— A H \ AK = GE a. << S S \ kt i s ay I Garnell University Library Ithaca, New York BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE THE GIFT OF HENRY W. SAGE 1891 “ti ili TT si ii) RUSSIA AND ENGLAND From 1876 to 1880 LONTON: PRINTED BY BPOTTISWOOLE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET ins AA ve AEWA TR \ Nt N \ i XI WO RANG ANS MANS \ NN ANN \ LAX ANS LY eS ZZ SZ FZ LEE LFA- Ss EE BLE LEA Zp bps ZZ LA NS S Kf SSs“x“c“ NS REQ Ws SSe“Saw 4 SSS SS SS RWS SS WY SRssanq SSS NICOLAS KIREEFF rite FIRST RUSSIAN VOLUNTEER KILLED IN SERVIA JULY ;', 1876 RUSSIA AND ENGLAND FROM 1876 ro 1880 A PROTEST AND AN APPEAL BY 0. K. AUTHOR OF ‘IS RUSSIA WRONG ?’ WITH A PREFACE BY JAMES ANTHONY FROUDE, M.A. LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CoO. 1880 All rights reserved G FA493083 oS Go the Wemorp of NICOLAS KIREEFF THE FIRST RUSSIAN VOLUNTEER KILLED IN SERVIA JULY x, 1876 Chis Book is Dedicated PREFACE. —_— LitrtLe more than two years ago, when a war with Russia seemed probable and even imminent, a book was published in London explaining the view of the Russians themselves on the cause of their quarrel with Turkey. The writer, a Russian lady, described herself only under the initials O. K.: and as under these circumstances an introduction of some kind was thought desirable, at the request of the authoress I wrote a few words of preface to this book. I was the more willing to do it, because as far back as the Crimean War I was one of the few Englishmen who considered that for us to quarrel with Russia in defence of the Ottoman Empire was impolitic and useless, and that so far from simplifying the problems which were coming upon us, not in Turkey only, but throughout Asia, it would enormously increase them. When the Emperor Nicholas spoke of the Turk as the sick man, for whose approaching end he invited us to assist him in making preparation, it appeared to vill Preface. me that he was speaking the truth, and that to refuse to acknowledge it would prove as futile in the long run as the denial of any other fact of nature. Fact, as always happens, had asserted itself. The sick man’s state could no longer be questioned by the most obstinate incredulity. But the provisions which the Emperor Nicholas desired had not been made. The European conflict which he foresaw would follow from the absence of it, was on the point of breaking out; and small as the prospect of peace appeared when the Russians were advancing upon Con- stantinople, I was glad to be able to assist, in how- ever slight a degree, the courageous lady who was pleading the cause of the Slavs before the English public. The danger is no longer immediate. The Russian army and the English fleet were almost within the range of each other’s guns: a mistaken telegram or the indiscretion of a commander on either side might have precipitated a collision, and all Asia, and per- haps Europe also, would at this moment have been in conflagration. The moderation of Russia prevented so frightful a calamity. The Treaty of San Stefano was modified, and the English Cabinet, if it won no victory in war, was able to boast, with or without reason, of a dip- lomatic triumph. Continental statesmen could no longer speak of the effacement of England as a Preface. | IX European Power. England had shown that she had the will and strength to interfere where she chose and when she chose, But the question remains whether our interference answered a useful purpose, or whether in effect we had proved more than a boy proves who shows that he cannot be prevented from laying a bar across a railway, and converting a useful express train into a pile of splinters and dead bodies. Happily the common sense of Europe and the large minority of right-minded Englishmen had forbidden a repetition of the follies which accom- panied the Crimean war. No cant could be listened to at Berlin about the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire. No English Prime Minister could affect to believe in Turkish progress, except as progress to destruction. A war might still have risen from the disappointment of the English Cabinet at the turn which events had taken, had not Russia surrendered something that she had won. But the purpose for which she had interposed in Turkey was substantially accomplished. No more . Bashi Bazouks and Circassian hyenas will massacre Chris- tian men in Bulgaria and dishonour Christian women: In Europe the power of the Ottoman is gone to a shadow. In Asia, in spite of our protests, we have been ourselves obliged to undertake that it shall be no longer abused as it has been.. .For the time there x Preface. is a respite, and we can breathe again. But the death- rattle is in the Ottoman’s throat. The end is close upon us. In a few years at most, a dozen questions as hard as the Bulgarian will be pressing for a settle- ment. So far as Europe is concerned, the Eastern policy of the Cabinet has not been a success. Sir Henry Layard would not pretend that the Russian and Turkish war had terminated as he hoped that it would terminate. The English people themselves, in their own consciences, know that it has not. Their warlike propensity had been roused. They hoped to have fought Russia nearer home, and, to allay their disappointment, a demonstration against Russia, which turned into a war, has been got up in Afghanistan. This adventure also has not been wholly prosperous, and it promises ill for the future. What is to be the end of this determined animosity against the Russians, and what are we to gain by it? What harm can Russia do us, unless we go out of our way to attack her? She cannot invade us at home: no sane person, not Sir Henry Rawlinson himself, imagines that she can invade us in India. We are not wild enough to covet the barren steppes which form her costly, unfruitful, uninviting Asiatic Empire. Is it necessary to our self-esteem that we must have some imaginary enemy whom we must always be defying and quarrelling with ? and that we select Russia, because of all the Great Powers she is the one which we think can least Pref ‘aC @. Xl materially hurt us? Causes of the Afghan War, p. 263. 3 Central Asia, No, 1 (1878), p. 198. 344 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. General Kaufmann and the late Ameer became more intimate, it was your doing. To prepare to resist a meditated attack is * perfectly allowable,’ under such circumstances; and Russia’s good faith cannot be affected by anything which took place between the Peshawur Conference of May, 1877, and the retire- ment of the Stoletoff Mission, at the close of 1878, a period during which Russia was daily expecting to be attacked by England.’ There is only one other objection which is taken to our conduct, and that is, that although we have acted within our right towards England, we acted cruelly and treacherously to Shere Ali. Having compelled him to receive our Mission, we are told, we should have supported him in his war with you. I hardly think such a quixotic interpretation of duty would commend itself to the judgment of Eng- lish statesmen. Under great pressure, Shere Ali received our Mission when war was believed to be imminent; but he did not commit himself to us in any way, and as soon as the crisis passed away, our Mission was withdrawn. I hardly think we were bound in honour to go to war with England, because your Ministers eagerly availed themselves of the pre- text afforded by the appearance of our Mission to declare the war they had been preparing since 1876. We had not committed the Ameer in any way. We did not advise him to refuse to receive the British Mission. We had received nothing at his hands. ' This point is clearly and succinctly stated by that courageous and uncompron:izing assaliant of popular misconceptions concerning Russia, the Rey. Malcolm MacColl, in the Spectator, Jan. 3, 1880, Russia and the Afghan War. 345 Our advance to his capital was forced upon us by your threats of war. Why, then, should we have made your attack upon the Ameer a casus bell ? ‘Afghanistan was beyond the sphere of our interests.’ Our intervention on the Ameer’s behalf, diplomatically or otherwise, would have inflamed your animosity against us both, without soothing any- thing. Pardon me, but if your Ministers had been but reasonable, and had given the Ameer a little breathing time, he would have been able to clear himself of all suspicion of complicity with our advance ; but the opportunity was denied -him, and Lord Lytton, delighted with so plausible a pretext, hurried into war. This incident, I admit, is a painful one. But, perhaps, after all, it will not be without its uses, if it enables you to understand that a real entente cordiale between England and Russia might do more good than the present policy of systematic antagonism, and would better serve the interests ot peace and the prosperity of both. 346 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. CHAPTER VII. RUSSIANS IN CENTRAL ASIA ‘Tue Russians have as much right to conquer Central Asia as the English to seize India,’ observed a polite Englishman, the other day, evidently thinking that he had gone to the extreme of condescending kindness ! ‘May Ibe quite frank?’ said I. ‘ Well, it seems to me that we have a great deal better right in Central Asia than you have in India!’ So startling a remark led to a long explanation. Perhaps Russian views on that point might be of some little interest in England. I scarcely hope to convince many of my readers, but I think it really is a duty to speak out one’s mind sometimes, even when you feel yourself nothing but a poor exponent of the cause of truth. I know my own shortcomings, but personal con- siderations must be put aside under certain circum- stances. Well, now, as to the question of Central Asia. Turkestan is at our door. Neither precipitous moun- tain range nor stormy sea divided the Russian plain from the Tartar steppe. Our merchants have always traded with the Khanates; caravans have wended their way wearily over the monotonous expanse of 9 Russians in Central Asia. 347 the Central Asian desert for centuries. Every disturb- ance in Turkestan affected business in Russia. It became a necessity, for the protection of the legitimate channels of commerce, to establish some authority in these regions more respectable than the nomadic tribes who levied black mail with a threat of death. Step by step, in the course of successive generations, the Russian civiliser encroached upon the Tartar savage. Evils tolerable at a distance are intolerable next door. Anarchy, objectionable everywhere, is unbearable when it infringes upon the frontiers of order. The extension of our sovereignty over the tribes of Tartary was the unavoidable consequence of our geographical position.’ Now: Was it so with you in India? You had to pass the Cape of Good Hope, and sail half round the world, before you reached the land which you have subdued. The internal tranquillity of England had no bearing upon English interests. So you had, at first, no more right to con- quer Hindostan than Russia has to annex Brazil. Russia in Central Asia is without a rival, as she is without an ally. If she did not establish order, toleration, and peace among those rude tribes on her frontiers, the work would have remained undone to this day. In India, on the contrary, you have to 1 Mr, Gladstone in his third Midlothian speech says:—‘ The position of Russia in Central Asia I believe to be one that has in the main been forced upon her against her will. She has been compelled—and this is the impartial opinion of the world—she has been compelled to extend her frontier southward in Central Asia by causes in some degree analogous to, but certainly more stringent and imperative than, the causes which have commonly led us to extend, in » far more important manner, our frontier in India,’ 348 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. Justify your conquest, not only against the reproaches of the conquered nations, but against the protests of the Dutch, the Portuguese, and the French, whom you ejected from the dominions which you had marked for your own. Russia in Central Asia does the police work of an enormous expanse of thinly- populated, poverty-stricken land. She taxes the peasants of Saratoff and Kieff to maintain order in Khokand and Tashkent. The Administration spends two roubles in collecting one. The English people, I think, pay nothing for the government of India. The Hindoos had to pay the expense of their conquest, and they defray at this moment the whole charges of the foreign administration which is maintained in India by English bayonets. India is rich. Central Asia is poor. The whole of the revenue raised in Turkestan is not half a million in the year. In India you raise more than fifty millions. There was little to plunder in Tashkent—much less than the English nabobs found in one of the great cities of Northern India. There was more need for Russians in Central Asia than there was for Englishmen in Bengal. The Tartar of the Steppe needs a policeman much more than the timid Bengalee. India had a civili- sation of her own, the splendour of which is attested to this day by those architectural remains to which Mr. Fergusson has devoted such patient genius and so many years of unremitting toil. The Khanates were hotbeds of savagery and fanaticism. The con- Russians in Central Asia. 349 dition of these Tartar States was unspeakably bad. Arminius Vambéry is one of the greatest Russian- haters in the world, but he admits that our soldiers have made it possible for Europeans to live in Bokhara. Formerly, Vambéry himself could only visit the city disguised as a Mohammedan. Mr. Schuyler says:—‘ The rule of Russia is on the whole beneficial to the natives, and it would be manifestly unjust to them to withdraw her protection, and leave them to anarchy and to the unbridled rule of fanatical despots.’ We do not grudge England her Indian Empire, but when we are reproached with territorial greed for having annexed some deserts close to our frontiers, we have a right to ask England to look to herself. India is yours, and improved by your rule. May it remain yours for ever! But the happy possessors of that magnificent Empire should not reproach us for our poor Tartar steppes. To understand the dif- ficulties of our position in Central Asia, look not to India, but to your West African Settlements. You hold territories there which do not pay their ex- penses; they involve occasional wars which you wisely undertake without humbly asking the bene- diction of Russia or any other Power. Nevertheless, you do not give them up; you even extend them from time to time without asking for our leave. Your keeping these provinces is perhaps more generous than giving them up; but there are Russians cruel enough to read with a little smile of your troubles with the King of Ashantee when they remember with 350 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. what admirable fortitude you bore our difficulties with the Khan of Khiva. In Central Asia Russians suppress the slave-trade as you do on the African coast, although at the first your views upon the subject were less philanthropic —if I remember well. Wherever the Russian flag flies freedom to the slave is guaranteed. If England had but joined us in our crusade against the Turk, the last stronghold of the slave-trade in Europe would have already ceased to exist. English people have no right to ignore this phase of the question when they can refer to such an unimpeachable ‘Statement of Facts on Turkey and the Slave Trade’ as that written by Mr. F. W. Chesson, whose name is familiar to everyone as the energetic and fearless defender of the oppressed. One of the numerous complaints against us Russians is that we do not open the markets of Central Asia to the manufactures of all the world. Were you free-traders when you first conquered India? The East India Company, I believe, held as strict a monopoly as ever existed in the world. Promises to desist from further conquests, as English experience goes,’ cannot always be kept. The 1 Since the Afghan war there is no need to refer to so distant a date as 1783. Speaking of the negotiations which preceded the commence- ment of hostilities, the Duke of Argyll says:—‘In a very humiliating way, the whole of these transactions carry us back to the days of Clive. We are reminded only too much of the unscrupulousness of his con- duct... . I speak of what was bad or doubtful in his conduct, not of what was great. In this aspect of them the proceedings I have re- corded have been worse than his, ... The Government of India has paltered with the force of existing Treaties; it has repudiated solemn pledges ; it has repeated over and over again insincere professions; and it has prepared new Treaties full of “tricky saving clauses.”’—Zastern Question, vol, ii, pp. 516 to 518, Russians in Central Asia. 351 illustrious Burke, in the House of Commons in 1783, said that ‘from Mount Imaus to Cape Comorin there is not a single Prince or State with which the English Government had come into contact which they had not sold. There was not a single treaty which they ever made with a native State or Prince which they had not broken.’ But we admit, in spite of Burke’s severe blame, that, though probably only yielding to the necessity of her position, England, at all events, has given to India the blessings of a civilised and stable Govern- ment. Is Russia not entitled to the same amount of credit ? Even Lord Beaconsfield views with no mistrust the advance of Russia in Asia—that is, if you can believe what he said not so very long ago from his place in Parliament—where, I suppose, he speaks with more precision than after dinner at the Guild- hall. The Premier used the following words—which I quote the more gladly because it is so seldom that I can appeal to his testimony :—‘I think that Asia is large enough for the destinies of Russia and England. Far from looking forward with alarm to the develop- ment of Russia in Central Asia, I see no reason why they should not conquer Tartary any more than why England should not have conquered India.’ * Why should English Turkophiles out-Herod Herod ? 1 May 1876, Qo or bo The Anglo-Russian Alliance. CHAPTER VIII. THE TRADITIONAL POLICY OF RUSSIA. Wuat is the Traditional Policy of Russia? The Traditional Policy of Russia is an alliance with England ! Long before Russia bowed beneath the Tartar yoke, our reigning Prince, Vladimir Monomachus, married Gyda, daughter of your noble Harold, who fell on the fatal field of Senlac. The Tartar invasion, lasting nearly three centuries, did not favour communications, much less an alliance, between Russia and England. But after we got rid of the Tartars, Ivan the Fourth, graphically surnamed the Terrible, sent an Embassy to your Queen Elizabeth to negotiate a close alliance with England, and according to several historians, he was even anxious to marry her. Your Queen, however, preferring ‘single blessedness’ re- fused, and the death of Ivan IV. brought the nego- tiations to an end. Since then matrimonial ties were not spoken of for nearly three hundred years, but many efforts have been made by us to establish a cordial under- standing, by other means, between the two nations. 1 It is curious to find that almost in the first sentence of the first The Traditional Policy of Russia. 3538 Our efforts, however, have too often been paralysed by lying legends and calumnies invented by our enemies, to prejudice the ignorant against us. One of these—perhaps the most famous—the spurious Will of Peter the Great, written nearly a hundred years after Peter’s death by the ingenious Frenchman, Lesur, is frequently appealed to, as the most con- vincing proof of Russia’s wickedness: nevertheless, forgery though it is, it contains one point which was well adapted to Russian views, viz., the Seventh Article, which is as follows : ‘Seek the alliance of England, on account of our commerce, as being the country most useful to us for the development of our navy and mercantile marine, and for the exchange of our produce against her gold.’ Russian Emperors have always been of the opinion that Russia and England are natural allies, even although circumstances have occasionally thrown them into temporary antagonism to a mistaken English policy. Up to the very outbreak of the Crimean War, our Emperor Nicholas was most sincerely anxious to be ‘upon terms of closest amity with England.’ In his famous conversations with Sir Hamilton Seymour, that anxious desire was most manifest.’ Speech from the Throne after the accession of the present Government to office the Queen speaks as follows:—‘ My relations with all foreign Powers continue to be most friendly. . . . The marriage of my son, the Duke of Edinburgh, with the Grand Duchess Marie Alexandrowna of Russia is at once a source of happiness to myself, and a pledge of friend- ship between two great Empires.’ — : 1 You know my opinions with regard to England. Were we agreed, AA 354 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. Mr. Kinglake says :— The Emperor Nicholas had laid down for himself a rule, which was always to guide his conduct on the Eastern Question, and it seems to be certain that at this time (the eve of the Turkish war of 1853), even in his most angry moments, he intended to cling to his resolve. What he had determined was that no temptation should draw him into hostile conflict with England.! As to the attitude of Russia before the late war, even our most exacting critics admit that our Em- peror could not possibly have done more than he did to secure the alliance and the co-operation of Eng- land. The Livadia despatch was but the culmination of a long series of similar overtures for English friend- ship—overtures which, I regret to say, met with but cool and scanty responses from your Government. In making these advances, our Government was only carrying out the ancient, the traditional policy of Russia. The change has been with you; not with us. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Boris Godounoff sent an envoy to London to urge that England should unite with Russia and other Christian powers to subdue the Turks and free the Christians of the East.” During the eighteenth century, the two Powers I am quite without anxiety as to the West of Europe; it is immaterial what the others may think or do.’ Again in January, 1853, alluding to the probable fall of Turkey, ‘It is very important that England and Russia should come to a perfectly good understanding upon these affairs, and that neither should take any decisive step of which the other is not apprised,’ 1 Invasion of the Crimea, vol. i. p. 199, ® See ante, ‘ Russia's Foreign Policy,’ p, 295. The Traditional Policy of Russia. 355 were frequently in alliance both in peace and in war. On one occasion, Russian soldiers garrisoned the Channel Islands. On another, Russian fleets were re-fitted in English dockyards. English admirals often commanded Russian navies, while Russian and English soldiers, as faithful allies, fought side by side on many a hard-contested field. The great statesmen of both countries recognised the importance of the Anglo-Russian alliance. Our Minister, M. Panin, in 1766, informed the envoy of your Earl of Chatham, that he entertained ‘the strongest desire of entering into the strictest engage- ments, and the most intimate friendship with Eng- land, being convinced that my policy could neither be solid nor perfect unless Great Britain were a party to it.’ It was the repeatedly declared conviction of Prince Potemkin that the union of Russia and Eng- land was absolutely essential to the peace of the East. That conviction has been strengthened, rather than weakened, by the history of the last hundred years. Prince Worontzoff, our ambassador at the Court of St. James, was a devoted advocate of the Anglo-Russian Alliance, and his convictions are shared by the Imperial Chancellor, Prince Gortscha- koff. The most illustrious English statesmen concurred with Prince Potemkin and M. Panin, in the value they placed on the alliance between the two countries. Chatham was not ashamed to declare that ‘he was altogether a Russian.’ Fox, Burke, even Pitt, as well AA2 356 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. as Canning and others nearer our time, have cither concluded treaties of friendship with Russia, or expressed themselves as most favourable to the Rus- sian alliance.’ It is not a century since it was the custom to refer to Russia in Parliament as ‘the natural, ancient, and traditional ally of England.’ In the great crisis of European history, England and Russia were the foremost opponents of the Emperor Napoleon, and it was to their joint endea- vours that Europe owed the overthrow of the ascend- ancy of France. You have now occupied Cyprus as ‘a strong place of arms,’ to menace Russia, but your previous Medi- terranean occupation—that of the Ionian Islands— was undertaken at the suggestion of your Russian ally. Nor did you always dread Russia as a Medi- terranean Power, for England has insisted upon our fleet entering that sea, and once negotiations were even begun to cede us a naval station at Minorca, then an English possession. Is it not a remarkable proof of the utility of the Russian alliance that on two occasions, when the English Government so far forgot its true interests as to threaten to make war upon Russia, the war should have been prevented by the vigorous protests of the English people ?? + «The Whigs of that day (after the Congress of Vienna) were not behind the Tories in their devotion to the Czar. It may perhaps be more correctly said that the alliance with Russia received especially the approval of that distinguished section of the Whigs who followed in the footsteps of Charles Fox.’—Thirty Years of Foreign Policy, pp. 61-2. * 1791 and 1876, The Traditional Policy of Russia. 357 The instinct of the nation was wiser than the statecraft of its rulers, and the English succeeded on both occasions in doing that all but impossible thing —even in Constitutional countries—of restraining a Prime Minister who was bent on going to war. We are not ungrateful for the generous sympathies and natural friendliness of the English people. We only regret that in two important crises of your history, your Constitutional Government so misrepresented your real feelings as to render it necessary, to pre- vent war, to overrule your Ministry by an almost revolutionary agitation. When Empress Catherine IT. heard of the services which Mr. Fox had rendered to the cause of humanity in restraining Mr. Pitt from making war upon Russia about Otchakoff, she placed his bust between those of Cicero and Demosthenes, exclaiming, ‘I] a delivré par son éloquence la patrie et la Russie d’une guerre pour la quelle il n’y avait ni justice ni raisons.’ _ Mr. Fox, in his place in Parliament expressed him- self highly gratified by the distinction conferred upon him by the Empress, and made the memorable decla- ration :—‘ With regard to Russia, it has ever been my opinion that she was the Power in Europe with whom the cultivation of reciprocal ties of friendship, both commercial and political, was most natural and of the greatest consequence to this country.’ Now, if Russians venture to express their grati- tude to an English statesman, whose eloquence, like that of Mr. Fox, has indeed delivered both countries from a senseless war, he is decried as a ‘ Russian 358 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. agent’ and a traitor to his country. The change is not exactly an improvement, nor is it calculated to strengthen good feeling on either side. Englishmen may yet discover that these prejudices against us are detrimental to their interests. Seventy years ago, an English author declared that Russia, the most powerful, the most natural, the most useful of our allies, has so intimate a connection of interests with us that the soundest policy must dictate to us a union of design and co-operation in action.t If that were true then, how much more so must it be now, for since then we have divided Asia between us? Even Lord Palmerston, when the Crimean War was still an affair of yesterday, declared to our Ambas- sador, Count Chreptovitch, that ‘ Russia and England had great interests in common ; and that as long as they did not come into collision about Turkey or Persia, there was no reason why they should not act in concert on many important matters.’ ? To Russians, it seems that the danger of a collision about the affairs of these countries is the greatest of reasons why the two Powers should act in concert. Russia has always particularly sought for concert with England in dealing with Turkey. Much as the Russian Government desired the English alliance which Lord Chatham pressed upon us, it was refused unless England would act in concert with us in Turkish affairs. That principle, rejected by Chatham, was accepted by Pitt in 1795. Only four years after ' Eton’s Survey of the Turkish Empire, p. 404, * Ashley’s Life of Lord Palmerston, vol. ii. p. 116. The Traditional Policy of Russia. 359 he had been threatening us with war, a treaty was concluded which conceded that principle of common action in the Levant, for which Russia had never ceased to contend. Is not that fact a happy augury for the future? Four years after the War Vote of 1791, the two Powers entered into a close alliance. Who knows but the same thing may happen within four years of the War Vote of 1878? Even during this century, Russia and England have oftener been friends than foes. In the Napoleonic wars, the English fleet menaced Constantinople because the Turks had declared war against Russia. It was not in Russia that the battle of Navarino was condemned as ‘an untoward event, and in 1877, in spite of the bitterness occasioned by the war, we celebrated its jubilee with enthusiasm. As we fought together against the Turks, so we have also, I regret to say, been allied in support of the Sultan. When Mehemet Ali threatened to over- turn the Ottoman Empire, Russian troops occupied Constantinople, while an English fleet cruised off the coast of Syria. The Crimean war was, indeed, ‘an untoward event,’ but the despatches of Lord John Russell, before war broke out, bore repeated testimony to the earnest- ness and sincerity with which our Emperor laboured to establish a good understanding and concerted action with England in the affairs of Turkey. Since the Peace of Paris, in 1856, Russia has never 360 “The Anglo-Russian Alliance. been at war with England, while she has frequently energetically seconded English policy. At the Conference of Constantinople, General Ignatieff abandoned his own scheme of reforms, in order to give a more effectual support to that of Lord Salisbury; and after the Conference failed, Russia exhausted every diplomatic expedient to pre- serve the concert with England, before she drew the sword. Not until it was seen that the only concert with England was concert in inaction, with all wrongs un- redressed, and all the Slavs left in slavery, did Russia act alone. But even when compelled unassisted to do single- handed the duty of all Europe, Russia displayed the most scrupulous regard for ‘ British Interests.’ As- certaining them from Lord Derby at the beginning of the war, Russia brought the contest to a triumphant close without threatening a single point specified by your Foreign Minister. We sent you our terms of peace before we crossed the Danube, and we sent you the Treaty of San Stefano, as soon as it reached St. Petersburg. At the Berlin Congress we gave way repeatedly to satisfy your demands, and surrendered all exclusive privileges in order to act in concert with Europe. How England rewarded this, I need not say But unless we surrendered the Christians of the East to the vengeance of the Turk, we could do no more. In fact, truly speaking, we even went too far. The aspirations, the ardent wishes of the Russian people The Traditional Policy of Russia. 361 have been sacrificed for your friendship. One step more would be almost treason to our brethren—a betrayal of our duty. Such a price could not be paid—no !—-not even for the purchase of the English alliance. If England, if the English people identify their in- terests with the maintenance of Turkish power over all the peoples south of the Balkans, then I re- luctantly admit that any alliance between us is impossible. As has frequently been said, ‘at any cost, without even counting the cost,’ Russia must do her duty. For us, there is no choice possible between the Slavs and their oppressors. Some of our officials, estranged from their own nation by their false education, dislike the very name of Slavs; but as long as there is the slightest link between them and the Russian people, even they would not dare so far to forget their duty as to sanction an alliance on such terms. Russians know well that nothing great can be obtained without sacrifices. If new sacrifices are needed, what does it prove? Only that we have not done enough. No power on earth can stop the natural development of events. The future of the Slavonic world is as clear to us as the path of honour which we have to follow. But are we to believe that the English people, after all their protestations of sympathy with the Eastern Christians, will insist upon such a shameful price for their alliance, as a support of the Turkish power ? 362 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. It is impossible ! I look forward confidently to the conclusion of a good understanding between Russia and England, based upon the peaceful but effective elimination of Turkish authority from Europe. Only on that basis is real alliance possible. And so with the farther East. Co-partners in the work of civilising Asia, our entente cordiale is the key to the peace of the Continent. Destroy it, and from Constantinople to Japan there will be ceaseless intrigues, insurrections, and war. Mr. J. Anthony Froude, whose courageous ad- vocacy of an Anglo-Russian Alliance dates back to the dark times of the Crimean War, expressed this truth very clearly when he wrote in his admirable ‘Short Studies on Great Subjects, ‘We may be sure that if it was understood in the East, that Russia and England, instead of enemies were cordial friends, that they recognised each other’s position and would assist each other in difficulties, the imagination of resistance would be quenched in the certainty -of its hope- lessness.’ It is not sufficient that we should not be at open war, to secure peace in Asia. We must be staunch friends, and act in cordial concert within our re- spective spheres. The Oriental world is convulsed with war when Russia and England are in opposition. Cross purposes between St. Petersburg and London may be confined to despatches in Europe, but they result in crossed swords in Persia and Afghanistan. The Traditional Policy of Russia. 363 The only hope of barbarism in Asia lies in discord between the two civilisng Empires. If we are united, civilisation is safe; but a policy of antagonism, even although we do not draw the sword, may end in re- storing Asia to the Asiatics. Believe me, it is not Russia who will suffer most by persistence in this policy of hostility and sus- picion. Our stake in Asia is trivial compared with yours. Turkestan entails a costly drain upon our exchequer, nor can we import Turkomans to make war in Europe. With you in India it is different. We do not want India. We could not take India if we did want it. But when the visit of a single Russian envoy to Cabul induces you to undertake a costly, useless war, what hope is there of peaceful progress, and the development of civilisation in the East, if the two Powers are to be permanently estranged ? Lord Napier and Ettrick, who, after he had left his ambassador’s post at St. Petersburg, was con- sidered in this country, as well as in Russia, as a de- cided Russophobist, referring, on December 9, 1878, in his speech in Parliament, to the Russian mission to Cabul, frankly said :— Russia had moved forward in the direction of national sympathies and aspirations of the people, and with consum- mate prudence. With a country so constituted, it was necessary to employ judicious means for securing amity, if not absolutely alliance, and the best means the Government could employ was an absolute plainness and frankness, so that Russia should not be in any doubt as to the course we should pursue with reference to Afghanistan. He thought 564 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. _that, after the termination of the war, there should be a definite treaty between England and Russia, as it would be likely to have a tranquillising effect upon India. Our interests are identical, our mission is the same; why then can we not revert to the traditional policy of Russia, and become once more firm allies and good friends ? It is not only in Asia that the two nations stand side by side. In Europe we occupy similar ground in resisting the authority of Papal Rome; each in our own way, we protest against the corruptions and abuses of the Vaticanate Church. Thus presenting acommon front, alike against the Mohammedan barbarism of Asia, and the spiritual despotism of Europe, is it not time that we should frankly recognise the similarity of our mission, and loyally support each other in the face of the common foe ? ‘The Russians,’ says Mr. Froude, ‘though our rivals in the East, had in Europe, till the outbreak of the Crimean War, been our surest allies.’ Even since then, English Cabinets have had no reason to regret the existence of Russia in Europe. It is not so many years ago that Lord Beaconsfield’s Government allied itself with the Russian Empire to prevent a renewal of the Franco-German War, and I believe it was Lord Beaconsfield who pointed, eight years ago, to an Anglo-Russian alliance as a means of preventing Napoleon’s March ‘a@ Berlin, which terminated so disastrously at Sedan. The Traditional Policy of Russia. 365 We are also united in the great humanitarian crusade against slavery and the slave trade. You look back with pride to the abolition of slavery in your colonies; we glory in the emancipa- tion of our serfs—that measure which for ever secured our gratitude to Emperor Alexander, who understood and supported the best aspirations of his people. It is your proud boast that slaves cannot breathe upon English soil. It is not less true of Russia, who for the last hundred years has waged unceasing war against the slave trade, both in Europe and in Asia. It was our conquest of the Crimea which suppressed the market in which Polish and Russian captives were sold like cattle by the Mussulman, and the first-fruits of our entry into Khiva: was the release of all the slaves in the Khanate. But why enter into details? Whether it is in the field of exploration, or in the domain of science, or in any other of the numberless departments of our com- plex civilisation, you will find that Russians are fellow- workers with you, neither unfriendly nor unworthy. Why then should you persist in regarding us as worse than declared enemies >—A very intelligent friend of mine, who has enjoyed unusual opportuni- ties of studying Russian and English policy writes to me :— The popular clamour against Russia in England is not only unjust, but childish and contemptible, and defeats its own purpose. To tell you the truth, I sometimes blush for the half childish, half brutal national egotism of a great part of my countrymen. If we have to fight, let us do so and be done with it, respecting each other as honourable opponents, 366 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. but (like yourself) I do not see the least necessity for fight- ing. It would be folly in England to go to war to put on his legs the incurably Sick Man, and it would be equally foolish of Russia to go to war in order to accelerate by a few years the inevitable death of the patient. How many diffi- culties might be removed by a genuine understanding between Russia and England ! Why should there not be such an-understanding between us ? Surely it has been sufficiently proved that we could do each other a great deal of harm, although not without injuring many a noble cause, which we ought to serve, if we really care for Humanity and Civilization. It is for you—not for us—now to decide whether we are to be Friends or Foes! 367 CHAPTER IX. SOME LAST WORDS. Anp now my book is finished ! As I look over its pages and remember the friendly welcome which my poor attempts to promote a better understanding between England and Russia have received from some of the noblest men in both countries, I feel almost ashamed of the moments of despair and bitterness which I tried in vain to con- ceal. And let me say, also, in parting, how gladly I shall welcome the first proof that my bitterness was a little unjust. Whatever may be the difficulties of the present, they are, I hope; but temporary; and they have not been without some permanent compensa- tion. Even the hostility manifested in certain quar- ters has not been without its uses, for it evoked a generous protest, which formed a new and precious link of sympathy and confidence between us. That sympathy and confidence may, I trust, be as an aurora, promising the advent of a new and brighter day, when ‘the mist of distrust,’ which has so long hung over us, will fade away and finally disappear. The removal of national misunderstandings is a task which often baffles the wisdom of the greatest 368 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. statesmen, and defies the effort of the most powerful monarchs. For a humble person like me to work in that direction, however feebly, is naturally regarded, even by myself, as somewhat ridiculous. My rdle, however, is that of a pis aller, whose abiding hope has been, that ere long so great a work may fall into more able and powerful hands. The fear of ridicule has blighted many a noble aspiration, and the sacrifices demanded by loyalty to truth and justice are not confined to the battlefield alone. The struggle for the Ideal—by its very es- sence, unattainable—is always somewhat quixotic ; but would life be worth living without it ? Coming back to the principal object of my book, I must repeat what I have already said several times : England and Russia, cordially united, can overcome many difficulties, otherwise insuperable, and serve many good causes worthy of the support of two great Christian Powers. We must unite in order to atone for the sufferings already occasioned to others by our mutual hostility. It is a debt of honour, which has to be paid before the others, and no time should be lost before moving in that direction. But unless there is a radical change for the better, there may be a change for the worse, the conse- quences of which, in many respects, would be fatal. The issue now lies, not in the hands of the Cabi- nets, but in those of the peoples. To bring about an entente cordiale between Eng- land and Russia is indispensable for the civilisation of Some Last Words. 369 the Orient, and is the only good standpoint from which can be approached the great problems of Europe and Asia. I may be told, perhaps, that by expressing too frankly and unreservedly the feelings of Russians on England’s policy, I injure more than I serve the cause I have at heart. But this would be an indirect accusation of England against which I protest. In spite of all that has been done, written, and said, I firmly believe that many Englishmen will not lose sight of the motive which guided my pen, and pardon my want of skilful reserve and concealment. To understand why we are displeased with each other is the first indispensable step for removing the misunderstanding. Had I minced my words too much, had I shrunk from stating facts with the utmost frankness, I should not have been a faithful and true exponent of Russian views. Once more, then, I review in these ‘last words’ the question which I have pressed, I fear, perhaps almost ad nauseam, in every page: Why can we not be friends ? This inflamed animosity, so sedulously fostered by interested parties, isa reproach to our intelligence and our sense of duty. We both have nothing to gain, and very much to lose, by substituting hatred for cordiality and suspi- cion for confidence ; nor is it we alone who suffer. Every human being between the outposts of the two Empires is more or less affected by the relations existing between England and Russia. BB 370 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. The Russian people have been reluctantly driven into an attitude of antagonism to England. Gladly would we hail any prospect of escape from that in- voluntary position, and heartily would we welcome your co-operation in that task of developing the liber- ties of the Christian East, which is now proclaimed as the policy of Liberal England, but which has always been the Historical Mission of my country. O. K. 371 APPENDIX. a Tue following was Mr. Froude’s Preface to the first series of the O. K. Letters, published in December, 1877, under the title, ‘Is Russia Wrong ?’ Very few words will suffice for an introduction of the fol- lowing letters. The writer is a Russian lady well acquainted with England, who has seen with regret the misconceptions which she considers prevail among us as to the character of her countrymen; she has therefore employed such skill as she possesses in an honourable attempt to remove those mis- conceptions. Individuals, however great their opportunities, can but speak with certainty of what they personally know, and ‘O. K.’ may draw too wide inferences from the ex- periences of her own circle; but she writes in good faith, and any contribution to our knowledge, which is true as far as it goes, ought to be welcome to us—welcome to us espe- cially at the present crisis, when the wise or unwise conduct of English statesmen may affect.incalculably for good or evil the fortunes of many millions of mankind. To Russia and England has fallen the task of introducing European civilisa- tion into Asia. It is a thankless labour at the best; but circumstances have forced an obligation upon both of us, which neither they nor we can relinquish ; and our success depends for its character on the relations which we can establish between ourselves. If we can work harmoniously BB2 372 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. together as for a common object, the progress of the Asiatic people will be peaceful and rapid. If we are to be jealous rivals, watching each other’s movements with suspicion, and on the look-out to thwart and defeat each other, every king- dom and tribe from the Bosphorus to the Wall of China will be a centre of intrigue; and establishment of the new order of things may be retarded for centuries, or disgraced by wars and revolutions from which we shall all alike be sufferers. On the broadest grounds, therefore, it is our interest to be on good terms with Russia, unless there is something in the Muscovite proceedings so unqualifiedly bad that we are posi- tively obliged to separate ourselves from them. And before arriving at such a conclusion, we must take more pains than we have done hitherto to know what the Russians are. If we could ‘crumple’ them up as Mr. Cobden spoke of doing, we might prefer to reign in the East without a rival. But ‘crumpling up’ is a long process, in which nothing is certain but the expense of it. That enterprise we shall certainly not attempt. There remains, therefore, the alternative: either to settle into an attitude of fixed hostility to a Power which will always exist side by side by us, or to place on Russia’s action towards the Asiatic races the same favourable construction which we allow to our own, and to ask ourselves whether in Russia’s conduct there is anything materially different from what we too accept as necessary in similar circumstances. The war of 1854 was a first’ step in what I considered then, and consider now, to have been the wrong course—a course leading direct, if persisted in, to most deplorable issues. That war had been made inevitable from the indig- nation of the Liberal party throughout Europe at Russia’s interference in Hungary. Professedly a war in defence of Turkey, it was fought really for European liberty. European liberty is no longer in danger, nor has the behaviour of Tur- key since the peace been of a kind to give her a claim on our interest for her own sake. The Ottoman Empire has Appendix. 373 for half a century existed upon sufferance. An independence accompanied with a right of interference by other nations with its internal administration has lost its real meaning, and the great Powers have been long agreed that the Porte cannot be left to govern its Christian subjects after its own pleasure. The question is merely in whom the right of supervision is to reside. Before the Crimean war they were under the sole protectorate of Russia. The Treaty of Paris abolished an exclusive privilege which was considered dan- gerous, and substituted for it, by implication, a general European protectorate. It seemed likely to many of us that, while other objects of the war might have been secured, the ostensible occasion of it would be forgotten ; that the Chris- tians, having no longer Russia to appeal to, would be worse treated than before; and that after a very few years the problem of how to compel the Turk to respect his engage- ments would certainly return. Such anticipations, in the enthusiasm of the moment, were ridiculed as absurd and unpatriotic. The Turk himself was to rise out of the war regenerate, and a ‘ new creature.’ He was to be the advanced guard of enlightenment, the bulwark of Europe against bar- barism. There was no measure to the hopes in which English people indulged in those days of delight and excite- ment. But facts have gone their natural way. The Turk has gone back, not forward. He remains what he has always been, a blight upon every province on which he has set his heel. His Christian subjects have appealed once more for help; and the great Powers, England included, have admitted the justice of their complaints, and the necessity of a remedy. Unhappily England could not agree with the other Powers on the nature of the remedy required. Russia, unable to trust further to promises so often made and so uniformly broken, has been obliged to take active measures, and at once the Crimean ashes have again been blown into a flame ; there is a cry that Russia has sinister aims of her own, that English interests are in danger, and that we must rush to 374 The Anglo-Russian Alliance. the support of our ancient friend and ally. How we are decently to do it, under what plea, and for what purpose, after the part which we took at the Conference, is not ex- plained. The rest of Europe is not alarmed. The rest of Europe is satisfied that the Turk must be coerced, and looks on, if not pleased, yet at least indifferent. If we go into the struggle, we must go in without a single ally, and when we have succeeded in defeating Russia, and re-establishing Turkey (there is another possibility, that we may not succeed, but this I will not contemplate),—as soon as we have suc- ceeded, what then? After the censures to which we stand committed on Turkey’s misconduct we cannot in decency hand back Bulgaria to her without some check upon her tyranny. We shall be obliged to take the responsiblity on ourselves. England will have to be sole protector of the Bulgarian Christians, and it is absolutely certain that they would then be wholly and entirely at the Turk’s mercy. It is absolutely certain that we should be contracting obligations which we could not fulfil if we wished. We should demand a few fine promises from the Porte, which would be forgotten as soon as made. A British protectorate is too ridiculous to be thought of ; and if the alternative be to place Bulgaria under a govern- ment of its own, that is precisely the thing which Russia is trying todo. To go to war with such a dilemma staring us in the face, and with no object which we can distinctly define, would be as absurd an enterprise as England was ever entangled in. Yet even after Lord Derby’s seeming recog- nition of the character of the situation, there is still room for misgiving. In constitutional countries politicians will snatch at passing gusts of popular excitement to win a momentary victory for themselves or their party. Our Premier, unless he has been misrepresented, has dreamt of closing his political career with a transformation scene— Europe in flames behind him, and himself posing like harle- quin before the footlights. Happily there is a power which is stronger than even Parliamentary majorities—in public Appendix. 375 opinion; and public opinion has, I trust, already decided that English bayonets shall not be stained again in defence of Turkish tyranny. It will be well if we can proceed, when the present war is over, to consider dispassionately the wider problems, of which the Turkish difficulty is only a part; and if the letters of ‘O. K.’ assist’ ever so little in making us acquainted with the Russian character, the writer will have reason to congratulate herself on so happy a result of her efforts. INDEX. ABE BERDEEN, Lord, and Emperor Nicholas, 146; on Russian foreign policy, 306 Afghanistan, ‘ outside sphere of Rus- sian interests,’ 79, 345 ; ‘ England’s true policy in,’ 337; Vitkevitch on, 339; Russian pledges kept in, 341; Duke of Argyll on English policy in, 341; on English bad faith to, 350 Afghan, the, Correspondence and General Kaufmann, 341 Afghan War, the, Russian neutrality in, 79; brings British frontier to Russian, 279; increases Russia’s power of offence, 279, 337; Mr. Gladstone on Russia and the, 285 ; Russian Mission to Cabul justifiable, 332; Russia and the, 332; Lord Beaconsfield on, 333; Duke of Argyll on, 334; proved impossi- bility of invading India, 335 ; cost of first, 336; Colonel Osborne. on difficulty of campaigning in, 336; not calculated to produce friend- ship, 337; Sir Charles Wingfield, 337 ; Cavagnari and Stoletoff, 339 Aggression, Russian, 321; Russian and English since 1750, 322; Cob- den on, 323 iiksakoff, Mr., President of Moscow Slavonic Committee, 20; wife of, governess to Duchess of Edinburgh, 20; not a Russian Mazzini, 20; AKS Mr. Wallace on, 24; on Russian re- verses in 1877, 52; on the Berlin Congress, 98; ‘exiled,’ 106; bank director, 107 — speeches of, on the Servian war, 24 —on work of Slavonic committees, 25; Russian diplomacy, 25, 58, 103, 104 ; the rootsof Russian power, 27 ; spread of Slavophilism, 27 ; General Tchernayeff, 28 ; the death of Colonel Kiréeff, 29; volunteers for Servia, 30; money raised, 32; how spent, 33; the Russian debt to the Ser- vians, 34; the Russian soldier, 53; effect of reverses on the people, 54; historic mission of Russia, 54, 56, 57; to spread ‘peace, liberty, and fraternal equality,’ 57; com- plaints of higher classes, 55, 59 ; ‘the sin of forsaking Russian nation- ality,’ 55, 59; British interests, 58; Austria-Hungary and the Slavs, 58; the limitation of war, 59; the Berlin Congress, 98; Prince Tcherkassky, 98; Russia and the Western Powers, 99; Bulgaria ‘sawn asunder alive,’ 100-103; Turkish garrisons in Balkans, 102; Slavonic develop- ment, 103; diplomatic Nihilists, 104 ; the Constantinople Conference, 104; England and her sepoys, 105; Austria-Hungary, ‘a heel of 378 Index. ALE Achilles,’ 105 ; ‘the Balkan States for Balkan peoples,’ 149 Alexander I. and Turkey, 171; con- cludes treaty with England, 171; treats with Napoleon at Tilsit, 171 ; wishes to re-establish Poland at Congress of Vienna, 204; on Con- stitutional Government. 250; libe- rator of Europe, 302; Stein on, 303; esteemed by Napoleon, 303; reactionary in later years, 304; liberality towards France, 304 ; too liberal for Metternich, 318 Alexander II., Emperor, ‘ passionately desirous of peace,’ 6; but, if neces- sary, will act alone, 6; Moscow speech, enthusiastic reception of, 11; on Constantinople, 174; on ‘Russian designs on India,’ 174; desires good understanding with England, 174 ; visited Siberia, 220 ; emancipator of serfs, liberator of southern Slavs, 230; Mr. Gladstone on, 230; confidence in, 243, 255; attempt on the life of, 252, and the Tzarewitch, 268; progress under, 275; M. de Laveleye on, 320 Alexander Nevsky, St., receives title of Grand Duke from Tartars, 41 America, civil war in United States of, Russian and English sympathies,307 Anarchy, in Poland, 200, 225; be- setting sin of Slavs, 225; in Russia, 226; in Central Asia, banished hy Russians, 349 Anglo-Russian Alliance, the, or entente cordiale, Lord Rochford on, in° 1772, 82; desired by Emperor Alexander II. in 1876, 174; how sought by Russia, 263, 288 ; Russia’s overtures rebuffed by England, 265 ; Russian noble on, 269; initiative must now be taken by England, 269; the traditional policy of England, 272, 368; for Asia and the East, the watchword of civili- sation, 284; not indispensable to . Russia, 288; prevents German at- ANN tack on France 1875, 291; Lord Beaconsfield urges it in 1870, 364; civilising mission in Asia, 323; the traditional policy of Russia, 352; matrimonial ties past and present, 352; Peter the Great, 353; Cathe- rine IL, 357; Alexander I., 171, 359; Alexander IT., 174; Panin, 355; Potemkin, 355; Woronzoff, 355 ; Gortschakoff, 355 ; Lord Robert Cecil, 295; Chatham, 355; Burke, 355 ; Canning, 356; Fox, 356, 357; Pitt, 359; Palmerston, 358; Mr. Bright, 270; Sir Charles Trevelyan, 270; Mr. W. H. Smith, 292; Mr. Lowther, 293; Lord Mayo, 330; Lord Napier and Kttrick, 363; Statesman, 182 ; in the seventeenth century, 354; in the eighteenth, 355 ; in 1765, 359 ; 1812, 315, 359; 1827, 295, 315, 359; 1830, 300; 1833, 315, 359; 1840, 315, 359; 1850, 315; 1860, 315; 1867, 316; 1875, 291, 316, 364 ; and 1876, 281; English people twice prevent armed rupture of, 356 ; basis of, in East of Europe, 361; key to peace of Asia, 363 ; evils caused by want of, 363, 372; in the hands of the peoples, 368 ; need for, 368 Anglo-Turkish Convention, the, 134; Russian opinion on, 134; the Word on, 135; violates Treaty of Paris 135, 137, 138, 139; a sham, 136 Turkish frontier undefended, 136; destroys European concert, 137 justifies Treaty of Kainardji, 137; gives Russia right to deal directly with Sultan, 140; and occupy Turkish territory, 140; justifies Russian principle in the Crimean war, 311, 314; worse than Russian Mission to Cabul, 334 Annand, James, on national mis- representations, 189 Anne Ivanoyna, Empress, 233, 246; accepts Oligarchic Constitution, 233, 246; restores autocracy, 246 Index. ANN Annexations, Russian from Turkey, 51, 73, 107, 313; of Armenia, 50; Finland, 193; the Crimea, 365; Poland, 200; Circassia, 208; Tur- kestan, 333, 347; of Russia and England since 1750, 322; Cobden on, 200, 323; Duke of Argyll on, 324; Russian, benefit the annexed, 200 Argyll, the Duke of, speech trans- Jated into Russian, 39; supports cause of Christian East, 268; on secret societies, 19; the English entry of Dardanelles, 71; Berlin Congress, 106; Russia as liberator of the East, 236, 310; Treaty of Berlin, 310; Russian and English conquests in Asia, 324; Khiva, 330 ; Russian mission to Cabul, 334; English policy in Afghanistan, 341 ; English bad faith to Afghans, 350 Aristocracy, Polish, ruin of Poland, 225 ; character of, by Cobden, 199 ; by M. de Circourt, 205 ; denounced by Lord Beaconsfield, 202; Russian, attempt to destroy autocracy, 233, 246; present position of, in Russia, 232 Armenia, annexation of, discussed, . 50 Armenian generals, 191, 235 Ashantee War parallel to Khiva Ex- pedition, 349 Asia, sceptre of, given to England and Russia, 323, 362 Askold and Dir attack Byzantium, 168 Assassination, attempt on the Em- peror, 252; no proof of ‘ruthless despotism,’ 254; political effect of, 256; consequences if successful, 259; English press on, 252. See Nihilism Attempt, the, on the Emperor, 252 Austria-Hungary, and the Slavs, 59, 130, 132, 150, 152; Mr. Aksakoff on, 59, 105; influence of, on San Stefano Treaty, 75; at Berlin Congress, 97, 379 AUT 99, 103 ; Russia not hostile to, 129 ; Prince Gortschakoff on, 130; ‘the sick woman of Europe,’ 133; ‘a carpet bagger,’ Stillman, 151; occupies Bosnia at Russia’s sug- gestion, 130, 174; Talleyrand pro- poses eastward extension of, 132; must not annex the Balkan, 132; nor Constantinople, 167; probable future of, 132, 150, 152; Kossuth on annexations by, 150; M. de Laveleye on, 151, 290; Sir William Harcourt on, 154; admired in West, hated in East, 152; why? Chrza- nowski on cause of, 153; Mériméc, 297 ; as a Danubian power interested in Black Sea and Constantinople, 162; project for partition of Turkey, 170; partitions Poland, 197; par- tition of, attempted by Poland, 201 ; opposes national idea in Italy, 166; and in the Balkan, 166; com- pensated for nothing, but not con- tent, 266; shares in Russia’s evil deeds, 312; Mr. Gladstone on, 154; saved by Russia, 1849, 297; in- gratitude of, 296; transformation - of, 309; originally proposed repeal of Black Sea clause, 312; annexes Cracow, 312, 314 Austro-German Alliance, the, Lord Salisbury on, 123; a menace to France and Italy, 131; Sir W. Harcourt on, 123,154; M.de Lave- leye on, 290; alleged cause of, 291 Autocracy, the, in Russia, 223 ; great- ness of Russia due to, 223; never stronger than to-day, 223; De Tocqueville on, 224, 232; preserves national existence and secures pro- gress, 225 ; needed to defeat Tartars, 226; and eject Turks from Europe, 227; dictatorship en permanence, 227; civilising power, 228, 237; reforms of Peter the Great, 229; of Alexander II., 230; no desire to limit, 231; needs omniscience, 231, 245; democratic origin of, 232; 380 Index. AZO ‘the sword of democracy,’ 235; destroyed by oligarchy, 233, 246 ; restored by people, 233, 246 ; popu- lar belief in, 233, 255; secures la carriére ouverte aux talens, 232; exists for the people, 235; Mr. Carlyle on, 238; Lord Beaconsfield on, 238, 251; only alternative to bureaucracy, 255; only check on dishonest officials, 255 ; strength- ened by attempted assassination, 256; not opposed to Constitu- tionalism abroad, 305; often more liberal in its foreign policy than Constitutional States, 305-317; M. de Laveleye on, 318 Azoff taken by Cossacks, 248; and refused by Zemskie Sobory, 249 AKER,. Ex- Colonel Valentine, fights against Russia, 74, 83 Bakunin, the Nihilist leader, mani- festo of, 256 Balkan, the peninsula, for the Balkan peoples, Aksakoff, 149; takes the place of Italy, 117, 166 Balkans, the, to be garrisoned by Turks, Aksakoff on, 102; not garri- soned, 110; Sir W. Harcourt on, 110 Baltic provinces, local franchises in, 190 Bariatinsky, Prince, 67 Darbarism ‘ must recede before civili- sation,’ Peel, 324; Anglo-Russian war against, 363 Barry Herbert, on Siberia, 213; on Russian loyalty, 233 Batoum, Russia’s right to, 51; re- sented by English, 85; Lord Bea- consfield’s delight at cession of, 141 Beaconsfield, the Earl of, on secret societies, 20, 25; his Guildhall speeches, 95, 266, 268; abandons his policy at Berlin, 96; ‘an in- fallible Pope,’ 96; sacrifices Bul- garia, 112, 203 ; is pleased at pacific BIS. surrender of Batoum, 141; follows Castlereagh’s precedent, 203; ac- cused by the Golos of stock-jobbing, 185; denounces the Poles, 201; eulogises the Circassians, 207; on absolute monarchy, 238, 250; on representative government, 251; on the press aud monarchy, 251; on Jewish revolutionists, 253; results of his policy in England, 265; Mr. Gladstone on, 267; popular with Russian Anglophobes, 279 ; weakens England, 279; on annexation of Cracow, 201, 314 ;-on Russian Mis- sion to Cabul, 333; on Russia in Central Asia, 351; allied with Russia in 1875, 291, 364; recom- mends Russian alliance in 1870, 364 ; fears excited by, in England, in 1877, 374 Belgium, Russian policy in, 299; condemned by Mr. Gladstone, 299; vindicated by M. de Laveleye, 318 ; Russia supports independence of, 300; protects Belgium from Napo- leon III., 301; M. de Laveleye on insurrection of 1830, 318 Bentinck, Lord George, approves an- nexation of Cracow, 314 Berlin Congress the, on the eve of, 88; after the, 95; Mr. Aksakoff on, 99; the Duke of Argyll on, 106; Mr. Gladstone on, 97; Bulgarians not heard at, 118 Berlin Treaty, the Russian Govern- ment on, 107; doomed like that of Villafranca, 117; three-quarters of, taken from Treaty of San Stefano, 283; 23rd article not executed, 119 Bessarabia ceded to Russia, 49, 73, 314 Beust, Count, and the Concordat, 274; proposes tutelage of Turkey and repeal of Black Sea Treaty, 312 Bismarck, Prince, his visit to Vienna, 127, 291; M. de Laveleye’s expla- Index. BLA nation of, 291; on difficulty of learning Russian, 209; on Russia’s non-entry into Constantinople, 242; on change of political opinions, 273 ; offers Constantinople to Rus- sia, 291; approves Russia’s inter- vention in Hungary, 298 Black Sea Treaty, the repeal of neu- tralisation clauses, 1871, 312; pro- posed by Count Beust, 1867, 312 Bluut, Consul, proclamation to Hel- lenic insurgents, 85 Bosnia, occupation proposed by Russia, 130, 174; gave cool welcome to Austrians, 152 Boris Godounoff elected to throne by Zemskie Sobory, 232; reproves Queen Elizabeth for helping the Turks, 295; seeks alliance with other powers against Turks, 295, B54 Bourke, Hon. R., delusion of, about Mr. Gladstone’s pamphlet, 39 Brackenbury, Colonel, on Russian soldiers, 47 Bright, Mr., gratefully remembered in Russia, 268, 311; pleads from friendship between Russia and England, 270 Bruce, a Scotch general of Peter’s, 235 Bulgaria, effect of atrocities in, in Russia, 23, 29, 102; to be freed entirely, 48; will not be Russian, — 75; threatened by the Salisbury Circular, 75; not badly treated at San Stefano, 72, 75; ‘sawn asunder alive,’ Mr. Aksakoff, 100; divided, 111; freed by Rus- sia, 295; insurrection in south- western, 113; how divided at Ber- lin, 114 ; one-third re-enslaved with- out guarantees, 101, 115; will yet be united, 117; its limits, 116; defined at San Stefano, 155; di- vided against Russia’s will, 155, 267, 311; constitution of, not Russian, 155, 240 ; suggested ports for, 159; 381 CAR in tenth century menaced Byzan- tium, 169; crushed by Sviatoslaf, 169; resurrection of, opposed by Lord Beaconsfield, 203; sacrificed” by Lord Beaconsfield, 113, 267; union of approved by English Liberals, 284; opposed by English Government, 311 Bulgarian delegates, MM. Zancoff and Balabanoff, 64 Bulgarians, and their Liberators, 61; abused by Mr. Forbes, 62; degraded by Turkish oppression, 64; prosperity of, 63; character of, Macgahan on, 65; Sir Henry Havelock, 65; Sir George Camp- bell, 156; General Tchernayeff, 157 ; protest against Berlin Treaty, 118; not heard at Congress, 118; demand execution of 23rd article, 119; difference between north and south, 155; English observers on, 156; well treated by Russian s)l- diers, 188 Burke, Edmund, on Turkish alliance, 272; on English in India, 351 Byzantium, influence of, on Russia, 167. See Constantinople. ABUL, Russian Mission to, jus- tified, 332; by Lord Beacons- field, 333; by Duke of Argyll, 33: ; a prison or grave to Europeans, 340; Colonel Stoletoff and Major Cavagnari at, 340; and Candahar as bulwarks to India, Vitkevitch, 339 Campbell, Sir George, on Russians and Bulgarians, 156; on Kiepert’s map, note to, 114 Canning, George, on English neu- trality, 77; coerced Turks, 78; on Russia’s defeat of Napoleon, 303; opposed by George IV., 313; allied with Russia, 359 Capital punishment in England and Russia, 184 Carlyle, Thomas, on absolute govern- 382 s ment, 238 ;,6n prestige, 264; Rus- sians grateful to, 268; on Russia and Rssophobia, 293 ‘Wastlereagh, Lord, opposes Polish independence at Vienna, 204 Cat, Army, the, ‘pillar of British Constitution,’ 184 Catherine I., 234 Catherine II., project about Constanti- nople, 170; Alexander II, on, 174; on mercy and justice, 213; ‘sove- reign exists for the people,’ 235 ; summons representative assembly, 248; describes it to Voltaire, 249; on Fox, 357 Cavagnari, Major, murdered at Cabul, 340 Centralisation, democratic tendency towards, De Tocqueville, 232; M. Thiers on, 237 ; necessary to civilise Russia, 237. Chatham, Lord, ‘altogether a Rus- sian,’ 355; refuses Russian alliance in East, 358 Chesson, F. W., on slave trade in Turkey, 350 Chinese less suspicions than English, 186; English opium trade with, 189; tactics imitated by Lord Beaconsfield, 91 Chreptovitch, Count, 358 Chrzanowski, General, on Austrian and Russian rule, 152 Circassians eulogised by Lord Beacons- field, 207; true character of, 208 ; Russian conquest of, 208 Circourt, M. de, on Finland, 192; Poland, 193, 205 ; Polish mendacity, 207 Civilisation, the growth of cities, 228; in Russia, from above, 228; must conquer barbarism, 324; of Asia, the mission of Russia and England, 323, 362, 372 Clarendon’s, Lord, work at Paris un- done by Lord Beaconsfield, 137 ; on French and Russian intervention in Italy, 308 Index. CON Cobden, Richard, on Poland, 199; Russian annexations, 200; British conquests, 323 Commune suppressed more cruelly than Nihilism, 257 Concert of Europe. See European Concert. Concessions, Russian, to England, 72, 243, 264; denounced by Mr. Aksa- koft, 105 Concordat, Count Beust and the, 274 Congress, on the eve of the, 88; after the, 95. See Berlin. Congresses, Berlin, 95, 99, 107 ; Paris, 137; Vienna, 204; Laybach, 313; Verona, 313 Conservatives, English, fear Russia, 181; formerly allied with Russia, 296; support Russia in reaction, 296, 313. See Beaconsfield, Lord, and England. Conservatism, Russian, 229 Constantine, ‘ Constitution’ mistaken for his wife, 250 Constantine, Grand Duke, his Polish mission of reconciliation, 191, 202 Constantinople, in the Past, more important than to-day, 160; a great commercial emporium, 161; to Russia, as Rome is to France, 166; five times attacked by Russia, 167; scized by Crusaders, 168; Russian attacks on, 167; of Scan- dinavian origin, 168; by Askold and Dir, 168; Oleg, 169 ; Igor, 169; Sviatoslaf, 169; Yaroslaf, 169; designs of Catherine IL, 170, 174; never to be under same sceptre as Moscow, 171; the Tilsit interview on, 171; not entered by Russia in 1829, 172, 174; occupied in 1833, 172; Crimean war not aimed at, 173 -— and the War, Russians desire to make peace in, not io annex, 49, 241; never entered by Russia, 163 ; English scare about, 164; in- dignation at non-entry of army Index. CON into, 72, 241; General Grant on, 241; Bismarck on, 242 — the Future of, ‘last word of Eastern Question,’ 3, 160; no longer a talisman of Empire, 160; com- mercial decay of, 161; importance of, to Huxine States, 162; political importance of, to Russia, 162 ; may be left to Turks ‘with a cabbage garden,’ 163; cannot pass to Aus- tria, 165, 167; not desired by Russia, 174, 176; Alexander II. on, 174; Prince Gortschakoff on, 175; must belong to no Great Power, 165, 175; Mr. Gladstone on, 175; Fuad Pasha, 176; would be Achilles’ heel of Russia, 176; Emperor Nicholas on, 176; Mr. Cowen, 176; future discussed, 177; free city or capital of Asia Minor, 177; said to be offered to Russia by Bismarck, 1875, 291 Constitution, the Bulgarian, 155, 240 — of England a plutocracy, 280 Constitutional States sometimes sup- port despotism abroad, 305 ; France in Spain, 306; England in Turkey, 310 Constitutionalism in Russia, obstacles to, Lord Beaconsfield, 223 ; Polish anarchy, 233 ; Nihilism, 234 ; popu- lar ignorance, 228, 255 — comparative failure of, in Italy, 244; Duke of Somerset on, 238; Lord Beaconsfield on, 257 ; English zealots of, inconsistent, 240; re- presentative assemblies in Russia, 231, 244, 247, 248; Russian Con- stitutionalists, 250 ; Alexander I. on, 250. In Russia, see Zemskie Sobory. Convict system, Russian, milder than English, 213 Corporal punishment in Russia and Iingland, 184 Cossacks, enthusiasm for late war, 17 ; Sir H. Havelock on, 188; capture Azotf, 247; ravage Russia in seven- teenth century, 227 383 —t DEMy after, 258; Coup d’Etat, severitpnes, Nicholas Lord Palmerston cond condemns, 306 Courtney, Mr. Leonard, or Liberals and the war, 1i Liberal policy in the East, 285 16 Cowen, Mr. Joseph, ridicules the dread of Russian aggression, 176 Cox, Sir George, suggests English ad- dress to Emperor of Russia, 49 Cracow, annexation of, by Austria, Lord Beaconsfield on, 200, 314; Lord George Bentinck on, 314 Crete, insurrection in, supported by Russian people, 316; opposed by England, 316 Crimean war, Mr. Aksakoff on, 27 ; not designed against Constantinople, 173; Russia’s principle in, justified by Anglo-Turkish Convention, 311, 34 Criminal convictions in Russia and England, 215 Cross and Crescent, 41 Crusades, Norseman element in, 168 ; Constantinople captured during, 168 Cyprus concession, the, 138; Mr. Gladstone on, 138; value as prece- dent to Russia, 140; possible ces- sion to Greece, 159 ; seized without Parliamentary sanction, 248 English ; on AILY NEWS, publishes letters from Moscow, 1876, 9, 186; accuses Russia of bad faith in Af- ghanistan, 342 Danube, confederation of the, pro- bable future for Austria, 132, 152 ; Austria’s interest in, 162; Bos- phorus, real mouth of, 162 Dardanelles forced by English fleet, 71, 334 Decembrists, the character of, 250 ‘Dedans, nous sommes,’ 163 Democracy, supports autocracy in Russia, 232, 246; Prince Mestcher- sky on, 232; centralising instinct of, 232 384 DER Derby, Earl of, and the Protocol, 14 ; on last word of the Eastern Ques- tion, 160; says peace is the greatest of British interests, 275 Despotism., See Autocracy. Diebitch, General, 296 plomatists, Stockmar’s opinion of, 12; Mr. Aksakoff on, 103, 104 Dir and Askold attack Constantinople, 168 Dolgorouky, Prince Jacob, and the salt tax, 195 Drenteln, General, intercedes for his would-be assassin, 259 ASTERN Question, last and first word of, 3,160; future of, 123; difficulties of, not in Turkey, but in Europe, 108; not local, but Imperial, 157; sugzested solutions of, 157, 159, 177 Education, classical, in Russia, 126 Egypt and English neutrality, 82; and Austro-German alliance, 131 Elizabeth, Queen, reign of, parallel to Russia of to-day, 48; reproved by Boris Godounoff for helping Turks, 295; Ivan IV., and marriage nego- tiations, 352 ‘Elizabethan Policy,’ 48 Emperor of Russia. See Alexander II., and Autocracy. England, Eastern policy of, in 1876, maintains status quo, 5; Mr. Aksa- koff on, 58; in 1877 a sham neu- trality, 77; in 1878 violates treaties, 73, 137, 189; conspires with Austria to re-enslave Bulgaria, 97, 101, 113, 115; prevents annexation to Greece, 75-6, 266; menaces Russia, 91; results of, in Russia, 264; in Eng- land, 265; Mr. Gladstone on, 267 ; opposed to freedom, 310 — Foreign policy of, less liberal than Russia’s, 294; in the East, 310; in Italy, 307; in Austria, 309 ; in Ger- many, 508 ; in Greece, 266, 295, 311, Index. EUR 314, 315; in Bulgaria, 311; in Rou- mania, 311; in Belgium, M. de Laveleye on, 318 —and Russia. See Russia and Eng- land and Anglo-Russian alliance. -— Russian concessions to, condemned, 72 ; opposes cession of Batoum, 85 ; imports Sepoys to Malta, 91, 105 ; occupies Cyprus, 138; objects to Russian occupation of Constanti- nople, 243; meditates attack on Russia in Turkestan, 335 ~- Traditional Policy of, 227 English aggression, Mr. Farrer on, 322; Mr. Gladstone, 323; Cobden, 323; Duke of Argyll, 324 — Constitution, a plutocracy, 280; convict system, harsher than Rus- sia’s, 215; Historians on Russia’s side, 293; ignorance of French language, 163; Kings, an Englisi opinion of, 229; people twice pre- vent war with Russia, 356 ; reserves hardly exceed one Russian army corps, 91; selfishness, 279; volun- teers in Turkey differ from Russian, 73; number of, 83 — Neutrality, 77; Canning on, 77; contrasted with Russian, 79; con- ditions of, 82; in American war, 83 ; fourteen English officers in Turkish gendarmerie, 83; in Greece, 85: in the Rhodope, 85 ; in Lazistan, 85 — parties, Russia and, 277. See Con- servatives and Liberals. — Prejudices, some, 181; Father Coleridge on, 182; foreign origin of, 183; due to ignorance, 182; illustrations of, 183; the Knout, 184; Russian agents, 187 ; adminis- tration, 190 ; Poland, 191; Finland, 192 Europe, inimical to Slavs, 75 European concert broken by England, 140, 265; Wellington, Duke of, desired, 144; foreshadowed by Boris Godounoff, 295; Russia de- sires, 144, 359 Index. 385 EXE Executions in England, private, 184; number of, 258 Exile, of Mr. Aksakoff, 106; number sent to, 215. See Siberia IARRER, Mr. T. H., on English aggression, 321 Fenians on English prisons, 216 Finland, better governed by Russia than Sweden, 193; Home Rule in, 192; contrast to Poland, 193; loyalty of, 194 Flogging in English army, 184 Forbes, Mr., correspondence of, read in Russia, 54, 62; on War Correspon- dents, 61; Russians, Turks and Bulgarians, 61; Russian corruption, 65 Forster, Mr. on alliances, 129; his amendment withdrawn, 281; on Khiva, 327 Fox, Charles James, on Anglo-Rus- sian Alliance, 357; Catherine II. on, 357 France, Russia has no hostility to, 129; Austro-German alliance a menace to, 131; and Rome, 166; centralisation in, 237 ; intervention of in Spain, 305; and Alexander I., 304; protected by Russia and Eng- land, 1875, 291; allied with Russia in freeing Italy, 307; Revolution of 1830 in, and Russia, 306; sup- ported Belgian revolution, 319 Frederick the Great and his cudgel, 338 Freeman, Mr. E. A.,collects money for Slav refugees, 22; Russia grateful to, 268 ; protests against re-enslave- ment of Macedonia, 117 French language, English ignorance of, 163 Friends or Foes ? 263 Froude, Mr. J. A., on Ireland, 199; on Anglo-Russian alliance, 362, 364; preface to ‘Is Russia Wrong,’ 371 GLA Fuad Pasha on Russia and Constan- tinople, 176 ALICIA, Polish population of, 205 Massacre in, 202 George IV. opposed Canning’s policy in Spain, 313 Germany, at last discovered by Lord Salisbury, 127; unity of, promoted by Russia, 127, 309 ; effect of union of, on balance of power, 128, 275, 309; Russian alliance with, 129, 309 ; alleged cause of hostility of, to Russia, 291; Russian policy in, in 1819, 304; in 1870, telegram of Emperor William, 309. See Bis- marck. Girardin, M. Emile de, on Poland, 191 ; discussion on Constantinople at house of, 242 Gladstone, Mr., his pamphlet in Russia, 39; on the Southern Slavs, 43; on Berlin Congress, 97; has not denounced re-enslavement of S. W. Bulgaria, 101; on Anglo- Turkish Convention, 138, 139; Heirs of the Sick Man, 153; Russia and Constantinople,175 ; Alexander IL, 230; Historians, 255; results of English policy in East, 267; the Liberals and the East, 277 ; his resolutions apparently withdrawn, 281; appeared to advocate war with Russia about Afghanistan, 285; writes ‘Friends or Foes of Russia?’ 285 ; how regarded in Russia, 285 ; appears to repudiate Russia’s friend- ship, 287; on Servian volunteers, 285; ‘Friendship for every Country,’ 287; on Russia’s foreign policy, 296; replied to, 290; his indict- ment of Austria, 154; of Russia, 296; his speech on the Pacifico case, 314; on Russians in Central Asia, 323; on English jealousy of Russia, 323; accused of being a Russian agent, 358 ; resembles Fox, 357 cc 386 GLA Gladstone, Mr.,‘A reply to, on Russia’s Foreign Policy,’ 290 Goethe on the best form of Govern- ment, 236 Gordon, a Scotch general of Peter’s, 235 Gortschakoff, Prince, on Russian policy in Turkey, 1876, 4; alleged interview with Soleil Reporter, 128; saying of, about Austria, 130; pro- tested in 1877 against division of Bulgaria, 155; on Constantinople, 175; in favour of Anglo-Russian alliance, 355 Grant, Gen., on Russian non-entry into Constantinople, 241 Granville, Earl, on benevolent neu- trality, 86 Greece, proposed cessions to by Russia, 76; English intervention in, 85; suggested additions to, 159; can- not have Constantinople, 177; be- trayed by England, 266; English Liberals would help, 283; freed more by Russia than England, 2965 ; Russian and English policy in, 295, 311, 314, 315 Greek project, the, of 1787, 170 ARCOURT Sir W. on the Berlin treaty, 110; Heirs of Sick Man, 154; Downfall of Turkey, 146; on the Salisbury Evangel, 123 Harold’s daughter Gyda marries Vlad- imir Monomachus, 352 Havelock, Sir Henry, on Bulgarians, 65; on Russian soldiers, 187 Herzegovina, rising in, not originated by Russia, 22 Herald Angel, Lord Salisbury as, 123 Historians, English on Russian side, 293 Holland, should not have been severed from Belgium, 318 Holland, Lord, regrets Russia did not take Constantinople, 172 Hungary, Russian intervention in, 296; Index. JEW causes of, 297; approved of by Eng- lish Conservatives, 297; Mr. Glad- stone on, 297 ; humanity of Russian army in, 297; Lord Beaconsfield on, 297 tere attacks Constantinople, 169 Indemnity or war fine levied on Turks, 52 India, impairs England’s strength, 92; not enthusiastically loyal, 92; impossibility of Russian invasion of asserted by Alexander IL, 174; proved by Afghan war, 335; dan- ger to from Russia imaginary, 181 ; splendour of Empire in, 161; Rus- sian advance towards, 324; a con- quered Afghanistan no bulwark to, 339; richer than Turkestan, 348 ; English promises broken in con- quest of, 351 Infallibility, Decree of, leads to aboli- tion of Concordat in Austria-Hun- gary, 274 Internationale, lV, supports Nihilists, 254 Ionian Islands occupied to oblige Russia, 356 Ireland, England’s Poland, 197 ; Con- stitutional safeguards sometimes suspended in, 256; Mr. Froude on English in, 199 Italy, England sympathised with, 117; was as Bulgaria is, 117, 166; libera- tion partly due to Russia, 307; Austro-German alliance a menace to, 131; constitutional government not working well in, 244 Ivan II, broke power of Tartars, 41 Ivan IV., consulted Zemskie Sobory about Polish War, 231; marriage negotiations of, 352 EWS support Nihilists, 253 ; hostile to Christians, 253 ; Lord Beacons- field on, as revolutionists, 253; Dr. Sandwith on, 253 Index. JOH Johnstone, Mr, Butler, at Constanti- nople, 86; on Poland, 203; on Russian progress, 275 by Anglo-Turkish Convention, 7 Kars, taken thrice by Russia, 50; dom- inates Asia Minor, 136 Katkoff, Mr., and the Moscow Gazette, 125; and Poland, 125 ; and classical education, 126; and the Slavonic cause, 126 ; family of, 125 Kaufmann, Gen., in Turkestan, 67; acts with good faith in Afghanistan, 341; his correspondence with Shere Ali, 342; approved by Lord Mayo, only condemned by Lord Lytton, 343 Khiva, the truth about, 325; Sir H. Rawlinson on casus belli with, 326; Mr. Forster on, 327 ; the Statesman, 328; Sir Charles Trevelyan, 329; Duke of Argyll, 330; Count Schou- valoft’s assurance about, 329 Kiepert, M., the Geographer, 114; Sir George Campbell on the Bul- garia of, note to map, 114 Kinglake, Mr. A, W,, describes death of Nich. Kiréeff, 35-8; on Crimean war, 173; on the victims of the Coup d’ Etat, 258 ; on Russiaand the balance of power, 302; on Emperor Nicho- las’s friendship for England, 354 Kiréeff, Nicholas, first Russian volun- teer killed in Servia, 29; effect of his death in Russia, Mr. Aksakoff on, 29; death at Zaitschar described, 36; character of, Dr. Overbeck on, 38; and the Cretan insurrection, 316 k Klaczko, M., on Emperor Nicholas, 298; on the Black Sea Treaty, 312 Knout, the, introduced into Russia, 1474, 41; abolished 1862, 184 Kossuth, Louis, on benevolent neu- trality, 86; on Austrian annexa- tions, 150 Kegan treaty of justified 13 387 LYT Kotzebue, Count, 67 Koznakoff, Gen., Governor-General of Siberia, 213 AST words, some, 367 Laveleye, M. Emile de, on Russian foreign policy, 317 ; on Austrians in the Balkan Peninsula, 151; explains cause of Bismarck’s visit to Vienna, 291; on Belgium and Holland, 317 ; thinks Russia does not want a Parliament, 318; but a democratic Slavonic Emperor, 318; on the liberal policy of Alexander I., 318 Layard, Sir Austin, appointment of 79; opposes treaty of Stefano, 86 Laybach, Congress of, 313 Lefort, Admiral, 235 Legislative Commission, Moscow, 248 Leontieff, Mr., 125 Leopold, King, on Russian protection of Belgium, 301 Liberals, English, Mr. Gladstone on Eastern policy of, 277; why dis- trusted in Russia, 284 ; will support Berlin Treaty, 282; Mr. Courtney on, 283 ; What will be their policy? 284; more in accord with Russian than English foreign policy, 294; standing motto of ‘ Friendship with every country,’ Mr. Gladstone, 287 Liberals, Russian, accused of Nihilism, 233 Liddon, Canon, 268 Lithuania, Russo-Polish question in, 203 Loftus, Lord Augustus,on Russian en- thusiasm in 1876, 16 ; reports inter- view with Emperor, 174, 268; with Russian nobleman, 269 Lomonossoff, a peasant, 235 Lowell, J. R.,on English neutrality, 83 Lowther, Mr. James, on Anglo-Russian alliance, 293 Lytton, Lord, objects to the Kauf- mann Correspondence, 343; and makes war on Afghanistan, 345 great, at co2 388 MAC 1h ACEDONIA, re-enslaved, 114: atrocities continuing in, 115, 119 ; insurrection in, 112; protest from, 119; Mr. Freeman on, 117 Macgahan, Mr., letters read in Russia, 54; on Bulgarians, 63-5; recom- mends Enos as port for Bulgaria, 159 Macchiavelli on Dictatorship, 227 MacColl, Rev. Malcolm, on Russia and Afghanistan, 344 Manchester Examiner, Correspondent of, on Poland, 198 Martens, Professor, on Afghan war, 278, 285 Martin, Mr. Theodore, ‘Historian in Waiting’ cited, 308 Marvin, Mr., ‘ The indiscreet copyist,’ 88 Mayo, Lord, on the common mission of England and Russia in Asia, 330; on the Kaufmann Correspondence, 342 Mehemet Ali, England and Russia allied against, 315 Menshikoff began life as a pastry cook, 235 Mérimée, M., on Austrians and Rus- sians in Hungary, 297 Merv, the last slave market in Asia, 328; England and Russia may meet as friends at, 331; England cannot send a large army to, 336 Mezentzoff, Gen., murder of, 257 Michael of Twer, St., martyred by Tartars, 42 7 Minine, the butcher, 247 Minorca, proposed cession to Russia of, 356 Minsk, the fabled outrage on nuns of, 207 Mirsky, the assassin, 259 Mohammedans in Russia, well treated, 190 Monarchy, Lord Beaconsfield on, 238, 251. See Autocracy. Monomachus defeats Great, 169 Yaroslaf the Index. NEU Monomachus, Vladimir, marries Gyda, Harold's daughter, 352 Montenegro, Gen. Tchernayeff pro- posed to go to, 22, 28; money sent to, 33: not badly treated at San Stefano, 72, 75 Moscow, heart of Russia, 13; differs from St. Petersburg, 13 ; detests the Protocol, 13; burnt twice by Tar- tars, 41; attacked by Poles, 199, 225, 227, 247; Zemskie Sobory meet at, 246, 247; Great Legis- lative Commission at, 248; burnt as a sacrifice to European freedom, 302 Moscow Gazette, best exponent of Russian views, 125 Moscow Slavophils in 1848, 297 Miinich, Gen., 235 Murray, Mr., English Ambassador at Constantinople, 1772, 80 APIER, Lord, and Ettrick, on An- glo-Russian Alliance, 363 Napier, Lord, of Magdala, on Eng- land’s dangers in India, 92; ap- proves of the Kaufmann Corre- spondence, 343 Naples, Russia interferes against Car- bonari of, 304, 313 Napoleon I. at Tilsit, 171; overthrown by Russia, 303 ; the invasion of Eng- land by, frustrated by Russia, 304 Napoleon III, severity after Coup d’ Etat, 258; meditates annexation of Belgium, 301; frustrated by Russia, 301; Emperor Nicholas and, 306 Navarino, Battle of, 295; jubilee in Russia, 359 Nesselrode, Count, on Russian policy in Turkey, 146; Constantinople, 165; Pacifico case, 314 Neutrality, Earl Granville and Kos- suth on benevolent, 86; English in Russo-Turkish war, 77; in 1772, Turkophil ambassador reproved for breach of,81, See English Neutrality. Index. 389 NEW Newcastle Chronicle, article on Si- beria and Captain Wiggins, 207 Newspapers read in every village in Russia, 54; correspondents of, in English and Russian wars, 61; on character of Russian soldiers, 188 ; English and ‘nous sommes dedans’ 163; on attempt on the Emperor; 252; on Khiva, 328; Nihilist, how published, 254 Nicholas, Emperor, on the Sick Man, 144; Conversations with Sir H. Seymour, 143, 162, 176, 298; and Lord Aberdeen, 146; on the Turk as Gatekeeper of the Bosphorus, 162; on Constantinople, 176; character of, 298; Mr. Klaczko on, 298 ; hor- ror of Revolution, 299 ; in Belgium, 299; in Hungary, 297; and the Coup d’Etat, 306; desired peace with England, 354 Nihilism, Russian Liberals accused of, 233 Nihilists attempt life of Emperor, 253; supported by Jews, the International, and some Foreign Embassies, 254 ; Anarchists and Communards, 257 ; not Constitutionalists or Panslavists, 257; their no-faith, 256; Baku- min’s programme, 256 : treated with leniency, 257; which they reward by murder, 259; danger of popular massacre of, 259 Nobility in Russia, privileges almost gone, 232 Nordenskjold’s, Professor, Walrus Hun- ter in Siberia, 220 . North, Lord, observes a more real neu- trality than Lord Beaconsfield, 81 ; Northbrook, Lord, on the Kaufmann Correspondence with Shere Ali, 343 Northern Echo, Russian correspond- ence in, 9 LEG attacks Constantinople, 168 Opium Trade, the Russian view of, 189 : PEE Osborne, Col. on campaigning in Afghanistan, 337 Ottoman Empire, and the Triple Alliance, 3; destroyed by Lord Beaconsfield’s policy, 6; death- blow dealt by the Herzegovinese, 22; death-warrant signed by Timour the Tartar, 44: present condition of, 143 ; Austrian preten- sions to succeed to, 150: the right- ful heirs of, 159 ; altered position of, 275; exists, but does not answer the end of its being, 276; pro- jects of partition of, Talleyrand, 132; Greek project, 170; Alexander I, 171; Napoleon I., 172 Overbeck, Dr. J. J., on Nicholas Kiréeff, 38 Oxenstierne and Bulstrode White- locke, 263 . ACIFICO case, the, Russia and Greece, 314 Palmerston, Lord, on Turkey, 142; on Russian occupation of Constantino- ple, 173; on Pacifico case, 314; on England and Russia, 358 Panslavism, see Slavophils and Slav- onic Societies Panin, M., on Anglo-Russian Alliance, 355 Paris, Treaty of, torn up by Berlin Congress, 109; broken by Anglo- Turkish Convention, 138; Black Sea Clauses, repeal of proposed by Austria, 312 Parliament, English, ‘a chatting club,’ 244 ; ‘Russia does not need a,’ M. de Laveleye, 318. In Russia, see Zemskie Sobory and Consti- tutionalism. Party Government, effect on foreign states, 294 Partitions. See Austria, Ottoman Em- pire, and Poland. Peel, Sir Robert, and Emperor Nicho- las, 146; on civilisation and bar- barism in Asia, 324 England, 390 Index. PET Peter the Great, builds St. Petersburg, 10, 161; and Prince Jacob Dolgou- rouki, 195; Cobden on, 229; Con- servative objections to, 229; the Reforming Tzar, 230; his work, 230; Poushkin on, 230; spurious will of, 353 Petersburg, St., cosmopolitan, 10; op- posed to the war, 11; enthusiasm for Servia at, 16; subscriptions to Slavonic cause at, 32 Pitt, William, proposes war vote against Russia, 1791, 359 ; concludes Russian alliance, 1795, 359 Plevna, Before the Fall of, 45; rever- ses before, how received in Russia, 54; Mr. Forbes’ account of, circula- ted in Russia, 62; After, 69 Plutocracy, English Constitution a, 280 Pojarsky, Prince, 247 Poland and Circassia, 196 — anarchic and aristocratic, 199, 225 ; and Diplomacy, M. de Girar- din on, 191; effect of intervention in, 125; at Congress of Vienna, Lord Castlereagh opposes resur- rection of, 204; Cobden on, 199; Lord Beaconsfield on, 201; Mr. Butler Johnstone, 203; indepen- dence of, what it means, Cobden, 200; M. de Circourt, 206; in- surrections in, caused by aristo- eracy, Lord Beaconsfield, 201; origin of insurrection of 1863, 190, 203, 205; question in dispute not Polish but Lithuanian, 191, 203, 206 — Partition of, the English Foreign Secretary on, 1772, 81; the English Parliament and, 200; Lord Bea- consfield on, 201; Austria’s share in, 197; not without provocation, 199, 201, 206, 225, 227, 231, 247 ; Cobden on, 199; increases happiness of Poles, 198, 199, 202, 205, 206 — — proposed re-establishment of, 1814-5, 203 ; opposed by England, RHO 204; under the Treaty of Vienna, 204; constitution granted, 249; Home Rule offered, 1863, 191, 202 : refused, 203; demands Lithuania, 191, 203, 206; Russia anxious to do justice to, 206: prosperity of, under Russian rule, 198, 199, 202, 205, 206 ; religious liberty in, 193, 207, 211 Poles, the, contrasted with Finns, 193 ; ‘the Irish of the Continent,’ 197 ; Lord Beaconsfield denounces, 201 ; ‘worst nation in Europe,’ M. de Circourt, 206; numbers of, 205; demand religious supremacy, 193; insurrectionary classes of, 202, 205 ; millions said to be in Siberia, 209 ; Germanised in Posen, 225; hold high commands in Russian army, 236 Poltava, Battle of, Peter the Great at, 235 Potemkin, Prince, on Anglo-Russian alliance, 355 Prejudices, Some English, 181; na- tional, 189; origin of, 182. See Prejudices Press, complete liberty of the, desired in Russia, 243; Lord Beaconsfield on, 251 See Newspapers Prestige, Mr. Carlyle on, 264 Protocol, detested in Moscow, 13; rejection due to Lord Derby, 14 AMBAUD’S History of Russia, 132, 249, 304 Rawlinson, Sir Henry, on Russia’s advance in Central Asia, 325; on Russia’s casus belli against Khiva, 326 Republics in Russia before Tartar conquest, 41 Representative Government. See Constitutionalism and Zemskie Sobory. Rhodope, the, insurrection in, fo- mented by Englishmen, 85; fables of atrocities in, 187, 188 Index. RIE Rieger, Dr., Bohemian Panslavist, on Slavonic sympathy with Russia, 130 Rochford, Lord, English Foreign Minister in 1772, 81 Roman Catholics not persecuted in Poland, 193, 211 Romanoff, dynasty sprang from popu- lar election, 247; Michel, and the Zemskie Sobory, 247 Rome, the old and the new, 167; church of, opposed by England and Russia, 364 Roumania not dissatisfied with Do- brudscha, 49, 73; cession of Bes- sarabia by, 73; liberated by Russia, 288, 295; union of, supported by Russia, 311 Rounielia, Eastern, not co-extensive with Southern Bulgaria, 101, 115 ; area and population, 114; a vexatious absurdity, 158; consti- tation of, might be adopted further south, 158 Rurk, and successors divide Russia, 226 Russia and Afghan War, 332. See Afghan War Russia, and Austria, 130, 132, 150) 165, 167, 297, 309, 312; Belgium, 299, 301; Bulgaria, 75, 100, 112, 155, 267, 288, 295, 311; Circassia, 208 ; Constantinople, 160, 174, 241, 291; Finland, 192, 193; France, 129, 291, 304, 306; Germany, 127, 288, 291, 304, 313; Greece, 76, 288, 295, 311; Hungary, 296, 314; Italy, 288, 307; Khiva, 325; Mon- tenegro, 72, 316; Naples, 304, 313 ; Poland, 192, 196, 199, 204, 249; Roumania, 49, 78, 288, 295, 311; Servia, 34, 288, 295; Spain, 304, 313; Sweden, 192; Tartars, 40, 226; Turkey, 40, 107, 144, 170, 296, 310, 314 Russia and England, parallels and con- trasts between, in Azoff and Cyprus, 248; Circassia and Afghanistan, 208; Finland and Wales, 192; 391 RUS Khiva and Ashantee, 349; Poland and Ireland, 197; Servia and the Netherlands, 18 ; Siberia and New South Wales, 210; Turkestan and India, 323, 348; Turkish pyro- tectorates of, 137,311, 314; aggres- sion, 322; annexations, 333 ; broken pledges, 324; capital punishment, 184; cat and knout, 184; censor- ship, 92; civilising mission, 362; conquest, 323; constitution, 236, 244 ; convict system, 215 ; corporal punishment, 184; war correspond- ents, 61; corruption and favouritism, 66; the coup d’état, 306 ; European concert, 138, 140 ; Imperial powers, 338; liberation of the oppressed, 266; neutrality, 77; Napoleonic wars, 302; religion, 364; slavery and the slave trade, 365; San Ste- fano and Cyprus, 138; General Tchernayeff and Sir Philip Sydney, 84; treaties annulled, 107, 137; foreign policy of, 290; in America, 307; Austria, 309, 315; Belgium, 296, 315; Bulgaria, 295, 311; Cracow, 312, 314; Crete, 316; France, 302; Germany, 304, 315-6; Greece, 255, 311, 314, 315; Hun- gary, 296; Lebanon, 315; Italy, 288, 307 ; Montenegro, 316 ; Naples, 304, 306, 316; Poland, 204; Rou- mania, 295, 311, 315; Schleswig Holstein, 315; Servia, 295,315, 316 ; Spain, 304, 313; Turkey, 266, 296, 810, 314, 315, 316 Russia, anarchy, early, of, 226; auto- cracy, saved by, 228; and the Black Sea, 312; Mr. Carlyle on, 293 — Constitutionalism in, 239 — democracy of, 232; an empire of villages, 228 — and English Parties, 277 — Foreign Policy of, a Reply to Mr, Gladstone, 290 — Lord Aberdeen on, 306; Mr, Glad- stone on,.296 ; ‘ Friends or Foes ’ of, 392 Index. RUS 285 ; historic mission of, 56, 60, 293 ; inured to ingratitude, 291; as a liberating power, 267, 288, 310; prejudices against, 181; progress of, since 1854, Mr’ Butler John- stone, 275 — Traditional Policy of, 352 — saved Europe from Tartars, 43; Tartar conquest of, 43, 226; treaty of Kairnardji, 137; of Paris, 107, 137; of Berlin, 107, 283; vicissi- tudes of, 227 tussian ‘agents,’ 145 ; ‘aggression an exploded illusion,’ Mr. Cowen, 176 — Aggression, 321 — Autocracy, 223 -- concessions during the war, 72, 264; at the Congress, 102; consti- tutionalism, 239; corruption, 65; democracy, 232; disasters during war, 52; generals, 67; intrigue, 325; language difficult to learn, 209 ; nationality, ‘sin of forsaking,’ 55 ; nobility, 232 — the, Government, opposed to war, 6, 11; pacific efforts paralysed by England, 6; policy of, in the East, 1876, 5, 174; blamed by Russians for being too pacific, 7,58, 72, 103 ; true to all its obligations, 25 ; op- posed to volunteering for Servia, 11, 84; withholds information about the war, 54; ‘exiles’ Mr. Aksakoff, for denouncing Berlin Treaty, 106 ; official view of Berlin Treaty, 107 ; proposes Austrian oc- cupation of Bosnia and naval de- monstration at Constantinople, 174 — the, People, enthusiasm for the war in 1876, 7, 13, 29, 31, 46, 47, 54, 100, 194, 246; attested by Lord Augustus Loftus, 16; by ‘a retired Cossack,’ 17; by Mr. Wal- lace, 17 ; and by Dr. Sandwith, 287; apathetic in 1875, 23; poor more enthusiastic than rich, 32; popular hatred of Turks, 29; its cause, 40; RUS volunteering for Servia, 29, 56; in opposition to the Government, 1], 84; ‘Two Russias,’ 11; difference not understood in Servia, 34; ‘in debt to the Servians,’ 34 ; speeches of Mr. Aksakoff, 24, 52, 98; shrink from no disaster, 46, 47, 54; women, enthusiasm of, 47 ; educated classes less enthusiastic, 55; fight for “peace, liberty, and fraternal equal- ity,’ 57; suffering caused by war, 52, 74; condemned concessions to England, 72; not alarmed at Eng- lish menaces, 92, 105; humiliated at Berlin, 104; popular view of the cause and objects of the war, 100; would rather fight than consent to divide Bulgaria, 105; ready to surrender everything to completely liberate the Christians, 194; dis- appointed that peace was not made in Constantinople, 241; estranged from England, 280; would welcome alliance with, 269, 370; sceptical about England’s sympathies with the Christians, 282; support auto- cracy, 232; restore it, 233, 246 — Soldiers, character of, Colonel Brackenbury, 47; Mr. Aksakoff, 53; Mr. Forbes, 62; Sir Henry Havelock, 187; humanity of, in Hungary, 297 Russians, the, Sir George Campbell on, 156; are reluctant to notice libels, 129, 185, 224 — in Central Asia, 346; cause of their advance, 347; Mr. Gladstone on, 323, 347; Duke of Argyll, 324; Sir Henry Rawlinson, 325; Vam- béry, 349; Mr. Schuyler, 349; Tur- kestan not profitable to, 323, 348 ; civilising mission of, 323 ; suppress slave trade, 350; Protectionists, 350; Lord Mayo on, 330; Professor Monier Williams, 339. See Af- ghanistan, Khiva, Turkestan. Russias, the Two, Moscow and St. Petersburg, 8; difference between Index. RUS national and official not understood in Servia, 34 Russophobia, origin of, ignorance, 182; foreign misrepresentations, 182; some absurdities and incon- sistencies of, 88; a national de- lirium, 292; Mr. Carlyle on, 293 Russophobists, Sir Henry Layard, 79 ; Mr. Murray, 1772, 80; Mr. Cowen, 176; Louis Kossuth, 150; Mr. But- ler Johnstone, 275; Sir Henry Rawlinson, 325; M. Vambéry, 349 Russo-Turkish War, the, national not imperial, humanitarian not pre- datory, 3, 6, 14, 21, 23, 29, 34, 38, 46, 55, 79, 100; Russian Govern- ment endeavoured to avert, 6, 58; efforts paralysed by English Go- vernment, 6; popular in Moscow not in St. Petersburg, 11, 55; ‘the most heroic war in the world,’ Mr. Aksakoff, 54; denounced by the educated classes, 55; made by the people through the Slavonic So- cieties, 20, 55; Mr. Aksakoff on the cause and objects of, 100; Mr. King- lake on origin of, 35; Dr. Overbeck on, 38; not a gladiator’s but a liberator’s war, 46; ennobling effect of, 47; expected to be over by July, 1877, 51; sacrifices entailed by, 51, 57, 205, 268; no com- pensation possible for losses caused by, 52; necessary to Russia’s de- velopment, 57 ; ‘a high moral duty,’ 57; reverses in, Mr. Aksakoff on, 52; its limitation denounced, 59 AGHALIEN, only 400 convicts sent to, 258 Salisbury, Lord, on large maps, 18; ‘ Elizabethan policy,’ 18; circular of, how regarded in Russia, 74; annuls it by secret agreement, 88 ; as He- rald Angel, 123, 291; Manchester speech of, 123 ; Jowrnal de St. Peters- bourg on, 124; Russian opinion on, 125 ; defied by the Turks, 126 ; disco- 393 SER vers Germany, 127; styled ‘the vera- cious,’ 127; pre-occupied in 1876 with ‘creating pretexts ’ for Afghan war, 181; deceives those who con- fided in the circular of, 266; sup- ported by Russia at Constantinople, 281; ingratitude of, 291; on going to war against nightmare, 336; on a forward policy in Asia, 336 Salonica, probable free port, 159 Sandwith, Dr., on Jews in the East, 253; on Russian enthusiasm, 287 Schamyl and Shere Ali, 208 Schleswig-Holstein, Anglo- Russian action in, 315 Schouvaloff, Count, the secret agree- ment with, 88; his unlucky French phrase ‘nous sommes dedans,’ 163; and Khiva, 329 Scotchmen in Russian service, 235 Schuyler, Mr., on Russians in Central Asia, 349 Secret societies, Duke of Argyll on, 19; Lord Beaconsfield on, 20, 25; Slavonic societies not secret, 20 Sepoys, effect of bringing to Malta, on Russia, 93, 105 Serfdom unknown before Tartar con- quest, 41; Polish origin of, 206 Serfs, emancipation of, political con- sequences of, 27; freed by Alex- ander II., 230, 288; Mr. Gladstone on, 230 Servia, sufferings of, by war, 34; Russia indebted to, 34; railway to Sa- lonica, 159; projected annexation by Austria, 1787, 170; liberated by Russia, 288, 295 Servian volunteers, Russian volun- teering objected to at St. Peters- burg, 11, 84; Lord Augustus Loftus on, 16; compared to English in Netherlands, 18 ; number 4,000, 23 ; Mr. Aksakoff on, 29, 56; Nicolas Kiréeff, first volunteer killed, 29, 88; movement not due to Mr, Gladstone’s pamphlet, 39; Mr. Gladstone’s tribute to, 285 DD 394 SER Servian war not made by secret so- ‘ -cleties, 20, 25 Seymour, Sir Hamilton, conversations with, 144, 162, 176, 298 Shere Ali, General Kaufmann’s Cor- respondence with, 342; Russia not bound to defend, 345 Siberia, 209; misconceptions about, 211; and English convict settle- ments, 213; number exiled since 1800, 211; since 1860, 215; area of, 212, 219, 221 ; why convicts sent to, 212; mines of, comparatively few exiles in, 212; miners happy, 218; three-fourths not convicts, 220; defect of, too much freedom and leniency, 213, 215; ceasing to be a punishment, 220; Governor General Koznakoff on, 225; soil and climate, Herbert Barry on, 214, 258; Captain Wiggins, 217; the Standard, 219, 221 ; political offen- ders, 216; quicksilver mines sub- stitute for death penalty, 216; Polish falsehoods concerning, 207, 216, 219; infinitely richer than Canada, 219; a vast market, 221; river system of, 221; Mr. Seebohm on, 221 Sick Man, Heirs of, 142; Emperor Nicholas on, 144 ; Lord Palmerston, 142 -— Woman, the, of Europe, 133 Silistria, defeat of Russians at, in 972, 169 Slavery and the slave trade, England and Russia crusaders against, 328 ; in Turkey, 350 Slavism, democratic, 320 Slavonic societies not secret, 20; made the Russo-Turkish war, 20, 55; charitable, 21, 28; did not ori- ginate rising in the Herzegovina, 22; Mr. Aksakoff on, 24; not pre- pared for work thrust on them, 26; first steps in 1875, 28; operations of, 28; spontaneous and universal spread of, 30; supported chiefly by Index. STO the poor, 32 ; money raised by, 32; how spent, 33; denounced by edu- cated and official classes, 55 Slavophils, Moscow, in 1848, 297 Slavs, protect Europe from Asia, 43; Russia's mission to, 57; Austria- Hungary unjust to, 58; Russia, chief representative of, 103; Aus- trian sympathies with Russia, 130; form a majority of subjects of Francis Joseph, 130; ‘ Slav coun- tries belong to Slavs,’ 149; Kossuth on, 150; will dominate the future of Austria, 152, 309; must fare da se, 153; anarchy, the besetting sin of, 225; only Slav country free, independent and strong, 231; ‘stand on the threshold of the morning,’ 289 ; of Hungary protected but not recognised by Russia in 1848, 297 Smith, Mr. W. H., on friendship with Russia, 292 . Somerset, Duke of, on representative government, 238 Spain, Russian policy in, 1822, 304; M. Thiers on French intervention in, 305 Speranski, 335 Standard, the, on Siberia, 219 Statesman, the, on origin of Russo- phobia, 182; on Khiva, 328 Status quo,in Turkey in 1876, internal and external incompatible, 5 Stefano, San, Treaty of, excites dis- pleasure in Russia, 72; a humble half measure, 90 ; loyally submitted to Congress, 138 ; on the boundaries of Bulgaria, 158 ; three-fourths re- enacted at Berlin, 283; commu- nicated to England, 360 Stein on Alexander L, 303 Stephen, Sir J. Fitzjames, approved of the Kaufmann Correspondence, 343 Stillman, Mr. W. J., Times correspon- dent in the Herzgovina, 22; on Austria-Hungary, 151 Stockmar, Baron, on diplomatists, Index. STO 12; on Russian policy in Belgium, 299 Stoletoff’s Mission at Cabul, 339. See Afghan War. Suez Canal, discrowns Constantinople, 161 Sviatoslaf crushes Bulgaria and is defeated by Zimisces, 169 Swedes, bad rulers of Finland, 192; at Novgorod the Great, 228 IALLEYRAND proposes Austrian annexation of Northern Turkey, 132 Tartar conquest of Russia, 40, 226; its duration, 40; nature, 42; results, 43, 227 Tartars burn Moscow twice, 42, 227; St. Louis of France on, 42; Russia saved Europe from, 43; justify the autocracy, 227 Tcherkassky, Prince, Mr. Aksakoff on, 98 Tchernayeff, Gen., volunteers to go to Montenegro, 22, 28; goes to Servia, 28; assisted by Slavonic Society, 29, 33; not employed in Turkish war, 57, 68; resembles Sir Philip Sydney more than Hobart Pasha, 81; his opinion of Bulgarians, 157 Tennyson, Mr., and the knout, 182 Thiers, M., on Austria and Rome, 166; on centralisation in France, 237; on French intervention in Spain, 1822, 305 Tilsit, negotiations and treaty of, 172 i Times, the, Mr, Stillman, correspon- dent of, in the Herzegovina, 22; Mr. Wallace at St. Petersburg, 8; a weathercock, 125; publishes letters from Moscow in 1876, 186; derides Russian suspicion of Nihilistic in- trigue in Foreign Embassies, 254 Timour the Tartar signs death-warrant of Turkey, 44 395 TUR Tocqueville, De, on the moral element in submission to despotism, 224; on centralising instinct of democracy, 232 Todleben, Gen., why not employed earlier in the war, 67 Traditional policy of England, 272; was Russian, 272, 354; needs re- vision, 276 Traditional policy of Russia, 352. See Anglo-Russian Alliance. Treaties of Berlin, 95, 99, 107 ; Kair- nardji, 137; Paris, 109, 138, 312; Vienna, 204, 318 ; Villafranca, 117 Treaty obligations, Russia and Eng- lish Liberals on, 283 Trevelyan, Sir Charles, on England and Russia, 270; on Khiva, 329 Triple Alliance, the, and the East, 3 ; decease of, not lamented by Russia, 129 Turkish-Anglo Convention, 134, Anglo-Turkish Convention. Turkey, Russian policy in 1876, main- tains status quo plus tributary states, 5; future policy in, 107; Russia desires no annexations, 145; seeks European concert, 148; and terri- torial integrity of, 149; regards Turkey as good gatekeeper of Bos- phorus, 162; supported Turkey in 1833 and 1840, 164; liberating mission of Russia in, approved by English Liberals, 295, 310 Turkish alliance with England, Mr. Aksakoff on, 58; denounced by Burke, 272; Lord Holland, 272; Fox, 357; Boris Godounoff on, 295, 354; comparatively recent, 272 Turks insult Lord Salisbury, 126; defy Europe and civilisation, 275. See Russo-Turkish War. Turkestan, a questionable paradise, 67; not profitable, 323, 348; Russia’s civilising mission in, 323; Mr. Glad- stone on, 323; more like African settlements than Indian Empire, 349. See Russians in Central Asia. See 396 TZA Tzar. See Autocracy and Alexander Il. Tzargrad, name of Constantinople, 167 AMBERY, M., on Russian rule in Bokhara, 349 Variags, or Varangians, expeditions against Byzantium, 169 ; summoned by Russians, 226 Venice, possessions in East in 1787, 170 Verona, Congress of, 313 Vienna, Congress of, Poland at, 204; adds Belgium to Holland, 318 ‘Vikings, early Russian monarchs, 168 Villafranca, Treaty of, destroyed by aspirations of nationality, 117 Villages, Russia an empire of, 228 Vitkevitch on Afghanistan, 339 Viadimir §Monomachus married daughter of Harold, 352 Volunteers, Russian, in Servia. Servian Volunteers. Volunteers, English in Netherlands, 19; in Turkey, 74, 83 See FALLACE, Mr. D. M., Times cor- respondent at St. Petersburg, 8; on Russian enthusiasm for war, 17; Mr. Aksakoff, 24; Russian autocracy, 223 War correspondents, advantages of, 54; in Russia and England, 61; LONDON : Index. ZIM their testimony concerning Russia, 187 War vote, the, of six millions, 74, 359 Wellington, Duke of, on European concert in Turkey, 147; regrets Constantinople was not entered by Russia, 172; on Poland,. 204; anecdote of, 274 Whitelocke, Bulstrode, ambassador to Sweden, 263 Wiggins, Captain, on Siberia, 217 Williams, Professor Monier, on Eng- land and Russia in Asia, 338 Wingfield, Sir Charles, on England's Afghan policy, 337 Worontzoff, Prince, advocates Anglo- Russian alliance, 355 AROSLAF the Great defeated by Monomachus, 169 EMSKIE Sobory, nature of, 231; consulted by Ivan IV., 231; offer crown to Boris Godounoff, 232; re-establishment desired, 243 ; meaning of, 244; objected to by some Officials, 245, 247 ; suppress oli- garchy and restore autocracy, 246 ; founded Romanoff dynasty, 247; consulted by Michel Romanoff, on Polish war, 247; on annexation of Azoff, 248 Zimisces, John, defeats Sviatoslaf, 169 PRINTED BY BSPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STREET 39 PATERNOSTER Row, E.C, Lonpon, July 1879, GENERAL LIST OF WORKS PUBLISHED BY MESSRS. 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