Cornell University Library

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(Frontispiece.

THE WALLS OF CANTON ON THE NORTH-EAST SIDE.

 
PERSONAL NARRATIVE

OF

4

THREE YEARS’ SERVICE

IN

CHINA.

BY

LT.-COLONEL FISHER, C.B.,

ROYAL ENGINEERS,

 

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LONDON:

RICHARD BENTLEY,

PUBLISHER IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY.

1863.
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LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARTING CROSS,
CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

Introductory remarks—Capture of Canton—Robbers—Yeh’s embarkation,
and that of his treasure—Commissioners appointed to govern the city—
The idols deposed—Forts demolished—Insult to an officer avenged—
The use of pigtails—Chinese arms and infernal machines—Good dispo-
sition of townspeople—Starvation and soup kitchens—Boats and music
—Fire brigade and police—Pigeon English—I hire a “number one”
honest servant—False alarm in the city—Sepoys.

CHAPTER II.

Pic-nic at Mong-Kong—We fall among Braves—Amusements within the
walls, theatricals and horses—The Tartar general and the Irishman—
Our magazine in danger—Salutes—Bamboo-workers—Maternal affection
and desertion—Foundling hospitals—Chinese beggars, and death en
régle—The poor law as administered in Canton . 2 . ‘i F

CHAPTER III.

Translation of some documents found among Yeh’s archives

CHAPTER IV.

The Sepoys; their dinners and ablutions—Chinese fish-ponds—Game—
How to recover lost property in China—Rumours of an attack—Sing-
chong the contractor; his opinion of the English, and ideas on religion
—He makes a model barrack

m CHAPTER V.

Expedition to the ph te Pienie to the White Cloud Mountains—A ttack
on Chinese camp ‘at Sampo-huey—Chinese acts of aggression, and steps
taken to stop them—An honest old woman—Our baker refuses to poison
us from selfish, rather than moral reasons—The Fayuen Committee—
The Emperor’s secret cdict. Sing-chong’s alarm—The defences of our
cantonment

PAGE

25

39

60

(2
iv CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VI. -
PAGE
Continuation of annoyances—The braves attack the city—English rockets
versus Chinese—The captured artilleryman and the mandarin’s daughter
—Bamboo-worker kidnapped —Sing-chong’s ideas of partnership—
Chinese epistles—How Lee-ching learnt proper English—Taxing our
servants—-Capture of Namtow—The drunkards secured—Pib- kwei’s

exoneration 3 c : : . ‘i : . s . . 89

CHAPTER VII.

Albert Smith visits Canton—Chinese pigs—Street scenes—Performing
birds—The currency—Sale by weight—Sobriety of Chinese—General
humiliation days—Chinese picquet—The bonzes on the White Cloud
Mountains—The compass and native maps. e A , 3 . 102

CHAPTER VIII.

Visit to the Pratas shoals—The wreckers—Offerings to the Joss presiding
over shipwreck—Roast pig d-la- Chinoise—Chinese pilotage . : . 115

CHAPTER IX.

Chinese artists—The dry season—Paper-hunts, and their dangers—Expe-
dition into the country—Capture of Shek-tsin—Kong-tsun fair—
Destruction of military buildings at Shek-tsin . 2 7 F . 124

CHAPTER X.

Expedition to Fatshan—Exploring wp the Canton river—The happy new
year—A practical joke—The returned emigrant—Expedition to Fayuen
—Pawn-shops—Our treatment by “the gentry ”—Dry ponds tell a tale
—Iixpedition to Shaou-king—Our chop-boats—The river-side scenery
—Sugar-cane—The agriculturist and his Seer rocky gorge—

We arrive at Shaou-king . ‘i F : ‘ A ‘ . 189

CHAPTER XI.

Shaou-king — Anticipated attack by rebels—Apathy of inhabitants—
Remarks on present condition of China—Marble rocks—Kingfishers—
Visit to Shuntuk—The weak points in Chinese fortifications—Hats and
umbrellas—Nam-pai-to—Return to Canton—Country trips—A snake
—Artillery and rifle practice—Agriculture—Artificial egg-hatching—
Cantonment amusements—Bowling-alley and racquet- court. =. . 158

CHAPTER XII.

We proceed to the north—Amoy—Docks—Different dialects in China—
Street boys—Foo-chow and the River “ Min h Seen Laos
and street artists—We sail for the Pei-ho . ; 5 ; . 175
CONTENTS. v

CHAPTER XIII.
PAGE
Unsuccessful attack on the Pei-ho forts . ‘ F z : : . 184

CHAPTER XIV.

remain in the Gulf of Peh-chili—Tidings of prisoners—Chefoo and its
resources—Teng-choo-foo—We run a risk of being captured—Com-
pulsory sale of fat sheep—Toki eg oe and cow-beef—We
sail for the Great Wall . : . ; 7 ‘i . 200

oH

CHAPTER XV.

The Great Wall—Our self-introduction and our receptiono—The use of
geolory—Tartar soldiers—Our mode of surveying—Grand review—We
receive a present—We meet a mandarin, and get useful information
from him—Lew-sia-kwang—River Yang-ho—Native carts—My servant
has an escape . ‘ ‘ . ‘ 5 ‘ ‘ ‘ é . 216

CHAPTER XVI.

Survey continued —Fishermen—Tartar soldiers— “ Yung-ping-foo ” —
Road thence to Tien-tsin—A communicative soldier—River Laou-moo-
kaou—Narrow escape from a fight—Reconciliation—The General’s aides-
de-camp— Night review —Watches versus dollars — Mirage— River
Ching-ho—The aides-de-camp again—Sha-lui-tien banks—River Che-
kaou—A poor diet—Mode of fishing—A midshipman’s adventure—
The Pei-ho again—We cause the Chinese to ‘‘ eat misery ”—The Peh-
tang-ho—Tartars again—Desolate country—The use of jelly-fish—The
survey completed—We revisit Teng-choo-foo and Che-foo—Return to
Shanghae . j Fi . : ‘i ‘ ; : ‘ : . 231

CHAPTER XVII.
Return to Canton—Granary—The happy bats—We hear of what was

said at home about the Pei-ho disaster—Fire in the Commissioners’
yamun . , < ‘* ‘ ‘ a ‘ ‘i i < . 257
CHAPTER XVIII.

The system of kidnapping coolies, practised round Canton; and the
measures taken to prevent it, and procure the release of the captives . 260

CHAPTER XIX.

The coolie question complicated . é 2 ; “ : 3 . 291

CHAPTER XX.

Depositions of kidnapped coolies, and confessions of kidnappers—The
coolies sent up to Canton—Result of examination ‘ . ‘ - 800
vi CONTENTS,

CHAPTER XXI.

PAGE
Lawful emigration and its results . . 7 ‘ ; ‘ ‘ . 823

CHAPTER XXII.

Departure for Shanghae—Ningpo—Hangchow and the rebels—Scurs de
Charité—The Bishop of Ningpo—Chin-hae—Fishing cormorants—The
Temple of Mercy—Chusan, and its mandarins—Its peaceful aspect—
Poo-too — Kin-tang — ac Return to Shanghae—English
and French missions . : ‘i 3 : : ‘i : . 843

CHAPTER XXIII.

Our ultimatum, and the answer we received—We sail for Chusan—
Surrender of the island—Chusan fog—Barrack-works—International
etiquette—Roe-hunting—We prepare to leave the island . , . 855

CHAPTER XXIV.

We sail for Ta-lien-hwan—Sampson peak—The army is landed—Water-
works—Fatal boat accident—Reconnaissance of Pei-ho and Peh-tang—
Council of war—Plan of operations. 3 : : : , . 372

CHAPTER XXvV.

Landing at Peh-tang—Chinese man-traps—Occupation of the town—
Disembarkation of the army, and works connected with it— Advances
—Capture of Sin-ho—Outrages on inhabitants—Capture of Tangkoo—
Chinese artillerymen—The condition of the town - : 7 . 881

CHAPTER XXVI.

Bridge over the Pei-ho—Preparations for attack on the Takoo forts—
Capture of upper fort, and surrender of the remainder—Advance on
Tien-tsin—The Tien-tsin lines—Encampment—Market—Negotiations
broken off=I quit the army—Floating hospitals—Return to England . 404
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS.

PAGE

Tur Wants or Canton on THE Nortu-nast Sipe . frontispiece

Niye-storizp Pacopa, AND Potice Watcu Tower . é to face 38
ScENE oN THE CANTON RIVER . F * 5 : ‘ ‘ . 114
Rocky Gorer NEAR SHAOU-KING - - 7 , : ‘ . 157
Marsie Rock NEAR SHAOU-KING , j ‘ p ‘ ‘ . 161
ScENE ON THE River Min 7 “ ‘ s - yi : . L79
PLAN or THE Moura or THE PEI-HO : . z i . 190
CHEFOO r ‘ 7 4 ‘ - . ‘ g : . 207
View or TENG-CHOO-FOO . ' ‘ : i F s : . 209
Town AND Harsour or TING-HAE, CHUSAN . . : . 868

Map oF CANTON AND THE SURROUNDING CoUNTRY.

Rivers ‘CHU-KIANG,’ AND ‘SI-KIANG’ oR CANTON AND | Consecutively, at the
Wrst Rivers. end of the work.

Map or A Portion or THE COAST OF PEH-CHILI.
THREE YEARS’ SERVICE IN CHINA.

CHAPTER I.

Introductory remarks—Capture of Canton —Robbers — Yeh’s embarkation,
and that of his treasure—Commissioners appointed to govern the city—
The idols deposed—Forts demolished—Insult to an officer avenged—The
use of pigtails—Chinese arms and infernal machines—Good disposition of
townspeople — Starvation and soup kitchens— Boats and music — Fire
brigade and police—Pigeon English—I hire a “ number one” honest servant
—False alarm in the city—Sepoys.

Since my return from China, now two years ago, it
has fallen to my lot to meet with very few of those
with whom I served there; and from want of some one

with whom to talk over old times, I found myself in a

fair way of forgetting much of what I had seen and

heard. In order to preserve my recollections, I set
myself the task of re-writing, in my leisure minutes, the
journal which I had kept in that country. Having
now completed it, Iam led to believe that what has
proved interesting to me may not be uninteresting to
others; therefore I am induced to publish this volume.
As it is merely a narrative of my own personal éxperi-
ence, touching on collateral events only so far as is
necessary to preserve the thread of the narrative, it has
no claim to be considered a history. The early part of
the war was so ably treated by Mr. Wingrove Cooke,
and the last campaign by Col. Wolsely, and other
writers; and its leading features have been so pro-

p B
2 ORIGIN OF THE WAR.

minently brought before the public, that™any attempt
of mine to renew the subject would be superfluous.
But during the interval occupied by our residence in
Canton many events occurred which are not generally
known, and which are perhaps worthy of record, and
may serve to fill up a gap hitherto unsupplied. The per-
sonal nature of the narrative must excuse the error of
any apparent disproportion in the importance of events,
arising from an undue prominence given to those in
which I was personally engaged, to the comparative dis-
regard of other, and perhaps more really important topics.

It is hardly necessary for me to allude to the origin
of the war. The outrage on the “ Arrow” opened
again the question already too long deferred—of the
right of entry into Canton, nominally ceded to us; the
non-fulfilment of which had long been productive of
most serious evil and inconvenience, as it prevented
all intercourse with the authorities, and thus negatived
one of the chief objects secured by the last treaty.
Following in the retrogressive course of his prede-
cessors, and in open violation of solemn and additional
engagements purposely entered into between the
Governments, in order to explain and confirm the said
treaty right, Yeh continued persistently to evade its
execution ; and now, when the affair of the “ Arrow”
necessitated its enforcement, he flatly refused to acknow-
ledge it, and thus added the last drop which caused the
cup of forbearance to overflow.

The occupation of the foreign factories by an in-
sufficient force in 1856, which, however, was all at our
disposal at the time, enabled the Chinese to gain a
temporary triumph; for though the city walls were
breached and scaled, and Yeh’s palace entered and
burnt, yet we were ultimately obliged to abandon the
PREPARATIONS. 3

position, and the whole settlement was completely
destroyed ; literally, not one stone was left standing on
another. The Chinese celebrated this success by the
erection of a triumphal arch, which was, with others of
like nature, destroyed by us afterwards.

The force sent out to operate under General Ash-
burnham having been diverted to India, it was not
until December, 1857, that offensive operations could
be undertaken. The intervening time was employed
in necessary works of organization; one of the most
important of which was levying a corps of Chinese
coolies for the transport service of the army. These
men, renegades though they were, served us faithfully
and cheerfully, and throughout the whole war proved
invaluable; their coolness under fire was admirable.
At the assault of the Peiho forts in 1860, they carried
the French ladders to the ditch, and standing in the
water up to their necks, supported them with their
hands, to enable the storming party to cross. It was
not our custom to bring them into action, but the
dangers of a distant fire which is often very galling
and trying to the nerves, they bore with the greatest
composure, and evinced a strong desire to close with
their compatriots and engage them in mortal combat
with their bamboos.

The capture of Canton on 29th December, 1857, was
admirably managed, though by the Chinese it was con-
sidered that we took a very unfair advantage of them.
In the first place, we did not come on the side on which
they expected us, and where they had turned their guns
on the approaches, crammed up to the very muzzle with
grape; and where they expected us to follow the
example of Lord Gough, who advanced on the north
side, capturing the fort named after him, and where he

B 2
4 CAPTURE OF CANTON.

was unfortunately bought off from storming the city by
its paying a heavy ransom. But General Straubenzee,
neglecting all precedents, attacked the city where the
walls were least strongly defended ; and even then, as
the Chinese complained, instead of attacking the gates,
he sent his men over like robbers ; and when our troops
gained the city heights, the flower of the Chinese force
was shut out on the Gough Hill, where they were dis-
agreably informed of our success, by volleys poured
into their rear from their own walls.

The French escaladed on our left, but advanced to the
attack a few minutes before the time agreed upon, an
act of impatience which caused a loss to them as well as
to ourselves, from shells fired by the Navy, which had
been directed to continue the bombardment until the
precise moment agreed upon for the advance of the
troops. The loss incurred in the capture of the city
was small in proportion to the result.

In some places the enemy fought with great ob-
stinacy, more especially at the North Gate, which is
in the Tartar quarter of the town; when after having
been driven from the walls, they continued to keep up
the fire from the streets; hiding themselves behind
the corners of houses, whence they emerged for an
instant only to fire, retiring again to load. A sailor
who had fired many shots at one of these men with his
Enfield rifle—a weapon at that time only recently come
into use, and rather a complicated arm for him—meeting
with no success, complained bitterly to a brother tar,
who seeing the sight down, exhorted him, though the
range was well under a hundred yards, to put up the

— ladder and try again.

During the first few days parties were employed

in burying the dead : I observed that several Chinese

 
ROBBERS, 5

whom we interred were afterwards removed in the
night ; I suppose by their friends. The situation of
the troops who for the most part bivouacked on the
walls, was exceedingly picturesque. Some ponds close
by were made to deliver up their fish, and the destruc-
tion of stray pigs was enormous.

The suspension of the local law called into existence
bands of robbers, who plundered away right and left,
and not content with that, dealt hardly with those who
naturally endeavoured to save a portion of their own
property.

On the 31st, I was walking through the eastern
suburbs with some naval officers and a party of seamen,
and we were implored to enter a large building which
we passed. We found a poor old man with his head cut
open standing at the door, and the place full of robbers
armed with spears, who took to flight through the
garden on our approach. The house was an “ Asylum
for Aged Men,” which one might have thought would
have been safe. We caught one of the robbers, and he
at once drew out from his sleeve a short sword, which
he was only prevented running into the officer who
had laid hold of him, by Captain Hall’s sword rattling
rather sharply on his head. The rascal’s weapon was
broken, his pigtail cut off with one of the sailor’s ready
knives ; he was stripped, and two dozen were laid on his
shoulders with spirit by the boatswain, which, I hope,
gave him a lesson on the consequences of maltreating
old men.

During the first part of the occupation, whilst the
troops within the city walls were establishing them-
selves, and making such defences as the position
admitted of, large parties of sailors and sappers were
employed daily making a communication by which
6 COMMUNICATIONS.

access could be gained to the heights from the river’s
bank, which would enable the troops and stores te pass
from the vessels to the cantonments, without going
through the streets. The point selected was one where
a spur of the wall approached within 120 yards only of
the shore. A narrow street led from a flight of stone
steps on the bank, to the foot of the ramparts. The
houses on one side of the street were pulled down, and
those on the other side were reserved for stores. The
debris was used in forming a ramp leading to the top
of the wall, and also for the construction of a pier. As
the period of our occupation extended, so did the area
of our wharfage, with the necessary demolitions; and
we ultimately had a pier 200 yards long, affording
means of landing at low water. Previously, our
feelings of gallantry were much disturbed by the ladies
who navigated the boats having to turn out on to the
mud, where with trousers tucked up as far as they
would go, they pushed their flat-bottomed boats and
barbarian freight over the mud to the shore.

On one side the wharf was protected by a creek, and
on the other we cleared a space which could be looked
over from our loopholed buildings, as well as from a
parapet wall, behind which ran our road. If any apo-
logy is necessary for the extensive destruction of pro-
perty incurred by this clearing of our front, it exists in
the fact that we were often attacked by parties of braves
and robbers, who approached, and endeavoured to set
fire to our stores, under the shelter of the neighbouring
houses, which were deserted by their legitimate oc-
cupiers.

The first use made of this communication was on the
Ist January, 1858, when Lord Elgin, Baron Gros, Ge-
neral Straubenzee, and the allied Admirals entered the
YEH’S CAPTURE. 7

city in state, salutes being fired from every ship capable
of the act, from the top of the ramp, and from another
point on the walls.

The houses which formed the materials for our road
were mainly candle factories ; and the timber frame-work
filled in with furniture, bricks, tiles, tallow, and the
paint with which the joss tapers are decorated, would
afford curious speculations for a future geologist; the
whole being before our departure worked down into a
mass.

The natives very complacently undertook to pull
down a neighbouring fort called the “French Folly,”
and for a trifling remuneration brought the stones of
which it was composed, to be used in facing our pier.

The appropriation of storehouses was a point on which
it was soon very necessary to come to an understanding
with our allies. J saw one morning a French marine
with a great pot of paint inscribing on the doors of the
houses, in letters a foot high, ‘‘ Magazin Frangais,
No.1,” “ Magazin Frangais, No. 2,” and so on. I knew
that the subject of appropriation had not been discussed,
so I got a piece of chalk and marked all the others as
“ British Military Stores;” and, as my chalk was more
expeditiously used than his paint, I got the best of it.
My experience of an alliance is, that it makes you look
out very sharply for yourself.

By the 5th we were so well established, that we com-
menced offensive operations, and an armed party moved
down into the city and captured Yeh, the viceroy, as
well as the general commanding the Tartar troops.
The treasury was also ransacked, but did not turn out
so productive as we expected. Yeh was brought down
to the pier, to embark in the “Inflexible” for India.
He looked very fat and stolid, and, at the same time,
8 THE TREASURE.

rather bewildered, like a man in a dream.” He had five
or six attendants with him. Captain Hall handed, or
rather shoved him without much ceremony into one
boat, making all the attendants get into the other. Such
was his exit from Canton: he was brought back in his
coffin, As he had been degraded by the emperor for
his defeat, and political failures, his body was not
allowed to enter the city ; but, after having been for a
time deposited in a temple in the suburbs, it was pri-
vately interred by his relatives. If a man brought up
as he had been, and hardened by constant acts of
cruelty, has the power of reflecting and feeling remorse
for his deeds, what must have been his feelings during
the months of his captivity—living a life utterly inac-
tive, and totally without excitement to distract him!
So ended the career of the man who probably in the
season of his power took in cold blood the lives of more
fellow-creatures than any one of modern times.

On the 8th the treasure was brought down by a long
line of coolies, with a strong guard. From its outward
appearance, one might think that a fishmonger’s shop
had been plundered, as the silver, which must have
been in bars, was wrapped round with straw, and
looked exceedingly like so many salmon. It was said
at the time to be worth about 60,000/.—not a very
large amount; yet, as it would weigh about 9 tons,
and take about 350 coolies to carry, it made rather an
imposing procession, especially when one looked at it in
the light of money hereafter to be divided into shares
for the captors.

It was considered that the government of a great city
like Canton, inhabited by a people whose language and
manners were known only to a few, would be rather a
troublesome matter ; so it was determined to allow Pih-
GOVERNMENT OF THE CITY. 9

Kwei, the governor, to exercise the functions of the
departed viceroy Yeh, so far as was approved by the
allied Commanders. Three allied Commissioners were
appointed to look into the working of the government,
and to investigate all questions between Chinese and
foreigners; whilst the purely Chinese questions were
to be settled, as heretofore, by the native magistrates.
A police force of the three nations was appointed for
duty in the city; and the residence of the Tartar general
appropriated for the quarters of the allied commission,
he in his turn ousting the second in command to make
room for himself. Brigadier Holloway, R.M., Captain
Martinieau des Chenez, of the French navy, and Mr.
Parkes were the Commissioners appointed.

On the 10th February the blockade was raised, and
the city gates opened for traffic. The war tax was re-
mitted, on the consideration that the city, being now in
the occupation of the allies, no expense need be in-
curred by the Chinese government on account of its
protection. The trade soon became brisk, the importa-
tion and manufacture of munitions of war being the
sole prohibitions,

For some days the force had enough to do in getting
shaken down into their quarters, and arranging for an
occupation which might last some time. The idols
were bundled out of the temples, having previously had
their backs picked. Some exploring soldiers, in closely
examining these images, found that most of them had a
little trap-door in their backs, through which small
pieces of silver had been inserted into their bodies.
The intelligence rapidly spread, and the gods were soon
deposed. When in difficulties, they did not receive
the respect of their former worshippers. I saw a big
clay joss, which had been tumbled out of our temple,
10 TURBULENT VILLAGERS.

having the gilt scraped off his back bY a quondam
devotee.

There were outside the walls of Canton five forts, of
which two looked into our position, and in the hands
of the enemy would prove a constant annoyance. It
would have been the right thing, in a military point
of view, to occupy one or two of these as outposts; but
as our force was considered too small to cut up into
detachments, it was resolved to blow them up. Their
demolition was completed on 25th January. An officer
of Engineers, on his return from visiting a working
party engaged in preparing for the blowing up of Fort
Lin, was one day mobbed, hooted at, and pelted, as he
passed. through a village. However, he showed a bold
front, drew his sword, and made a rush as if to chastise
his assailants, and they turned and fled incontinently.
Wisely refraining from following them up too far, he
made the best of his way inside the gates.

This having been reported, a small force was sent
out on the next day to chastise the delinquents. Sol-
diers were posted all round to prevent escape, a gun
was unlimbered in a threatening position in the village
square, and a search was instituted for the head man of
the village—a creation of that system of the scale of
responsibility which I believe alone enables so enor-
mous a country to be governed as it is. Failing to find
the veritable head man, who probably had made off on
the first scent of alarm, the twelve most respectable-
looking and oldest inhabitants were selected, fastened
to one another by the pigtails, and conducted before
Mr, Parkes for admonition. On arriving, the front
man prostrated himself precipitately, which nearly
wrenched out by the root the tail of the man behind
him, and who was compelled to succumb to the tug.
CHINESE ARMS. 11

In his turn he likewise pulled down the next, and so,
like successive ninepins, they were all at the feet of
their captors. After a considerable lecture, they were
told to rise, which they did rather more carefully, and
were marched into the town, where, after a short de-
tention, and another lecture as to social obligations,
they were set at liberty.

In the explorations made in the city, the different
military storehouses were discovered, and such a mass
of rubbish as they contained it would be hard to ima-
gine. There were some good matchlocks, and much fair
clothing ; but such a collection of old muskets, spears,
bows, arrows, jingalls, &c., as defies description. They
had a sort of breech-loading jingall, apparently of an-
tique construction ; the upper half, about a foot in
length, of the breech-end of the barrel was cut off hori-
zontally, leaving the lower half in section like a boat.
Into this slit, a breech-piece, loaded and primed, could
be dropped ; its handle, when turned half round, fitted
into a notch in the side of the boat-like piece, which
keyed it in as the veritable breech of the gun. After
it was fired off, the handle was turned back, the false
breech removed, and another put in. A number of
these were of course kept loaded, and supplied in suc-
cession.

They had also infernal machines, intended for the
destruction of our fleet. One description was a mere
tub, with false bottom, capable of containing a charge
of powder at the base, and other combustibles-above.
One of these, which exploded close to one of our ships
in the river, was charged with some filthy mess, which
was blown up all over the rigging. These were made
to go off by an arrangement whereby, on the tub
receiving a blow, a glass tube, probably containing
12 INFERNAL MACHINES.

sulphuric acid, would be broken, and® an explosion
occasioned from the contact of the acid with chlorate of
potash or some such substance. This was the system
adopted by the Russians in the powder-boxes concealed
in front of their works before Sebastopol. Another
was fired by clockwork: it could be set so as to dis-
charge a flint lock into the powder at any given
minute. In a third, flint locks were held cocked by a
bar of wood attached to a leathern bellows, screwed
down on to the bottom of the box: the bellows, when
inflated, would rise, and the hammers be released. As
there was a pipe leading up from the centre of the
bellows to the lid of the box, it is probable that it was
meant to be moored in a ship’s path: when the vessel
passed over it, it would become submerged; the water
would rush down the pipe, inflate the bellows, release
the hammers, and cause the explosion. There were
many of these things. I remember, of one description
there were forty-eight.

The arms were all taken into our custody, to be
returned to the governor on our departure from the
city. He was warned that any which might be found,
after due notice for their surrender had been given,
would be confiscated.

Of course, in suddenly arresting the whole trade of a
large city, and throwing thousands of people out of
employment, besides the inevitable destruction of an
enormous amount of property, great personal distress
must be caused. The state of the poor in Canton was
very sad. Crowds of emaciated and _half-starved
wretches thronged round our cantonments, and pre-
sented, in the most distressing way, evidence of the
dreadful ravages of war. Here were people, quiet
and peaceable, desiring to harm no one, disposed to
DISTRESS OF THE POOR. 13

look with kindly eyes on all who contributed in the
slightest degree to their trade and welfare, and I believe
willing to hold entirely friendly relations with us,
plunged into the deepest misery and degradation by
the acts of their rulers, who, after endeavouring to
poison their minds, by telling lying legends of the
wicked and untameable barbarian, brought their misery
to a climax by forcing us to the extremity of seizing
the city: a wanton act of recklessness on their part,
which even the arrogance and stupid pride of Yeh
could hardly have disposed him to consider as a feat of
arms impracticable to us, though for sixteen years he
had, by evasion and stratagem, succeeded in preventing
our peaceable entry.

I judged of the feelings of the common people
towards us by a test which I think was fair. Of course,
on first showing ourselves in a portion of the city where
we were rare beasts, the women and children fled in
terror; but when they got a little more accustomed to
us, they did not show the same alarm. It was said by
some amongst us, “The treacherous people are only with-
held from killing us by fear; they fawn upon us now
that, we are strong, but hate us in their hearts.” Now
I believed that of the officials who had all their lives
travelled along the groove of intolerant and prejudiced
exclusiveness, but not of the country people. My test
was the behaviour of the little children, old enough to
understand their parents’ conversation, but too young
to be such adepts in dissimulation, or to have such
power of self-command as to exhibit towards us the
utmost confidence: little children would let me take
them out of their fathers’ arms, as I rode down the
street, and enjoyed a ride with me as much as if I had
been their best friend. Now, could we have been
14 SOUP KITCHENS.

stigmatized in those families as barbarians, savage and
intractable, unsurpassed in ferocity, or even as a horde
of invaders, who, in order to conquer their country, or
trade with them against their will, had destroyed a
great portion of their city, turned out on the world
houseless many unoffending citizens — killing their
countrymen, and in reality the main cause of all the
trouble and sorrow which of late years had fallen upon
them? That would have been a character such as they
might be expected to give us; but it would have made
the children rather distrustful, had their parents so
spoken of us. Yet it was through this very populace,
whom Yeh had stirred up and made his tools, that he
had so long maintained the exclusiveness of the city.
These people who now behaved in so friendly a way
towards us, would a few weeks before have pelted
and hooted any foreigner who might even pass near
the walls: such is the influence exercised by the man-
darins over the public feeling.

The readiest means of alleviating the distress among
the poor was by establishing a soup kitchen, so as to
save them from actual starvation before our eyes. Our
chaplain broached the subject in his sermon one Sun-
day, and subscriptions of money poured in rapidly, as
well as contributions of rice. I remember the Parsees
sent up a very large quantity. A building was fitted
up for the purpose, with many boilers, a long counter,
and a great number of basins and chop-sticks; there
were some seats provided for the infirm, but the others
sat on the floor. The soup was what they call congee
rice; I believe not much more than rice boiled in water,
flavoured with ginger, and perhaps some other spice.
It does not sound a very exhilarating diet, but they
liked it; and were probably not accustomed to any-
EDUCATION. 15

thing very much better. With regard to invitations to
the feast, bits of bamboo were provided, sealed with the
chaplain’s seal, and bearing somewhat the following
inscription, “Come to such a temple at noon to-morrow,
and you shall have a meal of rice.’ These were distri-
buted by volunteers, among the wretched and starving ;
the. blind, of whom there were great numbers in the
city, were admitted free of tickets. JI am sorry I kept
no account of the number fed ; I only see in my journal
that one day there were 220, and on another occasion I
find that a brother officer and myself distributed 200
tickets in one day. So great was the press at one time
that we were obliged to take refuge in a temple, where,
the gates being shut, we dealt out the invitations through
the bars.

Of course the people soon became acquainted with
the nature of these tickets; but when they were first
introduced I found that in distributing them it was
very rare to meet with a person who was unable to
decipher what was written on them. The men seemed
very generally able to read: this, however, was not so
much the case with the female portion of the popula-
tion. I one day asked a young woman who was navi-
gating my sampan (native boat), for the interpreta-
tion of an inscription on a house near the bank. Her
excuse, which she evidently considered all-sufficient,
was, “Me girlie, how can?” I often used to peep
into the village and district schools, and see one of the
pupils standing out, repeating the lesson in a sing-song
voice, the others all chanting after him, in a manner that
would excite the respect of our school inspectors.

The boats at Canton are a most wonderful feature in
the place. There ig an enormous population, truly
floating ; born and bred on the river, many of whom I
16 CHINESE BOATS.

might almost say never set foot on dry grdtnd. Most of
them are managed by women, the wives and daughters
of the coolies, who work all day in the town, and
sleep at night in their craft. Literally many of these
women are scarcely able to walk like other people, so
completely is their life spent on board their boats : from
infancy, when, strapped on their mothers’ backs, they
are rocked to sleep by her see-saw motion as she plies
the scull; through childhood, when they scramble
about, provided with floats tied to their backs to buoy
them up in the event of a tumble overboard; through
girlhood, when, with their pretty, lady-like manners,
they entertain the passengers, and do the honours of
their boat, chatting away as they row; till as mothers,
and at last as wrinkled granddames, they in their turn
nurse and rock to sleep new generations of coolies and
pretty boat-girls.

Boats of all sizes are moored alongside, or float up
and down the shores of this great city, thronging the
stream on each side, in a degree of crowdedness com-
pared to which Fleet Street would be desolation. For
here, not only the passengers, but all the shops are
moving. Hvery trade has its representative boats;
there are floating cook-shops and eating-houses, sellers
of fish, pottery, fruit, vegetables, firewood, charcoal,
rice, brooms, ironmongery; in fact, every want of
these amphibious creatures is supplied from boats plying
on the river. Their Blackwall and Greenwich dining-
rooms are moored in fashionable quarters of the stream,
and here the wealthy dine in a sumptuous manner, and
beguile the hours of the summer evening, reclining on
couches, where they inhale their beloved opium, care-
fully prepared for each successive whiff by tender
hands; whilst before their dreamy eyes float visions of
MUSIC. 17

houris in the mazy dance, stepping to the measure of
a very rude guitar, and love songs pitched in the
shrillest falsetto of an untuned voice.

This style of singing I heard everywhere. On no
single part of the coast, from north to south, did I ever
hear a man sing from his lungs; it was invariably
the head voice or falsetto, and very absurd it was to
see a great big man emit such sounds out of his body.
A brother officer of mine once had a musical servant,
and he found this taste a dreadful nuisance. As he did
not want to seem hardhearted in preventing his singing,
he used sometimes, when he was tuning up rather too
strongly, to call for him, and tell him that he remarked
whenever he began to play his guitar the cats began to
scream, and begged him when he wished to have a
little music, to commence by shutting up the cat. This
story leaked out somehow among his fellow-servants,
and I am afraid he got rather put out of conceit with
his voice.

The occupation of hunting about the town, ransacking
the shops for “‘ curios” proved great fun, and the natives
soon got confidence in us: a considerable number of
tradesmen were found masters of pigeon English, so
that our leading wants were soon supplied. The best
street for shops was that running due east and west,
between the city gates on those sides of the town; this
was the “ Street of Benevolence and Love.’ Many
were the hard bargains driven therein.

Coming up from a shopping excursion one day, we
saw a man on the top of a house belabouring a gong in
a frantic manner; and having stopped a minute to
endeavour to find out the cause, soon perceived that his
house was on fire, and that was his way of spreading
the alarm. Ags we were near home, we ran off as

c
18 FIRE BRIGADE AND POLICE.

quickly as we could, and got together Some sappers,
with implements, whom we took down to the spot.
Almost at the same instant, up came the Chinese fire-
brigade. They had a very fair engine, but rather too
small, The men who directed the hose got on the
roofs; others made holes through which the water was
to be poured. But the arrangement which struck me
as the best, was a staff of men whose sole business
appeared to be to attend to the hose, which they held
up in the air over every one’s head on bamboos, to pro-
tect it from injury; and the way they hoisted it up,
and hooked it about, and helped it round corners and
over houses, was really worth seeing. The fire was
got under without much difficulty.

There are scattered all over the city, bamboo watch-
towers, rising high above the surrounding houses ; and
from these elevated perches the police look over the
town, and spread the alarm. Of course, it is of the
greatest use to have a place from which the exact
whereabouts of a fire can be ascertained. The town is
divided and subdivided into sections, which after a
certain hour in the evening are cut off from one another
by locked gates, at which watchmen are stationed, who
beat on the tom-tom from time to time, the beats vary-
ing with the different watches, so that a person waking
in the night can, by listening to the tom-tom, know
what hour it is; or at least fix the time between certain
limits. It is easy to imagine what an immense assist-
ance this subdivision gives in the government of the
city ; every disturbance or robbery is localized at once;
whatever the quarter in which it began, there it must
end. The head man of that quarter is held responsible;
and in order to clear himself, he works diligently to
settle it on to a certain street: the head man of the
“ALUM,” THE BAKER. 19

street having then to bear the brunt, turns himself
round, inquires in every house; and at last the ring-
leaders are discovered and punished. The onus of being
liable to have the responsibility of a large district of a
city laid on one’s shoulders would scarcely be bearable,
were not the facilities for its transfer equally great.

I remember an instance, when a quantity of timber
was stolen out of a temple which was being fitted up
as a barrack. No clue whatever could be found to
point out the thieves, but they were tracked as having
got over a wall into a certain street. That street was
immediately made responsible, and the residents, not
being able to prove that the timber ever went out of it,
paid the estimated value of what had been stolen.

We had a difficulty at first in getting servants. It
was desirable that the number of soldiers taken from the
ranks for such purposes should be as small as possible,
and on leaving Hong Kong it was not easy to get a
sufficient number of Chinese. Nor did we exactly like,
at first, the idea of taking Cantonese into our service.
I rather think that at one time it was forbidden in a
general order. After the exploit of Mr. Alum, the
baker (what a splendid name for the rascal!), who
poisoned the whole of the bread in Hong Kong one
morning, we felt rather shy of taking a Cantonese into
service. However, I determined to try one. I was
with L——, a brother officer, one day in the joss-house,
which we called the bell pagoda, from its having a
huge bell at the top of the highest part of the building,
with a great piece of the lip cut out by a round shot;
when we were accosted by a very respectable-looking
old man, who began by informing us he was a “ lin-
guist.” I suppose there may be linguists of all degrees,
his own claim to the title consisted in his being a pro-

c 2
20 “ PIGEON” ENGLISH.

e

ficient in pigeon English. . Probably almost every one
knows that pigeon English is the sort of jargon in
which English and Chinese interchange ideas. I
believe the word “pigeon” is originally derived from
business, which a Chinese would turn into “ pidgeness,”
“ pidgeons,” “pigeon.” And as all matters in China
treated of between foreigners and Chinese are of a
business nature, so they are all pigeon, and the lan-
guage made use of in conducting all business is the
pigeon language. I always thought it so curious a
coincidence that the recesses in the desk or writing-
table of a man of business should be his pigeon-holes.

I have heard a Chinaman from Singapore speak
such perfect English, both in choice of words and in
accent, that I cannot see why the people generally
should not learn to speak properly ; but they certainly
do pick up the “pigeon” with wonderful facility, and
I have heard that the construction of the pigeon sen-
tences is more according to their own idiom; but not
being myself a “linguist,” I can venture no opinion as
to the fact. However, I certainly never could get a
Chinaman to say horse or catch, it was always horsee,
catchee ; the r was also invariably turned into an 1.
A man was always one piecey man. The terms man,
horse, house, &c., are general terms, each implying a
class ; and when you wish to imply an individual of the
class, the word piecey must be introduced.

Our friend the linguist did the honours of the temple
to us, including Buddha’s footprint, which is a hollow
about six or seven feet long, in shape something like a
man’s foot, impressed in a mass of rock, which appears
to crop out of the ground, from what I suppose must be
an alluvial deposit. The stone is below the level of the
made-up terraces, and is surrounded by a wall. It
HIRING A SERVANT, 21

looks like a dried-up gold-fish pond. In this temple
were the stone rams which give to Canton the name of
the City of Rams. I believe they flew down from
heaven at some remote period. One stone was very
curly at one end, and really a part of it was a good deal
like a ram’s head with horns. Our linguist also intro-
duced us to the Ceres of the establishment, who was
represented as holding ears of corn in her hand, and
who, he said, was much chin-chinned in the summer to
grant plenty of lice (rice). He also pointed out to us,
from an upper window, a residence with a yellow roof,
which distinction, he told us, had been granted to its
owner as a special mark of imperial favour. This man’s
talents he comprehensively summed up by raising his
eyes, looking all round him, extending his arms, and in
an imposing voice stating that he knew all pigeon. So
great an influence did this give him in the imperial
court, that, as our friend assured us in a mysterious
whisper, “he can chin-chin Emperor all the same he”
—meaning thereby, we supposed, that he was permitted
to exchange salutations with his majesty on terms as
near to equality as could be permitted to a subject.
Finding what a well-informed man we had to deal
with, I began to sound him with regard to a servant.
“You savey that boy?” meaning the class of servant.
Of course he did. “My want one piecey boy number
one good.” He thought he knew one, a poor boy, the
son of worthy parents. “You think he truly good; he
no makey that lallylung (thief) pigeon: he no makey
lob that watch, that dollar.” Oh dear no, the boy was
honesty itself. “Well, then,” I continued, “you can
secure this number one boy makey all ploper pigeon.
Suppose he makey lun away and steal, you makey good
to my all that dollar, all that watch?” This he agreed
22 AND ITS RESULTS.

°
to do; and other preliminaries having been settled, it-
was arranged that I should call for him on the follow-
ing day, which I did. I also bought him a bed and
some clothes, and installed Ahong as my valet.

A week had barely elapsed when suddenly Ahong
disappeared, as did also a silver watch, a ring, five
dollars, and an embroidered regimental waistcoat. Of
course search was made for the linguist who had
secured the boy, or made himself surety for him ; but he
had just gone into the country to stay with a friend.
Quite two months afterwards, L——, who had been
with me at the time of the engagement, was walking
at Honam, a suburb of Canton, on the opposite side of
the river to that on which the city is built, when he
fortunately recognized our linguist as the flourishing
proprietor of a large shop of foreign manufactures.
L—— immediately accosted him, acquainted him with
the flight of Ahong, specified the depredations he had
committed, and threatened to carry him off instantly to
prison. He begged and prayed for time only. He
fully acknowledged his liability, which was a relief to
L——.,, who did not feel quite sure of his position, and
said he had influence over the family, and that he
trusted to be able to recover the articles; and he pro-
mised faithfully to restore all the property, or pay the
value at the end of the moon. I went over myself and
tried to insinuate a clause into the agreement that
Ahong should be surrendered, “to makey flog he, and
cuttey he tail”—the cutting of the pigtail being a
usual punishment for theft. I failed in my cruel inten-
tions, and was obliged to content myself with the resti-
tution of my property. At the appointed time we
went over to Honam, and without a moment's delay
my watch was handed me, my ring also, and “how
INDIAN TROOPS. 23

muchee dollar?” said he, with his hand on the till.
The five were handed out, but he assured me the boy
had never taken the waistcoat. This might have been
the case, as it was probably less likely to tempt him
than the watch and ring, and would have been less
worth retaining. Now was the linguist an accomplice
to the robbery? I have never yet been able to make
up my mind.

On the 5th of February there was a report that
Chinese in the city were arming themselves, and
all the troops on the heights were ordered to get
under arms immediately, so as to be ready to march
down and support Colonel Holloway in the Commis-
sioners Yamun. By two p.m. the movement was in
some way explained, and the men were dismissed. It
was clear that the order for the surrender of the arms
had been partially shirked. And, indeed, when on the
roof of a Tartar house, looking on at the fire a few
days before, I fell half through the tiles, and saw
through the hole I had made, a quantity of arrows,
which I duly reported.

On the 6th February, the 70th Bengal Native In-
fantry arrived—one of the few regiments which had
escaped mutiny and disbandment. It was one which
had formerly much distinguished itself, and the men all
appeared to vie with each other in smartness and mili-
tary appearance when on duty. The guard was never
tired of turning out, and would, on the slightest en-
couragement, pay that high military compliment to any
one. It was strange to think how men like these, who
had risked their lives, and received wounds in our
service, should be able to turn, and perpetrate acts of
treachery and cruelty such as one would hardly expect
from the most oppressed, ill-treated, and revengeful.
24 INDIAN TROOPS.

°

Yet, in some instances, in the accounts of the out-
break of the mutiny, we find traces of remaining esteem
and friendliness; faithful servants and Sepoys who
tried to put out of the way, those whom they wished to
save. Some native officers of the 67th—another of the
saved regiments which had been disarmed in time, and
which later came also to Canton—told the European
officers how thankful they were to have been saved
from the misery and disgrace of their brethren in arms.
Yet, at the same time, they confessed that if 7¢-—what-
ever “it” might be, the influence, the frenzy, the evil
spirit—that if it had come among them, they must as
surely as their companions have run the same race of
mutiny and murder, terminating only in such a liberty
as can be enjoyed by the hunted outcast; in which
condition they must, but for the Queen’s gracious pro-
clamation, have remained.

The 70th, on the day after their arrival, got into an
unfortunate fracas with the French. There was an
order that the houses, even if deserted, were not to be
plundered, and the guards were cautioned accordingly.
These poor Sepoys, doubtless feeling very cold, and per-
haps with a scanty allowance of firewood, made their
way in the evening into some old ruined houses in
search of fuel, where, being discovered by the French
police, they were fired on. One man was killed and
two others wounded, one of whom died the next day.
An inquiry took place, with what result I know
not; but I think, making every allowance for military
discipline and martial law, that the question of a few
logs of wood might have been settled without the sacri-
fice of two human lives,
CHAPTER II.

Pic-nic at Mong-Kong—We fall among braves—Amusements within the
walls, theatricals and horses—The Tartar general and the Irishman—Our
magazine in danger—Salutes—Bamboo workers—Matemal affection and

._ desertion—Foundling hospitals—Chinese beggars, and death en régle—The
poor law as administered in Canton.

Ow the 20th February a pic-nic party went out to see a
little of the country and of the people; and as we did
not know what sort of reception we should meet with,
we made rather a strong muster. There were nine
officers and twenty-four men, with a couple of ponies to
carry the luncheon. We started before seven o'clock,
going out through the north-east gate of the city. It
was a lovely morning, and most thoroughly did we
enjoy ourselves in climbing the hills, and inhaling the
fresh breezes, after all the smells and thick damp atmo-
sphere of Canton. Some of the views were charming.
A striking and pleasing feature in the scenery of this
part of China is the position of the villages, which,
situated on plains cultivated in the minutest manner—
if such an expression can be used—are surrounded by
luxuriant hedges of the graceful feathery bamboo.
Now there is always a reason for everything, and there
is for this. Long experience has taught the Chinese
that the least healthy site for a dwelling is the side of
a hill, Mind I am speaking of a hill in a country
-where the low ground is almost constantly under water,
and exposed to the rays of a powerful sun. For such
26 CHINESE SANITARY PRECAUTIONS.

e

is the condition (necessitated by climate and for the
growth of rice) of a great part of the south of China.
They will cultivate the hills as long as they can irri-
gate them, and if they are too dry they will use them
as burial-places, but live on them never. They in-
variably settle down in the middle of their rice-grounds,
but as invariably surround their villages by thick, and
sometimes impervious groves of bamboo ; or in the case
of a town, by a wall higher than the tops of the houses
inside. The insidious miasma will roll and wreath
itself up the hill-sides; but I think I am right in saying
it will never -descend again after topping the wall, nor
will it penetrate the bamboo shield raised to ward off
its approach. I think I should be supported by our
medical officers, when I say that in winter, when the
country was dry, the troops quartered on the top of
Magazine Hill, in Canton, were healthy; but in the
summer, when the water was out over the paddy-fields,
those quartered in the centre of the town had the
best of it. Look again at our occupation of Chusan
in the old China war, with the lamentable loss of life
which occurred there. It is true, I believe, that the
salt meat brought from Calcutta, and which, for want of
fresh supplies, they were forced to eat, was bad; but
men were encamped on the heights, and I attribute
much of the sickness to that cause. I went to Chusan
before its occupation in 1860, and looked at those
heights, and in the broad sunlight very pleasant places
they appeared; but wait till evening, when the enemy
is visible, and watch the insidious white vapour rising
and spreading, and dealing out fever and ague by the
hospital-fall.

But setting aside the hygienic part of the question,
these nestling villages form a very pleasing feature in
ASPECT OF THE COUNTRY. 27

the landscape. The people all look busy and contented.
In one village there was a good deal of gong-beating
on our approach, which we did not know what to make
of; but a man came out and asked us to take tea; so
we concluded that their intentions were not otherwise
than peaceable. We purposely avoided going through
the villages for fear of giving an alarm and getting
ourselves into a scrape.

After walking for about three hours, we rested in a
very pretty spot under some fine trees, and one of the
party shot a woodcock, which was hailed as a great
event; and we determined to devote some little atten-
tion to so good a cause. We did not wish to return
by the same road by which we had come out. The
valley in which we were, we knew to be divided from
the great north plain, by the White Cloud Mountains,
a range familiar to our eyes from Canton. We hoped
to reach that plain by some pass through the hills, and
so return to Canton by way of the North gate.

Soon after moving on, we came to a rivulet, the
course of which assured us our problem was solved;
there must be a pass through the mountains. We
followed the stream, and emerged on the great plain.
Our spirits rose, and we walked on, admiring the peace-
fulness and tranquillity of everything, and the hospi-
tality of the poor industrious countrymen. We con-
cluded that we might with ease and comfort walk to
Pekin. Some quail fell to some of our sportsmen’s
guns, and some distant trees gave promise of the nobler
woodcock. On nearing this wood, we found that it
formed the background to a large village, but we saw
a path leading round outside, which we resolved to
follow. We were considerably astonished by several
villagers coming forward gesticulating, and, as we after-
28 THE ENEMY’S CAMP.

wards supposed, entreating us not to go on. We could
not at the time quite make out what they meant, but
supposed that they did not wish us to pass through
the village. So on we went by the outer path, and
entered a grove of tall pine-trees. We were instantly
saluted by such a din of gongs, and clamour of voices
as I never heard—as if we had upset a hive of people.
Individual Chinese soldiers displayed themselves, beat-
ing two swords together, and capering about, as if to
challenge us to single combat. We caught one man,
and tried, through our interpreter, to explain that we
were only out for a walk.

Tt was manifest enough that the scrape we had been
endeavouring to avoid, we had at last fallen into, and
in a more unpleasant form than we anticipated ; in fact,
that we had stumbled on the enemy’scamp. The hum of
voices sounded as if upwards of a thousand people were
in movement. Our first step was to load, and our next
to get back into the open plain, where we could not be
surrounded without seeing our assailants. Whilst we
were loading, bang came a great jingall shot right
among us, fortunately hitting no one. Another shot or
two were fired which were not very well aimed, and
we got on to the plain.

Of course our danger was that we should be cut off
from Canton, whence we were distant, as the crow
flies, about six miles. But, unfortunately, it was not
visible from where we were, and of course we only had
an idea of about where it ought to be. We saw from
the plain that there was a succession of villages in the
direction of the city, and we feared the alarm would
spread, and that we should be headed by these villagers
turning out in front of us, whilst our original attackers
were in our rear. There was no time to be lost, so we
THE END OF OUR PIC-NIC. 29

skirted along the base of the White Cloud Mountains,
for then we knew we had only one flank to watch. In
case of being hard pushed, we could get up and make a
stand, and the struggle might be seen from the city
walls, and relief be sent to us.

The fellows came out after us with their flags and
their jingalls, running along at our side, and following
in our rear, and banging away with really wonderfully
bad luck: they never could hit any one even by chance.
Meanwhile we posted on as fast as we could, firing a shot
every now and then, and when they came too near, some-
times making a little charge towards them, when, of
course, away they scampered. But time was everything
to us, and we could not afford to chase them, for as we
passed each village we saw armed men turning out,
and flags hoisted on the mandarin poles. One or two
of the marine artillerymen got knocked up from fatigue
and had to be put on the ponies; at last, after some
five miles of this fun, on turning the corner of a hill,
the pagodas of Canton rose. before our eyes to our
immense relief. Our pursuers evidently thought they
had gone far enough and hauled off, and we sat down
on the grass, and finished our cold chickens and beer,
determined not to be done out of our pic-nic. We got
in about five o’clock, after ten hours’ enjoyment of rather
mixed feelings.

Being shut up so much as we necessarily were, within
the walls of Canton, it was difficult to find amusement
for the men. However, the dramatic passion, which is
strong in the soldier’s heart, soon began to display itself.
The first performance was given by the Engineers.
Now, both the companies had come out overland,
restricted to the very last degree as to baggage, and
probably as lightly equipped as ever were troops sent
380 CHINESE PONIES.

from England; yet judge of the surprise of every one
at seeing appear a drop scene, and an entire set
of costumes — even a black velvet dress for Lady
Douglas !—and very well was it all done. This was
only the beginning of things, however; the drama was
afterwards in high repute, and carried on in great
style in Canton.

The possession of a horse is one of the dearest objects
of the British subaltern, and here the difficulties in the
way of its fulfilment were very great. First, there
were originally but very few ponies inside the city.
There is no horse or wheeled traffic in this part of
the country, every article being carried by Coolies.
They are only used by the Tartar soldiers, and to swell
the train of mandarins in procession. Of course the
General and staff had first to be fitted out; and then
every beast that could be caught, was hunted out by the
Commissioners of Police, who, backed by all the know-
ledge and power of Mr. Parkes, made the odds so dread-
fully against the private aspirer to horsekeeping, as to
require all the ingenuity and patience which could be
brought to bear on the subject. It is the custom to give
the horses in the city, grass cut on the banks, which is
carried to the stables. How cunningly used these
grass-cutters to be tracked, yet I have followed one at
such a distance as to think it impossible that I had been
remarked, and the man led me round and round, and
in and out, to throw me off his track, and escaped me
at last! How quickly was a blade of grass, or bit of
chopped straw in the street noticed and speculated on,
and the very smallest traces of sweeping examined! The
buildings themselves were not much guide, for several
of the horses found, were in dwelling-houses with the
doors built up, access being obtained by some back way.
THE TARTAR GENERAL AND THE IRISHMAN. 31

The yamuns, or halls where the grandees lived, were at
first impudently searched, but on the owners complain-
ing to the Commissioners, they were given a paper to
show to all that it was forbidden to enter on any account,
(absolument défendu). One Murphy, an officer, who had
an official paper authorizing him to enter these sacred pre-
cincts, for purposes connected with surveying, came home
one evening with really a capital pony, the best we had
seen. On being questioned as to how he got it, he replied,
“Oh! just from the Tartar gineral.” He went on to
relate, “So I saw the old gineral, and he says to me,
‘Murphy, my boy,’ says he; ‘ Sirr,’ says I. ‘ Do you want
ahorrse, now?’ sayshe. ‘ Faith,and I do, sirr, says I;
‘Then come along into the stable with me,’ says he.”
Whereupon it appears they entered the stable, and the
fortunate Murphy had the pick of the stud. This was
the best-looking pony, he said, but it had a plaster of
some stuff on his back, according to the treatment of
the Chinese veterinary surgeons, for sore back; but he
had the curiosity to examine the place, and found the
horse’s back perfectly sound ; I dare say this ruse had
put the police off taking the beast. We never could
get any other version of the story, nor did the hero
appear ever to think there was anything at all strange
in it.

The horsekeepers with whom we attempted to deal,
would refuse altogether to sell their charges. I believe
all the horses were in some degree government animals
or belonged to government officials, and they were
afraid to sell them; but as we were willing to take care
of them, and return them on our departure, many pro-
cured them on those terms, giving the man who
appeared to be the owner, or person in charge of the
pony, a paper promising to return it ultimately, or pay
32 RACING AT CANTON.

its value—perhaps some such sum as thirty dollars.
Old Singchong, the contractor, who did great things for
the force, procured me a little pony which I bought
for eight dollars. I fear it must have been stolen.

Ultimately, we managed to get pretty well supplied ;
and grand were the race meetings, where contending
jockeys, who had achieved great deeds on English and
Indian courses, got such speed and power out of these
little things as to be quite astonishing. The training
was as careful, the trials as mysterious, and the betting
as complicated as on the real Turf; and though the
sums which changed hands were not great, yet the
spirit of the gambler was there, and our mimic races
rivalled in interest the great Derby and other sweeps
got up on the principal English meetings.

Cricket also was, of course, one of the first sports
we introduced; and the Tartar parade-ground at the
foot of the heights formed really a very good ground.
The civilians of Hong Kong used sometimes to come
forth and play us at Canton, the matches being played
alternately there and at Hong Kong; and right hospi-
tably were our Eleven put up when they went down for
the return game. ;

On the Ist of March a very great calamity was near
befalling us. The greater part of our powder was in a
brick magazine of Chinese construction, on the side of
the city heights. A number of Chinese rockets and
other odds and ends had, it appeared, been put into an
adjacent building. On the morning in question, I was
riding along the walls, and saw a column of smoke,
caused by an explosion, rising, as I thought, from the
great magazine. I galloped down towards it as fast as
I could, and found there some artillerymen who had
been attracted to the spot. The fire was raging in the
MAGAZINE IN DANGER. 33

small building, the rockets hissing away, and sometimes
popping out of the doors and windows. We got some
large beams of wood, and battered away at the walls
with such a will, that down they soon came; throwing
up a cloud of dust and smoke, and stifling all the
flames in the ruins. The fire was only thirty feet from
the magazine, which was by no means bomb-proof :
any heavy substance, projected by an explosion, might
have fallen through the tiled roof, and blown us all up
at any moment.

On the 3rd of March a reconnoitring party was sent
out, under Lieut.-Colonel Clifford, to Mong Kong,
which we learnt to be the name of the village where
we had fallen among the braves; it was seen that there
was still a force in the neighbourhood, but the party
did not come into collision with them. I do not
know exactly how old Pih-Kwei explained the pro-
ceedings of these people; but I believe he disclaimed all
connection with them, saying that they were bands of
men raised without any authority of his, and that he
was very sorry such a state of affairs should exist, but
that he was so peculiarly situated with regard to his
government, that it was out of his power to adopt
any adequate measure for the suppression of these
irregularities.

He appears to have made good his case, for, on the 8th,
he paid a visit of ceremony to the General. His arrival
on the parade-ground was the signal for the commence-
ment of a salute from the field artillery drawn up and
pointed right at him, and it must have looked as if his
death were intended rather than his honour. Salutes
are common indeed among themselves, but the pieces
used are like toy cannon stuck up on end; on the
arrival of a mandarin, a member of the grand of the

D
34 SALUTES.

mandarin visited, rushes out with a bit of lighted joss-
stick or a coal in a pair of tongs, and lets off three of these
little guns, so that our practice of pointing the real
guns at the honoured guest is a much more nervous affair
altogether. The Chinese are always prompt with their
salutes, as the mandarin before paying visits sends on
arunner with his cards, which are long strips of red
paper on which his titles are enumerated, so that the
recipient of the visit is able to make his little arrange-
ments for the interview, which is generally conducted
with much ceremony. How universal seems to be the
practice of discharging fire-arms as a sign of rejoicing!
it is observed not only among civilized nations, but
also among the native Indians, the Moors, and the
Turks; and I believe it to be so all over the world.
As the Chinese were the first to make gunpowder, I
wonder whether they were the first to fire salutes ?

We were having very disagreeable weather about
this time—wet, and muggy, and close. All boots not
actually in wear were covered with mildew, and the
leather soon became quite rotten. Workmen were
employed continually in repairing old roofs, and ven-
tilating old houses. The Sappers were found too heavy
to get on the tiles ; they broke more than they mended:
so a number of Chinese artificers were employed by the
Engineers, who scrambled about like cats. Many of the
old roofs were found quite hopeless, so new ones of
bamboo were constructed above. This bamboo leaf, as
we called it (not that it is really a bamboo, but some
sort of palmetto), makes a capital weather-tight cover-
ing: the leaves are fastened, overlapping one another,
and made up into pieces, some six or seven feet long,
and perhaps two feet deep; these are tied on to a
framework of bamboo, and the whole makes a very
BAMBOO-WORKERS. 35

efficient roof. It is generally the custom before build-
ing a house to erect a huge shed of this kind over the
site, under the shelter of which the work can be carried
on in all weathers, and the house completely finished
before the covering isremoved. The professed bamboo-
workers are exceedingly ingenious, and make works of
great strength in an incredibly short space of time.
Their scaffolding is very clever. The watch-towers
planted about the streets form good examples of their
framework in bamboo. JI remember we wanted a
verandah made to our mess-room: it was a difficult
thing rather to explain ; but when the man was told to
“make one piecey makey walkey topside, makey look
see,” he completely understood the case. I like that
topside and bottomside; why should the terms not be
as generally used as inside and outside? To “ look
see” is, of course, much more than to look; perhaps
what an American would call to prospect.

Though beleaguered at a distance by these Mong
Kongites, and by rumoured bands in other directions, we
were still enabled to get out a little into the country,
within a couple of miles or so of the walls. I was so
fortunate as to have an employment surveying, which
gave me a still wider range; and, escorted by a guard
of some half dozen men, I was allowed to go out
a discrétion, and very pleasant it was to get free of the
impurities and close air of Canton, and climb the hills,
and enjoy such breezes as those within the city rarely:
felt. I used to like going into the cottages sometimes,
to visit or “ chin chin ” the country people, who invari-
ably brought out tea: to take notice of the baby was
the sure way to make yourself popular, and at the
expense of patting its cheek, you might establish a
great reputation in the village. They seem immensely

D2
36 DESERTED CHILDREN.

e
fond of their children, and proud of “the baby ;” but I
am afraid it is a love which, like many others, wanes
with failing prosperity.

I found at different times, laid out on the ground,
five little babies, two alive and crying, and stretching
out their tiny arms; the other three death had released.
In each case a bit of matting was laid over the child;
whether to conceal it, or to give some little shelter,
I don’t know. I never now can bear to think of it.
I could not do any good. I tried to get women in the
neighbourhood to take them, but they would not: those
who were in a condition to rear the little mites had
their own wretched offspring to support; they declared
they were starving themselves, and that their own
children’s supply was all but dried up, so how could
they, even for any money, undertake the charge of
another? All I could do was to have the poor thing
carried back to the house whence it was said that it came,
and where at least it might get sustenance, and threaten
the people with dire punishment if it were put out
again. But what its ultimate fate was, who can tell ?
I cannot, and I never should have the courage to ask.

The Chinese government makes some sort of provi-
sion to meet these cases, by having foundling hospitals,
and I learnt later that there was one of these near
Canton. On examination, it was found to be in a
dreadful state, the living and dead children lying
‘huddled together in heaps. It was promptly put in
order, and a certain proportion of the revenue of the
city set apart for its expenses, and for a staff of nurses.
I do not know how the Chinese government manages
to discourage the abandonment of children, or if
natural affection alone is sufficient to keep the number
of foundlings within reasonable bounds.
BEGGARS. 37

Another sad story I shall tell, and one which makes
me half afraid to refuse a beggar. I was one day
engaged in a duty in the eastern suburb, and a
wretched man came importuning me for charity.
“Cumshaw, taipan!” or, “Charity, my lord!” he kept
repeating. I was busy, and annoyed by him, and
somewhat gruffly I told him to “whilo,” or “ be off.”
I went on with my work, and in about half an hour,
having finished, I remembered the man, and went to
look for him. I saw him lying on a bank of turf, and
went up to him, but he was dead. If a selfish feeling
can be a satisfactory one, which it ought not to be, it
would be a satisfaction to think that nothing I could
have done for the poor man could have much prolonged
his life.

A great many beggars die in Canton: I do not
mean to assert a mere truism, but actually die out in
the open air: a good many in the public streets; but
there is a court-yard in the western suburb which
appeared set apart for this express purpose, and there
several beggars may be seen who have begged their °
last, and lie down, true, order-loving, citizen-like China-
men, to die in the spot appointed for those mysteries.

With the poor-law, which we were told exists in
Canton, I wonder how any one can ever die simply of
starvation. Any man may go about with a couple of
bits of bamboo, and enter a shop, and bang his bamboos
together until he is given money to go out; but for the
smallest coin (the tenth part of a halfpenny), he is
bound to go away, and is free to inflict his music else-
where. Now what can be better? The poor-rate is
voluntary, nay, even self-imposed; no one is forced to
contribute to support these vagrants, and yet all do.
No one who has strength to crawl from house to house,
38 CHINESE POOR LAW.

and clatter his bamboos, need ever starve wat the same
time the smallness of the coin given is not sufficient to
make it worth while for idle persons to trust solely to
such a subsistence, if other means can be got. So
think of it, oh ye boards of guardians, and imagine
parishes where the relieving officer is not known, poor-
rates are a relic of barbarous ages, and the house-
holders voluntarily keep the whole of the destitute, and
no one is on the parish !

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

NINE-STORIED FAGODA, AND POLICE WATCH-TOWER, CANTON. ( To face page 38.
CHAPTER III.

Translation of some documents found among Yeh’s archives,

Brrore proceeding farther with the narrative, I shall
here allude to some of the documents found in Yeh’s
palace.

In the first instance, the originals of the Treaties of
China with Great Britain, France, and the United
States were found. This fact showed that, in treating
Yeh as the authorised exponent of the emperor’s views
in treaty questions, we were acting in conformity with
the feelings of the Chinese government.

The following amusing memorial by Ki-ying, de-
tailing the receptions of the barbarian envoys of dif-
ferent nations, was found in a wrapper of several
folds, and sealed with the imperial commissioner’s seal
of the reign of Tau-kwang, which style ceased to be
used at the end of the year 1850. It contains the
autograph approval of his majesty the emperor :—

(Translation.)

Tue slave Ki-ying, upon his knees, presents a supplementary
memorial to the throne.

The particulars of his administration of the business of the
barbarian states and management! of barbarian envoys, accord-
ing to circumstances, in his receptions of them,’ have formed
the subject of different memorials from your slave.

1 Lit., riding and reining. * Receptions of them as inferiors in rank.
40 KI-YING’S MEMORIAL.

The supplementary conditions of trade having been also
negotiated by him, he has had the honour to submit the articles
containing these to the sacred glance of your Majesty, who has
commissioned the Board (of Revenue) to examine and report
upon them ; all which is upon record.

He calls to mind, however, that it was in the 7th moon of the
22nd year ‘(August 1842), that the English barbarians were
pacified. The Americans and French have successively followed
in the summer and autumn of this year (1844).

In this period of three years, barbarian matters have been
affected by many conditions of change; and, in proportion as
these have been various in character, has it become necessary
to shift ground, and to adopt alterations in the means by which
they were to be conciliated and held within range.' They must
be dealt with justly, of course, and their feelings thus appealed
to; but, to keep them in hand, stratagem (or diplomacy) is
requisite.

In some instances a direction must be given them, but with-
out explanation of the reason why. In some, their restlessness
can only be neutralized by demonstrations which disarm (Uit.,
dissolve) their suspicions. In some they have to be pleased and
moved to gratitude, by concession of intercourse, on a footing
of equality ; and, in some, before a result can be brought about,
their falsity has to be blinked; nor must an estimate (of their
facts) be pressed too far.

Bred and born in the foreign regions beyond (its boundary),
there is much in the administration of the celestial dynasty
that is not perfectly comprehensible to the barbarians ; and they
are continually putting forced constructions on things of which
it is difficult to explain to them the real nature. Thus the
promulgation of the imperial decrees (it., silken sounds) devolves
on the members of the great council ; but the barbarians respect
them as being the autograph reply of your Majesty; and were
they given to understand positively that (the decrees) are not in
the handwriting of your Majesty at all (so far from respecting
them) there would, on the contrary, be nothing in which their
confidence would be secure.

1 Conciliated, lit., pacified, as a person, or an animal, that is wild, and com-
forted ; kept within range, lt., tethered.
KI-YING’S MEMORIAL. " 41

The meal which the barbarians eat together they call the
ta-tsan (dinner).! It is a practice they delight in to assemble a
number of people at a great entertainment, at which they eat
and drink together. When your slave has conferred favour
upon (has given a dinner to) the barbarians at the Bogue or
Macao, their chiefs and leaders have come to the number of
from ten to twenty or thirty ; and when, in process of time,
your slave has chanced to go to barbarian residences* or barba-
rian ships, they have, in their turn, seated themselves round in
attendance upon him, striving who should be foremost in offering
him meat and drink. To gain their goodwill he could not do
otherwise than share their cup and spoon.

Another point, it is the wont of the barbarians to make much
of their women. Whenever their visitor is a person of distinc-
tion, the wife is sure to come out to receive him.

In the case of the American barbarian Parker, and the French
barbarian Sagréné, for instance, both of these have brought their
foreign wives with them, and when your slave has gone to their
barbarian residences on business, these foreign women have
suddenly appeared and saluted him. Your slave was con-
founded’ and ill at ease, while they, on the contrary, were
greatly delighted at the honour done them. The truth is, as
this shows, that it is not possible to regulate the customs of the
western states by the ceremonial of China; and to break out in
rebuke, while it would do nothing towards their enlightenment
(lit., to cleave their dulness), might chance to give rise to suspi-
cion and ill-feeling. Again, ever since amicable relations with
them commenced, the different barbarians have been received
on something of a footing of equality ; once such intercourse is
no longer a novelty, it becomes more than ever a duty to keep
them off and to shut them out.

To this end, on every occasion that a treaty has been nego-
tiated with a barbarian state, your slave has directed Kwang
An-tung, the Commissioner of Finance, to desire its envoy to

1 The word used by our Canton servants for dinner, the great meal.

2 The word “lau,” loft or story, is not that applied to the dwelling-houses of
Chinese. The mandarins use it specially when speaking to their own people of
our houses.

3 “ Confounded,” almost awe-stricken, as Confucius is described to have been in
the presence of his ruler.
42 KI-YING’S MEMORIAL.

take notice that a high officer of China, admMistering foreign
affairs, is never at liberty to give or receive anything on bis
private account; that as to presents, he would be obliged
peremptorily to decline them; were they to be accepted and
the fact concealed, the ordinances of the celestial dynasty on
the subject are very stringent, and to say nothing of the injury
he would inflict on the dignity of his office, it would be hard
(for the offender) to escape the penalty of the law.

The barbarian envoys have had the sense to attend to this ;
but in their interviews with him, they have sometimes offered
your slave foreign wine, perfumery, and other like matters, of
very small value. Their intention being more or less good, he
could not well have rejected them altogether and to their face,
but he has confined himself to bestowing on them snuff-bottles,
purses, and such things as are carried on the person; thereby
putting in evidence the (Chinese) principle of giving much,
although but little has been received."

Again, on the application of the Italians, English, Americans,
and French, your slave has presented them with a copy of his
insignificant portrait.

To come to their governments,’ though every state has one,
there are rulers, male or female, holding office permanently, or
for the time being.

With the English barbarians, for instance, the ruler is a
female ; with the Americans and French, a male. The English
and French ruler reigns for life: the American is elected by his
countrymen, and is'changed once in four years; and, when he
retires from his throne, he takes rank with the people (the non-
official classes).

Their official designations are also different in the case of each
nation. (To represent these), for the most part, they appropriate
(Uit., filch) Chinese characters, boastfully affecting a style to
which they have no claim, and assuming the airs of a great
power. That they should conceive that they thereby do honour
to their rulers is no concern of ours, while, if the forms observed
towards the dependencies (of China) were to be prescribed as the

1 Thus, according to the second of the Confucian books, should it be between

the ruler and the nobles dependent on him.
2 Lit., their sovereign seniors.
KI-YING’S MEMORIAL. 43

rule in their case, they would certainly not consent, as they
neither accept (the Chinese) computation of time,’ nor receive
your Majesty’s patent (of royalty) to fall back to the rank of
Cochin China or Lewchew.? And with people so uncivilised as
they are, blindly unintelligent in styles and modes of address, a
tenacity of forms in official correspondence, such as would duly
place the superior above and the inferior below, would be the
cause of a fierce altercation (it., a rising of the tongue and a
blistering of the lips); the only course in that case would be to
affect to be deaf to it (it., to be as though the ear-loppet stopped
the ear); personal intercourse would then become impossible,
and not only this, but an incompatibility of relations would
immediately follow, of anything but advantage, certainly, to the
essential question of conciliation.* Instead, therefore, of a
contest about unsubstantial names which can produce no tan-
gible result, (it has been held) better to disregard these minor
details in order to the success of an important policy.

Such are the expedients and modifications which, after
close attention to barbarian affairs, a calculation of the exigen-
cies of the period, and a careful estimate of the merits of the
question as being trivial or of importance, admitting of delay or
demanding despatch, it has been found unavoidable to adopt.

Your slave has not ventured to intrude them one by one upon
the sacred intelligence, partly because they were in themselves
of small significance, partly because there was no time‘ (so to
report them). The barbarian business being now on the whole
(lit., in the rough) concluded, as in duty bound he states them
detailedly, one and all, in this supplementary despatch, which
he respectfully presents to your Majesty.

Reply in the vermilion pencil :—

“Tt was the only proper arrangement to have made. We
understand the whole question.”

1 ZLit., the first and last moons of the year as computed by China, who issues
her calendar to Corea, if not to her other dependencies.

2 The sovereigns of Corea, Lewchew, and Cochin China, are invested by a
Chinese envoy, and receive a patent from the emperor as their suzerain.

3 As in note ('), page 39.

4 He had to act at once.
44 A MEMORIAL BY YEH.

The following is another memorial® translated by
Mr. Wade. The interview described between Lord
Elgin and Baron Gros is amusing, as is also Yeh’s
idea of the Indian mutiny and Lord Elgin’s despair :-—

[The following is translated from a draft in the same hand as
that in which several of Yeh’s draft memorials are corrected,
and which I have other reasons for believing to be his own
manuscript. It is the most unshapely specimen of Chinese
writing [have ever seen, and has given a very competent native
scholar considerable trouble to decipher. It was evidently a
first draft, with much left to be filled in and corrected, and
must have been written but a few days before the receipt of the
plenipotentiaries’ ultimatum of the 12th December, 1857. We
have no proof that it was sent to Pekin, though such was pro-
bably the case.—T. F. W.]

(Translation.)

(Yeu, &c.) presents a memorial to the effect, that the English
barbarians, troubled at home, and pressed! with daily increasing
urgency by other nations from without, will hardly attempt
anything farther; that they are reported to have had several
consultations upon the opening of trade, and earnestly desire
the suggestion of some means to that end; that in consequence
of the? English chief—not returned to Canton; a respectful
memorial (of which particulars) he forwards by courier, at the
rate of 600 lia day, and looking upward he solicits the sacred
glance thereon.

On the 6th of the 9th moon (23rd October, 1857), your
servant had the honour to forward to your Majesty various par-
ticulars of his administration of barbarian affairs during the
7th and 8th moons (August, September), as it is recorded.

Since the engagement of the 10th of the 5th moon (1st June),
a period of more then six months, the English barbarians have

1 He may mean, pressed by their solicitations, or for money. His Hong Kong
correspondents, as their letters seized prove, had been representing us deeply
indebted to Russia, and in great difficulty as to the means of satisfying her claims.

2 The preamble generally epitomises the matter of the memorial. I take this

part of it to be best explained by the last sentence of the memorial. There is
evidently something to be filled up in the text.
BARON GROS’S ADVICE. 45

made no disturbance up the Canton river. (It should be
known,’ however, that in the defeat sustained by Elgin at
Mang-ga-ta,? in the 7th moon, he was pursued by the Manga-
ga-la (Bengal) barbarian force to the sea-shore. A number of
French men-of-war, which happened to be passing, fired several
guns in succession, and the force of the Bengal barbarians fall-
ing back, the chief Elgin made his escape. The chief Elgin
was very grateful to the French force for saving his life, and
on the arrival of the French minister, Lo-so-lun,? who, in the
beginning of the 9th. moon, had also reached Kwang-tung,
he, the chief Elgin, féted the chief Gros at Hong Kong (Ui,
metrily feasted, and prayed him (to drink) wine), and con-
sulted him upon the present position of affairs in China. The
chief Gros said, “I was not an eye-witness of the commence-
ment of last year’s affairs, but the story current among the
people of different nations, who were by at the time, has
made me familiar with the whole question. You see * when the
forts were taken the Chinese government made no retaliation ;
when the houses of the people were burned, it still declined to
fight. Now, the uniform suppression, three years ago, of the
Kwang-tung insurrection, in which some hundreds of thousands
were engaged, shows the military power of China to be by no
means insignificant. Will she take no notice of her injuries ?
(No.) She is certain to have some deep policy which will
enable her so to anticipate us, that, before we can take up any
ground, she will have left us without the means of finding fault
with her; while she, on the other hand, will oblige the foreigners
to admit themselves completely in the wrong. On the last

1 The affair of the Ist of June is the destruction of Hwang’s fleet up Fatshan
Creek, doubtless reported to Pekin as a victory. The manner in which the next
sentence is introduced shows that Lord Elgin’s return had been already an-
nounced, but without full particulars.

2 Mang-ga-ta is clearly a compromise between Mang-ga-la (Bengal) and Cal-
cutia.

3 The French ambassador’s name is elsewhere given as “Go-lo-so ” (Gros) ; his
title of baron” is evidently taken to be his name, and is put, in Chinese fashion,
after his surname ; “lun” representing, doubtless, “ pa-lun,’ for “ ba-ron.’’

4 The Chinese expression here used is generally rendered, “for instance.”
Baron Gros is made to argue that he understands Yeh’s policy, his opinion of
which will be found at the end of the paragraph. We should have stated it at the
beginning, and then have introduced the illustrations given,
46 YEH’S IDEA OF THE INDIAN MUTINY.

occasion that your nation opened fire,’ it was but for some days,
and people came forward (as mediators); but this time you did
your utmost for three months, (you fired) 4,000 rounds and more
from great guns, as well as 3,000 rockets. The high authorities
of Canton, it is plain, have long made their minds up (or have
seen their way); they understand the character of all classes,
high and low, in our foreign states. This is the reason why they
have been so firm and unswerving. When I was leaving home
the instructions my own sovereign gave me with affectionate?
earnestness (were these) :—There is a quarrel with the English
in Kwang-tung. When you go thither confine youfself to
observance of the treaty and pacific communications, You are
not to avail yourself of the opportunity to commit acts of
aggression or spoliation. Do not make China hate the French
as a band of hostile wretches * who violate their engagements
The circumstances, too, are so different (from those of the last
war of the English with China), that it is essential you should
judge * for yourself what course to pursue. There is no analogy,
I apprehend, between the present case and the opium question
of some ten years since, in which they had some wrong to
allege.”

It appears that in the country of the five Indies, appropriated
by the English barbarians, they have established four tribal
divisions ; three along the coast, and one in the interior. One
of the coast divisions is Man-ga-la (Bengal), the country in the
extreme east ; one is Ma-ta-la-sa (Madras), south-west of Bengal ;
and one is Mang-mai (Bombay), on the western limit of India.
That in the interior is A-ka-la (Agra), lying midway between
east and west. About the end of last summer, it is stated,
twelve marts (or ports) in Bengal, which had revolted, were
lost. Since the 8th moon the marts in Bombay have been all
retaken (¢.e., from the English by (Indian) chiefs) ; and since
Elgin’s return, after his defeat, the leaders of the English barba-
rians have sustained a succession of serious defeats.

1 This must be presumed to refer to Sir Hugh Gough’s attack on Canton.

? The manner in which the Chinese mandarins address the people.

3 Base, or low-caste persons.

4 That is, you are not to accept the policy of England, or any other nation,
ag yours.
IMPERIAL CONVERSATION. 47

The Indian chiefs drove a mine from bank to bank of a river,
and by the introduction of infernal machines (Uit., water-
thunder) blew up seven large vessels of war, killing above 1,000
men. On shore they enticed (the English) far into the country,
and murdered above 7,000 of them, killing a distinguished
soldier named Puta-wei-ka-lut,’ and many more.

Elgin passes day after day at Hong Kong, stamping his foot
and sighing, and his anxiety is increased by the non-arrival of
despatches from his Government.

The following translation of a report of a conversa-
tion between the emperor and an officer of the Kwang-
tung provincial government is interesting. It shows
the attention to business paid by the emperor; also the
nature of the apprehensions excited by the spread of
Christianity :—

[The following is translated from a memorandum forwarded
to Yeh by a late judge of Kwang-tung, named Ki Shub-tsau,
of his conversation with the Emperor Hien Fung, at the
audience granted him, according to custom, on his return to
Pekin at the end of his term of service.

In his “Chinese and their Rebellions,” pages 123 to 136,
Mr. Thomas Meadows gives a similar conversation between the
late emperor and Pih-kwei, the present Governor of Kwang-
tung, and then judge of the province. This took place in 1849,
and it is remarkable that, towards the close of that audience,
the late emperor asks Pih-kwei if he is acquainted with the
newly-appointed judge, Ki Shuh-tsau, and volunteers a very
favourable opinion of him as an honest and unaffected man.

A great deal of his correspondence with Yeh was found in
the papers of the latter: amongst the rest the memorandum
here translated, and with it a note explaining that, besides the
matter to which it relates, the emperor had put questions re-
garding the contumacy of the literati of the district of Tung-
kwan, who had lately manifested their dissatisfaction with the
authorities by refusing to attend the examinations for degrees,

1 Possibly, Brigadier Havelock.
48 THE EMPEROR’S CONVERSATION

regarding the alleged misconduct of a military officer who had
been very backward against some Kwang-tung outlaws; and,
lastly, regarding the publication of the “Sing-li Tsing-i,” the
“Essence of Moral Philosophy,” and of another work, reprints
of which had been ordered by his Majesty, at the suggestion of
a high official, for the regeneration of the age.

Ki Shuh-tsau was younger brother of Ki Tsiun-tsau, who died
not long since, one of the four principal Secretaries of State.—

T. F. W.]

(Translation.)

AT my audience his Majesty questioned me very particularly
respecting my official career, my settlement, my family, and my
life before and after I came to be employed. I submit no copy
of these questions to your excellency, but confine myself to
laying before you those which his Majesty condescended to ask
concerning Kwang-tung affairs. His Majesty asked,—

Q. Are the English barbarians quiet at the present time, or
the reverse ?

A. They are so far quiet.

Q. Will no trouble be caused by their trade at some future
period ?

A. In the nature of barbarians there is much to suspect. A
communication received from them two or three months ago,
raised several questions in language of a menacing character.’
Seu and Yeh perfectly understand their trickiness, and as it is
only by being resolute and positive that they can deal with
them, they employ no word in their replies either more or less
than is sufficient fully to meet® what is said by the barbarians,
and thus they are left without anything to rejoin.

Q. Do you know what they wrote about ?

A. In their administration of barbarian affairs Seu and Yeh
hold it important to be secret. As governor-general and
governor they consult each other in confidence on all replies to
be written (to barbarian letters). Neither your Majesty’s ser-
vant, nor his fellow-commissioners, nor the intendants, although

1 Questions they had no right to raise ; lit., put forth shoots not from the joint ;

a figure from the bamboo-tree.
2 To meet, to controvert, or to reprove,
WITH THE JUDGE. 49

residing in the same city (as their excellencies), are able to
learn anything beforehand. If, as is sometimes the case, re-
ference has to be made to Pih-kwei, the Commissioner of
Finance, the reply drafted by him has again to be considered
and approved by them; and, on such occasions, when the
question has been disposed of, Seu and Yeh are sure to commu-
nicate it to your servant, and to the rest as well. In former
times, when barbarian affairs were in process of administration,
news has reached barbarian quarters even before the event;
but, now-a-days, not even those who are constantly about Seu
and Yeh can obtain information of the measures they are con-
sidering, and so the barbarians can ascertain nothing; while
we, on the other hand, are accurately informed of all that affects
their countries.

Q. How are you informed of what passes in their countries ?

A. In foreign parts (t.,in the outer seas) there are news-
papers. In these everything that concerns any nation is minutely
recorded, and these we have it in our power to procure. And
as the barbarians cannot dispense with our people in the work
of interpretation, Seu and Yeh manage to make their employés
furnish them privately every month with all particulars. We
are thus enabled to know everything that concerns them.

Q. How is it that persons in barbarian employ will, notwith-
standing, furnish us with intelligence ?

A. It merely costs a few hundred dollars more a year to
bestow rewards on them. For these they are well pleased to
serve us. Then, again, if the news received from any one
quarter appears unsatisfactory, there is more sent in from other
quarters, and if the reports from different quarters agree, the
information is of course entitled to full credit.

Q. Are their newspapers in their barbarian character, or in
our Chinese character ?

A. They are translations into Chinese.'

Q. Have you seen these papers ?

A. In the campaign in Tsing-yuen last winter, Yeh? received
some, which he gave me to look at.

1 That is, the papers he has seen, as will appear directly.

2 Yeh was then Governor of Kwang-tung, and was absent from Canton four
months, endeavouring to put down outlaws, or rebels, in Tsing-yuen and Ning-teh,

E
50 THE EMPEROR’S CONVERSATION

Q. What did they say? °

A. Your servant remembers one circumstance. The English
were at war with Bengal.1 A Bengal man-of-war wanted to
pass through English territory to attack (Uit., trouble, have a
row with) some other nation; the English authorities? refused
her a passage. Both sides opened a fire, in which an English
ship was sunk, and a large number of the managing heads
(directors) killed. The sovereign of their state assembled the
chief persons (Uit., the head-eyes) in the chamber where business
is discussed (sc., the House of Parliament). It was there pro-
posed (by some) to speak reason to (or argue the point with)
Bengal, but by others, to raise a force, and take satisfaction.
Your servant has also been told by Yeh that, in the different
letters which have come from the sovereign of the state to
Bonham, he has always been directed to trade with China in a
friendly spirit, and not to be troublesome (or meddlesome). It
is also said that, in reward for his administration of commercial
intercourse, Bonham was presented by the sovereign of the state
with a decoration called “O-td-pa” (Order of the Bath), a thing
somewhat of the same sort as the ancient red gold-fish purse.*
Bonham is well pleased with this. He parades it with pride;
it will prevent him from making any more difficulties.

Q. How did the barbarians put their alleged grievance in the
letter received from them ?

A. When your servant returned to Canton from the Tsing-
yuen campaign, to lay down his office, he was told by Seu and
Yeh, that in the third moon Bonham * had written to say that,
as there was no great market for goods at two of the five ports,
namely, in Cheh-kiang and Fuh-kien, he wanted to exchange
the two ports in question for two others. Hang-chau and Su-
chau would both answer the purpose ; but, if this could not be,
Chin-kiang would do. If Chin-kiang was also impossible, his
ships of war would be obliged to go to Tien-tsin. Seu and Yeh
replied, that trade at the five ports having been long settled by

1 Birmah is probably meant. :

? Lit., those of the English barbarians who manage their affairs. This is very
likely a translation of the term “ Directors of the East India Company.”

3 An ornament, or decoration, of ancient date.

4 He alludes to Sir George Bonham’s letter, under instructions from the Foreign
Office, written April 19, 1851, in which an exchange of ports was proposed,
WITH THE JUDGE. ol

treaty, no change could be made; that, besides this, there was
a fixed quantity of goods sold in China every year, the amount
of which did not depend on the number of ports, more or less.
Take the trade, they said, as it was before the five ports were
opened, and has been since that event, and a calculation of the
profits and losses of different parties will convince you (of this).
If, with a good understanding existing between our two nations,
your men-of-war attempt to go up to Tien-tsin, it is on your
side that the quarrel will have been commenced ; no blame will
attach to us. Since this reply was sent, no letter has been
received from them.

Q. Who has charge of barbarian affairs besides Bonham ?

A. Your servant has been told that Bonham is the governor-
in-chief (Uit., general head of the troops). Besides him there
are Gutzlaff and Meadows. Gutzlaff was a practised machinator
when he was in China before.1 This time, it is said, the ruler
of the state makes him confine his attention to commercial
affairs, and does not allow him to meddle (with politics).

Q. Are the other trading nations on good terms with the
English barbarians ?

A. When the English barbarians gave trouble some time
since (sc. 1839-42), different nations assisted them. In the
sequel it is said the English barbarians became deeply in-
debted to other nations for shipping, the value of which they
have been unable to recover from them; hence a good deal of
misunderstanding. The other tribes are jealous, too, of the
English barbarians for having carried their point (se. with
China); and so, although so far as outward appearances go,
they trade together amicably, each party is, in fact, considering
his own interests, and no cordial understanding is possible.

Q. Are the French quiet in Kwang-tung ?

A. The French continue to give no trouble in Kwang-tung.
But it is said that, with the exception of trade, what they most
prize is the teaching of their doctrine.

Q. What people practise their doctrine in general? Are
there “ku-jui” and “siu-tsai” (licentiates and graduates)
amongst them ?

1 Mr, Guitzlaff, then Chinese Secretary, returned to China in January, 1851, and
died in August.
E 2
52 THE EMPEROR'S CONVERSATION

A. It is the common (it, the little people) who have no
sense, All that they hear of the question is, that by the
practice of virtue they may look for happiness, and so the
chances are that they are mystified by them. Licentiates and
graduates, inasmuch as they have rather more reading and
acquaintance with philosophy,! which makes them respect
themselves, are of course not to be so deluded. Your servant
has never heard that such persons had embraced their doctrine.

Q. Have there been any prosecutions for the profession of the
doctrine in Kwang-tung as well ?

A. Your servant has heard that some time ago there were
some. There had been none from the time of his arrival last
year until the fourth moon of the present, when Yeh wrote to
him, confidentially, to the effect that, in the district of Ying-
teh, Li San-wan was reported to be playing the Chih-jin Ta-
wang (Great King of the Red men),’ and that in his behalf
certain recreant graduates, already degraded with vagabonds
and others, had privily leagued themselves with yamun followers
and soldiers, most of whom were professing the doctrine; and
he desired your servant to send a subordinate to make secret
investigation. Your servant -did send a subordinate, who went
through the district from village to village in disguise, making
inquiries for a month and more, but without any positive evi-
dence of the fact. In the fifth moon your servant handed over
his office to Tsui-tung, who again sent to make inquiry in every
part of the Ung-yuen and Kinh-kiang districts. When your
servant left Canton the officer sent had not retumed, and he
cannot say what steps were subsequently taken.

Q. Is not the doctrine of the Lord of Heaven ‘ also preached
in Shan Si?

1 Confucianism does not teach men to be virtuous, only in the hope of a reward.
It is corrupt Buddhism, and other superstitions, which set the people propitiating
good fortune.

2 His Majesty probably means, “as well” as in Kwang-si, although little, if any
notice had as yet been taken by the court of the troubles there. The word I
translate “ prosecution ” includes the infliction of the penalty.

8 The rebels have long been known as the “red-head men,” from their turbans.
The “red” here used is, however, a different character.

4 Here written “Tien tsu kiau,” doctrine of the Grandfather of Heayen.
“Tien chu kiau” is evidently meant. It is the style by which Christianity, as
taught by the Romanist missionaries, is known.
WITH THE JUDGE. 53

A. It is. When your servant was a licentiate, and super-
intending instruction in the district of Hung-tung, in Ping-
yang Fu, the outlaw, Ts4u Shun, and others murdered the
authorities in the city of Chau, and took the city itself. Hung-
tung being but thirty li from Chau, we were on the alert night
and day, and one day a confidential despatch was received from
the prefect of Ping-yang, stating that in the street of the Shang-
kia, in the city of Hung-tung, persons were propagating the
doctrine, proselytising, preaching observances, and reciting
canonical books; and desiring that, as they were very probably
in league with the bad characters of Chau, they should be
secretly arrested. On this, the district magistrate, in co-opera-
tion with the military, seized a Chih-li man surnamed Wang,
who was preaching the doctrine there, and on whose person was
found a crucifix and some books of the doctrine of the Lord of
Heaven, all in European characters (lit, characters of the
western seas). After this, all persons teaching or professing the
doctrine were proceeded against according to law.

Q. And what did their books say ?

A. Your servant saw that, besides others, there were some
books copied in our Chinese character, which were all about
Jesus. Jesus was the person who was nailed on the cross. They
purported to exhort people to be virtuous, to keep the heart
good, and to do good actions. But there is great unanimity (or
community of opinion) amongst the professors of the doctrine ;
and though, under ordinary circumstances, while people of no
intelligence do no more than observe fasts in the hope of
obtaining happiness, it can do no great harm, if, in the course of
time, a single remarkable person should appear (amongst its
professors), he would be almost certain to create trouble by
inflaming and deluding (the public).

Q. Have you ever seen the barbarian buildings at Hong
Kong ? ‘

A. Your servant has not seen them. Those in the foreign
factories on the Canton river he has seen, but he has never been
into them.

Q. Have you seen any barbarians or barbarian ships?

A. Your servant has seen a Flowery Flag (sc. American)
steamer on the Canton river. There were barbarians on board
54 THE EMPEROR’S CONVERSATION

the vessel, all dressed in white, both men and women: But she
was too far off your servant’s vessel for him to see them well.

Q. What nation is the Flowery Flag ?

A. The American. The trade of the nation is very great; it
is very rich and powerful, and yet not troublesome.

Q. How is it that America is rich and powerful, and yet not
troublesome ?

A. As a general rule, the outer barbarians trade, because their
nature is so covetous. If one of them breaks the peace (makes
trouble), the prosperity of the other’s trade is marred. Thus
the English are at this moment beggared ;! but if they were to
break the peace, it is not on their own trade alone that injury
would be inflicted: other nations are therefore certain to object
to any outrageous proceeding on their part. Were they to
commence a disturbance, the Americans would certainly be the
last to assist them.

Q. Why would not the Americans assist them ?

A, Your servant has been told that the Americans have
business relations of great importance with Wu Sung-yau (How-
qua), formerly a hong merchant of Quang-tung; indeed, that
they have had money of Wu. Every movement of the English
barbarians is certain to be privately communicated to the family
of Wu by the Americans, and Wu Sung-yau thereupon makes
his private report to Seu and Yeh, who take precautionary
measures accordingly. Thus, last year, it was by a communica-
tion from the Americans that it was known that a man-of-war
of the English barbarians was coming to Tien-tsin (the Peiho).
Not that this shows any sincere friendship for us on the part of
the Americans: it was simply that their desire for gain is strong,
and that they were afraid that their trade would be disturbed
by (the act of) the English.

Q. When you came away, had the Tsing-yuen campaign been
brought to a conclusion or not ?

A. Your servant was in the camp at Tsing-yuen when he
handed over his office. Tsui-tung, who succeeded him in the
provincial commissionership, was still engaged in the supple-
mentary measures necessary. He was making search in every

1 And therefore he means not likely to go to war.
WITH THE JUDGE. 55

direction for the remains of the outlaw’s gang, and the troops
and militia were (in consequence) still in the field.

Q. When did you reach T'sing-yuen ?

A. Your servant left Canton on the 1st of the 8th moon of
last year (5th September, 1850), and reached Tsing-yuen on the
4th.

Q. When did you hand over your office?

A. Your servant handed over his office on the 21st of the 5th
moon of this year (20th June, 1851), and returned to Canton on
the 22nd.

Q. Did you return to Canton again after you had handed over
your office?

A. Your servant returned to close several matters which were
on his hands, and which had to be duly brought to a conclusion,
before he commenced his journey (to Pekin).

Q. What day did you set out?

A. Your servant set out on the 11th of the 6th moon.

‘ Q. And did you pass through Tsing-yuen again on your way
or not?

A. I did.

Q. Where did you and Yeh reside in Tsing-yuen ?!

A. Yeh was in the yamun of the magistrate, and your ser-
vant in the district college.

Q. Did you go to the camp?

A. Your servant was at Tsing-yuen to dispose of some criminal
prosecutions. He did not go to the camp.

Q. Were the outlaws put down throughout the district of
Tsing-yuen before you left it ?

A. Nine-tenths of the outlaws in Tsing-yuen, Ying-teh, and
Fuh-kang, had been got rid of, chiefs and followers. There
remained none but those who had fled to the borders in fear of
punishment. , Proclamations had been issued to the head-
boroughs and gentry of the villages, to bind and send in all who
might find their way (Hit., sneak) home; should any give them
harbour, or conceal their presence, they were to be punished as
well. There are still civil and military authorities scouring the

1 This cross-examination is to establish the fact of the reoccupation of Tsing-
yuen by the Government authorities, The city had been in the hands of the
rebels.
56 THE EMPEROR’S CONVERSATION

e

districts of Chang-ning, Lien-ping, Ung-yuen, Kinh-kiang, Chi-
ping, and Lung-mun, with troops, making search for the remains
of the gangs. These are all to the east of the river. West of it, -
along the borders of Kwang-si and Hu-nan, in the (Kwang-tung)
districts of Yang-shau, Fan-yuen, and Lien-chau, there are also
officers detached, with troops, in quest of robbers. When your
servant started, reports of captures made were coming in every
moment from. both directions.

Q. In what part of the Kwang-tung Province is the depart-
ment of K4u-chau ?

A. Kéu-chau Fu is in the south-west of Kwang-tun, 1,200 li
and more from Canton.

Q. In what part of it is Lien-chau Fu?

A. Lien-chau Fu is also in the far south-west of Kwang-tung.
It is upwards of 1,800 li from Canton.

Q. Are both K4u-chau Fu and Lien-chau Fu conterminous
with Kwang-si?

A. They are. Kéu-chau Fu is conterminous with the sub-
prefecture of Yuh-lin, in Kwang-si; and Lien-chau Fu with the
Kwang-si districts of Poh-peh and Hwang. ;

Q. When was Fang A-wan taken?

A. Fan Wan and Li T’sz-kwei were both taken last year, in
the Lien-chau country.

Q. How many gangs are there still left in Kau-chau Fu?

A. When your servant was commencing his journey, he-was
told three ; the gangs of Lui-pah, Ling Shih-pah, and Ho Ming-
ko. Since his arrival at Pekin he has heard of the capture of
Lui-pah, so that but two remain.

Q. Among the outlaws seized, were there any with long
hair ?

A. None.

Q. What is the style of fighting with the outlaws?

A. In former outbreaks the outlaws have always dispersed on the
first appearance of the troops of government; of late years they
have become more daring, and when the troops appear they throw
up intrenchments. They advance always all together,! until our
troops check (or stop) them ; they then retire, and divide them-

1 It may mean in line, or, as a Chinese teacher understands it, with all arms
in contiguous array, not in columns of different divisions, like the imperial troops.
WITH THE JUDGE. 57

selves into two bodies to take us in flank. Our troops, in their
counter-attack, always take the precaution of throwing them-
selves into four or five columns, to keep their flanking bodies
from surrounding them, while two other columns make a détour
to surround these. The outlaws then disperse in fear.

Q. Which are foremost in action, the regulars or the braves ?!

A. The braves, in general.

Q. Are the braves orderly or disorderly ?

A. It depends entirely on the officer at their head. If his
discipline is neither too lax nor too severe, they are not dis-
orderly.

Q. Who command the braves ?

A. Commanders of braves from the same country as the braves :
some of them are tau ling (captains), tui chang (seniors of columns),
ki-chang (elders of flags), tsung ling (leaders or lieutenants) ;
there are also civilians deputed to take charge of them, such as
assistant magistrates, prefects’ secretaries, township magistrates,
prison masters, and, over all, the district magistrate. He has
chief authority over certain military officers deputed to take
charge of them, such as sergeants, ensigns, or lieutenants. All
of these may be in command of braves.

Q. Where do the most active braves come from ?

A. Some excel in one way and some in another. The braves
of Chau-chau are good with fire-arms (lit., fowling-pieces) ; those
of Tung-kwan and Fuh-shan with target, sword, and spear ;
those of Shun-teh, with artillery. Those who excel in artillery
and musketry fight well at a distance, but fail at close quarters.
Those who excel in the use of sword and target, fight best in
hand-to-hand conflicts, with short weapons. The outlaws,
although provided with small arms and artillery, are not expert
in the use of them. They, therefore, arm their advance, or
make their attack, with the sword and shield, and to gain the day
our troops are obliged also to be well able to use the sword and
shield.

Q. How do the outlaws dress when they fight ?

A. They are generally dressed in glazed (Wit., oiled) jackets,

1 Several memorials had impressed on the emperor that the irregulars do all the
fighting.
58 THE EMPEROR'S CONVERSATION

and overalls of dark glazed silk. When they fight they throw off
their jackets and overalls, swathe their bodies, and come forward
grasping their weapons. ‘This (the stripping) is to enable them
to escape with their lives; their captors cannot hold them. The
braves are also said to strip when they go into action.

Q. Who takes care of the braves’ clothes for them when they
throw them off?

A. Those in charge of their camp.

Q. Were the braves who brought prisoners (Uit., criminals)
into the camp at Tsing-yuen so stripped or not?

A. They were not; they put on their clothes again when the
battle is won. :

Q. Are there any theatrical entertainments at Canton at
present ?

A. They are prohibited during the present state mourning.

Q. Is there a stage for theatricals in your yamun, or not?

A. There is one in your servant’s yamun, but it is out of
repair, and fell down in the spring. Your servant has been
told that it was the custom to have plays in his yamun twice a
month. There is a large yung-tree in the second court, and by
the side of it a small temple for the worship of the spirit of the
tree. On the Ist and 15th of the month, a company of players
used to be brought in to perform three plays; and incense, and
candles, and the materials of sacrificial offerings, were provided.
There was a tradition that if no plays were acted the people of
the yamun would not have their health. The state was in
mourning when your servant took charge, and accordingly,
though the sacrifices have been offered on the Ist and 15th of
the month, there have been no plays; but throughout his whole
tenure, a year and more, none of the establishment has been
indisposed.

Q. Have Seu and Yeh the title of Guardian of the Heir-
apparent ??

A. They have not the title of Guardian of the Heir-apparent.
One of them is a viscount, and the other a baron.

Q. Have Seu and Yeh both peacock’s feathers ?

A. Peacock’s feathers were conferred on them, for their

1 Lit., guardian of the palace,
WITH THE JUDGE. 59

administration of barbarian affairs, the year before last; a
double-eyed feather on Seu, and a single-eyed feather on Yeh.

There were also a number of papers found, relating
to the negotiations which took place in 1854, between
the British and American plenipotentiaries and the
Chinese high officers appointed to meet them; but as
they bear entirely on events prior to my time, I do not
insert them; however they are well worth studying in
connection with the history of the events to which
they relate.
CHAPTER IV.

The Sepoys ; their dinners and ablutions—Chinese fish-ponds—Game—How
to recover lost property in China—Rumours of an attack—Sing-chong the
contractor ; his opinion of the English, and ideas on religion—He makes a
model barrack.

THE Sepoys must, I think, have lost a good deal of
their caste in China; but, as all sailed in the same
boat, no one was likely to tell tales on their return, so
it did not much signify. They are troublesome custo-
mers at sea, and give the commissariat enough to do to
provide for their wants. Beef, pork, rum, and biscuit
would, in sufficient quantities, take a British force any-
where, but.the peas and beans, and corn and rice, and
currants and ghee, and requirements of the different
members composing an Indian force, give to those who
are charged with their comforts on board ship an infinity
of trouble.

Nevertheless, in spite of commissariat difficulties, it
appears to me that we might utilize our Indian troops
much more than we do, by making them serve for cer-
tain reasonably short periods in some of our colonies.
Their terms of enlistment should be such as to admit of
regiments being selected for this service, where they
might be. blended, as in India, with a small European
force, and the duties judiciously arranged so as to suit
each corps. The advantage to us, derived from an
extended knowledge of the world acquired by the
THE SEPOYS. 61

Sepoys, and on their return disseminated among their
countrymen, must be very great. With persons un-
educated, and unprovided with suitable literature, the
best medium through which to convey instruction is an
appeal to their senses; and I can conceive nothing
more likely to impress such persons with the wealth
and power of Great Britain, than service in her colonies.

By this measure our English troops would be im-
mensely saved in guards, and other garrison duties, for
which the Sepoys are well fitted ; and which in tropical
and trying climates they would perform without that
injury to themselves which might be incurred by our
less acclimatised English soldiers — with whom the
acclimatisation of one man means, but too frequently,
the loss by death, or invaliding, of one or more of his
comrades. In other words, the term has different sig-
nifications when applied to individuals and regiments.
In the first case it has its obvious meaning, in the
second it implies the weeding out of all constitutions
which cannot stand the climate.

Looking at the question from a purely financial point
of view, there would be a considerable saving. It is
estimated that the relative cost of European and Indian
soldiers in India, is one hundred pounds, and twenty-five
pounds per man per annum respectively. It is true that
the cost of Indian troops out of India would be more,
and that of British troops less, as the former would
require more pay to serve abroad, and the latter would
probably be on colonial allowances : still that would not
make up the difference ; and I think we may safely con-
sider the cost of maintaining Indian troops in our colo-
nies as one-third less than that of British soldiers.

Another point to be gained, is the rounding off of
some of the sharp angles of their prejudices, and incon-
62 DEFILED DINNERS.

venient ideas of caste. In China, as I said before, they
got some of these rubbed down considerably.

What scenes there used to be sometimes about their
dinners! I was very much amused one day. A wretched
Chinaman, prowling about among their cooking-places,
by chance invaded the sacred precincts of one of them.
Up started the grim occupant, presenting to the view
of the trespasser an apparition naked all but the merest
apology for a cloth round his waist, with a piece of
string round his neck, and his face daubed over with
an ornamental pattern done in clay. This was perhaps
a smart havildar, or may be a native officer, dressed for
dinner. Of course, away flew poor John Chinaman, in
his terror going regularly across country over the little
enclosures of mud used as cooking-places, defiling the
dinners in every place where he set foot; the swarthy
figures disappointed of their delicious ghee-flavoured
mess, rising in rage after him. He ran all down one
row, when, being indiscreetly pursued, he got headed, and
up again he tore through another series of kitchens, and
was unable to make his escape until he had caused the
greater part of the company to go without their dinners.
I really could not pity them, for it was not that the
food had been touched, but merely the dirt-pie-like
arrangement of a kitchen of which the sanctity had
been invaded. Nor was it because the Chinaman was
dirty, for had it been the Governor-General of India
himself who had been steeple-chasing through the
kitchens their disgust would probably have been just
the same.

Their habit of stripping and washing before eating,
surprised the Chinese much, and at first they were
furtively watched with great interest. The parties
which I used to take out as an escort when surveying
DEFILED WATER. 638

astonished the country people immensely by this prac-
tice. I must say I got tired of the time it all took.
One day, when they were all busy washing, preparatory
to dinner, I sat down to eat my sandwiches. I pulled
out my sherry flask, and, wanting some water to mix
with the wine, I went some distance up the stream, and
dipped out some in the tin cup at the bottom of my
flask. I was watched, and my act observed. Not one
bit of dinner would those men eat; I can only suppose,
because I had drunk at the same stream with them.
They put on their clothes, packed up their dinners,
and said they would not eat till they got home. It was
a pity they did not, for I gave them such a benefit over
the hills as they had not enjoyed for some time. The
impudence of the wretches thinking that if I wanted to
drink I ought to go and imbibe the water in which
they had washed their nasty bodies! Ido not suppose
I ought to say nasty, for they must be really very clean,
so assiduous are they in their ablutions ; but somehow the
smell of the ghee seemed to me always to pervade their
whole bodies. If any one wants to know what is ghee
let him not look it out in a Hindostanee dictionary, for
if he does he will find “ clarified butter.” I think rancid
grease would be a much more fitting description of any
that they brought with them to China.

All day long are these men about the water, washing
either themselves or their clothes. It is really curious
to see them at work at the long piece of cotton, which
without strings or buttons, they convert into girdle, or
kilt, or trowsers, or coat and waistcoat; in any of which,
forms it never comes undone. Just try dressing your-
self in a sheet, and merely fold it round, and turn in the
ends, and see how long it will be before you come to
grief,
64 MODE OF FISHING.

In washing these long garments, a marfwould stand
out on a flat stone a little way in the pond like a heron;
he would hold either end of the long cloth in one hand,
and with a jerk of his arm throw up the whole long
loop to its length, and make it fall in successive folds
into the under hand, dropping the other upon it with a
smack. To manage so long a thing without a board, or
table, or tub, and to prevent its touching the ground
in the process, is, I think, a triumph in the art of
washing.

This familiarity with the water brought them into
personal acquaintance with the fish, and they would
wade about the ponds with a great wicker basket some-
thing the shape of a large beehive, having a hole in the
top. This they would jam down in the mud, and then
feeling in the interior with the hand, they would often
bring out a fish. When this was done on a consider-
able scale, confederates were employed to beat the
water, and hunt the fish towards one corner of the
pond, which of course much increased the chance. In
these chases the fish used to go jumping out of the
water in all directions, into the men’s faces, and into
their arms, and over their shoulders, and made a most
exciting scene of it. Sometimes, in sheer despera-
tion, they threw themselves on to dry land, finding
their own element too hot to hold them.

These fresh-water ponds have quantities of shrimps
in them—insipid, tasteless things; they are caught in
great dip-nets, held over the water suspended from a
long bamboo, and which are allowed to remain at the
bottom some time before being raised. Many of the
ponds are liable to be dried up in the hot weather, and
what becomes of the fish I know not, but a number of
the banks are lined with earthenware jars tilted up at a
' GAME. 65

considerable angle, so as to contain a certain amount of
water, which would flow in when the pond is full.
Now as this form of bank would prove an expensive
one were the jars only used as a support to the earth, I
adopted the theory that it was a means of saving the
lives of the fish in dry weather, when either they them-
selves would have the instinct to retire into the jars, or
else that their spawn, having been deposited there, was
preserved, and restocked the pond after the ensuing
rains. I think the most common fish were mullet,
carp, and dace. They were occasionally caught with a
rod and line. One officer killed two or three over ten
pounds weight, using dough as a bait. I believe that
they grow with great rapidity, and that the Chinese
transfer their spawn from pond to pond, and breed
them artificially to a great extent.

Game was certainly not abundant round Canton. A
fair bag of snipe might be got for severe walking, but
there were very few partridges or quail, and no phea-
sants. We used to shoot wild doves in the bamboo
plantations, where occasionally was found a stray cock.
In one of my snipe-shooting excursions we had an
adventure.

We had crossed over to Kuper island to shoot, and
on our return to the mainland, refreshed ourselves with
a pull at the sherry, out of a very nice flask with a
silver cup which my companion had with him; which,
by-the-way, is a bad thing to do, as it always makes
one more thirsty. So we found it; for half an hour
later we were crying out for it again, and found to our
dismay that the silver cup was gone. We had not
touched it in the interval; and all we could imagine
was that H—— had let it drop when returning it to
his pocket. We retraced our steps, and inquired as well

F
66 HOW TO RECOVER

as we could, but nothing could we hear of %. We had
been much observed when drinking, as it was in a
village, so that-they must have understood by our
signs what was the matter.

Now here was a chance of making an experiment on
the advantages of patriarchal government, and the
chain of responsibility. Walking up and down pro-
claiming our loss, we suddenly came upon a venerable-
looking old man, who betrayed a small knowledge of
pigeon English. Him I seized by the tail, and told
that he, being the elder of the village, was responsible
for what losses occurred therein, and that I should
detain him a prisoner until the missing article was
restored,

In vain did he protest that he knew nothing of the
matter, and that, indeed, he was not the elder. I main-
tained the attitude of a stolid and inflexible barbarian,
and, Iam afraid, made use of the very English but
illogical remark, that if he was not the elder he ought
to be, but that anyhow I did not care. I trust he took
my brutality for ignorance. However, [still held him
fast, and asked him, in a tremendous voice, if he knew
Mr. Parkes. He trembled at his name, and I said, to
Mr. Parkes he should go unless the property were
restored. His friends crowded round him, and the
poor old man, in great grief, explained his position to
them. They implored us to let him go; and I was
getting rather puzzled, when, to bring the matter to a
climax, I said I could not wait, and began to march
him down the street, midst wailing and lamentation.

Barely had we reached the end of the village, when
up bounded a little boy, drinking-cup in hand, which,
with great prostrations, he presented to us. The old
man’s joy was extreme. He was instantly liberated and
LOST PROPERTY. 67

“chin-chinned,” and liberally feed as an atonement for
his temporary captivity. After delivering a moral
lecture, as to the duties of the aged in bringing up the
young in the paths of virtue, we parted, I hope toler-
able friends. Now I suppose this man need not have
been a confederate ; so, again, what do you think of the
linguist who went security for Ahong ?

On the 21st of April an attack on our position was
expected, and, indeed, all the summer we had unsettled
times. On the 18th we were all paraded at alarm-
posts, and on the 21st the West gate was shut, as it was
expected, from information received, that an effort
would be made to pour troops that way into the town.
It was a great advantage to us to keep the gates well
watched, fer not only could we observe the people who
went through, but we used them as barometers of the
public feeling. As in that part of the country there
are no carts, but everything is carried by Coolies, the
loads taken in and out could be seen and noted. The
large packages were all counted, and if a number of
beds and good articles of furniture were brought in, it
was considered a good sign; but if bedding was taken
out, accompanied by respectable-looking people, whilst
disreputable people came in, we considered the state of
public opinion had gone down to stormy, and we shut
the gates.

It was hopeless to expect to keep out the braves
altogether, and on the 10th April an attempt was made
to murder one of the English police. He was severely
cut on the head by a Chinaman, armed with a sword,
when in the act of closing one of the city gates. On
the 19th, copies of proclamations were brought in from
two quarters, in which sums of money were offered for
the heads of foreign officers and soldiers, and promised

F 2
68 ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.

e
to the families of such braves as might fall in action
with the foreigners. Pih-kwei acknowledged having
heard rumours to this effect, but said he knew nothing
about the proclamations. It was evident that there
were bodies of men encamped outside the city; on the
north side especially, where their bamboo watch-towers
were visible on the hills. A few days later an informer
came to report the existence of a system of mines under
the town, by which we were all to be blown up. He
took us to some of them, which we found to be sewers
having two feet of water in them, and which it would
be extremely difficult to utilize for our destruction,
more especially as they did not happen to pass under
any of the buildings occupied by us.

An electric telegraph apparatus having been sent
out from England, it was determined to lay it down;
for though the entire length of the line, from the land-
ing-place to head-quarters, was under two miles, and
the great advantages of a telegraphic communication
were not so apparent as they would be in a longer
distance, yet it is a great saving to orderlies, especially
when messages have to be sent by night, or in bad or
hot weather.

Sing-chong, the contractor, had already been photo-
graphed; that he seemed in some way to understand.
He knew there was the sun, and the sun could make
shadows and reflections, which might be caught and
fixed, but the telegraph was quite beyond his compre-
hension. We kept him at one station when we knew
his son was near another, and we made them inter-
change messages. And when he found afterwards that
they had been rightly reported, he expressed his con-
viction, “ Englishman number one cunning ; truly he all
the same Joss.”
BUDDHISM. 69

Poor old Sing-chong! I do not think he had had
much confidence in the power of Joss. He used to say,
“Joss pigeon foolo pigeon.” He explained that none
of the educated people believed in idols, but that it was
necessary to have a tangible sort of religion, admitting
of visible gods and devils, to keep the ignorant in awe,
and to make them fear to do wrong ; and that for that
reason the Buddhist religion was supported by the
educated, who, though they saw through it, still wished
their inferiors to respect and fear it.

It is, perhaps, hardly correct to speak of the Buddhism
of China by that name, it has so much of other super-
stitions and idolatries mixed up with it. The Chinese,
feeling the want of a religion—not being satisfied with
Confucianism, which after all is but a code of morality,
and having a craving for objects of prayer and wor-
ship—have looked around them and adopted the deities
of other countries for that purpose, besides fabricating
others from their own superstitions, until their number
is legion. The main object of their devotion perhaps
consists more in the attempt to propitiate bad spirits,
and avert the evil they may work, than in the wor-
ship of good or beneficent spirits. In most Buddhist
temples the number of representations of demons greatly
exceeds that of good spirits. Still, as Sing-chong said,
intelligent and educated people must in all this find
something wanting, though they hardly know where to
look for it.

We accused him once of having tried to overreach
us in some bargain; his answer was, “ How you think
my can talkee so muchee lie, makey cheat; just now
my too muchee old man, more sixty year old; in a few
years must makee die. When my die my wantee go
topside, suppose I talkee that lie how can? You
70 SING-CHONG ROBBED. °

thinkee my that fool, for a few dollars makee that lie
that cheat?” The old man’s dealings with us, both
public and private, were numerous, and I think he was
really fairly honest. I am sure some of his bargains
must have been disadvantageous to him. He was, more-
over, twice robbed, once by Chinese, who waylaid him
as he was being carried up in his sedan-chair from the
landing-place, where he had been paid some money by
the Commissioners.

The rascals, who had watched him go down, lay in wait
for him on a lonely part of the walls, and, as the chair
passed, rushed up, knocked down the chair Coolies,
tumbled out poor old Sing-chong, and were off with
his bag of dollars before he could so much as cry out.
On the other occasion he was robbed by his govern-
ment. It was delicately hinted to him that for the
valuable services he had rendered the foreigners at
Canton it was considered that he should be advanced to
the dignity of mandarin, and that a white button was
ready for his acceptance on his paying the necessary
fees; in this case amounting to, I believe, over a
thousand dollars. He confided to us in a mysterious
manner that it was “All the same squeeze.” In fact,
it was a fine for his having assisted us.

He gave an amusing instance of the imitative genius
of his nation on one occasion. It was determined to
build some wooden huts on the heights, and Sing-chong
agreed to execute the work. He was given a sheet of
paper, having on it at the bottom, a plan of the build-
ing, showing the joists and flooring, above that an
elevation, showing the boarded sides and windows, and
above that again a cross section, showing the propor-
tions of the gable as well as the sides of the hut. After
it had all been explained to him in pigeon English, he
HIS MODEL BARRACK. 71

was told to make a rough sort of model, according as he
understood it, before preparing the material for the
actual work. In a couple of days the model was pre-
sented. It was a pagoda-looking affair of the following
construction. The lower story was square, each side
being the length of what the building should be; it
was framed and boarded, and was, in fact, the plan of
the building turned up on edge, forming the four sides
of the figure; above this was a story, also square, with
windows, which was the elevation; and the whole
having been covered with a flat roof, he put in the
centre a square pagoda with a pyramidal roof, each
side the width of the cross section of the hut. He
hinted that we had forgotten the doors and staircases,
and that he had taken the liberty to add a railing round
the edge of the flat roof, to prevent the soldiers falling
off when they walked forth out of the top pagoda.
CHAPTER V.

Expedition to the Pei-ho—Pic-nic to the White Cloud Mountains—Attack on
Chinese camp at Sampo-huey—Chinese acts of aggression, and steps taken
to stop them—An honest old woman—Our baker refuses to poison us from
selfish, rather than moral reasons—The Fayuen Committee—The Emperor's
secret edict. Sing-chong’s alarm—The defences of our cantonment,

In the middle of May some troops moved off for the
expedition to the Pei-ho under Sir Michael Seymour; a
company of Engineers went on the 11th from Canton;
the 59th were taken up from Hong Kong, and on the
16th of June a detachment of Marine Artillery was
removed from Canton for the same purpose.

Some information of a beleaguering force, more
definite than usual, must have been received late in
May, for on the 2nd of June a pic-nic party left
the city at 4 a.m. for an expedition to the White
Cloud Mountains for reconnoitring purposes. The
General was present, also Captain D’Abboville, the
French commandant, together with a good many
officers; one hundred English soldiers armed, and
conveying some rockets, and about fifty French seamen.
Mr. Parkes also formed one of the party, having in his
charge in a sedan-chair an old Chinese woman who
was supposed to have a great knowledge of the country,
and who said she was willing to point out from the top
of the mountain the principal positions of the enemy.
We had a pleasant climb up to the top; but, just as
we arrived at the temple which is built there, we were
PIC-NIC TO THE WHITE CLOUDS. 73

shocked by the awfully sudden death of a poor French
‘ sailor, who in some manner in laying down his carbine
shot himself accidentally through the stomach, causing
immediate death. His comrades buried him in a
beautiful spot, where the path, after winding round the
blazing side of the hill, suddenly enters upon a cool
glade in which the overhanging trees give shelter to
a bed of graceful and luxuriant ferns, watered by the
rippling stream which, rising within the temple above,
is styled by the Chinese, “The Spring of Eternal
Purity.” Deliciously cool and pure this water was.
Many a visit did we pay to this temple, and at each
time were more and more disposed to agree with the
natives, in the respect and love they bore to the crystal
stream,

The priests, or bonzes, were very good fellows—the
superior especially so; but one of the juniors was rather
a rake, as we found on further acquaintance.

The mountain itself seemed quiet enough, and free
from braves ; but after breakfast a camp was discovered
three or four miles to the eastward; that is, in the
opposite direction to Canton. This camp was in-
trenched and inhabited, and was apparently new, as
working parties were engaged on the intrenchments.
It contained seventy tents, and probably about 1,000
men. It was situated on a small hill at the junction
with the great valley of the White Cloud, of a pass
from another valley still further to the eastward. The
General determined to make an attack on this camp, as
the ground seemed tolerably favourable. His plan was
to move on them at daybreak in three columns. One
(the right column) to start in gun-boats at night, so as
to be opposite the situation of the camp as soon as it
was light. The Canton river ran within perhaps four
74 THE ENEMY’S CAMP.

or five miles of the camp. These troops, when landed,
were to’ push on, and get behind it, so as to prevent a
retreat into the inner valley, or up the mountains.
The guiding mark for the disembarkation of this column
was the Whampoa pagoda. Meanwhile, the centre
column was to march straight towards the object, whilst
that on the left was to make a sweep round, as one does
with a fishing-net, clearing the country and driving all
to the camp, which was to be the focus.

The necessary orders were sent in to Canton for the
troops detailed to get under arms, and for the medical
apparatus, ammunition, and all the et ceteras of war to
be provided for the whole expedition. Meanwhile, all
the pic-nic party, with the exception of the messengers
and guides who went for the reinforcements, remained
on the White Cloud Mountain. The old woman played
her part; and amongst other places pointed out
“ Shek-tsin,” a stronghold of the braves, which we
took the following spring.

Having devoured as dinner, the remains of the food
provided only for luncheon, we lay down on the floor,
and slept till three. We paraded as soon as possible,
and in the dark threaded our way down the steep stony
path, until at about 5 a.m. we all found ourselves safe on
the plain east of the “ White Cloud,” in the position
allotted to the left column. After waiting twenty
minutes or so, the head of Colonel Holloway’s column
appeared half a mile to our right (the centre column).
So far, all was according to the programme. The right
column down the river would not be visible, so we
could only assume it to be right, and go on.

As soon as we displayed ourselves on the plain, the
Chinese turned out, and thronged every height, waving
banners, and discharging their jingalls and rockets at
OUR ADVANCE. 75

us, at a range of about a mile. As we advanced they
fell back. Colonel Holloway’s column moved on
straight ; whilst we, as I said before, made a détour
round to the left, beating up the country. On emerg-
ing from a village called Wong-kan-ton, and crossing a
small stream, we suddenly came upon a crowd of the
enemy in front of Lam-pe-tow, who stood till we came
within 500 yards, when, as we advanced rapidly to the
charge, they broke up like magic, into a crowd of
skirmishers with matchlocks, two or three men to each
piece, and with these great things they opened rather a
smart fire. The French had a man badly hit on the
knee. However, we were too quick for them, and they
were forced to abandon their jingalls, and take to the
hills. By this move they were cut off from the rest of
their body, being turned away completely to the left.
However, it was found out afterwards that they had
another camp at a place called “ Yun-shu-tow,” some
two miles farther to the north, or to our left, which I
afterwards saw, and where, no doubt, there was a force
at this time.

Having crossed another stream, and had a short halt
to rest, and break up the arms we had found, we bent
our course round, and with our right joining Holloway’s
left, we took up a position in rear of a village called
Ki-ling Kong, surrounded by one of the bamboo hedges
I have before spoken of. In front of it was a stretch
of paddy-ground, then containing young rice, and
under water; and across that, and facing our village,
was another, some 600 yards off, called Seu-gow-po,
having also a grove of trees behind it. This was
occupied by the enemy, as well as the heights behind.
We opened fire on the village and on the groups on
the hills, with our rockets, and then one hundred men
76 THE RECONNAISSANCE.

were sent out on the left, who, making a détour, cleared
out the village.

By this time it was dreadfully hot. I think the
morning is the most trying time of the day in a hot
climate. A number of men were knocked up; one
sergeant died quite suddenly from sun-stroke; I
suppose it might have been about nine o’clock. The
General determined to rest in the village, and under
the trees, until the afternoon, so as to refresh the men,
and have a waning sun for his operations. Buffalo
calves, fowls, and pigs, were caught and slain after the
manner of soldiers: such as were not sick from the sun
ate, and all lay down to rest.

After about two hours’ halt, the General wished to
reconnoitre, so as to find the exact position of the
camp, which had been nowhere visible since we left the
mountain-top. He took with him fifty volunteers,
among whom was a body of officers. Out we went, and
found a path across the paddy over which we could
march. We then crossed a spur of a hill crowned with
small fir-trees: here we were a little fired on by
skirmishers in front of us. Pushing on up a second
hill of the same nature, still under fire, we saw a third
and higher one in front of us. On showing our-
selves on the top, we were met. by a well-directed
volley from the front, and the hubbub of voices behind
the hill showed us the position of the camp. The
General having attained his object, ordered us to fall
back; which we did slowly, firing as we retired, and
fighting from tree to tree, and rock to rock. The
Chinese pressed closely on us. I saw one within forty
yards, crawling on all-fours with his matchlock, and
trying to stalk us. They made also some attempts to
overlap our flanks.
SUN-STRICKEN. 77

General Straubenzee, who had probably foreseen
that we should be followed up on returning, had sent an
order to Colonel Holloway to bring up two hundred
men as a support, and on these showing themselves and
opening fire, the Chinese fell back. It was fearfully
hot all this time, and though every man went on well
as long as we advanced, they began to droop from
the sun the moment we retired. All those attacked
were vomiting in the most distressing way. I do not
know the number knocked down, but it must have been
considerable, for I myself helped to carry down three
men. When I got to the shade I was not much better
than my neighbours. The principal medical officer
passed by me as I sat leaning back against a tree, and
surprised me by feeling my pulse, and looking at the
pupils of my eyes. I told him I was all right, but he
said no, I was not; but that if I would sit perfectly still
for half an hour I might have some sauterne. Fancy
what a prospect! At such a rate I was willing to have
my pulse felt all day, and was quite content to be so far
an invalid.

The Chinese had really fired rather well. Their range
was very good; but they are unlucky shots. I do not
remember what damage they did us, but I know they
wounded three officers. No one was killed by shot,
though one or two died from sun-stroke. Poor Dr.
Turnbull, an excellent and deservedly popular man,
was murdered in the morning: he was in rear of one
of the columns, and whilst going from one group to
another, a party of men rushed out from some houses,
overpowered him and cut off his head. This is very
much how Hackett, of the 59th, was killed at the
taking of Canton.

About mid-day arrived Captain Grenfell, R.N., who
78 ESCAPE OF THE BRAVES.

belonged to the party which should have gone down
the river, and got behind the camp. It appears that,
from some mistake, they had disembarked in the wrong
place, being, I believe, misled by the similarity of the
Honam and Whampoa pagodas, having landed nearly
opposite the former. He told us that the field-guns,
having got stuck in the paddy, the 70th B. N. I. were
stopping to guard them, whilst he had advanced with
his sailors to see what was going on.

At five P.M. it was pleasant and cool; and we all
paraded, and marched in proud array to the camp.
Everything was suspiciously quiet, and on our arrival
we found that the tents had all been struck and cleared
away, and the whole place was as empty as if it had
not been garrisoned for years. There was a large
building in the camp, which we burned, but beyond
that there was nothing to do. We went up the valley,
to see if there were any traces of the fugitives, but
there were none. Meanwhile the heat of the day had
turned to thunder, and down came the rain in torrents,
and we had to grope our way back in the dark, over
the paddy-fields to our camp. Here in a buffalo stable,
bedded down on some brushwood, a select party of us
slept soundly till three, at which hour we paraded, and
evacuating our temporary quarters, commenced our
return to Canton, getting home at about ten A.M.,
where all our companions were eager to hear the tale,
which was told with much spirit, and listened to with
attention; but unfortunately the climax was not what
it should be. No embellishments of language could
people the empty fort, nor supply the flaunting
trophies to which we had so confidently looked forward
as already within our grasp.

At midnight there was an alarm, and the troops were
AGGRESSION. 79

turned out ; we were rocketed from the hills outside, but
nothing further was attempted, and no harm was done.

After this we had troublous times; rewards were
offered for barbarian heads, and attacks were made on
solitary individuals, by men lying in wait for them in
the empty houses near the walls. On the 16th June
a Sepoy was attacked and wounded, but beat off his
assailant. The would-be assassin made his escape in a
clever way. He had a bamboo, about six feet long,
with a rope attached; and when he saw that his attack
by surprise was a failure, and some of the Sepoy’s com-
rades were coming up, he ran off, laid down his bamboo
across the inside of the opening of an embrasure, got
through the embrasure with the rope in his hand, and the
bamboo being laid across, and acting as a grapnel, he slid
down the rope into the suburbs, and disappeared in a
second. When it was reported, orders were given to pull
down the houses among which the man had secreted
himself.

This was the policy adopted throughout, and I think
it was the right one. Many of the inhabitants having |
left the city, and carried off their property from their
houses, disorderly robbers took possession of them, and
lurked about in the neighbourhood of the wall, which
was our high road, watching for solitary and unarmed
individuals whom they might attack and rob, or
murder, if possible, for the head-money offered. Among
these houses was held out the bait, tempting to the
soldier, of samshu, the spirit of the country; a vil-
lanous, poisonous spirit concocted from rice, but strong,
and above all cheap, and therefore much to be desired by
the drunken. Nor were the blandishments of the fair
sex wanting ; ladies no doubt accounted beautiful in that
land, with goat-like feet shod with scarlet slippers, and
80 AGGRESSIVE MEASURES,

hair coquettishly adorned with flowers,” looked coyly
from round the corners of the houses, within which lay
hidden the miscreant with his sword, ready to chop off
the head of the too-confiding adventurer.

The following are instances of aggression besides the
two I have mentioned. A camp follower of the 70th
B. N. I. was kidnapped and carried off to Fayuen.
Two policemen were attacked and wounded when
opening one of the city gates. An Indian drummer
was wounded in the streets. A boy, a follower of the
70th B. N.I., was thrown over the walls of the city.
Another follower of the same regiment was murdered.
A sepoy of the 65th B. N.I. was kidnapped, and
another wounded, in the eastern suburb. An attempt
was made to blow up a police-station by throwing in
bags of powder with lighted matches, by which three
English police were very severely burnt. It became
necessary to take stringent measures to put a stop to
such a state of affairs.

Of course, when attacks were made, down came all
the houses near: indeed no other course could be
adopted ; but with regard to those still occupied by their
original owners, the case stood somewhat differently.
However, they were all warned by proclamation that
since these outrages had been committed, steps must be
taken to put a stop to the practice; that it was the
duty of all respectable persons, equally with ourselves,
to make every effort to prevent these murderers carry-
ing on their atrocious practices ; and all were invited
to request our assistance in driving these bands from
their neighbourhood, should they attempt to settle near
them. Thus would property be secured, and the peace
of the city be restored.

A discussion was held at one time as to the best
AND THEIR REMEDIES. 81

means to be taken for the security of our storehouses at
the landing-place, which were only separated from the
buildings in the suburbs by a narrow creek. It was
decided that as the contiguous houses were shops doing
a fair trade, and apparently respectably inhabited, their
preservation would be a security; and that as long as
their owners remained in possession, the braves would
be kept at a distance, and they were therefore allowed
to stand. Still this did not last: attempts were made
to burn our stores from these very houses, and we had
to pull them down to preserve our security.

On the 18th June rockets were fired at our canton-
ments from the high ground outside. On the 20th
fire-balls were thrown into a stable attached to a pagoda
on the city walls, which we used as a barrack; but for-
tunately some one was at hand, who prevented the fire
spreading. On the 22nd a man was attacked in the
western suburb. On the 23rd an officer’s servant, a
Madras man, was murdered and beheaded. On the
29th they fired rockets assiduously between ten and
twelve at night: we were prepared for an attack, but
nothing came of it.

The Chinese, troublesome though they may be when
urged on by their rulers, are, nevertheless, when left to
themselves, wonderfully docile, and amenable to reason.
On one occasion, when a party was sent down under
my orders to pull down houses after an outrage, I was
accosted by a respectable-looking man, who introduced
himself as the owner of the greater part of the street.
On my informing him of the contemplated destruction
of his property, he said he expected as much; he saw
we had no other course to adopt, and that it was
inevitable. I then asked him why he allowed these
braves to settle near him, and, if he was unable to get

G
82 AN HONEST OLD WOMAN.

rid of them himself, why did not he rep8rt that they
were there, and allow us to turn them out for him.
His answer was, “But tell me how long will you
remain here to preserve order? Will you stay here
always? No, you will stay perhaps one year, perhaps
two. If I make myself obnoxious to a party of my
countrymen now, how do you think I should fare when
you are gone? No! better to suffer these evils now,
than to give cause for future revenge.” He then asked
how far we were going to extend our demolitions, and
requested leave to pull his own houses down himself, as
he might then save some of the materials. As this
duty was rather a severe one for the troops, his offer
was gladly accepted, and very well did he do it.

The effect of this policy showed well in one instance.
One evening a little boy came to the barracks at the
East gate, and partly in a few words of English, and
partly by signs, appeared to implore some one to follow
him into the city. For a little time no notice was
taken of him; but at last, so eager did he seem, it was
decided to send a small party of armed men with him
to see what he wanted. He appeared much delighted,
and in great haste guided them through intricate streets
and lanes, looking very much like the approach to an
ambush, and after some little time triumphantly halted
before a poor house, where a very old woman opened
the door and came forward: she invited the party to
enter; and there, on the floor, in a state of senseless
intoxication, lay, shameful to relate, a British soldier.
He was picked up, and taken to the barracks, the old
woman accompanying the party to relate her story,
which was that the man came reeling along the street,
and fell opposite her door; that she was in terror lest
he should be found by braves and be beheaded, for then
A POLITIC BAKER. 83

she knew, his body being found there, her house would
at once be pulled down, and that she in her old age
would be cast adrift on the world. So she dragged
him within as quickly as she could, despatched her
grandson to give the information, and locked the door,
so as to keep him concealed.

Next day the General ordered a reward to be sent
her : when it was offered, she said, ‘“ Now do not mis-
take me. I don’t want your reward. I have no love
for any of you, nor for your drunken soldier. I do
not care what becomes of him, but I do not want
to be turned out of my house. I do not want
any reward for taking care of myself.’ It would
probably make her obnoxious, if it were known that
she took a reward for saving a barbarian’s life. I
do not know whether she was at last prevailed upon to
accept it; she certainly deserved it; for if she had
chopped off his head, and carried off the body to some
other person’s door, she might have made a good thing
out of her chance.

Our baker was offered eight thousand dollars to
poison all our bread, after the fashion of Alum, the
Hong Kong baker; but he made answer that he
received very nearly that sum from us in a month
by lawful baking, and hinted that he was not such a
fool as to kill the goose that laid the golden eggs. It
is fortunate that our enemy’s treasury was at too low
an ebb to enable them to offer a sufficient price for our
heads in bulk, and they were fortunately spared any
very serious disbursement on account of the same
articles in detail. I think they only got three or four
heads, besides poor Dr. Turnbull’s.

All this time poor old Pih-kwei was in arrest, as he
was in a great measure held accountable for what was
going on; but I believe Chinese documents were found

Ga 2
84 THE FAYUEN COMMITTEE.

subsequently which cleared him. Hwang, the Imperial
Commissioner, and successor to Yeh as viceroy of the pro-
vinces of Kwang-tung and Kwang-si, was suspected of
having a hand in it; but the most active instigators were
a committee of influential men, who determined to make
it their business to drive us from Canton either by the
bold stroke of an attack on the city, or by measures of
treachery, or by gradually eliminating us by the process
of assassination. These respectable country gentlemen
had their head-quarters at a city called Fayuen, about
thirty miles from Canton, and hence they were com-
monly designated the “ Fayuen committee.” But they
had other strong points, one of the principal of which
was Shek-tsin, of which I have before spoken, as being
pointed out by the old woman on the White Cloud
Mountains, and shall have occasion to mention again.
The measures undertaken by these men were concocted
entirely without the knowledge or connivance of poor
old Pih-kwei, who must have been sadly perplexed at
the turn matters were taking. However, for all we
knew at the time, we were quite justified in putting
him under a mild temporary restraint.

The following curious document, obtained by Sir H.
Parkes in November, though of a later date, (and refer-
ring to the measures to be adopted towards us at the
Peiho, as well as at Canton, ) explains the state of affairs,
It is a curious instance of what dependence should be
placed on Chinese treaties; for it must be borne in mind
that Lord Elgin’s treaty of 1858 had been signed about
five months, when this edict was written :—

Secret Edict despatched from Pekin, November 7, 1858, and

received at Fayuen, November 22, 1858.
(Translation.)

Looxine back upon past events to our accession to the throne

at a time when we were still young, we call to mind our
THE SECRET EDICT. 85

constant apprehensions that, though attending with unceasing
solicitude to the affairs of state, we have failed to fulfil the trust
confided to us by our illustrious predecessor. Contrary to all
expectation, from the commencement of our reign, now eight
years ago, the long-haired rebels on both banks of the river
(Yang-tsze) have continued their extravagant excesses; and in
the eastern and western provinces of Yueh (Kwang-tung and
Kwang-si), the red-turbaned thieves cease not to cause disorders ;
the whole empire is thrown into confusion, and banditti appear
in every quarter.

‘And just as some amelioration in this state of things was
taking place, and we began to witness a partial restoration of
the country to order, the English barbarians suddenly again
broke out into rebellion, took possession of the capital of eastern
Yueh (Canton), attacked and destroyed the forts of Tien-tsin,
and even dared to penetrate into the inner land. Their violence
awakes the indignation of both gods and men, and the very
ground itself cries out against them for the injuries they have
inflicted. Can the number of the people’s houses which they
have destroyed be counted by the myriad, or would millions
cover the amount of the state revenues which they have caused
to be wasted !

Searching out the origin of this trouble, we see conclusively
that it has been caused by our having employed men unfitted
for their office, who were not able either to guide or to control
the actions (of the foreigners), and have thus brought ruin upon
the land. Our tears flow at the recital of these misfortunes.

Why is it then that we have succumbed to circumstances, and
permitted the acceptance of terms of peace from the said bar-
barians? It was, indeed, for no other reason than that war had
reached the portals of our imperial domains; the enemy was at
the gates of our capital; and, in the train of war, follow alarm
and disorder; the people are scattered and rendered homeless.
How could we endure that our people should suffer? Our rest
was disturbed, and we could not eat in peace. No other course,
therefore, was open to us, but to concede what they requested,
in order to put an end to present distress.

Now, however, we have already ordered Leang Tung-sin to
proceed with despatch to Tung-chow, and to purchase a large
86 THE SECRET EDICT.

supply of stakes, which he is to lay down soeurely in such
positions at Tien-tsin, or on the sea-coast in its vicinity, as he
may deem most suitable, in order to provide defence so secure,
and a barrier so effectual, that the barbarian vessels will never
again be able to enter the inner waters. This is a measure of
the utmost importance.

As to the province of Kwang-tung, which has hitherto been
famed for its loyalty and patriotism, and on a former occasion
received from his late Majesty the monumental inscription, “ A
sovereign’s reward for a people’s devotion,” and a special edict
expressing his marked approval of their conduct, and the grati-
fication it afforded him, we look to those high ministers, Lo
Tung-yeu and others (¢. e., the Fayuen Commissioners), to give
effect to our wishes. On them the duty rests of making in
secret all the necessary arrangements, of marshalling the rural
population without attracting observation, and of everywhere
establishing train-bands, and by securing among them com-
binations, as well as by rousing them to exertion and keeping
their communications everywhere complete, they may present
to the outer barbarians such a display of the power of China as
shall cause them to retire from the position they have assumed.

In order to secure secrecy in their proceedings, and to prevent
any notice of the scheme escaping, the authorities must no
longer appear to act a hostile part (towards the foreigners), but
must only direct the people to oppose them; nor need any com-
munication whatever be held on the subject with the local
functionaries, nor even with the Governor-General and the Go-
vernor of the province.

Thus, if victory attend us, we may be assured that we are
fulfilling the demands of heaven; but, if defeat, we shall still
avoid being involved in war. And it is not impossible that we
may see, as the result of this scheme, peace gradually taking
the place of those foreign troubles and assaults upon our nation
which we have experienced during some years past ; we may see
a stop put to barbarian encroachment, and glory again descending
on the civilization of Hea (China).

Let the efforts of you, my ministers (the Fayuen Commission-
ers), be directed to this end, and do not disappoint the hopes of
your sovereign. When you shall have received this secret edict,
THE ATTACK DEFERRED. 87

hasten to draw up a minute statement of the measures which
you think necessary for the execution of these objects, and
forward it to us by flying courier. Let there be no delay, and
let this important edict, which is for the information (of the
Commissioners), be forwarded to them by an express of 600
per day.

Intelligence of all kinds came pouring in continually,
—many days were confidently named for the antici-
pated attack on the city, but still matters went on in
the same way. It was evident that it was merely a
question of days, and there was no doubt but that our
besiegers were trying to screw up their courage to
make the attempt.

It was reported, amongst other things, that an at-
tempt had been made to repair and rearm one of the
forts on the river in Blenheim Reach, and I was sent
down to observe. It was found to be a false alarm;
but, in order to prevent anything mischievous being
done, a breach was made in either end by mines, so as
to enable every gun-boat going up or down the river,
to see all over the interior of the work.

Meanwhile we walked about the city much as usual,
and in the more thronged and respectable streets
everything was quiet enough; still it was by no means
safe to go alone in any unfrequented parts of the town.
Poor old Sing-chong was in great terror; he never
would go into the town at all, if he could possibly help
it; and whenever he was obliged to go to the Commis-
sioners’ yamun on business, to which occasions he
limited his excursions, he used to go in a sedan-chair,
with all the blinds jealously closed, after the fashion in
which the city ladies travelled. Sometimes, indeed, not
content with this concealment, he was, at his request,
provided with an escort.
88 OUR DEFENCES.

The troops were not idle this summer. “We worked
away at our cantonment, and made it tolerably secure
against a surprise. Very little could be done in the
way of a regular attack : we were open to two methods,
—one from the country outside, and the other from the
city. We did not attempt to hold the walls for their
entire circuit, but only on the high ground which we
occupied by our cantonment, and in the neighbourhood
of the gates, and of our posts along the walls. Of course
we were anxious to let as few braves as possible get
into the city, though we were unable to prevent their
climbing over the walls in remote places; so that an
assault from the outside, to affect us seriously, must
be directed against the part close to our barracks,
where we were in a position to look confidently to
being able to drive off a very much more formidable
foe than we expected to encounter.

The great difficulty in the way of an attack from the
city, was the narrowness of the streets : it would be im-
‘possible for our assailants to bring forward any front
at all. Indeed, they would not be able to collect in the
city, or form, without giving us ample notice, and time
to guard against a surprise, which was the only thing
which could hurt us. Moreover, our demolitions had
cleared a space round our front, which was all over-
looked from the heights, and every avenue of approach
by which they could come was so well guarded, and
commanded by our guns, that it would have taken a
very determined enemy indeed to carry our position
without the aid of artillery. This we considered it
impossible for them to bring to bear on us from the
city, as our explorations had displayed their resources,
and all that could be used against us had been removed.
CHAPTER VI.

Continuation of annoyances—The braves attack the city—English rockets
versus Chinese—The captured artilleryman and the mandarin’s daughter—
Bamboo-worker kidnapped—Sing-chong’s ideas of partnership—Chinese
epistles—How Lee-ching learnt proper English—Taxing our servants—
Capture of Namtow—The drunkards secured—Pih-kwei’s exoneration,

On the night of the 3rd July they made one of their
desultory attacks, and fired rockets and other combus-
tibles at our storehouses from the shops which we had
so considerately agreed to spare a few weeks before.
Fortunately no harm was done. On the next day, and
for some time after, working parties were employed
demolishing the houses. On the 13th they were fired
on, and a French boatswain killed ; a marine, two Se-
poys, and three Chinese coolies were badly wounded.
In return for this, our metropolitan improvements were
extended by fire, and a good large clear space obtained,
well under view of our sentries; after which our stores
were unmolested. '

But the restless spirit was still abroad. On the 16th
the body of a murdered English soldier was discovered
in a street, with his head and arm cut off. The poor
man was an orderly, and was carrying the order-book
from one post to another. Instead of keeping to the
proper road, he had been tempted to take a short cut
through a street, and so fell into the hands of the
braves. \

Almost every night we were treated to a display of
90 ROCKETS.

rockets, fired into our cantonments from the hills on the
north of the city, where Fort Gough and three others
stood in ruins. They even got at one of the old guns
which we had spiked, and tumbled into the ditch of
Marine Fort, and fired some shots from it, which, how-
ever, fortunately fell harmlessly. The rockets entered
our barracks, but did little or no harm.

These warlike implements, so often spoken of, are
just like large sky-rockets, but the head of the stick is
provided with an iron barbed arrow-point, which makes
it a very disagreeable thing to be hit with : a midship-
man was killed by one at the capture of Canton. These
rockets our assailants appeared to fire from the ground.
The practice seemed to be for a few men to go up the
hill with a large bundle of them, and, after ensconcing
themselves behind a mound, they would send off their
rockets, sometimes singly, and sometimes in bouquets;
and very pretty they looked. Considering the number
of people who used to be looking out at the fireworks,
they were unlucky in only hitting one man, and I am
not sure that his wound was not from a jingall shot.

But their crowning effort was reserved for the night
of the 20th July. At ten o’clock they began to bom-
bard us with more vigour than ever, and treated us to
many more bullets than on previous occasions. Their
efforts were principally directed against the West gate,
and our position on Magazine Hill. At two in the
morning some one set fire to one of our piquet houses
in the city, and soon after that, large bodies of men,
guided by the light of lanterns, were to be seen moving
all over the north plain. A dash was made at the West
gate by a party well provided with lanterns, up the
straight street leading from the western suburbs. A
howitzer, opportunely loaded with grape, was dis-
THE ATTACK OF THE BRAVES. 91

charged straight down, and terrible must have been its

effects. For a moment there was seen by the light of
the broken and flaring lanterns, an indistinct writhing
mass, and then all was dark again. They never made
a second attack at this point.

At the North gate they made a great deal of noise,
and some furtive dashes at the gate, but were on each
occasion met by volleys from the French, who guarded
that post. They then adjourned to a spot on the walls
some four hundred yards west of the North gate, where,
after throwing up light-balls, and what are technically
called stink-pots, for a minute or two, they at last,
amidst intense cheering, scaled the wall, and were
plainly visible, by the light of their fireworks, dancing
a furious war-dance on its summit. A volley from the
French took them just at the moment—they danced no
more. Two days later, on passing by, I saw eight
graves on the spot: these men had probably been car-
ried down into the town by their comrades, and buried
by night, near the spot where they had fallen.

This was not the only attempt they made. At the
north-west angle of the city there stood an old ruined
projecting tower, constructed so as to give a flanking
fire on the two adjacent faces of the wall: this the
storming party attempted to blow down, so as to pro-
vide themselves with a means of gaining the top of the
wall by climbing over the débris. They fired two
charges almost simultaneously, with this view; but,
though they shook the walls considerably, they only
blew two large holes in the masonry. However, they
managed, by the help of some pillars which formerly
supported the floor of the tower, to climb up in consi-
derable numbers, being at this spot unopposed; but
some of them venturing along the top of the wall too
92 THE ATTACK OF THE BRAVES.

near the West gate were met by a party of marines,
who made a sortie from that post, and they were soon
discomfited.

At the north-east angle of the city, near a post occu-
pied by the 70th Bengalees, they scaled the walls by
means of ladders, and got into a gun-shed on the ram-
part, from which they began to rocket the barracks.
However, they were routed, as at the West gate, with
some loss, and a number of rockets and some ladders
fell as trophies into the hands of the 70th.

As the day broke, we could see their divisions on the
north plain, moving off. One body of men however,
advanced, and began to take possession of a Mahomedan
mosque not very far from the North gate. This we
could not allow, so we cleared them out with one or two
shells, and gave them also a specimen of the barbarian
rocket, which discomfited as well as astonished them by
its explosive qualities. One which fell hissing on the
ground, was attacked by a revengeful Chinaman, who
belaboured it severely with a bamboo, as a relief to his
feelings, when on a sudden off it went, bursting into
fragments, and putting its assailant in no small peril.
However, more by good luck than good management,
the fellow was not hit; but I do not think he ever ran
much faster than when he set off, striving to put as
great a distance as he could, between himself and the
“foreign devils’ ” engine of war.

We got some notion of the loss they sustained in the
western suburbs, as the roads leading from that
quarter to the camp were within view from the Maga-
zine Hill, and we saw many bodies of killed or wounded
being carried out on stretchers. By 7 o’clock they. had
all cleared off.

This was the only general attack they made; it was
FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES. 93

rumoured that it was to be renewed on the 22nd, and
we all paraded at alarm posts at midnight, where we
remained till daybreak, but all was quiet; we were
occasionally fired upon at night, but nothing more was
done, and on 4th August, a letter was received from
Whang, acknowledging the receipt of the tidings of
Lord Elgin’s success in the north, and the treaty con-
cluded at Tien-tsin.

Our immunity from serious attacks appeared to arise
from financial difficulties more than anything else. It
was reported that the troops only received three dollars
a month ; they said three dollars “ chow chow” (or for
food) “can do,—three dollars’ fight can do. But for
three dollars one moon how can catchee chow chow,
makee fight? No can.”

Thus they had a difficulty in raising recruits, and it
would only have been possible for them to injure us
materially, by their bringing up vast masses of men
against us. A very superior number of men armed
only with sticks, ought to overpower a small party
armed with Enfield rifles; still, whatever their force
within reasonable limits, our advantages of position and
superiority of arms left them but little chance of ever
realizing their fond idea of driving us pell-mell into the
river.

In the latter part of this month and the beginning of
the next, the troops began to return from the north:
they had not been able to take a very active part in the
affair, as all the fighting was over before they got up;
there having been no resistance after that first offered
by the forts at the mouth of the Peiho. Here a strong
hawser was stretched across the river in order to
check the course of our vessels, and bring them up, on a
spot fully commanded by the guns in the forts. But
94 THE CAPTIVE ARTILLERYMAN,

they had not reckoned on the impetus of an despatch-boat
steaming at full power; and exposed to this test, the
hawser snapped like a hair, and the fleet firing as they
went up, and receiving such passing compliments as the
garrison had time to pay, took up a position above the
batteries, from which, by taking them in reverse, they
rendered them untenable even by the best troops.

One of the individuals most benefited by the tran-
sition from war to peace was a bombardier of artillery,
who had been kidnapped on the 26th July on the walls
of Canton, and carried off by braves. He was at first
treated with much cruelty, and confined in a cage, in
which he was carried from place to place, and put down
in the streets, where he was publicly shown to the mul-
titude, and underwent no little insult and ill-treatment
at their hands. He was ultimately taken to a place
called “ Kong-tsun,” about twelve miles from Canton.
Here he was in charge of a mandarin, who was mar-
ried, and had a family. The soldier was now allowed
to walk for exercise in a walled garden, where he
attracted the attention of a little girl, the mandarin’s
daughter; and at last a sort of friendship sprung up
between them; and, being an intelligent man, he used
to amuse his little friend by drawing her pictures illus-
trative of barbarian manners and customs. This little
mediatrix caused an improvement in his treatment.
Soon after the proclamation of peace, he was sent back
to Canton by water, safe and sound, though with his
nerves much shattered. The first dreadful trial of the
chase, the capture, the fear of instant and violent death ;
then, finding that his life was spared, the agony of
dread lest he should be reserved for future torture, and
a slow and lingering death ; lastly, when it was evident
that he was looked upon as a prisoner to whom it was
AND MANDARIN’S DAUGHTER. 95

worth while to show some attention and care, the fear
that he should never be able to escape, nor allowed
to return to his native land—all this, added to the
actual wounds he received from the spears of his pur-
suers, was enough to upset the nervous system of any
one.

Tt was reported that a Chinese bamboo-worker in
the employ of the Engineers had been carried off at
about the same time. A letter was sent into the city
purporting to come from him, and stating that he had
been caught by braves, but that they were willing to
ransom him for thirty dollars. As this man at the time
of his disappearance had in his possession sixty-one dollars
belonging to Sing-chong, it seemed by no means im-
probable that he had absconded, and sent the letter to
put us off his track, or peradventure induce us to send
thirty dollars to add to what. he had got from Sing-
chong. It would moreover be impossible to insure the
ransom ever reaching the persons for whom it was
intended, nor the release of the prisoner even if it did.
So the bamboo-man had to take his chance.

Sing-chong took rather an amusing view of the affair
as regarded his loss, and going to a better linguist than
himself called “ Yung-sing,” they concocted the follow-
ing letter :-—

“ Masor FISHER,

“The matter on the 5th of July, a Chinese Bamboo
Worker (Apuck) at the same day 3 or clock, I gave to
him 55 dollars send them to (Chin-kee) of China shop
to buy 400 pieces Bamboo Mats, and 1 bargain bill
ordered to (Tong-king) shop to be make 2 large flax
Ropes, payment 5 dollars, and small boat hire 1 dollar.
Total being 61 dollars. (Apuck) so run away with
96 THE CAPTURED BAMBOO-MAN.

61 dollars, at the same time, and never*came back, on
next day I send some man to enquired about the small
boats, who knows (Apuck) also the shop man, who
dealer in mats, and rope maker said (Apuck) has nothing
to do with him at present, on the 9th day (Apuck) has
a letter delivered to Asam the bamboo makers brings
to me (Apuck,) said he has been taken away by the
Militia, and they wants 30 dollars to let him return,
beg me to save him, and pay him the money. But the
bargain bill for to get the ropes, so he leaved the bill to
Asam shop, so will be proove (Apuck) has done
nothing for what I wishes.

“ Now I beg you Sir will do me the favour (Apuck)
has 4 Partnerships went up to the North, as soon as the
4 Workmen arrive it at Hong-Kong, every man will
deduct 15 dollars from his Wages, so I shall not lose the
money by it.”

So universal is the habit in China of one man being
responsible for another’s acts, and consequently each
one interested in the conduct of the other, that Sing-
chong appeared to have no doubt that the defaulter’s
brother workmen would immediately indemnify him for
the losses he had sustained through the misfortune or
misdoings of their companion; though, as far as was
known, there was no compact or agreement of partner-
ship of any kind between them.

The Chinese, when they wrote English, were much
more careful than in talking it, and did not pigeonise
it nearly so much. Yung-sing could sometimes write
a good letter, in a capital hand, and well spelt. Sing-
chong was not so good. The following are speci-
mens of English composition at Chinese hands :—
CHINESE EPISTLES. 97

“ Masor Fisuer, 24th January, 1860.

“‘ T have seen the house in Commissioners Yamom,
which you order to me that the price was charge one
thousand and seven hundred dollars, those materials
which I pay except that bricks which pay by yourself,
for there are too much a dear, I counted the wall of
that house is one thousand and nine hundred feet long,
and windows more than six hundred when the house
was quite finished, and put paper afterwards, this is
counted besides : and I think commencing them by six
or seven days more, for they mason and carpenters are
not leasuir, these a few days happy new year.

“ SING-CHONG.”

I must exonerate the Engineers from the imputation
of building such an extraordinary house as this seems
to have been, with walls 1,900 feet long, and more than
600 windows. The explanation is, that we had to wall
in some large halls intended to be used as barracks. It
was to be done in brick-work to a certain height, about
three feet, the rest to be of matting papered on the
inside ; and for the sake of coolness, the whole matting
from a height of eight feet above the floor, to the eaves,
was made in flaps, to open. The 1,900 feet was the
entire circuit of the halls, and it was divided into 600
flaps. The bricks were very expensive to buy, and
were therefore provided by us out of our stock collected
from the houses we pulled down.

The next is rather perplexing :—

“Masor FisHer, 24th January, 1860.

“An interpreter Aon was have been in the
number six station at five months. He was connected
with the Missionaries school of the American. Now

H

>
98 LEE-CHING LEARNS ENGLISH.

interpreter Aling who take Yamom is the station of
Aon himself. For he had promised his schoolmaid
Aon in the number six station interpreter Aling take
the state in Yamom. Aon expect me beg you change
among the two states—by your order.”

I believe the meaning, which is not clear, was, that
these two men, who were schoolfellows or mates, and
perhaps both Christians, had formerly served as police-
men in No. 6 Station, but that Aling had been removed
to the Commissioners’ Yamun, and Aon desired to join
him.

Sing-chong used to think that we had, like them, a
mandarin dialect and a vulgar tongue, the latter being
that called pigeon. He used to say, that though he
understood us when we addressed him, he could never
make out what we said to one another. It was the
same with our servants.

All with whom we dealt appeared desirous to learn
our mandarin dialect, and one officer gravely taught
Lee-ching, a shopkeeper, whom we dealt with largely,
to say to his customers when he wished to induce them
to buy—“I am aware that my prices are exorbitant,”
and the poor man learnt it quite in good faith. In
writing, more time being given for deliberation than in
speaking, their composition was much more careful.

In spite of the conclusion of peace, and the treaty
signed at Tien-tsin, and acknowledged in a public pro-
clamation by Whang, the viceroy, the camps of braves
still remained in our neighbourhood, kept up by the
patriotic party under the superintendence of the
“ Fayuen Committee.” As one means of raising funds
they adopted the excellent one of taxing heavily all the
natives who lived in the service of, or by dealings with,
CAPTURE OF NAMTOW. 99

the barbarians. Should the victim not appear at the
time appointed, his nearest relative was taken and im-
prisoned until the fine was paid, either by the delin-
quent or by one of his friends.

Some placards of an objectionable nature, which
emanated from a town called “ Namtow,”’ on the
Canton river, were circulated in Hong Kong, and pro-
clamations in reply were drawn up at that place, and a
gun-boat sent to the town for the purpose of posting
them up on the walls. A party going on shore under
a flag of truce was fired on.

This violation of peace, and of the white flag, it was
necessary to avenge, and an expeditionary force was
organized to take the city. General Straubenzee took
down about five hundred men, and others were sent up
from Hong Kong. The attack was made on the 11th
August. The walled city was bombarded for some
time, and then the storming party was put on shore :
they had to pass through the suburbs to gain the city
walls. The enemy came out of the town and fought
us there, firing down the cross streets as our troops
advanced: their opposition here was more serious than
at the walls, and the escalade was managed with but
little loss. Our casualties on the occasion were about
ten killed and thirty-five wounded.

This affair was rendered remarkable by the sad death
of two valuable officers, both of whom were accidentally
shot; the one in the assault and the other after it. One
of them, Captain Lambert, of the Royal Engineers,
was on the scaling-ladder ascending the wall, followed by
two sailors. The rifle of the lower one, from some unex-
plained cause, being probably at full cock, went off:
the ball, after passing through the water-bottle hung at
the waist of the man above him, entered poor Lambert’s

H 2
100 THE DRUNKARDS SECURED.

thigh, shattering the bone and dividing™ the femoral
artery. He died in a few hours. The other officer
was Danvers, who had come from India, fresh from
Havelock’s campaign and the relief of Lucknow. A
party of gun Lascars attached to the Royal Artillery
were ordered to discharge their arms after the fighting
was all over. One of the bullets passed through the
body of Danvers, killing him on the spot.

The city contained within the walls was small, and
entirely of a military character. It was destroyed by
fire, but the suburb was spared. The coolies obtained
some plunder on the occasion, and for a long time
after, the mention of Namtow called up a chuckle,
and the exclamation, “Namtow, number one, can
do, ah!”

One or two thirsty soldiers found some samshu in
the suburbs, and having taken more than was prudent,
were unable to return to their quarters. They were
found lying on the floor of a house, enveloped in a
fishing-net, which the owners had warily thrown over
them as a precautionary measure against probable acts
of violence when they woke up. A coolie who had
deserted from our force some time before, was found
here and shot. We were told that what they specially
wished to be taught was to make macintosh coats, and
to perform the military evolution of forming square.
They could scarcely learn anything which would be of
less use to them in the way of drill. It was their open
order skirmishing which saved them from loss every
time they came in contact with us.

By the end of August I suppose matters were con-
sidered quiet, for on the 26th Pih-kwei’s guard was
removed, and he was again at large. He issued a pro-
clamation, announcing that his three months’ sick leave
TRANQUILLITY RESTORED. 101

having expired, he was now about to reassume the
government,

The capture of Namtow seemed to have a good effect,
and affairs looked again more quiet and settled; the
city gates, which had for a time been closed, were
reopened for general traffic. Nevertheless, the Hong
Kong servants had to get leave to go off and be taxed,
duly returning at the expiration of the period.
CHAPTER VII.

Albert Smith visits Canton—Chinese pigs—Street scenes—Performing birds—
The currency—Sale by weight—Sobriety of Chinese—General humiliation
days—Chinese picquet—The bonzes on the White Cloud Mountains—The
compass and native maps.

By September, having been nine months in Canton,
we began to take things much as a matter of course,
and to cease to see wonders in the sights daily before
us. But for those who were fortunate enough to make
the acquaintance of poor Albert Smith, who came up
at that time, a new lease of enjoyment, and appreciation
of all the strange sights around, was entered upon.
What a pleasure it was to walk in the streets with him!
He had such a keen sense of the ludicrous. He
appeared to possess an unerring instinct which guided
him to whatever was most strange and worthy of
observation. All the sights were novel to him, as they
had but a few months before been to us. He was
particularly amused with the poulterers’ and butchers’
shops, where hung, stretched out in the most whimsical
forms of fantastic agony, the dried ducks and rats, and
the wonderful pigs’ faces, not split into two profiles as
with us, but flattened out so as to be perfectly round
and disgustingly human. The pigs which were in-
tended to be eaten were very carefully kept up and fed.
I have seen rooms full of them which would have
done credit to any model farm; lofty airy apart-
ments, paved with tiles laid at a considerable slope, and
CHINESE PIGS. 103

the floor washed and kept as clean as it could possibly
be; the pigs all fed on corn, and looking in the most
perfect condition.

It was long before we would eat pork, for the only
specimens which we saw were the old brood sows,
either disgustingly corpulent, or repulsively gaunt and
lean, followed by a numerous young family, taught by
her peripatetic movements to cater for themselves
amongst the choice morsels of refuse which not unfre-
quently occurred. We only saw the old mother and
the babies out at exercise ; so I presume that as soon as
the young had acquired the power of shifting for them-
selves, they were summarily deprived of the opportunity
of exercising it, and were taken up to be converted into
good wholesome pork.

There was a temple at Honam, a suburb of Canton,
on the opposite side of the river to the city, where
there was a styful of pigs, commonly called the “sacred
pigs.” Here they were to be maintained for life: some
had already attained the age of upwards of twenty
years: they were immensely fat; yet nevertheless their
skins still seemed too large for them, especially about
their faces, which were hideously corrugated and dis-
gusting. Whence they derived this immunity from the
law of slaughter as common to pigs, or what title they
had to the term “sacred,” I never could find out; but
there they were, safe, sound, and dirty, secure of plenty
to eat as long as they could find their way to the
trough, to which power there certainly appeared to be
a limit, or rather two—extreme corpulence, and loss of
sight. More than one of the beasts appeared blind,
either from age or fat, and with such an indisposition
to locomotion as had very much the appearance of a
disability.
104 CHINESE DIET.

Whilst wandering over the precincts of this temple
one day with Albert Smith, we stopped to watch an
itinerant mender of crockery, who was ingeniously
riveting together the fragments of a saucer of the
commonest description ; it really looked hardly worth
mending. However, it was ultimately completed, and
the payment tendered, amounting, I believe, to three
cash; but the workman demanded five, and an alterca-
tion ensued, which lasted longer than the operation had
done, and it ended in his taking out all his rivets again,
and the proprietor of the bits of saucer carrying off his
property to seek some cheaper man.

The smallness of the value of the current coin seems
to me to be an indication of the extreme cheapness of
the articles necessary to Chinese life. I particularise
Chinese life, for I think their indispensable wants are
very few. “It is absurd to see the small parcels of fish,
flesh, or fowl, put out and marked like the toys ina
bazaar : “ All this lot two cash each,” and soon. You
see the dried head of a duck split in two, giving with
extreme impartiality the half of each mandible to the
different lots, each being laid out as sufficient for the
dinner of one man. I have frequently seen a person
returning home with the materials for his dinner just
purchased, consisting of a handful of rice and the webbed
foot of a duck—all above the joint being reserved for a
more wealthy purchaser. Their fragments of dried fish
are similarly minute; but as this is what I think may
fairly be called “high dried;’ I dare say a little of it
goes a long way in giving a flavour to the otherwise
insipid boiled rice.

In many of the streets are stone cisterns, in which
fish are kept alive ; sometimes you see fine large carp,
weighing eight or ten pounds. You can go and
FISHMONGERS. 105

scramble for one, have him weighed alive and kicking,
suspended by a strip of bamboo tie passed through his
gills, and buy him if you like, or turn him loose again,
none the worse. They seem to be careful of two things
in order to keep the fish alive: first, not to clean out
the cisterns, which become lined with a green weed ;
and second, to keep the water running, by means of a
bamboo spout through which the water runs into a jar,
which, when full, is emptied back again. They do not
appear to care so much for change of water, as to have
it just moving: no doubt it gets partially aérated by
trickling out and being poured back again, and so
better fitted for the requirements of the fish.

Tubs with live dace stand round the fish-seller’s stall;
they seem to live on a wonderfully small amount of
water, their backs being hardly covered; but these,
I think, are killed in time to save their lives, and
scotched in the most wonderful light-handed way by
the fishmonger, who uses for the operation a cleaver
nearly large enough to kill an ox. He then splits
them up lengthways, and by way of completing their
attractiveness, smears the whole surface with the blood
of the fish. _This, my friend Murphy informed me, was
the way of showing the buyer its freshness, as he said.
“You know that the fish would not bleed unless it
was killed when it was alive.”

Besides the dealers in eatables, who have their stalls
in the streets, which, by-the-way, are all additional to
the regular shops on each side of the street, there are
vendors of every other article which any one might be
expected to buy. Even the medical man does not con-
sider it beneath his dignity, or that of his profession, to
sit out under a bamboo umbrella, surrounded by a
perfect grove of branches of medicinal shrubs and
106 BARBERS.

bundles of dried herbs. Not far from him sits a
dentist, having in front of him a table with uprights
attached, over the summit of which threads are passed,
on which hang in graceful festoons, the trophies of
his skill and might in every variety, forming an object
of disgust to the uninterested, and of terror to the
poor victim.

The wandering barber roams about with his curious
stand, consisting of basin on the top, and hot-water
kettle beneath, boiled by a charcoal fire; also a drawer
in which his instruments are contained. The razor is
much shorter than ours, and broader in the blade—a
rude hatchet-shaped tool, but with which they make
uncommonly clean work; cutting off a week or ten
days’ growth of hair from the shaven part of the head
as easily as possible, and without the use of soap or
anything but warm water. In saying instruments, I
speak advisedly, for besides razors he has many
cunning probes and sharp-pointed cutting weapons,
with which he wages war on any truant hairs to be
found growing surreptitiously in the patient’s ears,
which he irritates, and tickles, and soothes with a fine
brush in a wonderful way. I have heard that the
nerves of the ears are irritated in this way as a mode
of treatment in cases of sore eyes—a very common
malady among the Chinese, induced much, I believe,
by poor living, a want of animal food, and a super-
fluity of rice. However, be the causes what they may,
sore eyes are disagreeably common. It is curious to
see whole families, or at all events collections of blind
people of different ages, going through the streets in
a string, each one with the hands on the shoulder of
the one before—a string of perhaps half a dozen being
led by a child. Asylums for the blind are provided at

'
PERFORMING BIRDS. 107

Canton, supported by the Government, which circum-
stance may account for the number of persons in that
condition, to be met with in the city. Latterly their
funds, like those of the foundling asylum, had fallen
off very much, and when we entered the city they were
very far below what they should have been.

There are stalls to be seen in the streets, occupied
apparently by vendors of charms; the collection being
varied enough to furnish a cure for every malady under
the sun. I noticed the jaw-bone of a tiger, a monkey’s
skull, bits of discarded snake-skin, dried lizards, bits of
bone and metal, and scraps of paper with writing on
them, and a thousand things to which it would be hard
to give a name. One of these men had in a cage some
live cobras, and they caused much diversion ; the amuse-
ment consisting of poking them with a stick until they
were made angry, when they would elevate and extend
their hood on each side, something like an Elizabethan
lady’s ruff, and put out their forked tongues with
a Vicious expression such as I hope never was seen to
proceed from the ruff in question.

Performing birds proved another object of interest, a
sort of bullfinch-looking bird, which sat on the finger,
and when a cash was thrown in the air would dart
after it, catch it before it fell, and bring it to his master,
—a directly remunerative exhibition, as you see. The
same bird would look for a piece of money placed within
a pack of cards, striking the point of the bill between
the two cards where the money was hidden, the coin
being invariably transferred to the pocket of the
exhibitor, and fresh ones contributed by the spectators
for every trick. The bird was rewarded at the close of
each successful performance by a grain of hempseed.

I have often spoken of the “cash ;” it is the current
108 THE CURRENCY.

coin of the country, larger payments Being made in
lumps of silver, commonly cast into shapes something
like a shoe, and stamped with their weight. In places
such as Canton, where foreigners abound, the dollar
obtains currency, and is much used. The value of
the cash is about one thousand to the dollar; they
vary in quality, and some are as low as twelve hundred
to the dollar. They are round, and about the size of a
farthing, perforated in the centre with a square hole.
They are tied together in bundles of one hundred, by a
string passed through the holes, and this bunch is
called a mace. You may consider it approximately
as a decimal system. 100 cash, 1 mace; 10 mace,
1 dollar: or, 10 cash, 1 cent; 10 cents, 1 mace;
10 mace, 1 dollar. The change for a dollar, being
ten of these strings, resembles a few pounds of sausages
more than anything else.

When you go out shopping, the first thing to do is
to hire a boy to carry your money, which he generally
wears like a necklace. It is advisable to count the
number of cash in a mace, as you frequently find not
more than eighty; a deficiency which the money-
changer explains away, by assuring you they are “ num-
ber one cash,” or cash of the first quality. Should you
desire silver in change instead of these coins, the shop-
keeper will chop a bit off your dollar, weigh the pieces,
and adjust the bargain by means of little bits of silver
like the trimmings from a bullet-mould. The weights
and scales are continually in use by both buyer and
seller: they appear to adopt the standard of weight
generally in estimating the value of all kinds of things.
I once observed a great bargain being made for a three-
legged stool, which the would-be purchaser was weigh-
ing in a disparaging manner.
HABITS OF SOBRIETY. 109

Such a direct and obvious system of valuation must
present great charms to the practical minds of the Chi-
nese. The legend which exists at Gibraltar with regard
to the feeding of pigs in the cork wood reveals a system
so simple and straightforward as to be quite worthy of
China. It is said that the steward of the Duke who
owns that property is charged with the management of
the feeding grounds for the pigs of the country, which
at certain seasons of the year are turned into the forest
to feed on the acorns. His plan of securing a proper
payment for the value received, is to weigh and mark

-each pig on its arrival, noting the weight, and doing
the same on its departure, the owner having to pay so
much a pound for the increase.

In all the bargaining and discussion, it was rare to
see ill-temper displayed. The mass of the people are
wonderfully docile and goodhumoured; and when one
considers that they possess a spirit peculiarly ardent,
and of which they are very fond, it is striking and
edifying to observe how very rarely cases of drunken-
ness come under notice. Canton was a city peculiarly
likely to show badly in respect of sobriety, being vir-
tually, though not actually, a sea-port, containing, at
the time of our occupation of it, a very mixed popula-
tion, and liable to bad examples from foreigners of all
nations; yet one might walk through the streets day
after day without ever meeting with a drunken Chi-
nese. Could we say the same of Liverpool? I hope
they thought that the prevalence of intemperance
amongst the foreigners was not so much from vice, as a
quality inseparable from the untameable disposition of
the barbarian.

I think that at last they began to understand us
pretty well, and knew what we wanted, and what we
110 GENERAL HUMILIATION DAYS.

were determined to have. They seemed to make a
study of us, as we should of some new beast; they
would watch our habits and customs, and try to dis-
cover our mode of reasoning, and the working of our
minds; indeed, we often hear of officials being spoken
of as “fitted for foreign affairs, from understanding the
barbarian,” and being “skilled in the management of
the barbarian.” It was rather curious to see how, when
a native official passed, they would, after their fashion
of showing respect, pull down their pigtails, which are
frequently worn tied up in a knot; whereas with us,
finding we were not so strict in the matter, they soon
neglected to testify their submission in this way.
Longley, the archbishop’s son, used to deplore this,
and fear we lost caste by allowing the neglect of
the custom ; so he instituted what he called “ general
humiliation days,’ when he paraded the streets, and
made every one he met pull down his tail as he
passed.

By November the extreme heat had passed, and we
were able again to get out into the country, which was
now quiet, though in the neighbourhood of “ Mong
Kong” and “ Shek-tsin”’ there was known to be a force
of braves. When;I went any distance surveying, I was
provided with a Chinese officer, who accompanied me
in his sedan-chair, in order to insure respect being paid
to the foreigner, and to show to the people that friendly
relations existed between the nations. This gentleman’s
name was “ Wong-kok-ah.” He must have been dread-
fully bored by the duty, for my employment led me up
and down the highest hills, and across the roughest
country, where he used to follow me conscientiously at
first, and much to the distress of his coolies; but latterly
he found it quite sufficient to mount an eminence in a
THE ENEMY’S PICQUET. 111

central position, from which he could keep a watch on
my movements.

I did not think he was of very much use, and at last
the practice was discontinued. However, one day he
was turned to account. <A party of us walked out on
the north plain with him, and approached a mat shed
used as a picquet house for the most advanced post of
the “Shek-tsin” braves. As soon as we were seen the
soldiers fled incontinently, leaving behind, their flags,
their ammunition, and their dinners. We examined the
place, but refrained from molesting anything. A few
days later I had occasion to go there again, and, to pro-
vide against accidents, took about a dozen men as a
guard, and a brother officer. On nearing the post, we
saw the soldiers sitting outside the hut, and great
crowds of people standing round a roadside tea-house
which stood near. I halted the men about three hun-
dred yards off, and, taking the arm of ‘‘Wong-kok-ah” in
a friendly manner, proposed to him to go and visit the
post. He was much alarmed apparently, and made
great protestations, pointing to the place and going
through a pantomime expressive of shooting, illustrated
by cries of “ Boom, boom.” However, I was determined
he should come; so, having got him out of his chair, I
kept tight hold of his arm, and walked him along the
road. As we got nearer, we observed that the soldiers
were sitting on boxes and bundles outside the shed—
such boxes as they keep their clothes in. As we ap-
proached they got in a great bustle; but when we
turned off the road up the little hill on which they
were, they seized their boxes and bundles of bedding,
and away they went to the village in their rear as hard
as they could scamper. On entering we found the place
empty, everything evidently having been packed up
112 THE DISSIPATED PRIEST.

in anticipation of our visit. We then returned to the
road, and Wong-kok-ah addressed the assembled crowd.

In a few minutes, the fugitives having probably made
their report at home, we heard the gong and tom-toms
being beaten in the village, at which sound our audience
melted away, either from the fear of getting into a
scrape, or perhaps, having been enrolled in this kind of
militia, they were bound to assemble at the village on
the alarm being sounded. We saw men turning out
with shields and arms; but, as we did not go on, they
soon went back again. The only explanation Wong
could give of it was, “ There is one captain inside the
city, and another captain outside.” This post was
shortly after abandoned. I do not know that they ever
occupied it after that day.

The camp at “ Sam-po-huey,” which we had visited in
June, was not renewed, and to the eastward of the city
we were able to wander about unmolested. We paid
many visits to the bonzes* on the White Cloud Moun-
tains. We one day made a present of a little brandy
to the junior brother, and on the occasion of a subse-
quent visit he asked for more; but the senior bonze
immediately began gesticulating in disapproval of the
request, and went through a little pantomime, in which
he reeled and tumbled about, punched his own head,
and finally knocked himself down flat on the floor, pro-
bably illustrating the behaviour of his junior towards
him on the occasion of the last brandy drinking. Of
course we respected his scruples, and looked much
shocked at the delinquent.

I took up on one occasion a visitor who had come
to our quarters from Hong Kong: he was a clerk in
one of the government offices, and dressed in plain

* Buddhist priests.
COMPASS AND SUN-DIAL. 1138

clothes. They asked what he was: we found some
little difficulty in explaining, so the bonze suggested—
was he a soldier, a sailor, a merchant, or a padre? No,
we said, he was none of these. The man appeared
completely puzzled: he had named, probably, the only
professions which he thought we possessed. Really
that list would comprise most of the Europeans in
China. At length, after much reflection, his face
brightened up—he had evidently found it out. “My
savey, my savey,” he cried, “ he truly supercargo !”

The young bonze, if shown a compass, would take it
and look at the sun, and pretend to tell the time: he
certainly made very close guesses. The compass is very
common with them, and they combine it very neatly
with the sun-dial. The compass is in a little square
box, the lid of which opens back, but is prevented doing
so to its full extent, by a string attached to the centre
fastening of the box : this string is of such a length as
to form, when the lid lies back, the complement of the
latitude, or the proper angle for the gnomon of a sun-
dial. Round the rims of the box the hours are marked
off. To find the hour, you have only to open the box,
set the gnomon north and south by the compass, and
see where the shadow of the string cuts the rim. I
do not know whether they understand the variation of
the compass, but on the coast of China it is at present
very trifling.

They have also a much more complicated contrivance
of the same sort for telling the hour by the shadow cast
by the moon.

They sell in the shops travelling fans for different
roads, a rough plan of the country being drawn on the
fan, by which, with the aid of the compass, they travel.
It is necessary to understand their signs well, to profit

1
114 NATIVE MAPS.

by the native maps, for they have a w4¥ of skipping
over the uninteresting parts of the road, jumping from
one leading mark to another without leaving much
clue as to the intermediate distance. Any accuracy of
scale in their plans is of course not to be expected. They
appeared to understand, or rather appreciate, the method
of surveying with the compass adopted by our officers,
but my servant told me they did not quite like it, as
they looked upon it in some sort as a basis for a system
of future taxation.

 

SCENE ON THE CANTON RIVER.
CHAPTER VIL.

Visit to the Pratas shoals—The wreckers—Offerings to the Joss presiding over
shipwreck—Roast pig d-la-Chinoise—Chinese pilotage.

Towarps the end of November I had an opportunity
of visiting a real desert island—that mysterious scene
so dear to one’s imagination by the record of Robinson
Crusoe, I hardly know if I ought to call it a desert
island, as it was occasionally visited; still Robinson
Crusoe’s island was visited by the natives, who came to
eat their prisoners there, so we will let the term stand.

There is a coral reef about one hundred and sixty
miles E.8.E. of Hong Kong, known well to eastern
navigators and ship-insurance offices by the name of
the Pratas shoal. An idea was entertained of erecting
a lighthouse to warn ships of the danger; and, in order
to obtain more accurate information than was possessed,
with regard to the practicability of the scheme, I was
sent with a party of men, with tools for boring, to
examine the spot and report on it.

The N.E. monsoon was blowing hard as we steamed
__ across in the “ Cormorant” to look for the little island,
and great caution had to be exercised Mm approaching
the spot on account of the dangerous nature of the
shoals, and the very strong currents which are said to
set towards them, causing the loss of many and many
a ship, when the captain had been considering himself
far out of danger. It is said that vessels have been
taken sixty miles out of their course in twenty-four

I 2
116 VISIT TO THE PRATAS.

hours, the set being usually from West®to Hast, but
uncertain both as to strength and direction.

We made out the little hump of land, and the white
circle of breakers, on the afternoon of the day after we
left, but could not with safety approach within two
miles and a half of the shore, where we anchored. It
became evident that to conduct the examination in a
satisfactory way, a smaller vessel was required, as, in
the weather which was met with, it would be impru-
dent, as well as inconvenient, to send away the boats
loaded with stores to such a distance from the ship ;
and they would be likely to get into strong currents,
where the shoalness of the water would prevent the
steamer offering any assistance or support; so, after
sounding round the ship, and examining the approach
to the island, it was considered best to return at once to
Hong Kong for a gun-boat, in which men and stores
could be safely transported to smooth water under the
lee of the land.

This we did, and a few days later returned to the
spot in the “ Fury,” having towed the gun-boat “Firm”
after us with such goodwill as to give her a dancing
and her crew a ducking such as they had not had for
some time.

On this occasion we did not make so quick a passage
of it, and, arriving off the shoals towards evening, we
were forced to stand off till daylight. In the morning
we approached to within three miles and a half of the
island, and anchored, when we transferred ourselves to
the “ Firm,” and went slowly in, to within four hundred
yards of the shore, where we anchored in ten feet of
water. As we came in over the shoal, we could see
the bottom very plainly ; a beautiful white sand, with
excrescences of coral standing up in patches all over
THE ISLAND. 117

it. The water here was quite smooth, as we were
to leeward of the island, and we could see by the surf
breaking over the curved line of the reef, how the
rolling sea, lifted by the strong N.E. wind, was broken
up by the rocks, and how fearful and hopeless must be
the case of a vessel carried by wind and current help-
lessly against this dreadful spot—as it were the demon
of the surrounding ocean, attracting and devouring all
that approached it.

The form of the reef is like a horse-shoe, the toe
being the point exposed to the north. The island is in
situation like a small frog to the foot. The shoe is the
reef, the space inside, a shallow lagoon, available for
junks and small vessels. The island is in shape like a
tooth with two fangs, the space between the two being
very shallow; I should think not over two or three
feet deep. The length of the reef from toe to heel is, if I
remember right, fourteen miles, the length of the island
about one mile, and the width across the fangs perhaps
half a mile. The part of the tooth which would be
above the gum is composed of sand-hills, in places thirty
feet high. The fangs are low sandy spits. The “ Fury”
was anchored behind the heel of the horse’s foot, and
we in the gun-boat were close in under the frog. The
water all round the heel is shallow, and patched with
coral, though the breakers do not close round on that
side.

Very soon after leaving the “Fury,” we got into
. water in which she would not have been able to float.
Anchored in what I have termed the lagoon, we found
four junks belonging to a party of wreckers. ‘They
were laden with copper, which had been got, by burn-
ing and other methods, off the hulls and timbers of such
vessels as were cast on the rocks. One of these boats
118 WRECKS ON SHORE.

had lately taken into Hong Kong ten en of the crew
of a brig called the “ Arrow,” which had lately been
wrecked there. By the way, the wreckers had to come
before the court at Hong Kong to make good their
claim to a reward for taking these men there. It
appeared that a bargain had been struck as to the
price for which they would convey the shipwrecked
men from this desert island to Hong Kong, and when
the service was performed, they refused to pay the
money, or, at all events, the entire sum; but I believe
the Chinese proved the bargain and gained the cause.
It would have been a bad thing for future shipwrecked
mariners had the decision gone against them.

Within the last few years many had been the vessels
lost here. As we landed, we found the beach strewn
with pieces of wrecks; huge bleached ribs and frag-
ments of keels, looking like the bones of great monsters
of the deep. And just as I stepped from the boat on
to the shore, there lay at my feet a scrap of paper, on
which were little pencil drawings traced by the hand
of a child, with baby-words written in round large
letters. How strange to find so frail, so innocent and
touching a memorial of the little child, lying unharmed
amidst the ruin‘wrought upon the strong and mighty
ship—the only trace of a human victim left on this
desolate, storm-lashed spot !

Empty chests, which had contained opium; were
strewn about on the beach; such portions of their
valuable contents as had not been injured by the water
having no doubt gone to enrich the hardy wreckers, to
whom in a stormy season the reef must be a perfedt
mine of wealth.

The hilly part of the island is thickly covered with
vegetation, of which the nature is strangely divided,

i ge ie te
VEGETATION. 119

there being apparently two distinct classes of wood on
two nearly equal portions of the island.

On the east side the sand-hills are covered with a
plant which grows to a height of from three to eight
feet ; the wood is brittle and tender, like the stalk of
the cabbage; the leaf also, though smaller and thicker
than the cabbage-leaf, is very much like it, and grows
in a tufty way at the ends of the branches. The whole
forms a mass so thick as to be perfectly impervious.

There is a quantity of long coarse grass, such as we
are accustomed to see growing on sandy banks near the
sea. The soil is entirely composed of fine white coral
sand mixed with larger fragments of the coral, some of
which, with their delicate pink cells, look like tiny fairy
grottoes.

The other portion of the sand-hills is covered with
trees, which grow to a height of perhaps twenty-five
feet, together with a jungle or underwood of a harder
- wood than the cabbage-plant. The trees have a stunted
and weatherbeaten aspect, and many appear to be of a
great age. In rambling through this thicket, which is
not nearly so dense as the cabbage wood, we found the
ground strewn with remains of old dead trees and fallen
limbs, while round living and dead alike, twined in
luxuriant masses the most beautiful convolvuli. I did
not recognize any English trees, indeed I seldom did so
anywhere in China. There was one, however, which
might have been a horse-chestnut, but it had no leaves,
so I was not sure about it. The decayed vegetable
matter has produced a mould here, which is fine and
black, but the crust very thin ; still it seems to support
a good deal of vegetation.

Attempts have been made to get animals to live, and
eatable vegetables to grow on the island, for the support
120 THE ANIMAL LIFE.

e

of such persons as might be cast on shore, but I believe
with no great result. Melons and pumpkins ought to
grow, I fancy. The total absence of fresh water,
except what comes from rain and dew, would make it
difficult to support animal life, even if the creatures
were allowed by the wreckers to multiply. One day a
sailor noticed a black pig running into the wood. I
saw its footmarks in the sand, and it seemed to be a
very large one. I believe a few were sent, with some
ducks and poultry, from Hong Kong some time ago.
The ducks would, I faney, grow wild and fly off, and the
poultry would pine for want of food, as I saw no signs
of any corn or grain,

The sea-shore was infested with. rats, whose burrows
gave the sand the appearance of a rabbit warren.
These poor shipwrecked animals would doubtless wel-
come the poultry as a most opportune offering. Poor
beasts!—there may be rats from all nations there,
doomed to live and die and colonize the island, without
the remotest hope of ever getting away. I wonder
whether they attack and kill new rats; or are they de-
teriorated specimens, and eaten up by the new comers?
Does :Robinson Crusoe kill the black men, or the
black men Robinson Crusoe ?

I saw footprints in the sand like ee of a rabbit,
which, with the pig and the rats, were the only signs of
quadrupeds we could discover. We found a few scor-
pions, but no snakes. On the beach were flocks of
sandpipers, dotterell, golden and grey plover; in the
tufted grass were larks, and a few little birds flew about
in the wood, while small hawks hovered over the
island; great tyrants, no doubt, amongst their fellow-
prisoners.

But the most amusing birds were the gannet, which
THE GREEDY GANNETS. 121

used to sit up in rows on the beach, quietly digesting
their dinners. On the approach of a man they tried to
fly, but found themselves incapable of the exertion.
They immediately began to lighten themselves by dis-
gorging their semi-digested food, and fluttered along to
the water, leaving a fishy track as they went. Having
once gained the sea, they could manage to rise pretty
well. It was great fun stalking a party of them, and
when sufficiently close, dashing in among them and
cutting them off from the sea, and watching their help-
less distress. When driven from the water it was easy
to catch them. Some which the sailors caught were
brought on board, aud they sat in a helpless way on
the deck, never attempting to rise, and being con-
tinually attacked with horrid fits of sea sickness. If
thrown up into the air, or put in the water, they were
all right, and went off, inclined, I trust, to eat their
next dinner with more moderation.

’ On the north side of the island was a joss-house
erected by the Chinese; no doubt you will think to
commemorate the saving of some junk’s crew in peril
of shipwreck, or as a propitiation to Joss on behalf of
such vessels as might be in danger. But, no! the
decorations inside proved the real intention of the
building; it was indeed to propitiate Joss, but with a
view to his casting vessels on the reef, in order that
they might be plundered; for the whole place was
decorated with effigies of western ships, two-deckers,
steamers, both paddle and screw, or, in Chinese phrase-
ology, “outside walkee” and “inside walkee” vessels
of all classes; “three piecey,” “two and a halt piecey,”
and “two piecey ;” that is, ships, barques, and brigs,
or schooners. Here were they all hung as offerings ;
some perhaps as invoking future favours, others as a
122 ROAST PIG A LA CHINOISE.

thank-offering for favours already received. I wonder
was the little child’s ship represented among them ?

A curious coincidence occurred with regard to this
temple, corroborative of Charles Lamb’s well-known
story about the origin of roast pig.

The evening before our departure from the island we
saw the crews of the junks land; carrying with them a
pig which they bore on their shoulders in procession, as
we had often seen. in Canton. I believe it is done
on the occasion of periodical visits to the graves of
their friends, when eatables and drinkables are taken
and left near the tomb, for the sustenance of the spirit.
However, be that as it may, here was the pig, killed
and scraped, and apparently fit for cooking. After a
lapse of time, smoke was seen rising over the trees, and
in the course of the evening the men came back, went
on board their junks, but without the pig. Next
morning we went to look at the joss-house, but it was
gone; a heap of smoking embers were all that ré-
mained of it; propitiatory offerings, and all that it con-
tained, were alike destroyed. Had the sacrilegious
wreckers cooked the pig for their own festivities by the
only means available on the spot, or was it for their
friend’s spirit? Let us hope that the offended Joss, in
permitting the destruction of the offerings, showed that
henceforth he would no longer aid and abet in the
destruction they revelled in ; and that the Pratas shoal
be thenceforward no longer the terror of storm-tossed
seamen. Whether a great reliance was placed on this
hope in influential quarters I know not, but there is no
lighthouse on the island: perhaps it is now no longer
wanted.

The junks left about the same time that we did.
Their system of pilotage was amusing. As I said
CHINESE PILOTAGE. | 123

before, the water was so clear that the bottom was
plainly visible, and the white, fine sand easily distin-
guished from the darker patches of coral. It would be
perhaps possible, with a fair wind, to thread your way
through the patches without passing over any, if a good
look-out was kept ahead. For this purpose a man was
put right up at the top of the foremast, absolutely at
the truck, where he half sat, and half clung, and from
whence he sung out steering directions to the man at
the helm, whilst two. others, provided with long
bamboos, one on each bow, called out the soundings. If
the junk should ever happen to bump on a rock, the
look-out man must inevitably be precipitated from his
elevated perch over the bows of the vessel. It would
be hard to devise a system of responsibility more cal-
culated to insure careful pilotage.

They are very hardy boatmen, venturing out in bad
weather with great confidence in their craft. I believe
that on board our ships they are averse to going aloft,
but make very good boats’ crews. They always look
much more clean and orderly about a ship, than the
lascars one meets everywhere in the East.
CHAPTER IX.

Chinese artists—The dry season—Paper hunts, and their dangers—Expedition
into the country—Capture of Shek-tsin—Kong-tsun fair—Destruction of
military buildings at Shek-tsin.

For the visitor to Hong Kong, one of the things to
do, isto go round the native artists’ studios: he will be
struck with their execution in oil colours. There is a
want of proper texture about their paintings, and an
absence of knowledge of the niceties of art; but, all
things considered, there is really merit in many of them.
They are fond of making paintings from favourite
prints, and sell a great number: they do also a consi-
derable trade in portrait-painting, in which they are not
so successful. If you present yourself as a subject,
you are asked the preliminary question, “ How you
likey ? You likey handsome, you likey likey ?” You
naturally reply that you wish the portrait to be like
you; but woe betide you if, after that announcement,
you object to the picture on the score of its ugliness. It
is said that a sitter once ventured to do so: the ag-
grieved artist turned round to the collected audience,
and with upraised hands exclaimed, in expostulatory
tones, “Suppose no have got handsome, how can ?”
Great was the sympathy evinced for the aggrieved
artist, and overwhelming the confusion of the carica-
tured sitter.

It is an erroneous idea to suppose that Chinese only
CHINESE ARTISTS. 125

draw in a delicate, finnikin way, as one sees on those
rice-paper pictures commonly brought to this country.
They are a libel on the artistic powers of the people.
Many of their drawings, especially those in Indian ink,
have great breadth, and a boldness of execution for
which, till seen, one would never give them credit. It is
strange, that though they draw birds, insects, fish, and
flowers with great spirit and truth, yet I think I never
saw a drawing of a quadruped that was not grotesque.

They appear to have a strong appreciation of beauty
in form, and in some of their old sketches, drawn for
themselves, and not for foreigners, they seem to have
studied the lines of their trees and figures, and com-
bined them into very graceful and pretty compositions.
They appear to have a strong spice of refinement, and
an elegant and sometimes whimsical way of finding a
vent to their feelings in the expression of some ideal
beauty floating through their minds. Thus the artist
will draw, and find purchasers for a sketch containing
nothing beyond three or four blades of grass prettily
intertwined, or a single branch of bamboo, or a faint
ontline of a draped human figure, the effect of the com-
bination of lines being the sole merit of the sketch.

There is something refined and pleasing in seeing a
grown-up man out walking on a fine day, carrying in
his hand a cage containing his singing bird, to which
he chirrups as he walks, with the affection of a fond
nurse proud of the baby. This is his way of enjoying
himself. One can imagine such a man appreciating
whatever is most beautiful in nature or in art.

The art or practice of caligraphy is carried to a high
pitch. Specimens of writing are hung as pictures
round a room, These are indeed often literary pro-
verbs and profound or devout sentences; but still the
126 CULTIVATION.

style in which these are written gives them a great
value. Large gilt characters on blue boards decorate
the interiors of the temples, and it is strange to see the
labour expended on them. Of course the obvious thing
would be to procure the board, and, if the inscription
was required to be in relief, to stick on the characters
with glue, or by means of counter-sunk screws ; but in
many which we examined we found that the whole sur-
face was cut down, leaving the inscription in relief as
for a woodcut, and involving an immense amount of
labour, the space between the characters being worked
down as smoothly as the original planed surface. I
believe that the only way they have of printing is by
the method of woodcutting. We found a great number
of blocks in Canton, each forming a sheet of some fa-
vourite work.

In the winter the country is dry, the second crop of
rice being got in about September ; the first is cut about
April or May. Some of the land is cropped a third
time in the winter, but no rice is sown then. However,
the greater part of the land is left fallow, except imme-
diately round the villages, where cabbages and other
vegetables are conveniently cultivated. There is some
seed sown at this season, which they dibble in with
feathers and. hair, the latter being the proceeds of the
industry of the barber. The sower goes round with
two bags, the one containing the seed and the other
this mixture; he makes a hole, puts in a little seed and
then a pinch of hair, and covers it up again. It must
be remembered that the poorer classes do not have their
heads shaved anything like every day, so that what
comes off is of really an appreciable length; and a
barber in large practice, I dare say, contributes sub-
stantially to the fertility of the soil.
PAPER HUNTS. 127

This dry state of country was very pleasant to us at
Canton ; for instead of having to stick to the narrow
paths between the paddy fields, many of them flagged
with smooth granite slabs, we were now enabled to
ride all over the country without doing any harm, and
paper hunts became the order of the day; in which
the ponies were taught a new lesson, not without some
disasters to their instructors.

There was one element of danger really in these
rides besides that of occasional spills, and that was the
bad temper of some of the water buffaloes—those great
lead-coloured, hairless, high-shouldered beasts, with
long raking-back horns, such as we saw in the Crimea,
and which, I believe, are found all over the East. Some
of these had calves, and most of them had an antipathy
to red cloth, which put many of us in peril during our
rides.

On one occasion the hares, or paper-carriers, whom
we sent out in couples, came upon a very savage
buffalo, who charged them. We generally used to ride
at the beasts and halloo, which usually made them turn
aside. One of our mounted hares did this, but not a
bit would the old beast swerve, and it was only by the
quick hand of the rider that a serious collision was
avoided: as it was, the pony got a scratch. Away
sped the paper scatterers, plentifully showering it in the
buffalo ground, and in a short time up came the field in
hot pursuit, numbering many scarlet jackets. The al-
ready irritated old bull immediately charged, scattered
the horsemen, and settling down on two of them, gave
them as much as they could do to keep out of his reach.
The run was very exciting, and the pace great. The
buffalo, being fresh, had the best of it, and was nearing
the hunted would-be hunters, when straight across
128 THE BUFFALO BULL.

their path came a deep drop. There w&& no time to
turn—the beast was close behind—down they went
both head over heels, ponies, men, and all in a sad
mess. Qn came the old bull, too fast to stop himself,
and over he fell at their side. As the men got up
bewildered, and not knowing what to do next, you can
imagine their relief at seeing the great beast, who from
his weight had been half stunned, pick himself up,
shake his head, and sneak off without troubling himself
further about them.

The same dry state of the country which permitted
these amusements, enabled the General to send the troops
out for marches into the country. A battalion of ma-
rines which went out one day approached Mong Kong,
where we had been caught pic-nicking in the spring.
Just as we had done, they were settling down to eat
their dinners, when a Chinese force suddenly appeared.
Some of the officers were riding forward to see what it
meant, when bang came the jingall shot at them, very
speedily showing what was intended. Our troops were
got under arms. But it must have been rather puzzling
for the commanding officer to know what to do; for it
was impossible to say what diplomatic results a renewal of
hostilities might have, after the proclamation of peace.
However, he remained on the defensive, prevented any
advance by the enemy until he retired, and then he
retraced his steps to Canton, firing as he went, so as to
keep them from pressing on his rear ; thus putting them
entirely in the wrong, and only engaging in the fight
as far as was necessary.

It must be remembered that I have rather forestalled
events in speaking of the Fayuen Committee and their
doings. We were not at this time so well acquainted
with the source of these hostilities: so that poor old
PIH-KWEI’S DIFFICULTIES. 129

Pih-kwei was again questioned as to the apparent
double dealing of his Government; but he protested
in the most emphatic manner that he was perfectly
guiltless of any treacherous feeling towards us, and that
his own instructions received from Pekin would not
warrant him in treating us with anything but respect
and friendship. I believe he even went so far as to
suggest that we. should resent the insult; at all
events, he did not offer any remonstrance to the ex-
pression of our intention of doing so. We went through
the form of inviting him to join in our expedition, in
order to show that we were not acting in any spirit of
hostility to the Government; but he replied to the
effect, that he would rather go with us in spirit than in
person. It was next suggested that he should send an
imperial flag out with us, to denote the unity of feeling
between ourselves and him, and that these rebels or
braves should see that, in acting aggressively towards
us, they were acting in a manner obnoxious to their
own Government. However, Pih-kwei discreetly re-
frained from interfering in any way : he considered it
quite sufficient evidence of his friendly relations with us
to pat us on the back, and urge us to go in and win;
shielding himself from responsibility in the matter, on
the plea, that as we had taken the power into our own
hands, so must we administer the law. He went so far,
indeed, as to send out one of his officers with us, who,
however, managed to bolt as soon as we got outside the
North gate.

It was at length arranged that we should go out
and take the Shek-tsin position, which it was agreed on
all hands was the head-quarters of the Mong-Kong
party, being distant from that place some two or three
miles. The ground was well looked over from the top

K
130 SHEK-TSIN

of the White Cloud Mountains, and we w&re fortunate
enough, when there, to see some guns fired at a naval
reconnoitring party, which enabled us to fix with
certainty the position of some of their batteries.

Shek-tsin is situated on a low ridge, perhaps one
hundred feet high, at the foot of which runs a river, at
that point about sixty yards wide, and five or six feet
deep, which drains a great portion of the north plain,
as well as a section of the valley east of the White
Clouds. This stream, after running in a south-westerly
direction for about three miles, enters the northern
branch of the Canton River, about three miles and
a half, north of the city. Thus we may consider the
Canton River running from west to east. The city of
Canton, approximately a square of a mile and a half side,
standing on this base. A little west of Canton, comes
down the north branch of the river, running due north
and south, and therefore at right angles to the main
river. Ata distance of five miles up this branch, the
Shek-tsin River enters it. Three miles up this stream,
on a ridge which runs along the west bank, is situated
Shek-tsin. The space between Canton and Shek-tsin
is a plain of paddy, dotted over with villages, backed,
as I have before said, by groves of trees or thickets of
bamboo, and slightly broken by a chain of low hills,
which rendered Shek-tsin invisible from the plain. It
was on these hills, near Seu-kong, that the braves had
their advanced picquet, which was withdrawn after my
second visit to it with “ Wong-kok-ah.”

The importance of Shek-tsin as a position, arises from
the fine stone bridge which there spans the river, and
it consequently commands all the roads running due
north from Canton, and passing over the bridge, of
which that leading to Fayuen is one.
IS ATTACKED. 131

The defences consisted of a téte du pont containing
guns, and with a wet ditch, on our side of the bridge.
And as the only approach to it, when the country was
flooded, was along a straight raised causeway, which it
completely raked for a distance of half a mile, this in
itself might be made a formidable obstacle. On the
other side of the river was a battery of ten guns, which
also fired right down the road; and to the east, or on
the enemy's left, they had about four hundred yards
above the bridge, and on our side of the river, a battery
of five guns, which flanked the others. They had also
batteries below the bridge, looking down the stream,
to check any attack by water, and the river was
seen to be staked in places, for the same reason.
The plan of attack was to combine the action of
the gun-boats up the river, with a direct attack on the
bridge.

Accordingly, on the 8th January, the gun-boats
moved up, and we marched out from the city, the force
having been divided into two columns, which took
different roads; to prevent the delay occasioned by
marching in a long trailing line, as we were mostly
obliged to do from the nature of the roads, and from a
desire not to injure the crops. At the Picquet-house
Hill, there being a space of uncultivated ground, we
met and formed in order for the advance. The French
were on the right; our Engineers were on the extreme
left; a detachment of the Royals formed the advanced
guard, in rear of whom moved the main body. The
French were the first to get under fire, and from a
village on their right they had some shot among them,
which wounded one or two of their men. The
Engineers cleared the villages and woods on the left,
which were found not to be occupied, and the main

K 2
182 CAPTURE OF SHEK-TSIN. .

body advanced to a village which had hitferto masked
their approach from the sight of the batteries.

As we débouched from between two clumps of trees
into the half mile of plain commanded by the batteries,
we were saluted by shot both in front and flank.

Meanwhile the gun-boats were in action with the
batteries down the river, and, having driven the braves
from their guns, were throwing up shell towards the
bridge. The Royals were ordered to advance a little,
and, lying down, to practise on the embrasures; whilst
the Engineers advanced on the left, soon coming into
deep paddy-land, nearly up to the knee. We had been
ordered to take possession of a grove in front of us, and
a little below the bridge; which, however, it was soon
seen, was on the other side of the river. Meanwhile I,
who commanded this party, observed that the sailors
had landed, and were marching up the north bank of
the river, so I took my instructions au pied de lettre,
and leading the men over the paddy as fast as they
could flounder through it, we got into the ¢éte du pont,
and over the bridge; meeting on the other side the
naval brigade, who had so opportunely turned the
position.

The enemy meanwhile had evaporated: no other
term can describe the sudden breaking up of what
seemed a large body of men. A very few dead and
wounded were found. Some women and children had
shut themselves into the houses; some labourers were
here and there, apparently busily employed in the
fields; their scanty clothing suggesting the idea that
their uniform was hidden in an adjoining hole, and that
by some mysterious process their jingalls had been
transformed into hoes. And this was all that we saw.
The force crossed the bridge, and took up their quarters
TREACHEROUS CORRESPONDENCE. 183

in some buildings on the hill, where they established
themselves and dined; their legitimate rations being eked
out by such stray pigs and fowls as were picked up.

Our casualties were confined to contusions sustained
by two or three of our Sepoys, about whom the bricks
of a house were knocked, by one of the enemy’s shot,
and a man who gota revolver bullet in his leg at the
hands of an eager middy, who intended it for an old
sow which was being hunted desperately, just before
dinner. The French, as I said before, suffered rather
more seriously, the shot having in their case acted
directly, and not by deputy, as with the Sepoys.

The principal building in the place was a large military
store, and evidently the bureau of. military correspond-
ence. Some very interesting documents were found
here, which explained many mysteries, and thoroughly
exposed the insincerity of the imperial government,
Correspondence was found on the subject of Lord
Elgin’s negotiations with the three imperial commis-
sioners at Shanghae, showing that the instructions of
- the latter were to undo all that had been done at Tien-
tsin; by bringing about an abandonment by us of the
right of residence at Pekin, trade on the Yang-tsze,
and general circulation in the interior; without which
the long treaty of Tien-tsin would be absolutely
valueless.

. This correspondence showed that the emperor had
entirely set his face against the treaty, and it was
singularly confirmed by the papers previously obtained
by Parkes at Canton, of which the secret edict, quoted
in Chapter V., issued to prevent our ever entering the
river Peiho again, was one. We were now tolerably
au fait as to the good faith of the imperial govern-
ment.
134 CHINESE PAWN-SHOPS.

It was also made manifest to us now, as perhaps it
might have been earlier to Pih-kwei, that the prime
mover in the organization of these bands of braves
was Whang himself, the viceroy and imperial com-
missioner, acting under instructions from the govern-
ment. Hence it was hardly to be expected that we
should get any very active co-operation from him in
opposing the measures of his own immediate superior.

With regard to the trifling nature of the resistance
offered to us, it appeared that a circular had been sent
round to all the neighbourhood, calling on the different
villages to contribute their quota of men, and stating
that arrangements had been made for the commissariat
of such force as might assemble. However, prudence
was stronger than patriotism, or even than the fear of the
committee of the gentry; and the defence of Shek-tsin
was probably left to the few organized troops actually
about the place, who, feeling the lack of support from
their own people, wisely beat a retreat as soon as they
saw their position turned.

Sentries were placed by us to protect the women and
children, who had shut themselves into houses, and a
guard was afforded for the security of two large pawn-
shops ; however, not until the coolies, profiting by the
precedent of “ Nam-tow,” had enriched themselves as
far as they could, though I believe there was not much
to be had but old clothes. The maurauders managed
to carry off their booty by stripping themselves, and
putting on suit after suit, all to be concealed by their
own uniform. These pawn-shops have, superadded to
the ordinary functions of those establishments with us,
those of general storehouses, in which people even of
the better class send their goods, not immediately in
use, to be pawned; more for the sake of storage than
RECONNAISSANCE. 185

for any other purpose, so that in summer you find them
full of warm wadded clothing or furs, whilst in winter
lighter garments abound. Occasionally great wealth
is stored up in them. It is lawful to sell the
deposits, if unredeemed, within three years. These esta-
blishments also conduct the ordinary business of banks.

After dinner I went out with the General, recon-
noitring : everything was perfectly peaceful—no one
would imagine for a moment that such an idea as
hostility or opposition had ever entered the minds
of the smiling and chin-chinning (welcoming) natives,
who presented themselves before us. Our walk was
confined to a small circuit, as it was reserved for the
morrow, to make a more distant expedition into the
country.

The morning was most propitious; a bright sun and
cool wind giving promise of a delightful march; and
at about nine a.m. we started. Our road led us over a
flat country, having an inconvenient stream running
through a portion of it, and which turned up at all
sorts of unexpected times. We got over by an extem-
porized bridge, formed of two boats; and continuing
our march, we crossed a plain, and following the road,
which led us pleasantly through a grove of fine trees
backing a village, we came upon a large plantation of
bamboos, on the farther side of which was the “ Kong-
tsun” River, a larger stream than that of Shek-tsin,
passing over a clean shingly bottom. Opposite to us
was a good-sized village, behind which rose a line of
hills which followed the bank of the river in its down-
ward course, though a little above where we were, it
turned inland. Another line of hills coming up to the
river, about a couple of miles above us, presented a bold
abrupt headland, a similar range on our side confront-
136 MANDARIN’S RESIDENCE.

ing it; which, being furnished with a pagod& on the sum-
mit, forms a good landmark for some distance round.

On the hills in rear of the village which was before
us, we saw groups of people collected, but evidently not
armed; so getting hold of a number of boats, we were
quietly ferried over by detachments, and passing
through the streets, lined by the curious and interested
natives, we emerged into the open ground, where
we halted, until the passage of the entire force had been
accomplished. We then marched up the bank of the
river to a large public hall, in front of which was a
considerable space of uncultivated ground, where we
rested and dined. This hall was searched, and amongst
other curiosities of the place, were discovered three
skulls in jars, which were supposed to be, and I believe
undoubtedly were, the heads of persons murdered at
Canton. This house was identified as that in which
the kidnapped artilleryman had been confined ; but the
mandarin and his little daughter had not chosen to
remain, to witness the invasion of the house and garden,
which most likely their prisoner had been the first
European to enter. The conscience of the gentleman
was, perhaps, not sufficiently clear to enable him to
look forward to a meeting with very pleasant feelings ;
and the little girl would hardly care to remain alone to
receive the thanks of the barbarians. Our depreda-
tions were confined to a rigorous examination of such
papers as remained in the house, together with the
appropriation of sundry oranges, which the artillery-
man had seen when blossoms, little thinking who
would benefit by the fruit.

At the village of “ Kong-tsun,” which lies nearly
under the bold hill higher up the river, we found a
great fair going on; thousands of people were collected,
KONG-TSUN FAIR. 137

and stalls and booths stored with all sorts of eatables
and other articles lined the roadway. What an in-
cident to the visitors to the fair, to come across a party,
and such a party, of strange fellow-visitors! How
many must have seen the barbarian then for the first
time, in all his barbarity and fierceness! many who will,
perhaps, never see himagain! Whata splendid chance
for them all! Certainly never was there such a Kong-
tsun fair before, and it is almost certain never will there
be such another—every one seemed brimfull of good
humour and delight, and I believe nothing was done
to give them cause to have a bad opinion of us.

The river here is wider and more shallow than lower
down, and is fordable. They brought boats for our
men, but some were barbarous enough to prefer
wading; and moreover, shall I say? barbarous or
civilized enough to deprive themselves of their nether
garments before attempting the feat.

Our homeward march led us through the village of
“ Tai-long,” rather a large place, and supposed to have
a strong anti-barbarian leaning; but here, as elsewhere,
we were met on our approach, by venerable elders,
bearing in their hands rose-coloured strips of paper—
tokens’ of friendship and welcome. Mr. Parkes, how-
ever, had, as we heard, rather a stormy interview with
the mandarins, and we were kept waiting some little
time in consequence.

In the neighbourhood of “Shek-tsin” the country
was much more under water than in other parts, and
‘we were constrained to follow the tiresome Indian file
order of marching. When within a couple of miles of
Shek-tsin, the evening closing on us, the head of our
column came suddenly on a river, the same which we
had crossed lower down in the morning: unfortunately,
138 DESTRUCTION OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS.

the Engineers with their pontoons had bé€n ordered to
march in the rear, and it was some time before they
could get up and overcome the obstacle. The last of the
party who had to remain to take up the bridge, did not
reach their quarters till past ten o’clock.

Next morning, preparations were made for destroy-
ing the public buildings, and the combustible materials
being judiciously arranged, a light was applied in two
or three places, just as we marched off. Before we had
all crossed the bridge, the whole range was a mass of
fire. The morning being still, the smoke hung like a
huge parachute over the hill, and gave evidence for
many a mile round, of the probable fate of the nests
wherein might be hatched plots against us. I believe
that at the defence of Shek-tsin bridge, the last shot
was fired in that part of the country, and that from the
date of this expedition, the organized bands of braves
ceased to exist.

One more act of retribution had to be performed.
A native messenger sent in to Canton from Shek-tsin,
by the General, had been seized in the village in which
we had first come under the fire of the batteries; he
had been ill-used and mutilated, so we treated the build-
ings there as at Shek-tsin, and destroyed them. The
result of this little expedition was highly important,
and effected with the very minimum of loss to our-
selves, and, I think, without the commission of a single
act which could give the natives an unfavourable
impression either of our power, or of our mode of
employing it.
CHAPTER X.

Expedition to Fatshan—Exploring up the Canton River—The happy new
year—A practical joke—The returned emigrant—Expedition to Fayuen—
Pawn-shops—Our treatment by “the gentry ””—Dry ponds tell a tale—
Expedition to Shaou-king—Our chop-boats—The river-side scenery—Sugar-
cane—The agriculturist and his cabbages—The rocky gorge—We arrive at
Shaou-king.

A MARCH outin the direction of “ Sampo-huey” showed
that all was quiet there, and the next place proposed to
be visited was Fatshan, in the creeks leading to which
place so large a fleet of junks had been destroyed by
the force under Sir Michael Seymour in 1857, and
where Keppel distinguished himself so much, in the
gallant boat action on the same day.

This place had, I believe, not been visited since;
indeed, the town was not entered then, the operations
being confined to the destruction of the fleet, and of the
batteries which covered the approaches.

Our expedition was entirely a naval one, the force
consisting of ten gun-boats, on board which were
detachments of troops. The water being found to
shoal, two or three miles below Fatshan, the gun-boats
were anchored, and the principal personages, with a
suitable escort, were taken up in boats to the town,
where they were met by the authorities, and treated
with every mark of respect; the usual amount of
compliments and sweetmeats being got through very
satisfactorily.

The river was found to be staked in two places,
140 FATSHAN.

batteries having been constructed in suifable spots, so
as to bring their fire on the vessels, where checked by
these obstacles; but no signs were visible of recent
works of defence. The town is said to be two miles
long, the creek running straight through it; and as
there is water communication from Fatshan to the
north and west rivers, as well as to Canton, it is a place
which does a very considerable amount of trade. We
remained on board the gun-boats that night in the
river, returning to Canton on the 21st January.

The next place to be visited was “ Tai-liek,” to the
south-west of Canton, and on the opposite side of the
river. It was intended to take some of our mountain
artillery, as we had done to Shek-tsin and Kong-tsun ;
and as many of the roads across the paddy are not wide
enough to admit of even these little guns being drawn
over them, it was necessary to ascertain before starting,
whether we should be able to get them along. I was,
therefore, sent, two or three days before, to reconnoitre.
I went by one route to a large village called “‘ Wong-
kong-ku,” whence there was a good road in the direc-
tion of Tai-liek, said to be six miles distant; and I
found, moreover, the country all dry in that neighbour-
hood, and fit for the movement of troops. A few days
later I made an expedition in a gun-boat to a place
called “ Nayun,” where I landed, and with my little
guard, walked to within three-quarters of a mile of
“Taji-liek,” finding the people all friendly.

I refrained from entering the place, wishing to give
our visit in force its full effect of novelty.

Two days later, on the 31st January, a considerable
force started, going by my first route, and returning by
that of “Nayun,” to which place our gun-boats and
junks had been sent to wait for us and bring us home.
MARCH TO TAI-LIEK. 141

We found many of the creeks staked in parts, hav-
ing a narrow passage only, available for traffic, and
covered by batteries. These works are, I believe,
entirely undertaken to afford, security to junks from
the depredations of river-pirates, who are very nu-
merous. Indeed, it is rather difficult sometimes to dis-
cover which is the aggressor and which the aggrieved,
the pirate or the trader, for in many cases the two
businesses are carried on indifferently. The barriers
usually defend the approach to villages, and the batte-
ries would be manned by the inhabitants, who would
combine equally to protect the boats of their village
were they flying from a pirate, or from the just anger
of a trader whose strength they might have miscal-
culated and ventured to attack.

Having succeeded so far in our progresses through
the country, it was determined to visit “ Fayuen” itself,
the focus of all the treason, the head-quarters of the
redoubtable “ Fayuen committee.”

This place was known to be between twenty and
thirty miles from Canton, and it was thought that some
branch of the Canton River might be found, by which
our gun-boats could approach the place, and shorten
the distance over which we should have to march, as
it was reported that a stream, flowing from Fayuen,
entered the river at some point above Canton. Accord-
ingly, on the 2nd February, I was sent on an exploring
expedition. I had what is called a chop-boat, with a
comfortable cabin, given me to live in, and a gun-boat,
the “ Kestrel,” to take me in tow. I lived in the gun-
boat by day mostly, and slept in my own little ship,
and between the two was exceedingly comfortable.

On the first day we succeeded in getting through all
the portion of the river surveyed up to that time, and
142 EXTERNAL EFFECTS OF OPIUM.

passing through the “ Shek-mun,” or “sf6ne gate,” (a
rather narrow pass with a bluff headland running up
to the river, and where a branch ran off in a south-west
direction,) we entered on fresh ground.

Anchoring for the night off a point which we called
Limehouse Point, from the number of kilns dotted
about, we went on shore on the western bank, and
explored. JI find my experiences summed up in my
journal as, “ Country barren, soil sandy, people poor.”
It was altogether an uninteresting spot.

Next day we went on, and opportunely enough got
aground, abreast of rather a large village, called “ Hok-
kong-tao.” We landed, and walked to a village called
“ Cha-lung,” about three miles distant, inland. This
place we found to be a large entrepdt for goods of
all kinds: there appeared to be a very considerable
market, and roads leading into the country in different
directions ; but our visit was unfortunately timed, every
shop being closed, on account of the holiday-time of the
new year, which was then passing; the “few days
happy new year” of which old Sing-chong had spoken,
as engaging the masons and carpenters at this season.

The village seemed like one stricken with universal
death : there was hardly a man to be seen; and in the
principal street, which on ordinary occasions would
probably be teeming with life, the only persons
we saw were individuals more or less in a state of
torpor from too great an indulgence in opium. The
advantage (if such a term is admissible) of intoxication
from this drug, over that arising from ardent spirits, is
that the indulger does no harm to any one, except
directly to himself, and indirectly to his family, whereas
the intoxication of the drunkard has a far wider range;
but the opium-smoker is perhaps less troublesome drunk
THE NEW YEAR. 143

than sober. The situation of “ Cha-lung” may be
well adapted for obtaining supplies of opium easily; I
certainly never at any time, in any other place, saw so
universal traces of its influence; but it must be re-
membered that it was at a special season.

At the season of the new year all accounts are settled,
and theoretically, ‘if not practically, all bills are paid.
The Chinese are extremely particular on this subject,
and will sell their goods at what is called an enormous
sacrifice, in order to meet their liabilities, and commence
the new year free; and it is probable that the solvent
man smokes, or eats opium out of sheer contentment,
while the insolvent obtains temporary relief from the
pressure of his embarrassments, by a similar indulgence.

The distance of this place from “ Fayuen” was, as
far as we could ascertain, twenty-two miles, being nearly
as far as from Canton. So we went on higher up the
river, but without any great expectation of a favourable
result. Ata place called “ Mah-wee-tao,” or “ the cat’s
head ” (“ mah-wee” being “cat” and “ tao” “ head”),
we found a ferry, and a road leading from it to Fayuen,
but which evidently only joined the road from “Cha-
lung,” and was as long and not as good. So we went
still farther, and, landing, climbed a high hill, from
whence we saw that all hope of the Canton River, as an
auxiliary in the contemplated march, was at an end. It
wound away to the north-west, Fayuen being north-east
of us. We observed, looking northward, an opening in a
high range of hills running east and west, and near the
foot of which we imagined Fayuen to lie; and through
this opening the river flowed, coming apparently from
a plain country situated on the other side of this range
of hills. It is from this same plain country that the
North River comes, which joining the West River some
144 “TAT-LING” AND “CHA-LUNG.”

?

fifteen miles east of “ Fatshan,” runs down and enters
the sea near Macao; the Canton River being consider-
ably smaller than these combined streams. Indeed, at
the point where we then were, about twenty-four miles
above Canton, the river was in places, not fifty yards
wide. The character of the Canton River below the
city, is much more that of inlets from the sea, than a
river; whereas in the West River, the stream of clear
fresh water is very great, in places more than a mile
wide, at a greater distance from the sea than is Canton,
and bearing a body of fresh water which overpowers the
tide, and is but slightly affected by it. On a later occa-
sion we visited the West River; but up to this time our
knowledge of it was merely from report.

Descending the river again, we landed a second time
at “ Hok-kong-tao,” and, walking through “ Cha-lung,”
went eight miles along the road towards “Fayuen” to
Tai-ling, where we were stopped by a small stream,
which enters the river near the place where we landed,
and which, doubtless, is the one we were in search
of, as it evidently came from the neighbourhood of
“Fayuen.” At this point it was about thirty yards
wide, and some two or three feet deep, with a good
sound bottom. There was a ferry-boat, which plied
backwards and forwards, and about a mile from the op-
posite bank was a large village called “ Wy-kap.” We
were told here that we were fifty li, or seventeen miles,
from Fayuen. They pointed out the direction, and said
we could almost see it. In this case a miss was better
than a mile, for a bearing taken with the compass to
the point indicated, and laid down afterwards, proved
their assertions to be quite true.

Whilst sketching here, I was surrounded by great
crowds of idlers; some hundreds thronged round me,
A PRACTICAL JOKE. 145

and took great delight in touching me all over. The
three marines who escorted me excited a vast amount of
curiosity. When I descended towards the river, they
evidently all thought I meant to cross, and a race
ensued which should get first on board the boat, for the
chance of a passage across in my company. It was
filled in a few seconds, and I saw the opportunity for a
practical joke such as a Chinaman loves; so I signed to
the boatman that I was not going, and that he might
push off. He was ready enough to take the hint, and
punted them all across, and bundled them out, refusing
to bring any back without payment. The victims of
the joke had either to pay, or, rolling up their capacious
trousers, wade back amidst the roars of their friends.
The laugh was infectious, and every one seemed to
consider it the smartest thing they had seen done
for a long time. I was quite sorry to leave them,
they were so jolly and good-humoured, but the after-
noon was slipping away, and I had to get back before
dark.

Passing through a small village, I was accosted by
cries of “Johnny, I say, Johnny!” I found they pro-
ceeded from an elderly blind man, who, seated under a
tree, was left there by his friends, all of whom rushed
to see me, leaving him alone. I went up to him, and
found he spoke English rather well. He told me that
he had gone to California some years ago, in search of
gold; that he ‘had met with many vicissitudes, which
terminated in his returning home not much richer than
when he left; that he had lately lost his sight during
small-pox ; that since his return home he had never
before met an Englishman, and that he certainly had
not expected to come across one in his remote village.

iB
146 EXPEDITION TO FAYUEN.

I wish my time had permitted me to hav@a long talk
with him, and learn more of his history.

That exclamation of “I say” is curious. They think
it has a great charm for us, and always use it as a
means of attracting attention. Sometimes we are
spoken of as “I says.” A delinquent, when under-
going the cat-o’-nine-tails, will interlard his own native
cry of “ Ayah” with exclamations of “I say! I say!”
called forth at each blow. The Sepoys were, in the
same way, invariably called “Achas!” “ Acha,” or
“good,” is the constantly-recurring answer or running
commentary of a Sepoy when spoken to, and “ Acha,
sahib,” is always repeated at short intervals, throughout
your address. I remember once, on the march, a Sepoy
had failed from fatigue; a stalwart Chinese coolie
passing by, half-kindly and half-derisively inquired,
“ Acha hab die? No? Then come on chop chop;”
chop chop meaning quick, without delay.

The following day (6th February) we returned to
Canton, having explored the mouths of the “ Kong-
tsun”” and “Shek-tsin” Rivers, and added no incon-
siderable amount of country, to that already surveyed
round Canton.

In consequence of my report, it was of course settled
that our expedition was to be entirely by land; and
the necessary arrangements having been made, we
started on the 8th February, at about ten o’clock, halt-
ing at “ Kong-tsun,” on the same ground which we had
occupied for our bivouac on the 9th January, just a
-month before. Next day we went as far as “ Ping-
shan,” a town about three miles only short of “ Fayuen,”
so as to be able to enter that place early, with all the
day before us. I took the opportunity while here, of
PAWNBROKERS. 147

going over a very large pawn-shop, which stood con-
spicuously above all the other buildings, and which we
had taken the precaution to protect by a guard, as soon
as we entered the town. These establishments are
usually in the form of a square tower, with a summit of
peculiar shape ; and the interior consists of a succession
of floors, connected by a narrow staircase, the whole
space, except that niggardly allowed for passage, being
taken up by racks, on which the goods are carefully
stowed away and ticketed. There appeared to be
nothing of any great value, unless some of the clothing
or furs, which formed the staple commodity, (but of
which I was no judge,) were good. Articles of silver or
jewellery would be put away in special places of security,
which, under the circumstances of our short acquaint-
ance, I would not ask the proprietor to disclose.

At Chusan, in 1860, however, ] persuaded a pawn-
broker to bring out his treasures, but they were not
very valuable, being principally bracelets and ear-rings
of silver, with small ornaments of jade, and the imita-
tion of enamel, made by gluing the feathers of king-
fishers on to silver ornaments. A very rich and beau-
tiful effect is produced in this way, and at, of course, a
moderate price. I have often been requested by the boat-
girls who took me down the river on shooting excursions,
to bring them back kingfishers, if I could get them.

In the morning we marched into Fayuen, and were
received ag visitors of distinction. Porters, bearing
trays loaded with patties for the troops, crowded up as
the men were halted ; a special repast was provided for
the General and senior officers, at which smiling and
gratified mandarins vied with one another in expres-
sions of regard: every one was féted. Had we been

L 2
148 FAYUEN.

members of a nation to which the Chinese felt them-
selves bound by ties of gratitude, called forth by cen-
turies replete with obligations conferred, we could not
have been welcomed with more empressement. And this
was Fayuen !

The main body of our troops was encamped on a hill
outside the city, and overlooking it; detachments also
were quartered in temples, in different parts of the
town.

In the afternoon we explored the place, which was
not a work of any great labour, for the town is small.
To speak very exactly, the wall which encompasses it is
just 1670 yards in extent, and quadrangular in form.
It is a town of the third class, styled “Heen.” It
has four gates—one on each side. The wall is 22 feet
high, and battlemented, just like those of all the other
cities. We saw very few guns mounted ; but the recent
dry weather caused a secret to be disclosed, which we
were not intended to discover. The rapidly evaporating
water in a pond close under the wall exposed several
cannon, which had been hastily removed from their
station on the ramparts, and thrown in, to give an
appearance of peacefulness and friendly welcome, which
probably the consciences of the committee made them
think it desirable to make very evident.

We took a pleasant walk out into the country, and
visited a pagoda, which is a conspicuous object, being
perched upon a conical hill, and from the top of which
we could see Canton, distant, as the crow flies, about
thirty miles. We could afterwards (knowing its situa-
tion) make out this pagoda from the top of the White
Cloud Mountains.

The visit passed most successfully, and next morning
SHAOU-KING. 149

we marched soon after nine. At “ Pingshan” we had
a long halt, and a. good deal of tiresome delay. For
some reason or other, our transport came to grief, and
we had to hire a number of native coolies with wheel-
barrows, to join our force. We pushed on to Kong- :
tsun, not arriving there till dark, after a very tedious
and disagreeable march. Our march into Canton on
the next day was a pleasant one. The inhabitants of
Kong-tsun very considerately made us a bridge of boats
across the river, to facilitate our progress.

The next expedition projected was to ‘‘ Shaou-king,”
the former capital of the “ Kwang-tung ” province. It
used to be a city of great importance, but trade had
been diverted from it; still it always retained its titular
capital rank, as being the nominal seat of the governor-
general of the two provinces of Kwang-tung and
Kwang-se, while the governor of Kwang-tung had the
seat of his government at Canton. The great advance
in the prosperity of the latter city, arising from its
superior position, and foreign trade, rendered it desirable
that the governor-general should reside there, and a
yamun was built for him in the new portion of the
city, which was added to the old in the present dy-
nasty ; yet this yamun was only rated as a “ hing-yuen,”
or temporary viceroy’s quarters. It was the building
destroyed by us in 1856, and on its site the French
cathedral is now to be erected.

The proper yamun of the governor-general was still
held to be at Shaou-king, but, being uninhabited, it
had been allowed to fall into decay; and at the time of
our visit, nothing of it remained standing, but the gate,
and the granite lions which guarded the entrance.

However, up to the last, the military force under the
150 INTRICACY OF THE CANTON RIVER.

orders of the governor-general had remained stationed
at Shaou-king, the idea being that his division and that
of the governor together, might prove too powerful for
the Tartar garrison, which was supposed to act as a
check on the purely native force of the province.

This part of the country had not been completely
surveyed. There was, indeed, a chart of a portion of
the “ Broadway,” and of a creek connecting it with the
Canton River, but not extending up the West River.
It is difficult to hit off the proper channel, as the
country about the lower part of the river is cut up by
an intricate net-work of creeks, some very shallow, and
all forming the most admirable refuges for the nests of
pirates with which these waters are infested, and which
also in former days, not unfrequently baffled our vessels
of war, in the pursuit of fleets of imperial junks. The
arrival of our gun-boats in these waters must have been
hailed with dismay by the predatory adventurers ; their
handiness in getting about round corners, in spite of
wind and tides, making them more than a match even
for the cleverly-handled native boats, placing out of the
question their being armed with the most formidable
guns in our service.

These gun-boats have of course no spare accommoda-
tion, so that it was impossible to send troops in them
except for short distances, as they would never be
able to leave the deck, and ¢hat was not an extensive
exercise ground even for the original legitimate crew;
in an expedition like that proposed up the West River,
it was necessary therefore to provide separate transport
for the troops. This was effected by the hire of junks,
or chop-boats, as they are termed, such as are used for
transporting cargoes. They have a capital lower deck,
OUR EQUIPMENT. 151

and are capable of affording excellent accommodation
for troops. Those which we had, would each contain
fifty men very comfortably : they were equipped with
masts and sails, had their own native captains, and one
or two native boatmen, our men hauling on the ropes
as required ; and thus, with a fair wind, we were quite
able to shift for ourselves, and gave a period of repose
to our maternal gun-boats, who were each blest with
twins of this breed, and who took us in tow on all
needful occasions.

There was one steamer equipped as a coal-store—
there were the marine chops, the artillery, the engineer,
the staff, the commissariat, the hospital chops — all
marked and numbered, and each pair with its num-
bered guardian gun-boat, in all forming a very com-
plete little flotilla. Captain M‘Cleverty was senior naval
officer, and General Straubenzee commanded the troops
in person.

The French had a steamer called “La Rose,” in the
bows of which they had, for the sake of providing for
the comfort of their men, gone the length of building a
brick oven—a measure which rather put the “ Rose” out
of trim; but that was not of much consequence, when
weighed in the balance against fresh breadevery day—-
certainly not in military estimation, whatever a sailor
might say.

We started on the 16th February ; ‘hie point of ren-
dezvous was near “ Tiger Island;” the more indepen-
dent of the chop-boats were inclined to find their way
guided, but untowed. After passing Whampoa and the

second bar, we sailed down a creek apparently nearly
parallel to the main river, and, after threading our way
for some ten or twelve miles down a stream affording
152 WE LOSE OUR WAY.

great advantages for the resort and slaughter of wild
fowl, we anchored at the back of Tiger Island, and
thought ourselves very fine fellows for having so suc-
cessfully shown the navy the sea-going qualities of the
sister profession.

At about seven next morning we got under weigh,
and, following the same stream, passed “ Sha-won ” and
“ Nam-pai-to.” At the latter place the General landed,
and went to see the town, accompanied by a small
guard. The watchmen at the gate, probably more
under the influence of fear, than with a desire to insult,
shut and barred it in his face. It was not convenient
to delay at that time for satisfaction, but it was deter-
mined to call again on our way back.

Soon after this, the responsibility was forced upon us
of selecting between two routes: we took that to the
south. To those who plotted the course as we went,
from the compass bearings, it was evident that we were
going by a very devious route, even were it the proper
one; for, being desirous of going to the west, we found
our passage took us first south, then east, and lastly
south-east. In the end we found ourselves in a broad
shallow, about six miles south-west of “ Anunghoy,”
with whose peaks I was familiar, from having been en-
gaged there surveying the Bogue Forts, a few months
before, and not very many miles from the spot we had
left in the morning. We anchored, whilst some of the
gun-boats went exploring for a passage, but with no
very satisfactory result.

Next morning at six o’clock, we made a fresh start,
and proceeded in a south-westerly direction, but could
hit off no satisfactory passage, and it became evident to
our survey officers that we had taken the wrong course
THE “BROADWAY.” 153

the day before ; so, without farther delay, we retraced
our steps, and, regaining the point where we had made
our unlucky choice, we took the other passage, and
went down as far as “ Essex Point,” where we anchored
for the night. We started again at the same hour on
the next day, and, after a delay of about an hour and a
half off “ Nam-chum-tseu-kong,” caused by some of the
gun-boats getting aground, we entered the Broadway at
about three P.M.

This is really a very fine river—a sheet of deep, clear
green water, perfectly fresh, and in most places more
than a mile wide. On the west bank were high hills :
on the east the country was more flat ; but a ridge which
had bordered our creek terminated, at its junction with
the Broadway, in some very curious rocks of basaltic
formation.

As we ascended the river, we found all the larger
towns or villages on the eastern bank. The principal
places we passed were “ Kam-chao,” and then “ Kao-
kong.” The latter town extended along the bank of
the river for a great distance. The inhabitants turned
out in crowds tosee us pass. The scenery wasfine: the
hills on the west bank came down in places to the
water’s edge, and were tinted here and there with a
peculiar red hue, which gave a very rich effect to the
colouring.

A great quantity of sugar is grown here: the smoke
‘rising from the different boiling-houses gives a marked
character to the scenery, and was a feature quite new
to me in the country. The cane, which is thickly
planted, is enclosed within high bamboo fences, which
serve to shelter it from the wind, and give an effect of
great regularity and squareness to the plantations. I
154 SUGAR-CANE AND CABBAGE PLANTING.

suppose they find thisisa desirable precaution during the
time that the cane is young and tender, when, were it
not for the shelter of these fences, it would be liable to
great damage in storms.

I have been told this is a precaution never taken by
us in our West Indian sugar plantations; but no matter
of detail or precaution is too trivial for a Chinaman.
We should say, “It would not pay.” With them it is
more a question of labour, and that they never spare.

I saw a man once, who had a plot of ground in which
he was going to plant out some cabbages. He knew
there were beetles and other insects in the ground
which would eat them ; so when it was all ready he put
bits of cabbage-leaf, about two feet apart, all over
the plot, placing a stone on each, to keep it from being
blown away: he left them for a time, and then visited
them at intervals, finding insects at work at them each
time; these he killed, removing carefully the remains,
for fear of their scaring away the brethren. At last,
when he could catch no more, he planted out his
cabbages. All this I saw done with my own eyes; and
the good man seemed to think there was nothing
unusual in it, but that it was the most natural way in
the world of securing the safety of his vegetables, at the
cost of a few leaves.

The next day being Sunday, we had service on board
the different chop-boats, and soon after it was over, we
came to the West River which unites with the North
River to form the Broadway. Though the sharp turn off
to the westward showed clearly that we were at the
junction, we could not, with any certainty, make out
the North River, which, from what we had heard, we
knew to be a considerable stream. It is from this point

|
THE WEST RIVER. 155

that access can be had to Fatshan by a direct channel,
which would be by far the shortest route to Canton for
such vessels as might be small enough to take advan-
tage of it. At the mouth of the West River, the hills
on the southern side approach near the bank; they are
about one thousand five hundred feet high, tolerably
level on the top, but serrated; with still the same
reddish hue. They then sweep inwards, leaving a
pleasant little plain extending from their base to the
bank, and approach the river again some eight miles
higher up, after which they jealously hug the border of
the stream.

On the north side, the plain extends from the river,
about ten miles back; apparently a rich and fertile
district ; but there rises at about that distance, a range
of mountains, of which some of the peaks are probably
three thousand feet high: a spur from these appears
gradually to close on the river, not far above us. Ten
miles from the mouth of the river, we meet with a flat
sandy island, and not far from it, on the northern bank,
a large village, of which the houses next the river are
all raised on piles; indicating, possibly, a tendency to
floods on the part of the stream. Sugar still appears
the staple crop, though, perhaps, its greater obtrusive-
ness from the boiling establishments, and its high
growth, causes it to be more remarked than the unas-
suming rice, which, in February, would probably be not
yet in the ground.

We find, after trying both sides of the island, that
the northern channel is the deepest; the river is broad,
tranquil and clear, and on we go. As we advance, the
hills appear to have completely barred our further pro-
gress: we had for some time fancied that a turn in the
156 THE ROCKY GORGE.

river would break the line of hill in front of us, and
disclose an opening by which we should see the plains
beyond ; but no, the river gradually narrows; we run
close up to the rocks; the course changes rapidly from
west to south; the wind coming up the river hurries
through the narrow passage, and we enter into a gorge
not more than three or four hundred yards wide, with
steep barren rocks on each side of us. From broad
daylight we enter into comparative gloom ; the signal
is given for the junks to take care of themselves;
the gun-boats cast us off, and rush pantingly forward,
flecking the dark sides of the rocks with fragments of
snowy steam carried in ragged patches, wreathing and
curling, and dying away midst the nooks and crannies,
and making the darkness still more dark. We spread
our rich tan-coloured sails, but, before they can be set,
the blast comes rushing angrily, having been pent up
and accumulated outside: all untrimmed they catch the
breeze, and hurrying, jostling each other, ploughing
up the dark-green water and scattering the spray, we
crowd on as if to an inevitable fate. We pass a
shrine on the bank, hewn out from the solid rock ; our
native crew here pause in their work, run for pieces
of thin paper, and lighting them at the ever-burning
joss-stick, cast them into the water, clasping their hands,
bowing and praying in muttered tones, as they present
this fire-offering of prayer or thanksgiving to the pre-
siding tutelary deity. Sounding here as we pass, we find
no bottom at fourteen fathoms; the water looks dark and
green, as if it might be any depth; we change our
course from south to south-west, then again to south;
and after about three miles of this headlong race, as
suddenly as we had entered the gorge, we emerge
WE REACH SHAOU-KING., 157

into bright sunlight again, and into a broad sheet of
clear water, where our maternal gun-boats come flutter-
ing round, pick us up, and enable us to get our ruffled
plumage in order; and again taking us in tow, on we
speed. We soon catch sight of the high pagoda of
“Shaou-king,’ and in less than an hour, we all cast
anchor in front of the old city, doubtless to the great
surprise of the inhabitants, who come crowding down
to the bank in thousands, to gaze on the novel sight.

   

ET

RUCKY GORGE NEAR SHAOU-KING,
CHAPTER XI.

Shaou-king—Anticipated attack by rebels—Apathy of inhabitants—Remarks
on present condition of China—Marble rocks—Kingfishers—Visit to Shuntuk
—The weak points in Chinese fortifications—Hats and umbrellas—Nam-
pai-to—Retum to Canton—Country trips—A snake—Artillery and rifle
practice—Agriculture—Artificial egg-hatching—Cantonment amusements—
Bowling-alley and racquet-court.

WE remained here just a week, from 20th to 27th
February. This visit was, I hope, as agreeable to our
hosts as to ourselves. We all lived on board our chop-
boats, so we did not make ourselves troublesome as
guests; and as we had spent a good many dollars in
the town, I dare say our visit was properly appreciated.
Having surveyed the walls the first thing, we were
enabled to devote the rest of our stay to wandering
about, and amusing ourselves in our own way. The
General accompanied the naval surveying officers on a
trip to a large town, about seventy miles above Shao-
king, called ‘‘ Woo-choo-foo,” where they saw rather an
imposing fleet of imperial junks. They were told that
a short distance above that point, the river was rapid,
and very difficult to navigate. It would appear that
“Woo-choo-foo ” is the head of the main water traffic.
The rebels were in force in this part of the country,
and we found that at “Shaou-king” they were
expected. A soldier whom we questioned about it,
related the horrors and butchery attending the former
capture of the city; and when questioned as to what
result he expected from an attack, he quietly answered,
“Oh, I believe they will take the’ city again, and
the same scenes will occur.” He did not seem to be
REBELS EXPECTED. 159

very sanguine as to the chance of beating them off, nor
indeed did he appear to care very much about it.
There was evidently not the slightest energy or con-
fidence in their cause or their strength; and consider-
ing that they were convinced that a few months would
see the enemy before their walls, their apathy was
really astonishing.

There was a hill just without the city, from which
the defences on one side could be completely over-
looked ; and which, if held by an enemy, must render
the walls perfectly untenable. A little trench and
embankment had been made on this hill, not much
more than a couple of feet high, and which would be of
just as much service to the enemy as to themselves. I
tried to explain to one of them how vitally important this
spot was, and that with the enemy on that hill, the city
was gone. But all to whom I spoke seemed to think
alike, that with the enemy anywhere outside the walls
the place was indeed gone. Their language was very
much the “quien sabe” of the Spaniard. It was with
regret that we heard some months later, that the
calamity had indeed come to pass; the rebels had
appeared before the city, and captured it.

What a wretched country to belong to, and what a
miserable state of affairs! It is to be hoped that the
assistance which we are now giving to the imperial
government, will do much to improve its condition.

It appears to me that we are adopting a wise course
in the measures now proposed for strengthening the
hands of the governing power. The rebels have by
their acts forfeited any claim to our sympathy to which
in the eyes of some they have been considered entitled
from their professions of Christianity. They have had
a long trial, and have failed: they have never shown
160 PRESENT GONDITION OF CHINA.

any capacity for administration, and have‘lost many of
their supporters.

Still we should be careful to abstain from any actual
interference, by force of arms. As by injudicious
charity you may make paupers, so, by helping a nation
in such a way as to diminish its self-respect, you do it
more harm than good. Ifa rebellion is to be put down
effectually and permanently, it must be done by the
native governing power.

By giving a moral support to the imperial govern-
ment, and teaching it how to drill its soldiers, and
make the best use of its resources, we strengthen its
arm, without diminishing its self-respect. By in-
creasing its trade, and assisting it in the collection of
its revenues,* we shall contribute to its wealth; with
wealth will come power, and so the rebellion will be
subdued. The first great object to be gained, is the
capture of Nankin. With the southern capital, and
the great river Yang-tsze-kiang, in imperial hands, the
neck of the insurrection will be broken, and we may
reasonably hope, that we shall soon see the dawn of a
brighter day breaking over that country, than it has
looked upon for many years.

The true wealth of China lies in the great industry
of its vast population. Our work there is to provide
markets and means of communication. In measures of
interference, military occupation, and warlike establish-
ments, we have nothing to gain, and all to lose. We
may quite trust to the Chinese to develop their own
resources, if we will only find a market. It is the old
story of the goose and the golden eggs. Our province
is to feed and fatten it, and to provide convenient

* This assistance is not actually rendered by our Government: the Chinese
employ European gentlemen in situations of trust in their Customs.
THE MARBLE ROCKS. 161

nests ; but beware how you attempt to meddle with the
natural functions of the bird, lest the supply cease
altogether,

During our stay here, the troops were taken out for
marches in the country, whenever the weather permitted ;
which was by no means every day, nor all day long.
One day we visited a very curious group of rocks, some
two or three miles from the city. The mountains,
which were some distance off, appeared to be of granite
formation ; but there sprung from the plain, rocks of
marble, seven in number, in much the same relative
positions as those occupied by the seven principal stars
in the constellation of the Great Bear; and they are
by the Chinese named after the stars in question.

 

MARBLE ROCK NEAR SIAOQU-KING,

Some of these are as much as two hundred feet high,
and on the principal one is a temple having rooms,
M
162 KINGFISHERS.

built on different levels, looking as if thef’were stuck
against the rock, like swallows’ nests, and without any
visible communication between them. At the base is a
large cavern, containing fine stalactites, of which the
priests seem proud, and where they produced a visitors’
book, in which we all duly inscribed our names. Per-
haps years hence, when our relations with the Chinese
become more satisfactory, travellers will be shown the
book, recording the names of probably the first Euro-
pean visitors to the marble rocks.

There is a stream which does duty as irrigator to the
plain, and enters the river through an arched passage
near the great pagoda. About its banks were numbers
of kingfishers, of which I met with three varieties :
first, our English bird; then one much larger, and very
similar to it in plumage; and lastly, a grey-and-white
bird, rather larger than the common species, with a bill
thicker and stronger in proportion. This bird, instead
of sitting on a branch, or post, watching for an oppor-
tunity to dive after a fish, hovered in the air, perhaps
thirty feet or so above the water, moving its wings
rapidly, with its large head and bill held very squarely
at right angles to its body, as it looked down: At the
proper moment, it would close its wings, and descending
with great velocity, it would dart down after its prey,
and if unsuccessful, begin again its hovering, thus care-
fully fishing the river from point to point. One of
these, which was shot in the wing, lived on board my
chop-boat for some days: it was a very savage little
thing, and bold enough to eat meat out of the hand.

On the 26th, the General returned, with the naval
exploring party, and the following morning we sailed
on our homeward way; but immediately on leaving
the gorge, we entered one of the densest fogs I ever
VISIT TO “SHUN-TUK.” 163

saw, which lasted until noon, during which time we lay
at anchor, unable to see much more than the length of
the boat. In the afternoon we moved down to the
mouth of the West River, whilst an exploring party
visited a town there called “ Sam-shui.” In the night
it rained for a few hours; but the air was not cleared,
for in the morning the fog was as thick as ever, and
numbers of wild geese could be heard crying, as they
swam all about between the vessels: a couple, who
remained a little too long, after the for began to clear,
suffered for their temerity in so doing. In the after-
noon a strong breeze sprang up, and we went spanking
down the Broadway at a great rate, and anchored for the
night at the mouth of the passage leading to the Canton
River.

In the morning it was found that several of the gun-
boats were aground, so we did not weigh till half-past
ten 4.M., when, with a nice breeze, we had a very
pleasant sail to the mouth of a creek leading up to a
town called “Shun-tuk,” which it was proposed to
visit; and here we anchored. Some of us landed, and
climbed up a hill, from which we could look over the
road to the town, some three miles distant.

To guard against the contingency of the gates being
shut in our face, as had happened at ‘‘ Nam-pai-
to,’ we marched in the morning, provided with scaling-
ladders and powder-bags ; but found no use for them,
as we met with a friendly welcome. We _ passed
through a district where the mulberry was cultivated.
The ground was made up in broad ridges, like aspa-
ragus beds, and the shrubs were small, and planted in
rows.

The city, with its wall and other defences, is built
in the same odd way as very many Chinese towns, being

M 2
164 CHINESE FORTIFICATION

entirely commanded from a hill outside, the possession of
which must involve that of the city, and which it would
be quite possible to gain, without coming under fire
from the walls. There seems to be a strange whimsical
perversity in the Chinese mind, of which this is an in-
stance. I could enumerate several towns, out of those
which I have seen, which are encircled with a wall, and
carefully guarded on all points, except the key of the
whole position. Canton itself was in this predicament,
until the more modern forts on the Gough and Blue-
jacket Hills were built. Ting-hae in Chusan is another
instance, and thus fell into our hands in the old war.
Nam-tow is another, and might have been taken in the
same way, with a smaller loss to us than actually
occurred. Shaou-king I have already mentioned.
“ 'Teng-choo-foo,” in the Gulf of Peh-chi-li, is also com-
manded on the western side; as is also “Fayuen” on
the north-east, and others, which it would be tedious
to enumerate, as I am not proposing to make a raid on
the country.

As another instance of this perversity, the Chinese
are noted for the immense number of umbrellas they
make, and which are constantly used to keep off the
sun. They have also the very best of hats for the
same purpose, with crowns and enormous brims of
wicker, with an inner circlet fitting closely on the brow,
allowing an air-space all over and round the head ; yet
it seems totally immaterial to them whether they use
hat, or umbrella, or go bareheaded altogether. The
women’s hats, which they wear when working in the
fields, consist of a wide wicker brim, with a crown of
blue cotton, and are usually provided with a fall of the
same material, and which makes really a pretty garden
hat. Striking is the revulsion to one’s feelings, in
AN EMBLEM OF THE STATE OF CHINA. 165

taking a sly peep underneath what one would imagine,
from European precedents, to conceal a pretty face. I
should think that the dark material, fitting rather
closely on the crown, must be hot; on the whole, the
men are the best off in respect of hats.-

There is water communication from “Shun-tuk” to
the river, and this the navy explored, as we marched
by the road. The suburbs appeared full of shops,
thickly populated, and very busy. This strikes one
very much, wherever one goes, provided the rebel
movement has not recently visited the spot. Every
place is populous, for its size; full of trade, and
apparently thriving. One would think the wants of
the people must be considerable, to induce so much
business; and yet I suppose no nation has fewer wants.
The inside of this city was, like Shaou-king, a good
deal taken up with large mandarins’ yamuns and public
buildings. On the whole, as is generally the case, this
‘quarter was much less thriving than the suburbs. On
one side of the wall you see the native industry;
on the other, the government obstructiveness. I
think that is a fair emblem of the condition of the
country.

A leading feature of “Shun-tuk” is a high pagoda
on a hill, near which is another on a small eminence on
the plain, forming a notable landmark for a long dis-
tance round.

On our return to the vessels we continued our passage,
and anchored off “ Nam-pai-to,” where the General had
been somewhat abruptly prevented entering the village
on the occasion of our former visit. We provided our-
selves with powder-bags, before landing next morning ;
but, as was natural after such a precaution, we found
the gates open. It was a wretched wet day. How-
166 SURVEYING TRIPS.

®

ever, we spent some two or three hours in the town,
during which time Mr. Parkes gave a long lecture to
the mandarins. It is rather a large place, about a mile
long, and surrounded by a mud wall some twelve feet
high, with a gate at each end; on either side of which
is a gun to fire on the paved road leading into the
town. Having given ourselves the freedom of the city,
and practically asserted our power, if not our right, to pay
a peaceable visit to its inhabitants, we went on board
again, and made the best of our way back to Canton,
arriving late in the afternoon, having spent very
pleasantly the time from 16th February to 3rd March.

An expedition to “ Yung-suey-tao,” about seven
miles north-east of Canton, when we camped out two
nights, was the last of those made in any force. I
was out later, surveying, and went some distance, but
accompanied only by an escort of about half a dozen
men. Very pleasant were these little expeditions. I
generally had a companion with me. We had our
tent, the men a second, and our coolies, who carried
our tents and provisions, owned a third. We marched
about wherever our duties required, encamping when
and where we liked, usually by the side of some clear
stream, in which we bathed morning and evening.
We took our guns with us, and added sundry little
luxuries to our potted and pickled fare previously
provided. A native servant, or one of the coolies, was
the only interpreter we wanted. We were hospitably
and kindly treated wherever we went; and spent such
charming gipsy days as I shall always look back upon
with the greatest pleasure. The very occupation of
surveying, sketching, and recording the scenes of our
rambles immeasurably enhanced the pleasures of such a
trip.
ADVENTURE WITH A SNAKE. 167

I remember on one occasion having an exciting
adventure with a snake. I was walking through some
brushwood in search of game, when I suddenly felt
something move strongly under my foot. I fancied
that it must be a snake; but not knowing whether I
was on its head or its tail, I could not decide whether it
was best to lift my foot, or not. I moved the bushes,
keeping my foot firmly down, and saw it had twined
itself twice round my leg, but with the tai half of its
body, the head being pointed away, towards some rocks
not far off. So I lifted up my foot quietly, and away
went my friend. [I was cruel and ungrateful enough
to shoot him just as he was going under the rocks. It
gave me some trouble to pull him out, as he had got
half in before I could lay hold of him. He was a fine
fellow, and measured seven feet four inches in length,
and was stout in proportion. My servant, “ Aman,”
whom I made carry him home, amidst many expressions
of disgust, answered my questions as to whether it
was a venomous one, in the following phrase: “ Sup-
pose he makey bite you, you walk home, and no
makee die, I cumshaw you [present you with] one
dollar.”

On the 29th of March we had some artillery and
rifle practice at Artillery Hill, near a place called
“Yin-tong,” formerly used by the Chinese army for
the same purpose. It was given the character of a
féte; the imperial general being invited, with his
officers, to be present, and to partake of refreshments on
the ground. I think he must have been struck by the
accuracy of the rifle practice, which, at five hundred
yards, was very good ; some of the volleys from sec-
tions of the Royals were excellent. The only artillery
we had to show off with, was not of an imposing
168 OUR RIFLE PRACTICE.

calibre, though the bursting of the shell was vather a
novelty.

Whilst the annual rifle training went on, some of the
country people appeared to take considerable interest
in it, and soon got well acquainted with the meaning of
the flags and bugle calls, and took becoming interest in
the successful hits and I dare say.spread reports of the
skill of our saeeawens which would not be calculated to
lose force by repetition. I really believe that the occu-
pation of Canton, giving as it did to the Chinese, the
power of witnessing our every-day habits and getting
personally acquainted with.us, beyond the intercourse
between buyer and seller, victor and vanquished—lea-
vening the whole country round as it necessarily did,
from the constant traffic to and from so large a city
—must have had an immense effect on the feelings of
the Chinese towards us, scarcely appreciated in Eng-
land. Many and many of the prejudices and false
ideas arising from ignorance, and the wilful mis-
representations of their officials, must have been swept
away. How often must the phrase, whatever it is in
Chinese, “ They are not half such bad fellows after all,”
or “They are not such fools as we took them for,’
have been heard in the domestic home, on the return of
travellers from their periodical visits to the provincial
capital.

The cultivation of the ground for the spring rice
crop now drove us from our paper hunts, and the wet
state of the country rendered marches more difficult ;
deed, we had well-nigh exhausted the principal se
of note within easy reach of Canton.

The preparation of the soil for rice is a very wet
affair. The ground is kept under water, for some time
before the plough is put in, it is then turned over and
CULTIVATION OF RICE. 169

harrowed, still under water, until the field acquires the
consistency of hasty pudding. Meanwhile a little
corner, bearing about the same proportion to the entire
field, as the palm of your hand might to your table-
cloth, is similarly treated, and after being highly
manured, is thickly sown with rice, which is allowed to
grow until it is some six or eight inches high, when it
is scooped out in bunches, with a sort of trowel; and
these being laid in rows along the field, the planters
go in, and with the hand, press down the plants into the
soft smooth soil; working with great rapidity, and
extreme accuracy, both as regards straightness of line,
and intervals of distance. It is a striking reflection,
when on the top of the White Cloud Mountains at har-
vest time, and the country for more than a hundred
square miles at your feet looks like a patchwork of
brown paper, of slightly different shades, laid out to
dry, to consider that every individual plant of that
immense mass, has been put in by hand. And yet the
fields never look crowded; the bustle of the town is
never seen in the country; indeed, it generally looks as
if one man was by himself, cultivating his own land
single-handed.

All the time that the rice is growing, it is more or
less flooded: when it is ripe, the water is allowed to
run off, and the fields dry up. The custom about
Canton was to thresh it out in the fields as it was cut.
A large tub was placed in a convenient spot, having a
raised sort of splash-board round the back and sides ;
and the threshers, taking a handful of the straw,
threshed it over the tub, by striking it against the inner
front edge. The rice now is in a husk a good deal like
barley, and just as difficult to shell out. I never could
make out how we got the white grain, till I saw them

=F
170 SHELLING THE GRAIN,

putting it in a sort of mill, of the following kind: a
heavy cylinder of wood, scored on the bottom with cross
saw cuts like a butter-pat, is made to revolve on either
a stone or wooden fixed cylinder, also scored. There is
a hole in the centre of the upper one, through which
the mill is fed ; and the upper surface of the lower one
slopes down from the centre to circumference, allowing
the grain after a sufficient rubbing, to fall out from
between the two; after which it is winnowed, and
becomes rice, such as we are accustomed to see in shops.
I must say I never about Canton saw any equal to the
best rice in the English markets. The rice sown in
April, is cut about July: a second crop is then sown,
which is cut in September and October.

The ploughing and harrowing are mostly done by
cattle, almost the only use to which they are put, as
the Chinese are not beef-eaters. I believe the cow is
considered too useful an animal to be wantonly de-
voured, and it is only in certain districts that the
country is favourable for the herding of cattle; and
from these places alone, can beef be obtained for the
foreign consumption ; the supply being in the hands
of contractors, who provide for foreign wants, in a
manner that the ordinary resources of the country do
not admit of.

Going through a place called “ Po-tee-shuey” one
day about this time, I was surprised to see enormous
baskets full of little ducklings, some apparently only a
few days old, and all for sale: their owners bundled
them about by the handful, and piled them up in
baskets, as if they sold them by the peck. Wandering
about, I came to a building from whence some were
being carried out. I entered, and here was an egg-
hatching establishment. I went from room to room,
ARTIFICIAL EGG-HATCHING. 171

but only saw what appeared to be eggs laid out on
shelves to be kept cool. At last I entered one of them,
and there were a couple of men with a basket on the
floor, with young ducks in it. All at once is heard
“pip, chip,’—out pops a bit of duck from an egg under
your nose; “chip, pip” on the other side—out comes
another : you see the place is all alive, you don’t know
which way to turn first; they are chipping all round.
After you have become equal to the situation, you see
that the men are busily employed in releasing the little
things as soon as they make known their readiness, by
breaking the shell. They are then put down in the
basket : some are too impatient to wait for help, and go
chirping and tumbling about till espied and captured.
After a time they are taken out into a yard, where
they are kept in little enclosures within a mat wall
some six inches high, where they run about, and hunt
flies. They are sparingly fed with some green leaves
chopped small, and then, it appears, are sent off to
market.

I have related the process as I saw it, beginning at
the wrong end. Taking it in the proper order, the
first thing appeared to be to put the eggs in layers, each
layer on a cloth, within a tall, cylindrical grass basket
of thick texture: this basket stood within a similar
larger one, the intervening space being filled with rice
chaff. These eggs were dexterously turned from time
to time: the man took up the cloth by the four corners,
gave it a wriggle, and every egg was turned. He then
laid the cloth in again.

I could observe no fires or flues of any kind, but I
believe the damp in the chaff causes a warmth which
vivifies the eggs. After which it appears that the egg
does not require so much heat, to bring the bird to
172 ARTIFICIAL EGG-HATCHING,

maturity; for, as I said before, they were. only laid out
on shelves as if to be kept cool, the ordinary tempera-
ture of the room being apparently about eighty degrees.
Every egg was warm, and in those most forward, you
could hear the little things move, and make a noise
inside the shell.

This is the only way in which I can account for it,—
that a considerable heat (perhaps one hundred degrees)
is required for a limited time, to bring to life the
embryo, after which a moderate warmth of, I believe,
eighty degrees will bring the thing to maturity. If
it were not so,—that is, if eighty degrees are sufficient '
throughout the time, the eggs in egg-shops in tropical
climates, where that is a common temperature for weeks
together, would go popping off as they get old enough.
But a higher temperature being required, in the first
instance, to bring it to life, a spontaneous hatch is
hardly possible.

There must have been several thousands of eggs in
this place, all being hatched. And this is, I believe,
one of the great nurseries for those wonderful duck-
boats of which every one has heard, in which the last
duck who enters, when called home at bed-time, is in-
variably whipped, be he never so eager to get in before
his predecessor. These ducks are a perfect sight, but
they are rather washy and mean, as an article of food.
I never tasted a duck or goose in China, which could
compare with ours in flavour.

The prospect of our being again kept at home by the
summer heats, as well as by the wet state of the country
during the period of the rice-growing, gave us a

‘motive to improve our resources within the city. So
we built an American bowling-alley and a racquet-court.
They were both a decided success. We had a refresh-
BOWLING-ALLEY. 173

ment-stall attached to the former: it was covered in
with matting, and supplied with easy-chairs, and during
the whole period of our stay, was always the most plea-
sant place of rendezvous which we had. The great
time was in the evening, for an hour or so before
dinner, when every one dropped in, and sides were
made, and close and scientific contests ensued for the
stakes of ante-prandial sherry and bitters, for the con-
querors. :

The bowling-alley iooked on to the cricket-ground,
and the racquet-court was close adjoining. This was
so perfect as to demand especial notice.

The great difficulty in a racquet-court is its expense,
and the great expense consists in getting a sufficiently
smooth hard surface for the end wall. It is usually con-
structed for this purpose of stone, or plaster made of the
very best cement, which is, of course, expensive. Brick
is neither hard nor smooth enough. After some trials
we made ours as follows :—The whole of the walls were
of brick, and the floor of large square tiles, above an
inch thick, laid on sand. As we were unable to get
good plaster, the end wall was built with a number of
wood bricks let in to receive nails; tiles were then pre-
pared, having small furrows about three-quarters of an
inch long and a quarter of an inch deep, cut in what
would be the upper and lower edges of the tile, were it
set up on edge; one at a short distance from either
corner. Every tile was thus indented. The mode of
fixing them was to set a course of the tiles, drive nails,
with large flat square heads, into the wood bricks
immediately above the top of the tiles placed on edge,
slightly tap down the nail, until half the head was
hidden in the groove cut in the tile; then another
row of tiles was set on; the under grooves receiving
174 RACQUET COURT.

the upper half of the nail’s head ; and thus the facing of
the end wall was carried up perfectly fair, and with
close joints.

The next thing was to colour it, for of course the red
tiles did not allow of the players getting a fair sight of
the ball.

We had an admirable mixture for this: lampblack
boiled with rice, and a proportion of spirit added, and
applied quite hot. It dried up immediately, was hand-
rubbed as soon as dry, and after that never cracked, nor
came off on the ball, and was never sticky, as paint
might be.

It was really a most satisfactory affair altogether ;
and the plan is well worthy of a good trial, when a
more perfect court cannot be obtained. Of course, the
surface of a tile being only about fifteen inches square,
you do not get so true a face, as with large stones, or
plaster, but it really answered very well, and we used to
have capital games. It was roofed over with bamboo, in
which were fixed skylight-windows, made of the laminz
of oyster-shell, as commonly used by the Chinese ; which
had in this particular case, the advantage of admitting
light without too great a glare. We were, however,
provided with roller-blinds for them if required. Our
marker was a Chinese boy, who picked up a sufficient
knowledge of the game in a very short time.
CHAPTER XII.

We proceed to the north—Amoy—Docks—Different dialects in China—Street
boys—Foo-chow and the River “ Min ”—Shanghae—Conjurors and street
artists—We sail for the Pei-ho.

I must now leave the garrison of Canton to their
racquets and bowls, cricket and theatricals; also to
the weariness and ennui, the heat and mosquitoes, and
unsatisfactory feeling of being left behind, and ask you
to accompany me in the expedition to the north ; under-
taken for the purpose of the ratification of the treaty
already concluded, in June 1858, at Tien-tsin, by Lord
Elgin.

We left Canton on the 17th May, and after spending
some days of preparation in Hong Kong, sailed for the
north on the 26th.

I had the good fortune to be given a passage on
board the “ Inflexible,” which conveyed Admiral Hope,
who intended visiting some of the ports on his way up.
The last distinguished passenger had been Yeh, who
was conveyed in this vessel to Calcutta.

We called in at Amoy, and spent a day there. An at-
tempt was being made in this place, under circumstances
of some difficulty, to construct a dock, a naval necessity
which is very much required on the Chinese coast.
There are some at Whampoa, on the Canton River, con-
structed by the late Mr. Cooper, who was kidnapped
by the Chinese shortly before the taking of Canton, and
176 DEATH OF MR. COOPER.

imprisoned for some time, when he ulfimately died.
Strict inquiries were made as to his fate, and the native
prisons were searched as soon as possible after the cap- |
ture of the city. Some time later five coffins were
pointed out on the Hill of Malefactors as containing
the bodies of foreigners, of which his was supposed to
be one. A Chinese prisoner gave an account of an
aged white-haired foreigner who had died in the prison, -
and there can be no doubt of the fact. The remains
were properly interred at Whampoa, His son worked
hard, with the assistance of Mr. Parkes and others, in
clearing up the sad fate of the poor old man. Poor
Mr. Cooper had been carried off actually from his own
chop-boat, in which he was living, under circumstances
of the coolest daring on the part of the miscreants,
They rowed up to the boat, and sent in a message to
say they wished to speak to him on business. As this
was by no means an unusual event, he went out as a
matter of course to speak to them, though cautioned by
his daughter not to do so. They seized and, I suppose,
gagged him, and carried him off, and he was never
seen again until the coffin was opened months later,
when the native prisoner’s story, and some locks of
grey hair, by which his remains were identified, gave
evidence as to his ultimate fate.

Hong Kong also has been provided with an excellent
dock at the back of the island, at a place called Aber-
deen. This is the result of private enterprise, and from
being much in requisition, it is, I hope, remunerative.
There is, I believe, no government dock nearer than
Calcutta. However, I imagine that in the appropria-
tion of our recent acquisition of the promontory of
“ Kowloon,” immediately opposite Hong Kong, a provi-
sion will be made for supplying this great want. At
AMOY. 177

Shanghae there is a dock, but at the time I was there, a
difficulty existed as to the means of opening and closing
it, which rendered the accommodation it afforded very
expensive.

At Amoy the women dress the hair in a different
way from that common at Canton, and are fond of
wearing flowers in it. I think the appearance of the
men does not vary so much between districts as does
that of the women. We are unaccustomed to see
countries so large as China, and perhaps, really, the
universality of costume should be more remarked
over so great an area, than the difference. In respect
of language, the same written character exists through-
out the whole empire, though the pronunciation varies
in avery great degree. The pure language, or man-
darin, is spoken commonly about Pekin, but in the
provinces, none but the educated are able to converse
in mandarin, and not all of them.

The difference is so great as to render it almost im-
possible to follow what is said. Indeed, for all practical
purposes they are different languages. I have known
a statement made before the Commissioners at Canton,
by a man from a distance, pass through four different
interpreters before it could be got into mandarin; the
dialects being so numerous and various, and few persons
being found acquainted with more than one or two.
Yet all would express themselves on paper in the same
character. The common expression of a Chinaman
when asked to interpret a sentence spoken in a dialect
different from his own is, “ That man does not know
how to speak.”

At the time of our visit, Amoy was troubled by
turbulent boys: the Chinese are not free from that
universal evil. There is no nuisance so great, so

N
178 FOO-CHOW

difficult to lay hold of or punish, as a gang*of trouble-
some idle boys. When well-organized, they must be
the bane of even our policemen’s existence. So it was
at Amoy ; dirty little boys laughed at, hooted, insulted,
and even threw brickbats, at distinguished foreigners.
It was hard to bear their insult with equanimity, how
much more so their missiles! To punish them was
difficult, for to catch them was impossible; and to chase
them the best lark you could afford them, and the
greatest stimulant to a continuance of the practice.
The only thing was to complain to the authorities : the
answer, of course, was what every one expected. “ Very
wrong, indeed; only bring one to me, and see how he
will be punished : still, boys will be boys,”—and so on.
Whether. the Amoy boys, growing to man’s estate, will
be succeeded by other boys I do not know; but I think
itis more than likely. And itis very possible the fashion
still exists of practical jokes against foreigners.

‘ Foo-chow ” is the prettiest of the open ports; situ-
ated on the River “Min,” it cannot be closely approached
by vessels of any size; they are forced to anchor about
six miles up the river, where they are loaded from chop-
boats in the same way that the vessels at Whampoa
receive on board the Canton goods. We went up to the
town in a gun-boat : the upper part of the river was im-
mensely crowded with junks, most of them loaded with
large cargoes of fir-timber, which was piled up in huge
floating masses on each side of the junk and made fast
to it. The great unwieldy mass was then towed down
the river by sampans, or row-boats, as many as fifteen
or sixteen taking charge of one junk. The row caused
on the starting of a batch of these was tremendous; the
fouling of junks in the first place, and then that of all
their separate tugs, caused such a shouting of boatmen
AND THE RIVER “ MIN.” 179

and occasional banging of each other’s heads with oars,
and general confusion, as led one to imagine that
accidents could not be unfrequent.

This timber, it was said, was mainly taken in these
junks to Amoy. I suppose the “ Min” passes through
woods in its course down to Foo-chow, and that the
timber is cut and floated down on rafts.

N THE RIVER ‘‘ MIN.”

 

There are two narrow passages not far from the
mouth of the Min, on both sides of which are batteries
defending the entrance: as the river at these spots is
not much more than two hundred and fifty yards wide,
a severe fire might be brought on passing vessels, from
guns well served.

Leaving Foo-chow on the 30th, we were one day at
sea, and on the lst of June passed Chusan, and other
islands of that Archipelago, and anchored at Chin-hae, at
the mouth of the “ Yang.” The Admiral made a hurried
visit to Ningpo, which is twelve miles up the river, on
the following morning ; and immediately on his return
we sailed again, and reached Shanghae on the 3rd,

nN 2
180 SHANGHAE.

Here the foreign settlements form a complete town
in themselves, a town of villas, having, when away from
the water side, a St. John’s Wood sort of appearance.
The French settlement is very near the walls of the
native town; a creek separates it-from ours; the Soo-
chow River again divides ours from the American ;
each has a water frontage and a certain depth of terri-
tory, the whole being held on lease from the Chinese
government. There is a very nice bund, or esplanade,
in front of the British and French settlements, on which
the fashionable world walks, rides, and drives in the
evening, and which, during the earlier part of the day,
is thronged with coolies, loading and unloading boats,
and carrying about their burdens, keeping step to a
chant of “ Ah—ho! ah—ho!” sung by each in suc-
cession, on various notes, forming, when well led, a song
by no means unpleasing; the transitions of key made
from time to time, and apparently quite at pleasure,
and according to the fancy of any of the party, are
immediately taken up and followed by the others, with
great readiness.

The merchant princes here live in great style, and
dispense a portion of their wealth, with extreme
liberality and hospitality. I went to China not know-
ing a soul, but never was at a loss for bed, or dinner,
or even a home, as long as I stayed at different places.
A hospitality which we soldiers, in our dens at Canton,
had not the means to return.

There is often an exciting scene at Shanghae from
the fouling of vessels. In the mid-stream opposite our
settlement, where the two rivers meet, there is at
certain times of the tide a very strong eddy, in which
any floating body being caught, is whirled round and
round; and a vessel so situated becomes quite un-
CONJURORS. 181

governable; they sometimes anchor too near this
“ chow-chow water” as it is called, and when the eddy
catches them, they drag their anchors, get their cables
twisted into knots, and go drifting helplessly about,
bumping and smashing everything in their path. A
harbour-master was found essential, and duly installed
into a very arduous and rather troublesome post.

The town of Shanghae is rather miserable, having
suffered from rebels. It has, since our establishment
there, been in the hands of both parties, and, whatever
its condition might have been under pure imperialist
or rebel sway, the struggle and change have been most
detrimental to its welfare. In one part of the town is
a quaint place, more of a public tea-garden than any-
thing else, barring only the garden. There is a wind-
ing ditch, crossed by fantastic bridges, and edifices of
rock or grotto work; intricate paths traverse the
square in all directions, and tea-houses are dotted about,
where you are supposed to sit and watch the conjurors
and mountebanks, who perform there for your amuse-
ment. There was a dancing bear performing in one
place, when we went there, and a conjuror who was really
clever, but very disgusting ; he did all sorts of disagree-
able things, which, I believe, were bond /ide acts and not
sleight of hand: for instance, he put away several
pieces of money (copper cash) between his eyelids and
eyes. He poked a rusty sword all down his throat ;
and not content with poking it as far as he could with
his hand, he picked up a large stone, and hammered it
on the hilt, to send it down the last two inches. His
tricks were all more or less disgusting, and the man
himself dirty and blear-eyed, as indeed he should be, if
his eyes had no particular affinity for dirty copper.

But the best of them all was an artist, something in the
182 STREET ARTISTS.

pavement-chalking line. He had a piece of board some:
two feet square, a basin of indigo mixed up with water,
anda bitof sponge. He first smeared the board all over
with the blue paint, and then, whilst it was still wet,
began with his finger to rub off the colour, and leave
the representation of a beast or any given subject.

His best was a lobster: he began rubbing his finger
round and round, and produced with wonderful skill
the effect of the larger scales; then, with the back of
the nail of his forefinger, he made little spurts from
the end of the tail, to give the effect of that sort of frill
which borders it. The joints of the claws were ren-
dered something in the same way, by elastic or springy
touches of the top or side of the finger; the great claw
being made broad and forcible with the thumb; the
points and serrated edge were given with the nail.
The eyes were done by working the top of his fore-
finger several times round in the proper place, until
a drop of thickish colour was collected under the finger,
which he then rather slowly raised, giving it a little
slide on one side in doing so; the drop was left at the
end of the little smudge, and the effect of the projecting
eye of the lobster was wonderfully produced : even the
roughness of the long feeler was managed, by a vibra-
tory scratch with the nail rather against the grain of
the wood, the pressure or turning of the edge of the long
nail giving to it the tapering form. The whole thing
was done in little more time than it takes to describe,
and the effect of a beautifully-drawn lobster, accu-
rately shaded with indigo, on a dark-blue ground, pro-
duced apparently in the most off-hand, careless manner.
Hardly was it finished, (and before you had time suf-
ficiently to admire it,) when he took up the remorseless
sponge, smeared it all over with the blue colour, and
WE SAIL FOR THE PEI-HO. 183

began again with a dragon or fish, or some other
design.

I rather unfairly called upon him to represent the
bear which was performing not far off. I am bound
to say that it was not so successful; he certainly had
not studied the beast, as he gave it a long tail; yet he
evidently had general principles as to the way in which
he should go to work with his finger to produce a
certain effect on the board. The intricate and involved
tails of his contending dragons must have been studied
and well learned, for he never seemed to make a mis-
take in them.

The idea, originated by the emperor’s secret edict,
that our reception at the Pei-ho might not be of a
friendly nature gathered strength from what we heard
at Shanghae; and Admiral Hope spared no pains in
getting everything prepared for the event of hostilities.
All was ready by the 10th June, when we sailed and
anchored at the mouth of the River Yang-tsze-kiang
to wait for the Admiral, who joined us on the 12th,
bringing with him the welcome English mail, in expec-
tation of which he had remained behind.
CHAPTER XIII.

Unsuccessful attack on the Pei-ho forts.

On the 16th June, we reached the rendezvous at the
“ Sha-lui-tien island,” and on the 17th, the “ Fury”
took the Admiral with some other officers to within
about six miles of the forts, where she anchored, and we
transferred ourselves to the gun-boats “ Plover” and
“ Starling,” on board which we moved some three miles
nearer in, the state of the tide at that time not admit-
ting of our approaching closer.

The Admiral then directed two boats to be prepared,
to go to the shore, and communicate with the autho-
rities. On approaching the forts, the first thing we
met with in the way of impediment was a row of iron
stakes, placed at intervals all across the river; one of
these, which we saw slung to a junk’s mast, and in the
act of being lowered, was duly examined and sketched.
Its lower part consisted of three iron-pointed legs, on
which it stood firmly; the stake rose from the junction
of these legs, to a total height of about twenty-five
feet, and from near the same point, an arm stretched
out in a slanting position towards the front, pointing
upwards, and having its point rather below the top
of the main stake. At high water in mid-stream, this
point would be a little under water, and would deal a
severe blow to the bottom of an approaching vessel.
THE OBSTACLES IN THE PEI-HO. 185

Tnese obstacles were about twenty feet apart, and were
rather awkward things, as we did not know what they
were like, till after we had passed them; and the tide
was rushing through them so quickly, that we had to
back water to prevent our being carried with too great
force against any hidden danger. However, after we
had seen the specimen one, we feared them no longer,
as there was room to pass clearly between them.

We were now well under the South Fort, and the
stream swept us up rapidly to the next obstacle, which
we could not clearly see. This did not extend across
the entire width of the river. It appeared to be a
cable or chain stretched across, partly floated by beams
attached to it longitudinally, covered with iron hooks.
This thing was never completed, and I think it must
have given way, for I did not see it during the attack.
On this day we noticed it more from the ripple it
caused, than from actually seeing it.

‘ We passed by the south end of this obstacle, where
there was a clear passage, and came speedily to the
next. This consisted of a series of pontoon-shaped
timbers; that is, logs of wood fixed together so as to
form cylinders with conical ends; each one was about
twenty-four feet long, and eighteen inches in diameter ;
these were used to float two chains and a cable across
the river, in the following way :—The cylinders had
each a hole in the centre, through which the cable
passed, and they were arranged along it, at intervals
of about fifteen feet ; large chains were stretched across
the river underneath the ends of the cylinders, and
attached to either end of each cylinder, by smaller
chains. This was a wise arrangement, for it would
be possible to cut the chain which passed over the end
of the cylinder; but if this were done, the great chain
186 WE VISIT THE SHORE.

would only be dropped a few inches, ion divided in
its length, and it was stretched too deeply to enable
one to get at it to work actually upon it. It is curious
that years ago, Admiral Hope, when a captain, was’
engaged in cutting through a chain stretched across
Lagos River under a very heavy fire, and Captain
Commerell, in whose boat I now was, was on that
occasion a midshipman, sitting at Hope’s side. It was
a very gallant and successful affair, and gained for
Hope the Companionship of the Bath.

Of course there were a number of anchors laid out,
both up and down stream, to keep the boom from being
washed away. It was altogether a very perfect thing ;
indeed I think the best of the kind I ever heard of.
It afforded so much waterway for the tide, and was so
elastic (if one may use the term), that it would be
extremely difficult to burst through it; and from the
judicious arrangement of the chains, it would be hard
to destroy it by other means. This obstacle did not
completely close up the passage, and we pulled through.
There was above us a very large raft of timber, in a
mass, extending across the river, with a narrow open-
ing about its centre.

All this time we had created some little excitement,
though there was no noise. The embrasures were
thronged, and some men and boys came down from
the battery to the jetties; but there was no display of
flags, nor tom-tomming, nor any of the usual parade
of soldiers, nor was any one to be seen on the walls.
We attempted to land at a jetty immediately above the
boom, but could not get beyond a decked boat, or
lighter, which was lying alongside; as a number of :
men, armed with rather a miscellaneous collection of
weapons, crowded down, and rudely kept us back.
OUR RECEPTION. 187

In reply to Mr. Mongan’s questions, we were told
that there was no mandarin nor person in authority in
the place, that there were no troops, that the works
we saw had been undertaken by the villagers to guard
themselves against the possible attack of rebels, and
that the people around, a set of ragged men and boys
with rusty spears and jingalls, were the only persons
responsible for the place.

To this we made answer: “To your precautions against
rebels we have no objection to make; but at this par-
ticular time no fear of their arrival need be entertained,
during the presence of our fleet; and, therefore, an
opening sufficient for the passage of our vessels on a
peaceful errand to Tien-tsin, in accordance with the
arrangements already made, with the imperial com-
missioners, might with safety and propriety be made.”
We said, also, that in three aay we should be ready to
avail punsélves of it.

To this they replied: “This work has taken many
months to execute—how can it be removed in three
days?” We rejoined that we did not ask to have it
removed, but merely that practicable openings should
be made, to admit of our passage. The leading man
then promised that our wishes should be attended to,
and that our arrival should be immediately reported to
the proper authorities.

We then returned to the “ Plover,” which had by this
time moved close up to the iron stakes.

An hour later the Admiral sent us on shore again
with a farther communication. This time we made as
if for the jetty, where we had gone before, and the
people came crowding down; but changing our course
suddenly, and pulling hard, we went on, passed through
the opening in the timber raft, and reached a jetty,
188 A SECOND VISIT.

above where we had landed, before they could get
round to us; and we were trying to get up to the forts,
when they came down, and stopped us rather more
rudely than before—perhaps pardonably so. After ob-
serving as much as we could, we returned to the gun-
boat, rejoined the “ Fury,” anil went out again to the
fleet.

On the following day the whole force nave on to.
within eight miles of the forts. On the 20th I visited
the shore again. Instead of making any openings for
our vessels, they had completely closed up that through
which we had passed before. They were more violent
than on that occasion; and, on attempting to jump on
shore, I was pushed back, and narrowly escaped falling
into the river. We observed that there was a wet ditch
in front of the works, and, watching the men coming
out, we could see by their looking down as they walked,
and balancing themselves with their arms, that they
passed over a narrow bridge. The duration of this
mode of walking, and the number of steps they took,
gave us an idea of the width of the ditch.

On the 21st the French and American squadrons
arrived at our anchorage. ‘The time till the 24th was
employed in making preparations for hostilities, i in case
of our being fired upon when attempting to ascend the
river; and on that day some junks which had been
taken, were occupied by our troops as barracks within
the bar, as the large vessels outside would be too far off
to afford convenient shelter to them. Some of these
junks were also turned into stores. They were all an-
chored in certain order, just out of range of the forts,
and had numbered flags to distinguish them: they held
about a hundred men each. The crews of the junks
remained on board, and the cargoes were unmolested :
OUR JUNKS AND THEIR INMATES. 189

ours consisted of sugar and rice. There were water-
tanks on board, just in front of the high quarter-deck
on one side, and in ours, in a corresponding position on
the other side, were three casks full apparently of lime.
When we touched these, the crew came forward with
great anxiety, and explained that they contained the
corpses of three of their number, who having died at
sea, or in some remote district, they were desirous of
conveying to their native homes for proper interment,
and that to that end they had potted them down, and
headed them up in casks of lime. Our first impulse was
to throw them overboard; but reflection speedily showed
that such a course would be barbarous. We considered
that there was something touching in the brotherly
solicitude of these men cruising about with the remains
of their departed companions ; so, as they were perfectly
sweet, and we were not afraid of ghosts, we respected
their scruples, and allowed the bodies to remain.

My native servant “ Aman” took quite another line.
He was most anxious that we should broach the casks,
and see “if truly have got dead man inside.” On being
questioned why, he said, “Perhaps have got sycee
silver ; they too muchee fear that pylong man (pirate),
They put that silver inside, talkee have got dead man,
go no man can makee break, look see.”

I thought that if they had adopted such a ruse, they
quite deserved to have their ingenuity rewarded, so the
casks were still held sacred.

Aman was also very anxious that I should allow him
to accompany me if we should attack the forts. He
entreated me to let him come if I thought it would be
‘‘a serious pigeon,” or severe engagement. On my
warning him that, being in native dress, he would pro-

bably be- shot as a Chinese soldier, he suggested that I
190 PREPARATIONS FOR AN ADVANCH.

ghould lend ‘hiti‘a suit-of uniform. It “was hard’ to
persuade him ‘that. he ‘had better remain behind; he
kept harping on the same request, “ only if it should be
a serious pigeon.”

The suggestion offered by the Chinese that Peh-tang
was the way by which Mr. Bruce should visit. Pekin
having been rejected by him, and Admiral Hope having
been directed to procure him a passage to Tien-tsin by
the Pei-ho, we es on the a5un to carry out these
instructions.

The gun-boats were brought Up, and anchored in
position a short distance below the iron stakes, forming
an échellon line across the-river, being at a mean range
of eight hundred yards from the forts. The marines
were left in the junks, to be used in the event of-a
landing; the Engineers ‘were distributed among the
different gun-boats, to act as marksmen to fire on the
embrasures; and each ‘little detachment of that corps
had an assortment of tools and implements to use when
put on shore, so that with each party that landed there
should be a provision of this kind.

Our first object was to force our way through the
booms, and take up a position above the forts, from
which they could be enfiladed, and partly taken in re-
verse ; after which the marines were to be landed in
front to consummate the victory. With this view, an
ee had been made at night by a party of seamen,
under Captain Willes, to blow up the principal boom,
which was only partially successful. It was, however,
still thought possible to complete the work, iy bursting
through it.

Having with some trouble, (owing to the strength of
the flood-tide,) got into position, we lay at anchor, wait-
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THE ASPECT OF THE FORTS. 191

choring by the bow, would have its heavy gun always
directed to the front: the men were piped to dinner.
It was a hot sultry day, myriads of dragon-flies flitted
through the air, and danced around us. The Admiral
with his flag-lieutenant and secretary were busy, seeing
that every vessel was duly placed. Lieutenant Rason,
commanding the “ Plover ;” Captain M‘Kenna, of the
Royals, military staff-officer to the admiral, and myself
attacked a piece of cold, hard salt beef, and talked over
our prospects. How cheerfully, yet anxiously, we dis-
cussed the chances of the fight! before very many mi-
nutes both were dead. How sadly sudden it was! We
were talking so happily, basking in the sun, and full of
hope; yet how soon was our little party broken in
upon! In a case of sudden death like this, one is more
struck by it than at other times. Yet is it not so every
day? Is it not hour by hour, and minute by minute,
one is taken and the other left?

Meanwhile everything lay in a dreamy state in the
heavy sultry heat; the men talked in under-tones over
their dinners; the dragon-flies flitted around ; the forts
lay like great monsters sleeping on the mud bank ; not
a sound was heard in them, nor flag seen. Occasionally
two or three men grouped themselves on the summit
of one of the high cavaliers, gazed at us, and then
descended. Once two men came out of an embrasure :
one drove pointed stakes in the ground in front of the
works, another strewed crows’ feet’ by the handful
over the ground, and they went in again. Suddenly
the shrill pipe resounded, the men sprung up—the tide
had turned—we must be up and moving.

1 Crows’ feet are bunches of iron spikes, four in each, and arranged in a
star-like form, so that in every position three points rest on the ground, whilst
the fourth stands up vertically.
192 THE CALM BEFORE THE STORM.

It was now two o’clock—the crew wer® beat to quar-
ters, the guns were loaded, and the “ Opossum” went to
the front. Quietly she lay alongside the stakes, made
fast a hawser round one of them, turned her engines
astern, backed out of the way with her burthen, and
dropped it on one side; again she went up and re-
moved another, and deposited it; and then laid down
buoys to mark the opening thus made. Meanwhile the
Chinese within the fort were as still as death; every-
thing seemed almost suspiciously hushed, like the sultry,
still, oppressive feeling before a thunderstorm, on which
even the chirp of the grasshopper seems to break intru-
sively. I myself was, however, not sure even now that
we should be fired on. I had seen so much of the oppo-
sition of the Chinese—stolid and obstinate, until they
see that you are in earnest, when almost unaccountably
they give in. I thought that, however they might be
inclined to place every obstacle in our way, and prevent
to the utmost of obstructiveness,the advance of Mr. Bruce
to Pekin, it was still uncertain whether they would run
the risk of firing on us, with all the consequences that
such an act might entail. Yet even as regards this,
they had in a measure secured themselves; for we had
been repeatedly told that the inhabitants of Takoo were
acting entirely on their own account in opposing our
passage; and, in the event of our success, we should of
course be assured that the whole affair had been a mis-
take, and that the men who had so acted without in-
structions had been executed forthwith.

Whilst the “Opossum” was busy removing the
stakes, a boat was sent off from the shore, containing a
mandarin, who appeared to be charged with a letter or
paper, which he held in his hand; however, after
pulling half way to us, they returned. The passage
THE STORM. 193

through the first obstacle being now clear, the “ Opos-
sum” led the way, followed closely by the “ Plover,”
on board which vessel Admiral Hope had hoisted his
flag. In succession, we strike violently against the
boom, and bound back ; the mats which hung in front
of the embrasures are hauled up, a shot or two first pass
over us, and then they come in to us hot and fast,
Rason’s voice rings out clear, “Let go the anchor!”
and there we are in the focus of the lines of fire,
riding at our anchor, and deliberately returning from
our guns, the storm of shot poured on us from all
sides. =

The other vessels engage at once, and the action
becomes general: the “ Opossum ”’'is anchored near us,
the others remain in their former positions.

Here we lay for some time; it is difficult under such

~ circumstances to estimate its duration. We soon lost a
large proportion of our crew: poor Rason falls dead ;
M‘Kenna I also saw drop. I raised him, and supported
him to the cabin ; he said he felt numb, but would soon
be better: he had a dreadful wound in the back, close
to the spine; he did not live very long. Admiral
Hope is wounded, and reinforcements of men to
work the big gun are sent for; the unequal contest con-
tinues, and a second time have we to be reinforced: we
are obliged at last to slip our cable, and‘drop down to
the stakes, where the fight is continued.

As a landsman, I was much struck with the coolness
with which the navigation of the vessel was attended
to; the man in the chains cries the soundings, the
master gives his orders to the man at the helm and the
engineers below, the helmsman has no ears or eyes but
for the master’s directions and signals. Douglas, the
flag-lieutenant, having taken command at Rason’s death,

0
194 THE ENGAGEMENT.

Ashby, the secretary, takes charge of the*signalling.
All seem intent on what is their duty at the time
being, and utterly unmindful of the struggle raging
round them. Suddenly the leadsman disappears like a
flash of ligtning. “ Poor fellow!’ I ejaculate; but in
a few minutes the poor fellow appears climbing up the
gangway, ducked, but unhurt. The place he was
standing on had been shot from under his feet, and he
had fortunately caught hold of some trailing rope, as
he was carried down by the stream. A gunner at my
side suddenly makes an exclamation ; he finds one hand
and wrist only hanging to the arm by a bit of skin.
He picks up the mutilated hand, and goes forward,
carrying it in the other one to Dr. Hawkins, who com-
pletes the operation with a pair of scissors.

The effect of the shot on a small vessel like a gun-
boat is much more unpleasant than on shore, for
whereas in the latter case, if they miss you, yeu do
not care much where they go.; in a gun-boat, wherever
they strike, you feel the shock; they come in through
the: bulwarks, scatter fragments and splinters, a ham-
mock is knocked in your face, and occasionally the yards
are shot through, and come tumbling about your head.
The 32-pounder which we had, jumped and made a
tremendous noise, and our friends’ rockets, skimming
over us, were much more alarming than the enemy’s
shot. The whole thing, to an idle observer like myself,
was in the aggregate a chaos, yet in detail beautiful
organization and order.

This sort of thing lasted till five, when the enemy’s
fire had slackened ; but we had not escaped scatheless.
The “ Kestrel” and “Lee” were sinking, several
vessels were aground and in a bad way, and all very
much injured. It was then determined to land the
THE LANDING. 195

Marines, to take advantage of the effect which might
have been produced by our cannonade, and with our
landing-party fresh and eager for action, to try the
mettle of our antagonists in hand-to-hand combat.
Never had they been known to stand the cheer and
charge of our men; willing as they were to fight with
artillery as long as we chose to encourage them.
The Chinese saying is, “ No two piecey man can stop
in one man’s place; suppose you must come, I must

+?

go.

And this trial it was determined to make. The
American commodore kindly gave up his steamer, the
““Towey-wan,” to bring up our boats, and many were
the jokes made upon the name, by the lighthearted
-Marines, as they came up in tow. The boats were
assembled below the stakes, and with hearty, ringing
cheers they started in a headlong race for the mud
bank, opposite the southern or lower bastion of the
great South Fort.

Here, as the boats grounded, the men jumped eagerly
overboard ; many going out over the stern, instead of
the bow, and getting into deep water, wetted their
ammunition, and rendered their rifles unserviceable. A
portion of the force pressed on as skirmishers, whilst
others struggled to bring up the ladders and portable
bridges, which had been prepared for crossing the
ditches. On these men the enemy’s fire was especially
directed, and they suffered great loss. The extent of
mud we had to traverse was between five hundred and
six hundred yards. It was over the ankles, and stiffish
wading; but there were holes in it, probably dug on
purpose, in which one was likely to get, unless one
walked very circumspectly ; and here the mud was much
softer and deeper, and many and many a man fell in

o 2
196 THE MUD BANKS.

these holes, and got his rifle stuffed up witl’mud. At
about four hundred yards from the edge of the mud we
came to a row of stakes or piles, driven about four feet
apart, and two or three feet high. . Here, the men
being exhausted, rather halted, and delayed, and in
consequence suffered a loss; for the fire seemed to be
particularly heavy at this point: probably these stakes
were driven to check the approach of attacking boats
at high water, and were consequently expressly com-
manded by the guns of the works.

About one hundred yards from these was a bed of
green rushes, perhaps forty yards wide; after which a
little more mud, and then a ditch about fifteen feet
wide, and five feet deep: this was tidal, and at the
time of the assault was consequently nearly dry, but
extremely difficult to cross, from the great tenacity of
the mud. Having dashed into it rather impetuously, I
thought I should never get out. I-was really some
minutes crawling across. Here also many a rifle got full
of mud. A few yards in front of this was another
ditch, but this was kept full of water; and it was quite
a pleasure to have something to swim in, after all the
sticky walking we had had. [was unfortunate enough
here, when swimming, to kick up my scabbard, and
drop my sword to the bottom. The earth excavated
for this ditch had been thrown up on the bank, and
gave us a little cover, under which we squatted, with
our legs in the water, waiting for the bridges and
ladders to be brought up, to enable the mass of the
men to get across: but it became evident before long
that the attack must fail; the bridges were shot to
pieces; three ladders only were brought up, and these
were soon broken. There were about sixty of us in the
front ditch, and perhaps half a dozen serviceable rifles.
FAILURE OF THE ATTACK. 197

We sent back for dry ammunition and spare arms, as
our only chance, but it was evident that the assault had
failed. And shortly after, an order was sent to us to
remain under cover, if we could, until dark, and till
the tide should rise, when boats should be sent to bring
us off. So here we lay, huddled up against the bank,
with our legs in the ditch, whilst the enemy plied us
with shot and arrows, which, however, could not do us
much harm so long as we lay close, until it struck them
to fire their arrows vertically, so that they fell among
us. They also fired a kind of light-ball, of which the
burning composition fell among us.~ We were about
twenty yards from the work. The space in front of
us was covered with pointed stakes, driven in the
ground, and the bank, in front and behind us, was like a
hedgehog’s back, from the arrows sticking in it. We
soon got pretty jolly, and you could hear a voice in
the dark, “ Who has got a light? has any one a light ?”
Some one was evidently adapting himself to the cir-
cumstances. Between eight and nine P.M., it struck us
that it would be unpleasant if the enemy popped out
unawares, so we swam back across the front ditch, and
placed it between us and the work ; lying in the next,
which was now getting filled by the flowing tide, and
where we were secure from attack.

At about ten P.M. we sent away all the wounded,
allowing those without rifles, or having disabled
weapons, to conduct them; thus, by degrees, we
reduced our numbers, and ‘eventually all got down to
the water’s edge, when we waded out to the boats sent
for us. By midnight I got on board the “ Opossum,”
and soon after daybreak was sent back to my junk.
Here I found not twenty of my men, and was in
despair ; but they gradually turned up, some from one
198 THE SUNKEN VESSELS.

vessel and some from another; and on The whole,
considering the double action in which they had been
engaged, having been both in the gun-boats and on the
mud, we were better off than I had dared to hope. I
had one officer badly wounded, and of eighty-two men
engaged, three were killed, and about sixteen wounded;
there were many more scratched and contused; but the
above were proper, fair wounds. One of the number
died a few days later. The doctor’s work now began
in earnest ; I was told that Dr. Little performed thirty-
nine amputations in thirteen consecutive hours, and
they all did very well. The Admiral wisely ordered
them off as soon as possible to ‘ Kin-tang,” an island
in the Chusan archipelago, for change of air and scene.

Many very plucky attempts were made to get off the
grounded vessels, which were four in number. The
“ Kestrel” and “ Lee” had sunk in action on the 25th,
in deep water, but the “ Plover” and “ Cormorant,”
whieh grounded in the evening, we hoped might yet
be saved. However, they were so pounded by the
enemy, that all our attempts proved unavailing, and
they were eventually blown up. The “ Kestrel,” how-
ever, suddenly one day, the third after the action,
quietly rose by herself, and drifted composedly down
the river. She was immediately seized by the navy, run
on the shore in a favourable spot, patched up, and
cleared of her mud, and is now as well as can be ex-
pected, still serving her Majesty on the Chinese station.
On the 11th of July, the squadron sailed southwards,
as it was evident that with the means at our disposal
it was utterly useless to attempt further operations that
season. It was known that except by entering a river
it would be impossible for a gun-boat to approach
within range of the shore, even at high water, any-
‘I REMAIN IN THE GULF. 199

where on this part of the coast; and we were not so
provided with either men or artillery as to be able
to conduct independent operations at a distance from
our vessels. Still though we knew tlius much, we
were lamentably deficient in knowledge of the country.
We hardly knew anything of the existence of the
“ Peh-tang-ho,” the river designated by the Chinese
as that by which Mr. Bruce should ascend to Tien-tsin;
and whence, later, Mr. Ward, the American minister,
actually made his pilgrimage to Pekin. Some of the
charts, indeed, showed that there was some such river ;
but there was evidently no real knowledge of the spot,
a conventional embouchure only being shown, and the
survey of the Pei-ho, from Tien-tsin to the sea, made
by M. de Ploix, a French naval surveyor, indicated no
river whatever entering the Pei-ho between Tien-tsin
and its mouth. That this was the route for us to take,
was also completely disproved, from the fact of Mr.
Ward’s having to make the journey in a covered cart,
maliciously described at the time as “a box.” Accord-
ingly I was directed to remain in these regions to sur-
vey the coast, and to look for points which we could
in future operations use as a base. The “Cruiser”
was left behind for this purpose, and two gun-boats,
the “ Forester” and “ Starling.”
CHAPTER XIV.

I remain in the Gulf of Peh-chili—Tidings of prisoners—Chefoo and its re-
sources—Teng-choo-foo—We run a risk of being captured—Compulsory
sale of fat sheep—Toki Island—Donkey-beef and cow-beef—We sail for
the Great Wall.

As goon as our fleet had departed, we went and paid
our respects to the American commodore, whose
squadron retained possession of the anchorage, as Mr.
Ward’s negotiations were being carried on at the
“« Peh-tang-ho.” We were anxious to hear what they
could tell us of the place, and of their experiences of it,
as we intended shortly to make it the subject of our
own explorations. They said it was fortified in the
same manner as the Pei-ho, though the forts were not
so large. The two rivers had about the same depth of
water. We were told that there were twelve English
prisoners taken, who were at Tien-tsin, and well cared
for. On our inquiring as to the authority, we were
told that it was likely to be authentic, but that it could
not be mentioned. From this, and from the fact of
there being one or two missionaries on board, we con-
cluded that the intelligence had been communicated by
native Christians in confidence. Mr. Ward kindly
assured us that if he found any of our countrymen
prisoners at Tien-tsin, he would do his utmost to pro-
cure their release. The visits to the shore in any spot
other than that laid down by the native authorities
for meetings were not unattended’ with danger: one
THE TASK ALLOTTED TO US. 201

boatload of missionaries and others, who attempted to
visit a village on the beach near Peh-tang, was put
to flight by Tartars, who rode into the sea in pursuit
of the zealous and adventurous explorers.

As we were anxious to communicate to our fleet
the news of the prisoners, we made haste to follow it ;
and on the following day got within signalling distance
of the “ Highflyer,” to whom we announced the report.
I may as well say here that it was much exaggerated.
‘wo prisoners only were taken ; they were boat-keepers,
who got adrift, and were carried by the tide helplessly
up to the fort; one man died, I believe, of dysentery,
the other was given up to Mr. Ward on his application
for him.

We were now left quite to ourselves to do the best
we could; to gain as much information as possible;
and had permission to take our own time about it,
being only limited by the quantity of provisions we
had in store. As regards the work, our conditions
were: Given a certain extent of coast to be surveyed,
and a certain quantity of beef, pork, biscuit, and rum
to be consumed; what is the amount of accuracy and
detail to be devoted to each part of the work, in
order to give the greatest value to the entire survey ?

The result was, that having completed all the work,
we returned to Shanghae on the 14th September, having
only three days’ provisions in some articles, and not
very much of anything.

We had a most valuable and necessary auxiliary in
Mr. Adkins, who acted as our interpreter: the same
spirit of enterprise which made him so useful to us
prompted him to remain as sole British representative
in Pekin during the winter of 1860-61, after the de-
parture of our troops southward.
202 CHEFOO.

It was obvious that with a view to meting informa-
tion, and being allowed to land unmolested, it was
necessary to avoid any hostilities; and also to have
some excuse for the frequent visits we should make to
the shore. The pretext of seeking provisions and fresh
water appeared the best, as the want would naturally
recur from time to time, and the information gained
from conversation on these subjects, would be the most
important we could have. Trade also would form a
convenient subject, as it would embrace supplies, towns,
population, transit of goods, roads, vehicles, beasts of
burthen, and many useful points. So we entered upon
our work as hungry, thirsty, discontented adventurers,
intensely stupid, misunderstanding all that was said
to us, and never able to take a hint.

Before commencing our surveying, we determined
to visit “Chefoo” and “Teng-choo-foo,” two towns
some forty miles apart, on the Shan-tung promontory ;
the latter of which had been mentioned as one of the
ports to be opened to western trade in Lord Elgin’s
treaty. We arrived on the 14th at “Chefoo,” or
“‘ Foo-shan,” as they said it should be called, Foo-shan
being the name of the rock which forms the harbour,
and Chefoo that of the town. We found a number
of vessels lying in the harbour, of European build and
rig, of which three or four were English, but the
greater part Siamese, some of which had English com-
manders. They were engaged in coasting trade, princi-
pally bringing sugar from the south, and taking down
grain. The English vessels were of the class called
receiving ships, or floating warehouses; they were not
doing very much business, except in opium, for which
there was rather ademand. Immediately on anchoring
we were visited by our countrymen, who were eager
APPEARANCE OF THE TOWN. 203

to hear the news, as the only information they had
received regarding the engagement had been from
natives. The account they had given appeared to be
correct in the main; they had not exagyerated the
number of vessels which we had lost, but said three
had been “broken.” They had also reported that
three thousand Russians had fought there, and that a
body of five hundred were expected to come down for
their defence; but by Russians they meant evidently
the Northern Tartars, who are quite distinct from the
Chinese, speaking a different language, and not even
employing the same character.

When we went on shore, we found them all very
friendly : it was evidently thoroughly a trading place,
there was not a vestige of a soldier to be seen any-
where : there was, indeed, a guard-house on a rocky
promontory which sheltered the anchorage, and which
appeared to be provided with many deadly spears of
various forms, standing in a rack outside; but a closer
inspection showed the guard-house to be empty, and
the spears, rack and all, to be merely painted on the
whitewashed walls of the building. As we already
possessed a good chart of the harbour, made by an
officer of the Indian navy, it was unnecessary for us
to devote our time to surveying, so we were at leisure
to go on shore and examine the internal resources of
the place. The town is small, being comprised within
a rectangle of about six hundred yards side; its size
does not appear commensurate with the importance of
the harbour, and number of ships lying there; the
goods, however, seemed to be carried immediately into
the country, and not stored in the town. The houses
are good and well built, very generally of stone, and
have rather a Russian look about them; other houses
204 BUILDINGS AND HORSES.

are constructed of sunburnt bricks of bfte clay, the
roofs of tile or thatch, many: of the latter being covered
with seaweed. Their mode of tiling is as follows :—
The rafters, which are heavy, are fixed about ten feet
apart, with purlins crossing them at about every five
or six feet. Over these are laid fascines, or long
bundles of reeds ; about six or eight reeds, each of the
thickness of your little finger, to one bundle: these are
placed close together, and plastered over, the tiles or
thatch being laid over all. The windows are provided
with wooden shutters.

This place is unfavourable for the loading and dis-
charging of cargoes, for the beach close to which the
town stands is very low and flat, and at low tide you
have, if you wish to reach the shore dryfooted, to sub-
mit to be carried over the mud on the backs of coolies,
who are solicitous of the honour. The traffic inland
appears to be very considerable; the streets were full
of handsome mules and ponies, on whose backs the
goods were carried inland in sacks, on very good pack-
saddles. The ponies were larger than those which we
had been accustomed to see at Canton, but were not so
fine as the mules; I do not know why, unless it be that
the mules are carefully bred from a still larger and
better description of horse. In front of many of the
houses in the town stood stone troughs, at which the
animals were feeding, giving to the scene something
of the character of a Spanish venta, or roadside inn.

There was an abundance of fruit and vegetables for

sale in the streets, such as apples, pears, peaches, ©

apricots, plums, pomegranates; and, later in the
season, grapes in great abundance. The plums were
_good, the pears fine and good-looking, but hard and
only fit for stewing; the apricots and peaches inferior ;
NATURAL PRODUCTIONS AND CLIMATE. 205

though at Tien-tsin the peaches are really capital.
There were also a quantity of vegetables of almost all
sorts except that which has become the British vege-
table par excellence, the potato. In China you can only
get the sweet potato: except the few that are grown
at Macao, and near foreign settlements, for barbarian
consumption, the greater part of our Canton supply
used to come from California. We tried to purchase
some bullocks; but the people said, that having only
a sufficient number for purposes of tillage, they were
unable to part with any. They sold us a few sheep
at from a dollar and a half to two dollars each. The
price of poultry was ten for a dollar, of eggs a hun-
dred for a dollar. The average price of mules thirty
dollars.

The anchorage is good, and the climate also appears
very good. We were told by an Englishman who had
been there during the latter part of the winter that it was
exceedingly cold when the wind blew from the north,
the thermometer marking as low as 12° Fahr. He said
there was ice on the beach at such times, and extending:
to sea for some forty yards; and that occasionally in
the morning the sea round the vessel was crusted with
ice, We saw a smith using coal at his forge, and ques-
tioned him as to where it came from. He said it was
brought from the mountains in the country, but was
not generally used for anything but smith’s work ;
that in the winter, instead of having a fire, he was in
the habit of putting on more clothes whenever he felt
cold. In some places in the gulf further north we
found the houses warmed on the Russian system, by
hot-air flues, and I dare say it was so here, but I did
not happen to notice it. In most of the houses thus
warmed, there is a raised hollow dais of brickwork,
206 WATER.

under which the smoke and heated air“from the fire
passes, and which is used as the family bed.

The similarity between the northern Chinese, Tartars,
and Russians is easily traced, not only in their manners
and customs, but also in personal appearance. The
Tartar cavalry soldier is strikingly like the Cossack
of the Russian army, and the natives of the Crimea
were very like many people whom I saw in the Gulf
of Peh-chili. In man’s companion, too, the dog, is
also to be observed the same relationship. We found
him in China and the Crimea the same dog, and with a
strong likeness to that of Kamskatkha and Lapland.

Our gun-boats did. not arrive here until the 16th,
when they had to get water. This was a long opera-
tion, as the place is badly off for it; and that we con-
sidered was the chief objection to Chefoo being used as
a rendezvous for our force in the following year. It
was, however, adopted by the French; we taking Tai-
lien-whan Bay on the opposite side of the straits of
Miatao, at the entrance of the Gulfs of “ Peh-chili” and
“Liau-tong.” We were so short of coal that we were
unable to afford to condense. We had, if I remember
right, only three days for full steaming on board each
gun-boat, three days more for each in reserve on board
the “Cruiser,” besides a similar allowance for herself.
This watering delayed us until the 18th, but gave us
time to take walks into the country in different
directions.

There is rather a quaint old town about half a mile
behind “Chefoo.” It was evidently formerly encircled
with a wall, but now almost all traces of it are gone:
the four gates alone stand as monuments of what it had
formerly been. The appearance of the place leads one
to think that the sea formerly came up to where this
COUNTRY WALK. 207

old town stands, and that, as it receded, the new town
sprang up as a commercial necessity. One day we
mounted the chain of hills which, from on board ship,
bounded our view over the country. We passed through

 

“2

CHEFOO,

some pretty villages surrounded by orchards. The flat
ground near the sea was dry, and the soil light, but
highly cultivated, and covered with young crops of
grain, peas, and beans. We met, amongst other people,
two invalids out for a stroll, who much interested Dr.
Forbes, who was of our party. One was consumptive,
and the other had an enormous wen on the back of his
neck. As Mr. Adkins was not with us, we were unable,
(perhaps fortunately,) to explain to the man the doctor’s
extreme desire to cut the thing out. We were, how-
ever, capable of expressing sympathy, which perhaps
may have given them a favourable impression of the
208 NATIVE PECULIARITIES,

softness of the barbarian’s heart. On the®ridge of the
hills we ate our luncheon of cold chicken, to the great
edification of some poor woodcutters, who joined us and
picked the bones. They enjoyed looking through our
glasses, but did not make much out with the telescope,
as it did not appear to interfere with the enjoyment of
the man gazing through it, if his waggish companion
put his.hat in front of the glass. The opera-glass, how-
ever, was delightful for them ; but we were careful not
to trust either glass in their own hands, as it is neither
pleasant nor prudent to allow them to touch the eye-
piece with their eyes. Many of them, if they have
not ophthalmia, look as if they had had it, or some
similar horrid disease. We espied some cattle in
the distance, but we respected the agriculturists, and
remained contented with the sheep they had sold us.
Returning to the shore, we groped about among the
rocks, when waiting for the boat, and found capital
little oysters sticking to them, and now left dry by the
tide. We also saw men diving and ducking about after
mussels, and burnt almost black from exposure to the
sun. I could not have believed in the extreme shades
of colour exhibited by inhabitants of the same place in
China. There are some men literally almost black,
whilst the shopkeeper or man who lives in doors is
as white-faced as a lump of dough. This is common to
very many of the sea-side places, but I think more
remarkably so in the north than in the south.

Leaving Chefoo at nine a.M. on the 18th, we anchored
off “ Teng-choo-foo” at five p.m. the same day.

It consists of two separate walled cities, one standing
back about half a mile or so from the shore, with its
longest side approximately parallel to it, aud the other
has its shorter side abutting on the sea, and runs back
TENG-CHOO-FOO. 209

to the first-named city; thus the two form a figure
something like a letter |_, only they do not join, a
stream dividing them. A creek runs up into the outer
city, with a narrow dock-like entrance, and here vessels
enter for safety, when loading and unloading, the

 

VIEW OF TENG-CIIOO-FOO.

anchorage being open and but little sheltered. From a
joss-house built on the cliff you can look down into this
basin, and over the greater part of the town.

We landed on the beach without the city walls, a
party of five, composed of Captain Bythesea, the doctor,
Mr. Adkins, myself, and my native servant. Finding
ourselves outside the wall, and seeing no gate, and
observing, moreover, that the wall was dilapidated and
easy of escalade, we climbed up a breach and soon stood
on the top. We began to walk along the rampart, but
were rudely prevented, by a crowd who surrounded and
hustled us, insisting that we must not goon. It was

P
210 WE VISIT THE CITY,

very nearly coming to a quarrel, but we kepas quiet as
we could, and explained that our object was to pay a
complimentary visit to the chief mandarin, and to
endeavour to make arrangements for the purchase of
bullocks and sheep. We also pointed out that we were
unarmed, and as unable, as we were unwilling, to injure
them. But this had not much effect, for the crowd
increased, and continued to jostle against us. The tom-
toms of alarm were beaten, and we saw soldiers with
flags hurrying to and fro on the walls of the other part
of the town. We were told that the mandarin lived in
the inner city, and they pointed out to us the gate by
which we should enter it.

We decided to go and see him, and for this pur-
pose descended the breach and walked to the gate,
followed by a few of the more curious of the party.
We entered the city, and walked some little way
through the streets. We did not, however, much like
the looks of the people, and held a consultation as to
whether it would be prudent to go on. It was now
seven o'clock, and really too late to pay a visit of.
ceremony; besides we did not like to have the city
gate between ourselves and the ship, more espe-
cially as if we went on, it would be dark before our
return. Nor could we tell how the mandarin would
be disposed towards us after the recent events at the
Pei-ho.

My servant, who mixed in the crowd, overheard a
discussion as to whether it would not be advisable to
detain us until orders should be received as to our
treatment. Therefore, taking all things into consider-
ation, we determined to get back, and told our guide
that, having been detained on first landing by the rude-
ness and misconduct of the people, it was now too late
AND GET WELL OUT OF IT. 211

for us to pay the contemplated visit, more especially
as the mandarin’s residence was still some distance off ;
and that, therefore, we desired him to present our com-
pliments to the mandarin, and to say that we would
give ourselves the pleasure of communicating with him
in the morning. That done, we walked briskly back,
and were not sorry to see that the city gate was still
open to permit our egress.

In the morning we sent off a letter explaining our
desire to purchase cattle, and complaining of the way
in which we had been treated the day before. Mr.
Adkins took it on shore, but was met at the landing-
place by a crowd, who hooted at him; and they kept
urging one another not to take nor have anything to do
with the letter. However, he threw it among them
and returned to the ship, knowing that they would not
incur the responsibility of not presenting it after he had
gone.

In the afternoon I went on shore with Bythesea and
four or five of my Engineers. We all carried revolvers
in belts under our coats. We landed some little dis-
tance to the west of the town, and, walking inland, we
saw something of the country. We got on a hill which
completely overlooked the inner city. The country
seemed nice enough, but had the same fault apparently
as Chefoo—a want of water. The watercourses were
all dry, but we found one excellent well. The outer
city is a small narrow rectangle; the inner one is
larger. It appeared about four miles in circuit. It
has four gates, and contains some large yamuns or
temples, and some very fine trees. There is also in it
a high pagoda of three or four stories. This appeared
very dilapidated, but was undergoing repairs. The
wall, which at the north gate could not be much under

P 2
212 WE FIND SOME SHEEP.

thirty-five feet high, appeared generally in“good condi-
tion. We were struck by observing no appearance of
traffic of any kind, whilst on the road round Chefoo,
strings of beasts of burthen were constantly met: here
we saw nothing but a couple of ponies grazing. We
were fearing much for our chance of getting bullocks,
and were returning to the boats, when suddenly we
espied a flock of about forty large sheep being driven
rapidly towards the city. Weimmediately gave chase,
and cut them off, and, after some little hunting, dis-
covered them hidden in a hollow place round the
shoulder of a hill, where they had doubtless hoped to
escape our notice.

We were fortunately out of sight from the city, so
taking precautions to prevent any of the shepherd’s
party marching off to give an alarm, and placing a
sentry on the high ground, to warn us in case of danger,
we quietly began to bid for the sheep. The shepherd
was obstinate ; he refused again and again to part with
any of them at any price. At last one of my men (a
butcher, by the way), who was walking about in the
flock, feeling them, suddenly came on such a fat one
that, urged I suppose partly by hunger and a recollec-
tion of his salt fare on board ship, and partly by the
force of habit, he cast it on its back like lightning.
Here we were compromised, and feeling that we might
as well be hung for a sheep.as a lamb, and that we
really did want fresh meat, and, moreover, intended
honestly to pay for it, we allowed the five next fattest
to be similarly cast. Still the shepherd entered a quiet
protest ; he would have nothing to say to the matter,
and could not think of helping to carry our spoils down
to the boat. We were preparing to take them down
one by one, when, in stooping, one of our party acci-
HOW. WE BOUGHT THEM. 218

dentally dropped the revolver out of his belt. The
natives saw it with a glance of the eye, said not a word,
but at once each laid hold of a sheep, and they were all
carried in silence down to the boat. We took the
shepherd on board ship with us, and there paid him
fifteen dollars for the six sheep, which was more than
we had been asked at Chefoo.

We found that in the meantime a letter had come
from the mandarin to ask how many bullocks we
wanted. We wrote back word that eight was the
number required. He sent off three, pleading his
inability to procure more. We remained another
day, hoping to get the remainder, but were disap-
pointed.

Some of our communications with the natives were
. exceedingly primitive. We used occasionally to send
boats to the shore on different errands, and of course
could not always send any one as interpreter in them.
When the people wished to communicate, if they had
not a letter already written, they would scratch cha-
racters on a flat bit of stone or slate, with a flint, and
send it on board. JI think, in spite of our forcible
purchase of the sheep, our characters gained favour in
their sight, and the people were latterly inclined to be
much more civil than on our first arrival.

On the 22nd we reached Toki, one of the Mia-tao
islands. It was said, I think, in one of the books of
sailing directions, that cattle were to be had here, so
we determined to pay the place a visit. It must be
remembered that this constant demand for cattle was
not entirely for our own consumption, but also to test
the resources of the country, with a view to getting
supplies for our forces next year. We found Toki
was much misrepresented in this respect. Our gun-
214 DONKEY-BEEF.

boats, which we had sent on, had taken the initiative :
their commanders avent on shore, and made the usual
demands, and were pleased at the alacrity with which,
apparently, they were met, for before long a boat
was sent off to each, but they were found to contain
instead of bullocks a pair of venerable superannuated
donkeys.

I took a gun on shore, and being met with the usual
assertion that there were no cows, not a single one on
the island; I replied that if that were the case, they
could of course have no objection to my shooting any
cattle I might happen to come across in my walk.
Their answer was, “ How many do you really want?”
and on my saying ten, they promised to furnish them
next day ; and actually did so. We walked all over
the island, and I must say I never saw any signs of
cattle, but a good many donkeys. There-are four
villages on the island, but the people begged us not to
walk through them, as they said the women would be
terrified. We often heard that said in these parts, and
I am afraid their fears are not groundless. From what
we could learn, the crews of some of the small coasting
vessels are a lawless set, and I believe go the length of
carrying off the women by force; I certainly saw the
faces of Chinese women peering through the cabin-
windows of some of the vessels we met with.

_We found the people very civil and friendly : the
island is well cultivated: the prevailing crops were
millet, Indian corn, wheat, beans, and peas; there was
no pasturage for cattle, and I cannot conceive that there
ever are any quantity on the island. For those we
got, we paid eight dollars apiece, which we found made
the meat as much as threepence per pound. We saw
no game: there were quantities of hawks and some

‘
WE SAIL FOR THE GREAT WALL. 215

eagles; we also shot a number of pigeons on a rocky
island close by.

Having now got all we could, both in the way of
meat, water, and information, we sailed on the 24th
July for the Great Wall, where we intended to com-
mence our actual surveying; our plan being to start
from that point, as the extreme northern limit, and to
examine minutely the coast the whole way down, to
such a distance south of the Pei-ho as would appear to
be of any service in future operations; of the Pei-ho
we knew the strength well. The Peh-tang we knew
was also fortified ; and it remained to be seen whether
there was any other point north or south, more favour-
able for our future movements.
CHAPTER XV.

The Great Wall—Our self-introduction and our reception—The use of geology
—Tartar soldiers—-Our mode of surveying—Grand review—We receive
a present—We meet a mandarin, and get useful information from him—
Lew-sia-kwang—River Yang-ho—Native carts—My servant has an escape.

On the morning of the 26th, we sighted the Great
Wall, running uncompromisingly straight up the
mountains; up and down the sides of the spurs, and
then stretching along on the top: its course being
indicated after it ceased itself to be visible, by the
pagoda-like towers which jutted out, and flanked it at
intervals. The wall runs right down to the beach:
there is a sort of stone pier running out into the sea,
from which an inclined road, or ramp, leads up to the
top of the wall. At this point there is a low pagoda:
there were a few tents on the wall, probably occupied
by a guard. Close to this on the Chinese or southern
side of the line of wall (the northern being Tartary),
there isa piece of ground enclosed by a rampart and
forming a fort, or some defensible enclosure. The Great
Wall itself is just like that of Canton, or any other
Chinese fortified city. It is from twenty-five to forty
feet high, and from fifteen to thirty feet wide at the
top: its rear face is vertical or nearly so. The core of
the rampart is filled up with earth, much of which has
evidently been excavated from the front, so as to form
a ditch ; which, however, is not maintained as such, ina
THE GREAT WALL OF CHINA. 217

defensive point of view. The material of which the
wall is constructed is brick and stone, many of the
former being very large, and of a blue colour: there is
a battlemented parapet on the top, and loopholes are
pierced in places, between the openings. There are, as
I said before, projecting square towers at intervals,
surmounted by pagodas for purposes of flank defence.
Access to the top of the wall from the inside, is gained
by steps or ramps. About two or three miles from the
beach, and within the line of wall, stands a large forti-
fied town called “ Ning-hae.” The country around is
beautiful, and appears fertile; the soil is light and
loamy : the ground rises from the sea in gentle undula-
tions, and forms, comparatively speaking, a plain,
extending back some six miles or so. A chain of
mountains then commences, rising to a height probably
of five thousand feet. The cultivation appears to be
carried up to about a quarter of that height. The
upper part does not appear to be wooded, that is to say,
with large trees, though there may be brushwood :
there are charming-looking groves, apparently of pines,
scattered here and there on the plain and the lower
part of the mountain: the foremost chain runs in about
a south-west direction, and, I believe, extends con-
tinuously to within a few miles north of Pekin. This
range is backed by others, the more remote appearing
to be the highest. To the north of us the range
seemed to continue for some distance; to the south the
mountains appeared to recede from the sea, as of course
they must, in order to reach Pekin. At this time the
country was all of a lovely green from the condition of
the crops, and it looked altogether one of the most
charming places I ever saw.

We made our first visit to the shore soon after
218 OUR SELF-INTRODUCTION,

anchoring, and were met by a number of soldiers all
armed, and with lighted matches, who came down and
crowded round us.

Finding us unarmed they were tolerably civil, and
withdrew a few paces, when two blue-buttoned man-
darins came down to see what we wanted.

Adkins let off our speech, which was to the effect
that we were cruising about in these waters to avoid
the great heat in the south; that we had some sick
men on board (many of them, in fact, were suffering
from Pei-ho wounds); that we intended remaining in
these waters for some few days ; that we were desirous of
landing from time to time, to take exercise, which would
be extremely beneficial to our invalids; and that, more-
over, we were in want of fresh provisions, and wished
to see the chief mandarin of the place, with a view to
arranging the purchase of such supplies as we required.

The answer to all this was, that the chief man was
one who came from Takoo—this was probably to inspire
us with terror, or, at all events, respect for a man who
came from such a race of soldiers; that on no account
would he consent to see us here; that if we had business
to transact, Takoo was the proper place for it, and to
Takoo we had better go forthwith.

Pretending not to understand the hint, we merely
replied that our business being purely local, it was hard
to see how it could be furthered by discussion carried
on at a distance. At the same time, even if the
mandarin absolutely refused to see us personally, he
might yet be informed of our wishes, and in the mean-
time we should remain at our present anchorage.
Though our conversation was carried on in a perfectly
friendly manner, the soldiers prevented our moving
more than a few yards from the boat. We were careful
AND OUR RECEPTION. 219

not to attempt to thwart them, and after some little
time returned on board.

The next day we went on shore again, and were
met by the same mandarins as before; they were
accompanied by about fifty soldiers, both cavalry and
infantry ; they were very civil and friendly, but always
stopped us, if we attempted to move away. Whilst
Adkins was engaging them in conversation, and creat-
ing an interest, I sneaked off, quietly followed by one
or two soldiers, and pretended to geologize, picking up
stones, pocketing some and discarding others, my
guard got interested in the matter, and would go and
search about for stones similar to those I had chosen.
When they were not looking, I took observations with
my pocket-compass, which I had with me. We asked
to be allowed to mount the wall, whence we could have
had a good view of the surrounding country, but they
would not allow it. In vain did we speak of its world-
wide celebrity, and describe the esteem in which we
should be held on our return to our native country,
could we only boast of having stood on it; and how
valuable a memento of our visit would be a brick,
actually taken from the structure. Here they evidently
seemed glad to be able to please us, for they sent a man
off at once, who picked out a brick, and offered it
for our acceptance.

The cavalry soldiers all wore leathern doublets, and
white loose trousers tucked into knee boots. Some of
the men had matchlocks slung over their shoulders,
with the match burning, and they wore girdles round
their waists with ammunition pouches. The powder was
in a horn, and the bullets, which were about the size of
those used for a small revolver, were in another pouch.
They told me they used from six to ten as a charge,
220 TARTAR TROOPS.

Their powder, which they let me examile, was very
bad. Others had bows and arrows, instead of the
matchlock, and others, again, had spears. The infantry
were dressed as in the south of China, in a reddish-
coloured cotton jacket, with a circular white patch on
the breast and back, on which was marked in black the
name and number of the corps to which they belonged.
These men were distinguished as being members of
some mountain corps. All the foot soldiers were armed
with spears. Each horseman had, in addition to his
other weapons, a sword which he carried naked, under-
neath his saddle-flap, so that in Jumping on and off, as
they frequently do, they were not incommoded by it.
The ponies were rough, serviceable beasts, and seemed
to scramble along over the ground at a good pace. We
made such way in the affections of the troops, that an
officer, said to be an aide-de-camp to the general com-
manding, allowed me to mount his pony, and take a
canter along the beach, whilst he rode another at my
side to prevent my going too far. He was rather a
smart fellow, and had a European officer’s sword in a
steel scabbard.

It was evident to us that we should not be able to
conduct our survey in the usual manner, as of course it
would be out of the question attempting to measure
lines on shore. We were therefore driven to adopt
other expedients for determining distances. On con-
sideration, the best appeared to be that of calculating
from the rate of travelling of sound.

The gun-boats having arrived by the 28th, we
anchored the three vessels in the form of a triangle,
having each side about three miles long. The latitude
and longitude of each were found from observations,
and that position which worked out best, and from the
OUR MODE OF SURVEYING. 221

most reliable chronometer was adopted. Signals were
then determined upon, and guns were fired from the
different ships in turn; the period which elapsed
between the flash and report being noted on board
each vessel. Thus we had the time taken for the tra-
velling of the sound either with, against, or across the
wind, and the mean or best results were adopted. Our
rule for the rate of travelling of sound was 1,090 feet
per second, when the temperature was at 32° Fahr., and
two feet more per second for every additional degree of
temperature.

The bearings of each vessel being taken from the
others, the distances known, and the latitude and longi-
tude of any one vessel being ascertained, we were
enabled to lay them down on a blank sheet of paper
ruled like a chart.

By this means we knew that whenever we observed
with the compass from any point on shore, or in boats,
two or three of the fixed vessels, those. bearings when
laid down on the chart, from the position of the vessels
thereon, would indicate the point whence the observa-
tion was made; and if we were enabled to observe all
three vessels, which we made a rule of doing whenever
practicable, the three bearings should, if the positions
were correct, intersect in the same point: thus we had
the proof of our work always at hand, and had the
satisfaction day after day of knowing how we got on.

The space within easy range of the first three points
being finished, the rearmost vessel was moved forwards
so as to form with the other two a second triangle, her
position being fixed by what are technically termed
cross bearings; and thus we proceeded along the coast.

The plotting and laying down of our work being all
done at our leisure on board ship, it was only necessary
2220 A GRAND REVIEW.

when we went on shore, to take the bearings of the
three vessels from leading points, noting the angles in
the book, and making approximate sketches of the
coast. As regards the result of the work, we found
that after surveying southwards from the Great Wall
for eighty miles, we closed on the “ Sha-lui-tien”
island, of which the latitude and longitude are known;
and found that our worked-out position varied from
that laid down from solar observations, by less than
half a mile of longitude, which was very satisfactory ;
indeed, an error to that amount is just as likely to occur
in the solar observations as in our triangulation.

Excited, perhaps, by our firing, and being desirous of
showing off, the general held a review of his troops the
same morning. The infantry were extended along the
beach in a single rank, and about two yards apart,
whilst the cavalry rode down the front in file: they
appeared within view, emerging from a gateway in the
wall, and disappeared again behind some rising ground
close to the beach. There must either have been a
very large number of them, or they must have ridden
round in a circle, for it took several hours for them to
pass by. We were compelled to go on with our work,
and could not stay to watch or count them.

The following day we landed on the northern side of
the wall, and walked about unmolested; for though
they must have seen us go up in our boat, they sent
out no troops to watch us. The country was well cul-
tivated, and the crops looked very healthy. The la-
bourers, both men and women, were engaged in hoeing
Indian corn. There was a great quantity of millet
growing, and also bearded wheat. We saw numerous
villages dotted over the plain. The cottages have flat,
or rather slightly curved roofs. Asa rule, each house
WE RECEIVE A PRESENT. 2238

has a court-yard in front, the wall of which is some
eight or ten feet high. Thus a street is bounded on
either side by a continuous line of wall, with doors in
it, in front of each dwelling.

A couple of excellent cows were sent down to us in
the afternoon, better than any we had seen. We offered
to pay for them, but the persons who brought them
declined to receive anything. We then begged to be
allowed to make a return present from our ship-stores,
but that also was declined. We had intended to refuse
presents, as we did not like the idea of the treachery of
receiving gifts, whilst we were contemplating hostile
measures against the donors; but in this case it ap-
peared that we should be rude in continuing to refuse.
Fortunately future operations did not take us here, nor
compel us anywhere to make an ungrateful return for
hospitality.

Having completed the work in this immediate neigh-
bourhood, we moved down the coast, and landed some
six miles or so further south, on a rocky promontory,
from which we could overlook the country. This forms
one point of a very shallow bay, and is nearly separated
from the main land bya small river or creek, which we
ascended, and which we found to have a bar across its
mouth, over which at low tide there were not more
than two feet of water. Mounting the height, we found
a joss-house erected on its summit. The rock was gene-
rally covered with sand; but in some places there was
a good deal of vegetation, on which many ponies and
cows were grazing. Looking over the main land, we
could see herds of cattle on the plains.

At the headland forming the opposite end of the
shallow bay, about six miles lower down, we were met
on the beach by a mandarin of the blue-buttoned class,
294 A TARTAR COLONEL.

who had been seated on a rock awaiting Sur approach,
attended by five or six armed Tartars, who held the
ponies. Seeing my book, he asked to look at it. I
showed him the wrong end, where I kept some coloured
landscape sketches ; and whilst he was engaged in exa-
mining the boat and crew, and conversing with some of
the party, I went up on the hill, and took my observa-
tions; after which I made a sketch of a half-ruined
temple which stood there within an enclosure, round
which broken clay images were lying about, or propped
up in disorder.

On returning to the beach, I took pains voluntarily to
show him my performance, and the harmless way in
which I had been engaged. He was good enough to
recognize the subject at once.

Landing the following day at a village called “ Lew-
sia-kwang,” we met him again, and had much conversa-
tion with him, and he appeared very willing to talk;
so, by asking him pertinent questions, framed so as to
elicit the information we wanted, without asking for it
point-blank, we got some valuable hints from him.

As yet we had been able to find out nothing about

_the road from these districts to Pekin, so we deter-
mined to see what we could learn on the subject.
Taking the subject of horses as being connected with
roads, we asked whether we could purchase any at this
place. He said, “ How many ?” We answered, “ Eight,”
as being a number probably too great to be tendered
for immediate purchase. He replied, “ No, you cannot
get so many as eight here; but if you really wish to
buy that number, you should go to Ninghae.” We said,
“ Why to Ninghae?” He answered, “ Why !—do not
you know that ‘Ninghae’ is the place from whence
runs the great high road to the capital, and along
THE ROAD TO PEKIN. 225

which there is so much traffic, that from neighbouring
hills the course of the road over the plain can be traced
for a distance, by the men and vehicles passing along
it? And surely the terminus of such a road is- the
proper place for the purchase of horses and mules in any
quantities.” Here was a great point for us. At Ning-
hae was the opening in the Great Wall, through which
the coast-road of T'artary led to the capital; and it
must probably be a rich city, one of the base-points of
the frontier, and especially rich in what to an army is
the best form of wealth—animals and vehicles for
draught, available for its transport.

Once on the subject of the road, we managed to find
out more about it, which, when afterwards compared
with information picked up elsewhere, we found well
corroborated. The total distance to Pekin was said to
be 680 “li,” or about 226 miles, though the difference
of longitude does not give much more than 160 miles
as the probable distance. If the li were taken at
three and a half to the mile, as I believe it may in these
parts, its value varying in different localities (being in
the south about one-third of a mile), the distance
would be 194 miles, which perhaps may be nearer the
mark. There is a road from “ Lew-sia-kwang”’ lead-
ing into the great road at a point thirty li distant, or
about nine miles. This made the place important,
for Ning-hae was now found to be in the following
position.

Imagine a rectangle, of which the eastern side isthe
Great Wall, running direct from the sea up the moun-
tains, a distance of perhaps six miles or so; the northern
side is a range of hills, running approximately parallel
to the road and to the coast-line ; the western side is
the road leading from Lew-sia-kwang to the high road,

Q
226 “ LEW-SIA-KWANG.”

and the southern the coast-line, Ning-hae Being about
at the centre of the eastern line.

Now a force thrown on shore at “ Lew-sia-kwang”
might make a sudden march over the nine miles of
cross road, and establish itself on the great road, cut-
ting off all retreat in that direction. The only means
of escape would be then either by cutting through our
line, breaking up and flying over the mountains, or
retreat into Tartary, through such gates as there
might be in the Great Wall. Even this might be
stopped by a comparatively small force thrown on shore
on that side. Thus we should have, hemmed in a corner,
a rich town, a fertile piece of country, probably stores
of grain, a division of the army, and great numbers of
horses and cattle—the chargers of the Tartars alone
being some thousands; as the force, mainly cavalry, in
this command was said to amount to forty thousand
men. The presence of a fleet off Ning-hae as well as
“ Lew-sia-kwang,” and a landing executed, or even
threatened, at the former place, must almost inevitably
lead to the surrender of the city, with whatever we
had bagged in the trap. Whether the place would be
of any use as a base from whence to march on the
capital, is doubtful, the line of communication being
probably too long, and liable to sudden and harassing
attacks made by bodies of men from the mountains;
yet, for a predatory dash, the opportunity would be
glorious.

About 190 li, or 54 miles from Ning-hae, and on
the great road, is “ Yung-ping-foo.” It is said that the
road passes outside it, within a very short distance of
the south gate (not more than one li), so that the town
can be avoided, in case you do not wish to pass through
it. The river Ching-lung-ho passes close to the west
RIVERS. 227

gate. We heard that it has an embankment at this
place, which, from the description given, appears to be
designed to prevent sudden floods from the hills in-
juring the country. This matter would of course be
important, as implying either low ground, or frequent
floods. There are six rivers in all, crossing the road
before you reach Pekin: they are said not to be bridged
across, but that in ordinary seasons they are fordable ;
in rainy weather the people use ferry-boats. The prin-
cipal places on the road, after passing Yung-ping-foo,
are “ Fung-jin-hsien,” 160 li farther; Che-chou, 80 li
beyond; then “San-ho ;” and, lastly, “ Tung-chow,”
which is near Pekin. But, except “ Tung-chow,” which
is well known, “ Yung-ping-foo” is the only place of
any importance. It is a large walled town of four gates ;
and, from its title of “foo,” it must be a first-class city.

A little below “ Lew-sia-kwang ”’ is the “‘ Tae-cho-ho,”
a short river rising in the hills at the back of that
village, and running through the plain between them
and the great road. We walked to a village a little
way inland, where we found the people friendly, and
met with no soldiers. The country was rather wet and
swampy : however the Indian corn seemed to flourish,
and was growing to a great height. We got some
water here ; for though we found it very good at Lew-
sia-kwang, there was only one well near the beach, and
consequently the operation of watering was tedious.
But we made a mistake, as it turned out, for the river-
water was not at all good. It blew so hard towards
the shore, that the pinnace, when full of water, was
unable to get back to the ship, and was forced to anchor
and ride out the gale; and we had to send food and-
other necessaries to her crew, by the cutter, which was
a good sailing boat.

Q 2
228 MULES AND CARTS.

This river is very shallow, as is also “he “ Yang-
ho,” which is about a mile lower down. A few of the
smaller junks ascend the latter river for a little distance,
at high water, but the greater number discharge their
cargoes into carts on the bank, just inside the bar. On
the day on which we landed, there were several junks
so doing; and to carry off the cargoes of millet, which
was in sacks, there were between twenty and thirty
carts, and no less than six mules or ponies to each—
one in the shafts, two abreast in front of them, and
three abreast as leaders. We got into conversation
with the people, and they said they were going to
a place called “ Poo-ning-hsien,” distant about thirty li.
They described it as rather a small place, yet neverthe-
less containing several thousand inhabitants, and situ-
ated on the great road; which fact I doubt, as it was
not mentioned before as being among the number of
towns through which the road passes; and I think that
at this point the great road would be rather more than
thirty li from the coast. However, it does not much
signify ; if it be not on the road, it must be very
near it.

Many of the mules were exceedingly handsome,
especially those used for riding: we saw several thus
equipped. We conversed with the people; and as no
soldiers came down, we got on very well. We
remarked on the large number of animals attached
to each cart, which we chose to consider unnecessarily
great, and were informed in answer that the road to
“ Poo-ning-hsien”” was muddy and heavy. We then
asked them, “ How long would it take them to go to
Pekin with such carts?” to which they answered,
“We should not use such carts, but lighter ones, and
with them the journey would occupy six days.” We
THE GREAT HIGH ROAD. 229

then asked, “ Why use lighter carts? these are very
good ones.” They answered, “On account of the
hills.’ “It is our practice,” we said, “in hilly
countries to make use of pack-saddles.” “ So do we,”
they replied, “in the mountainous countries, but the
hills on the great road are not considerable enough to
necessitate such a measure; in fact, it runs generally
along the base of the mountains, crossing the spurs
occasionally, where the elevation, is not considerable.”

Another point on which we wanted information was
wood. So, having a gun with me, I inquired, “ If one
was travelling along the great road, would one find
game to shoot in its vicinity?” “No,” they said,
“the traffic drives it all away.” “But surely,” I
replied, “in the woods and thickets, where there is
shelter, pheasants must be found?” “No, the road
passes through no woods; there are indeed, here and
there, groves of fine trees in the neighbourhood, but
not such as to contain game.” The next remark
we made was as to the breadth of the cart wheels.
“ That,” they said, “is because the roads are muddy in
the wet months.” These turned out to be the early
summer months. The months when there are ice and
snow are the first, second, third, tenth, eleventh, and
twelfth : during these the rivers are frozen, and the
sea also, to a distance of perhaps two miles out from
the shore. The snow is sometimes two feet deep, but
that is considered a heavy fall. The ice breaks up in
the third month (April.)

In the afternoon we sent a boat up the river, with
my servant as interpreter, to see what they could buy
in the shape of vegetables; but it appeared that our
presence there had been reported, for they were met
by about a hundred Tartar cavalry, armed with
230 “ AMAN’S” ESCAPE,

matchlocks and spears, who prevented “them from
going up, and hustled “‘ Aman,” who had gone on shore,
and who was fortunate in being able to get back to the
boat. On their leaving, the villagers promised to send
some vegetables and poultry, which they did, at the
same time refusing payment. However, we insisted
on their taking money for what we kept.
CHAPTER XVI.

Survey continued—Fishermen — Tartar soldiers—‘“ Yung-ping-foo ” — Road
thence to Tien-tsin—A communicative soldier—River Laou-moo-kaou—
Narrow escape from a fight—Reconciliation—The General’s aides-de-camp
—Night review—Watches versus dollars—Mirage—River Ching-ho—The
aides-de-camp again—Sha-lui-tien banks—River Che-kaou—A poor diet—
Mode of fishing—A midshipman’s adventure—The Pei-ho again—We
cause the Chinese to “‘ eat misery”—The Peh-tang-ho—Tartars again—
Desolate couitry—The use of jelly-fish—The survey completed—We re-
visit Teng-choo-foo and’ Che-foo—Returm to Shanghae.

Arter leaving the “ Yang-ho,” we found the country
flat, and less fertile : there are wide tracts of unculti-
vated ground, apparently partially flooded by high
tides. Nevertheless there was an old battery for four
guns in the middle of this desert, from which it may
be assumed that there is a road leading somewhere,
which it is necessary occasionally to watch. Seven
miles down. the coast from the Yang-ho, comes the
Poo-ho, a short river which appears 1o originate in a
great marsh, into which a large level tract of country
drains itself. Junks lie about a mile up the river to
discharge cargoes; butit is too shallow for them to
ascend higher, and, indeed, it would be of no use, for
it apparently leads to nowhere ; but the corn brought
there is transported to the interior in carts,

A fort, containing seven or eight guns, guards this
anchorage, and on our arrival we saw them being
made ready for us; for over the top of the parapet we
could see the heads of the sponges and rammers
232 RIVER “ POO-HO.”

moving, as the men were working, and probably load-
ing the guns.

As we pulled towards the shore, we noticed some
mounted Tartars coming down; but observing on
which side of the river they were riding, we landed
on the other; and having taken our angles before
they arrived at the beach, we crossed over, as if to
meet them, courting their company. The officer in
command had a blue button. He was a complete
Tartar, and unable to speak Chinese, so we had to
make use of one of his men as interpreter. They were
very uncommunicative: we could get nothing out of
them, except that their camp was about sixteen miles
off, and “ Yung-ping-foo”’ 150 li, or 43 miles. On
complaining of the water being salt, we were told that
there was good water in a river below us, called the
“ Laou-moo-kaou.” As soon as we shoved off, our
friend departed on his homeward way; and when he
had turned a corner, and got out of sight, we pulled
ashore again, and climbing a sand-hill, got a view of
the country. We saw a camp, some two or three miles
off, capable of containing six or seven hundred men;
and on a hill in rear of the fort, and in such a position
as to be concealed from our view when at the mouth of
the river, we saw a force of infantry drawn up in order ;
very cleverly brought out and disposed, in case of
necessity. A range of sand-hills, about fifty feet high,
follows the beach, and extends inland about half a mile.
Behind this the country is perfectly flat, and is culti-
vated; dotted over with villages, and trees planted
peculiarly in rows. In this plain is situated the great
marsh of which the Poo-ho appears to be the waste-
water channel.

The mountains running from the Great Wall towards
FISHERMEN. 233

Pekin have here left us. A range running about at
right angles to their general direction (or 8.8. W.)
abruptly terminates about ten miles west of the mouth
of the “ Poo-ho.” This range, which is short, appears to
be disconnected from the great range, and probably the
high road passes between them, “ Yung-ping-foo” being
somewhere in the valley beyond. This abrupt point
of mountain is the last bit seen as you go southwards,
until you reach the province of “ Shan-tung.” It
might be argued that there is a pretty good road from
the Poo-ho inland, seeing the pains and expense under-
taken by the government for the protection of the
place.

Returning to the beach, we watched some fishermen,
quite black, and most of them entirely devoid of
clothes, who were hauling in a net, to the tune of a
rude, but not unmelodious chant. They captured
about a cart-load of different sorts — small herrings,
soles, and others marked like trout, only without the
small back fin; also dog-fish, and quantities of crabs,
many of which were beautifully coloured. I observed
that immediately on getting the fish to shore, they
went round, and with an iron hook killed all the dog-
fish, driving its point through their heads, but killed
none of the others. We selected nearly a bushel of fish
for our crew, for which we paid a quarter of a dollar.

Next day, when shooting sea-birds on the shore, half
a dozen Tartars came up, and rode round me, and
watched my movements. I shot at a bird flying a
little over the head of one of them, and brought it
down: seeing this they cantered off, and got about
a hundred and fifty yards from me; at which dis-
tance they again patrolled, watching me. Taking
advantage of a bird passing at a proper height, I fired
234. A COMMUNICATIVE SOLDIER.

at him, so that the shot might drop near*them, when
away they scampered over the sand-hills, and never
came back.

As we went southwards, we found the cultivated
country receding, and the coast getting desolate in the
extreme. Fifteen miles below the Poo-ho the sand
hills ceased altogether, and there appeared to be almost
an interminable waste of flat, dry, salt-incrusted, sun-
baked mud. In the extreme distance, the line of culti-
vated or habitable country is marked by rows of trees,
distorted by the mirage into fantastic forms.

Whilst amusing ourselves with shooting curlew, a
mandarin rode down to see us, but he did not tell us
much, and he seemed soon to get tired of us, and away
he went. Later in the day a soldier came down, who
walked with us, and was very communicative. He
gave us a description. of “ Yung-ping-foo,” which
tallied well with what we had already heard. In
speaking of the great road, he said it was in some parts
sandy, and in others stony. From all accounts it would
appear that it is not macadamized, and in traversing
the plains it is of the same light soil as the surrounding
country ; but in crossing the spurs of the mountains, to
avoid the détour caused by following their base line,
its nature is necessarily hard from being worked out of
the rock. We inquired as to what road exists between
“ Yung-ping-foo ” and Tien-tsin; (as in the event of a
military occupation of these places, a land communica-
tion would be required.) He said that proceeding from
Yung-ping-foo, the first place you pass is Fung-tai, at
a distance of 220 li. At a distance of 290, is Pang-
uhr-chwang; at 340, Tee-tao; and at a total distance
of 360 is Tien-tsin. This distance, however, appears:
from the map to be improbably great. He said none
BOUNDARIES OF PROPERTIES, 235

of these were large places, being more halting-places
for travellers, than towns possessing any intrinsic im-
portance.

It was desirable to know if there were fences inter-
secting the plain, which would impede the march of
troops, who would probably advance in line, leaving the
road to the artillery and baggage. So we asked him
how, in a flat country like this, it was possible to dis-
tinguish the boundaries between one property and
another. He answered, “ By boundary-stones.” We
rejoined, “ But we have a superior plan; we .have
ditches. A stone may be removed, but a ditch must
always remain.” Not to be outdone, he said, “ We,
too, have ditches as well as you, but not for the same
reason. We make use of them for the purpose of irri-
gation, and therefore you only find them with us, when
in the neighbourhood of rivers. Our stones we find
quite sufficient, and we do not require fences.”

In speaking of the climate, he gave it a milder
character than our former informant, cutting off a month
from each end of what he designated as the winter.
He also said that the rainy season was that between the
fourth and eighth months. He told us that we were
now near the mouth of the Laou-moo-kaou, a river
formed by the confluence of the “ Chin-lung-ho” and
“Lan-ho.” It is famous for the good quality of its
water, and is resorted to by native sailors when obliged
to fill up their tanks. Before parting from us he said,
“Mind you tell no one that I have. spoken to you on
these subjects, for I know what you are doing. You
are making a map, but you must not say that I gare
you any information.”

This was the only man who openly told us that he
knew what we were at.
236 PERTINENT QUESTIONS.

In our conversations we always tried to“bring in the
subject of trade, both to avoid suspicion as to our real
design and also because the conversation on this subject
naturally elicited information on the points applicable
to military movements. And with this view we some-
times took on shore small bits of cloth, serge, and
flannel as samples; and showing them to the people,
we used to ask whether there would be a sale for such
things up the country? Could a party of traders go up
with woollen goods? How would they carry them?
On this follows the question of population. Are the
people well off? If so, why? or if not, why not?
Would soldiers interfere with foreign traders? Where
are they quartered, and in what numbers? and_so on.
I imagine they must have thought we were on a
general exploring excursion, and did not attach any
very particular importance to our movements, for they
never saw us doing anything which they could have
considered suspicious.

On moving down the coast we soon found that we
were at the mouth of the Laou-moo-kaou, from the dis-
coloration of the water; and we could see the roofs of
houses, and masts of junks over the land; but we
passed by the river's mouth without being able to see
it, the banks being almost level with the water’s edge.
As we were pulling one day, looking for the river, we
saw a junk sailing along near the shore. On our
approaching her she changed her course, and appeared
to try to escape us. We gave chase, thinking she would
make for the river. We were correct in our judgment,
at least partially so, for she went into a creek to escape
us; but she was obliged to anchor shortly, as the water
was too shallow for her. It turned out that we had
unintentionally cut her off from the river. However,
RIVER “ LAOU-MOO-KAOU.” 237

getting on shore here we were enabled to set ourselves
right as to the proper entrance.

On the following day we entered the river, and were
very soon met by a mandarin attended by unarmed
Tartars, who came riding down the bank. We pulled
to shore and landed, and began to converse with him.
We announced our desire to fill up our tanks with
water from the river; also to purchase cattle, sheep,
and vegetables. He said we were quite welcome to the
water, and that he would do what he could to assist us
in other respects. He told us that he was in command
of a small force guarding the river’s mouth, but that a
short distance above, was a force commanded by a supe-
rior officer. He introduced us to two men who accom-
panied him, and who, he said, were aides-de-camp of
the general commanding the troops in the district,
whose head-quarters were at the Great Wall, and that
they had come down thence on business.

He seemed much more guarded in all that he said
when they were present than when alone; and their
mutual behaviour gave us the impression that they were
watching his conduct with a view to reporting it, and
that he knew it.

After some little conversation, we said that the water
here was so muddy and thick as to be unfit to drink,
and that doubtless higher up it would be clearer, and
expressed our intention of rowing up the stream to see
if such was not the case. He begged us to do nothing
of the kind, and said that we should alarm the inhabit-
ants of the village, and that he was bound to prevent
us from passing his post. We were very desirous of
seeing more of the river, and of the village which we
saw about a mile higher up; so assuring him that we
meant no harm, and were not going far, we got into
238 WE JEOPARDIZE OUR OWN LIVES,

: . @& .
our boats again and pulled up, sounding as we went.
Hereupon the Tartars got very much excited, and rode
along the bank beside us. On nearing the village they
disappeared behind the houses, and suddenly charged
out again, reinforced to about sixty men, all fully armed,
and shouting wildly “Tah! tah!” or fight! fight!
They dashed into a little earthwork just above the
village, where they dismounted, and we could see the
upper part of their bodies above the parapet as they
levelled their matchlocks at us and puffed away at the
matches.

Being anxious not to force on hostilities, we lay on
our oars for a minute or so, behind some junks lying at
anchor, in order to give the soldiers a little time to cool
down, and then, emerging from our shelter, we pulled
straight for the work, and the mandarin, with a few of
his men, came forth to meet us.

We took the initiative, and abused him in round terms
for his hostile behaviour. He apologised, and earnestly
begged us not to attempt to pass his post, saying that
it was almost as much as his life was worth, if he
should allow us to go up unopposed; that he should
be disgraced and punished if he did so. Hereupon he
stooped, and smote himself in a manner which certainly
indicated that his anticipated punishment would not be
very honourable for a blue-buttoned mandarin, Then
rising, he implored us not to put him to the alternative
of suffering this indignity or injuring us. We were
still aggrieved by his previous behaviour, and asked
why he had not said all this before; that by his want
of candour he had already very nearly created a breach
of the peace, which no one would regret more than our=
selves; that we certainly had not, nor indeed could we
be supposed to have, the slightest desire to injure him
AND A MANDARIN’S DIGNITY. 239

in any way; and that of course our curiosity as to the
water in his river ought not to be for a moment con-
sidered when his safety and honour were in question ;
and that we only regretted that he had not said all this
at first, in order that this little misunderstanding might
have been avoided.

The reconciliation was perfect. He was evidently
immensely relieved at our giving up the point, and
invited us into a neighbouring house to drink tea with
him. Here we had a good deal of complimentary con-
versation, and he presented us each with a fan. He
then sent for his full-dress hat, of which he was very
proud, and which was looked at by the common people
and soldiers with immense awe and reverence. The
number and length of the peacocks’ feathers in it showed
him to be a soldier of some repute.

On coming out of the house, all the soldiers were
unarmed again, as they had been on our first landing.
I asked the mandarin to let me see one of his soldiers
shoot with the bow. He consented, and immediately
despatched a horseman to some cottages nearly a mile
distant. I asked what he went for, and he replied,
“He has to go and fetch a bow, for surely it would be
improper in the extreme to have any warlike weapons
at hand when holding conversation with our best
friends.” Meanwhile the sailors, who were lounging
about, found forty or fifty matchlocks and spears hidden
in the sand close by. When the bow was brought, one
of the men shot with it, but I do not think the arrows
went more than forty yards. The mandarin himself
then took it, and, drawing the string very rapidly, shot
the arrow into the side of a boat lying up on the shore
close by. The point went in about an inch. I do not
know whether it was by design or not, but it struck not
240 NIGHT REVIEW.

more than an inch from the top of the bodt’s side, and
had it gone over, it must inevitably have hit one of the
horses in the neck. It might have been chance, or
perhaps he wished to show his confidence in his shoot-
ing; if so he must have been a proficient, for it was
quite a snap shot.

Taking leave of him, we got into our boats again,
and were pulling down the river, when we ran against
the fluke of a junk’s anchor, which was sticking up just
below the surface. The result was a nasty hole in the
boat’s bottom; and it was only by stuffing a sailor’s
cap into the hole, and pulling hard, that we were .
enabled to reach the shore, when our Tartar friends
came down again, and having brought us a piece of
board, a bit of canvas, some nails, and a lump of fat, we
managed to stop the leak, and get safe on board ship
again. At night there was great firing of guns, both
large and small, and lights were seen moving about,
both on the beach and inland. From on board the
“ Cruiser” we were unable, from the darkness, to make
out the “ Forester,’ which was lying at the river’s
mouth; but somewhere in its direction we saw three
large lights, which appeared to be fixed in a certain
position, and which, according to the night code in the
signal-book, would imply, “Enemy approaching in
force ;’ but nothing came of it. The lights moved
away, and we turned in.

Shortly before daybreak we were awoke by the
officer of the watch, who came to report that a great
number of boats were leaving the river, and pulling
towards us. We could hear their oars working against
the rowlocks, and keeping time to a monotonous chant
which the rowers were singing; but the sounds died
away, and as soon as it was daylight, we saw quite a
THE MANDARIN AGAIN. 241

fleet of junks some distance out at sea. We moved the
“Cruiser” in, to water. So strong is the stream here,
and so far out does it remain fresh, that I believe a
vessel might lie at anchor in four and a half fathoms, and
pump fresh water in over the side, as it tasted to us
quite free from salt at that depth. However, being
really hard up for water, we did not care to risk it, and
sent our boats in over the bar to fill up.

Whilst this was going on, we went on shore again,
and were met by our friend the mandarin, of whom we
asked an explanation of the firing in the night. He
replied, “ My superior officer, whose command is higher
up the river, held a night review of his forces; but I
have at once sent to inform him what esteemed and
valuable friends are in the neighbourhood ; after which,
of course, he would not think of repeating it, as under
such circumstances it would be indecorous to make a
military display.” We thanked him, and pretended to
take the compliment.

He sent us down a cow, some sheep, and vegetables,
for which we promised to pay him; but the aides-de-
camp being present, he refused to accept anything,
though he gave us to understand quietly that he would
be very glad to be paid, if he had achance. He asked
to see our watches, and when he got them in his pos-
session, he handled them just like a watchmaker ;
opened the works, turned them over, stopped them, and
made them go on again, listened to the working of the
wheels, and then described with his fingers the differ-
ence in the escapement of the specimens. We had
guns with us to-day, and asked him if the people would
be alarmed at our shooting birds on the shore, and he
said they would not, so we had some fair sport—curlew
stalking. Next morning we went on shore again, and

R
242 WATCHES VERSUS DOLLARS.

previous to doing so, we clubbed together affd bought a
watch from one of the officers of the ship, which we
proposed to present to the mandarin as a more delicate
form of payment after his forced refusal, than the
medium of dollars. We were fortunate enough to find
him accompanied only by one or two of his own men.
These he sent away, and having taken the watch in his
hand, he opened it, scanned the works, and turned it
over and over, finally returning it into our hands,
shaking his head, and with his forefinger and thumb
making a round figure after the fashion of Chinese
when they by dumb show designate a dollar. Being
really anxious to pay the man, we sent a boat off at
once for the paymaster, desiring him to send thirty
dollars; but before it returned, down came the spies, to
the evident dismay of our friend. In vain did we each
in turn try to engage them in argument, one of the
others having the dollars in his hand ready for pre-
sentation, but these men never would leave him, one or
the other always stuck to him; and though he could see
plainly what was meant, he never could get the chance
of taking the money. At last we were compelled to
leave, and take our dollars with us. I hope the poor
old fellow was not the real loser in the affair, or, if he
was, that he would have a chance by some pardonable
peculation, or squeeze, as it is called, to reimburse him-
self for a loss forced upon him by a government, which,
while it impressed on him the obligations of hospi-
tality, would force it to be of a personal rather than a
national character. A little compass, which hung as a
charm on Bythesea’s watch-chain, and which he gave
him, was the only token of thanks and friendship we
were enabled to leave with him.

This river (like the others we had met with) was
THE RIVER IS UNIMPORTANT. 243

prevented being of any great service, from the bar at
the mouth, over which at high-water spring tides there
is not more than seven feet nine inches of water, and at
low tide only three feet. The village which we visited
is, more properly speaking, a collection of storehouses,
in which the cargoes (mostly of grain) are deposited ;
there are also a few dwelling-houses. It is about a mile
above the river’s mouth; and from its existence here,
one would naturally infer that the navigation of the
river to any great distance above, is either difficult or
impracticable. Once within the bar, there is a channel
which probably has never less than ten feet of water all
the way to the storehouses. About a mile and a half
above this point we saw some junks at anchor off a bend
in the river, and here was a fort, which we were able
to make out when at sea, though not from the river:
here it was that the review was held. One branch of
this river, the Ching-lung-ho, passes, it will be remem-
bered, near the west gate of Yung-ping-foo, and has
there the characteristics of a river running in a plain
near the foot of mountains, being embanked to prevent
the destruction of the surrounding country from sudden
freshes.

The shore below the Laou-moo-kaou is desolate in
the extreme; the same sunburnt mud that I described
before. I one day landed with the intention of walking
inland, as far as to some trees which I saw, and which
appeared about a mile distant. I went on for quite
three miles without seeing the slightest traces of vege-
tation, and then came to a tract where a sort of cactus
grew sparsely, but the trees looked as hopelessly distant
as ever. I could not estimate with any accuracy the
probable distance, but it could not, I imagine, be less

than six or eight miles.
R 2
244 EFFECTS OF MIRAGE.

It is impossible here very often to distinguish, even
at a few yards’ distance, whether the surface in front of
you is water or sand, so wonderful is the deception
from mirage. As you anchor off the shore, you may
be distant five or six miles instead of two, as you think.
You see on the shore what appears to be a castle or fort,
with two or three tiers of guns. On approaching, you
find it is a miserable hut of matting, round which the
poor natives dry their fish. The space in front of you
when you land, might be an inland ocean, but for the
sea-birds wading on it, distorted, till their legs appear
ten feet long. A curious-shaped monster comes forth
from the horizon, something like a spider walking on
long, waving legs: until it gets quite close, you cannot
make it out, but at last you find it is a cart driven
down to take inland the fish which the poor natives
have caught: or, it may be a water-cart, driven from
goodness knows where, to replenish the tanks of a
solitary junk lying up in a creek. The whole district is
more bleak, barren, and in summer more glaring than
anything I could have conceived.

On the 16th August we reached the river Ching-ho,
which runs through this waste. It was blowing very
hard, and there was such a surf breaking over the bar,
that we were unable to venture in: the wind veered
round rapidly from §.E. by S. and W. to N.E. with
the barometer very low ; and it rained nearly all day.
There were several junks situated like ourselves—wait-
ing to go in; we boarded one on the following morning,
and made inquiries as to the channel, &c. We then
watched one or two of them enter, which they did in
capital style, the surf sometimes breaking over their
high sterns as they went: the passage was rather
difficult, as immediately on crossing the bar, a sharp
RIVER “CHING-HO.” 245

turn to the right has to be made. When we
thought we had learned the channel, we made the trial
in the cutter, and got in famously. We found that at
high water there is nine feet over the bar, and at least
as much for some distance up the river, which we
explored for about two miles: there was an old battery
at about that distance, but it appeared to be unarmed :
we saw no Tartars about the place at all.

Next morning we went in again with three boats,
and sailed up about six miles, surveying as we went;
and then had our dinner, within view of a village about
a mile and a half higher up. On rowing up thither we
evidently caused great excitement : there was a hurrying
to and fro of all the people, some of whom waded into
the water, and laid hold of the boat to stop us. In the
thick of the crowd were our friends the aides- -de-camp,
who had followed us down from the Great Wall, and
whom we had left four days before at the “ Laou-moo-
kaou.” The same arguments were used as on that
occasion, and we were begged not to go farther.

The river here had ghoaled to five or six feet; and
the junks were busily engaged in discharging their
cargoes into storehouses similar to those on the Laou-
moo-kaou. The shallowness of the water evidently
prevented a further ascent. We were told that there
is a town called “ Laou-ting-hsien,” about ten miles
from this place, whence good roads lead into the
interior in all directions. There were a great many
junks anchored here, and a great deal of corn was
stored up in stacks in the village. Many vessels were
heavily laden with timber, generally in lengths of about
seven feet, which sorely puzzled us at first, until we
found that they were for making coffins, This country
is evidently bare of timber, and a good thick coffin is a
246 THE SHA-LUL-TIEN BANKS.

tribute of respect to the deceased that a’ Chinaman
would take almost any pains to bestow.

The spies were very sedulous in preventing our
obtaining any information, but were most anxious them-
selves to ascertain from us where we were going next.
I can quite understand this, for they had now followed
us for twenty days, and must have been pretty con-
stantly in the saddle; but they got nothing but evasive
answers from us—that our movements were uncertain,
influenced in some degree by the wind and weather,
and we should be sorry to give them any information
which might mislead them on the way.

The two next days we landed further down, on a strip
of beach; but all inside of us seemed to be a waste of
sand, intersected by channels, as evidenced respectively
by the distorted waders on the one hand, and the rows
of fishing stakes, with here and there a boat at anchor
in the channel, on the other. We found now that we
had arrived at the Sha-lui-tien banks, which extend in
a south-west direction down towards the Pei-ho, and to
within fifteen miles of the mouth of that river. One
of these banks higher than the others is dignified by
the title of island, and on this is built a joss-house
which has a known longitude; and as we knew we
must be close to this spot, we made for it, and closed
this section of the work, which, as I said, agreed with
the position laid down, within half a mile.

Leaving the “ Cruiser” here to rate the chronometers,
we took a trip down to the Peh-tang-ho to see whether
Mr. Ward, the American minister, was still there. On
our way down we fell in with an outward-bound junk,
and boarded her, to get some information. They told
us, in answer to our questions, that we had been rightly
informed as to there having been a fight between the
WE MOVE SOUTHWARD. 247

Chinese and foreigners at the Pei-ho, but they did not
seem to know many particulars of it: they said that if
we wished to trade up the Pei-ho, there would be no
objection made to our doing so; but thatthe action had
been brought on by our attempting to pass the barriers
by force of arms. They estimated the Chinese loss at
two thousand men: and when asked if the foreigners
had lost any ships, they professed ignorance on the
subject. They gave usa correct account of the mouth
of the Peh-tang river, but said it was not navigable for
any distance.

Having contented ourselves with a distant view of
the forts—for we did not wish to make ourselves con-
spicuous—we returned to the other vessels, and on the
following day made sail for some point on the shore
south of the Pei-ho, from whence to make a beginning
of our work in that direction.

A river which would offer facilities for the disem-
barkation first of men, and then of stores, together with
a road by which both might be moved into the interior,
was the object of our search. A river we found
twenty-five miles south of the Pei-ho, and we proposed
to survey the coast betwéen these two points; as the
appearance of the land, flat and desert, did not give us
any prospect of advantage to be gained by attempting
to land farther south.

We were unwilling to attract attention on this part
of the coast, and so near the scene of our former fight,
by firing guns; and as the country appeared quite clear
of inhabitants for a space of three or four miles, between
two poor villages, we went on shore, and with the chain
measured a base line two miles in length ; from either
end of which we took observations of the three vessels,
previously anchored in a proper triangular position,
248 RIVER “CHE-KAOU-HO.”

Whilst engaged in this work we only saw"one man, a
very old and poor one, who, with an arrangement of
matting in the form of a landing-net, was flogging
horizontally a field of long grass, catching the seeds in
the net. We tried to find out what he was doing it for,
but having no interpreter with us at the time, we
could only gather from his signs that he was about to
eat it. We came to the conclusion that his wretched
appearance would justify one in the belief that his
ordinary diet was of no better a kind. During the
course of our walk we put up a brace of hares, and saw
a great number of wading birds. Having finished our
work, a party of Tartars came riding down to the shore
just in time to see us shove off to go on board: they
sat and watched us for some time, and at last rode
slowly away.

This river is very small, not more than one hundred
feet wide; the entrance is difficult to find. There is
a bar at the mouth which must be dry at low water,
and has seven feet over it at high-water neap-tides, and
nine feet at springs. Within the bar, I should think
that up to the village, which is a mile and a half from
the mouth, there is a channel which would never have
less than ten feet of water in it.

This village is raised up on a small eminence of mud
about thirty feet high, apparently collected for the pur-
pose; otherwise, the ground being low and flat, it would
be subject to destruction during high tides and bad
weather. On the north side from the ordinary high-
water level, a bank of softish mud, something like that
of the Pei-ho, extends up about three hundred yards,
after which the soil is a hard, dry baked mud, covered
in places with a coarse scrubby grass, probably oc-
casionally, though rarely, covered by the tide. Over
FLAT COAST. 249

this ground the native carts are driven in all directions
with ease, as evidenced by the number of ruts and the
slight indentations. We were told that seven miles
inland was a regular formed road. Close to the sea-
side was a strip of cultivated ground, in which
bearded wheat was planted, therefore, though this
ground was on a slightly higher level than that behind,
the tide could not very frequently rise much. This
part is also singularly protected by a natural belt of
shells thrown up like a girdle round the shore, raised
above the mud inside, and as much as thirty feet wide
at the top, and it seemed to follow the coast northwards
for a considerable distance.

Northwards to the Pei-ho the coast is all perfectly
flat, and almost level with the sea at high tide. There
are six villages between the Che-kaou and the Pei-ho,
all poor and wretched, and each raised on a little
mound of earth. The coast is sandy and hard, until
you arrive sufficiently near to the Pei-ho to meet with
the mud which is carried down that river, and cast up
on the shore. The tide ebbs over at least two miles of
coast: and at the close of the ebb you cannot find two
fathoms of water within five or six miles of land. The
natives appear to find boats useless on such a coast:
they live by fishing, and hang long nets out on stakes
driven into the sand, which they wade out to visit from
time to time. You see them frequently a couple of
miles out to sea, walking about with the water only up
to the knee. Indeed, boats would be but of little use
to them; and I think that, on examining tolerably
closely twenty-five miles of coast, containing seven vil-
lages, I did not see half a dozen boats.

We were very near losing a midshipman here, and
two boys of the ship’s crew. We were going to sound,
250 A MIDSHIPMAN’S ADVENTURE,

and had sent out, as usual, a boat with the tide-pole to
note the rate and times of ebb and flow. The boat in
this instance was the “ Cruiser’s” dingey. Some time
after it left, we started in one of the gun-boats. During
our work we were induced, from some cause which I
now forget, to go in a direction not originally intended,
and, whilst doing so, our attention was drawn to a
black speck in the water at some distance. We made
for it, and, on arriving close, we found it to be the
dingey, bottom upwards, which had filled and turned
over. “Master,” the midshipman, had the painter tied
round his neck, and was swimming away, whilst the
two boys were in like manner pushing behind. They
were a long distance from any of the vessels, and also
from the shore, which however, would be a worse place
for them even than the sea. Their condition was truly
perilous, for they could do nothing with the boat, and
were too far from other aid, to venture to quit its support.
They tried at first to right it, but it only turned over
and over, ducking and fatiguing them. They had ma-
naged to get rid of their clothes, or they would not
have been able to hold out so long as they had done.
They had been in the water for an hour.

By the 27th August we had got up to within six miles
of the Pei-ho, having failed to see a river of which they
had told us, when at the Che-kaou, called the “ Yen-
ho.” We attempted to go on shore to look for it, but
found that in the lightest boat we had, we could not
approach within three miles, the tide then being low;
but on the following day at high water, we were able to
get within six hundred yards, when we waded to the
beach. We found here the “ Yen-ho.” It proved to
be no river, but merely a low bit of coast, over which,
during very high tides, the sea would flow to the inte-
DUST STORMS. 251

rior, and through which, no doubt, in rainy weather,
the water collected on these plains would find its way
into the sea. Tartars here also arrived, just too late to
catch us on shore.

The Pei-ho forts were gaily decked out with flags,
presenting a very different appearance from their de-
mure and peaceable bearing on the morning of the 25th
June. At night they exhibited a great number of
lights, and threw light-balls from the parapets—pro-
bably to indicate that they were on the alert, and pre-
pared for anything.

A curious feature which we observed in this part of
the country was the frequent occurrence of dust storms.
We often saw clouds arise inland, looking precisely
like smoke from an explosion, and for a long time we
considered them to be signals. It was not until we saw
one near at hand, and felt its disagreeable effects, that
we knew what they were. On the 30th we had a gale
of wind, which probably a cunning man accustomed to
the coast, might have seen foreshadowed by these whirl-
ing clouds of dust.

On the 31st it was fine enough to enable us to enter
the Pei-ho, where we were anxious to see what had
been done, and also were in hopes of ascertaining some-
thing of the fate of the prisoners, about whom we had
heard through the Americans. This we made an excuse
for the visit. em

Entering the river in the “ Forester,” we anchored
about a thousand yards below the forts, and then get-
ting into the gig, we pulled up. We found the river
full of junks, the forts decked out with banners, and
the high bastions occupied by men who bustled about.
Everything seemed to be in good order, and all damages
repaired. It appeared to us that the iron stakes had
252 VISIT TO THE PEI-HO.

been moved to a position higher up the river than that
which they occupied at the time of the fight; for
whereas then, they were below the lower bastion, we
were now able to pass nearly up to the centre one with-
out passing through any ; and in front of us we saw a
line of them, the space which was left clear for the
passage of junks, being marked out by two flags.

As we went up, we caused great excitement amongst
the junks, and a boat was sent from the shore (an Eng-
lish one, supposed to be the “ Highflier’s ” cutter, which
had been lost in the action), in which was seated
an official, who rowed about among them, giving
orders; after which most of them began to get under
weigh. Another boat was sent off to stop us, and
inquire what we wanted; and, in answer to our ques-
tions about prisoners, the man in command said that
the only one whom they had taken, had been given up
to the Americans. He then asked us when we intended
leaving the coasts; for, from our protracted stay, and
continual movement from point to point, we had caused
them to eat misery during the whole time. I think
that the amount of misery consumed by the aides-de-
camp and their party must truly have been consider-
able, and enjoyed for a long time.

On the lst September we moved up to the mouth of
the Peh-tang-ho, from which we could plainly see the
high cavaliers of the Pei-ho forts, though those of the
Peh-tang, being lower, are not visible from the Pei-ho.
Whilst boats were sent out to sound, and hunt for the
bar, we visited the shore to the northward; and a
miserable country we found it—indeed, hardly deserv-
ing the name of country. We remained about here for
six days.

On the 3rd September, whilst Bythesea was engaged
THE RIVER “ PEH-TANG-HO.” 253

in examining the passage over the Peh-tang-ho bar, I
went in a boat with Adkins to try and visit a village to
the northward, under the pretext of cutting grass for
our sheep. We grounded about two hundred yards from
the beach, and, having taken off our shoes and stock-
ings, and tucked up our trousers, we proceeded to wade
on shore—a party of four unarmed men. Suddenly
down came twenty-five Tartars, armed with spears,
matchlocks, and bows, and drew up in line in front of
us. They called out to us to stop, and return to our
boat. We made answer that we were only coming on
shore to cut grass for our sheep; but they did not care.
If we might not land there, said we, where could we
land to effect our purpose? They replied that they did
not know, and did not care; but what they were deter-
mined about was, that if we came any nearer to the
shore they would fire on us; and, saying this, they set
to work puffing at their matches, and fitting the notches
of their arrows on their bow-strings. We ventured one
more expostulation as to their causeless rudeness and
hostility, and begged them to take a message from us
to the head man of the place, requesting him to send us
off grass to the ship, which we were willing to pay for
well. We then re-embarked in our boat, and hoisted
our sail, leaving our surly opponents watching us on
the beach.

At the river’s mouth was Bythesea, employed in exa-
mining the entrance. With a fair wind we soon reached
him, and in the two boats, pulled straight up the river,
and past the forts, sketching the works, and taking our
bearings and soundings as we went. We did all this
so quickly, that we accomplished all we wanted without
being interrupted; but it was not long before about a
hundred Tartars came riding down on either side of the
254 DESOLATE COUNTRY.

river, who very likely would have had a shot at us had
we attempted to go higher; for they seemed more in
earnest even than our friends at the “ Laou-moo-kaou,”
and had probably already had their taste of blood in the
action at the Pei-ho, two months before. As we moved.
down the river, the officers mounted on one of the cava-
liers of the battery and watched us out; but we were not
followed.

In the next few days we explored northwards, until
we found ourselves in the mazes of the Sha-lui-tien
banks, where boats, fishing-stakes, and birds were all
seen in confusion; birds high and dry where you ex-
pected to see deep water, boats where the banks might
be, and fishing-stakes all around. We visited three
poor places on the coast, “‘ Hae-ye-tze,” “ Cheang-ho,”
and “Shang-tung.” Off the former, the tide ebbing,
leaves uncovered a mile and a half of shore, and, of
course, can only be approached quite at high water.
At Cheang-ho is a small river or creek, with an en-
trance rather difficult to find. This being more ap-
proachable, is furnished with a couple of mounds,
intended for batteries, but unarmed. We saw some
junks at anchor, loaded principally with coffin-timber,
for which I should think that, in proportion to the popu-
lation, the demand would be great. Itis hard to conceive
anything more wretched than the country at the back
of these villages, and their inhabitants. There is a
desert of baked mud, made glaring by patches of sand
and incrustation of salt, here and there dotted over
with dwarfed shrubs, which by contrast look like a
black eruption. The men were half naked, and more
than half black, every other creature blear-eyed and
scorbutic, living only on rice and dried fish, and com-
pelled, as we were assured, to send twelve miles for
STRANGE APPLICATION OF JELLY-FISH. 255

drinking water. A great privation must be that want
of water in an atmosphere such as this, a hot wind
blowing over a parched and sunburnt plain, raising at
each gust clouds of fine powdery dust, which chokes up
all the pores in any exposed part of your body, and
even finds its way under your clothing. I speak from
experience, for at Shang-tung I was caught in one of
these storms, such as we saw daily in numbers; but
one is quite enough to fill me with compassion for those
who are forced to live among them. But this is only
one side of the picture—the other is still worse. Ima-
gine the sea bound up by frost, the precarious subsis-
tence of the fishermen for a time at an end, and the
bleak northern winds blowing over these snow-clad
plains, with the thermometer probably not much above
zero. Of all nations or people in the world, I can ima-
gine none worse off than the inhabitants of these
coasts.

One day after wading laboriously to one of these
villages for a distance of more than halfa mile, with
mud over our ankles, which, however, overlaid a hard
bottom, we were struck by observing a string of
fishermen returning from their stranded boats with
comparative ease. Joining their party, we found that
the foremost pair were towing over the bottom, still
covered with a foot or so of water, a great jelly-fish :
this displaced the mud, and left the hard bottom ex-
posed, to the great advantage of the other waders.
We were not slow to adopt the same track.

We bought a quantity of fish from these men, which
we placed in a bucket of water in our boat; but whilst
sailing towards the ship, past a flock of gulls, who had
been interested spectators of the fishing, we were sur-
prised to see two of them dash down into the bucket,
256 THE SURVEY COMPLETED.

and each carry off as a trophy one of otr late pur-
chases.

Our survey was now brought to a conclusion, and
it remained only to lay it all down definitively on paper,
from the longitudes worked out after the final rating
of the chronometers on our return to Shanghae—when
the errors could be properly adjusted over the whole
period. On our return we visited both Teng-choo-foo
and Che-foo, finding a marked difference in the con-
duct of the people at the former place: they were now
as civil as we could wish, and allowed us to walk where
we pleased. We found grapes in great profusion, both
good andcheap. At “Che-foo” we bought some sugar
and four, of which we had exhausted our stock, and
on the 14th September we reached Shanghae, looking
back with great pleasure on the cruise. Still it was
in a certain way a relief to be once more in a well-
known place, and not to feel the necessity of continual
observing, noting, triangulating, sounding, &c., which
had been our condition for the last six or eight weeks ;
for when we were on the move, the lead and the com-
pass were never at rest. The extent of coast we had
actually surveyed was about a hundred and fifty miles,
and considering how little was known of it before, we
felt that it could not fail to be of use: and it was also
satisfactory to find how correctly it worked out, not-
withstanding the rather peculiar circumstances under
which it had been done; involving a mode of opera-
tions such as one would not choose to adopt in civilized
countries and peaceable times.
CHAPTER XVII.

Return to Canton—Granary—The happy bats—We hear of what was said
at home about the Pei-ho disaster—Fire in the Commissioners’ yamun.

On our return to Canton we found things not much
changed since our departure: troops were expected to
arrive from India, and additional buildings in the city
were taken over, to be fitted up as quarters. One
given over to us for this purpose was a large govern-
ment granary, in which it was the practice to store
rice against times of scarcity, when it would be sold at
low rates, to prevent the holders of grain forming a
combination to keep up famine prices. At this time it
was not very full, and the governor had it cleared out
for us. It was peculiarly suitable for barrack uses,
from each room having a boarded floor, which was a
rare luxury. It made a very good little quarter for
about two hundred men.

In many of the buildings which were appropriated
at different times, we found in the unused upper floors
enormous numbers of bats, which clung to the interior
of the roof. They were more especially numerous in
the Tartar general’s yamun, and in the treasury. In
the latter place the roof was literally covered with
them. It was hardly possible to toss up a stone without
bringing down a bat; many of them measured from
twenty to twenty-four inches across the wings. I
believe the Chinese have a respect or superstitious

8
258 THE HAPPY BATS.

veneration for the bat. It is for some “Yeason con-
sidered emblematical of happiness. Those unfortunate
beasts which we ousted from their resting-places in the
half-ruined yamuns, were still designated by the Can-
tonese as “the happy bats.” They are frequently
seen painted on the outer gates of mandarins’ houses ;
and in the patterns on china and enamel it is a figure
often met with. The tortoise is also another sacred
creature. It is supposed to be symbolical of a happy
old age, from its own longevity. It has also a more
particular sanctity from a legend according to which the
use of hieroglyphics is said to have originated from it—
a mythological Chinese character having taken the idea
of such a mode of expressing ideas, from a contempla-
tion of the marks on the animal’s shell.

On bringing my servant Aman back to his own part
of the country, I was not surprised at his asking for
leave to visit his friends, but I did not understand his
asking, as he did, for a large advance of pay, a most
unusual thing for him to do. On my demanding an
explanation, he said that the people of his village had
a war with those of a neighbouring place, and that he
was desirous of joining his friends, to take part in a
critical fight about to come off; but that he wished to
take with him supplies from Hong Kong, in the shape
of arms and ammunition.

Being a neutral, I felt myself unqualified, as I was
unwilling, to deal thus in contraband of war ; so, though
I freely gave him leave to go home and help his
countrymen, I took no further part in the affair. He
returned, however, at the end of a week, saying that
his people had gained a decisive victory. I can, I fear,
lay no claim to having brought about the successful
result.
A FIRE IN CANTON. 259

f

On the 9th of November we received the mail,
for which we had long and anxiously looked, contain-
ing the account of the reception in England of the
news of what seemed to be, by common consent, styled
the Pei-ho disaster.

We naturally were very sensitive on the subject, and,
I think, felt relieved; for the view taken of the affair
was as favourable as we could expect, and no doubt
the feeling of disappointment in England must have
been very great.

I would say to all critics, Be not hasty to judge and
condemn. It is hardly possible to get at all the facts
of a victory or defeat quickly. How differently are
events read at first, and some time later when more ex-
tensive acquaintance with facts has given better oppor-
tunities of forming a correct judgment! The phrase in
every soldier’s mouth, “ What will they say in Eng-
land ?” may be a proud one, stimulating all to a noble
emulation, and determination to win the approbation
of the great, or the dear ones at home; but it may
also be a millstone round the neck of the responsible,
who, acting for the best, and with the noblest inten-
tions, may, by some slight error, or even without an
error, by some misunderstanding, be condemned at
home, half judged and unheard.

We were unfortunate enough to lose in December
one of our best quarters by fire. It was a large build-
ing in the Commissioners’ yamun. The wood-work
being all very old, and the interior fitted up with
matting, it was speedily destroyed, and the sick men
who were quartered in the upper floor, were with diffi-
culty saved. The damage was, however, almost entirely
confined to this one building. —
CHAPTER XVIII.

The system of kidnapping coolies, practised round Canton; and the measures
taken to prevent it, and procure the release of the captives.

AN episode, interesting in the history of our relations
with China, occurred about this time. The great want
of labour in distant parts of the world, more especially
in the West Indies, induced our Government to attempt
in China a scheme of emigration similar to that which
was already being carried on in India. It was against
the laws of China for her sons to quit their country,
to leave, perhaps, the ground untilled ; for even the great
population, and the consideration of the thickly-crowded
towns and villages, had not persuaded the Govern-
ment that there were men enough at home and yet to
spare. However, Pih-kwei, the governor-general of the
Kwang-tung province, had been prevailed upon to per-
mit emigration houses to be established in Canton, on
well-digested rules ; where emigrants might collect, and
have all the terms of their agreements explained to
them, before being shipped off in a regular way. One
house was established by Mr. Austin, the Government
emigration agent, and opened on the 10th November,
and was under the express supervision of the Commis-
sioners, who acted in the matter under the Allied Com-
manders. It was patronised by Laou himself, who
succeeded to the government on Pih-kwei’s death, as
shown by the following proclamation on the subject :—
KIDNAPPING, 261

Proclamation.
(Translation.)

Laou, decorated with a button of the first rank, Acting
Governor-General of the Two Kwang Provinces, Titular Vice-
President of the Board of War, Governor of the Province of
Kwang-twung, &c., &c., &c., proclaims the following injunctions
for the guidance of the people.

Within and without the city of Canton there is a certain class
of lawless miscreants who inveigle away, and even kidnap,
peaceable people, and secretly sell them for foreign exportation.
They are known by the name of the “pig-sellers,” and their
cruel and unnatural disposition is deserving of the deepest
abhorrence. The records show that they have already been
laid under severe interdicts by my predecessor in the govern-
ment of this province, and that the local authorities are
directed to arrest and punish them.

But among the Chinese population some are to be found who,
being poor and without the means of obtaining a livelihood
themselves, desire to go abroad to seek the means of subsistence.
In the case of such people, their emigration is voluntary, and
wholly different from that which is conducted by the kid-
napper who sells his fellow-man. In order that this villany
may be stopped, and the difference between it and the former
made patent to the world, such means of investigation and of in-
spection should be provided as will plainly denote a distinction.

It has been formally intimated to the governor by the Allied
Commissioners that the British government have sent an
authorised agent to these provinces to establish an emigration
house for the reception of emigrants for the British West Indies.
To this end, it is proposed that those Chinese who wish to
obtain employment in the said colonies, should go to the
emigration house, and there negotiate for themselves all the
conditions of service, as well as their exact destination ; and that
these conditions, when accepted by both parties, should be
recorded in a formal contract, and a joint inquiry be held by
the foreign agent and the Chinese officer specially deputed for
the purpose, in order that the circumstances of each case may
be clearly ascertained, and thus all the abuses attendant on
262 PROCLAMATION BY LAOU.

kidnapping may be eradicated. The governor is flso requested
by the commissioners to issue a proclamation on the subject.

The governor has accordingly directed the financial and
judicial commissioners of the province to communicate the
establishment of these arrangements to all their respective
subordinate authorities, and require them to make the same
everywhere known by proclamation, and the said commissioners
will also see that the co-operation of the Chinese officers (with
the foreign emigration agents) is duly provided for. And, in
addition to the above, he also himself proclaims these measures
to the poor classes in all places for their information. Let it be
known by you all that those who desire of their own will to go
abroad and seek employment in foreign lands, should proceed
themselves to the emigration house and there make a clear
report, when the Chinese officer and the emigration agent will
carefully examine the applicants, and thus ascertain whether
they are indeed voluntary emigrants, and not victims to the
crafty designs of the kidnappers. This having been clearly
proved, they may then negotiate together the terms of service
and their future destination, and record these in a formal
contract.

The necessities of the poor people being thus well consulted
in these measures, while at the same time the suppression of
kidnappers is equally kept in view, the former should now no
longer pay any heed to the arguments of the latter, nor allow
themselves to be persuaded into taking service in an underhand
manner without going to the emigration house, or engaging
themselves in the manner herein directed. For should they
still allow themselves to be misled, they will find, when it is too
late, that they have been betrayed, kidnapped, and sold. And
as to the kidnappers, they indeed, of all men, should now
relinquish their former evil courses, for if they persist in
committing such wickedness, they shall, whenever discovered,
be punished with the utmost severity of the law, and not the
least clemency shall be shown them.

Let none dare to oppose the injunctions of this special pro-
clamation. :

Hein-fung, 9th year, 10th month, 3rd day (October 28, 1859).
KIDNAPPING. 263

It will be seen that the governor was induced to take
this course, mainly with a view to putting a stop to the
dreadful atrocities committed by Chinese ruffians, who
did not scruple to kidnap their countrymen, and sell
them to agents, who sent them on board foreign vessels
pretending that they were willing emigrants. This
practice, which had been carried on at more than one
port, but principally at Swatow and Whampoa, as
well as at Macao, (where the coolies, temporarily con-
fined on board receiving-ships at Whampoa, were
usually sent for embarkation,) had for some time been a
subject of anxious consideration. However, it was at
last thoroughly exposed at Canton. I took a great
interest in this question from having been one of the
Allied Commissioners during the time that the in-
vestigation took place; and I feel I cannot be mis-
taken in thinking that an account of.the whole affair
in connection with legitimate emigration would be of
general interest. In order to make it as authentic as
possible, I have preferred inserting (where necessary)
the original documents, and literal translations, of
Chinese papers, to relating the story entirely in my
own words.

On 6th April, 1860, the following petition had been
presented to the British Consul at Canton, by the
Chinese traders of that city :—

Petition.
(Translation.)

Tue duly prepared petition of the Chinese mercantile com-
munity at Canton, engaged in business under the following
denominations :—

Dealers in foreign goods, cotton hongs, cotton yarn hongs,
dealers in cotton fabrics, gold shops, silver shops, rice stores,
264 PETITION OF CHINESE.

black tea company, green tea company, Tsing-yuen tea hongs,
Kung-e tea hongs, King-e tea hongs, Hee-jin tea hongs, satin
ribbon hongs, raw silk hongs, sandal-wood hongs, silk piece-
goods hongs, “ birds’ nest” shops, dealers in fish maw, &c.,
dyers, lead and tin shops, iron ware hongs, ratan dealers, paper
hongs, fur shops, wood hongs, new clothes shops, compradores,
old cloth shops, tea box makers, matting shops, linguist guilds.

Our object in presenting :this petition is to entreat that you
will communicate (with the other consuls), in order that the
system of kidnapping, which is being carried on by craft and
violence to the great injury of the good and virtuous, may be
examined into and repressed; that the people’s existence may
thereby be secured and a great evil done away with.

Our province of Kwang-tung has for more than two hundred
years had commercial intercourse with your country; both
parties have observed good faith, mutual confidence has sub-
sisted, and each and all have enjoyed the advantages accruing.
Unexpectedly the Portuguese have recently built several barra-
coons at Macao, and in conjunction with Chinese merchants,
whom they protect and screen, they have hired not only
steamers and lorchas, in connection with which they make use
of your country’s name, but also all kinds of river-boats, large
and small, all having Portuguese on board, and which anchor
at Whampoa, and various other places in all parts of the Canton
waters, where numerous stratagems and devices are employed in
order to deceive and delude the children of virtuous families,
and also the inexperienced country louts. These having been
once kidnapped or seized by violence, or, as it is called, “ the
pigs having been bought,” are taken to the large sea-going
vessels, where they are bound and confined in the dark hold,
and then carried to the “pig guild” at Macao. At the time of
examination and numbering, such of the people kidnapped as
submit escape ill-usage, while those who refuse to yield are
most cruelly treated, perhaps even shot dead; and on witness-
ing such barbarous atrocities, their only resource is to submit
under compulsion: for ah! who is there that dreads not death?
They are then taken across the sea and sold as slaves, where
they suffer such hardships that not one out of ten thousand
MERCANTILE COMMUNITY. 265

lives, while at home their parents, wives, and children, hoping
to be nourished and supported by them, and having no one else
to depend on, lament and mourn both morning and evening, not
seeing them return. Cases even occur in which they have
carried off and sold the sole existing representative of many
preceding generations, the support of a mother preserving a
chaste and virtuous widowhood, on whom rested hopes that he
would continue the race and transmit a line of descendants, who
might continue to offer up incense before the ancestral shrine.
The succession thus irremediably cut off, (the mother) borne
down by grief puts an end to her existence. Families are
scattered and individuals perish. Alas! the kidnapping of an
individual entails the extinction of a family, and as the evil has
now been some years in existence, the people carried off must
number sixty thousand or seventy thousand, so that the number
of families ruined may be said to be sixty thousand or seventy
thousand. At this point of the statement whose heart is there
that is not grieved?

Possibly the Portuguese consul does not take notice or insti-
tute examinations, because he is not fully acquainted with the
evil. But the British consul being right-minded and honest,
and cherishing in his bosom benevolence and rectitude, will not,
we imagine, sit quiet, and look on doing nothing when informed
of such atrocities. Every day by which haste jis made to deal
with the matter will be the saving of some hundreds, whilst the
consequence of a ten days’ delay will be the destruction of
thousands. We therefore make a clear statement of the case,
and humbly request that you, the honourable consul, will
communicate with the other foreign consuls, in order that, with
a reverential respect towards high heaven’s love of animate
creation, stringent measures may be adopted and the matter
examined into and dealt with. If the good people that have
been carried away can be brought back again, and this great evil
done away with, our gratitude will be unbounded. We accord-
ingly repair to you, the British consul, and hope that you will
grant our request.

Petition presented, Hein-fung, 9th year, 3rd moon, 3rd day
(6th April, 1859).
266 PROCLAMATION

Here follow ihe names of some men knéwn to have
been kidnapped.

Names of some people that have been kidnapped :—

Lo-Akang, native of Shuntih, aged 18, lost in Feb. or March.
Leang A-tsuen, ,, Nan-hai, ,, 19, ,, 27th March.
Leang A-yung, ,, Nan-hai, ,, 18, ,, in January.
Fung A-teaou, ,,  Ho-shan, ,, 24, ,, 2nd April.

Loo A-hung, »  Sin-hwuy, , 17, ,, 8th March.
Chin A-kwang, ,, Sin-hwuy, ,, 18, ,, in February.
Ho A-chaou, »  Nan-hai, ,, 40, ,, in February.
Chung A-tsih, ,, Kaou-yaou, ,, 48, ,, in February.
Kwan A-fut, »  Pwan-yu, , 27, ,, 12th March.
Chin Yu-moo, ,, Shun-tih, ,, 20, ,, 29th February.
Leang A-wei, »  Ho-shan, ,, 19, ,, 15th February.

The sad state of affairs as shown by the numerous
petitions which were continually pouring in, and of
which the above is only a specimen, moved the Allied
Commanders to act in the matter as far as they were
able. They issued the following proclamation :—

Proclamation.
(Translation.)

By Straubenzee, Major-General Commanding Her Britannic
Majesty’s Troops in China; D’Aboville, Commandant-Supé-
rieur of the French Forces at Canton ; and M‘Cleverty, Senior
British Naval Officer at Canton; for the purpose of strictly
interdicting kidnapping, that order may be preserved, and the
peaceable inhabitants protected.

THERE being in various parts of the world a want of agri-
cultural labour, while China, on the other hand, finds it difficult
to support a superabundant population, foreigners have, for some
time past, hired labourers in the latter country; and the terms
under which they are thus engaged to serve abroad, the rate of
remuneration and period of service, &c., are drawn up and
recorded in formal contracts, while advances are occasionally
BY ALLIED COMMANDERS. 267

made to the families who remain behind. The free consent of
both parties must be obtained to these contracts, and in no case
may any person be taken away against his will.

It now appears, however, that a number of Chinese have
lately been going about the city and suburbs of Canton, deceiv-
ing the people by pretending to offer them foreign employment
on highly advantageous terms, and, having enticed those who
listened to them to some secluded place, or on board of some
boat or vessel, they then deprive them of their liberty, and
carry them away. Sacrificing all other feelings to their own
cupidity, these lawless men have in this way caused families to
be torn asunder, and have at the same time defeated the wishes
of those foreigners who seek to obtain labour on just and equi-
table terms.

Under these circumstances, the allied commanders think it
right to proclaim to the people of Canton that they not only
hold these iniquitous proceedings in deepest abhorrence, but are
also determined to do all in their power to suppress them.
They would, therefore, warn the people to observe, in future,
the strictest caution whenever applied to by Chinese, in the
name of foreigners, to engage themselves for foreign service.
No Chinese should think of entering into an engagement of this
nature, if it be one of his own countrymen who makes the offer,
until he has first satisfied himself of the character of the said
agent, and whether he is guaranteed by people of respectable
position. If willing, after taking these precautions, to accept
employment, the emigrant should then see that he makes a
contract with the foreigner himself, in which all the conditions
as to rate of pay, period of service, &c., should be formally
entered, and clearly understood. Be careful, therefore, to adopt
this course, instead of heedlessly listening to the stories of these
designing men, and allowing yourselves to be led away by their
misrepresentations, probably even without taking proper pre-
cautions against a danger which may result in your being kid-
napped and sold into slavery.

The Allied Commanders also. inform the people that the
allied police have received strict orders to render assistance to
any person whom they may see carried off by force, or who,
268 PROCLAMATION

when in company with kidnappers, may suddenly become alive
to his danger. Those, therefore, who find themselves thus
situated, or those who, under some pretext or other, may be
openly seized by kidnappers, should boldly call out for aid, and,
if within ear of the allied police, they may rely upon assistance
being promptly rendered them. Or, if any injured parties can
supply information that may lead to the discovery of the kid:
nappers, or can themselves seize these and bring them before
the Allied Commanders, the latter will do all in their power to
examine into their wrongs, and to see that the penalties of the
law are duly inflicted. The Allied Commanders at the same
time, however, warn the people that their power to aid those
who are kidnapped is greatly lessened when once they have
been taken afloat, as not only the numerous native craft, but
also the vessels of foreign countries, are not under the control of
the allies; and in respect, therefore, to all offences committed
by such vessels, the appeal should be made to the authorities of
the nation to which they belong.

Let all give heed to these injunctions.

A special Proclamation.

Dated April 7, 1859.

The native authorities also issued their proclamations
as follows :—

Proclamation.
(Translation.)

By Pih-kwei, Governor of the Province of Kwang-tung, &c.; to
ordain stringent measures for the apprehension of kidnappers,
in order that a grave calamity be removed from among the
people.

WHEREVER, in the province of Kwang-tung, mercantile
classes are found mingled with the people, a densely-crowded
population is the result. Among them may be found those who
are compelled by want to search for a living wherever they can
obtain it; while others, in order to drive a trade, quit, for a
time, their homes, and cross the seas, or, accepting the employ-
ment offered by foreigners, obtain, by going abroad, a profitable
BY PIH-KWEI. 269

remuneration for their labour. Permission to their doing so
should not, it is clear, be withheld in any of these cases, pro-
vided the parties themselves really consent to the arrange-
ments; but the governor has now been informed that, of late, a
number of villains are going about, in threes and fives, laying
all sorts of plans for kidnapping the people, taking alike the
young and strong without distinction. Under pretence of pro-
viding them with employment, they put the men whom they
thus carry off on board ship, and sell them to other parties, who
take them away to foreign lands. The traffic is known by the
name of “the sale of pigs.” Any length of time may elapse
without their returning to their homes; they cannot see their
parents, and they are separated from their wives, their children,
and their other relations. How deeply distressing is their case!

The villains, on the other hand, who inflict this misery, being
intent only on enriching themselves by means of their fraud,
and blinded thereby, not only to all fear of the law, but to all
sense of right, are affected by no regard for human life. Their
designs, whether in point of danger or in degree of wickedness,
are worse far than those of the robber or the bandit, and one
recoils with horror from the contemplation of their evil doings.
If stringent measures be not taken for their punishment and
suppression, how are the laws to be upheld, and the peaceable
people protected ? ‘

The governor has therefore directed all the civil and military
authorities to require their soldiers and police to institute strict
and secret search, with a view to the arrest of these offenders.
But, in addition to this step, he judges it necessary to make
known, by public proclamation, the following injunctions to all
classes of the people in the provincial capital (or the pro-
vince) :—

Is not commiseration for the woes of others a universal feel-
ing? Who is there among us who has not a brother, a child,
or other near relation? These villains are like beasts, or beasts
of prey—any one seizing them would wish to kill them. All of
you, with united heart and hand, should search for them in
every quarter, and, whether you meet with them lurking in
their hiding-places, or openly engaged in practising their
270 PROCLAMATION BY PIH-KWEI.

violence or fraud, join together at once in arresting and bring-
ing them in custody to the yamuns, where the extreme penalty
of the law shall at once be inflicted on them, Tor the con-
viction of every kidnapper thus arrested, a reward of forty
dollars shall be paid; or for information that shall lead to the
seizure of any one of them ten dollars shall be awarded. This
money lies now in the Treasury, ready to be bestowed upon any
one who can claim it, and the promises thus made shall be
faithfully kept. The object of the governor in taking this
measure is to remove evil from the people. Look not, there-
fore, upon these injunctions as a form merely. All those houses
which afford concealment to kidnappers shall, in accordance
with the laws, be pulled down, and the owners of them shall be
dealt with according to the statute for the concealment of great
offenders. There are still within the city many houses remain-
ing empty; the owners of these shall put them in charge of
people upon whom they can place dependence, instead of care-
lessly engaging for this purpose persons whom they do not
know, as by that means they may find they have hired some of
these bad characters, and thus become involved in the conse-
quences of these evil acts.

A special Proclamation.

Dated Hien-fung, 9th year, 3rd month, 7th day (9th April, 1859).

Observe the paternal government peeping out
throughout the Chinese proclamations, and the poetical
vein, quaint and simple, yet always prettily turned,
which runs through most of their compositions—

Proclamation.

(Translation. )

Choo, Acting Chief Magistrate of the District of Nan-hai, &c.,
and Hwang, Chief Magistrate of the District of Pwanyu, &c.,
proclaim the following orders and stringent prohibitions, in
order that a proper value may be set upon the lives of the
people, and the dignity of the laws be upheld.

It has been brought to our knowledge that the city and
suburbs are now infested by a class of vagabonds, who, neglect-
MAGISTERIAL PROCLAMATION. 271

ing honest avocations, and seeking only to benefit themselves
by injuring their fellow-men, falsely represent to the poor and
to the young that foreigners wish to engage their services at a
high rate of remuneration, and, under this pretence, they in-
veigle them away to Macao and other places, where they are
sold to other parties, put on board ship, and sent to foreign
countries. The common name given to the traffic is that of
“the sale of pigs.” The people who are thus kidnapped are
torn away from their own flesh and blood, and are for ever cut
off from their native homes. Cruelty and wickedness such as
this cannot be exceeded.

Constituted, as we are by our office, the guardians of the
people, we, the magistrates, are most deeply pained at hearing
of these proceedings, and the steps we have taken for detecting
and punishing the offenders are already on record. Now, how-
ever, we hear further that those engaged in this trade of kid-
napping establish themselves either in houses on shore, or in
lorchas, and in all sorts of native boats on the river. Such
practices should be held up to general execration. Therefore,
besides calling upon the military authorities and the police to
institute both stringent and secret search, to close up such
premises whenever found, and to proceed against the offenders ;
and besides, also, making such arrangements and regulations as
the subject of emigration requires, showing what is allowed and
what is prohibited, we furthermore proclaim to all classes of the
people the following directions for their information and
guidance :—

Tf, after the date of this Proclamation, foreigners continue to
hire the people or engage labourers for service in foreign coun-
tries, let all those who are disposed to go be careful to ascertain
whether the offers made them are bond fide, and that they are
not exposing themselves to the kidnappers’ designs; let them
arrive at a distinct understanding as to the rate of remunera-
tion, the period for which they are to be engaged, the place to
which they are to proceed, and whether they will be able, when
absent, to communicate with or remit money to their families or
friends; and let a special contract, containing all these con-
ditions, be then drawn up, which can be recorded in proof of the
272 PIH-KWEI LEGALIZES IMMIGRATION.

agreement. When both parties have given théfr consent to
these conditions, there is then no objection to your going with
the foreigner; but let all of you be warned against heedlessly
listening to the specious stories told by these villains, for he
who neglects this caution may fall inte their snare, and find
himself, without hope of redemption, a slave in a foreign land,
where regrets or repentance will prove wholly unavailing.

Let all the kidnappers also see that they work among them-
selves a thorough reformation, and abandon their previous evil
courses. If, however, they still lean to crime, and do not amend
their ways, let them know that, the moment they are discovered,
or information is laid against them, they shall certainly be
seized and carried before our tribunals, when the penalties of
the law shall be summarily and severely carried out. However
disposed we may be to show mercy to offenders, as magistrates
we shall, in all such cases, give prompt effect to the laws. Let
all, therefore, respect and obey, and disregard not the injunctions
of this special Proclamation.

Dated Hien-fung, 9th year, 3rd month, 4th day (6th April,
1859).

It will be observed, as an important fact, that Pih-
kwei in the prelude to his proclamation, expressly tells
the people who may be desirous to emigrate, that
they have full leave to do so; thus virtually legalizing
Chinese emigration in the territory over which he held
jurisdiction. He, with an enlargement of ideas beyond
that of many of his countrymen, is induced knowingly
to sanction a violation of Chinese law and custom, in
consideration of the extreme exigency of the case.
In Laou, who had succeeded to the governorship on his
death, we met with equal liberality of feeling.

In order to understand the narrative fully, it must be
borne in mind that Whampoa, or “ Chang-chow,” as it
is called by the natives, is the port of Canton; it is
situated about seven miles below the city; and here all
A DESCENT UPON THE KIDNAPPERS. 273

the trading-vessels lie, and take in their cargoes from
native boats sent down the river. There is a bar above
Whampoa which impedes a further ascent for large
vessels, except under very favourable circumstances of
tide. The anchorage also is much more roomy and
commodious there than it would be found off Canton ;
therefore, ships used to lie there and take in their
wretched freight, supplied from the native boats in
which the captives were secreted.

On the lst November, Laou sent down an armed
force to make a sudden descent on the native boats at
Whampoa : this was so well managed that they captured
thirty-six suspected kidnappers, together with forty-one
of their victims. An examination ensued which
resulted in the conviction of twenty-nine of the
offenders, of whom eighteen were executed. The vic-
tims, of course, had either not yet been presented to
the foreigners, or had been returned as unsound or
unwilling, and, of course, only represented a fraction of
those unlawfully detained. Laou, in his perplexity,
wrote to the Commissioners as follows :—

Governor-General Laow to the Allied Commissioners.
(Translation.)

Ir having appeared that in China there is a class- of mis-
creants who kidnap innocent people, and clandestinely sell them
for export under the name of “selling pigs,” to the undoubted
detriment of the country, I deputed an officer secretly and
assiduously to search for and seize (such characters). He has
now in the Chang-chow country (the Whampoa anchorage)
apprehended a number of kidnappers, and brought out thence
many persons who had been kidnapped.

These people state in their depositions that they had been
already sent on board foreign ships, and sent back again, on
account of age or disease; also that there now are several per-

.
274 LAOU TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

sons detained (on board); and I now enclose copfof the state-
ments made by forty-one kidnapped persons who have been
examined, that you, the honourable Commissioners, may be
fully informed of the infamy of kidnapping.

As far as I have hitherto known of foreigners, the majority of
them are skilled in business, and discern what is right, and I do
not think that they would intentionally engage in this kidnap-
ping business: it is evidently native miscreants who carry on
this most detestable part between both parties (¢.e., between
Chinese and foreigners).

In the midst of the constant intercourse which I have lately
had with you for the purpose of framing regulations upon a
secure basis, and setting on foot a measure calculated to further
this business, 1 am apprehensive that other countries may not
be fully informed upon the subject. Besides, therefore, com-
municating the arrangements to the consuls of different nations,
it is incumbent on me, knowing, as I do, from experience, how
admirably the honourable Commissioners manage matters, and
their clear and comprehensive discernment, to request that you
will submit the whole case for the consideration of the allied
Commanders-in-Chief, that they may judge as to the practica-
bility of making it generally known to all nations, that whenever
their respective subjects come to China to hire labourers, they
must decide upon a set of fixed regulations with the local autho-
rities for carrying out the business under a system of close and
strict surveillance; and if unwilling to act under regulations,
they will then be prohibited to hire Chinese to go abroad, and
thus the abuses which kidnapping gives rise to would be prevented.

Chin-sze deposes that two persons named Lae-a-she and
Yeh-a-fuh, and Tsang-e states that four others, are all detained
on board a foreign ship. If you can discover for me in what
ship they may be, and, provided she has not sailed, procure
their release, I shall consider that you, the honourable Com-
missioners, must have managed the matter with proper secrecy
and despatch.

I therefore send you this communication, availing myself, &c.

A necessary communication.

(Dated November 8, 1859.)
PROCLAMATION BY LAOU. 275

He then seeks to improve the occasion by the follow-
ing proclamation :—

( Translation.)

Wueprzas in the city of Canton and the surrounding country,
there were a set of lawless vagabonds who kidnapped and
decoyed harmless people for the purpose of selling them pri-
vately to go abroad under the name of “selling pigs;” having
the hardihood to violate what is right by their most detestable
acts, I deputed an officer to prosecute a vigorous search (for
these offenders), and he captured twenty-nine of them at the
Whampoa anchorage, besides bringing up thence forty-one
innocent people who had been kidnapped. These parties were
confronted and carefully examined, and in virtue of the imperial
warrant which J have the honour to hold, I decapitated, for an
example, eighteen of the criminals whose guilt, as persons who
had been repeatedly engaged in kidnapping, was most heinous,
and was punishable by death according to law. The remaining
criminals were also punished, each according to his deserts, so
as sufficiently to quiet men’s minds and afford a notable warn-
ing. Punishment following upon crime, however, not being, in
my opinion, so good as to warn men against its commission, it
becomes absolutely necessary to publish this far and near, so
that the hardened wretches may be filled with awe.

Besides again ordering, therefore, all the local, civil, and
military authorities to prosecute the search vigorously, it be-
comes my duty to issue a proclamation for (general) informa-
tion: know ye, therefore, the people of every place, hereby,
that kidnappers, who privately sell men to go abroad, will be
beheaded immediately upon their apprehension, so severe upon
this point is the law of the land. Thus, those eighteen men
who have now been punished, were tempted solely by the love
of gain. Little did they know that Heaven would not endure
them; that it is difficult to escape from the meshes of the law,
and that, in the space of a moment, their heads would be
severed from their bodies.

Was this not dreadful? All you who are of this stamp must
wake up without delay, and exert yourselves to change your

T 2
276 VISIT TO COOLIE SHIPS.

former evil courses. On no account tread again in the old
track, to place your persons in jeopardy of the law.

Loving the people as my children, but firmly bent upon
adherence to the law, 1 hope that, by ceasing to do evil, and
learning to do well, you will protect your own lives. I, there-
fore, do not hesitate to reiterate this again, and if (any one)
dare to disobey, repentance will be unavailing.

Let everyone tremblingly observe this special proclamation.

He also communicated with the foreign consuls on
the subject, and received replies from the English,
Dutch, and American representatives, of which the
latter was peculiarly gratifying—only it is to be
regretted that subsequent facts scarcely bore out the
professions made at this time.

After this, petitions continued to pour in upon Laou
from Chinese, who asserted that their relatives had been
kidnapped, and taken on board foreign ships lying
at Whampoa, where they were detained against their
will; so after communicating with the American and
Spanish consuls, he sent again, on the 31st December,
some of his officers to the place, with instructions to
remove any kidnapped men whom they might find on
board foreign vessels, not limiting their inquiries to
those on the subject of whom petitions had been received.
They were accompanied by the American Vice-Consul.
They visited three American vessels, one Oldenburgh
barque, one Spanish, and one Peruvian. They found
coolies on board the four first—the ‘ Messenger,”
“ Governor Morton,” ‘‘ Pioneer,” and “Fanny Kirch-
ner,” all notorious coolie receiving-ships, and at that
time under engagements to Spanish agents. After
certain inquiries they took away eight men; six from
the American ships, and two from the Oldenburgh.
In the course of the performance of this duty, it became
LAOU TO AMERICAN CONSUL. 277

evident that many kidnapped men were on board the
different vessels, in direct opposition to Laou’s orders
as given in the following letter, written in November,
1859,

Mr. Perry, the American consul, had been trying to
prevail on Laou to legalize these receiving-ships at
Whampoa, but without success; for he points out with
clearness the disadvantages attending such a step.
There is no reason to doubt that Mr. Perry was careful
to visit the ships of his country so engaged from time
to time, but such visits do not appear to have produced
all the effect desired.

Governor-General Laou to Mr. Perry.

(Translation.)

I HAVE carefully perused the representation which you made,
requesting me to appoint an officer at Whampoa to aid the ship-
masters in procuring labourers, and follow on the fixed rules for
the prevention of kidnapping. You state also that the ship-
masters would contribute for the purchase of a large vessel as
his residence.

Now, by the regulations about hiring coolies which the
French and English have determined on, an office has been
opened at Canton for this purpose, which is worked with the
assistance of a Chinese officer on the spot. Parties who wish to
go abroad as labourers must first come to the office at Canton,
ascertain the rate of wages and term of service, which are
registered as proof, and then go on board ship upon the day
agreed upon, so as to obviate confusion.

I have fully satisfied myself of the soundness of these measures,
and given them my adhesion; but as for carrying such out at
Whampoa, the place is too far from Canton, and the officer
would find it difficult to work; whilst the difficulties of investi-
gation would be much increased, owing to the little control
which can be exercised over the movements of the receiving-
278 LAOU’S ORDERS NEGLECTED.

ships: besides, it would not agree with the fix€d rule now
adopted in the office at Canton.

Moreover, kidnappers have been emboldened hitherto to carry
on their lawless trade by having receiving-ships to retire to. I
find that no cases of this crime occurred before these vessels
anchored at Whampoa; and there can be no doubt that the
schemes of kidnappers were the offspring of the receiving-ship
system.

But, further, establishing such a vessel at Whampoa would
be like anchoring her out at sea, and would give an ever-
increasing impulse to the plots of these vagabonds for decoying
people. The place is an out-of-the-way one, where it would not
be easy for Chinese and foreign officials to conduct investiga-
tions; and kidnappers, at present, are very numerous,

An officer, deputed by me, released there some time ago
forty-one persons who had been kidnapped, and made prisoners
of thirty-six kidnappers; whereupon I beheaded eighteen of
the most guilty. Indeed, it is but too apparent that the whole
country swarms with these wretches; and were a receiving-ship
established, I very much fear that we could not put a stop to
the old practice, and that the kidnapping of poor people forced
into an unwilling contract, and the deaths of very many of
them, would injure the plans which both you and I wish to
devise for putting an end to the evil. This would be most
deplorable: rather let. the regulations of the office at Canton be
generally adopted, and the investigations conducted in this
vicinity with the officer I have deputed, thus complying with
the fixed rule, and adhering to one uniform plan.

It is plain that the mere existence of a receiving-
ship at Whampoa was contrary to regulation, there-
fore Laou was naturally displeased at his officers having
neglected the order he had given them to examine
the whole of the coolies; not that the poor fellows
were entirely to blame, for they were deprived of
their interpreter, Mr. Mayer, who had accompanied
them; the American vice-consul having refused to
HE SENDS TO WHAMPOA A THIRD TIME. 279

allow him to act on board an American ship, on the
plea that he was a British officer. Therefore, Laou
wrote again to Mr. Perry, explaining that his wishes
had not been carried out, and begging him to
accompany his officers to Whampoa, in person, and
bring up the whole of the coolies for examination. At
the express request of the Chinese officers, and with the
perfect consent of Mr. Perry, Mr. Mayer was selected
to act as interpreter, as, besides being well capable of
executing the duty, he was in no way connected with
the Allied Commissioners, of whose interference, the
parties concerned might be jealous.

When the party was on the point of starting, Laou
received intelligence that the “‘ Messenger” was about
to sail immediately with a cargo of upwards of six
hundred coolies. He accordingly wrote off at once to
Mr. Perry, to inform him of the fact, “making a
declaration with all speed,” and requesting him to take
steps to detain the “‘ Messenger” pending the examina-
tion; at the same time instructing the hoppo, or native
officer of customs, to act in concert with him. Poor
Laou having now done all he can, sits down to rest,
and away go the deputed officers, with Mr. Perry and
Mr. Mayer, on their errand.

Before commencing operations, the Chinese officers
intimated their intention of only taking away the
unwilling, and allowing the willing to remain. It was
in vain pointed out that such a course would be at
variance with their orders, which were plainly to bring
all the coolies up to Canton for examination : their
determination was fixed. This did not augur well for
the result.

They did not get down until late in the evening.
When they went on board the “ Messenger,” the
280 CONDUCT OF AMERICAN CAPTAIN.

consul drew the captain aside, doubtless to explain
matters. This explanation was evidently very distasteful
to the latter, for he was heard to exclaim he would
allow no Chinaman to come on board his ship, and that
he would not be delayed a moment. Mr. Perry then
threatened to leave the vessel, and not permit her
to goto sea. The sight of Mr. Mayer added fuel to the
flames: Captain Manton absolutely refused to allow
him even to remain on board the “ Messenger,” saying -
he “would have no Englishman on board, from the
grand admiral down;” and threatened to put him over
the side, if he did not go by himself. In vain was
explanation given, as to his position there, being only
in the character of interpreter to the Chinese officers :
there was no way of preventing violence, but by Mr.
Mayer leaving the ship, which he was at length
requested by Mr. Perry to do.

After a time they all left for the night, having made
arrangements to conduct the examination on board in the
morning, The Chinese officers still expressed their deter-
mination to pursue the course they had chosen, leaving
the willing emigrants on board; notwithstanding that
they were reminded that, according to their instruc-
tions, the examination was to be held on all the coolies at
Canton. Their plea was, that they had been directed
to avoid disturbance with the foreigners.

On explanation being given them why Mr. Mayer
could not act on board as interpreter, they acquiesced ;
saying, that when threatened with violence, it is always
best to go away.

Mr. Mayer being thus prevented from acting on
board the American ships, undertook his duties on
board the Oldenburgh vessel, in interpreting for “ Chu,”
the Nanhai magistrate, and Major Tao, a Chinese
EXAMINATION ON BOARD COOLIE SHIPS. 281

officer ; the other officers carrying on the investigation
in the American ships with the assistance of the inter-
preter of the interested parties.

The Oldenburgh consul attended, and ‘an examina-
tion was held on board the “Fanny Kirchner,” Mr.
Bidau, the charterer, being also present. However,
they did not do much beyond discussion, for Mr. Bidau
stipulated that he should be reimbursed by the man-
darins, to the amount of forty-five dollars for each
coolie removed from the ship. The very first man
examined, said he was unwilling to emigrate, but on
Mr. Bidau saying that on a previous occasion he had
expressed willingness, the mandarins would not claim
him. They said, that in case of his refusing to give up
any men, whether kidnapped or not, they would content
themselves with arguing the point. This whole pro-
ceeding being so useless and absurd, the examination
was broken off. :

Meanwhile, the officers engaged in examining the
American vessels had completed their task to their
entire satisfaction: they had been hospitably enter-
tained with champagne, and left the business in the
hands of the’ship’s linguist. In all fifty-one coolies
were surrendered to them as unwilling to remain.

The whole party then devoted themselves to the
“Fanny Kirchner.” Mr. Bidau demanded that his
own interpreter should be allowed to question the
coolies, but the officers very properly insisted on the
employment of their own, one Li, a native.

I have before said that so numerous and different
are the dialects employed in China, that it is the com-
monest thing to see interpreters acting in conversation,
even between Chinamen.

The examination was made on deck, the men being
282 DESPAIR OF COOLIES.

generally brought up singly. About fifty-ffine declared
their unwillingness to emigrate, whilst about forty
agreed to go. A discussion now ensued on the subject
of the compensation, which Mr. Bidau urged, and in
which he was backed up by the Oldenburgh consul,
but no decision was arrived at; and they finally left the
ship, pending a reference to be made by the officers to
Laou. The unwilling coolies were left on deck, whilst
those who were content to remain were sent below.
The consul was prevailed upon to permit all the coolies
to remain on board till the following evening, but
stated that he should claim demurrage for his ship.

Shortly after, Mr. Bidau visited the mandarins in
hot haste, saying that the coolies left on deck refused
to go below, fearing that they would be abandoned by
the officers. One of the magistrates returned with him
and tranquillised the poor fellows, persuading them to
go below, but the moment he left the ship, some of
them made a rush, jumped overboard, and got away
into native boats: one man was seen to sink. A report
sprung up, also, that the coolies had threatened to rise,
and murder the Christians; whereupon the consul
begged. the officers to take them away. Accordingly,
forty-seven of them were removed and put on board a
native war-boat. Out of the number (fifty-nine) who
had declared themselves unwilling in the afternoon,
five had changed their mind, and seven were missing ;
of whom three were known to have jumped overboard,
and the other four had most probably done the same.
The consul was given a receipt for the forty-seven men,
and produced the following memorandum, to which the
Chinese officers agreed :—
LAOU’S GOOD INTENTIONS FRUSTRATED. 283

Memorandum.

THE men who, before the deputed mandarins, said they would
not go to the Havana on their own accord have to be kept at
the disposal of the said mandarins or the governor-general,
either on board the “Fanny Kirchner” or on board another
ship under the guarantee of the Oldenburgh consul.

They are.to be examined before the governor-general in the
presence of the Oldenburgh consul and M. Bidau, who is allowed
to bring his own witnesses, to prove that these men, after a close
investigation, declared themselves willing to go to Havana, and
signed the contract without any compunction’ (sic) of his.

The money and clothes which M. Bidau can prove to have
given to them -shall be given up, in the state given, or a fair
indemnity be consented to on the part of the mandarins; or if
not the coolies should be allowed to stick to the contract which
they made with M. Bidau.

(Signed) R. CARLOWITZ,
Consul for Oldenburg.

These proceedings had lasted until late at night on
the 4th January.

Laou now found himself again foiled in his endeavours
to ascertain the condition of the remainder of the coolies,
for it was difficult to imagine, in the face of what was
reported, that so many of these men were really willing
emigrants; and it seemed very desirable that the
investigation should be held on dry land, in the hall of
a native official, rather than on board the slave-ship
itself. It will be remembered that the interpreter of
the ship acted on board the American vessel: in this
case ten per cent. were liberated ; whereas on board the
Oldenburgh ship, the mandarin’s interpreter acted, and
fifty per cent. were liberated.

It is therefore not to be wondered at that Laou wrote

+ So it would appear. Mr. Carlowitz probably meant to say “ compulsion,”
but the lapsus is rather happy.
284 FROM LAOU

again to the American consul, demanding that all the
coolies should be sent up, at the same time giving
orders for the non-issue of clearance papers to the
“ Messenger” and “Fanny Kirchner.” Mr. Perry
agreed to this course at a personal interview he had
with the governor-general on the 5th January, and
himself proposed that the “Messenger” should be
brought up for the purpose. So far all was settled,
and poor old Laou wrote off to the Allied Commissioners
for aid and sympathy.

Governor-General Laow to the Allied Commissioners.

(Translation.)

It is on record that the United States’ consul lately requested
permission for the hiring of labourers on board receiving-ships
stationed at Whampoa, when I replied to the effect that kid-
nappers had hitherto been emboldened in their criminal occu-
pations by the existence at Whampoa, and elsewhere, of
receiving-ships, on board which to dispose of their victims; and
that, beyond a doubt, the receiving-ships are the originating
cause of the existence of kidnappers.

Furthermore, Whampoa, a remote locality, is, as it were, out
at sea, and the receiving-ships, having no fixed berths, would
give an ever-increasing impulse to the plots of these villains
for decoying people; while it would be difficult for both Chinese
and foreign officials to conduct investigations, and I fear it would
be impossible to prevent kidnapping and similar evils.

An office should in all cases be established at Canton, and
the affair be conducted in uniformity with the rules and regula-
tions originally adopted by the English and French.

I have already written minutely and distinctly in reply to
Mr. Perry, the United States’ consul, that he might act accord-
ingly, and I also communicated with the Commissioners, in ordet
that you might look into the matter. In addition to this, I
forwarded a circular, declaring to the consuls of all nations that
one law exists (for the guidance of all).
TO ALLIED COMMISSIONERS. 285

In the course of this month, it has been reported by many of
the Chinese people that numbers of honest men had been kid-
napped, and forcibly carried off by villains who take them to
Whampoa to sell as pigs (coolies) on board foreign vessels.
Petitions to this effect were received in numbers. It was further
reported by deputed officers, that of late several American,
Spanish, Peruvian, and Oldenburgh receiving-ships have been
anchored at Whampoa, on board which coolies are received and
sold. Hereupon I at once appointed civil and military officers,
and wrote to the different consuls to co-operate with them in
investigating the matter.

My officers reported that they, in co-operation with the
American vice-consul, had removed and brought back six kid-
napped men: beside whom there were on board each of the
vessels several tens of Chinese, in some cases upwards of one
hundred; and judging from the circumstances that came under
their notice, there must still be many who are unwilling to go
abroad,

I again appointed additional officers to go once more on board
the ships and make inquiry, and I wrote to the said consul to
co-operate with them, with due diligence, in the matter. These
officers report that on arriving at Whampoa they examined a
number of coolies.on board the American vessels; that the said
consul would not permit them to seek out and bring back each
individual, desiring that they should conduct the inquiry on
board the ships; and that he would not permit their interpreter
to go on board, but compelled them to use the linguist on board
the ship, who is, at the same time, the man employed by the
coolie brokers as interpreter.

It is not convenient to have receiving-ships anchored at
Whampoa, for the receipt and sale of coolies, in putting a stop
to the evils of kidnapping. I have already distinctly written this
to the United States’ consul, and have also forwarded a circular
despatch to the consuls of other countries, whose replies I have
received, to the effect that they would shape their conduct
accordingly ; and yet there are still receiving-ships at Whampoa
loaded with numbers of Chinese. This is very far from being in
accordance with my late declaration.
286 LAOU TO ALLIED COMMISSIONERS.

I have repeatedly written to the said consuf to co-operate
with my deputed officers in making inquiry, but he has not
shown a willingness thoroughly and diligently to take the matter
in hand. The result is that honest men, unwilling to go abroad,
will be torn from their relatives and friends, and suffer un-
bounded distress. This, indeed, is widely at variance with my
determination, as governor-general, to protect the Chinese
people, and a notable departure from the rules and regulations
originally established ; nor can I permit it to exist.

The intimate knowledge possessed by the authorities of your
-own and other countries with what is right before Heaven, and
their own equitable characters, are an assurance that they also
cannot endure that honest men, for no fault of their own, be
kidnapped and distressed.

Now, if this matter be not deeply probed and distinctly dealt
with, loud appeals will be made to me by the relatives of the
kidnapped men, when it is no longer possible to investigate and
act. Besides, in future, other nations will indiscriminately adopt
the precedent, and who can say what the result will be? And
if the matter be improperly managed, I apprehend that much
recrimination and unseemly dispute will ensue, greatly at vari-
ance with my wishes in treating with the consular corps.

Mr. Perry, accompanied by the commissioners, came yesterday
to my yamun, when it was decided, in the first place, that all
the Chinese clandestinely shipped on board the receiving-ships
established at Whampoa should be delivered in full, and brought
to Canton, to await examination by deputed officers, and to be
dealt with according to their respective cases. I anticipate no
hesitation in this matter.

Further, a rule must be established hereafter, in order to put
a stop for ever to the evil of the system of receiving-ships for
the purchase of kidnapped men, that the distress of the people
may cease, and the existing amity and peace be secured. Rules
and regulations must be decided upon for all alike to respect,
that we may look forward to a continuance of friendly rela-
tions.

Knowing, therefore, that the allied Commanders-in-Chief are
men experienced and just, careful and unremitting in the con-
BRITISH CONSUL’S LETTER. 287

duct of affairs, and whose opinions will have weight with the
foreign community (of Canton), I must request the honourable
Commissioners to lay the subject before them, in order that
their Excellencies may publicly consult thereon, and having
concerted an efficient course of action, speedily advise me of the
same, in order that I may communicate with the various consuls,
and urge on them the adoption of one uniform system, to the
mutual advantage both of foreigners and Chinese. I believe
that my views will be concurred in both by the Commissioners
and by the allied Commanders-in-Chief.

T enclose copies of my correspondence with Mr. Perry, four
letters in all, together with the replies received from the different
consuls (to the circular of November).

Hien-fung, 9th year, 12th month, 14th day (January, 6
1860).

The following are the consular replies to his circular,
before alluded to. No one enters into the question
with more spirit than Mr. Perry.

Statement by Consul Winchester.

I HAVE received your Excellency’s letter stating that “‘ some
kidnappers have now been seized at Whampoa, and a numBer of
coolies have been delivered, who state, on examination, that
numbers of men have already been shipped. I enclose copies of
the depositions of the kidnapped men.

‘With reference to the statement of Chén-sz, to the effect
that two men, Lai-a-shih and Yeh-a-fu, and that of Tséng-zi, to
the effect that four other men have been shipped, I must ask
whether you can investigate this matter for me, and release
these men.”

On receipt of this despatch I felt great pleasure at your
Excellency’s effort to put a stop to the sufferings of the people.
Kidnapping is a most detestable crime, and is held in deep
abhorrence by Great Britain. For many years our vessels have
been forbidden to carry cargoes (of coolies), in order to put a
stop to this evil. The case, therefore, of the six men now on
board foreign ships does not concern British vessels.
288 DUTCH CONSUIL’S LETTER.

It is not within my province to make investigftion on board
the vessels of other nations ; but I have notified the other foreign
consuls, and requested them to take the matter in hand.
Immediately on discovery of the men, they must certainly be
surrendered.

Statement by Mr. Vanderhoeven, Dutch Consul at Canton.

I HAVE received your Excellency’s declaration of the 15th of
the 11th month, stating that “there are in China certain villains
who kidnap and decoy honest men, whom they clandestinely
sell to go abroad. ‘They are known as pig-brokers, and inflict
great distress upon the country. Rules and regulations must be
adopted for their apprehension and punishment, in order to put
a stop to the distress of the people.

* With regard to the statement of Chén-sz, that two men,
and that of Tséng-yi that four others, have been shipped on
board foreign vessels, can you examine this matter for me, and
ascertain the nationality of the vessel on board which they
are ?”

Holland has hitherto had nothing to do with the hiring of
labourers to go abroad; but in case, hereafter, there be a wish
to exter on an enterprise of this kind, it will undoubtedly be my
duty to order compliance with the established rules. On receipt
of your declaration, I at once communicated with my own
government, and I feel certain that they will direct subjects of
Holland to act in conformity, in order to obviate all differences.

Among the vessels chartered by French subjects at Whampoa,
there is one under the Dutch flag, and I yesterday went on
board that vessel, with the two witnesses sent by the French
consul, to make inquiry whether there were any men who had
been subjected to compulsion ; and after a thorough examina-
tion, none such were found. Not one of the names on the list
were discovered on board. I replied to this effect to the French
consul, and sent back the two men, with the notice that they
could go to Macao, to make inquiry of the men hired by the
French, who, until the departure of the vessel, reside at’ Macao,
where they could make inquiry.
AMERICAN CONSUL’S LETTER. 289

It is my duty to reply to your Excellency, giving an account
of the investigation I conducted.

Further Statement by Mr. Vanderhoeven.

As I was on the point of replying to your Excellency’s decla-
ration of the 15th of the 11th month, I received your declaration
of the 29th to the following effect :—‘“‘If hereafter it be desired
to engage in the enterprise of hiring labourers, the established
regulations must be adhered to, and an office opened at Canton.
None can be allowed elsewhere than at that city, nor may
receiving-ships be used.”

A copy of your reply to the American consul’s declaration was
also inclosed.

When the intentions of the United States are considered, it
appears that the evil of kidnapping can be obviated, but at
Whampoa at present, the sums paid to agents for procuring
labourers are considerable, and that such should be the case is
exceedingly improper. The circumstances must be fully inves-
tigated, when a safe conclusion may be arrived at.

I therefore forwarded a copy of your Excellency’s declaration to
the captain of the Dutch vessel chartered by a French subject at
Macao, for his perusal and instruction ; forbidding him hereafter
to receive on board labourers of this description, as it would be
contrary to the local regulations, and not in accordance with the
principles of justice.

_ Your Excellency attaches great importance to the rules and

regulations established with regard to this matter, and I have
forwarded copies to my own Government for their guidance.

Statement by Mr. Perry, United States’ Consul at Canton.

I HAVE received your Excellency’s declaration stating that
kidnappers have been rigorously searched for and seized, and
that a number of kidnapped men have been delivered. Also

1 This seems to be the meaning of the consul: the Chinese is unintelligible
—it may mean, “I fear that kidnapping cannot be prevented.” —Translator.

U
290 AMERICAN CONSUL TO LAOU.

that you have authorized the establishment of new code of
regulations, permitting the emigration of Chinese as labourers.

In the case of Chén-sz and Tséng-zi, who stated that six men
have been kidnapped, you request me to make inquiry. I am
greatly pleased with the regulations established by your Ex-
cellency, authorizing the engagement of Chinese to go abroad as
labourers; and with due diligence will rigorously seize and
bring to justice the villains who are guilty of kidnapping. I
have already apprehended four kidnappers, who were delivered.
to the Pwan-yii magistrate for trial.

On board the vessel of my nation there are no men unwilling
to emigrate as labourers, nor any who have been subjected to
compulsion. Some time ago I minutely inspected all the ships,
and strict precautionary measures have been taken to prevent
crimes of this grave description. I have already personally set
at liberty not a few men who at first were willing to go abroad,
but who, after receiving the prescribed payment, asserted their
unwillingness to go.

With reference to the statement of Chén-sz and Tséng-zi,
that six men have been kidnapped, I have examined all the
American vessels, but they are on board none of them, and it
appears that they must be on board ships of some other nation.

I shall be delighted to assist your Excellency in putting a stop
to the detestable crime of kidnapping, and I accordingly notify
you to this effect.

Tf any Americans are leagued with Chinese for this lawless
purpose of kidnapping, I shall assuredly deal with them with
the utmost severity.

[Note.—In the foregoing four translations of documents which
are themselves translations into Chinese, there are a few sen-
tences in which the exceeding ambiguity of the original has
rendered a close adherence to the Chinese necessary, regardless
of the apparent meaning.—W. S. F. Mayers.] :
CHAPTER XIX.

The Coolie question complicated.

On the 7th January, Laou hearing nothing of the
expected arrival of the “ Messenger,” wrote to Mr. Perry
to inquire how matters stood, and suggesting that if it
should be inconvenient to bring up the vessel itself to
Canton, and more desirable to transport the coolies in
boats, he should be apprised of the fact, in order that he
might make the necessary arrangements. He offered
assistance also in men and boats for this purpose, if
they should be required.

However, on the same day, Mr. Perry appeared
before him with the astounding intelligence that the
coolies had all been removed from the “ Messenger,”
and conveyed he knew not where. Laou took it
quietly, merely saying that he looked to the consul to
produce them, and would not issue the clearance papers
till all was settled. Thereupon Mr. Perry promised to
go to Whampoa himself, and make inquiries; he
doubted the Governor-General’s right to detain the
vessel, now that the coolies were out of her, and said
he would go to Hong Kong, and see Mr. Ward, the
United States’ minister, on the subject.

Laou having been informed that evening that the
coolies had been sent in a river steamer to Macao

u 2
292 LETTER FROM LAOU

(a Portuguese port), he wrote off to Mr. Perry and also
to Mr. Ward.

(Translation.)

Laov, Governor-General, &c., makes a declaration.

It is reported to me that, on the night of January 5, the small
steamer “ Mei-li” took from the “Messenger,” one of the four
American ships which have coolies on board at Whampoa,
several hundreds of coolies, whose exact number is not known.
As soon as they were on board she left the port.

It is also reported that there are still the three American
ships ‘“ Governor Morton,” “Pioneer,” and “ Kitty Simpson,”
all having cargoes of coolies, to the number of one hundred or
two hundred in each case.

It is also reported that the American ship ‘“ Live Yankee,”
lately arrived’ at Whampoa, is also to receive a cargo of
coolies.

The receipt of these reports has caused me surprise beyond
measure. On the 5th of January you, the consul, came person-
ally to my official residence, when it was decided between us
that the five hundred and seventy-eight coolies, whom you
stated yourself to be on board the “Messenger,” should be
brought back in full to Canton for examination ; and I intended
at once to appoint an officer to proceed, with boats and a force,
to take charge of the men. Shortly afterwards you personally
suggested that the men should be brought to Canton on board
the “Messenger” herself, for the sake of convenience and
despatch ; to which proposal I at once agreed.

The “ Messenger,” however, has not by any means complied
with this arrangement, and come to Canton; but, on the con-
trary, on the night of the 5th of January, clandestinely trans-
ferred to the ‘“Mei-li” steamer some hundreds of the coolies
whom she had on board, and who were taken out of the port.

On the 7th of January you again visited me, stating that you
had heard that the “Messenger” had transshipped all the
coolies on board another vessel.

This is greatly at variance with our previous arrangement.
Has the captain of this American vessel deceived me, the
TO AMERICAN CONSUL. 293

governor-general, or you, his consul? The matter is utterly
inexplicable.

In Article XI. of the treaty lately concluded with the United
States, it is stated that “ citizens of the United States, either on
shore or in any merchant-vessel, who may insult, trouble, or
wound the persons or injure the property of Chinese, or commit
any other improper act in China, shall be punished only by the
consul, or other public functionary thereto authorized, according
to the laws of the United States.” Now it is reported, in the
petitions of numbers of Chinese subjects, that their children,
brothers, and other relatives have been kidnapped by Chinese
villains and sold on board American ships, in the holds of which
they are confined. Furthermore, the officers whom I deputed,
in co-operation with yourself, lately took from three American
vessels fifty-one Chinese, who, on examination, all state that the
several hundreds of Chinese who are on board the above-
mentioned four American ships were all detained by force in the
vessels’ holds, with other matters of this kind. Now, the case
of men causelessly detained by force on board American vessels,
whereby friends and relatives are torn apart, and distress with-
out end is inflicted upon them, is without a parallel in respect to
the injury it entails. No other course is open to me, the
governor-general, than to make a note of the names of the
captains of the American ships “Messenger,” “Governor
Morton,” “ Pioneer,” and “ Kitty Simpson,” and report them to
you, the consul, to be dealt with for violence towards subjects of
China. It is my duty to request that you will give your atten-
tion to this matter, and will thoroughly and diligently deal with
the case; and will, besides, search out and bring back to Canton
the entire number of Chinese confined on board the four vessels.
Upon you, as consul, rests, I believe, the responsibility of this
affair; nor will it be difficult for you to manage the matter
yourself.

When you visited me yesterday, you stated that it was your
intention to proceed to Hong Kong, in order fully to report this
matter to the minister of your honourable nation ; and I, also,
must at once make the violence offered to Chinese by the said
’ eaptains the subject of a communication, when I shall request
294 FROM LAOU

the minister of your honourable country fully to inVestigate and.
deal with the matter. Iam confident that your minister will,
with undeviating justice, conform to the provisions of the treaty
in the conduct of affairs.

The port-clearances of the “ Messenger” and the other vessels
cannot, of course, be issued until a final settlement of this affair
has been arrived at.

(Dated January 8, 1860.)

Governor-General Laou to Mr. Ward.

(Translation.) Canton, January 8, 1860.

I wave the honour to communicate with your Excellency
with reference to the request of the American consul, that I
would allow receiving-ships to anchor at Chang-chow (Whampoa)
to take in emigrants; and my answer made then, that the
scoundrels who kidnapped my people dared to do so only
because these receiving-ships were anchored there and at other
places to receive (their victims), and that it was clear, beyond
a doubt, that it was these receiving-ships that enabled the
kidnappers to carry on their trade. Moreover, that Whampoa
was so far away (almost out at sea, in fact), the anchorages so
ill-defined, and the wiles of the kidnappers so various, as to
render it next to impossible for the authorities, Chinese or
foreign, to exercise proper supervision (over the trade), and that
kidnapping would continue as bad as ever if I granted his
request. I then instructed him that he must establish a depot
at Canton, and be guided by the rules agreed to by the English
and French in all business of this nature. This he allowed a
month to pass without doing, allowing meanwhile American
ships to anchor at Chang-chow and take in coolies till my
yamun was positively besieged by fathers, uncles, and brothers,
petitioning me that their sons, &c., had been carried off by
native kidnappers, sold to and detained on board American
vessels at Whampoa.

It was discovered by the officers I despatched with the Ameri-
TO AMERICAN MINISTER. 295

can consul to examine the American vessels at Chang-chow, that
there were numbers of men on board them; and he told me
himself, on the 13th instant (5th January), that there were five
hundred and seventy-eight on board the ‘“ Messenger,” pro-
mising at the same time to send them up to Canton.

On the 15th (7th January) he waited on me with another
very different statement, that all the men on board the “ Mes-
senger ” had been put on board some other ship and sent away ;
also stating that he would proceed to Hong Kong and inform
your Excellency of the matter.

I have heard since that, on the evening of the 13th, the
steamer “ Mei-li” took upwards of two hundred of the men from
the “‘ Messenger ” on board, and left with them.

I did not intend to have troubled your excellency in the
matter, but as Mr. Consul Perry intends to report it to you, I
have had my six despatches to his address copied and enclosed ;
and knowing your Excellency’s desire to act justly in all matters,
I rest assured that you will direct Mr. Consul Perry to bring
the four captains who have forcibly detained innocent Chinese
on board their vessels to justice, to recover the two hundred odd
taken from the “ Messenger” by the “ Mei-li,” and to send up
all the men on board American vessels for examination.

This will be in accordance with the treaty and the emigration
regulations; andif your Excellency does so, my notification will
be respected by other nations, &c.

\

He also wrote to the Portuguese consul at Canton,
informing him of the case, and requesting that the men
should not be detained at Macao, but be sent back to
Whampoa, to await their removal to Canton for exami-
nation.

On the same day, the Oldenburgh consul wrote to
Laou, saying that the “ Fanny Kirchner” was now free
from coolies, and begged she might be cleared. But he
got the reply, that as the shipment of them had been
contrary to regulation, she could not be allowed to
depart until the thirty-one coolies (who were admitted
296 NINETY-FIVE COOLIES BROUGHT BACK.

to have been sent from her) had been $roduced at
Canton.

On the 9th the Commissioners having occasion to visit
Laou, found Mr. Perry there, with ninety-five coolies,
whom he had just brought up from Whampoa, and
whom he was endeavouring to persuade his Excellency
to examine then and there; and by means of an inter-
preter unable to speak the Mandarin dialect, in which
alone Laou could converse. ,

He was reminded that 578 was the number of men
required to be forthcoming, and not 95; and that not
only should they be asked if they were willing to go
abroad, but whether they consented to the contract
under which they had engaged themselves to M. Vargas,
the chartered agent for Morales and Co. Mr. Perry
was displeased at the interference of the Commissioners
in the matter, for he saw that by bringing the men to
Canton, which was in the occupation of the allied forces,
he had rendered himself amenable to their authority.
However, he was offered the alternative of taking them
all back again to Whampoa, which he declined, and it
was finally arranged that they should remain in the
custody of the governor-general, pending Mr. Perry’s
receipt of instructions from Mr. Ward.

On the 11th, the Spanish vice-consul at Canton called
upon the Commissioners, for the purpose of stating that
he, together with the Spanish consul-general in China
(resident at Macao), had disapproved of Mr. Vargas
having continued to collect coolies on board American
ships at Whampoa, after the issue of Laou’s circular of
November, forbidding the same; but that Mr. Vargas
being protected by the United States’ flag, they could
not further interfere, The coolies on board the
« Messenger” were all, he said, on Mr. Vargas’ ac-
HOW THE CONTRACTS WERE ATTESTED. 297

count ; and the consul-general had, further, disapproved
of these men having been taken to Macao on the 6th
instant, and had recommended Mr. Vargas to return
them to Canton.

While making this avowal in the case of Mr.
Vargas, the vice-consul also begged the Commissioners
to favourably entertain an application made by Mr.
Castro, another Spanish agent, to open an Emigration
House at Canton, as that gentleman, he said, had
ceased to collect coolies at Whampoa, from the moment
that Laou’s circular letter had been notified to him.

The vice-consul admitted that he had attested the
contracts of the ‘‘Messenger’s’’ coolies, which is ne-
cessary, it appears, to pass them into Cuba, but had
done so, he said, because he had been positively assured
that all these men had been examined and passed by
mandarins, who had.been sent by the governor-general
to Whampoa for that special purpose.

On the 12th the following letter was received by the
Commissioners, forwarded by the Oldenburgh consul :

M. Bidau to the Allied Commissioners.
(Translation.)

GENTLEMEN, River of Canton, January 10, 1860.

I nave the honour to inform you that, in conformity with
the orders of his Excellency the Governor-general of Canton, I
shall proceed to-morrow morning to Macao, whither I had
despatched the thirty-one coolies, to send them by the very first
opportunity before his Excellency the Governor-general.

These thirty-one coolies are the same who remained on board
the “Fanny Kirchner,” and who were allowed me to keep,
without any restriction whatever, to dispose of them by the
Chinese officers who were delegated by his Excellency, as they
themselves told me, to examine them, and to take along with
298 APPLICATION FOR LEAVE

them all those who did not wish and who refusef to complete
the contract which they had signed, so that they might be
examined before his Excellency the Governor.

Always desirous to obey and to conform myself to the laws of
the country wherein I live, I should be very sorry indeed if you
would for a moment entertain the thought as if I had willingly
and purposely transgressed in prosecuting my operations of
recruiting labourers, which, as I am now informed, has been
totally prohibited since the 23rd of November last. No such
order has been communicated to me by anybody; and as I saw
many other vessels continue the same operation, I could not
suppose that, with such an order of his Excellency the Governor,
all these ships would dare to receive emigrants, when their
respective consuls should have opposed themselves to the illegal
continuation of their operations.

I beg that you will be persuaded that it has not been by
intention, but by mistake and utter ignorance of such prohibi-
tion, that I have myself followed up these operations. I have
done everything I could do in my power to avoid all abuses
which have come to my knowledge; and I have, at my own
proper expenses, returned to their families all the individuals
who had confessed to me that they had been kidnapped.

It has never been my intention to favour the infamous prac-
tices of some of the brokers; on the contrary (and I can bring
proofs), I have never—or, at least, with the greatest scruples—
admitted any emigrants whose free desire to follow as colonists
has appeared in the least doubtful.

I trust that this sincere declaration of mine will excuse me
with you, gentlemen, and will procure for me the consideration
which every one is entitled to at your hands who is willing,
according to the regulations now in force, to recruit colonists in
Canton.

God protect, &c.

(Signed) R. BIDAU,

Agent for Messrs, Morales § Co.

But in reference to M. Bidau’s remark that he was
wholly ignorant of the prohibitions against the
TO ESTABLISH A SPANISH HOUSE. 299

Whampoa receiving-ships, it should be observed that
his own letter to the Commissioners of the 20th of
December, applying for permission to open an Emi-
gration House at Canton, proves that this was not the
case, as in the first sentence of that letter M. Bidau
says: “ Conformément & la circulaire envoyée par son
Excellence Laou, Gouverneur de Canton, le 23 No-
vembre dernier, 4 MM. les membres du Corps Con-
sulaire, j'ai ’honneur de vous informer,” &c. How-
ever, with regard to the point immediately at issue,
it appeared that the men taken from the “ Fanny
Kirchner ” were in a fair way towards being sent up to
Canton at last.
CHAPTER XxX.

Depositions of kidnapped Coolies, and confessions of Kidnappers—The Coolies
sent up to Canton—Result of examination.

Tue Allied Commanders on the receipt of Laou’s appeal
for aid, being unable to give material assistance beyond
the limits of the city, which they held in military occu-
pation, felt that they could only afford him moral sup-
port; and in order to give publicity to the affair, and
enlist the sympathy of all right-thinking people, they
issued a circular to the consuls of every nation repre-
sented at Canton, enclosing translations of the state-
ments of kidnapped men, illustrative of the extreme
iniquity of these illegal proceedings, and urging on
them the duty of taking steps to put an end to a traffic
so disgraceful in itself, and calculated to bring on the
foreign community the odium of the whole Chinese
race, and endanger the position of all future residents
in the country.

The Allied Commanders-in-Chief to the Consuls at Canton.

GENTLEMEN, Canton, January 12, 1860.

WE have the honour to forward for your information and con-
sideration copies of a communication and its inclosures from his
Excellency Laou, the Governor-general of these provinces, to the
Allied Commissioners, dated the 6th instant, requesting the
Allied Commanders-in-Chief to advise him as to the measures
best calculated to effect the suppression of the Whampoa coolie
ALLIED COMMANDERS’ CIRCULAR. 301

trade, carried on, as this has lately been, under circumstances
most injurious to the character and interests of the foreign com-
munity.

We also take the opportunity of placing before you the
depositions of one hundred and five men who have lately been
brought away from certain coolie receiving-vessels at Whampoa,
namely, the American ships “Messenger,” “ Pioneer,” and
“Governor Morton,” and the Oldenburgh barque “ Fanny
Kirchner.” You will read with pain the particulars therein
given of the system of torture that has been pursued in order to
wring from the victims of the trade a nominal consent to an
eight years’ engagement in the island of Cuba; and you will
see that deception has been practised in order to induce them
to believe that their shipment has received the sanction of their
own authorities. Notice may also be taken of the assertion so
frequently repeated in the deposition, that those coolies who have
not yet been removed from the above-named ships remain on
board against their will, and that their endeavours to make that
unwillingness known are suppressed by the persons who have
them in charge.

We doubt not that you will concur with us in thinking that
it can be no sufficient defence of the system to say that this
violence and deception is in most cases the act of the Chinese,
and not of the foreigners engaged in the trade. The latter
must long ere this have become acquainted both with the true
character of the instruments they employ, and the abuses to
which the payment of head-money must lead; and there is,
moreover, evidence to show that the ill-treatment of which the
coolies complain is not unfrequently inflicted on board the
foreign vessels, and by foreign hands.

In case it should be thought that these depositions are not
deserving of full reliance, we shquld inform you that each wit-
ness was examined separately, and out of the hearing of his
companions ; and it is not easy to see what object the majority
of the witnesses could have in fabricating falsehoods after they
had once regained their liberty. But, in case some of your
body should wish to test for themselves the accuracy of these
statements, or to obtain further information from the witnesses
302 ALLIED COMMANDERS’ CIRCULAR

themselves, we have sanctioned their temporary detention in
Canton, in order that they may be brought before you if you
desire it.

To the first-named letter from his Excellency Laou to the
Commissioners we are now able to add another one, dated
January the 9th, communicating the course adopted in the case
of the “Fanny Kirchner,” which his Excellency is desirous to
show is uniform with that pursued towards the American
receiving-ships. We here refrain from any description of the
fatal occurrences of the night of the 4th instant, on board the
last-named vessel, or of the recent transactions connected with
the coolie cargo of the “Messenger ;” but if, when engaged in
the consideration of the subject, you should desire additional
information, either as to the proceedings we have alluded to, or
the general question of man-stealing, as it is now extensively
carried on in these districts for the supply of the coolie trade,
we may refer you to the Allied Commissioners, who have ample
details in their possession.

Fully sensible, gentlemen, that the suggestion of those pre-
ventive measures which his Excellency Laou is so anxious to
see instituted, appertains rather to your province than that of
the Allied Commanders, we would wish to place the matter in
your hands, and to beg you to concert among yourselves the
measures best calculated to correct the abuses that have been
brought to light. We may mention, however, that this is the
second appeal which his Excellency has made to us on this sub-
ject; the first being simultaneous with the issue of his recent
circular to the consular representatives, announcing to them the
establishment of a system of free emigration, and requesting
them to require their respective countrymen to conform to the
rules upon which that system is based. It appears, however,
that his Excellency’s requisition has been only partially complied
with ; for, while several parties connected with the shipment of
coolies at Whampoa desisted from their operations on being
warned by the consular authorities of their illegal character,
others, again, with little appreciation of his Excellency’s
liberal concession, and in direct opposition to his prohibi-
tions, continued to collect coolies through the agency of the
TO CONSULS. 303

erimp-boats, and to receive them on board the above-mentioned
ships.

The prevention of such proceedings in future, and the faithful
observance of the rules established by the Governor-general, is
the point which should now engage the attention of all respon-
sible persons in this community, connected so immediately as
the subject is with the peace and order of this important port,
and the preservation of a good feeling between foreigners and
the Chinese population. We confess that we do not ourselves
see why it should be more difficult to control foreign vessels
when engaged in the shipment of contract labourers, than when
following any other ordinary operation. But whatever may be
the steps necessary to secure the ends in view, you will, we are
satisfied, see with us that the unscrupulous acts of a few indi-
viduals, such as those we are now pointing out, are liable to
imperil the best interests, and even the personal safety, of your
communities; and that although the presence of the allied force
in this city may serve for a time to shield foreigners generally
from the consequences of these acts, they may be followed by a
serious recoil, when that safeguard shall be withdrawn, unless
due security against the wrongs complained of, shall in the mean-
time have been provided.

We have, &c.,

(Signed) C. T. van STRAUBENZEE.
HENRY HOPE.
D’ABOVILLE.

I add translations of some depositions of the kid-
napped men, as well as confessions of kidnappers taken
by Laov’s officers at Whampoa. They show the quaint-
ness and simplicity of the people in a striking degree,
and, give one an interesting insight into their life and
habits.

In many of them there are allusions to gambling ;
stipulations being made that the money received for the
victims should be gambled for. Gambling is a custom
304 DEPOSITIONS

or vice most prevalent among them, affd exists in
every conceivable form, from the price of a friend’s
head to fights between crickets and quails.

No. 1. Ung-cheong-po, a Tartar (taken from an American
ship), states :—About twelve days ago I was selling herbs in the
streets of Canton; it was in the south suburbs. A man
(Chinese) came up and asked me to go to Honam, to fetch
something to Canton; got into a boat, and was taken to Chang-
chow. I objected to go to that place, and was struck. I was
placed on board a foreign ship, and asked if I would go to a
foreign country; I declined. The foreigner said I was to be
taken back as I had refused to go. I was again put into the
kidnapping boat, and beaten on my back with the flat-of a
sword; I received four blows, and was told I must, when on
board the foreign ship, say J was willing to go, or I should be
killed. I said I would rather die than go. I was kept below
on the foreign ship; my dress was changed, and I was not
allowed on deck. There were 189 coolies down in the place;
we had plenty of room, and plenty to eat; all were unwilling
to go, and had been kidnapped. Six days ago I was brought
away from the foreign ship.

No. 2. Shun-a-yeung, a Tartar (taken from American ship),
states :—About twenty days ago I was selling milk in the
western suburb. Two men accosted me, and said they could
sell me some better goods than mine, and at a very cheap rate ;
this milk was on board. a junk in the river. I went on board
with them, and was ironed, and taken to a foreign vessel at
Chang-chow, on board which ship I was asked if I was willing
to emigrate. IJ refused, and was taken back to the Chinese
boat; was cruelly beaten with a thick board, receiving a hundred
blows on all parts of my body, and told if I did not say I was
willing the next time the foreigner asked, that I should be
killed, and my body thrown into the water. I consented then,
being afraid, and was taken to the foreign vessel again. Some
time after this a foreign gentleman came on board, and asked
me some questions. I explained who I was, and that I would
not be a coolie. After this I was sent down below, and a
OF KIDNAPPED COOLIES. 305

foreigner, of what country I am not aware, struck me with his
fist for having refused. I saw it was no use resisting any
longer. My clothes were changed, and I was kept below. My
father, accompanied by a foreign gentleman, came for me. I
am thirty-four years of age, and have a wife and two children.

No. 5. Hwang-leang states:—I am thirty-three years old; a
Tsung-po-heang man from Hwang-ting-tsz in the Nan-hai
district. In the Yin-yang-li street of Chen village, Hwang-
ping-hwa opened a shop for the sale of tin ware: I worked in
this shop, because there was no trade. On the 8rd of the
month there came a Tung-kwan man, named Wu-chien-yiu,
who had before been a fellow-workman of mine. He entered
the shop and enticed me by saying there was work to be got at
Shih-lung. He asked me to go with him, and I consented. So
on. the 4th of the month after breakfast I entered a ship with
Wu-chien-yiu, and went to Canton, immediately going on to
Whampoa. Chien-yiu said, “Let us go over to a hsia-kow
ship and stay the night.” I immediately went to this ship with
him. The people on board asked us where we wanted to go; I
replied, “I want to go to Shih-lung in Tung-kwan: the man
replied that I had been sold to them asa coolie. I felt any-
thing but comfortable when they threw me into the hold, and
locked me there. On the 8th mandarin soldiers came and took
me for examination.

No. 8. Yea-shen states:—I am thirty-four years old. Iam
from Le-shwuy-tsun, in Shen-ngan-tsz, of the Nan-hai district.
A little time ago I was in the Kwan-yaou river, in Tung-a-ngan’s
grain-vessel, as a sailor. On the 6th day of this month of the
present year, I, together with Tung-a-ngan, rowed the vessel to
Canton to buy rice. The vessel anchored off the Shameen Fort.
Early on the 7th I went on shore to walk in the Tung-te-ta
street, where I met an old acquaintance named Ho-chéng. I
told him that I should like to find employment in some other
direction. Ho-chéng replied, “I advise you to go to Whampoa
river to row the Chang-hsing boats.” That very day I gave
warning to my former master, and followed Ho-chéng to Hsien-
yiu-lan, where we hired a small boat and went to Whampoa
river, alongside of the hsia-kow-ting, and went on board the

x
306 DEPOSITIONS

hsia-kow boat to eat rice. Ho-chéng said to n®, I am very
poor, and will take and sell you to the foreigners (as a coolie) to
work. I did not want to; so they took me and shut me up in
the hold. On the 8th mandarin soldiers came and took me up
for examination. I never committed any offence.

A true statement.

No. 10. Pun-ping-kong, a Chinese (taken from American
ship), states: —I am a stone-cutter, and twenty-one years of
age. I belong to a village called Yan-tong-tang (a little beyond
Yung-tung). Twelve days ago I, with six others, was seized by
robbers in number between twenty and thirty, armed with
swords, pikes, &c. These robbers came at night. We were
taken to Tung-poo, then divided into three parties. I went to
Chang-chow, on board a boat the captain of which I was told
was a Portuguese; it was a vessel with three masts. Before
this I had been told that if I dared to refuse to go with the
foreigners, I should be beaten, and then killed; so I thought it
was no use, and assented. I was treated kindly on board the
foreign vessel. . I signed a contract, which stipulated I was to
go to a place belonging to Spaniards; that I was to be fed and
clothed, and receive four‘dollars a-month free. I signed because
I was afraid to refuse. I was brought away three days ago.

No. 13. Li-a-mory ‘(taken from American ship):—I am a
butcher, and live at Hong-Kong. I am twenty-four years of
age. My parents live at Wong-sha, not far from here; it isa
pan-yu village. I left Hong-Kong about forty-one days ago to
go and see my parents. I was well to do, had plenty of good
clothes, and two dollars in my pocket. I embarked in a
Chinese passage, arrived safely at Chang-chow, and getting into
a small boat to go to my native village, was met by a gang of
kidnappers, who seized me and my clothes. They took me
back to Chang-chow, and told me I was going to be be sold to
the foreigners. I refused, and was beaten very severely with a
ratan. I could not bear such cruel treatment, and consented
to go with the foreigners. Arriving on board their ship I was
kindly treated. I did not receive any money. I signed a
paper, which I was unwilling to do. They beat me before I
would do so. Iwas struck by a Chinese, and also kicked by
OF KIDNAPPED COOLIES, 307

him. I did receive a peculiar kind of torture on board the
Chinese boat to make me consent. I was tied up by the
thumbs, with my feet just touching the deck, at the same time
beaten with the ratan. The tying up by the thumbs is a
very painful thing: they never did that on board the foreign
vessel,

No. 14. How-a-kow (taken from American ship) :—I am nine-
teen years of age, and live in the western suburb of Canton.
About ten days ago I was going into the eastern suburbs, and was
then met by three men, who demanded I should pay them some
money they falsely stated I owed them. I cried out when they
carried me off, and the three men kept calling out, “He owes
me money, and we are trying to get it from him.” I was carried
to Tung-poo, and thence to Chang-chow. Arrived at this place,
I was beaten by the flat of a sword, and also kicked, so that I
consented to go. On board the ship I was asked by a foreigner
if I would emigrate. I refused, and was handed over to the
kidnappers again. They took me into the Chinese junk, tied a
rope round my waist, let me down into the river, and then.
dragged me up a little way, asked me if I changed my mind.
I could not stand the cold water, so I consented to go. After
that I was kindly treated.

No. 18. Yung-yit-keu (taken from American ship) :—I live on
the river. Thirty-seven days ago four men came to my boat,
and wanted me to convey some wood. I was sent to Chang-
chow; my uncle was with me. I was taken from my own boat
and put on board a junk, and asked if I was willing to go with
the foreigners. I refused, and was tied up by my thumbs and
toes, my body just touching the deck, but not enough to ease
the torture of the cord. The punishment was more than I could
endure, so I cried out that I was willing. I was conveyed to the
foreign vessel, and asked if I was willing ; I said I was not, and
was sent back to the junk, where I was again suspended as
before, but this time a little higher up, and buckets of water
were poured over my head. I again said I was willing to go,
because I could not stand the torture. I went with them to the
foreign ship again, and then said I was willing, so they paid me

? x 2
308 DEPOSITIONS

a dollar, and put me down below. I did not Re any other
person punished.

No. 22. Wong-a-fat (taken from American ship):—I am
-twenty-three years of age. I am a servant in.a brothel. A
friend, fourteen days ago, at Fatshan, asked me to go with him
to Canton, where I could get a better office. It was too dark
when we were on our way to see, and we went to Chang-chow.
I was asked to go and bea coolie. On refusing, I was tied up
by my thumbs, sticks were placed between each of my fingers, a
piece of wood also was placed in my mouth. I said I was willing
to go; they told the people in the foreign ship the same. When
the mandarin came on board I was asked by him if I was willing
to go, and said I was not. For this the foreigner took me down
below, and beat me severely. I was also kept without any
dinner on that day. In the China boat I was beaten by Chinese,
dressed as such. I saw another man beaten; he is here among
the coolies.

No. 35. Li-hsi deposes:—Am from the Hai-feong district,
aged thirty-eight, a porter (coolie) by trade. On the Ist of the
eighth month an acquaintance, Lio-a-shih by name, decoyed me
te the city to enlist as a brave. After reaching Canton, he
hired a boat on the 5th, and took me on the 7th to Chang-
chow; he then took me on board a junk, where I remained two
days, after which he took me on board a kidnapper’s vessel ;
here J saw a man jump overboard, who was drowned. After-
wards I was seized and set at liberty.

A true statement.

No. 36. Huang-ah-hang, aged thirty-four, a charcoal-seller
(taken from Oldenburgh ship) :—Was taken to Chang-chow to
get the money for a load of charcoal, and put on board a hsia-
kou-ting, and told his destination ; refusing to go, was tied by
the thumbs and toes, ducked in the river, and beaten till he
agreed to go on board a foreign vessel. Telling the foreigners
he was there by compulsion, was sent back, put on board the
hsia-kou-ting, and beaten till he again consented. Was taken
on board a second foreign vessel, and again said he was there by
compulsion; was taken back to the hsia-kou-ting, and beaten
OF KIDNAPPED COOLIES. 309

again till he was afraid to say no, when asked whether he was
willing to go or not, on board the third foreign vessel. Was
treated well on board; always answering yes when he was asked
whether he was there willingly or not.

No. 37. Lih-luh states :—I am fourteen years old, and belong
to the village of Chin, in the Shun-tih district, and have lately
lived in No. 10 ward of the western suburbs. On the 5th of the
ninth moon I met a man whom I knew by the name of Ah-fuh.
Ido not know his surname. He asked me to go with him to
Chur-pei, a village in the Pwanyu district, where he said there
was going to be a theatrical performance. I, misled by him,
was taken instead to Chang-chow to be sold to foreigners; but
when the foreigners saw my tender age, they would not have
me, but returned me to Ah-fuh, on board whose boat I remained
till I was taken by the military, and brought here for exa-
mination.

No. 38. Wang-ah-ling, thirty-two, a costermonger (taken
from Oldenburgh ship) :—Was decoyed to Chang-chow by Kuan-
tsai-rh, of Sien-hua-tsing Street, close by the yamun, seized,
carried on board a ha-kou-ting, and ducked till he agreed to go
on board the foreign vessel, where he was asked by a Chinaman,
dressed as a foreigner, named Kua-ah-szu, whether he was willing
to go or not; said yes, the broker having told him he would be
murdered if he refused. Forty dollars was given for him, which
was paid to Kua-ah-szu by a foreigner, when he consented to go,
and Kua-ah-szu left with the broker. Was told by a foreigner
the morning he was rescued, that a mandarin was coming
to examine him, and promised two dollars if he said he was
willing to remain, and threatened with death if he said the
contrary.

No. 41. Tsung-jung states :—I belong to the Pwanyu district,
and am twenty-nine years old, and am owner of the Hih-ho
mat-shop by the east gate. On the 6th of the present moon I
met Soo-shih and Chin-ah-urh, who deceived me by saying that
a mat-shade was wanted for a floating bridge at Urh-sha-wei,
and I, misled by their talk, desired the job, and went with them
on the 6th to Urh-sha-wei, where we fell in with four men in:a
310 DEPOSITIONS

boat, who accused me of stealing fruit belonging"to them, and
pulled me into the boat, saying they were going to give me in
charge to the constable. I little thought they were going to
take me to Chang-chow; first putting me into a scrambling
crab-boat, and afterwards into a tanka boat. In the tanka boat I
found a man who had been before brought off, named Yeh-shing.
We were afterwards joined by Ho-ching, who pulled the boat,
and who told me openly that he had paid several dollars for me,
and that I must now go toa foreign country to work. Soon after
Yeh-shing and myself were taken in charge by the soldiers who
were sent on the business, and were brought by them here.
This is true.

No. 50. Tche-a-low (taken from American ship) :—I am
twenty years of age, and married. I ama sailor. I was kid-
napped at Woo-ching by a man who persuaded me to go to a
vessel to get good employment. Arrived at Chang-chow, I was
told [ was to be a coolie with foreigners. I refused, and was
tied up. This was on board the ha-kou-ting. My hands were
tied together. I was told it would be well to spare myself the
pain of punishment, as even death would be my fate if I per-
sisted in refusing: I assented, and was taken on board a foreign
vessel. In reply to the question of the foreigner, I informed
him I was very unwilling to go, but still more unwilling to
endure punishment, and rather than that, under compulsion, I
must go. I was received, and was paid a dollar, and was en-
gaged to a Spanish colony for eight years. Iwas kindly treated
on board. Some were punished for making a disturbance. We
were visited by mandarins at different times, and always before
their visits the foreigner told us we should be killed if we dared
to say we were there against our wills. One China mandarin
lived on board; he told us we had better confess we were willing,
or we certainly should be killed.

No. 64. Wang-a-moay (taken from Oldenburgh ship) :—I am
thirty years of age. Iam married, and am a sailor. I live at
Soo-surig. I was at work in my house, and was decoyed away
on some pretences, until I was put on board a ship. It was a
ha-kou-ting at Chang-chow. I was told I was to go and be a
coolie. I refused. I was tied up and beaten with a stick. I
OF KIDNAPPED ‘COOLIES. 311

was then sent into a foreign ship, and asked if I was willing. I
refused again, and was sent back to the ha-kou-ting. This time
Iwas again beaten, and my feet tortured; a lighted joss-stick
was applied to my ankle (shows mark of a bad burn) until I
could bear the pain no longer; so I went on board the foreign
ship again. Fifty-eight coolies were left on board the ship:
some were willing, but all were not asked.

No. 71. Lum-a-kun, twenty-one years of age, hawker of eat-
ables (taken from American ship): — Lives in the western
suburbs. On the 17th ultimo a friend of his said that he knew
of a passage-boat having come from Hwui-chow, on board of
which were some salt vegetables for sale; that they were very
cheap, and that if he wished to purchase some, he would go
with him, and point out the vessel. Deponent consented, and
as they were getting into a boat at the wharf a third party
joined them. He then became somewhat suspicious, and seeing
that the boat in which he was, was not going in the direction of
the passage-boats, he wanted to go back, but the two others
forced him down into the bottom of the boat. He was taken to
Whampoa, put on board a broker’s boat, where he spent the
night, and was next day taken on board a foreign vessel, but
was sent back when he said that he was unwilling to go abroad.
After this the coolie broker had him beaten and ducked in the
river, and he was then taken on board another foreign vessel,
where being brought before a mandarin, and asked if he would,
he consented through fear; and a Portuguese who could speak
Chinese forced him to impress his finger dipped in ink upon a
written paper, which he said was his “Agreement,” but the
terms of which were not read out to him. He was treated well
on board.

This shows the value of the contract signed by the
coolie, and countersigned by the consul on faith of the
charterer, as explained by the Spanish vice-consul him-
self.

No. 91. Ngai-a-mun, aged thirty (taken from Oldenburgh
ship) :—Dealer in salt fish; he belongs to Tsang-ching district.
312 DEPOSITIONS

On the 27th of December three men seized hold a him, robbed
him of six thousand cash he was carrying, dragged him down to
the river, and put him into a small boat. They proceeded to
Chang-chow, took him on board a hakow-boat, and asked him
whether he was willing to go abroad. He said no. They struck
him over the head and back with the back of a knife. They
again asked him; he again refused. They ducked him, having
first made fast his hands behind his back. After the third im-
mersion he consented. He was at once taken on board a foreign
ship, in his wet clothes ; he there saw a Portuguese, who asked
him whether he was willing to go; he replied, yes. The Por-
tuguese asked him how his clothes became so wet. He said the
people on board the hakow had beaten and ducked him. He
was six days on board, and well treated the whole time.

No. 59. Koon-a-choy (taken from Oldenburgh ship) :—I am
thirty-seven years of age; have a wife and two children. I live
at We-loo-shi. I left home eighteen days ago. I was carrying
charcoal, and met six men in the western suburbs, who told me
they had better work for me, and I was to accompany them to
the water-side. I went to the allied landing-place, and when
near the water a gag was placed in my mouth, and I was
dragged into a boat and taken to Chang-chow, where I was
placed on a ha-kou-ting. I was asked if I would go to Spain as
a coolie ; I said I was the only support to my wife and children,
and that it was impossible I could leave them; I was told I
must do so, and I said I would rather be killed. The kid-
nappers and a lot of Chinese tied my body down to my legs;
placed me sitting on my hands; tied my hands underneath,
passed in under and behind my legs; then forced in a bamboo,
and two men stamped upon me until the pain was killing me.
I yielded, and was taken to the foreign vessel, where I was well
treated and paid a dollar. I was not visited by any mandarins
until the two magistrates came for me. About sixty coolies were
left on board the vessel, who seemed willing to go.

I may almost say that I caught a kidnapper once
myself; for walking through the southern suburbs one
day about this time, I heard a great noise and lamenta-
OF KIDNAPPED COOLIES. 3138

tion in a by-street. I went to the place, and found a
man dragging along by main force a lad of about
sixteen years of age. The crowd gazed on the scene
with stupid apathy. Of course, I could not tell what
was being said, so I took both by the pigtails, and led
them up to the south gate for an investigation. They
were afterwards brought before the Commissioners, and
the man told his story as follows:—He had been
engaged to marry the boy’s sister, but she had jilted
him, and was now betrothed to another. The idea
occurred to him of capturing her brother, and keeping
him as a hostage until the fulfilment of her promise. I
think the poor boy would have had a chance of finding
his way to the barracoons.

No. 95. Hwo-a-yeu (taken from American ship), states :—I
am forty-four years of age, and a native of Nan-hsing-tsun, in
Kai-ping district. I gain my living by agriculture, but, the
harvests being all finished, I was out of employment. A friend
that I met asked me to come to the city, where I could get
employment. Assenting, he hired a boat and took me to
Chang-chow, where we went aboard a hsia-kow boat. Per-
ceiving it to be a coolie-ship, I wished to get back, but was
seized and beaten so severely that I consented to answer in the
affirmative any questions put to me on board a foreign ship ;
and I told the foreigners that I wished to emigrate. I lived on
board four weeks. I was well treated, although, among the
two hundred coolies on board, some were beaten every day on
account of expression of unwillingness to go abroad. I was
taken away by Chinese officers. The coolies who consented to
remain gave their consent through fear: I don’t think a single
one wishes, in his heart, to go.

Such was the substanée of the statements of all the
men examined. Comparatively few complained of
violence offered by foreigners, and it does not appear to
have been usual to maltreat them on first being brought
314 . CONFESSIONS

to the ship, if they refused to remain ; buf*the foreign
agents appear to have generally sent them back for a
further consideration of the advantage of emigration.
I wish I could feel that they were ignorant of the
course of persuasion adopted.

Let us now see what the kidnappers have to say for
themselves :—

Chin-ah-sew, alias Chin-ah-seu, states:—I am forty-four years
of age, and belong to the Sin-ning district. On the Ist of the
8th moon of the present year, I connived with Seu-ah-hing to
kidnap a man named A-che (I do not know what his family
name was), and with Seu-ah-hing took him to Macao, and sold
him there for twenty dollars, of which Seu-ah-hing gave me six
dollars for my share. Again, on the 7th of the same moon,
there came to my boat a Sin-ning man named Hwang-ah-neu,
who had kidnapped a man named Tseen-ah-tee. Him Seu-ah-
hing and myself took to Macao, and sold there for thirty dollars,
which we three, Seu-ah-hing, Hwang-ah-neu, and myself shared
equally. On the 17th of the 8th moon I returned to Sin-ning,
and with a man belonging to the village of Pwan, came to
Canton, and on the 20th went on board a hakow-boat. On the
21st, with Seu-ah-hing, I took this man to Macao and sold him
for thirty dollars, of which I gave Seu-ah-hing ten dollars. On
the 17th of the 9th moon, having spent this, a man named
Seu-ah-lung with a man called Suh-ah-hseen, whom he had
kidnapped, Seu-ah-hing and myself took to Macao. We sold
the man for twenty dollars, of which I got six dollars, Seu-ah-
hing six dollars, and Seu-ah-lung ten dollars. On my former
examination I confessed to two cases of kidnapping and selling
men; now that I have confessed to four fresh ones, there are
six in which I have been engaged. I have never been brought
up for any other offence.

This is a true statement.

Liang-tai-yeo deposes :—On the night of the 29th of the 9th
month I was at Macao, and succeeded in decoying an acquaint-
ance named Lia-hsien. On the 2nd of the 10th month I hired
a fish-dealer’s boat, and accompanied him to Chang-chow, to
OF KIDNAPPERS. 315

sell on board the vessel belonging to the coolie-broker named
Tai-a-shen. I received six dollars for the man.

Furthermore, on the 12th of the 9th month, I was at Macao,
in Hsiang-shan, and decoyed an acquaintance named Hwang-a-
kwei, whom I took on board a pedlar’s boat from Macao to
Chang-chow, and sold, as before, to Tai-a-shen for sixteen
dollars.

At another time, on the 4th of the 10th month, I decoyed, at
Hong-Kong, an acquaintance named Li-a-chio, whom I took in
a fish-dealer’s boat and sold, as before, at Chang-chow, to Tai-a-
shen, the coolie-broker, for the sum of twelve dollars.

On the morning of the 8th I was suddenly seized by a guard
of soldiers, and carried up for examination.

I confess to the kidnapping of the three men at three differ-
ent times. The money received for them I have spent. Besides
this case, I have never been apprehended for the commission of
crime. I have no knowledge of other matters (of the same
kind), nor have ever been implicated with others in cases of
forcible detention.

A true statement.

Li-che states:—I am thirty-one years of age, and belong to
Kin-hia village, by the Bogue, in Tung-kwan district. My
father, Suy-ke, is 66 years of age; my mother, Wan-she, is 56.
Of six brothers I am the second. The eldest is named Ah-tung;
the third, A-ping; the fourth, A-shi; the fifth, A-hai. My
wife, A-tsee, has borne to me a son and a daughter. I am a
discharged brave; and no man having hired me, on the 17th of
the 9th month the man who is now in charge, Li-sze, of Chang-
lo district, spoke openly to me, asking me to go with him in a
scrambling crab-boat, and join him in managing the boat, with
the purpose of catching and selling men for coolies. I readily
consented, and went with him to Whampoa, and to Chang-
chow, on the main river. On board the boat there were, besides
three men, the cook, A-sze, A-luh, and A-kew, who were all
employed on board. On the 4th of the present month we were
engaged by Yeh-ah-urh, who came on board with a man he had
kidnapped, named Li-ah-chuen, whom I and Li-sze took on
board a fishing-boat, and sold for thirty dollars. Yeh-ah-urh

\
316 CONFESSIONS

received twenty dollars. I and Li-sze each had" five dollars.
Again, on the 5th, we were engaged by a man named Chin-asz,
who had with him a Hwei-chow man named Chin-a-san, to sell
as a coolie. Him I and Li-sze took to the fishing-boat, and
sold for thirty dollars. Chin-asz received twenty dollars; I
and Li-sze each had five dollars. On the 6th there was Chin-a-
kwei, who brought with him a Lung-mun man, to sell as a
coolie, named Le-a-shing, came on board. I and Li-sze took
him on board the fishing-boat, and sold him for sixteen dollars,
and which Ching-ah-kwei, Li-sze, and myself divided equally.
Again, on the 5th, Woo-leen-yew, a man from Tung-kwan
district, brought Hwang-leang, who is now in your charge, with
the intention of selling him as a coolie. I and Li-sze took him,
on the 6th and on the 7th, on board the fishing-boat. The
foreigners saw him, but were unwilling to buy him; so we took
him back on board our boat, and shut him up below, when,
unexpectedly, the mandarin soldiers came to arrest us all, and
brought me and Li-sze up here. I have been engaged in
selling men as coolies four times, in one of which the transaction
was not completed. I have never been accused of any other
crime. .
This is a true statement.

Le-hsien-tsing affirms :—On the 4th of the 10th month of the
present year, in the district of Tung-kwan, I met a friend named
Hwang-a-pau, and on the same day hired a boat and went to
Whampoa, where I sold him on board a hsia-kow boat, whose
name I do not know, and got twelve dollars, which I have spent.
Again, on the 24th of the 8th month, in the same district of
Tung-kwan, I kidnapped Cheng-a-ling, and sold him on board
the same ship, and again got twelve dollars. I little thought
that on the 8th the mandarin soldiers would come and seize me
for examination. I have, indeed, kidnapped but two men, and
have spent all the money I got. I have certainly kidnapped
none besides, and have offended in no other way. I have no
confederates. .

A true statement.

Tang-kang deposes:—I am aged twenty-four; a labourer,
from Ho-tien, in the Tung-kwan district. My father is dead:
OF KIDNAPPERS. 317

my mother’s family name is Hwang, her age seventy-two. I
have no brothers, wife, nor children. On the 12th of the 9th
month in the current year I went to the town of Tung-kwan,
where IT met a man named Li-a-hwa, who told me, while we
were sitting down and chatting together, that he was out of
employ. I replied that business was brisk at Chang-chow, and
that work might be had; soon after which I accompanied Li-a-
hwa to Chang-chow, where I sold him on board Hu-a-yeo’s
coolie vessel for twenty dollars. I had been acquainted with
Hu-a-yeo since the 8th month.

Again, on the 2nd of the 10th month, I went into the town of
Tung-kwan, and met an acquaintance named Chang-a-te in the
Yen-pu Street, where he kept a stall. I enticed him by saying
that gambling was a very lucrative business at Chang-chow,
when he expressed his willingness to accompany me thither. I
thereupon took Chang-a-te, hired a small boat, and went on
board Yeh-a-sin’s gambling-boat, at Chang-chow. Yeh-a-sin paid
me ten dollars, and gave Chang-a-te himself ten dollars head-
money, on the agreement that this money was to be gambled
with. If Chang-a-te won, he was to pay Yeh-a-sin one hundred
cash profit for every dollar; if he lost, he was to become a
coolie. Chang-a-te consented to this, risked his money, and
lost. He was then put in confinement by Yeh-a-sin, in order
that he might be sold.

That evening I went on board Hu-a-yeo’s boat to pass the
night. In the morning of the 8th a guard of soldiers came to
make a search and seize offenders. Yeh-a-sin and Chang-a-te
escaped. I only was taken and brought up for examination.

Now, honoured by a trial, I declare that I have only twice
been concerned in kidnapping coolies, and have never been
accused of any other offence.

Keang-hung-tsing affirms:—I had an old friend, whose sur-
name I do not know. He is called Achen. He lived on board
a hsia-kow boat at Whampoa, and bought coolies for the pur-
pose of selling them for transportation. On the Ist of the 10th
month of the present year I met an old friend in the street
outside the Great, South Gate (of Canton). His name is Ho-a-
leu, and it occurred to me that I would kidnap him. I told
318 CONFESSIONS

him that I would recommend him on board thé*hsia-kow boat
for work, where he would receive six dollars each month.
Ho-a-leu readily consented, and I went with him outside the
Wu-hsien Gate and hired a little boat to go to Whampoa.
There I sold him to the aforesaid Achen, whose surname I do
not know, on board the hsia-kow boat, getting six dollars.
Inasmuch as Achen was a friend of mine, I stayed several days
on board his ship. I never thought that on the 8th the man-
darin soldiers would seize me and bring me up to examination
(yet such was the case). I have kidnapped and sold a man but
once, and but once got money.
A true statement.

Yii-chang deposes:—Am aged twenty-five; from Tieh-
chiang, in the Po-lo district. My father is dead; my mother,
whose family name is Chii, is aged fifty-two. I have two
brothers, and am the second son. Am married; my wife's
family name is Chii. I have no children. I was formerly a
herbalist and practitioner in cutaneous diseases in Shih-lung, in
the Tung-kwan district, in the Hsin-chieh Street. On the 26th
of the 9th month it occurred to me to impose on an acquaint-
ance in Shih-lung, named Chou-a-chi, with the statement that
hands were wanted on board a sea-going vessel at Chang-chow,
at four dollars per month. Chou-a-chi agreed to go, whereupon
I took him to Chang-chow, and sold him for twenty dollars on
board the vessel owned by a man named Yu-a-hsiang and
another, named A-chéng, whose family name I do not know.

At another time, on the 1st of the 10th month, I used the
same pretences at Shih-wan, to decoy a man named Hwang-a-sz,
whom I took to Chang-chow to sell to Yii-a-hsiang and his
accomplices. This time I sold the man for 15 dollars.

Yii-a-hsiang having no money in hand, I waited for my pay
on board his vessel. Afterwards a man, already brought up for
examination, named Liang-chi-téng, was decoyed on board by
some one else, and, seeing that he was troubled with ulcers, I
gave him medicines.

Suddenly, on the 8th, I was seized by a guard of soldiers,
together with Liang-chi-téng, and brought up for trial. Yii-a-
hsiang and the others escaped.
OF KIDNAPPERS. 319

Being now honoured by an examination, I confess to having
twice been guilty of kidnapping. With these exceptions, I
have never been accused of crime.

Le-sun affirms:—I am thirty-eight years old, and am a
native of Wang-nin-tun, in the district of Tung-wan. My
parents are both dead, and I have no brothers, wife, or children.
When at home I gain my living by agriculture. On the 12th
of the 8th month of the present year, at a place called Ta-fan,
in the district of Tung-kwan, I kidnapped a man named
Fu-a-hsi, eighteen years of age, and went to Whampoa to hand
him over to an acquaintance of mine, a coolie-broker named
Tsung-a-yew, for transfer sale. Tsung-a-yew gave me eight
dollars. Until the 2nd of the 10th month I kept the Lo-man-
tsz mud-boat, which has been taken. The two men, Lun-chi
and Wang-yuen, who have been taken, used to work the boat
with me, and go to different places seeking for occupation. I
little thought that on the 7th day, when the boat went to
Whampoa, it would be captured by mandarin soldiers for the
purpose of judicial examination (yet such was the case). Fu-a-
hsi is the only person I ever sold..

This is a true statement. I ask for mercy.

Yen-a-tsai affirms:—On the 8rd of the 9th month of the
present year, at Wan-shang, in the district of Sin-gan, I kid-
napped a friend named Yu-a-sz. On the 6th I hired a fishing-
boat and went with him to Whampoa, where I sold him on
board ship to Tai-a-shen, the coolie-broker, and got twenty
dollars, which I have spent. On the 3rd of the 10th month, in
the same Wan-shang locality, I kidnapped a friend named
Ho-a-yuen, taking him on the 5th to Whampoa, and selling him
to the same Tai-a-shen, who gave eighteen dollars. I did not
expect that early on the 8th mandarin soldiers would come and
arrest me. I have, indeed, kidnapped but two people. I have
spent all the money I received. Beyond these I certainly have
kidnapped no one, and have in no otherwise offended. I have
no confederates.

A true statement.

Lo-a-weh affirms :—On the 15th day of the 9th month, at a
320 THE COOLIES RETURNED.

place called She-tu, in the district of Tung-kwan,™ kidnapped a
friend named Chang-fu. On the 8th I took passage in a boat,
and went to Whampoa to sell him on board a ship to a coolie-
broker named Chen-fu. I got ten dollars. Again, on the 25th
of the 9th month, in the village of Tang-hsia, in the district of
Tung-kwan, I kidnapped a friend named Hwang-yung. On the
28th I took passage with him, and went to Whampoa, where I
sold him on board a ship to Yang-a-shen. I got ten dollars. I
little expected that mandarin soldiers would seize me and bring
me up for examination (yet such was the case). Altogether I
have but kidnapped and sold two men. I have spent all the
money I obtained. Beyond this I have committed no other
offence.
A true statement.

Thus it was all the same with them, friends or
acquaintances, they sold them as readily as strangers.
It would seem that they thought to atone for their
crime by a repayment of the money, so generally do
they assert that it has all been spent. But as Laou
said on the occasion: “ Little did they know that
Heaven would not endure them; that it is difficult to
escape from the meshes of the law, and that in the space
of a moment their heads would be severed from their
bodies ;” and yet, as some of them ingenuously observed
of their unexpected capture, “yet, nevertheless, such
was the case.”

I think now that, having brought matters to this
point, I may make a short story of a long one. The
screw being applied to the masters and charterers of the
ships which had sent away their coolies, by the deten-
tion of their clearance, a strong effort was made by all
parties to get the affair settled. Mr. Ward supported
the Governor-General, and directed Mr. Perry to afford
him all the assistance in his power. The governor of
Macao also aided in getting the men in question sent
ABSTRACT. 321

- up to Canton. It was decided that a public examination
should be held, after which, all who desired to emigrate
should be allowed to do so, on signing a fresh contract,
of the provisions of which they should at the time be
made well aware; the former contracts being considered
invalid, in consequence of the illegality of the entire
proceedings under which they were entered upon. The
result of the examination was, that of the entire num-
ber, two only declared themselves willing to go abroad
—one of them being of the number taken from an
American ship, and the other from the “ Oldenburgh.”
One was a boy, apparently of weak intellect, and the
other, a poor, friendless wretch, who said he was so
badly off at home that he could not be worse elsewhere.
They were offered to the agents; but notwithstanding
the trouble they had been put to for them, they declined
to have them. The abstract of the men delivered
during the time spoken of in the foregoing narrative
stands thus :—

Brought up from Whampoa by Chinese officers,

31st December, from American ship. . 6
Do. from “ Oldenburgh” . ; . ‘ . 2
Do. do. 8rd January. : ‘ . 47
Do. American do. : . . 51
Do. by Mr. Perry, 9th J anany « ‘ s «
Escaped at Macao. : » 26
Given over to Chinese antherities at Macao . 28
Do. to friends, being under 18 years of age ‘ 1
Do. do. 1
Brought up a Macao, orginally s ex “ Olden-

burgh” ship > a oe F . . 80
Do. do. American . ; . : . 482

714

of whom only 2 were willing emigrants.
322 REFLECTIONS.

Comment here is unnecessary. Should nt one blush -
when one thinks of the Christians among the heathen ?
When will the love of gain cease to beget fraud, and
when will commerce, Christianity, and integrity, go
hand in hand, bringing the whole world towards a per-
fect state of Christian civilization ?
CHAPTER XXI.

Lawful Emigration, and its results.

In order to complete the subject, I must turn now to
the legitimate emigration, and the houses established in
Canton for the furtherance of that object. I have
already said that the British house was established on
the 10th November, 1859. The rules and regulations
speak for themselves. A French house soon followed,
and later, Spanish houses, all under the supervision of
the Allied Commissioners, and under rules and contracts
approved by the Allied Commanders, whose assistance
the Governor-General was enabled to secure by this
limitation of the locale of these establishments to
Canton. The following were the

Rules under which Houses for the reception of Chinese Emigrants
to Foreign Countries were allowed to be opened within the limits
of the Allied Jurisdiction at Canton.

1. The applicant for permission to open an emigration house
to furnish the Commissioners with written particulars as to his
name, nation, and the extent and character of his intended
operations. If unauthorized by any government to conduct
emigration, he must produce the approval of his consul for
doing so.

2. The applicant will also furnish copies to all the Commis-
sioners of all rules, of whatever description, under which he
proposes to conduct the emigration, or to regulate the business

y 2
324 REGULATIONS

of the emigration house, as well as of all conditions or terms
under which he proposes to engage the emigrants. All such
rules must receive the approval of the Commissioners before
they can be carried into effect; and any new regulation or
alteration in the old rules that the person conducting the emi-
gration may at any time think it necessary to adopt, must in
the same way be first submitted to and approved by the com-
missioners before being enforced or acted on.

8. Copies of all the said rules and regulations, when so
approved, as well as of all the conditions or terms under which
emigrants are to be engaged, are to be posted up in such manner
that they can be easily seen and read at all the entrances to
the emigration house, as well as in the quarters occupied by the
emigrants.

4, The emigration house will be inspected at any time that
the Allied Commissioners may choose to appoint, by officers of
the allied police, who will be authorized to muster and speak
with the emigrants, and to put any inquiries they may see fit,
in order to obtain the fullest particulars as to the manner in
which the establishment is conducted and the emigrants are
engaged. They will inspect the quarters of the emigrants, and
see that careful attention is paid to their health, comfort, and
cleanliness. They will also examine the books of the establish-
ment, with a view to ascertaining that a careful registration is
kept of all the emigrants engaged under these regulations.

5. In the event of the houses or depots for emigrants taking
in both sexes, the accommodation for females or families is to
be separate from that provided for single male emigrants, and
to be so arranged as to insure decency, and such privacy as
they may reasonably claim.

6. The door of the emigration house will be opened at sun-
rise, and closed again at sunset; and free egress and ingress,
without any let or hindrance whatever, will be allowed to all
the emigrants residing in the emigration house, within certain
hours on each day to be approved by the Commissioners.

7. The person in charge of the emigration house is to employ
such number of servants or watchmen as may from time to time
be found necessary to maintain order during day and night
FOR EMIGRATION HOUSES. 825

throughout his premises; and every person employed in the
emigration house, whether foreign or Chinese, is to be registered
at the Commissioners’ yamun in the manner appointed by the
Commissioners.

8. In the event of any difference or dispute between the
person conducting the emigration and the emigrant, the latter
will always have a right of appeal to the Allied Commissioners ;
and any complaint or claim that the person conducting the
emigration may have to make against an emigrant may be
adjudicated by the Allied Commissioners, unless the emigrant be
satisfied with the decision of the Chinese officer superintending
the emigration.

9. No corporal punishment can be inflicted within the emi-
gration house; and in the event of any emigrant committing a
punishable offence, the offender may be arrested, but must at
once be forwarded to the Allied Commissioners, with a statement
of the case; and the Allied Commissioners, if they see fit, will
hand him over to the Chinese authorities for punishment.

10. No emigrant can be embarked without forty-eight hours’
notice of the same being given in writing to the Allied Com-
missioners, who, if they see fit, will appoint officers of the allied
police to be present at the embarkation and the departure of the
vessel; and the number and names of the emigrants she takes
to sea must be reported by the person conducting the emigration
to the Allied Commissioners.

11. The Allied Commanders reserve to themselves the right to
close these establishments, or any one of them, whenever they
may consider it advisable to do so, and without explanation.

12. It is in the power of the Allied Commissioners, acting with
the approval of the Allied Commanders, to establish from time to
time such further rules as may be judged necessary for the
proper regulation of the emigration and the well-being of the
emigrants.

13. The infraction of any of the above or other rules that
may be established in the manner aforesaid, to be punishable
either by fine levied on the person conducting the emigration,
or by closing the emigration house upon the order of the Allied
Commanders.
326 REGULATIONS
*

Seven Aaduionah Regulations respecting Emigrant Depéts at
Canton.

Canton, January 26, 1860.

In virtue of the 12th Article of the Rules and Regulations
for Emigration Houses in Canton, dated 4th November, 1859,
the following additional rules have been established, and have
received the sanction of the Allied Commissioners :—

1. The emigration houses will be visited daily by the two
allied inspecting officers appointed by the Allied Commanders in
conjunction with the Chinese officers appointed by the Chinese
authorities.

The emigration agent will produce, at each visit, such appli-
cants for emigration as may have presented themselves before
these officers, who will note, in their own registers, the name,
age, and sex of each applicant, with such other particulars as
they may deem necessary. They will also see that each emi-
grant is provided with a copy of the contract under which it is
proposed to engage him, which must be read over to him in
their presence; and they will see that all information which
may be required is fully afforded to each applicant.

2. In the event of any emigration agent having to complain
of improper conduct, or of any offence on the part of the inmates
of his house, he is at liberty to keep the offender in confinement
until visited by the inspecting officers, who will direct him as to
the course to be pursued. ‘But punishment can only be carried
out in the depot when the Allied Commissioners see fit to sanction
the same.

3. No emigrant shall be called upon to sign his contract until
four days shall have elapsed since the date of his registration by
the inspecting officers.

But should he require additional time for consideration or
communicating with his friends, he will be at liberty to delay
the completion of his contract until ten days from the date of the
above registration.

4, The contract will be signed in each establishment on days
FOR EMIGRATION HOUSES. 327

to be named by the inspecting officers, and in their presence,
which day should be notified by the emigration agent to the
consul of the nation to which he belongs.

Each emigrant, as he is brought up, will be asked by the
inspecting officers if he accepts the terms of his contract, and
whether he is willing to sign. No contract can be signed at any
time by the emigrant, except with his full consent.

The advances stipulated for in the contract shall be paid the
emigrant at the time he signs his contract; and he will not then
be allowed to quit the depdt except with the special consent
of the agent who engages him, and who will be at liberty to
cause him to embark on the same day.

5. No money but that paid as in advance on account of future
wages is to be offered or given to any applicant for emigration,
except in the case of the emigration of families, when a gratuity
can be paid, with a view of covering expenses entailed on the
removal of the family from their residence, and for the pro-
vision of such extras as may be required by them during the
voyage.

6. After the contracts have been duly signed, the emigration
agent will receive from the emigration officers a list specifying
the number and names of the emigrants engaged, with the
authority necessary for their embarkation. A duplicate of this
list will be forwarded by the officers to the governor-general for
transmission to the superintendent of customs, who is charged
by the governor-general to see that no other emigrants than
those engaged under these regulations are shipped on board
foreign vessels in this port.

7. Should any demand be made by the allied and Chinese
authorities for the surrender of any emigrant, founded upon any
complaint or charge that they may conjointly deem it necessary
to entertain, the emigration agent is liable to be called upon to
surrender any emigrant he may have in his depét, or on board
his ship: provided in the latter case that the demand be made
through the consul or consuls of the nations to which the emi-
gration agent and the emigrant vessel belong.

In the event of any emigrant who is thus removed not being
328 NOTICE ISSUED

returned to the emigration agent, the allied and Chinese autho-
rities will see that the latter is repaid any advance of wages that
may have been received by the emigrant.

(Signed) oH. Martineau pres CHENEZ,
Harry 8. Parkss,
A. A C. FisHer,

Allied Commissioners.

The following is the notice put forth by Mr. Austin
at the commencement of his career at Canton :—

Public Notice.

By Austin, Special Agent of the British Government for the
Regulating and Encouragement of Emigration from China to
the British West Indies.

We have hitherto seen that the want of labour in various
foreign colonies has brought foreigners to China to engage
labourers, while the difficulty often experienced by Chinese in
obtaining subsistence in their own densely-populated land has
induced many of them to go abroad to seek a livelihood. But
it has been found that the absence of all regulation on the
subject has prevented check and precluded inquiry, and thus a
door has been opened to the villany of designing men, who,
using the name of emigration to give a character to their pro-
ceedings, have, in reality, sought only to serve their own avari-
cious views by kidnapping their fellow-men. The British
‘Government hold such persons in the deepest abhorrence, and
earnestly try for their entire suppression.

The British West Indian territories are of great extent, and
contain an abundance of fine lands. The planters (who have
large estates, and are men of considerable wealth) have hitherto
obtained supplies of labour from Bengal and Madras, in British
India; and as the latter is not far removed from China, and the
Chinese have long since evinced a disposition to go abroad (as is
seen at the British settlements of Singapore and Malacca, and
BY BRITISH EMIGRATION AGENT. 329

other places, where thousands of them are already located), it
was natural that the West Indian planters should also come to
China to obtain labour.

By the engagement of labour the poor and the rich should be
alike advantaged—the rich by the services of the poor, and the
poor by the money of the rich; and much it is to be deplored
that an emigration which should have been attended with this
result has, of late years, in consequence of the prevalence of kid-
napping, been productive of most serious evils. Nor does it
appear that these can be avoided, unless the emigration is con-
ducted under proper regulations.

The British Government cannot endure that the ignorant
classes of the Chinese should become the victims of base
deception; and they have therefore determined to conduct the
emigration to their colonies by means of special officers, who
can consult the interests of all parties, instead of allowing
private people to engage in it who may be careful only of their
own personal benefit.

The undersigned, having now been appointed by his govern-
ment to set on foot an emigration from Kwang-tung to the
British West Indies, has determined upon conducting this at
Canton under certain regulations (five in number) which have
received the sanction of the Allied Commissioners and his
Excellency the Governor of the province. The Kinlung pack-
house, in the Te-lung-le Street, in the western suburb, has been
engaged by him as an emigration house for the reception of emi-
grants in conformity with these regulations ; and it now remains
for him to make known to the people full particulars of the
conditions under which he is prepared to engage labourers, and
which are contained in the following articles :—

1. There is no slavery wherever the British flag flies: the law
in all British possessions is the same for rich and poor: and all
religions are tolerated and protected. The British Government
have also appointed special magistrates in the West Indian
colonies to look after and protect the strangers who go there to
seek employment.

2. The climate of the British West Indian colonies is very
similar to that of southern China. The cultivation is chiefly
330 NOTICE ISSUED

that of the sugar-cane; but rice, cotton, and otis are also
grown there, together with most of the fruits and vegetables
produced in China. :

3. The emigrant to the British West Indies will be engaged
under contract, to serve there for a term of five years, to date
from his arrival in the colonies. Should he require it, an
advance of wages to the extent of twenty dollars will be made
him, to be repaid by gradual deductions from his wages after
arrival at his destination. He will be provided with a free
passage, the cost of which may be estimated at seventy-five
dollars. Clothing for the voyage, and, of course, food, will be
supplied gratuitously ; and it should be known that the feeding
of the emigrants on their passage is regulated by a special law.
The length of the voyage may be estimated as under one
hundred days.

4. As the emigrants themselves have no knowledge of the
price of labour in the British West Indies, a fixed sum of four
dollars per month is first offered them; but if, on their arrival
in the colony, they prefer to be paid by the day, in the same
way as the non-contract labourers, they have only to signify
their wishes to the magistrate, who will make the necessary
alterations in their contract, and see that they are placed on the
same footing as to remuneration. They will still, of course,
have to serve the stipulated period of five years. Should it
happen, however, that any labourer, having thus entered into a
contract for five years, wishes to cancel it at the close of the
first year, or at any other subsequent. period of his service,
either from a desire to return home or to accept elsewhere any
other occupation, he is at liberty to do so on repayment of four-
fifths of his passage-money if he has completed only one year’s
‘service, or a less sum, calculated at fifteen dollars for every
year’s service remaining to be fulfilled. In addition to the said
wage of four dollars per month, food, house, garden-ground, and
medical attendance will be provided. A day’s labour consists of
seven and a-half hours’ work, and the labourer is at liberty to
employ the remaining time in each day in whatever manner he
may find profitable to himself. If, instead of taking the
monthly wage of four dollars, he prefers the daily pay of the
BY BRITISH EMIGRATION AGENT. 331

non-contract labourers, he will then have to find his own food,
but will still be entitled to house, garden-ground, and medical
attendance free of charge.

5. Those emigrants who are unable to take their families
with them, and wish to provide for their maintenance, may allot
to them one or two dollars out of their monthly wages of four
dollars, which allotment shall be paid monthly to them by the
emigration agent at Canton; the remaining portion of the wage,
namely, two or three dollars, as the case may be, being received
by the labourer himself in the colony. On the other hand,
those emigrants who wish to be accompanied by their families
may take them with them free of charge, and a gift of twenty
dollars to the wife and five dollars to each child shall, moreover,
be made, to enable them to provide extra comforts for the
passage. The women will be unfettered by any engagement
whatsoever, being entirely free either to work or accept service,
or to attend solely to their household duties, as their own wants
and inclinations may determine. Families will in all cases live
together, and provision will be made for the gratuitous educa-
tion of the children.

6. In order that the emigrants may have the means of
constant communication with their families or friends, their
letters may at all times be forwarded free of expense, through
the Government, from the colonies to Kwang-tung, and through
the emigration agent from Kwang-tung to the colonies, by the
usual bi-monthly mail steamers. Remittances of money may
also be made in the same way.

Dated at Canton, the 5th day of November, 1859.

Rules established for British Emigration House.

1. Any applicant for admission to the Emigration House to be
fully informed by the .resident agent, in presence of the man-
darin, of the terms offered, the proposed destination, and rules
of the house.

2, Full particulars as to the sex, name, age, place of birth, &.,
must be recorded previous to admission.

3. Medical inspection must take place before admission.

4, Emigrants once registered must be taken to the bath-room,
332 RULES FOR GOVERNMENT

to be there cleansed and clothed ,in the house Tress, The old
dress must be washed and put away in a special “old-clothes
closet,” with the emigrant’s number, for re-delivery to him on
final departure from the house.

5. No emigrant to leave the house or return thereto without
notice to the door-keeper, who will keep a register of the hour
of exit and return.

6. No emigrant to be absent more than eight or ten hours,
without special leave from the resident agent, on pain of being
proceeded against before the Commissioners as a deserter, or for
theft of the home clothes. -

7. Any emigrant desiring to quit the house, and be struck off
the register, must intimate the same to the resident agent, and
shall be allowed to depart with his own clothes, or re-delivery of
those supplied for the use at the depét. Should an emigrant
have remained in the Emigration House more than seven days,
and be then only induced to change his mind, he will be liable,
if not giving satisfactory reasons for a change, to prosecution
before the Commissioners for obtaining food, clothes, and lodg-
ing under false pretences. -

8. Emigration House to be thoroughly cleansed twice a-day,
each emigrant being responsible for the cleanliness of the room
or space allotted to him, whilst such parts as may be considered
public shall be cleansed by the emigrants generally in rotations
fixed by the resident agent.

9. Unless by special permission to the contrary, the meals
must be taken at the tables specially provided in the public
portion of the house, and at such stated periods as the resident
agent may direct.

10. The emigrants must all be washed and dressed at eight a.M.,
and must then assemble for morning inspection.

11. The diet of each emigrant shall be as follows:—One
catty sound rice; four taels fresh pork, or four taels salt fish ;
tea and vegetables to the value of twenty cash; fire-wood and
soap will also be supplied.

12. Except by special permission of the resident agent, no
lights other than the public ones shall be used in the Emigration
House after eight P.M.
OF BRITISH EMIGRATION HOUSE. 333

13. For unruly conduct, or for any breach of the home regu-
lations, the resident agent shall be at liberty to order an
emigrant to close confinement for any time not exceeding six
hours, a special register being kept of all such cases, and a
report thereof sent to the Allied Commissioners.

14. The resident agent shall be at liberty to dismiss any
emigrant summarily from the Emigration House, and strike his
name off the register, the reasons influencing his conduct being
entered in the register under the head of “ Remarks.” No dis-
missal, however, shall be carried into effect save by day.

The contract entered into between Mr. Austin and
the emigrant will, I think, be considered highly liberal,
particularly Article 5, which guarantees a minimum
rate of pay of four dollars a month, with the option of
working at the rates of other labourers, should it prove
more advantageous to the emigrant :—

Form of Contract.

ARTICLES of agreement, made this day of >
in the year of the Christian era , being the day
of the month of the year of the reign of Hien-

fung, according to the Chinese imperial calendar, between
, native of China, of the one part, and John
Gardiner Austin, special agent of the British Government for
the regulating and encouragement of emigration from China to
the British West Indies, of the other part, as follows :—The said
, in consideration of the covenants, agreements,
and stipulations hereinafter entered into by the said J. G. Austin,
doth hereby promise and agree to and with the said J. G. Austin,
his executors, administrators, and assigns, in manner and form
following, that is to say :—

1. That he, the said shall and will, so soon
as he shall be required by the said J. G. Austin, embark on
board the British ship , now lying at anchor
in and bound for the British colony

of , and remain on board the said ship hence-
334 FORM OF CONTRACT

forward until she proceeds to sea, and shall thei proceed as a
passenger on board the said ship, to

aforesaid, for the purpose of carrying out the stipulations here-
inafter contained on the part of the said

2. That the said shall and will from oe to
time, and at all times during the term of five years, to be com-
puted from the day of the date of the arrival of the said ship

in the said colony of
, well, faithfully, and diligently, and
according to the best of his skill and ability, work and serve as
an agricultural labourer, in the said colony of ;
according to the provisions hereinafter contained.

3. That the said shall and will work as
such labourer as aforesaid for the space of seven hours and a
half of each day during the aforesaid term of five years, on such
estate as may be pointed out by the governor of the said colony
of , with a reservation of not less than five
days to be set apart during each year as holidays at the China
new year by the said governor, and of every Sabbath-day. And
in consideration of the agreement herein contained on the part
of the said , the said J. G. Austin hereby
promises and agrees to and with the said
in manner following, that is to say :—

4, That the said J. G. Austin shall provide the said
with a free passage to the said colony of
and shall supply him gratuitously with such food and dlthing
as may be necessary for the voyage.

5. That so long as the said shall continue
and be employed as such agricultural labourer as aforesaid, and
perform the agreements on his part hereinbefore contained, he
the said J. G. Austin shall well and truly pay or cause to be
paid to the said » wages at the rate of four
dollars per calendar month, and shall provide or cause to be
provided for the said , during the same
service, food, house, garden ground, and medical atttendance, all
free of expense to the said , provided
always and it is hereby agreed that it shall be at the option of
the said , at any time within twelve months
ann Ree

FOR BRITISH SERVICE. 335

of his arrival in the said colony of . to
elect to be paid for his services by the task, in the same way as
all labourers not under special contract for service for terms of
years in the said colony; and that in the event of the said
electing to be paid as last hereinbefore

mentioned, then and in such case the said
shall not be entitled to receive food, but house, garden ground,
and medical attendance shall still be furnished to him free of

charge.

6. That the said J. G. Austin shall on demand of the said
, 80 soon as he shall embark on board

the said ship , for the purpose of carrying
out the terms of this agreement, files an advance on account of
wages to the said to the extent of

dollars, shall pay or cause to be paid monthly to the assigns or
nominees of the said in China, one

part of the wages to be earned by the said

in the said colony of , the first payment to

be made on the day of the date of the éribarkation of the seid
on board the said ship

Provided always, and it is hereby agreed, that any sum so a

vanced to the said as aforesaid, shall be

stopped or deducted out of the wages to be earned by the said

, at the rate of one dollar per month, and that any

payments so made as aforesaid, monthly, to the assigns or nomi-

nees of the said in China, shall be stopped or
deducted in equal amounts monthly from the wages to be earned
by the said A

7. That the said shall be at liberty to

determine this agreement at the expiration of the first or any
subsequent year of its subsistence, upon payment of a sum of
money equal to the cost of his passage from China to the said
colony of , namely, seventy-five dollars,
subject to a deduction of one-fifth of the said amount for and in
respect of each year during which the said
shall have served as such agricultural labourer as aforesaid,
under the terms of this agreement.

8. That the said J. G. Austin shall provide or cause to be
336 FORM OF CONTRACT

provided for the said duriffg such period
as he continues to serve under the terms of this agreement, with
the means of corresponding monthly, free of expense, with his
relatives in China, and of remitting money to them,

(Signed)

(Signed)
This done in duplicate (each of the parties aforesaid retaining
one copy) at on the
day of , in the year of our Lord 18, in

the presence of the undersigned, who declare that this contract
has been signed willingly and with full knowledge of its contents
by the said

The French contract is not so liberal. The time is
eight years; there is no option as to wages, nor is there
the same air of comfort that is apparent in the English
house and garden, which a Chinaman would dearly
love: but the mode of life may be very different in the
two colonies, and relative advantages, or the reverse,
more apparent on paper than in reality :—

Emigrants Contract of Engagement with MM. Gastel, Malavois,
and Assier,

THE undersigned, , native of
, in China, aged years, has agreed with
MM. Gastel, Malavois, and Assier to the following :—

1. I engage myself, from the present time, to embark for
Martinique, in any ship the persons aforesaid shall indicate.

2. I engage myself equally for a space of eight years to
labour in the aforesaid colony, under the orders of MM. Gastel,
Malavois, and Assier, or of the persons to whom they shall
transfer ,this present contract, to do which I authorize them,
obliging myself to perform all kinds of labour in that country,
both in the country and town; nor shall it matter where they
call upon me, whether in particular houses, or establishments of
whatever kind, of industry or art, or in plantations, farms, or in
FOR FRENCH SERVICE. 337

general; it is indifferent what sort of work it is, either in
country or town.

3. The eight years for which I engage myself in the pre-
ceding Article shall be reckoned from the eighth day after
my arrival at the said port of Martinique, if I arrive in good
health, and in the event of my being ill on my arrival, and
incapable of work, eight days after I have left the hospital or
infirmary.

These eight consecutive years will be composed of ninety-six
months, each month composed of twenty-six days of complete
and effective labour. The wages will not be due until after
twenty-six days of labour.

4. The hours during which I am to labour will depend on the
nature of the work given me to perform, and the care which it
is necessary to bestow on it, always according to myself each
day the time for repose, and for dinner and breakfast, according
to the custom already followed with European labourers in the
said country.

5. Apart from the hours ‘of repose, no one shall be able to
make me work on Sundays but according to the established
customs applied to Europeans.

6. I submit myself to the order and discipline which is ob-
served in the establishment, workshop, farm, or dwelling-house
to which I am appointed, on the condition, well understood, that
all causes of complaint that I shall have are to be referred to the
legal authorities.

7. I engage myself to submit, for each day’s absence without
legitimate reason, independently of the loss of salary for that
day, to a fine of a second day’s salary, under the title of interest
for damage.

8. In case of illness exceeding eight days’ duration, it is
agreed that my salary shall be suspended, and that it shall not
commence again until my recovery.

9. On Sundays and fétes I may employ my time in working
for myself in a plot of ground that shall be allotted me, and
which I may cultivate if, at the same time, I am not engaged
in domestic service; and in that case, because the labours are
much lighter, I shall have no claim to these advantages, but I

Z
338 FRENCH CONTRACT.

shall be granted clothing and shoes over and ab@Ve those pro-
mised to cultivators.

10. If it happens that my services shall no longer be needed,
the present contract may be annulled, with my previous con-
sent, and I shall be free to return to my country‘or go where I
please; but in that case an indemnity shall be granted me, the
amount of which shall be decided by the authorities of the
country.

11. My wife and my eldest daughter shall be employed in the
same establishment to which I shall be allotted, and shall gain,
without prejudice to my own salary, a sum of two and a half
piastres per month ; and it shall be the same with my sons under
fourteen years of age, after which age they shall gain the same
sum as myself under all the conditions.

12. MM. Gastel, Malavois, and Assier shall have the right to
endorse this present contract in favour of any one, always, at
the same time, adhering to that which is contained in the said
contract.

MM. Gastel, Malavois, and Assiér hold themselves obliged on
their part towards me :—

1. To pay me a salary of four piastres per month, in the cur-
rency of the colony, from the day on which the eight years of
my engagement commences.

2. To furnish me each day with eight ounces of salt fish, or
other healthy food, and two and a half pounds of roots and other
nutritious provisions.

3. To have given me in the infirmary all the cares, remedies,
and assistance of a doctor, as long as my sufferings or preserva-
tion require them.

4, To give me every year two complete suits of clothing, a
flannel shirt, and a coverlid.

5. To furnish, gratis, my passage to Martinique and my nou-
rishment on board.

6. To advance me the sum of eight piastres in silver or gold
for the wants of the voyage I am about to undertake.

7. To furnish three suits of clothing, coverlid, and other neces-
saries, the value of which is five piastres, which, with the eight
piastres of the preceding article, make a sum of thirteen piastres,
FINAL PROCLAMATION. 339

which I engage to repay at Martinique to the order of MM.
Gastel, Malavois, and Assier, by means of one piastre per month
kept back from my salary by the person to whom this contract
shall be transferred. It remains well understood that reimburse-
ments are to be executed for no other reason whatever.

I acknowledge to have received in money and effects, in fulfil-
ment of the above clause, the sum of thirteen piastres, which I
engage to repay at Martinique, according to the form established
in the preceding article.

In faith of which we will mutually accomplish all that is
related in the document, of which we sign two copies of the same
tenour, and having but one effect between us two.

Canton, 1860.

(Signed) P. DE GasTEL, Matavois, ET ASSIER.

After the completion of all arrangements, Laou
wound up his proclamation and prohibitions by the fol-
lowing notice, in which he limited the scene of opera-
tions to Canton—though he later saw fit to extend the
same to Swatow, which had been a notorious kid-
napping place :—

Proclamation.

Laov, Governor-General of the Two Broad Provinces, &c.,
makes a further proclamation of strict prohibitions.

With reference to a set of lawless vagabonds in and about the
provincial capital, who kidnapped and beguiled worthy people,
and sold them as (if they were) pigs, to be clandestinely sent
over the sea, and who were, indeed, deserving of the deepest
detestation, I have already issued several: proclamations directed
against such malpractices, and stating clearly that any people
who were willing to go abroad as labourers were at liberty to
engage themselves at the emigration houses allowed to be esta-
blished at the provincial capital, in which the fixed regulations
were adhered to; and I at the same time addressed the various
consuls, requesting that they would not permit the chops anchored
at Whampoa and other places on the river to receive Chinese
people intended for labourers in foreign countries. But as it is

Zz 2
340 FINAL PROCLAMATION.

verily to be feared that there may still be inveterfte offenders,
reckless of the laws, who combine (with foreigners), and privately
establish places and secret dens on shore for the purchase of
(men as if they were) pigs, to be clandestinely sold and sent over
the sea, so that these great evils may not yet have been put an
entire end to, both native and foreign officials cannot but take
the strictest steps to put a stop to them.

Wherefore, besides again addressing the various consuls on
the subject, it is fitting that I should also publish strict prohibi-
tions, and this proclamation is, therefore, addressed to people of
every description throughout the province for their information.
If (a person of) any nation wishes to engage labourers for
(foreign service) in the Canton River, he must conduct his busi-
ness in strict conformity with the regulations enacted by myself
and the English and French Commanders-in-Chief, subject to
which regulations he will be permitted to maintain an emigration
house in the city of Canton, or in the eastern, western, or southern
suburbs thereof, so long as he conducts his business aright, to the ©
satisfaction of the inspecting officers. With this exception, nei-
ther Chinese nor foreigners will be permitted to establish at any
place within this river dens for the clandestine collection of
coolies. This, for the future, is a fixed rule; and any persons
infringing it will not be excused, but will be visited with severe
punishment.

All should implicitly obey. Oppose not.

A special edict. :

(February 4, 1860.)

The mode of conducting the houses answered ad-
mirably. The fact that you could be lodged, clothed,
and fed, whilst you were making up your mind whether
to go abroad or not, and allowed to depart home free of
charge, on coming to the conclusion that your own
country was best, was reported far and wide. No
system of advertisements could have had such results.
The proportion of emigrants to inquirers was about at
the rate of one to three.
GENERAL RESULT. 341

At the conclusion of the season which terminated
early in March, the following was the result :—

TasuLaR Return of Chinese Emigrants despatched to De-
merara from the British West Indian Emigration Offices in
Hong Kong and Canton, by the undermentioned vessels.

 

 

 

 

 

VESSELS, Men. | Women.) Boys. | Girls. | Infants.) Total.
Whirlwind . . . .| 302] 56 9 4 1 372
Dora . . . . . «| 208} 115 37 20 11 391
Red Riding Hood . .| 800) 11 4 ee ne 315
Minerva . . . . .{ 283] 65 8 2 2 810
Thomas Mitchell . .| 253 ote i es “ 253
Norwood. . . . ./| 193) 12 a 2 2 209

Total. . . . {1,489 | 259 58 28 16 | 1,850

 

 

 

 

A great result for the Demerara planters as well as
for the poor Chinese; but, above all, a great result as
showing that by the support given to the native autho-
rities by the Allied Commanders, the faith of the people
in our integrity was strengthened, and the stigma which
at one time bade fair to attach to the whole of the Chris-
tian society, was wiped off, and fixed on the few whose
acts give the Chinese the full right to employ the term
too generally applied to us, of “the outer barbarian.”

I may here, as I am about to leave the subject of
Canton, remark on the very great good done by our
protracted residence in that city, which came to a close
in 1861. A great many of the Chinese people here got
to know what the barbarians really were, from living
actually with them. So just and firm was the rule of
the Allies, so consistent were they in their policy, and
so anxious to support the native authorities in all their
righteous dealings, that the lesson cannot have been
lost on a people so observant as the Chinese; a lesson I
342 GENERAL RESULT.

hope never to be forgotten, nor effaced from their minds
by injustice of any kind. It must not be thought that
the kidnapping was a crime caused by our presence at
Canton, for it dated from a period far antecedent to our
capture of the city, and before our occupation com-
menced. It was mainly carried on at Whampoa, to
which place we had always had access. At Swatow
the enormities committed were as great as at Whampoa;
and at Macao were the barracoons to which the poor
slaves were usually taken, previous to their final ship-
ment. So great was the success of the emigration
houses, that the unlawful traders were latterly offering
ninety-five dollars a-piece for victims; and, failing to
get a supply, were forced to succumb to the rules of
Canton, from necessity, I fear, rather than from proper
feeling, Much misery, no doubt, was caused at first in
Canton by the turning out of thousands of peaceable
inhabitants, and the destruction of a very great number
of their dwellings. But will not the release of the 714
captives in the space of a month, and the emigration to
British colonies alone, of 1,850 poor persons, besides all
those taken by other nations, (removing them from a
condition of poverty to comparative wealth,) weigh
heavily in the balance, without taking into account
the future benefits likely to accrue, from a more en-
lightened government—the growth of the seeds sown
during our occupation of Canton ?
CHAPTER XXII.

Departure for Shanghae—Ningpo—Hang-chow and the rebels—Scurs de
Charité—The Bishop of Ningpo—Chin-hae—Fishing cormorants—The
Temple of Mercy—Chusan, and its mandarins—Its peaceful aspect—
Poo-too — Kin-tang—Duck-shooting—Return to Shanghae—English and
French missions.

In February, 1860, I was despatched off to the North,
in order to take advantage of any opportunity there
might be of visiting the Pei-ho, and seeing if any
changes had been made in the defences. Admiral
Protét of the French navy accompanied me on behalf
of their force. On our way up, we encountered one
of the thick fogs which are so prevalent on that part
of the coast: we prudently anchored to await better
times, when off Chusan; but on entering the Yangtsze,
we found a ship which had not been so fortunate,
aground on the south bank. We sent a boat to offer
assistance, but it was declined: however, a passenger
who was on board, took advantage of the opportunity,
and came to the “ Nimrod” for a passage to Shanghae.

Arriving there, we found that the ultimatum, which
we thought might perhaps be sent up to the Pei-ho by
water, and so afford us an opportunity of visiting the
place, was to be sent to Pekin through the governor-
general of the province; so we evidently had no chance
of carrying out that idea. It was then decided that
344 RECONNOITRING EXPEDITION,

we should visit Chusan, and see how the Tand lay in
that direction, for it was contemplated to establish a
depét for supplies of all kinds, together with a hospital
establishment on that island, or some other of the same
group.

It was also necessary to make inquiries relative to
sundry acts of piracy committed in those waters, and
which had much disturbed the native trade in Shanghae
and the neighbourhood. They had, moreover, given
rise to a system which, however well-conceived, was
at all events doubtful in its results. A set of convoy
vessels were got together and armed—failing govern-
ment cruisers—and these were supposed to afford safe
conduct to the traders on payment of certain fees. It
was complained of by some that this amounted in fact
to levying black mail, and it was even questioned
whether it was not piracy in detail only, instead of
being wholesale. This inquiry served us as a pretext
for visiting the points of interest, as well as for an
introduction to the mandarins.

In addition to obtaining information as to supplies
and accommodation for troops, it was also desirable to
find the feeling of the people as regarded the occupa-
tion of Chusan as well as the preparations (if any)
which might have been made to prevent it.

As one branch of our report should, in connection
with the military resources of Chusan itself, notice the
points from which assistance might be sent to its garri-
son, our first step was to visit Ning-po, where we got
interesting details from the consul respecting the state
of the country in that neighbourhood. We found con-
siderable excitement existing from the near approach
of the rebels, who were at that time marching on Hang-
chow, the capital of the province. All available troops
NING-PO AND HANG-CHOW. 345

were being sent off to aid the garrison, and we were
told that between the 4th and 10th of March, fifteen
hundred had been forwarded as a reinforcement, being
almost the entire available force at Ning-po. We saw
some in the act of embarking: they seemed fairly
equipped; much of the clothing, as well as many of
the matchlocks, appearing to have just been issued new
from the stores. Recruiting was being urged on, but
very slowly, from want of funds. It is singular to
observe the different value put by the authorities on
the people of different provinces; for the Cantonese
were paid as much as sixteen dollars a month, whilst
the local troops did not get more than half that sum.
In Shanghae also the Cantonese swagger about the
streets, and give themselves great airs as being far
superior to the people of the place. They are generally
considered a braver but somewhat lawless race. A
story was current, and I dare say not without founda-
tion, that on the news of the capture of Canton reach-
ing Pekin, the remark made by the Emperor was, “I
wish them joy of their task: if they can govern the
Cantonese, and keep them quiet, it is more than I could
ever do.”

It was evident that the native government had quite
enough on its hands here, without sending any help to
the garrison of Chusan, who, if they resisted us, would
have only themselves to trust to.

Hang-chow was assaulted very shortly after the
time of which I am writing; and amid much that was
reported of the dreadful butchery on both sides, when
neither age nor sex were taken into account in the
indiscriminate slaughter, there was an incident in the
assault amusing and instructive to the military.

The besiegers in the approaches took possession of an
346 SCEURS DE CHARITE.

extramural cemetery, which they occupied Th force, and
here they found stored up a vast collection of coffins,
which I suppose contained the remains of persons
whose relations, being of a fickle temperament, had
not hitherto been able to ascertain a lucky spot for
their interment. When they advanced to the assault,
these coffins were carried up to the walls, and a stair-
case formed of them, by which the rebels marched into
the city. They were, however, unable to effect a per-
manent lodgment, and after a time withdrew. It was
not until December 1861, that they became masters of
the place, after a fresh siege.

I was much indebted to Admiral Protét for a visit
to the French establishment of Sceurs de Charité, at
Ning-po, which perhaps I should not otherwise have
visited. It was very touching to see these ladies, and
to witness their pleasure at meeting some one who could
tell them of the friends they had left in the civilized
world. Their coarse clothing contrasted strangely with
their refined voices and delicate appearance; as did
their outward circumstances with their appearance of
cheerful happiness—happy they seemed in the recol-
lection of their friends, and in hearing of the world they
once lived in; yet still happier in speaking of the details
of their peaceful life and its duties, to which they seemed
to return with a sense of repose. It was indeed a life
calculated to expand all the loving womanly feelings
of the heart of each—the care and nurture of deserted
children, as well as those whose parents gave them up
voluntarily to be reared there, at the price of the
adoption of the Christian religion.

We went all over the place, from the kitchen to the
dormitories, and charmingly was everything arranged,
and very pleased did the sisters seem at our approval
FRENCH CLERGY. 347

—and proud of their little world, for such it now was to
them.

But though I use the word proud, how little can
pride influence them there! so few visitors, so rare the
occasions of display, surely they do great good purely |
for the sake of religion and their own souls. Self-
sacrifice is often, I fear, ostentatious, but it certainly
struck me that here was self-sacrifice of a very high
order ; and different as was my own path of life, I could
really sympathize and feel with them in selecting this
for themselves. We also paid a visit to the French
bishop, in outward appearance a very respectable and
well-bred mandarin. He, and his clergy, almost in-
variably dress and live like the natives, and so travel
all over the country, visiting their convents in the
most distant parts, passing among the heathen, who
do not know them, as Chinese.

Ning-po is principally remarkable for the number of
carvers in woodwork, who inhabit the town. It is the
main trade of the place. The women about there are
considered to be great beauties, and they certainly did
appear, as a rule, much better looking than elsewhere.
When I say that Ning-po is exceedingly dirty, I
fear no one will venture to dispute the point. Ning-po
was taken by the rebels some months ago, and was
retaken by Captain Dew, R.N., and handed back again
to the Chinese authorities last summer ; the powers that
were not getting on smoothly with our honourable
nation, and thereby rendering necessary this deviation
from the policy of neutrality.

Our next visit was to Chin-hae, at the mouth of the
“Yang,” or Ning-po River; a city taken by us in
1841. The distance from Ning-po is about twelve
miles. The country surrounding the upper part is flat
348 CHIN-HAE.

and dull, but the lower, hilly and pretty. “The banks
of the river are remarkable for the number of ice-
houses on either side; raised thatched mounds. The
winter here is mild, and ice is, therefore, not plentiful ;
it is collected from shallow ponds made for the purpose.
I believe the use made of it is to preserve fish. You
see in this river the fisherman quietly sculling along his
sampan, or boat, his only companion being a grim-look-
ing cormorant, sitting motionless at the bows, and at
a signal from his master, diving after a fish, which
he swallows as far as he can; but being fitted
with a ring round his neck, he is unable to get much
satisfaction beyond the fishy taste, and a stray scale
or two.

The town of Chin-hae seemed remarkably poor, the
goods in the shops appeared to consist almost entirely
of either provisions or medicines. The defences had
evidently not been touched for many years; they were
not actually much out of repair, but were to a great
extent unarmed. Guns lay about the batteries un-
mounted, and what carriages there were, appeared quite
rotten. From the dates attached to them, the guns had
been cast in 1841; and those which were mounted, had
been put in position about 1852. The nominal force
quartered at Chin-hae is nine hundred men; but there
appeared to be no military organisation there whatever,
not so much as a guard on the city gates. There is
a fort on a high-pointed hill overlooking the town, and
in itisa temple. The ascent is steep and rugged, up
unequal steps, and up these stairs were toiling many
women in slow procession, stopping and kneeling at
every third step, at the same time striking their heads
three times against the ground; they were on their
way to make offerings and prayers to the “God of
CHUSAN. 349

mercy,” on behalf of their relations just departed for
the seat of war at Hang-chow.

The same evening we moved on to Chusan, and
anchored off Ting-hae. Our first care next day was to
send a messenger to the magistrate, to announce our
intention of calling on him on the morrow. We then
walked about in the suburbs, and visited Joss-house
Hill, on the eastern slope of which were buried the
British troops who died there in the last war, and during
the prolonged occupation of the island. We were
pleased to find the graves and monuments generally
in good order.

It looked at first. sight a bad beginning for the esta-
blishment of a hospital or convalescent station, but it
turned out really very healthy.

In the morning the chief magistrate, by name
“Khan,” forestalled us in civility, coming off to call
on us at nine o’clock ; and we returned his visit shortly
after. He, as well as Huan, the military mandarin,
showed us a marked civility, continually speaking of
our countrymen as being their brothers, in fact, though
called by a different name. They were pleased to hear
that we were contemplating some additional security
for trading vessels against the attacks of pirates, and
desired our co-operation in any measures they might
undertake for the purpose: they said, however, they
had heard no complaints against the convoy system
as it then existed.

Of course no allusion was made to the contemplated
occupation. On our speaking of our gratification at see-
ing that the graves of our countrymen had been appa-
rently so well cared for, one of them said, after alluding
to our being brothers, “‘ Ah, you found the island very
unhealthy during your jirst occupation,” as if the possi-
350 CHUSAN.

bility of another had passed across their mitds. Indeed,
we found when talking to the common people, that it
was quite speculated on, and were told that many of
the houses near the beach had been already let at high
rates, to enterprising people.

On walking round the town we perceived the same
want of military preparation as as Chin-hae. It was
evident that no resistance at all effective could be offered
to our landing and taking possession; but it was
difficult to imagine what excuse the mandarins could
give for quietly delivering up the whole place, con-
sistent with the preservation of their heads. I think we
ultimately did the best thing for them, by taking an
overwhelming force, far superior to the possible con-
tingencies of the case.

The information we were able to get as to the
military organization of the island, was to the effect
that the nominal force was three thousand two hundred
men; but that they were so scattered over the island,
and engaged in agricultural pursuits, that they had
almost ceased to be soldiers, and it had been impossible
that year to collect them for the annual muster and
review.

We devoted two or three days to excursions about
the town and neighbourhood, picking up such informa-
tion as we could. The French missionary in charge of
the college, which is about a mile and a half from the
town of Ting-hae, proved a valuable ally: he told us
much about the place. We found his establishment well
situated, as it possessed excellent spring water. We sub-
jected the water from every well we could meet with
to analysis, and found that, generally, it was exceed-
ingly impure, but that two of the springs in the
neighbourhood were very good; and to these we sent,
POO-TOO. 351

I believe, almost invariably, for the drinking water
required during the subsequent occupation.

There were a good many wild-fowl in the wet paddy
fields, and I managed to get some by persuading a man,
who was dredging mud out of a stream, to take me in
his boat : some of the ducks were like those in England,
others black, or black and white. There were also a
good many teal and snipe.

We next visited Poo-too, a very pretty island belong-
ing to the same group, almost entirely devoted to
temples: there appeared to be hardly any residents but
those connected with these establishments. Some of
these buildings were very large, and we looked at
them with a view to their capabilities for conversion
into hospitals. The island is not, however, so easy of
access as Chusan, and its own resources are not great:
there is very good spring water, and that is about all
that can be said of its natural advantages. The
quantity of ground under cultivation does not produce
nearly sufficient to support its own scanty population ;
but it is a sweetly pretty spot; and has in a small space
a very fine collection of temples.

Kintang, another of the Chusan group, was next
visited ; but it displayed no advantages which were not
equalled at Chusan. I had a successful stalk after some
wild duck here. They were feeding in a most unap-
proachable place in the middle of a plain of inundated
paddy-fields, and there was not the slightest cover to
help me to approach them. However, in a distant
field was a man harrowing with a great water-buffalo ;
I waded out to him and persuaded him to harrow
towards the duck, whilst I walked under the lee of the
buffalo. The beast could not make out why he should
302 KINTANG—DUCK-SHOOTING.

work across country in this way, crossing Straight from
one bit of paddy to another without turning at the
limits of each field as he had been taught to do. At last
after showing evident fits of sulks, he obstinately
refused to go further, and swerved round, exposing me
to view: the ducks rose, and I hit one which B. after-
wards got, but away went the buffalo tail in air, and
dragging his harrow after him all over the country ;
leaving the poor agriculturist in the middle of some one
else’s field, minus harrow, beast and all: the birds
afterwards alighted in a more favourable place, and we
got another, as well as a teal.

On the 19th we got back to Shanghae, and heard
that Sir Hope Grant was expected shortly, therefore I
remained to meet him. The main preparation for the
campaign visible at Shanghae at this time, was the depot
for ponies, which were brought here from Shantung
and other places: they improved very much in con-
dition. I believe those from Shantung were the best;
the Japanese were never good for much: we also had
some from Manilla and from Java, besides the horses
which our cavalry brought with them from India.
Many of the officers had to content themselves with
these baggage animals as chargers : I was very fortunate
in getting a capital Shantung pony. :

There was not a great deal for an idle man to do at
Shanghae; but we took long walks and visited all the
places of interest in this most uninteresting neighbour-
hood. Mr. Antrobus gave us some sport with his
beagles, for he had some Japanese roe-deer which he
turned out; and all the sporting world of Shanghae
followed on foot. We had a capital run of six miles
one day, and pulled down our deer in a cottage. We
ENGLISH AND FRENCH MISSIONS. 353

had heavy country to cross, and some big ditches to
jump: a good many of the field went home much
wetter than was desirable.

One of the pleasantest lions of Shanghae is the
French missionary school at Siccaway : it contained at
that time about ninety boys; the best specimens of the
rising generation that I ever saw in China—robust,
healthy, and really jolly boys. They receive a good
Chinese education ; and we were told in confirmation
of this, that two of them had lately passed creditably
in the national public examinations. They also receive
instruction in any useful arts for which they evince
a talent. I was shown, amongst other things, some
capital specimens of modelling in clay, the work of one
of their number. The interior economy was all in
excellent style; and the establishment reflects great
credit on its managers.

It may, perhaps, be remarked that I say nothing
of the Protestant mission in China: the fact is, I heard
but little of our mission there, and saw less. We have
no large establishment there as the French have: this
is caused in a great measure by the number of different
sects. Our missionaries’ efforts appear to be detached
and independent; and make but little outward show.
I believe our native hospitals are more striking as
evidence of our working among the people than are our
churches.

Our great influence in China is gained by our trade.
The French are not so successful as we are in mercantile
enterprise: they have, however, acquired an influence
by their energy in proselytism, which is with their
Government a state policy. Observe what the Cantonese
official says in his reported conversation with the
emperor, as related in the third chapter: “ The French

2A
354 OUR MISSIONARIES.

continue to give no trouble in Kwang-tung ; but it is
said, that, with the exception of trade, what they most
prize is the teaching of their doctrine.”

I think ita great pity that our presence at Canton
was not more utilized by the missionaries in that place.
We ought of course to have found them out; but if we
did not, I think they would have done well to find us
out, and endeavour to turn to good account the
opportunity which will, perhaps, not again occur for
years, of the presence of a large body of Protestant
gentlemen within the city—a mutual advantage now
lost to both.
CHAPTER XXIII.

Our ultimatum, and the answer we received—We sail for Chusan—Surrender
of the island—Chusan fog—Barrack works—International etiquette—Roe-
hunting—We prepare to leave the island.

Tue following is a copy of the ultimatum, addressed by
Mr. Bruce to the imperial government :—

Mr. Bruce to the Senior Secretary of State, Pang Wan-chang.

Shanghae, March 8, 1860.

THE undersigned, &c., has the honour to address a communi-
cation to his Excellency Pang Wan-chang, a senior secretary of
state, and their excellencies the members of the great council
of his Majesty the Emperor of China.

The undersigned has the honour to state, that, as in duty
bound, he has laid before her Britannic Majesty’s government a
full narrative of all the circumstances attending his journey to
the mouth of the Tien-tsin river last summer, for the purpose of
exchanging the ratifications of the treaty of Tien-tsin, as
required by the provisions of that treaty, on or before the 26th
June, 1859.

Besides the whole of his ‘correspondence with the imperial
commissioners and other officers of the imperial government,
the undersigned has transmitted to the government of her
Britannic Majesty a copy of the imperial decree, dated the 9th
August, and handed by the emperor’s desire to the United
States’ minister, Mr. Ward, on the eve of his departure from
Peking.

The decree begins as follows :—

« Last year the ships of the English sailed into the port of
Tien-tsin, and opened a fire on our troops. We accordingly

2A 2
356 OUR ULTIMATUM.

instructed Sang-ko-lin-sin, prince of the Khordiin tribe, to
adopt the most stringent measures for the defence of Takoo; and
(the envoys of) the different nations coming up to exchange
treaties on this occasion, were told by Kweiliang and Hwashana,
at Shanghae, that Takoo was thus strictly guarded, and that
they must go round by the port of Peh-tang. The Englishman
Bruce, notwithstanding, when he came to Tien-tsin, in the fifth
moon, did not abide by his original understanding with Kweili-
ang and his colleague, but actually forced his way into the port
of Takoo, destroying our defensive apparatus.”

The undersigned did not fail at once to apprize the govern-
ment of her Britannic Majesty that the emperor had been singu-
larly misled. Had it, indeed, been signified to him by the
commissioners at Shanghae that his majesty had decided on
closing to foreign envoys the natural and most convenient high-
way to his capital, such evidence of an unfriendly disposition on
the part of the imperial government would certainly have been
regarded by the undersigned as fit matter of remonstrance and
negotiation.

No intimation of the kind, however, was conveyed to the
undersigned in the letters of the imperial commissioners. The
port of Peh-tang was never named by them, nor did the under-
signed enter into any engagement with them, other than that
contained in his letter of the 16th May, in which he acquainted
his Excellency Kweiliang of the nature and object of his mission,
and of his intention to proceed by ship to Tien-tsin, from which
city he requested his excellency to give the necessary orders for
his conveyance to Peking.

He begs to inclose copy of this letter, as also of that received
from the imperial commissioner of the 12th June. These will
prove that the undersigned was allowed to quit Shanghae in
total ignorance of the emperor's objection to his employment of
the usual river-route.

A like silence on the subject of the imperial prohibition was
observed towards Admiral Hope, commander-in-chief of her
Majesty’s naval forces in these seas, when in furtherance of the
objects made known to his Excellency Kweiliang in the letter
above cited, he appeared on the 17th June at the mouth of the
OUR ULTIMATUM. 357

river to announce the approach of the undersigned and his
colleague, the minister of France. The admiral was assured
that the passage had been closed by the so-called militia whom
he found in charge of the booms obstructing it, without the
orders of their government, none of whose officers, the militia
repeatedly affirmed, were near the spot; also that it was closed,
not against foreigners, but against a native enemy. These false
representations were supported by false appearances: the bat-
teries of the forts were masked ; no banners were displayed ; no
soldier discovered himself. Still further to prevent verification
of the statements of the militia, no communication was allowed
with the shore. After promising to remove the obstacles at the
river-mouth, the militia repudiated the promise. They con-
ducted themselves with rudeness and violence to the officers
who were sent to speak with them, in one instance proceeding
so far as to threaten the life of a gentleman despatched with a
message from the admiral.

Such was the state of things when the undersigned arrived
outside the bar, on the 20th June. Finding that the officials
persisted in keeping aloof, while the militia continued to assert
that the obstruction of the river-way was their own unauthorized
act, he called on the admiral to take such steps as would enable
him to reach the capital by the time appointed. This, after
due notice given to the militia, and after receiving frem them
an assurance, on the previous evening, that they should certainly
have nothing further to communicate, the admiral was proceed-
ing to effect, on the 25th June, the eighth day from his arrival,
when the forts, which had been for these eight days to all
appearances deserted, suddenly opened fire upon his squadron.
Apparently to cover this treacherous conduct, the officers in
charge of the forts have imposed another fiction on his imperial
majesty, who has been led to believe that the Brirish squadron
assumed the offensive by bombarding the forts. This is utterly
without foundation: no shot was fired until the batteries had
opened; the ships having no other object in advancing but to
remove the obstacles placed across the river without authority.

The facts of the case are simply those stated by the under-
signed, and her Britannic Majesty’s government, after mature
358 OUR ULTIMATUM.
°
deliberation, have decided that whether the Emperor of China

was cognizant of this act of hostility, or whether it was directed
by his officers, it is an outrage for which the Chinese govern-
ment must be held responsible. Her Britannic Majesty’s
government require, therefore, an immediate and unconditional
acceptance of the following terms :—

1. That an ample and satisfactory apology be made for the
act of the troops who fired on the ships of her Britannic
Majesty from the forts of Takoo in June last, and that all guns
and material, as well as the ships abandoned on that occasion,
be restored.

2. That the ratifications of the treaty of Tien-tsin be ex-
changed without delay at Peking; that when the minister of
her Britannic Majesty proceeds to Peking for that purpose, he
be permitted to proceed up the river by Takoo to the city of
Tien-tsin in a British vessel ; and that provision be made by
the Chinese authorities for the conveyance of himself and of his
suite with due honour from that city to Peking.

3. That full effect be given to the provisions of the said~
treaties, including a satisfactory arrangement to be made for the
prompt payment of the indemnity of four million taels, as stipu-
lated in the treaty, for losses and military expenses entailed on
the British government by the misconduct of the Canton autho-
rities.

The undersigned is further directed to state that, in conse-
quence of the attempt made to obstruct the passage of the under-
signed to Peking, the understanding entered. into between the
Earl of Elgin and the imperial commissioners in October, 1858,
with respect to the residence of the British minister in China, is
at an end, and that it rests henceforward exclusively with her
Britannic Majesty, in accordance with the terms of Article IT.
of the treaty of Tien-tsin, to decide whether or not she shall
instruct her minister to take up his abode permanently at
Peking.

The undersigned has further to observe, that the outrage at
the Peiho has compelled her Majesty’s government to increase
her forces in China at a considerable cost, and the contribution
that may be required from the Chinese government towards
CHINESE ANSWER. 359

defraying this expense, will be greater or less according to the
promptitude with which the demands above made are satisfied in
full by the imperial government.

The undersigned has only to add, that unless he receives
within a period of thirty days from the date of this communica-
tion, a reply conveying the unqualified assent of his Majesty the
Emperor of China to these demands, the British naval and mili-
tary authorities will proceed to adopt such measures as they
may deem advisable, for the purpose of compelling the Emperor
of China to observe the engagements contracted for him by his
plenipotentiaries at Tien-tsin, and approved by his imperial
edict of July, 1858.

The undersigned, &c.

(Signed) Freprrick W. A. Bruce.

On the 6th of April, Sir Hope Grant arrived at
Shanghae, and on the 9th the official copy of the
answer to our ultimatum was received. A private copy
had come to hand a few days before, but the original
was detained for some cause. It ran as follows :—

The Great Council of State to Commissioner Ho.

(Translation.)

THE Great Council writes a reply (to the Commissioner Ho,
which he is) to transmit.

The Council received yesterday (0% a short time since) a
despatch from the commissioner, and with it a communication
he had forwarded from the British minister Bruce, the contents
of which have occasioned the Council the greatest astonishment.

He states, for instance, that Peh-tang was never alluded to by
the imperial commissioners, Kweiliang and his colleagues. It
appears that last year the imperial commissioners, Kweiliang
and his colleagues, waited for the British minister at Shanghae,
for the express purpose of considering with him-in person all
the conditions proper to an exchange of treaties. On ascertain-
ing that the minister Bruce had arrived at Wu-sung, they wrote
to him several times to engage him to meet them, their object
360 CHINESE ANSWER

being, in fact, to acquaint him that Takoo was fortified (or, that-
arrangements had been made for keeping people out of Takoo),

and that he must go by way of Peh-tang. He, however, repelled
them, refusing them an interview. The imperial commissioners,

Kweiliang and his colleagues, moreover, informed him that ves-

sels of war must on no account cross the bar; but the British
minister Bruce paid no attention to these words: and when, on

arriving off the Tien-tsin coast (or the port, or the ports, of
Tien-tsin), Hang, governor-general of Chih-li, despatched an
officer with a communication to the effect that he was to proceed

by way of Peh-tang, and sent him a present of provisions, he

would receive nothing; but suddenly brought his vessels into

Takoo, and (commenced) destroying the defensive apparatus

there placed. How can he allege that he never received the

slightest intimation that he was to go by Peh-tang? And as he

was coming to exchange treaties, why did he bring with him

ships of war? It was plainly his intent to pick a quarrel. How,

then, can he (when the blame is all his own) charge China with

shortcoming towards him ?

The defences prepared at Takoo are not either (as he implies)
prepared to keep out the British. Suppose that some other
nation’s ships of war were to go the length of presenting them-
selves under British colours, could it be left to them to commit
any breach of propriety they pleased? Well, then, the defences
of Takoo cannot possibly be removed, even when the treaties
shall have been exchanged.

(Then the demand for) indemnity under different heads, and
for the restitution of guns, arms, and vessels, is yet more against
decorum. The war expenses of Chitia have been enormous.
The cost of defending the coast from Kwang-tung and Fuh-kien
up to Tien-tsin, from first to last, has not been short of several
millions of money. Were she to demand repayment of England,
England would find that her expenses do not amount to the half
of those of China.

As to restoring ships and guns, the year before last England
destroyed the forts at Takoo, and obtained possession of a number
of guns belonging to China ; ought she not, then, on her part,
to be considering how to make these good? But, besides this,

.
TO OUR ULTIMATUM. 361

half the British ships and guns (demanded) were sunk in the
sea ; they are not in the possession of China at all. The question
may be dropped, therefore, by both parties alike.

Then there is (the announcement that) the compromise by
which, the treaties once exchanged, (the minister) was to have
resided somewhere else, is at an end. The compromise by
which, once the treaties were exchanged, (the minister) was
either to select some other place of residence, or to visit (the
capital) whenever there might be business of importance to
transact, was definitely settled by the British minister Elgin in
negotiation with the imperial commissioner Kweiliang and his
colleagues. The revocation of this compromise now (announced)
is even more unreasonable (than all the other propositions).

Last year, when, after the Americans had exchanged their
treaty, there was an alteration in the rate of tonnage dues, and
the ports of Tai-wan and Chang-chau (Swatow) were opened to
trade, the British minister earnestly prayed for a like arrange-
ment (in his favour). The English had not exchanged their
treaty, but his Majesty the Emperor, liberal to foreign nations,
and full of tender consideration for the interests of commerce,
graciously sanctioned an extension of the boon to the English,
for which they should be equally grateful. But if the compro-
mise duly negotiated is to be annulled, there will be no impro-
priety on the part of China, if she cancel the arrangement by
which she has conceded to the English (the same advantage of)
the improvements in tonnage-dues and trade that accrues to the
Americans under their treaty.

To come to the (British minister’s) request to be treated with
courtesy when he comes north to exchange treaties. If he be
sincere in his desire for peace, let the commissioner, when he
shall have thought over all the details of the treaty, those which
it will be proper to give effect to, and those respecting which
compromise (or arrangement) is to be made, negotiate (with the
British minister), and when both parties shall be perfectly agreed,
if he will come north without vessels of war, and with a mode-
rate retinue, and will wait at Peh-tang to exchange the treaties,
China will not take him to task for what is gone by. He must
be directed to acquaint himself with the rules (observed, or laid
362 CHINESE ANSWER.

down) at the exchange of the American treaties, and the course
to be pursued will be further discussed with him (by the com-
missioner).

But if he be resolved to bring up a number of vessels of war,
and if he persist in proceeding by way of Takoo, this will show
that his true purpose is not the exchange of treaties, and it must
be left to the high officer in charge of the coast (or port) defences
to take such steps as shall be thereby rendered necessary (Uit., as
shall accord with reason).

The despatch written on this occasion (by the British minister)
is in much of its language too insubordinate and extravagant
(for the council) to discuss its propositions more than superficially
(lit., to go deep into argument). Yor the future he must not be
so wanting in decorum.

The above remarks will have to be communicated by the
commissioner to the British minister, whom it will behove not to
adhere obstinately to his own opinion, as by so doing he will
give cause to much trouble hereafter.

A necessary communication.

This document was considered highly unsatisfactory,
and left us little room to doubt as to what matters
must come to before a settlement could be arrived at.
It was replied to by Mr. Bruce in the following
terms :—

Myr. Bruce to Commissioner Ho.

Shanghae, April 18, 1860.

THE undersigned, her Britannic Majesty’s Envoy Extraordi-
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary, &c., begs to acknowledge
receipt of a despatch date the 5th instant, from his Excellency
Ho, imperial commissioner for the superintendence of. trade,
inclosing copy of one addressed to his excellency by the members
of the Great Council.

The undersigned had the honour, on the 8th ultimo, to address
a communication to their excellencies the above high officers,
and the chief secretary, Pang Wan-chang, a proceeding in perfect
MR. BRUCE’S REPLY. 363

accordance with the provisions of Article XI. of the Nanking
treaty, by which it is agreed that her Britannic Majesty’s high
officer in China shall correspond with the Chinese high officers,
both at the capital and in the provinces.

As in the case of the late chief secretary, Yu-ching, when
addressed by the Earl of Elgin in 1858, their excellencies have
thought proper to ignore this treaty right, and have left the
communication of the undersigned on a most important question
unacknowledged.

The language of the letter, however, which the council has
instructed the commissioner to communicate to the under-
signed is sufficient, in his opinion, to determine the course he is
to pursue.

The undersigned was directed by her Britannic Majesty’s
Government to demand the unqualified acceptance of certain
conditions. Not only has the acceptance of these not been
signified: to the undersigned, but a letter has been written, the
tone of which, the undersigned regrets to observe, is throughout
such as to leave little hope of a pacific solution of existing
difficulties.

It remains, therefore, for the undersigned to refer the govern-
ment of his imperial majesty to the concluding paragraph of his
letter of the 8th ultimo to the secretary of state and great
council; in accordance with the tenour of which the naval and
military authorities will now be called on to adopt such measures
as may seem to them advisable, for the purpose of compelling
the Emperor of China to observe the engagements entered into
by him, and to grant reparation for the acts of his Majesty’s
government in June last, when the undersigned was on his way
to Peking to exchange the ratifications of the treaty.

The undersigned will be obliged to the commissioner to bring
this letter to the notice of the imperial government.

The undersigned, &c.

(Signed) Freperick W. A. Bruce.

After twelve days spent in-making arrangements for
future operations, the commanders-in-chief of both forces
being present, we left Shanghae on the 18th, and
364 OCCUPATION OF CHUSAN.

anchored off Kintang the following afternoon, having
encountered one of the Chusan fogs, which delayed us.
Here we found a flotilla of nine vessels; the “Saigon”
(French), the “Pearl,” and three of our transports,
which were due, had not yet arrived.

The tide ran so strong here that it was really dan-
gerous to ieave the ships, even in fully-manned boats,
Several which made the attempt had great difficulty in
effecting a return. One which was not sufficiently
manned, drifted hopelessly away; we had to veer
out to them a line attached to a life-buoy, and they
had hard pulling even with that help, to regain the
vessel, We here learned the danger of going even
a few hundred yards without being provided with
anchor and compass.

Next day the missing vessels arrived, and we prepared
to take formal possession of Chusan on the morrow.

On the 21st we steamed in, and anchored in order of
battle off the suburbs. It was a lovely morning, and
from the shore we must have looked very grand. The
interest on board the ships was intense, for it was not
known to every one, as it was to myself, how little
chance there was of any opposition. Soon after we
anchored, a party was formed to go on shore and sum-
mon the place to surrender. The party consisted of Mr.
Parkes, M. de Meritans, Mr. Mongan, and Mr. Hughes
to conduct the conference, whilst a French naval and
military officer, Captain Maguire, R.N., and myself,
represented the combatants. On landing, we proceeded
straight to the residence of the military magistrate, and
after procuring the attendance of his civil colleague, we
broached the business. There was a good deal of fenc-
ing about on the question, the mandarins saying that
they would be glad to receive us as guests, and enter-
WE TAKE POSSESSION. 365

tain us as long as we wished to remain; but the uncon-
ditional surrender was insisted on in the first instance,
subject to such modifications as the allied commanders
might approve. Ultimately this was all settled, and
we returned to the “ Granada,” Sir Hope Grant’s vessel,
bearing off the two mandarins with us. A grand meet-
ing was held on board, and the terms of capitulation, as
well as arrangements for the future government of the
island, agreed upon. I think the system was the same
in principle as that in use at Canton.

It was decided that a guard should be sent on shore
that evening; the English to be quartered in the
building we erected during our previous occupation,
and which was capable of containing two hundred men;
the French were to take up temporary quarters in the
temple on Joss-house Hill. I offered, as I knew the
locality, to guide our little force. Wedid not get away
till near seven P.M., and, in spite of a dense fog, managed
to hit off the landing-place; and the marines hastened
to shake themselves down in their new quarters. On
returning to the shore, between eight and nine o’clock,
I heard in the fog sounds of European oars working in
rowlocks. I hailed, and found it was the French party,
who had been unable, from the fog, to discover the
landing-place, and were about to try to return to their
vessels. Having guided them to the proper spot, I
then offered to take them to their quarters. On reach-
ing the temple, we found the gates all barred, and
not a sound to be heard; but a French soldier gave
me a leg up over the wall, and I went in and knocked
up the old bonzes, and made them throw open their .
gates.

On endeavouring to return on board, we found the
wisdom of having taken a compass and anchor, as well
366 BARRACK WORKS.

as of having noted the bearing of the shore Wefore leaving
the ship, for the fog was so perfectly dense that we
could make out nothing, but that the tide was drifting
us away, so as to render it extremely improbable that we
should ever reach the vessel; therefore before getting set
out of our course sufficiently to upset all calculations as
to our whereabouts, we anchored till the tide slackened,
and at midnight succeeded in getting on board.

Next day the General inspected all the town. He
decided not to land the whole force which he had
brought up. The Artillery, Engineers, Marines, and
99th Regiment were the only English troops quartered
in the island ; the remainder lived on board their vessels
at an anchorage at some little distance from Tinghae.

On the 23rd Sir Hope Grant left in the “ Granada”
for Hong Kong. Brigadier Reeves was left in com-
mand of the Chusan force, and I remained in command
of the Engineers.

We made ourselves very busy at first in getting the
temples ready for barracks, a duty which our Cantonese
experience had rendered familiar. We soon got inter-
preters and contractors; also timber, boards, and mat-

ing, wherewith to enclose most of the buildings, and floor
some of them. We got trestles and bed-boards for the
men to sleep on ; cook-houses and ablution-places sprang
up rapidly, and in a few days we were really com-
fortable.

Nor were we neglectful of the proper preservation of
the temples. Many of the josses were unequal to sup-
porting the burdens of the accoutrements, arms, shakoes,
&c., which they were made to carry, so we railed them
all round, in order to support them in their proper posi-
tion, I think that beyond knocking a few holes through
the walls, for doorways to connect our rooms, we did no
WHARVES AND PIERS. 367

damage whatever; and as the natives, unlike the
Cantonese, perpetrated no offensive acts, we were glad
to do them as little injury as possible.

I was rather sorry for the speculators in house pro-
perty on the beach, for there we were obliged to take
possession of, I think, every house; and a great many
were pulled down before I left, to give proper circula-
tion of air round the buildings to be occupied by troops.
However, I should have been more sorry had they been
in the occupation of the real owners. Arrangements
were, moreover, made, for compensation to be paid to
those whose property was taken.

Down at the water-side, wharves and piers were
springing up, store-houses and coal depéts established ;
forage, provisions, fuel, and all the thousand and one
things in which the commissariat deal, were pouring in.
Fatigue parties in the city were getting all the Chinese
arms removed from the gates and military posts, into
central magazines, over which we posted a guard.
Every one at first was very busy. It was often wet;
and but for the energy with which we looked after scav-
enging, our quarters would have been dreadfully dirty.

The water frontage of the suburb was divided between
the French and ourselves, and we held the joss-house,
which appeared the most commanding spot, in joint occu-
pation. An amusing instance of the preservation of the
principle of share alike, occurred one day here. In the
hurry of the first occupation, we, as well as the French,
had hoisted our flags on the first things that came to
hand, which were studding-sail booms belonging to our
men-of-war. The French admiral wanted his on board
again one day, so he sent to say that he was going to
strike his flag and staff at a certain hour; and as he
thought it undesirable that the flag of one nation should
368 INTERNATIONAL ETIQUETTE,

ever be flying when the other was down, h@ asked if we
would be good enough to strike ours at the same time.

The proposal was agreed to, and down came the two
flags. The next thing was to provide two staffs of
precisely equal length as substitutes. This was satis-
factorily arranged under the superintendence of an
officer from each force, and the flags were hoisted,
when lo and behold it was discovered that the union
jack was larger than the tricolor. This we were told,
would never do; would we cut our union jack smaller ?
However, this proposal did not meet our views, so
answer was returned that the tricolor might be made
as large as ever they liked, but that the jack should
not be shorn of its fair proportions. I really do not
know how often we were called upon to measure the
heights of the two flags which flew side by side on the
top of Magazine Hill at Canton; for, from different
points of view, as you ascended the hill, the flags
seemed unequal in elevation as was consistent with the
laws of perspective. I fear we were sometimes sus-
pected, after putting them straight, of poking ours up
in the night.

When we had got through our work of settling
down, we amused ourselves by taking long rambles
over the island, varied by occasional roe-hunts. These
were conducted after the following fashion. A number
of beaters and dogs were got together, and some of the
wooded hills beaten, whilst we lay in ambush for the
chance of a shot at likely points; but the worst feature
was, what with the Chinese was a sine gud non,—a long
net stretched behind us, into which the deer were
driven. It is true the net did not surround the cover,
and the deer, if they saw it, could easily jump it, as it
was not more than three feet high, but I am afraid
   
 
 

(Yo face page 363.

 

TOWN AND HARBOUR OF TING-HAE, CHUSAN.

 
OUR VISITORS. 369

more were caught in the net than fell to the guns. In
this way we would, perhaps, get about three in a day.
These little creatures were sometimes brought alive
into the town for sale, and were easily tamed. We had
one in our barracks which soon learnt to eat out of the
hand.

We found, as a relic of our former occupation of the
island, considerable traces of the Hindostanee language.
I think it was more generally tried on us by the natives
at first, than pigeon English, but as we had no Indian
troops with us this time, they soon gave it up. An
old man with only one leg used to frequent our
barracks very much. He had been wounded in our
assault on the place in 1841, and his leg had been
amputated by an English doctor. His children, nice
little things, had the freedom of our doorstep conferred
upon them, where they played the universal game of
knuckle-bone all day long: they were great adepts at
it. There seemed to be little or no bad feeling towards
us in the place. I think the Chinese settle down with
their destiny, and say, “ Even so it must be : now let us
see what we can make out of them.’ They adapt
themselves wonderfully to circumstances, wisely endea-

-vouring to turn everything to account, whatever befals
them.

The mandarins seemed to take some interest in our
doings, and we paid one another visits of ceremony and
hospitality, giving the old gentlemen wine and beer, as
they gave us tea and sweetmeats. I remember one of
them approved highly of sherry. At Canton old Sing-
chong used to ask us sometimes for beer, which he said
he took medicinally. He was wont to enlarge on its
virtues with much simplicity. Mustard, too, he used to
like, and if he came into our mess-room at luncheon

2B
370 ARRANGEMENTS BEFORE DEPARTURE.

time he often asked for a little, saying it was “number
one good for his belly.” Poor old man! this is not a
romantic point of view from which to behold him ; but
we all of us got to like him. He was a very good old
rascal, and I really think an honest man.

On the 18th May, Major-General Sir R. Napier ar-
rived to make all arrangements for the establishment at
Chusan. The following day I went with him to Poo-too,
where he had not before been; but it was decided not
to intrude on this picturesque spot.

We had to set to work again now, to contract our
position ; for the force to be left on the island was very
small, and would be quartered in the suburb adjoining
the anchorage, the large buildings in the city being
given up again to the Chinese, and a pied 4 terre only
being held in the town at two of the gates.

We turned all sorts of old buildings to account, and
made some very nice barracks and little hospitals. It
was decided not to have a general hospital on the
island, as the large ships fitted up for the purpose, and
which would accompany the force, would no doubt prove
more valuable. The station, therefore, was destined to
become a half-way house of call between Hong Kong
and the army in the north, a coaling or watering place,
and a depot for stores.

The principle which first suggested itself was that of
making the best building into a hospital; but I am glad
to say we abandoned it, and adopted that of endeavour-
ing to keep the troops in health as long as possible by
giving them the best possible barracks, keeping smaller
buildings, but still commodious, and affording the proper
ventilation and cubical space for patients, for hospital
purposes. I believe that the event proved that we had
done right, and the place was found healthy, in spite of
REMARKS ON CHUSAN. 371

the doubtful reputation it had established from previous
trial. The main causes were, I think, good food, good
water, and avoiding the rising ground. It was curious,
and I frequently tried it, to walk round the town at
night, and mark the difference of atmosphere on ascend-
ing the hill which lies on the north side. Often when
all below is clear, this is wreathed with a cold, damp fog,
which seems to find its way into the very bones, the
line of demarcation on either side being as sensibly
defined as that within and without the hall-door.

Yet though Chusan thus retrieved the bad character
which it had formerly held, we need not regret having
abandoned it when once in our occupation. Commercially,
it is of but little value ; its produce does not suffice for its
own small population. Its only communications with
the producing country are by a sea beset with strong and
uncertain currents, rapid tide-races, and also liable to
sudden dense fogs.

With Ningpo and Shanghae on either side, both open
to our trade, Chusan for mercantile purposes would be
valueless. It is only as a military station that it could
be found useful, and as such we do not want it. The
fewer foreign military settlements there are on the
coast of China, the better will it be for the interests of
commerce.

282
CHAPTER XXIV.

We sail for Ta-lien-hwan—Sampson peak—The army is landed—Waterworks
—Fatal boat accident—Reconnaisance of Pei-ho and Peh-tang—Council of
war—Plan of operations.

On the 9th June we began to embark, and on the 11th
sailed for Ta-lien-hwan bay, the English place of ren-
dezvous, which had been surveyed and explored in the
spring. The French were to go to Chefoo, where I
had been the autumn before. The two places are nearly
opposite one another, on either side of the straits of
Pe-chili. :

On nearing shore, on the 16th, we got into the fog
as usual, and had to anchor. We felt glad that we had
done so, when the fog lifted, and we saw the barren
cliffs rising from the sea and the breakers underneath.
A noble mountain with a grand outline, rising from a
more gently undulating country on the opposite side of
the bay, dominated majestically over the whole country
round. It was a patriarchal hill, lofty and grand, but

“not jagged and severe—broad and massive, peaked
enough to tower, yet expanded in outline, so as to give
the impression of a firm yet benevolent rule. This was
Sampson Peak.

On the 18th my company was sent on shore for the
day, to work at the watering places; but it came on to
blow so hard, that we were unable to return, and, after
roughing it for a night, our camp equipage was sent on
TA-LIEN-HWAN BAY. 373

shore. Other detachments followed by degrees, and at
last, as it became evident that there would be consi-
derable delays from some backwardness in the French
arrangements, our whole force was put on shore on the
29th—the first division in Victoria Bay, the second at
Odin Bay, the cavalry and artillery at Hand Bay. Of
the first division, to which I belonged, the first brigade
was near the watering-place where we originally dis-
embarked, the second with the head-quarters near
Sampson’s Well.

Our principal work was to find water, which was at
first very scarce. The fleet was all anchored in the
bay, the vessels being near the divisions to which they
were respectively told off. The total force numbered
58 men-of-war and 126 transports. In some places we
dug wells, and in others cleared out the springs, and
excavated reservoirs to receive the water from them.
The quantity which had accumulated in the night, was
usually pumped away in the morning, when we would
set to work to clear out and deepen our reservoirs for
the reception of a fresh supply. Small dipping pools
were made for the use of the troops, distinct from the
large reservoirs from which the water-boats were filled.
A violent rain which accompanied a thunder-storm, did
us more harm than good; for the water brought such a
quantity of earth down with it, as spoilt our reservoirs
fora time. To guard against a repetition of such an
accident we built filtering dams across the ravines,
which arrested the water, and held it for a time, allow-
ing the earthy matter to deposit itself among the stones’
and shingle of which the dams were formed.

Another of our works was the formation of piers.
The place best suited for the purpose was near our first
brigade watering-place, as the shore there being steeper,
374 WATER-WORKS AND PIERS.

the tide did not ebb so far as in the neighbotrhood of the
head-quarters. The first gave us some little trouble;
but later, when great pier accommodation was required
for the re-embarkation, and we got plenty of coolies to
work, to carry stone from a rocky promontory adjacent,
we built another on a grand scale, running out parallel
to the first, and about a hundred yards or so distant
from it. As these were continued out to a considerable
length, so as to have from two feet to three feet of water
at the end at low tide, we had not only two useful piers,
but a still-water basin, in which at high tide boats could
anchor, and await their turn to come alongside. The
last was so widé as to allow of embarkation going on
from both sides together, if the water was calm enough
to allow of boats lying on the outer side.

These works kept the troops pretty well employed,
and in this respect were very useful after their confine-
ment on shipboard; and, though at the time we
grumbled at the delay, it was really beneficial. The
soldiers got into good condition; and, after they had
gone through a little inconvenience attendant on their
eating a great quantity of oysters, with which the rocks
abounded, (in a month when I suppose they were out of
season,) they were uncommonly healthy; and between
parades and drills, works and games, they passed the
time pleasantly enough, solaced by a well-stocked can-
teen, which supplied them with good beer, at a rate
reasonable, under the circumstances.

It was not to be expected that we were to be free
from deaths here, but they were few in number. We
inclosed a plot of ground near the shore, which was set
apart asa burial-place. A gloom was cast over our camp
one day by asad accident. Captain Gordon, of the Engi-
neers, crossed from the opposite side of the bay, on 11th
FATAL BOAT ACCIDENT. 875

July, to our camp to inquire for letters, the mail having
just arrived ; and in the afternoon he got into his boat
again to return, accompanied by Captain Lumsden.
When in the middle of the bay, the boat was struck by
a sudden squall, and capsized. It was nearly dark, and
they were far from any help. Lumsden struck out;
Gordon began to accompany him, but, doubting his
powers, he, after going some distance, resolved to re-
turn to the capsized boat, to which the lascar crew were
clinging. He had almost reached it, when he sank
from exhaustion. The lascars were eventually picked
up. Lumsden for a long time failed to come across any
help. Fearing to exhaust himself during the night,
and reserving his strength for any emergency, he con-
tented himself with keeping afloat, lying on his back a
great part of the time. What a situation !—floating on
your back gazing into the sky, darkness all round you,
alone with your thoughts and retrospections! So he
passed the greater part of the night. At length, after
the lapse of six long hours, whilst still in this position,
a sound as of surf breaking on the shore was borne to
his ear. Now was the time for action—he turned, and
swimming gained the beach. Here he lay and quietly
slept, until daylight showed his position, when rising,
he set off towards his camp, which was some miles dis-
tant, meeting by the way his friends, who had come out
to search for him, scarcely hoping ever to see him
alive again. I think I never heard of a more striking
instance of cool, calm pluck and endurance. True cou-
rage is not that which often passes for it, ignorance of
danger ; but, on the contrary, a quick perception of it,
with calmness to meet it, and to take coolly the steps
best suited to avert it, or mitigate its consequences.

At one time there was a little apprehension with
376 WE PREPARE TO ADVANCE,

regard to the desertion of coolies, when enc&mped here;
some actually ran away, but I believe either returned
or were sent back. They were said to have been
rather roughly treated by the corps to which they were
attached, but it was about the only instance of the kind ;
in general they were well-used, and served us faith-
fully, from the beginning of their engagement till the
end,

The people in the villages about this place were not
the original inhabitants of the country : they said that
their ancestors had come, about a hundred years before,
from the south of China, the provinces of Quang-tung
and Yunan. They were very dark in complexion,
much more so than the generality of the people in the
south, and about Canton. I noticed a fact generally in
China, which was contrary to my preconceived ideas ;
that the farther north we went along the sea-coast, the
darker was the complexion of the natives. Between the
Pei-ho and the Great Wall, many of the fishermen, and
those exposed to the weather, were nearly what by con-
trast with ourselves, we should call black. It may be,
that the vicissitudes of weather, and great alternations
of temperature, have a more bronzing effect than the
more protracted exposure to the sun, in a serene though
sultry climate.

On the 18th July, a council of war was held at
Chefoo, and a forward movement decided upon. On
the 20th I was ordered on board the “ Cruiser,” to go
in company with Captain Ward’s surveying ship the
“‘ Actewon,” and the gun-boats “Dove” and “ Janus,”
to examine the Peh-tang and Pei-ho, and see what had
been done to them since our last visit.

On the 22nd we arrived at the rendezvous, where,
leaving the “Cruiser,” we went in with the other
FINAL RECONNAISSANCE. 377

vessels to the neighbourhood of the mouths of the two

‘rivers. Here we found some Russian and American
vessels at anchor: they were in constant communica-
tion with the shore, a circumstance which, perhaps,
aided us in our future explorations.

The naval officers made a minute survey of the
approaches towards the two rivers. On the 24th, I
went, in the “Janus,” to a point as near the shore as
we could get, between them, and where there were only
eight feet of water. We anchored here, and had a good
look about us. We then crept up the shore to the
mouth of the Peh-tang, where a survey of the bar was
going on. The following day all the survey-boats
went into the river and were busily employed: the
“ Cruiser’s” cutter ascended above the forts, and found
no boom, and no apparent preparations for defence,
beyond the forts themselves : no change had been made
in them since the autumn before; nor were any cavalry
brought out on this occasion, as had been done the last
time we paid them a visit.

Meanwhile I landed with Captain Bythesea on the
mud-bank to the south of the river, with two or three
sailors, and we walked inland over it for about three-
quarters of amile: we goton to a plain which appeared
beyond the influence of ordinary tides, whence we could
see a raised road leading from the rear of the town of
Peh-tang towards the Pei-ho. We were assured of its
nature by seeing a bullock-cart beg drawn along it.
We also were able to make out a bridge, over which the

road passed, close to the town; and near it was a
palisade-gate. This was an important point, as it
guarded us against the possible error of attempting any
attack on the works in front, in which case the ditch
would have been a serious obstacle.. By watching the
378 THE PEI-HO FORTS.

cart when crossing the bridge we were abl to estimate
with correctness, the width of the ditch.

In conducting these surveys we abstained from using
flags, considering that there was no use in insisting
upon showing our nationality, whilst there was a pro-
bability of our being allowed a certain latitude on the
chance of our belonging to one of the friendly nations.
Some villagers, who came down to the boats, made the
mark of a St. Andrew’s cross on the shore, accompanied
by a gesture of interrogation, evidently with a view to
ask if we were Russians, that being the emblem on
their flag ; but of course, it was not convenient to under-
stand them or to put such a construction on their dumb
show.

On the 26th, the day that the fleet left Ta-lien-hwan,
I went with the “ Dove” and another gun-boat to make
a diversion by a visit to the Pei-ho; as we must have
made a considerable demonstration at the Peh-tang,
and it was desirable to effect a landing there unoppgsed,
if not unexpectedly. We anchored at some little
distance from the forts, and feasted our eyes on them
through our telescopes with great interest. They
looked in magnificent order; the angles of the embra-
sures and slopes were as beautifully finished as the
plastering of the cornice of a drawing-room, This did
not give, as might be fancied, the idea of a brittle
gimerack work, for we knew that though the upper
parapets were thin, and liable to be knocked away, yet
the main mass of the work was of a nature the least
impressionable by shot: rammed and sun-burnt clay,
which was moreover strengthened by piles, braced and
interlaced with ropes and chains; the face of the
work was plastered over, so as to turn off every drop of
wet, and prevent any injury to the mass, from the
COUNCIL OF WAR. 379

action of frost. We noticed, subsequently, how careful
the Engineers were on this point, and to what trouble
they had gone in constructing the necessary drains for
carrying off the surface water from their ramparts.
We observed, and with pleasure, that abattis of felled
timber, and pointed stakes driven into the ground,
extended along the sea-face of their works in a much
greater degree than the year before; which gave us
hopes that they were still expecting an attack on the
same quarter, and that they had expended the main
part of their labour and resources in strengthening
their works at a point on which we should not direct
our attack,

Whilst lying here, some boats pushed off from the
shore as if to communicate with us; but as a conversa-
tion might be embarrassing, and could not be pro-
ductive of much good, we declined the interview, and
steamed away, moving to the southward to see what
they might have done to prevent any movement on
that side. We were unable to go near the shore on
account of the shoalness of the water; but we thought
we could make out a working party throwing up a
battery in front of a village about six miles south of
the Pei-ho : however, we could not make sure of it.

That night, the survey being completed, we returned
to the “ Cruiser,” and next morning the flag-ship, with
the leading portion of our fleet, appeared in sight, and
took up a position near us. On the morning of the 28th,
the important council of war was held on board the flag-
ship, where we separately detailed our experiences.

It was decided to land a portion of the force on the
south bank of the river, at a point about one thousand
two hundred yards from the forts; a distance at which
the enemy’s fire would lose much of its accuracy,
380 ARRANGEMENTS FOR LANDING.

whilst ours would be as effective as at a sorter range.
In warfare between forces with weapons of different
power, that point at which those of one side begin to
lose their efficiency, whilst those of the other side
maintain it, is an important one, and worthy of study.

When landed, this force was to establish itself on the
road, and move on the rear of the works; and in case
of opposition, there was to be a bombardment on the
front, from the gun-boats.

In order to carry out this scheme in the best way,
the desiderata, in a purely military point of view, were
a neap-tide, and a landing at about quarter ebb. The
bed of the river was a deep narrow channel, having at
this point, steep banks on the south side, but more
shelving on the north; to this channel at low-tide the
water confined itself, leaving a tolerably high bank on
the south side at dead low-water. At high-tide the
water overflowed the flat ground, and though it
speedily left it again, it left it wet and sticky for
some time. Of course, during springs, and other
unusually high tides, the ground was more laid under
water than at other times; therefore neap-tides and
quarter ebb would be the time for troops to land, if
they alone were concerned, when the small part of the
flat which had been flooded, had been allowed to dry;
and when there would still be enough water for a
gun-boat to lie in the deep channel and allow men
almost to walk on shore over a gang-board; at all events
to land dry-footed from boats. But, unfortunately,
here was a difficulty, for it was only possible to bring
our larger gun-boats over the bar at high-water, and
some of them only at springs. And as the crossing
the bar was indispensable, it seemed likely that the
wetting of the feet would prove inevitable.
CHAPTER XXV.

Landing at Peh-tang—Chinese man-traps—Occupation of the town—Dis-
embarkation of the army, and works connected with it—Advances—
Capture of Sin-ho—Outrages on inhabitants—Capture of Tangkoo—Chinese
artillerymen—The condition of the town.

On the 29th July, the fleet got under weigh, and we
advanced, and anchored within about eight miles of the
shore, and opposite the part of the coast lying between
the Pei-ho and Peh-tang, so that the enemy would still
be in doubt as to our plans. The tides ran unusually
high to-day ; and at the ebb, the water only fell from
three to four feet, owing to a strong easterly wind : this
foreboded rather ill for our landing, though well for
the crossing of the bar. On the 30th, the sailing
portion of the fleet came in. Next day we were to
have landed, but it was too windy, and the sea too rough
to attempt it, asa great portion of the force would be
conveyed in boats, which would be towed by the gun-
vessels and other steamers of light draught; but on the
1st August we accomplished it.

We left our anchorage soon after nine A.M., suiting
the time of our departure, so as to get over the bar at
high-water : when once we had passed between the boats
which were moored on either side of the passage to mark
the entrance, and hoist flags from time to time, indicat-
ing the results of the soundings, we were safe in com-
paratively deep water, and still out of range of the forts.
382 THE LANDING.

We moved up to the appointed place of fanding, and
anchored ; but so well had the wind and tide raised the
water, that for some time after the tide turned, the flat
remained covered, and of course, to those unacquainted
with the ground, the task looked hopeless. It seemed
to us as if the tide would never go down. At length
our allies lost patience, and at about five p.m. they
began to land; we had, of course, to do the same, and
out we splashed into the water, nearly up to our knees.
As we waded on, we soon got on to land, but not dry
land; for far beyond where we had been walking dry-
shod a few days before, we found that the now ebbing
tide had overflowed.

No symptom was there of opposition : just as we pre-
pared to land, a small force of Tartar cavalry rode out
from the town and trotted along towards the Pei-ho.
The invading force took off its boots and stockings and
waded serenely up, till it got to terra firma. Here
. we halted, and made ourselves tidy again, whilst the
road was being examined. It was found to be a good
hard road of dry and consolidated mud, formed from an
excavation on either side, now in the condition of
broad ditches with about two feet of water in them. It

was determined, as it was now late, to bivouac on the _

road, The French who landed on our left, took the
Pei-ho end of our line, whilst we established a guard
on the right, at the gate leading to the town. We
were all very thirsty, and hailed with joy some breakers
of water sent us from the boats; when after having
pic-nicked on such fare as we had brought with us, we
lay down to sleep on the ground. The ditch smelt
rather nasty ; but the slopes on either side made by no
means a bad place to sleep on, and we were tolerably
comfortable. There were two alarms in the night; one
CHINESE MAN-TRAPS. 883

a-groundless one, the other was a real one, though not
serious. A party of Tartars, either reconnoitring or
not knowing what was up, came pretty close to the
road from the plain on the north side; when being

challenged, they made off, expedited by the bullets of
_ the sentries, and whoever else was prepared for them.
Tn the morning we found, as the result, one accoutred
horse dead, and the saddle of another.

During the night the indefatigable Parkes got into
the town, and finding a respectable-looking old man,
ascertained from him that the forts were deserted ; he
also informed him of mines, or infernal-machines being
buried in them. At four a.m. I went in with him and
Colonel Mann, and Mr. Lock: we found some French
Engineers engaged in laying bare these engines of
destruction. Their construction was as follows:—A
pit was dug in the ground, and in it placed large iron
shells loaded with powder; a match communicated
between the shell and a flint-gun lock, which it was
intended to fire, by a string attached to the trigger, and
crossing’ the pit-fall. Over the whole, was laid a mat
lightly strewed with earth. The modus operandi was,
that on entering the fort, we should run over the mat,
which would let us down; falling on the string, we
should pull the trigger, and be blown up. This is an
instance of the Chinese peculiarity of taking great labour
and trouble for little results : there were in all, I think,
only four of these things; two nearthe entrance, and
two at the foot of the slopes leading to the ramparts.
They had evidently been recently placed, from the
appearance of the mould. It was not intended to
defend the fort: it was rather unlikely that, in entering
quietly, we should fall into one of the traps, whatever
one might do in a hasty assault; and extremely unlikely
384 PEH-TANG.

that if one went off with effect, a second would succeed.
At the most, about one barbarian apiece would be a
large average of destruction for them.

And all this trouble and a considerable expense had
been incurred for such a chance, unconnected with any
other or ulterior purpose! It is like the Cantonese
arrangement, by which some forty pounds of powder
were laid out in a bag to be fired from a distance, for
the chance of blowing up a policeman.

Having made all secure, our next step was to occupy
the town: this was an inevitable necessity, as there
was no place fit for encamping; and the shore and
river were indispensable for the landing of our troops,
horses, and stores. It is a pity that it could not be
avoided, as the town had shown no resistance, and the
inhabitants had behaved well. However, it was hoped,
that the buildings near the water-side, and the official
residences, would be sufficient for our purposes. I was
directed to accompany the Quartermaster-General and
a French Engineer officer, to assist in making arrange-
ments for the division of the town.

There was a long street running straight through the
place—in fact, the continuation of the road upon which
we had slept; and as this divided the town fairly, we
adopted it as the line of demarcation. It was perfectly
agreed that we were to be on the one side, and the
French on the other. This matter arranged, the troops
were marched in, and quartered about in the more
convenient buildings; some being chosen for their
proximity to the shore, others from their being large
or public buildings, not involving interference with the
inhabitants.

On entering the house allotted to the Engineer
officers, we found in it a family consisting of two men
APPROPRIATION OF HOUSES. 385

and three women; the latter in great distress, and
erying bitterly. We explained the necessity of the
case, and assured them that so far as we were con-
cerned their property should be uninjured, and that we
would leave everything precisely as we found it. They
seemed as thankful as one had any right to expect,
under the circumstances. It is a painful thing thus to
be brought into close contact with all the miseries of
war. ‘There is little to be done to mitigate them,
and in the excitement of the times, soldiers are sadly
forgetful of the griefs of the poor citizens. Still
the injury is not always actually done by the in-
vading troops themselves. The worst robbers in
Canton were the natives, who in large bands took
advantage of the times, and plundered wholesale : they
devoured in front of us in a singular way; that is to
say, if we had occasion to clear the ground in our
front, we pulled down a row of houses; the inhabitants
forsook the next row in alarm: the robbers then
would ransack them in turn, and strip them of their
roofs for the sake of the timber. We then, seeing the
useless walls, might be tempted to remove them as they
afforded shelter to skulking thieves and braves. Im-
mediately the devastation spread backwards, and so we
might have gone through the entire city. But at
Pehtang the place was not large, and had not the idle
vagabond characters that a populous city would contain.

I hoped myself that the natives would be able to live
with us quietly, as far as would be permitted by our
occupying a portion of the town; and with this view,
when the French officer suggested to me, that while we
should have one section and they another, the natives
should occupy a third, I answered, “ Let us each take
half for our own necessities, and each in our own half

20
386 WORKS OF SPOLIATION.

provide as far as possible for the well-beis%® of the na-
tive residents; thus making as little disturbance as
possible among their homes.” But, unfortunately, it
turned out far differently : the people took a panic, and
fled in haste; some of the women, as we found after-
wards, in their alarm either killed themselves with
opium or by drowning. Our English soldiers behaved,
on the whole, very well, and were, when not at work,
confined a great deal to their quarters. The Sikhs did
a little quiet looting ; but our allies were acquisitive in
the highest degree. Nor did they confine themselves
to their own quarters: the main street formed no
boundary to them; Peh-tang was theirs, and, except
in the houses we were actually occupying, they were all
over the place. On the first day I remonstrated with
one of them for carrying off some screaming chickens
from an inhabited house. The poor ill-used soldier,
with an air of injured innocence, replied, “ Mon Dieu!
monsieur, est-ce grande chose aprés la prise d’une ville,
de prendre quelques poulets pour nos pau----vres ma-
lades?” Not only did the pawvres malades, but also the
hale and hearty, fare sumptuously on chicken and pork
as long as the live-stock lasted. Ido not mean to say
that our force did not do so likewise; for after the
inhabitants had left the place, and abandoned their pigs,
we could not allow them to starve, nor undertake the
care of them for their owners, but we naturally did not
like our district to be invaded by our neighbours, and
we could not keep them out. We were on several occa-
sions really impeded in our work on the shore, by
French soldiers driving by the leg, obstinate pigs cap-
tured round our men’s quarters, whilst they were em-
ployed without, and which, with an exasperating cool-
ness, they brought all through our working parties in
WORKS OF DISEMBARKATION. 387

triumph. Their system was to live on the country;
and as long as the people ran away, and left perishable
provisions behind, there was not much to blame in the
system ; but the moment you drive the people away in
order to obtain a right to their property, the system
becomes faulty.

The principal employment of the Engineers was in
forming piers and wharves, on which to disembark the
remainder of the force; for the original party landed
was a small one.

Besides men, there were to be disembarked guns,
with all their appurtenances; a quantity of ammuni-
tion; horses, both artillery and transport; stores of
every kind, provisions, and more tons of material than
the uninitiated would think possible. The number
of horses belonging to the force, including transport
animals, was 3,354,

We found a Chinese pier, which we repaired and
strengthened, and we put up three or four others, made
from materials which had been prepared at Hong Kong
by Admiral Hope, and a quantity of which we had
brought with us. We made also a hard place for dis-
embarking horses, as the mud was too soft to put them
overboard on to it. They used to be hoisted from the
gun-boats in slings, and then quietly walked up to terra
firma. The artillery came in capital trim: the guns
were landed, then the horses; they put to on the bank,
and drove off to their quarters without the slightest
delay. Not so the transport animals: they were in
miserable plight; many could hardly be got to move.
Some of them appeared to be half-starved, either from
sickness or want of attention. They lay down on the
ground very often, as if exhausted; but I thought it a
significant fact that one, which looked in a dying state,

2¢2
388 SANITARY WORKS.

most willingly devoured a wisp of hay which was given
to it—on which we gave it more, and by-and-by it got
up and walked off. I am afraid they had had a bad
time of it,

The principal danger in our arrangements, was that
of choking up the avenues leading from the piers;
therefore we had to clear away,some of the houses next
the water, to give a sufficient wharfage, and by allot-
ting the buildings near the shore to the Commissariat,
and other departments which had heavy and bulky
articles, desirable to store at once, and by improving
the roads leading into the town, we managed to keep
ourselves tolerably clear. We all had to work hard,
but I think the Navy the hardest—they were at it night
and day; and though we had a good deal to do in dis-
posing of all the things which came to shore, they had
plenty of trouble with them before they got there. We
worked in this way for ten days. The roads and streets
also claimed our attention: no word but filthy can de-
scribe their condition. They were bad when we arrived ;
but as the men living on either side, threw out of doors
every article which they deemed superfluous or disa-
greeable in their quarters, their condition may perhaps
be imagined. We had a good deal of rain, and the
main street assumed the appearance of a morass of rub-
bish. Hot sun alternated with rain, and how we escaped
fever I cannot imagine. I heard that the medical officer,
whose peculiar province was that of sanitary arrange-
ments, was completely at fault; for, according to every
law of nature, we ought to be decimated by disease ;
but, instead of that, we were remarkably healthy.

The damage had all been done in a few minutes, but
the rectification would take days. The best we could do
was to throw down the materials of houses necessarily
WORKS OF DRAINAGE, 389

demolished, to bury the festering mass. How long we
should have enjoyed this immunity is doubtful. It was
certainly a bright day for the force when it made its
forward move.

Here, as in Ta-lien-hwan Bay, we found a scarcity of
water, as that of the river was brackish. It was only
just towards the close of the ebb tide that it was fresh
enough for the horses: many of them would hardly
drink it even then. On our arrival we found large
jars of water in every house, which we carefully hus-
banded ; and when this was consumed, Admiral Hope
sent water-boats to a considerable distance up the river
for a fresh supply. It was placed in jars in a range of
buildings devoted to the purpose, and served out regu-
larly tothe troops daily, on a fixed scale—one officer being
intrusted solely with this most necessary arrangement.

The land-transport camp was on an open piece of
ground on the north side of the town, separated from it
by a creek, over which a wooden pile-bridge was formed.
This creek, as well as another near it, was filled by
the tide, which overflowed a large level space of ground
between this camp and the high road; and it was seen that
if this plain could be dried, it would afford an open area
for the collection of all the cavalry and the transport
animals which were quartered on that side of the town,
and enable them to be got into the line of march on our
advance, without passing through the crowded and in-
convenient streets. To effect this object, we collected a
quantity of material, and at low tide made two massive
dams across the creeks, working hard to get them up
more quickly than the tide could rise. We succeeded in
beating the water, and on the 9th the plain was dry.
But, alas! the 10th was a wet day—the plain was
flooded again, and no exit was there for the water. So
390 RECONNAISSANCE.

we had to set to work again, determine?’ not to be
beaten, and made openings in our dam. We then pre-
pared wooden troughs, which we laid in the bottom and
puddled round with clay. These troughs had self-act-
ing valves, such as I had seen used in the marshes in
Essex, which opened from the pressure of water behind,
but remained closed on a similar application from the
front. Thus at low tide all accumulated water found
an exit, but could not return. We were now successful,
and the ebb on the 11th cleared the plain; and just in
time, for on the 12th we were to march towards the
Pei-ho.

The second day after our arrival at Peh-tang a strong
reconnoitring party had been sent along the road—for
there was only one. A mud plain extends miles on
either side, that on the left or seaward being rather
wet, whilst on the landward side it was more dry. This
force encountered a picquet of Tartar cavalry stationed
at a roadside house, who retired and gave the alarm;
on which a fire was opened on the reconnoitring party
from entrenchments constructed on terra firma, which
near this house, succeeded to the mud-bank country.
Two earthworks were observed in advance of an
extensive entrenchment, which apparently surrounded
the town of “Sin-ho.” As at that time we were not
prepared for an onward move, it was considered inex-
pedient to bring on an action, therefore some guns,
which had been sent for as soon as the extent of the
fire brought to bear upon the force had been noticed,
were not brought into play; and the column retired,
after having sustained a loss of some ten or a dozen
men wounded, principally French, of whom I heard
that two died soon after. This appears to have given
confidence to the Tartars, for they never even attempted
ADVANCE ON PEH-TANG. 391

to cut up this road, our main line of advance. They no
doubt thought, that as they had driven us back by
this distant fire, their works round “Sin-ho” would be
impregnable.

The 12th August was a beautiful day. We paraded
at half-past four a.M.; but the First Division, to which
I belonged, did not get out of the place for some time,
as the Second Division was in front. I have said
that the cavalry was (by our draining work) enabled to
march out clear of the streets, and the artillery had
been wisely parked on a plot of open ground at the
extreme point of the town, where the road entered, and
were therefore able to get out without much trouble;
but, under any circumstances, the marching of men up
narrow streets, deep in mud, full of holes, and treacher-
ous in footing, must be a long and wearisome business.
We, however, at length found ourselves on the road.

The Second Division, after following the beaten track
for some little distance, diverged to the right; and after
having, with great trouble, crossed some intervening
heavy ground, in which the guns were wellnigh stick-
ing for ever, they got on to some comparatively practi-
cable country, leaving the road to the First Division.
The second came in for the best part of the business,
for against them the Tartar cavalry came out, and
tasted their first experience of English artillery, and
Sikh cavalry. They skirmished all round the force and
seemed inclined to envelope them, but did not, as a mass,
come to close quarters: they made one dashing charge
at Stirling’s battery, but were met by a volley of
canister, followed up by a charge of a body of Fane’s
horse who cut them up in style. We lost a man
killed and a few wounded, about sixteen in all; but
they suffered considerably. The performances of in-
392 SIN-HO

dividuals were spoken of afterwards much as one would
speak of the success on that same day on the Moors.
People said Fane killed three, another officer killed
five, and so on.

Our Division had not the same excitement. On
debouching from the road on to the plain, we were fired
upon as the reconnoitring party had been, from the
outworks. We gave them a round or two from our
artillery, and went on, whereupon they abandoned their
works, leaving a few dead men and horses behind
them. On nearing the Sin-ho entrenchment they fired
on us rather more vigorously : the Royals were put
forward in skirmishing order; our artillery gave them
another dose; we went on and found these lines also
abandoned. The Tartars who had received a taste of
the second division fled, and those in front of us
followed suit, and the flight was general. We saw
them galloping off towards the Takoo forts as hard as
they could go. We gave them a parting shot or two
and some rockets, and all was over. We entered
Sin-ho uninterrupted. The first sight which struck
me after inspecting the Tartar camp, left in haste, the
dinners half eaten, was an immense excitement in the
streets. What could it be? only French soldiers pur-
suing and bayoneting pigs: they were all over the
place, hen- and pig-hunting ; their consideration for the

auvres malades seemed to have overpowered all sense
of discipline. We marched through the town, and on
the open ground outside, met with the Second Division.
General de Montauban, made a reconnaissance along the
road by which the Tartars had retreated, and sounded
“the assembly” to get some of his troops together for
the purpose. It wasa curious sight to see them respond-
ing to the call with their booty. One witha quarter of a
AND ITS INHABITANTS. 393

pig attached to some parts of his accoutrements, others
with quacking ducks or fowls with half-wrung necks,
pendant from their knapsacks. It seemed as if the
system worked, and that there was more discipline at
the bottom than one would have given credit for. This
party was briskly fired on from a strong-looking work
in the front; and after an artillery duel between the
enemy’s and the light Napoleon guns, it was determined
to do no more that afternoon, and we prepared to
bivouac in Sin-ho for the night.

We found that we had effected the desirable object of
reaching the Pei-ho, which was about three-quarters of a
mile outside the town. We had a base now, consisting
of the road by which we had advanced; Peh-tang with
our fleet and stores being at one end, and Sin-ho with
our army at the other; the northern Takoo forts were
in the apex of the triangle at the mouth of the Pei-ho.

I saw a sad case of wanton cruelty here. As we
marched through the village we saw a poor white-
headed old man, apparently blind, standing at the side
of the road with doffed hat and lowered pigtail, bowing
and repeating the customary greeting of “ tsin-tsin,”
which we returned. After us followed a troop of Sikh
horse who passed us and went on. Not many minutes
after we were ordered to return to the village, and take
up our quarters. We passed the place where the old man
had stood, but he was now lying on his face apparently
dead, with a hideous spear wound in his back. Return-
ing some time later we observed that he was now on his
side, and was still alive. We had him removed, and
one of our doctors attended him; but the poor old
fellow died that night. The Sikh who killed him may
have lost a comrade that day at the hands of the Tartars,
and should be so far excused; but this is only one
394 A LONE WOMAN.

glimpse of the horrors of war. How nufnerous and
how dreadful they are and must be, it is hard to
realize! No one who has seen them can ever think
lightly of the often too little-considered prayer, ‘“ Give
peace in our time, O Lord.”

The only success the Tartars had that day was in the
capture of a party of our stragglers, consisting of two
English soldiers, two Madras sappers, and some coolies.
One of the Englishmen was afterwards beheaded for
refusing to prostrate himself before the mandarin into
whose presence he was brought for examination. The
other soldiers were sent back under a flag of truce after
the capture of Tangkoo, in return for prisoners whom
we sent away from that place.

The evening was taken up with examining our
position, and seeing what works would be necessary
prior to the next move. Bridges were the great
necessity ; two had to be made at once—that is, the first
thing in the morning. The natives had generally
abandoned the place; I did not notice many left: one
poor woman would have done well to fly, if she had the
power. On returning to my quarters in the evening, I
saw a French soldier pacing up and down at the back
of a house; as I passed him I heard through a window
the sounds of a woman’s voice, sobbing in great distress.
I did not at the moment connect the two circumstances
in my mind, but stopped abruptly, and was about to
address the man, when uttering a cry he fled. I rushed
round towards the door of the house, but took a wrong
turn; through a little window I saw a French soldier,
comrade to the other, rush from a poor woman’s side to
the door ; before I could get round he was many yards
off. How then I longed for my pistol which I had not
with me; I am glad now that I had not: I hunted the
BRIDGES. 395

man, calling out to every one to stop him, but my heavy
long boots gave him the advantage, and he escaped.
Returning, I tried to comfort the poor creature, but,
naturally, she was as much frightened at me as at the
others, so I left her, telling our sentry who was within
view of the house, to allow no one to approach it. In
the morning she was dead. Whatever wars we may
enter into, may we be saved from invasion.

At eleven o’clock we ascended to bed; not upstairs,
but on to the roof of an out-house, as was our wont in
these parts. The roofs are nearly flat, covered with
sun-baked mud, and form a sleeping-place, rather colder,
but less irritating than the interior of the houses. This
night it was very cold. I rose at three a.m. and got
men together for the bridges: one was made from some
materials fitted together, and brought from Hong Kong

for the purpose; the other was made of the two
gunwales of an old rotten barge, which we laid across
and planked over. These were finished in the morn-
ing, and two more commenced.

The object of these bridges was to get our force on to
the plain which lay outside the walls of Tang-koo, for
such was the name of the place in front of us. I have
said that there was a road leading to it from Sin-ho,
and along this road General de Montauban had pushed
his reconnaissance the evening before. This, in fact, was
the only communication between the two places. It
was, like the road from Peh-tang, raised above the
general level, by means of earth excavated on either
side. It was a very good road to travel on, if no one
was shooting at you from the end; but as it was impos-
sible to deviate from it either to the right or left, it
was by no means a desirable approach under existing
circumstances. It was observed that the ground on the
396 A WORKING PARTY

left, towards Peh-tang, was low and dam, whilst that
on the right, between the road and the Pei-ho, was dry,
and covered with vegetation. Hence it was determined
to advance on Tang-koo along the latter plain: with
the right of our line on the Pei-ho, and the left on the
road : bridges were required to gain access to this plain
in different points, and also to cross some small creeks
which intersected the course of the proposed line of
advance.

The ground was well reconnoitred by the Generals ;
and in the evening, our works being completed, the
force crossed on to the plain and encamped. This was
done by about seven P.M. At eight, a working party
was sent out under Colonel Mann, R.E., to make a
trench to give cover to riflemen within range of the
walls. I accompanied them, and after taking a cup of
preserved soup, off we set: there was a working party
of six hundred and fifty, and a covering party of five
hundred. It soon got perfectly dark, but having
tolerably well examined the ground in the afternoon,
we got on pretty well. After a time we heard voices,
and dogs barking in front of us, and we knew that we
had got near a village on the river bank ; so we turned
to the left, keeping the village close on our right
hand. At length we saw the walls rise against the
sky. We now halted the party, and a few of us crept
on: suddenly we heard a snort and a scuffle of hoofs,
but it came only from some loose mules which we had
seen, and tried to catch in the afternoon.

It had been decided that the trench should be five
hundred yards from the wall; but in the dark it was
hard to estimate the distance, so we adopted the
safe course of going up to the wall, and measuring
five hundred yards back from it. Colonel Mann and
UNDER THE RAMPARTS OF TANG-KOO. 397

I crept on, taking a few men with us, dropping them
one by one, so as to form a chain. We found a ditch
on our right, beyond which was a bank of sedges;
on our left was a plain. Keeping along the side of the
ditch, we came at last to a narrow strip of dry ground,
a sort of roadway, with the ditch still on the right and
water also on the left. On we crept silently until the
wall rose high, close in front of us. A Tartar sentinel
challenged, and a murmur of excitement was heard on
the wall. We then, after lying quiet for a moment,
paced the distance back, and marked off as well as we
could, the position for the trench, tracing it parallel to
the line of the work.

We dug away well, and were not interrupted : the
enemy kept firing light-balls from time to time, but
did not molest us. Shortly before daybreak we retired,
having completed a trench about two hundred and fifty
yards long, and three feet deep, with the earth anon
up in front for a parapet.

We reached camp at four a.m. At five I turned
out again to take command of the Engineers in the
attack which was to come off immediately. It is no
slight affair for Engineers, that of preparing for a thing
of this sort. It is not a case of shoulder arms and quick
march. First of all the men had to be got ready.
Pontoons and their superstructure had to be taken for
crossing the ditches, scaling-ladders for ascending the
walls ; entrenching tools for making good any breach
or entrance to the place, or for operations inside;
powder bags to blow open gates; saws, axes, hammers,
and spikes, and for the officers, compass for surveying,
telescope, pencil and paper, or sketch-book, as well as
sword and revolver. Therefore it will be understood
that there was not much time for breakfast. A hasty
398 ATTACK ON TANG-KOO,

cup of cocoa formed my meal. We had ioticed in the
night an awkward wet place, a sort of ford crossing a
ditch, which would be troublesome for the artillery ;
so we sent a party into a plantation to cut down
boughs to lay over the mud, and these we carried
on our ladders. We were not long getting under
weigh.

It was a lovely morning, and we formed a beautiful
spectacle. As we advanced, the enemy fired on us
from some guns in a battery on the opposite bank of
the river, in such a position as to enfilade or rake our
line as we passed it, and take us in reverse afterwards :
this it was necessary to silence; and Captain Willes,
with a handful of seamen, made a gallant dash across
the river in a native boat, and drove the Tartars from
the place, spiking the guns. Another battery on that
side of the river, but a good deal lower down, opened
fire, but their shot went over us. A couple of Arm-
strongs were set to work to shut it up; but they worked
very creditably for some time, much longer than I
could have thought they would stand our accurate
fire.

When within about a thousand yards of the works,
our artillery opened fire in line. It was a beautiful
sight, the long line of field guns in front, the infantry
in rear. We Engineers were on the extreme right,
under the trees of the village, very nearly on the
ground we had passed over in the evening, Our
artillery advanced regularly, firing a round or two;
then limbering up, advancing, halting, and firing again.
Major Anson suddenly dashed away from the Com-
mander-in-chief, galloped straight up to our trench,
cantered along its edge, a conspicuous mark on his
white charger; we saw the dust rising in little puffs
AND ITS CAPTURE. 7 399

about him, followed by cracks from the matchlocks.
He reached a mound, behind which he halted, and
seemed to be counting the enemy’s guns through his
glass, and then cantered back again. The Rifles were
then sent out skirmishing on the right; they lined
our trench, and got into the sedges on the river bank.
The artillery continued firing and advancing, until they
got in front of the trench, and the enemy’s fire seemed
subdued ; though on our left, in front of the French,
it still went on. The Tartars really for a time fought
nobly: I saw one man stripped to his loins, fighting
his gun single-handed, after every bit of parapet near
him had been knocked away, and our shot was crashing
in all round him. I was sent for now to bring up the
pontoons to cross the ditch; but before they could get
up, the Rifles on the right, who had been advancing in
the sedges, found an assailable point at the angle of the
work, where it abutted on the river, and over the wall
they went like a pack of hounds. They hurried to the
left, where the guns were still opposing the French;
but the Tartars saw the game was up, and fled in-
continently, crossing the river where they could get
boats, and rushing out of the opposite gates towards
Takoo. :
Our immediate work was to improve the entrance at
the spot where the Rifles had scaled, to repair the bridge
where the main road entered the town, and to make a
pontoon bridge in a spot between the two; so that we
had three places by which we could enter, two available
for horses and artillery, and one fit for men only. We
found twenty-one guns on the walls. The poor Tartars
were lying quite thick beside them. I think it is more
impressive seeing men lying dead round their post in
battery than strewn on the plain. In one case the post
400 APPEARANCE OF THE WORKS.

of duty is absolutely before you, and thefr fulfilment
of it patent to all, while in the other it is only sug-
gested. Having seen that one brave man, the survivor
of all the gun detachment, working his gun alone;
loading and firing, among the corpses of his fellows,
with no one near to applaud him, nor witness his fall,
working away, whatever his motive might be, until he
fell like his comrades, I could not but picture to my-
self, in all these grim groups, of eight or ten, perhaps,
at a gun, how one by one they had fallen away, and
yet the survivors disdained to fly ; for they really seemed
to represent in each case the entire gun detachment :
there were the guns, the barracks behind, and no
appearance of large numbers, or reinforcements being
employed. The dead were not removed in any case.
The whole scene bore the appearance of the guns
having been manned at first, and fought till there was
no one left to fight them; and I believe the first to
fly were those who had not been engaged.

The town was some few hundred yards within the
line of rampart. The quarters for the garrison were
in little defensible camps—square or oblong enclosures
with mud wall and ditch, and containing neatly-
built huts in rows—the best military huts I have seen.
Their construction was in this wise :—Imagine a door-
frame with a window over; then imagine two window-
frames, one on either side of the door and attached to
it, the window heads and sills being fastened to the
door-posts. Next imagine a pair of these frames stood
on end at a convenient distance apart, then a pole laid
from the centre of one door-head to the other, another
from the outer upper corners of the side windows, and
you have the skeleton of a hut. Long faggots of reeds,
long enough to pass over the ridge and down to the
CAPTURED PIGS. 401

ground on either side, are thrown across, picketed
firmly into the ground at each end, and laid close
beside one another, forming something like an arched
roof, that shape being given by the longitudinal beams
which support them. The whole is plastered with
tempered clay; and you have a wholesome, warm, or
cool, (as desirable,) well-ventilated house: of course
capable of being subdivided in any way, or embellished
and improved upon according to taste. Such were the
Tartar quarters in the north of China.

The Second Division only was established in the town,
the First remaining in their camp on the plain. Our
quarters were speedily allotted, and food prepared,
which was very welcome to me, as within forty-eight
hours I had only had one cup of soup and one of cocoa.
There were a great many pigs; but they were badly
husbanded, being killed for the fun of the thing by
men who would not take the trouble to carry them off.
We were, therefore, compelled very soon to bury a
quantity of what might have been good meat. It is
difficult to bring yourself to eat a pig that you find
lying dead at the road-side, even though sure it has
been lately killed: it is a different thing to hunting
and killing your own pig: hence it was, that while one
pig would feed many men, the many men killed many
pigs, and as all would only eat the results of their own
sport, many more were killed than could probably be
eaten. They were, however, a God-send to the famished
gaunt dogs which abounded.

The dogs form a curious feature in a captured place.
Their masters are gone—their homes invaded—they see
none but strangers, receive nothing but harsh treat-
ment. At Sebastopol, the long duration of the siege
had rendered them wild and savage. They congregated

2D
402 DOGS IN CAPTURED CITIES. .

in troops, like perfectly wild beasts: their Whole nature
seemed changed ; they lived as they could, feeding on
offal, and, I dare say, frequently on human flesh. We
used there to have dog-hunts, and the carcase of a horse
or camel was always a good draw. I have more than
once seen a dog break cover from inside a camel, a
retreat where he found both board and lodging. At
Peh-tang they were very wretched: they were driven
out of the town, and roamed about, gradually starving
on the plains outside. At Tang-koo it was the same.
One beast was found outside the town, by one of our
officers, eating a dead baby. Though these scavengers
would really be useful to us, they were senselessly killed
like the pigs. Destructiveness, whether of life or pro-
perty, is probably inherent in man. There is certainly
to Engineers a pleasure in demolition.

From Tang-koo we could see the famous Takoo, or
Pei-ho forts. Between us and them was an entrench-
ment; but it proved, on reconnoitring it, to be unte-
nanted, or nearly so. A few shots were fired at us,
when out for that purpose, from the opposite side of the
river; and they also fired at Tang-koo from the same
place, but not frequently. We put some Armstrong
guns in battery near the south gate of the town,
‘and practised a little with them; but there was not
much firing on either side.

One day, shortly after the capture of the town, the
prisoners taken on the day we advanced from Peh-tang,
were brought back under a flag of truce. We also sent
away those natives whom we had found in the place.
I observed when we entered the town, more than one
who had committed suicide, One was in our quarters
lying dead on his bed, poisoned with opium. He ap-
peared a strong, healthy man, who might have run
SUICIDE OF NATIVES. 403

away if he had liked, which one would certainly think
preferable to the other course. We were so long before
the place, that he would have had plenty of time to
clear out, if he did not want to fight; and surely any-
thing is better than killing yourself in a battle. How-
ever, there is no accounting for what Chinamen will do.

2p 2
CHAPTER XXVI.

Bridge over the Pei-ho—Preparations for attack on the Takoo forts—Capture
of upper fort, and surrender of the remainder—Advance on Tien-tsin—~
The Tien-tsin lines—HEncampment—Market—Negotiations broken off—I
quit the army—Floating hospitals—Return to England.

Ir became necessary now to make a bridge across the
Pei-ho, with a view to the capture of the forts on the
south bank. The point selected was at Sin-ho, where
our First Division still remained encamped. I was ap-
pointed to take charge of the operation. The French
were to do one half, whilst we did the other, working
from the opposite banks, and meeting in the centre.
The bridge was to be constructed with boats, which we
had found at Tang-koo.

The first question to be decided between myself and
the French Engineers, was which side of the river each
was to take. I assumed that, as they had a camp on
the south side, where they had established a strong
picquet some days before, they would take that bank,
as we had not a single man there; but this was ob-
jected to, and we had recourse to drawing lots, by
which the south side fell to me, therefore every bit of |
our material had to be taken across. We had brought
from Hong Kong a quantity of baulks and planking
ready prepared, such as is used for the superstructure
of pontoon bridges, and this had to be carried from
Peh-tang. The French used such materials as they
BRIDGE OVER THE PEI-HO. 405

found on the spot in Sin-ho. We had a little boat (a
dingey), carried over also from Peh-tang, to transport
us backwards and forwards. I moved one company of
Engineers across the river, and encamped there, leaving
another on the north bank. The latter was employed
in making the communications between our army and
the great bridge, which necessitated the construction of
three more small bridges, besides cutting a roadway
through an orchard, and filling up divers small ditches.

The river was 270 yards wide—as nearly as possible
the width of the Thames at London Bridge: the rise
and fall of tide at springs was ten or eleven feet, and
the current very rapid, occasionally running at as great
arate as five and a half or six knots an hour. The
boats were decked over, and about eight feet wide.
We should have wished to fix our baulks or timbers on
the centre of each boat, so as to give stability to the
bridge; but, as they were of a strength calculated for a
bearing distance of only twelve feet, that was out of
the question, as we should, in the first place, not reach
across the river with the number of boats we possessed,
if placed so close; but also there would be a waterway
of only four feet between every two boats, and, with
such a current as existed, the bridge would inevitably
be swept away. We were therefore compelled to fix
our baulks to the gunwales, which gave us a waterway
of about twelve feet, and utilized the deck of each boat
as a portion of the roadway. We commenced work on
the 20th.

The construction was as follows:—The boats were
fastened together in pairs, by baulks laid across from
one to the other, and secured to the gunwale of each,
the baulks being covered over with planks lashed down
to them. Hach pair of boats formed a raft about twenty-
406 MODE OF CONSTRUCTION.

eight feet wide, including the decks of tf two boats.
Each boat had two anchors, one at either end. On
board of each raft was stowed the superstructure of
baulks and planks sufficient for the formation of a
“bay,” as it is technically called, twelve feet wide, to
connect two of these rafts together. Every fastening
was made either by means of cleats and pins, or by
lashing, so that the entire bridge could be easily put
together and taken to pieces again. The French, on
the other side, made their bridge rigid. They were not
bound to any dimension in the length of their baulks,
and put their boats about sixteen feet apart, resting the
baulks, which must have been twenty-four feet long, on
trestles raised on the centre of each boat. Their fasten-
ings were made with nails and spikes. Though their
bridge was stable, it was not so easily repairable as
ours ; nor did it afford the advantage of preserving an
open waterway for vessels, as ours did, in a manner
which I shall shortly describe. The mode of forming
the floating part of the bridge was as follows :—A raft
was taken in tow by the dingey at slack water, the only
period of the tide at which we could work ; and being
taken to a position in line with that which it should
occupy in the bridge, but considerably above or below
it (we will say below), each boat let go its anchors.
It was then towed up, the stern cables being payed out,
until it arrived at a spot as far above its ultimate posi-
tion as the former point was below it, and there the
other anchors were let go. Paying out the last cables,
we hauled on the others, until the proper position was
attained, when all were hauled taut, and the raft was
in position. The process was repeated, and another
raft was placed abreast of this one, but twelve feet off.
The positions were adjusted by breast-lines passed from
THE BRIDGE COMPLETED. 407

raft to raft, and the intermediate piece of flooring laid
across—and so on.

In order to make a cut in the bridge, it was only
necessary to take up a bay of the flooring on either
side of a raft, slack off one of the sets of cables, allow
the raft to drift out of its position, by the tide, and haul
it out of the way by the breast-lines. When the bridge
was to be "re-formed, it was in like manner brought
into position by hauling on the cables. If a wider
opening was wanted, two rafts were slipped, and one
put on each side of the cut; and, if necessary, the whole
bridge could in a few minutes be broken up into rafts,
and sent floating down the river.

‘We did more work than our allies, for I find from
my notes that we bridged five hundred and ten feet to
their two hundred and ninety feet. The sailors who
were sent to work here under Captain Gibson, R.N.,
and Lieutenants Gordon and May, were invaluable,
always hard at work, ready and cheery. For myself, I
know I rarely sat down between five a.M. and seven P.M.,
as in addition to the bridge I had charge also of the
works and approaches on the other side of the river.
We began, as I said, on the 20th August, and the
bridge was completed by evening of the 23rd. We
had many difficulties to contend with. In the first
place, there was the strong tide, in consequence of
which it was only for a few minutes, about the time of
high and low water that we could put our boats in
position, Another difficulty was the want of anchors :
we had to hunt far and near for them. We found some
near the battery which Captain Willes had taken on the
14th, as there was a dock there; but in order to transport
these, we had to send down one of our lumbering-rafts
more than a mile at the turn of the tide; for they were
408 ANCHORS AND PIERS.

too heavy for the dingey. Then we had %o construct
or contrive the remainder, making a rude anchor of
wood with a sort of cage or net-work at the junc-
tion of the shank, which we filled with stones. Then
again as we had the cut, we often received damage
from passing craft who got foul of us; but I find I am
anticipating, for when we commenced. the bridge, the
river was still closed. Yet another difficulty was the
rise and fall of the tide, as our bridge was sometimes
level with the bank, and sometimes ten feet below it.
This we got over, by extending a pier or jetty, from
the bank, at the end of which we made a great gang-
board, moving on a self-acting hinge on the pier-head ;
and of which the lower end rested on one of our boats,
which was an odd one, not connected with a fellow like
the others, but fixed to the pair beyond it, and on its
deck the toe of the gang-board, was allowed to slide as
the length of the bridge varied from the shifting tide.
In order to strengthen the gang-board, which was
necessarily long and springy, we had a pair of piles
driven on each side of the bridge about six inches apart,
and in these grooves worked a beam which. extended
across under the centre of the gang-board, to take the
weight at the weakest point ; being lashed at the proper
height according to the state of the tide.

Whilst we were working at the bridge, preparations
were being made for the attack on the Pei-ho forts.
The one in front of us at Tang-koo was the upper one
of five, the second was on the opposite or south bank of
the river, the third was on the north side; the fourth
(the great south fort, which we attacked in 1859,) was
on the south side, and the fifth, a remote one which
hardly could come into play, was also on that side.
The upper north fort was the key to the position: they
PREPARATIONS TO ATTACK THE PEI-HO FoRTS. 409

were all closed to the rear, which was the side now
exposed to us, and provided with guns on that side,
though they were originally designed to be strongest
towards the front, as no doubt they still were. We
could, however, see men strengthening them on the
side opposed to us, as probably they had been doing
ever since our landing at Peh-tang. It was therefore
obvious that any delay in the attack after we were
once ready, would be greatly to the advantage of the
enemy.

Ten pieces of heavy ordnance having arrived from
Peh-tang by the 19th, the 67th Regiment, together
with Milward’s battery of Armstrong guns, and a force
of Engineers, were sent out to within one thousand
yards of the fort, and they constructed four causeways
to admit of the passage of men and guns to the attack.

A further reconnaissance was made at night.by
Colonel Mann and Lieutenant Courtney, R.E., and it
was found that there was good hard ground free from
obstacles to within two hundred yards of the fort.
The next day the ground was still further examined by
the Commander-in-chief, and it was found that on the
left, the country was so much cut up by ditches or
canals as to render it impracticable: it was therefore
determined to make the attack on the right; and on
that night five batteries were formed by our Engineers.
No. 1 had an eight-inch gun, and six French field-
pieces; No. 2 had three eight-inch mortars ; No. 3 two
eight-inch howitzers and two 32-pounders; No. 4 two
eight-inch guns, and No, 5 six Armstrong guns.

The decision to attack the north fort at once, had
been made by Sir Hope Grant. The French would
rather have first thrown a force across, and either made
a simultaneous attack on the south forts or at all events
410 CAPTURE OF THE UPPER FORT.

placed a force in their rear. Sir Hope Gfant’s plan
gave the best chance of success with the minimum of
loss. The French mistrusted my statement, that the
great south fort possessed few guns, if any, which could
be brought to bear on the great north fort and its
approaches, whilst the latter almost entirely commanded
the former. Indeed, the south fort could hardly have
been held with the great north fort in our hands. Sir
Hope, however, acted on my report, and the result
proved that his plan was right.

If his object had been slaughter, he could certainly
have done more by a simultaneous attack, and by
cutting off the retreat towards Tien-tsin, by placing his
cavalry on the high road leading from Ta-koo and the
south forts; but the possession of the forts was the
great point—not the slaughter; and it would have been
impossible to have made the double attack without a
greater loss to ourselves than we actually did sustain.

On the 21st the upper north fort was attacked and
taken, and by night the whole of the others had been
surrendered to us, the Chinese finding the ground
cut from under their feet by our success on this main
point of their position. Meanwhile, though not engaged
in the attack, we were working hard to afford the army
the means of crossing, and it was not without some
feelings of regret that we heard that the south forts,
which were to fall to our Division, had not waited for
us; and that though our bridge was still a necessity,
it was not to be the means by which the final overthrow
of the Ta-koo forts was to be caused.

During the night of the 21st, the gun-boats made a
passage through the booms and stakes in the river, and
were in a position to ascend the Tien-tsin ; and on the
24th I received orders to arrange for the embarkation
EMBARKATION FOR TIEN-TSIN. 411

of a battery of artillery from the bridge. This was
putting it to a severe test, and I undertook it under
protest. The guns were on the north side; they had
to be brought across the French portion of the bridge
on to mine, and then a cut was made in which the gun-
boat was placed, and the guns were embarked from
the unconnected end of the bridge, as from a pier-head.
The risk to the bridge was very great, both from the
gun-boats hanging against it for so long, as well as
from the almost mevitable crowding and confusion on a
structure so fragile, and possessing but little superfluous
strength, besides the chance of accidents; for it is a far
different thing marching guns across a floating bridge,
and collecting them on it in the way proposed. I could
not, therefore, help feeling anxious, and was very glad
when the demi-battery was safe on board. On the next
afternoon I made an artillery embarkation-pier on the
north bank of the river, working till ten p.m. to get it
done to allow of the remainder of the battery being put
on board that night, to follow the first portion, which
with the Royals had gone up in advance.

My work being now slack, I took two holidays,
devoting the first to a visit to the north forts, and the
second to the south. We found, on the latter day, a
party of Manilla seamen looting the town of Takoo.
Being appealed to by the natives, we made a vigorous
attack on the rascals, and pursuing them, we gave them
a sound licking. The Chinese were immensely amused,
and acted as our hounds, chasing the men on foot; and,
under our protection, unearthing them from any hiding-
places where we could not follow on horseback. One
we fairly drove into the river.

On the 29th, the artillery of the First Division crossed
the bridge and encamped on the south side, in readiness
412 THE FIRST DIVISION MARCHES ON TIEN-TSIN.

for a forward move on the morrow. The Division got
over by about six a.M., when we fell into our place, and
all moved off together. After crossing the plain be-
tween the bridge and the Tien-tsin road, we had a very
pleasant march: our path lay through orchards and
gardens. It appeared that a fringe of ground, thus
cultivated, bordered the river, for when the road passed
from one point on the river’s bank to another, forming
the chord to its curves, we found that we had to cross
an open plain, regaining the orchards as we again neared
the river.

By noon we reached our camping-ground, an open
plain on the farther side of the village of “ Ko-kow.”
After pitching our tents we went into the village, and
bought fowls, ducks, and eggs; for our commissariat
had not come up.

Next day we were to have an afternoon march: we
devoted the morning to the inspection of a dismantled
Tartar camp. Ever since the capture of Tang-koo we
had seen fires and sometimes heard explosions in the
neighbourhood. The buildings near our bridge had
been gutted and burnt, and even these camps had the
appearance of having been destroyed by fire. We then
had a little snipe-shooting; and at three P.M. we
marched with the artillery and 2nd (Queen’s), reaching
our second camping-ground at half-past seven. On the
way we got several snipe.

On the next morning, the 1st September, I was
ordered to go on with the Engineers alone, to repair a
cut in the road near the Tien-tsin forts, so as to have it
passable, before the arrival of the main force. We
marched at seven 4.M., and reached the Tien-tsin lines
at about eleven. We found in the forts, which formed
the left point of this line of works, a company of the
THE TIEN-TSIN LINES. 413

67th, who had come up by water. They were quartered
in the Tartar huts. Leaving a few men to take up our
quarters, and cook the dinners, we set to work at once
at our task.

‘We were much inconvenienced by the numbers of
Chinese continually trying to pass along the narrow bit
of road left untouched for foot traffic, and which we
were widening by cutting down the rampart and throw-
ing the earth into the chasm. At last we hit on an
expedient. We made each man who wished to pass,
pay the toll of five minutes’ work before we let him
over. They seemed puzzled at first, but soon entered
into the fun of the thing, and treated it as a capital
joke.

Just as we had finished, a staff officer came to say
that another and a better road had been found, by
which the troops would be marched; but as a good
deal of the work had been done on the above easy
terms, we did not break our hearts at the uselessness of
our employment.

Several defensive works had been constructed in the
neighbourhood of Tien-tsin between 1858 and 1860;
probably in 1858-59, at the same time as the Pei-ho
forts. About ten miles below the town were three
enclosed batteries, one on the north and two on the
south bank of the river, to dispute the passage of gun-
boats. At the place where we encamped on the second
night of our march, there was a redoubt which com-
manded the road. Tien-tsin was surrounded at a radial
distance of about three thousand yards by a line of
rampart and ditch, intended evidently to prevent a
bombardment of the city from the land. It was strong
in section, with a broad and deep ditch, but formed a
weak line, from its extreme extent and want of strong
414° PROVISIONS AND MARKET.

points for artillery. It would require an imffense force
to defend its entire length, and it would be easy to
pierce it at any particular point; a defect common to
all systems of continuous lines.

At the point where these works abutted on the river
there was a well-built redoubt on either bank. It was
in one of these that we were at present quartered.

The afternoon of the lst September, and the follow-
ing day, we devoted to visits to Tien-tsin and the
neighbourhood. The ice and fruit were great luxuries.
The ice, which was in large clear blocks, and sold at a
very cheap rate, we kept, and allowed to melt for the
purpose of drinking, the water of the river being ex-
tremely muddy, and only made fit for use by the action
of alum asa clarifier. The peaches, apples, pears, and
grapes were all very good. We bought them out of
boats which plied on the river with these delicious-
looking cargoes. The fruit was kept in ice, and came
out with a most tempting-looking dew on the surface.
A large market was established without the city, on a
plain near the large building in which Lord Elgin had
signed the treaty of 1858, and a tariff was fixed, by
which the price of everything was regulated. This
being published in general orders, there was no ex-
tortion, nor subject for dispute between the natives and
the troops. It certainly was wonderfully low, but the
manner in which the market was filled, was an evidence
that the prices were remunerative to the sellers.

On the 3rd we left our quarters in the fort, and

"joined our division, which was encamped on the plain
just outside the lines. As it was proposed to maintain
this camp during the negotiations, and until the signa-
ture of the treaty, it was laid out with great care, and
my first work was to arrange for its thorough drainage,
NEGOTIATIONS BROKEN OFF, 415

as, in the event of heavy rains, it would otherwise be
uninhabitable from the level nature of the country.

Whilst this work was going on, Lord Elgin was
engaged in the negotiations, and arranging for his visit
to Pekin ; but my own Chinese experiences here draw
to a close, for on the 4th I was taken ill, and on the
6th was carried in from the camp to Tien-tsin. Sir
Hope Grant had given orders that I should survey the
country between Tien-tsin and Pekin; but I was unfit -
for further work, and on the 8th was sent down to the
hospital-ship, “‘ Mauritius,” then lying off the mouth of
the Pei-ho. It was the very day my company was
ordered to march to Pekin, the negotiations having
been suddenly broken off.

Too great praise cannot be given to all connected
with the management of these hospitals: first, with
regard to the forethought with which everything was
prepared and arranged in the fitting out of the vessels
in England; secondly, the unremitting attention and
care of the medical officers in this most tedious and
harassing charge, as well as the liberal provision for
the diet of the patients; and last, but not least, the
attention paid by the officers of the vessels to the wishes
of the medical officers and the comfort of the patients.

But it was a weary time : for more than two months
I was a prisoner on board the “ Mauritius.” It soon
became evident that I should not be fit for farther
service in the country, and a medical board recom-
mended my immediate return to England; but it was
long before the necessary orders were received. Sick
and wounded officers came and went again, and we heard

news of what was going on round Pekin, the engage-
ments before Tung-chow, the capture of Parkes and his
companions, the looting of the Sunimer Palace, the sur-
416 I QUIT THE ARMY.

render of Pekin, the tortures endured by p8or De Nor-
man, Bowlby, and others, before their death. All this
we heard, longing to do something. If it was a good
day with us and we felt well, we desired to be at Pekin ;
if ill, to be at home: but wishing was vain. The weary,
monotonous outline of the coast I fancy we shall never
forget. However, at last it came to an end, for on the
14th of November I left, and, running down before the
monsoon, reached Hong Kong on the 22nd. On the
29th I sailed for England. It was an inglorious finish,
and I should have much liked to see Pekin; but it was
not to be, and I was, on the whole, fortunate in getting
out of China so well as I did. If I succeed in interest-
ing the public by a recital of my experiences there, my
object in publishing them will be attained.

Another purpose this work may, perhaps, serve. I
have very often been asked, ‘‘ What are the duties of
an Engineer officer in a campaign?” This is rather a
difficult question to reply to within a reasonable com-
pass; but I trust that any reader who may have desired
such information has found it in the foregoing pages,
and will not object to the medium through which it
has been conveyed.
INDEX.

Avxins, Mr., interpreter, 201, 207,
209, 211, 218, 219, 253.

American captain, violence of an, 279.

- Negotiations at Pehtangow, 200.

Amoy, 175; people of, 177.

Artificial egg-hatching, 171.

Artists, Chinese, breadth and bold-
ness of some of their drawings,
124.

Ashburnham, General, 3.

Austin, Mr., Government Emigration
Agent, 260.

 

BaMB00-WoRKERS, 35; anecdote of,
95.

Barbarians, a Chinese opinion of the,
40, 44,

Barbers, 106; their instruments and
mode of proceeding, 106.

Basaltic rocks, 153.

Bats, objects of reverence, 257.

Beggars, 57.

Birds, 107, 120, 162, 238, 257, 351.

Blind, asylums for, 106.

Boat accident to Captain Lumsden,
3875.

Boat-life in Canton, 15, 16.

Bonzes, or priests, 78, 112.

Boundaries of properties, nature of,
285.

Bowling-alley, 173.

Broadway River, 153; scenery of,
153; sugar grown near its banks,
153.

Buddhism, 69.

 

Bythesea, Captain, 209, 211, 242
252,377.

CABBAGE-PLANTING, 154.

Caligraphy, art of, carried to a high
pitch, 125.

Canton, capture of, 3; the poor of, 12;
boats of, 15; name of the city, 21.

Cantonese, superior courage of, 345,

Canton River, 144.

Captive artilleryman, the, 94.

Charms, vendors of, 107.

Chefoo, description of, 202 ; trade of,
208 ; size and nature of town, 203;
inland traffic, 204 ; ponies of, 204 ;
fruit of, 204 ; climate, 205; modes
of warming houses, 205; dogs, 206.

Chekaou River, 248-250.

Chenez, Capt. Martinieau des, 9.

China, Great Wall of (see Great
Wall).

Chinaman’s opinion of mustard, 370.

Ching-ho River, 244; sharp bar of,
244,

Chin-hae city, situation of, 347 ; force
at, 348.

Ching-lung-ho River, 226.

Chinese animals: ponies, 30, 204, 220,
pigs, 102; rats, 102; dogs, 206,
402; cattle, 213; mules, 228,
tortoises, 258.

—— birds: game, 65; performing
birds, 107; sea birds, 233; bats,
257; wild fowl, 351; teal and
snipe, 351.

—— character, habits, and customs:

25
418

idols, 9; education, 15; music, 17;
fire-brigade, 18; police, 18; beg-
gars, 37; religion, 69; imitative
nature, 70; bonzes, 70, 73, 112;
character, 81; epistles, 96; diet,
104; cisterns, 104; signs, 105;
charms, 107 ; money, 107; sobriety,
109 ; inventions, 113; caligraphy,
125; manure, 126; pawnshops,
134; labour, 154; cabbage-plant-
ing, 154; industry, 160; ideas of
fortification, 164; umbrellas, 164 ;
hats, 164; rice cultivation, 169;
language, 177 ; dialects, 177; simi-
larity to the Russian, 206; pecu-
liarities, 208 ; jealousy of foreigners,
210; primitive modes of communi-
cation, 213; soldiers’ dress, 220;
modes of travel, 228; ditches, 235 ;
coffins, 245, 254; gambling, 303 ;
personal appearance of the women,
847; fatalism, 369; labour for
minute results, 383, 384; military
works, 400; suicide, 402.

Chinese fish, 105, 233.

—— health, climate, and sanitary
affairs: climate, 205, 229, 235,
848; sanitary precautions, 26; diet,
104; cisterns, 104; sobriety, 109;
opium-eating, 142; sore eyes, 106;
ophthalmia, 208 ; bleared eyes, 254;
complexion, 376; suicide, 402.

people: robbers, 5; police, 18 ;
beggars, 37; bonzes, 70, 73, 112;
doctors, 105; dentists, 106; barbers,
106 ; wreckers, 118; artists, 124 ;
opium-eaters, 142; conjurors, 181 ;
street artists, 182; soldiers, 219 ;
labourers, 222; fishermen, 233;
fatalists, 869; kidnappers, 260,
804; female navigators, 6,

— natural productions, 204, 214,
229.

—— man-traps, 383.

—— police regulations, 18, 19.

Chusan, our occupations of, 350, 364;
inspection of the town, 366; re-
marks on its value, 371.

 

 

INDEX.

*

Cisterns of stone in the public streets,
104.

Clergy, French, in China, 347, 350,
383 ; dress of, 347.

Clifford, Lieut.-Col., 38.

Climate, 205, 229, 235, 348.

Coffins, 245-254.

Communication, modes of, 218.

Confucius, system of, 69.

Conjurors, performances of, 181.

Construction of bridge over the Peiho,
405.

Cooke, Mr. Wingrove, 1.

Coolies, 8, 8; kidnapped round Can-
ton, 260, 280,304.

Cooper, Mr., death of, 176.

Courtney, Lieut., R.E., 409.

Currency, their, nearly a decimal sys-
tem, 107.

D’ABBOVILLE, Capt., 72.

Dentists and their trophies, 106.
Disembarkation, works of, 387.
Deserted children, numbers of, 36.
Dialects, great difference of, 177.
Diet, 104.

Ditches, 235.

Doctors, street, 105.

Dogs, 206, 402; at Sebastopol, 401.
Drainage, works of, 389.

Epucation in China, 15.

Electric telegraph at Canton, 68.

Elgin, Lord, 6, 44.

Emigration, 260, 323; rules and re-
gulations, 323; number and cha-
racter of emigrants, 341.

Emperor of China, conversations of,
48-59; secret edict of, 84; his
double dealing, 133.

Engineer, some duties of an, 397.

Eye-complaints, 106; prevalence of,
in China, 208.

Farsnan, expedition to, 140.
Female navigators, 6.
Female pioneer, 72.

Fish, 105, 374.
INDEX.

Floating hospitals, 415.
Forbes, Dr., 207, 209.

French, the, their works of spoliation,
386.

Game in China, 65.

Gordon, Capt., drowned, 375.

Gough, Lord, 3.

Grant, Sir Hope, 359.

Great Wall of China, 216 ; description
of, chapter xv., page 216 ; heighttof,
216; material of, 217; difficulties
in attempting to see it, 219.

Srenfell, Capt., 77.

aros, Baron, 6, 44.

dall, Capt. Hall, 5, 8.

Hindoostanee language, traces of, at
Chusan, 869.

Holloway, Brigadier, 9, 23, 77.

Honam, Temple of, 103.

Hope, Admiral, 175, 185, 356.

Hwang, imperial commissioner, 84.

Hospitals, floating, 415.

Ivozs, with their backs picked, 9.

Indian mutiny, the, described by Yeh,
46.

Infernal machines, 12.

International etiquette, 368.

JELLY-FISH, strange application of,
255.

KipwaPpPe coolies, depositions of, 304.

Kidnapper, capture of, 273.

Kidnapping, 260-264, 269, 280; pro-
clamation respecting it by the
Chinese government, 261 ; horrors
of the system, 264, 269, 304 ; pro-
clamation by the Allied Commanders
respecting it, 266; magisterial pro-
clamation, 270.

Kingfishers, 162.

Kintang, Island of, 351.

Ki-ying’s memorial to the emperor,
39.

Kong-tsun fair, 137.

Lampert, Capt., death of, 99.

 

419

Landing at Pehtang, 381.

Laou-moo-kaou River, 236; make our
way up the river, 237 ; are opposed,
288 ; character of shore, 248,

Lumsden, Capt., boat accident to, 375 ;
his wonderful escape, 375.

Many, Colonel, 409.

Man-traps, Chinese, 383.

Marble rocks, 161.

Midshipman’s adventure, i, 250.

Min River, 178.

Mirage, curious effects of, 244.

Missions in China, 353; French mis-
sionary school, 358; Protestant
mission, 353.

Montauban, General, 392.

Mulberry plants, 163.

Namtow, capture of, 100.

Napier, General Sir R., 370.

Night review, 240.

Ningpo, town of, 844; trade of, 347.

Opium-EATERS, 142.

Ophthalmia, prevalence of, in China,
208.

Origin of the war, 2.

Oysters, Chinese, 374. :

PaPER-HUNTS, 127. .

Parkes, Sir Henry, 9, 10, 72, 137, 166.

Pawnshops, 134, 147.

Pehtang, landing at, 381; conduct of
the French in, 386.

Peiho forts, first unsuccessful attacks
of, 185 ; details of this attack, 185-
200; second and successful attack,
409 ; account of, 378.

Peiho River, visit to the, 252.

Perry, Mr., American consul, 277,
291.

Petition of the Chinese mercantile
population on the subject of kid-
napping, 263.

Pic-nic to the White Clouds, 73.

‘ Pigeon’ English, 20.

Pigs, 102; sacred pigs, 103 ; captured
pigs, 401.
420

Pih-kwei, Governor of Canton, 8, 33,
83, 129,

Poo-ho River, 231 ; military post near
the river, 232 ; marshes near, 281,
232.

Poo-too, Island of, 851; beauty of,
351.

Pratas shoals, 115.

Protét, Admiral, 343, 346.

Rats, 102.

Reconnaissance of the Peiho Forts,
3877.

Rice cultivation, 169.

Rivers: Broadway, 153 ; Canton, 144;
Chekaou, 248, 250; Chingho, 244;
Ching-hing-ho, 226; Laou-moo-
kaou, 286; Min, 178; Peiho, 252;
Pehtang, 377; Poo-ho, 231; West,
155.

Sampson Peak, description of, 372.

— Well, 373.

Samshu, a Chinese spirit, 79, 100.

Sepoys, 60 ; defiled dinners, 62; their
ablutions, 63; mode of fishing, 64.

Seymour, Sir Michael, 72, 189.

Shanghae, 180; merchant princes of,
180 ; town of, 181.

Sikh troops in China, the, 398.

Suiho taken by the allies, 392.

Smith, Albert, in China, 102.

Snake, adventure with a, 167.

Sceurs de Charité at Ningpo, 346.

Soup kitchens, 14,

Straubenzee, General, 4, 6, 77, 99.

Sugar-canes, 153, 155,

TaEprne rebels, the, 159, 345.
Tang-koo, capture of, 399.

 

INDEX.

e

Talienhwau Bay, English place of
rendezvous, 372.

Teng-choo-foo, 209; unpleasant re-
ception at, 210; want of water,
211; negotiation for sheep at, 212.

Tien-tsin, treaty of, 98.

Toki, one of the Mia-tao islands, 218 ;
donkey beef of, 214; crops, 214.
Tortoises, origin of hieroglyphics, 258,
Towns, villages, and islands: Amoy
175; Canton, 3, 12, 15, 21; Ch
foo, 202; Chinhoe, 347; Chusan

350; Fatshan, 140; Kintang, 351] #

Kongtsun, 187; Namtoo, 100
Ningpo, 344; Pehtang, 381; Poo:
to, 851; Shanghae, 180; Sinho!
892; Tang-koo, 159; Teng-ch

foo, 209; Tientsin, 98; Toki, 213.

Uxntimatum of the British Govern.
ment, 355, 358; Chinese reply to
it, and British rejoinder, 359,

Wane, Mr., 44.

Wall, the Great (see Great Wall of ,
China).

War, sad effects of, 885, 393.

Ward, Mr., American minister, 200,
291,

Watches versus dollars, 242.

Water buffaloes, 127.

Water-works and piers, 373, 374.

West River, 155; scenery of, 155;
rocky gorge of, 156,

White Cloud Mountains, 72, 112.

Wolsely, Colonel, 1.

Yeh, Commissioner, 2; his capture,
7; and death, 8; his archives, 39;
his idea of the Indian mutiny, 46.

LONDON: PRINTED BY W. CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
 

 

 

CANTON

and the surrounding County :

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