JK Lo2s Jg0Y Ca Cornell Gaw School Library So _—=S ~ UNIVERSAL CONGRESS OF “LAWYERS AND JURISTS, / OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE Universal Congress of Lawyers and Iurists HELD AT ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI, U.S. A. SEPTEMBER 28, 29, AND 30, 1904 UNDER THE AUSPICES OF 9» THE UNIVERSAL EXPOSITION AND THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION EDITED BY THE SECRETARY OF THE CONGRESS ST. LOUIS Published by the Executive Committee 1905 La. PREFACE The Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists was held in St. Louis, September 28, 29 and 30, 1904, under the auspices of the Universal Exposition and the Ameri- can Bar Association. The development of the plan and scope of the Congress, its constituent elements and the details of its organization were in the hands of a com- mittee, composed of representatives from the larger com- mittees that were appointed by the Universal Exposition, the American Bar Association and the Bar Association of St. Louis. The composition of these committees and a report of their labors will be found herein under the heading of ‘‘History of the Organization of the Congress.” (See Appendix A.) The members of the Congress, nearly a thousand in number, were named by the various Governments, to whom invitations had been extended through the Ameri- can State Department, by bar associations, orders of advo- cates and kindred organizations in different countries of the world, by the law faculties of universities and schools of law, and from the profession at large by the commit- tee itself. The American members, naturally greatest in number, included one hundred and twenty-five Delegates named by President RoosEVELT in behalf of the United States Government, those judges of the Federal courts and State appellate courts of last resort who accepted the invi- tations sent to them to become members of the Congress; one hundred Delegates appointed by the American Bar Association, Delegates from each State or Territorial bar association, or appointed by the judges of the highest v vi PREFACE court in any State or Territory not having such an asso- ciation; Delegates from the law faculty of each State uni- versity or school of law belonging to the Association of American Law Schools, and lastly, certain Delegates-at- large, specially appointed, the number of which was about one hundred. The expressed objects of the Congress were the con- sideration of the history and efficacy of the various sys- tems of jurisprudence and the discussion of those ques- tions of international, municipal and maritime law which concern the welfare of all civilized nations; the hope of contributing to greater harmony in the principles and the forms of procedure upon which the law of civilized nations should be based; the bringing of lawyers and jurists from all parts of the world into contact for the pur- pose of exchanging views on the principles and methods of the correct administration of justice, and the estab- lishing of closer relations and associations between mem- bers of the profession upon which the administration of justice depends. Nearly five hundred Delegates, slightly over half the number of those accredited, and representing nineteen different countries, were present at the Congress, an admir- able showing when it is borne in mind that many of the appointments were of an honorary character, given largely as a mark of recognition of high standing in the profes- sion, and not always with the expectation that the appoin- tees could undertake the long journey to St. Louis. From many of those who could not come were received letters warmly indorsing the plan of the Congress, bespeaking it every success, and expressing deep regret that they could not be present. It is a source of gratification to all the participants in the Congress that it did bring together so PREFACE vil large a number of members of the profession, both active and emeritus, not only because of the resulting valuable exchange of ideas on methods of administering justice and strengthening of agencies for securing, ultimately, an effective tribunal for the peaceful solution of international difficulties, but also because of the rare opportunity afforded for lawyers of different countries to become acquainted with one another. A satisfactory feature of the Congress, composed as it was of a preponderance of English-speaking Delegates, was that nearly all the speakers were able to discourse in the English language. The editor of this report has en- deavored to present the papers and speeches just as de- livered, making few if any changes in construction, and only a few changes of words. It was thought that the foreign use of the English medium added a piquancy to the discussion which more than compensated for any inac- curacy of English idiom. The Congress, following the recommendation of its Committee of Nations, to which under the rules were referred all proposed resolutions, has expressed its views on several subjects of international importance and of professional interest. On some subjects which, because they were in nature political or economic, were not deemed germane to the purposes of the Congress, it de- clined to give an opinion. Other subjects which, on ac- count of the limited time at the disposal of the Congress, could not receive adequate consideration, it has referred to the American Bar Association to be presented to some future congress. THE EDITOR. TABLE OF CONTENTS ORGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS.........--.--- vill OFFICERS OF THE CONGRESS .............--.------- xv RULES OF ORGANIZATION AND PROCEDURE...... xvii PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONGRESS, SEPTEMBER 28 REMARKS OF Mr. F. W. LEHMANN, OPENING THE CONGRESS i ADDRESS BY Hon. D. R. FRANCIS, PRESIDENT OF THE EXPO- SILION <2 3a4ny shedhe se diate de oe Ae oaes 2 INAUGURAL REemMarRKS OF Hon. Davin J. BREWER. PRESI- DENT OF THE CONGRESS.........----------------- 4 ELECTION OF VICE-PRESIDENTS ........-..------++--+- 8 Paper By Hon. JOHN W. FOSTER .......---.-------- 9 Subject: “The Promotion of the Settlement of Interna- tional Controversies by Resort to The Hague Tri- bunal or Reference to Special Commissions.” DISCUSSION OF THE PAPER BY Sefior Emilio Velasco of Mexico.............-.-.- 45 Mr. Jackson H. Ralston of Washington, D.C. ...... 52 APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEE OF NATIONS ........----- 60 MOTIONS 03 2isG.cicuse con eoine ape'c A Re Se ee dee see we 61 MORNING SESSION, SEPTEMBER 29. Paper By Herr Gustar E. FAHLCRANTZ OF SWEDEN.... 65 Subject: ‘The Preferable Method of Regulating the Trial of Civil Actions with Respect to Pleading and Evidence.” DISCUSSION OF THE PAPER BY Dr. Adolf Hartmann of Germany ..........-------- gi Professor Alfred Nerincx of Belgium............--- 95 RepLy oF HERR FAHLCRANTZ....-..------------+++--- 100 Discussion CONTINUED BY Judge John F. Dillon of New York .......--------- 103 Mer, C.- Cs Cole: Of Towa) e..2ic dics cee eid'eeice he ee ote 108 x CONTENTS MORNING SESSION, SEPTEMBER 29 (continued) Judge Somerville P. Tuck of Egypt .......--------- Mr. Theodore Sutro of New York ..........-..---- Dr. Adolf Hartmann of Germany .........--.------ Mr. E. Fabre Surveyer of Canada ........-.----.-- AFTERNOON SESSION, SEPTEMBER 29. NeEw MEMBER OF THE COMMITTEE OF NATIONS ....-...-- Discussion oF THE MORNING CONTINUED BY Cuow Tszcut of China..................-------- Paper BY PRoFeEssor D. J. JITTA OF THE NETHERLANDS. . Paper BY PRoressor F. MEILI OF SWITZERLAND........ Subject of both papers: “A Review of the Four Hague Conferences on Private International Law, the Objects of the Conferences, and Probable Results.” DISCUSSION OF THE PAPERS BY Judge Simeon E. Baldwin of Connecticut ........-.. Presidént- Brewer 2.2.00: cese casi dcediaoecue ss REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF NATIONS ........-.-.--- PASSAGE OF RESOLUTION FAvorING A SECOND HAGUE CONFERENCE 2ac re semen toe 6 eee es pe eee MORNING SESSION, SEPTEMBER 30. ELECTION OF A VICE-PRESIDENT FROM BRAZIL..........- PAPER BY Sir WILLIAM R. KENNEDY OF ENGLAND ...... Subject: “To What Extent Should Judicial Action by Courts of a Foreign Nation be Recognized ?” DIscUSSION OF THE PAPER BY Sig. Angelo Pavia of Italy .......22....2-2-2..2---.. Hon. Wallace Nesbitt of Canada.........2...222.-. Mr. Edward Q. Keashey of New Jersey ............ Judge Joseph A. Breaux of Louisiana -............. Judge Robert M. Douglas of North Carolina ........ RESOLUTION OFFERED BY SENOR DE AZPIROZ .......... PAGE 115 117 135 172 177 178 179 182 185 185 CONTENTS xl PAGE MORNING SESSION, SEPTEMBER 30 (continued) PASSAGE OF RESOLUTION FavorING UNIFORM PATENT TGAWS: cone deus sowee Sewlggee cel oan seu phaen Shee 233 PassaGE OF RESOLUTION FAVORING INTERNATIONAL Ex- CHANGE OF Law PUBLICATIONS ......-.----------- 234 THE QUESTION OF FORMING AN INTERNATIONAL BAR ASSO- CIATION, DISCUSSION BY The Chairman of the Committee of Nations .......-- 234 Sir William R. Kennedy ............2.-2--------5- 236 AFTERNOON SESSION, SEPTEMBER 30. Paper By Hon. G. A. FINKELNBURG OF MIssouRI....--- 237 Subject: “‘The Protection which Should be Accorded to Private Property on the High Seas in Time of War.” DISCUSSION OF THE PAPER BY Chevalier A. von Stibral of Austria .............--- 245 Mr. Everett P. Wheeler of New York .............-- 247 Mr. Moorfield Storey of Massachusetts..........---- 251 Mr. George S. Robertson of England ............-- 253 THE PROPOSED INTERNATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION, Fur- THER DISCUSSED BY Mr. James Hagerman of Missouri ...............-- 256 Mr. Walter S. Logan of New York...............-- 258 Mr. Everett P. Wheeler of New York .....-.-.--.-- 261 Mr. F. M. Huffaker of Nevada ...........--------- 262 Mr. J. O. Crossby of Iowa .........-------------- 262 Mr. John Dryden of Nebraska .........--..------- 263 REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF NATIONS .......------- 264 RESOLUTIONS: «ssccccceon oS rnc eis ahs ee ane see es eee eae se 264 CLOSING REMARKS OF THE PRESIDENT......----------- 268 List oF DELEGATES ACCREDITED TO THE CONGRESS... . 270 GENERAL NUMERICAL SUMMARY ......--------+--+---- xii CONTENTS APPENDIX (A) HISTORY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS... .osccinccvedoieed cea amews ace suede (B) THE HAGUE CONFERENCES ON PRIVATE IN- TERNATIONAL LAW. TEXT OF THE VARIOUS CONVENTIONS AND CONVENTION Projects. (Appendix to Professor Meili’s Paper.) . - BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE CONFERENCES ON PRIVATE IN- TERNATIONAL Law. (Appendix to Judge Baldwin’s Remarks.) 244. incest ee ged ead ob oe Sek ae Ges (C) FOREIGN DECREES OF DIVORCE.....-......--. ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF SIG. PAviA’s REMARKS. (D) EXTRADITION TREATIES ......----...-----..--- OBSERVATIONS SUBMITTED BY AMBASSADOR DE ASPIROZ IN SUPPORT OF HIS RESOLUTION ON THE SUBJECT. (E) JOINT STOCK COMPANIES .................--2-- A PLEA FOR AN INTERNATIONAL FoRM OF ARTICLES OF AssocrATION. A Paper BY M. Loicg DE LOBEL oF FRANCE. (F) NOTES ON CHINESE LEGISLATIVE PROCED- TRIES tase shee oe ahd ore ah ete veee he a Secon Aa tga eatery A Paper BY Mr. C. M. Lacey SITES oF SHANGHAI. PAGE 332 375 379 384 391 ORGANIZATION OF THE CONGRESS President of the Universal Exposition, 1904, DAVID R. FRANCIS. President of the American Bar Association, JAMES HAGERMAN. Chairman Exposition Committee on Congresses, FREDERICK W. LEHMANN. Director of Congresses, HOWARD J. ROGERS. Committee on Plan and Scope, FREDERICK W. LEHMANN, Cuairman. AMOS M. THAYER, JAMES HAGERMAN, JACOB KLEIN, EDWARD S. ROBERT. CHARLES CLAFLIN ALLEN. Secretary of the Organization Committees, V. MOTT PORTER. xiii OFFICERS OF THE CONGRESS PRESIDENT HON. DAVID J. BREWER U.S. Supreme Court, Washington. VICE-PRESIDENTS Argentine Republic. DR. JOSE V. FERNANDEZ Argentine Consulate General, New York. Austria. ADALBERT RITTER VON STIBRAL 1 Postgasse 8, Vienna. Belgium. PROF. ALFRED NERINCX Louvain University, Brussels. Brazil. DR. L. GONCALVES Manaos-Amazonas. British Empire. HON. SIR WILLIAM R. KENNEDY Royal Courts of Justice, London. China. CHOW TSZCHI Chinese Legation, Washington. France. PROF. FERDINAND LARNAUDE Faculty of Law, Paris. Germany. DR. ADOLF HARTMANN K6nigliches Land-Gericht, Berlin. xv xvi OFFICERS OF THE CONGRESS VICE-PRESIDENTS (continued) Tialy. SIG. AVV. ANGELO PAVIA National Parliament, Rome. Mexico. His Excettency SENOR DON MANUEL DE AZPIROZ Mexican Embassy, Washington. Netherlands. DR. D. JOSEPHUS JITTA University of Amsterdam. Sweden. HERR GUSTAF E. FAHLCRANTZ 65 Odengatan, Stockholm. Switzerland. DR. F. MEILI University of Zurich. United States. HON. SIMEON E. BALDWIN Supreme Court of Connecticut New Haven. SECRETARY V.MOTT PORTER 220 N. Fourth Street, St. Louis. ' The list of Delegates to the Congress and of the sources of their appointment will be found at the end of this report. RULES OF ORGANIZATION AND PROCEDURE I.— MEMBERSHIP The Louisiana Purchase Exposition Committee of the American Bar Association will prepare and furnish to the President of the Congress an official roll of all accredited to the Congress. TI.— OFFICERS In order to facilitate the prompt organization of the Congress, the Delegates appointed in behalf of the United States have appointed as its President the Honorable Davip J. BREWER, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and as its Secretary, Mr. V. Mott Porter, of the St. Louis bar. At the opening of the first session, the President will call for the nomination of one Vice-President and one member from each of the Nations represented to form a Committee of Nations. III.— Business All matters calling for a formal vote of the Congress will be pro- posed by the Committee of Nations, either on their own initiative or by way of report on propositions or motions referred to them. All matters proposed from the floor shall be referred to the Com- mittee without debate. The Committee will choose its chairman, who will make all propositions in its behalf. It may appoint sub- committees consisting of any members of the Congress to aid it in the discharge of its functions. IV.—PaPERS AND DISCUSSIONS At each session of the Congress an address or paper will be pre- sented, and followed by a discussion of its subject. Not over an hour will be occupied in delivering such address or reading such paper, but it will be printed in full subsequently in the Proceedings of the Congress. xvii Xviii ORGANIZATION AND PROCEDURE The author of each paper will furnish to the President of the American Bar Association, at St. Louis, Mo., as early as he may find it convenient before the opening of the Congress a brief state- ment of the positions taken and points made, for the information of those who may be appointed to take part in its discussion. No one will occupy over fifteen minutes in discussion, but any- thing omitted for lack of time will be printed in full subsequently in the Proceedings of the Congress. Papers and discussions may be presented in any language, but translations into English of all not written in that language will be made before the opening of the Congress for distribution at the time of the presentation of such paper or discussion. V.—VOoTES At the request of the representatives of any Nation, the vote of the Congress on any question will be taken by Nations, each Nation casting one vote. No vote can have the effect of binding or prejudicing the action or position of any Nation in reference to any subject. - While votes may be taken by Nations, they will express simply the private opin- ions of individuals, who have no authority to speak officially in such matters for their respective Governments. VI.—SuBJECTS TO BE CONSIDERED The following subjects, among others, will be considered by the Congress, and papers will be presented as a foundation for the dis- cussion of some or all of them. First: ‘The promotion of the settlement of international con- troversies by resort to The Hague Tribunal, or reference to special commissions.” SECOND: “The preferable method of regulating the trial of civil actions with respect to pleading and evidence.” THirD: “A review of the Four Hague Conferences on private international law, the object of the conferences and probable results.” FourtH: “To what extent should judicial action by courts of a foreign nation be recognized?’ (Considered with special refer- ORGANIZATION AND PROCEDURE xix ence to the status of individuals as affected by divorce or other decrees, and the right to represent the person or property of another.) Firra: “The protection which should be accorded to private property on the high seas in time of war.” VII.—RicuHT To THE FLooR Any member of the Congress desiring to propose any matter for consideration may do so by presenting a written motion over his signature. This will be presented without explanation and referred without debate to the Committee of Nations. The President of the Congress, whenever there is occasion and opportunity for general and extemporaneous discussion upon any sub- ject, will announce that there is such opportunity; and any member then desiring to speak will send his card, stating that fact, to the President. No one will be recognized as entitled to the floor who has not thus previously communicated his desire to the President. No one thus speaking will occupy over ten minutes. VIII.—PuBLicaTIONs A copy of the official record of the proceedings, in a printed volume, will be furnished as soon as practicable, after the adjourn- ment of the Congress, by the representatives of the United States without charge, to each member, and to the Government of each Nation represented. PROCEEDINGS OF THE UNIVERSAL CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS HELD AT FESTIVAL HALL, UNIVERSAL EXPOSITION ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI, U. S. A. FIRST DAY—WEDNEsDAY, SEPTEMBER 28, 1904 The Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists was called to order at 2 Pp. m. by FREDERICK W. LEHMANN, Chairman of the Universal Exposition’s Committee on International Congresses and Chairman of the Committee on Plan and Scope of the Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists. Mr. LEHMANN spoke as follows: Gentlemen: We welcome the coming as we speed the going guest. The American Bar Association has adjourned. The Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists will come to order. There is nothing more fitting in the proceedings of this Expo- sition than this great gathering of lawyers, for in the event which it is designed to commemorate lawyers were the chief actors. By the deed of cession which constitutes the Louisiana Purchase, France gave a territory four times as large as that which it retained and the United States got a domain as large as that which it already possessed. This expansion of empire was not accom- plished without serious misgivings on the part of many of our people. While Mr. JEFFERSON believed that the extension of the federative principle of government over so large an area was a distinct accession to the sum of human happiness, FisHER AMES saw in the result a country too big for union, too sordid for I 2 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS patriotism, and too democratic for liberty. A hundred years have come and gone, and our institutions of law and liberty have been established here and have had their course of devel- opment untrammeled by old traditions and unhindered by old abuses. Whether the lawyer statesmen of the young Republic wrought for good or for evil, whether we have realized the fears of the faint-hearted or the hopes of the most sanguine of the fathers, attest this Exposition, which displays, in comparison with the rest of the world, the arts, the science, the industry, and the culture of the Louisiana Territory. At the beginning of this enterprise, the people upon whom the burden rested turned, without dissent, to one man as being capable of its leadership and direction. It is my duty, as it is my pleasure, to introduce to you the President of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company, Davip R. Francis. [Applause.] The Honorable Davip R. Francis, President of the Exposition Company, welcomed the members and guests as follows: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Louisiana Pur- chase Exposition Company greets the Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists. When this Exposition shall have ended, when its material phases shall have ceased to exist, there will remain in the minds and hearts of the people who visited it many pleasant recollections, and the memory of this Exposition will forever abide with those connected with its organization and its operation. Speaking for the latter, I may say that no feature of this Exposition is a source of greater pride to them, nor the cause of more sincere gratification, than the meeting of these congresses that are called together for the purpose of promoting the education of the people throughout the United States, for the edification of all who attend the Exposition, and for the fostering of brotherly feeling throughout all the countries that participate in this World’s Fair. It is very proper, and a good sequence, that an interparliamentary union for the promotion of arbitration, participated in, as it was, by advocates of peace OPENING OF THE CONGRESS 3 from the legislative bodies of all civilized countries, should be followed by an international congress of arts and science, a brotherhood of those who would make the first effort to establish the unification of all knowledge and define the relations between the branches of science. It is eminently proper that two such congresses should be followed by a universal congress of those who frame the laws and construe them. The development of international law has been followed with the greatest interest by statesmen and jurists throughout the world. The great fundamental principles that underlie the relations of one country to another, although not formulated into statutes or enacted into laws, are observed by all civilized countries, and every convocation of the leaders of thought and of the advocates of law in civilized countries throughout the globe constitutes another decided step towards a definite code of international law. The Exposition Management cherishes the hope that this Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists may be a very material aid towards accomplishing that greatly desired object. I believe it was Lord Bacon who, in comprehensive and beautiful lan- guage, said that laws, when just, wise, and moderate, give to Gop, to Ca#sar, and to their subjects the things that appertain unto each of them. [Applause.] Any assemblage of lawyers in the United States deserves and commands the respect of all right-thinking people. When an assemblage such as this is brought about, participated in, as it is, by distinguished jurists in the United States and by eminent advocates and jurists from other civilized countries, the Expo- sition Management is proud of its work. [Applause.] When some express the opinion that from a commercial standpoint these congresses are not wise, we certainly are surprised and chagrined. Such expressions indicate a complete misunderstand- ing of the motive that prompted the congresses. The Manage- ment of this Exposition never for a moment had in mind any commercial return when it invited the International Parliament, when it invited the International Congress of Arts and Science, 4 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS nor when it asked the lawyers and jurists of the world to honor us by their presence. [Applause.} There will be no regret because of the failure of these features to show commensurate financial returns. We feel that your assembling here is honor enough for us; that the work you will accomplish will be com- pensation sufficient not only for the cost of your assemblage here, but for the expense of this entire Exposition. [Applause.] I am sure, therefore, that I but give utterance to the sentiment not only of the Exposition Management, but to the sentiment of the people of the Louisiana Territory, to the sentiment of all the states and territories and possessions of the American Union co-operating in this Exposition, when I say that we extend you a hearty welcome, and we feel honored by your presence here. [Applause.] This memorable assemblage will be presided over by a dis- tinguished jurist of the United States whose fame is not con- fined to the limits of our own country, and whom the Louisiana Territory claims as one of her sons. [Applause.] Coming within the limits of this Purchase in his early manhood, he grew up in our midst, and when he was called by the President of the United States to the highest judicial tribunal in this country, and to one which has no superior on the globe, we recognized the good judgment of the appointing power, but we were only reconciled to our loss by remembering that it was the nation’s gain. I have the honor of presenting to you the President of the Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists, Mr. Justice Brewer. [Prolonged applause.] The Honorable Davin J. BREweEr, President of the Congress, spoke as follows: Members of the Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists: Generally speaking, a presiding officer should, in my opinion, be like a little child, seen and not heard, and yet I trust you will pardon a few introductory words. First, let me say that I am deeply sensible of the honor conferred in being called upon to OPENING OF THE CONGRESS 5 preside over such a gathering of distinguished lawyers and jurists; second, you have doubtless seen the programme and rules of procedure, and you will, I trust, pardon me if I enforce those rules, especially in regard to the matter of time. A century ago a territory, imperial in extent, now also im- perial in population and resources, was transferred from one na- tion to another. This took place not as the result of conquest, nor at the end of a war, but by voluntary contract and purchase. Not a gun was fired, not a single life sacrificed. The lawyer and not the soldier made the transfer. It stands out unique, in peaceful beauty, solitary amid the awful grandeur of bloody centuries of war and conquest. It is well that the chief city within the limits of that territory should now celebrate the centennial of the transfer, and it is fitting that here should gather this international assembly of lawyers and jurists. The glory of that transfer is one of the laurels of our profession. On these exposition grounds is seen the material splendor of our civilization; the world in miniature is before us; its work is done in our presence. You see the instruments of war, the machinery of death, the iron-clad, the far-reaching cannon, and the tented field. You hear the blare of the bugle and the tramp of the soldier. The battle rages as you listen. Turn your eyes, and the peaceful achievements of science and industry arrest your attention; the life-savers push their boats into the stormy waters; the fire-fighters mount the burning buildings; the doctor and surgeon display their medicines and delicate instruments, while they heal the sick and bind the broken bone. The school, the college, and the university are all doing their work of education, while the blind learn to see, the deaf to hear, and the dumb to talk. Mighty machinery brings up from the depths of the earth its treasures of ores and mineral, digs tun- nels, drives the long commodious train and the palaces of the ocean, manufactures innumerable things which go to make the comforts and luxuries of our homes and our civilization. Agri- culture displays its infinite variety of products for the sustenance of life, while horticulture brings back the glories of Eden. The 6 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS artist charms our eyes with the matchless beauty of painting and statue. We see and feel the gorgeous glamour of our twentieth-century civilization, and we rejoice and glory in it. But we do not see the work of the lawyer. On Monday morning, when the American Bar Association was in session in this hall, a lady came to one of the entrances and asked the guide, “‘What is in there?” The reply was, “The American Bar Association is in session.” ‘‘Is there anything to see?” “Not a thing,” was the reply. Evidently the guide forgot my friend Mr. HAGERMAN, and the other distinguished gentlemen who were on exhibition on this platform. The incident, though amusing, suggests a thought worth considering. The work of the lawyer is not visible. We see all the mighty things that WESTINGHOUSE and BELL and other discoverers and inventors have placed before us, and which are so useful in our lives, but we do not see the thought of the lawyer which fashioned into shape the legislation that secured to them compensation for their contributions to our twentieth-century civilization. At this Exposition you can see twenty acres of Philippine life, but you do not see a square rod of the Constitution. And yet in the presence of this marvelous appeal of material things I affirm that the work of the lawyer and jurist, invisible as it may be to the physical eye, is of far greater value to humanity, for of what avail would be all the achievements of science if life, liberty, and property were not made sacred by the just administration of law? The fabric of our civilization is indeed a thing of beauty, but it is made strong and enduring only by the golden thread of equal, exact, and universal justice. The work of the hand will crumble and fade, but the thought which enters into the world’s history endures. Time has swept with destroying hand over all the material splendor and the mighty cities of ancient civilization. As we uncover the ruins we catch a faint glimpse of what that civilization was, but we have learned more of its character from the code of Hammurabi, recently unearthed on the banks of the Euphrates. GIBBON wrote with pathetic eloquence of the decline and fall of Rome, OPENING OF THE CONGRESS 7 yet the Institutes of Justinian are still the law of many nations. The fame of NaPoteon, the military hero, will grow dim as the ages pass, but the Code Napoleon will bear his name with increasing honor to the end of time. All the material splendor of this Exposition, beautiful as it is to the eye, will soon pass away, but the work done in the various congresses here gathered will make an enduring impression upon our advancing social life. May we in this Congress realize the full importance of that we have gathered to do. We meet not as dreamers or theorists, but as practical men to counsel together of those things which will bring enduring peace and greater strength of social order. We wish to incarnate justice into human life. While not in name a peace congress, it will tend to hasten the peace of the world. While not a legislative body, it means better law. While not a court, it means a higher order of judicial admin- istration. We would lift up the profession in all its work and relations to a loftier place in the world’s life. Let us ever remem- ber that the material splendor here visible is not the end of life, but that all things, from the lowest to the highest, all organi- zations, from the smallest to the government itself, are but means designed to enable every citizen to round out his life to the full horizon of its capacity; and that this result is possible only as law and justice become synonymous terms and of universal dominion. Let us not be turned away from our high purpose by any glitter of gold or temptations of luxurious life, but ever remember that justice is one thing beneath the eternal blue which changes not from age to age, and quoting the lan- guage of England’s recent poet, “Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet, Lest we forget; lest we forget.” [Applause.] The next thing on the order of exercises is the calling of the roll, but it is deemed that that is a needless proceeding and it will be omitted. The roster of Delegates is already made up. I now call for nominations for Vice-Presidents from the several nations. 8 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS Mr. Francis RAWLE of Pennsylvania, a Delegate of the United States Government: Mr. President: I nominate, for honorary Vice-Presidents, the thirteen gentlemen representing the thirteen nations whose names appear on this list, which, with your permission, I will ask the Secretary to read. . The SECRETARY: The nominations are as follows: ARGENTINE, Dr. Jost V. FERNANDEZ. AUSTRIA, CHEVALIER ADALBERT VON STIBRAL. BELGIuM, ProFessor A. NERINCX. BritisH Emprre, Hon. Sir Wirtiam R. KENNEDY. CHINA, Mr. Cuow Tszcut. FRANCE, Proressor A. LARNAUDE. GERMANY, Dr. A. HARTMANN. ITALY, SicNor ANGELO Pavia. Mexico, SENorR Don MANUEL DE AzPIROZz. NETHERLANDS, Dr. D. JosEPHus Jitta. SWEDEN, VicE-JUDGE G. E. FAHLCRANTZ. SWITZERLAND, Dr. F. Mem. UNITED STATES, JUDGE SimEon E. BALDWwIn, of Connecticut. The nominations being duly seconded and there being no further nominations the President put the motion that the above-named gentlemen be made Vice-Presidents of the Congress, which motion was unanimously carried. The President declared them duly elected. The Vice- Presidents, thereupon, at the invitation of the President, came forward and took their places on the platform. [At this point a large photograph was taken of the officers and members of the Congress and others present in Festival Hall.] President BREWER: We will now have the pleasure of listening to a paper on “The Promotion of the Settlement of International Contro- MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 9 versies by Resort to The Hague Tribunal or Reference to Special Commissions,” to be read by the Honorable Joun W. Foster, former Secretary of State of the United States. THE PROMOTION OF THE SETTLEMENT OF INTERNA- TIONAL CONTROVERSIES BY RESORT TO THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL OR REFERENCE TO SPECIAL COMMISSIONS, A PAPER BY The Honorable Jon W. Foster, LL.D., of Wash- ington, D. C., a Delegate of the United States Govern- ment: The subject which I have been invited to discuss involves a consideration of the adjustment of international controversies by arbitration or commissions, and the merits of The Hague Tribunal as the instrument of such adjustment. At the outset a seeming embarrassment presents itself in the fact that, while this Congress is considering the subject, two powerful nations are engaged in a sanguinary and wasteful conflict which threatens to disturb the peaceful relations of other of the Great Powers, and that the ruler of one of the com- batants was the prime mover in the establishment of The Hague Arbitration Tribunal. I trust that notwithstanding this appar- ently inconsistent and contradictory situation, we shall find in the present state of the affairs of the world good foundation of encouragement for the cause of arbitration and for the settle- ment of international controversies by peaceful means, and that The Hague Tribunal has the promise of a wide field of useful- ness opening up to it in the relations of the nations with each other. In an assembly composed of lawyers and jurists I seem called upon to enter more in detail than would be required in the discussion of the subject before a less professional audience upon a consideration of the influences leading up to the creation of The Hague Tribunal, the circumstances under which the to CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS Conference was called which framed the rules by which the Tribunal is governed, the composition and spirit of the Con- ference, the provisions of the convention establishing the Tribunal, and the amendment, if any, required of its present constitution or rules. The sentiment calling for the settlement of international controversies by peaceful methods rather than by the unreasoning and bloody arbitrament of war is not entirely of modern origin. At the different periods in the past when nations have emerged from barbarism into a more civilized state, there has arisen among men of good will a desire for peace on earth. In the earliest records of history there are found isolated instances where great political and international questions have been submitted to some arbitrating power. But the earliest attempt at international control for the preservation of peace is found in the Amphictyonic Council of the Greek States. The pre- vailing sentiment of that era among men of enlightenment and humane views was expressed in the memorable statement of THUCYDIDES, that “it is wicked to proceed against him as a wrongdoer who is ready to refer the question to an arbitrator.” It must be confessed, however, that the prevailing spirit of the ancients was warlike, but even the triumph of the great warriors and of the conquering nations was not without benefit to man- kind. Under the universal sway of the Roman legions there came times when the doors of the Temple of Janus were closed, and peace was enforced throughout the wide-spread dominion of the Empire. As the nations began to emerge from the Dark Ages, the spirit of peace made feeble efforts to assert itself. During that long night of war and devastation the Pope was the only restrain- ing influence. The earliest advocates for another spirit to control the relations of nations with each other were found among the scholars and writers on internationallaw. GRrottus, whose treatise on the Law of War and Peace has exerted the most profound influence upon modern nations, in quoting the state- ment of THUCYDIDES, just cited, declared that “especially are MR. FOSTER’S PAPER II Christian kings and states bound to try this way of avoiding war,” and he proceeded to develop the idea which has had its partial realization in The Hague Conference. He wrote: “Both for this reason and for others it would be useful, and indeed it is almost necessary, that congresses of Christian Powers should be held, in which controversies which arise among some of them may be decided by others who are not interested, and in which measures may be taken to compel the parties to accept peace on equitable terms.” The plan of Henry IV of France for a Council or Congress of European powers to maintain peace among the nations was doubtless inspired by high motives, but it had the defect of an enforced combination to bring about the Congress. Later Wit11aM PENN published a scheme “for the Establishment of an European Dyet, Parliament, or Estates.”” Likewise the Abbé SAINT PIERRE of France, BENTHAM, Kant, and others in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries devised and advocated plans for the creation of a congress or tribunal to secure uni- versal and perpetual peace. One of the most important events tending to support the project of such a congress and tribunal was the adoption by the American Colonies of the Constitution of the United States and the creation of a Supreme Court, before which the States, inde- pendent in all that related to their domestic government, agreed to bring or to submit all the controversies which might arise be- tween them. A congress or union such as was formed by this Constitution was not one suitable for the civilized nations, seeking for a combination to preserve universal peace, but the example set by the successful operation of its Supreme Court was the cause of much encouragement to the advocates of an international tribunal, before which the nations might submit their controversies for peaceful settlement. The nineteenth century was more fruitful than any similar era in the submission of the adjudication of special arbitration tribunals of the differences of nations insolvable by diplomatic methods. The most notable of these, and that which exerted 12 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS the greatest influence upon the nations, was the arbitration of the bitter controversy between Great Britain and the United States, growing out of the American Civil War, and the irritating -questions existing with Canada, which were peacefully settled by the Treaty of Washington of 1871. Of this the British states- man and writer JOHN MorRLEy says: “The Treaty of Washington and the Geneva Arbitration stand out as the most notable victory in the nineteenth century of the noble art of preventive diplomacy and the most signal exhibition in their history of self-command in two of the three chief democratic powers of the western world.” As between these two kindred nations it came to be the settled policy to adjust their differences which did not yield to diplomatic methods by a reference of them to special tribunals created for the purpose. In 1890 the Congress of the United States took a long step in advance by the adoption of a resolution “that the President be requested to invite from time to time, as fit occasion may arise, negotiations with any government with which the United States has or may have diplomatic relations, to the end that any differences or disputes arising between the two govern- ments which cannot be adjusted by diplomatic agency may be referred to arbitration, and be peaceably adjusted by such means.” And in 1893 the British House of Commons adopted a resolution approving of this action of the Congress and ex- pressing ‘‘the hope that her Majesty’s Government will lend their ready co-operation to the Government of the United States for the accomplishment of the object had in view.” By this action these two great nations had placed themselves on record officially as favoring the most complete submissions of unsettled international differences to the peaceful method of arbitration. At this period a somewhat different state of affairs existed in the relations of the different powers of Continental Europe. The warlike policy of Bismarck, which led to the humiliation of France and the consolidation of Germany, had converted the Continent into a military camp. The nations were vying with each other in building up their armies and navies. The enor- MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 13 mous expenditure to maintain these establishments was becom- ing an intolerable burden, and the countries confronted each other in a state of armed peace, which might be broken by an untoward event. In the last decade of the nineteenth century, when this state of affairs was realizing its highest development, BISMARCK was retired to private life, and a new Emperor ascended the Russian throne. It is very doubtful whether the Rescript of the Emperor NICHOLAS inviting the assembly of The Hague Conference would have been issued if the Prince of Blood and Iron had still remained in control of governmental affairs in Germany. His retirement was followed by a relaxation of the term of service, and his death, in 1898, deprived the military party of its greatest champion. The year following was signalized by the issuance of the invitation of the Autocrat of All the Russias to the govern- ments of the world to send delegates to a conference to consider some means of relieving the nations of the heavy burden of armament which was oppressing them, and devising a method for preserving peace or of restraining war. Europe had previously witnessed many international con- gresses or conferences, but all of them had been of a very different character. Mr. Hotts, the historian of The Hague Conference,! in noting this fact, writes: “The vital distinction between these gatherings and the Peace Conference at The Hague is that all of the former were held at the end of a period of warfare, and their first important object was to restore peace between actual belligerents; whereas the Peace Con- ference was the first diplomatic gathering called to discuss guaran- tees of peace without reference to any particular war—past, present, or prospective.” The call for the Conference was followed by a hearty approval in the United States and much commendation in Great Britain, but the press of Europe was generally skeptical as to any prac- 1 The Peace Conference at The Hague and its bearing on Internctional Law and Policy, by FREDERICK W. Hotts, a member of the Conference. New York and London: Macmillan & Co. 1900. A general reference is cited of this work, and acknowledgment made of the use of its material in much of the discussion in this paper. 14 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS tical results to flow from it. Even in Russia, whose ruler had initiated the Conference, little sympathy was manifested with it. Since the days of PETER THE GREAT, the Russians had been led to believe that the army was the glory and bulwark of the empire, and the public mind was hardly prepared to admit that its maintenance was an unwise expenditure of public funds, or that it was an unnecessary burden upon the country. A feeling existed in France that the Conference might be made an obstacle to the realization of the hope of its people for the recovery of its lost provinces on the Rhine. Many journals in Germany combatted the controlling idea in the call of a diminu- tion or limitation of disarmament, and maintained that the military establishment was not impoverishing the state, as the money was expended and redistributed in the country. Mr. PIERCE, the American representative at St. Petersburg, reported to his government that ‘“‘the general consensus of opinion among the members of the Diplomatic Corps now present appears to be that the proposition is visionary and utopian, if not partaking of quixotism. Little of value is expected to result from the Conference, and indeed every diplomatic officer with whom I have talked seems to regard the proposition with that technical skepticism which great measures of reform usually encounter.” The composition of the Conference was a subject of some complexity. Were the South African republics to be invited while a war was imminent between them and Great Britain, involving in part the suzerain rights of the latter? Was the Pope of Rome to be recognized in his claim as a temporal prince? Other embarrassing questions in this connection might be suggested. The Czar avoided these questions by confining the invitations to the countries having diplomatic representatives at St. Petersburg. Unfortunately this omitted all the governments on the American hemisphere except the United States and Mexico. While these were thus deprived of the privilege of participating in the Conference and assisting in shaping its action, they have taken steps to secure their MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 15 adhesion to the conventions framed by it. At the second con- gress of the American republics held in the City of Mexico in 1902, a resolution was unanimously passed approving of the conventions, and soliciting the good offices of the United States and Mexico, signatories of The Hague Conference, to secure their admission as signatory powers. While it is highly desirable that these nations should be admitted to full participation in the conventions adopted by the Conference, there does not seem to be any disposition to deprive them of the most material benefits resulting from these instruments. As evidence of this, Venezuela was allowed, in 1903, to bring her cause against certain of the European powers before The Hague Tribunal, and that republic, as well as the other governments concerned, have accepted the award of that Tribunal. The Rescript of the Emperor of Russia, which constituted the invitation to the Conference, was issued August 24, 1898. From it the following extracts, indicating its scope, are made: “The maintenance of general peace, and a possible reduction of excessive armaments, which weigh upon all nations, present them- selves in the existing conditions of the world as the ideals toward which the endeavors of all governments should be directed. “Filled with this idea, his Majesty has been pleased to order me to propose to all the governments whose representatives are accredited to the Imperial Court, the meeting of a Conference which would have to occupy itself with this grave problem. “This Conference should be, by the help of God, a happy presage for the century which is about to open. It would converge in one powerful focus the efforts of all States which are sincerely seeking to make the great idea of universal peace triumph over the elements of trouble and discord.” The invitation of the Emperor was promptly accepted by the United States. The British Government likewise gave early notice of its intention to “willingly accept,” and after some delay, made necessary by the calling of a meeting of the Cabinet, the Prime Minister wrote: ‘‘His Majesty’s Government gladly accept the invitation for a conference to discuss the best methods of attaining the two objects specified, namely, the 16 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS diminution of armament by land and sea, and the prevention of armed conflicts by pacific, diplomatic procedure.” Notwithstanding the apparent skeptical sentiment in Con- tinental Europe, all the governments invited, with more or less delay, accepted, and the meeting of the Conference was fixed for May 18, 1899, at The Hague. The reason for the selection of the capital of the Netherlands was stated by the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs to be that ‘His Imperial Majesty considers it advisable that the Conference should not sit in the capital of one of the Great Powers, where so many political interests are centered, which might, perhaps, impede the progress of a work in which all the countries are equally interested.” And M. bE Staat, the Russian Ambassador, in opening the Conference, said: “In the quiet surroundings of The Hague, . . . . upon the his- toric grounds of the Netherlands, the greatest problems of the polit- ical life of states have been discussed; it is here, as we may say, that the cradle of the science of international law has stood; for centuries the important negotiations between European powers have taken place, and it is here that the remarkable treaty was signed which im- posed a truce during the bloody contest between states. We find ourselves surrounded by great historic traditions.” The edifice also in which the sessions of the Conference were held had special appropriateness for the objects to be attained. It assembled in the Oranje Zaal of the famous house in the wood (Huis den Bosch), decorated by some of the best known of the Dutch artists. In welcoming the members to this hall, the Netherlands Minister of Foreign Affairs said: ‘Among the greatest of the allegorical figures which you will ad- mire here, there is one relating to the Peace of Westphalia, which especially merits your attention. It is the one where you see Peace entering this room for the purpose of closing the Temple of Janus. I hope, gentlemen, that this beautiful allegory will be a good omen for your labors, and that, after they have been terminated, you will be able to say that Peace, which here is shown to enter this room, has gone out for the purpose of scattering its blessings over all hu- manity.” Under such inspiring local surroundings the members of the Conference entered upon their labors. They were neither MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 17 dreamers nor theorists, but men of eminently practical experience in government, diplomacy, and war. The respective nations sent as their representatives their first diplomatists, most erudite jurists, prominent men of affairs, and skillful soldiers. The delegation of the United States comprised Ambassador ANDREW D. Waiter, SETH Low, Mayor of New York, Minister NEWELL, General Crozier of the army, Captain Maan of the navy, and F. W. Ho ts of the New York bar; and the delegations from the other countries em- braced equally able and experienced men. An examination of the proceedings will show that throughout the deliberations of the Conference they were animated by a sincere desire to accomplish its objects, as far as they deemed them practical of attainment. Its assemblage was in marked contrast with the congresses or conferences of the preceding centuries, in the complete absence of display or spirit of rivalry. In the congresses of Westphalia, Ryswick and Utrecht, for instances, there was an ostentatious array of “coaches and six,” a numerous retinue, and a constant struggle for precedence in processions and the council chambers. Here there was a quiet meeting of gentlemen without display, a recognition of the perfect equality of the smallest independent state, and a seating in the assembly hall in the order of the alphabetical names of the nations they represented. Its members, too, were impressed with the importance of the event. In calling the Conference to order, at its first session, the Dutch Minister said: “The day of the meeting of this Conference will, beyond doubt, be one of the days which will mark the history of the century which is about to close.” In his opening address, the President, M. DE STaat, asserted that it ‘marks a great date in the history of humanity.” Its historian styled it ‘‘the first great Parliament of Man.” With such elevated ideas the Conference entered upon its labors. But at the outset it met with discouragement and failure. 18 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS In the circular letter of the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs of January 11, 1899, following the Rescript convok- ing the Conference, the subjects to be submitted for con- sideration were set forth in detail, and the first of these was as follows: “‘r, An understanding not to increase, for a fixed period, the present effective of the armed military and naval forces, and at the same time not to increase the budgets pertaining thereto; and a preliminary examination of the means by which reduction might even be effected in future in the forces and the budgets above mentioned.” The evil effects of the vast armaments oppressing the nations of the earth were most strikingly set forth in the Rescript of the Czar. I quote from that paper: “In the course of the last twenty years the longings for a general appeasement have been especially pronounced in the consciences of civilized nations. .... National culture, economic progress, and the production of wealth are either paralyzed or checked in their de- velopment. .... The economic crises and the continual danger which lies in the massing of war material are transforming the armed peace of our days into a crushing burden, which the peoples have more and more difficulty in bearing, .... and will in- evitably lead to the very cataclysm which it is desired to avert, and the horrors of which make every thinking man shudder in advance.” In a conference with the British Ambassador following the Rescript, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs said that the Emperor, although deeply impressed with the desirability of a general disarmament, did not look for an immediate realization of the aims he had so much at heart, but he desired to initiate an effort, the effects of which could only be gradual. But when the Conference came to consider the question, while there was much sympathy felt with the noble ideas enter- tained in the Czar’s Rescript, it was found that the subject was of a very complex character, and that it would be difficult, if not impossible, to reach any agreement which would meet the Czar’s desires. The long discussion which ensued is of much interest, but I can indicate something of its spirit by extracts only from the speeches of the representatives of Germany and MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 19 France. General von ScHWARZHOFF, in the course of a dis- course of some length, said: “T can hardly believe that among my honored colleagues there is a single one ready to state that his sovereign, his government, is en- gaged in working for the inevitable ruin, the slow but sure annihila- tion, of his country..... The German people is not crushed under the weight of charges and taxes, it is not hanging on the brink of an abyss, it is not approaching exhaustion and ruin. Quite the contrary, public and private wealth is increasing, the general welfare and standard of life is being raised from one year to another. So far as compulsory military service is concerned, which is so closely connected with these questions, the German does not regard this as a heavy burden, but as a sacred and patriotic duty, to which he owes his country’s existence, its prosperity, and its future.” He then proceeded to maintain that the proposition to limit armament and the military establishment was surrounded with insurmountable obstacles, which could not be overcome by an international convention. M. Bourcrots, the head of the French delegation, said: “T listened with great care at the last session to the remarkable speech of General von ScHwaRzHoFF. He presented with the greatest possible force the technical objections which, according to his view, prevented the committee from adopting the propositions (Russian) of Colonel Gitrnsxy. It did not, however, seem to me that he, at the same time, recognized the general ideas in pursuance of which we are here united. He showed us that Germany is easily support- ing the expense of its military organization, and he reminded us that notwithstanding this, his country was enjoying a very great measure of commercial prosperity. I belong to a country which also supports readily all personal and financial obligations imposed by national defense upon its citizens, and we have not been hindered in the in- crease of our financial prosperity. But General von SCHWARZHOFF will surely recognize with me that if in his country, as well as in mine, the great resources which are now devoted to military organization would, at least in part, be put to the service of peaceful and produc- tive activity, the grand total of the prosperity of each country would not cease to increase at an even more rapid rate. .... ‘Gentlemen, the object of civilization seems to us to be to abolish more and more the struggle for life between men, and to put in its stead an accord between them for the struggle against the unrelenting’ forces of matter. This is the same thought which, upon the initia- tion of the Emperor of Russia, it is proposed that we should promote by international agreement. If sad necessity obliges us to renounce 20 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS for the moment an immediate and positive engagement to carry out this idea, . . . . we shall not have labored in vain if, in a formula of general terms, we at least indicate the goal to be approached, as we all hope and wish, by all civilized nations.” Notwithstanding the support given to the Russian proposi- tion by France, one of the most martial of the nations, the objec- tions voiced by the German delegate were too serious to be overcome. The sentiment of the members was that the Con- ference should avoid forming majority and minority parties, and hence nothing should be put forth as its action which could not command a practically unanimous support. The most that could be accomplished, therefore, was a general expression of sentiment on the subject in the following declarations, which were unanimously adopted: “The Conference is of opinion that the restriction of military charges, which are at present a heavy burden on the world, is ex- tremely desirable for the increase of the material and moral welfare of mankind. “The Conference expresses the wish that the governments, taking into consideration the proposals made at the Conference, may ex- amine the possibility of an agreement as to the limitation of armed forces by land and by sea, and of our budgets.” While there was much regret felt at the failure to adopt some initiative for the limitation of armament, it was something gained that a public declaration, by such a body, was made that the present military establishments are a heavy burden on the world, which it is extremely desirable, in the interest of the material and moral welfare of mankind, should be restricted, and that it was the duty of the governments of the earth to seek to reach an agreement to that end. It must be recognized that the restriction or reduction of armament is a most difficult political problem. The system has grown up in recent years of vast armies and formidable navies on the ground of self-defense. Never has the ancient proverb, Sz vis pacem, para bellum, had greater force than to-day. Under its practice, for instance, France, which has had practically unbroken peace for more than a generation, MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 21 and is to-day on amicable relations with all the world, supports a much greater military establishment than when NAPOLEON was at war with almost all the nations of Europe. As my auditors are largely Americans, I may be pardoned a reference to the situation in this country. I rejoice that in the past we have been a peaceful, not a military, people. Our na- tional pride has been mainly in their achievements in the peace- ful pursuits of mankind. It has been a source of regret to many of us that the fruits of war have made necessary recently a con- siderable increase in our standing army. It has been our boast that a visitor to our shores from the military countries of Europe could traverse our continent from ocean to ocean without meeting a soldier. Law and order have been enforced by the civil officials. We want no change in that condition. Our growing navy has justly become the pride of the country, but the burden of its construction and maintenance is awakening public attention. At the last session of Congress a prominent and conservative member of the ruling party sounded a note of warning that our naval expenditures had reached one hundred millions of dollars annually, and would amount to two hundred millions annually when the present plans adopted for enlarge- ment were realized. It has been reported in the public press that the Secretary of the Navy has announced himself in favor of a navy equal to that of the greatest naval power in the world. I trust he has been incorrectly reported. I cannot believe that such is the sentiment of our people. We neither wish nor need to enter into competition with the military nations, either respecting our army or our navy. We should maintain ourselves in the position we have held in the past as advocates of peace and peaceful methods of settling international controversies, and our government should hold itself ready to respond to the call of The Hague Conference, in seeking an agreement to restrict armaments. We should bear in mind the sentiments uttered by WASHINGTON: “My first wish is to see this plague to mankind (war) banished from the earth, and the sons and daughters of this world employed 22 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS in more pleasing and innocent amusements than in preparing implements and exercising them for the destruction of mankind.” It is somewhat foreign to the subject under consideration to examine in detail other results of the Conference not relating to arbitration, and it may suffice to state that it agreed upon and executed two conventions for the regulation of war on land and at sea, which embodied the wisest and most humane principles of military conduct resulting from a study and discussion of these matters during the past half-century, and which had their first codification in the “Instructions for the Guidance of the Armies of the United States,” issued at the beginning of the Civil War. Had the Conference accomplished nothing more than these two conventions and the accompanying declarations, it would have been entitled to the claim of one of the most useful international assemblies in history. But we come now to consider the most important and the crowning work of The Hague Conference—the Convention for the Peaceful Adjustment of International Differences. It was reached, not without much difficulty and discussion, and it was necessary, in order to secure unanimity of action, to compromise many conflicting views, and for the friends of arbitration to yield some points regarded by them as of much importance. The preamble to the convention, in which all the govern- ments represented in the Conference joined, contains a very important declaration of principles, which shows that in senti- ment at least the nations of the earth have reached a high standard of international justice and humanity. It is as follows: “Animated by a strong desire to concert for the maintenance of the general peace: “Resolved to second, by their best efforts, the friendly settlement of international disputes; “Recognizing the solidarity which unites the members of the soci- ety of civilized nations; “Desirous of extending the empire of law, and of strengthening the appreciation of international justice; “Convinced that the permanent institution of a Court of Arbitra- tion, accessible to all, in the midst of the independent powers, will contribute effectively to this result; MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 23 “Having regard to the advantages attending the general and regu- lar organization of arbitral procedure; “Sharing the opinion of the august initiator of the International Peace Conference that it is expedient to solemnly establish, by an international agreement, the principles of equity and right on which repose the security of states and the welfare of peoples, etc.’’ The convention or treaty is divided into four titles or general provisions. The first consists of one brief paragraph, and is merely declaratory, but it is important because it solemnly commits by distinct agreement the powers joining in the con- vention ‘‘to use their best efforts to insure the pacific settlement of international differences.” The two following titles contain provisions having in view the carrying into effect of the foregoing declaratory agreement by means—1. Of a Resort to Good Offices and Mediation; and 2. Of International Commissions of Inquiry. Thirteen articles of the convention relate to these two measures; but as the topic assigned me has reference especially to The Permanent Court of Arbitration, I pass to the fourth title, which, in forty-seven articles, creates the Court, defines its jurisdiction, and the prin- ciples which are to guide it, specifies the manner in which its members are chosen, the rules governing its procedure, its awards, and other necessary details. I must presume upon the acquaintance of the members of the Congress with these provisions, and address myself to some of their salient features or those which have given rise to discussion or criticism. The first distinctive feature of the arbitration convention is that it has no compulsory stipulation. It declares specifically in favor of ‘‘a pacific settlement of international controversies,” and provides methods of their settlement by means of (1) media- tion, (2) good offices, (3) commissions of inquiry, and (4) a court of arbitration; but no nation is pledged to resort to any of these methods, and especially is none compelled to submit its cause to The Hague Permanent Court. This feature is regarded by the most earnest advocates of arbitration as a serious defect of the treaty, but it was early made apparent in the Conference that there could be no agreement for compulsory stipulations, and 24 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS it was even found difficult to bring about a concurrence on the convention as it stands. The French delegates, who throughout the Conference were the zealous friends of arbitration, sought to secure the adoption of a provision investing the bureau created at The Hague to act as the chancellery or clerk’s office of the Permanent Court, with an international mandate, in case there should develop between two or more of the signatory states one of the differences recognized as being a proper subject for arbitration, to remind the disputing parties of the provisions of the convention for arbitration. But even this apparently harmless provision met with the opposition of one of the Great Powers, and had to be omitted. The sentiment, however, in favor of compulsory arbitration was so strong that an article was inserted in the convention re- serving the right to any of the signatory powers to conclude gen- eral or special agreements, extending the obligation to submit controversies to arbitration in all cases which they considered suitable for such submission. It is a happy augury for the eventual recognition of the duty to submit all international disputes to arbitration to note that treaties of the character indicated have been already entered into between a number of the leading powers of Europe. France has the honor of taking the initiative in this new and advanced movement. In October of last year its government entered into a treaty with that of Great Britain stipulating for a period of five years to submit a certain specified class of cases to The Hague Tribunal; similar conventions have been made by each of them separately with other European powers; and other of these powers have united in identical conventions. It is gratifying to know that as a step in the same direction the American Secretary of State, Mr. Hay, has consulted the Senate, as the co-ordinate branch of the treaty-making power, on the subject, and it is confidently expected that at the next session of the Senate the President of the United States will submit to that body for approval arbitration treaties with a MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 25 number of nations with provisions similar to those entered into between the European governments. The Hague Convention recognizes two classes of controversies as suitable for submission to The Hague Court, to-wit, questions of a judicial character and those regarding the interpretations or application of international treaties. The article of the arbitration treaty between France and Great Britain and the other European powers just alluded to is as follows: “Difference of a judicial order, or relative to the interpretation of existing treaties between the two contracting parties which may arise, and which it may not have been possible to settle by diplomacy, shall be submitted to the Permanent Court of Arbitration established by the Convention of July 29, 1899,at The Hague, on condition, however, that neither the vital interests, nor the independence or honor of the two contracting states, nor the interest of any state other than the two contracting states, are involved.” While this stipulation is a step in advance of The Hague Convention, in that it makes arbitration compulsory, it is a qualification or limitation of that treaty, in that it excepts from the stipulation such of the two classes of cases as, in the judg- ment of the contracting parties, involve the vital interests, the independence, or the honor of either state. This reservation raises the important, broad, and difficult question of what questions are proper for submission to international arbitration. Questions involving the independence of a sovereign state may not be difficult of determination, but the “vital interests” of a state, or its ‘national honor,” may become very vague or elastic, and dependent in great measure upon the temperament or condition of the authority having the right to determine or allege them. In the interest of the peace of the nations, it is of the utmost importance that the exceptions to arbitral submission be as few and restricted as possible. It is the aim of the interested friends of the cause that the nations may ultimately reach the position where they will agree to submit all international con- troversies, without exception, to a peaceful method of adjust- ment. There have been some recent notable declarations ema- 26 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS nating from important bodies to that effect. The First Confer- ence of the American States, embracing all the independent countries of the hemisphere, which assembled in Washington in 1890, framed and recommended the adoption of an arbitration treaty, which contained the stipulation that ‘the sole question which any nation is at liberty to refuse to arbitrate is a question which may imperil its independence.” In closing the delibera- tions of that Conference, its President, James G. BLAINE, who by some has been charged with aggressive statesmanship, referring to this arbitration treaty, said: “We hold up this new Magna Charta which abolishes war, and substitute arbitration between the American republics as the first and great fruit of the International American Conference.” The Washington Conference on International Arbitration, held January last, was a distinguished and representative body of men in public life, in the professions, the industries, and commerce. Its Committee on Resolutions was composed of two of the American members of The Hague Court, five ex-ambassa- dors and ministers, three of the first lawyers in the country, and other able men. The subject of the reservations or exceptions proper to be made in arbitration treaties were fully considered, and they reported through their chairman, Judge GEORGE GRay, that it was the duty of the United States to enter into treaties with Great Britain and other powers for the submission to The Hague Permanent Court or some special tribunal of “al differences which they may fail to adjust by diplomatic negotia- tion.” The national honor is a matter which our first impulse of patriotism would decide was beyond the province of arbitration, but a more dispassionate consideration will lead us to see that it is not always so. In the heat of the dispute over what are known as the “Alabama claims,” involving important questions of international law and high state policy, when the American Minister in London proposed arbitration, Lord RussEtt replied: “It appears to her Majesty’s Government that neither of these questions could be put to a foreign government with any regard to MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 27 the dignity and character of the British crown and the British nation. Her Majesty’s Government are the sole guardians of their own honor . and must therefore decline either to make reparation and compensation . . . . or to refer the question to any foreign state.” But when the passions of the hour had passed, the British Government saw how unwise it was to allow an attitude so sensi- tive and unsubstantial as the so-styled ‘national honor” to obstruct a peaceful settlement of its controversies with a kin- dred nation, and the Treaty of Washington of 1871 brought forth the Geneva Arbitration, so beneficent in its results for both nations and the world. A century and less ago public social sentiment in England and America demanded that a personal affront, supposed or real, should be atoned for by the blood of the aggressor, but the real gentleman of English and American society of to-day leaves the vindication of his honor to the courts of justice or public opinion. There is no reason why the same course should not be pursued by nations. Mr. JaAmMEs BRYCE, in discussing the article of the Anglo-French treaty cited by me, says: “The exception of ‘honor,’ made in the treaty just quoted, is of very doubtful merit, because questions of so-called national honor are often just the questions which most need to be referred to arbitration, inasmuch as they are those which a nation finds it hard- est to recede from when it has once taken up a position, so that the friendly intervention of a third party is especially valuable... . . “The value of arbitration, or of conciliation, by a third party, lies not merely in its providing a means of determining a difficult issue of law or fact, but in its making it easy for the contracting parties to abate their respective pretentions without any loss of dignity.” It is asserted that many political questions are not suitable subjects for submission to arbitration. The questions which brought on the Russo-Japanese war are cited among those which are not arbitrable, and likewise the Monroe Doctrine. None of the leading nations are prepared to-day to enter into a treaty of unconditional arbitration, but the oftener they submit their differences to arbitration, the nearer they approach that goal. Great Britain and the United States have since the War of 1812 submitted all their many matters of dispute to a peaceful 28 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS method of adjustment. An examination of the numerous arbitration treaties, embracing a great variety of subjects, will show that no question can in the future arise between them which will more seriously involve their territory, the honor of the countries, their vital interests, or their independence, than those which have already been submitted to arbitration. Hence, so far as Great Britain is concerned, it may be safely asserted that the Washington Conference committed no error in recommending that the United States enter with that power into a treaty of unconditional arbitration. If after nearly a century of peaceful settlement of their disputes, these two countries can make such a convention, they should hardly be styled dreamers or enthusiasts who look forward to the time when all nations of the earth, through peaceful intercourse and forbearance, will find a better method of adjusting their differ- ences than by the arbitrament of war. In The Hague Conference the question arose as to what stipulation should be inserted in the treaty guaranteeing the enforcement of the award of a court of arbitration. In this instance, as when the subject of compulsory arbitration was under discussion, it was found that if constraint was to be applied to a recalcitrant power, it would have to be through some kind of international military force, and the delegates were in no frame of mind to consider such an alternative. Besides, it was cited that during the many arbitration cases of the past century, a sense of equity and the force of public opinion had been suffi- cient to secure acceptance of the award; and the conference regarded it as sufficiently effective to insert an article declaring that “the agreement of arbitration implies the obligation to submit in good faith to the decision of the arbitral tribunal.” One of the most important questions discussed by the Con- ference in connection with the arbitration convention was whether its provisions should be carried out through provisional or special tribunals, or whether a permanent court should be created for that purpose. The United States was from the beginning in favor of the creation of a permanent court. In MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 29 1896 the New York State Bar Association had laid before the President a memorial setting forth this as the essential feature of any general scheme of arbitration, and the delegates of the United States to the Conference had been instructed to make this a cardinal point in their propositions. But the honor fell to the Chairman of the British Delegation; Lord PAUNCEFOTE, to become its special champion in the deliberations. It was antagonized by Germany, but the sentiment was so strongly in its favor, that the German delegates were induced to withdraw their objection, and provision was made in the convention for a Permanent International Court. This action was a source of much gratification to the advocates of international arbitration, who had for centuries looked forward with hope to the estab- lishment by the nations of the earth of some form of congress or court which should have a continuous existence and be clothed with functions for the preservation of peace. The provisions of the convention are that each of the sig- natory powers shall appoint for a term of six years as members of the Permanent Court not more than four persons, ‘“‘of recog- nized competence in questions of international law, enjoying the highest moral reputation.” These persons constitute a permanent Court of arbitration, accessible at all times, and acting in accordance with the prescribed rules of procedure. The members of the Court thus constituted do not sit, how- ever, as a collective body, but when two or more nations have a case to submit to arbitration they select by mutual agreement one, three, or five members, as may be stipulated, from the persons constituting the Court, who will act as the Tribunal to try the case. So that it may happen that some members of the Court may never be called upon to discharge the functions of a judge. But it was thought wise not to restrict the liberty of action of the arbitrating nations, and they have been left free to select the judges from the permanent panel, so to speak, of the Court. Likewise, though The Hague is designated as the place where the Court shall hold its sessions, another place may be designated by agreement of parties litigant. Also, while detailed rules of 30 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS procedure are provided in the convention, these may be varied by special agreement of the parties. The convention contains a provision (Article 52) that the award of the Tribunal shall be accompanied by a statement of the reasons upon which it is based, but this article was not adopted without serious objection in the Conference. It was recognized that much advantage would be derived from the opinions of judges of such high authority in the creation of a body of international jurisprudence, but it was urged that the opinions might contain criticism of the litigating parties, or other powers, harmful and unnecessary. This surmise became a reality when during this year the President of the Court in the Venezuela Arbitration, who was a Russian, made some utterances which were seriously resented by the Japanese. The question of the finality of the award was much debated in the Conference. It was contended that a rehearing of a case once decided would diminish the moral authority of the Tribunal and the weight otherwise given to its first decision. The American proposition was that a hearing should be granted “upon presentation of evidence that the judgment contained a substantial error of fact or of law.” The practice in the United States sustained such a provision, and its government had had experience which showed that some provision for rehearing was desirable. For instance, in the Mexican claims commission, the umpire, Sir E>pwarp THorRNTON, had decided that when his decision was once rendered his relation to the case was canceled, and that even if fraud was shown to have been practiced upon the commission the award could not be reopened, but relief would have to be sought by a direct appeal to the government concerned. The Conference finally agreed upon a provision that a rehearing should be had “‘only on the discovery of new facts, of such a character as to exercise a decisive influence upon the judgment, and which at the time of the judgment were unknown to the Tribunal itself and to the parties demanding the rehearing.” The convention contains a stipulation that the proceedings MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 31 in a case should embrace oral argument of counsel before the Tribunal. The prevailing practice in arbitration during the last century was to accompany the documentary evidence in the case with a printed or written argument only. The Geneva Arbitration of 1872 gave the right to the Tribunal to call for oral argument on any specific question, and a brief oral discussion was accordingly had. In the Fur Seal Arbitration at Paris, in 1893, the treaty stipulated for general oral argument, and several weeks were occupied by counsel; and a similar practice was observed in the Venezuela Boundary Arbitration at Paris in 1899. The Hague Convention recognizes this as the proper practice. Its effect is to considerably prolong the sessions of the Tribunal, but it affords the litigating parties a more satisfac- tory elucidation of the questions at issue. Having reviewed the more important provisions of The Hague Arbitration Convention, I pass to a consideration of the practical working of the Permanent Court organized under it. When The Hague Conference adjourned there was a wide- spread belief that it had accomplished little towards the preven- tion of war. It had failed to agree upon either the restriction or diminution of the vast armaments which were oppressing the nations and threatening the peace of the world. The Arbi- tration Convention, which left it purely optional with the nations to observe its provisions, did not impress the general public as of much practical value; and there was a skeptical feeling that no powerful nation would ever invoke the services of the Permanent Court to save it from an armed conflict with another state. However, when the convention was submitted to the govern- ments to ratify the action of their delegates, no one of them cared to reject it. The friends of arbitration were reassured when the intelligence flashed across the Atlantic that the Senate of the United States had unanimously approved it, and that the President had promptly proclaimed it to the world. The other signatory nations took similar action. The convention thus becoming a completed instrument, the respective governments 32 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS appointed from their most distinguished public men and able jurists the members of the Permanent Court. But the world’s query was: What nations will now come forward to submit to the Court a controversy insolvable by diplomacy? It is a matter of pride for this continent that the two greatest republics of America should be the first to invoke the services of The Hague Tribunal. The Supreme Court of the United States, which is the nearest approach to that Tribunal, had to wait a longer time after its creation before it heard its first case. The Pious Fund claim was one which had vexed the governments of the United States and Mexico for nearly half a century, and had baffled the efforts of well-disposed diplomacy. Having faith in the efficacy of the Tribunal, and obedient to the spirit of the Arbitration Convention of which they were signatory parties, they entered into an agreement to submit the claim to that Tribunal. The case was heard under satisfactory condi- tions, a decision rendered which has been accepted by both parties, and that source of difference between the neighboring republics has been forever removed. But, said the skeptics, the case of Mexico was one involving merely a money claim; the test will come when nations heated to the point of war are called upon to yield their pretentions to the decision of The Hague Court. But such a case was not long delayed. Three of the most powerful nations of Europe were soon engaged in flagrant hostilities against a weak Amer- ican state. Venezuela, though not a party to The Hague Con- vention, appealed to it for the determination of the question at issue. The Allied Powers, Great Britain, Germany, and Italy, in disregard of that convention, turned to the President of the United States and asked him to become the sole arbiter of the controversy. It was a high mark of confidence in the American chief magistrate, and very flattering to him personally, but his sense of duty to the world was greater than his pride of person, and he pointed to The Hague Tribunal and declined the offer. In that act President RoosEvELT rendered a greater service to the cause of peace and international arbitration than any other man MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 33 of his generation. The motive which animated his conduct is well stated in his annual message of 1903 to the Congress of the United States: “It seemed to me to offer an admirable opportunity to advance the practice of the peaceful settlement of disputes between nations, and to secure for The Hague Tribunal a memorable increase of its prac- tical importance. The nations interested in the controversy were so numerous, and in many instances so powerful, as to make it evident that beneficent results would follow from their appear- ance at the same time before the bar of that august tribunal of peace.” The action of President RoosEVELT led to the appearance at The Hague of a distinguished array of nations. Russia and Austria were represented in the Court, while Venezuela, Great Britain, Germany, Italy, France, Spain, Belgium, the Nether- lands, Sweden and Norway, the United States, and Mexico appeared as interested parties. The decision of the Court conceding preferential treatment to the Allied Powers who sought to enforce by war their claims against Venezuela has been severely criticised, but the general results are recognized as of great value. Mr. MacVeEacH, of the American counsel, while questioning the soundness of the decision, has said: “There can, however, be no manner of doubt that the arbitrators acted according to the best light they had, nor can there be any doubt that the presence, for the first time, of so many great nations at the bar of the Tribunal outweighs in usefulness any adverse result of the decision itself.” It appears the Court based their decision upon the finding that Venezuela promised the allies that if they would cease their hostile operations, they should have a priority of claim upon the customs receipts, and it did not pass upon the ethical question urged by the interested peaceful powers. Hon. J. M. DicKk1nson, whose views are of special value because of his experience as senior counsel at London before the Alaskan Boundary Commission and his active practice in the highest courts of the United States, in discussing this matter, has said: 34 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS “But if the decision were wrong, this furnishes no just ground for saying that the future usefulness of the Court is impaired. No one ever expected infallibility from any human court, and we do not think of abolishing our courts because they err, as all of them at times do. “Under the corrective influence of international jurists, unsound doctrine will be repudiated. This is more easy of accomplishment by The Hague Court than by any other. The same members are rarely chosen to sit again. There will be a constant change in judges. As new cases arise, not having any pride of opinion in the decision of others, they will the more promptly expound as the law that which the enlightenment of the time shall demand, for international law will always develop and stand as the exponent of such international justice and morality as the consensus of nations shall approve.” The importance of the Venezuela case at The Hague can scarcely be exaggerated. The thirteen nations there repre- sented, embracing a population of more than four hundred and fifty millions, the most enlightened as well as the most powerful of the world in military establishment, are a striking object lesson of the wisdom and efficacy of arbitration. President RoosEVELT has anticipated those results in such happy language that I quote again from his message to Congress: “Such an imposing concourse of nations presenting their argu- ments to, and invoking the decision of, that high court of interna- tional justice and international peace, can hardly fail to secure a like submission of many future controversies. The nations appearing there will find it far easier to appear there a second time, while no nation can imagine its just pride will be lessened by following the example now presented. This triumph of the principle of interna- tional arbitration is a subject of warm congratulation, and offers a happy augury for the peace of the world.” The President’s anticipation is being realized, as three of the powers represented in the Venezuela Arbitration—Great Britain, France, and Germany—have united in an agreement with Japan, a signatory party to The Hague Convention, to submit to the Permanent Arbitration Court a controversy between them which has not yielded to diplomatic negotiation; and the case is now in process of submission. : Other nations will, with greater frequency, carry their differences to The Hague; and the Temple, for the construction of which the MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 35 generous American citizen Mr. CARNEGIE has provided the means, bids fair to be thronged with suitors appealing to reason and international justice for the protection of their national rights. The only dark cloud which obscures the otherwise brilliant prospect is the gigantic and terrible conflict now going on between Russia and Japan, and the sad fact that although they were both signatories of The Hague Convention, that agreement was not efficacious for the preservation of peace. The conven- tion contains an article which makes it the duty of the signatory powers, “‘in case a serious dispute threatens to break out between two or more of them, to remind these latter that the Permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them,” and that “the advice given to them, in the highest interest of peace, to have recourse to the Permanent Court, can only be considered as an exercise of good offices, ” and not as an offensive act. Although France and England, two of the most influential powers in the creation of The Hague Court, were connected with the belligerents by more than friendly ties, yet neither of them, nor any other of the powers so deeply interested in the peace of the Orient, dis- charged their duty under Article 27 of the convention and reminded them that The Hague Court was open for the settle- ment of their controversy. This is a discouraging fact, but only emphasizes the position to which I have already referred, that there are some questions of policy and high politics which, in the present temper of the nations, cannot be adjusted by peaceful methods. Let us hope that even yet the contending nations, which are sacrificing tens of thousands of lives and squandering their resources in the unreasoning conflict of arms, may awake to their duty under The Hague Convention, and leave to the Permanent Arbitration Court the final adjustment of their differences. The practical working of the provisions of The Hague Convention, as shown in the two cases which have been already dispatched by the Court, have given rise to various suggestions for some modification of or addition to these provisions. Hon. 36 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS W. L. PENFIELD, Solicitor of the United States Department of State, who was of counsel for the United States in the hearing of both the Pious Fund and Venezuela cases, has made some valuable suggestions in that direction, as well as other experi- enced jurists. I have space to notice these only very briefly. The convention provided that the conditions under which powers not represented in the Conference might become ad- herents to it should be determined hereafter by the powers which had already signed it. No action has yet been taken in that direction. For this reason all the American republics, except the United States and Mexico, have no representation in The Hague Court, and the result is that it is practically a Euro- pean Tribunal. When these two last mentioned nations came to select the judges to try the Pious Fund case, they were forced either to select judges from among their own citizens or to choose from European or Oriental nationalities. It is a serious defect in the organization of that Court that these numerous American republics should be excluded from furnishing their quota for the permanent panel. The Conference contemplated the desir- ability of calling another similar conference at no distant day. Should such further conference be held, it would doubtless heal this defect in the existing convention. There is nothing in the convention which prevents one of the litigants from selecting as a judge to hear his case one of the members named by it for the permanent panel. It has been a much disputed question whether an interested party should be represented on the Court by a judge of its own nationality. In the two cases thus far heard by the Court the judges were taken from non-interested countries, and the weight of opinion seems to be in that direction. The propriety of a member of the permanent panel of the Court appearing as counsel for a litigating party has been seriously questioned. ‘Two of its members appeared as opposing counsel in the Pious Fund case, and other members appeared in like capacity in the Venezuela case. In the latter instance protests against the practice were filed in the Court by both MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 37 Venezuela and Great Britain. This subject was fully discussed in the Conference, and an effort was made to place in the con- vention a prohibition against the practice; but while the general sentiment was against the assumption of the functions of counsel by a member of the Court, it was deemed best to take no definite action, trusting that the good sense and propriety of the mem- bers of the Court would finally evolve a rule which would safe- guard the reputation of the bench. The experience in the two cases heard seems to call for a prohibitive rule on the subject. Attention has been directed to the fact that the organization of the Court is a loose one. The persons are named by the respective governments and they are enrolled as members of the Court, but as has been seen, they may never be called upon to serve as judges, and yet their acceptance of the appointment implies a readiness to serve whenever chosen; but no provision is made for compensation except when the judges are actually called to duty. As the members are expected to serve whenever invited, without regard to the importance of the case, it has been suggested that some arrangement should be made to pay them a reasonable retainer. When this matter was before the Conference, it was considered the province of each government to determine the subject with its own appointees. An argument used against a resort to The Hague Court is the matter of expense. In the Pious Fund case the five judges were paid five thousand dollars each. To this expense was added that for counsel, a staff of clerks, French and English stenographers, and printing the evidence and arguments. The objection might not be weighty with the great nations, but the expense would press heavily against the smaller states with limited resources. It is a matter which should commend itself to the consideration of the great powers. The language to be used in the proceedings and records of the Court has been wisely left by the convention to be fixed by the parties resorting to the Tribunal. The experience of the Court has shown that it is of much importance that in the special agreement of arbitration in each case the language to 38 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS be used should be explicitly fixed. French is the prevailing tongue used in the international assemblies in Europe and in diplomacy, but its compulsory use. would, in many cases, work inconvenience, and sometimes serious hardship. Its enforce- ment in The Hague Court would debar the great majority of American lawyers, and would discourage the resort by American states to the Tribunal. In the Pious Fund case the minutes of the proceeding and the award were in French, the oral language of the Court was English, and both French and English were used in the oral arguments; the Parisian stenographer, however, confessed his inability to accurately report some of the arguments spoken in French with a Spanish accent. In the Venezuela case it was agreed that the English language should be used in the pro- ceedings, but that the arguments might be made in any other language. No stipulation was made that the judges should be familiar with the English language, as it seemed unnecessary, in view of the provision as to the language of the proceedings; but it resulted that some of the members of the Court were not able to speak English fluently, and out of consideration for them it was agreed that the language used orally by the Court should be the French. Notwithstanding the defects which have been developed in the condition and practice of The Hague Court, some of which I have briefly noted, it is gratifying to see that it has proved so well adapted to the exalted purpose for which it was created, and that its imperfections, which are not serious, may be easily cured. The topic assigned me is not limited to a consideration of the settlement of international controversies by The Hague Tribunal, but it contemplates another alternative method of settlement by special commissions. The method suggested may be either by the creation of a special international arbitra- tion tribunal, composed of an uneven number of judges, or, as in some cases in the past, by a joint commission composed of an equal number of citizens or subjects of the interested MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 39 parties. The special arbitration tribunal would involve ques- tions so similar to those already discussed as to The Hague Court, that I deem it unnecessary to give further attention to it. I therefore invite a consideration of joint commissions of the interested nations. It has been seen that there are a class of controversies which in the present state of public sentiment it does not seem possible to submit to arbitration. The Hague Convention recognizes only two classes of cases as within its purview— questions of a judicial character and regarding the interpreta- tion of treaties; and the Anglo-French and other recent con- ventions, in seeking to make arbitration compulsory in these two classes, have still further limited its scope by exempting such of those questions as affect the vital interests, the indepen- dence, and the honor of the state. Hence, until the intelligence and conscience of mankind is awakened to demand a high stan- dard of international justice, there are a large number of ques- tions, especially of a political character, which remain outside of the pale of arbitration. Is it not possible to control controversies belonging to these classes in such a way as to bring about an adjustment in aggravated cases by some other method than the arbitrament of war? The Washington Conference, while it recommended unconditional arbitration, recognized the existence of the sen- timent alluded to; and it further recommended that: “Governments should agree not to resort, in any case, to hostile measures of any description till an effort had been made to settle any matter in dispute by submitting the same either to the Permanent Court at The Hague or to a commission, composed of an equal num- ber of persons from each country, of recognized competence in ques- tions of international law.” Ex-President Harrison, in his argument before the Venezuela Tribunal at Paris in 1899, referred to the work of The Hague Conference, then in session, in the following forcible language: “Mr. President: It has been to me a matter of special interest that the President of this Tribunal (Professor F. DE MarteEss), after his 40 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS designation by these two contending nations for that high place, which assigned to him the duty of participating in practical arbitra- tion between nations, was called by his great sovereign to take part in a conference which, I believe, will be counted to be one of the great- est assemblies of the nations that the world has yet seen, not only in the personnel of those who are gathered together, but in the wide and widening effect which its resolutions are to have upon the inter- course between nations in the centuries to come. There was nothing, Mr. President, in your proceedings at The Hague that so much attracted my attention and interest as the proposition to constitute a permanent court of arbitration. It seems to me that if this pro- cess of settling international differences is to commend itself to the nations, it can only hope to set up for the trial of such questions an absolutely impartial judicial tribunal. If conventions, if accommo- dations, and if the rule of ‘give and take’ are to be used, then let the diplomatists settle the question; but when they have failed in their work, and the question between two great nations is submitted for judgment, it seems to me necessarily to imply the introduction of a judicial element into the controversy.”’ President HARRISON was addressing his remarks to a tribunal which he was seeking to impress with the judicial character of the question before it, but which failed to take that view of it in their decision, and did just what he said a judicial tribunal should not do—compromise the conflicting territorial claims of the litigants. The case he had in hand illustrates the fact that arbitration tribunals often have to reach a mean course between the contending claims submitted to them. But with the instincts of a highly trained judicial mind, with the ardent devotion which many who hear me know he had for his profession, the American lawyer in Paris pleaded with good reason for a high ideal for the Tribunal about to be created at The Hague. It may not always be realized there, but it is possible in such commissions as seem to be contemplated by the Washington resolution just quoted. Disputes often arise between nations which they are not willing to hazard by the award of foreign judges, and about which, with the most friendly intentions, they cannot agree. The controversy may involve questions of law, or mixed ques- tions of law and fact. It is often quite possible to reach a solu- tion by reference to a commission of impartial jurists composed MR. FOSTER’S PAPER 41 of an equal number from both countries. The Alaskan boundary dispute is a happy illustration of this. The Alaskan boundary had become an irritating controversy which threatened the peace of the two countries. Great Britain was willing to submit the question to arbitration, but in view of the fact that the United States had had uninterrupted pos- session of the territory in dispute for many years, the public sentiment of the country would not permit its rulers to accept the British proposition. After much discussion it was agreed that the questions involved should be submitted to a commission of six jurists, three citizens or subjects each from the two countries. The commission met in London to examine the evidence and hear argument of counsel. It was conceded that all questions turned upon the interpretation of a treaty, a duty eminently suited to the determination of jurists. A decis- ion on all the questions was made, and in accordance with that decision the two governments have directed their survey officials to lay off and mark the boundary. A dispute which could not go to arbitration was thus adjusted by a judicial com- mission. Such a procedure will commend itself especially to lawyers, whose province it is to aid in the settlement of contro- versies by law and reason, and not by force. Special commissions for the consideration of matters which cannot secure a reference to arbitration may serve other useful purposes. The finding of a body of jurists, who look dispas- sionately and judicially at the question unembarrassed by policy or politics, may so elucidate the law and the facts as to enable the disputing governments to reach a basis of settlement which had not been possible through diplomacy. They also serve the important purpose of securing delay at a time when the passions of both the disputant nations are wrought up to a high pitch of excitement and patriotism. Most wars may be avoided, if time is afforded to treat the subject of dispute with calmness and sober reason. It should be the aim of the advocates of arbitration to secure an amendment or addition to the compulsory treaties recently made between 42 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS various of the European powers, similar to the provision recom- mended by the Washington Conference, pledging the contracting parties, where arbitration is unattainable, not to resort in any case to hostilities till an effort had been made to settle the matter in dispute by a commission of jurists of the nationalities of the parties. Such a stipulation will go far to preserve the peace of the world. Some of the friends of universal peace, while commending the spirit of The Hague Conference, assert that its Permanent Court is hopelessly inadequate, that arbitration treaties between nations such as that between France and England will not prevent war, and that the effective remedy is a world’s parlia- ment of nations, clothed with a mandate to preserve peace and to compel disputing nations to submit their grievances and claims to arbitration or the judgment of the parliament. Are the promises held out by The Hague Court illusory? Is it destined to receive the condemnation of the nations or to die of neglect and non-use? I hope not. I think not. The delegates to that great assembly were practical men. They did not even condemn war as wholly unrighteous. They did not attempt the impossible. They recognized their work as imperfect, but it was the best then attainable. I have pointed out some of the defects of the Arbitration Convention, and have ‘suggested amendments which are possible of attainment at no distant day. I think it should be the policy of the friends of universal peace to labor to perfect that instrument and to make The Hague Court popular with the nations as an effective means of adjusting international differences. : A permanent world’s parliament of states is a long way off, and while it is a worthy ideal, its advocates should not decry The Hague Court, or do anything to lessen the confidence of the nations in its utility. The Conference, as has already been noted, contemplated a similar assembly in the near future to amend the arbitration convention and to consider the exemption of private property on the high sea in time of war, a measure urged upon that body by the delegates from the United States. MR. FOSTER’S FAPER 43 Other matters of international moment are pressing for settle- ment. The Interparliamentary Union at its recent session in this city passed a resolution asking the President of the United States to call a second conference at The Hague. This resolu- tion was presented to the President a few days ago, and it is very gratifying to note that he has announced his intention to issue, at an early day, an invitation to the nations to join in such a conference. It is to be anticipated that a favorable response will be made, and when that event takes place it behooves the friends of arbitration to influence their respective governments throughout the world to make still more effective The Hague Court. It is the comment of those who have studied the delibera- tions of the last Conference, and the action of the nations on the subject of arbitration, that the governments have been in advance of the public sentiment on the subject. The unthink- ing mass of mankind are fond of military display, and take a deep interest in the conflict of armies. The patriotic spirit rejoices in the achievement of the military heroes and the triumphs of its country in the field of arms. Said a Senator of the United States, an accomplished statesman and an able law- yer, to me recently, “There is no popular demand in this country for these arbitration treaties; the sentiment on the subject is mainly manufactured.” I will not detain you, at the stage when my address should close, to refute his assertion. But it challenges the friends of peace among the nations to manifest their devotion to the cause. No class of society can do more to bring about a sound public sentiment in favor of international arbitration than the lawyers. In this connection let me again cite the action of the New York State Bar Association. After full discussion of the subject, and its careful study by a committee of its most prominent members, a plan for a permanent international arbitration court was drawn up, and a committee of that body made the journey to Washington to lay it before the President and ask for it the careful attention of the government. That 44 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS plan became the basis of the instructions of the American delegates to The Hague Conference, and the essential features of the Permanent Court now in existence at The Hague are in accordance with that plan. Notwithstanding the fierce conflict that is raging in the Far East, there is a cheerful outlook for international arbitration. Neither should the august initiator of The Hague Conference be too severely censured for inconsistency. Unconditional arbitration was not contemplated by him, and many a humane ruler before his day has been unwillingly involved in hostilities. Instances of the avoidance of war are increasing in our time. The normal condition of the world now is peace, and for that the rulers of the nations constantly strive. The recent treaty between Great Britain and France, adjusting all outstanding matters of differences between these two ancient and once inveterate enemies, is a hopeful augury for the future conduct of states. A notable example of the spirit of this latter day is the action of the two most southern republics of this hemisphere, in uniting in a treaty of peace and unconditional arbitration, whereby their armies are disbanded, and their navies reduced by the sale of a number of their battleships and the transformation of cruisers into vessels of commerce. To crown this noble work Argentina and Chile have done well to erect on the highest peak of the Andes, which marks their international boundary, long a subject of angry controversy, a statue of the Christ, the Prince of Peace. A fresh propaganda for arbitration has opened in Europe, in which the statesmen and jurists of France take the lead. King Epwarp VII is exerting his mighty influence among the Great Powers in the same direction. The President of the United States on all proper occasions raises his voice and shapes the conduct of his government in favor of international arbitra- tion. We know too sadly by the daily intelligence from the East that universal peace has not yet come, but we may fondly hope that the era of ALEXANDER, C@sar, and NapoLeon has passed, never to return; that the ambition of rulers and the SENOR VELASCO 45 rivalry of nations may henceforth lie in the paths of education, industry and commerce; and that The Hague Court will long stand as a beacon light in the tempestuous sea of international politics, and its influence and efficiency grow with the advancing years. [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: We are now to listen to a discussion of this paper by Sefior Don Emitio VELASCO of Mexico. Sefior Don Emirio VELASCO, a Delegate of the Mexican Government, spoke as follows: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Congress of Lawyers and Jurists: Not many days ago the Peace Congress advocated, among its aspirations, the negotiation of treaties of arbitration. To-day this Congress meets, and one of the points of its pro- gramme is international arbitration. And this is not the result of isolated opinions and voices; the question of arbitra- tion between nations to adjust their controversies is a question in which all civilized peoples take an interest, and which pre- occupies publicists and statesmen; it is a problem which pre- sents itself to governments, and for which they are seeking a solution. International arbitration, with its present characteristics, is a social phenomenon, a product of the progressive movement of humanity. History, in its several epochs, presents us exam- ples of arbitration; but in none up to this time has arbitration assumed the nature of a system directed to putting an end to international wars, substituting armed contests with pacific discussions, and the rule of force with the reign of law. The idea of international arbitration is not the creation of one man nor of any set of men, however eminent they may be; it, like all other forms of right, corresponds to a certain moral state in civil societies; when there is among these a sentiment, aspirations, which they cannot define, then there appear men of science who give a form to these aspirations and to that 46 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS sentiment; and in this way that sentiment, which before beat in the heart of the societies, has its external manifestations and produces powerful currents of opinion. This has come about in respect to international arbitration. Before the bloody spectacle of war, humanity recoils shud- dering with horror, and has asked if there be not some means of averting these frightful catastrophes. Science has responded, presenting arbitration as a practical means of settling inter- national difficulties. Material interests have united together to lend their sup- port to the proposed solution; these interests, which with their innumerable ramifications have created a material solidarity between all civilized peoples, and which so greatly feel the conse- quences of great wars, tend to favor the solution of international questions by pacific means. In proportion that the masses of each country possess them- selves with the political power and make their influence felt in the councils of the government, the possibility of armed con- flicts is more remote. A war affects all social classes, and is a menace to the fortunes of all; in countries where the masses of the people exercise the political power through their repre- sentatives, it will be difficult to bring about a war which should not have a national interest and a national object, a war whose sacrifices should not be equal to the importance of the interests involved. Insuch countries, therefore, arbitration offers itself as a means of ending difficulties which may arise with other nations. For governments, whether weak or strong, international arbitration is a great recourse. For the weak governments, arbitration saves them from a terrible dilemma, from humiliation and from ruin; from the humiliation of submitting to demands which they consider as an abuse of power, and from a war which for them would be a disaster, if they are not willing to submit to that humiliation. Arbitration, although the final result may be unfavorable to the weak governments, will have saved the moral interests which they represent, the national self-respect and decorum. SENOR VELASCO 47 For the strong governments, when modern war, with the powerful elements at its disposal, causes destruction which may bring a nation to the very brink of an abyss, and which in any event affects in its consequences coming generations, it is an immense responsibility to plunge the nations which they govern into a war, when there is no sufficient cause to explain and justify the war. Thus, the moral interests of humanity—interests represented by the men of science and by the great associations which aspire to put an end to armed conflicts—the material interests of the civilized nations, the political power in those peoples who through their representatives influence the direction of public affairs, and the interests of the governments, are the elements under which has developed and waxed in vigor a system which tends to put an end to international controversies by means of arbitration; they are the elements which in the future will develop that system until it reaches perfection, so far as per- fection is possible to human works. International arbitration has at the present time three forms: (1) arbitration in its nature transitory and for determined mat- ters; (2) compromissorial clauses inserted in treaties to decide the questions which the interpretation and execution of the treaty may give rise to; (3) permanent and obligatory arbitra- tion. Treaties of arbitration, in these three forms, have increased in number progressively, very especially in the first two forms. This increase is a fact of great importance, for it indicates that the idea and the practice of arbitration have been acclimating themselves in modern societies and are entering as a normal fact into international relations. The last form, that of permanent and obligatory arbitration, is that which offers most resistance, and various of the attempts which have been made to establish it have proven failures. While the arbitration is accepted in principle, and with the purpose to apply it to the differences which may arise, a senti- ment of mistrust and the fear of contracting obligations which 48 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS restrict the liberty of action, restrain the governments from accepting arbitration as an obligatory rule to which they must conform themselves in the international differences which may arise; they fear that to accept a general obligation for the future, instead of limiting themselves to concrete cases when they have arisen, is to accept the unknown, is to submit them- selves to a situation in which the national interests may be endangered. The questions which may be the subject-matter of arbitra- tion have also offered difficulties, several of which have not been solved. The practice of the generality of the nations leads us to believe that questions involving material interests offer no objections to being submitted to arbitration; and in reality, international arbitration for that kind of questions has acquired, and continues to acquire, considerable development. In this way disputes about boundaries, indemnities, fisheries, and others analogous, have been decided by international arbitra- tion; and to-day it seems strange that in questions involving only material interests recourse should be had to force to decide them, instead of asking their decision by an arbitral tribunal. The idea which occurs in such cases is, that behind the material interest is hidden some other class of desires and of aspirations. But besides these questions there are others in which material interests are not involved, but interests of a moral order, inter- ests which in the generality of cases are not susceptible of being judged by juridical rules; and in which, although treating of questions to which one of those rules might be applied, the juridical character does not predominate, but a character emi- nently political. These questions are comprised in the category of questions relative to independence and national honor; and among these are the conflicts between nations originating out of their tendencies to extend the sphere of their influence and of their action. In respect to these questions, even the governments which accept the principle of permanent arbitra- tion exclude them from arbitration, and few instances can be cited of treaties concluded between the Hispano-American SENOR VELASCO 49 nations in which arbitration is accepted without any restric- tions. This class of questions, in the present state of society, it seems should be rather the object of the good offices and of the mediation of other powers than of arbitration. There are two difficulties, therefore, which beset arbitration in these present times; the resistance on the part of some governments to permanent arbitration, and the difficulty of giving juridical form to questions of a political nature. Arbi- tration has won for itself, in science, a place as a system of solving international disputes, and in practice, it has also a place as a means of deciding conflicts in which material interests are involved; but neither is that system accepted by all nations, nor are those conflicts the only ones which divide them. Is there hope that these difficulties can be overcome? We must trust so; the practice of arbitration will little by little dispel the want of confidence, and will prepare the minds of the governments which to-day resist permanent arbitration, per- suading them that there is nothing in it which should inspire fear, and that, on the contrary, it originates a normal situation in which dangers to the nations, however powerful they are supposed to be, are averted. The second point is more difficult to resolve; to seek a juridical formula for questions which are eminently political seems an insoluble problem. It certainly is so at the present time; but arbitration, under the impulse of the immense moral forces which support it and put it into action, has made gigantic strides; and to-day that is a reality which in other times was an illusion. Perhaps that which to-day is an impossibility and the dream of elevated spirits shall be a truth with the passing of time; perhaps the great moral, material, and political interests which have raised arbitration to the place which it to-day occupies, will raise it higher yet, to the point where all inter- national conflicts will be settled by it. In this progressive movement of humanity, which leads on to the realization of the ideal of peace, a signal place is held by the Tribunal constituted at The Hague. The establishment 50 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS of this Tribunal marks an epoch in the history of international law. Nations separated by rivalries, by interests, by historical antecedents, sent their representatives to the Conference of The Hague that they might discuss the means adequate to the effect of mitigating the rigors of war, and to seek pacific solu- tions for international conflicts. Of this Conference was born the Arbitration Treaty. This treaty is a timid step in which are revealed the dis- trusts and the resistances which were to be accommodated; but that step is of transcendent importance, because it was not the result of the isolated action of some governments, but of the concert of the most powerful nations of the world; it indicates that throughout all of the civilized world is felt the necessity of seeking in the law the solution of questions which has been intrusted to the hazards of war. It is a first step which opens up the way for other steps, and gives us to hope for the future greater developments in the practice of arbitration. The Tribunal of The Hague, created by the collective action of the nations, with its character of permanency and with rules of procedure previously defined, has in its support a great moral force, and presents all the advan- tages and all the facilities which constituted tribunals offer. It is a Tribunal open to all who ask its judgment; its examples and its practices will be an inducement to all the nations to intrust to it their differences. But the action of the governments is the most efficacious means for the development of international arbitration; the conscience of the civilized world on this question is known to all; what is sought to do is to carry into practice, with all the development of which they may be susceptible, the ideas which have been elaborating in the thought of a great part of humanity. This only can be attained through the co-operation of the gov- ernments. The First Conference of The Hague foreshadowed the possi- bility of a Second Conference. The moment perhaps does not seem to have arrived for the holding of this Second Conference; SENOR VELASCO 51 the Tribunal of The Hague has not yet been in operation enough for it to have acquired all the authority to which its elevated functions call it, and which should stimulate the ampli- fication of its faculties. Moreover, the moment does not seem fit for the discussion of the manner of limiting wars when a great war is devastating a part of the civilized world. When this war shall have terminated, when the vestiges of destruction and of blood which it shall leave behind it shall be a lesson not only for those who have combatted, but for all the other nations, when the Tribunal of The Hague shall have acquired a greater authority, then will be the moment for the reunion of a second conference. The Peace Congress approved a resolution inviting the President of the United States to call for a second conference at The Hague. None so well, indeed, as the Government of the United States may be fitted to extend the invitation to this second conference; a stranger to the generality of the questions which divide the minds of other nations, its actions will be more efficacious; the echo of the opinion of a great people, its voice will be the voice of a great part of humanity. These considerations have persuaded me to present the following motion: “The Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists, met in St. Louis, Missouri, has the honor to address the Honorable President of the United States, to request him that when, in his judgment, it may be convenient, he will extend an invitation to a Second Conference at The Hague, for the discussion of the questions relative to arbitration and such other questions of international law as it may be deemed proper to propose.” It will be a great honor for this Congress to second an idea which in the future may lead to greater amplifications in the practices of international arbitration. Met together in the midst of the splendors of an Exposition which is a marvel of the modern world, all of us who have the honor to take part in it must feel the aspirations for permanent peace, giving to inter- national arbitration the greatest amplitude. In this Exposition s2 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS its most insignificant stone is an invitation to peace, and alto- gether it is the most solemn altar which humanity has been able to erect to peace and its manifestations. This Congress, wheresoever it may turn its view, will find an inspiration to move it to put forth every endeavor in order to realize in its full plenitude international arbitration. [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: We will now listen to a further discussion of the paper by Hon. J. H. Ratston of Washington, D. C. Mr. Jackson H. Ratston, a Delegate from the Bar Association of the District of Columbia, spoke as follows: Mr. President and Ladies and Gentlemen: Before entering into such a discussion, so far as it is in the prepared shape in which I shall desire to present it to you, I want to say a word in regard to the second branch of the question before us, that is, international commissions generally, aside from The Hague Commission. In the past one hundred years the United States has taken part in some seventy arbitrations, and the point to which I shall invite your attention for the moment is practically one as to the manner in which these commissions have been appointed, and, as I think, should be appointed. In almost every case the commission has consisted of three members, one representing directly each of the parties litigant, and the third being of a different nationality. This method of selecting com- missions is, I think, fairly the subject of criticism. In my judgment a commission should be entirely independent of the parties presenting the matters before it. [Applause.] Under the preceding practice all the important questions were virtually left to the judgment of a single man as patriotic and natural conditions of education have led each party to color their judg- ment, sensibly or insensibly, with their nationality. We have had thus a series of commissions which were virtually one-man commissions, the parties dividing or the nations dividing on either hand, and leaving the arbitration practically in the hands MR. RALSTON 53 of the umpire. This is a mistake, as I shall contend, because it submits the parties at interest to the idiosyncrasies, peculiarities, and mental tendencies of one man without the opportunity of comparing his ideas and adjusting his views by intercourse with others similarly and impartially situated; furthermore, that one man is not permitted to arrive at his conclusions entirely apart from his associates. We may refer to what must have been necessarily the condition of affairs even in that greatest of arbitration, the Alabama Arbitration, when both the United States and England were represented on the commission, and the disinterested commissioners, in all their negotiations, were compelled to compare their ideas virtually in the presence of the interested parties. The only wonder is, Mr. President, that the results of the arbitrations, the seventy arbitrations referred to, have been as excellent as they have, and have been acquiesced in so universally by the nations litigant. When it came to select members from the Permanent Court of Arbitration to try the Pious Fund case, to which reference has been made, the United States and Mexico entered upon a new method, and agreed that the nationalities of the parties in interest should have no place whatsoever upon the court to which the controversy was submitted, and the same course was followed, as has been stated to you, in the recent Venezuelan preferential question, and, all things considered, with excellent results. We may, therefore, hope that the two precedents thus set will harden into a practice which will have a tendency to insure the absolutely impartial and unbiased judgment of the arbitrators to whom causes may hereafter be submitted, either in The Hague Court, or in other independent tribunals. In approaching the discussion of The Hague and other inter- national tribunals, we may felicitate ourselves, those of us who are Americans, upon the happy history of the United States with relation to international arbitration. From the earliest period of our history, the United States has with remarkable freedom made use of courts of this nature. The reason for this line of conduct is in part to be found in the pacific temper 54 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS of the people, who have always recognized that peace had her victories no less renowned than war. In a larger degree, it may be ascribed to the happy situation of this country, in that it is free from foreign entanglements, independent in its geo- graphical situation, inviting no foreign attack, because none could hope for success, and feeling no necessity for possessing itself of the lands of others. The United States has been strong enough to be magnanimous, and has had no ambition incon- sistent with the demands of justice. Whenever it felt that other nations were properly obligated to it, America has been careful in its demands, not exceeding the bounds of justice, and there- fore never fearing the results of arbitration. And thus it has happened that the positions taken by the United States have, for the most part, met with the approval of commissions and courts to which they have been submitted. In addition, we may feel a patriotic pride in the high sense of justice displayed by the United States in its arbitral dealings with foreign nations; for the moment contenting ourselves with reference to but two instances. When it became known that the awards of the American and Mexican Mixed Claim Commission of 1869 in the Weil and La Abra cases were based upon fictitious testimony, the United States did not hesitate to reimburse Mexico about a half-million dollars originally paid by that country, although a large portion so paid had passed into the hands of the wrongful claimants or their representatives in such manner that recovery by our government was hopeless. Again, when it appeared that the Venezuelan-American Arbitration of 1865 had been controlled, to the prejudice of Venezuela, by an unworthy American and a recreant Venezuelan, the United States, the facts once being established, provided for a review commission, consisting of two Americans of un- doubted probity and eminent distinction, and a Venezuelan of recognized learning, this commission reducing materially the aggregate amount paid by Venezuela. Consequent upon this history, the United States could have been expected, and was ready, to take part in all the good work MR. RALSTON 55 of The Hague Convention of 1899, and its history and example, as well as the faithful work of its representatives, powerfully contributed to the notable results there obtained. Often it is complained that despite the existence of a com- petent tribunal, provided expressly for the settlement of inter- national difficulties, wars, international and internal, have not yet ceased, and appeals to this court, in cases where the propriety of the exercise of jurisdiction would be undoubted, have not always been made. But, if we view the subject dispassionately and philosophically, it would seem that there is greater ground for congratulation than for mourning or regret. The mere existence of a court cannot insure a reign of justice. As we well know, tyranny may be practiced under the most liberal institutions, and we witness liberty written into law generations and centuries before it is written in the minds and hearts of the people. Even the Emancipation Proclama- tion has not yet done its perfect work. Nevertheless, we must not refrain from constitutional declarations favoring freedom because delay is likely to ensue in its full appreciation and enjoyment. And so with The Hague Court; we would be thoughtless were we to expect that the great declaration in favor of peace, made through its institution by the civilized nations of the earth, should bring about by the act itself the extinction of mili- tant tendencies yet so common among nations which consider themselves Christianized and believe themselves polite. We have simply set the goal most worthy of our attainment, and which, after years of endeavor, we may hope to reach. For the first three years following its creation, a Hague Court was not called into active operation, and men wondered if The Hague Convention offered more, after all, than the dream of the idealist, while some declared that so adverse to it were many of the leading nations that the permanent court of arbitra- tion would be suffered to fall into desuetude. These feelings, bearing in mind the warlike history of mankind, were only natural, but on taking a closer view are subject to dissipation. 56 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS The Hague Court is composed of some seventy gentlemen of high intellectual rank and distinguished honor, but who must share the aspirations, ambitions, and tendencies of their imme- diate environments, and who, it might be feared, would have been influenced by these things even when called upon to display the cold impartiality of the righteous judge. Knowing all this, nations may well have hesitated, and doubtless do hesitate, for the moment, although without sufficient cause, to submit their differences to settlement by them. We can better under- stand the possible position of some European nations with regard to the court by referring briefly to an actual dispute submitted it, and another question which may sooner or later come before The Hague. After a three years’ delay, the Hague Court was for the first time called into play by the submission to it of the dispute between the United States and Mexico relating to the Pious Fund of the Californias. Briefly it may be stated that after the cession of Upper California to the United States, the Roman Catholic bishops of California claimed a share of the interest upon the Pious Fund, its foundation consisting of properties belonging to a church charity, which had been taken by Mexico prior to the cession, and upon which she pledged herself to pay six per cent interest per annum. Before the Mexican and American Mixed Commission of 1869, the bishops of California set up their claim and were awarded twenty-one years’ interest upon the estimated value of one-half the fund. For the instal- ments believed to have accrued from that time until 1902, the United States presented its demand, which was referred to a Tribunal of The Hague Court for decision. America largely rested her contentions upon the doctrine of res judicata, while Mexico denied her obligation under this doctrine to pay anything and maintained the insufficient foundation of the claim in fact and in law. The Hague Court decided in favor of the United States upon the theory of res judicata, declining there- fore to consider the other questions urged by Mexico, and pro- nouncing a great judgment supporting the sanctity of arbitral MR. RALSTON 57 awards. Suppose, however, that the situation had been such that The Hague Tribunal had been required to examine into the origin of the claim, would its judgment have been similar? As Americans, familiar with the absolute separation of church and state, regarding, as we do, the church as a corporation capable of receiving and being deprived of property, and when so deprived, entitled to payment therefor precisely as an indi- vidual, we may feel that the original contentions of the United States, as presented to the commission of 1869, should have been sustained, but would Europeans, accustomed to regarding the church as a branch of the state, and to considering that property taken from the church by the state was simply trans- lated, as it were, from one branch of government to the other, have arrived at the same conclusion? This question is at least open to grave doubt. Passing now to another possible question which might in some phase go to The Hague for settlement, let us consider the responsibility of a state for the acts of unsuccessful revolution- ists. This was presented before the larger number of the umpires and commissioners lately sitting at Caracas. The Venezuelans, and the three American umpires, with the Amer- ican commissioner, held uniformly that a state could not be regarded as responsible for the acts of revolutionists of this description save such responsibility were created in express’ treaty terms. The Continental umpires and commissioners were disposed to hold Venezuela liable, one umpire going so far as to condemn her to pay bonds issued by a revolution engaged in an abortive attempt to destroy the parent state. While the Americans considered Venezuela, fully admitted to the family of nations, was internationally upon the same footing as the United States or the best established European governments, the Europeans held that because of her frequent revolutions a rule should be applied to Venezuela which would not be effective when invoked against more powerful and longer established governments. Let us then suppose a conflict involving this principle to arise between a South American republic and a 58 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS European nation. Might not one or the other party to the dispute hesitate to have it referred to a court a considerable majority of whose members would presumably be predisposed against the view it would be inclined to regard as the correct one? The observations are submitted as indicative in some degree of a possible reason why The Hague Court has not been resorted to in larger measure. May not any nation be excused for hesitating to place itself under the jurisdiction of a court com- posed of nationalities whose disposition, for any of the reasons above indicated, and possibly for others growing out of the education, environment, and mental tendencies of a great majority of its members, might be regarded as adverse to it or its institutions ? But with the tremendous tendency among modern nations, fostered by freedom and celerity of travel, and otherwise and consequent liberal exchange of thought, towards uniformity of view in international questions, should these considerations be given great weight? Because even particular national ideas seem antagonized by those of a majority of the other nations, should one hesitate to have them tested in an international forum of some description lest an adverse judgment should result? National views of international law are not immutable, even American Secretaries of State under the pressure of differ- ent circumstances having advocated differing views of interna- tional law, while with the efflux of time the more permanent policy of nations has undergone a reversal, as, for instance, giving a minor illustration, that shown by the attitude of England upon questions of naturalization. Furthermore, it is only through a comparison of ideas that just conclusions may be reached. Again, it is a positive gain to civilization to have a question submitted to The Hague Court, even though one party or the other may feel assured that such submission will be attended by want of success. Repeated references to The Hague Court and other like tribunals will serve to render fixed and certain the now some- MR. RALSTON 59 what nebulous science known as international law. At present nations clash upon their varying views of the duties of states towards each other, and even resort to arms to sustain them. When the law has, therefore, itself become fixed, and its limita- tions and boundaries defined in the most authoritative manner, through frequent resort to The Hague Court, we may expect international disputes to lessen in number and in severity, and nations finally learn that even in so-called questions of national honor they are not themselves the proper judges. In discussing The Hague Court one must not lose sight of the essential fact that the very existence of a Court has an important effect upon the relations of nations. Neutral powers may always remind those whose passions are rising that the Court is open, while nations disposed to resort to war are com- mencing to feel that a case justifying appeal to arms before an attempt to obtain a judicial settlement must be very strong, and even if cannon are made the arbiters the moral sense of mankind must be satisfied, and want of resort to The Hague excused, something rapidly growing impossible. I have so far spoken of the effect in an international sense of the formation, growth, and strength of The Hague Tribunal, but its internal effects should not be overlooked. External war means internal taxation, and whatever contributes to increase the severity and extend the scope of taxation is likely as an ultimate result to create internal disturbance. He was a wise writer who observed that the great battles of liberty were fought upon the question of taxation, and borrowing from the novelist expression of his idea as found in the Cloister and the Hearth, where the hero of the defense of the city, a hosier, was brought before the commander of the governmental forces, we learn that on being questioned as to the reason for his action, he stutteringly said, ‘“Tuta—tuta—too much taxes.” We are informed that the national government of a nation as enlightened and developed as the United States expends much the larger share of its income in meeting the expenses incident to past and in preparing for future wars, instead of 60 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS contributing this portion of its yearly receipts to the increase of the prosperity and happiness of its citizens. While this and corresponding burdens in other states may be borne for a time, at any rate by nations wealthy as our own, it is gravely evident that the weight of war must create, sooner or later, and in larger or smaller areas, internal revolt. In a reflex manner, therefore, will The Hague Court diminish in time internal bur- dens, and consequently internecine difficulties. More than three centuries ago, PASCAL said, ‘‘When it is a question of judging if one should make war and kill so many men, condemn to death so many Spaniards, a single man is the judge, and he interested; there ought to be an indifferent third.” We have now, after the passage of centuries, supplied that indifferent third. In every manner we should seek to increase the powers and extend the functions of this disinterested Tri- bunal. Even if we believe such Tribunal, for reasons of educa- tion and environment, to which I have before alluded, is feared or known to be prejudiced against us, is it not better to submit to its judgment and thereby strengthen its powers than to engage in a quarrel as to the merits of which the judgment of impartial history may after all be contrary to our ideas? [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: One matter has been omitted that should have been attended to earlier in the day, and that is the appointment of members of the Committee of Nations. The Honorable Amos M. Tuaver, a Delegate of the United States Judiciary: Mr. President: I move you that the persons whose names appear upon this list which I hold in my hand be selected to serve as a Committee of Nations. I will ask that the Secretary read them. The Secretary [reading]: ARGENTINE, Dr. José V. FERNANDEZ. AUSTRIA, Chevalier A. von STRIBAL. THE COMMITTEE OF NATIONS 61 BELcIum, M. VALENTIN BRIFAUT. BritisH Empire, Mr. Justice Nessitt of Canada. Curna, Mr. Sun Sze YEE. FRANCE, Professor GEORGES BLONDEL. GERMANY, Herr Paut DoERTENBACH. ITaAty, Professor F. FERRARIS. MExIco, Sefior Don EMETERIO DE LA GARZA. NETHERLANDS, Dr. D. J. Jrrta. SWEDEN, Vice-Judge G. E. FAHLCRANTZ. SWITZERLAND, Dr. F. MEIn1. UNITED StTaTEs oF America, Mr. J. M. Dickinson of Chicago. The motion being duly seconded and carried unani- mously, the nominees were declared chosen as members of the Committee of Nations. The PRESIDENT: I give notice that the Committee of Nations is requested to meet immediately after the adjournment of this session, right here on the platform, and organize. I call your attention to two other matters: one is, that any member of the Congress desiring to propose any matter for consideration may do so by presenting a written motion over his signature; secondly, that whenever there is opportunity for general discussion, any member who desires to engage in that general discussion must send up his card stating that fact, other- wise he will not gain recognition. The SECRETARY: A motion presented by Sefior VELASCO, a Delegate from the Mexican Government, has already been read by him in the course of his paper. A DELEGATE: It was not heard. The SECRETARY: Do you call for the reading of it? 62 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS A DELEGATE: I do. The SECRETARY [reading]: “The Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists, met in St. Louis, Missouri, has the honor to address the Hon. President of the United States, to request him that when in his judgment it may be convenient he will extend an invitation to a Second Conference at The Hague, for the discussion of the questions relative to arbitration and such other questions of international law as it may be deemed proper to propose.” The Secretary stated that he had received: A motion from Mr. Everett P. WHEELER of New York, a Delegate of the United States Government, requesting the committee to make arrangements for the holding of subsequent meetings in the Hall of Congresses, owing to the difficulty of hearing in Festival Hall. Also, a motion offered by Dr. Jost V. FERNANDEz of the Argentine Republic, a Delegate-at-large, that the Congress approve certain declarations that he has formulated in regard to trusts, socialism, liberty in the making of wills, rights and duties between parents and children, and divorces. Also, a motion by the Honorable G. A. FINKELNBURG of Missouri, a Delegate of the United States Government, that the Congress express itself in favor of the proposed modification of the laws of maritime warfare as submitted to the late Peace Conference at The Hague. Also, a motion by Mr. FERDINAND SHack, a Delegate from the United States Government, that the Congress express its deep gratification at the steps recently taken by the Interparlia- mentary Union towards the settlement of controversies between nations in the same manner as disputes between individuals, and satisfaction at the announcement by the President of the United States of his intention to comply with the request made to him by said Union that he invite the nations to a conference. ANNOUNCEMENTS 63 The President announced that all these motions would go to the Committee of Nations, which would report on them the following day. Mr. RAWLE, a Delegate from the United States Govern- ment, on behalf of the banquet committee, made an announcement in regard to the banquet to be held on the evening of this day at the ‘‘Tyrolean Alps,” stating the particulars in regard to the admission to the grounds and to the banquet-room. The Secretary stated that he had just received a proposed resolution in regard to the desirability of an international exchange of law publications, which the President announced would also be sent to the Com- mittee. At this point the Universal Congress adjourned until 10 A.M., September 29, 1904. [On the evening of Wednesday, September 28, a banquet was given by the Exposition Company to the members of the Congress and the American Bar Association in the banquet-hall of the ‘“Tyro- lean Alps.” Six hundred and fifteen guests were seated at the tables. Mr. Francis, President of the Exposition, acted as toast- master. In his opening speech, he proposed a health to the President of the United States. The guests stood while the toast was drunk, and the band struck up “America,” which the whole company joined in singing. The toast-master then proposed a health to the ruler of each country represented at the banquet. The proposal was received with cheers, and the toast drunk standing, the band again playing the national anthem. Speeches were made by Mr. Justice BREWER, President of the Congress; Mr. Justice KENNEDY of England; Dr. HARTMANN of Germany; Professor BLONDEL of France; Chevalier von STRIBAL of Austria; M. FRANCOTTE, Secretary of State of Belgium; Signor Pavia of Italy; Mr. Cow of China; His Excellency Sefior Azrrroz, Ambassador from Mexico; Judge Tuck of Egypt; Mr. James HAGERMAN, retiring president of the American Bar Associa- tion; Mr. Henry St. GEorGE TUCKER, newly elected president of the Association; former Senator MANDERSON of Nebraska; and Mr. F. W. LEHMANN of St. Louis. During the evening excellent music was furnished by the Symphony Orchestra of the Exposition.] 64 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS SECOND DAY THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1904 MORNING SESSION The Congress was called to order by President BREWER at ten o’clock in the forenoon. The PRESIDENT: If there is no objection we will dispense with the reading of the minutes. They will all be published for your benefit here- after. The roll-call, of course, will be omitted. There is an announcement that the Secretary would like to make before the reading of papers. The SECRETARY: At the conclusion of the morning session to-day, and likewise to-morrow, a luncheon for the Delegates and guests will be served on the stage in this hall. An invitation has been received from the Board of Lady Managers of the Exposition to all of the Delegates and the ladies in their party for a reception in their honor at the rooms of the Board on Friday evening. Mr. F. H. BusBee of North Carolina, a Delegate-at- large: I desire, by universal consent, to introduce a resolution in regard to the illness of that distinguished American, GEORGE F. Hoak, and it may take such course as the rules prescribe. The PRESIDENT: It will be referred to the Committee of Nations. The next business is the reading of the paper by Judge GustaF Epw. FAHLcRANTZ of Stockholm, Sweden, on “The Preferable Method of Regulating the Trial of Civil Actions with Respect to Pleading and Evidence.” PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 65 Vice-Judge GustaF Epw. FAHtcrantz of Stockholm, Sweden, a Delegate-at-large: Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I cannot enter on the subject for which I am standing here without expressing my sorrow for the deplorable loss of Judge Sevmour D. THompson, who had signed the very telegram which called me here, and whose friendship I had been so happy to enjoy for many years. I had heartily hoped to see him now, but, alas, I have had only to bring with me a wreath and lay it on his grave. I have no right to speak for somebody else, but when I say that I had written upon the one ribbon with the Swedish colors, “Thanks for noble friendship,” I know that many of those who are assembled here will join me in similar thanks. And in the words written on the other ribbon, ‘Peace of God over him,” all of you will most certainly join with me very heartily. THE PREFERABLE METHOD OF REGULATING THE TRIAL oF Crvit ACTIONS WITH RESPECT TO PLEADING AND EVIDENCE, A PAPER BY Vice-Judge GustaF Epw. FAHLCRANTz, Advocate of Stockholm, Sweden: About twenty years ago, when at different periods I was a daily visitor of the English courts, Lord Linpiry (then Lord Justice LinDLEy) said to me: ‘‘The Germans, you see, have much more of science in their administration of justice; we take it more as a practical thing.” I have very often had those words before my mind, especially later, during the year I spent in Germany in continuation of my comparing inquiries on the field of “civil procedure”; and I think I have found a very good correlative to that expression when I am quoting some words once said to me by his Excellency von DRENKMANN, the president of the old ‘‘Kammergericht,” the Supreme Court of Prussia: ‘‘We have, here in Germany,” he said, “three 66 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS orders (instances) of courts; but above them all a fourth, the science.” On each side a man speaking who certainly knows his system and his people. But even if the said high authorities had not in such an excel- lent and striking way expressed what is characteristic for the one and the other of both systems, anybody will easily come upon the idea that there are two different ways for arriving at an answer to the question raised, or that the method must depend upon the view we take of the administration of justice itself as either a practical thing or a matter of science. When I am speaking of administration of justice as a prac- tical thing, I am looking upon it mainly as means of help, a means of assisting those who are suffering wrong; it is here the need of the individual case which excites the beneficial work of the judge, and the leading principle is: The facts make the law; or, as I have seen it written on a copy of an old Swedish law code, ‘No law is better to follow than the truth.” Administration of justice again as @ science looks upon matters more from a generalizing point of view, under which each case is put in a certain class with respect to some certain great features or certain signs. The individuality of the case is not so closely considered. But these features are fixed in such a way that commonly the result will be right, if you are taking advice from them. The peculiar cases, which have a character of their own, may in this way be in great danger to go astray, but—and though it is especially the cases having an aspect of their own that come before the courts—that misfortune for the interested private parties is supposed to be balanced by the benefit for the courts of not being bound to spend their work upon all the trivial particulars, but to be entitled to keep themselves above a good deal of the low reality and in the lofty skies of logical ideas. The science has thus made binding forms of its own and con- structed its system. I have not the slightest doubt that the right purpose of justice is the one first alluded to. But if so, the first thing for PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 67 it must always be to have facts duly stated, and, I mean, the paramount question in the English system is also the question of the truth in the individual case. In the German system the question of the facts has since long been a very much formal one, and still in this moment, even with the admirable progress of the new civil code of Germany, the relative abstractness of the idea of the truth or of the question of fact is conspicuous. At the side of the English system we have to place the old Roman one, many leading ideas of which it has brought to the highest degree of accomplishment. And, of course, the Amer- ican system, the alter ego, or the daughter of the English one, belongs here, even if it has lost some traces of its mother. We have to give attention here, too, to our old Swedish system, which, as many of the ancient ones, so exclusively looked upon the need of the individual case, that it had constructed special modes of trial, so to say, for every little class of facts. At the side of the German system, again, we must place the French one, perhaps the most prominent feature of which is a decided diffidence in the truth as deposited in the minds of men. It has, with French clearness and sagacity, constructed different modes of trial for different cases, but wanting the most effective expedient, I mean that of taking the truth without any considera- tions from the parties themselves, the said modes have got in great part a certain schematic character, to which “la souve- raineté du juge’’ can scarcely give a proper counter-weight of individualism. Our present Swedish system belongs to the same side, it being marked with a decided pessimism regarding the very possibility for judges of finding out the real truth in individual cases. As a substitute thereto it has accepted certain mere formal and technical views of the matters, and its char- acter is expressed thereby that in the name of “unity of proce- dure” it requests one and only one ordinary way of trying all different cases—from claims of debts to divorce, or the most entangled questions of administration, as well as from the most insignificant offences to questions of murder. 68 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS And as a general rule the present systems of the European Continental states do not essentially differ from the German or ut ita dicam, a Franco-German type. The Norwegian and the Danish systems keep, however, still so many of the old practical ideas, common formerly for the Scandinavian kingdoms, and have been developed in a way so decidedly corresponding to notions of English equity, that they may be said to take a place between both the principal groups, if we must not unconditionally place them in the first one. But I should not describe or compare all different ancient or actual systems. What is preferable? There is no doubt that to a great extent a legislator has to build with the materials given by the historical development of the state and of the public life as a whole, and especially to reckon with the moral and intellectual notions prevailing in the society as well as with geographical and other conditions of many kinds. But we may suppose that in a certain state where we are going to introduce our system, no peculiar hin- drance is in our way. We take it that the administration of justice exists there more as a practical thing and to help parties get their rights, with respect to any and all circumstances in each case. These circumstances must at first be known—and how should a court get that knowledge? Of course, by taking it where it is to be found or from anybody who can give it—and that should be, I think, the very first and the main rule of evi- dence. The practical importance of that rule will appear when it is observed that in the great bulk of cases the parties themselves know best of all what is true, and when it is observed, also, what a peculiar privilege a great many think the parties ought to enjoy regarding that knowledge of theirs. Very often no one but the parties knows more than a vain shadow of the material facts. Would it then be necessary to give some scien- tific proofs for the propriety of taking effectually the truth from the parties? Let me say at first simply this: If two men would apply to me for my opinion of what may be right in some intricate case between them, and if I should find that they PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 69 begin to keep back documents or deceive me with false stories, I think I should be amply justified to let them in some very expressive way understand that I cannot have anything to do with their controversy. And it is not too much to say, that the state, when letting people go to its courts for getting justice, must be entitled to claim from the parties what most naturally any arbitrator expects from them. American and English jurists will see every plea for such a claim as that as being quite uncalled for, because for them the duty corresponding to that claim is quite obvious; but the question stands quite different on the Continent of Europe. Truth-speaking before the court, it is said there, may be a moral duty for parties; to lie positively might in certain cir- cumstances be punished, but a general duty for parties to tell the juil truth exists on the whole not among other than the English-speaking nations. “The state has, as regards civil actions, no direct interest to hinder parties from procuring rights by lies or clear themselves of their duties by lies.” By these words the very president of our Swedish great Law Reform Commission has stated his opinion, and the reigning quasi-scientific opinion on the question. The same words express, however, the zpotovgyudec and that ¢yvde¢ is a thesis of a new philosophy with us, because our old laws and legislators were all filled with the same idea which was expressed by our great Gustavus ADOLPHUs when he said, that through the administration of justice “all wrong and falsehood should be crushed and abolished.” It is also quite evident that with such a new philosophy the truth has lost its mightiest support, because if it is considered to be of no direct interest for the state to keep up the truth, it cannot reasonably be requested from a party to tell the truth when, as a matter of fact, he can gain what he wishes by a lie; and that it is not simply a secondary interest, but a direct and vital public interest, that all functions of the state should be built upon reality, truth, and honesty, is so evident, that I scarcely think that anybody here objects that I state that thesis as an axiom. 70 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS And from the point of view of the parties it cannot be the question here of only a moral duty. Speaking generally about the truth, I am not going so far as to say that it is in every situation of men’s life a duty to tell the truth—in all events not to say the full truth. Most of us are, of course, in the habit of lying a great deal every day; for lack of time, from mental lassitude, for covering logical errors, from courtesy or gallantry, from kindness or benevolence, but we do not lie for gaining a benefit on the account of somebody else. If a man cross that limit, he acts against any normal conscience and immorally, he deceives that other man and he should as a rule come under the law. But if a man is standing before a court and lies there in order to gain a benefit on the account of some other man, he is deceiving also the court, he is disturbing and hindering the state in the exercise of its most holy power, and it seems simply natural to consider that as a crime—it is, in all events, much more than a simple contempt of court. Therefore, an oath sworn by a party cannot be considered as a condition for making the court entitled to punish him, if he lies. It seems necessary only to let the parties get beforehand a strong remembrance of their duty by a solemn warning or an admonition to them to speak the truth, the full truth, and nothing but the truth. To let them swear an oath, reasonably formulated, is, however, most proper with respect to the moral bond the oath lays upon men. An unlimited duty on the parties with respect to editio docu- mentorum, production of documents, is only an integrant part or a direct consequence of the general duty on the parties, spoken of above, to reveal the truth. And as the state must not be made unable to fulfil its first purpose, or as a second consequence of the main rule of evidence, the state should be entitled to claim the unrestricted truth in any case, also from all other men, if the parties themselves cannot reveal all the necessary truth. The result of what we have said is this: As well as the parties should be witnesses, every other person who knows PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 71 anything about the case, even if he had some interest therein, should be bound to give evidence, or to give true information about the case at any time of the proceedings; and as a general principle, no incompetency in consequence of relationship to some party or of some other reason should be admitted. It is for the judge to consider the trustworthiness of the witness and to give in that respect the wanted warning to laymen if such ones have to give a verdict in the case. All that may be contained in duces tecum, an unlimited duty for third persons to produce documents being under their power, follows as a matter of course. An exception from that general duty for everybody to reveal the truth in lawsuits is from our point of departure to be allowed only when the interest of the state itself might claim it. If for a personal interest, for avoiding a pecuniary loss, shame, or criminal prosecution, somebody wishes not to be heard as a witness, he should at least be prepared to pay the loss of the party suffering by such a reticence. But if it is, as we have supposed, the first thing for the justice to help the one suffering wrong in such a way as his individual case may require, it must be a part of the purpose of justice to do so also when that cannot be effected by examining the parties and other persons knowing something about the matter in question. That is the case when a J/ites aestimatio is wanted, or in the innumerable lot of cases, where a certain value—for example, damages—should be assessed. I will not speak much about fixing such a value by oath of the party injured. That is evidently a rather inequitable and dangerous way, which can reasonably be had recourse to only if no other way stands open, and especially if the injuring party has fraudu- lently set the plaintiff out of means to prove his loss otherwise. In ordinary circumstances it is not quite impossible to obtain evidence here by examining witnesses in the regular way; but it is easy to understand, and an observer will see it daily in our Swedish courts, that this method works very badly in such cases. If witnesses are to be used they should also in questions 72, CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS of an assessment come intact before the court. But in order to prepare them it is—or seems, at least, with us—rather natural that the party brings his witnesses to the place in controversy, or to the ship where the wares whose quality is questioned are stored, and that he puts before their eyes or other senses all such facts and circumstances which may impress their minds in a way favorable to him; and the other party, when preparing in his turn his witnesses follows a similar one-sided method. Both sets of witnesses see in such circumstances mainly with the eyes of their instructors; and so it happens generally, as it happened once before the town court of Stock- holm, that five or six of the best men of the Exchange of Stock- holm called by the plaintiff, solemnly swore that a certain coffee cargo was not equal to the standard sample, and that immediately after about five or six other men of equally good reputation, called as witnesses by the defendant, declared on oath that the same cargo was of the required quality. Such a result is not less natural than unsatisfactory. It is obvious: 1. That if a view by the witnesses is wanted, such a view ought to take place in the presence of both parties, or an impar- tial exhibitor—as usual earlier in the United States. It is even so obvious 2. That if on the whole a view is practicable, it is very much to recommend that—as formerly usual in Sweden—the investigators should be appointed by the judge or by some other public officer; and also, 3- That such investigators should be selected among people being particularly familiar with the special sort of things or questions involved in the view. Among all the different methods, of which I have got experi- ence in different countries, to procure evidence, in matters of the kind now in question, I scarcely think any is better than the one now in use in Norway. The Norwegians have built a most practical system upon an old popular institution, common for all the three Scandinavian PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 73 kingdoms, that of ‘“‘good men” answering, after view, questions of fact; but while in Sweden the ultra-bureaucratic atmosphere of our courts has choked that institution, as all the great old ones, the Danes, and still more and in a happier way the Nor- wegians, have piously watched and cautiously developed it to a true civil jury, without the name of jury. To that institution “syn og skén,” to which recourse is taken, in causes of the most various kinds, the high and practical character of the jurisprudence of my neighbor countries is undoubtedly due more than to anything else. Having that institution of my brother country Norway before my mind, I think that in the districts round each of the inferior courts a number of good and trustworthy men or women, representing the different kinds of knowledge and skill within the province of which disputes generally occur, should be selected by the inhabitants or proper corporations of them; and the judge, as a rule, should have to take from that number four persons to make the investigation, which might be requested by some of the parties, or which the judge himself might find to be wanted. When such an investigation should require a more special or scientific experience, for which representatives are not to be found in such districts, the in- vestigators should be taken from other circles, according to special arrangements. If the parties agree on certain persons, and these are willing to act, these should be investigators. The investigators should have to appoint among themselves an umpire, having a casting vote. The said investigators to make the necessary researches on the place where the object in dis- pute is, or the object to be brought before them on a time to be fixed by the judge according to the convenience of the parties, who of course should be present in order to draw the attention of the investigators to any point which they could think to be of importance. Witnesses to be heard, if some of the parties so require, and the parties to be compelled to give any informa- tion requested by the investigators, the judge always to be present, and, if wanted, also the secretary of the court, and 74. CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS the judge to be the formal leader of the said investigation, and to see that all lawful interests should be attended to, especially those of a party who may not be able to take care of them. A most important duty for the judge should be to take care that the investigators do not go over their competency, which should comprise matters of pure facts, and therefore, also, to draw up the record or the instrument of view accord- ing to the dictates of the investigators, or according to what he understands what they mean to say. The judge should not have to mix himself in the contents of the verdict more than to see to it that contradictions may be avoided, that the verdict answers all the questions involved, and that the verdict gets fixed and intelligible. In the same way, as no legal question may be involved in that instrument, the judge alone should decide such legal questions which might arise during the trial, and, for example, also the question, which may be the right result of the suffrages of the investigators. It is undoubtedly in consequence of the Norwegians having understood so clearly how to draw and keep up the limits between issues of facts and issues of law, or between the province of the judge and the one of the layman, that we find that part of the proceedings to give such prosperous results for their judicial practice, as well as for the development of their jurisprudence as a whole. The verdict of the investigators should, of course, be binding on the judge, in such a way that he should not be able to make another valuation of his own. If some party is unsatisfied with the result, the Norwegians give him a right to request a new investigation, to be held by a double number of men, or eight, which should be named by the same judge, and have to act in the same way as above. I hold that method of new trial, on the whole, to be just, but I think that such a benefit should be counterbalanced by a duty for the discontented party, as a rule, to pay the costs of the new trial, and that such a new trial should, perhaps, also be made dependent upon whether it could be reasonably believed that a better set of investigators could be found, sup- PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 75 posed, of course, always, that if some irregularity which could affect the result had occurred, that should always be a good ground for a new trial, or for simply canceling the first verdict and beginning the trial anew. Whether it would be advisable to deliver the very appointment of the eight men to the governor or some other man but the judge might depend upon a con- sideration of special circumstances in different countries. Anybody will observe that, in a system as the one above spoken of, the laymen have no opportunity to say “For the plaintiff,” ‘For the defendant”; or, I mean to say, whether damages should be given or not. They should have only to make an assessment, and I think that such a restriction in the power of the laymen would make the system more easily acceptable in countries where prejudices against the civil jury may prevail. I need, besides, scarcely remark that something like the Norwegian system is possible only in countries where districts of moderate extent are laid to each court. The judges, being judges for all the country and residing in the metropolis, can of course not make views all round the provinces or countries. But I think any party should be entitled to require a trial by a jury of twelve men in such cases which are specially proper to be tried by a jury, as questions of negligence, personal in- juries, fraudulent representation, etc., simply because in such cases the truth cannot be appreciated better than by laymen, or, as Lord HERScHELL, certainly with full right and as a matter of course, has said in a letter to me, “There a jury is the best tribunal.” In such cases, consequently, the said trial should, as a rule, be not an intermediary act in the lawsuit, but it should form the main and final proceeding in it. As regards commercial cases, our starting-point or our thesis that the justice shall answer the practical necessity, brings us, I think, thereto, that as a rule merchants should be judges, or be sitting with the presiding judge and have votes of their own at the final trial of such cases; and my reasons thereto are: 1. That the commercial life and practice are regulated by 76 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS laws, for the greater part unwritten, which in fact very few judges know, and which they scarcely can be able always to fully appreciate when laid before them in a new case, because these unwritten laws, the system of book-keeping here included, are originated and developed out of the wants of business, with which people get fully acquainted only by living in them through years. 2. That these laws, fully known by merchants from their daily experience as they are, are on the other side, commonly very easily adapted by merchants to cases in controversy, and that it is thus a great and unnecessary waste of the precious time of the judge to lay such work upon him, or, in all events, upon a number of judges sitting together. In maritime cases, too, similar considerations lead to about the same claim. My starting-point, or the practical thesis mentioned above, gives me also reason to claim that matters of an administrative nature or equity cases should be tried according to methods appropriate to them; for example, by means of affidavits, taking accounts, etc. For determining entangled questions of claims and counterclaims, accounts current, etc., not falling under some of the sections above, special modes of trial proper for the purpose should be used. Certain matters or cases (or parts of them), may require to be delivered to a referee, who might be entitled to hold trials at other places than the usual ones, to have inspections or views, or to take evidence in the regular way, and, on the whole, to perform acts of procedure which cannot be conveniently performed by the court itself, and to do such a work according to orders given by the court. In other cases it may be very proper that a judge, or such a referee, should be assisted by assessors, having only a deliberate vote, because the question involved, although of a special intricacy, may be of a nature requesting mainly a pure and strictly legal solution. And, as the main rule, the judge should be entitled at any time, or from time to time, to order such trial and such way of PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 77 determining issues of fact or of law as the justice of the case might claim. Here we may pause a little and take a look back. I have been speaking of a system of legal procedure aiming to give to people threatened by or suffering wrong a due redress accord- ing to the merits of the case, which I consider as the practical purpose of the administration of justice, and I mean that any other purpose of that administration cannot rightly be given. I have thereafter drawn the attention thereto that for such a system the very first thing must, as a matter of course, be to have the real facts of any individual case laid open for the court giving the redress wanted, and I have specially and some- what fully tried to give a recollection of the different methods standing to our disposal for finding and stating the truth; at the same time, also mentioning the second purpose of special modes of trial, viz, of determining questions of law that might be mixed up with questions of fact, or perhaps might request an anticipated solution, although appearing free from any con- troversy as regards facts. We have been speaking of evidence, and we can now con- sider the question of pleadings. What the pleadings shall be depends much upon what the evidence is. In my country there exists very little of all these different modes of finding out the real facts or the truth of the individual case. We have not trial by jury, not view “‘syn og skon,” as in Norway and Denmark, not the examination of parties on oath, not affidavits, not interrogatories, nothing to be compared with the English discovery and inspection. There exist, beside admission by some of the parties, two methods or means for stating facts: 1. Examination of witnesses, and it should be observed there are in Sweden, excluded from the duty to give evidence, all the persons who may have any interest in the case, relatives to the parties unto cousins inclusive, agents receiving a com- mission, legal servants, etc.; that is to say, that about all are excluded who could be supposed to know the facts best. The 78 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS parties cannot be heard as witnesses and they are entitled to conceal the truth about as much as they like. 2. Our second method for stating facts is written documents, and as a rule no party is with us bound to lay before the court any document which seems unfavorable to him. I am sorry to say, of all the possible sources of the truth, our Swedish courts don’t know more than two, and these two are so handicapped that not very much good can come from them. A system like that, of course, works badly and sadly. But our judges, the most honest men in the world, as they are, are so perfectly dominated by the poorness of their own new formalism that they think it can, on the whole, not be other- wise, considering it as prudent and conservative not to claim more. What must the pleadings be in a system like the Swedish one? Nothing is prescribed about the contents of the plead- ings, nor about the form in which they should be drawn up, and only in the appeal courts the number of pleadings is fixed, viz, to two from each side. But in fact they have grown to means for the parties to make their stories of what has hap- pened in the case. The pleadings are thus exhibitions of the facts on which the parties respectively rely, interwoven with references to documents or other evidence, and to different rules of the law and to judgments earlier given in similar cases. The idea is that, after these pleadings are read in the court, the parties may, then or on a later occasion, produce there the witnesses or the documents with which they might be able to prove the facts respectively relied on. As in the higher courts witnesses very seldom are allowed to be heard, the pleadings there will mostly take the character of a comment on the contents of the records, drawn up in the first court, which record also contains the pleadings delivered in that court. In all events, the pleadings form the very basis for the judg- ment to be given, viz, as far as the pleadings may be verified later in the proper way, i. e., by competent witnesses, by docu- ments, or by admission from the other party. PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 79 In most parts of European states, where the system of evidence is pretty much like ours, or at all events has a shape quite different from the English one, the use and the position of the pleadings is much the same; and it is so, even where, as in certain systems, an oral trial, finishing the proceedings, is arranged, or if the theory says that the materials for the judgment should be taken only from that oral trial. The reason is simply this, that generally or very often it must be very convenient for the judge to take the materials for his judgment in these pleadings, and that it is rather unnatural to request that the written pleadings should be ignored by the judge, when he has them in his hands. Practically the pleadings in these systems make for a great part the oral trial an empty work, which is, therefore, very often passed over. In a system, again, as the one which I have spoken of first, in which the always governing question is to find the true facts, and where special means of stating them are constructed accord- ing to the want of any individual case, the meaning and the object of the pleadings can be one thing and get naturally another one. I think the purpose of the pleadings should be, in the first place, simply to find the issues which really are in dispute between the parties, and to cause as soon as possible those issues to be solved in the proper way, or in one of the ways mentioned above. In all events, there would as a rule be no reason for the parties when drawing up their pleadings to lay down all the particulars, or to tell all the story of the case, nor any reason to mention the evidence or the intended way of proving the facts relied on. The pleadings should contain only the sub- stance of the facts relied upon by the one or the other party, and the one who answers should do so, taking matter by matter. Only when particulars could be needed for finding the important point, as, for example, for meeting fraud or wilful machinations of any kind, such particulars should be stated 80 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS in the pleading. Nothing should be allowed to be illusive, and if any pleading or written proceeding should seem to be so, the judge should be entitled to order further and better statement of the nature of the claim or of the defense, or further and better particulars, as the case may be. But in order to avoid useless controversy and to keep the whole case most closely to the actual issues, there is need at the very outset of the lawsuit to require the parties to state the true facts, of which duty we have spoken before. In addition to the pleadings it is necessary to give the right to the parties to make interrogatories to be answered by the opponent on oath or under legal responsi- bility along with discovery and inspection of documents, i. e., an unlimited edztio documentorum, about as these things are regulated in the English system. And I take the liberty to consider such a right of the parties, or the exercise of that right of theirs, as a very part of the pleadings or a necessary appendix to them, because without that the pleadings must frequently be void of their proper effect, and illusory. A plain first result of the rules thus given will be, that scarcely any lawsuit wants to be far entered into without both parties knowing the important facts and all the documents belonging thereto. It is, of course, also supposed that in the pleadings should be raised all such matters or legal grounds by reason of which any action or claim from the opposite party would be void or not maintainable. And any breach against any of those provisions should, when setting the other party’s right in danger, be counteracted in a peremptory way, or at all events by imposing on the liable party the costs for enabling the other party to get the case set on right footing. Having by these means been informed of the details of the cause, as far as these details are in the knowledge of the opponent, each of the parties will in most cases know in advance what the result of a trial in certain points is likely to be, or he will in all events see which points may or ought to be the object for trial of the one or other kind, which is about the same as to say that pleadings of the form and the contents alluded to above can be expected to lead to clear issues such as are aimed at. PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 81 But it is even as evident that such pleadings, together with the above-mentioned ways of pressing forth the essential facts from both sides, must have the effect of: 1. Frequently causing admissions to be given, after which it would be nonsense to continue any defense, or claim, as the case may be; 2. Frequently making the parties aware of the propriety of a friendly arrangement; and 3. Frequently bringing the cases in such a state that the court can dismiss them or give judgment without need of further proceedings or of a costly final trial in an open court; All those being consequences of the pleadings, which un- doubtedly are highly desirable from any point of view. About certain consequences of another kind we will have an oppor- tunity to speak later. Such a summary proceeding as in clause 3 alluded to can evidently be adopted without danger, especially in cases where the plaintiff seeks only to recover a debt or liquidated demand, and in many similar cases, when the defendant makes default or when the plaintiff verifies by oath or otherwise the cause of action, and provided the defendant cannot make it seem prob- able that he has a good defense. Must, however, the case go to trial, the pleadings, including the steps mentioned coincident with them, discovery, etc., will always produce the effect, that the parties are able to enter in that trial with full knowledge of each other’s position, and that they need not be taken by sur- prise. That is so much as to say that pleadings, so understood as supposed here above, are the proper means and the conditions for getting the trial to what it ought to be, a fair and plain exhibition by the parties or their counsel before the eyes of the judges, the jury, etc., of all that he or they ought to know in order to be able to realize justice; and the pleadings so under- stood are indeed apt to be the very pillars of honesty and good faith in the halls of justice. I need scarcely say that all the work requested for pleadings, 82 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS etc., can not and ought not to be laid upon the judge. The parties themselves, or experienced men having the necessary judicial knowledge ‘and enjoying the confidence of the court, should manage that work between themselves, in such a way that, as a rule, a copy of all pleadings, etc., should be filed in the court, and that whenever some party should neglect or refuse to do what he should do, the opponent could immediately call him before the judge sitting in chamber or in open court and get his order. It should also be part of the judge’s duty to see that the rights of the parties against each other should not be abused, thus to strike out frivolous and improper questions, to say whether fuller and better answers should be given, etc. If substitutes for the judge were appointed for that work, it should be allowed, however, in a plain way to bring the question before the eyes of the judge, always, of course, for getting an immediate determination. If the parties themselves were allowed to do all that work, and if they were entitled consequently to appear in person before the judge, it will scarcely have to be apprehended that— as very often complained of in certain countries—the judicial assistants of the parties would show each other too much of indulgence with respect to adjournments during that preparatory section of the lawsuit. On this point J must make a remark or meet an objection, which will be rather natural, especially from the side of American and English jurists, I mean with respect to the very notion of trial and the way in which I have understood that word. What is trial? In old Rome, trial embraced all the proceedings before the judex, but these proceedings included certainly the main part of all that may be contained in evidence and plead- ings taken in a modern sense. And in my country, Sweden, the pleadings and all that may belong thereto, together with the examination of witnesses, form, indeed, the trial, but so that the said trial is split into a number of hearings separated by adjournments. All is done in open court (as far as our courts are open); and we have no PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 83 special trial in the meaning of a final, oral exposition for the judge of something which has been prepared before; the whole concern is trial. It is about so in many other countries, too, and from such a point of view I have had no right or reason to exclude anything of what I have been speaking of, although I am quite aware that my way of taking matters might have puzzled somebody. In all events, and even if trial were to be taken only in the sense of a final oral act, we must needs have been talking of evidence and pleadings, produced earlier, because without so doing the meaning and effect of evidence and pleadings produced at that trial could never have been duly understood. Now, I think if we have before us a legal system aiming at a practical relief to be given according to the justice of every individual case; if we have before us a strong opinion prevailing among the judges and in the people that the truth must, without any weakness or restriction, be revealed before the courts; and if we have at our disposal proper means to execute that idea— then the preferable method to regulate pleadings is to do it in such a way that In an early period of the lawsuit as many cases as possible might be brought to an end by admission or brought to a friendly arrangement between the parties, and that as many cases as possible might be brought into ripeness for their bring- ing to an end by judgment, without any formal trial in the specific meaning of that word; and That, if such a trial must take place, it can be performed in a fair way. We have seen how that can be done, by bringing the prepara- tory acts pertaining to evidence, interrogatories, discovery and inspection in connection with the pleadings or simply by having the parties to reveal the truth of the cause from the very beginning of it, as far as the truth is known to them, in the same time as they in their pleadings, which of course are not given on oath, should try to take care of their interest as parties. And the stronger the claims for truth and honesty from an impartial or public point of view are formulated and performed, 84 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS the better becomes in every respect the result—I mean the result of the administration of justice as a practical thing, i. e., as a means of helping them who are threatened by wrong and of helping them effectually and as soon and with as small costs for them as possible. Let us now consider trial as a final oral exhibition of the case before the judge in open court, and let us look for which position and significance pleadings and evidence should prop- erly have in such a trial. In a system of the kind which I have ventured to consider as the preferable one, and in which pleadings have their first object in preparing issues for trial, the pleadings have indeed very little to do at the trial; they have in that moment done what they should do. But I think they can be of use now in a secondary way or so that it can be a good thing for the judge to have copies of them in his hands as a support for his memory regarding the matters in question, in the same way as, of course, the parties, too, or their counsel, derive a good assistance from similar copies when orally explaining the cause. Also as regards the object of pleadings mentioned above, to make each party acquainted with the grounds relied on by his opponent, the pleadings ought at the trial to have produced their effect, and, of course, they can in that respect make use of showing whether the parties have duly performed such a duty or not. But supposing now, for a moment, that the parties had drawn up pleadings of another nature than the one I have meant should pertain to the preferable system, thus pleadings contain- ing the whole stories of the parties’ case respectively, etc. Whether such pleadings or certain parts of them should be read at the final trial or not is a secondary question subordinated to the one, whether on the whole a trial in open court may be wanted in such circumstances. If the case is to be tried by one judge or a small group of judges sitting without a jury or assessors, the judges themselves could as properly read the papers at home. If many persons are partaking in the decision PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 85 to be given, time might be saved by bringing the cause before them all through one performance, but the question raised depends simply upon whether reading the papers or free speak- ing of the parties for explaining the circumstances of the cause may be more apt to keep up the interest and the ears of the judges, but is scarcely of any principal importance. In all events, the parties get here a double work. Only in a system as the one recommended above no unnecessary duplicity takes place, and we return to that system. As said before, no plead- ings are here to be read. But in the system now in question pleadings could be taken as the oral way of the parties or their counsel of explaining the cause to the court. And I think then, indeed, that especially in civil actions it is a good thing if the introductory part of the proceedings, before the evidence is produced, takes the form to a certain extent more of a discussion between judge and counsel, or of a questioning from the judge’s side and giving informations about the real state of the cause from the counsel’s side, than of a continual speaking of the parties or their counsel—because the first thing is, of course, now, to get the judge informed of the case; and by questioning now and then he is able in the best way to get the points clear which he wants for seeing the matters properly. The method so much in use in England, of giving the court information of the facts by laying before it drawings or constructions repre- senting houses, railway lines, and other objects for controversy or such objects themselves, when they can be brought before the court, is a part of the pleading in the meaning which I have now before my mind, and certainly one very much to be recom- mended. But after production of the evidence, and when it, for each party, is about to impress the court with their, so to say, partial reasons and arguments, it seems again right that each party or his counsel should be allowed, uninterrupted and fully in his own way, to make his address to the court. In this place we have to take into consideration a special consequence of the system proposed above as the preferable one. Supposed that an assessment of the value of an object 86 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS concerned in the case has taken place in an earlier period of the lawsuit, the question of that value is then already determined, and enters consequently not among the matters that are to be tried at the final trial. The same result will follow, if in another way some special question of fact, involved in the case, has been brought to an anticipated solution; and in all such events the object of the final trial has been limited in a manner which makes the said final trial easier and less voluminous, even if it should be so, that the legal importance in the cause of such earlier determination may be fixed at first through the final judgment to be given at the end of that trial. The existence of all the different modes of stating facts or of determining even issues of law, that we have taken as the inventory, being at the disposal of the judge, makes such an arrangement possible and easy, and I need scarcely draw your attention to the importance thereof for the prosperous effect of the system as a whole. Nor need I remark that the judge, when determining the main ques- tion, which may be brought into trial, is, of course, entitled to deliver a question of assessment or other questions of fact to be tried afterwards in a manner proper for such a purpose, and thus entitled in a second way to restrict the immediate object of the trial. It is easy to understand, that for many jurists, and especially for those who belong to the German school, a great and hesitat- ing question will be this: How decisions or orders of the judge fixing a certain mode of trial may duly be appealed against. My answer is this: The proper way of choosing the proper mode of trial is, or shall principally be, the sake of the parties them- selves, and thus be a matter which, as a rule, shall be no object for an appeal. The best guidance as to the way I have in my mind when saying so is contained in an ordinary manner of procedure used formerly by our Swedish great judges, viz, in certain circumstances to order parties to agree; and such guidance is as well contained in the regular way used in old Rome by the pretor giving in certain circumstances orders of about the same effect as hinted at just now. The parties should PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 87 thus be obliged both to join about the different questions to be put to trial and the mode of trial, the judge only, or principally, to give his assistance as a mediator between them in case of need. That might seem as a slight advice. But in a system which, as the proposed one, should in all respects exclude or subdue mala fides and any kind of wilfulness in the legal machinery or in the use of it, the choice here alluded to should be considered as something from which no party would have to draw any advan- tage against the other—and the English and American systems give us proofs of similar principles being still in our days able to produce their due effect. As regards the result of such an anticipated trial a new trial should, in extraordinary circumstances, be allowed. I beg to be allowed in this connection to make another remark. A most important consequence of the system recommended above, or indeed the very substantial character of it, is that a great deal of questions regarding facts are to be determined by laymen. The simple reasons why it should be done so, are that the studies of the judge do not give him any superiority over a prudent layman as regards saying whether a horse is black or white, or what may have happened in a case, and that it is simply unnatural to make statements of facts depending upon a special judicial or technical way of looking upon matters, and also that the only way of preventing administration of justice from degenerating is in all possible points to have it formed according to the needs of the practical reality as it is felt and seen by the people themselves. That the people as a nation will be in danger of losing the necessary control over itself, if it delivers over to others the power it can properly exercise itself with respect to practical justice, is a reason of its own, which would not be overlooked. And I venture to add: It should neither be overlooked, that only with a system, which, as the proposed one, draws fixed limits between questions of law and questions of fact, a due basis can be laid for jurisprudence as a practical science. Having considered these points, we may put before us the 88 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS question of evidence at the trial taken as the finishing act of the lawsuit. There should be produced at that trial all that judge and laymen must know in the matters now remaining for determination. A big book could, of course, be written on the questions here involved. But I think it would be the best way, most shortly, to look upon the matter from a certain point of view, which seems to me to be one of a specially great practical importance, and that point of view is, I think, contained in this question: How to balance the relation between party and advocate as regards trial in open court. The parties are, as a rule, and, as observed earlier, the most important sources for finding out the truth; but commonly the parties like not—even if they be allowed—to go before the court themselves, but they arrange that advocates appear and speak for them; and so—according to the common way of taking matters on the European Continent—the best sources for finding out the truth at the trial are lost. In my country, and I think I can say in most of the states of the European Continent, the greatest inconvenience and awkwardness of the present state of legal matters is the idea that the advocate should in all make up for the party; he shall state the facts in his own way, and say what part of these facts or of documents should be laid before the court and which withheld; he shall say what is true of the opponent’s allegations, and it depends upon his firmness of mind to say how much of these allegations is false and how many of the documents produced by the opponent are false or worthless. If he is very firm he denies, of course, all; and, of course, when he must speak positively for his client he should prudently moderate the due portion of truth. Happy he is if he knows nothing of the case, because then he can with rela- tively good conscience deny all the truth, and it is from that point of view, when an advocate is pleading for a defendant, nothing to complain, if he has got the least portion of instructions from him! To “make soup out of a nail”—as we say in Sweden—becomes in these circumstances the flower of his art. PAPER OF HERR FAHLCRANTZ 89 But I say such a situation of matters is unnatural and wrong. The advocate should, I mean, have nothing to do with stating the facts. The party should, before the case comes to trial in open court, have declared on oath which documents, notices, or material of any kind he has in his possession, or has had, and which he knows to be in anybody else’s possession, of such a nature that they can be relevant in the cause, and all such documents should also have been delivered to the inspec- tion of the other party. Each party shall also have answered on oath to written interrogatories regarding the circumstances in the cause—all in a way as earlier alluded to. Well, if all that is done, the result appears in the trial in the way in which counsel are going to mention the facts of the case, and an examination of the parties in open court or at the trial will very often not be wanted. But if it should seem to be good for the party himself to explain the facts of his case before the court, or if the opponent should want him to be examined, he should be examined and cross-examined, as the case may be, in the same way as other witnesses. The position of the advocate, when delivered from duties resting upon parties in their capacity of witnesses, becomes in this way a far higher one than else; he is, as regards trial, the learned, benevolent, and eloquent mediator between facts and law, making it possible for the judge to see the facts rightly, and helping the party to get the law as favorably for him as possible understood and applied by the court; and I think that should reasonably be the mission of an advocate.’ The parties, if wanted, thus to be present at the trial, first of all for the sake of evidence, the advocates for the sake of pleading—that is, indeed, the very first principle as regards trial, taken in the restricted meaning of the word. But as the case and 1 If matters are seen so it will not be difficult to understand why, in England, there exists, and that it properly everywhere should exist, a second class of judicial assistants for the parties, viz, for all the preparatory steps before trial and for regulating private business of different kinds. go CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS the interest involved therein belong to the parties and to nobody else, they must be allowed themselves to defend that case, if they wish to do so; and if they choose then to act alone, they have to represent at the same time evidence and pleading, both to be kept up in their ordinary character. If that principal rule is ad- hered to and adapted in its consequences, the guidance wanted and the way of regulating the whole trial, even in other points than the ones mentioned before, are obvious, and I might there- fore be entitled not to go into further details. The system I demand might seem hard. Hard against whom? Hard it will be for mendacity, for unrighteousness, for mala jides, for old prejudices. Mild it will be for the one who is suffering wrong, and a basis it will be for equity in its highest meaning, for public and private honesty, for bona fides, and mutual confidence among men—and what that means in the commercial life and in all other intercourse between private individuals, as between nations, I need not explain here. But such a system is also a condition for keeping up this manliness of characters, which makes a people strong, and which manliness is wanted alike in peace as in the cruel battles for national existence. Somebody will say, perhaps, that I claim too much from pleadings and evidence. No; it is not too much. They are apt to produce such effects as alluded to above, and that is to be learned from a comparative study of actual systems as well as from the history of legal institutions. But if it be so, it must indeed be the first duty for statesmen to regulate them in such a way that those effects may be produced —because it should never be forgotten that administration of justice is a practical thing, and a thing upon which the firmness and fate of kingdoms and republics depend. [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: After this interesting paper from Judge FAHLCRANTZ we are now to have a discussion of the subject, to be opened by Judge ApoLt¥r HartTMANN of Berlin. DR. HARTMANN 91 Dr. Apotr HARTMANN, Judge in the Konigliches , Land-Gericht, Berlin, Delegate-at-large: Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: Let me offer some general remarks, beforehand, saying that I agree in a general way with the ideas pointed out by Mr. FAHLCRANTZ. It is twenty-five years since the German code of civil procedure was enacted. This code was first looked at very much askance in Germany, the ideas advanced therein were too new; but now it has stood its own, and the new German civil code is in harmony with the code of civil procedure. There is very much in common now, in respect to civil trials, between England and America on the one hand, and Continental Europe on the other. Everywhere there is to a greater or less extent publicity of trial and the principle of oral pleading, so far as necessary for pub- licity. Everywhere adjective law has changed, to say so, in importance, when compared with substantive law. The prin- ciple prevails in modern science throughout that where there is a substantive right there must be a remedy. Modern thought has brought forward more and more the high ideal that the best results are brought about by the freedom which flows from the spread of education and the development of science. There is in this idea very much of optimism, often looked at with skepticism on the part of legislators—an optimism more com- mon now than in former times. (This optimism, for instance, was prevailing in Germany when all citizens got equal political rights.) This optimism, the high ideal, that by freedom guarded by publicity justice is best administered in every way, pervades the German code of civil procedure, excepting a few instances of a historical nature. In connection with this spirit of freedom you will find generally a spirit of simplicity of proceeding I think not yet surpassed. I think we all agree with Mr. Faut- CRANTZ in the general tendency of his paper in respect to the ascertainment of the truth in trials; but as truth in civil trials oftentimes must be conditional, it might be better to use the 92 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS expression, ‘‘the merits of the case.” The saying, where there is a substantial right there must be a remedy, is in some way the same as saying, the judge shall go straightforward, so far as possible, to the merits of the case. The German code, with this high, optimistic ideal, has freed the judge so as to enable him to do so best. How great the freedom is, I wish to set before you in a few instances. It is a good principle to compel the plaintiff to adhere to the main statements relied upon in his pleading, and in former times no change of the main statement was allowed; but the judge was required to give judgment against the plaintiff changing his action, leaving him free to bring in a new one. Now, with us the judge may allow every change of action, even without the consent of the defendant, whenever he thinks it in furtherance of justice. The judge is free to adjourn the proceeding after pleading, even after evi- dence, to this end, that the one party or the other, or both may amend. He may adjourn as often as he thinks fit. The code has, with one exception, done away with all rules of evidence. There is, for instance, no hearsay rule at all. Moreover, the judge may at times dispense with all evidence if he sees clearly the merits of the case from the pleadings of the parties, and the answers to questions put by him. When there is a damage suit the judge may, without evidence, state whether the facts relied on amounted to an injury, and need give no reasons for the statement. I beg here to call attention that in Continental Europe, at least in Germany and France, there is in civil proceedings neither jury, neither referee, nor master in chancery. We learned just now that in Norway there is a board of views, very similar, I think, to a referee. This, I think, is a rare case in Continental Europe. In Germany one may sometimes observe that able experts express their opinions to aid the judge, but wanting authority with the public. Apart from such cases the judges alone in Germany must bear the burden and respon- sibility of deciding the facts upon the evidence. No referee, no jury is there to share the burden with them. There is a high DR. HARTMANN 93 ideal presented by the code to the judge, which contemplates, one might almost say, that the mental power of judges is inex- haustible. If a man may be compelled by law to answer an action duly served, why should he not be compelled to give answer under oath? It is well understood by lawyers, as well in England and America as in Continental Europe, that a party never may be compelled by law to disclose all he knows about the case, and so a party, compelled to answer a distinct question under oath, must have a right to be protected by the judge against irrelevant or improper questions. But, now, why should not a party answering a distinct averment under oath give full evidence under all circumstances, as required by the German code? This is the one exception of freedom of the judges in respect to evidence I have referred to. A legislator may be full of high modern ideas, and yet be influenced by historical considerations. Now, if we agree about the main principles I have referred to, then it is possible to compare the English and American system with the'system of Continental Europe, and by comparison to answer the question which system better enables the judges to reach the merits of the case. Indeed, one may fairly say, an able man may accomplish more even with a poor method than others could by a better method. Nevertheless, one method may be preferable to another, and, in the long run, produce better results. The judge in England and America is less burdened than in Continental Europe in this respect, because he is relieved from determining the facts in a case. I think it would not lessen the freedom of the German judge if he were allowed to avail himself of a board of view, or a referee, or a master in chancery, in cases of great complexity of matters of fact. If it were possible to make popular throughout Continental Europe these institutions, and when the German law of oath of a party will have been changed in the way suggested just now, then, it would seem, that the German method of procedure would be the preferable, for I dare say if all the ideas put forward by Mr. FAHLCRANTZ 94 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS should be enacted in Sweden, then this Swedish code, to a very large extent, would be the German code. I would not express an opinion as to whether in Germany the rights of the party are practically at the disposal of the counsel. In this respect perhaps the ideas of Mr. FAHLCRANTz are not congruent with the German law. If I am not wrong, the method of proceeding in cases of law extended to a certain degree its influence to the method in cases of equity. Now, I have already said that modern thought has brought forward more and more the high ideal that the best results are brought about by the freedom which comes from the spread of education and the development of science. But this would not mean that where there is a jury the law may dispense with rules of evidence—for instance, with the hearsay rule. I beg to mention that learned men have realized that all the English law of evidence rests upon and has been developed in connection with the jury system. The English law of evidence is apt, if I may say so, to control the thought and action of the jury. A higher legal education and training and greater expe- rience are necessary when there are no rules of evidence. I understand that under the English system you may not bring together again the same jury, after the trial has been adjourned, while the same judge is likely to remain on the bench. It is possible to withdraw a juror or discharge a jury, but doing so may hurt the feelings of one party or the other. And, where there is a jury, the judge, while endeavoring to reach the merits of the case, may not avail himself of the right to adjourn the trial. When considering the development of civil procedure in Continental Europe, one must remember that the changing the method of civil trial was, at the time of NAPoLEon I, in France, a political issue, and was afterwards, in the history of the German unity, a political issue. In France and in Germany the states- men agreed in respect to the main principles throughout with the lawyers drafting the codes. The method of civil procedure in Continental Europe developed along different lines from the PROFESSOR NERINCX 95 English method. In Continental Europe, generally speaking, since the Middle Ages, there was never more than one form of action, and a form very simple in itself. Civil trials in Continental Europe at the time of Napoleon may have been conducted with less freedom than in England and America, but in times of general political changes the method was improved by great statesmen to a very high degree. The modern method of Con- tinental Europe does not mean that there has arrived in Germany in respect to civil procedure the millennium, the golden age. So, in my opinion, if all the ideas pointed out by Mr. FAHI- CRANTZ were enacted, even far better in many particulars than the German code, the golden age would not be here. But, nevertheless, the German method enables the judge in a very high degree to discover the merits of the case. [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: I hope our friends from abroad will understand that we do have in this country some halls with better acoustic properties than this one. This hall evidently was designed for this great organ, which alone can be heard. We have also this morning to be favored with another dis- cussion, by Mr. ALFRED NERINCX, Professor of Law in the University of Louvain, Belgium. Professor ALFRED NeErRIncx, LL.D., Delegate from the Faculty of Law of the University of Louvain, Belgium: Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I first wish to express the very deep sense of obligation under which I am to this Congress, not only for inviting me to speak for a few minutes, but for adding to that honor the greater honor of making a young man a vice-president of the Universal Congress of Law- yers and Jurists. If I have well understood what Mr. FAHLCRANTZ wants, I think he proposes: That the pleadings should be prepared in the form of affh- 96 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS davits based upon statements or interrogatories sworn to by the parties; To have the parties make, if necessary, a new sworn state- ment of facts in court; To have some kind of civil jury to pass a verdict upon the questions of fact; To have counsel merely to argue the point of law before the judge; To have the judge to be bound by the verdict on facts, and to give a legal opinion only. That system theoretically seems very fine. I beg leave to disagree on some points, and will try to explain, as briefly as I can, the reasons drawn from practical experience, for which I cannot agree with Mr. Fantcrantz. First, I beg your pardon in stating it so frankly in this country, that I do not believe in civil jury trials. I do not believe in it first of all on account of the difficulty of convening a good jury in civil cases. The duty of a jury, if you require it in all civil cases, is likely. to grow so onerous to the community that you cannot reasonably expect men of high standing in the business world, men of ability, whose time is probably very much taken up by their own business, to come and give away every month one or several days, maybe, to the trial of civil cases. If you do not get these men you get men of a lower standard, whose judgment you can- not claim to be enlightened, to be the judgment or opinion of educated men, and then, I am quite sure, that most lawyers would rather go to a judge than to such a jury. Moreover, at this time in most of the countries of America life is compli- cated, and I do not believe that a man taken from his natural business would be competent to give an expert opinion on a question of some other business. If he knows railroading or the grocery business it does not follow that he knows the banking business or any other business. I do not believe that a civil jury system is a sounder or better system than one in which cases are brought before a good, honest, and trained judge. You have proofs enough of that in America, and I will PROFESSOR NERINCX 97 not speak upon it. You know that in England a distinguished scientist wrote, not very long ago, after explaining how the jury system had grown in England, “Indeed, no matter how the truth may affect the feelings of those who believe in the system, I believe the jury system is itself on trial to-day, and there is every indication that the verdict of public opinion is going against it.” In France or Belgium we never have had any- thing to do with a civil jury, and there is an illustration which points, in my opinion, to an error in the ideas of Mr. Faut- CRANTZ, if he will allow me to say so. We have in France and Belgium commercial courts that are alongside of the civil courts. They are constituted by three judges; they are judges, but they are business men elected for a term of years by their business community. They sit as judges, but it was found necessary, after instituting commercial courts, to add to each of the com- mercial courts a lawyer as registrar, who must needs have been a practicing lawyer, appointed for the purpose of prevent- ing the business judges going astray on questions of law; and moreover, when a case is appealed from the commercial court where is it brought to? Before the court of appeals, where no lay judges are sitting, but only real judges. In some places, where the institution of commercial courts has not seemed to be warranted by the amount of business transacted, it has been found convenient to enact that the ordinary civil courts shall sit as commercial courts in commercial cases, and there is no sign in those communities where an ordinary court acts as a business court that business men want a commercial court to be instituted. In fact public opinion and legal opinion are going a good deal against commercial courts in Europe to-day. It is a fact that in most commercial countries in the world, the leading countries in that respect for so many centuries, they have never had commercial courts, but have transacted the com- mercial cases in ordinary courts, and in Belgium and France to-day the only reason for the retention of the commercial courts is not a legal question, is not a practical question, I should say it is a political reason, because after serving a short 98 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS time in a commercial court the business men earn the title of judge and a decoration. [Laughter.] I am afraid also that more occasions for the use of the jury will lead to a larger number of new trials. In Continental Europe, at least, we hardly know what a new trial is, because we never have a jury, and therefore, when the judge has passed on the case, unless something quite unexpected turns up, an element which was not brought to the notice of the judge and should have been brought, there is no new trial. That is the only thing that is open to us and we cannot complain of it, because my impression is, although I have never practiced in the English courts, that new trials are generally a source of expense and a hindrance in the administration of justice. The extensive adoption, furthermore, of a system of sworn statements made in court by parties would lead, I am afraid, to a larger amount of perjury than is to-day committed, most of which, I am sure, is very difficult to prove and a great deal of which is not punished and even not prosecuted. I remember that a philosopher who went astray into the legal profession for a couple of years once told me he had prac- ticed for about six weeks in the lower criminal courts, and spoke of the sworn statements of witnesses whom he had seen a few minutes before outside of the court barter and agree for a few cents that they would make such and such testimony, and when he had seen the parties themselves contradict, in the most flagrant way, things on which it was agreed there could not be any contradiction, he said: “I am sorry I went there, be- cause I lost every faith I had in human nature.” The statement of the facts by the parties themselves, as Mr. FAHLCRANTZ wants to have them made in court, not under oath and not by their own counsel, but by the parties themselves, seems a bad suggestion. Parties are selfish, they are impas- sioned, they are prompted by vivid interest, and they are easily unfair to each other. I think that any one who has practiced for some time knows how much unnecessary chaff is excluded beforehand by counsel. When he has made a so-called cross- PROFESSOR NERINCX 99 examination of his own client within his office walls he knows what to leave out, and it is certainly in most cases about four- fifths of what a client comes and tells. Moreover, parties are nervous, they are awed by the solem- nity of the occasion and sometimes they will make damaging admissions through sheer ignorance or misunderstanding when a lucid explanation of counsel will state the case in much shorter time. Anyhow, the tale of each party will, in most cases, be confused by the introduction of much extraneous matter which will bore the counsel, bore the judges, and confuse the jury. I beg to be allowed to suggest a few ideas derived from Continental practice, and which I suppose will be in order, inasmuch as we are discussing the best way of trying civil cases and the best way of reaching the truth. As Mr. FAHLCRANTZ very properly suggested, it is the universal practice on the Con- tinent that pleadings should be drawn up by both counsel on each side some time, say a week or so, before the date set for argument. The PRESIDENT: I regret to say the time allowed for this discussion has expired, but by general consent you may proceed. Professor NERINCX: Just two minutes. The pleadings should be drawn up and counsel should exchange them and exchange their briefs, both briefs to be submitted to counsel on each side, in order that the trial be not, shall I say, a sport ?—but be an argument on the legal merits of the case by people who have exchanged beforehand their ideas, and who have fully agreed to exclude from the court all points except those on which they cannot reasonably agree. No trial should take place before the pleadings, if not the briefs, have been submitted to the judge, and it is the rule in Continental courts that no trial can be opened unless the briefs have been submitted to the judge, and the trial is always opened too CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS with the reading of the pleadings which seem most necessary to reach the truth. The sounder system is to get good judges appointed for life, properly paid, selected from the best ele- ments of the bar at an age when experience, training, and the respect won by their former achievements will secure for them such confidence as will render the presence of a jury wholly unnecessary. Then I am perfectly sure you will have a fair and speedy trial of each case on its own merits. [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: We have very much enjoyed this discussion, and are very thankful to the gentlemen for what they have presented before us, and now Judge FAHLCRANTZ desires to speak five or ten minutes in reply to what Professor NERINCX has said. Herr FAHLCRANTZ: With reference to the kind remarks of Judge Hartmann, I should only say that I am happy to think he agrees with me that the purpose of administration of justice would be promoted by a system adopting a great deal of the ideas respecting evi- dence and pleadings, which I have ventured to draw attention to. The golden age will not be arrived at by them, but it would be a good thing if we could shorten a little the time for arriving at it, and even if we were or when we come in the midst of the golden age, I am pretty sure that at least the American people will never leave off, always to try to make it still a little bit better, a little bit more golden. Professor NERINCX has got the impression that I wished to have pleadings drawn up on oath. I mean it not so, but indeed my meaning is that they should in some way be regulated by discovery and inquiry and interrogations which are to be answered on oath. Professor NERINCX has expressed some hesitation as regards the possibility of getting good juries. I have a high esteem for the people of the Roman race, but I am afraid they, as well as the old Athenians, are a little more hotblooded, a little more HERR FAHLCRANTZ IOI passionate, than the German, Anglo-Saxon, and Scandinavian races, and jurors should not be too passionate. In my country, and certainly in all the colder regions of Europe and in all North America, despite the 86 degrees of Fahrenheit which seems to be the normal temperature of this country, I have no doubt that the cool kind of people which are desirable in juries will always be found, although I think indeed that the way of selecting jurors will be subject to improvements. With reference to another remark, I should say this: If it is true that a good judge can be able to determine questions of law, it is also true that laymen are able, and very well able, to state the truth; but if it is so, it is not right to exclude them. That is the very point. According to my opinion the very normal way of stating facts is to have that done by representa- tives of the people itself, and the people has need of keeping such a natural privilege—it is an important part of their freedom. With reference to commercial matters, I have had an oppor- tunity of hearing such a man as the president of the Chamber of Commerce in Paris, M. Dietz Monin, Sénateur—I hope he may be still in life—say that the very honesty and probity of the French world of commerce is due to the French commercial courts in which only merchants are judges. I am about sure that French merchants most generally agree with that authority, and indeed I have heard many leading representatives of the commercial interest express about the same opinion as expressed by Monsieur Dretz Mownny, and I dare say that my personal knowledge of the work performed by commercial courts amply supports the idea I have of the propriety of such courts. As regards the fear expressed by Mr. NERincx of perjury if sworn statements would be brought in frequent use, and espe- cially if the parties should be heard as witnesses, I might refer to an utterance of one of the English high judges, I think it was Baron Cu. Epw. Pottock. He said to me that earlier, or in the first time after hearing parties as witnesses was allowed in England, some judges were prompt to see perjury in any dis- crepancy between statements of the parties, but that the English 102 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS judges had soon enough been aware that it is quite natural if parties sometimes see facts different because they see them from different points of view; and in this moment I think that English judges generally join in the words once said by Lord HERSCHELL, that it would scarcely be possible to administer justice duly without the right of taking the truth from the parties themselves. [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: Under the rules there is an opportunity for discussion by the members of the Congress, but the rules, as I called to your attention yesterday, are to the effect that any one wishing to engage in such discussion shall send up his name on a card. None has been sent up, so I propose temporarily to hear from the Committee of Nations its report, and if during the reading of the report a card is sent up by any gentleman, we will give him an opportunity to take part in the discussion of the ques- tions before us this morning. The Honorable Wattace NEsBITT, Justice of the Supreme Court of the Dominion of Canada (Chairman of the Committee of Nations): The only matter that the Committee have been able to deal with up to the present moment is the motion submitted by Mr. EVERETT P. WHEELER, who moved that the Committee be requested to make arrangements for the holding of subsequent meetings in the Hall of Congresses, owing to the difficulty of hearing in Festival Hall. The Committee made inquiry and found it was not feasible. The Hall of Congresses is engaged, and this is the only place of meeting possible to be obtained for meetings, so we will make report that we are unable to comply with the request. On other matters we report progress. The PRESIDENT: I have received no card from any gentleman. Perhaps there is some gentleman who wishes to speak and we will not PROFESSOR NERINCX 103 stand on any rule. If there are any gentlemen who desire to come on the platform and discuss the question we will be glad to hear from them. Mr. FREDERICK N. Jupson of Missouri, a Delegate from the American Bar Association: We have several gentlemen here who would like very much to hear Professor NERINCX give us the rules of evidence in the courts of Continental Europe, how the facts are ascertained. The Honorable Joun F. Ditton of New York, a Delegate from the United States Government: Are witnesses produced before the judge? Professor NERINCX: Yes. Judge Ditton: Not the referee? Professor NERINCX: No, before the judge. But no transaction that covers more than thirty dollars’ worth of property can be proved unless by a written instrument. That is the fundamental principle of the civil code which has been adopted in most of the Continental countries. The whole system of evidence rests primarily on written proof, and it is only for facts of which no written proof could possibly be adduced that oral evidence is taken, and of course this is not so in criminal matters, but in civil matters where over thirty dollars’ worth of property is involved no oral proof can be given. No proof whatever can go against a properly executed deed beyond referring to the contents of the deed, but such deed, you must remember, has been drawn up by an official called a notary, not the same as a notary in England and America, but a state appointed official who is practically the record-keeper of every deed of real estate, wills, 1o4 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS settlements, and so forth. In many cases the law compels you to go to such notary to have a deed made. There are quite a number of deeds that you cannot pass under a private sign manual. Judge Ditton: Can a deed be canceled for fraud ? Professor NERINCX: If there is fraud in the deed you must impeach the official who drew up the deed because by the rules of his profession he is supposed to look into the truth of everything told before him when the deed is made. They are officials before whom the charters of companies are drawn. The act requires that when a company is incorporated the capital shall be entirely subscribed for and ten per cent of it shall be actually in the hands of those who incorporate the company and deposited on the table of the official who draws the deed, and when, therefore, the capital is not entirely subscribed for, or if that ten per cent is not deposited there, the notary who draws the deed or charter is responsible for the condition and the avoidance of the charter that will ensue. On the other hand, if the charter is signed by proxy, and the proxies are not proper, the notary is responsible, because he, being a state official, has the means in his hands to probe the genuineness of the signatures and other conditions. Mr. Jupson: Are witnesses examined by counsel in court? Professor NERINCX: Yes. Judge Ditton: I came into the hall this morning to listen and learn and with no purpose to take any part in the discussions. But I cannot refrain from expressing my great satisfaction and my JUDGE DILLON 105 grateful sense of obligation for the very interesting and instruc- tive papers which have just been read by our distinguished visitors. They broaden our views, and I have no doubt where a free people, like the people of Germany, like the people of Austria, like the people of Sweden or Belgium, have adopted their own system of jurisprudence under the light and guidance of experience and of the sages of the law, that each system may be and probably is the best for those respective countries, and so applying the same observation to ourselves and to the system of laws and jurisprudence which prevails in England and in this country, I have ever been of the opinion (and I have heard nothing to-day that has in the slightest degree changed it) that our system is the best for us. It is a distinctive system, it pro- ceeds radically from the idea of individual freedom, which characterizes the people and the institutions of this country, and it expresses my idea to say that it is from the foundation to the entablature, from first to last, an adversary or contentious system. If two men want to make a contract they act for them- selves or select an attorney and they are not obliged to go before a notary. There may be an advantage in going before a notary, I cannot pronounce judgment on that, but our experience does not recommend it tous. I have nothing to say against courts of conciliation, but from what has been said this morning they do not seem to be a marked success in Europe. With us when controversy arises, the aggrieved party selects his own counsel, he takes his advice; undoubtedly the parties frequently undertake to effect conciliation and adjustment, but when you come to the stage where the controversy cannot be settled by conciliation or adjustment you resort to the judicial tribunals. Such tribunals are the great sheet anchors of any nation, and the trouble that we have in the Philippines is that they have no independent judicial system in the English and American sense of that term. With us the plaintiff states his case in limine, in what we call the old common-law declaration, or narration, or complaint, or bill in equity. That is the case as his counsel states it in his 106 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS own way, and such statement is now freely allowed to be amended. We have had a long struggle for that. The defend- ant states his defense in his own way. And thus the exact con- troversy is defined before evidence is taken. I cannot under- stand the necessity or advantage of taking a large volume of evidence on either side, or both sides, without the controversy being delimited in advance, and prior to the trial. I can’t understand it. Now, in regard to the mode of trial, we have, may it please your Honor [Laughter] (I must have thought I was in the Supreme Court at Washington), a presiding judge, and in many cases trial by jury. Trial by jury is a part of our liberties. We venerate and prize it. It connects the citizen with the administration of justice. In complicated disputes which are heard in courts of equity, and in commercial and other intricate matters, under our system of jurisprudence the jury has no cognizance, and such controversies are decided by the chancellor or judge upon evidence produced before or to him by the parties. In other cases we bring the witnesses into court face to face with the judge and jury, and that is the best way to arrive at the truth. In chancery cases we have to resort at times to referees or masters in chancery; unfortunately sometimes it is a necessity. The officers ought never to become autonomous, they ought not to be clothed with independent authority, they ought to be mere aids to the court. I am opposed on principle, I am opposed in the interest of the highest administration of justice, to attaching so much weight as modern legislation sometimes attaches to the findings of masters or referees, giving the finding some degree of conclusiveness. The people of this country revere their judges and their judicial institutions. They elect or select men of honor, men of training, men of learning in the law and of experience and capacity, to be their judges, who hold court in the open light of heaven and are responsible to an intelligent bar and an intelligent public opinion, and the people want just as little of masters and referees as may be, and when in an argument of a cause in the high tribunal, of which you [Mr. Justice BREWER] are such a dis- JUDGE DILLON 107 tinguished member, allow me to say when you see in a cause there a finding below, which you are to regard as conclusive, and under the legislation of some states it has the sanctity of a verdict and it prevents your Honor applying your ear to the testimony and determining the very right for yourself, I think the avenues of justice have been closed or clogged. Take the testimony before a referee or master and let him find his con- clusions, but do not let them be conclusive. I have little more to say, except to express my great satisfac- tion, on the whole, with the system of jurisprudence we have to-day, including the trial by jury. Let me add that I have had no inconsiderable experience in the trial of cases by jury, and rarely, in my judgment, is the verdict of a jury wrong where the presiding judge has fully, intelligently, and faithfully performed his duty. I do not want a jury to usurp the pre- rogatives of the judge, but on the other hand, where the ques- tion is one of fact, pure and simple, where it relates to the com- mon affairs of men, as, for example, with what purpose or intent acts done, what were the circumstances which led to them, is the accused upon the evidence innocent or guilty, on such propositions, when submitted to the jury, if the jury are not misled by false instructions, and if their judgment has full play, I would, on such questions, as lief have the judgment of a jury of ordinary intelligence as of twelve learned judges. [Applause.] And for that statement I have the authority of a judge in whose seat you sit in Washington, who was an honor to the jurisprudence of his country, the late Mr. Justice MILLER. Now, then, I do not say if we could take the code of Germany or Austria or France that we might not derive, and probably could derive, valuable lessons, but I believe we would find nothing to alter the great outlines or the essential nature of our judicial system. I hope many of the gentlemen here present heard the admir- able paper which was read a day or two since in this hall before the American Bar Association, prepared by Judge THaver. It 108 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS refers to the fact that out of the Louisiana Purchase, which great event is the occasion of this assembling, the occasion of these magnificent structures that we see around us filled with masterpieces of the world in science, in mechanics, and in art, the people of this country have erected fourteen states which have been carved out of it, with fourteen millions free people ‘inhabiting them. In my early life the settlements were con- fined to the Mississippi, for when I went to Iowa, in 1838, the Indians were thicker than white men, thicker than leaves in Vallambrosa. There is nothing, in my judgment, in all this great acquisition comparable to the fact that the hardy, indus- trious people who settled it, carried with them their laws and their notions of freedom and independence, and the deep-rooted conviction that liberty and justice are one and inseparable, and in all that region, except to some extent in one or two States, the principles of the common law have been adopted, and in the forty-five States in this great Republic the strongest bond of union is the system of jurisprudence, uniform and homo- geneous in all its essential characteristics, which prevails from Maine to California and from the Gulf to the Great Lakes, so that a lawyer in any State familiar with the system of his own State can take the statutes and decisions of the several States and feel himself at home with them, and nobody knows that better than your Honor. [Applause.] Mr. C. C. CoLE, a Delegate of the Iowa State Bar Association: I should like to tell an anecdote. Some forty-five years ago a young lawyer from New York came to Iowa to enter the prac- tice of the law. In talking with an old Iowa lawyer, he said, “What you ought to do here is to pass the New York code.” The old lawyer asked, ‘What for?” He replied, “So you can have the New York practice.” The old lawyer said, “That would not do it; you could not get the New York practice here without you imported New York lawyers and New York judges.” [Laughter.] JUDGE TUCK 10g The Honorable Somervitte P. Tuck, Judge in the Cairo Mixed Court, Delegate of the Egyptian Government: Mr. President: I have listened with the greatest interest to the papers and the discussion which has followed to-day. I happen to be a member of a court which applies the civil code, the code of Napoleon modified to suit the different conditions prevailing in Egypt, and on all fours with the changes in judicial science in the last hundred years. I have had an opportunity during that time to persuade myself that civil matters can be honestly decided without the interposition of a jury. As regards the commercial courts, of which I am a member, it might interest the Delegate from Belgium to know that the reform he has suggested here to-day was made twenty-five years ago in Egypt, where the commercial tribunal is composed, like any other part of the court, of three foreign judges and two native ones, and to them in commercial cases are added two assessors, one foreign and one native. The assessors are selected by different mercantile guilds, just exactly as the Delegate from Belgium has explained. Those gentlemen sit monthly and in rotation. The proceeding is a simple one. The action is brought by a paper, summons, proof of service, and answer is made in open court on the return day, and a day is fixed for hearing. When the hearing comes on, should the parties desire to introduce oral testimony a motion must be made, and it is argued and the court determines whether written proof shall be received, or whether there shall be a hearing of wit- nesses. In the latter case the proofs are taken before one of the judges. The case comes on for final argument and it is dis- cussed. The judgments are postponed eight days, and the presiding judge designates one of the judges to make a report in the case and it is usually the judge who has taken the testi- mony. During this time, the papers are examined by him and considered. The judge who has made the report signs the opinion and there is no dissenting opinion. I leave it to you to say whether that does not offer some advantage over the hurly-burly of the jury room. 110 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS Mr. THEODORE SutTRo of New York, a Delegate-at- large: Mr. President: I only want to say a few words. Nothing can be added to the eloquent and just remarks of Judge DILLon in favor of the jury system, and while it is true that in this country and in many states there has been discussion as to whether the requirement of a unanimous verdict of the jury might not be open to question in certain cases, owing to the difficulties therein, as we have experienced in New York, it is unnecessary to add that every lawyer, practicing under the common law, believes in the jury system, certainly those lawyers who have had experience in jury trials. I wish to call attention to one feature with respect to which I think there may be a misapprehension. I would like to ask Dr. HARTMANN whether I am not correct in the view that the jury system has obtained a foothold in Germany and a jury is employed in the trial of cases, and how far that system is in vogue. If he will explain that to us, I think it will aid us by showing that the jury system has been adopted in Continental Europe to a certain extent. Mr. J. W. VANDERVOORT, a Delegate from the West Virginia Bar Association: I would like to ask Dr. HARTMANN whether or not in Germany hearsay evidence is admissible in civil cases. Dr. HARTMANN: In civil cases we have in Germany no jury at all. There are commercial courts in the Chambers of Commerce, and these courts are composed of a learned judge, the presiding judge, and two associates who are merchants. These associates may be considered like a jury, but, nevertheless, this jury properly has authority of its own, uncontrolled by the learned judge, thus making a difference. We have no hearsay rule, as I said before, in Germany, at all. Professor Nerincx spoke of the restriction of the evidence of witnesses in Continental Europe. This is the law in France and in Belgium, but not in Germany. MR. SURVEYER III I know that very often a lawyer coming from Germany to America is asked whether there are no rules of evidence at all. The rule is that the oath of the party makes true evidence under all circumstances so long as the swearing party is not punished by the criminal court for perjury. Aside from this rule of evi- dence the judge, in determining matters of fact, is free to take in and consider any evidence which he thinks fit. He may hear what was told to a witness. He may require the witness to state what Mr. A has told him, the witness, or what Mr. B has told to another gentleman. The hearsay rule is unknown to us. There may be one, two, three, or four persons and more between the man who has seen or heard something and the witness himself—it is all quite the same. Mr. CoLe: Mr. President: I want to add a single statement to the very comprehensive suggestions by Judge DILLon in respect of the desirability of a jury trial in this country, and that is the verdict of a jury is more uniformly satisfactory and readily accepted than a decision by a single judge, growing out, possibly, of the fact suggested by some gentleman, of the possibility of one individual being approached where a jury of twelve cannot be. It is that satisfaction which is the great bulwark of our jury system. Mr. E. FABRE SURVEYER of Montreal, Canada, a Delegate-at-large: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists: I am a member of the Bar of the Province of Quebec, and have listened with the deepest interest to the remarks made by our conjréres from abroad, and also to the remarks made by eminent members of the bars of the different States of this country. I have gathered from the remarks of these men, men of experience, men of international fame, that it is not the time for us to suggest any improvements upon the excellent system of jury trials in the State of New York and 112 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS in the State of Iowa, and all we could be expected to do is to give a brief explanation of our own system as a matter of curi- osity only. The Province of Quebec is in a peculiar situation, and pos- sibly in view of its peculiar situation a short statement of its system of laws and system of trials may be of some interest to you. We have kept the French law as transmitted to us by the founders of the province, and which was once embodied in the old Custom of Paris. The Custom of Paris, the law then existing, was codified in 1866 in a code which resembles very much the code Napoleon and the code of Louisiana. So much for our civil law. The criminal law comes altogether from England. Now, in civil matters the evidence is based upon the principles of the French law, and consequently the rules are substantially the same as explained by our conjrére from Bel- gium, Professor NERINCX. In commercial matters we have the statute of frauds and in matters of bills of exchange the rules of English law, as existing in England previous to 1849. Now, to revert to trial by jury, trial by jury in civil matters is not usual in the Province of Quebec. There are reasons for this: First of all, it may be said, as Judge Ditton J think remarked, there may be a question of temperament in the choice of a jury system, or in the choice of a judge system. Four-fifths of the inhabitants of the Province of Quebec are of French descent, living under French civil laws, or civil laws originating from France. In all cases where the parties are of different nation- ality or different origin, a mixed jury, half French and half English, may be obtained, which diversity of language requires addresses in both languages, French and English, a translation of the original deposition from French into English or from English into French, and then the charge by the judge in both languages. For these reasons trials by jury are comparatively of rare occurrence. Add to the reasons above related the fact that jury trials are only permitted in two instances, in a com- mercial case where the amount in controversy exceeds four hundred dollars, and in these cases are included those where AN INTERNATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION 133 one party is a trader or a trading corporation, and cases of torts in relation to movable property, of libel and slander, and of personal injuries for the same amount, and therefore we have, on account of these various obstacles, a limited number of trials by jury. Even in the above-mentioned cases, the party who desires a trial by jury must make his option to that effect within a specified time. I might say in respect to the remarks of the gentlemen from abroad before the case goes to the jury a statement of facts is submitted by both parties, a statement of questions to be submitted to the jury is presented to the judge and he drafts them in a definite form, and it may happen that after the case has been decided by the jury the interrogatories will be found faulty, by an appellate court. I must apologize for having taken your time at this late hour of this very interesting meeting, but I thought that the Province of Quebec can be considered a hyphen between old Europe and new America, and there might be something inter- esting in my remarks on that account. I thank you heartily for your very kind attention. [Applause.] The Honorable RoBERT G. STREET of Galveston, Texas, a Delegate from the Texas Bar Association, offered a resolution in reference to a proposed permanent international association of lawyers and jurists, which was referred to the Committee of Nations. At x p.m. the Congress took a recess until 2 P. M. [During the recess a luncheon, given by the St. Louis bar, was served on the stage of Festival Hall to the members and guests.] 114 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS SECOND DAY THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 29, 1904 AFTERNOON SESSION The Congress was called to order by the President at 2 P.M. The PRESIDENT: Tam requested by the Chairman of the Committee of Nations to say that there will be a meeting of that committee in the rear room immediately, and he would be very much obliged if the members of the committee would join him in that room in order that they may dispose of the matters which have been submitted. I desire further to say that there is a vacancy in that committee, caused by the necessary absence of Mr. Dicx- INSON of Chicago, and it will be proper at this time to substitute some one in his place. Judge BaLpwin of Connecticut, a Delegate from the United States Government: I would move, Mr. President, the substitution of Mr. Moor- FIELD STOREY of Boston, formerly president of the American Bar Association. The motion was seconded, and being put was carried. Mr. STorEY was then declared chosen as a member of the Committee of Nations. The PRESIDENT: I want to say further that Mr. Cuow of China desires to have permission to submit in writing, for publication in the proceedings, some remarks on the paper of Judge FAHLCRANTZ submitted this morning. He felt that perhaps his knowledge of the English language was not such that he could make him- self heard and understood by the audience, and desires, therefore, to have those remarks of his submitted and published in that MR. CHOW TSZCHI II5 way in connection with the discussion this morning, and it will be so ordered unless some objection is taken thereto. Mr. CHow Tszcui, a Delegate from the Imperial Chinese Government: Mr. President and Gentlemen: After listening to these several speakers who have so ably stated their positions, I am glad to have the opportunity to speak of the conditions existing in my country. In regard to the method of procedure, I regret to say we have no universal regulation. Arbitration is the general practice in all civil actions, when they are first brought to the magistratic court. In the towns and villages, a municipal board is established, composed of men of mature years and of the gentry. Before this board are brought all civil cases. A preliminary hearing is granted, and a day named for trial. In accordance with the stipulations made at this hearing, a certain number of persons of established reputation present themselves on the day of trial. These persons form a distinct class rendering permanent service for this duty, and from this class the specified number is chosen. This body, in a measure, corresponds to the jury of the western countries. Their service is given without com- pensation. If the decision handed down by this body be not satisfactory, the case is appealed and goes over to the court of hsien (district), presided over by the chihsien (mayor, or district magistrate). Here, before formally reopening the case, an effort is made to adjust it through the medium of acceptable parties who have a full knowledge of the circum- stances, and who are appointed by the chihsien (mayor, or district magistrate). If this effort fails, however, the case is taken before the chihsien, who, with his associates, renders a decision. Should this not be satisfactory, the case ascends thence through the various municipal divisions till it reaches the judge of the province, the decision, as it passes through each municipal grade, resting entirely with one man, the polit- ical head of the territory. 116 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS From the judge of the province the case is carried to the court of censors (the court for appeal) at Peking, where it comes before a thoroughly equipped judicial body whose honorary head is the Emperor. As to the method of trial by jury, I wish in a few words to present my view for your consideration. The jury is the most essential element in civil actions. I do not believe that it could be abolished, but I do believe that by the introduction of certain reforms it could be improved. For instance, I would suggest that: 1. From the ranks of each profession and avocation there should be elected by the vote of its own members a certain number of persons to serve as a first jury. 2. From the same sources a second jury should be elected as an auxiliary. If any individual member of the first jury be, directly or indirectly, involved in the case, the juror could be empaneled from the auxiliary body. 3. If any member should be unable to answer the call, he would appoint a representative, for whom he would be respon- sible. 4. The term of service should be one year, but the individual member would be re-elected. 5. A reasonable compensation should be paid to the jurors by the party against whom the case is decided. Were these conditions complied with, a jury dealing with matters of which it has special knowledge would not fall into errors as now might be made through ignorance. Both parties, moreover, being known to the jury, nothing could be concealed. With the honor and interest of the calling to which the jurors themselves belong at stake, their decision would be rendered with the utmost care. The PRESIDENT: We have this afternoon for consideration A Review of the Four Hague Conferences on Private International Law, the Object of the Conferences, and Probable Results, and on this PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 117 subject we are to be favored with two papers, the first by Dr. JosEpHus Jrrta. of the University of Amsterdam, Netherlands, and the second by Dr. F. Metzt, of the University of Zurich, Switzerland, followed by a discussion by our well-known friend, Judge Batpwin of Connecticut. I have the pleasure now of introducing to you Dr. Jirra, of the University of Amsterdam, who will read the first paper. A REvIEW OF THE Four HaGuE CONFERENCES ON PRIVATE INTERNATIONAL LAW, THE OBJECT OF THE CONFERENCES, AND PROBABLE RESULTS, A PAPER BY Dr. D. JosEpHus Jirta, Professor in the Municipal University of Amsterdam, Netherlands, Delegate from the Government of the Netherlands. Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: The Committee of Organization of the Congress has invited me to address you on the subject of the four Hague Conferences for the codifica- tion of private international law, and I have accepted that invitation with the greatest pleasure, even with enthusiasm. The cause of my enthusiasm is twofold: I am highly pleased with the subject, and proud to have to treat it in an assembly such as yours. I am highly pleased with the subject because it reflects a glory on my native country. Although I have acquired in my studies on international law the professional habit, if I may say so, of considering the whole of mankind as the community to which I belong, in my heart no part of the world can be com- pared with my native country, and so I am happy to have a subject that redounds to the glory of the Netherlands, the power that took the initiative in the conferences, and upon the states- men of the Netherlands, who have been the promoters of a noble endeavor. I have been sent to St. Louis as representative of the Government of the Netherlands to this Congress, but I must 118 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS point out that in addressing you now on the said subject, I do not speak as a representative of the said government, but only as a private person, a jurist developing his personal ideas. I am proud to have to speak on the said subject in this country and on this spot. No country of the world is so near as the United States to the ideal figure of an organization affording to the universal community of mankind liberty and justice under equitable laws. No assembly can be considered as the juridical conscience of the world, with more right than this Congress, when the learned jurists of all the nations are forming the highest court of international equity that ever took seat. But the subject is very extensive in every dimension. It is long in its historical causes, broad in its results, high in the expectations of its future. If I should try to say everything that could be said, it would require a volume with as many chapters as I have minutes at my disposal. So I must refrain from any profusion of particulars, and only attempt to give you, in a methodical way, a summary of the leading ideas. This methodical way will lead us along three groups of ideas: the historical causes of the conferences, the results attained, and the results to be expected in the future. I will divide my summary in the said three parts, and try to be, if possible, not too long in the exposition of historical causes, not too broad in the development of results attained, and not too high in the idealization of the future. The direct cause of The Hague Conferences was an invita- tion of the Government of the Netherlands, addressed to the other European governments. A more remote cause, which may be considered, too, as the reason of the success of the invitation, was the general conviction among the nations that the extension of international intercourse had more and more rendered intol- erable the absence of a codification of private international law. Private international law is the law regulating private rela- tions between individuals in a community larger than a nation, or, more exactly, larger than a group of men living in the same PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 119 territory, and subjected to the same legislation and jurisdiction. Relations of this kind spread themselves over the whole private law, but there are two species of international relations that occur more frequently than others, namely: Relations of trade, and relations of marriage. The international trade has created relations of law by the exchange of the natural and artificial products of the different countries, and the divine feeling of love, much mightier than the commercial spirit, has brought together the sons and the daughters of the various groups of mankind. International intercourse is not practically interrupted by the boundaries of the national groups. But, in a judicial sense, the division of the earth among powers exercising supreme rights of legislation and jurisdiction in certain territories, checks the development of a lawful intercourse, by rendering the substantive law of private relations uncertain and the sound exercise of jurisdiction problematic. If we consider more specially the two mentioned principal species of relations, trade and marriage, we find between those species differences sufficient to make clear why international trade needs more a regulation of the international procedure, and the marriage more a regulation of the international law. It is certainly a fact that the national laws on trade vary, often very sensibly, and that a certain uniformity is highly desirable. I point out, furthermore, that, as there are no great religious and philosophical disputes in the greatest part of the commercial law, for instance in the matter of bills of exchange, or sea traffic, a unification of the merchant law would be attain- able. But I must add that the discrepancies in the different commercial laws of the nations do not lead to an almost intol- erable situation, because all the laws are founded on the binding power of regular contracts, and the contracting power of parties, although not absolutely unlimited, is so great in commercial matters that the inconveniences of the variety may be withdrawn to a certain degree. But the international credit is almost ruined when, in the international intercourse, the creditor is 120 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS not sure to be admitted as claimant in foreign courts, and when the regular judgment in his favor is not enforced and executed by the foreign authority, which has a power of fact on the debtor’s property. No contract between individuals can regu- late this matter of public policy, and so it is clear that only an international agreement on the matter of jurisdiction and execution can give to the international credit a sound basis. With regard to marriage and domestic relations connected with marriage, the position is quite different. So far as the conditions of validity of a marriage, the admissibility of divorce or separation, etc., are matters of legislation, there is no room for the contracting power of parties, and if the law is dubious in the international intercourse, an international agreement of the public powers is the only way to come to rules, extending their authority over more than one territory. On the other side, the discrepancies of the laws, in the mentioned matters, are often founded on religious faith. So long as this will be the case, uniformity of the laws on marriage and divorce is unattainable; a law, considered as an emanation of the will of an Almighty and Infallible Being, cannot be amended. Therefore, the only result attainable here by international agreement is a certain harmony in the application of various national laws. So the combination of the elements “desirability” and “attainability” leads, in matters of trade, to common rules of jurisdiction and execution of judgments, and in matters of marriage and domestic relations to common rules of harmony. The whole nineteenth century has been a preparation of the needed common rules. Science in general, and the philoso- phy of social science in particular, has become more and more the common patrimony of the nations, and so, finally, the gov- ernments came to the conviction of common duties towards the juridical community of mankind. For Europe, the invita- tion of the Government of the Netherlands has been accepted, because it came at the right time, and I may add, not without a little pride, that the success of the Conferences was, for a great deal, a result of the fact that my native country has found as PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 121 chairman of the Conferences the right man, the distinguished Dutch jurist and statesman, Asser, glorified by his work more than words can do. Four Conferences have been held at The Hague for the codification of private international law, between 1893 and 1904. Four general treaties have been put in force in a good deal of the European Continent, and several others have been established in draft. I shall take the liberty, according to the English practice, to give short titles to these treaties, and to design each treaty by its title in my further explanations. The four treaties in force are: One treaty on civil procedure and three treaties on substantive subjects: validity of marriage, divorce, and guardianship. The four treaties in draft relate to succession, relations between husband and wife, lunacy, and bankruptcy. T have to give you a general idea of the principles on which the treaties are founded. My intention is to be very short for the treaty on civil procedure, as being more a technical subject, and to call more particularly your attention to the matter of validity of marriage and divorce, subjects, as I think, of great interest for the interstate relations in the United States. The leading principles of the marriage and divorce treaties will be found, too, in the other treaties. So I hope tospare you the tedious work of an inventory. The civil procedure treaty has been the first result of the work. It was concluded in 1896, and now, after the experience of several years, a draft for a revision has been prepared in 1904. However, even after the approbation of the amendments, the treaty will be only a modest beginning of a regulation. The best way to make this clear will be a comparison between the ideal of a regulation and the attained result. An ideal regulation would have to establish universal rules of jurisdiction, and to secure everywhere the execution of judg- ments, regularly pronounced between the limits of this juris- diction. The final result would be for the civilized world what the Constitution of the United States has established for 122 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS the interstate relations, that judicial proceedings in one country should have full faith and credit in all the other countries. It was very difficult to come to an agreement on universal rules of jurisdiction, and no serious attempt could be made to constitute a supreme court for the world, having authority to enforce the rules. So the Conference found it better to go ahead with prudence, and to secure in the first place an agree- ment on indisputable points. There are no rules of jurisdiction in the treaty, and only with regard to a very special point a disposition is given for the execution of foreign judgments, but the treaty has elaborated a series of rules, the principal of which are the regulation of the position of citizens of the contracting countries (or persons assimilated to these) acting as plaintiffs or defendants in other contracting countries, the regulation of the service of summons on non-resident defendants, and the statement of the international duty to give effect to rogatory commissions of foreign courts. This series of regulations con- stitutes a very valuable preparation of the future ideal. The leading principles of the Conference work may easily be found in the treaties on the validity of marriage, on divorce, and on guardianship, and my intention is to point out these principles. I begin with the treaty on the validity of marriage. Marriage, to be sure, may be considered as an institution of the unwritten common law of the world. Very often marriage is contracted between citizens of various countries. Moreover there is an almost unlimited right of emigration and immigra- tion of married and unmarried individuals, and the conse- quence is that the validity of an intended or contracted mar- riage may be questioned in a foreign country. But it is a fact that the law of marriage varies considerably in the different countries of the world. The cause of these varieties is undoubtedly that marriage is not only a contract between a man and a wife, but also the foundation stone of social life. Therefore the social powers have endeavored to control marriage to a certain degree. Conditions relating to PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 123 age, consanguinity, monogamy, consent of parents, etc., have been imposed on men, and very generally, if not everywhere, the laws have established a solemnization of marriage, not only to facilitate the proof, but also as a means to research if the material conditions are fulfilled, and to prevent void or voidable mar- riages. The said conditions and forms of solemnization are very ancient; the necessity to control marriage existed already in patriarchal times and in the midst of tribes and so the habit of many centuries has given to various rules a real consecration. ‘The roots of many old rules, besides, extend themselves to the time in which the social powers were exercised by the churches, and this connection with the holy law of God excludes any amendment. There was no hope for the Conference to come toa unification of the marriage laws of the nations, but the Confer- ence had to examine the question if it would be possible to establish uniformity with regard to a rule referring for the validity of each intended or contracted marriage, to a definite law. In that way harmony in the diversity could be attained. The Conference had not to imagine such a rule. In scientific works and in several positive laws, principles for the solution of so-called conflicts of laws in the matter of marriage are to be found with a very important distinction between the material conditions of validity and the external conditions of the solem- nization. As the rule relating to the material conditions is the center of the difficulty, I begin with that rule. Three principles have found less or more attendants. The material conditions of the validity of a marriage may depend: either from the national law or laws of the parties, or from the law of their domicile or domiciles; or, at last, from the law of the country where the marriage is contracted, or solemnized. If we examine the philosophical basis of these three prin- ciples, we find that there are really but two leading thoughts. As the man and the woman have the liberty to change their domicile, or to elect the place of solemnization, the two last principles are emanations of a free selection, to be exercised by the individuals. On the contrary, as nationality is the 124 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS result of allegiance, and cannot be changed by the mere will of individuals, the first principle is an emanation of the subjection of individuals to the law of a territorial group. The choice, to be made by the Conference, was also a choice between the prin- ciple of free individual selection, and the principle of national subjection. I have not to express a critical opinion on the matter, but I point out that the Conference adopted, as a general rule, the principle of subjection, in accordance with the existing civil law of France, Italy, and Germany. So the treaty does enact that citizens of one of the contracting countries are admitted or not admitted to marriage in another contracting country, in as far as the national laws of the parties admit or do not admit a valid marriage in the circumstances of the case. Only, as it was not necessary to give to a national law more authority than it claims, the treaty provides that, when the national law of a country does refer, for the citizens of the country, to another law than the national law, for instance to the law of domicile, this last law will be followed everywhere for these citizens. The last clause is not properly an exception, but only a modification in the application of the leading thought; there are, however, exceptions. In a few cases connected with religion and social policy, and expressly stated in the treaty, a country may refuse to celebrate a marriage admitted by the national laws of foreigners, or even celebrate a marriage in cases excluded by these laws. With regard to the external form of the solemnization the difficulty was not so great. A general rule could be stated, in conformity with an ancient principle, referring to the law of the place of the solemnization. Some exceptions are admitted. The most remarkable is certainly the clause that a country which requires for its own citizens a religious solemnization is not bound to recognize the validity of marriages contracted by the citizens abroad in another form. I have given you without multiplicity of detail, a general idea of the treaty on the validity of marriage. I come now to PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 125 the divorce treaty, and shall try to explain its leading thought in the same spirit. The treaty includes separation, but, as I follow only the main line, I will speak only of divorce. The difference is well known to everybody, and the leading principle is the same. The necessity of a social control is still more evident in the matter of divorce than marriage. Even the civil laws, which consider marriage as a private contract, requiring only the consent of the parties, do not admit a dissolution of a marriage without intervention of social powers. The laws of the civil- ized nations agree in this point, but it is the only- point in which they agree. The laws on divorce show still greater dis- crepancies than the marriage laws. In several countries divorce is absolutely excluded, as contrary to the law of God, and separation is the only remedy. When divorce is permitted, the conditions vary. Sometimes there is but one legal cause, adultery, while other laws have a long series of causes; inhuman treatment, abandonment, penal sentences, and even insanity. Mutual consent, earnestly affirmed by the parties before a court, is sufficient in some countries. Uniformity with regard to the admission and the conditions of divorce was not attain- able for the Conference, but it had to consider two important questions of harmony: 1. The admissibility of divorce for parties residing in a country other than their native country. 2. The jurisdiction to be recognized in the matter by the con- tracting couniries. The answer to be given to the second question depends upon the solution of the first question. In accordance with the principle of national subjection, admitted for marriage, the treaty excludes divorce when it is excluded by the national law of parties; no change of residence can alter this, even after a long time. Naturalization only can help, with the intervention of foreign authorities. But this is but a part of the rule. In countries where divorce is excluded as contrary to the law of God, it is almost impossible to grant 126 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS it to foreigners residing in the country. It is a case of con- science. The Conference resolved to respect to the utmost degree religious faith, and stated also that no country would be bound to grant a divorce, in cases not admitted by its own law. The final result was, for divorce (and separation) a principle of double subjection, national subjection and subjection to the law of the country where the suit is introduced. Both laws must admit divorce. It is not absolutely necessary that there be a cause admitted by both laws; if there are two causes, one of which is sufficient according to the national law of the parties, and the other one according to the law of the court, a decree of divorce must be granted. Furthermore, the law of a country may prescribe that the national law of the parties will be followed, even when it does not agree with the law of the court. In the matter of jurisdiction for divorce, the Conference has followed the line of national subjection. The courts of the nation to which the parties belong are empowered with juris- diction, even when parties are residing abroad; and the juris- diction may be rendered, by the national law of parties, exclusive of any other. When this exclusion has not been stated, the court of the place of residence will have jurisdiction, according to special rules, stated in the treaty. The natural conclusion of the material and formal rules, in the matter of divorce, is that a divorce, regularly granted accord- ing to the treaty, in one of the contracting countries, against a party who contested or was duly summoned, is to be recognized in all the contracting countries. The other clauses of the divorce treaty, relating to changes of the nationality of parties, or to differences between the nationality of the husband and that of the wife, I consider as details, and only mention them. The last of the three general treaties, put in force in 1904, relates to guardianship of infants. The leading principle is here also, national subjection. Guardianship is governed, as a rule, by the national law of the infant, even when the infant resides abroad, and this rule extends PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 127 its effect to the whole of the estate of the infant, personal or real, with an exception, not for lands in general, but only for one category of lands, lands for which the law of the country of situation has established a special rule. The exception con- firms the rule. But the application of the principle of national subjection to the matter of guardianship shows a particularity, which is to be noticed, and to which I call your attention. The laws on guardianship, in force in the civilized countries, are not without discrepancies, but these discrepancies do not depend upon religious and social-philosophical disputes, as is the case in the matter of marriage and divorce; the laws only follow different ways, directed to the same aim, to secure the best protection of the infant’s interests. There would be no insur- mountable objection against international uniformity. But far more important than the question of uniformity is the ques- tion how to secure, in the international intercourse, protection for each infant that needs it and is residing in a foreign country. This is the cardinal point. And when we bear that in mind it is easy to understand why the treaty, although it gives jurisdic- tion, in the first instance to the courts of the native country of the infant, has by no means considered the national courts as exclusively empowered with jurisdiction. The courts of the country where the infant is residing have jurisdiction, too. They have the right and it is their duty to take, in every case, pro- visional measures of protection, and even to provide for the guar- dianship, when the national courts are not acting. Only it has been exacted that the local guardianship has to cease when a national guardianship has been organized. The treaties on the validity of marriage, on divorce, and on guardianship are in force. The ratifications were exchanged, on June 1, 1904, between the governments of the Netherlands, Germany, Belgium, France, Luxemburg, Roumania, and Sweden, and according to the tenor of the treaties, they came into force on the 1st of August. The accession of several other European countries is expected. 128 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS As I said, the Conference of 1904 has elaborated, besides the mentioned draft of the amendment of the civil procedure treaty, four new drafts of treaties, to which I have given the short titles of treaties on succession, on relations between husband and wife, on lunacy, and on bankruptcy. I fear it would be tedious to enter into a long analysis of the last four treaties, and I beg to make only a few remarks. The draft treaties on the relations between husband and wife and on lunacy are applications of the principle of national subjection, with the modifications needed by the consideration that parties residing in a foreign country cannot entirely be exempted from the authority of local laws and local courts. With regard to relations between husband and wife, the patrimonial relations were the seat of the greatest difficulty. In pure social philosophy, the necessity that marriage should bring any change in the property of parties or alter the capacity of the wife—the feme covert of the ancient Norman-English law—may be disputed; practically many laws have dispositions in the said spirit, with the greatest variety in the details. Uniformity was not easy to obtain, and there was no lady among the mem- bers of the Conference. The fact is that no attempt was made to come to uniformity, and the draft treaty refers, in general, to the national law of the husband at the time of the marriage. The draft has also many special clauses, regulating the form, the contents, and the registration of ante-nuptial or even post- nuptial contracts on patrimonial relations, etc., etc.—but I resist the temptation to wander into by-ways. The draft treaty on lunacy, and similar cases of incom- petency, is established on the same basis as the treaty on guar- dianship. The necessity to give to local courts at least a subordinate jurisdiction was even more strict here than in the case of minority, the presence of a lunatic being often a public danger. The treaty contains also rules on jurisdiction, the effects of a regular decree for the entire estate of the lunatic, personal and real, the exterritorial publication of decrees, etc. Of all the new drafts, the treaty on succession is the most PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 129 noteworthy. It is not only an attempt to establish, with great respect for the individuality of national laws, a certain degree of harmony, it has, on the contrary, deliberately rejected an old rule, which in some countries has already lost its strength, but it is still considered, in other countries, as consecrated by the practice of many centuries. I mean the rule that real property is only subjected to the law of its location. The main point, the focus of the draft treaty in question, is a combination of the principle of national subjection with the principle of the unity of the estate of the deceased. The national law of the deceased governs the whole testamentary and legal succession, excepting the external form of the will, which form is generally, but not even exclusively, submitted to the law of the country where the will is made. With regard to lands a few reserva- tions have been stated for local laws, enacted with the sole aim to prevent the division of rural goods, or relating to special categories of lands, but it is expressly provided that none of the contracting countries will have the power to make an excep- tion for lands in general. The jurisdiction, in matters of suc- cession, will be the object of a special agreement, to be elaborated in a further conference. The last draft, contained in the final protocol of 1904, relates to bankruptcy. The aim of the treaty is to give rules of juris- diction for a decree of bankruptcy, and to secure the full effect of that decree in foreign countries, for the common benefit of all the creditors, foreign and domestic. Jurisdiction has only been fixed for traders, and given to the courts of the country within which the bankrupt has his principal commercial estab- lishment, or, in the case of a corporation, its seat, without fraud or fiction. The other features of the draft are relative to the extraterritorial powers of trustees or receivers, and to the general binding power of a regular composition between the bankrupt and his creditors. I have to add that, as the idea of a general treaty on bankruptcy encountered objections, that idea was abandoned, and the Conference declared that the draft had only to be considered as the outlines of an agreement, to be 130 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS concluded between two or more nations on the basis of a more special mutual confidence. I have tried to give you, Mr. President, Ladies and Gen- tlemen, a bird’s-eye view of the pre-eminent parts of the Con- ference work, and would beg to give also a few considerations with relation to the future. Although personally I am an idealist, I do not wish to be visionary, and I will try only to make, logically and calmly, deductions from present to future events. As it is far easier to make these deductions for the European Continent than for the rest of the civilized world, I will make that distinction. For the Continent of Europe, The Hague Con- ferences for the codification of private international law have been a most remarkable event. They have afforded: 1. A working body of men of good will; 2. A not yet perfect, but certainly perfectible, form for collective civil legislation; and 3. A valuable beginning of that legislation. For many years international congresses have brought to- gether men and ideas. But The Hague Conferences have done more; they have assembled representatives of the national powers, with a continuity in the representation most favorable to an easy understanding. The members have not had to work under pressure of time, a circumstance often so disad- vantageous to private congresses, and they have had serious hope of immediate practical results, as it could be foreseen that the drafts would be earnestly considered by the govern- ments. I say that The Hague Conferences have afforded a practical form for collective civil legislation. This form is the general treaty, a form usual in the public international law, where States are contracting parties, but not so perfectly suited to the regulation of private law relations. We must bear in mind that, in the absence of a federal legislative power for Europe, no real supra-national statute could be enacted. The Conference was obliged to choose between the surrogates of the supra-na- PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 131 tional statute, and therefore to use either a system of uniform national laws or a general treaty. The choice has been in favor of the general treaty, a form affording contractual reci- procity. The treaty form may have imperfections, but the practice opens the way to betterments. If we take into consideration the fact that no general treaty could be concluded without the unanimous consent of all the parties, and that it was absolutely necessary, consequently, to respect with the greatest care the religious feelings and the juridical individuality of the nations, we must recognize that, in the difficult matter of domestic relations, most valuable results have been attained. My conclusion is, as far as the European Continent is con- cerned, that a further development of the work may be expected, leading to an international union for the codification of private international law. I dare say nothing more. It would be possible to see in the Conferences the first step towards a jederal parliament for Europe, which would include an over- ruling of the minority by the majority; but, although I am not personally adverse to this, I consider it as a matter of philo- sophical faith, and not as a logical deduction from present to future events. I have spoken till now of the European Continent, but cer- tainly the question will arise if an accession to The Hague treaties would be desirable and attainable for what I take the liberty of calling the rest of the civilized world, and particularly for the states of North and South America. In a general sense, I may state that a world union would be desirable. But there are objections. I shall not attempt to examine the whole of the imaginable objections. Some objections may concern the constitutional law of a country, and the learned men of that country are the best interpreters in that case. Other objections may be derived from religion, and are not removed by logic only. But I will not avoid the main objection, resulting from disputes on leading thoughts. In the matter of civil procedure we do not find disputes of that kind; the regulation is a question 132 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS of mutual confidence. But in the matter of domestic relations and succession there are at least two great controversies. I have in view: The principle of national subjection (nationality) in opposition to the principle of free selection (domicile); and the principle of the unity of the estate in opposition to the dis- tinction between movable and immovable property. Let us begin with the opposition between subjection and selection, or, if you like, between nationality and domicile. Would it be possible to move the countries belonging to the group “domicile” to accede to the group “nationality” ? My opinion is, that it would be most difficult to obtain a complete accession, but that it would be possible to find a com- promise, giving to nationality and to domicile a separate domain. When we consider the question “nationality or domicile” from the point of view of a single nation, enacting rules in its own national law, as an instruction for national courts in matters of international intercourse, it is easy to make out which consid- erations will lead the choice. When a nation has the same civil law for the subdivisions of its territory, and when this national law bears a clearly marked national individuality, connected with religion and secular practice, and limiting con- siderably, in the interest of social policy, the liberty of the individuals, such a nation cannot admit that its own citizens should be able to elude the national law, for instance in the matter of marriage and divorce, by a simple emigration. The principle of nationality is then the most natural rule for citizens residing abroad. On the other hand, when various laws are in force for the different subdivisions of the territory, as is the case in several federations, there will be no objection to a rule allowing a free selection on the part of the individuals of the local civil law under which they choose to live, as none of these laws may be considered as absolutely contrary to social policy. So we find most in federations or in countries with plurality of local civil laws the principle of domicile. Germany is the best illustration of this distinction. So long as there have been many various local civil laws in Germany, the principle of PAPER OF PROFESSOR JITTA 133 domicile has prevailed, but after the general codification of 1900, the principle of nationality has been adopted. An international agreement cannot admit, at the same time and for the same points, the full force of both principles, but it could make of the two principles parallel rules, not unlike the rails of a railroad. Some points could be governed by the nation- al laws for citizens abroad, and other points by the laws of their domicile. The Hague treaties, especially in the matter of mar- riage and divorce, have already acted in this spirit. But a result still greater could be attained, if an agreement could be arrived at as to the exact definition of the juridical expressions “nation- ality” and “domicile.” The main objection of reasonable adherents to “nationality” to the domicile rule does not so much concern the possibility of a change of the civil law relations during the life of men, as the great facility of a change to be obtained by simple emigration. Even under the nationality rule, a change can be obtained, with more or less facility, by a naturalization. Henceforth the objection could be removed, if the change of the civil law would be attached, not to a simple emigration, but to a reasonably long time of residence abroad. The long residence then would have the effects of a naturaliza- tion, not in the political sense, but with respect to points of civil law. In this way I think the evolution of the international private law could run forward on the rails, until the days of the substantive uniformity, a far remote day, as I fear, on account of historical causes of obstinate conservatism, in the matter of the family law. Another international dispute is the well-known question of the devolution of lands, in the matter of succession and other relations, concerning the whole of a man’s estate. My opinion is that here also an agreement is attainable. The economical constitution of immovable property is a matter of local policy, and therefore it must not be possible to acquire on lands other rights than those admitted by the local law; and it is necessary to state also that the external conditions, enacted by the local law in the social interest, must be observed, but I do not see the 134 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS necessity to submit the legal succession to the lands belonging to the deceased to the law of the location of the lands. I am aware of the fact that a regulation in this spirit involves a partial sacrifice of a rule consecrated by the practice of many centuries, but if the sacrifice could be reduced, by mutual agree- ment, to a minimum, and compensated by sacrifices on the other side for other matters, I feel confident that it is possible of attainment. My final conclusion is that, in a spirit of conciliation, The Hague Conferences could afford, for the civilized world in general, what they have afforded for the European Continent: a center of action and a practical form for collective civil legisla- tion. Accession to The Hague treaties, or at least the participation in further conferences, is worth being taken into serious con- sideration by the whole of the civilized world. If the Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists, assembled at St. Louis, could bring that participation nearer to its realization, it would be a noble work of peace and justice, and a boon to mankind. [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: Doubtless many of you will feel such interest in the question so ably presented by Dr. Jirra, and to be considered and dis- cussed hereafter in other papers, that you may want, some of you at least, to join in the discussion. I beg leave to call your attention to the fact that the rules provide, although we put them aside this morning in order to have some general talk, that those who wish to take part in the discussion shall send up beforehand their names to the Chair, in order that they may be called upon, if time permits. I now have the pleasure of introducing to you Professor MEI1I, of the University of Zurich, Switzerland, who will con- tinue the discussion of this same subject. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 135 A ReEvIEw OF THE Four HaGuE CONFERENCES ON PRIVATE INTERNATIONAL LAW, THE OBJECT OF THE CONFERENCES, AND PROBABLE RESULTS, A PAPER BY Dr. F. Metz, Professor in the University of Zurich, Switzerland, a Delegate-at-large: In speaking to-day of the great theoretical progress" made by international law, one is apt to think, in the first instance, of the Peace Conference. And yet, preceding as well as suc- ceeding it, there were other such Conferences of no less impor- tance, though dealing with the regulation of international private law. These Conferences constitute the subject of this paper. Almost the whole of Europe assembled at The Hague in 1893 and 1894 at the invitation of the Government of the Nether- lands; diplomats and international jurists represented their governments at the Conferences. At the First Conference the following countries were represented: 1. THE GERMAN EMPIRE. 8. LUXEMBURG. 2. AUSTRO-HUNGARY. g. NETHERLANDS. 3. BELGIUM. 10. PORTUGAL. 4. DENMARK. t1. ROUMANIA. 5. SPAIN. 12. Russia. 6. FRANCE. 13. SWITZERLAND. 7. ITALY. At the Second Conference, Sweden and Norway also par- ticipated. Servia did not reply to the invitation, and Greece excused its non-appearance. Great Britain referred to the peculiar nature of English law as the reason for not sending delegates. In 1900 all the countries named again took part. In 1904 (May and June), a delegate appeared representing the Empire of Japan; this fact was a surprise to certain of the delegates. The United States of America, as also South America, have, up to the present, taken no part whatever in the Conferences. 136 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS Jurists have been occupied for centuries with the question as to what principles shall apply when two or more systems of law appear to be applicable to the solving of a dispute of law; the problem arises frequently by reason of the great mutual intercourse between subjects of the different states. Histori- cally, the question dates back as far as early medieval Europe, and found special treatment in the Italian cities. Among others, the question was taken up by BARTOLUS (1314-1355 OF 1357) whom PHILLmMorE, with a slight exaggeration, denotes in his Commentaries upon International Law (IV., 3d ed., p. 19) as ‘“‘the fountain of private international jurisprudence.’ Later it was the so-called Dutch school of the seventeenth century which developed the theory of the collisio statutorum. Its principal proposition was that basically no state was obliged to take cognizance of foreign private law, and did so only out of courtesy. English and Scotch jurists derived their education largely from the Netherlands in the seventeenth century, and it was they who established this doctrine in England. As the English colonists took the English common law with them to America (Comp. 1 Kent’s Commentaries on American Law, Pp. 343), the whole complex of views upon international private law went over to this country as a kind of article of export.’ There is no doubt that the principal English and American 1T refer in this connection tomy handbook (Zurich, 1902): Das internation- ale Civil und Handelsrecht auf Grund der Theorie, Gesetzgebung und Praxis. It may be of interest to the legal profession in general to know that Mr. ARTHUR K. Kun, a member of the New York bar, now engaged in the study of inter- national law at the University of Zurich, has translated this work into the Eng- lish language, with additions as to the American and English theory and prac- tice, under the title, International Civil and Commercial Law as Founded upon Theory, Legislation and Practice, and that the work will shortly be published. It has also been translated into Japanese. ? That passage in KENT is extraordinarily fine wherein he states the follow- ing as to the English common law: ‘‘In its improved condition in this country under the benign influence of an expanded commerce, of enlightened justice, of republican principles, and of sound philosophy, the common law has become a code of matured ethics to promote and secure the freedom and happiness of social life... .. It is the common jurisprudence of the United States, and was brought with them as colonists from England and established here, so far as it was adapted to our institutions and circumstances. It was claimed by the Congress of the United Colonies in 1774 as a branch of those ‘indubitable rights and liberties to which the respective colonies are entitled.’’’ Kent fol- lows this up with a poetic effusion upon the value of the common law. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 137 authors consider the so-called comitas gentiwm as the basis of private international law. Kent and Story, PHILLimore (Vol. IV. is entitled Private International Law or Comity) and Twiss (Law of Nations, 1, p. 160) have expressed this view. It is true WHARTON (Conflict of Laws, §1) opposes this, and LorIMER used even more energetic terms when he said (Institutes of the Law oj Nations, 1, p. 357) ‘‘Private international relations are relations of right on the one hand and duty on the other’; and then afterwards he calls the comitas gentium ‘“‘an old woman’s fable.” However, notwithstanding this energetic opposition, it must be said that the Anglo-American theory of international private law suffers from being placed upon so unsound a basis. In view of the fact that most of the nations of Europe under the leadership of the Netherlands have entered into confer- ences for the purpose of settling questions of private inter- national intercourse, in the most expedient way, by the estab- lishment of binding rules, we may say that they have definitely broken away from that historical epoch wherein the question was merely deemed one of favor or courtesy. Two propositions are thus embraced: 1. Foreign private law is, upon principle, of the same value as the internal. 2. There is a legal duty to apply foreign private law to an issue when it is subjected thereto. As the European international conferences have now been repeatedly held, and as rules have been accepted for solving conflicts of law, theories many centuries old may be deemed as surrendered and definitely done away with. As it is my purpose to discuss the principal questions of the four Hague Conferences, it will be necessary to sketch the results in outline, avoiding all detail. Some slight indication of the manner of procedure, however, will be in point. From the First Conference, it was self-understood that the French language should be the medium of expression, and so it remained. Then, too, from the very beginning, committees were appointed to discuss particular topics more freely and in detail, and thus 138 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS to arrive at concrete solutions. From 1900 onward a splendid practice arose of having the various governments assume atti- tudes with regard to concrete questions. The Government of the Netherlands then collected these comments and proposi- tions and sent them in due time to the various governments with those of the special committee of the Netherlands. The president of the committee for the time being also prepared the detailed report and proposal to lay before the Conference as a whole; sometimes a special appointment was made for a report. The preparation of the report is a very laborious task, and we were often obliged to appeal to the untiring courtesy of the French delegates.’ The report was first examined and discussed by the members of the committee. The topic then came for discussion before the entire Conference, where, of course, any delegate could propose amendments. As a rule there were two readings. The second was usually intended only for cor- rection of the text and for further discussing and voting upon the questions. Still, there were exceptions, as, for instance, where at the last moment the president of the Conference dis- covered some new combination for the solution of existing differences. But this did not often occur. State-Councilor ASSER, who was re-elected president at each of the four Con- ferences, proved himself so much the soul of the whole enter- prise as always to discover a solution at the proper time. The four international Conferences already held have under- taken the most varied topics. The work of the international Conferences should properly be divided into three groups, for they represent subjects which, on principle, should be kept separate: (A) INTERNATIONAL CIVIL PROCEDURE. (B) INTERNATIONAL PRIVATE Law. (C) INTERNATIONAL BANKRUPTCY Law. "It is a privilege for me to refer here, with particular recognition, to the ser- vices of the celebrated French internationalist, L. RENAULT, under whose presi- dence I labored at each Conference. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 139 A CONCERNING INTERNATIONAL CIVIL PROCEDURE In 1899 a treaty was ratified between the fourteen nations which were represented at the Second Conference. It bears the following title: Convention pour établir des régles communes concernant plusieurs matiéres de droit international privé se rapportant a la procédure civile. The exchange of ratifications occurred April 27, 1899. The duration of the treaty was for five years, i. e., until April 27, 1904; but as no state gave notice of termination before that time, the treaty is extended until April 27, 1909, in accordance with an express provision.’ In view of the fact that practice has shown a number of defects in this treaty its revision was part of the order of the day for the Conference of 1904, and in fact a new treaty has been elaborated to take the place of the old; naturally the contract- ing states are at liberty to conclude a new treaty at any time. The present Hague Convention deals with the following topics: a) Communication of acts, judicial and extra-judicial (notices, transfers, citations). b) Rogatory letters or commissions. c) Alien security. d) Procedure in the case of poor persons. e) Imprisonment for debt (contrainte par corps). The provisions upon all these subjects are those which are of importance to international intercourse—the internal or local law remained for the most part untouched. Thus, for instance, imprisonment for debt was not directly done away with, but it 1 The treaty is printed in French and German in the appendix to my pam- phlet Das internationale Privatrecht und die Staatenkonjerenzen im Haag (Zurich, 1900). See also C. D. AssER in Report of the Twentieth Conference of the International Law Association (London, 1901), p- 299. The text is printed in English at p. 305. See also T. M. C. Asser: La convention de la Haye du 14 Novembre, 1890, relative 4 la procédure civile (1901). 140 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS was stated to be applicable as against aliens only in case it was permissible against native subjects.’ Throughout the territory in which the treaty is in effect, the communication of legal acts (in the broadest sense) has been elevated to the position of a formal obligation in international law, and a refusal is justifiable only in the event of most par- ticular reasons.” So far as citations are concerned, it is obviously a demand of justice that the particular person shall actually receive them when in a foreign country, for otherwise the action will have been based upon a doubtful fiction. A certain guaranty for the fulfilment of this requirement has been obtained in so far as the forwarding of documents is now a treaty obligation. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the system existing in some European countries, of a remise au parquet (France, Italy),* or the delivery of the citation to the clerk of the court (Austria), has not yet been done away with. The question has arisen in practice as to whether the communication of legal documents, provided for in Article 1 of the treaty, is completed upon delivery to the local officials, or not until delivered to the addressee. But the Conference did not wish to encroach upon the internal law of procedure, and to this effect the treaty had been interpreted in the reports elaborated in the several states, in connection with the granting of the parliamentary sanction. At the Fourth Conference the matter was made entirely clear. Belgium proposed bluntly to insert the following clause in the treaty: “La signification ne produit son effet qu’a partir de l’'accomplisse- ment de ces formalités” (i. e., after actual delivery to the party des- ignated). 1 Comp. KLEINFELLER, Ueber den Einfluss der Konkurseréffnung au} die Per- sonalhajt mit Ricksicht aut Art. 17 des Haager Abkommens, in Z. fur inter- nationales Privat-und éffentliches Recht, XIII, pp. 1-11. The statement made in my book: Das internationale Zivilprozessrecht auf grund der Theorie, Geseta- gebung und Praxis, Zurich, 1904, p. 30, is subject to correction. ? This has also been properly stated by C. D. AssER, cited supra p. 301. Comp. also my book, Das internationale Zivilprozessrecht. ®> Comp. my Internationales Zivilprozessrecht, p. 182, et seq. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI I4I But the Fourth Conference refused to go so far, and merely expressed the wish that the system of remise au parquet (and the like) should be abolished by means of revision of the internal law or by treaty. It is precisely here that the Conference showed clearly how carefully it avoided encroaching upon the positive legislation of the various states. I also voted to this effect, although I regret exceedingly the existence of such systems. Particularly important for the development of the law is the provision whereby the states obligate themselves for the execu- tion oj letters rogatory. Within the territory affected by The Hague treaty, a peculiarly important obligation of international law has thus been established, and I hasten to add that the revis- ory project of 1904 has even strengthened it (see e. g. Art. 11). The proposition was also established, that if the court to which the commission is addressed is, or is no longer competent, it shall be forwarded to the court actually competent. And as to the revision of 1904 the following important addition was made (Art. 11): “L’autorité requérante sera, si elle le demande, informée de la date et du lieu oi il sera procédé 4 la mesure sollicitée afin que la partie intéressée soit en état d’y assister.”’ The present convention placed the right to accord or refuse assistance by way of the execution of letters rogatory (and the delivery of documents) within positive boundaries, in that Art. 2 (see also Art. 7) provides that a refusal is justifiable, only if the state within which the assistance is to be accorded is of the opinion that its sovereignty or safety is endangered. It was intended in this way that international assistance should be extended. But it cannot be demanded, for example, where the inquiry concerns matters which the nation whose aid is required deems a state secret or which refer to secret govern- mental information.’ Of further importance is the fact that the treaty provides that attention may be given to some particular forms of law of the state from which the commission emanates (Art. 10). Some 1 Comp. as to the details of my book, Internationales Zivilprozessrecht, p. 55. 142 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS systems of law forbid an oath to be taken by the parties to the action, witnesses or experts, or which do not permit the presence of the parties and their representatives at the taking of testi- mony. In such cases a concession may be made ex comitate gentium if the state from which the commission emanates makes the request and the state executing it does not forbid the pro- cedure desired. The original treaty did not regulate the question of the costs of commissions, but the revisory project of 1904 has done so; it establishes the proposition that commissions are to be executed without costs, except the expenses of witnesses and experts and those costs which arise from the intervention of an official (huissier) for the purpose of compulsory citation of wit- nesses (Art. 16). If this principle be accepted, the proposition will have been recognized that the according of assistance in legal matters, in the broadest sense of the term, is a universal duty on the part of the nations. The Hague treaty abolished also alien security, or that which a plaintiff was obliged to give by reason of being a foreign subject, or of having no residence in the inland. Herein lies, in my opinion, very considerable progress, as the giving of security unreasonably impedes the prosecution of subjective rights. On the other hand, the international execution of judgments has been secured so far as concerns processual costs. As is well known, the question of the execution of foreign judgments is the most difficult to be found anywhere. Both the Institut de droit international and the International Law Association have labored strenuously in this connection’ and their work is to be deservedly appreciated. At the meet- ing of the International Law Association at Rouen in 1900 a project was advanced by ALDERSON FooTE which is printed in English in the Report of the Nineteenth Conference (London, 1900) p. 196 et seg., and in French at p. 204. To this project certain amendments were proposed for the meeting in Glasgow ‘I refer to my publication, Geschichte und System des internationalen Privatrechts im Grundriss (Leipzig, 1892), pp. 170, 171; and also to my pam- phlet, Reflexionen iiber die Exekution auswartiger Zivilurteile (Zurich, 1902). PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 143 (Report of the Twentieth Conference, pp. 274 et seg.). A num- ber of critical remarks are also to be found in the later report, pp. 282-208. The question of the execution of judgments was again dis- cussed at the meeting of the International Law Association in Glasgow in 1901, but no conclusion was reached (Report of the Twentieth Conference, London, 1901, pp. 309-325). The International Law Association has lately concluded to limit an agreement as to the recognition of foreign judgments, to judgments for a sum of money. Art. 1 of the draft reads as follows: (Report of the Nineteenth Conference London, 1901, pp. 196, 197.) “This convention shall relate to and operate in respect to the following judgments only, viz, judgments for the payment of an ascertained sum of money, whether by way of debt, damages or costs, by one person to another... . . 8 To Art. 1 of the project of A. Foote there is the following note: (Report of the Nineteenth Conjerence 1900, London, 1901, P. 197-) “Tt is suggested that there is no practical chance of obtaining legislation, or even agreement, at any rate for the present, except by confining the attempt to the simple case of a judgment in personam for an ascertained sum of money.” It is just these experiences which the two principal societies upon international law have made, that give manifest proof that the international conferences have acted wisely in being satisfied for the present with the proposition that judgments for costs shall be executed by the states. Progress in the world almost always starts in a small way, and if the matter proves satisfactory as to that much, greater results can so much more surely be expected in the same direction. I may add that the Fourth Conference, of 1904, engaged itself more in detail with this fragment for the execution of judgments, and especially that the gratuitousness of the execution was agreed upon (Art. 144 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS 18). I would like, furthermore, to emphasize that the whole subject was formerly attacked in the wrong way. Its regulation can be arrived at correctly only in connection with an agreement as to the fora.’ Finally, The Hague Convention contains a provision in javor of poor persons. Foreign subjects shall be admitted to the privileges of poor persons equally with natives. In my opinion, this represents progress from the point of view of international philanthropy. There are those who include hereunder the exemption from giving security and the right to gratuitous representation. In this connection, reference may be made toa report of CotpsTREAM of Edinburg: “The expediency of uniformity in the procedure of the costs of civilized countries with regard to pauper litigants,” and to the Twenty- first Report oj the International Law Association, p. 39. B CONCERNING INTERNATIONAL PRivaTE LAW The Hague Conference elaborated draft treaties dealing with conflicts in various departments of the private law, viz: a) Upon certain topics of family law? a] Entrance into marriage. &] Divorce. ¥] Guardianship of minors. Each one of these topics is treated of in a convention. The three treaties were accepted by the parliaments of the following seven nations, ratifications being exchanged on the first day of June, 1904, at The Hague, while we were assembled at the I developed this idea further in my pamphlet, Reflexionen tiber die Exe- kution auswartiger Zivilurteile. Naturally, I will again recur to it in the last part of my book, Das internationale Zivilprozessrecht. * Upon the two treaties regarding entrance into marriage and divorce, cer- tain comments are to be found in the work of LesKe and LOWENFELD: Die Rechtsverfolgung im internationalen Verkehr. Fourth volume: Das Eherecht der europdischen Staaten und ihrer Kolonien, 1904, pp. 986-996. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 145 Fourth Conference:' France, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxemburg, Roumania, and Sweden. The other nations have not yet expressed a determination to join, though Austro-Hungary, Italy, and probably also Spain and Portugal will do so before the end of 1904. Switzer- land has, for various reasons, not been in a hurry to lay the matter before the federal parliament. In the first place, the concessions demanded for the benefit of the domiciliary law in regard to guardianship were not made, and furthermore, a difficult situation is presented for the reason that the work of codifying a civil code is just now occupying foremost attention. b) Upon the effects of marriage upon the personal rights of Spouses and their rights of property. In its projet de programme of December, 1897, the Govern- ment of the Netherlands proposed a draft entitled, “ Disposi- tions concernant les effets du mariage sur les biens des époux.” * It was proposed to divide the subject-matter for the Third Con- ference as follows: “A. Les effets du mariage sur l'état et la capacité de la femme (Documents relatifs 4 la quatrieme Conférence, 1904, p. 52). “B. Les effets du mariage sur les biens des époux (Documents, p- 64). “C. Les effets du divorce et de la séparation de corps (Documents, p. 80).” The Fourth Conference then worked out a uniform project entitled: “Projet d’une convention concernant les conflits de lois relatifs aux effets du mariage sur les droits et les devoirs des époux dans leurs rapports personnels et sur les biens des €poux.” 1 Simeon E. BALDWIN discusses these treaties under the title, The New Code of International Family Law (Yale Law Journal, June, 1903, p. 487). This author is in error, however, in stating that the treaties went into effect, as to most of the participating nations, on August 12, 1902. He was led to believe that the signing by the diplomatic representatives on June 12, 1902, already in- volved the exchange of ratifications. 2 The project is printed in my pamphlet, Das internationale Privatrecht und die Staatenkonjerenzen im Haag, pp. 60, 61. 146 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS Meanwhile, I may mention here, that this projected treaty is not yet ripe for acceptance; there was such an extraordinary number of difficulties discovered when it was tested in detail, that a more far-reaching study of it is required. Under these circumstances, it would not be to the purpose to discuss it further here.’ c) Upon the law of succession. The First Conference was already well aware that the proposal could not be viewed as a definite one, for even the introduction (Actes de la Conférence, I partie) contained a reservation (sous la réserve expresse des dérogations que chaque état pourra juger nécessaire, au point de vue du droit public ou de l’intéret social... .). The Second Conference again occupied itself with the subject (Actes de la deuxiéme Conférence, p. 125), as did also the Third Conference (Actes de la troisiéme Conférence, p. 107), which elaborated a draft treaty entitled: “Projet d’une Convention pour régler les conflits de lois relative- ment aux successions, aux testaments, et aux donations 4 cause de mort.” But this treaty was not received with enthusiasm by the participating nations, and the Government of the Netherlands preferred not to advise a preliminary signing by the diplomats. It thus becomes clear how the Fourth Conference again took up the subject upon the basis of a whole series of criticisms made by the several nations (Documents relatifs a la quatriéme Con- jérence, 1904, p. 28). At the Fourth Conference, a tendency was shown to deal only with certain isolated questions of the law of succession and not with all the questions connected there- with. It was, moreover, expressly declared that the convention was not intended to regulate: 2) gifts, 4) contracts for succession, vr) the position of juristic persons in matters of succes- sion. ‘I refer to my pamphlet, Das internationale Privatrecht und die Staaten- konferenzen im Haag, pp. 60-66. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 147 Thus it comes that the draft convention now bears the title: “Projet d’une Convention sur le conflit de lois en matiére de suc- cessions et de testaments.’’ The Conference of 1904 expressed the following desire: “Que le Gouvernment des Pays-Bas veuille bien, aussitét que possible aprés la signature de la Convention sur les successions et les testaments, convoquer une nouvelle Conférence, qui aurait pour mandat de préparer le protocole additionel visé 4 l’art. 6, §2 de la dite Convention aussi que la Convention relative 4 la compétence et fl la pews en matiére de successions et de testaments visée 4 art, 8. Art. 6, Sec. 2, here cited, refers to the specification of impera- tive or prohibitive rules of law, the applications of which are demanded _ by the internal or local law, even though a foreign system of law, in successory matters, be applicable in other respects. And Art. 8 provides: “Aussitét que possible aprés la signature de la présente Conven- tion, les Etats contractants établiront d’un commun accord les régles concernant la compétence et la procédure en matiére de suc- cessions et de testaments. “La convention contenant ces régles sera ratifiée en méme temps que la présente Convention.” The conventions bearing upon private law prepared at The Hague refer to family law and succession; it would seem appropriate to discuss briefly their principal features. 1. THE CONVENTION UPON MARRIAGE This convention refers only to the conditions necessary for the validity of the marriage, and in this connection sets up the following rules—I will here again restrict myself to the main points: “Art. 1. The right of contracting marriage is determined by the national law of each of the parties intending to be married... . ” The standard rule for the solution of conflicts of law in Continental Europe is the national law, whenever the question 148 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS is one of the so-called personal statute, and this arises when capacity inherent in personal rights is under discussion. This embraces, without doubt, the capacity to enter into marriage. The laws of the nations of Continental Europe hold that the national state alone is in proper position to determine the con- ditions necessary for the conclusion of the marriage tie. Of special importance in this connection is the age necessary, which varies with climatic conditions. There are then an array of further points connected with social and moral order, as, for instance, impediments connected with relationship. Ji is intended in Europe that authoritative control by the lex patriae shall be a guaranty that the spouses shall not conjure with the local laws by placing themselves, jor a shorter or longer time, under a different system of law. Art. 1 is thus explained. Upon this momentous question, the English-American con- ception differs from that of Continental Europe; for there it depends upon the law of the domicile, yea, even that of the mere place of sojourn. And I must add that England became the matrimonial Eldorado for persons desirous of marrying and who were unable to reach the goal in Continental Europe, much in the same way as was Scotland for English men and women, when Gretna Green marriages played a réle. In fact, so long as conditions for the validity of a marriage are less irksome in other more or less accessible countries, it is really only a question of the pocket-book, whether the marriage cannot be entered into in opposition to the national law. The Hague Convention in- tends that an end shall be put to this situation within the territory it affects. It is true, however, that the principle has been moderated so as particularly to meet the demands of Switzerland. The following clause has been added: “|... unless such national law refers expressly to some other law.” Art. 25 of the Swiss federal statute upon civil status and marriages provides: PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 149 “Sera reconnu comme valable dans toute la Confédération le mariage conclu dans les cantons ou 4 l’éranger, conformément & la législation qui y est en vigueur.” And the clause cited represents a concession made to Switzer- land. I pointed out at the time before the committee on mar- riage law that there was no sufficient ground to force Switzerland to refer to the national law, upon a topic in which her laws were so international in spirit as to recognize all marriages concluded abroad according to the law there in force. It was further said, that the legislation of the domicile should also be given a certain influence, because it cannot per- mit the conclusion of a marriage under all circumstances simply because the national law permits it. The international con- ferences found that in certain particularly salient cases, the domiciliary state need on no account permit the conclusion of a marriage. Three cases are cited in Art. 2, which reads as follows: “ArT. 2. The law Loci Celebrationis can refuse to marry aliens if their marriage would be contrary to its own laws regarding: “rst. Prohibited degrees of relationship for which there is an absolute prohibition. “ad. Absolute prohibition to marry brought against parties guilty of adultery, for which reason the marriage of one of them has been dissolved. “3d. Prohibition to intermarry brought against persons con- demned for having attempted to murder the husband or wife of one of the parties.” It is then further provided: “A marriage performed contrary to one of the above-mentioned prescriptions shall not be void, provided it would be valid according to the law referred to in Art. 1.” “Art. 3. The Lex Loci Celebrationis can permit marriage of aliens notwithstanding the prohibitions of the law mentioned in Art. 1, when these are exclusively founded on reasons of religious character; but the other countries have the right not to consider as valid a marriage performed under such circumstances.” The conference has here tempered the influence of the national law in the interest of the freedom of the marriage tie. 150 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS Where the national law forbids a marriage for religious reasons, e. g., between Christians and Jews, another state is not obliged to forbid the conclusion of the marriage. This would be in contravention of the great principle of freedom, and I moved the committee at the time to respect it, and succeeded (Actes de la troisiéme Conférence, 1900, p. 174). A balance upon this proposition lies in the fact that other nations (besides that of the lex loci celebrationis) may regard such a marriage as invalid. I will cite still another provision, viz: “Art. 5. The marriage performed in accordance with the law Loci Celebrationis will be as regards its form everywhere considered a valid marriage. “Tt is, however, understood that countries whose legislation requires a religious marriage ceremony will be free to consider as invalid a marriage performed by their subjects abroad, where this religious requirement has not been fulfilled. “The requirements of the national law re publications must be fulfilled, but the absence of these publications will not render the marriage voidable in other countries, excepting in those countries whose laws have been disregarded. “An authentic copy of the Marriage Act shall be sent to the authorities of the countries of both husband and wife.” The well-known rule of locus regit actum is here also appli- cable. But at the demand of Russia we agreed to a modifi- cation of the rule, as this nation only recognizes marriages solemnized by its church. It is for this reason that orthodox Russians marrying in Switzerland are always notified to have their marriage solemnized at the Russian church in Geneva, after the civil ceremony. According to Art. 5, Russia is entitled to regard marriages performed abroad without a solemnization by the Russian church as invalid within its territory. But this concession was not sufficient for Russia, and it did not join the convention; it advanced the pretention that marriages of Russians performed abroad according to the form of civil ceremony there in force, should be regarded as invalid every- where. This unwarranted mastery by the lex patriae could not be acceded to by us. As Russia therefore did not join the PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 151 convention, the concession made for it was useless. The result shows that, under circumstances, too much courtesy can be shown to a state! 2. THE TREATY UPON DIVORCE The regulation of divorce in international matters was equally as important as that of the entrance into marriage. As early as the First Conference, I moved (Actes, 1893, p. 71) that this subject be placed upon the ¢ractandum list. I will take up two questions here. 1. It was difficult to find a principle to serve as a solution here, in view of the fact that legislation upon divorce differs greatly throughout the world; that particularly certain Catholic countries (Austria, Italy, Spain, Portugal) recognize only a séparation de corps of their Catholic subjects and not an absolute divorce; that other nations only permit of the latter; that cer- tain systems of law recognize many grounds for divorce, while others have only a few (England, America). Now, the Institut de droit international proposed the following provision in its “‘Réglement des conflits de lois en matiére de mariage et de divorce” “Art. 17. La question de savoir si un divorce est légalement admissible ou non dépend de la loi nationale des époux. “Arr. 18. Si le divorce est admis en principe par la loi nationale, les causes qui le motivent doivent étre celles de la loi du lieu au Vaction est intentée. “Te divorce ainsi prononcé par le tribunal compétent sera reconnu partout.”” From the very beginning, I maintained before the committee that this idea developed by the Institut represented a splendid means of reconciling the two main principles of lex patriae and lex domicilii. I pointed out that the primary question in this branch of law was whether the nations recognized absolute 1It is printed in my publication, Geschichte und system des internationalen Privatrechts im Grundriss, pp. 73-75. It has been published in Spanish by Torres Campos, Bases de una Legislacion sobre Extraterritorialidad Madrid, 1896, pp. 188-190. 152 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS divorce at all, and that the particular grounds were a secondary question. The first question should therefore be determined by the lex patriae. If denied by the national law, the domiciliary state cannot grant the divorce. Thus Italians, Portuguese, and Spaniards could not be divorced at their place of domicile, even though the law of that place recognized absolute divorce. If, however, the national state permits of divorce, the grounds of divorce will be determined by the law of the domicile. But this sententia media advanced by me did not gain a victory in the committee. In 1894 the opinions were much divided but in 1900 the idea was adopted which the majority had already in 1894. It was demanded that both the national and the domiciliary state must recognize the institution of divorce, and that also the grounds of divorce must exist according to both systems of law. The same principle was adopted as to the séparation de corps. The authoritative rules read as follows (and I note that a small change was made in the first paragraph of Art. 2 through diplomatic negotiations) : 5 “ArT. 1. Les époux ne peuvent former une demande en divorce que si leur loi nationale et la loi du licu ot Ja demande est formée, admettent le divorce l’un et l’autre. “Tl en est de méme de la séparation de corps. “Art. 2. Le divorce ne peut étre demandé que si, dans le cas dont il s’agit, il est admis & la fois par la loi nationale des époux et par la loi du lieu ot la demande est formée, encore que ce soit pour des causes différentes. “Tl en est de méme de la séparation de corps.”’ It is true that a small modification of the principle was made because in Italy divorces have been granted to aliens where their national law so permits, although Italy itself did not recognize the institute of divorce at the time. The case is very remarkable, but the matter is settled. It is a kind of dis- counting of the divorce project in Italy.’ I cannot say that the provisions of Arts. 1 and 2 have my * Comp. my publication, Das internationale Privatrecht und die Staatenkon- ferenzen im Haag, pp. 51-53. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 153 full sympathy; for in the particular case, it may be very difficult to prove a concordance between two systems of law, and I do not consider it proper to try to solve the difficulties in inter- national private law by demanding the observance oj two laws— that means simply adding to the difficulties of the situation. It is true, the Third Conference tempered the principle by means of a rather subtle distinction. An accordance of the two laws as to the ground for divorce is no longer required, but simply that one ground shall exist by the lex patriae and another by the lex domicilii. Each ground is then considered internation- ally as a half-ground (demie-cause) and two half-grounds make one whole ground. It is that which has been expressed still clearer by the additional clause in Art. 2, encore que ce soit pour des causes différentes. 2. Special difficulties were also presented in the variously regulated competence of the courts' to deal with actions for divorce. According to the English and American view, the courts of the domicile have the right to determine actions for divorce. From the Continental European point of view it is surprising that a married woman may acquire an independent domicile so as to obtain a divorce at a remote place after a short sojourn. The exceptional peculiarities contained in the laws of South Dakota and Oklahoma Territory have made these places known also in Europe as divorce factories.’ Other countries accord only the national courts jurisdiction to grant divorces to their own subjects, while others recognize the home forum only as an exception. The convention did not found or create any forum, but made the jurisdiction of the court dependent upon the particular system of law. Especially important are Arts. 5 and 7. I will quote Art. 5. Art. 5. La demande en divorce ot en séparation de corps peut étre formée: on 1. Devant la juridiction compétente d’aprés la loi nationale des époux. 1 The details are given in my Internationales Zivilprozessrecht, p. 223 et seq. 2 See Zeitschrift fiir internationales Privat-und Strajfrecht, IV, pp. 404-407. 154 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS 2. Devant la juridiction compétente du lieu ot les époux sont domiciliés. Si, d’aprés leur législation nationale, les époux n’ont pas le méme domicile, la juridiction compétente est celle du domicile du defendeur. Dans le cas d’abandon et dans le cas d’un change- ment de domicile opéré aprés que la cause de divorce ou de sépara- tion est intervenue, la demande peut aussi étre formée devant la juridiction compétente du dernier domicile commun. ‘Toutefois, la juridiction nationale est réservée dans la mesure ow cette juridiction est seule compétente pour la demande en divorce ou en s€éparation de corps. La juridiction étrangére reste compétente pour un mariage qui ne peut donner lieu 4 une demande en divorce ou en séparation de corps devant la juridiction nationale compétente. 3. THE TREATY UPON THE GUARDIANSHIP OF MINORS AND THE DRAFT CONVENTION UPON INTERDICTION 1) Both conventions are based upon the same principle: The lex patriae was here again the victor. Art. 1 of the Con- vention pour régler la tutelle des mineurs reads as follows: La tutelle d’un mineur est réglée par sa loi nationale. And Art. 1 of the Projet d’une Convention concernant Vin- terdiction et les mesures de protections analogues provides: “L’interdiction est régle par la loi nationale de la personne & interdire, sauf les dérogations a cette régle contenues dans les articles suivants.” ' 2) If the national state does not institute a guardianship over minors, the local officials may do so, but they are here again restricted to the grounds recognized by the national state. In regard to interdiction (of persons physically weak or insane, spendthrifts) Art. 7 demands that in the event of officials of the place of sojourn instituting the proceeding, the law of that place and of the national state must permit of it. Scien- tifically, the cumulation of two systems of law is objectionable— I do not find it a nice solution. 3) Interdiction produces an effect everywhere so far as the capacity of the interdicted person to act is in question. Still, the state of sojourn may provide that the proceeding instituted by the foreign state must first be made publicly known there before such effect be given it. The limitation upon the capacity PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 155 to act will then date only from that time forth as against inno- cent third parties. Art. 9 is not intended to mean that every interdiction, e. g., also that based upon a declaration of weakness of mind, must be recognized everywhere. According to the Actes de la IV Conjérence, the question of personal freedom remains untouched —in the discussion my colleague Rocurn clearly explained this question, upon which we lay great stress in Switzerland, and all the delegates were entirely agreed in relation to it. 4. THE TREATY UPON SUCCESSION The project elaborated in 1904 differs materially from the earlier projects. It may be said to rest upon four principles: 1) It enacts the unity or universality of the estate; so that immovables may not be subjected to the law of succession in force at the place of their situation. In Continental Europe, this rule is regarded as very important, although France, Belgium, Netherlands, Hungary, and Russia support a different system. The scientific writers of all these states, however, recognize that the condition of the law requires reform. The estate should not be cut up and subjected to various systems of law. 2) The estate is subjected to national law in regard to the transfer to the heirs, the rank of the heirs, their quota, representation, deduction for advances, and the per- emptory quota. Norway, Denmark, and Switzerland have up till now supported the principle of the domicile. As rep- resentative of Switzerland I attempted a compromise upon the basis of the existing laws. Art. 22 of the federal statute upon the legal relationships of persons domiciled and sojourning, provides: “Succession is governed according to the law of the last domicile of the deceased. ‘“‘A person may, however, subject the succession to his CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS estate tothe law of his home country by testamentary dis- position or contract for succession.” This rule applies also to aliens residing in Switzer- land (Art. 32). I stated to the Conference.(Comp., e. g., Actes de la troisieme Conjérence, pp. 85-87) that there should also be a means of reconciling the domiciliary with the national law in matters of succession. I therefore proposed, among other things, to let the /ex patriae govern, but to give the testator the right, by a formal act, to designate the domiciliary law. I thus reversed the Swiss provision. I pointed out that many individuals in modern times are intimately connected with the domicilary state, and therefore it is improper to restrict them to the law of succession of the national state, to which they are bound by weak ties only. But the majority continued to hold the view that the national law must alone be authoritative. 3) Aliens are upon equal footing with natives, in matters of succession. This had to be stated particularly, because some countries of Europe still give prior rights to native sub- jects over pieces of property situated in the local territory. This rule is based upon the French law of 1819.’ 4) The attempt is made to specify the so-called imperative or prohibitive rules by means of declarations to be given by the governments of the participating nations within a certain time (Art. 6). This matter will be treated further at the next Conference. The difficult question of jurisdiction in disputes over successions will be also discussed at the next Conference.’ *Comp. my work, Internationales Civil und Handelsrecht, Il, p. 133: Kuhn’s translation, Sec. 136, II, 2. ? Germany elaborated a draft relating to the jurisdiction of the courts, which is printed in my Internationales Zivilprozessrecht, p. 256 et seq. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 157 Cc CONCERNING THE INTERNATIONAL LAW OF BANKRUPTCY The international conferences dealt here with a subject basically differing from the others. Whereas, international private law deals with the question whether local or foreign private law is applicable to a particular legal relationship, or whether in instituting a guardianship, state A is entitled to place an individual of state B under the machinery of guardian- ship, international bankruptcy law has for its object the deter- mination as to whether a local bankruptcy of its own force affects assets situated abroad, and whether a foreign bankruptcy affects assets in the local state; so also as to what influence bankruptcy has upon the legal position of the bankrupt inter- nationally and as to how the various proceedings such as certifi- cates of incomplete payment, compromise agreements, or dis- charges are to be interpreted internationally (a question which may also arise intercolonially). Thus it will become important to determine how far a question is one of the internal law of execution (procedure) and how far one of foreign substantive law, and to what extent each shall be applied. Of course, in international bankruptcy law, the entire subject of international private law may come into point.’ The subject was taken up at the Second Conference (1894) but the project then elaborated designated itself only as a prelim- inary work (Actes de la deuxieme Conférence, 1894, pp. 59-62). At the Third Conference, the subject was again dealt with, but no draft resulted (Actes de la troisiéme Conjérence, pp. 147-151). Since some considerable time, the idea thrown out by SAVIGNY (System des rimischen Rechts, VIII, p. 283) has been widely followed, particularly by Italian jurists, to the effect that a bankruptcy is possible only at one place; they put the concep- tion of the pluralité or territorialité de la faillite over against that 1This remark has already been made by Lyon-CaENn and RENAULT, Traité de droit commercial, VIII, 3d edition, No. 1225. 158 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS of unité.| This principle was supported also by an inter- national congress held at Turin, which formulated detailed conclusions.” The same tendency was evidenced also by the Institut de droit international.’ It formulated in Paris, in 1894, Régles générales sur les rapports internationaux en matiere de faillite (Annuaire XIII, 1894-95, pp. 279-281) and Rocuin worked out proposals for the meeting at Brussels (Annuaire XIX, 1902, p- 115; discussion at pp. 232 e¢ seq.). The Institut concluded to rest upon the results of the discussion—certain questions were not determined, but were left in suspense for regulation later. (Art. 4 of RoGutn’s proposal; the equalizing of the non-merchant with the merchant; the position of minors, interdicted persons, etc.; also the question of mortgages and priorities.) The draft treaty of Montevideo (1889) also treated of bank- ruptcy, but without establishing the rule of universality. The provisions are printed in the papers of the International Amer- ican Conference and are entitled, Reports of Committees and Discussions Thereon, Vol. II, pp. 900-g02.* The idea of the universality of bankruptcy is at first sight most captivating. It expresses the view that bankruptcy pro- ceedings have extraterritorial effect, that they affect all the assets of the bankrupt wherever found, and that the adminis- trator in bankruptcy at the place of bankruptcy may distribute equitably for all creditors. But as soon as the question is approached practically, it becomes clear that WHARTON (Con- flict of Laws, §807) not unjustly speaks of the “romantic cosmo- *Comp., e. g., GEMMA, II fallimento nei rapporti internazionali, 1897, p. 12. The whole tendency is reflected in the publication of CaRLE entitled, La dottrina giuridica del fallimento nel diritto privato internazionale, 1872. 2? Comp. my Geschichte und System des internationalen Privatrechts im Grundriss, pp. 176-177. 3 KoHLER very unfavorably criticises the resolutions of the Institut de droit. (Civilistisches, Archiv 96, pp. 348-349) He says they are far from grasping the difficulties of the question, and that their deliberations cannot be regarded as assisting matters. ‘ The provisions are also to be found in my Kodification des internationalen Zivil-und Handelsrechts, pp. 133-146, and in Zeitschrift fir internationales Privat-und Straprecht, I, 480-482 (Heck). PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 159 politan efficacy” of the bankruptcy decree.’ To effectuate the bankruptcy upon assets throughout the world is a matter of extraordinary difficulty: 1. Because of the diffusion of the various parts of the estate. 2. Because of the prosecution of claims at one place—the lin- guistic difficulties may here be referred to. 3. Circumstances which may arise may have to do with the credibility of foreign officials, the firmness of foreign courts in dealing with doubtful bankruptcies, and in seeing that all creditors are treated alike. In a word, it is a question of the most intense mutual confidence. Under these circumstances The Hague Conjerences did not aitempt to elaborate a drajt treaty intended to be binding upon all the participating nations. The Conference of 1904 satisfied itself by working out a model treaty for such nations as may desire to enter into treaty relations upon bankruptcy with each other, permitting each state to determine whether or not it will conclude a treaty with any other.’ Some few such treaties have been concluded in modern times, sanctioning, upon this modest basis and between the states concluding them, the universality of bankruptcy proceed- ings. In this connection, reference is to be made to the follow- ing treaties: 1. Between France and Switzerland, 1869 (Arts. 6-9 of the treaty on the jurisdiction of the courts treats of the law of bank- ruptcy). 2. Between France and Belgium, 1899, Art. 8. 3. Between Wurttemberg and Switzerland, 1826. (The treaties with Bavaria and Saxony do not go so far.) 1 Comp. also KLEINFELLER, Die Universitat der Wirkungen des Konkurseréff- nungsbeschlusses in Zeitschrift yur internationales Privat-und offentliches Recht, XUL, p. §49-574- 2 There are also treaties dealing with bankruptcy law among other topics, as for instance, certain treaties concluded by the German Empire (comp. BéHNE, Die Réumliche Herrschaft der Rechtsnormen, 1890, pp. 212-214). The settle- ment and consular treaty of Italy with Switzerland of 1868 also contains one provision of bankruptcy law (Art. 8). 160 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS III. The question may be asked as to whether other nations of the world, particularly England and America, are in a position to participate in The Hague Conferences in the future, and eventually to join the conventions and convention drafts. In this connection the following points may be emphasized: 1. An affirmative answer may be given in regard to the con- vention upon the international law of procedure. Here we have a neutral subject-matter that is, notwithstand- ing, of considerable importance to the accomplishment of justice. It is imperative that justice shall triumph throughout the world, and particularly also in connection with processual manceuvres, in that the nations obligate themselves mutually to lend a helping hand in the matter of citations, the summoning of witnesses, the taking of expert testimony, the forwarding of documents, and further, in that they undertake to open the courts of justice to aliens as much as to native subjects, without imposing security and to foreign poor persons in the same manner as the native, etc., they elevate the cause of justice to . the rank of humanitarianism and give it the stamp of universality. Only in this way can they fully accomplish the ideal task of justice. But even exclusive of the fact that this union places inter- national justice upon the only proper basis, a much fairer judgment of the institutions of the various nations is arrived at by the contact of their legal systems. It is similar to the process which the individual undergoes in studying the language and literature of another people; it may be taken as certain, that every one understanding the language of a foreign people will more justly appreciate their institutions. Furthermore, the several nations are but a part of a greater whole, and we should be solicitous of the welfare of the whole also in the law. 2. Much more difficult is it for me to judge the situation in regard to the questions oj international private law, embracing the convention now ratified by seven nations and the projected conventions. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 161 In this connection it is necessary to make some general remarks. The theories and rules of law in force throughout the world upon international private law may be divided into three main groups: a. There is a group of states supporting the rule that their subjects may rely upon their national law in private matters even though abroad, especially in regard to the law of persons, the family, and succession, and that aliens may do the same in the local state. This practice is followed by nearly the whole of Europe with the excep- tion of England, Denmark, Norway, and Switzerland. b. There is a group of states in which the law of the momentary domicile controls. This is, according to WHARTON, the law of the United States of America and also the law of the Province of Quebec, by virtue of a number of pro- visions of the Civil Code of Lower Canada, e. g., Arts. 6, 7, 8, 135, 599, 600, 776;' this is also the law of Argen- tine and of the treaty of Montevideo. WHarTON, in his Conflict of Laws, Sec. 8, calls nationality an ‘“‘unfair standard of personal law.” c. Another group of states looks solely to the law of the place where the parties are located. This is the English view. The American jurist DupLtey Fieip, in his Drajt Outlines of an International Code (under title of personal capacity) lays down the following principle (Art. 542). The civil capacities and incapacities of an individual in reference to a transaction with living persons, except so far as it affects immovable property . . . . are governed by the law of the place where the transaction is had, whatever may be his national character or domicile or the place of his birth. And DupLey FIELD easily deluded himself with the idea that Europe was also tending in this direction, for he says: “It is not the rule now recognized by European international law although the tendency of opinion is in this direction.” 1 Comp. E. LAFLEUR, The Conflict of Laws in the Province of Quebec (Mon- treal, 1898). 162 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS A kind of juristic dogma has existed upon the Continent of Europe for several decades, referrable to the new Italian school founded by MANcINI, an Italian jurist and statesman, to the effect that the national law and statute represent the authorita- tive and only standard in international matters. Sir WALTER PHILLIMORE, in his address before the International Law Association at Glasgow, 1901, spoke of the ‘‘more modern school of French jurists.”’ This is an error. The doctrine is traceable to Italy, and hence we may speak of the new Italian school.’ It arises partly from political considerations in that it is believed that the development of a people into a unified nation necessarily requires that its subjects be respected, as such, also abroad and be considered as subject to national law in matters of civil law. But this is also an error. I recognize thoroughly that the lex patriae should give the standard in many branches of international private law, but I deny that this principle can claim absolute control; it did not stand the test of practical life in which I was long active. I was never too tired to point out that a reconciliation should be accomplished between the two main principles, and I have stated that the task of jurisprudence should be scientifically as follows:* “We should demarcate those elements, on the one hand, which permit the lawmaker to give effect to the law of the domicile or sojourn, and on the other hand, those which influence him to promote and effectuate the continuance of that public bond which connects the individual with his native (home) state.” I have also continually supported this idea of reconciliation * Comp. Report of the Twentieth Conference, p. 230, where W. PHILLIMORE says, “The more modern school of French jurists would, if I understand them aright, reject the /ex domicilit and substitute for it the national law.” ? Comp. my handbook, Internationales Civil und Handelsrecht, I, p. 120 et seq.; KUHN’s translation, §35 e¢ seg. The first Italian school may be asso- ciated with the name of BARTOLUS. *I made this proposal in my pamphlet (out of print): Der erste europdische Staatenkongress uber internationales Privatrecht (1894), p. 10; in my address, Der internationale Geist in der Jurisprudenz (Zurich, 1897), p. 27; in my article, Das Problem des internationale Privatrechts in Oesterreichischen Centralblatt fur die juristische Praxis, V, pp. 193-222; in my article: Ueber das historische Debut der Doktrin des internationalen Privat-und Strajrecht (Leipzig, 1899), p. 12, and in my handbook: Internationales Crvil und Handelrecht, 1, p. 164- 167, KuHn’s translation §45. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 163 at the Conferences (Actes 1893, p. 69; Actes 1894, p. 37; Actes 1900, pp. 85-87). And again, in 1904, I referred to the necessity of sanctioning a sententia media—I was supported in this by my colleague, RocuiN, with a proposal relating to succession, although indeed I had certain doubts as to its practicability. A reconciliation might be accomplished: 1. By setting a period of time after which aliens domiciled in the local state shall be subject to local private law— say a period of five or ten years. We would not by this force aliens to surrender their foreign nationality. 2. By respecting partly the national law and partly the domi- ciliary law. This middle way would be possible: a. In the law of persons as to the status. b. In family law in regard to: a. Matrimonial property. B. Divorce. y. Guardianship. 3. By making children of aliens born in the local state subjects of that state. These ideas, I believe, would find favor more easily with the Anglo-American legal world than with the jurists of the European Continent. And perhaps I would have had a greater chance of success if England and America had participated in the Conference—at any rate, I always regretted that these nations were missing at The Hague.’ An unlimited emphasis of the importance of the lex patriae is injurious to the unity of private law; for this is destroyed when aliens can claim the application of their national law in the local state. Particularly bad would be the situation, where (as in America and Switzer- land) many foreigners reside. On the other hand, it is difficult 1T stated my regret at the absence of the Anglo-American race already in my pamphlet, Der erste europdische Staatenkongress ziber das internationale Privatrecht, Vienna, 1894, pp. 13-14. In my handbook, I, p. 23 (Kuun’s trans- lation International Civil and Commercial Law §¢, II, 6), I pointed out that representatives from England and America would have counteracted the exag- gerated importance given to the lex patriae. So, also, in my Internationales Civilprozessrecht, p. 26, SIMEON E. BALDWIN is of a contrary opinion. Comp. Harvard Law Review, XVII, p. 402, and Columbia Law Review, IV, p. 307. 164 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS to fight against articles of faith in jurisprudence, for that is really what we have in the /ex patriae principle. Small states, like Switzerland, are in an especially unfortunate situation, for they must follow the weight of authority of theory and practice even though little convinced of its correctness. I am, on the other hand, glad to see that the unlimited con- trol of territoriality (English conception) and of the lex domicilii (American conception: WHARTON) is being shaken. In the address of Sir WALTER PHILLIMORE before the International Law Association at Glasgow (Report of the Twentieth Conference, p- 230) he makes the following noteworthy remarks in men- tioning the new school for the application of national law: “TI have a great sympathy with this school, and I see much that would be gained in simplicity and certainty by substituting in all questions of personal status the national law for the law of the domicile.” These words represent the strongest criticism of the comments of the most reputed English and American authors (WESTLAKE, WHARTON, STORY, DuDLEY FIELD). Jj these words would gradually gain favor in English and American legal circles, there would be hope for the reconciliation of the two main principles, as proposed by me, and it would then be possible to accomplish unijorm rules of conflict between the Old and the New World, by concessions made on both sides. But, in the mean time, I seriously doubt whether the time has yet arrived for England and America to join the conven- tions. A different question is that, as to whether these nations should not be represented at the conferences ad audiendum et referendum. The divergencies in the theories upon the inter- national private law are—even exclusive of the personal statute— very considerable. I will here merely recall the fact that accord- ing to one of the leading tendencies in English and American law, immovables are governed by the law of their situation. This is true in regard to: a) The capacity to act. b) The form of legal transactions. c) The law of succession. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 165 I refer to the following statements made by leading author- ities: Story (Conflict of Laws, §424 et seg.): ‘The general prin- ciple of the common law is that the laws of the place where such property is situate exclusively govern in respect to the right of the parties, the modes of transfer, and the solemnities which should accompany them.” Art. 586 of DUDLEY FIELD’s code provides: “The succession of the immovable property of one who dies intestate as to such property is determined exclusively by the law of the place in which the immovables are locally situate.” WHARTON (Conflict of Laws, §560) expresses himself with assurance as follows: ‘‘The law, both in England, the United States, and France, is clearly settled that in those countries in matters of succession, realty is governed by the lex rei sitae. Kent (Commentaries on American Law, 12 Ed. [Hotes] II, pp- 429-431): This jurist assumes to assert that it is well settled in the law of all civilized countries, that real property as to its tenure, mode of enjoyment, transfer and descent, is to be regulated by the lex loci rei sitae. Now, it must be said that, particularly in North America, there is no adequate legal ground for the control of the locus of the property in regard to immovables when not concerning the determination of real rights, for feudalism, so far as I know, was never introduced in America as it existed in Europe. The theory that wherever immovables are in question (the law of persons, obligations, succession), the law of the situation of the property must govern was brought over from England essentially as a kind of colonial freight and England took the rule from the Netherlands—even rules of law may be traced to race wanderings. But even without considering feudalism and the journey that the theory made, it is urgently to be desired that England and America relinquish the unlimited reference of immovables to the place of situation; the rule is to be confined to real rights. It should especially not be applied in the law of 166 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS succession, because the estate as a unity can and should be subjected to only one system of law. Still it would be mistaking the “tempo” of history to demand of the Anglo-American sphere of jurisprudence to alter, as it were, from one day to the other, conceptions to which the people have become attached. For this is required a longer time, more detailed study, comparative research, and the enlightenment of younger generations. It is also true that there are European nations whose systems of law still support the doctrines of the lex rei sitae in regard to immovables, e. g., France, Austria, Russia. But in the first two countries, at least, the soundness of the theory has been entirely destroyed, and there is no longer any faith in it. Even in Russia, the celebrated jurist v. MARTENS is against it ‘“‘en pure théorie”” In England and America, however, it is an article of legal faith, and we all know how difficult it is to rejorm it; this particularly so of a people who are very conservative in legal matters.’ No author has opposed the controlling view in these countries. There is perhaps one treaty, namely that upon entrance into marriage, which might be acceptable to England and America, for the very reason that in Art. 1 other systems, besides the national law, are reserved for application. Refer- ence may here again be made to a recent discussion by Sir WALTER PHILLIMORE (Report of Twentieth Conference of the International Law Association, 1901, p. 288 et seq.). This jurist favors even extending the conditions for a valid marriage, for he proposes the following (238): “The essentials of marriage should be regulated by the personal law and by the /ex doc’; both should be complied with.” In my opinion, this cumulation again goes too far, but it ' Martens-Lfo, Droit international, II, p. 455. * This is shown also as to the limitation of actions. WHARTON, §545, points out that European jurists are opposed to determining limitations by the lex fori; the reasons he gives are sound, but he holds to the practice. Why? “The rule is now too firmly settled to be shaken.’” Comp. my handbook, I, p. 210: A. K. Kunn’s translation, §56. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 167 shows plainly how Purititmore has relinquished the belief in salvation solely through the lex domicilii! The Hague conventions were the subject of a general dis- cussion before the International Law Association in Antwerp, 1903. Sir WALTER PHILLIMORE made an address also here and discussed ‘“‘the advisability of the British Government taking part in the legal conference at The Hague on private inter- national law” (Report of Twenty-first Conference, 1904, p. 80). PHILLIMORE here regretted that Great Britain has, up to the present, not participated in The Hague Conference (and also in other conferences upon maritime law). Sir WitiAM KENNEDY (Judge of the High Court of Justice in London) proposed a resolution (p. 85) which was accepted (p. 93): “That this Conference, considering the great importance of the co-operation of the Government of Great Britain in relation to International Conventions for such purposes as are set forth in Sir WALTER PHILLIMORE’s paper, resolves that it is desirable that the Executive Council of this Association should take steps respectfully to lay before the British Government the points dealt with in that paper, together with this resolution, and to obtain permission for the audience of a deputation for the purpose.” But even though, in my opinion, the time zs not yet ripe for England and America to join all The Hague conventions, the time may, nevertheless, become ripe. This is the hope I wish to express here, and this leads me to a brief recapitulation of my ideas. RESUME The significance and scope of the Conferences which have taken place at The Hague so far as concerns other nations may be recapitulated as follows: I. It has been proved in Europe that the gradual elaboration of rules upon the private conflicts of law, or if one prefers, a code of international private law, by means of treaties,’ is not an illusion. 1 Comp. Fr. Kaun, Die einheitliche Kodifikation des internationalen Privat- rechts durch Staatsvertrage, (Leipzig, 1904); Contuzzi, Le conjferenze di diritto internazionale privato all’Aja, (Napoli, 1904), advances some general views upon the duty of Europe to codify international private law upon the basis of the international conferences held at The Hague (pp. 312-320). 168 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS Speaking generally, this result of The Hague Conferences is of the highest importance, for it furnishes a noteworthy con- trast to the treaty projects elaborated by the South and Central American states at Lima in 1878 and at Montevideo in 1889.’ II. It is of special importance to note that the only proper procedure was adopted at The Hague; the details of the ques- tions must be approached and the time of general axioms, the significance of which were for so many centuries held in the foreground, has passed away. Further endeavors must be characterized by the same speciali- zation of the questions, as has already proved so practical. III. It is indeed true that after four conferences held at The Hague we are merely at the beginning of our task, and that it is particularly necessary to cultivate the study of international private law in all countries more thoroughly and in detail than heretofore. A noble competition should be called forth among the jurists of the whole world. Only thus can the universal uniformity of the rules of conflict be kept seriously in mind. This international ‘ractandum must, of course, be approached from the international and universalistic point of view if it is to be properly accomplished. In order to arrive at a practical result, various dangers must be avoided. IV. The subject-matter must be approached in a system- atic and methodical] manner, and all hurry and stress should be carefully avoided. There is plenty of time at the disposal of the world’s progress.” Of course, all progress demands a certain trend toward ideal,’ but the attempt to complete a great plan 1T have had these treaty projects re-printed in my publication, Die Kodifika- tion des internationalen Crvil-und Handelsrecht (Leipzig, 1891). ? BROCHER, Cours de droit international privé suivant les principes consacrés par le droit positi} Frangais, II, p. 428, is of the same view when he states: “Il ne faut pas se le dissimuler: les antécédents historiques et la position actuelle de certains Etats s’opposeront longtemps encore 4 ce que l’unité se fasse d’une maniére plus ou moins absolute; c’est un but qu’il faut se proposer d’atteindre sans y mettre trop d’impatience.” 3 There is no doubt a certain international trend in England, in more recent times, that is much to be approved. Thus, G. G. PHILLIMORE, in the Journal of the Society of Comparative Legislation (1904), expresses himself in favor of England joining the international union relating to railroad freight law. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 169 upon the spot usually meets with doubtful success, although, indeed, the Pan-American Congress (held in Mexico, 1901-02), concluded that a code of international private law could be elaborated in the shortest time by a commission of five American and two European jurists. We may here recall the fact that two historical predecessors of The Hague Conferences remained fruitless, viz, the efforts of the Netherlands in 1874 to call a conference for an under- standing upon the execution of foreign civil judgments, and the efforts of Mancini in 1881. From this it is not difficult to deduce that all new works require that the foundation be care- fully prepared, and this has been done particularly by the labors of the Institut de droit international, and in part also by those of the International Law Association. V. If we are to work toward accomplishing, in the natural tempo of history, universal uniformity in the rules of conflict, it is especially necessary that all nations take a lively interest in international private law; that particularly Anglo-American jurisprudence shall reform its views on certain topics; that England and America shall carefully study and test the questions discussed at The Hague Conferences, in order to determine whether they will participate in them in future.’ In answering this question, the error already made in Eng- land should not be repeated. The tendency toward establish- ing cosmopolitan rules of conflict leaves the national autonomy of each state wholly untouched as regards its substantive private law; in fact, an agreement as to rules of conflict presupposes the existence of divergent systems of private law. When, there- fore, in 1893, England refused to participate in the conferences at The Hague because of the peculiar nature of English private law, it was, in my opinion, the result of an error as to the task and purpose of those conferences.” 11 refer to the remarks of SImEoN E. BaLpwin in his article, ‘“Recent Pro- gress Towards Agreement on Rules to Prevent a Conflict of Laws,” in Har- vard Law Review, April, 1904, p. 404. 2 The statement of Councillor ASSER at the First Conference (September 12, 1893) seems to me to be sound when he says (Actes de la Conférence dela Haye, 170 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS This conception accords also with the reply given by Lord GRANVILLE in 1881 to the memorandum of the Italian minister, Mancrni, to the effect that an understanding might be arrived at in regard to the following subjects: nationality, mixed mar- riages, domicile, succession, droit d’aubaine, and the execution of foreign judgments (Journal du droit, i, XIII, 1886). VI. It is further absolutely necessary that international private law, as an independent branch of law, be methodically taught and studied in all countries, at least at the great univer- sities. In other words, independent professorships should be founded, and in this regard America, with its munificent patrons of universities, can light the way to many of the nations of Europe.’ Of course, as an accompaniment, comparative jurisprudence’ should also receive special attention at the universities. VII. It would also be practical to establish private or off- cial commissions in the principal countries for the special purpose of studying the subject of international private law, and make proposals for legislation and the conclusion of treaties. This practice has been followed in France, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Russia, these states being thus inspired by the spirit of The Hague Conferences. VIII. It is also imperative that officially conducted legal bureaus be created in every country, for the purpose of giving correct information to foreign courts as to the existing private law. Parties, advocates, and judges are frequently in an unfor- tunate situation because of not knowing where and how to 1893, p. 26): “Nous respecterons la souveraineté et l’autonomie des Etats. Nous n’aspirons pas a lunification générale du droit privé. Au contraire, c’est précisément la diversité des lois nationales qui fait sentir la necéssité d’une solution uniforme des conflits internationaux. “Le programme de cette Conférence est donc, en lui méme, un éclatant hom- mage 4 l’autonomie nationale.” 1T have often referred to this necessity; I did this as early as 1889, in my publication: Die internationalen Unionen ziber das Recht der Weltverkehrsan- stalten und des geistgen Eigentums (Leipzig, 1889), p. 77- 2I may here refer to my publication, Institutionen der vergleichenden Rechtswissenschaft. Ein Grundriss (Stuttgart, 1898). I made therein a col- lection of materials. PAPER OF PROFESSOR MEILI 171 obtain this information—this applies with special force to the Anglo-American sphere of law. In saying this, I nevertheless recognize that the American Academy of Political and Social Science has done good service in propagating the knowledge of foreign laws. Tt must be clear to us all that by virtue of the facility of travel jrom state to state, and from one part of the world to the other, international intercourse is making continual and praiseworthy progress. Both jurisprudence and legislation must keep on a parallel with this condition of things. It is to this tendency that The Hague Conferences owe their existence. The Government of the Netherlands and the promoter of the idea, State-Councillor ASSER, of The Hague, are primarily the heralds which have announced the legal demands of the times. And if the nations show their good will, the work begun at The Hague may easily be the starting-point of an important development in jurispru- dence. Nothing is so clear as this, that international private law can only be really great, significant, and effective if the rules laid down are recognized in equal degree the world over. For this purpose is required, besides an enthusiastic desire for justice, methodical work, thorough study, and continual instruc- tion. When I recall that jurisprudence has often been given new impulses at world’s fairs, I am led to hope that the history of the St. Louis Exposition may announce: “That international private law was given new energy and new fruit at St. Louis, in that there the necessity was pointed out that all states, and especially those of the English and American sphere of law must approach those of Europe in regard to their rules of conflict, upon the basis of The Hague Conferences, and that this branch of law may flourish only if supported by the spirit of uni- versality.” In conclusion, I would say that this spirit of universality must be everywhere encouraged. It is in this way that interna- tional intercourse and the science of international private law will make great progress.’ [Applause.] 1See Appendix B for the text of the various Hague conventions and con- vention projects. 172 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS The PRESIDENT: We are now to listen to a discussion of these papers and this subject by our well-known friend, Judge BALDWIN, of Connec- ticut. Judge Batpwiy, of the Supreme Court of Errors of Connecticut, a Delegate of the United States Government: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Congress: A congress like this, sitting but for three days, however distinguished may be its membership, cannot justly hope to accomplish much of original, constructive work, but it serves a useful and important office in offering an opportunity for an exchange of views and an exchange of information. We have been fortunate in having had to-day brought before us, in clear review, the doings of these four conferences of The Hague for the advancement of private international law, con- ferences which many, I am afraid, of the bar in all countries, have, in an indistinct way, confused with the greater Conference of 1899, by which The Hague Tribunal was constituted. But, as shown by the papers this afternoon, two of these congresses long preceded that and two followed it, one having been held this summer, of which the gentleman who last addressed us was a distinguished member. We know well in the United States how important to the bar and to the bench is this subject of preventing a conflict of laws. Here we have forty-five different sovereignties, each with full local jurisdiction and equal in autonomy—subject, to be sure, in national affairs, to another sovereignty, but subject to it in national affairs only. In framing the program of this Congress, the committee of the American Bar Association, to whom it was intrusted, took special pains to have what the powers of Europe have been doing of late towards preventing a conflict of laws there fully presented, and it is our rare good fortune to have had such complete reports of the last Hague Conference, which adjourned only in June. It is now thirty years since the Government of the Nether- JUDGE BALDWIN 173 lands, represented here by our distinguished friend, Professor Jirta, initiated a movement in this direction. It takes at least the space of a generation for any great advance in international relations to become fully established. In 1874, as was men- tioned by Professor Meru, the Netherlands proposed in vain to the powers of Europe the convocation of a conference to estab- lish a judicial union between them under which the courts and governments of each should recognize a personal status acquired in any other, and under which rules should be framed for the enforcement of foreign judgments. Now, in 1904, the Netherlands have the happiness of seeing the results thus aimed at largely achieved. England, as Professor Mrrz1 has stated, was approached by the Government of the Netherlands with an invitation to join in the first of these conferences in 1893, but declined. Her government felt the substratum of her laws and her judicial system differed too widely from that of Continental Europe to warrant her adhesion to the movement, and I dare say if the United States had received a similar invitation, it would have been declined for similar reasons, especially in view of our con- stitutional limitations. The Anglo-American distinction be- tween real and personal property is so deeply rooted that any- thing calculated to unsettle it must be looked upon by the English or American bar with some distrust, if not disfavor. But is it not evident that, on principle, this distinction has long ceased to occupy its original position? The day when a man or family was known by the land on which they had their home, and when it was the tenure of that land which measured a man’s main rights as a citizen, or as a ruler, has passed away. How many families in countries recognizing a hereditary and landed aris- tocracy are to-day the owners of the estate from which they originally derived their names? The proudest house in Europe, the House of Hapsburg, I believe, if it sought its original ances- tral domain, would find it in the hands of strangers, in the canton of Neuchatel, in the Swiss Republic. The political reasons for controlling succession to land by 174 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS the laws of the country in which it lies are also no longer what they were. Its ownership gives few and continually fewer political rights. Its economic significance as a form of capital is steadily declining. It has been replaced in this respect by the modern private corporation. Great and small fortunes alike, we all know, are largely, if not mainly, made up of cor- porate securities, not land. Let the American or English lawyer once bring himself to recognize the fact that, except as a subject of taxation, land considered as private property now stands to the government in no relation different in kind from that borne by property of any other description, and he will find it not difficult to look upon the settlement of successions and bankruptcies and the management of guardianships from the standpoint of Continental Europe. A more serious difficulty, perhaps, is that Anglo-American law centers all that pertains to the civil status of the individual in his home, in his domicile, and does not test it by his nation- ality. When, as a hundred years ago, here and everywhere, nationality was unchangeable except by the express consent of the sovereign, there was a reason for preferring domicile. That could be freely chosen; but now nationality can be. The old maxim, nemo patriam in qua natus est exuere nec ligeantiae debitum ejurare possit, has perished, and has perished largely by the efforts of statesmen and the provisions of treaties during the last generation. This removes one great objection to domicile and argument in favor of nationality as a test of property rights and property succession. On the other hand, in some countries, and espe- cially in that where we are met, it adds another objection against nationality. The emigration of foreigners into the United States, with the purpose of settling here, either temporarily or permanently, is, as you know, immense and increasing. Natur- alization, if they wish it, cannot be had for five years. Mean- while they may acquire a domicile. If they die during that time, or if they marry during that time, or a great change in their property relations occurs, it might be awkward for American JUDGE BALDWIN 175 courts to search out and apply a foreign law to determine the questions that arise because it was the law of their original nationality. I do not, however, think (and I am glad to agree with Professor MEILI in that), that these difficulties arising out of a choice of nationality rather than domicile at The Hague Conferences, as a test of personal status, and the distinction be- tween land and other property so peculiar to England and America, are fatal necessarily to their acceptance of the prin- ciples of these Hague Conferences, and I hope that the wish expressed by Doctor Jitra may be realized, and that in future conferences of this character the invitations of the powers ex- tending them may not be limited to a single continent. It is international conferences like these, Mr. President, that are bringing the civilized world together in matters of gov- ernmental regulation. They are not called to deal with great generalities. They are called to deal with practical questions of present importance. They have respect to the property rela- tions of private individuals. They may make use of existing governmental agencies—I mean the courts of justice of the powers concerned. They deal with particulars rather than with universal propositions, and lawyers know that to attempt every- thing is to fail in everything. I have referred to the constitutional limitations which, in the United States, have an important bearing on any project for regulating by treaty matters of international private law. The United States, as a nation, can hardly, under present conditions, so far change their political traditions as to extend the treaty power to a concert of legislation on matters of such a character, which are purely local in their nature, with nations on other continents. The States, acting individually, could not become parties to such a concert, for it is expressly forbidden by the Constitution of the United States. They can, with the consent of Congress, agree among themselves to establish similar con- ventions, and they can, without that consent, change, each for itself, their laws so as to bring them into closer accord on these subjects or on any other. They have been doing this during the 176 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS last dozen years through the annual conference of commis- sioners on uniform State legislation, in which most of our States and territories are now represented, and which gave encourage- ment, as has been stated by Professor ASSER, to the Government of the Netherlands to call these various conferences which have been described to us to-day. But it is as easy to repeal as to enact. There is, therefore, no assurance of stability to the beginnings of uniform legislation which have been made, at the instance of these conferences or of the American Bar Association, by the several States. In this respect the powers of Europe occupy a position much more favorable to permanence of policy. Each of these Hague treaties or conventions must, by its terms, remain in force for five years, and will then be tacitly considered as renewed unless explicitly denounced and terminated. The Hague Convention has, as has been stated, been already recognized not only by the executive, but by the legislative de- partments of seven European states, and must eventually, to have full effect, be ratified by the legislatures of most of the rest. This gives them additional assurance of stability, but stability is best guaranteed by the intrinsic character of these treaties themselves as they have been described to us. They have not attempted too much. They have not aimed at the establishment of uniform laws in respect to the family, but uni- form rules for applying the family law of particular states— not, for instance, that marriage shall be celebrated in accordance with the laws of any one state at all times, but that marriage between those who are citizens of a certain state may be cele- brated in accordance with the laws of that state, wherever that celebration may occur. The design of The Hague treaties, then, is simply to prevent a conflict between the laws of one country and those of others on the same subject by determining, in advance, by means of general regulations, which shall govern, if the case turning on them comes before the courts. Each country may think its own laws the best, and yet each may, without any inconsistency, PRESIDENT BREWER 177 agree to let foreigners in certain cases be subject to foreign rules, with which they may be expected to be more familiar. It is this spirit of moderation to which Professor Merxt has alluded with such emphasis, this contentment with comparatively slight advances which is so striking a feature of the work of the Four Hague Conferences, and it is this that carries with it the surest promise that their results will endure.’ [Applause.] The PRESIDENT: I have received no card from any gentleman indicating a desire to speak upon this subject. I presume that most of you have felt, as I have felt, more inclined to listen and take in the thoughts of these papers than to express any thought of your own. I do not propose to enter upon any discussion of the questions which they have so well presented, but you will pardon me a single word: I trust every member of this Congress will carefully read these papers when they are published, for I am sure he will find in them matter worthy of the most serious con- sideration. We are making, in this country, an effort to secure uniformity in State legislation in respect to commercial matters and the family relations, and it is only part of the same thought that the civilized nations shall be brought into harmony in their legislation on these important matters. As a member of the Supreme Court of the United States, I may say, looking back on the questions that have been before us during the last five or ten years, that we have had none upon which we have had more earnest discussions, or which often brought more perplexity than those affecting the validity of divorces in one State of parties one of the other of whom resided in some other State. We have had to upset decrees in cases which have been very trying, cases in which individuals who, innocently entering into the marriage relation relying on decrees, which we have been compelled to vacate, were, in effect, 1A partial bibliography, miepared by Judge BaLpwin, of what has been printed in reference to The Hague Conferences for regulating different matters of Private International Law, will be found in the Appendix. (See Appendix B.) 178 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS branded as having violated the laws by entering into bigamous relations. All these and similar difficulties may be and will be avoided when the States and the nations realize the importance of getting into harmony in their legislation upon, not merely the family relations, but upon commercial matters. I most earnestly commend these able papers to your thoughtful consideration. The Committee of Nations is now ready to make a report. Mr. Justice NesBitt (Chairman of the Committee of Nations) : Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Congress: A number of the communications that have been handed in to the Commit- tee have been discussed by it, I may say, very thoroughly. I have been asked by the members of the Committee to request if any gentleman has any matter which he desires to bring before the Committee for expression of its opinion, that he will, at the earliest opportunity, hand in the request. We have not had before us, so far, anything that may be said to be really of a character that would be expected to be brought before a Con- gress of Jurists. The matters submitted, as you will see, are more of an economic character, or those which relate to matters of general interest. There has been nothing brought before us, as yet—if it is expected that the Committee should deal with such matters, in the nature of resolutions—affecting questions of international law. Any question that any member of the Congress may think ought to be dealt with by the Committee on important questions of international law we will be glad to have come before us, but we have not had any such matter brought before us yet. Mr. FERDINAND SHAck, of New York, submitted the following resolution: “Resolved, That this Association hereby expresses its deep gratification at the steps recently taken by the Inter-Parliamentary Union toward the settlement of controversies between nations in the same manner as disputes between individuals are settled, that is, by the judgment of courts, in accordance with recognized principles of law, and this association further records its great satisfaction at the announcement by the President of the United States of his intention THE COMMITTEE OF NATIONS 179 to comply with the request made to him by the Inter-Parliamentary Union that he invite the nations to a conference.” We also had, in the same connection, a motion offered by Sefior Don Emitio VEtasco, a Delegate of the Mexican Gov- ernment, in these words: “The Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists, met in St. Louis, Missouri, has the honor to address the Honorable President of the United States to request him that when, in his judgment, it may be convenient, he will extend an invitation to aSecond Conference at The Hague for the discussions of the questions relative to arbi- tration, and such other questions of International Law as it may be deemed proper to propose.” There was also a further resolution, in about the same language, but which practically asks the Committee to recom- mend a resolution by this Congress, to be forwarded by the Sec- retary of the Congress to the Vice-Presidents representing the various nations at the Congress, and to be by them forwarded to the respective officers of their governments, asking the Czar to bring about a Second Conference, as he, the Czar, was the mover of the First Conference. I may say a great deal of discussion took place between the Delegates on the subject, and I am instructed to propose to this Congress the following resolution as the only one upon which there could be a unanimous opinion. It is not desirable, I think, to outline the various arguments that were introduced by the various Delegates on the Committee, but I may say that the only resolution that I can bring before the Congress for it to act upon which could have the unanimous voice of the Com- mittee is the following: “Resolved, That the Congress, sympathizing with all movements to bring forward peace among nations by international friendly agreement, welcomes the announcement of the President of the United States that he proposes to call a new conference.” I therefore ask the President of this Congress to put that to the members of the Congress as the resolution which the Com- mittee has brought forth. 18 CONGRESS OF LAWYERS AND JURISTS On motion of Mr. SHack of New York, the report of the Committee was adopted. Mr. Justice NESBITT: There was a further motion by Mr. StorEy of Boston, Massa- chusetts, to the effect that the progress of international arbi- tration will be arrested if nations decline to arbitrate their con- troversies with one another, especially the larger nations. That was debated very fully, and I am requested to state that the majority of the Committee were not in favor of the adoption of this resolution, considering it was already covered by the one that has just been adopted by you; so that I move, Mr. Presi- dent, that the resolution of Mr. StoreEy be not adopted. The motion was seconded, and being put by the Presi- dent, was declared to have been carried. Mr. Justice NESBITT: The Committee also presents the following, from Hon. G. A. FINKELNBURG of St. Louis, a Delegate from the United States Government: “The undersigned begs leave to move the adoption of the fol- lowing resolution: “Whereas, The following modification of the laws of maritime warfare was submitted to The Hague Peace Conference, viz: “