Lady, 406.
Miss, 268.
Captain, quarter-master to the Cold-
stream Guards, 358. 361. 388, 389,
391. 392, 401, 406.
Exchequer, the, 1.
Chief Barons of, 18.
Barons of, 6.
speeches made in, 4, 7, 9, 10, 15.
Excise, commission of, 73.
Excluders, the. 61 (2).
Exeter, Countess of, 308.
son of, 389.
Exeter, Dean of. See Lyttelton, Charles,
Eyre:
Sir Charles, 366.
or Eyres, Mr., 220, 227, 229, 309,

F

Fagel or Fagell, Lieut.-General, 129, 132,
188.
opinion of, 120.
Fairborne, Sir Stafford, 153.
Fairfax :
Henry, 4th Baron, 38-40.
Thomas, 5th Baron, 60, 67.
T. (probably son of the preceding),
letter from, 112,
——., regiment of, 112,
4382

Fairlawne, letter dated at, 208.

Fair Play, a horse, 410, 411.

Falmouth, 187.

Faro, 184. °

Fauconberg (Falkconbridg) :

Mary, Lady, daughter of Oliver Crom-
well, 32, 34-37, 39, 43, 49, 58, 55
(2), 56 (2), 91.

——, letters from, 46, 48, 52, 56, 57.

Thomas Belasyse, 2nd Viscount, and
(in 1689) Earl Fauconberg, 32, 34-
36, 45-47, 52-59, 73.

——, houses of, 37, 90; and see Sut-
ton Court.

, letters, &c., from, 37, 48-63, 70,

89, 90 (4).

——. letters to, 37, 39-42, 58.

——., secretary of (?), letter from, 46.

——, wife of. See Fauconberg, Mary,
above,

——., sisters of, 34.90: and see Dal-
ton, Lady, and Frankland, Lady.

——, aunt of, death of, 48 (2).

——, family of, 48, 47, 48.

Fauler. See Hawler.

Fazakerley :

Mr., 213, 341.

Miss (Nancy), 214, 299, 329, 341, 343,
(2), 356.

——, uncle of, 344; and see Fazaker-
ley, Mr., and Gee, Mr.

, aunt of. See Russell, Lady.

Featherston[haugh]}, Colonel [John], let-

ters to, 150, 155,

1 regiment of, 150, 155.

Feltham, Mr., 32.

Felton. See Harvey, Felton.

Fenton, Mr., 280, 282.

Fenwick :

Sir John, 42.

Lady, 64.

Ferguson, Brigadier [James], commanding
officer at Bois-le-duc. 147, 149 (2), 150,
155, 162.

letters to, 112, 144-150, 152, 154, 155,
159 (?).

regiment of, 156.

Ferrara or D'Este family, 171.

Ferrarese, the, or country of Ferrara,
171.

Finch:

Lady Bell, 285.

Mr., 248.

Will, 286.

Fireworks, 307.

Fisher :

Kitty, 265, 315, 366.

Mrs., 315, 317, 330, 333, 334,

, cousin of. See Elliot, Mr.

Fitzroy (Fytchroy) :

Lady Caroline, 338.

Lieut.-Colonel [Charles], 248, 296-
299, 318.

Fitzwilliams (Fytchwilliams) :

Lord [the late], 256.

——. Jack, son of, 256.

——, another son of, 256.

—; 257, 258, 295.

 

 

 

 

Flanders, passim.
Ballieux of, 120.
capita] of. See Ghent.
Countess of. See Hungary, Queen of.
English army in, passim.
French army in, 120, 184, 309.
King William in, See William.
money for, 202.
proposed operations in, 120, 121.
states of, 324.
states, abbots, bishops, &ec., of, 306.
Dutch, 361.
Flemish, 339.
French, 331, 333, 337.
——, magistrates and burgomasters
of, contributions from, 339.

Fleet, the, 175, 177.

a commodore of, 347, 348, 349.
movements of, 84, 85, 180, 191.
troops to be carried by, 78-80.
Vice-admiral of. See Rooke, Sir George.

Fleetwood, Mr., 196.

Fleming :

Sir Thomas, made Chief Justice of the
King’s Bench, 18. ,

(Flemming), Colonel [James], regi-
ment of, 397,

Flemish :
boy, 316; and see Jack,
ladies, the, 221.

Fletcher, Nurse, 31, 33.

Florence, 170, 416.
court of, 171.

Madonna de} Annunciata at, 172.
Pieta at. 173.

Floyd, Mr., 33.

Flushing, 357 (2), 358, 386, 396, 398.
English consul at. See Stewart, Mr.
French church at, 373.
letters dated at, 358-391.

Road, letter dated from, 357.
ee and magistrates of, 358, 359,
61.
unwholesomeness of, 385, 387. 392.
393.

Foley, Paul, elected Speaker, 82.

Foliet, Mr., 187.

Foliot, Rrigadier-General [John], Lieut.
Colonel of the Ist regiment of Guards,
233, 296 (2), 297, 299 (2), 326. 403.

Fonseca, Marcq de, letter from, 74.
father and mother of, 74.

Fontenoy, battle of. 846, 412.

Forbes, Colonel, 407, 408.

Forrester, Miss, 286.

Fort Frederick, or St. Frederick, 389-391.
Lillo, 388-391.

Rover, near Bergen-op-Zoom, 380.
383.

St. André, 148.

——.commandant of. See Reamaker.

St. Michel. storming of, 148.

William, Bengal, governor of. See
Russell, John; Frankland, Henry ;
Dean, —.

, letter dated at, 212.

Fountaine (barrister), 31.

Fowlis, Charles, 213.

 
438

Fox:

Henry, as secretary at war, 395.
Richard, 412.

Frampton, Brigadier [Charles], Lieut.-
Colonel of the Ist regiment of Guards,
225, 228, 280 (2), 231, 235, 237, 240.

cook of, 229.
staff of, 229.
regiment given to, 233, 236.
France, Kings of :
Louis II., 19.
[Louis XTV.],51,60, 116-118, 160, 194.

, designs of, 54,

, reviews his guards, 85.

——., secret negotiations with, 130.

[Louis XV.], 318, 325, 337, 368.

——, movements of, 309, 312, 313,
326, 329, 363, 383, 390.

, reported to be dying or dead,

334, 335.
France, 44, 70, 76, 96, 126, 173.

agent from, in Turkey, 134.

ambassadorsfrom. See Chateau-neuf;
Chelardie.

and the Emperor, See Emperor.

cartel with, for exchange of prisoners,
114-126.

cartel with, proposed, for prisoners
taken at sea, 829.

court of, 116, 117, 133.

, couriers from, 140.

Dutch minister gone to, 328.

Dauphin of, 335.

envoys from. See Lorge, Marquis de.

envoys to. See Churchill, Lord ;
Preston, Lord.

expedition to (in 1746), 348-355.

——, commander of. See Lestook,
Admiral.

‘‘a great lady’’ sent to, 204.

marsha] of, 200.

nayal preparations by, 139.

negotiations with, 200, 201, 209.

news from, 11], 179.

princes of the blood in, 368.

prisoners in, 111, 140.

Protestants in, persecution of, 51.

travellers in or from, 97, 158, 164.

wars of Edward III. in, 171.

war with, parties to, 187.

, prospect or fear of, 263, 268,

269, 275, 282, 288.

Franciscan friars, 214.

Francklen, Mr., of Newmarket, 29.

Franckyille. See Newtown, Isle of Wight.

Frank, Colonel Bussell’s servant, 359, 362,
376, 396, 411.

Frankenthal (Frankinthall), 284, 288,
290 (2).

Frankfurt (Francfort) am Main, 137, 233-
237, 240-245, 249, 251, 257, 276, 291.

court-martial at, 236.

description of, 235.

‘‘the Drury Lane of,’’ 235.

the Emperor and Empress at. See
Emperor, Empress.

fair [Kermesse], 235.

negotiations at, 265.

14170 a

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frankland :

Arabella, wife of Sir William (sister
of Lord Fauconberg), 18 (?), 88,
43 (2), 45, 48, 53-58, 60.

, letters to, 46, 48, 52.

Charles Henry (Harry), aft. Sir
Charles, eldest son of Goyernor
Henry, 275, 283.

Dinah (Di), daughter of the second
Sir Thomas, 250, 261, 275, 277.
——, proposed marriage of, to Lord

Litchfield, 335, 338.

objected to, as ‘‘Oliver Cromwell's
grand-daughter,’ 338.

Frederick, youngest son of the first
Sir Thomas, 224, 237, 241, 250,
283, 286, 297, 317, 322-324, 333,
835, 338, 387, 400.

——, letter from, 345.

——, daughter of, 324;
Frankland, Nanny.

Frederick (Freddie), son of the pre-
ceding, 305, 308, 315.

, a8 cornet, 321, 323, 325, 327,
328, 333, 335, 340, 343.

Grace, daughter of Sir William, 42,
45-48.

, marriage of, to Mr. Smelt, 47.

Harry, younger son of Sir William, 68.

, Inade justice of Peace and
Custos Rotulorum in co. York, 71.

Henry, governor of Fort William, son
of the first Sir Thomas, letter
from, 212,

, letter to, 211.

——, death of, 213.

, relatives of, 212.

Mrs. H[enry] (widow of the preceding),
241, 275, 325, 335.

John (Jack) son of Sir William, 42,
43, 69.

——., letter from, 96.

John, letter from, 213.

—-, uncle of, See Frankland,
Henry.

ys daughter of Frederick, 322,
345

 

 

and see

 

 

 

 

 

Nan, daughter of Admiral Thomas, 414.

Robert, son of the first Sir Thomas,
murder of, 211.

Thomas (Tom), afterwards Sir Thomas,
eldest son of Sir William, 41, 42,
44-47, 49-52, 57, 90, 91.

, letters to, 96, 170 (?).

—, letters from, 54-63, 71-73.

, and the Thirsk elections, 58, 60,
61, 62, 63, 67, 68.

——, marriage of, to
Russell, 52.

——, ——. disagreements following,
53-57.

——, informed against, to the King,
62, 63.

——, wife of, 73; and see Russell,
Elizabeth.

—, , a8 Lady Frankland, 90,
91.

, tutor of, 50.

 

 

Elizabeth

 

 

2z
434

Frankland—cont. ‘

‘Capt. Thomas (Tommy), aft. Admiral
and Sir Thomas, son of Governor
Henry, 275, 280, 281, 283, 352,
400 (?).

, letter to, 414.

——,, wife of, 275, 281, 414.

, son of. . See Thomas, below.

, daughters of, 414.

Thomas, son of Admiral Thomas.
letter from, 414.

, mother and sisters of, 414.

Sir Thomas, the second, eldest son of
the first Sir Thomas, 213, 242, 247,
a 275, 277, 280, 281, 286, 337,

, second wife of, 242, 247, 265,
277, 288, 337.
; , sister of, 265,
William (afterwards Sir
letter to, 18 (?).
as Sir William, 46. 52.
. letters from, 37, 39-42, 58, 67,
68 (2).
, letters to, 38 (8), 43-64, 71-
73, 89, 90 (4).
, and the King. See James IT.
, is advised not to stand again for
Parliament, 58-62.
, proclaims James II, at Thirsk,
59.
, writes « submissive letter to be
shown to the King, 62.
——, death of, 89, note.
——, wife of. See
Arabella, above,
, children of, 73; and see under
their names.
——, nephews of.
Nicholas and John.
, servant of, 39.
Mr. (? aft. the second Sir Thomas), 170.
‘‘parson,’’ 42, 63, 69.
family (Thirkleby family), 316 (2),
, expected heir to, 290.
—, ‘‘never born to serve the
Russells,’’ 400.
Frecheyille (Fretchvill), Anna,
letter from, 91.
Frederick, Prince of Wales, 286,
French, or the French, 20, 413.
army, increase of, 51.
, victory of, 70.
army or troops (the enemy), in
Flanders or Germany, 85, 120, 133,
134, 189, 141, 145, 156, 159-161,
199, 239-344, and 358-890, passim.
——, artillery, 85.
——, camp volant, 372.
, Carabiniers, 85.
——, commanders of, 133; and see
Villeroy, Villers, Broglio, Boufflers.
, commissary of the Marines,
See Gesvres, Monsieur.
, Dragoons, routed and taken
prisoners, 282, 283.
_ deserters from, 239, 245, 248,
249, 263, 278, 282, 379.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Williem),

 

 

 

 

 

 

Frankland,

 

See Sanderson.

 

 

Lady,

 

 

 

 

 

 

French army or troops—cont,

, Engineers, 375.

——, Fusiliers, 85.

——, Guards, 85, 255,

—, Hussars, 239, 242, 245, 248,
249, 263.

, Maison du roi [household

cavalry}, 253, 258, 260.

, Irregulars, 371.

——, Musquetaires, 255, 258, 267.

——, Roya] Etrangers, 85.
——, towns taken by, 180, 311, 315,
323; and see under their names.
——, defeat of, 109, 182, 269, 318, 326,
comers’ , at Dettingen, See Det-
tingen, battle of.

: , ——, list of the killed:
and wounded, 274.

——, ravages or exactions of, 141,
225, 226, 280.

, taken prisoner, 182, 188.

——, distress of, 241.

, attack by, expected, 242-244,

, retreat of. 248, 256, 282, 290,
342, 343.

——, movements of, 130. 246, 249,

251, 252, 257, 262, 291, 311, 312,

816, 326, 340, 366; and see Saxe,
Count, movements of. :

, Victories or successes of, 286,

355, 369-873.

, skirmishes with, 289, 868.

burning of Heidelberg by,

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

298.

——, ambusoades or lurking parties
of, 318, 337, 340-342,

, baggage seized by, 324.

. cease to act offensively, 325.

——, dare not attack openly, 342,

——, in winter quarters, 344,

——, position of. 365.

——., losses of, 369-372.

——-, siege of Bergen-op-Zoom by.
See Bergen-op-Zoom.

, at Gibraltar, 177, 178.

——, inItaly. See Italy.

——, in Spain. See Spain,

cook, 3866, 392, 407.

Court, 54, 122,

designs, 121.

evacuation of the Empire by. 267.

fleet, 192.

, defeat of, 362.

garrisons. 290,

general, taken prisoner, 370.

governor, 133.

guarantee by. 226.

hopes of peace with, 264, 265.

language, letters in, 74. 75. 85, 87,
90, 97; 105:°(2), TIL. 146, 117,
123 (2), 125, 142, 144, 149, 151-
158, 155, 157, 159, 413.

maxim, 132,

opinion of the English proceedings
at Dettingen, 260" : =

prisoners, 126.

prisoners taken by, 186, 189, 255.

, exchange of, 188, 189.

 

 

 

 

 
435

French army or troops—cont, .
prisoners taken by, cartel for. See
France, cartel with.
privateers, or men of war, 184 (2),
187, 191, 192, 304, 391.
Protestants, 97.
, in Holland, 96.
tippet, 220.
trumpeter, 329.
Sean Isle of Wight, militia company
or, : :
Friesen, Monsieur, 140.
Friesendorf, Baron de,
to Hanover. &e., 140.
Friesland (Friseland, Fresland, Frise,
Freeze):
Duchy of, 131.
Duke of, death of, 312.
Princess of. See Nassan-Friesland.
Stadtholder of. See Nassau-Fries-
land, Prince of.
Froienne, camp at, 342.
Fuller:
General [Francis], 228, 278, 288, 348-
354, 358, 359, 362, 365, 367 (2),
370, 379.
——, to be made lieutenant-general,
395-397, 400.
Captain, his son, 395.
of Beaconsfield, 340.
Fullerton, John, 211.
letter from [?], 211-
Furnace, —, London merchant, 202.
Furnes (Fiurnnes) in Flanders, siege of,
raised, 325.
Furstenberg (Fustemberg), regiment of, 85

 

Swedish envoy

G

G., R., (? Mr. Gunton], 43.
Gally. Mrs., 331.

Galway (Gallway, Galloway). General
Ruvigny, Earl of, 181, 185, 189, 191, 196,
205 (2).

——, letters from. 97, 185 (2).
, regiment of horse of, 111.
Gambier, Captain, of the Navy, 352.
Gamley: See Gumley.
Gansel, Captain and Adjutant [William],
350, 382.
Gargrave, Mr., 36 (2).
Garrard or Gerard, Sir John, alderman
and lord mayor, 12.
father of, 15.
Garter, order of the, 93.
knight or knight companion of, in-
stallation of at Windsor, 171, 174.
Gascoigne, Gascoyne :
Ben., 2138.
——, letter from, 218.

Mrs,, 213,

 

 

Gata, Cape de, 192.
Gayre (Gaver) on the Scheldt, 311, 316,
319, 820, 822, 330, 843.
camp at, letter dated at, 315.
Gee

Colonel, 228, 308, 322.
——, wife of, 308, 322, 324.
—, son of, 808.
uncle of Miss Fazakerley, 329.
Geldermalsen or Gildermalzen, Monsieur,
110, 118, 114, 156, 161, 165.
Gemund, in Flanders, 226.
Genoa (Genua), 865.
Incurabile at, 171.
Genoese envoy, the, 338.
George, Prince of Denmark :
comes to England to marry Princess
Anne, 54, 57 (2).
as Lord High Admiral and General-
issimo of the Forces, 107, 128,
142, 166, 167, 169, 174, 175, 177,
. 183, 185.
council of, 180.
letter to, 180.
orders of, 110, 168.
recommendation to, 185.
secretary to. See Clarke, Dr. George.
grooms of the Bedchamber to, 182.
Master of the Horse to. See Sand-
wich, Earl of ; Bridgewater, Earl of.
George Louis, Prince or Elector of Han-
over, 110.
letter from, 188. .
as ‘our friend in Germany,” 201.
mutual understanding between the
Queen and, 202.
“a dull German,” 204.
as King George I. of England, 208, 209.
petition to, 205.
George, Prince of Wales, son of George I.,
209

quarrels of, with his father, 209.
as King George II.:

agents of, 313.

attendants of, 248.

birthday of, 300.

coaches of, 217, 293.

commissions granted by, 275, 287,
333.

coronation day of, drawing-room in
honour of, 855.

household of, 273.
Equerries, 260, 268.
Groom porter, 242.
Lord of the Bedchamber. See

Holderness, Lord.

memorials to, 346, 412.

messenger of, 257.

expected to join the army, 217, 218,
236, 240, 248-245. |

going to Hanover, 234, 241, 268, 272,
292, 294, 295.

with the army (our great captain),
246, 247, 248, 250, 255, 258, 264,
267, 274-277, 288.

headquarters of, 244-246, 274-283,

290.
436

George II.—cont.
personal notices of, 246, 259, 278,
276, 277, 290, 292.
guard of, 248, 290, 292, 293.
at the battle of Dettingen, 251-254,
256, 258, 261, 266.
, courage of, 253, 260.
sayings of, 259, 260.
partiality of, for the Hanoverians,
259, 260, 262, 273.
orders of, 266, 290 (2), 291 (2), 395.
as Elector of Hanover, 271.
, aide-de-camp of, 293.
visit of Prince Charles of Lorraine,
to. See Charles, Prince,
audience given by, 278.
health of, 279.
no Stairs tenders his resignation to,
proposed departure of, from the army,
287-289, 291, 292, 294, 295.
puts off his military dress, 293.
leaves the army, 295.
proposed return of, to the army, 312,
319-322, 326.
speech of, in Parliament, alluded to,
368.
provisions sent by, to the army, 388.
Gerard (Gerrard) :
Sir Gilbert, 38, 41, 42, 61, 63.
Sir John. See Garrard.
“uneole,”’ 33.
Germain, (Jermain), Lady Betty, 247,
386.
German, Mr.
German:
cook, 227.
flute, 240.
language,
234

troops, 180, 371, 377.
Germany, 210, 319.

war of thé Spanish succession in, 120,
121, 127-141, 145, 148, 161.

the campaign of 1748 in, 227-299.

impracticability of a winter march
into, 220-222.

Prince Charles’ campaign in [1744],
324-330, 336.

indolence of, 141.

Spanish troops in, 85.

Gertrudenberg, Gertruydenberg (Gertry-
denburg), 102. 367, 897.

commander at, letter to, 146.
conference at, 200.

Gesvres, Mons. de, French commissary of
the Marines, 329,

Ghent, 214-217, 221, 223, 224, 281, 289,
800, 809, 318-316, 318-321, 323, 324,
326,327, 833, 339, 341, 344, 375, 890.

abbey of St. Pierre at. 305, 306.

Brussels gate at, 805.

camp near, 311, 314.

church of St. Bave or St. Bavyain
[St. John Baptist], at, 216, 306.

Friday market at, 306, 307.

garrison of, 217.

 

 

See Jermyn.

villagers speaking only,

 

Ghent—cont.
governor of, 215, 216.
grand square of, 306.
hospital at, 238.
letters dated at, 215-223, 304-809,
845 (2).
play-house at, 221, 222.
Pomme d’or inn at, 224, 305.
Stat house at, 306.
winter quarters at, 290, 843, 344.
is the capital of Flanders, 305.
inauguration of Prince Charles at,
305-807.
eet advance of the French to,
EE
Gibbs, Mr,, at Lisbon. 166,
SES, 174, 176, 177, 184-186, 192,
Db.
acquaintance, 335,
garrison of, money for, 175.
ea of (Lieut.-General Elliot],
415.
the Guards at, 175,
hospital at, 188.
letters dated at, 179, 180, 188, 412.
lieut.-governor of, 415.
old Mole (Mold) at, 183.
Bee Tower at, taking of, 177, 180,
siege of, 174, 175, 185, 186, 189, 205,
346, 412.
——, account of. 177-179.
——, raising of, 179.
Straits of, 185, 180, 191, 193.
Gibson :
John, of Welburne, letters from, 68, 64.
Mrs., 356.
Gilbert (Gilburt) :
Captain, 213.
Miss, 241, 247.
Gildermalzen. See Geldermalzen.
Gilling, co. York, 60.
Ginckell, General. See Athlone.
Glasgow, Lord, 370.
Glatz, on the borders of Silesia, 216.
Gloucester :
Duke of (son of Princess Anne), 94.
Duke of [William Henry, brother of
George III.], 415.
, son and daughter of, 416.
Duchess of, his wife, 415,
Gloucestershire man, a, 350.
Glynd, co. Sussex, 262.
Goddard, Alderman, 12.
Godfreys, the two, 47.
Godolphin, Sidney, Ear! of, 70, 114, 182.
as Lord Treasurer, 107, 109, 117-119,
122, 124, 188, 145, 197.
letters from, 108, 122.
letter to, 122.
installation of [as Knight of the
Garter], 174.
memorial to, 198.
as the late treasurer, 202.
Goez, Goezen or Goesen, Count de, Aus-
trian minister at the Hague, 126, 130,
184, 185, 138, 141,

 
437

Goodrich (Gothericke), Sir Henry, 41.
Goodwin, Thomas, history of Henry V.
written by, 155.
Goor:
General Ju, letter from, 102.
Monsieur, 127,
Gorceum, in Holland, 116.
pangomacter and garrison of, 142,

English commander at, letters to, 145,
145, 146,

troops at, 164.

Tee and magistracy of, letter to,
Gordon, House of, 97.
Gore :

Captain, letter from, 175.

Charles, 241.

Mr., 404, 406.
Goree, the, in Holland, 110.

Gorges (Gorge), Lord, 31-38, 35.
Gossuch, Colonel, 198.

Goter, ‘‘an old Benedictine,” 63.
Goths and Vandals, the, 98.
Gowran, Baron of. See Cutts, Lord,

Grafton:

Henry Fitzroy, Duke of, natural son
of Charles IT., 48.
Charles Fitzroy, Duke of, 286.

Graham :

Lord George, brother of the Duke of
Montrose, 355.

James, keeper of the Priyy Purse to
James II., 58.

General, regiment of, 355.

Grahme, Sir Richard, 39, 63; and see
Preston, Lord.

Gramont, camp at, letter dated at, 87.

Grandville, Sir Beville, 107.

Grave, in Holland, 388-391.

letter dated at, 126.

Gravesend, 347, 411.

the Dutch at, 31.
letter dated off, 357.

Great Seal, Commissioners of, bill con-
cerning, 73.

Greeks, the, defences of, 98.

Greencloth, the, diners at, 270, 271, 278,
279, 283, 292.

Greenhill :

Samuel, 368, 408.

, made comptroller of Antigua,
405.

——, as the late, 412.

John Russell (Johnny), son of the
above, 232. 257, 275, 322, 330, 367,
368, 384, 400, 405.

, at Oxford, 371.

Greenwich (Grenewich), 357.

Lord Mayors presented at, 9, 10, 14,
16

 

 

park, 99.
Grey:
Ford, Lord Grey of Wark, arrest of,
54,
——~, brother of, 42.

 

Grey—cont.
Henry, Lord Grey of Ruthven, proses
pective marriage of, 73.
——, regiment of, 124.
Sir James, 286.
, Sisters of, 286.
Groffey [? Peter], Lord Marlborough’s
steward, 100.
Groningen (Groninghen), stadtholder of.
See Nassau-Friesland, Prince of.
Gronsfeldt, in Flanders, 301.
letter dated at, 300,
Gross Bullesheim, 229,
oie Lieut.-Colonel [Henry], letter to,
Sroeete (Groyestin), Monsieur, 360,
Gueldres, 113.
bombardment of, 139.
province of, 128.
Gulpen, in Flanders, 301.

 

 

Gumley (Gamley):
Mr., in Bengal, death of, 286, 288.
, wife of, 286.
Lieut.-Col. Sam., brother of the

above, 288, 297, 341, 344 (2).
, company of, 412,
Gunpowder treason night, 47,
Gunton, Mr., 43.
Gunzbourg, 133.
Guy:
Major-General de, commandant at
Bois-le-duo, 392,
Mr., 186.
Gwin, Ensign [William], 382.

 

H

Haare, in Holland, 125.
Haarlem, magistracy of, 180.
Hagar, Mrs. Mally, 88.
Hagegar, Admiral[John], and his wife, 277.
Hague, the, 110, 125, 149, 155, 164, 168,
170, 217, 801, $12, 355, 368, 880, 388,
889, 398, 395, 399.
ambassadors or ministers at :
English. See Stanhope, Alex-
ander.
Danish, 128-180, 185, 188.
Imperial, 186, 139, 140, 146.
Polish, 129.

Portuguese. See Pacheco, Mon-
sieur.

Prussian. See Schmettau, Mon-
sieur.

Russian, 128-180.

Swedish. See Lilienroot, Mon-
sieur.

clerk at, 166.
complaints made at, of the English
forces, 106.
438

Hague, the—cont.
congress at, 110,
letters dated at, 75, 98, 100-107, 111-
162, 164-166, 169, 179, 200, 208.
lieut.-generals at, conference of, 119.
Lord Cutts house at, 101.
Lord Marlborough at, 187.
monthly historical letters at, men-
tioned, 203.
the old Court at, 139.
plate and furniture sent to, 402, 407.-
postmaster at, 162.
supreme court of Judicature at, 121.
travellers to and from, 112, 117, 179,
393, 402, 404.
the Treyes Chamber at, 119, 160, 161.
Hale, in Brabant, 309.
Hales:
Lieut.-Colonel, 167.
Mr., 73.
Tom, son of, killed, $82.
Halifax, George, Savile, Earl of, 45.
fall of, 54.
Hallet, —, 411.
Hambleton, Mrs., 333.
Hamburg, 136, 188.
English Resident at.
Hamden, —, 60.
Hamilton :
Anne, Duchess of, 51.
—. husband of. See Hamilton,
William, Duke of, below.
Brigadier and Colonel { Frederick], 156.
——, letters to, 145 (2), 146.
, regiment of, 110, 162, 163.
Col. Hans, letter from, 180.
James, 4th Duke of, 128.
James, 5th Duke of, 269.
William Douglas, 8rd Duke of, 51.
‘parson,’ a chaplain in Flanders, 407.
Hampden, —, marriage of, 809.
Hampson, Alderman, 12.
Hampstead, Middlesex, 242.
Hampton Court, 24.
the Council at, 54.
Hanau (Hanaut) on the Main, 244, 246,
249, 267, 269, 276, 281.
letter dated at, 245.
battle near. See Dettingen.
camp near, letters dated from, 251,
252, 254, 257-259, 262 (2), 265, 266,
268, 270, 272, 274.
Hanover, Hannover, 107, 184, 242, 250.
Elector of. See George Louis.
, the King of England as. See
George IT.
court of, envoy to, 140.
the King going to. See George II.
letters dated at, 106, 188.
Princess Louisa to be married at, 289.
travellers to or from, 292, 295, 296.
Hanoverian :
artillery, 324.
——, battery of, 258, 279.
attendants of the King, 271.
Colonel, 871.
General, 221; and see Ilton, General.

See Wyoh.

 

 

 

Hanoverian—cont.
Guards, 251.
officers, 315, 335.
troops, 119, 237, 239, 240, 242, 251,
253, 254, 257, 258, 310, 313, $24,
834-336, 342, 355, 369, 371, 372,
377.

, at Dettingen, 260. 267, 279.
——, ‘‘the men with whiskers,’ 260.
——, winter quarters of, 344.

Hanoverians, partiality of the King for.

See George II.

Hanseatic towns, 129, 225.

Hantelman, Julius, senr., letter from, 188.
son of, 138.

Hants, county of, election for, 94.

Hanworth, 241.

Hara [? O’Hara], Charles, letter from, 97.

Harboard, Will, 73.

Harcourt :

Sir Simon, 89.
Simon, Lord, 248, 254, 255, 258,
259 (2 , 261, 264, 268, 271, 272.
“old Lady,’’ 326.
, nephew of. See Vernon, Ensign.
Hardenbergh, Monsieur, aide-de-camp to
the King, 298.
as colonel, 371.
Harding, James, 238, 248.
Harley, Robert (Robin), Secretary of State,
201.
letter from, 197.
praise of, 202.
as Earl of Oxford and Lord Treasurer,
204, 205.
, fall of, 204, 205.
Harper, Sir Harry, 355.
Harrack, Count de, 220.
Harrington, William Stanhope, Earl of,
323, 362.
Harrogate (Harogat), letter dated at, 18.
Hart, Charles, letter from, 168.
Harte, Alderman, 12.
Harvey. See Hervey.
Harwich, 177, 410.
letters dated at, 304 (2).
packet boat of, 804.
post from, 862.
Hasselt, in Flanders, 159.
Hastings, Brigadier or Colonel [Ferdinand],
letter to, 101.
regiment of, 81.
Hawkins, —, surgeon, 272.
Hawler (Fauler), John, clerk at the Ad-
miralty, 196.
letters from, 166, 167.
Hawley, General, 308.
Hay:
Lord Charles, 243.
Lord John, regiment of, 164.
Sir Thomas, 241.

Hayes, Mr., 40.

Hayles, Mr., 94.
son of, 94.

Hayse, Sir James, 142.

Headly, 250.

Heathcote (Heathooat) [Sir Gilbert], 202.

 

 

 
439

»

Hedges, Sir Charles, Secretary of State,
107, 118, 122.
letters from, 116, 124 (2), 188.
letters to, 117, 119, 122, 124, 188, 185.
under secretary of. See Addison,
Joseph.
Heeze, in Holland, 124.
Heidelberg :
description of, 298, 294.
castle or palace of, 293.
the great tun of, 294.
Heildburghausen, Hilbourghausen or Saxe
Hilbourghausen. Prince, 359, 369, 371,
378, 374.
Heister, General, 131.
Heisterren, letter dated from, 300.
Helchen, Dutch troops at, 330.
Hellenrouck, camp of, letter dated at, 409.
Helvoet-Sluys (Helvoet Sluce), 158, 159,
288, 362, 404, 411.
disaster to the English ships at, 147.
letter dated at, 504.
Hemingford (co York ?], 247, 250, 251.
Hemington, Lieut.-Colonel [Richard], 234,
250, 281, 297, 341, 343, 344.
sons of, 343.
company of, 412.
Henry II., King, 19.
Hensius, Grand Pensioner of Holland, 110,
118, 127, 128, 147, 164.
Herbert :
Sir Charles, 24.
Lady Charlotte, 416.
Sir Edward, 73.
William, 60.
Pee a ene, [William], 248 (2),
Lady, 355.
Herring, Thomas, archbishop of York, 279,
286.
as Archbishop of Canterbury, 400, 406.
Hertford :
Algernon Seymour, Lord, 321, 323.
Frances Seymour, Countess of, 276.
, letters to, 209, 210.
——, husband of, regiment of, 276.
Hertford:
assembly at, 411.
new charter for, 50.
Hertford, county of, 241.
Hervey, Harvey:
Brigadier (Daniel], regiment of, 168.
Felton. youngest son of the Earl of
Bristol, 257, 258, 271, 279, 286,
288, 289, 292, 295, 296, 355.
, wife of, 292, 355.
George William (eldest son of John,
Lord), 241.
——,as Lord Hervey, 235.
John, Lord, eldest son of the Earl of
Bristol; 277. °
, death of, 285, 286.
, children of, 285.
——, father of. See Bristol, Earl of.
Mary, Lady (wife of John, Lord), 285,
286

 

 

 

 

——, mother of, 285.

 

Hervey—cont.
Mary (daughter of John, Lord), 285,
286

Mr. and Mrs., 338.
Hespen, in Flanders, 182,
Hesse Cassel, 295.
Landgraye of, 141.
Friedrich or Frederick, hereditary
Prince of, 141, 218, 264, 355.

. as Prince of Hesse, 295,

. letter from, 95. .

——, and the battle near Spires, 145,
146, 148.

——, wife of. See Mary, Princess of.

Prince George of, uncle to Prince
Frederick, 218.

Mary, Princess of, daughter of George
TI, and wife of Prince Frederick,
242, 244, 247, 261, 295, 355, 356.

——, infant son of, 242,

Princess Mary of, 276.

William, Prince of, 244, 264, 282.

 

 

——,son of, See Prince Frederick,
above.

——, houses and garden of, 245, 246,
264, 271.

Hesse Darmstadt (Armstadt) :
George, Landgrave of, 141, 177. 185,
189, 205, 206.
——, letter from, 180.
——, death of, 186,
Hesse Phillipstadt, Prince, former gover-
nor of Bergen-op-Zoom, 379, 386.
Hessian :
General, 221.
troops, 240, 251, 254, 256, 355, 370-
372, 377, 378.
Hessians, ‘‘the ungrateful,’’ 310.

‘Hewitt, (George, Viscount], regiment of, 78.

Hewley, Sir John, 41, 42.
Heylishem, in Flanders, 182.
Hildesheim, business of, 127.
Hildesley or MHildersley, [Lieut.-Col.
Francis, of the lst regiment of Guards],
r Tbe 222, 224. 242, 248, 259, 346, 355.
ill:
Lieut.-Colonel [John], 167.
Mr.. 130, 133, 142.
Mr., at Leghorn, 183.
Thomas, murder of, 211.
Hillingden, co. Middlesex, 257.
Hinchingbrook, Lady, 257.
Hoare, Sir Richard. 202.
Hobart (Hubbord), Lieut.-Colonel [John],
167.
Hoby, Sir T., younger brother of, 258.
Hodges, Mr., 87.
Hodgin, John, 412.
Hodgson :
Captain, 223,

Lieut.-Colonel [Studholm], 396.
nee Hochst (Hockts), on the Main,
English camp at, 287 (2), 241-244.

letters dated at, 236-244.
quarters of the English general at,
235-287.
440

Hoeckwater, H., letter from, 142.
Holderness, Robert Darcy, Earl of, Lord
of the Bedchamber, 248, 258, 267, 272, Mrs., 250, 256, 265.
276, 277, 279, 290, 292, 298, 295- | Holmes:
297. Henry, a soldier, 238, 248.
chariot and horses of, 296. Mr., of Calcutta, 286, 356.
Holland, passim. , letter to, 213.

Holliday, Alderman, 12,
Holman, Mr., 250, 265.

 

ambassadorsor ministersto. See Hague,
the, ambassadors or ministers at.

burdens upon, 187.

castle in, 400.

council of State in, 106, 180, “183,
144, 151, 152, 154-156, 160, 165,

——, letter to, 105.

, memorials to, 156, 157,

dangerous position of, 374, 378.

defence of, 374, 381, 884, 385.

English commander in. See Marl-
borough, Lord, and Cutts, Lord.

French Protestants in, 96.

Gardes du corps of, 127, 128.

letters sent by way of, or Holland
post, 86, 254, 282, 310.

Marlborough goes to, 177.

news from, 354,

pee in, called the House in the Wood,

papists in, laws against, 128.

Pensioner of. See Hensius.

provinces of, 130, 183, 189.
under their names,

, consent of, waited for, 128.

States General of, 103, 106, 111, 118,
116-118, 122, 126, 180, 182, 188,
185, 188, 140, 144, 145, 148-150,
162, 396, 397.

, armies of, lieut,-general of. See

Salyche, Monsieur.

, commissioner from, 115, 117;

and see Hulft, Monsieur.

, and the cartel with France, 112,

, and the British troops, 120.

, and Mons. Opdam, 129.

, deputies of, 120, 138, 140, 146,
160, 161.

——, ——, conference of or with, 120,
122, 160.

——, ——, with the army, 184 (2).

—, letter to, 115.

——, memorial to, mentioned, 340.

——, news sent to, 124.

— , notification to, 130.

——, orders or proceedings of, 127,
141, 146, 147, 149.

, payments by or required from,
for Spain and Portugal, 132, 135.

——, president of, 185.

——, ships to be provided by. See
Charles, Archduke, ships for.

, treasurer of. See Hop, Mr.

travellers to and from, 49, 100, 194,
239, 284, 285.

treaty of, with Sweden, 127-129.

troops sent from, 326, 827.

 

And see

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Holland, province of, 392.

States of, 130, 1385.
troops from, for Portugal, 146.

——, 2nd wife of. See Russell, Anna,
Lady.

, children of, 213.

Mary, Ist wife of the preceding, 213.

Lieut.-Colonel [Richard], 156.

Sir Robert, captain general and
governor of the Isle of Wight,
appointment by, 53.

Major Robert, 83.

 

Holstein, government of, 136.
Holy Land, the, crusade to, 171.
Homburg, Landgrave of, 141.
Honeywood:

General Sir Philip, 223, 328.

 

, ag commander-in-chief, 287, 296,
297, 299, 300, 803.

——, Order of the Bath given to, 275.

——, aversion of, to the Guards, 301.

——, seoretary to, 297.

——, late regiment of. See Army regi-

 

ments, 8rd Dragoons.
——, horse regiment of.

255, 256, 305, 306.

——, wounded at Dettingen, 263, 270."

, recovery of, 276, 283.

Mr., of Kent, 286.
Honslaersdick, in Holland, 139.
Hooper, Captain, 183.

 

Hopor Hope, Mr.,Dutch treasurer, 120, 257.

Horen (Horhen), 232, 298.
letters dated at, 232, 233.
Horn, Count de, taken prisoner, 182.
Horn, pensionary of, 137.
Hornain, in Flanders, 199.
Hornby, the heir of. See Darcy.
Horner, Mrs., 235.
Horsey, Cornet, 258.

Hounslow Heath, camp on, 240, 308, 318.

How:

Colonel [Emanuel], regiment of, 144.

Jack (M.P.), 83.

Howard : .
General Charles, regiment of, 355.
Lady G., 331.

——, son of, 331.

Lord George, 73.

Lord Thomas, 73.

General [Thomas], regiment of, 397.
Lieut.-Colonel [? George], 317.

Master, page to the Duke of Cumber-

land, 405.
Howe, J., letter from, 123.
Hubland, Mr., 47.
Hudson:
Captain, 250, 281.

Lieut.-Colonel [Joseph], of the 1st regi-

ment of Guards, 394, 399, 402.
Mr., 366.

See Army
regiments; King’s regiment of Horse.
Major (young Honeywood), 233, 251,
441

Huesden (Heusden), 99, 390, 392, 393.
commander at, letter to, 146.

Hulft, Monsieur, commissioner of the
States General, 117, 118, 122, 123.

Hull, 110.

Hulst, 362, 379.

Hume:

Lord, 243.

7 Mr., 213.

ungarian :
antes, 362.

.. -hussars, 249, 277, 282.

vas , skirmish of, with the enemy,

“a 200.

Hungarians, accommodation with, 180.

Hungary (Hungaria):

King of [Ladislaus], 20.
Queen of [Maria Theresa], 229, 249,
264, 269, 288, 334, 339.

, as Countess of Flanders, 306.

——, birthday of, 217.

—, Franche Compagnie of, 335.

, garrisons of, in Flanders, 326.

——, portrait of, 216, 306.

, treaty with, 216.

, troops of, in Italy, 325.

—., victory of, 237.

Hungary:

confiscations in, 187.
invasion of, by the Turks, 20.
rebels in, defeated, 129.

Hunsden, Robert Carey, Lord, 73.

Hunter, Mr., postmaster with the army,
368, 376.

Huntingdon, Selina [Hastings], Countess
of, letters from, 209, 210.

son of, 211.

Huntingdon (Huntington):
county of, election for, 60.
town of. election for. 60.

Hursley (Hursely), co. Hants, 27.

Hurst Castle, co. Hants, 76.

Huske or Husk (Hursk, Hurst), Brigadier-
General [John], 258 268,357-359, 365,
a 370, 371, 376, 378, 382, 383, 385-390,

as major-general, 275, 276.
regiment of, 281, 287.
Hussey:
Sir Edward, 83.
Lieut.-Colonel [Thomas], 85, 189.

Hutton :

Dr. (1710), 201.

Rae made bishop of Bangor,
279.

——, made archbishop of York, 400.

— , 237.

Huttons-Ambo, co. York, 44.

Hurley, Mr., ‘“‘of the secretary's office,”
276

 

 

 

 

 

76.
Huxwell, co. York, 43.
Huy, Hui:
castle of, taken, 130.
garrison at, 134.
, French, 138.
magazine for, 139.
taken by the French, 180.

 

 

Huys or Huysse, chateau de, camp at,
letters dated from, 348 (2), 344.
Hire Sine): Lady, to be Lady of the robes,

Hoe ‘Park discipline or firing, 260, 265,
78.

I

Ilton, Baron, Hanoverian general, 251-
258, 259, 264, 272.

Imperial :
army, 64-66 ; and see Austrian troops.
court, 127.
generals, 131.
towns, 129.

Indemnity, Act of (1689), 71.

India, 218.
sey from, mentioned, 214, 220 (2),
person returned from, 295.
ships (French) captured by

Anson, 362,

Ingleby, Mr., 63.

Ingoldsby (Ingolsby) :

Brigadier [Richard], 100, 102. 103,
107, 162.
——, regiment of, 162, 163.

, letters to, 98, 105, 106.

as General and Lord Justice of Ire-
land, death of, 203.

Major-General or Brigadier[Richard],
236, 240, 248, 245, 246, 258, 259,
279, 281, 290, 295-298, 301, 305,
806, 308, 314, 817, 328. 333, 345.

——, illness of, 317, 319, 320, 323.

—, wife of, 246, 259, 279, 290.

Richard, 61.

Mr., 345.

Ingolstat, in Bavaria, 121.

Ingram [Thomas], 21.

Inn, the river, 181.

Ipres. See Ispres.

Ipswich, 375.

a smuggler of, 374.

Ireland, 71, 111, 125, 136, 189, 190.
artillery in, 102.
Cabinet Council of, 188.
Lord Chancellor of.

Richard.

Lord Chief Justice of. See Pyne.

Lord Cutts in. See Cutts.

Lords Justices of, 195; and see In-
goldsby, General ; Cutts, Lord ;
Cox, Sir Richard.

Lord Lieutenant of. See Pembroke,
Earl of.

Lord Townshend's appointment to,
209.

traitors in, 8.

troops going to or in, 73, 123, 169,
193, 203.

wars in, 197, 207.

Lord

 

See Cox, Sir
442,

Trish :
affairs, committee for, 73.
arrears, due to the soldiers, 82.
fleet, 180.
men in the army, desertion of, 340.
peer, 92.
smugglers, 358.
Irwin :
Jobn, letter from, 183.
Lady, 389.
Isleworth. See Thiselworth.
Islington, the strong man of, 346.
Ispres or Ipres :
siege of, 316-319, 321, 322, 325.
taken by the French, 323, 343,
Israelites, fenced cities of, 98.
Italian players coming to England, 54.
Italians, character of, 173, 174.
Italy, 96, 392.
deser ee of the people and towns of,
170-174
forts in, 200.
French designs on, 54,
the French in, 129, 180.
——. defeat of 183, 184 (2).
Madonnas in, 172.
Pietas. Incurabiles and Mendicantis
mn. 175,
Spanish troops in, 227.
——, defeat of, 249, 322 (2), 325.
Ivoy, Monsieur, Dutch commissary, letter
from, 125.

322, 325.

J

Jack (Jack Fleming), u Flemish boy,
servant to Col. Russell, 347, 349, 359,
862. 374, 376, 392, 396.

sister of, 8362, 366, 374-376, 407.
, husband of, 374-376.
mother of, 366.

Jackson :
Captain, 242.

. sister of, 242.
Lieut.-Colonel [George], 371.
——-—. death of, 378.

Jacob, Sir John, regiment of, 84.

Jacobites, ‘‘employed in every place,’’
204.

James I., King, 1, 18, 20.

knights made by, 16, 17.
speech of, 16.
speeches to, 15, 16.
writings of, 15.
daughter of. See Palatine, Elector,
wife of, 298.
James II., Kine, 60 (2), 62, 68, 67, 206.
accession of, 58 (2), 60.
coronation of, 59.
, Earls to be made after, 63.

 

 

 

 

James II.—cont.

proclaiming of, 59.

and Sir William Frankland. 59-638.

addresses presented to, 59 (2).

minute information of, 61.

commissioners of, 66, 67.

Lord Cutts explains why he cannot
continue to serye, 66.

declaration of indulgence by, 67.

proclamation of, alluded to, 68 (2).

preparations of. against the Prince of
Orange, 68 (2),

nuneio sent to.

household of :

See Dada, Cardinal.

Groom of the Stole. Sce Peter-
borough, Earl of.
Master of the Horse. See Dart-

mouth, Lord.
Privy Purse. See Graham, James,
servant of. See Kingston, John,
Lord.
James, Sir, 94.
James Edward (the Prince of Wales, the
Pretender), 94, 202, 204.
mother of, 204.
secretary of, 153.
Jeffreys, [John], chaplain of the Cold-
stream, 364, 367, 368, 373, 380, 882, 403.
Jef [fries, Col. John ?], trial of, 346.
Jennings :
Sir Edmund, paper relating to, 66.
Sir J onathan, 41.
Sir William, 73.
Mrs., 289.
the, 45.
Jericho, 98.
Jermain. See Germain.
Jermyn (German), Henry. made Earl of
Dover (q.v.), 68.
Jervoyce, Mr., 94.
Jesson, Captain, of the Portland, 148.
J esuits, 134.
Jewish contractor, a. 229.
Jiddah, letter dated at, 211.
massacre at, 211].
Mufti and Cazi of, 212.
Job, the patriarch, 7.
Johnson :
Sir Henry, 384 note. ‘
——, Anne, daughter of, 384 note.
J ohn, 412,
Major [John]. wounded at Dettingen,
261, 276.
Jones:
[Frances!, marries Lord Lumley, 61.
Sir William, attorney general, death
of, 51.
Juliers :
Duchy of, 1381, 226.
town of, 226.
Justice, courts of, 2
443

K

Kains, Mrs., 338.

Kaupstein, in the Tyrol, 131.

Kay or Kaye, Sir John, 38-40, 58, 59 (2).

letter to, 67.

Keil, fortress of, 121.

Kemp or Kempe, Miss, 218. 279, 89, 320.

Kendall :

James, Admiralty commissioner, letter
from, 96.
—, 219.
Kensington, 88, 97, 167, 168, 346.
letters dated at, 81, 88, 89, 92, 95.

Kent, 286.

Kentish estate, 235.

Keppel (Kepple), Captain William, 3rd
son of the Earl of Albemarle, 349, 350,
a 355, 356, 371, 373, 378, 388, 394,

5.
brother of. See Bury, Lord.

Kevenhuller, Marshal, 245, 24/), 267-269.

Kildare, [James Fitzgerald], Earl of, 355.

Killigrew, Miss, 232. :

Kilmarnock, William Boyd, Earl of, 184.

Kilmore Fort, near Londonderry, 72.

King:

Dr., 43.
Peter, 176.

King’s Bench, Chief Justice of. See
Fleming, Sir Thomas.

Kingscoat, Ensign [Henry], of the Cold-
stream, 350.

Kingsley, Lieutenant, 287.

Kingsmell, Mr., 30.

Kingston :

Evelyn Pierrepoint, Duke of, made
Lord Privy Seal, 209.

Robert King, 2nd Lord, of Ireland, 78.

John King, 3rd Lord, pardon for, 78.

Kinsky, Baron, drossard of the King of
Prussia in the Comté de Meurs, 135.

Kirk, Colonel, 72. .

Kisteldt, near Maestricht, battle at, 369.

Knaresborough (Knasbrough), election at,
41, 42.

Knight :
Mr., 214.
Mrs., 214, 261.

Knights banneret, proposal to make, after
Dettingen, 267.

Knipe, Dr., and his family, 186.

Knolles, Sir William, comptroller of the
Household to Queen Elizabeth, 13.

Knowles [John], Lieut.-colonel of Barrill’s
regiment, 326.

Kénigsmarck (Coningsmark), Count, 49,

 

L

La Farrel, Monsieur, 151.

Lafausille, Major [John], 371.

Laforey (Le Forey, Le Forest), Colonel or
General [John], 1st major of lst regiment
of Guards, 335. 399. 408.

Lagden, Mr., 74.

La Guerra, Don Phelippe de, agent of the
King of Spain, 74.

Lahn (Laun), the river, places upon. See
Limburg and Nassau.

Lambert, Major, 288.

widow and daughters of, 288.

Lamberty, Guillaume de, (‘Le Connu,”’

‘* Le Meme,’’) 116 note.
letters from, 126-141, 162, 203.
son of, 140.

Lambton, Lieut.-Colonel [Hedworth], 2nd
major of the Coldstream, 407-409.

Landau, 128, 141, 169, 281-284, 290, 292.

attempted relief of, 1465.
surrender of, 170.

rout of the French near, 283.
works at, demolished, 292.

Land s End, the, 351.

Langey, Marquis de, letters from, 160,
179.

wife and daughter of, 160.

Lannoy, 336.

brewers of, 336.
letter dated at, 335.
skirmish near, 341.

Lapell (Le Pell), Colonel, 188, 190, 191.

Lascelles (Lascell) :

Lieut.-Colonel [Peregrine, of the Ist
regiment of Guards], company of,
215.

Thomas, 41.

, letter from, 88.

Latimer, Peregrine, Lord (son of the Earl
of Danby], 39 (2). 40.

Latin language, the, study of, 96.

use of. abroad, 234, 300.

Lature, servant to Lord Cutts, 169.

Lauterbourgh, capitulation of, 326.

lines of, 326, 327.

‘‘Tawless, Sir William,’ 204.

Lawrence :

Dr., 108.

Sir Edward, letters from, 87, 196,
208.

——, sister of, 87, 196.

Laws, Temple, 321.

Leake (Lake), Sir John,
admiral, 176, 177, 192.

Le Bie, on the borders of French Flanders,
331.

letter dated at, 331.

Lecheraine, Comte de, 131.

 

captain and
Lee:
Sir Francis, 186.
Robert, alderman and lord mayor, 12,
15, 16.
——, knighting of, 16.
Sir Thomas (1685), 61.
Sir Thomas (1745), 345.
Sir William. Lord Chief Justice of
the King’s Bench, 355.
, Lady, his wife, 355.
Colonel. See Leigh.
Dr., 276.
Lady, 228, 257, 288.
Mrs., death of, 276.
Sergeant, 215.
Lees, the Mr., 355.
Leende, in Holland, 124.
Lefevre [Leffever], Col. Thomas, 184.
letter from, 185.
Legge (Legg) :
Colonel (George, aft. 1st Lord Dart-
mouth], made a privy councillor, 50.
- Lieut.-Colonel (1747), company of, 359.
Colonel (1783), 416.
Mr., 416.
Leghenich, 229 (2).
letter dated at, 229.
Leghorn (Ligorn), 183.
La Madonna della silva nera, near, 172.
Legoniere. See Ligonier.
Leheup, Isaac, treasury clerk, 332, 337.
Leicester, county of, 87.
Leide, Marquise de, married to the Duke
of Shrewsbury, 187.
Leigh, Colonel, 157, 159, 317.
letter to, 151.
Leighton (Layton), Lieut.-Colonel [Fran-
cis], a regiment given to, 405.
Leith, 364.
Le Meloniere ([Lieut.-Col.
wounded at Dettingen, 261.
Lempster, George Fermor, Lord, 386.
Lennard. Sir Stephen, 186.
Leominster (Lemster), new charter for, 50.
Le Rocque or Le Roque, General, 360,
362, 367.
sentence upon, 400.
Le Roke, chief engineer to the States
General, 199.
Leslie, Major [Charles], 371.
Lestock, Admiral [Richard], and his fleet,
348, 349, 350, 352.
expedition of, 354, 355.
Lestrange, Roger, M.P. for Winchester,
61, 98.
L’Etang, Monsieur de, 141.
Lethulier, Lieut.-Colonel [William], of
the Coldstream, 347 (2), 367.
company of, 347 (2).
Leuwe (Leewe, Leeuu), 139, 159.
Levison-Gower, Sir Thomas, 44.
his uncle Will, 44.
Lichfield (Litchfield) George Henry Lee,
Earl of, 241.
attentions of, to Miss Frankland, 277.
intended marriage of. See Frankland,
Dinah.

 

Anthony],

 

d44

Lichfield—cont.

Lady, his mother, objects to her son
marrying ‘‘ Oliver Cromwell’s grand-
daughter,’’ 338.

Liege, 118, 134, 228, 379, 383.
citadel of, troops in, 126.

Dean of, 116.

invested by the French, 180.

letters dated at, 123, 224.

magazine for, 139.

Liere, English troops at, 365.

Lightfoot [Cornet William, of the King’s
Regiment of Horse], 216, 217, 219, 239,
241, 251.

——, made Lieutenant, 259, 261.

Robert (Bob), 281.

Tagubicoie, “the two,” 250, 261, 265,
ie

Ligonier, Ligoniere, Legonier, Legoniere,
General or Sir John, 225, 230, 238,
314, 317, 323, 333, 344, 394, 395, 412.

aide-de-camp of. See Campbell,
Harry, and Sebright, John.

quarters of, 236.

made knight of the Bath, 275.

a ae friend to the Guards, 310,
314.

as general of the Foot, 310, 314.

taken prisoner and exchanged, 370-
373, 379.

regiment of, 346.

Lilienroot, Monsieur, Swedish envoy to the
Hague, 127-129, 136, 138, 140.

father-in-law of, 136.

Lillingston, Colonel, disbanded officers of,
81 (2).

Limburg on the Lahn, 284.

nee and taking of, 134, 187, 189,
141.

Limerick, letter dated at, 112.

Lincoln, 40.

Lincolnshire, 40,

Lindsey :

Commodore Sir John, 414-416.

, secretary of, 416.

Mary, his wife, letter from, 414.

Linton :

Ensign, 409.

Mrs., 375.

Lisbon (Lixboa, Lixbon, Lisbone), 135,

140, 179, 192.

dirt and disagreeableness of, 415.

English envoy, merchants, &., at, 166.

fleet at, 184, 191.

letters dated at, 175 (2), 180, 184-187,
191, 194, 196.

murders in, 181.

Lisle, 199, 325, 329, 332-334, 340, 390.
allied army near, 331-335.
Chastellenie of, 199, 333.

Dutch ambassador at, 322.

a army or garrison at, 328, 331,

30.

, King at, 312, 318, 326.

harlequin at, 340.

taking of, by the Duke of Marlborough,
332.

 

 
445

Lithuania, vice-chancellor of, 183.
Littleton :
Dick, 237.
— ; 285.
Liverpool, 196.
Livonia, 129.
Lobkowitz, Prince, 245, 322,
Lockhart, Lockart :
Lieut.-Colonel [James], 371, 878,
Mrs., cousin of Lord Cutts, 187,
201 (2), 209.
Lombardy, 171.
Lonaken, 372.
London, passim.
aldermen of, 1-16.
Bishop of [Henry Compton], 64.
charter of, expected loss of, 51.
Common Council of, 12, 56.
——, order of, 12.
Common Hall of, proceedings in, from
1644 to 1660. to be held void, 57.
court of the hustings in, 12.
letters dated at, passim.
Lord Mayors of. See:
Slanie, Sir Stephen (1595).
Skinner, Thomas (1596).
Billingsley, Sir Henry (1596).
Saltonstall, Sir Richard (1597).
Soame, Sir Stephen (1598).
Moseley, Sir Nicholas (1599).
Ryder, Sir William (1600).
Garrard, Sir John (1601).
Lee, Robert (1602).
—, court of, 12.
——, right of, to choose one of the
sheriffs, 56.
loyalty of, 11.
magistrates and privileges of, 1-16.
news from, or ‘‘ London lies,’’ 32.
. produce sent to the markets of, 76.
Recorder of. See Croke, Sir John.
, fees of, 12.
——, oath of, 2.
Sheriffs of, 57; and see Campbell, Sir
Thomas; Craven, Sir William.
‘slow men of,” 31.
Town clerk of, 12.
travellers to or from, passim.
troops to or in, 80.
and Westminster, streets, buildings,
&e., in:
Sear ae (Arlebermarle) Street,
803.
Bartholemew Fair, 235, 286.
Bond Street, 183.
Buckingham House, 277.
Charing Cross, 37.
Charterhouse, King James I., at,
16.
Colebrook, the Ostrich Inn, in 168.
Covent (Comon) Garden play-
house, 181.
Downing Street, letter dated from,
97.
Duke Street, St. James, 222, 271,
411.
, letters addressed to, 212,
214, 301, 304, 356, 411,

 

 

 

London :
and Westminster, streets, buildings,
&e.—cont.
, letters dated from, 346, 414.
Fauconberg House, 37.
George Street, 247.
Greek Street, 212.
Grosvenor (Grovner) Square, 241.
Guildhall (Guihale), speech de-
livered in, 6.
BRIE Square, letter dated from,
Hatton (Hatten) Garden, 200.
Haymarket, the little theatre in
the, 293.
Hyde (Hide) Park, 74, 416.
Lawrence Lane, 412.
Lincoln’s Inn Fields, 37.
Litchfield Street, letter dated at,

 

87.
Lombard Street, General Post
Office in, 228.

London bridge, scullers at, 172.
Newgate, prisoner in, 167.
Northumberland House, 47.

Pall Mall, 196.

, camp compared to, 311.

, letter dated at, 78.

Park, the, 348.

Piccadilly, 183.

Poland (Polland) Street, letter
dated from, 197.

Post Office, See Lombard Street.

Sackville Street, 272.

St. Andrew's, Holborn, 405.

St. James, 179, 228, 408.

, Duke Street in. See Duke
Street, above.

——, letters dated at, 241, 247,
250, 256, 264, 268, 271, 277,
281.

Palace, 52.

—— Park, letter dated from, 110.

, parade in, 411.

Scotland Yard, 75.

Soho House, old, 196.

Square, 74, 212, 241.

Somerset Chapel, 268.
Somerset House, 63.
——, letter addressed to, 208.
Southampton House, 37.
Spring Garden, 250.
Temple, Inner, reader of. See
Wild, George.
——, society of, 1.
Thatched House, the, 410.
Turnwheel (Turnweele)
letter dated from, 213.
Wardour (Wardor) Street, 196.
Maree House, letter dated at,
Londonderry, 71.
attempted relief of, 72, 73.
river of, 72,

Lonsborough, co. York, letter dated at, 67.

Lonsdale, Richard Lowther, Viscount, 201.

Loo, in Flanders, 87, 99, 261.

letters dated at, 66, 100,

 

 

 

 

—

 

 

Lane,
Loon-op-Zant, 396.
Lord Chancellor. See Ellesmere, Lord.
Lord Keeper. See Somers, Sir John.
Lord Lieutenant, ‘‘ our amorous,’ 50.
Lord Treasurer. See Godolphin, Lord.
Lords, House of :
the Commons attend at the Bar of, 82.
encroachments of, 82.
bill thrown out of, 152, 153.
invasion of the prerogative by, 154.
order of, alluded to. 25.
Lords Justices in England, during the
King’s absence in Holland, 92.
Loretto (Loretta), 170.
Our Lady of, 172.
Lorge, Marquis de, envoy from France,

Lorraine, 227, 262, 269, 291, 325.
Duke of, 64, 65, 206.
, army of, 65.
Prince Charles of.
Lottery tickets, 400.
Loudoun (Louden), John Campbell, Earl
of, 239, 364, 368, 370, 383.
troops of. See Scotland, troops from.
Louis, letter dated at, 74.
Louisa, Princess, youngest daughter of
George II.. 241, 250. ,
EIT pees marriage of, 261, 265, 289,
94.
at Bartholemew Fair, 286.
Lounay, Major-General, 335.
Louvain, 85, 186, 224, 231, 301, 302.
French army at, 365.
place near, 182.
Love, Mr., 186.
Low Countries, the, passim ;
Flanders.
artillery in. 102.
English commanders in, 105.
, letters to, 104, 105.
English troops or officers going to,
108.
——, in, 112-125.
, complaints made against, 106,
107, 125.
, Fations for, 125.
——, tents and waggons for,
105 (2).
_.—, in winter quarters. 118.
French troops in, 85.
, retreat of, 125.
garrisons of, English commanders in,
101, 102.
, letters to, 108, 142-144.
the healthy parts of, in the hands of
the French, 396.
troops to be sent from, 139.
Spanish, 135.
Lowe, Alderman Thomas, 12.
Lowendal or Lowendhall, Count, 373, 374,
383.
Lowndes, Mr., 188.
Lowther, Sir John, Admiralty Commis-
sioner, 78.
Lubeck :
Bishop of, 241.
match, the, 288.

 

See Charles.

and see

 

 

 

104,

 

 

 

446

Lucas :
Captain, 407.
Lord, regiment of, 176.
Lucea, 170.
Luceese, the, 170.
Luckin, Luckyn:
Anne, 74.
, letter from (?), 73.
Sir William, 74.
Luckins, the, 74.
Lumley :
Captain, of the Moderate. 166.
Lieutenant-General [Henry], colonel of
the Queen’s regiment of horse, 119,
123, 124.
Richard, Viscount, afterwards Karl of
Scarborough, marriage of, 61.
L’ Undorff, 300.
letter dated at, 299.
Lundye, 176.
Luneburg ov Lunenburg :
court of, 128.
House of, 187.
troops of, 113.
Luxembourg, 50, 219.
French governor at, 133.
Lydford, Lord, 286.
Lymington (Limington), Lady, 405.
Lyss, the river, 199.
Lyttelton :
Charles, Dean of Exeter. 413.
George, Lord, letters from, 413 (2).

 

M

Maas or Meuse (Maes, Maez, Maese), the
river, 110, 124, 224, 383. 385, 391.
an army to be formed on, 120, 121.
expedition of, 148.
garrisons on, 160, 161.
general commanding on, 163.
troops on or crossing, 119, 120, 134,
180, 369, 390.

Macclesfield (Macquelsfield), Charles
Gerard, 2nd Earl of, 79, 106.

Machado or Mercado, Monsieur, commis-
sary of provisions for the Allied army,
105, 189.

Mackey, Colonel, 401.

daughter of, 401.

Madan (Madden). Lieut-Colonel [Martin,
of the King’s regiment of Horse], 261,
270, 308.

Madrid, 115, 182, 140, 191.

French ambassador to.
neuf,

Maestricht (Mastrigt), 125, 163, 224, 296,
300, 301, 368, 869, 870, 374.

defeat of the allies near, 369-378.
Dutch garrison at, 301.
French camp near, 388.

See Chateau-
‘447

Maestricht—cont.
hospital of, 396.
letters dated at, 102, 128.
school at, 308.
Mahrattas (Morottas), 283, 289.
Main, the river, 238-239, 241, 245, 246,
249, 251, 254, 264, 271, 275, 284.
Frankfurt on. See Frankfurt.
palace on, 245.
troops on or crossing, 236-239, 242-244.
Mainz or Mayence (Mentz}, 141, 233, 235,
269. 272, 276, 296, 298, 325, 326, 335.
Elector of, 141, 267, 269.
——, description of, 278.
——, palace of, at Mainz, 277, 280.

——,——. near Aschaffenburg, 246.
ee letters dated at, 280, 295,
96.

Carthusian convent near, 279.
Prince of Nassau’s palace near, 274,
277.
Malaga, 178.
wine, “strong mountain,’ 381.
Malden, election at, 371.
“Mallard,” the, singing of, 267.
Malplaquet (Blarneiys, Taniéres, fight near
Mons), 203, 205, 206.
Maltsters, licenses refused to, 63.
Manchester :
Edward Montagu, 2nd Earl of, 24, 25.
Robert Montagu, 3rd Earl of, eldest
daughter of, 51.
Manley, Mr., 195.
Mann, Sir Horace, 416.
Manners :
Lord Charles, 308, 332.
Lord Bobert, 214, 222, 224, 227-236,
247, 248, 272, 292, 296, 305-309,
318, 323, 344 (2), 355, 378.
——, company of, 232.
——, greyhounds of, 228, 229.
——, mother of. See Rutland, Duchess
of,
Mannheim, 294.
description of, 293.
palace at, 293.
Manningham, Mr., 356.
Mantle, Tom, 186.
Margate Road, letter dated from, 356.
Marine, commissary of the. See Meull,
Mr.
Marines, the, 175.
paymaster of, 107.
Mariotathem, in Flanders, 314.
Markham, Lieutenant, 105.
Marlborough (Malbrough, Marlberough):
John Churchill. Earl, and(in Dec.,
1702) 1st Duke of, General of the
army in Flanders, 63, 92, 93, 99,
106-112, 129, 140, 142, 143, 150-154,
157, 158, 164, 175, 180, 197, 198,
218.
——. letters from, 100, 101, 104, 107
(2), 110 (2), 112, 125.
——, letters to, 102, 111, 112, 118,
118, 119, 144 (2), 145, 149, 150, 156,
158, 160, 164, 185,

 

Marlborough, Earl of, &.—cont.
——, memorial to, 189.
——, orders of, 98, 100, 102, 1038, 104,
188, 142, 148, 145, 147, 158, 154.
——, regiments of, 104, 142, 162, 163.
——, secretary to. See Cardonnel,
Adam,
——, steward of, 100.
ee son of. Sce Blandford, Marquis
OL.
——, in Holland or Flanders, 99,
106, 107 (2), 110, 123, 180, 159 (2),
164, 165 (2), 179, 180.
Se England, 100, 101, 105, 115-
——, movements of, 123, 134, 188 (2),
189, 141, 170, 177, 179, 187.
——, thwarted by the Dutch, 129,
131, 184 (2),
——, victory of, 182 (2), 194.
——, ——, at, Blenheim, 167.
, and Prince Eugéne, 200.
——, expected fall of, 201.
——, great sums paid to, 202.
——, illness of, 208.
, capture of Lisle by, mentioned,
332.
Sarah, Duchess of, disgrace of, 201,
Charles Spencer, 2nd Duke of, 245,
254, 292, 316, 362.
——, accident to, 291.
——, as commander of the brigade of
Guards, 233, 237, 246, 258, 272.
Marque, the river, 331, 341.
Marshal, “‘ our chief ’’ (? Lord Stairs), 260.
Marshall, Captain, 88.
Martial, Mr., 111, 115.
Martin, Alderman, 12,
Martinerie, Mons. de la, 183, 184.
wife of, 133.
Marton (Martin), Count, ‘‘ made an Irish
Lord,’’ 92.
Marwood, Henry, 38, 41.
as Sir Henry, 63.
his brother Metcalfe, 88.
Mary of Modena, Queen of James II., 52.
groom of the Stole to, 58.
Mary, Queen, wife of William III., 69,
79, 91.
as Princess of Orange, 160,
coronation of, 59.
review of the train bands by, 74.
and the army, 78-81.
orders from, 80 (2).
Mary, Queen of Scots, 20. .
Marylebone (Maribone), Middlesex, 410.
Masham (Masam):
Abigail or Lady, 202, 209.
——, letter from, 198.
——, is to be Privy Purse, 201.
,as “the great favourite,” 204, 205.
——, sister of, 209.
Lieut.-Colonel Sam, 167, 175 (2).
——. letter from, 183.
——., wife of. See Masham, Abigail.
Mason, Mary, letter of, 86.
nephew of. See Salmon, Nat.

 

 

 
448

Mathew, Ensign, 167.

Mattenich, Baron de, 137.

Matthews, Sergeant, 409.

Maubeuge, in French Flanders, 328.

Mauleverer (Maleverer) :

Sir Richard, 68.
, death of, 71.
Sir Thomas, 41.

Maurick, F. V[an ?], 126.

Mauritania (Moratania), traveller through,
54,

Maxwell, Dr., 393.

Meade, Major, letter to, 142.

Meadows :

Sir Philip, 268, 270.

, Wife of. 270.

Fanny, daughter of, 265, 270.
Nanny, daughter of, 265, 268.

Mean, Baron de, Dean of Liege, 116.

Mecea, Xeriph, Mufti and Cazi of, 212.

Mechlen, village of, 301.

Mechlin or Malines (Maclin), 85, 117 (2),
118, 365.

Mediterranean Sea, the, 415.

ships in or Mediterranean fleet, 135,
136, 137.
Meinters, Monsieur, 127.
Meldrum, Sir John, 21,
letter from (?), 18.

Melford, Lord, 73.

Mellish, William (Billy), and his wife, 265.

Memingen or Meminguen, in Bayaria, 180.

siege of, 132.

Menin, in Flanders. besieged and taken by
the French, 318, 315-319, 348.

Mensel, Colonel, and his hussars, cruelties
of, 282, 283.

Mercado, See Machado.

Meredith, Colonel [Thomas], 162.

regiment of, 163.

Merida, in Spain, 186.

Merrick, Major-General [William], Ist
major of the Ist regiment of Guards,
389, 396.

company of, 402.

Merriden, Captain [Thomas, of the King's
regiment of Horse], 216, 217, 219, 222,
223, 238, 239, 241, 242, 245, 258.

death of, at Dettingen, 251, 255-257,
261, 263, 267.
sister of, 239; and see Swan, Mrs.

Merxem, in Flanders, 85.

Meryll, Mr., 144,

Methuen, John, English ambassador at
Lisbon, 186.

a letter from, 185.
etz, French King said to be dying or
dead at, 334, 335. on

Meull, Mr., commissary of the- Marine,
174, 176.

Meurs, Comté de, Prussian drossard in, 135.

Meuse, the river. See Maas.

Meys, the allies at, 372.

Mice, plague of, 226. —

Middleburgh, Middleburg, in Holland,
358-360, 363, 367.

magistrate of, 379.
rejoicings at, 384.

 

 

 

Middlesex, Charles Sackville,
approaching marriage of, 338.
Middlesex juries, 50.

Ear] of,

’ Middleton:

Charles, Earl of, letter to, 66.
Mr., commissioner in Yorkshire, 66,
67.
army surgeon, 305, 346, 382.
, as director-general of the
hospital, 395.

Milan (Millan), 184.

Mildmay (Mildmey) :
——., candidate for Parliament, 60.
Lady, house of, 188.

Militia, the, 413, 414.
Bill, the, 73, 82.
project for, 97, 98.

Mills, Mrs., or ‘“‘cousin,” 257, 265.
mother of. 265.

Milner, Captain, 416.

a a the, ‘‘the late resolution of,”’

68.
Minorca, Stanhope’s Tower in, 412, 413.

Missenden, Great. co. Bucks:
house and estate at, 216, 219, 227,
229, 264, 265, 292, 305, 321, 328,
338, 343.
letter addressed to, 219.
Mob Well at, 309.
Mitchell :
Captain, 238.
Commodore [Matthew], 357, 358, 360
(2), 361, 365-867, 375, 376, 878-381,
384-387, 390.
Lieut.-Colonel [Sam], 354.
. ship of, letter dated from, 376.
Mitchener, —, 168.
Mitterwald, in Bavaria, 130.
Modena, Duke of, 322.
Mohatz, Imperial camp at, letter dated
from, 64.
Mohun, Charles, Lord, regiment of, 195.
, agent of, 195.
Monceall, Colonel, 183. .
Monluc, regiment of, 182.
Monmouth :
James Scott, Duke of, 52.
Lady, 90.
Mons, 160, 307, 311, 344.
fight near. See Malplaquet, battle of.
Montagu (Montague, Mountague, Mount-
acute):
Lady Betty, 242.
Charles, and the Westminster election,
92 (2).
Lieut.-Colonel [Charles], killed, 355.
John, Duke of, 386.
Lord and Lady, 80.
Ralph, Ear] of, 82.
, letter from, 96.
—. son of. See Montagu, Win-
wood.
Winwood, 96, 97.
Montandré, Marquis of, 196.
Montpelier, 37.

 

 

 

 
449

Montrose :
dames Graham, Marquis of, men-
tioned, 97.
Lucy, Duchess of, 247, 272.
Z mother of. See Rutland, Duchess
of.
William Graham, 2nd Duke of, 355.
——, his wife. See Lucy, Duchess
of, above.
, brother of.
George.
Moor, Mr., 186.
Moore, Captain, 194.
‘*Moors ’ on an English ship, 211.
Mordaunt, Jack. 259, 260, 262, 268, 271.
Mordaunt, (Sir John,] regiment of, 326.
More, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas. 167.
Morea, the, galleys in, 173.
Moredyke (Moredike), 305, 371.
Morgan, Major, 77, 94.
Morice:
Helena, 191.
Thomas, letters from, 175 (2), 184
187, 191, 194, 196.
——, wife of, 175, 186, 194, 196.
. sons of, 188, 191, 196.
, daughters of, 186.
——., sister of. See Morice, Helena.
Morrell, Will, 68.
Morrison (Moryson, Moresons) :
Lieut.-Colonel or Colonel. 167 (2),
175, 196.
William, 211.
Moscow, supplies for, 133.
Moseley (Mosseley, Mosley), Sir Nicholas,
alderman and lord mayor, 10 (2).
ee the river, 119, 137, 141, 238,
Moselle wine, 227, 233.

 

 

See Graham, Lord

 

 

Mount, Mr., 24.
Mountabour, in Germany, 232.
Mountague. See Montagu.

Mount Atlas, traveller to. 54.
Mount Edgeumbe (Edgecomb), co. Devon,
349 (2).
Mounteney or Mountenay (Mountney) :
Anna, 218.
Mrs. or Jenny, 315. 317, 324 (2), 338,
335, 338, 345, 387, 389.
Richard, letter from, 212.
, sons of. 212.
Mulheim, a Saxon officer, 132, 133.
Mullains, Mistress, 24.
Mun (? servant of Lord Fauconberg), 90.
Munster, Duke of, 137.
minister of, 137.
Munsterians. 371.
Murray, Lord John, 383.
Muscovites, 70.
fight with, 131.
Muscovy. See Russia.
Musselmen, 211.
Mutterstadt, 290.

 

14170 a

 

N., letter to, 201.
father of, 201.
Nadasti. Count, 326.
Namur (Namure), 134, 219, 372.
siege and taking of, by the allies, 87,
98, 153, 189, 205, 208.
Terra Nova at, 208.
Nanette, Mademoiselle, 224.
Naples :
King of, 322.
Carthusian monastery at, 171.
and Sicily, kingdoms of, 136.
Nash :
Ensign [Gawen Harris], of the Ist
regiment of Guards, 340.
Mr. [Beau], 407.
, a ball given by, 355.
Nassau ‘
Count, Dutch general (1744), illness
of, 340 (2).
Friesland, the young Prince of, Stadt-
holder of Groningen and Friesland,

 

121.
Friesland, Princess of, 121.
Saarbruck (Sarbrouck, Saarbrug),

Prince or Count of, Field Marshall
of the allied army, 86, 102 (2), 108,
105 (2), 106, 168, 203.
Usingen, Prince of, palace of, 276,
277.
Weilburg, Comte de, general of the
Elector Palatine, 146, 148.
Nassau, on the Lahn, 298.
Nat, servant to Col. Charles Russell, 228,
236 (2), 2388, 248, 249, 291, 305, 308.
Naturalisation bill, 162.
Navarre, 140.
Navy :
Blue Squadron of, admiral of. See
Berkeley, John, Lord.
captains of, orders to, 143.
treasury of, 388.
Neale, Mr.. 54.
Neckar, the river, 269, 294.
town on. See Heidelberg.
Needham, Lieut.-Colonel [Sam.], of the
Ist regiment of Guards, 822.
Neipperg(Niepergh, Neupergh), (Guillaume
Reinhard, Comte de], Austrian general,
231, 282, 263, 276, 279.
Nelson (Nellson)) :
James, 80.
Will, 29, 80, 33.
Nero, the Emperor, 70.
Nestelroy, camp of, letter dated from, 409.
Nete, the river, 359, 365.
Netherlands, Austrian governor of. See
Charles of Lorraine, Prince.
Neuchatel, 128.

QF
450

Neupergh. See Neipperg.
Neuwied (Neuweidt, Newett), on the Rhine,
232-234, 295-297, 299 (2).
Count of, 231.
chateau at, 231.
letter dated at, 231.
Newcastle :
John Holles, Ist Duke of, 92.
Thomas Pelham-Holles, Duke of, Sec-
retary of State, 251, 406.
, orders from, 352.
. office of, 266.
Duchess of, 271.
Neweastle-on-Tyne, 21, 110.
letter dated at, 18.
Newcomen (Newcomb),
[Thomas], troop of, 168.
Newdigate, Sir Roger, 241.
New England, government of, 189.
Newmarket or Newmarket Heath, oo.
Cambridge, 26, 28, 29.
the King and court at, 30, 46, 50, 51.
letter addressed to, 86.
Queen Anne at, 179.
races at, 50 (2.
Newparke, letter dated at, 109.
Newport, Isle of Wight:
burgesses of, 94.
corporation o7 mayor and aldermen
of, 77, 94, 95.
elections at, 77, 93.
letter dated at, 94.
Newport House, 70.
Newry (Nury), the, the Duke of Schonberg
passes, 73.
News letters, notes of, 85.
Newspapers :
Gazettes, 29, 68,69, 111, 179, 203, 375.
Postman, 176.
Whitehall Evening Post, 404.
Whitehall Letter, 112.
Newtown alias Franckville, Isle of Wight,
88, 89.
corporation or mayor and aldermen of,
Thy Oy
mayor and capital burgesses of, letter
to, 88.
Nice, 415.
letter dated at, 414.
Nicholson, Captain, 54.
Niepergh. See Neipperg.
Nimeguen, 377, 391.
Nisbet, Sir Harry, killed, 355.
Nix, George, receipt by, 211.
Noailles, Duc de, Marshal of France, 245,
255, 258, 268, 281.
courtesy of, to English prisoners, 243.
at Dettingen, 254.
army of, 281.
Noel :
Lieut.-Colonel [Bennet], of the Cold-
stream, 347, 348, 3850-353, 357,
358, 3860, 361, 364, 366, 868,
377, 878, 389, 398, 395, 400.
——, company of, 347, 354.
, ensign of, 350.
, Sister of, 868.
——, servant of, 350.

 

 

Lieut.-Colonel

 

 

 

Noel—cont.

Sir Edward. See Wentworth, Lord.

Sir John, 384, note.

Captain, brother of Lord Wentworth,
384.

Mr., 355.

family of, 384.

Norborn Hill, 250.

Nordlingen, cannon from, 141.

Nore, the, 110, 357 (2). 861.

buoy of, 347.

Normanby, John Sheffield, Marquis of,
[afterwards Duke of Buckingham], Lord
Privy Seal, 110, note.

letters from, 110, 111.
North:
Dudley, Lord, 28.
Frederick, Lord, and his 3rd son, 416.
William, Lord, regiment of, 124, 144.

Northallerton, co. York, election at, 38, 41.

Northampton :

James Compton, 3rd Earl of, son of.
See Wilmington, Earl of.
James Compton, 5th Earl of, 265, 363.

, sisters and brothers of, 265;

and see Compton.

Northampton :

county of, 87.
town of, 45, 268, 272.

North Sea, the, 127.

Northumberland, Elizabeth Perey, Dowa-
ger Countess of, 47, 48.

grand-daughter of. See Ogle, Lady.

Norton, Mr., 94.

Norway Militia, 138.

Nottingham :

Charles Howard, Earl of, Lord High
Admiral, 16.
Daniel Finch, Earl of, 154.

, made Secretary of State, 107.

, letter from, 108.

Nottingham, town of, 68, 313.

Novenich (Norvenich):

burgo-master of, 228.
chateau at, 228, 229.
letters dated at, 228, 229.

Noyelles or Noyelle (Noyell), Count de,

101, 106 (2), 160, 163.
opinion of, 120.
sergeant of, 101.

Nugent (Newgent), Count, made governor
of Gibraltar, 167.

Nunnington, co. York, 47, 64.

residents at (our Nunnington neigh-
‘bours), See Preston, Lord and Lady.

 

 

 
451

O

Oakley, —, 289.
Ober Lutzingen, 299.
letter dated at, 299.
Obessy [ Obizzi, i.e. Cattajo], palace of, 171.
O’Brien (O’Brian, Bryon) :
Henry, Lord, 28.
pte nen: Lord Thomond’s heir,

Occasional Conformity, bill against, 152,
153, 168, 169.
Odyck (Odick), Mons. de, deputy from the
province of Zeeland, 115, 135.
O'Farrell (O'Ferel), Brigadier [Francis
Fergus], 126, 136.
letter from, 126.
Oginski, 141.
Ogle, Lady [Lady Elizabeth Perey], mar-
riage of, to Mr. Thynne, 47.
Oglethorpe :
Major, 48.
General [James], trial of, 346.
Oglio, the river, troops crossing, 188.
Oldwark [co. York?], 90.
Oliver, 219.
Oneglia, mountain pass near, 325.
Onslow, Brigadier and Major-General
ee 275 (2), 318, 319, 828, 338,

wife of, 275.

Oosterhout, 367.

hospital at, 392.
Opdam, Obdam, General, 119, 121, 126,
129 (2) 130, 135, 187, 148.
secretary of, 119.
Oppenheim, 282, 295.
burnt by the French, 281.
camp near, letter dated at, 280.

Orange :

William, Prince of, Stadtholder of
Holland, 277, 358, 359. 364, 366,
369, 370, 376, 378-380, 386, 387,
391, 396, 402.

——, rejoicings in honour of, 357.

——, visit to, 360.

——, is little more than a cypher,
376.

——.,, birthday of, 383, 384.

, disappointment of, at the be-

haviour of the Dutch troops, 388.

, orders of, 390, 391.

——, visit of the Duke of Cumberland
to, 393 (2).

——, houses or property of, 234, 298,
305, 898, 403.

Princess of [Anne, daughter of George
II., Princess Royal of England],
400.

——, maid of honour to, 286.

 

 

 

Orby, Sir Thomas, 61.
Orchies (Orches) near Tournai, 199, 335.
Orford, Edward Russell, Earl of, 95,
Orkney, George Hamilton, Earl of,
162 (2).
Orleans, Duke of, 335.
Orme, Captain, 388.
Ormonde, James Butler, 2nd Duke of,
125, 142, 182 (?), 183, 188, 194, 195.
letter from, 205.
Orrery, Countess of, 47.
daughters of, 47,
Osborn, Lady Mary, 276.
infant son of, 276.
Osborne, Sir Edward, Lord Mayor of
London, 12.
Ossultone, Lord, Lieut.-Colonel in the Ist
regiment of Guards, company of, 350.
Ostend, 214, 215, 222, 311. 327, 335.
Austrian governor of, 324.
troops at, 326, 334.
English troops at, 307, 324, 344.
letters dated at, 223, 303.
packet boat carried to, 391.
post or packets, 303, 310, 314, 320.
report that the French will besiege,
324,
Otway :
Charles, letter from, 195.
Colonel [Charles], regiment of, 412.
Oudenarde, 315, 316, 343.
camp near, 311, 314, 321, 325, 330.
fortifications at, 324.
garrison of, 326.
Oudenbos, 391. 399.
Prince of Orange at, 393.
- Bee Lady of Marienzel,’’ pilgrimage to,
185.
Ourry, Paul H., letter from, 412.
Ousterhout. See Oosterhout.
Ousterwick, the army at, 393, 394.
Overkirk. See Auverquerque.
Oxford, Earl of. See Harley.
Oxford, 48, 345, 384.
' Christchurch at, the Dean of, 186.
student at, 371.

P

P., Captain, 74.

Pacheco, Monsieur, envoy from Portugal
to the Hague, 126, 127, 180, 135, 139,
140.

Padden, Captain, 176.

Paderborn, Coadjutor of, 137.

Padua, 171.

Pain, Mr., 112.

Palatinate of the Rhine, capital of. See

Mannheim.
452

Palatine, Elector :
[Frederic], 298.
, wife of [Elizabeth] daughter of
James I., 298.
(in 1703), 128, 181, 148.
, as the late, 226.
, towns of. See
Mannheim, Worms.
(in 1742), 226.
——, palaces of, 293.
Palmer, Colonel [William], commanding
officer at Breda, 155.
letters to, 147, 149-151, 158-154, 155,
157, 158.
Pampelune, in Navarre, 140.
Pandours, 327.
eruelties of, 283, 325.
Panmure, William Maule,
regiment given to, 405.
Papillion, London merchant, 47.
Papinian, mentioned, 70.
Papists, indulgence for, 206.
Paramour, Mr., 304, 366.
Paris, 57, 96, 180, 137, 164, 200.
alarm at, 283.
bankers of, 200.
the Bastille in, 160.
news from (1695), 85.
suggested march on, 340.
the French King returns to, 390.
Parkhurst :
Mr., 87.
young Mr., 87.
Parliament :
fof Queen Elizabeth], 1, 2, 12-14.
, speeches made in, 12, 13, 14.
(of a IT.], 31, 34 (2), 37, 44,
re

——. elections for, 38-42.

[of James IT.], 58, 67.

, elections for, 58-63.

——, loyalty of, 61.

“Ta writs for (in 1688),
6

 

 

 

Heidelberg,

Earl of, a

 

 

recalled,

[of William and Mary], 73.

, bills in, 73; and see Militia Bill.

{of William III.], Black Rod of, 82.

, ‘busy men in,” 91.

——.,, elections for, influence over, 77.

ee intends to disband the army,
2.

[of Queen Anne}, 108, 119, 174.

 

 

—,andthe Queen. See Anne.
——, Acts of :
for raising men for the army,
190.

for settling the succession, 190.

, proceedings or votes of, 108,
147, 151, 190.

. calling or expected meeting of,
179, 202, 204,

, members of, their immunity

 

 

 

oe arrest alluded to, 190,

91.

——. the two Houses of, jars between,
112.

[of George I.], expected meeting of,
209.

 

Parliament—cont.
[of George II.], 234.
——, meeting of, 218, 238, 404.
——. members of, in the army, 214,
219, 289, 295, 297
——, dissolution of, 366.
——., elections for, rioting at, 368.

Parr (Par), Mr., 29, 38, 35.

. Parslow:

Capt. John, of the Ist regiment of
Guards, 227, 232, 287, 263, 271,
297, 298, 305, 306, 339, 889, 394.

——, made captain-lieutenant, 364.

, as lieut.colonel, 397, 399,

402, 403.
Mrs., 256, 263.

Parson or Parsons, Lieut.- Colonel{ John],

of the Coldstream, 347.
company of, 347, 357.

 

Passau, 1381.

Paulet, Lord William, 94.

Paymaster’s (Lord Ranelagh’s) office,
189.

Peace, commission of, 73.
Peachy [James, aft. Sir James], 369.
Peers, Colonel [Newsham], death of,
276.
regiment of, 281.

Pearson, Ensign [Richard],of the 1st regi-
ment of Guards, 302.

Peeresses, to attend at the coronation of
James II. in their robes, 59.
Pelham :

Henry (Harry) succeeds Lord Wil-

mington as prime minister, 285.
, as prime minister, 405.

Lord, 416.

Miss, 416.

Pelhams, the, intended resignation of, re-
ported, 312.
Pembroke :

Thomas Herbert, 6th Earl of, Lord
Admiral, made Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland, 107.

Henry Herbert, 9th Earl of, 261,
264.

——, regiment of, 221.

, late regiment of.
army.

[Mary] Countess of, his wife, 261,

Lady (in 1783), 416.

Pennell, Captain, 213.
Pentons, land called, Isle of Wight, 89.
Percivall :

Mr., 31 (8), 33.

Thomas, 35.

Perry, Lieut.-Colonel [Charles], company
of, 412.

Petegom or Petegem, troops at or to, 348,
344,

Peterborough :

Henry Mordaunt, 2nd Earl of, Groom
of the Stole to James II., 58.

Penelope, Countess of, his wife, Groom
of the Stole to Queen Mary of
Modena, 58,

 

 

See under
453

Peterborough—cont,
Charles Mordaunt, 38rd Earl of,
general of the English forces in
Portugal, 181, 184, 186 (2), 191,

193.
er is “‘teeming with vast projects,”’
Peter’s pence men, 61.
Petersburg, French minister at. See

Chelardie, Monsieur.
Petersham, William Stanhope, Lord, son
of the Earl of Harrington, 314.
Petersham, co, Surrey, 276.
Peto, Mr., 87.
Petrie, Major [John], killed, 371.
Petty, Sir William, 63.
Peyton, Colonel [Henry], letter to, 146.
Philipps, Sir James, 73.
Phillips :
John, letter from, 88.
William, 168.
Phrygians. the, ‘‘never wise till they
were stung,’ 8.
Piccolomini, General, 65.
Pickering :
Dorothy, Lady, 86.
, letter from, 97.
Elizabeth, 88, note.
, letter to, 88.
. marries Lord Cutts, 88, note.
Sir Henry (Sir Harry), 86, 88.
, letter from, 92.
, elected for Cambridge, 92, 93.
Mrs.. 194, 197.
——, will of, 197.
Piedmontese, the, victory of, 325.
Pierrepoint (Pyrpoint) :
Mr., 21.
the brothers, 162.
Pigsley, Captain, 375, 376.
Pisa, 416.
Pitt, Cornet (in 1703), 155.
William (the elder), 355.
Placentia, 191.
Plaistow, of the King’s regiment of Horse,
wounded at Dettingen, 270.
death of, 287, 289.
Plantations, the. governors of, 109.
Pliny, mentioned, 7.
Plutarch, mentioned, 20.
Plymouth, 347 (2), 348, 356.
citadel and walk [? the Hoo] at,
351.
disagreeableness of, 350, 351.
dock at, commissioner at, 351.
letters dated at, 348-354.
mayor of. 351.
post house at, 350.
Sound, 348, 352.
Po, the river, 171.
Pocack, Mr., 97.
Pointi, Monsieur, 177 (2).
Poland, 413.
King of, 130-132, 134.
, probable dethronement of, 141.
minister from, 129.
envoy from the Emperor to. See
Straatman, Count.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Poland and the Poles, 183, 135.
and Prussia. See Prussia.
Court of, 133.

Republic of, 181.

Pollhill, David, letter to, 198.

Polybius, mentioned, 98.

Pomerania, 131.

‘Pomfret, Lady, 210.

Ponsonby (Ponsiby), Brigadier H[enry],
made major-general, 275.
Pontack’s, 323.
Pont d’ Espierre, a pass called, 342.
Pontefract (Pomfret), election at, 41.
Pope, the:
rule or protection of, 170, 171.
supremacy of, protested against in
France, 51.
Popery, 204.
preaching against. See Clergy.
Portland, William Bentinck, Earl of,
88 (2).
Portland :
Road, 348.
, letter dated from, 347.
sheep, 348.
Port Lewis, in Brittany, 355.
Portlock, B., letter from, 182.
Port L’Orient, in Brittany, 355.
Port Mahon, 412, 418.
Portmore [David Colyear], Earl of, 119
regiment of, 185.
is to haye the Scots Guards, 188.
Portsmouth, Louise de Querouaille,
Duchess of, 50, 52.
son of. Sce Richmond, Duke of.
Portsmouth, 76, 78, 81, 852, 353.
camp near, letters dated at, 79, 80.
letter dated at, 88.
letters addressed to, 167 (2), 168.
troops at, 78, 81, 85, 166, 167.
Portugal, King of, 182, 185.
health of, 181.
forces of, 168.
minister from to Vienna, 115.
——, tothe Hague. See Pacheco.
Portugal, 166, 167, 181.
campaign in, 191.
Col. Revett in. See Revett.
and Spain. See Spain.
English ambassador in. See Methuen,
John.
-_-— sone in, 126.
fleet in, 180.
troops for or in, 127, 182, 183,
135, 140, 146, 147 (2), 151 (2), 152,
157, 158 (3), 167, 177-181, 188, 189,

196.
——, commanding officer of,

J

Jers to, 151.
cae money for, 130, 138, 168.
treaty with, 127, 129, 148.
——., ratification of, 130.
Portuguese, 139.

murder of, 181.
Post Office (in Lombard St.), governor of,

310.
Pouchond, Monsieur, agent at Utrecht,

313.

 

 

 

 

 
454

Poulet, Lord and Lady, 37.

Pound, Captain, of the Sally Rose, letter
to, 78.

Powell, Colonel, 73.

Powers, Goodman, 83.

 

Powis:
Lord, 73.
Mrs., 242.
, infant son of, 242.
, mother of. See Spence, Mrs.

 

Prague, 134.
Precontal, Mons, de, troops under, 134.
Preston :
Sir Richard Grahme, Lord
Nunnington neighbour), 64.
, a8 envoy to France, 51, 54.

(our

 

 

, sister of. See Fenwick, Lady.
Lady, 64.
Mr., 91.

Pretender, the. See James Edward.
Price, Brigadier or Major-General [Joseph],
370.
——, death of, 404,
, regiment of, 326.
Mr., 196, 292.
Priestman, Mr., 94.
Princesses, the, 399; and see Amelia,
Carolina and Louisa, Princesses.
Pringle, Dr., physician to Lord Stair, 238.
Privy Council, the:
[Charles II.], 50, 54.
——, extraordinary meeting of, 43.
. orders in, 52.
[James II.], 58.
, committees of, 59.
[William and Mary], 70.
, committee of, 87.
[Anne], committee of, 124.
Privy Seal, Lord. See Kingston, Earl of;
Normanby, Marquis of.
Prussia, King of :
(Frederick J.J, 180, 181, 133, 136,
188-140.
——. general of, 113.
— , officers of, 185.
, present from, 1388.
, process of, with the Princess of
Nassau-Friesland, 121, 122.
, pretensions of, to the Kingdom
of Scotland, 128.
, treaty of, with Sweden, 127,
129, 133, 136, 188, 140.
; , articles of, 181.
[Frederick the Great], 216, 226.
, army of, 835, 338.
——, treaty of. with the Queen of
Hungary, 216.
——, marches into Bohemia, 335, 836.
, abuse of, 338.
, letter from, 4138.
, attempt to kill, 413.
Queen of (wife of Frederick the Great),
413.
Prussia, 337.
ambassador from, at the Hague.
Schmettau, Baron de.
and Poland, 1383.
Court of (Court of Berlin), 186, 187.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

See

 

Prussia—cont,
treaty of, with Sweden, 136, 138, 140.
, articles of, 131.
Prussian troops, 199, 216, 376.
Puizar (Pizar), Marquis de, regiment of,

 

Pujolas, Captain [Anthony], of the lst regi-
ment of Guards, 96, 97.
Pulteney (Poulteney) :
Col, Harry, regiment of, 397.
, as Brigadier and Major-General,
275, 410.
H., 186.
Purcell:
Mrs., 241, 261, 355.
Ned, 175, 176.
Putney (Puttney), Surrey, 51.
Pybus, Mr., 68.
mother of, 68.
Pyne:
H., letter from, 193.
Sir Richard, Lord Chief Justice of
Treland, 198.

 

Q

Queenborough (Quinbourg), Kent, 86.
Queen’s messengers, prisoners taken out of
the hands of, 154. °

BR

Raby (Rabi), Lord [Thomas Wentworth,
aft. Earl of Strafford, q.v.] dragoon
regiment of, 107, 159. 181.

ae Henry, Marquis de, regiment of, 79,

Ralph, serving boy, 42, 45.
mother of, 45.
Rambouillet (Rambouliet), Colonel, death
of, 402.
Ramsden :
James (Jemmy), “‘place of the wine
licence ’’ given to, 247.
Thomas (Tommy), 228, 2383, 265, 266,
275, 312, 358, 862.
, marriage of, 268, 270.
William, 41.
Mr., 404.
the elder, 8302, 3038.
family of, 302.
Ramsdens. the two, 239, 241.
Ramsey, Colonel [George], 119.
Ranby, surgeon to the Guards, 248 (2),
256, 261, 267, 272, 277, 279.

 
455

Ranelagh, Earl of, Paymaster of the forces,
104, 107. a ia
letters from, 93 (2).
letter to, 144.
resignation of, 104, note.
office of. See Paymaster’s office.
Ranelagh Gardens, co. Surrey, 277.
Rapin, Captain [Solomon], 195.
Ratisbon, 127, 188, 245.
burghers, arsena], gates and ramparts
of, 132.
oes by the Elector of Bavaria, 131,
Raymond, Captain, 356.
Raymont, a barrister, 32.
Reamaker, Monsieur, commandant of Fort
St. André, 149 (2), 156.
Regency Bill, 190, 202.
ee (Reseby, Resby), Sir John, 40,

death of, 71.
Reventlau :
(Revenelau). Danish Chancellor, son-
in-law of, 128.
or Reventhau, Imperial general, 131.
Revett, Rivett, Rewett:
Edmund, Captain, Lieut.-Colonel or
Colonel, 91, 156, 165, 166.
—, letters from, 91 (2), 92, 121,
198.
, letters to, 89 (3), 99, 164-170,
174-177, 179 (3), 182-184, 186, 187,
191, 194, 196 (38).
, letters of recommendation for,
180, 185 (5).
——, memorials of, 189, 198.
—,, is going to Portugal, 166 (2).
——, in Portugal, 168.
——, gallant action of, 176 (2), 177,
179, 180, 183, 185, 205 (2).
——, returns to England, 185.
——, received by the Queen, 187.
——, is to command a battalion of
the Guards in Flanders, 198.
, service of, in Flanders, 205 (2).
——, death of, at Malplaquet, 203,
205, 206.
——, wife of. See Revett, Joanna.
——, children of, 165, 166, 175, 186,
191, 205, 206; and see Revett,
John, James and William; and
Russell, Mary Joanna.
, servants of, 166.
vanes (Jemmy), 214, 250, 357 (2),
2

 

 

 

 

Joanna, (Nancy), wife of Colonel
Edmund, above, 97, 165-168, 175,
186, 191, 194.

——, letters from, 89 (8), 91:

——, letter to, 91.

——, memorial and petition of, 205.

——, note by, 176.

——, after her second marriage, to
Governor Russell. See Russell,
Joanna.

——, father of.
Serjeant.

—-, unole of.

See Thurbarne,

See Cutts, Lord.

 

Revett—cont.

John, ‘‘Brother Revett,” (eldest son
of Col. Edmund), of the Ist regi-
ment of Guards, 213, 214, 219, 221,
222, 232, 235. 236, 242, 259, 261,
264, 270, 272, 275, 280, 281, 295,
808, 309, 322, 328, 345. 354, 857,
366, 371.

_ as a child (Jackey), 175.

——, commission of, in the Guards,
211.

, letter from, 346.

——, letters to, 243, 418, 414.

, attachment of, to Fanny Rus-
sell, alluded to, 380.

William (Billy). youngest son of
Col. Edmund, 212, 214.

——, (half) sisters of. See Russell,
Elizabeth and Mary.

Revolution, the (of 1688), or ‘‘the late
expedition,'’ 70, 71, 77, 206.

Rey. Jean de, letter from, 111.

Reynolds, Lieut.-Colonel [Rowland], of
the 3rd regiment of Guards, 379, 394,
399, 401, 402.

Rheinbach (Rhynbach, Rhinbach), letters
dated at, 229, 230.

Rheinberg (Rhynberg), 113.

Rheingrave, the, 85.

a wine, 233, 236, 281, 319, 361,
3635.

Rhine, the river, 233, 285, 278, 279,
284, 392.

bridges laid across, 286, 291, 295, 296,
299.

defence of, 119-121.

description of, 231.

French army on, 309, 336.

garrison towns on, 290.

retreat across, 265.

islands in, 278.

palace on, 277.

pons volans over, 233.

towns on, 281, and see under their
names.

troops on or crossing, 127, 165, 227,
228, 280-233, 256, 262, 263, 274-
299, 307, 325-329, 338.

the Upper, 128, 141.

Rhoe. See Rowe.

Rich :

Charles, 22.

Robert (Robin), grandson of the 2nd
Earl of Warwick, 23.

_ letters to, 21-23.

——, wife of. SeeCromwell, Frances.

Sir Robert, Admiralty Commissioner,
78.

, regiment of, 258.

Captain or Colonel (Robert, of the 1st
regiment of Guards], 216, 220, 221,
239-241, 326, 413.

——, family of, 221.

Richbell (Col. Edward], regiment of,
367.

Richelieu, Cardinal, maxim of, 76.
Richelt, camp of, letter dated from, 871.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
456

Richmond :

Charles Lennox, Duke of, natural son
of Charles II., 58.
——, made master of the Horse, 48.

, commissioners for, 58.

Charles Lennox, 2nd Duke of, son of
ae above, 248, 254, 258, 271, 274,
——, daughter of, 316.

Richmond, Surrey, 264, 271.

Richmond, co. York, election at, 41.

Richmondshire regiment, 49.

Rider. See Ryder.

Rieuator, Reautor [or Rutter], Lieut.-
Colonel [William], 175, 176.

Ripon, co. York, 45.

Rivers, Lady, 416.

Riviére, Monsieur la, 74.

Robarts. Russell, 182,

Robel, General, 132, 138.

Robinson, Jack, of the Coldstream, 216,
235, 258, 259, 279, 303, 307-309, 331.
378, 398, 396, 403, 409 (2).

Sir John, 99.

, eldest son of, 191.

Sir Metcalfe, 41, 42, 45, 59 (2).
Lady, 249.

Captain, 412.

Mr., 183.

Rochester, Laurence Hyde, Earl of, made
Master of the Horse, 107.

enters the government, 201, 202.
letter from, 109.

Rochester :

Bishop of. See Sprat, Thomas.
archdeacon of, 186.
letters dated at, 222, 304.

Rochford [Rotchford], 21.

Rocque. See Le Rocque.

Rodelheim (Rodelhem), camp near, letter
dated from, 276.

Rolas, Monsieur, aide de camp to Lord
Cutts, 102.

Roman Catholics, English, views of, 172.

Roman power, the, 97,

Romans, the, 20.

the ancient, 171.
Rome, 97, 170, 171.
arnbassadors at, 164, 170,
‘the beast of,’’ 8.
Church of, 209.
, converts to, 37, 42.
danger from, 3, 8.
letter dated at, 164.
opera at, 164.
buildings, &., in:
church of the Redemptor, 172.
garden of Aldobrandina, 171.
Pantheon, ‘‘dedicated by the
ancients to all the gods, and by
ae moderns to all the Saints,”’
171.
Pieta at, 178. .
temple of Castor and Pollox, now
dedicated to SS. Cosmo and
Damian, 172,
Romney (Rumney), Lord, 96.
letter to, 102.

 

 

 

 

Roncoux, near Liege, battle at, 354, 355.

Rooke, Sir George, Admiralty Commis-
sioner, 78.

as vice-admiral, 142, 143 (2), 151, 157,

158, 180.

warrants of, 143 (2).

Rooksbye or Rooksby, Mr., 46, 51.

Roper, Major [John], killed, 371.

Ross (Rass) :

Brigadier [Charles]. 125, 143.
,dragoon regiment of [Royal

Trish], 164, 165.

Captain or Lieut.-Colone] [James], of
the 3rd regiment of Guards, 332, 334.

. death of, 371.

Ross (Rosse), bishop of, 20.

Rothes :

John Leslie, Earl of, 228, 233, 247.

, foot regiment of, 233.

——,appointed to 2nd troop of
Horse Grenadier Guards, 233.

,dragoon regiment of (Scots

Greys], major of, 404.

Lady, his wife, 247.

Rotterdam, 106, 180, 144, 147, 158, 284.
368, 376.

British agent at, 313.

letters dated at, 143, 164.

pensionary of, 137.

travellers to, 108, 115, 304.

Roubaix, town of, contributions paid by, 336.

Rouse, Lady, 31.

Rowe (Rhoe) :

Major-Gen. [Archibald], 153.

Alderman, 12.

Colonel Henry, 162.
regiment of .79,81,83 note, 112,116.
Rowley, Admiral [Sir William], 405.
Rowney, Tom, M.P. for Oxford, 384.

nephew of, See Noel, Captain.

Royal family, a member of, notes from, 416.

Rubens, Peter Paul, pictures by, 217.

Rudge, —. 47.

Ruelle :

Mr. de la, 224, 306, 307.

Mrs. de la, 224.

Rumney, Lord. See Romney.

Ruremonde, 110, 126, 163.

Rushworth, John, paper printed by, 21.

Russell :

Anna, Lady, wife of Sir Francis, 212,

219, 283, 289, 329 (2), 341, 344.

, letter from, 356.

——. niece of. See Fazakerly, Miss.

,2nd husband of. See Holmes,Mr.

Lieut.-Colonel Charles, of the Ist and
aft. of the Coldstream regiment of
Guards.

, letters from, 213-411.

——., letters to, 212, 213, 346, 356,
409 (2), 411, 412 (4).

, from his wife and sister,
See Russell, Mary Joanna and
Fanny, letters from.

—— company or men (family) of, 222,
230 (2), 231, 237. 288, 300, 305, 310,
811, 318, 347, 412.

——, ‘late colonel of,’’ 345.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
457

Russell, Charles—cont.

——, ensignof. SeeWiseman, William.
——, horses of:

Jack Chestnut, 346.

Poppet, 227, 228, 346, 411.

——, memorials of, 346, 412.

, Servants of, 235, 248, 249; and
seé Nat, Jack, and Russell. John.
——, wife of. See Russell. Mary

Joanna,

——, children of. See Russell, John
and Molly.

, and the Duke of Cumberland.
See Cumberland, Duke of.

—— returns to England, 222, 303, 304.

——, illness of, 237, 238, 244.

——, audience of, of the Duke, 295.

——, acts as major, 328.

——, laments the destruction of crops,
&e., by the army, 330, 334, 336.
337, 339.

——, appointed 1st mvjor of the Cold-
stream, 408.

——,commands the Ist battalion of
Guards at, Fontenoy, 412.

Elizabeth (Betty), daughter of Sir
John, 32, 35, 43, 46, 48, 49.

, Marriage of, to Thomas Frank-
land. See Frankland, Thomas.

Elizabeth (Betty), daughter of Gover-
nor John, 212.

Fanny, sister of Lieut.-Colonel
Charles, woman of the bedchamberto
thePrincessAmelia,228 et seq.passim,

. letters from, 241, 247, 250,

256 (2), 261, 264, 268, 271, 275,

277, 281, 285, 338, 35+, 405.

, letters from, opened, 273.

——, notes to, 416 (?).

, present sent to, 356.

——., ‘‘ subscription’ promised to,
404, 406.

at Checquers, 380.

Frances, Lady. wife of John, after-
wards Sir John Russell, 37, 45-50.
90, 91; and see Cromwell, Frances.

, letters from. 28, 37, 69, 70.

, letters to, 28-36, 70, 91.

, endorsement by, 91.

-, her fondness for her daughter,
53-55, 57.

——, embarrassed circumstances of,72.

. estate of, note concerning, 203,

——, housekeeper and cook of, 33. 34.

Sir Francis, of Chippenham, 203.

——, death of, 29.

, son of. See Russell, John, or
Sir John.

Francis (Frank), afterwards Sir Fran-
cis, 212, 213, 219, 229, 288, 289.

, letter to, 313.

,as agent for the East India

Company at Cossimbuzar, 220, 235.

, death: of, 824, 829, 337.

——, creditors of, 841, 344.

——, wife of. See Russell, Anna.

,son of. See Russell, Sir Wil-

liam (Billy), below.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Russell—cont, ‘

aoe, orders countersigned by, 155,

0.

Joanna (formerly Joanna Revett, q.v.),
= eae of Governor John Russell,

. mentioned by Col. Charles Rus-
sel as his mother, 214.

John, afterwards Sir John, of Chip-
penham, letters from, 25-36.

— —. letters to, 26-28, 37.

——, marriage of, 28 note, 208.

——, death of, 34 note.

, Wife of. See Russell, Lady

Frances,

, children of, 31, 33, 37; and see

Russell, Sir William, Rich, John

and Elizabeth.

, Katherine, sister of, 33.

, uncle of, 35; and see Chicheley,
Sir John and Russell, William.

Colonel {John}, 48.

——, regiment of, 48.

John, 3rd son of Sir John, governor of
Fort William, 211 (2).

, as late governor, 212.

——, letter to, 212.

——, will of, mentioned, 213.

, second wife of. See Russell,

Joanna.

, children of, See Russell, Charles,
Fanny, Mary, and Elizabeth.

John (Johnny, Jacky, Jack Horner,
Rantipole Jack) son of Colonel
Charles, 214, 245, 264, 271, 281,
288, 300, 319-323, 329, 333, 343,
346, 352, 375, 378, 400, 411. and
passim,

, birthday of, 344, 352.

, a8 Sir John, 413, 414.

John, Col. Russell’s servant, 392, 396,

, wife of, 405.

Mary Joanna, daughter of Col. Revett
and wife of Lieut.-Colonel Charles
Russel], 214 et seq. passim.

, letters from, 312, 414.

— —, letters to, 256, 414.

from her husband. 214-

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

~_—

 

> >

411.

——, illness of, 225.

, present sent to, 356.

Mary (Molly), daughter of Governor
John, 212.

Mary (Molly), daughter of Lieut.-
Colonel Charles, 214, 218, 222, 241,
244, 245, 250, 264, 281, 288, 299-
301, 304, 319, 322, 323, 329, 343.
346, 351, 365, 367, 375, 378, 400,
402, 411, and passim.

Rich. second son of Sir John, 31-35,
70.

William, Lord, reprieve of, 57.

William (Will) eldest son of Sir
John, 29, 32 (2), 35, 36, 44, 465,
47.

——, as Sir William, 70, 71.

, letter of remonstrance to, 71.

——, reported marriage of, 78.

 

 
458

Russell—cont,
William, uncle of Sir John, 29 (2),
33, 36, 87,
Sir William (Billy), 237, 257, 275, 280,
288, 299. 309, 322, 329, 330, 341,
344, 346, 356, 367.
——, to be page to the Princess, 329,
341-342.
, to go to Flanders, as a page to
the Duke of Cumberland, 404, 405.
406, 408.
. conduct of. in Flanders, praised,
410.
Captain (in the navy), 376, 380,
384 (2), 885, 389, 340, 394.
Colonel, taken prisoner at Barcelona,
192.
Mr., clergyman, 406.
Russells, the, 208.
Russia :
Czar of, 128, 180, 134, 141.
——, wines and sweetmeats for, 130.
, wishes the clergy to be main-
tained from the public revenue, 200.
Ozarina (Zarina) of, 327, 335.
Russia or Muscovy :
ambassador from, at the Hague, 133,
134.
patriarch and clergy of, maintenance
of, 200.
Russians ov Muscovites, encounter of the
Swedes with, 129.
Ruthven, Lord Grey of. See Grey.
Rutland, Duchess of, 230, 247, 272, 308.
son of. See Manners, Lord Robert.
relative of. See Noel, Bennet.
Ryder (Rider) Sir William, alderman and
lord mayor, 10-12.
Ryswick, treaty of, 91, 208.

 

 

 

8., Lord, 36.
Sabine :
Lieut.-Colonel [John], of the lst regi-
ment of Guards, company of, 350.
Sergeant Joseph, 271, 301, 302, 396,
400, 405, 408.
, letter from, 412.
, wife and child of, 271.
Sacheverell, Dr., 200.
Sackville :
Lord George, regiment of, 897.
Lord John, 338.
, resignation of, 350.
——, company of. 350.
Sadler, Mr., commissioner of transports,
159.
letter to, 158.

 

 

 

 

Sailors, offered as gunners, $79,

St. Amand, in French Flanders, 335,

St. Andrews (Church of ?), 217.

St. Andrew’s feast, 405. 406.

St. Augustine friars, 214.

St. Barbe, the heights of, 184.

St. Clair. See Sinclair.

St. Helena, 219.

St. Helen's Road, Isle of Wight, 76, 81.

St John, Henry, Seoretary at War, 187, 198.

letter from, 186.

letter to, 185.

as Lord Bolingbroke, now carries all

before him, 204, 205.

, letter from, 205.

St. Martin, Cape, in Spain, 192,

St. Nicola, in Flanders, 217.

St. Omers, 199.

St. Paul, Monsieur, letter from, 86.

St. Quintin, camp at, 86.

St. Tron (St. Iron), in Flanders, 224, $01.

camp of the allies at, letters dated
from, 136-188.

St. Vincent, Cape, 192.

Salisbury (Sallusbury),
[Charles], 167-169.

wife of, 167.

Salisbury, disorder amongst the troops at,
84,

Salmon, Nat., 86.

Saltonstall, Sir Richard, alderman and
Lord Mayor, 6, 7 (2).

Salyche, Lieut.-General, governor of Breda,
144, 150, 151, 154-156.

letters to, 152, 155.

opinion of, 119.

Samazan, Captain, 195.

Samsunder Leat, Indian merchant, 213.

Samuel, the prophet, 7.

Sancé, Captain, 335.

Sandby, Mr., 150.

Sanderson. See Saunderson.

Sandown (Sandom) Fort, Isle of Wight, 88.

Sandvliét, fort of, 373.

Sandwich :

Edward Montagu, Earl of, is no
longer master of the Horse to Prince
George, 182.

Jobn Montagu, Earl of, 363, 384.

Sandwich, co. Kent. 164, 222, 235.

alderman of, 346.

candidate for, 368.

Sardinia, 200.

King of, 325, 365.

Saulini, Colonel, 132.

Saunderson, Sanderson :

[John], younger son of Lord Castle-
ton, 56.

Nicholas, eldest son of Lord Castleton,
38-42,

——,, wife of, 38.

—— uncle of.
William.

Mrs. or ‘‘cousin,’’ 54, 55.

Sauring, Captain [Mark Anthony], of the
King’s regiment of Horse, wounded at
Dettingen, 261, 273.

Saverin, Duc de, 187.

 

Lieut.-Colonel

See Frankland, Sir
459

Saville, Lady, 320.

Savonna, Our Lady of, 172.

Savoy, Duke of, 183, 135, 141.

ae of, with the Emperor, 180,
—— with France, 187 (2).
troops of, 133.

Saxe, Prince or Count, marshal of France,
$12, 314, 319, 320, 324, 325, 331-333,
839 (2), 342, 372.

army of, 314, 325, 383.
English officer (prisoner) entertained
by, 378.
head quarters of, 365.
party in opposition to, 368.
Saxon generals, 138.
officer, 132.
Saxony, 134.
Soarborough, 250.
election at, 41.
waters. the, 333.

Scharding, bombarding of, 181.

Scheldt or Escaut (Scheld), the river, 199,
305, 315, 316, 318, 324, 331, 358, 361,
367, 374, 375, 389.

forts on, 373; and see Fort Lillo and

Fort Frederick.

new bridge over, 85.

troops on or crossing, $11, 314, 321,
$25, 330, 842, 343.

Schmettau (Smettau), Baron de, Prussian
minister at the Hague, 1138, 128, 129,
181, 135, 188, 139.

Schonberg (Schomberg):

Friedrich Armand, Duke of, 72, 78.
Meinhardt. Duke of, as commander-
in-chief of the forces in England, 81.

, letter to, 150.

Schults, Lieut.-General, 159.

Schutz (Schuzts), Mr., 265, 345.

Schwalbach (Swaltzbach), 298.

Scilly Isles, 349.

Scot, Lady Caroline, 369,

Scotch :

gentry, ‘‘excel in arts and arms,’’ 97.
officers, entertainment by, on St.
Andrew's Day, 405.
plot, the, 153.
——, prisoners taken in connexion
with, 154.
Presbyterian clergyman, 875.
regiments, 290.
smugglers, 358.
Scotchman, ‘‘a mighty pretty,’’ 382.
Scotland. 97.
elections in, 370.
French in, 20.
forces in, 209,
only Jacobites employed in, 204.
Parliament of, 128.
the Pretender said to be expected in,

 

 

204.
Prussian pretensions to. Sce Prussia,
King of.
regiments from, 358, 359, 362-364.
, Highlanders, 866; and see
Army.

traveller to, 370, 373.

 

Scots or the Scots, 18, 20.
defeat of, 29.
Scott :
Ensign, 412.
Mr., of Chesham, 316.
, brother of, 316.
Scottish affairs, in Parliament, 174.

Scowen, an island in Zeeland, 867.
Soriver, Dutch admiral, 363, 364, 376.
Soroope, Mr., treasury clerk, 320, 332.

Seamen :
bill for encouraging, 82.
pressing of, 68.
Sebright, Ensign John, of the Ist regiment
of Guards, 3800, 302.
as oe to General Legonier,
94.
Secretaries of State, see :—
Trevor, Sir John.
Trenchard, Sir John.
Trumbull, Sir William.
Nottingham, Earl of.
Hedges, Sir Charles.
letter to. 95.
office of, 87, 276.
Secretaries, under, see :—
Eliis, John.
Tucker, John.
Aglionby, Dr.
Warre, Richard.
Addison, Joseph.
Seefeld or Seefeldt, in Bavaria, 130, 181.
Sempill (Sample), Hugh, Lord, 335.
Seneca, mention of, 70.
Seville (Sevill), 181.
Seymour, Colonel [William], 104.
regiments of, 104. And see King’s
Own regiment of Foot, wnder

 

y-
Shadwell, Captain, 184.

Shaftesbury, Earl of [Anthony Ashley
Cooper], trial of, 45, 47.
acquittal of, 48.
Shakespeare, reading of, 222.
Shannon, Countess of, 835.
Sharp, Dr. John, dean of Norwich, 64.
Shaw :
Dick, 29.
Mr., 355.
Sheers, Mr. and Mrs., 36.
Sheffield [Charles Herbert], natural son of
John, Duke of Buckingham, 277.
Sheldon, Col. Dominick, 73.
Shelley. Lady, family of, 312.
Sherbach St. Job, in Flanders, letter dated
at, 809.
Sherrard, Bennet, Lord, 87.
Shields, South, 212.
Shipley, —, chaplain to the Duke of Cum-
berland, 404.
Ships:
capture of, 124.
as convoys, 162.
lost or injured, 147.
men of war, 324.
vessels taken by, 184.
victuallers, 184.
Ships—cont.
named :
Advice, 148.

Antelope, 191.
Association, 158.
Canterbury, 167.
, captain of, 167.
Expedition, 194.
, captain of, sce Cole.
Flamborough, 167. .
, captain of, 186.
Fowey, 110.
George, 212.
Good Intent, transport, 350.
Greenwich, 167.
Houghton, 218.
Kent, 184.
Louisa, 213.
Mary (Lovely Mary), transport,
350, 851, 358-356.
, captain of, 347 (2).
, letters dated on, 347 (8), 348.
ee yacht. letter dated aboard,
1.
Moderate, captain of, 166.
Namur, 351.
Newport, 176.
Pembroke, letter dated aboard,
188.
Peregrin, 110.
Portland, 148, 148.
Prince George, 211.
Russell, 147, note.
Sally Rose, 78.
Severn. 384.
Swallow, 124.
Swan, sloop, 384.
Tartar, 175, 176.
Trusty, 415, 416.
Winchester, 110.
Shirley, Jack, 250.
Shotover. co. Oxford, 265, 345.
Shovell, Sir Cloudesley. 79, 126, 180.
flect of, 185, 136.
Shrewsbury, Charles Talbot, Earl, and in
1694, Duke of, 49, 78, 92,
letters from, 80 (2),
letters to, 42, 80.
as ambassador at Venice, 170.
second marriage of. 187.
Shrimpton (Shrympton), Colonel or
Brigadier [John], 100. 167, 169, 188.
his man, 194,
Shropshire, 23.
Shuttleworth, Richard, letter from, 164.
Sicily (Sicilie), 200,
Siclos, in Hungary, 64.
Silesia, 226.
Upper and Lower, 216.
Silesian baron, a, 272.
Sinclair (St. Clair], General [James], 335,
851, 352, 354.
battalion of, 364.
regiment of, see under Army regiments,
the Royals.
Sinzich, on the Rhine, 281.
Sittingbourne (Sittingborough) in Kent,
letter dated at, 222.

 

 

 

 

 

 

460

Skaife, George, 58, 61.
letters to, 67, 68 (2).
Skelton, Lieut.-Colonel Henry, of the Scots
Guards, regiment given to, 287.
Skinner, Thomas, alderman and Lord
Mayor, 4.
death of, 4, 5.
Slaine, Stephen or Sir Stephen, alderman
and Lord Mayor, 1, 2, 4, 12.
Slanenberg, Monsieur, 119, 121, 126,
129.
Slicke (Sleicke), Count, victory of, 121.
Slingeland. Monsieur de, 149, 162, 164,
165.
letter to, 149.
Slingsby :
Sir Henry, 68.
Sir Thomas, 41, 42, 90.
Smelt, Mr., 44, 57.

wife‘of. See Frankland, Grace.
Smith:
Captain, wounded at Dettingen, 270,
276.

Mr., secretary to Lord Cutts, 194.
Miss, 241.
Smithson :
Lady Betty, wife of Sir Hugh, 355.
Sir Hugh, 355.
, election of, 378.
Smugglers, 358.
Sneye, Mr., his collection of pictures, 217.
Soame (Some), Sir Stephen, alderman and
Lord Mayor, 9 (2).
Soldiers :
commissaries for the accounts of, 189.
discharged as incurable, 238.
hospital for. See Chelsea college.
prisoners. 116. 118.
. cartel for the exchange of. See
France, cartel with.
punishment of, 221, 412.
wives of, or those in hospital, col-
lection for, 217.
to remove from any place where there
is an election. 85.
Somers, Sir John, Lord Keeper, 82.
Somerset :
Charles Seymour, Duke of, 63, 91, 183.
Elizabeth, Duchess of, his first wife, 63.
Duchess of, to be groom of the Stole,
201.
Sophie, electress of Hanover, letterfrom, 106.
Sorell, Captain, 412.
Sourville, Monsieur, 198-200.
Southampton. Thomas Wriothesley, Earl
of, 28, 24.
Southampton, market of, 76.
Southby, Lieut.-Colonel [William], of the
Coldstream, 303.
Southern, J.. 79.
South Sea annuities, 213.
Southwark (Sowthwerke), subsidy in, 7.
Southwell, Colonel [William], 196.
Sowl, Colonel Robinsor regiment of, 333.
Spa (Spaw) 396.
Spain, King of:
[Philip IV.], 7.
[Charles II.], agent of, 74.

 

 
461

Spain, King of—cont.
[Philip V.], 182, 192, 200.
——, decree or proclamation of, 132,135.
, forces of, 115.
[Charles, Archduke of Austria], titu-
lar King of, see Charles, Archduke,
Spain, 139, 202.
and the
Charles.
Austrian party in, 140.
Commissary general in, 127.
Council of, 132 (2).
crown of, 335.
danger from, 3, 6-8.
eee troops in, 175, 181, 192, 198,
205.
——, going to, 81, 83, 84.
, transport and provision for, 84.
news from, 115, 140, 201.
officers of the Finances in, 115.
and France 70.
and the cartel with France, 116, 118.
feeling towards the House of Austria
in. 127, 181.
proposes to deolare war upon Portugal,
182, 135.
reported cession of the Low Countries
by, 133.
Spaniards, 186.
siege of Gibraltar by. See Gibraltar
Spanish :
drum, 137.
grandees, 140, 181.
minister, 50.
nation, ‘‘ ancient valour of,” 182.
troops, 85, 200.
——, to serve with the English, 181.
, taken prisoner, 183.
, inItaly. See Italy.
Sparrow, Sir John. 73.
Speed, Captain or Colonel Sam., of the
Ordnance, 272, 288, 296, 301, 382,
401.
death of. 885-387, 390.
Speke, Mr., 344.
Spelman, Captain, 183.
Spence, Mrs., 242.
Spencer :
Miss, 250.
Mr., (at Althrop), 250.
Spire or Spires, ‘‘the last town in Ger-
oe 280, 282 (2), 284, 290, 294,
BD:
battle at, 145, 148.
ae near, letters dated from, 290-
93.
Spithead, 76, 81, 126, 158, 349. 350.
nance’) Capt. Alexander, letter from,

 

Archduke Charles. See

 

 

 

Sprat :
Thomas, Bishop of Rochester, letter
to, 185.
Mr., his son, 186.
Mrs., his wife, 186.
Squibbs [an apothecary ?], 49.
Stade (Staden), on the Elbe, 1383.
See Mr., chaplain to “the Blues,”

 

 

 

Stair (Stairs) John Dalrymple, Ear] of,
Commander-in-chief in the Low
Countries, 216-225, 228, 233, 237,
239, 242-245, 248, 249, 267, 273,
276, 278, 310.

orders of the day by, 218.

movements of, 220 (2).

accident to, 224.

quarters of, 226, 284, 286.

at Dettingen, 256, 258.

‘‘ our chief marshal,”’ thwarted by the
Hanoverians, 260.

would have tried to cut off the French
after Dettingen, 262.

resigns his command and returns to
England, 284-287.

character of, 285.

death of, 362.

aides-de-camp of, 258.

family of, 284.

physician of, 238.

secretary of, 2338.

Stanhope (Stanhop):

Alexander, English minister at the
Hague, 99. 110, 114. 126, 136, 140,
148, 147.

, letter from, 165.

——, letters to, 164, 165.

Captain or Colonel George, 287, 254,

285, 294, 385, 405.

——, wounded in battle, 371.

, as aide-de-camp, 287.

Sir John, vice-chamberlain of the

Household [pro tem.], 18.

Philip, 4th Earl, 215.

. brother of. See Captain George
above.

Lieut.-Colonel [William ?], 163.
Capt. William, letter from, 179.
——, servant of, 179.

Stanley:

Colonel (1698), 95, 96.
Dr. William, of Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge, 86.
Start Point, 347.
Steele, Richard (Dick), 94, 164 (?)
as Sir Richard, 208.
letters from, 99, 183, 200.
sister of, 99.
his man Will, 99.
Steinbergen or Steenbergen, 380, 381, 386,
387, 390, 402.

Steinkirk (Stinkerk), battle of, 189, 207.

Stephens, Sir William, 88.

Stevenage, Lieut.-Colonel [William], 167,

175.
Stevenson, Mr., 188.
clerk of, 187.
Stewart, Stuart:
Brigadier, Colonel, or Major-General
[William], 83, 85, 119.
——, sergeants of, 102.
—, letter to, 83.
, regiment of, 81, 83.
Captain [Francis], (of the ‘' Blacks,’’)
267

Mr., consul at Flushing, 358, 360-
362.

,

 

 

 

 
462

Stirum, Count, 137, 138.
army or camp of, 187, 141.
victory of, 121.
Stittenham (Stitnam), co. York, 44.
Stochem, 372.
Stockdale, [William], 42.
Stocken, Monsieur, 126, 127.
Stockholm, 132, 136, 138, 228, 237.
Stocks, depression of, 201.
Stolhoven, camp of, 127.
Stortford, (Storford), oo.
dated at, 35.
Stowe, co. Bucks, 345.
Straatman. envoy from the Emperor to
Poland, 127.
Strafford (Straffort) :
Anne, Countess of, wife of William
Wentworth. Earl of, 405.
Thomas Wentworth, Earl of:
, Anne, wife of, 384, note.
, secretary of, 203.
. regiment of. See Raby.
Straits, the, troops for, 83.
Strasburg. (Stratsburg), 54, 279.
Strawberry, a race-horse, 30.
Strickland :
Mrs. Bella. 36.
Sir Roger, 73.
Walter, 43.
Mr., and his wife, 36.
Stroud, Sam., 242.
Stuart. See Stewart.
Suabia. See Swabia.
Subsidies, 7.
Subsidy bill. 73.
Suffolk, James Howard, Earl of, 48, 51.
Suffolk. county of, 99, 250.
Sun, eclipse of the, 193.

Sunderland:
Robert Spencer, 2nd Ear] of, 92, 94.

Charles Spencer, 3rd Earl of, appointed
envoy extraordinary to the Emperor,
180.

Susan, Lady, 265.

, child of, 265.

Sussex, county of, M.P. for, 34.

Sutendal, in Holland, letter dated at, 110.

Sutherland (Sootherland) Captain, 73.

Sutton:

Lieut.-Col. or Col. [Richard], 189.

letter from. 116.

Lord Robert, 373, 378;
Manners, Lord Robert.
Sutton Court, co. Middlesex. 48, 49, 90.
letters dated at, 48, 44, 46, 49-58.

Swabia, Suabia, circle of, 130, 148.

Swabian deputies. 132.

Swalme. the river. 314.

Swan. Swann:

Lieut.-Colonel [Cornelius], 168. 1°75.
198, 257.
Mrs., 242, 258, 256, 261.

Swartzenburgh, Swartsenburg, General, 379,
382.

Swede. the, 70.

Sweden, King of:

(Charles XII.], 181, 137, 188, 283.

, alliances of, 140.

——, plot to assassinate, 132.

Herts, letter

 

 

 

 

 

and sée

 

 

Sweden, King of—cont.
[Frederick I.], 241.
[Gustavus ITI.], 416.
Prince Royal of, 276.

Sweden or the Swedes, 130, 133, 187; 280.
fight of, with the Russians. 129, 181.
treaties with. See Holland and Prus-

sia, treaties of.

Swedish :
ambassador at the Hague. See Lilien-

root.
General.
ships, 135.
Sweet, Benjamin, deputy-paymaster for her
Majesty's forces in the Low Coun-
tries, 105, 106, 147, 158, 159.
letter to, 158.

See Cronhjort.

Swinton, Mrs., [in waiting on the
Princesses], 265.
Swiss:

officers, 363, 366, 385, 390.

ern or troops, 359, 873, 377,
Switzerland, 385.
Sylliar (? Sulyard) Colonel, 86,
Synsendorf, Count, 113.
Systersleck, in Livonia, 129.
Szwzcka, Monsieur, vice-chancellor of

Lithuania, 133.

a

Tacitus, quotation from, 19.
Tagus, the (river of Lisbon), 188, 191.
Talavera, in Spain, 186,
Talbot (Talbott) :
[Barbara] marries Lord Grey of Ruth-
ven, 73.
Colonel, report that he is to be made
an earl, 63.
Jack, 47.
Lady (1685), 61.
Major, 38.
Mally, 250.
vary] Lady, 237, 247, 261, 274, 275,

Mr., 241,
William, Lord, 247, 250, 251, 268.
wife of. See Talbot, Mary.
—, 312.
Talbots, the, of Yorkshire, 41.
Tallard, General, 182, 141.
Talmach, General Thomas, letter from, 78.
Tancred, Mr., 38.
Tanfield, Sir Lawrence, made Chief Baron
of Exchequer, 18.
Tangermunde, letter dated at, 138.
Tarragona, in Spain. 192.
Tasniéres (Tanieres), battle of. See Male
plaquet.
Tasso, allusion to, 71.
Tatton, Colonel [William], 102.
Taylor, Parker, 196.
463

Tempest :
Colonel [John], 4], 42 (2).
-[William], his son, 41.

Mrs., 150.
Temple :
. Mr., 74.

Sir William, 60.
Tenison, Dr. Thomas, 208.
Tennell, Mr., commissioner for prizes at
Lisbon, 166.
Ter Vere or Ter Veere, in Walcheren, 361,
367. 370, 377.

Road, 391.

Tesse. Count. 186.

troops of, 186.

Test, the, taking of, 51.
Acts, the, 67.
_ ——, repeal of, objected to, 67.

Teviott, Thomas, Viscount, made Lieu-

tenant General, 119.
Thame (Tame), co. Oxford, 345.
er the (‘‘the river’’), 80, 99, 233,
ae
water, for the army, 388.

Theobalds (Thibal), King’s house at, 74.

Thetford, new charter for, 50.

Thirkleby (Thirkelbye), co. York, 47, 57,

60. 90, 286. 333, 405.
letters dated at, 37, 39, 40.
letters addressed to, 38, 43, 45, 46,
56-63. 213.

Thirkleby family, the. See Frankland.

Thirsk (Thrisk), co. York, 42, 59. 60 (2).
elections at, 39, 41 (2), 58, 61-63, 68.
members for. See Frankland, Sir

William ; Saunderson, Nicholas.

Thiselworth or Isleworth, Lady Talbot’s

house at, 61.
Tholen, 386, 387. 390, 402.
Thomas :
Captain, 366.
William, letter from, 204.

Thomond:

Henry O’Brien, Earl of, 28-30, 32,
35 (2).

, son of. See OBrien, Henry.
Countess of, his wife, 28-30, 34, 35.
Henry, 8th Earl of, heir of. See

O’Brien, Murrough.

Thompson :

Francis and William, M.P.'s for Scar-
borough, 41.
a cook, 407.

Thorn, town of, 182, 188.

Throckmorton, —, Jetter from, 123.

Thucydides, allusion to, 98.

Thurbarne (Thurburne, Thurland), Ser-

jeant John. 176. 191, 205.
as ‘‘ the honest old gentleman.’’ 187.
letters from. 165, 196.
letters to, 97, 177.
daughter of. See Revett, Joanna.

Thynne (Thinn), Thomas, 47.
murder of, 49.

Thys, in Holland, camp at, letters dated

from, 125.
Tiel, in Holland, 128.
Tilbury Hope, 110,

 

 

 

Tillotson, Dr. John, archbishop of Canter-
bury, letter from, 42. .
Peay, in Flanders, 182, 224, 301,
letter dated at, 801.
Tirol. See Tyrol.
Titus, Mr., 60.
sae Vespasian, picture of the time of,
vale
Tom Thumb, 411.
nie or Tongres, in Flanders, 139, 301,
68.
letter dated at, 142.
Tonton, Mademoiselle, 224.
Torbay, 354.
Tories, 43. 209.
Torrington, Pattee Byng, Lord, 241.
Tosenau, letter dated at, 298.
Toufflers, near Launoy, church, parson and
farmers of, 336.
Toulon (Tholoune), squadron of, 180.
Tourcoin, town of, contributions paid by,
336.
Toney 199, 822, 328, 331 (2), 384, 335,
344.
camp before, letters dated at, 198, 341.
citadel of, defence of, 198, 199.
governor of. See Sourville, Monsieur,
and Albemarle, Duke of.
siege and capitulation of, 198-200.
Tower of London, the, 6, 411.
constables of. See Allington, Lord,
and Dartmouth, Lord.
guus at, firing for a victory, 182.
King James I. at, 16.
Lord Mayor presented at, 4.
persons sent to, 85.
Tower wharf, 347.
Townshend, Townsend :
via Viscount, Secretary of State,
——, doubt whether he will be ap-
pointed to Ireland, 209.
. brother-in-law of. See Walpole,
Robert.
Frank, 224.
George, aide-de-camp to the Duke of
Cumberland, 370.
{ Horatio], Lord, 48.
Lady, 271.
, husband and son of, 271.
‘‘young,”’ 309.
Trant. Sir Patrick, 73.
Traplin, Mr., clerk to Mr. Stevenson, 187
Trappes :
Sir Francis, Bart., letter from, 18.
George, 18.
Trarbac, siege of, 131.
Traun, Count. Austrian general, 249.
Trayendal, treaty of, 137.
Treasury °
allowance from, asked for, 114.
the new, 202.
books, 202.
chambers, letter dated at, 204.
clerks, 382.
First Commissioner of. See Walpole,
Robert. :

 

 
Troasury—cont.

Commissioners or Lords of, 81, 201.

. letter to, 104.

officials of, 320.

Trelawny (Trelauny), Brigadier [Henry],
late regiment of. See King’s Own regi-
ment of Foot, wnder Army.

Trenchard, Sir John, Secretary of State,

13:
. letter to, 79.
Tressin, Pont, 331.
Treyanion. Colonel, 73.
Trevyes, 1380, 133.
Duke of Marlborough at, 179.
Trevor (Treayor) :

Dr.. 247, 250, 251, 272.

Sir John, seoretary of State to Charles
II., 74, note.

——., his son’s children, 74, 75.

Sir John, Speaker of the House of
Commons, expelled the house, 82,
83.

John Morley, 241. 247, 250. 258,
262. 268. 272-275, 281, 283, 288,
292.

——., sisters of, 268, 272. 273; and
see Boscawen, Mrs. and Trevor,
Peggy.

——. servant of, 268.

Mr., at the Hague, 355.

, memorial by, praised, 340.

Mrs., 47.

Mrs., 220.

Nanny, 220.

Peggy, 241, 250, 272.

Triers or Treves, Elector of, 233.

residence of, 232, 233.

Trinder, John, 73.

Tring, co. Hertford, post bag for, 241.

Trips, General, 372.

Trowbrydge, Francis, letter from, 166.

Trubshaw (Trubchar), Charles, 195 (2),
196.

letters from, 176 (2).

Trumbull, Sir William, Secretary of State,
87.
letter from, 86.
Tryons, Mr., 250.
Tucker, John, Under Secretary of State,
107.
letters from, 87, 180, 182.
Tuffnell, Mr., 244,
Tully, allusion to, 7.
Tunbridge, William Henry de Nassau,
Viscount, letter to, 148.
Tunbridge, co. Kent, 338.
Turkey :
Sultan or Grand Seigneur of, 98.
. reported deposition of, 184.
, palace of, 134.
insurrection in, 134.
Vizier Effendi of. 134.
Turks, the, 20.
army of, defeat of, 64-66.
, practices of, 98.
janisaries of, 64, 65, 134, 212.
picture of Our Saviour taken from,
217;

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

464

Turner, Sir William, 90.

Turner, a horse, 68.

Turnhout, barony of, 135.

Tuscany, Grand Duke and Court of, 416,

Twickenham (Twitnam) Park, 93.

Twisden, Bishop [Philip, Bishop of
Raphoe], 384.

Twysden, ‘‘little,’’ 355.

Tyrawly (Tirawley), James O'Hara, 2nd
Lord, 327.

Tyrol or Tirol, 127, 129, 180 131.

mountains of, 171.
Tysen, Grace, 69.

U

Ulm, in Bavaria, 130.
Upton Park, co. Hants, letters dated at,
78.
Urry, David, captain of militia in the
Isle of Wight, 53.
Utkinton, co. Chester, letter dated at, 190.
Utrecht, province of, deputy of, 129.
states of, 127.
Utrecht (Utreeq), town of, 128, 129.
British agent at, 313.
letters dated at, 96, 115.
Uxbridge, 411.

Vv

Valencia (Vallencia), 192.
Kingdom of, declares for the Arch-
duke Charles, 184.
ae de Alcantara (Valence), siege of,
Valenciennes (Vallentienns), 199.
King of France at, 309.
Vallendor, near Coblentz, 133.
Vanbrugh :
Phil, commissioner at Plymouth dock-
yard, 351.
—, 216.
Vancittron, Miss, 241.
Vanderpoel or Vanderspoel, Heer van, 158.
letter to, 143.
Vanduren, Mr., 213.
Vandyke, Anthony, pictures by, 217.
Vane:
Christopher, created Lord Barnard,
92, 93.
Lord, 338.
Lady, 2156, 228, 224, 338.
Vane—cont,
Mr., 41, 42.
[Henry, aft. Lord Barnard and Earl
of Darlington], 214, 222, 242-244,
248, 249, 259, 270, 292, 977, 300,
305, 306.
——, arrest of, 216.
, apology to, 220, 221,
W., letter from, 208.
Van Haren (Vanharen), Monsieur, 402, 407.
Madame, formerly ‘Mrs. Charles,”
401, 402, 405, 407.
Van Kock, at the Hague, 312.
Van Leyden, Brigadier, governor of Breda,
401, 402, 405, 407.
wife of, 401, 407.
son of, 401.
daughter of, 401, 408.
Van Millinges, Pieter, 126.
Van Weede, Jean, letter from, 166.
Vauban, Monsieur, engineer, 98.
Vaudemont, Prince, 91.
Vauxhall, the Hanoverian camp likened
to, 240.
Vayasour :
Sir Walter, 66, 67.
** Aunt,” 43,
Velland, Monsieur, deputy of the province
of Utrecht, 129.
Vendome, Duc de, 132.
army of, 133.
Venetian ambassador, the, 37.
Venice, 164, 171, 173.
letter dated at, 170.
church of S. Salvador at, 172.
charitable institutions at, 173.
Venlo, in Holland, 110, 193.
Fort St. Michel at, taking of, 203.
hospital of. 396.
siege of, 203.
Venner, Col. Samuel, regiment commanded
by, 79-81, 83 note.
Vera, in Spain, the river at, 192.
Vere, Mrs., 410.
son of, 410.
Vernon:
Admiral, 263.
Ensign (Charles], of the 1st regiment
of Guards, 302, 313. 326.
—-, as captain, 348, 350, 351.
ver Paul, paintings attributed to,
vee
Versailles, 122.
the French King at, 312.
Vienna, 136, 140, 216, 249.
Court of, 187, 201.
governor of, 171.
Lord Marlborough going to, 187.
minister from Portugal to, 115.
Villadarias, Marquis de, 177.
Villars, Marshal de, 132.
camp of, 133.
Villeroy, Marshal, 85, 134.
orders of, 138.
Villiers (Villars, Villers) :
[Col. Edward], regiment of, 73.
Mr., 269, 272, 280, 282, 291.
Mrs,, 241,

a4 enh

 

 

465

Viner, ‘‘ young,’’ 309.
Viset, 372,
Vlierbeck, in Flanders, 182,

W

W., Mr., 55, 68.
ee Colonel or General George, 181,
as Marshal, 806, 307, 310, 311, 313,
314 (2), 318, 820, 826, 829, 331-
334, 337, 340, 344.
——,, description of, 310.
——, quarters of, 318, 321, 330, 331,
342, 343 ; and see Beirleghem.
—— review by, $24, 328, 333.
——, praises the troops, 328.
——, illness of, 337.
ro jokes made upon, by the French,
——, aides-de-camp of, 314, 337.
, Seoretary of, 321, 342.
Wait, Lieut.-Colonel [John], of the Welsh
Fusiliers, 351.
Wakelin, [Quarter-Master Charles], of
the Coldstream, 167.
Walcheren, island of, 379, 380.
defence of, 373, 375-377.
English troops in, 357-368,
Waldeck, Prince, 286, 378 (2), 379.
letter of, mentioned, 355,
Waldegrave (Walgrave) :
Capt. or Colonel George, 214, 231,
235, 286, 248, 264, 303, 341.
, made captain-lieutenant to the
3rd [Scots] Guards, 259, 267.
, gets his company, 287.
James, 2nd Earl, 303.
John (Johnny), 369.
——, elected M.P., 378.
Waldstein, Count, 140.
secretary of, 140.
Wales, 268, 273.
tour in, 413.
Wales, Prince of. See Frederick,
——, ‘‘the pretended.” See James
Edward.
Princess of, 286.
Wall, Mrs., 48.
husband of, 48.

 

 

 

Waller:
‘‘eousin,’”’ dl.
Sir William, 44.
Wallis :

Lieut. [Thomas], of the King’s regi-
ment of Horse], 320.
——, wounded at Dettingen, 261, 320.
——, wife of. See Saville, Lady.
Mr., 93.
Walloon forces, 177, 178.
Wallop, young, 404,

2a
466

Walpole, Robert, as First Commissioner of
the Treasury, 209.
brother-in-law of.
Viscount.
Nee Monsieur, agent at Rotterdam,
Waltham, Little, letter dated at, '73.
Walton, Capt. George, of the Canterbury,
167, 184 (2).
ie a on the Thames, letter dated
at, 99.
Wapping, Plymouth compared to, 850.
War, evils of, 18-21.
Secretaries at, See Blathwayt. Wil-
liam; Clarke, Dr. George; Young.
Sir William ; Fox, Henry.
Ward, Sir Patience, 41.
trial of, 55.
Wardour (Warder), Lordof. See Arundel.
Warmar, in Flanders, army at, 330.
Warner, Edward, letter from, 412.
ba Richard, under secretary of State,
107.
letters from, 107, 118, 125, 168 (2),
ihe 174, 179 (2), 182 (2), 184,

letters to, 145, 195.
Warsaw, 134.
Wartensleben, ‘‘ young,’’ 128.
Warwick :
Robert Rich, 2nd Earl of, 22.
——, letters from, 21, 23.
——., death of, 23, note.
Robert Rich, 3rd Earl of, 21.
——, letters from, 23, 24.
,80n of. See Rich, Robert.
Warwick, county of, 87.
eer near Dublin, letter dated from,
Watkins. Mr., deputy judge advocate, 111,
116, 150 157. 158.
Watson, Mr., 168.
Watts, Alderinan John, 12.
Webb. Brigadier [John], 168.
Weights and measures, &., ‘‘ assize and
assaye of,” 76.
Weissenburgh, 326.
Weissenthurm (Waesinturren), 299.
ee co. York, letters dated at, 63,
64.
Weld, Alderman Humphrey, 12.
Wells, the, 21.
Wendover, co. Hants, 196.

See Townshend,

 

Wentworth :
Edward Noel, Lord. 884.
——, brother of, See Noel, Captain.

Jo., son of, 41.
Martha Lovelace. Baroness, 884.
Ruissbe (Rush). 41,
Sir William. 39.
eee near Limburg, letter dated at,
Wesel. 120. ;
conference at, 113,
West, Thomas, servant to Lord Cutts, 169,
West Indies, 145.

West Medina. Isle of Wight, militia regi- |

ment of, 53.

 

Westminster, 6, 191, 196.
bridge, 233.
election at, 61, 92, 94.
letter dated at, 89.

Petty France in, 190.

——., letter dated from, 189.

Prince’s Court in, 112.

St. Stephen’s chapel (i.e. the Parlia-
ment house). 194.

School, boys at, 196.

tombs of the Kings and Queens at,
32.

Westphalia ham, 800.

West Wickham, Kent, 289.

Wetham, Captain [Thomas], 354.

Weymouth, 348.
letter dated from, 348.

Whaddon [co. Cambridge ?], 92.

Wharton :

Humphrey, 41.

Thomas, comptroller of the House-
hold, 73.

——, as Lord Wharton, letter from,
184.

Wheeler, Lieut.-Colonel [Andrew], of the

Guards, letter to, 148.
Whetstone, Rear Admiral [Sir William],
169.

Whig ministry, fall of, 201, 202.

Whigs, divisions amongst, 209.

White:

Jeremiah, 27, 29, 80, 35, 45, 46.

Miss, 327.

Whitehall, 30, 98, 275.
Court at, letters, &c.,

80 (2).

fire at, 92.

letters dated at, 75, 80, 81 (2), 88,
85-87, 116, 118, 124 (2), 125, 159,
168-170, 175 (2), 177, 179 (2), 180,
182 (4), 184, 190.

Lord Mayor presented at, 7, 11.

Whiteman. See Wightman.

Whitfield :

George, 209.

Mr., made paymaster of the marines,
107.

Widdrington. Captain, 42.

Wiesbaden (West Baden), 276, 296, 302,
camp near, letters dated from, 296,
297.

Wight, Isle of (Oyll of Whett), 81, 86,

88, 91, 95, 109, 179, 349.

Captain or Governor of, 77 ; and see
Carey, Sir George; Holmes, Sir
Robert ; Cutts, Lord.

Captain and Constable of, fees of,
75.

——. powers vested in, 75, 76.

elections in, 98-95.

garrisons of 144,

gent}eman of. letter to. 95.

government of, reflections on, 77.

intendant of, assassination of, 95.

letter addressed to, 75.

Lieutenant Govenor of, 108; and see
Dudley, Colonel.

WP 8:06, Go.

dated at,
Wight, Isle of—cont.
Queen Elizabeth’s patents to the cap-
tain of, abstract of, 75.
remarks on, 76, 77.
Vice-Admiralty of, 77.
wild beasts in, 75.
Wiginton, co. York, 44.
Wightman (Whiteman, Wikeman), Lieut.-
Colonel [Joseph], 158, 189.
letter to, 157. ,
Wild, George, reader of the Inner Tem-

e, l.
will (Richard Steele’s man), 99.
William I., King (Norman William), 20.
William III., 69, 70, 73 (2), 80, 86, 93,
94, 96, 98, 105, 160.
estate of, claims of the King of
Prussia upon, 122.
rants or commissions from, 73, 75,
111, 189, 207, 208.
guards of, 153.
letters or orders of, 81-85, 88, 102.
ministers of, 119.
privy purse of, 208.
promises of, 117.
reign of, 122.
——, mismanagement of revenues in,
119.
servant of, 83.
views or wishes of, 72, 88,
Household of :—
Lord Chamberlain, 93.
Lord Steward. See Devonshire,
Ear] of.
invasion of England by, 68 (2), 111,
206, 207.
service under, in Flanders, 205 (2),
persons in arms against, names of, 73.
parliamentary influence of, 77.
pardon granted by, 78.
with his army in Flanders, 79,
86 (2).
and an army, 81-85, 98, 100 (2) 102-
104,
at the House of Lords, 82.
and elections, 83 (2), 95, 96.
movements of, 100. .
death of, alluded to, 118, 205, 208.
as ‘‘the late King,’’ 108.
will and heirship of, 121, 122, 181.
Williams :
Se [James], death of,
is
parson, Isle of Wight, 88.
Williamson ‘‘young,”’ 61.
mother of, 61.
Williamstadt. 357, 374, 390, 397.
Wilmington (Willminton), Spencer Comp-
ton, Earl of, prime minister, death of,
264.
successor of, 285.
Wilmot, Dr., 275.
Winchester :
[Charles Paulet], Marquis of, son of
the Duke of Bolton, 77, 94,
Lady, page of, 54.
Winchester, election at, 61.
Wind, Rey. Mr., letter to, 213.

467

{

 

 

 

| Windham, Wyndham, (Windam, Windome,

Wyndam):

Captain, 162.

Colonel or Brigadier Hugh, 107.

——, letter from, 106.

——, letter to, 100.

, regiment of, 162.

[William], 258, 261, 288, 289, 292,
295, 404.

——, wife of. See Deloraine, Lady.

——, death of his only child, 281,
288.

‘the Duke’s Mr.,”’ 218.

Windsor, Thomas, Lord, horse regiment
of, 196.

Windsor, 54, 57, 168, 241, 272,

The Court goes to, 44.

house for the Italian players at, 54.

installations at, See Garter, knights
of.

letter dated at, 51.

Queen Anne at, 174, 182, 183.

Wing, Mr., 82. 35.

daughter of, 35.

Winn, Lieut. [Edmund] of the Ist regi-
ment of Guards, 237.

Winston, 164.

Wiseman, Ension [William] of the Cold-
stream, 350, 361, 394.

Wines a servant of Lord Fauconberg,

5,

Withers, Colonel and Brigadier [Henry].
100, 147, 152.

Wiville, Ensign [John] of the Coldstream,
105.

Woburn, theatricals at, 329.

Wolf, Major [James], 371.

Wolfenbottel (Wolfenbottle) Prince, Gen-
eral in the Austrian service, 401, 402,
405.

Wolseley, Mr., envoy at Brussels, 83.

Womersley, a horse, 68.

oe Brigadier [Cornelius], letter to.
142.

Woollet, Mr., 88.

Woolwich, (Wolledg), 81, 347 (2).

letter dated at, 357.

Woreum [Warcum],
letter to, 146.

troops at, 99, 102.

Works:

officers of. 204.

Worms, 280-282, 287, 289, 295.

camp near, letters dated from, 282-
290, 294.

Worseley, Worsley (Worstley) :

Sir Edward, Colonel of the West
Medina militia regiment, Isle of
Wicht, 53.

Sir Robert, 89, 94.

Mr., 214, 224, 237, 247, 250, 254.

Wortly, Mr., 60.

Wray,  Lieut.-Colonel
175 (2).

Wright:

‘“gousin,’” 69.

Ensign [William], of the Coldstream,
816, 322, 333.

 

commander of,

[Christopher],
Wiirtemberg (Wyrtenberge, Wirtemberg) :
Duke of, 87.
Prince of, 103.
deputies of, 139.
troops of, 139.
Wyalt, Captain, of the Winchester, 110.
Wook te English resident at Hamburg,
124,
, wife of, 124.
Wyndham. See Windham.
Wynne, ——, 410.

 

Be

Yarmouth, co. Norfolk, 110.
Yarmouth, Isle of Wight :
corporation, or mayor and aldermen
of, 77, 83, 332.
election at, 83 (2), 85.
Yonge. See Young.
York, James, Duke of, 37, 50-52, 54; and
see James II.
his first Duchess [Anne Hyde], 37.
his second Duchess. See Mary of
Modena.
Yorke, York:
Colonel Joseph, 372, 380, 398, 399.
——, letters from, 371, 409 (2).
——, father of, 372.
——, company of. 409, 410, 412.
Mr., 227, 287, 244, 302.
York: :
archbishops of. See Herring, Dr.
Thomas; Hutton, Dr. Matthew.
cathedral church of, suit with, 46.
city of, 40, 50, 58, 62 (2), 68. 250.
coach, the, 38.
Dean of, 46.
election at, 41, 42.
George Inn at, 39.
the King or Court at, 21.
letter dated at, 38.
letters addressed to, 52-55.
meetings at, 39, 40, 67.

 

468

York, rags of, or Yorkshire, 48, 45, 71,
5.

address presented from, 59.

county court of, 38.

Custos Rotulorum for, 71.

deputy lieutenants of, 73.

elections or election matters in, 62,
67. 68.

knights of the shire, election of, 38-42.

sessions in, 63.

sheriff of, 40.

‘*the three questions ”’ put in, 67.

North Riding, address to be sent
from, 59 (2),

——, ——, gentlemen of, 39 (2).

——, ——, lieutenancy of, 58.

——, ——, lieutenant of. See Fau-
conberg, Lord.

West Riding, gentry of, 39.

Young, Yonge :

Sir William, secretary at war, 276,
297, 299, 300, $02.

Lady, his wife, 276.

Z

Zeeland (Zelande), province of, 115, 358,
361, 366, 371, 379.
armateurs of, ships taken by. See
Danish ships.
deputy from, to the States General.
See Odyck, Monsieur de.
fast day kept in, 407.
States of, 360, 861, 369.
, members of, 366.
troops of the allies in, 161, 368, 364,
388.
Zell:
Court of, envoy at, 140.
Duke of, 129.
, troops of, 127.
Zigesaer, Austrian aide-de-oamp to the
Duke of Cumberland, 371.

 

 
REPORTS OF THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO
AND MANUSCRIPTS BELONGING TO PRIVATE FAMILIES AND

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW,

469

HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.

 

 

SCIENCE,

INQUIRE WHAT PAPERS

AND GENERAL LITERATURE.

INSTITUTIONS ARE
EXTANT WHICH WOULD BE OF UTILITY IN THE ILLUSTRATION OF HISTORY,

 

Date.

Size.

Sessional
Paper.

Price.

 

1870

(Re-
printed
1874.)

1871

1872

printed
1895.)

1873

IRELAND.

First Report, with APPENDIX -
Contents :-
ENGLAND.
Colleges; Abingdon and other Cor-
porations, &c.
Scotnanp. Advocates’ Library, Glas-
gow Corporation, &c.
IrELAND. Dublin, Cork, and other Cor-
porations, &c.

SeconD Report WITH APPENDIX AND
INDEX TO THE First anD Seconp ReE-
PORTS -

Contents :—

Eneitanp. House of Lords; Cam-
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Monastery of Dominican Friars at
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Earl Spencer, &c.

Scortanp. Aberdeen and St.
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IrELAND. Marquis of
Dr. Lyons, &c.

An-

Ormonde ;

,

Turrp ReEeporT WITH APPENDIX AND
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Contents :—

Eneuanp. House of Lords; Cam-
bridge Colleges; Stonyhurst Col-
lege ; Bridgwater and other Cor-
porations ; Duke of Northumber-
land, Marquis of Lansdowne, Mar-
quis of Bath, &c.

Scotnanp. University of Glasgow:
Duke of Montrose, &c.

Marquis of Ormonde;
Black Book of Limerick, &c.
FourtH Report,
Parr I.
Contents :—
ENGLAND.
minster Abbey ;

Oxford Colleges; Cinque Ports,

Hythe, and other Corporations,

Marquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh,

&e.

Scorzanp. Duke of Argyll, &c.
Inetanp. Trinity College, Dublin ;

WITH APPENDIX.

House of Lords. West-
Cambridge and

 

Marquis of Ormonde.

House of Lords; Cambridge |

 

f’cap

”

[C. 55]

[C. 441]

(C. 673]

[C. 857]

 

 

ss
on

3 10

6 0
470

 

Date.

Size.

Sessional]
Paper.

 

1873
1876

1877

(Re-
printed
1893.)
1879

(Re-
printed
1895.)

(Re-
printed
1895.)

1881

1881

1881

 

FourtH Report. Part II. Inprx

FirtH Report, with Apprnprx. Part. -
Contents :—

Enetanp. House of Lords ; Oxford
and Cambridge Colleges; Dean and
Chapter of Canterbury ; Rye, Lydd,
and other Corporations. Duke of
Sutherland, Marquis of Lansdowne,
Reginald Cholmondeley, Esq., &c.

ScoTLhanD. Earl of Aberdeen, &c.

Ditto. Part II. InpEx

SrxtH Report, witH APPENDIX. Part I. -
Contents :—

Eneuanp. House of Lords. Oxford
and Cambridge Colleges; Lambeth
Palace ; Black Book of the Arch-
deacon of Canterbury ; Bridport,
Wallingford, and other Corporations ;
Lord Leconfield, Sir Reginald Graham,
Sir Henry Ingilby, &c.

ScornanD. Duke of Argyll, Earl of
Moray, &c.

InELAND. Marquis of Ormonde.

Ditto. Part IJ. Inpex

SeventH Report, with Aprpenprx. Part I.
Contents :—
House of Lords; County of Somerset ;
Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick Graham,
Sir Harry Verney, &c.

Ditto. PartIJ. Apprenprx anp INDEx
Contents :—
Duke of Athole, Marquis of Ormonde,
8. F. Livingstone, Esq., &e.

EientH Report, with APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Parr I.
Contents :—

List of collections examined, 1869-1880.
ENneuanp. House of Lords; Duke
of Marlborough; Magdalen College,
Oxford; Royal College of Physicians;
Queen Anne’s' Bounty Office ;
Corporations of Chester, Leicester,
&e.

InELAND. Marquis of Ormonde, Lord
Emly, The O’Conor Don, Trinity
College, Dublin, &c.

Ditto. ParrII. Apprenprx anp InpEx
Contents :—
Duke of Manchester.

Dirro. PartIII. Apprnprx anp INDEX
Contents :—
Earl of Ashburnham.

 

f’cap

9

9

 

 

 

[C. 857| 2 6
i]
[C.1432]| 7 0

[C.1432 | 3 6
i.]
[C.1745]| 8 6

 

|

[C.2102}/ 1 10

{C.2340] 7 6

i
|
[C. 2340) 3 6
i.]

|

 

(C.3040]} [Out of

print. ]

[C. 3040; [Out of
ey print. |

[C. 3040) [Out of
i.] print. }

 
471

 

 

; Sessional ,
Date. Size. Paper. Price.
1883 | Nryta Report, with APPENDIX AND INDEX. Be od:
(Re- Part I. feap |(C 3773]; 5 2
printed Contents :—
1895.) St. Paul’s and Canterbury Cathedrals ;
Eton College; Carlisle, Yarmouth,
Canterbury, and Barnstaple Cor-
porations, &e.
1884  Dirro. Part II. Apprnprx anp Invex (C.37738 | G 3
(Re- Contents :-~ i.]
printed Enetanp. House of Lords. Earl of
1895.) Leicester ; C. Pole Gell, Alfred Mor- |
rison, Esgqs., &c.
Scottanp. Lord Elphinstone, H. C.
Maxwell Stuart, Esq., &c.
TrEvanp. Duke of Leinster, Marquis of
Drogheda, &c.
1884 | Dirrto. Part IT, APPENDIX AND
INDEX is [C. 3778 | [Out of
Contents :— ii.] Print.)
Mrs. Stopford Sackville.
1883 | CaLENDAR or THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE
(Re- Marquis or Satispury, K.G. (or Crcin
printed! MSS.). Parr I. 8vo. {[C.3777]| 3 5
1895.)
1888 Dirro. Parr II. * (C.5463)| 3
1889 Ditto. Part III. [C.5889 2
v.]
1892 Dirro.. Parr FY. s [C.6823]| 2 11
1894 Ditto. Parr V. - (C.7574]| 2 6
1896 Drrto. Parr VI. (C.7884]/ 2 8
1899 Ditro. Parr VII. i [C.9246]; 2 8
1899 Drrro. Parr VIII. s [C.9467]; 2 8
1885 Trento Report - ‘ [C.4548]| (Out of
This is introductory to the following :— Print.)
1885 | (1.) AppEeNDIx aNnD INDEX . ” [(C.4575}| 3 7
(Re- Earl of Eglington, Sir J. 8. Maxwell,
printed Bart., and C. 8. H. D. Moray,
1895. ) C. F. Weston Underwood, G. W.
Digby, Esqs.
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1885 | (3.) APPENDIx AND INDEX 7 [C.4576 | [Out of
Wells Cathedral. ii.] Print.)
1885 | (4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - ‘5 (C.4576]| [Out of
Earlof Westmorland ; Capt. Stewart; Print.)
Lord Stafford; Sir N. W. Throck-
morton; Sir P. T. Mainwaring,
Lord Muncaster, M.P., Capt. J. F.
Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Karl of
Powis, and others, the Corporations
of Kendal, Wenlock, Bridgnorth,
Eye, Plymouth, and the County of
Essex; and Stonyhurst College.
1885 | (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - - » | [4576 1.]| 2 10
(Re- The Marquis of Ormonde, Earl of
printed Fingall, Corporations of Galway,
1895.) Waterford, the Sees of Dublin and

 

 

Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland.

 

 

 

 
472

 

 

Date — Size. Peel Price.
8 4d,
1887 | (6.) AppeNprx anp InpDEx 8vo. |[C.5242]| 1 7
Marquis of Abergavenny, Lord Braye,
G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie,
W. Bromley Davenport, Ri. 1.
Balfour, Esquires.
1887 | ELEveEntTH Report 5 [C.5060 | 0 3
This is introductory to the following : — vi.]
1887 | (1.) AppENDIx anp INDEX - rr [C.5060}} 1 1
H. D. Skrine, Esq., Salveiti Corre-
spondence.
1887 | (2.) AppENDIx AND INDEX” - = (C.5060 | 2 0
House of Lords. 1678-1688. rl
1887 | (3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - - a (C.5060 | 1 8
Corporations of Southampton and li.)
Lynn. .
1887 | (4.) APPENDIX AND InDEx ‘i [C.5060 | 2 6
Marquess Townshend. iii.]
1887 | (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX “ [C.5060 | 2. 8
Earl of Dartmouth. iv.]
1887 | (6.) APPENDIX AND InDEx : (C.5060 | 1 6
Duke of Hamilton. v.]
1888 | (7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - - = [C.5612]} 2 0
Duke of Leeds, Marchioness' of
Waterford, Lord Hothfield, &c.;
Bridgwater Trust Office, Reading
Corporation, Inner Temple Library. |
1890 | TwetrrH Rerort i [C.5889]; 0 3
This is introductory to the following : “=
1888 | (1.) APPENDIX - - -: ¥ [C.5472]| 2 7
Earl Cowper, K.G. (Coke MSS., at
Melbourne Hall, Derby). Vol. I.
1888 | (2.) APPENDIX - ‘9 [C.5613]| 2 5
Ditto. Vol. II.
1889 | (3.) AppENDIx AND InDEx »  |[C.5889 | 1 4
Ditto. Vol. IIT. il
1888 | (4. APPENDIX 5 [C.5614]| 3 2
The Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. IL.
1891 | (5.) APPENDIX anD INDEX is (C.5889 | 2 0
Ditto. Vol. II. ii.]
1889 | (6.) APPENDIX anD INDEx i [C.5889 | 2 1
House of Lords, 1689-1690. iii.]
1890 | .7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX 3 [C.5889 fb
S. H. le Fleming, Esq., of Rydal. iv.]
1891 | (8.) APPENDIX AnD INDEX is [C.6388]} 1 0
The Duke of Athole, K.T., and the
Earl of Home.
1891 | (9.) APPENDIX aND INDEX i [C.63388 | 2 6
The Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Bal i.]
of Donoughmore, J. H. Gurney, W.
W.B. Hulton, R. W. Ketton, G. A.
Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esq.; Bishop
of Ely; Cathedrals of Ely, Glouces-
ter, Lincoln, and Peterborough,
Corporations of Gloucester, Higham
Ferrers, and Newark ; Southwell
Minster ; Lincoln District Registry.

 

 

 

 
478

 

Date.

— Size.

Sessional
Paper.

Price.

 

1891

1892
1891

1892

1892

1892

1893

1893

1893

1896
1894
1894
1894

1894

1896

1895

1895

 

 

 

 

(10.) APPENDIX - - - -
The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I. .
1745-1783. |

THIRTEENTH REPORT .
This is introductory to the following :—
(1.) APPENDIX - - -
The Duke of Portland. Vol. I.

8vo,

”

29

(2.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Ditto. Vol. II.

(3.) APPENDIX.

J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore.
Vol. I. > a , sE)

(4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX - -
Corporations of Rye, Hastings, and -
Hereford. Capt. F. C. Loder- |
Symonds, E. R. Wodehouse, M.P.,

J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. B. Len- |

nard, Bart., Rev. W. D. Macray, and |

Earl of Dartmouth (Supplementary |

Report).

House of Lords, 1690-1691

(6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Sir W. Fitzherbert, Bart. The Delaval
Family, of Seaton Delaval; The
Earl of Ancaster; and General |
Lyttelton-Annesley. |
(7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
|

(5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.

 

The Earl of Lonsdale

(8.) APPENDIX AND INDEX. |
The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. II. | re
1784-1799.

FourTEENTH REPORT ‘ ; fe
This is introductory to the following :— |

{

' (1.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.

The Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. III. | -
(2.) APPENDIX. |

The Duke of Portland. Vol. III. ays
(3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.

The Duke of Roxburghe; Sir H. H.
Campbell, Bart.; The LHarl of
Strathmore ; and the Countess
Dowager of Seafield.

(4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Lord Kenyon -

(5.) APPENDIX.
J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore. e

Vol. II.

(6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
House of Lords, 1692-1693 - - as

(Manuscripts of the House of Lords,
1693-1695, Vol. I. (New Series) See
H.L. No. 5 of 1900. Price 2,9).

(7.) APPENDIX.
The Marquis of Ormonde : ”

 

[C. 6338
ii.]

[0.6827]

(C.6474]

[C. 6827
i.]

[C.6660]
(C.6810]

[C.6822]

(C.7166]

[(C.7241]
[(C.7424]

[0.7983]

(C.7476]
[C.7569]
(C.7570]

(C.7571]

(C.7572]

[C.7573]

 

 

 

[C.7678]

 

rg
—
—

Eat
474

 

 

Date. = Size, PSOne Price.
1895 | (8.) AppENDIx AND INDEx. 8. d.
Lincoln, Bury St. Edmunds, Hertford, 8vo. |[C.7881]; 1 5
and Great Grimsby Corporations ;
The Dean and Chapter of Wor-
cester, and of Lichfield; The
Bishop’s Registry of Worcester.
1896 | (9.) APPENDIX AND INDEx.
Earl of Buckinghamshire; Earl of (C.7882]| 2 &
Lindsey ; Earl of Onslow; Lord |
Emly; T. J. Hare, Esq.; and J.
Round, Esq., M.P.
1895 | (10.) APPENDIX AND InDEx.
The Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. I, <j (C.7883]; 2 9
American Papers.
1899 | FirreENtH Report. +i [C.9295}} 0 4
This is introductory to the following :—
1896 | (1.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
The Earl of Dartmouth. Vol. III. . (C.8156]| 1 5
1897 | (2.) APPENDIX.
J. Eliot Hodgkin, Esq., of Richmond, a [C.8327]/ 1 8
Surrey.
1897 | (3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Charles Haliday, Esq., of Dublin; te (C.8364]| 1 4
Acts of the Privy Council in Ireland,
1556-1571 ; Sir William Ussher’s
Table to the Council Book; Table
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1897 | (4.) APPENDIX.
The Duke of Portland. Vol. IV. - : ‘3 (C.8497]) 2 11
1897 | (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEx.
The Right Hon. F. J. Savile Foljambe - ey (C.8550]; 0 10
1897 | (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEx.
The Earl of Carlisle, Castle Howard " (C.8551]| 3 6
1897 | (7.) APPENDIX AND INDEx.
The Duke of Somerset ; The Marquis of [C.8552]) 1 9
Ailesbury ; and Sir F.G. Puleston, Bart.
1897 | (8.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
The Duke of Buccleuch and Queens- “ [C.8553]| 1 4
berry, at Drumlanrig.
1897 | (9.) APpENDIx AND INDEx.
J.J. Hope Johnstone, Esq., of Annandale * [C.8554]| 1 0
1899 | (10.) Shrewsbury and Coventry Corporations; {C.9472]} 1 0
Sir H. O. Corbet, Bart., Earl of Radnor,
P.T. Tillard ; J. R. Carr-Ellison ; Andrew
Kingsmill, Esqrs.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
475

 

 

. Sessional :
Date, — Size. Paper. Price.
1898 | Manuscripts IN THE WetsH LANGvace. 8. d.
Vol. I.—Lord Mostyn, at Mostyn Hall,| 8vo. (C.8829]| 1 4
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1899 Vol. I. Part I1.—W. R. M. Wynne, - (C.9468] | 2 11
Esq., of Peniarth.
1899 | Manuscripts of the Duke of Buccleuch and = (C.9244]|} 2 7
Queensberry, K.G., K.T., preserved at
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1899 | Ditto Marquis of Ormonde, K.P., preserved ‘“ [C.9245]| 2 0
at the Castle, Kilkenny. Vol. II.
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1899 | Ditto J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore. ee [C.9470}) 3 1
Vol, III.
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Litt ecote.
Ditto Mrs. Frankland-Russell-Astley, of = [Cd.282] | [In the
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1900 | Ditto Lord Montagu of Beaulieu, Hants ” [Cd.283]| 1 1
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Ditto Chichester, Canterbury and Salis- . [In the
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Berwick-on-Tweed, Burford and _ Lost-
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Ditto Sir Geo. Wombwell, the Duke of os [In the
Norfolk, Lord Edmund Talbot (the Press.)
Shrewsbury papers), Lady Buxton and
others.

Ditto the Duke of Portland, K.G. Vol. VI., = ditto
with Index to Vols. III.-VI.

 

 

 

 

 

 
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