HD 9754. usr University Library Timber depletion, lumber pric: WHT iit U. S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE FOREST SERVICE WILLIAM B. GREELEY, ForRESTER TIMBER DEPLETION, LUMBER PRICES, LUMBER EXPORTS, AND CONCENTRATION OF TIMBER OWNERSHIP REPORT ON SENATE RESOLUTION 311 By THE FOREST SERVICE | U_ S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE JUNE 1, 1920 WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1920 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Letters of transmittal Bie esoaeeee eee se Sse es eS, Effects of scarcity and high prices of forest products upon rep- resentative industries ___ General building and construction Farming The railroads furniture industry_— veneer industry__ handle industry vehicle and agricultural implement industries = MGWSDAPETS! - 2 eae ee oe ee. The situation summarized ~-----_____--_---_-_--__.------ Abnormal conditions in relation to present scarcity anj high prices mes sien progress of forest depletion_._=--_--.~---.~.-==------- orest depletion and migration of the lumber industry— Basis for data__ New England ~-__- : The growth and decline of the lumber industry_-—----- lea and remaining forests rea The annual drain upon the forest_ The annual growth___-_---___ Growth compared with cut- The life of the industry... EASA iy Yi [7 Vii Yi, 1 SZ Xj “iy AREA AND STAND BY REGIONS es Uf REGIONS TOTALFOREST ARE) oT TIMBER \ (MILLION ACRES) |(a1LUON 80.FT) LEGEND I _-NEW ENGLAND 24.7 49.8 PRINCIPAL SAW-TIMBER SECTIONS Sal Maace AFCATTE sao rer INDICATED BY SHADEO AREAS I -LAKE 571 110.1 Sy TEASE IV - CENTRAL 56.7 1441 e OU EAN APPALACHIAN HAPOWOODS - : 221.7 OUTHERN PINE _ SOUT AAT CANONS HOUR: eae SLOWER MISSISSIPPL HARDWOODS AND CYPRESS VI -LOWER MISSISSIPPI 78.9 280.2 6 FOCKK MOUNTAIN VI - ROCKY MOUNTAIN 60.8 2231 7 INLAND EMPIRE VII- PACIFIC COAST 57.6 14g 0 9 CILIFORMD PINE. TOTAL 463.5 22149 10 REDWOOD Fie. 1. spruce operations began. By 1870 the original white pine was practically cut except for scattered trees in northern Maine; and by 1880 the second growth pine forests were yielding an annual cut of 200 to 300 million board- feet. With the extensive use of low-grade pine for boxes and matches, this later increased to 600 million feet. Soon after it became known that wood pulp was a cheap substitute for rags in paper making, mills were built in north- ern New England as well as New York and the chief develop- ment of forest industries during the past 30 years has been in paper manufacture. Spruce alone was used at first, but now large quantities of balsam and hemlock are taken. For book paper poplar is used chiefly. Probably four-fifths of the pulp wood still comes from the old-growth forests, but an ever-in- creasing proportion must come from second-growth stands. Although the lumber business of southern and central Maine reached its peak about 1850, the total lumber cut of New Eng- ORIGINAL AND REMAINING FORESTS. Area.—With the exception of a few small areas, New England in 1620 was a virgin forest, comprising some 39 million acres. In 1920 not more than 5 per cent of this virgin forest remains. The present forest area is nearly 25 million acres. Of this about 8 per cent, or 2 million acres, is virgin forest, chiefly in Maine, with scattered areas in New Hampshire and Vermont. The last remnant of virgin forest in Connecticut was cut within the past decade. Of the 24,700,000 acres now classed as forest land 44 per cent, or 10,760,000, is in saw timber or pulp wood. while 34 per cent, or 8,870,000 acres, contains nothing but fuel wood, and 22 per cent, or 5,570,000 acres, is nonproductive. With nearly three-fourths of the saw timber and pulp-wood area in Maine, the poor condition of the remaining New England forests is apparent. Stand.—The original stand of New England was probably in the neighborhood of 400 billion board feet, not including 16 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, small timber fit only for posts and fuel wood. The present stand of similar material is close to 50 billion board feet, or about one-eighth of the original stand. The total stand of wood in New England is estimated to be 21 billion cubic feet? (equivalent to about 70 billion board feet), Of this 40 per cent is saw timber or pulp wood and 60 per cent is fit only for fuel. The average stand of all the wooded lands is 103 cords per acre. The present stand of saw timber and pulp wood is summarized by species in the following table: Million board feet, lumber scale. Spruce and fir____ 2. S222 eae _-. 23,971 White pine _--_________ at 9, 816 COO AP 226 Sia ae eS Se he 2, 789 Hem CE 2 Ss Jeet Sooo bce Soak eo eee cae eeee: 1, 804 ACOLLOW? DING aes te ae soe een Sh ea et 2, 983 ANTE TD Ut a pe ae ha en a ee Ds a 2, 897 PRC CGH ee snc tae ey ee So A 1, 635 (Nees ak Ss oS oats te Sc afte a ee 1, 510 (CCS UN Seg a a eo ee 960 Papel DIGG iets soe a RIS at tn 678 BE TAS saa i ahaa alate ehceet s o aee De 3874 AES Mis oe i en a a a Se eld 215 Ritelt. PIN@s 22222256 oe eee bee ee eee owes 100 Other hardwoods _____.____-__-_-_--__-______-_ 117 OTS Oi A ast dt ha a nS, Die et a tw 49, 799 DOLGWOOU S280 ato 8) ew See oo ee eG oe 38, 480 Hardwoods sos a2 osha sci bes ea ee eee eS 11, 319 Of this total stand about three-quarters is softwood and one- quarter hardwood, About one-half is of pulp-wood species— spruce, fir, hemlock, and poplar. THE ANNUAL DRAIN UPON THE FOREST. In 1918 there were cut in New England 1,412,100,000 board feet of lumber and 1,446,000 cords of pulp wood. The total annual cut amounts to about 650 million cubic feet,’ of which 65 per cent is lumber, pulp wood, ties, etc., and 35 per cent fuel wood and fence posts. In addition there is a loss of about 20 million cubic feet, due to disease, insects, and fire. The total annual drain, therefore, is about 670 million cubic feet.’ THE ANNUAL GROWTH. The annual growth of the New England forests is estimated in round figures at 610 million board feet of saw timber. Of this, about 434 million feet is softwoods and 176 million feet hardwoods. In addition, there is a growth of 341 million cubic feet not suitable for lumber. The total growth is 475 million cubic feet.° GROWTH COMPARED WITH CUT. The annual drain upon the saw timber of about 2 billion board feet is nearly three and one-half times the annual growth of 610 million board feet. The annual drain upon the fuel wood of 285 million cubic feet is less by 106 million cubic feet than the growth of._341 million cubic feet a year. It is apparent, therefore, that the growth of low-grade material is somewhat in excess of the actual demands. In regard to lumber, pulp, and other high-grade material, however, the situation is anything but encouraging. THE LIFE OF THE INDUSTRY. About half of the entire present stand of saw and pulp timber in New England is in commercial tracts; the remainder is in farm wood lots. It is particularly from the larger com- * Throughout the report board feet of lumber are converted to cubic feet of standing limber, and vice versa, on the basis of 219 cubic feet to 1,000 board feet for saw timber and of 500 cubic feet to 1,000 board feet for cordwood. * Equivalent to about 2,300 million board feet. 4Equivaient to about 2,375 million board feet. 5 Hquivalent to about 1,300 million board feet, * EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. mercial tracts that the cut of most of the, higher-grade mate- rial comes at present. Few of even the larger timber owners have more than a 20 years’ supply. Most of the pulp mills will be cut out in 20 years. Not over four or five companies own stumpage enough to last for a longer period. Unless Canadian wood is imported on an increasingly larger scale or effective forestry measures are introduced immediately, the pulp indus- try of New England will be largely a thing of the past within 80 years. Within the next 10 years the lumber cut will prob- ably drop to about 1 billion board feet; within 20 years most of the timber areas containing high-grade lumber will be cut off and the remaining timber will be either on farm wood lots or on a few remaining large tracts and will be made up of second growth or of trees which were left as worthless at the time of the first cutting. The White Mountain National Forest and the State forests may be counted upon to furnish a continuous supply of saw timber, but -unless their areas are materially increased their share will be very small. PRESENT AND FUTURE CONSUMPTION OF LUMBER IN NEW ENGLAND. Up to 30 or 40 years ago New England was not only self- supporting in timber but exported large quantities. Within the past 30 years it has become an importing region, and it is estimated that fully 30 per cent of all the lumber used now comes from outside the region. This is in addition to the im- portations of large quantities of pulp wood. Within the next few years New England will have to import more than half the material it uses. This is of vital interest to a region that has about $300,000,000 invested in wood and forest industries and employs in this connection over 90,000 wage earners. NEW YORK. Practically the entire State of New York was originally covered with a magnificent forest of white pine, spruce, hem- lock, and hardwoods. The lumber industry was one of the first to be developed. It reached its highest volume between 1830 and 1840 and was already declining at the time of the Civil War. In 1850 New York ranked first among the States in amount of lumber cut and contributed 20 per cent of the total cut of the entire country. Since then it has been steadily de- clining in relative importance until to-day it stands in twenty- fifth place and contributes only 1 per cent of the total cut. Its actual cut has decreased from ‘over 1,300 million feet prior to 1850 to less than 350 million, As early as 1856 New York ceased to be an important ex- porter of lumber and began to draw on Michigan for the upper grades of pine. Pennsylvania hemlock, southern pine, and cypress were used in large quantities from 1880 on, and West Coast woods in upper grades and special sizes began to come in about 1900. To-day Douglas fir from the Pacitic northwest is a very considerable factor in ‘the lumber market of the State. The steadily decreasing supply of native woods as compared with the increase in population is illustrated by the fact that New York’s per capita production of lumber had fallen from 300 board feet in 1869 to about 30 board feet in 1918. With the gradual settlement of the State the area of forest land steadily decreased until to-day it forms about 41 per cent of the total area. The stand of timber is estimated at approxi- mately 26 billion board feet, of which white pine, spruce, and hemlock comprise about 10 per cent each, and birch, beech, and maple a total of 55 per cent. Spruce and hemlock suitable for pulp wood but not lumber comprise some 13,400,000 cords, while material of all species suitable only for fuel and acid wood adds another 107,000,000 cords. This gives a total stand for the State of approximately 17,132 million cubic feet.* In quality, the present stand is decidedly inferior to that of earlier days. White pine, of the large size and high quality ° Equivalent to about 49 billion board feet. TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. for which the State was once famous, now furnishes little but the poorer grades. Of the total forest area 62 per cent con- tains material which is suitable neither for lumber-nor pulp and furnishes only fuel or acid wood. While the area of lands com- pletely denuded is comparatively small, the original forests are being followed by stands of decidedly inferior quality, both as to species and grades. The damage by fire is being steadily reduced by systematic fire protection, but the methods of cutting in private lands are such that an increasingly large area is left partially or wholly devastated. PENNSYLVANIA. The forest history of Pennsylvania has been similar to that of New York. Once practically covered with a heavy timber stand, Pennsylvania for many years exported large quantities of lum- ber. In 1860 it stood first among the States in lumber produc- .tion. As early as 1870, however, the stand of white pine, the most valuable species in the State and formerly one of its prin- cipal export woods, had diminished to such an extent that im- ports from Michigan began. The depletion of the white pine was followed by an increasing cut of hemlock and later of hard- woods, and the State reached its maximum lumber production of 2,440 million board feet in 1889. To-day it occupies twentieth place in lumber production, and its annual cut of 530 million board feet constitutes less than 2 per cent of the cut of the eountry. The present forest area of Pennsylvania is estimated at ap- proximately 12,000,000 acres, with a stand of 11 billion board feet of timber. Of this 70 per cent is hardwoods, chiefly oak, chestnut, and northern hardwoods, and 30 per cent softwoods, one-half hemlock. In addition to the stand of material suitable for the manufacture of lumber, it is estimated that there are 880;000,000 cubic feet of wood suitable for railroad ties and mine props. The total stand, including fuel wood, is 5,200 million cubic feet.” Depletion in Pennsylvania has already progressed so far that ‘the complete cessation of large-scale logging operations, of which only a few are now left, may be anticipated within a decade. It has reached a point where the annual lumber production is only 60 board feet per capita, or about one-fifth of the average per capita consumption for the United States. The Pittsburgh district alone uses more lumber than is cut in the whole State. Williamsport, which once had an annual output of 300,000,000 board feet of lumber, now has. not a single sawmill. In those parts of the State where the forest constituted the sole resource the trail of the lumber industry is marked by abandoned mills and practically deserted vil- lages. 3 The steady decrease in tle amount of standing timber has been accompanied by a deterioration in quality. Virgin stands are practically gone, old-growth white pine, for example, being reduced to some 10,000 acres, practically all in a single tract which will be cut out in the next five years. Only about 50 per cent of the total volume of wood now standing is suitable for manufacture either as lumber, pulp wood, ties, or props. The average area burned over annually is 500,000 acres, and much of this has been burned over again and again. In addi- tion to the damage from reckless cutting and fires the State has suffered severely from the chestnut bark disease. Nearly one-seventh of the entire State, once richly wooded, is said to be practically barren. Several counties that were once rich in forest and prosperous are now almost bankrupt because the timber is gone. THE LAKE STATES. GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE LUMBER INDUSTRY. White pime—The history of lumbering in the Lake States during the greater part of the past century is substantially the history of white-pine exploitation. Lumbering began in Michi- 17 gan and Wisconsin about 1835. Pine in enormous quantities drew lumbermen from the East, and before 1870 these States captured: the lead in lumber production. They held it until superseded by the southern pine region, between 1900 and 1910. The peak of production was passed in 1892, when the reported output was a little more than 8,900,000,000 board feet—largely white pine. This was an increase of 123 per cent over the cut of 1878. In 1899 Wisconsin, Michigan, and Minnesota, in the order named, were still the leading three States, with a total production of 8,700,000,000 feet, two-thirds pine; but in 1918 they had fallen to eighth, thirteenth, and eleventh, respectively, and their total output had fallen to 8,220,000,000 board feet, of which only 35 per cent was white pine—mostly. from Minne- sota. Wisconsin now produces less than the second-growth cut of either Maine or New Hampshire, and Michigan, from lead- ing the country from 1870 to 1895, now actually cuts less than half as much as Massachusetts. As the Lake States forests dwindled, white-pine lumber went down, both in quantity and quality, and Norway and jack pines and even tamarack were admitted as lower grades of “ northern pine lumber.” ‘The fine quality timber which gave white pine its reputation is now nearly all gone. In Minnesota two-thirds or more of the cut is box lumber. Only small, scattered rem- nants of the old-growth white-pine forests remain in Wisconsin and upper Michigan, and in lower Michigan the most widely known tract covers about 100 acres. Hemlock.—As the higher grades of pine grew scarce and ex- pensive, hemlock, once left in the woods as worthless, began to compete with the successively lower grades of pine introduced. Hemlock production reached its peak—1,600,000,000 feet—about 1906. In 1914 the cut had fallen to little more than a billion, and in 1918 to 800,000,000. This does not, however, include the cut for pulp, which would increase the total volume by about one-third. By affording a market for cordwood, pulp manufac- ture is taking the small hemlock timber along with the large and thus delaying or preventing the renewal of the supply of large timber. fs The northern hardwoods.—Maple, birch, beech, basswood, and elm form at least 85 per cent of the total stand of hardwoods and furnish over 92 per cent of the total hardwood cut in the Lake States. As with hemlock, the logging of hardwoods began as an aftermath of the white-pine logging. Hardwood produc- tion progressed gradually from culling operations taking only the best trees of the preferred species to cuttings such as those made at present for chemical distillation and charcoal, in which even tops, limbs, and saplings are utilized. Beech was one of the latest species to come into commercial demand; less than two decades ago it was a common practice to leave all the beech, which fires later destroyed. Now, the hardwood-using industries absorb not merely the upper grades but anything ‘which will make lumber, and in some cases even cordwood. The veneer industry makes a constant demand for high- grade logs. Such logs supply also the bulk of the upper grades of lumber. There has been a constantly growing demand for both veneer and high-grade hardwood lumber, expressed in the pronounced growth of such industries as the musical instru- ment and toy trades. For a considerable part of this demand lower grades ought to be acceptable; but so long as the demand for upper grades exists manufacturers will attempt to fill it, and the stand will dwindle the more rapidly. ORIGINAL AND REMAINING STAND AND RATE OF CUT. The original forests occupied practically all the land area of Michigan, Wisconsin, and the part of Minnesota not natural prairie—a total forested area of approximately 112 million acres, Lumbering and the clearing of land for cultivation have re- duced the merchantable forest cover to little, if any, more than 24,000,000 acres, about 58 per cent in farm woodlots of relatively small timber, commonly second growth, and 42 per cent in com- 18 mercial timber tracts, in many cases already culled of their choicest trees. A very large part of the once heavily timbered land, about 20,000,000 acres, is now fire-swept and devastated sand plain and swamp, much of it with little or no promise of reproduction. The original white pine stand of the Lake States has been estimated by Dr. B. E. Fernow at not less than 350,000,000,000 board feet. After less than a century of lumbering, fire, and settlement, only about 8,000,000,000 feet of white and Norway pine remain, largely in Minnesota. In 1918 the reported cut of white pine in the Lake States exceeded a billion feet. An- other decade will see the practical exhaustion of their com- mercial supplies of white pine. Lower Peninsula of Michigan.—The- depletion of commercial timber has proceeded furthest in the Lower Peninsula of Michi- gan, where less than a million (probably not much over half a million) acres of hardwoods and hemlock remain. The hun- dreds of large sawmills that once operated had fallen off in 1918 to about 45 that cut more than 1,000,000 board feet apiece. The number is rapidly becoming smaller, and within five years there will hardly be a half dozen large mills left. The exhaustion of the remaining old-growth stands will mark the end, among other valuable species, of the highly prized “Lower Michigan hard maple,’ long reputed to be the best in the Lake States. From then on whatever lumber is cut will come mainly from farm woodlots, in small amounts and sizes, and of poorer grade. Wisconsin and the Upper Peninsula of Michigan.—In the adjacent forest areas of Wisconsin and the Upper Peninsula of Michigan the case is better. In 1908 the Bureau of Corpo- rations estimated the timberland at about 10,329,000 acres, with a stand of 65 billion feet. During the last 12 years probably 30 billion board feet in lumber has been removed. This would leave only 85 billion, enough at the present rate of cutting to last 15 years. There can be no doubt, however, that there is much more timber than this. The 1908 esti- mates were too conservative. There is reason to believe that the timberland still amounts to 4 million acres in upper Michi- gan and 2 million in Wisconsin, and that the total merchant- able stand is at least 48 billion feet. This would insure a con- tinued supply, at the present rate of cut, for about 20 years. This rate will not, of course, continue, but will decrease as successive mills saw out. The rate of cut is considerably heavier in Wisconsin than in the Upper Peninsula. The larger number of Wisconsin mills and the considerably smaller stand of timber indicate a much quicker falling off in the cut and an earlier termination of the supply there than in upper Michigan, In Wisconsin, assuming a diminishing rate of depletion, the annual lumber cut will be likely to fall off within 10 years to 75 per cent, in 15 years to 40 per cent, and in 20 years to 16 per cent of the present cut, and in 25 years the timber will be practically gone. Cutting for other purposes than lumber will add appreciably to the amount of timber taken out. Further- more the pressure of an increasing demand, by stimulating the rate of cut both at the big mills and at numerous smaller mills, which will probably operate, as at present, in small patches of timber, will very likely hasten the final exhaustion of the timber. All things considered, it is doubtful if there will be any appreciable amount of timber left in commercial holdings in Wisconsin at the end of 20 years. Growth does not enter into the computation at all, unless a radical change is made in the direction of efficient fire protection and the application of forestry. In upper Michigan the stand will last considerably longer. Here 60 per cent aS many mills operate in twice the timber— enough, in fact, to last 40 years at the present rate of cutting for lumber only. Some new operations are already contem- . TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. plated, however, and the cut for lumber and other products will doubtless increase within the next few years. One prin- cipal holder is reported to have estimated the life of the stand at 25 or 30 years. ; Minnesota——Timber conditions in Minnesota differ widely from those in Wisconsin and Michigan. The Wisconsin lumber cut for 1918 was 85 per cent hardwoods and hemlock, while that of Minnesota was 91 per cent white pine (which includes also a considerable amount of Norway pine and other species in the lower grades). Less than 5 per cent of the reported cut was of hardwoods. The timbered area of Minnesota was estimated by the Bureau of Corporations in 1908 at about 5,651,000 acres, and the stand at 23,200,000,000 board feet, 81 per cent of which was softwoods. A recent estimate by the Minnesota State forester places the softwood stand at 11,450,000,000 board feet, of which 41 per cent is white and Norway pine, 17.5 per cent jack pine, 24 per cent spruce, balsam, and cedar, and 17.5 per cent tamarack. The tamarack, which has been the greatest hewed-tie resource of the region, has practically all been killed by the larch sawfly, and must be salvaged soon if at all. The pine forests of Minnesota have been thoroughly culled of their best material, and production now runs heavily to box lumber, The number of mills operating in this region is being re- duced rapidly. Within the last three or four years at least four of the large mills have burned, and these will probably not be replaced. Five have recently cut out, and two have only a year’s supply. This means a decrease of 30 per cent in the total cut of the State and of 33 per cent in the cut of the big pine mills. The annual cut of the remaining mills will aggregate at least 600,000,000 feet. These mills depend for the great bulk of their cut upon white and Norway pine, the remaining supplies of which are estimated by the Minnesota State forester at 4,700,000,000 board feet. This will not last much more than seven years at the present rate of cutting. If the estimate of supply is increased by one-third, the period of operation would be 10 years at the present rate. As the mills exhaust their supplies, however, the rate of cutting will diminish. Condition of the remaining supplies—The stands considered above are those which are being or could be logged on a large scale to large mills—mills of 10 million board feet or more annual capacity. Such mills now supply about 90 per cent of the lumber produced in the Lake States. Their holdings, even though culled, are almost wholly of old-growth timber of superior quality as compared with second growth. These concentrated commercial stands, aggregating about 63 billion board feet, contain about 57 per cent of the total stand of timber in the Lake States, which amounts to prob- ably 110 billion board feet. Of this total about 30 per cent (33% billion feet) is widely scattered in farm wood lots, while 13 per cent (about 144 billion feet) is in the swamps, jack pine and scrub hardwood plains, aspen and birch stands, and cut-over lands in the North. The timber in these stands is far below that of the commercial stands in quality. The greater part is second growth. It is smaller, more limby, and much of it has been badly damaged by fire. Furthermore, it is largely in small, scattered tracts unsuited for efficient large- scale operations. In addition, about 19 million acres bear a cordwood stand of about 118 million cords below saw-timber size. If the lumber stand also is reduced to cords, the total stand in the Lake States is 680 million cords, or 50,584 million cubic feet. THE ANNUAL DRAIN UPON THE FOREST. Lumber cut compared with total cut.—The normal lumber cut of about 34 billion board feet forms less than half of the total volume of wood cut annually in the Lake States for all purposes. The lumber cut is the equivalent of about 770 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, million cubic feet of standing timber. The total output of wood in all forms is close to 1,600 million cubic feet. The classes of output not covered in the lumber-cut statistics in- clude pulp wood, fuel, and distillate wood, hewed ties, posts and poles, and logs and bolts used for veneer and other pur- poses. Of these, pulp wood and distillate wood make up prob- ably 130 million and fuel wood 600 million cubic feet. The remaining 100 million cubic feet consists of veneer, cooperage, excelsior stock, ties, posts, poles, aud other products. Deterioration of the forest—In addition to the cut there is a constant loss to standing timber from fire, wind, insects, dis- ease, etc., probably amounting to an annual average of from one-fourth to one-half of 1 per cent of the stand. This is equal to one-half billion board feet, or 110,000,000 cubic feet, of standing timber. It includes such losses as that of tam- arack, of which, as previously shown, about 2 billion board feet has been killed by the sawfly in Minnesota alone. There is also considerable loss from decay following injuries, such as frost cracks and ice breakage. In most of the commercial stands damage from these sources is not made up by growth, , Since these forests are generally much beyond the age of active growth. THE ANNUAL GROWTH. Growth compared with cut.—The estimated annual growth in the Lake States is much less than the cut. ; Growth Estimated Rees in per annual cut. growth. cant of Lumber, feet board measure... seeeseseee-| 3,500,000,000 | 988,000,000 28° All products including lumber: DIC TCO ssvexsesesasxnneasonsevaxene 11,600, 000,000 | 1 468, 000,000 29 COGS ca akwana in decla ee Renan salience nom 20,000, 000 5,850, 000 T 1In terms of lumber, the aggregate annual cut of all products would be about 5, 160,000,000 board feet, and the annual growth about 1,490,000,000 board feet. These figures indicate that the total rate of cutting is more than three times the total rate of growth, and that the stand suitable for lumber is being cut more than three times as rapidly as it is growing. Furthermore, the larger part.of the cut is from old-growth stands in the North, while nearly all the growth is in widely scattered second-growth stands. The cut is relatively concentrated, while the growth is widely distributed and without reference to the commercial advantages of loca- tion. This is a consideration of great significance for the future of the wood-using industries. The concentrated supplies are steadily waning. Their disappearance will mean the death of industries unable to adapt their production to a supply limited by the rate of growth or to import. Fire renders millions of acres of cut-over forest Jand in the Lake States unproductive. If fires could be kept out, the growth on these repeatedly burned lands would probably even- tually increase 50 per cent, and could be increased still further by intensive management. The life of the industry—At a diminishing rate of depletion due to the cutting out of one holding after another, it is es- timated that the lumber cut of the Lake States at the end of the next 5 and 10 years will be about as follows: Estimated cut, 1925_----------+--------------- 2, 400, 000, 000. Present annual cut 8, 500, 000, 000 Estimated cut, 1980_-_--.--------------------- 1, 800, 000, 000 This represents only the production from commercial tracts. As the commercial stands dwindle the production of lumber and other products from farm ‘wood lots and from second growth in swamps and cut-over areas may be expected to increase con- siderably in proportion to the total cut, though not in actual amvuunt, Such lumber will be much inferior in quality to that 19 PRESENT AND FUTURE CONSUMPTION OF LUMBER IN THE. LAKE STATES. The average annual per capita consumption of lumber in the Lake States is probably not far from the average for the whole country—800 board feet. Assuming a 12 per cent increase in population since 1910 (the increase for the previous decade was at the rate of 14.06 per cent), the present population of the Lake States is about 8,000,000. The total annual consumption of lumber in the three States is thus about 2,426,000,000 board feet, or 70 per cent of the lumber produced. Comparison with the estimates of future cut above given indicates that by 1925 the local consumption will be equal ta the local production, assuming no increase in population and the same per capita rate of consumption. At the end of a decade, allowing for a 10 per cent increase in population, con- sumption will exceed cut by nearly 50 per cent. In other words, the per capita consumption must either fall from 300 to nearly 200 board feet per year or the Lake States must import nearly one-third of the lumber needed for home use. With each succeeding year the discrepancy between consumption and local supply will become greater: Much western fir and pine lumber is already being consumed in the Lake States, and as the local cut decreases they will depend more and more upon the far West. While an actual lumber shortage may not, therefore, be antici- pated as long as the western stands hold out, the lack of a local supply will be felt in increased prices. THE SOUTHERN YELLOW-PINE REGION. THE GROWTH AND DECLINE OF THE YELLOW-PINE INDUSTRY. EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. The pine forests of the Southeastern United States, begin- ning along the Atlantic coast, have been exploited for naval stores and other forest products from the time of the first settlements. No extensive development of the lumber industry, however, took place until the seventies of the last century. Before the Civil War a limited amount of southern pine lumber was shipped to Baltimore and Philadelphia in schoon- ers by sawmills on the eastern shore of Maryland and near tidewater in Virginia. After the Civil War the industry spread to Georgia, Mississippi, and the other Gulf States. The markets north of the Ohio River made their first demands for southern pine about 1875. By that time.the Northeastern States had lost their leadership in lumber production, and the Lake States were coming to the front with about 35 per cent of the country’s cut. The great development of the southern pine industry began in the early nineties. About 1892 yellow pine from the Gulf States and Arkansas began to crowd white pine in the markets north of the Ohio River. Vast quantities were used in the construction of the World’s Fair buildings in Chicago. An extensive demand was created by the low prices in the early nineties. This demand spread into the Lake States, the Prairie States, and the Eastern States. At the end of -the nineties southern yellow pine was leading the country in the cut of softwoods. In 1909 its production reached the peak, with nearly half of the entire country’s cut of softwoods, and from then on began to decline. Southern yellow pine is still the most important single factor in the lumber production of the United States, furnishing about 41 per cent of the cut of softwood lumber and 35 per cent of the entire lumber cut. It will remain an important factor for at least the next 10 or 15 years. Within the next 8 or 10 years, however, it is certain to undergo profound changes. THE ORIGINAL AND THE PRESENT PINE FORESTS OF THE SOUTH. The original pine forests of the South Atlantic and Gulf States covered from 125 to 180 million acres and had a stand of timber close to 650 billion feet. Of this about two-thirds was longleaf pine and one-third shortleaf pine.* 8Under “longleaf pine” are included longleaf and slash pines; under “shortleaf pine’ are included shortleaf, loblolly, scrub, and 20 To-day the area of virgin yellow-pine forests is about 234 million acres, or a little less than one-fifth of the original acreage. (See Table 1.) The stand of virgin timber is about 139 billion board feet, or a little over one-fifth of the original stand. TaBLe 1.—Southern yellow-pine region—Classification of pine land by character of growth. Cut-over lands. State. Total net | Area old pine area. | growth. Restocking | Restocking Not saw timber.) cordwood. | restocking. 2 ; cres. Acres. cres, Acres Acres. Virginia............- 4,000,000 }............ 1,500, 000 200, 300, 000 North Carolina....... 10,700, 000 500,000 | 3,600,000 | 5,400,000 | 1,200,000 South Carolina......- 8,000, 000 600,000 | 2,500,000 | 3,000,000 1,900, 000 Georgia.........2... 15,500, 000 700,000 | 3,800,000 | 6,000,000 | 5,000, Florida. .... ---| 18,000,000 | 11,000,000 700, 1,000, 000 5,300,000 Alabama....... 15,500,000 | 1,500, 0 3,500,000 | 4,000,000 | 6,500,000 Mississippi... 12,000,000 | 3,000,000 | 5,000,000 | 1,000,000 | 3,000,000 Louisiana . 11,740,000 | 2,510,000 | 4,500,000 | 1,200,000} 3,530, Arkansas , 500, 0 1,150,000 | 2,000,000 | 5,500,000 850,000 Texas..... 7,424,000 | 2,000,000 ) 1,700,000 | 1,000,500 | 2,723, 500 Oklahoma 2,000, 000 500,000 560, 000 580, 000 450,000 Missouri 320, 000 30,000 110, 000 80,000 100, 000 Total.......-.- 114, 684,000 | 23,490,000 | 29,410,000 | 30,930,500 | 30,853,500 Four-fifths of the original yellow-pine forests has been cut since 1870. ; Out of the more than 100 million acres of yellow-pine land that has been cut over about 29 million acres now supports second growth of merchantable sizes and nearly 31 million acres cut over recently second growth not merchantable. About 31 million acres of cut-over land has not come back to pine. although much of it is more suitable for timber growth than for agriculture. As the nonrestocking areas do not produce any new growth and growth in virgin timber is offset by de- terioration, the total area on which yellow pine is now grow- ing is about 60 million acres. The largest areas of old timber are chiefly in the Gulf States— Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida. Areas of second growth are most extensive in the older South Atlantic States—Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Total merchantable stand.—The total stand of merchantable yellow pine, both virgin and second growth, has recently been estimated at about 258 billion feet, of which 189 billion, or 54 per cent, is old timber, and 119 billion feet, or 46 per cent, is second growth. By States the merchantable pine stand is distributed as follows: M feet. M feet. Louisiana_______ 47, 348,400 | North Carolina__ 15, 300, 800 Mississippi__-__ — 40,476,200 | Virginia_________ 8, 698, 000 Florida___----_.- 36, 429, 300 | Oklahoma______._ 4, 791, 400 Texas_____------ 27, 524, 700 | Missouri_______.._ 364,700 Alabama_-_-_---.- 25, 316, 400 Georgia__-_---_.- 21, 807, 600 Total (lum- Arkansas___----~— 15, 743, 700 ber scale)_ 257, 691, 000 South Carolina... 13, 889, 800 The present stand is about equally divided between longleaf and shortleaf pine, with probably a slight preponderance of shortleaf pine over longleaf, the shortleaf pine being more abundant in the South Atlantic States and the longleaf in the Gulf States. be ANNUAL DRAIN UPON THE FORESTS. The cut of yellow-pine lumber in 1918—an abnormally low year—was in the neighborhood of 10 billion feet. Lumbermen estimate a cut for 1919 in excess of 15 billion feet. The aver- age cut for the five-year period before the war, 1911-1915, was about 144 billion feet, to which must be added at least 14 bil- lion feet of hewn ties, poles, and posts, in all a cut of about * TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 16 billion feet of saw timber. There is also being cut in the pine area of the South about 12,250,000 cords of fuel wood. In addition to the cut there is every year a considerable loss of mature saw timber due to. windfall, turpentining, insects, fires, and diseases. This loss may be conservatively placed at from one-fourth to one-half of 1 per cent of the entire merchant- able stand, or at present from 650,000,000 to 1,300,000,000 board feet per year. In all, the annual drain upon the forests is nearly 4$ billion cubic feet of wood. THE ANNUAL GROWTH. The annual growth is estimated at about 3 billion feet board measure on the merchantable second-growth areas and 1 billion cubic feet® on the area of unmerchantable second growth, or in all in the neighborhood of 1,660 million cubic feet” a year, or nearly 30 cubic feet per acre for the entire growing area. (See Table 2.) TaBLE 2.—Southern yellow-pine region—Annual growth of saw timber and cordwood by States. Cordwood. Saw Peake ‘aE teet” M cubic b. m. feet. Cords. Virginia. 225, 000 88, 000 978, 000 North Carolina. 360, 000 162,000 , 800, South Carolina. 250, 000 120,000 | 1,333,000 Georgia......... 380, 000 240,000 | 2,667,000 Florida.. 52,500 0, 000 333, 000 AMADA asp a.puinaeectaroaidntearattsisiogiesaiacine debauet 350, 000 160,000 | 1,778; 000 MississipDlee2czacexecsesenvveevcnuseedienccicies's 500, 000 5 444,000 DOUISIANd 635 ss 0sn exceanasaweeeeseexaaeeneeeew 450, 000 48,000 533, 000 Arkansas. .. 200, 000 165,000 | 1,833, 000 Texas... 170, 000 5, 000 389, 000 Oklahoma 37,500 11,000 122, 000 Missouri. 8, 000 1, 600 18,000 otal sp casiataiaeniadesemioaaieceenee or 2,983,000 | 1,100,600 | 12,228,000 CUT AND GROWTH CONTRASTED. The amount of yellow pine that is cut is thus about three times the annual growth. In saw timber the disparity is even greater. The annual growth upon the areas of merchantable timber is in the neighborhood of 8 billion feet, while the cut of saw timber is 16 billion feet. In other words, the present cut of saw timber is more than five times the present annual pro- duction. If the present merchantable second growth were not cut into for the next 10 or 15 years, but were allowed to grow at its present rate, and the unmerchantable second growth were allowed to reach merchantable size without being prematurely turpentined, the annual growth of saw timber would be con- siderably increased. This merchantable second growth, how- ever, is now also being cut and its area decreased at a rate of not less than 1} million acres a year. About a quarter of the present yellow pine cut comes from second growth. Within the next 20 or 25 years the entire area of the present merchantable second growth may be completely cut over, and large areas will not come back to pine unless there is a decided change in the present procedure in regard to protecting the cut-over land from fire and hogs. DETERIORATION OF THE FOREST. It is doubtful if the South will ever again grow timber to the sizes which we find in the virgin stands. The second growth now cut for saw timber is inferior in quality, to the old stands. While trees in the virgin longleaf-pine stands yield on an average from three to four logs which run six or seven logs to a thousand feet, trees in the second-growth stands ® Equivalent to about 2 billion board feet. 0 Equivalent to about 5 billion board feet. TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, average at most two or two and a half logs per tree, and the logs run fifteen to the thousand. The amount of upper grades that is sawed from second growth is much smaller than from virgin timber. For instance, a mill tally on a certain operation showed that virgin timber sawéd out on the average about 55 per cent of the high grades, while second growth barely yielded 19 per cent. An inferior forest is therefore succeeding the virgin timber and the highest grades are not being replaced at all. Change to inferior species.—Deterioration is taking place not only in grades but also in species. The most valuable timber trees of the southern pines are longleaf and slash pines, both for their timber qualities and as a source of naval stores. The longleaf pine, particularly throughout the Gulf States, as a rule does not come in on cut-over land, because of sparse seed pro- duction and the grazing of hogs. Unless cut-over longleaf-pine land is protected by hog-proof fences or by stock laws the areas of longleaf pine will be greatly diminished. The original -pro- portion of longleaf in the southern pine forests has already been reduced for the remaining merchantable timber from two- thirds to a little less than half. North Carolina, which once had large areas of longleaf pine and was famous as the “ Long- leaf Pine State,” can boast now of hardly 50,000 acres of second-growth longleaf pine widely scattered in small areas. A large part of the remaining virgin longleaf area will, after logging, either become nonproductive or be restocked to a con- siderable extent with shortleaf pine. THE LESSON OF THE SOUTH ATLANTIC STATES. Large areas of second growth now found in the older South Atlantic States and a fairly permanent cut of timber by small mills are often taken to indicate what the future of the Gulf States is to be after the larger sawmills have completed their logging operations. There are vital differences, however, in the handling of the timber in the two regions. The virgin for- ests in the South Atlantic States were cut over very lightly— often for local consumption only—and the logging was done by animals. This left many young trees which soon formed a new merchantable stand and provided ample seed for young growth. The present-day steam logging in the Gulf States amounts to clear cutting over large areas, and even inferior trees are fre- quently brought to the mill. The virgin forests of the South Atlantic States contained less longleaf pine than the Gulf States. In Virginia, for in- stance, there was practically none. In the Gulf States long- leaf forms the bulk of the stand, and it is the longleaf repro- duction which is most affected by the free ranging of hogs. Furthermore, the turpentine operators are now tapping more and more young trees, and by excessive turpentining prevent many from reaching maturity. It is certain, therefore, that under present practice the Gulf States will not have as much second growth after the virgin forests are cut out as the older South Atlantic States now have. LIFE OF THE YELLOW PINE INDUSTRY. A recent survey covering 5,400 mills, owning or controlling practically the entire remaining virgin stand in the South, indi- cates that 4,419 mills, or nearly 82 per cent of all those re- ported, will cut out in 5 years or less, and the output of virgin timber will be reduced by nearly 50 per cent; that 5,254 mills, or over 97 per cent, will cut out their timber in 10 years or less, with a corresponding reduction in the output of 78 per cent; that in 20 years all the mills, except 12, will have cut out their timber, and their production will have been reduced to only 3 per cent of the present output. This does not mean, however, that the total lumber production will be reduced at this rate. As the larger sawmills cut out small mills will take their place and will work in the second growth and on the small scattered tracts which under present conditions can not be economically logged in large-scale operations. EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 21 Although in five years over 19 per cent of the present virgin timber will be cut out, only about 11 per cent of the entire merchantable stand will be used up. In 10 years 52 per cent of the entire virgin timber will be gone, but only 30 per cent of the entire present merchantable timber. In 20 years nearly 90 per cent of all the virgin timber will be exhausted and over 50 per cent of the entire merchantable timber. As the virgin timber dwindles, the second growth will contribute more and more to the production of yellow-pine lumber. In 10 or 12 years second growth will probably contribute two-thirds of the entire cut. ; Although the exhaustion of the virgin timber does not mean entire exhaustion of the yellow-pine industry in the South, the life of the industry as now constituted is largely the life of the present large sawmills. When the larger mills cut out at the present locations, they will cease to figure in the industry; for it is now almost impossible for an operation of any magnitude to secure a location which commands enough timber to justify logging operations. The South will undoubtedly continue, as New England, to be a lumber-producing region. It will cease, however, to be a national factor; and from a general utility wood, the high-grade yellow pine, as the white pine, will be- come a specialty wood, while the second growth will furnish inferior grades for industrial purposes and for local use. In about 10 years the yellow-pine region promises to take second place as a national lumber-producing center. REDUCTION OF THE OUTPUT. Lumber production of yellow pine in 1930, allowing for new sawmills to take the place of the larger sawmills which will be cut out, it is estimated will be about 9} billion feet, a re- duction of nearly 6 billion feet, or 38 per cent, from the esti- mated production of 1919. This means a yearly decrease in the output of about 550 million feet, or a little over 3% per cent. If, however, to the sawed lumber is added the yearly cut of saw- log material for hewn ties, poles, and posts, and the loss of merchantable timber from windfall, turpentining, fires, insects, and diseases, the reduction is likely to be at the average rate of 700 million feet, instead of 550 million feet. This does not mean that every year the output will be actually diminished by 700 million feet. If the present high prices for yellow-pine lumber continue, production may be stimulated and the output may hold up during the next few years instead of declining. Should, however, such an increased production take place, the decline in the output will be so much the more rapid toward the end of the life of. the industry. PRESENT AND FUTURE CONSUMPTION OF LUMBER IN THE SOUTH. The Southern States consume locally about one-third of their total pine cut, or 5 billion feet. By some good authorities home consumption is placed even at 50 per cent. The South has passed the threshold of a great agricultural and industriat development. At the same time the South is underbuilt. The average value of its buildings per farm is less than in any other section of the country. With agricultural and industrial development the standards of rural and urban life will become higher; and better and larger houses will be built. This will require more lumber. The annual consumption of lumber is expected therefore to increase until in 10 to 12 years it may amount to 9 billion feet. ‘By that time the output of yellow pine will probably shrink to 9 billion feet. Thus by 1930 the South may cease to be an ex- porting region, and may produce barely enough lumber for its own needs. This does not mean that no southern yellow-pine lumber will be shipped out of the Southern States, but it does mean that the exports and imports of lumber will balance. After 1931 the South will become more and more an importing region. In 15 years the South will become dependent for its own needs upon large importations of lumber from the Pacitic coast. 22 CYPRESS REGIONS. Cypress has probably passed its maximum production, and but a short time remains during which it can occupy a place of importance in the lumber industry. The value of cypress for house building and fencing was early recognized by settlers in the South. Under the colonial rule of the Spanish and French traffic in shingles and cypress lumber with the West Indies was of great importance. Great quanti- ties were used for the hogsheads and barrels of the sugar and molasses trade. After the opening of the southern pine forests the general use of cypress as the principal material for house construction, except for shingles, fell off, and the recent de- mands from distant markets date from the falling off of the white pine supply of the North. Until recent years only the largest and best trees nearest to streams and shallow canals in which they could be floated were cut. Utilization was therefore very incomplete. With the in- troduction of the pull boat in the nineties and finally the expen- sive steam skidder systems, and a better understanding of the value of the wood, no stands remained inaccessible. The cypress cut reached 495 million board feet in 1900; by 1909 it was 955 million; and in 1913 it exceeded 1 billion feet. It has fallen off since, with a reported cut in 1918 of only 578 million. Lumbering is followed by practically no second growth, so that with the completion of present operations the cypress industry ends. In 1909 the Bureau of Corporations estimated the total stand of cypress at 40 billion feet. The best available figures to-day place the total at 22,921 million feet, and the totals for Lou- isiana and Florida, which furnish the bulk of the cut, at ap- proximately 11,000 million. If the annual cut during the next few years be placed at approximately 700 million feet, with the additional large and unknown amount used annually in the rough for piling, poles, and the like, it is evident that without growth in the remaining stands and on cut-over lands the supply in sight in the present producing centers, Louisiana and Florida, can not last more than 15 years. A largely diminished yearly production will be experienced much sooner. Well-informed lumbermen place the duration of the important commercial cut at no longer than 10 years. THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION. ai The Rocky Mountain region includes Montana, Idaho, Wyo- ming, Colorado, Utah, Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico, and western South Dakota." It isa region with wide differences in character and density of timber growth, in production and con- sumption of lumber, and in the probable future development and life of the lumber industry. Thus western Montana and Idaho, because of the heavy stands of white pine, larch, and yellow pine, might properly be considered part of the Pacific coast region; while Utah and Nevada, with their open forests, have entirely different economic problems to meet as far as the timber supply is concerned. Similarly, Arizona and New Mexico are practically an economic unit by themselves; Colo- rado and Wyoming form another economic unit, and South Dakota still another. Therefore in considering the present timber situation and the future outlook for the mountain region as a whole, the different sections of the region should be kept in mind. DEVELOPMENT OF THE LUMBER INDUSTRY. The development of the lumber industry began in the early fifties, chiefly to supply the mines. Even now mining is the heaviest consumer of wood in several sections. After 1900 the uThat part of the Kaniksu National Forest in Washington is in- cluded in the Rocky Mountain region, while those parts of the Eldorado, Inyo, Mono, and Tahoe National Forests in Nevada are included in the Pacific coast region. TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. lumber industry assumed more than a local character and began -to ship lumber to the Mississippi Valley and eastern markets. The region is still short of the development which it will reach in lumber manufacture. It has shown a steady increase for the last 20 years, and the present cut amounts to about 5 per cent of the entire production of lumber in the country. Western Montana and Idaho, because of the heavy stand of western white pine, larch, cedar, and yellow pine, is the most important section from the standpoint of timber supplies. Within these two States is 75 per cent of the entire stand of the highly prized western white pine. Wyoming, with its dense and extensive stands of lodgepole pine, is an important source of material for railroad ties. Colorado, more than half of whose timber is Engelmann spruce and which has also extensive lodgepole pine stands, is an important tie and lumber-producing center for the central Rockies. Western South Dakota, with its valuable yellow pine stands, is the center of lumber produc- tion for the State and the adjoining treeless region. Northern Arizona and New Mexico, with large open yellow pine forests, supply much of the lumber used in the Southwest and ship some to the North and East. ORIGINAL AND PRESENT STAND. The original forest area of about 64 million acres has now been reduced by about 8 million acres. This reduction is chiefly in Montana and Idaho, where much of the early logging was on agricultural lands. The present stand of saw timber is about 223 billion feet, or 10 per cent of the entire stand in the country. Practically all of it is softwoods. The stand is very unevenly distributed. Nearly 60 per cent, or 130 billion feet, is in Montana and Idaho; 18 per cent, or 39 billion feet, is in Arizona and New Mexico; 11 per cent, or over 25 billion feet, is in Colorado; and the remainder is distributed in smaller quantities among the other States of the region. THE ANNUAL DRAIN UPON THE FOREST. The annual cut of saw timber is about 14 billion board feet, besides at least half a billion feet for ties, posts, poles, and fuel wood, making the total annual cut about 2 billion feet. This, also, is unevenly distributed. Montana and Idaho to- gether have an annual lumber cut of over 1 billion feet; Colo- rado, Wyoming, and South Dakota together produce not over 150 million feet; and some 170 million feet is cut in Arizona and New Mexico. Besides the cut there is a loss of saw timber through fire, insects, and disease. In Idaho and Montana, where fires are most destructive, the annual loss from fire has recently averaged about 1,100 million board feet. The annual loss due to insects and diseases in these two States is estimated at about 100 million feet. For the entire region the loss from fire, insects, and disease ig at least 1} billion feet. The total annual drain upon the forests is about 34 billion feet, two-. thirds of which falls upon Montana and Idaho. ANNUAL GROWTH. The annual growth in the Rocky Mountains is estimated at 461 million board feet of saw timber and 264 million cubic feet in the form of immature stands (equivalent to about 528 million board feet), which makes a total of nearly 365 million cubic feet (equivalent to about 989 million board feet), or 21.5 cubic feet per acre per year on the growing area. Most of the growth is in Montana and Idaho. CUT COMPARED WITH GROWTH. Considering saw timber alone, the annual drain is about seven times the growth. If we compare the cut of all forest products with the entire growth in cubic feet, the cut and devastation is two and one-half times the growth. TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, LOCAL NEEDS. In Montana and Idaho the present cut of saw timber is in excess of the local needs, which are about 850 million board feet. Arizona and New Mexico are not self-sustaining. In 1914 about 350 million board feet of timber was used and only 132 million feet was produced. Wyoming, although it produces more than 600,000 railroad ties and a large number of poles, posts, props, and mine ties, manufactures only about 15 million feet of lumber, less than enough for its population. Colorado, although it produces 550,000 railroad ties and large quantities of posts, poles, props, and mine ties, manufactures less than 100 million feet of lumber, and is not self-sustaining. THE FUTURE OF THE LUMBER INDUSTRY. Of the Rocky Mountain States, only western Montana and Idaho now produce lumber above their needs and can increase their output in the near future. It would seem that the forests of Montana and Idaho, with some 180 billion feet of saw timber and a present cut of only 1 billion ; Colorado, with over 25 billion feet and a cut of 100 million; Arizona and New Mexico, with 39 billion feet and a cut of only 132 million, are capable of sus- taining a larger lumber industry for a considerable ‘time. It should be remembered, however, that the region is still underdeveloped and that its requirements for lumber may also be expected to increase with its rapidly growing population. Furthermore, within the next 12 years over 95 per cent of the existing sawmills in the southern yellow-pine region will cut out. The Pacific coast and western Montana and Idaho will have to assume the main burden of supplying saw timber to the entire country. This means more rapid cutting of the remain- ing stands and a big increase in the existing deficit in annual growth. A large amount of the standing timber is relatively inaccessible. The future supplies of accessible timber are therefore much more limited than is indicated by the estimates of the total standing timber. The privately owned timber in the territory tributary to Spokane will be cut out in 25 or 30 years if the present .rate of cutting continues; and the cut, which now amounts to approximately 550 million feet of logs, will drop to 100 or 125 million feet, which the local National Forests can produce annually on a continuous basis. The lum- ber industry will then move to other timbered regions. probably to the Clearwater territory, which is tributary to Lewiston, Idaho. Even if the rate of consumption should not increase above the present figure, if appears that the bulk of Idaho’s privately owned timber, including 75 per cent of the remaining white pine in the United States, will be gone in about 40 years. The western red cedar is now being cut extensively in Mon- tana and Idaho for poles, piling, posts, and shingles. The pres- ent average annual shipments of poles, piling, and posts from Montana and Idaho amount to 216,360 poles and piling and 8,789,000 posts. The regions which are now being exploited will probably be exhausted within the next 20 years and opera- tions will be transferred to more remote areas. The present cedar lumber prices have diverted into lumber a large portion of the material ordinarily manufactured into posts and shin- gles. Continuation of this demand might easily exhaust the entire available supplies of post and pole material in 20 years. The future of the lumber industry in western Montana and Idaho will not be unlike that of the Pacific Northwest. There is this difference, however, that the supplies in western Mon- tana and Idaho are much smaller than those in Washington and Oregon, and comprise three-fourths of the remaining sup- ply of one of the most valuable softwood timber trees of the country—western white pine. Now that the eastern white pine is practically exhausted, the demand upon the western species will tend to increase. The other States of the Rocky Mountain group will not be important factors in the lumber production for the general market. EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 23 PACIFIC COAST. GROWTH OF THE LUMBER INDUSTRY. The development of the lumber industry on the Pacific coast, our last great ¢oniferous timber reserve, has already progressed far. The first sawmill in the Northwest began operations on Puget Sound in 1845. Within a decade lumbering became, and still is, the chief industry in western Washington. The cut for a good many years was used locally or shipped into California or exported. Not very much timber was cut until after the completion of the Northern Pacific Railway in 1882, and then for a number of years only in special grades. Twelve years later lower freight rates were made on eastern lumber shipments and the pronounced development of the west coast industry began. Very little lumber was cut in California prior to the begin- ning of gold mining in 1849. Lumbering in the redwood belt began about 1860 and grew steadily. In 1899 Washington, Oregon, and California cut a little more than 2,900,000,000 board feet. Production increased slowly until in 1918 the total was slightly in excess of 8,590,000,000 board feet. Washington became the leading State in lumber production in 1905 and has since held this place, except only in 1914, when it fell slightly below Louisiana. The present cut is about 4,500,000,000 board feet annually. Oregon at present is the third State, with a lum- ber cut for 1918 of a little more than 2,700,000,000 board feet. That for California has never exceeded 1,500,000,000 feet. ' In the 12 years between 1906 and 1918 the cut of the West Coast increased only about 14 billion feet, largely because of the inability of the product to displace southern pine,in the eastern and middle western markets under the handicap of higher freight rates. Within the last year, however, shipments have increased and yellow-pine markets up to the very boun- _daries of the producing territory have been invaded.. ORIGINAL AND REMAINING FORESTS. The commercial forest area of the Pacific Coast States has been reduced to approximately 57,586,000 acres. Sugar Pine fostern Wiute Pine 9 Mornay Pirre| Yetlaw Poplsar. | BILLION BOARD FEET 35 «<0O 1400 4600 | |. WESTERN SOFTWOODS | - | LA | Fig. 8.—Saw-timber stands of some of the more important species in the United States. Taste 8.—Total stand in cubic feet on saw-timber areas and cordwood areas in the United States by regions. Total stand. Stand on— . Saw tim- |Cordwood Region. Million ber areas| areas cubie | Percent.| (million | (million feet. cubic cukic feet). feet). Now England ...2:sa secs cai veewsinaessioes , 850 3 15, 492 5, 358 Middle Atlantic. ........-......... 24, 897 3 17,126 7,771 Li 50, 584 7 41,534 9,050 CONTA], oe cccnicteisjonis theca cteen 85,118 | ° 11 61,319 23,799 South Atlantic and East Gulf 96, 158 13 73,060 23, 098 Lower Mississippi. ......... 118, 364 16 95, 252 23, 112 Rocky Mountain. 61, 893 8 53,755 8,138 Pacific coast 287,724 39 | 274,874 12, 850 Totals cccctuscohesceepeenssepekeebes 745, 588 100 | 682,412 113,176 LOCATION OF REQUIREMENTS WITH REFERENCE TO PRODUCTION AND SUPPLIES. In the comparatively near future all of our eastern timber “regions which do not already import more lumber than they export will begin to do so. The southern pine region as already shown is still a large exporter, but within 10 years production promises to be little, New England...,----- Middle Atlanrtre..-- CENFTAL. 3) 2122222 ---+ Sour, AE alba and Lower ANss1ssippl.---- Bocky Mountarr....- Facifie Coash...-- 25 50 100 Fig. 9.—Total stand in cubic feet on 7S Billion Cubse -eer saw-timber areas and cordwood areas in the United States by regions. if any, in excess of local requirements. In New England total consumption probably passed total output between 1880 and 1890, and within a few years this section will meet half of its total requirements from outside sources. New York has not produced lumber in excess of its own needs since a few years before the Civil War. The Pittsburgh district alone probably uses more lumber than is now cut in the entire State of Penn- sylvania, and the State ceased to be an important exporter shortly after 1890. The Lake States as a whole still produce more lumber than they consume, but already Michigan and Wisconsin are net importers and it is practically certain that the Lake States as a whole will consume more lumber than they produce within 10 years. Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois since records have been kept have always imported more lumber than they produced. West Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee were probably net exporters for about 20 years after 1890, but if thrown together ‘with Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, they form a group which has always used more lumber than it produced. No lumber-producing region in the East can with certainty be counted on to produce more lumber in 1930 than it will con- sume. The southern Mississippi Valley and possibly the south- ern Appalachian Mountains may produce more hardwood lumber than is needed locally, but they also are likely to be net im- porters if all classes of lumber are considered. Eel Cubic foot eguivalent of actual lumber obrarnabse on sawrimber areas (1000 board feer= 83$ Cubic feeH) im Remainder of stand on sawtimber areas. {—] Stand on cordwood areas 27, 300 36 A representative of the National Lumber Manufacturers’ As- sociation “ has recently predicted a decline in the cut of south- ern pine of 7 billion feet by 1930, and a further decline in other regions in the East of 2 billion feet, making a total of 9 billion. As further reducing the eastern output available for general markets he estimates an increase in export demand by 1980 of 1 billion feet of southern pine and an increase in local require ments in the South from 7} billion feet to 9 billion. He esti- mates the total increased production necessary by 1930 from other regions in the United States or from foreign sources at 113 billion feet. From a prewar normal production of southern pine of 15 bil- lion feet it is believed that a reduction to 9 billion by 1930 is very conservative, and the falling off of an additional billion is well within possibilites. The reported output of the southern pine region in 1918 was only 11 billion feet. The prewar normal of all other softwood and hardwood production in the East was somewhat less than 15 billion, and here a reduction of 34 billion feet in the cut by 1930 would be conservative, with possibly more than half of this coming from hardwood production. While no exact prediction can be made, it is certain that the total decline in output will be very large. For hardwoods we can turn only to the tropics for materially increased supplies. For softwood lumber we still have large reserves in the West. Of the more heavily timbered Western States the least can be expected from Montana. Increased cuts are predicted from Idaho, California, and Washington by men in the industry most familiar with the situation. The main increases, however, will have to come from Oregon. So far as domestic production is concerned, the entire United States will therefore be chiefly dependent for lumber in excess of local pro- duction upon three or four States in the far West. The part of the lumber traffic from the West which is not handled by ocean shipments via the Panama Canal must move east over the main lines of the transcontinental railroad sys- tems. Even under conditions of the past 10 years there has been a constant complaint from lumber manufacturers of in- ability to secure cars. The situation has been at its worst dur- ing the past year. Shipments for a very considerable part of the western traffic during 1919 averaged slightly more than 26,000 feet to the car. At this rate every additional billion feet of lumber shipped east would mean 40,000 additional carloads. Five billion feet would make 200,000 carloads. In addition to the difficulty in building and maintaining additional equipment are the pbysical difficulties involved in moving such vast amounts of freight. Assuming an average freight rate of $15 per thousand on shipments of lumber from the West and increased demands upon that region of 10 billion feet in 1930, the annual freight bill for moving this timber to the eastern and middle western markets would be $150,000,000. This is about one-half more than the present average transportation cost for the same quantity of lumber, and will form a part of the annual price of depletion. Prior to 1840 the entire lumber cut of the country was used within a comparatively few miles of the sawmill at which it was manufactured. Transportation costs from mill to market, then varying from $1 to $3 per thousand feet, have risen to 2 maximum of $20 at the present time. Even more important than the mounting costs is the menace involved in having the principal markets of the country so entirely dependent upon distant regions for the supply of such an important raw material as lumber. Some of the railroad difficulties have already been discussed. Labor troubles are 4 Life of the Softwood Lumber Industry, by F. V. Dunham, field rep- resentative of the National Lumber Manufacturers’ Association, South- ern Lumberman, May 8, 1920. 2 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. another possible contingency. How seriously bad weather con- ditions of a season or two at the logging camps can affect many industries and classes of consumers is now illustrated in the hardwood lumber region of the lower Mississippi Valley. Any one of many factors may disorganize the lumber markets and supplies of nine-tenths of the country, and a combination of these factors would be serious in proportion. If we elect to depend upon imports instead of home-grown timber, there is, first, the question of whether timber from foreign countries will be actually available. It would have to come from greater distances, and obstacles in the way of securing it would be correspondingly greater. Transportation and other distribution costs would be increased, and higher costs are ordinarily represented in still higher prices to the consumer. Finally, we should have to compete for any supplies available with other countries which do not themselves produce all the timber they need. FUTURE TRENDS IN REQUIREMENTS. Future trends in requirements will be considered in detail only for lumber. Our requirements for pulp wood will expand rapidly, but the volume required, as compared with lumber, is small. The per capita lumber consumption in the United States in 1850, the year of the first fairly complete lumber census, was only 230 board feet, with a lumber production of 5.4 billion board feet and a population of 23,192,000. It then increased steadily until it reached its crest of 515 board feet in 1906, with a total lumber cut of approximately 45 billion feet. From 1906 to 1913 the per capita consumption declined to 430 board feet. The war curtailed production to 82 billion feet in 1918, or 300 board feet per capita, of which part was for war pur- {26.0 N_.cutand Destruction Total....-n-- | casing ea pan A laameprsianeiinen OTT? ee) —Cut and Destruction Softwoods EI Growth __Cut- and Destruction Hardwoods -,Growth Billions of cubic feet Fig. 10.—Relation between forest depletion and forest growth. poses. This restricted use resulted in the abnormal demands and unprecedented prices of the past year. The experience of industrial European countries gives some indication of what American future requirements for lumber will be. In England, for example, during the 60 years from 1851 to 1911 the consumption of lumber increased from 40 board feet to 120 board feet per capita, although 95 per cent of her requirements must be met through imports at high cost. Similarly, German home production at least doubled during the 60 years between 1840 and 1900. Industrial development made it’ necessary to import constantly increasing amounts of timber, and in spite of the cost of imported material, the per capita consumption at the outbreak of the war was about 150 board feet per annum. The United States is still a new country. We still have large areas of undeveloped agricultural land. In much of our terri- tory first construction was of such a character that replacement on a larger and better scale will be desirable if not absolutely necessary. Our population is growing rapidly and there is no reason to believe that it will not continue to grow. Industrial development in many sections has hardly begun. How large the TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, per capita consumption in industrial centers is may be judged from the fact that in St. Louis the per capita consumption is over four times that for the entire country, in Pittsburgh three times, and in Chicago at least double. Even with large allowances for the substitution of other ma- terials for timber, it seems hardly possible that our annual ‘demand for lumber for years to come will fall below 35 billion feet. This is 5 billion less than the prewar average of approxi- mately 40 billion board feet. Even this will require a gradually reduced per capita consumption as population increases. For many years we shall find ourselves unable to satisfy our re- quirements with anything approaching: the per capita consump- tion of either England or Germany. It follows that any future lumber production falling below approximately 35 billion feet, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 37 cay. The other 16 billion board feet comes from growing stands, but their growth is only 10 billion feet annually. In other words, besides the very heavy drain on our rapidly diminishing supply of virgin timber, we are cutting even the second growth saw timber more than one and one-half times as fast as it is being replaced. Comparison of the rates of depletion and of growth of all timber below saw-timber size discloses that even this material is being used up three and one-half times as fast as it grows, or at the rate of about 14 billion cubic feet, as compared with a growth of only about 4 billion feet. (See fig. 12.) If this serious situation continues it will reduce very materially the volume of the material which can reach saw-timber size in the future. Cut ard Tota/ 126 J West rtion Growth [ [Zo 7 Cut and desfrucrvion MAVIL GTI STONIAS Soffwoods ' Q Growth in virgin stands ar - Hardwoods Cutand destruction 117 growiig Sraras L Growth tn growing stands (z WA igi sande” 1 oO Softwoods }' Ce] (es) cr : ee )—____ 1 0 a pe] LBitliors of board eer Hardwoods Growth LUMIGT SFAMAS Cut and destruction in growing stands Growth tr growing staras Cut and destructor 177 UITgiTy starnas Growth 17 wrgits stands Cut and destruction tn growing stands Growth in growing starras Fic. 11.—Relation between forest depletion and growth of saw timber. unless we can make up the difference by imports, will result in ~hardship to many classes of consumers and to many industries, ‘like that experienced within the last year. Any such reduced consumption will unquestionably be the result of economic pres- sure from lumber shortages and high prices rather than of eco- nomic convenience. We have our warning in the present situa- tion. , DEPLETION AND GROWTH. PRESENT DEPLETION AND GROWTH. The standing timber in the United States is being cut and destroyed at the rate of 26 billion cubic feet per year, or more than four times as fast as new timiber is growing. (See Tables 9 and 10 and fig. 10.) That of saw-timber size is being cut for lumber and other uses and destroyed by fire, disease, and insects at the rate of 56 billion board feet per year, more than five and one-half times the growth of such material. (See fig. 11.) Such data as are available (see Table 9) indicate that about 40 billion board feet is taken each year from our remaining virgin stands, in which there is no net growth in excess of de- This depletion of small timber is proceeding at an especially rapid rate in the case of hardwoods, perhaps in part because the supply of larger timber has been practically exhausted in several regions. The cut of cordwood material in hardwoods amounts to 83 billion cubic feet, five times the growth. Cordwood cut and destroyed Tota/ Cordwood grown Cordwood cut and destroyed Softwoods Cordwood grown Cordwood cut and destrayed Hardwoods: Gordwaod grown BILLIONS OF CUBIC FEET Fie. 12.—Relation between forest depletion and growth of cordwood. 38 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. TABLE 9.—Timber removed each year from the forests of the United States. Equivalent in lumber which could have been Equivalent in standing timber. sawed from the same trees. Cut. Quantity. Hardwood. Softwood. Total. Hardwood. Softwood. Total. bic fect. | Board feet. Board feet. Board feet. Cubic feet. Cubic feet. Cu Lumber..........222.020000. 40,700, 0 M board feet...... 8, 700,000,000 } 32,000,000,000 { 40, 700,000, 000 1, 905, 300, 000 7,008, 000, ee 8, 0 a ow Hewed ties...... 87, 500,00 0 ties... -| 2.100, 000, 000 525,000, 000 2.625, 000, 000 ” 840, 000, 000 210,000, 0 1, 4 Pulpwood.........-- -| 4,550,000 cords....._- 200,000,000 | — 1,400,000.000 | 1, 00, 000, 000 64,350, 000 468, 000, 7000 ee Round mine timbers... 250,000,000 cubic feet 375,000,000 375, 000, 000 750, 000, 000 162, 500, 000 162;.500;0 800° 000° Fencing.............2.-20--+ 900;000,000 posts. 165,000,000 460, 000, 000 825 , 000, 000 360, 000, 000 1,440; 000, oo 1, 800, 000, 000 Poles...... : 4 230, 060 poles. .... 55, 000, 000 200, 000, 000 255,000,000 11,700; 000 43,550, 0 , 250, 000 Shingles..........22..2...--- 000 M shingle ceases pate 890, 000, 000 890,000,000 |......2-.-2---2--+ 194, 700, 00 194, 700,020 Vehicle stock, dles, 80,0 O00 8 M board fee 850, 000, 000 20, 000, 000 870,000, 000 196, 500, 000 3, 190, 000 199, 690, 000 woodenware, furn.ture, ete. Hegpore logs and hewn tim- | 200,000 M board feet......... 100, 000, 000 100,000,000 200, 000, 000 22, 500, 000 22, 500, 000 45,000, 000 ers. Veneer logs..........2.-2.-5+ 650,000 M feet logs........... 660, 000, 000 120, 000, 000 730,000, 000 101,200,000 18, 400,000 119, 600, 000 Tight staves..........2...... 286,000,000 staves. - = 380, 000, 000 55.000, 000 435, 000, 000 83, 250, 000 11,990, 000 95, 240,000 Tight heading. .............. 21,000,000 sets..... 140,000;000 15, 000, 000 155,000,000 29' 250,000 3, 250, 000 32, 500, 000 Slack staves.....22......2... 1,010,600,000 staves. - 265,000, 000 40, 000; 000 305,000, 000 58, 080, 000 8, 580, 000 €6, 60, 000 Slack heading............... 61,000,000 sets. .... “ 120, 000, 000 105,000,000 225, 000, 000 26, 750,000 22,725, 000 49, 475, 000 TG O DStieee ss emma varaes arcs 333,000,000 hoops. . 4 907 000; 000 90,000, 000 19,650,000 |.........--.------ 19, 650, 000 Piling yscen cemanavarsen once 1 oh. 000 pieces... 20,000; 000 90, 000, 000 3,900, 000 15, 600, 000 19, 500, 000 TEU cree si csniscnatciens seimeiaile 2/375,000 lath. sPoceiocwia on tance nie) whine cacntucenivied nen lemeneeinin qaucieueiacie | oles sion ecarare amare | taletiueriace satets esters | alate shnyais ale nis caine Distillation... 2202222222222 1,550,000 cords. . J 375, 000.000 |. 375, 000, 000 i63; 800, 000 17,550,000 191,350, 000 Tanning extract............. 1,250,000 cords. 135,000, 000 135,000, 000 146,250,000. |. .2cs..:unseatweee 146, 250, 000 Excelsior.......0:20-2s0c00e 260,000 cords... 60,000, 000 75,000, C00 18,720,000 4,680,000 23, 400,000 Fuel wood.......2.........-- TIOS000 000 COE Sy x soyere SeesercrelSecpadezanerevetm pone erence | getfecid nyamaienadsyaissiatel idiot Reorc zee erorriscerte 7,315, 000,000 3,135,000, 000 10, 450, 000, 000 Total pcs sesecvnaraeews seek eb eet MERE ES 14,790,000,000 | 36, 590,000,000 | 51,380,000,000 | 11,528,700,000 | 12,790, 215,000 24,318, 915, 000 Destroyed by— WNC are airy che ciate nie cits sie aitclcea antl dadnineatnareeaesee 500, 000, 000 1,750,000, 000 2,250, 000, 000 330, 000, 000 750,000, 000 1, 080,000, 000 Insects, disease, et. .....|-. 202.2... c cece eee c eee ee eee 500, 000, 000 2,000, 000, 000 2,500,000, 000 125, 000, 000 525, 000.000 650,000, 000 MOtal sds ccsaaressaess| Maakceemeaaansteomemaansecead 15.790,000,000 | 40,340,000,000 | 56,130,000,000 | 11,983,700,000 | 14, 065, 215, 000 26, 048, 915, 000 Note.—Figures’on amounts used are in most cases the most recent data available. 5 war years). TasBLe 10.—Annual growth of saw timber and cordwood in the United States, by regions. For Jumber the average total cut for the period 1909-1918 was taken (5 prewar and For export logs 1913 figures were used. Fire loss is an estimated average including bad years, such as 1910 and 1919. to a mere fraction of what it might be with proper handling. To convert such stands into valuable producing forests .will in many cases involve expenditures as great as though the lands Annual growth. were devastated. The area of devastated and partially devastated land is Region. Sa Saw timber. rapidly increasing. Timberlands are cut over much more Total. Ra Cordwood. | closely now than formerly, with the result that after fires Board feat. | ber have killed out most of the young growth on logged-off lands there is little or no chance for reproduction to start. At least Acres. | Cubic feet. Cubic fet, | 5,500,000 acres of merchantable timber are cut over every year. New England... .} 17,133,000 | 474,000, 000 8 | 609,000,000 | 28] 341,000,000 . i ; 7 Middle Atlant 207352, 499, 000° 000 8 | 7147000,000 | 31 | 342,000,000 Part of it restocks and part does not. During the period from Lake. 26, 500,000 | 468, 000, 000 9 | 988,000,000 | 46} 251,000,000 | 1915 to 1918 an average of 9,400,000 acres of forest land was Centra ~"| 47,312/.000 | 906,000,000 | 15 |1,458,000,000 | 35 | 587,000,000 é : South Atlantic burned over each year, and in years like 1910 and 1919 the and East Gulf. .| 59,980,000 |1,594,000,000 | 26 |2,428,000,000 | 33 |1, 062, 000, 000 . . : Lower Mississippi| 44,275,000 | $83,000,000 16 |1’752'000/000 | 39 | ’ 600/000; 200 acreage was considerably larger. Some of this land restocks Rocky Mountain .| 17,846,000 | 365, 000, 000 6 461, 000, ;000 | 28] 264,000,000 | and some becomes waste, while the productivity of practically Pacific Coast.....- 11} 717,000 | 706,000,000 | 12 |1,263,000,000 | 39 | 430,000; 000 . all is reduced. Total... .../245, 115,000 [5,995,000,000 | 100 |9,672,000,000 | 35 |3, 877, 000, 000 POSSIBLE GROWTH. With softwoods the depletion of saw timber is more striking, although the cut of small timber is also considerably in excess of its growth. Nearly three-fourths, or 40 billion board feet of the saw timber used and destroyed, comes from softwood for- ests, and about 382 billion feet of it from virgin stands. The total depletion of softwood saw timber is more than 64 times its annual growth of 6 billion feet. The enormous excess of depletion over growth of timber is not because of unduly large consumption of timber products. It is due in part to needlessly large losses from fires and other causes, which to a great extent can be controlled. But it is due most of all to the wasteful methods of cutting and to neglect of cut and burned over forest lands. There are now in the United States about 81,000,000 acres of waste forest land, devastated by cutting and by fires, on which nothing of value is growing or likely to grow without a huge expenditure for reforestation. This area is equal to the combined areas of the forest lands of France, Germany, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Switzerland, Spain, and Portugal. Besides the waste land there are in the United States approximately 245,000,000 acres bearing second-growth forest. In a large part of this forest, wasteful cutting or excessive grazing have reduced production If all of this land had been cut over in the first place, with due regard to securing a future stand, and had been protected from fires or excessive grazing after cutting, it would now be producing timber at least three times as fast as at present. Judging from the experience of other conntries and from re sults obtained where forests have been carefully treated in our own country, it is believed entirely conservative to assume that the 326 million acres could produce at an average rate of 60 cubic feet of wood per acre per annum, or, in terms of saw timber, 150 board feet per annuny This would mean a total annual growth on the present area of cut-over forest land, in- cluding that now devastated, of 194 billion cubic feet of wood, including 49 billion board feet of saw timber. At the same rate — of production for the remaining 137 million acres of virgin forest in which there is now no net increment, our total com- mercial forest area is capable of producing annually, after the virgin timber has been cut off, at least 27% billion cubic feet of wood, including 70 billion board feet of.saw timber. This ex- ceeds our present rate of use and destruction. With a rea- sonable per capita consumption, it would be able to meet in- definitely the needs of our growing population for wood and other forest products. FOREST DEPLETION AND LUMBER PRICES. ; The course of lumber prices in the United States has been very materially affected by the successive depletion of old and development of new fields of lumber production. As one great forest region after another has been opened up two counter- acting influences have been brought to bear on prices. One of these has been interregional competition. Exploitation has begun in new regions well in advance of exhaustion of the older sources of supply. The result has been to hold in check the gradual rise in price which would normally take place as competition relaxed with the diminution of supplies in the older regions and as exploitation advanced from the most accessible and easily logged timber to that involving higher costs of pro- duction and transportation. On the other hand the cutting ,out of the older regions and the resulting necessity of draw- ing lumber supplies from more distant fields has meant, of course, the periodic addition of new transportation costs. " PRICE CHANGES AND REGIONAL DEPLETION. Thus prices have tended to rise at a step from one level to another and then to hold pretty well on this level for a term of years rather than to follow an ascending curve. This is most marked with the softwoods. EASTERN SOFTWOOD MARKETS. Table 11 shows the lumber prices in eastern markets: at five-year intervals from 1840 to 1910 and yearly from 1910 to 1920. The prices are computed throughout on a gold standard to eliminate the distortion resulting from depreciated values during the paper-currency period. TabBLe 11.—Trend of average wholesale values (eastern markets.) Softwoods, 1-inch Hardwoods, 1-inch stock. stock. Year. ; | First Average First Average | quality quality quality quality | per M feet. | per M feet. | per M feet. | per M feet. | | $20. 91 $10. 50 ‘ 21. 46 10. 50 ]...- 24.35 10. 50 ad 26.15 11.00 e 24.45 11. 50 20.43 9. 25 41.32 14. 28 37.70 14.01 39. 93 13. 33 38.41 14. 00 41. 51 17.00 34. 48 16. 40 29. 39 16. 55 34. 06 21. 50 41. 93 21.20 42. 59 22. 06 43. 50 24. 60 45. 06 24. 52 44. 53 25. 29 44,92 27. 88 42. 76 25.19 41.89 24. 68 41. 53 26. 86 42. 60 29. 09 51. 45 39. 90 iS \. 61. 58 44.42 72. 62 55. 54 131. 55 73. 26 1178. 82 1 123. 80 1 Figures apply to first three months. While a great variety of factors have influenced lumber prices, a succession of price levels with sudden transitions correspond: ing to important shiftings of the field of supply may be readily discerned. ‘Chere has been much price fluctuation in the soft- woods, but in every instance price declines have ultimately been regained and new levels have been established. The underly- ing cause has been the widening distance between the sawmill and the consumer of its product. The trend of lumber prices in eastern markets since 1840 is further illustrated in figure 18, which presents average whole- sale values of upper grades of softwoods and hardwoods sepa- rately in relation to the average price trend of all com- modities. These values are expressed in percentages, with 1860 prices as the index basis, and on a gold standard through- out. Hardwood prices will be discussed in a subsequent “section. Between 1840 and 1860 average prices of softwood lumber in the eastern markets followed quite closely the average price of all commodities. The lumber was principally white pine from New York, New England, and Pennsylvania. The average value of upper grades in the wholesale trade fluctuated between $20 and $30, centering about $25 per thousand feet, while ma- terial of average quality sold fairly uniformly at $10 to $11. Transportation costs were about $1 per thousand. About 1850 white pine from the Lake States began to filter through to the Atlantic seaboard, and by 1860 Chicago had replaced Al- bany, N. Y., as the leading lumber distributing center in the world. The increase in volume of the more distant Lake States timber entering the eastern market from then on was accom- panied by a price advance in upper grades from $24 in 1852 to $30 in 1858, and may be accounted for by a growing short- age of eastern white pine. i The Civil War greatly affected the price of lumber, in com- mon with that of other. commodities, through inflation; but calculated on a gold-standard basis softwood values did not increase materially until after 1865. But between 1865 and 1870 softwoods parted company with general commodity values, and with the exception of one brief period have so remained until the present time. The softwoods reached their new price level in 1866. From that year onward lumber prices, except as indicated, remained well above the average for all commodities. The general level of softwood uppers from 1866 to 1890 was between $34 and $40 per thousand, and that of the lower grades between $14 and $18, an increase over the prewar levels of $10 to $15 and of $4 to $8 per thousand, respectively. This was the period during which Lake States white pine was entering the eastern market in increasing volume, at increased transportation costs of about $5 per thousand. Undoubtedly the increasing absorption of timber from the Lake States by the Middle Western States, whose development was proceeding rapidly, and the growing scarcity of local timber also exerted a lifting influence on softwood prices. Large rafts of lumber were passing down the Mississippi River to Memphis, Vicks- burg, and even New Orleans. The financial depression which began in 1873 caused a tem- porary decline of lumber prices in common with all commodi- ties. Following 1879 softwood lumber prices advanced steadily until 1883, when the upward trend was checked by an increasing inflow to the large eastern markets of yellow pine from the forests of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, pnd Georgia, and the rapidly increasing cut in the Lake States. Supplies were brought to New York, Philadelphia, Boston, Baltimore, and other eastern centers by water transportation, During the year 1887, for example, over 200 million feet of southern pine was received at New York, an increase of nearly 30 per cent over 1886. Only a few years before there was but 39 . TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 40 “ST ‘OLE YVFA oz6/ SEL O16/ $06/ 0067 SEQ 06g so” 08g/ SLO OLey 59H 0997 ' se O90/ SHH over, poompsopH —-— - os La DOOML{OS ---— [| “—_ A is, 4 phe J iol } fri Desc] eet ey Fi pe reneeoeteate. see ; / ed a apt = “ %e pp } 097 fromm ben. se eae om ‘ \ Moe J / SS uuactanaey Pee ee Poms iva ff / cf aa ooz if Fi z moe 4 Pe o { STE s osz dpe gta TN eee 1 Als ooF { / R t # ' POR Gh ase | 7 LY 1 Me ! we oS 00% i ge ee x ' 7 ON» 8 Poi pw i j 00s < ; YVIA x A OY 09@/ oser S 4 = . eT a ot o— —095 m / i FI 3 / F ; | E “4 —oos E i H = is —ooz j OZE/- O48/ GOIH 3d [ 1 SANTA O98/ QL NOILW7TH N/ SLIHSVW NYTLS VAI NI E ee b — 008 i SYLLIVONNO9 TIV.10 SIITIVA TIVUTAY ONY YIGWNT E barry veyboy mmm | & + JOOMLIOS ONY COOMOYVH FIVYD HO/H SO 5 vy soponog ES |, k —|006 1 SINTVA ITVSTIOHM FOVYIAY SO ONTFYL E Bue MO//AK WayUsNOS EEEQ * t 1 EB ates DUuyore Y4OY TE | G ; Bs = (VB LON CAM bt 4 —000 i EI Burg moe ueysnog TID | B OZ6/- OSG/ GOV Fad | er BHM Pes ac es Sal ag i E ALLO HYOA MIN AL SHIIDFALS ANISTLSS/0 SO Y¥IINN7 NO ONFII7 . i | LITS ONVSIOML Yoda ASOD LHS TALVWHLST i E —0027 . = oz: —looer loOsr TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, one yellow pine yard in New York, and the receipts were insignificant. The interregional competition which grew out of the rapid expansion of the lumber industry in the Lake States and the South during the eighties, together with the continued produc- tion in New England and Pennsylvania, was unquestionably the dominating factor in crowding softwood lumber prices down- ward and holding them at temporarily low but fairly uniform points for a decade following 1890. The average value of the upper quality lumber centered about $30 per M feet. and that of the lower quality between $16 and $17 per M feet. During this period the lumber-price trend coincided very closely with the ups and downs of the all-commodity price average. By 1900 the Lake States white pine and the South Atlantic yellow pine were waning factors in the New York market. This was due not only to the decline in cuts in these regions but also to the increasing absorption of lumber by expanding markets west of New York. The bulk of the softwood lumber in the eastern markets came more and more from the Gulf States by rail and water, with increased transportation charges totaling $6 to $9 per thousand. This‘resulted in prices again moving steadily upward and the establishment of a new level. The graph reflects between 1900 and 1906 an increasing di- vergence of lumber above average commodity prices. From 1903 to 1917, the period of greatest decline in the cut of the Lake States, the level of softwood prices remained fairly uniform. Upper grades averaged from $40 to $45 and lower grades from $24 to $26 per thousand, an advance of from $10 to $15 and from $5 to $10, respectively, over the previous level. There were, of course, minor fluctuations, and - Since 1907 an abnormal pressure downward on prices arising from weak markets and overproduction in most, if not all, of the producing regions. This is especially true of the years 1914 to 1916, a period of great regional competition in all large softwood lumber markets. In 1917, it will be noted, the curve for all commodity prices advanced sharply beyond softwood lumber prices for the first time since 1865, due, of course, to war conditions and the fixing of prices by the Government for the more important softwood. species, ; With the close of the war came the opening of a new period. Radical changes had taken place in the general situation. The strain of overproduction and intense regional and interregional competition was markedly relaxed. The cut of southern pine had fallen off some 84 billion feet since 1915, and lumber pro- duction in practically all regions excepting the West was below normal. With the first development of sharp demand following the middle of 1919, therefore, there was demonstrated as never before in the history of lumber prices the effect of regional reduction of lumber production and its consequent weakening of the great leveling influence of interregional competition. By March, 1920, average mill prices in both the South and the West were more than double the average prices received in 1918 and more than three times those of 1914. These increases were swiftly reflected in the large eastern markets. The average value of upper softwood grades was $42 per thousand in 1914, $51 in 1918, and $131 a thousand in March, 1920. Similarly, lower grade material rose from $25 in 1914 to $40 in 1918 and to $73 in 1920. These phenomenal price advances, although precipitated by a, variety of factors, unquestionably reflect in part a current transition to another lumber price level, the measure of which is clouded in present abnormal conditions of trade and finance, supply and demand. The new level will be founded on perma- nent increases in production costs and the increasing extent to ° which eastern markets will have to draw upon western lumber at transportation costs of $15 to $20 per thousand feet. EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 41 Softwood wholesale lumber prices since 1840 have therefore passed through three main levels in eastern markets and are now apparently in the initial stages of the fourth. The first level, prior to 1861, was characterized by local supplies and up- per grade prices of $20 to $25 per M. ‘The second extended from 1865 to about 1900, with prices of from $35 to $40, and supplies drawn from the Lake States, and the third level, from 1900 to 1918, with the Southern States as the main source of supply, and with prices of $40 to $45. Prices for the fourth level are not yet stable. MIDDLE WESTERN MARKETS. In the markets of the Middle West the effect upon lumber prices of changes in sources of lumber supplies, with their accompanying changes in transportation costs, lumber stocks, and interregional competition, is even more strikingly shown. These Middle Western markets have during the past 25 years been dominated by first one species and then another. Each change has grown out of cumulative forest exhaustion or reductions of lumber cut in main forest regions tributary to the markets. Prior to 1900 lumber stocks in the retail markets of the Mid- dle Western States were largely of white pine from the Lake States, distributed at low transportation costs by water and short rail hauls. Lumber production of the Lake States was -at its peak. White pine moved in heavy volume by water to Chicago, and in the form of logs down the Mississippi River. Practically every river town of importance had one or more saw- mills. Dubuque, Davenport, and Rock Island, all in the very heart of the consuming region, had, for example, many mills from which lumber was distributed locally and by rail to con- suming markets. Transportation costs were relatively small, lake rates to Chicago, for example, ranging from $1 to $2 per thousand ‘feet. Following 1900 the sharp decline in the production of north- ern pine, due to the exhaustion of the more accessible forests, was reflected in a gradual shrinkage of white-pine lumber from the stocks of retailers farthest removed from the white- pine region. Mills along the Mississippi River, unable longer to get steady supplies of logs, began to close down. By 1905 most of the mills from La Crosse and Winona downward were idle. Coincident with these movements wholesale and retail lumber prices, even in the southern Minnesota region, began to move upward. Wholesale prices of common grades of north- ern pine increased $8 to $17 a thousand feet, while the retail prices advanced $10 to $15 a thousand feet. This upward movement of average retail prices from around $16 in 1895 to $25 in 1905, in response to mill prices and the declining soft- wood cut in the Lake States, is clearly reflected in figure 14. During the same period yellow pine from the South was moving northward in increasing volume, taking markets which northern pine could not supply and exerting through inter- regional competition a restraint upon increasing white-pine prices. From a production in 1899 of less than 10 billion feet, the cut of southern pine increased to more than 16 billion feet - in 1909, carrying with it a gradual transition of lumber stocks from white pine to southern pine throughout a large part of the region. The southern forests were, however, less accessible to the principal markets of the region, and in place of water transportation in part or in whole, rail transportation: amount- ing to from $4 to $6.50 per thousand feet was necessary. This imposed an added cost to lumber and raised the general level of lumber prices. Had not these great southern forests been available to meet the rapidly increasing demands of the region and to replace the declining cut of the Lake States, lumber prices in the Middle West following 1905 would unquestionably have reached and maintained a materially higher level than has actually existed. 42 Following 1912 southern yellow pine was the predominant species in the retail yards of Missouri, Kansas, Oklahoma, ' Nebraska, Iowa, Indiana, and Illinois. It dominated the retail trade. In western Kansas and Nebraska and in North and South Dakota Douglas fir from the coast’ and western pine from the Inland Empire had largely replaced white pine, while in Wisconsin hemlock formed the principal species in the lum- ber yards. Only in Minnesota and immediately contiguous localities was white pine the leading species in the retail trade. It will be noted from figure 14 that from 1906 to 1917 the level of retail lumber prices fluctuated around $30 per thousand feet and mill prices around $15. This is explained by the de- velopment of further interregional competition from the west- ern forests. Following 1900 the cut of the Pacific Coast States increased rapidly from about 3 billion to more than 7 billion feet in 1910. Surplus stocks soon began to move eastward, and Douglas fir from the West Coast and western pine from the Inland Em- pire became active factors in the northern-pine markets of the Dakotas and Minnesota and in the southern-pine markets of western Nebraska and Iowa. The period 1908 to 1916 was one of periodic business depression and overproduction at the mills. In order to move stocks of lumber in the South and in TRENO OF AVERAGE RETAIL LUMBER PRICES /N MINNESOTA ANO NEBGHASKA /N RELATION TOSHIFTING SOURCES OF LUMBER SUPPLY AND AVERAGE MILL PRICES (PRICE CURVE FOR COUNTRY TRADE) READ: LUMBER CUT IN BILLION BOARD FEET SELLING PRICE IN. 4890 YEARS Fig. 14. the West, prices were often set at cost of production or less, Southern pine and Douglas fir met in keen competition in the Prairie States. This expanding movement in yellow pine and Douglas fir competing for markets naturally exerted a leveling pressure upon lumber prices. It was a buyers’ market. Buyers whipsawed the price of one species against the other, and thereby exerted further pressure downward on both wholesale and retail prices. From the standpoint of the public, or the lumber consumer, the situation is illustrative of the great economic advantage of having large available forests in different producing regions. When the supply of lumber from the Lake States first began « TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. to decline radical price advances were unquestionably prevented by the inflow of a great volume of lumber from the South. As the southern pine lumber established itself in the markets of the Middle West. the exhaustion of timber in the Lake States reached a point where northern pine and hemlock ceased to be- come effective competitive factors, except in very limited re- gions, but further advances in lumber prices were checked by the great inflow of lumber from the West. The increasing volume of western lumber in the middle west- ern markets obviously increased the freight rates borne by lum- ber. That these increases are not reflected by figure 14 is due to the fact that during the period 1910 to 1916 they were largely absorbed by the mills in lieu of profits in order to move surplus stock. These conditions are shown graphically in figure 15. They therefore have acted as springs, exerting pressure upward and intensifying the responsiveness of prices to any release of pressure from above. In the retail trade of southern Minnesota, for example, the average transportation cost borne by lumber in 1905 amounted to about $3 per 1,000 feet. In 1915 it had increased to $8.50, and in 1919 to practically $12 per 1,000 feet. Normal markets for lumber in the Middle West largely dis- appeared during the war. The needs of the Nation in prose- cuting the war, however, eventually absorbed available lumber stocks. There was little active demand for lumber, but poten- tial demands steadily accumulated. In the meantime lumber | production in almost all regions declined. Restrictions on lum- ber were lifted following the armistice, and the great pent-up demand for lumber was released into normal channels of trade. Prewar conditions of business depression and overproduction at the lumber mills had passed. There developed, indeed, a striking reversal of those conditions. Lumber was needed in great volume to supply the shortage of homes and other build- ings. Wood-using industries were short of lumber to resume business on a prewar scale. Industries began to expand on the abnormal increase of credit growing out of war financing, Production of southern pine lumber had passed its peak. The South was prosperous and in need of lumber. It absorbed the cut of southern mills at high prices in greater volume than ever before, while eastern markets likewise drew more heavily upon the South. . As a result of the foregoing conditions, the former dominating und far-reaching competition of yellow pine was much con: tracted, and the great markets of the Middle West were left primarily dependent upon timber from the Pacific coast and the Inland Empire. The greatly reduced cut of the Lake States’ forests was wholly ineffective as a competitive factor in exerting a leveling influence upon prices, and the upward pressure of increased transportation costs and lean profit years prior to the war was set free to act. Within a year or 18 months Douglas fir became the principal species throughout the greater portion of the Middle West. To-day it forms 80 to 90 per cent of the retail] stocks in Minneapolis, which has always been a great white-pine market. It is found in Chicago in greater vol- ume than any other species. In Kansas City, which is on the very edge of the southern pine district, it forms more than ‘0 per cent of the lumber stocks. In the fotegoing conditions may be found the underlying causes for the chaotic price situation which developed in these middle western markets during the latter part of 1919 and the first months of 1920. Beginning with June, 1919, prices moved steadily upward. It was the beginning of an intensified sellers’ market. Wholesale and retail lumber prices reached the highest point in the history of the industry. As shown by figure 19, the average sales values of retail stocks in country districts in March were around $85 per 1,000 feet, while average wholesale mill prices ranged from $45 to $60. The trade was plunged into confusion, Buyers needed lumber and were willing to bid for it. For several months prior to March, 1920, lumber prac- tically lost uniformity of price in many markets,” Quotations in ‘PER CENT TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. COMPARISION OF [INCREASING TRANSPORTION CHARGE BORNE Y LUMBER IN CouNnTRy Rérait. TRADE IN SAMINNESOTA : (Average freight cost per M reer) Dorears PERM Fr. DOL.ars PER M FT. TREND of AvERAGE RETAIL, LUMBER PRICES PER M FT. ANO OrmmerR ESSENTIAL FACTORS OF Cost Country RETAIL, TRADE MINNESOTA Average DoLLars PER M FEET Value of Dotears PER M FEET ILLUSTRATION OF CHANGING SPECIES In RETAIL LUMBER STOCKS iN CounTrry Yaros in MINNESOTA C33 Ar Cerr Northern Pine f GB “er Cenr Douglosfir & Western Pine Per Cenr Wise temlock OM) Per Cenr So Yellow Fine Per Cewr Averace LumMBeEr aaa Perr Yaro /In_ M Basis -Total poeta Sales Nebraska- 6/ Million Ft Minnesota-5'5Million AA Ca 600 FEEr 500 7 ll S THOUSAND FEET ns Q o THOUSAND Ln Yar. +1 Peer. S3cO 500 1905 1906 1007 1908 /909 700 “9M 19/2 IHS 19 IDS 19/6 10/7 19/8 19/9 Fie. 15. 44 the same market varied from $2 to as much as $50 per thousand feet on the same grade. The tables of 1914 and 1915 were turned. Sellers whipsawed buyer against buyer. Lumber was auctioned to the highest bidder, with prices continually going higher. On some of the upper grades, especially among the hardwoods, sellers refused to make quotations or to grant op- tions on expected material. Through the use of the transit-car privilege dealers often held cars for big prices, paying demur- rage charges and gambling on further price advancements. Instances were cited where transit cars changed hands six and eight times standing on the sidetracks. The movement of lumber prices and lumber stocks in the Middle West reflect what occurred in varying degree in prac- tically all other large consuming markets dependent upon lum- ber from distant regions. As in the Hast, the effects of forest depletion are clearly discernible. Because of interregional com- petition these effects are manifested in the form of successive price levels, the first prior to 1900, with retail price averaging around $16 and the Lake States as the source of supplies; after a period of transition a second, beginning about 1906 and last- ing through 1916, with prices centering around $30 for southern Jumber. The rapid advance and chaotic prices of recent months are symptomatic of a transition to a third and permanently higher level than that which has prevailed during the period in which southern pine has dominated the situation. It is true that lumber prices were bound to rise with pro- ducing costs and in common with other commodities. It is true also that their sudden skyrocketing was unquestionably precipitated by a combination of many conditions, including unfavorable logging weather in the South, reduced stocks at the mills, car shortage, etc. The relation of producing and distributing costs to prices will be discussed in a subsequent section and the underlying cause of the extraordinary and unprecedented price movement since*the armistice is not found in that relation. It is found in .the weakening of inter- regional competition brought about: by a temporary shortage of lumber, occasioned primarily by curtailed production re- sulting from conditions growing out of and following the war. Cumulative forest depletion in regions formerly supplying the big lumber markets of the country has been an important con- tributing factor. The great balance wheel of interregional competition is unable to function effectively and without interruption as the regional sources of timber supply are exhausted and abnormal conditions, such as have characterized the postwar period, are thus free to play a larger part in violent and extreme changes in market conditions. Had the Middle West been able to draw on ample forests of northern as well as of southern pine to meet the demand of an enlarged and insistent market the response would have been far easier and the situation far less acute. Had it not been for the fact that timber from the far West was partially available to lessen the strain of a demand far beyond the supply the pressure would have been still more extreme. It is safe to say that Douglas fir will not permanently lose the place which it has now obtained in the markets of the East and the Middle West, but on the contrary, as the output of southern pine declines it will more and more dominate those markets. The freight tolls upon it are being incorporated in the new price level. And the crisis which has brought about its extensive introduction serves to illustrate what may be expected with increasing frequency and intensity as forest depletion proceeds and no steps are taken to make cut-over lands productive. EASTERN HARDWOOD MARKETS. Wholesale prices in the eastern markets for upper grade hard- woods are shown in. figure 13 between 1855 and 1920, and also with material of average quality for somewhat shorter periods TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. in Table 11. The hardwood price curve follows closely that for all commodities until 1860, since when they have been separat- ing gradually except for a short period following the Civil War. The curve of hardwood prices in figure 13 indicates a much sharper and more consistent increase in hardwood than in soft- wood~prices. The leveling effect of interregional competition is less apparent, due in part to the more general distribution of hardwood forests and the relatively smaller consumption of hardwood lumber. Four rather distinct price levels are ap- parent, however. Between 1865 and 1875 there was a rapid rise to almost double the prewar level, followed by a steady increase until between 1900 and 1905, when another abrupt rise marked a new general level of hardwood prices. Again in 1918 a still higher level is indicated by an increase of more than $10 a thousand over 1917, and during 1919 and the early months of 1920 a very much greater increase, which carried the average price to almost $125 in excess of that shown for 1917. In the early days, when transportation systems in the United States were undeveloped, commerce in hardwood lumber was limited, owing to the difficulty of rafting. Its consumption was mainly by local markets immediately tributary to the source of supply. Between 1850 and 1860 hardwoods were cut near the consuming centers. Prices were low and the quantity consumed was comparatively small. First-quality white oak sold in the eastern markets in 1855 for $10 per 1,000 feet wholesale, poplar for $11.50, and ash for $10.50. i Following the Civil War the commerce in hardwood lumber expanded rapidly with the development of railroads. By 1870 hardwood lumber from Ohio and Indiana was being shipped by rail to the eastern markets, and the local cut was no longer sufficient to meet their needs. Prices had risen to about $26 per thousand for oak and $25 for ash and poplar. With the development of the wood-using industries and the increasing use of hardwoods for special purposes, the industry began ex- ‘panding into the highlands of West Virginia and the southern Appalachian Mountains with increased logging and transporta- tion costs. By 1890 the price of ash and oak had increased to $35 and poplar to $30 per thousand, and in the 10 years follow- ing 1890 oak increased to $43, ash to $45, and poplar to $36 per thousand. Between 1900 and 1909 the total hardwood cut in the United States gradually increased. During the decade following 1910, however, the hardwood cut of the country steadily declined from ten and a half to between 6 and 7 billion feet in 1918. This decline is reflected in all hardwood regions excepting the lower Mississippi Valley, which has increased from a produc- tion slightly less than 800 million in 1900 to almost a billion and a half feet in 1917. The growing dependency of wood-using industries and other hardwood consumers upon. the hardwood cut from the lower Mississippi Valley serves to emphasize the growing exhaustion of the hardwood forests in the central, eastern, and northern hardwood regions. The South is the last large hardwood reserve, and its reduced cut during the past two years, because of bad flood conditions, labor shortage, and other temporary factors which have curtailed both log and lumber output has been a large factor in bringing about an acute shortage of hardwood lumber in practically all markets. The general condition of the hardwood industry following the war became even more unsettled than that of the softwood lumber industry. Hardwood lumber used for war purposes was confined largely to oak, hickory, walnut, yellow poplar, bass- wood, and ash, the stocks of which were well exhausted by the close of the war. The production of other hardwood species was curtailed on account of Government restrictions. The wood- using industries were short of dry stock to meet the demand for furniture, finish for homes, and other hardwood products. TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, The result was that hardwood lumber was bid up to unprece- dented prices. The market became extremely erratic and un- stable. Several species such as ash practically disappeared from the market. Quotations often did not hold good over- night. It was not uncommon for cars of hardwood lumber to net the owners profits of $50 to $100 and over per 1,000 feet.- As an example, a jobber who had bought a car of quarter-sawed oak from a small mill operator for less than $100 per thou- sand immediately sold it for $400 per 1,000 feet. Wholesale and retail prices in 1920 of a number of the more important hardwoods in relation to prices prevailing in previous years are shown in Table 12. The growing scarcity and high prices of oak are probably of greatest concern, because it is used by such. a great variety of industries and consumers. The cut of oak reached its peak with the decade between 1899 and 1909. For the two years mentioned the cut was identical and amounted to nearly 4% billion feet. Since 1909 there has been a general falling off in production, and in 1917 the cut had dropped to a total of 2 billion and was only 44 per cent of the cut in 1909. The lower Mississippi Valley holds the last large reserves of oak timber in the United States. The cut in these States de- creased from about 715 million feet in 1909 to about 470 million feet in 1917. In 1913 the wholesale price of F A S quartered white oak, used generally by the furniture and musical instru- ment manufacturers, was about $80 per thousand. In February, 1920, it had risen to about $300, and was difficult to procure at that price. To manufacture quartered oak first quality, large sized, straight-grained logs are required, which are obtained only from old growth or virgin timber. Quality depletion of timber is important in this case. TaBLE 12.—Wholesale and retail prices of hardwood lumber at various points throughout the United States. WHOLESALE PRICES (DOLLARS PER 1,000 FEET). February, | February, February, 1914. 1919. - 1920. OAK. Firsts and seconds 1-inch plain boards: Philadelphia 1 60.00 80. 00 200. 00 New York City. 60. 00 82. 50 200. 00 Pittsburgh 2 62. 00 75.00 225.00 Cincinnati 55.00 75.00 200.00 ‘0. 2 common 1-inch plain boards: Philadelphia. ..........-0eccccecsaccevens 130.00 46.00 95.00 New York Cit 29. 00 41.00 95.00 234.00 40. 00 112. 00 24.00 27. 50 87.00 88. 127.00 310.00 2 80. 00 95.00 300.00 78.50 85.00 300. 00 156.00 90. 00 185. 00 55.00 83.00 190.00 innati “74.00 78.00 200. 00 mam: inch boards: ne: 2 como ia a cease a diaanenweleeinciesesietiaye 124,00 45.00 75. 00 New York City 27.00 41.00 98. 00 Oineinnatl c casscnanwewwenn seco ooccceianans 27.00 28,00 80. 00 YELLOW POPLAR. -inch boards: aor rae : on cate aii ences enoen ee PERE 62. 00 80. 00 190. 00 Philadel puis... 0 ncadeansnwasexeneseerereve 60. 00 106. 00 180. 00 -inch boards: as Philadelph cc. ne ing ofnantigainielal seciba dein De 123.00 48. 00 93. 00 . Pittsburgh ‘ 2 27.00 42. 50 67.00 ineinnatl. .. 0 .nnn-mdgaeinsaanwer dan sree 23. 00 29. 00 75.00 RED GUM. i 1-inch plain boards: Fists a ee aity. a ‘ = ais Storage oral RinsGiare ater 37.00 58. 00 195. 00 MAHOGANY. Firsts and secon ia, Maxton and Honduran - Ss? mR OB Ek City : a saiatate biel ctecnsimate stuletecwee's 155. 00 270.00 330. 00 1 February, 1915. 2 February, 1913. EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 45 Tasre 12.—Wholesale and retail prices of hardwood lumber at various points throughout the United States—Continued. RETAIL PRICES (DOLLARS PER 1,000 FEET). February, | February, | February, 1914 1919. 1920. OAK. Firsts and seconds 1-inch plain boards: Philadelphia swan sceas axe cscieieuusecisastnae| one rsresav aii lace messesriaial velco aleaisioas New York City... ee 88. 00 132. 00 252. 50 Pittsburgh........ ~ 1 83.00 100. 00 260. 00 Cincinnati.......-... “ 72. 50 100. 00 265. 00 No. 2 common 1-inch plain boards Philadelphia.............-..2.- siaisid| Sisataieis sass | sipietais xiv atecee, | staintoniy siaeaters New York Hy a aatate DS.O0: liicteawciasion ciel erate bie vice se Pittsburgh . . sae. 45.00 1 54. 00 150. 00 OU NOG oa eka ann nad mapas noreeaic® 31.00 46. 50 116. 00 Firsts and seconds 1-inch quartered boards: New York City 115. 00 192. 00 400. 00 Pittsburgh.............. 198. 00 126. 00 385. 00 CnC Math 5. casos sicverernmsseraiets ciaverseoeasons ameistemoe 106. 00 115. 00 385. 00 ASH. Firsts and reas 1-inch boards: No. 2 common 1-inch boards: Philadelphia New York tity 45.00 60. 00 140. 00 Cincinnati. . 36. 00 37. 50 105. 00 YELLOW POPLAR. ie and seconds 1-inch boards: No. 2 common 1-inch board: Philadelphia Pittsburgh. Cincinnati. . *RED GUM. Firsts and seconds 1-inch plain boards: INOW MOP Clty oye xecarswemiac xieecatencsina del Saruwaueinten MAHOGANY. 102. 00 247. 50 Firsts and seconds Mexican and Honduran mabOeany 1-inch boards: , Now York Citys. .0cccssmasasessssvececs 175. 00 330. 00 400. 00 1February, 1913. Red gum, which 20 years ago was considered a weed tree and little cut for lumber, commands a wholesale price of $200 per thousand for F A § figured and $180 for F A § plain. Plain oak flooring in 1918 in Ohio cities retailed for about $75 per 1,000 feet. In March, 1920, the same material brought $300 per 1,000 feet. White ash trim F A S in 1918 retailed for $72 per 1,000 feet To-day it is very difficult to procure and quotations are not generally available; however, sales have been made at $265 and over per 1,000 feet. Maple floor- ing in 1918 retailed for $60 and in March, 1920, for $240. Yellow poplar F A § in 1913 retailed for $70 and in February, 1920, for $225. Wholesale prices for hardwoods in the eastern markets are therefore characterized by more continuously rising prices and much less pronounced price levels than for softwoods. This is the logical result of the distribution of hardwoods, the larger bodies of which merge into each other and are less distinct than the principal softwood regions. The center of hardwood produc- tion has theréfore moved gradually away from the center of con- sumption. The $10 wholesale price for first quality white oak of 1855 had, by the early months of~-1920, reached $230, and the prices of other species had increased proportionately. Without minimizing other factors that have affected prices, the effect of depletion is not less clear or pronounced than in the case of the softwoods. PLENTIFUL AND DEPLETED SPECIES. The foregoing increases illustrate the effect of growing scarcity and regional forest exhaustion upon the price move- ments of species of general and special use. This is further brought out graphically in figure 16, which shows the price trend of walnut, a species of limited quantity and special use, 46 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 5260 % 200 130 180 /70 160 TREND OF AVERAGE. PRICES OF UPPER. GRADES OF WALNUT AND EASTERN WHITE PINE,/IN RELATION TO UPPER GRADES OF 150 SOUTHERN YELLOW PINE. WHOLESALE PRICES FER M. FEET /N jes EASTERN MARKETS /30 : ere % & (20% ~ x Ob to F YF fF fF fF ek acarceaated et 110 RQ ‘ ‘ I ‘ od H ‘ ane 100 Hey fi ed pe s a No quotation on getertttapeoheaeay We Walhut after 19/8 an a et Q Y ¥ f ne x : ay’ [ 70 . ; / / / 4-5! ‘ ; £2 ets ; 60 3 ; : 50 40 4 . ; / \ * 1 EN ner ae Tah - yh ba La ne ello ae ze 20 ‘ olL— 1840. 1845 1850 1855 1860 1865 1870 1875 1880 1885 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 YEARS Fie. 16, TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, and of the upper grades of white pine, a species formerly avail- able in large quantities and of general utility, but now near- ing exhaustion, in relation to upper grades of southern pine, a wood of present large-quantity production. The curve for walnut, it will be noted, shows a rise in price from $25 in 1865 to $112 in 1905, without a single drop. This was undoubtedly due to the comparatively small original stand of walnut. At present firms handling walnut in quantity have scouts in the field searching out and buying single trees to supply their needs. In contrast to walnut prices, the prices of white pine were only slightly higher in 1895 than in 1866. During this period white pine was the general utility wood. It was available in large quantities in pure stands first in southern New England, then in New York and Pennsylvania, and later in the Lake States. To-day it is largely a specialty wood. The transition from a general utility to a specialty wood following 1900 is strikingly illustrated by the marked divergence of the white- pine curve from the southern-pine curve. The difference in price in 1900 of approximately $20 per thousand had reached $70 in 1915 and $130 in 1920. PRICES IN DEPLETED OR NONFORESTED VERSUS FORESTED REGIONS. Retail prices collected indicate that in normal times and much more during periods of shortage and extreme prices, such as the present communities close to large lumber-producing regions, benefit very materially in lumber prices. Retail lum- ber sales in producing regions of the South and the West are often made at rates which check closely with wholesale prices in the respective regions. This is an advantage which formerly forested regions, such as the Lake States, Pennsylvania, New York, and New England have now lost. Lumber dealers in producing territories are able to handle lumber on a smaller margin than retailers at distant points, primarily because they are near the source of supply and are not required to carry large stocks or to buy lumber far in advance in anticipation of delayed shipments and traffic breakdowns. Present differ- ences, however, far exceed prewar margins. Furthermore, many mills retail lumber locally at whole- sale prices. Instances were found, in fact, where special prices below the going wholesale price were made by mills in order to stimulate local building and community development. Red- wood bevel siding sold in February, 1920, at a producing city in California for $40.90 wholesale and $43 retail. During the same month in Washington, D. C., and at Dayton, Ohio, the quoted prices on the same material varied from $110 to $130. The freight rate from California to these points was approxi- mately $8.50. / The three tables which follow indicate retail selling prices in towns and cities in lumber-producing regions in contrast to prices prevailing in markets far removed from forest regions. In some instances, sale prices and price quotations from different dealers varied considerably, and in these cases an average of the prices obtained is used. TasBLE 13.—Comparison of retail prices per thousand feet of North Carolina pine lumber at points in producing and in con- suming regions. February, 1914. | February, 1919. | February, 1920. North Carolina pine. Wil- | 4 Wil- Wil- - ming: | Yong | ming | one | mine | York wea. | City. | wig. | City. | wg. | City. looriny inches, No. eee eet cet ees $25.00} $38.00 | $45.00 | $62.50 | $98.50 | $150.00 i i ii widths, | SD te ee 27.50 | 45.00] 50.50] 64.50 | 101.00] 150.00 i i all widths, No. ant ane cdeeeneee ees 13.00 | 27.50) 32.00] 55.00] 46.00] 91.50 ight rate from Wilmington, N. C., to New York City amounted to approxi- mately 328 per 1,000 feet in 1914 and to $4 per 1,000 feet in 1919 and 1920. 47 TABLE 14.—Comparison of retail prices of southern yellow pine lumber in South with prices in consuming region. EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. February, 1920. Average JA Verage Southern yellow pine. | Points in producing | SEllNS | Points in consuming | “Stee region. per M region. per M feet. feet. Mobile, Ala..-...... $115.00 | Kansas City, Mo....| $133.55 Flooring,1 by 4 inches,|| Montgomery, -| 115.00 | Lincoln, Nebr.....-. 125.00 B and better, flat |; Meridian, Miss. 110.00 | Country town,Kans.} 140.00 BRI a cccesanyeawen Bogalusa, La. 110.00 | Dayton, Ohio....... 150.00 Pensacola, Fl: 110.00 | Pittsburgh, Pa...... 142.00 : Mobile, Ala.........| 54.00 | Kansas City, Mo....) 66.45 Dimensions, 2 by 4 ||Montgomery, Ala..-| 50.60 | Chicago, Ill.......... 65.15 inches, 16 feet S. & |, Meridian, Miss. -...-. 55.00 | Country town, Kans.| 70.00 E, No. 1, common. .|| Bogalusa, La... af}, COB 00! Ils axevsse wesarecciierersieias were siermiersee ste Pensacola, Fla. alt GD00 4. sac cc cee meat aeanerslasaese ee aes Ala. ee He i os City, ge ares oe a ontgomery, Ala...} 51. ountry town, Kans. . Common boards, LbY | Meridian, Miss...... 61.50 | Chicago, Ill..........| 66.80 Be eae -||Bogalusa, La... 57.00 | Dayton, Ohio....... 80.00 Pensacola, Fla. -| 60.00 | Pittsburgh, Pa.....-. 80.00 Maint xis | ki | Ques Me | Finish, B and better, ontgomery, Ala...| 120. ee Oh epee tees i tn Meridian, Miss...... 114.00 | Lincoln, Nebr....-.. 135.00 1 by 6 inches, 8 feet../) pensacola, Fla......| 112.50 | Country town,Kans.| 145.00 Bogalusa, La........ 115.00 | Dayton, Ohio....... 175.00 The freight rates per 1,000 feet from southern yellow pine mill points to Kansas City, Mo., Lincom, Nebr., and to Chicago, Ill., Dayton, Ohio, Pittsburgh, Pa., amounted to approximately $7.25, $7.90, $6.50, and $7.50, respectively. TABLE 15.—Comparison of retail prices of Douglas fir on West Coast with prices in consuming region. February, 1920. Aver- Aver- i er F are eee ; age Douglas fir. Points in producing | selling | Points in consuming | selling region. price region. price per M per M feet. feet. Lincoln, Nebr $112. 50 Country town, Kans.| 125.00 Kansas City, Mo. Flooring, No. 2 clear, |(Portland, Oreg...... vertical grain, 1 by |; Eugene, Oreg......- 4 inches. Bellingham, Wash. . Common boards, No. |{Portland, Oreg...... 40.00 ||Country town, Kans. 1, 1 by 8 inches, 16 |; Eugene, Oreg....... ~ 48.00 |, Kansas City, Mo....| 66.65 feet, S18. Bellingham, Wash..} 39.00 ||Chicago, Ill.........] 65.00 Minneapolis, Minn..| 65.00 ‘ Lincoln, Nebr.....-. 62. 50 Dimension, 2 i 4 |(Portland, Oreg...... 40.00 ||Country town, Kans,| 67.50 inches, 16 feet, S1S- Eugene Oreg......- 49.00 |) Kansas City, Mo....] 66.45 1E. Belling! , Wash..| 39.00 ||Chicago, Il......... 65. 65 Minneapolis, Minn..| 63.00 The freight rates per 1,000 feet from the West Coast to Lincoln, Nebr., and Kansas City, Mo., Minneapolis, Chicago, Pittsburgh, and New York City amounted to approximately $13.75, $12.50, $15, $18.60, and $20. respectively. Differences shown in the foregoing tables are in most cases very striking. No. 2 and better flooring of North Carolina pine, for example, was retailing at around $150 in New York in February, 1920, but was retailing in Wilmington, N. C., at about $100 per 1,000 feet, although the freight rate to New York amounts to only $4 or $5 a thousand. Siniilarly, No. 2 southern pine common boards 1 by 8 inches were being bought in south- ern cities at from $50 to $60 a thousand feet, but were costing $80‘a thousand in Dayton, Ohio, and Pittsburgh, Pa., despite freight rates equivalent to only about $6.50 and $7.50, respec- tively. In the case of Pacific coast Douglas fir flooring No. 2, clear vertical grain, 1 by 4 inches, average retail prices were as low as $85 in some western cities and as high as $140 in some eastern, with freight rates of $20 or less. In some cases thr difference between present retail prices in producing regions plus freight and retail prices in consuming regions exceeds the total prewar prices in the consuming region. Twenty years ago sawmills in Minneapolis were cutting more than 500 million feet of lumber annually. As tributary forests became exhausted these mills were forced one by one to close down. The last remaining mill closed a year ago, and one of the larger cities of the country, as well as the rich agricultural 48 region surrounding it, is to-day forced to obtain from 80 to 90 per cent of the lumber from Pacific coast forests some 2,000 miles distant. Douglas fir, common dimension, 2 by 4, from western Oregon and Washington, for example, cost at retail in Minneapolis in February, 1920, $60 to $65, whereas in 1900 2 by 4 dimension of white pine could be purchased for $15 to $20. The growing scarcity of white pine has constantly tended to en- hance its value. During January and February of this year it is said that the relatively few remaining northern pine mills could obtain almost any price desired for their lumber cut. Price lists recently issued by two groups of mills, for example, quoted prices varying $15 or more on the same grades. Figure 17 reflects wholesale prices of three grades of northern pine in Minneapolis at intervals of five years from 1900. Even in normal times lumber purchasers in nonforested and depleted regions are at a distinct disadvantage over purchasers in regions of lumber production. This disadvantage becomes much more pronounced in times of scarcity and unsettled con- ditions such as the present, when the excess in retail prices, deducting all transportation costs, may even exceed the total price of the same grades under normal conditions. PRICES AND COSTS OF PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBUTION. Figures indicative of the increasing costs which have en- tered into lumber manufacture and distribution will be given separately for (1) production, (2) transportation, and (8) re- tailing. Along with these figures showing the increase in costs are given also figures as to increases in selling prices and the ratio of transportation charges to retail prices. MILL PRICES AND PRODUCTION COSTS. Figure 18 shows in graph (@) the trend of average selling prices of Douglas fir, southern pine, and Inland Empire species, separately by years, for periods from 1905 to 1919; graph (b) these prices expressed graphically on a percentage basis, with 1914 as the index year; graph (c) the average mill price re- ceived by a typical Douglas fir mill plotted in relation to operat- ing cost. Pacific coast—Table 16 shows mill prices for Douglas fir lumber produced on the Pacific coast in Oregon and Washington incorporated in graphs (@) and (c), and adds the average selling prices in December, 1919, and January and February, 1920, as determined from index grades of a large volume of lumber sold by a number of mills. TABLE 16.—Average price per thousand feet lumber tally. Number | Single ‘Weals. of mills. | mill. W912 sia a tesisineacecmncwee Se SMe SMR RISE oURee Meee hee ewes $11.30 $15. 98 TQS cardie:nis:eaivis 11.44 16. 09 1914 10.58 13. 46 1915. 9. 80 12.78 1916. 11. 63 15.55 1917. 16. 93 19. 88 LOLS a sista an sterpioamraraiiiciaigciovacrarana Gist ale dictain tors ciate ARS eNom ER 21.21 28. 22 WONG roronr eee ceenaaseoeaiag sensei as eclasiesioctis vig Mociccteeips 25. 83 31. 42 December, 1919 (orders) .. 37.58 |.......... January, 1920 (orders). 42,04 ].......... March, .1920:( Orders) sc20,.e..ccscsaesmereaece nner eceeys 45.72 |....-.---- The average prices shown above for a number of mills do not include underweights and sales of special stock and by-products, which would tend to increase them slightly. The two sets of prices as given above are believed to be representative of high and low average mill prices. Compilations prepared by the West Coast Lumbermen’s Asso- ciation show that manufacturers west of the Cascades received in 1919 an average of $25.70 per 1,000 feet for all species. The association’s figures are based upon data from 50 mills, and the average prices received by the different mills, including returns from lath, wood. and sawdust, range from $20.50 to $35.50, a variation of $15. It is fair to assume, therefore, that the average mill price of Douglas fir during 1919 was between $25 and $30 per 1,000 feet, TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. The average mill prices given for the months of December, 1919, and January and March, 1920, are based on sales reported to the West Coast Lumbermen’s Association, and represents a large volume of business. It will be noted that the average price for March (based on orders taken) amounted to over four and a half times the average price received in 1915, and is $20 higher than the average price shown for 1919. ; A comparison of 1919 production costs in this region with costs in 1918, 1914, and 1915 indicates that the cost of produc- ing lumber has a little more than doubled. On the basis of information collected and compiled by an accountant employed by the West Coast Lumbermen’s Association, the average cost of logging Douglas fir by manufacturers in Oregon and Wash- ington during 1919 amounted to $10.89, this figure being an average of an output of about 1 billion feet. Costs of manu- facture show similar increases. In 1915 the average manu- facturing costs of 30 mills in Oregon and Washington was $5.53 per 1,000 feet, while in 1919 the average manufacturing cost, as determined by the West Coast Lumbermen’s Association, amounted to $10.21 per 1,000 feet, or, with shipping and selling included, $11.83. No 2 Common DIMENSION 2x4-16 SISIE No. 4 Common BoaROs AW&GAL SIS a oa > 8 S No/ Common Boarps /x10-2 $25 Jon lWF Jan/920 Lollars Fic. 17,—Wholesale prices at Minneapolis of northern pine lumber. The total cost of producing lumber in the region west of the Cascades, in Washington and Oregon, in 1919, based on informa- tion collected and compiled by the West Coast Lumbermen’s Association, but presented below in a little different form, and compared with other data showing average costs and mill price for 1918, is as follows: Lumber tally per 1,000 feet. Associa- | Service tion data,| data, 1919. 1913. Logging (no stumpage)........2.220 20222 e cece cece 4," MarnifaCpUrin gs oss acce-apaa siete dias ain:cje nie creierernie evaratiessvaerourivnsommreeocn 0. 2 * FH Shipping expense. "90 140 Selling expense....._. 738 730 Total f. 0. b. mi... eee Ce ee | a a 24,15 12. 20 25, 83 12.50 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. JAN. $52.21 FEB. £ S794 is MAR: $ 61.60 AVERAGE MILL PRICES PER M FEET ; : | . FOR C SOU ‘N YELLOW PINE, DOUGLAS FIR, AND INLAND EMPIRE SOF TWOODS N > ale & FIR (3 MILL CUTTING HIGH QUALITY MATERIAL ) ¢ YELLOW PINE g INLAND EMPIRE, SOFTW s Se eee —s 3 ®: | DOUGLAS FIR (AVERAGE OF NUMBER OF MILLS. 4905 1906 (907 /908 909 (910 39/1 “Ye [HB (W419! HB VAT = [HB HG 4 /60 T T T —T ; DOUGLAS FIR-MAR,-1920- 332 %—y YELLOW FINE MAR- ET | / 140 | PERCENTAGES OF INCREASE AND. DECREASE. INTHE | ~ / AVERAGE MILL PRICES PER M FEET y jas FOR ‘SOUTHERN YELLOW PINE, DOUGLAS FIR. AND INLAND EMPIFE,. SOF TWOODS | GRAPH ts) a 100 ra 80 8 60 3 S J te FIR erred files CUTTING HIGH QUALITY MATERIAL] 1 be L SOU THERN YELLOW PINE Z| foe EMPIRE SOFTWOODS f z s "KN". ZO = : ; oa NA / Ne \ ) | \N LE ear oA Lt oY a | i oe Ts (1s Z| -F \ See Leo — 4 7G _-=-- re DOUGLAS FIR (AVERAGE OF NUMBER OF MILLS) °C 905° 7906 1907 1908 1909 19/0 191) 1912 19/3 (3/¢ 19s 1916 13/7 7918 199 ‘ | 8 TREND OF MILL PRICES ANDO ESSENTIAL COST FACTORS | Gi . AT A TYPICAL DOUGLAS FIP CARGO AND FRAVL MILL LL GRAPH (cy |. ~ : ; t (SELLING PRICE PER M FEET F.O.B MILL : y2o - ———> — + t : 5 > WEF PROFIT: ‘ LE COST OF MILLING AND SELLING a | rezzeaatz 724 LB Yi} /OF = : N 7 PTA TOT IOTI TINT TTT) i 8 Yy 5 COST-OF STUMPAGE AND 1 EY YY, Yy 4 1905 /906 907 1908 309 1WO =H HWE 19/3 (4 (HS (HS (HF [98 199 Fia. 18. 50 The association’s compilation shows that it cost $24.95 per 1,000 feet to produce lumber in 1919, as against $24.15 shown by the above figures. The difference is due to the fact that the figures of the association include log-buying mills. Average costs at individual mills range from about $18 to $32 per 1,000 feet, with a figure close to $25 representing the average for 1919. Production costs of April, 1920, are estimated to average at least $26 per 1,000 feet. As previously indicated selling prices on the basis of orders averaged $45.72 for March, 1920. The increasing cost of producing lumber is due to a variety of factors, among which may be mentioned increases in wages in both woods and mill; reduction in hours of labor; more in- accessible stumpage; decrease in efficiency of workmen; loss in feeding men; higher stumpage costs; increasing cost for equipment, supplies, and repairs; increases in freight and tow- ing rates on logs; and higher cost of fire insurance. Inland Empire—Throughout the Inland Empire mill prices and logging and manufacturing costs for 1919 show similar large increases over prewar years. The trend of average mill prices is shown in figure 18, graph (a), and these average yearly prices, together with costs and profits, are stated specifi- cally in the table below. The figures used are based on data collected from a large number of mills throughout the Inland Empire. During the years immediately preceding the war the mills in the region show small net profits. During the six-year period ending 1914 the largest and best-managed companies in the region, representing 59 per cent of the cut in the Inland Empire, earned only 1.06 per cent on all capital in use, bor- rowed or unborrowed, exclusive of their profits on stumpage investments. Beginning with the year 1917 much more sub- stantial profits are shown. Production costs and average mill prices in 1914 and 1919 were: | 1914 1919 Cost of production per 1,000 feet (stumpage included).......... $14.54 $28. 40 Average mill price received per 1,000 feet...........-.--.-...-.- 14.81 30. 92 In the table below is given a statement of production costs and average mill prices, with profit and loss, for operations in the region. TaBLE 17.—-Costs of production and average selling prices of softwood lumber per M feet cut in the Inland Empire. Production Profit and loss. Year. Stump- costs, Average . age. including ing price. < stumpage. Loss. Gain. $0. 94 1.06 1.15 1.59 3.22 3.00 2.91 2.67 2,21 2.32 1.50 1.70 1.80 1.90 2.00 The figures given for 1919 do not reflect prices during the latter months of the year, when they were much in excess of the average of $30.92. They have since continued at higher points. Southern pine States.—The trend of average mill prices for southern yellow pine is shown in graph (@), figure 18. As with Douglas fir, 1915 was the year of lowest prices. Taking 1914 as a more nearly average prewar year, the selling price was $13.68, as against $33.94 for 1919, an increase of approxi- * TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. mately 150 per cent. The average mill prices from 1914 to date are indicated below: Average selling price f. 0. 0b. mill per 1,000 feet. Year: 1914___ = $13. 68 195 22 pseeess as 13. 02 rr 16, 12 10V 7228+ 25 ee eee 21.18 TOTS 2222s ee SS eee es 26. 45 1919 = = ---. 83.94 September, 1919__- 39. 37 October, 1919 44, 60 November, 1919 42. 06 December, 1919 ------ = 45, 41 January, 1920. 52. 21 February, 1920. ase 57. 94 March, 1920 - 61.60 The price for the vears 1914 to 1919 are based on reports made to the Forest Service from operators throughout the southern pine belt. Those for the years preceding 1914, as shown in graph (a), were taken from the books of manufacturers without attempt at auditing. The monthly prices given for 1919 and 1920 were obtained from the reports of a lumbermen’s organiza- tion and were based on a weighted average of all sales reported, exclusive of exports. In 1914 the average cost of production for 108 southern pine operations was determined as $12.79, with stumpage at $2.36 . carried forward from 1905 at 1 per cent to cover taxes and current expenditures. With stumpage included at the prices then current, the average cost of production was determined as $14.54. In contrast with these production costs the following figures for the latter part of 1919 and the first two months of 1920 are taken from cost statements of the Southern Pine As- sociation : a yernen a operating verage Month. Stumpage. cost, selling stumpage | price. included. September, 1919.............0scccnccecccecccenncs $5. 24 $26. 56 $39. 37 October, 1919... 5.31 27. 04 44.60 December, 1919. 5.41 31.75 45.41 January, 1920. . 5.52 29.14 52.51 February, 1920. 5.44 28. 54 57. 94 It will be noted that in 1914 the margin between selling price and production cost f. o. b. mill was 89 cents per thousand feet, with stumpage figured at the 1905 cost plus carrying charges, and that with stumpage carried at its current value ‘a net loss of 86 cents per thousand was incurred. In the latter months of 1919 and the first two months of 1920 the margin of net profit ranged from $13 to $29 per thousand feet, exclusive of whatever profit may have been made on stumpage. In the six or eight years prior to the war, returns in lumber manufacture in the principal softwood regions, on the average, were yielding very low: profits on the investments. While profits were greater during the war, the price of lumber during the war years did not increase in proportion to prices of other commodities. As shown in figure 13, the average of com- modity prices rose in 1917 considerable in excess of the average of softwood lumber prices, which were partially restricted by Government price fixing. The war-time restrictions not only upon the price of lumber but upon its production and move- ment for the supply of the normal trade were unquestionably a large factor in the quick response of lumber prices to the abnormal trade conditions which followed the armistice. WHOLESALE COSTS AND PROFITS. Owing to the complexity of the trade, time was not available to determine average costs and profits representative of the various types of wholesale business conducted by individuals and organizations not attached to mill organizations. The mill prices given are based on sales made by the larger mills TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, to retailérs, wholesale dealers, and wholesale consumers. While a few of the larger mills do not sell to wholesale dealers, the more general practice is to grant the wholesalers a discount on the prices made to retailers and wholesale consumers. Whole- salers, however, do a large business with small mills which are usually not in as close touch with market prices and from which they often obtain much lower prices than from the larger and stronger mills. They are thus enabled to increase very materially their portion of the margin between mill price and the price paid by the consumer. TRANSPORTATION. The extent to which the growing distance between forests and markets has steadily added to the cost of lumber in east- ern markets and in the country retail trade of the Middle West has been indicated in figures 18 and 15, respectively. In the years before the more accessible forests were exhausted, trans- portation imposed a charge equivalent to from $1 to $3 per thousand feet. The cost to-day of importing lumber into New York from the South is approximately $9 per thousand and from the West Coast $20. An idea of the percentage of the pre- war and postwar retail price absorbed by transportation costs can be obtained from the following table. Freight charges are computed on the basis of 2,500 pounds per 1,000 feet: Tasre 18. ‘lori Percentage of retail Retail prices per rice. “ADS orbed b thousand. Traeni cates: = 1914 1919 1920 1914 1919 1920 New York—Douglas fir flooring, No. 2 clr. ver. grain............ $62 $86 $140 31 23 14 Pittsburgh—Southern pine boards, No. 2com., 1X 8....... 32 36 80 28 25 11 Chicago—Douglas fir flooring, No. 2clr. ver. grain........-...|-sseee-- 73 TD lewswaxes 20 13 Southern pine boards, No. 2 com..,| VRB seis cic cine nditecectics sewed 22 49 66 35 16 12 Although transportation costs ‘have gradually increased, the table shows strikingly how present prices have outstripped freight increases made during and since the war, on specific grades and species. The table below serves to Show the increas- ing transportation charges on lumber into Chicago, from the days when the forests were accessible to water transportation, as all rail shipments became necessary with the cutting out of the accessible forests. To-day the average freight charge on all lumber going into Chicago is probably between $10 and $11 per 1,000 feet, due to the increasing volume of western lumber which has entered the market during the past 12 or 18 months. On the basis of the present average retail price this would be equivalent to 12 to 18 per cent, as against about 20 per cent in 1912-1915. TasLe 19.—Transportation* per M board feet on lumber to Chicago. By water from— By rail from— Sagi- a : Al | Manis-| 28% | Mem- | Annis-| 4 | Merid-| Port- ea pena, | tee and Phis, | ton, Tune | ian, | land, ich. | Mich. | ©2Y | Tenn. | Ala. + | Miss. | Oreg. a Ala. Mich. $5.75 5 6.50 . 6.00 13.75 6.18 13.75 7.88 15.00 1 Transportation by water based on weekly rates published by the Northwest Lum- berman; fail rates computed on basis 2,500 pounds per M feet. EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 51 In southern Minnesota it was possible to determine quite closely from the purchase records of a number of large line yard companies the average transportation cost carried by the lumber distributed through their retail yards. These steadily increasing costs, shown in the table below, are primarily due to the incréasing volume of western lumber which these companies have had to import in order to supply the needs of their terri- tory, which only a few years ago was immediately contiguous to the greatest lumber-producing region in the country. TABLE 20. Portion of average Average retail sell- | Average transporta-| retail selling price ing price. tion cost. absorbed Years. transportation. Per Per cent Per Per cent Per cent thousand.} increase. |thousand.| increase. Per cent. increase, $3. 25 0.0 12.5 0.0 “4,25 30. 8 13.4 7.2 4.00 23.0 11.5 8.0 4.00 23.0 12.6 0.8 4, 50 38.5 14.7 17.6 4.75 46.0 15.0 20.0 4.75 46.0 15.2 21.6 5.75 77.0 18.7 49.6 6.75 107.8 20.9 67.2 8.00 146.0 25.1 100. 8 8.50 161.5 27.9 132.2 7.50 130. 5 23.9 91.2 8.00 146.0 20.8 66. 4 10. 75 231.0 23.1 84.8 11.75 262.0 21.6 72.8 It will be noted that the average selling price for 1919 shows an increase over 1905 of 109 per cent, while the increase in transportation in relation to selling price was only 72.8 per cent. Although transportation’s portion of the selling price has been steadily growing in dollars and cents, the price of lumber during the past three years has been increasing faster. The average selling price for March, 1920, was 230 per cent over the average price of 1905, but transportation absorbed only about 14 per cent, the smallest percentage since 1908. In 1905 northern pine, shipped on freight rates of from $2.50 to $3 per 1,000 feet, formed 80 to 90 per cent of the retail stock of these companies, while western timber amounted to less than 20 per cent. In 1919 these percentages were almost re- versed, western timber forming practically 80 per cent of the stocks and northern pine less than 20 per cent. Owing to a larger proportion of western lumber in these stocks this year, it is estimated that the average freight cost represented by each thousand feet of lumber distributed will be between $12 and $13, almost equivalent to the total average lumber price of $16 in that region 25 years ago. RETAIL PRICES AND COSTS. The upward movement of prices—The movement of average retail prices in country districts in the Middle West from September, 1918, to March, 1920, is shown in figure 19. These values are based on line-yard distribution in Kansas, Okla- homa, Nebraska, and southern Minnesota, and represent aver- age selling prices for lumber only, arrived at by dividing the total sales in dollars by the total feetage of lumber sold. It will be noted that the average prices in the above regions coin- cide closely. From 1912 to 1915 the average retail price of lumber in these regions was around $30 to $32 per thousand. In September, 1918, average prices were between $40 and $50, and moved upward to about $85 in March, 1920. ‘In the larger cities of the region, such as Chicago, Kansas City, and Minneapolis, there was a similar upward movement of retail prices. During the period 1912 to 1914 the average selling price of lumber in Chicago, Kansas City, and Minne apolis was close to $26 per 1,000 feet. There was little varia- tion between the cities. The average selling price in 1919 in Kansas City centered between $45 and $50 per thousand. Average prices of March, 1920, were variously estimated by . 52 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, retailers in Kansas City and Chicago to be from $75 to $80 per 1,000 feet, a few dollars less than the average shown for country trade. Prewar and postwar changes in wholesale and retail prices of specific softwood grades and species at various points throughout the country are indicated in Table 21. It should be explained that the margins shown between wholesale and retail values do not always accurately represent the actual margins, since the material sold in any given month may have 490 a Basis Country Line Yards. A 80----Aansas end Oklahoma 7 x —— Nebraska 7 | L 7of Southern Minnesota. a cet / s at FS Sook aA Ae, ie | Q ex | is ee ‘ “\ Seat Nov. Jan. Mar May, July Sept Nouv Jar Mar 9/8 919 /920 Fic. 19.—Comparison of trend of regional retail lumber values. (Based on averages of monthly sales.) been purchased months before. The margin varies with grades and species, retailers figuring a lower gross profit margin in the handling of common grades sold in large volume at a relatively rapid rate of turnover than for higher grades and special woods. The expense of handling hardwoods is, of course, much greater than for softwood lumber. For softwoods the margin on upper grades ranges from zero or a few dollars per thousand at or near mill points to $45 or $50 in New York City, while for hardwoods, especially the upper grades, spreads as high as $80 are of record. Table 22 compares average selling prices of lumber distrib- uted through line yards in the Middle West, in-March, 1920, with the selling prices in the period 1912 to 1915, and also with the selling prices in April, 1919, when prices began to ascend sharply. TABLE 21—Wholesale and retail prices of Douglas fir and southern yellow pine lumber at various points throughout the United States. Wholesale prices (dollars Retail prices (dollars per M feet). per M feet). Douglas fir. Septem-] Febru- | Febru- | Septem-| Febru- | Febru- ber, ary, ary, ber, ary, ary, 1918. 1919. 1920. 1918. 1919. 1920, No. 1 common, dimension oy 4 inches, 16 feet, S. Portland, Oreg.......-- 19.50 18.50 40500: iscsreiaroteveresed eveneceuathi ae 40.00 Lincoln, Nebr... {| 32,25 30.50 55. 00 43, 33 47.66 62. 50 Chieieo, Hi vnocccnnewaca|aauges exis 31.50 50. 35 47.00 47.00 65. 65 Minneapolis, Minn......| 31.25 30. 00 50. 50 41.50 40.00] 63.00 Kansas City, Mo......-. 32.00 31.10 52. 80 42.00 43.00 66. 45 No. 1 common, boards, 1 by 8 inches, 16 feet, S.28.: Portland, Oreg.......-- 19,50 18.50 40100 jecesasmen er ee) Lifcoln, Nebr......---- 32. 60 31.50 56. 30 43. 33 47.66 62.50 Chicago, Ill......-------|----+-2--|------2-- 55. 00 49.00 49.00 65.00 Minneapolis, Minn. -| 28.50 27.50 50. 50 40.00 36. 00 65.00 Kansas City, Mo...-.-..| 38.00 39. 00 55. 00 48. 00 49. 00 66. 65 No. 2 clear_ vertical-grain flooring, 1 by 4 inches: Portland, Oreg......--- 120.00 43.00 86875: i aesicizieiasce| pereayemine 86.75 Lincoln, Nebr. ..--.2+-+ 51.00 49.50 | 103.60 68. 33 80.00 | 112.50 Chicago, Ill......-------|---22-2-+ 55.00 95.00 73.00 73.00 | 111.65 Minneapolis, Minn....-. 46.00 47.00 98. 00 56. 00 58.00} 117.00 Kansas City, Mo......- 49. 00 47.15 | 112.15 56. 60 58.50 | 128.35 New York City.......-- 150.00 57.00 | 111.50 62. 50 86.00 | 139.50 1 February, 1914, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. —Wholesale and retail prices of Douglas” fir and ae pine lumber, ete—Continued. southern yellow nn Wholesale prices (dollars Retail prices (dollars per i feet). per M feet), Southern yellow pine. Febru. | Febru- | Febru- | Febru- | Febru- | Febru. a ary. ary ary, ary a fois, | i919, | 1920 | told | a9is, | 19m, No, 1 common, dimension 2 by 4 inches, 16 feet, S. & E.: ‘Towns in southern yel- low pine belt....-----]---------}---z<-3:- 47.00 |. 50.00 Kansas City, Mo .| 17.60 31.35 53.50 66.45, Chicago, ll -.-| 17.60 33. 00 54, 75 65.15 No. 2common, boards, 1 b 8 inches, 16 eet 2 me Towns in southern yel- low pine belt........-|.--..----[---22-22+ 153/005 ini attenin'nie[ Sistesanse niare 60.00 Kansas City, Mo -| 16.60 33. 65 55.75 24. 00 43.00 66. 80 Chicago, Il...... , 34.15 57. 60 22.70 | 49.00} 66.35 Dayton, Ohio... 4 27.50 59.00 |...-..--. 50. 00 77.50 Pittsburgh, Pa........- 27.50 59.00 | 132.00! 36.50} 80.00 B and better, flat-grain flooring, 1 by 4 eae i Towns in southern yel- low pine belt......-.-|.---+-2--|-+c-2-22+ 105500 Vis seisrcpics| acaeanas 114.00 Kansas City, Mo. --| 23.50 42,35 | 113.00 32.60 | 52.00] 133,55 Lincoln, Nebr... 2 40.65 42.85 | 108.35 | 261.66 | 68.33) 125.00 Chicago, Ill... . 23. 75 41.00 | 125.00 32.55 | 58.00 }........ Dayton, Ohil0es «xx0wree|aae ae eee> 43.25 | 110.00 }......... 54.00 | 150,00 Pittsburgh, Pav.s.«c.2- 1 29. 00 43.25 | 110.00] 138.00) 48.00) 142.00 1 February, 1913. 2 September, 1918, TABLE 22.—Comparison of average retail prices per 1,000 feet in various regions and times. April, March, | Per cent 1919. 1920. | increase, $48.75 $86. 76 78,0 49. 20 85. 86 74.5 50. 81 85. 65 68.5 Period March, | Per cent 1ol2 to | “1920.” | increase, Minnesotaie: auedata ww aauesacoecmstaraadancemierearead g31.24 | $88.76] “ 177.5 Nebraska. 31. 29 85. 86 174.5 Kansas and Oklal 29.73 85. 65 188.0 Changing values in country retail distribution are further shown specifically in Tables 23 and 24, and graphically in figures 20 and 21. A comparison of essential cost factors in the average price of lumber in a large Middle Western city is indicated in figure 22. The average buying prices shown in Table 24 include freight. ~ TaBLe 23.—Comparison of costs and profits of retail lumber distribution in 1912-1915 and 1919. Country trade. > i bs Net profit. Rear: Gross profit. | Operating cost. Pp age selling po | Per | Per | Per | Per | Per | Per 000 thou- | cent | thou- | cent | thou- | cent feet, | Sand. jofsales.) sand. ofsales.| sand. | ofsales. Missouri, Kansas, and Oklahoma: ; 191221915 oo < execcioeee $29.73 | $7.07 | 23.79 | $4.99 | 16.77] $2.08 ed 1919... 2. eso INS <= eisizicss $56.00 | $14.86 | 26.54 | $9.05 | 16.16 | $5.81 10. Per cent increase....| | 88.3] 110.1 ]........ BL: [scnenaee 179.2 Jaeeeeeer Western Iowa and Ne- raska: 1912-1915...2.2.0020. $31.29 | $7.17 | 22.91] $4.33 | 13.95] $284] % z 19.2.2. eneeeeenreid $57.30 | $13.88 | 24.92 | $7.33 | 12.79] $6.55; 1. _ Percentincrease....| 83.2 OBB | occccieccs 69.2 |......-- “180.5 |..----0* 1913-19 ; orj{ 96 DID ss sieiserenae Seen $31.24 | $7.25 23.2 | $4.24 13.5 | $3. : 1919 sane ficcron $54.41 | $14.33] 26.4| $7.15 | 13.1) $7.18] 133 Per cent increase. . TAD OUT cc an'e 68.6 |....---- 188.5 |------+" ° . Imately 30 per cent. . TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, TABLE 24.—Costs and profits of retail lumber distribution by years 1905-1919, country trade, Minnesota. Average buyin Average sellin mice, ying maine. 8g Gross profit.) Years. i Per 1,000| Per cent|Per 1,000|Per cent|Per 1,000| ©°" 294] Per cont feet. |increase.2| feet. |increase.2|_ feet. is increase, 0.0 |. $26.03 0.0 $5.78 22.1 0.0 15.6 31.48 21.6 8.66 26.9 49.8 36.4 34. 64 33.0 7.60 21.7 31.5 27.1 81.85 22.3 6.98 21.2 20.8 19.5 30. 43 16.9 6.49 21.0 12.3 23.9 31.71 21.8 6.62 20. 8 14.5 23.0 31.17 19.6 6. 29 20.1 8.8 19.6 30. 75 18.1 6.97 22.2 20.6 30.8 32. 28 23.9 6.36 19.2 10.0 26.0 31. 83 22.2 6.79 20.8 17.5 19.5 30. 44 16.9 6.77 21.7 17.1 25.9 31.43 20.7 5.80 18.3 4 40.5 38.54 48.0 9.94 25.5 72.0 79.9 46.51 78.6 9. 88 21.2 71.0 96.8 54.42 109.0 14.33 26.4 148.0 Operating cost. Net profit.t Years. Per cent Per cent Per 1,000 nol|rer cent|Per 1,000 -,|Per cent } \of selling]; p jof selling]; feet. "price, - [increase feet. aries. £lin crease. $3.08 11.8 0.0 $2.70 10.3 0.0 4.04 12.5 31.0 4.63 14.4 71.4 4.08 11.6 32.5 3.51 10.0 30.0 3.90 12.0 26.5 2.97 9.0 10.0 4.12 13.3 33.8 2.36 7.6 —12.6 3.74 11.8 21.4 2.74 8.6 1.5 3.94 12.6 28.0 2.22 71 —-17.8 3.66 11.8 18.8 3.10 9.9 14.7 3. 82 11.8 24.0 2.34 7.0 —13.3 3.82 12.0 24.0 2.74 8.4 1.5 3.65 12.0 18.5 3.04 9.8 12.5 3.78 12.0 22.7 2.01 6.3 —25.5 5.07 13.1 64.5 4,87 12.3 80.2 6.41 13.7 108.0 3.47 7.5 28.4 7.15 13.1 132.0 7.18 13.3 166.0 1The number of companies from whose records figures are taken varies somewhat, so that the gross profit shown in the table is not in all cases the exact difference between buying price and selling price, Hor net profit the exact difference between gross profits and operating costs, 2 Per cent increase figured on 1905 values as base. 2 Per 1,000-foot values. Distribution of price increase—As has been pointed out, the average retail price of lumber in 1919 in the country trade of the Prairie States was about $25 higher than in the period 1912-1915. For the yards covered in Minnesota the exact in- crease was $23.17. Of this increase the manufacturer and wholesaler took $11.34, or approximately 50 per cent, the rail- roads $4.75, or 20 per cent, and the retailers $7.08, or approxi- Of the retailers’ portion, $2.91, or 12 per cent of the total increase, was absorbed in increased cost of retail distribution. Retail profits—From Table 23 it will be noted that retail operating expenses and net profits figured on percentage of business done had not changed greatly over those shown for the period 1912 to 1915. In that period the gross profit was close to 283 per cent in the region covered, while in 1919 the average gross profit centered around 25 per cent of sales. Com- puted on a thousand-foot basis, however, there has been a very decided change in margin of net profit and operating expenses. In 1912 to 1915, for example, the average net profit shown by country yards in Minnesota was $3.01 per 1,000 feet, and the total operating cost was $4.24 per 1,000 feet. In 1919 the aver- age net profit shown by over 100 yards in the same region amounted to $7.18 and the operating costs to $7.15, or a margin of gross profit of $14.33. It should be borne in mind that the net profit shown includes a certain percentage of book profit, or gain on inventory, due to the rising prices during 1919. Actual cash profits are fur- ther reduced by the income taxes, which are not figured in as operating expenses. These taxes, of course, vary with the com- EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 53 panies and profits shown. In the case of a representative com- pany which operates a line of some 40 or 50 yards the net profit, including gain on inventory after income taxes had been paid, was about $4.75 per 1,000 feet. A portion of the manu- facturers’ increase was likewise absorbed by increased costs of production and operations. As previously shown, average retail selling prices for the Middle West, which were from $30 to $32 in 1912-1915, advanced to about $56 in 1919 and to about $86 in March, 1920. Buying prices averaged about $25 in 1912-1915, advanced to about $40 in 1919, and in March, 1920, were still higher. Retail operating costs increased from about $4.50 in 1912-1915 to about $7.85 in 1919, and to about $8 in March, 1920. LUMBER PRICES UNJUSTIFIED BY PRODUCTION AND DISTRIBU- TION COSTS. A study of prices and increased production and distribution costs during the prewar and postwar ‘periods substantiates the statements made by many lumbermen that prices during the end of 1919 and the beginning of 1920 reached points unjus- tified by production and distributing costs. While present. prices are somewhat below the March level they are still in | excess of prices justified by increased production costs and fair profits. The following is believed to be a liberal approxima- tion of costs entering into the average retail price of lumber as determined for March, 1920, in the country trade in the Middle West. The lumbermen’s figures on production costs, which may be considered outside costs, are accepted as a basis. The production cost is a weighted average computed from the relative per cents of various species in the retail stocks handled. TaBLe 25.—Approximate production and distributing cost, March, 1920, per thousand feet of lumber. Lumber production (stumpage and selling costs in- cluded ) $26. 50 Transportation (mill to retail yards)_._-..--_____ 12. 00 Retail distribution 8. 00 Total __ 46. 50 Average retail selling price March, 1920_____... 86. 00 Margin of profit (includes interest on investment) ______ 39. 50 The margin of profit indicated exceeds by $8 to $10 the total average retail selling price for the lumber sold in the same region during the 1912-1915 period, which included all costs and profits of manufacture and distribution. Irrespective of the distribution of this excessive profit, which, by and large, has unquestionably varied with relative advantages held and with relative abilities to dominate situations, lumber prices are excessive and yield profits bearing no reasonable relation to increased costs of lumber production and distribution. That prices went unreasonably and unfortunately high is readily admitted by many of the more responsible and far- seeing men in the trade, and is concretely evidenced by the efforts of numerous large companies to stabilize prices during December, 1919, and January and February of 1920, by action on the part of retail lumber dealers calling upon manufacturers to stabilize lumber prices, and by editorial comment in lumber journals. The following is an extract from a published letter, written by the secretary-manager of a large lumbermen’s asso- ciation in response to a letter from the secretary of a retailers’ association, suggesting that prices be stabilized until July 1 at least: I am not violating any confidence when I say to you that the situa- tion has given the lumber manufacturers much concern, many having expresséd themselves as deploring the fact that prices have been bid up to present figures by the buyers themselves. It is a little too much of a strain on human nature to expect that producers shall refuse to accept the highest prices offered for their goods. 54 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 280 ee eee ° 7 , z ' 60 26 Char?’ Showing Percentage /ncreases in : 42 i Transportation Charges, Cost_of Lumber Stocks to / Retailers, Peta’! Operating Expenses, and Average ) Retail Lumber Prices. {logo oe Dased on average values per M feet as. shown ||, by country yards in Minnesota and Dakotas.) ‘ I 2 : 220 t t / L 0 t t I / ‘ ! y, 780k ; 80 I t . 4 ! /60 = AK ! /60 ‘ G ra x H ei \ §. " \ Ss /40 ee Spt yO Note- Percentage increase < / ef IN Figured on 1905 valves / y AK x as a base. KS fio Y/20 wT t—V20 Q ey 4 Q \ QO 4 ‘i | \ qo a * ; | “y se / if Z i JF {+ 1 80 - 0 / / X / / & a f 1 60 ee 7 60 W ty -@----- q / 7 go Ave. Qoarating Expexse a Ae t = JO io [A A a 2 iL i ~ a — NX ATS Pe sgn | ope SR | is 7 77 ae ge f A Reta! Selling Price y “Average Cost of L) mer) Stocks /905 1906 /907 /308 /909 /9/0 wee THE WZ (HWA SWE 1916 1917 (HE (HY - Years - Fie. 20. Several of the largest companies operating both mills and retail yards, for example, sought to stabilize prices on their own responsibility, and their efforts unquestionably had a far- reaching effect in breaking the rising prices and bringing about a slight decline, ranging from $1 to $10 per thousand, according to grade. Many lumbermen admit that prices went so high that demand was automatically checked. There is ample evidence throughout the Middle West that lumber prices reached a point which aroused public indignation in many communities, and that this feeling, combined with a widely advertised announce- ment of one of the largest producing and distributing com- panies that it proposed to stabilize prices on the basis of its January list, resulted in a sharp falling off in buying. An extract from the announcement issued by this company late in February reads as follows: The interests comprising the group have come to recognize that this condition of the lumber market is injurious to the public and to the industry generally; that the uncertainty even more than the price level is demoralizing and results in enhanced cost of building and discour- ages construction, and that unless something is done to check the Present tendency toward further and frequent and irregular advances which have no relation to costs of Production the situation will become still more deplorable. : The intent of the company to stabilize prices was construed by the public and the press as a cut in prices, and buyers quite TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 55 Amount Percent? Dollars per M feet REMOTE OLedes AvecageSelling Price a $28: ; os : ~ | #2692 1908). Gross Pro/; PN f : £5.70 ory, | QueratingExpense (il #570 /0.7/ Net Profit ¥ 260 \ 9.9%, Yo- OX bn reported Wrestwent’ : AverageSellingPrice | #5510 GrossProfit § t S77 17.93 19) Qverating Expense (ID B72 Pas Ne? Profit F | ; # 2.05 6./8% ‘Bas\s 13 Yard's) %, Pge/wa lent fo & 20% on bepok ted|\investment i Average Selling Price 50.20 joie GrossProfit § SS # 6/2 20.26 "| Qoeratinglxpense HU ow 3.76 (2:46 Net Profit (2 | | ; f+ | #2356 7.80% (Basis 2/ Yarals) *E viveVer?\/o/0\0% bn reported. Wvestment 7 AverageSelling Frice oo WS 7IO re oa pane “a AMerage Cos? Price —- a | Gross Protit OWS F/2.57 21.94 4979 | Oxerating Aypense (IMT 276 19.59 - Net Protrt (EEE ! 4.81 8.70%, or 2¢ Yards) vax viva Vert \fo 15% Dh reported | investment 4 Dosiene OS 76 7535 BS 30 SS 9S FF 50 SEF OO Fig. 21.—Comparative average selling prices, all classes of lumber sold, gross profits, to tal operating expenses, and net profits: for country retail lumber yards in Nebraska, for years 1905, 1910, 1915, and 1920. generally throughout the northern portion of the Middle West, in which the company operates retail yards, deferred purchases in order to buy on the company’s list or to await similar reduc- tions throughout the trade. A statement issued about the same time by the president of another group of companies contained the following: We regard the present prices of lath as detrimental to the best inter- ests of all branches of the trade and not defensible either on the basis of production and distribution cost or on the basis of a fair market value. PRICE CONTROL. Neither time nor facilities were available to investigate the extent, if any, to which prices since the armistice have been subject to artificial control. It is believed, however, that the data presented are fairly conclusive in indicating that during the last half of 1919 and the first months of 1920 no control of prices was necessary to lift prices. SOME SPECIFIC EFFECTS OF REGIONAL DEPLETION ON PRICES. Regional forest exhaustion, with constantly increasing dis- tance between forest and market, gives rise to many accessory conditions vitally affecting the price of lumber to the con- sumer. Among the more important are: . Opportunities for speculation in lumber prices by both producers and distributors tend to increase as the distance be- tween forest and market becomes greater and as a species of lumber becomes scarcer. During the 8 or 10 months preceding March, 1920, much speculation entered the trade in markets far removed from the producing regions. The common use of the reconsignment privilege, for example, by which cars of lumber are shipped prior to sale, the shipper or wholesaler, as the case may be, relying upon favorable sale while the lumber is in transit or when it reaches a consignment point, was a fruitful source of speculation. These cars were often held for bid prices and served to intensify the auction market and to lift prices. During the past year demurrage charges on transit cars amounting to $100 and $200 per car were not uncommon. The records of transit cars at the Minnesota transfer alone show that during the period October, 1919, to March, 1920, 3,000 cars CITY TRADE! Ave of 3 Companies Wholesale vice ij F:0.B. Mill) Transportation 1912 To 1914 Inclusive Operating Expense let Profit includes Dollars Per M Ff. A Representative Firm Wholesale Price (F:0.B. Mill) Transportation Operating Net Profit (Includes 0 10 50 20 30 Dollars Per M Ft. Fig. 22.—Comparison of the essential cost factors in the retail price of lumber, Kansas City. 56 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, were held without disposition for an aggregate period of 17,453 days—an average of 5.8 days per car—and incurred accrued demurrage and penalty charges amounting to a total of. $76,529. As growing distances between forests and market increase opportunities for price speculation, more and more middlemen are drawn into the trade. While the responsible wholesaler is an essential factor of the trade, a surplus of middlemen is an added burden of cost upon lumber distribution. It has been estimated that lumber brokerage and wholesalers’ offices on the Pacific coast increased 50 per cent during 1919 and 1920. It is often the case that men drawn to the trade by its specu- lative possibilities are of the less responsible type, whose methods are not to the best interests of the trade and the public. Speculation, with its accompanying sharp increases of lumber prices, tends to bring upon the market lumber in inferior con- dition. During the months following June, 1919, for example, a general complaint throughout the Middle West was that lumber was inadequately or improperly dried, due mainly to the fact either that it was shipped before being properly dried or that it was too rapidly seasoned in kilns. This, of course, may be attributed to the desire of the manufacturer to ship the lumber before high prices receded or at bid prices offered by jobbers. The load imposed upon the railroads in transporting lumber to meet the country’s needs increases directly with the increase in distance between forest and market. More cars and more labor are required, and the chances of breakdown, delays, and traffic tie-ups, which create lumber shortages and high prices in markets affected, are multiplied. Markets farthest removed are subjected to increasing hazards in obtaining a continuous supply of lumber at stable prices. Concentration of lumber production in one or two principal regions accentuates the seriousness of reduced production aris- ing from local labor troubles in woods or mills or from un- favorable weather conditions. The cutting out of timber in different regions carries with it a change in the character of lumber stocks in dependent regions both as to species and grades. This tends to confuse the trade and upset industries dependent upon certain grades and species of lumber as a raw product. At the present time many large wood-using concerns which have developed their factories and their products on the basis of special woods are facing with great concern shortages in the market supply of these woods, and in many instances have had to turn to other species involving new problems of manufacture. SUMMARY OF PRINCIPAL PRICE CONCLUSIONS. During the latter half of 1919 and the early months of 1920, lumber prices in the United States increased more sharply and to far higher points than were ever known before. In March, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 1920, average mill prices.had increased 300 per cent and more over 1914, and the average retail prices showed increases rang- ing from 150 to 200 per cent. While the costs of lumber manufacture and distribution like- wise increased, the rise in lumber prices was wholly dispropor- tionate to these increases. Present prices, although somewhat lower than those reached in March, 1920, are still excessive and yield profits unjustified by costs. The “auction” market which characterized the trade was precipitated by a sudden urgent demand for lumber, which de- veloped in the spring of 1919, in the face of inadequate stocks of lumber due to subnormal production. The situation was further aggravated by a restricted movement of lumber caused by car shortage. The result was a lessening of competition, which en- abled the seller with stocks available to auction his lumber to buyers who were in urgent need of material or who were frightened by reports that lumber prices would go higher. In January and February, 1920, prices became so excessive that buying was automatically checked. The history of lumber prices is that as forest regions acces- sible to the larger consuming markets are cut out lumber prices are pushed upward by increased costs of. production and distribution incident to the exploitation of less accessible or more distant forests and by altered competitive conditions in the markets occasioned by changes in species and in main sources of supply. In any given market prices are predomi- nantly influenced by the species of greatest supply and general utility. As that species becomes depleted and scarce it in- creases in price and tends to draw the level of competing prices with it. Regional forest depletign therefore restlts in weak- ened interregional competition, which in the past has been one of the most effective influences in restraint of lumber price advances. ~ Timber depletion is therefore an important contributing fac- tor in present high lumber prices but is not the only cause. Lum- ber production has fallen off to a marked degree in many regions as a result of the cutting out of the forest. Freight congestion, climatic conditions, labor troubles, and other factors which have reduced output in the regions still maintaining large industries have, as a result, been greatly. emphasized and have been di- rectly related to depletion in their effect on prices. Transporta- tion charges have been increased to most of our largest consum- ing centers. Competition among manufacturers has been re- duced and a greater opportunity created for manufacturers and dealers to auction their product at higher prices. All of these factors have tended to increase lumber prices and have accentu- ated depletion. If large-scale production had still been possible in New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and the Lake States, there can be little doubt concerning the beneficial effect upon market stability and lumber prices. LUMBER EXPORTS BEFORE AND DURING THE WAR. Prior to the war, the United States exported annuahy about 3 billion board feet of lumber and saw logs, aside from con- siderable quantities of railroad ties, staves, and other wood products. The export trade absorbed about 84 per cent of the lumber cut. Nearly half of the lumber shipped abroad was southern yellow pine, and softwoods all told constituted about 79 per cent of the export trade. An important factor in the foreign trade is the export of high-grade hardwoods. More than 10 per cent of the yearly cut of oak, or about 300 million board feet (mostly white cak), was exported, in addition to 41 million feet in the form of staves. Seven per cent of the annual cut of yellow poplar, or 35 million feet, was exported, and nearly 50 per cent of the yearly cut of black walnut, or about 25 million board feet. Considerable quantities of hickory, ash, and other high-grade woods for vehicle parts, agricultural implements, ete., were also exported. In 1913, 37 per cent of the lumber exports were shipped to Europe, 30 per cent to North America (chiefly Canada and Mexico), and 16 per cent to South America. — The foreign lumber trade fell off to a marked degree during the war, particularly lumber exports to Europe. The total exports in 1918 and 1919 were but one-third of the quantities of lumber and logs exported in 1913. The foreign trade in hard- woods has shown the least decline, the volume exported in 1918 being 88 per cent of that in 19138. IN PROBABLE DEVELOPMENTS LUMBER EXPORTS. Following the suspension of hostilities, lumber exports have been very slow in returning to their prewar volume, mainly on account of exchange rates running against European countries, high charter rates on shipping, and the unprecedented demand and high prices for lumber in our domestic markets. As more normal trade conditions with Europe are reestablished there will undoubtedly be a marked increase in lumber exports. The emergency needs of Europe for reconstruction and long- delayed expansion in housing facilities, railroads, etc., have been estimated at 7 billion feet of lumber annually for some time to come over and above the consumption of normal times. Great Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Belgium, and Holland are lumber-importing nations now experiencing exceptional and often acute shortages of wood as an aftermath of the war. For the most urgent reconstruction and expansion, particularly of railroads, these countries will presumably seek to obtain lum- ber in large quantities from the United States as soon as ex- change rates reach a stable and more satisfactory basis. In- quiries for several million railroad ties from Great Britain and France have, for example, been made of American manufac- turers, and indications point to a relatively.steady demand from Europe for this product. It is, nevertheless, improbable that the United States will be called upon for any considerable part of the ordinary grades of building lumber required in the reconstruction of western Europe. Europe itself contains large quantities of timber suit- able for such purposes, particularly in Russia, Finland, Sweden, Norway, and the new countries carved out of the Austro- Hungarian Empire. Large lumber stocks accumulated in the countries of the Baltic Sea during the war await marketing. LUMBER EXPORTS AND TIMBER DEPLETION. The pressure upon all European countries having extensive for- est resources to exploit them and develop trade relations for marketing their products as a means of industrial rehabilita- tion will be very great. These countries, with their advantage of proximity, better knowledge of trade customs and require- ments, and the cheapness of their products, bid fair to supply the bulk of the demands for lumber of general utility arising from the war. On the other hand, European demands for high-grade timber products from the United States, such as large structural and ship timbers, flooring, hardwood staves, and furniture, vehicle, or implement stock will increase. High-grade woods suitable for many of these purposes can not be had in large quantities from any European sources now available for exploitation. The recent improvement in the exchange rate with Great Britain apparently has already brought a marked increase in the British demand for hardwoods, which is a factor in fur- ther reducing stocks and maintaining high prices on hardwood lumber required by American furniture makers and other manufacturers. Hickory and ash handies are now going to Europe in considerable quantities, the foreign demand for these products again being a factor which affects stocks and prices in the domestic markets. , As previously indicated, the European trade forms less than 40 per cent of our lumber exports. The development of Cen- tral and South America, parts of Africa, China, Australia, and New Zealand will naturally result in a gradual increase in lumber exports to those countries. Central and South America, while containing large hardwood forests, are now dependent upon imports from the United States, Canada, and Sweden for the bulk of their softwoods, the chief staple in international timber trade. Several of these regions may in time develop forest industries sufficient to supply their own needs, and new sources of .international lumber supply may be deyeloped in regions like Siberia. Nevertheless, the United States must anticipate a gradual but material increase in the demand for its lumber products from these parts of-the world for some time to come. This demand will comprise mainly lumber of relatively high grade. It will, however, probably run to less specialized and high quality products than the European trade and will consist chiefly of the better grades of softwood build- ing and construction lumber, with considerable quantities of railroad ties. ° The exports to Canada and Mexico, on relatively short-rail and coastwise shipments, will comprise an average run of sawiill products corresponding to that taken by the domestic trade. EFFECTS OF EXPORTS UPON DOMESTIC TIMBER SUPPLIES. The depletion of the virgin forests of the United States is making itself felt first through the growing scarcity of timber of high quality—the products cut from large, clear logs repre- senting the cream of our virgin forests. During the past 25 years such products have risen in price more rapidly than the common grades of lumber. The most serious effect of the for- eign trade will be to increase the shortage of high quality prod- ucts, because it is exactly such products which are short the world over and which lumber-importing nations will in the long run most desire to obtain from the United States. 57 \ 58 This effect will be most pronounced in the case of American hardwoods. The foreign demand for such species not only includes cabinet, furniture making, and finishing woods of special beauty, like walnut or quartered oak, but also many woods used in manufacturing essentials of commerce and in- dustry, like oak and hickory wagon stock, hickory spokes, high- grade car stock, ash and hickory handles, woods used in agricul- tural implements, and the like. The supply of old-growth hardwoods from which most of these products are obtained is nearing its end. Our domestic industries are securing such materials with increasing difficulty and cost. Except as substi- tute woods or other materials may be found, the growing short- age of these products must in any event seriously handicap American industry and commerce. The second important bearing of foreign shipments is upon the remaining supply of high-grade southern yellow pine which, up to the present time, has furnished about half of the total lumber exports. The materials which the foreign consumer de mands include a large proportion of high-grade flooring and other forms of finish and large timbers for shipbuilding and other structural purposes. The situation as to the supply of these products is less serious, and quite unlike that which holds true of the hardwoods. The total production of yellow-pine lumber will probably decline steadily during the next 10 or 15 years; and the production of high-quality products from old growth will drop off still more rapidly. Such high-grade prod- ucts will, however, continue to be cut from particular localities or holdings, theugh in diminished amounts, for 30 to 40 years, and the substitution of western softwoods for both export and domestic products now made of southern pine is entirely prac- ticable. In the third place, export demands will strike the large sup- plies of high quality softwood timber in the Western States. The Pacific coast carries on a gradually increasing trade with the Orient, with Australia, with South America, and with Europe. It will logically replace the exports of southern pine as that timber is further depleted. Here, again, the foreign de- mand will take mainly high-grade products, particularly large structural timbers, shipbuilding materials, and the better grades of clear flooring and other forms of finish. With this demand for high-grade materials will probably be supplied varying quantities of railroad ties and general utility lumber. The large virgin forests of the West will sustain the maxi- mum demand made upon them by the export trade for many years without serious effect upon domestic markets. The do- mestic demand for high-quality timber products from the West will, it is true, increase with rapidity as their production in the South falls off. And in the West, as in the South, the first evidence of depletion will be a_scarcity of products of high qual- ity. There is this marked difference, however, in the West, that the existence of large National Forests where timber is cut under careful restrictions affords a means for reserving rea- sonable quantities of high-quality timber and for producing stumpage of this grade. It must therefore be recognized that a material increase in the export lumber trade would accentuate the shortage of high- quality products available to American consumers. The prob- lem presented by lumber exports is not serious from the stand- point of quantity. It may prove serious from the standpoint of quality. Scarcity of high-quality products essential to our ship and car building and many other industries is the first and one of the most serious effects of timber depletion. The eventual solution of the problem presented by an active foreign trade is therefore identical with the remedy for deple- tion through domestic consumption, namely, not to restrict the use, but to increase the production of timber by getting all forest-growing land at work.” It must be recognized, however, that this remedy in itself will not entirely meet the need for timber of high quality. With some exceptions, such material TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. can not be grown in less than 150 years; and even if every acre of denuded land in the United States were planted to-morrow, a long time would elapse before the depletion of high-quality stumpage which has been cut so freely from our virgin forests could be made good. Furthermore, the private landowner can seldom afford to carry timber crops during the long periods necessary to produce material of high quality. The most.ef- fective means of overcoming the shortage of high-grade timber is the creation of public forests which can be utilized to the extent necessary for the production of large timber or special products. The bulk of the high-quality timber produced in France and other countries of Continental Europe is grown in public forests, it being a recognized function of the Government to produce on its forest lands the classes of material which will not be grown in sufficient quantity on private lands because of the time and cost involved- This policy has already been applied to the hardwood forests acquired by the United States in the southern Appalachians pursuant to the Weeks Act. As far as practicable, these forests will be handled so as to produce high- quality hardwoods rather than railroad ties and common lum- ber, so that they may be at least a factor in meeting the short- age of such products. But no adequate provision for the grow- ing of high-grade eastern woods has yet been made. It can be made only by largely extending the public forests in the Eastern States. IMPORTS OF FOREST PRODUCTS. During the four years preceding the war the imports of lumber and logs ranged from 1,100,000,000 to 1,800,000,000 board feet, or about one-third the volume of exports during the same period. Beginning with 1917, there was a marked increase in wood imports. In 1918 imports exceeded exports by 100,000,000 board feet, and in 1919 the excess of imports was probably much greater. Aside from the importation of 1,370,000 cords of pulp wood from Canada in 1918, the United States imported 596,000 tons of wood pulp and 516,000 tons of paper, chiefly from the same source. Imports of timber and timber products fall into three classes: (1) Cabinet woods, like mahogany and cigar-box cedar, and other valuable woods, like South American greenheart, which can not be obtained in the United States. The imports of cedar amount to nearly 20,000,000 board feet annually, and the im- ports of mahogany to 50,000,000 board feet. (2) Saw logs and manufactured lumber from Canada, shipped into the United States by the natural routes of commerce on the Atlantic and Pacific coasts and by favorable railroad chan- nels. Such imports aggregate about 1,000,000,000 feet per year, aside from which Canada also ships close to a billion shingles into the United States annually. These imports compete di- rectly with similar products manufactured in the United States. There is, indeed, approximately the same flow of lumber across the Canadian boundary in each direction, determined by the favorable location of consuming regions in one country. with respect to lumber-producing centers in the other. (3) Paper and materials for making paper. The imports of pulp wood, pulp, and manufactured paper in 1918, prac- tically all of which came from Canada, were approximately 2,071,000 tons. Imports of corresponding products were still greater in 1919. They furnish about two-thirds of the news- print paper consumed in the United States, a proportion which will grow steadily unless the foreign trade policy adopted by Canada prevents. Other imports of forest products are at the present time of negligible importance. Prior to the war the United States im- ported considerable quantities of chemical pulp and high-grade papers from Scandinavia, a trade whose partial resumption is to be expected. A small quantity of lumber is shipped to our west coast from Japan and Korea. The enormous timber re TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, soyrces in Siberia have not yet been developed sufficiently to support a foreign lumber trade. The two important classes of products for which the United States now depends upon foreign countries are cabinet and other extremely valuable woods from tropical countries and paper or its raw materials. Our dependence upon Canada for paper is an extremely important factor which must be reck- oned with for many years to come. This results in part from the depletion of pulp-making woods in the eastern United States and in part from transport and manufacturing condi- tions which have prevented the paper-making industry from utilizing pulp timbers available in the Western States and Alaska. Adequate development of our western pulp-wood re- sources could make the United States independent of foreign supplies of paper. EXPORT TRADE POLICY. It must be recognized that, unlike most articles of commerce, the replacement of a considerable part of the raw material con- EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 59 sumed in lumber exports will, under the best conditions, be a slow and difficult process. Foreign trade in softwoods has less serious effects than the export of hardwood products; a foreign trade in such articles as softwood railroad ties and common lumber is the least serious of all since such com- modities can be produced with comparative rapidity in large quantities once growth replaces devastation of our forest lands. On the other hand, foreign demands for high-grade hardwoods endanger certain of our “key” industries such as the manu- facture of agricultural implements, vehicles, and handles» Without any exports we face a serious shortage in their raw materials. These facts should be considered in determining the foreign-trade policy of the country and in weighing the ad- vantages of reciprocity. Our fundamental national policy, however, should be for timber growth rather than the regula- tion of timber use. If the export trade in lumber is to be regulated, such regulation should be discriminating and should apply to the grades and products in which a shortage is most imminent and most menacing to domestic industries. CONCENTRATION IN TIMBER OWNERSHIP, MANUFACTURE, AND MARKETING. CONCENTRATION OF TIMBER OWNERSHIP IN 1910. A thorough investigation of timber ownership in the Lake States, the southern pine region, and the Pacific Northwest was made by the Bureau of Corporations in 1910. At that time these three great forest regions contained about 80 per cent of all the stunding timber in the United States. The two most striking facts reported by the Bureau of Corporations, follow- ing its investigation, were the concentration of control of stand- ing timber in comparatively few large holdings and the vast scale upon which the speculative purchase and holding of tim- ber in advance of its use had been conducted. Both of these conditions were attributed directly to the public-land policy of the United States. The Bureau of Corporations found that 48 per cent of the standing timber privately owned in these three regions, or 839.7 billion feet, was held or controlled by 195 owners. Three large corporations held between them 238 bil- lion feet, or 11 per cent of all the privately owned timber in the United States. The concentration of standing timber in large holdings was most fully developed in the Lake States and the Pacific Northwest. The degree of concentration of standing timber in 1910 in the States covered by the investigation of the Bureau of Corpora- tions, and subsequent changes or tendencies in so far as it has been possible to determine them, are summarized in the follow- ing brief account of timber ownership in a number of the more important forest regions: ; TIMBER OWNERSHIP IN THE NORTHEAST. The 1910 investigation did not cover this region. The only timber holdings of large size in New England are located in its northern softwood forests and have been consolidated primarily to secure large supplies of pulp wood. Fifteen owners have acquired something over 54 million acres in Maine, New Hamp- shire, and Vermont, or nearly one-fourth of the forest area of these three States. These 15 owners undoubtedly control at least half of the supply of pulp wood in New England. The process of timberland concentration is still going on to a con- siderable degree, especially in Maine, where the large properties of one of the paper companies were acquired and assembled dur- ing the past three years. In New Hampshire the United States itself has acquired a comparatively large timber holding through the purchase of over 400,000 acres in the White Mountains under the Weeks law. The pulp-wood forests of New England are very largely held on an operating rather than a speculative basis. The non- operating owners in practically all cases are selling timber to operating companies for current logging requirements, re- taining the land. In New York 17 pulp and paper companies have aggregate holdings of nearly 800,000 acres. The largest of these owner- ships exceeds 200,000 acres, and the second in size exceeds 150,000 acres. Practically all of the softwood stumpage in New York is very strongly held, and there is little tendency toward further concentration at the present time. A significant fact in New York is that the State itself is the largest owner of merchantable timber, having acquired 1,886,000 acres of forest land in the Adirondack and Catskill Preserves, which contain 60 per cent of the pulp timber in the State. The cutting of these lands is prohibited by the State constitution, The situation in New York is thus in striking contrast to that 60 . hands of relatively few owners. in Maine, where almost the entire supply of pulp timber is in private ownership. OWNERSHIP OF SOFTWOOD TIMBER IN THE SOUTH- ERN STATES. The Bureau of Corporations reported in 1910 that 14 holders controlled three-fifths of the cypress in Louisiana, and that 11 owners controlled one-half of the cypress in Florida. Tach of these 25 owners had acquired more than 250 million feet of cypress stumpage. There has been comparatively little change in the ownership of cypress land since 1910. The limited supply and high value of this timber and the large investments re- quired for operating plants tend to keep the stumpage in the The enlargement of the ex- isting cypress holdings is becoming more and more difficult, and the total quantities of timber held by the groups of large owners are diminishing as cutting progresses. The Bureau of Corporations reported that 29 holders in 1910 owned 22 per cent of the yellow-pine timber in the Southern States, each of these owners having acquired over 2 billion board feet. Sixty-seven owners held: 31 per cent of the south- ern pine, but the ownership of 50 per cent was distributed among 307 holdings. _The concentration of southern pine in large holdings appears to have practically stopped about 1909. The number of hold- ing companies which are not operating is very limited, sales of timber are very few, and practically all of the remaining stump- age is definitely related to manufacturing plants. The southern pine belt well illustrates the increasing degree of concentration of timber of high quality as the depletion of forest resources continues. The South contains to-day approxi- mately 139 billion feet of virgin pine, controlled by 5,401 saw- mills. It is estimated that in- 10 years the remaining stand of old-growth pine will be in the hands of 147 mills, and that in 20 years the 30-odd billion feet of virgin pine timber left will be held by 45 mills. The number of mills alone does not indi- cate the degree of concentration, since a number of corporations control and operate several mills. The southern pine region also illustrates the replacement of large sawmills by small operations, as the greater part of the virgin stumpage is cut out and the industry passes over to the cleaning up of odds and ends and the manufacture of second growth. The number of small sawmills in the South is in- creasing more rapidly than the number of large plants, which are closing down. During 1919 from 800 to 1,000 small mills were established in this region, a movement, of course, greatly - stimulated by the high lumber prices. OWNERSHIP OF HARDWOOD TIMBER. In 1910 the Bureau of Corporations found that timber owner- ship was less concentrated in the hardwood forests of the South than in any other region investigated. The same is true to-day. Hardwood forests lend themselves to concentration much less readily than coniferous timber. The number of species in the usual stand is great. Manufacture and market- ing must be highly specialized, with diversified products de- manded by a wide range of manufacturing industries and other users. Costs of production run higher than in the case of softwood forests. Hence the individual hardwood hold- ings have averaged much smaller and the average hardwood mill cuts much less timber than in the case of softwools, TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, The annual cut of 11 of the largest hardwood operators in the southern Appalachians is about 400 million feet. This represents 124 per cent of the cut of the region. The remain- ing 874 per cent of the output is manufactured by companies which produce less than 10 million board feet yearly in every case. In the Mississippi or “ Delta” region less than 30 com- panies reported a lumber cut of more than 10 million board feet annually. In the whole hardwood region there are no holdings comparable to the large operating groups in the soft- wood forests of the West and South. At least 10 million acres of hardwood forest in the Ap- palachian Mountains are owned by coal, oil, gas, and other mining corporations. One and one-half million acres have been acquired by the Federal Government as National Forests under the act of March 1, 1911. The remaining hardwood areas in this region, and the same appears to be true of the “ Delta” hardwood belt, are widely distributed and largely in the hands of operating companies. TIMBER OWNERSHIP IN THE LAKE STATES. The Bureau of Corporations reported in 1910 a marked degree of timber concentration in the Lake States, particularly in the most valuable species. Six owners thus held 54 per cent of the white and Norway pine in Minnesota, but only 2 per cent of the hardwoods, then rated as of inferior value. Thirty-two holdings in Minnesota, each exceeding 60 million board feet, aggregated 77 per cent of the valuable pines and but 11 per cent of the hardwoods. Ten holders had acquired 24 per cent of all the timber in Wisconsin and 12 holders had acquired 28 per cent of the timber of Michigan. Since 1910 a good many owners have disappeared from the rolls in the Lake States through the exhaustion of their hold- ings. The few nonoperating holders appear to be disposing of their lands, and a very large proportion of the timber in the region is now attached to going operators. TIMBER OWNERSHIP IN IDAHO. In 1910, 64 per cent of the privately owned timber in Idaho, or 32.3 billion board feet, was held by 10 owners. Each of these holdings comprised over half a billion feet. The three largest owners jointly controlled 46.2 per cent of the private timber in the State. The concentration of timber ownership in Idaho appears to have practically stopped about 1907. Since that time the larger holdings have remained practically at a standstill, ex- cept for depletion from cutting and exchanges between com- panies to secure a better blocking of stumpage for operating purposes. The stoppage of further timber purchases about 1907 appears to have been due to a full realization of the cost of carrying stumpage for long periods in advance of oppor- tunity for its manufacture and to the general period of lean years which the lumber industry experienced, particularly from 1913 to 1915. For the same reason a number of non- operating companies have constructed sawmills and become manufacturers. “Timber concentration had, however, gone very far in Idaho, particularly in the case of western white pine, the most valu- able timber tree of the Northwest. Of the 20 billion feet of white pine in this region, 5 billion feet is owned by the Federal Government, chiefly in National Forests, the State of Idaho omais 3 billion feet, and 12 billion feet are privately owned. A single group of affiliated companies controls one-half of the privately owned white pine, or 6 billion feet. With the exception of the Northern Pacific Railroad, one of the largest timber holding companies in this territory, there is no tendency to break up or decrease the size of the larger properties. The Northern Pacific is disposing of its timber as opportunity affords. | The State of Idaho has announced a policy of disposing of its timber EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 61 lands. There is a marked tendency in Idaho, however, to put timber holdings upon an operating basis and tu construct ad- ditional sawmills in sufficient number to liquidate most of these great properties within 25 or 30 years. TIMBER OWNERSHIP IN WASHINGTON AND OREGON. In these States, the Bureau of Corporations found in 1910 the most striking examples of timber concentration. Three owners controlled 191.3 billion board feet of timber. There were 83 owners who had acquired over a billion board feet. Their aggregate holdings were 411.7 billion feet, or 59.4 per cent of the privately held stumpage in the two States. Since 1910 the three largest holdings in this region have been decreased. By decision of the Federal courts the land grant of 2,425,000 acres to the Southern Pacific Railroad Co. in Oregon has reverted to the Government. The Weyerhaeuser Timber Co. has sold approximately 250,000 acres, chiefly to operating com- panies, and has itself become a large timber manufacturer. The Northern Pacific Railroad Co. has sold 522,000 acres of timberland in Washington, a considerable part of which has gone to operating companies. In the State of Washington individual holdings in excess of 25,000 acres, or approximately 1 billion feet of timber, had as a group acquired 155,100 acres of additional timberland be- tween 1910 and 1919 through the consolidation of small hold- ings. On the other hand, this same group had during the same period decreased its holdings by 970,630 acres through logging, timber sales, failures, etc. The net area of timberland con- trolled by this group of approximately 32 owners had decreased in the nine years 815,530 acres. In Oregon the holdings of the same size had, as a group, dropped 959,930 acres between 1910 and 1919 and added 1,487,580 acres, a net increase of 477,650 acres. The increases represent principally the consolidation of small properties. Much of the timbered area of Oregon is still undeveloped and inaccessible for lumber manufacture. Timber values in this region are still low. The greater number of large holdings in Oregon are in such localities. Several of them have changed hands during the past 10 years, some tracts two or three times, due to the inability of owners to carry taxes, interest, and pro- tection costs any longer. The holdings previously carried more or less as a speculation have in many eases passed into stronger hands. : There are still many thousand timberland claimants and small owners in these less accessible regions who are anxious to unload; and the low values at which they are willing to sell their land has permitted the blocking of small holdings into large properties at prices which have attracted strong investors. In a considerable number of cases, companies preparing for lumber manufacture have not only blocked up small properties but have also purchased extensively from the larger holders themselves. A process of concentrating small properties and one of breaking down the very large properties are thus going on at the same time. These two movements taken together presage a change in timber ownership in Oregon from a specu- lative to an operating basis and a large increase in its manu- facture of lumber. The individual holdings under 25,000 acres, or of less than about one billion feet of stumpage, aggregate 17,000 in Oregon and 7,000 in Washington. Many of these small holders have retained their timber not from choice but from their inability to sell in locations isolated from present manufacturing centers. The smaller number of such holdings in Washington indicates the much more rapid development of the lumber industry in that State. .The enormous number of timber properties of small or unimportant size in the two States on the northern Pacific coast not only show that there is still a very wide’ distribution of timber ownership in that region notwithstanding the concen- 62 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, tration which has taken place; but also that the process of con- centration for timber holding as distinct from lumber manufac- ture had been checked, as in Idaho. TIMBER OWNERSHIP IN CALIFORNIA. The timberlands of California illustrated, in 1910, the same tendencies toward a partial concentration in enormous holdings evident in Oregon and Washington. Nearly 75 per cent of the privately owned timber in the State, or 178.2 billion feet, was in 39 holdings. The seven largest owners carried 100 billion feet of stumpage; and one owner, the Southern Pacific Railroad, had acquired 35 billion feet through its Federal land grant. The commercial timber lands of California comprise two dis- tinct belts, the redwood forests bordering the coast, and the sugar and yellow-pine belt covering the eastern and northern mountain ranges of the State. In the redwood region the prin- cipal nonoperating owners are now 17 in number, with holdings ranging from 200 million to 5 billion board feet of timber. Eleven of these holdings comprise 1 billion feet or more; and in the aggregate they comprise 29,056,000,000 feet. The prin- cipal operators in the same region are 18 in number, with tim- ber holdings ranging from 240 million to 3 billion feet. Six of these companies have holdings of 1 billion feet or more; and the aggregate ownership of the 18 is almost 20 billion feet. A large part of the redwood stumpage that can be operated most economically is now controlled by operating companies, who also largely control strategic operating sites from the standpoint of coastwise or other shipments. There is still a large percentage of redwood timber in the ownership of nonoperating companies, but the general tendency since 1910 appears to have been away from further concentration. The number and aggregate hold- EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. ks ings of the group of companies controlling a billion feet or more, for example, has decreased. The principal holding companies in the pine region of Cali- fornia are eight in number. Aside from the enormous property of the Southern Pacific Railroad, these ownerships range from 600 million to 8 billion board feet. In addition, there are 14 large operating companies, one of which controls 15 billion feet of stumpage, while the holdings of the rest range from 181 million to 2.8 billion board feet. All told, these operating com- panies own over 29 billion feet of stumpage. There have been several transfers of ownership since the investigation made by the Bureau of Corporations in 1910; but no important change as to the general concentration of timberlands. The present tendency in the California pine region is toward the operation of timber areas and the liquidation of the investments which they represent wherever the location of the property permits. In line with this tendency, in California as in Oregon, a rapid increase in the installation of sawmills and volume of lumber output is to be expected. CHANGES IN TIMBER OWNERSHIP FROM 1913 TO 1918. The accompanying table, No. 26, prepared by the Timber Sec- tion of the Bureau of Internal Revenue, shows the increases and decreases in timber ownership between 1913 and 1918 by 368 owners. These holdings are distributed by groups through 17 forest regions, representing practically all of the important timber areas in the United States. The figures do not include all of the large timber holdings in the regions represented, but do, through showing what has happened in the case of a sample group of large owners in each region, draw an excellent picture of the tendencies in timber ownership the country over. TaBLe 26.—Depletion of timber reserves and net changes in timber ownership of large timber owners in the important forest regions of the United States. [Data compiled from ‘general Forest Industries Questionnaires” on file in the Timber Section, Bureau of Internal Revenue—Bureau of Internal Revenue, May 22, 1920, David T. Mason, Chief, Timber Section.) Total area : , “ Per cent by Number of ‘Aver- owned Timbered area owned Timber owned (mil- which pur- owners. Least | age | (thousands of (thousands of acres). lions of board feet). Per | chases or quan- | stand | acres). gent o sales dur- fity of per 1a13 , ing period un per | iacre | Ratio. Ratio, Ratio. | timber | °H8n¢¢ Forest regions, oe er 1, cnt quantity of i. , 1913, or | (thou- eon poate Not | Dec. | sand Dec. Cut | p Cut perio Mar. 1 Total, oper. |81,2018; bd. st). Mat14 gh Malan] Ge | aly oo ee) aot ating. d. ft.) 1918, period. 1918. period. 1918, - ‘00 (M+1) (G+F) (K+I) O+M : N-+O-—M) . (0+M)) avemy| N+Se A: BG D E F G H I J K L M N oO P Q R | New, Spee ian gis debac ince 40 2 60 3.8 | 5,675 | 6,519 | 1.15 | 5,386 | 797 | 5,365 | 1.00 | 20,522 | 3,255 | 19,885 | 0.97 16 13.0 New York. 0.02.00. .ee-eeceeee 11 1 60} 5.6] 853] 821 -96| 782] 136] 614 -78| 4,400] 755 | 3,620 82 17 — 5 Pennsylvania B laceeecs 60) 17.6] 550] 545] .99/ 166] 91] 83| :60] 2,927] 1,936] 13109; [38]. 66 4.0 ae et il 250 4.3 |o.e eel eee ee] eee eee 862; 415 | 564 -65 | 3,664 | 1,433) 2,375 65 39 4.0 T | soskaet 250} 3.9]. 361 | 592 -79 | 2,878 | 1,305 | 2,112 73 45 19.0 65 2) 250) 8a fll]. 1, 828 | 3, 854 +79 | 39, 419 |147 733 | 287 493 72 37 9.0 Cypne Fla., 8. C.), a : & TB |e leet fener eeeeeleeeeee feces 8,322 | 1,752 | 2,625 .79 53 32.0 A a, Fis hhardwoods....... 22 2 60 Bell Voc wens loamaianaliaely wed 657 maak a Va., N.C., Ky, 256) 601 91) 5,284 | 2,271 | 4,275 81 43 4.0 Appalachian softwoods......-. Bo] sacicnes 60 NOs 4) aintcctac larson eal ecietcnd Fo eT a agne 354] 117] 235 -66 | 3,681 } 1,441 | 2,418 -66 39 5.0 Delta hardwoods 20 senses 60 5.6) 577) 737) 1.28) 524] 163] 545] 1.04] 2,948] 894] 2,801 98 30 28.0 Lake States: 69 7) 100) 7.2] 8,724 | 3,675 -99 | 2,496 | 1,094 | 1,634 +65 | 18,082 | 7,137 | 11,868 66 39 5.0 Idaho....-..,-----2--2-+5 +} 10} 2) 250] 17.5) 1,020] 1,052] 1.03] ois} 94] 902 aes 5.0 Washington (fr and pine) 40] 6} 250| 44°0 | 2490 | 2463} 90] 2,245 163 | 2,006 | 193 | ontcs | Yoee lave | cee] 8 —5.0 Oregon fir..........-+---- 17 | 250) 50.0 | 567 | 550) 97 | 503} 29) "462 | 92 | 257310 | 17760 | 21,726 | 86 7 —7.0 Oregon pine......-..--- 8 S| 250) 16.0) 674) 720) 1.07) 616} 31] 633] 1:03} 9/568 | "ane 1,00 3 3.0 California redwood... te] Bf} BOO] FBO) B09] 401) tor] 278) 31 | 250] 90 | 21617 | 2,513 | 19346 189 | 12 10 California pine............-..-- 15 5 | 500) 25.1 | 1,518 | 1,505 | 99 | 1,273 | 136 | 1,130 -89 | 31,972 | 2)760 | 28) 505 i) 9 —2.0 Potal es uotvereeweeewesy 376 | 42 |... 13.7 [18,047 {18,988 | 1.05 |22, 696 | 5,742 /19, 560 -86 |810, 469 |53, 357 |262, 482 85 17 2.0 * TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, The following notes on this table have been furnished by the Timber Section of the Bureau of Internal Revenue: “In New England the 16 per cent cut indicated in column Q is believed to be too low to be fairly representative for all of the owners in the region, for during this period many of the larger operators, desiring to guard heavy investments in pulp and paper manufacturing plants, secured their supplies of raw material as far as possible from timberlands other than their own. At the same time these owners gladly bought additional timber to the extent of 13 per cent of their original holdings. “In the case of New York the statement just made for New England applies to column Q. In the case of column R, how- ever, the owners did not increase their holdings through pur- chase, but in fact diminished them by one-half of 1 per cent through sales, owing to the fact that timberland at the begin- ning of the period was for the most part already closely held in New York and very little was changing hands. “In Pennsylvania there are very few important timber hold- ings left. These are being rapidly exhausted, as indicated by the fact that 66 per cent of the timber on hand March 1, 1913, was cut during the period, and by the further fact that the owners were able to secure only 4 per cent more during the period. In a region such as this, where cutting has materially reduced the supply of virgin timber, the tendency is for an operator to replenish his timber reserve, so far as he is able, by the purchase of other available timber. For the same reason this tendericy also obtains in the Atlantic pine, Florida, Gulf pine, cypress, Appalachian hardwoods, Appalachian softwoods, and Lake States regions. “The Atlantic pine region shows about the same situation as does Pennsylvania, excepting that the existing supply suitable for large sawmill operations is not being exhausted as fast. “In the case of Florida, while the rate of cutting was high, there were still considerable tracts of timber to be obtained for good-sized operations, as indicated by the 19 per cent excess of purchases over sales. In the Gulf coast pine region the rate of reduction of timber reserves was slightly slower than in the Atlantic pine region; the opportunity to secure additional tim- ber was better but not so good as in Florida. “We now leave the regions of the United States in which the timber supplies have been rather heavily-depleted and where operators are inclined to acquire as extensively as practicable additional supplies in order to prevent their reserves from falling too rapidly. We reach the western United States, where there are still enormous supplies of virgin timber. Here during the period covered by the table there was little inclination to buy additional timber because of the exceedingly heavy load of timber already carried; in fact, many owners endeavored to liquidate their timber as rapidly as possible both by cutting and by selling. Those large owners who bought timber usually acquired only that offered at bargain rates. In Idaho, for in- stance, 10 per cent of the timber on hand at the beginning of the period was cut and 5 per cent acquired; much more than 5 per cent could easily have been acquired, for the available sup- plies are large, if the owners included in the group had been in a buying mood. In Washington 8 per cent was cut, and an addi- tional 5 per cent was sold. Similarly in Oregon fir, 7 per cent was cut and an additional 7 per cent was sold. In.the case of Oregon pine, California redwood, and California pine the condi- tions were not far different from those just mentioned.” Particular attention should be given to the ratio columns for “Timbered area owned” and “ Timber owned.” In the case of but one group—that of Oregon pine owners —does the total quantity of timber owned in 1918 equal that owned in 1913. In every other region the total group ownership dropped off dur- ing these years. The ratio is close to 100 in most of the regions still having large areas of virgin forest, reflecting, first, con- tinued opportunity to acquire timber, and, second, the effort on 63 the part of the larger owners to maintain a constant but not greatly increased supply of stumpage for their mills. It is also notable that the quantity of stumpage held in 1918 by the New England group is very close to that held in 1913. In several other regions low ratios, such as 38 per cent in Penn- Sylvania, 65 per cent in the Middle Atlantic States, and 66 per cent each in the softwood areas of the southern Appalachian and in the Lake States, are evidences of timber depletion. These data, compiled from the tax returns made to the Bureau of Internal Revenue, confirm the general tendency, ascertained by the Forest Service from study in the field, toward a decrease in the larger timber holdings in many regions and putting tim- ber ownership more largely upon an operating basis. These facts, however, do not necessarily indicate a decrease in the proportionate amount of timber controlled by large owners. A SUMMARY OF THE PRESENT SITUATION AS TO TIMBER OWNERSHIP. In brief, the situation as to timber ownership has not changed materially from that reported by the Bureau of Corporations in 1910. Half of the privately owned timber in the United States is in the ownership or control of about 250 large companies. About one-fifth of the total is owned by the Government. Sev- eral of the Western States also rank as large holders. The ownership of the remaining timber is very widely distributed. There are 24,000 holdings of less than a billion feet in Oregon and Washington alone. The great bulk of the hardwood timber is distributed among many owners. It is roughly estimated that the farm wood lots in the States east of the Great Plains, aggregating 152,000,000 acres, contain two-fifths of the timber in this portion of the country, or approximately 340 billion feet. In nearly every forested region the group totals of the prin- cipal owners have either practically remained stationary or decreased. The tendency on the part of these groups to acquire and maintain a relatively constant supply of standing timber as cutting progresses is marked in regions where the remaining resources permit. The decrease in the holdings of such groups in several of the eastern forest regions is a clear indication of timber depletion. In many individual cases, of course, a fur- ther concentration of timberlands is in progress. This is par- ticularly marked in the softwood forests of the Northeast, spurred by the scarcity and high value of pulp woods. A realization of the carrying charge on long-term timber in- vestments, which may double the capital cost of stumpage- every seven or eight years, has largely halted the movement for building up enormous speculative timber properties which was in full swing prior to 1910. The tendency of the present, with some exceptions, is to put the timber holding on an operating basis, adjusting its size. to a practicable scheme for under- writing the cost of particular sawmills and logging improve- ments rather than carry large surpluses beyond operating re- quirements now clearly defined. A number of companies, hitherto timber investors rather than lumber makers, are be- coming operators through the necessity of obtaining a current revenue to meet carrying charges, and also because of the op- portunities for profit afforded by the existing lumber markets. As a broad rule, therefore, particularly in the Northwest, tim- ber lands are passing over from long-time speculations to blocks of raw material connected with particular manufacturing plants. As a phase of this process, the largest holdings are being reduced rather than increased. On the other hand, this regrouping of timberlands is bring- ing new interests.into the Western States, chiefly as operators. While often buying timberland from the larger owners there before them or taking over going sawmills, these new interests are also consolidating small holdings in order to block up de- sirable operating units. They thus become large or compara- tively large timber owners themselves; and their establishment in the West tends to even off decreases in the holdings of the EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 64 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, very large interests. By and large, the degree of concentration indicated in the findings of the Bureau of Corporations in 1910 has not been appreciably changed; but no general tendency is evident to extend control by increasing the larger holdings or by withholding timber from the saw. Indeed, the opposite is true in many regions. Two factors make the effect of timber concentration greater than it appears. The first is the ownership of key areas, strategically located at the outlets of valleys or other points, where they control to a considerable degree the operation of the back-lying or adjoining timberland. There are many cases where topography thus gives the owner of a key tract practical control over an adjoining quantity of timber which he may confidently expect to purchase more or less at his own terms when he is ready to log, but which meantime must be carried by others. Under the operation of the timber and stone act and other land laws, many such tracts have been acquired within or adjoining National Forests which in effect control considerable quantities of publicly owned timber, and the samé situation frequently exists as regards private lands. A second aid to timber control is the fact that the holdings of many, though not all, of the large owners comprise the most accessible timber in their regions, the timber most cheaply logged, and the timber of the best quality. A considerable part of the western stumpage is so inaccessible and costly to log that it will not be 4 competitive factor in the lumber market for many years. This is true, particularly, of much timber in the National Forests. Control of the more accessible and high- grade timber will strengthen the position of many large inter- ests aside from the actual volume of stumpage which they own. CONCENTRATION TENDENCIES IN LUMBER MANU- FACTURE AND MARKETING. The most significant tendencies during the past five or six years bearing upon the general question of timber concentra- tion, however, are not in the ownership of stumpage, but con- cern a more highly organized control of sawmills and lumber marketing by groups of operations. During the same period the industry has become more closely knit through the development of regional associations and other cooperative measures. The census of 1910 reported some 45,000 operating sawmills. The study made by the Forest Service in 1914 indicated that the lumber industry at that time was very individualistic in char- acter. An enormous number of mills, large and small, operated independently, and the vast majority of lumber-making estab- lishments manufactured and marketed their products as compet- ing units. The sawmill capacity of the country was much greater than the volume of lumber which could be marketed. The bonded indebtedness of the industry was large and, in gen- eral, its financial structure was weak. The pressure of carry- ing charges on timberlands and indebtedness and on investments in manufacturing capacity too large for the market led to fre- quent periods of overproduction and of financial distress to many operators. The change from these conditions which now appears to be in progress may be compared to the changes in the iron and steel industry during the period when the small foundries and steel plants were disappearing or being consolidated in a compara- tively few large groups; or to the changes in the transportation industry during the period following 1870, when many small railroads were absorbed into large trunk systems. These ten- dencies in the lumber industry may be summarized as follows: THE CREATION OF LARGE OPERATING GROUPS OF AFFILIATED SAWMILLS. The necessity of manufacturing.lumber in the vicinity of standing timber prevents the geographical concentration of plants to any degree comparable with most other manufactures. Nevertheless, there is a distinct tendency, particularly in the s EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. Western States, toward concentration of production through the central control of a considerable group of mills. Such con- trol may be exercised through varying degrees of stock owner- ship, bonding or other financial relations, or affiliations of one form or another. These operating groups range from 2 or 8 sawmills to 12 or more, with a combined cut of from two to three hundred million board feet yearly up to a billion feet. In several instances the group includes mills in two or more of the principal softwood regions—the South, the Lake States, and the Northwest, and in some cases also embraces mills or timber properties in British Columbia or Mexico. The movement of southern lumber interests into the Western States is one of the significant phases of this tendency in lum. ber manufacture. Several of the large southern operators have recently acquired mills or timber properties in the West. In some cases this represents an expansion of existing lumber- producing organizations; in others, the migration into new territory of operating units which have exhausted their former timber holdings. With the development of such operating organizations there is a certain elimination of sawmills and timber holdings which hitherto have been unaffiliated. The tendency of the large operating groups is to consolidate the holdings, large and small, in their vicinity and thus acquire sufficient stumpage to supply their manufacturing plants for at least 20 or 25 years. The relation of the small mill to this general movement is a complex one and, as will be indicated later, works in different ways in different regions. But as regards the principal remaining timber resources of the United States in the West the present tendency is unquestionably toward a closer concentration of lumber manufacture in large units than has existed hitherto. This development toward more large and powerful operating groups is but partial. The number of sawmills operating as independent units is still very large and still manufactures the greater part of the total lumber cut. Furthermore, as far as present indications go, the entrance of new organizations of large size into the lumber industry of the West has not tended to restrict competition. The newcomers, usually well organized, efficient, and well financed, have indeed in several instances introduced a new competitive element in the regions where they located. This tendency in the lumber industry undoubtedly would make a process of “getting together” between the larger interests easier than it has been before, but it at least is not yet evident. GREATER FINANCIAL STRENGTH OF THE LUMBER INDUSTRY. The study of the lumber industry in 1914 indicated that its financial structure was weak. Incomplete records of bonds and other forms of indebtedness on timber lands and opera- tions in the southern pine region and the West aggregated $151,000,000. Stockholders’ loans, current bank loans, and other forms of borrowing apparently had been carried often beyond the point of safety. Interest and maturities on the various forms of indebtedness formed a heavy charge upon the average thousand feet of lumber manufactured, and notably forced many sawmills to continue cutting during periods when operation represented an actual loss and increased the over- production which occasioned periodic demoralization of the industry. -In the three years following 1912 there was a weed- ing out of weaker operators as a result of these conditions, and certain of the large timber holdings in the Northwest were broken up and passed into other control owing to the attempt to carry bonds and other forms of indebtedness beyond the capacity of the business. ~ Within the last four years the financial strength of the lumber industry had radically improved. A large volume of timber bonds has been retired. The flow of eastern capital, particularly from the Southern States, into western timber re- gions has eliminated a certain number of weakly financed timber TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. owners and sawmill operators and has strengthened the finan- cial backing of other concerns where no change in ownership was made. Higher profits in the manufacture of lumber dur- ing the past few years have enabled the industry, by and large, to wipe out much old indebtedness and greatly improve its financial situation. This change is cited because it is part of the general recon-- struction of the lumber business which is taking place, thus making it a better organized industry, and which tends to elimi- nate certain conditions which formerly made this industry one of the most highly competitive in the country. The indebted- ness of timber owners and lumber producers was formerly a large factor in keeping up production with little reference to demand, and in causing the scramble to market the lumber cut at almost any price. To a considerable extent the lumber in- dustry now appears to be passing out of a condition where ex- cessive competition was forced upon a large portion of its mem- bers by purely financial exigencies. The fact remains that the nature of timber properties tends to compel the operator to manufacture lumber steadily at the full capacity of his plant and to dispose of his product cur- rently as it is sawn. This results from the cost of carrying large supplies of raw material. The “stumpage load” has forced many timber owners in the West to become operators, and the very necessity of liquidating timberland investments compels continuous operations. The carrying charges on timberland thus tend to keep the lumber industry competitive. In 1914 they compelled many mills to operate at a loss—for operation was still less costly than idleness. The greater financial strength of the lumber in- dustry will minimize the effect of this basic factor to some ex- tent, but can not eliminate it. Once let lumber stocks equal or exceed the demand and it would again become a powerful com- petitive influence. Another safeguard against possible monopo- listic tendencies in lumber manufacture is the public owner- ship of a third of the timber in the Western States, in the Na- tional Forests. The sale of public stumpage under the restric- tions enforced will foster independent mills not affiliated with the large interests. CONCENTRATION OF LUMBER MARKETING. Probably the most significant phase in the reorganization of the lumber industry is the development of large marketing units which handle the output of a considerable number of plants, under central control. This has gone considerably be- yond the concentration of production through the control of groups of mills. A lumber sales company in the Northwest markets approximately a billion board feet yearly, cut by 11 affiliated sawmills. An agency in New York sells the product of 11 southern mills, amounting to some 200 million board feet annually. The second of these examples is much more typical than the first. There are many other groups of mills whose eut is marketed jointly under management which may be identical with the ownership or affiliation of the mills themselves or which may, in the form of a selling agency, be largely or wholly unconnected with the producing plants. One of the most common is the type of selling agency which markets the cut of 12 or 15 small mills on a commission basis, giving the mills a more efficient selling department than they individually could afford. The “line-yard” system of retailing lumber, although fol- lowed for a good many years, is an indication of the same movement toward a closer organization of lumber marketing. In many cases large sawmills or groups of sawmills under the same financial control maintain their own lines of retail lumber yards or are financially affiliated with companies operating line-yard systems. The large wholesaler who contracts for the entire cut of a number of mills, or the entire cut of certain 65 grades of lumber, is another factor. Many small mills, par- ticularly in the Southern States, while seemingly independent operating units, are in fact grouped into relatively large market- ing units through a single wholesaler who handles their prod- uct; and in many cases these small mills are partly or largely financed by the wholesaler who markets their cut. The movement in this direction, while only partially con- nected with the ownership of timberlands, is undoubtedly the most pronounced feature of concentration in the lumber in- dustry from the standpoint of tendencies in its development and their bearing upon the interests of consumers. Concentrating the marketing of lumber into large units is still far from com- plete. The 40,000-odd sawmills scattered all over the United States do not lend themselves readily to such a _ process. Furthermore, the number of distinct marketing units, even those of large size, is still very considerable, and the proportion of the lumber cut of the country handled by the largest of them is relatively small in comparison with other industries. The largest unit of this character, for example, markets about 3 per cent of the lumber cut of the country. In particular reg- ions the proportionate control of lumber distribution by a particular organization may be much greater, and the policy of the organization as to local sales of the products handled by it of corresponding importance to the interests of the con- sumers. In the general lumber trade the large selling organization has often been a strong competitive factor. Reaching out for more business, it has not infrequently brought effective com- petition into regions where formerly it was lacking and given better service to consumers in such ways as Stabilization of lumber grades, offering new grades or dimensions especially adapted to local requirements, or furnishing plans for the con- struction of dwellings and farm improvements. In itself this form of organization may be beneficial rather than harmful to the public interests, particularly in. an industry like lumber manufacture, which has been backward in the development and adaptation of its products to the requirements of consumers. The danger lies in the possibility of using large marketing units as a medium for price control. DEVELOPMENT OF TRADE ASSOCIATIONS. Regional associations of lumber manufacturers have been in existence for many years. They have discharged certain functions of value both to producers and consumers of lumber, particularly in the standardization of lumber grades enforced by association inspectors and in correcting evils common in the industry to which its product is particularly susceptible through various practices of misgrading. The associations have also largely handled the traffic interests of their members and have been the media through which various forms of statistical and other information are assembled and distributed to the lumber producers comprising them. The general reorganization of the lumber industry has in- volved inevitably an expansion in the activities of such asso- ciations and has given them greater influence upon both the production and marketing of lumber. They have given em- phasis, for example, to the formulation and adoption of uni- form accounting systems, tending to unify the accounting prac- tices of lumber manufacturers, which in former days were ex- tremely diverse and often haphazard and inaccurate. They have been the foremost promoters of the movement for guar- anteeing the quality of lumber products. Another activity, developed particularly during the last six or eight years, is the assembling and distribution among members of the asso- ciation or of a subsidiary organization of current reports on the prices received in lumber sales. The purpose of this work is to give the members of the association a common and up-to- date understanding of the market which they are supplying. 66 Ignorance of current market values, particularly on the part of small operators, has been one of the reasons for the very unstable conditions often prevailing in the lumber industry. It was evidenced and is still to some extent evidenced by the wide range in prices at which the same grade of lumber is sold in the same locality. With lumber manufacture and marketing so widely dis- tributed, the industry has lacked a central medium for re- porting price changes from day to day, like the wheat or cotton exchanges. No general and authoritative price data have been available to it, like those assembled and published by the De- partment of Agriculture on many agricultural products. The function of the regional lumbermen’s association in assembling and distributing the prices reported on current sales has grown out of a real need on the part of many operators for better information about their market. It is a development common, in one form or another, to most of the large businesses of the country. Solely as a matter of information, the current distribution of prices received by different members of the association tends to unify the rates at which lumber is offered for sale and to make increases or decreases in accordance with the fluctua- tion in the market more nearly similar at all producing plants. The same information would doubtless be of équal value to buyers of lumber, particularly to the smaller buyers less able to keep posted upon market fluctuations, if available to them. The price reports of lumber associations appear to have been made available to lumber buyers in some cases, in other cases not. The assembling and distribution of such information obvi- ously forms a possible vehicle or medium for reaching more or less definite agreements or understandings controlling the prices at which lumber is offered. The extent to which it may serve as such a medium depends upon the policy followed by the particular association as to the degree of publicity given to data of this character, upon the efforts which the association may make to induce its members to price their product in con- formity with the highest rates shown by current reports, and upon the extent to which the individual. lumber producers or selling organizations may use the data as a basis for price- control agreements or informal understandings. Properly employed, particularly with a large degree of publicity, such information should serve to stabilize the lumber market to the advantage of both producer and consumer. EFFECTS OF TIMBER DEPLETION UPON CONCENTRATION. It should be pointed out that the public effects of the con- centration of a large part of the virgin forests of the United States in the hands of relatively few large interests will be- come greater as forest depletion continues. It is to the interest of large operators who have tade extensive investiments in operating plants and in marketing organizations and who have built up widespread trade connections to maintain a continuous supply of stumpage for their mills. Carrying charges have placed more or less definite limits upon the quantities of re- served timber which can be carried economically. As these quantities are reduced by cutting, however, it is to be expected, and the data on hand indicate, that the large operators will replenish them by purchasing available small holdings. As a general rule, the small mills are tending to be eliminated in the western regions, where the principal bodies of virgin timber remain. This process may be cxpected to continue in such regions for a considerable period, first, because in many in- stances the small plants are less efficient in manufacturing and marketing lumber and are the first to be eliminated dur- ‘ing periods of depression; secondly, because by and large they will be the first mills to exhaust their timber holdings; ° TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. and, thirdly, because the large interests will find it to their advantage as time goes on to acquire the smaller tracts of stumpage available to their plants. Financial strength; strategic location, ownership of the most accessible timber, far- reaching affiliations of one form or another, including in some instances affiliations with transcontinental railroads—all of these factors will tend to give the large interests in the North- west a greater and greater degree of control of the situation. This control will increase for a considerable period in about the same ratio as forest depletion goes on, and to a corresponding degree will involve the dangers to the public interest arising from a natural monopoly. , One of the most important aspects of this control, as already pointed out in the case of the virgin pine timber remaining in the Southern States, is that it will extend particularly to the timber of high quality still left in the steadily reduced areas of old growth. An increasing concentration of high-quality tim- ber, particularly in the softwood forests of the South and West, may be expected. On the other hand, a point is reached in every lumber-produc- ing region, after the bulk of its virgin timber has been ex- hausted, when the large plant and organization are no longer the most efficient economically and when the large sawmill, carried by its square miles of virgin stumpage, is.replaced by a smaller and more portable operating unit. The small mills follow large ones, picking up odds and ends of virgin timber, cleaning up the less accessible, and ultimately operating on second-growth stands, which produce ordinary grades of build- ing lumber and other products of relatively low quality. This process now appears to be taking place in the southern pine States. During the next 10 years the closing down of large sawmills in that region will be rapid. At the same time the number of small mills is rapidly increasing. These small mills, often operating but a few years at one point, are much less adapted to centralized control and represent a tendency to break up concentration. This tendency may be offset to a degree by the common marketing of the products of a number of small mills through a wholesaler or some form of selling agency and through financial affiliations which may grow out of this mar- keting relationship. In other words, the lumber industry is distinctive in that the concentration or possible concentration of its raw material is necessarily limited in time. Under present methods of opera- tion the physical conditions restrict the life, even of many large plants, to 20 or 25 years. This broad rule has been true of the dominance of the lumber markets of the United States by the large softwood regions, each of which has held control of the markets for a comparatively short time. The ultimate tendency is for the industry to break up into small units under which the possibility of concentration is greatly reduced. The most significant factor in the present situation is that with the exhaustion of virgin timber in most of the eastern States and its impending exhaustion in the southern pine re- gion, although certain large mills will be cutting virgin yellow pine for 30 years to come, the danger of concentration of high- grade timber is proportionately greater than ever before. The greatest protection which the people of the United States have against such concentration lies in national and other public for- ests, where such timber can be grown or held in reserve and which are so administered as to aid in maintaining competitive conditions in the lumber business. One of the most effective steps that can be taken to limit the effects of concentration is not only to extend the National Forests by purchase but to in- corporate in them all timberlands which the Federal Government still owns or controls and not to permit a single additional acre to pass into private ownership. As to our requirements for lumber of general utility, the danger of harmful concentration is more remote. It would be dispelled by vigorous action to stop forest devastation and re- TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, stock denuded lands, leading to permanent forest industries widely distributed over the country, and tending toward small rather than large operating units. No information has been obtained to justify a conclusion that the tendencies toward a closer knit organization of the lumber industry and various forms of concentration have led, up to the present time, to actual monopolistic conditions of general scope. It has been impossible in the limited time avail- able for this investigation to make a study of that phase of the situation. The particular facts which it is believed are clear are that the lumber industry in the regions where the principal supplies of timber remain is growing away from the loose, un- organized, and highly competitive conditions which prevailed in 4914; that while during the past 10 years there has been no EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 67 material change in the concentration of ownership of standing timber, the effects of concentration will become more apparent as time goes on, particularly in respect to products of high quality; that the financial weaknesses which hitherto have tended to keep the lumber manufacturing industry in a highly competitive condition are to some extent disappearing; and that the lumber industry in the regions of large forest resources is in a process of partial reorganization into ‘larger units of production and marketing. In other words, some of the factors tending to make this industry highly competitive are changing into conditions more favorable to closer control. The necessity for the steady liquidation of timber investments and the stifl enormous number of operating units are inherent factors un- favorable to. close control. FOREST DEPLETION THE FUNDAMENTAL PROBLEM. CUMULATIVE EFFECTS OF TIMBER DEPLETION. From the facts presented in this necessarily incomplete re- port it is evident that the fundamental weakness in the supply and cost of wood products in the United States is the cumula- tive depletion of our forests. The extent and broad effects of the steady wiping out of the original forest resources of the country are readily grasped. ‘Three-fifths of our primeval for- ests are gone. The timber remaining is being consumed four times faster than it is being replaced. With the exhaustion of several of our principal forest regions as large producers of wood products, occurring successively in the Northeastern States, the Alleghenies, the Lake States, and the Atlantic sea- board, and the similar exhaustion of the Gulf State pineries now imminent, the cost of transporting forest products to the average consumer in steadily rising. Not only does the widen- ing distance between the average sawmill and the average lum- ber user, between the average tract of pulpwood and the aver- age newspaper, impose an increasing charge for freight; by eliminating former sources of supply and competition it ac- centuates the evils of abnormal price and transport conditions such as the country is now experiencing. In other words, the effects of forest depletion are felt not only, indeed not chiefly, in the diminution of the total quantity of timber remaining. Its injury is felt particularly through the process of regional exhaustion through a location of the timber still remaining so restricted as greatly to reduce its availability to the average user of wood. It involves all the elements of higher freight costs, more restricted competition, dependence upon the efficiency of transportation, dependence upon climatic or labor conditions in restricted regions, and innumerable difficulties in getting needed materials of the right kind and at the right time. If all the timber in the United States were cut and our needs supplied by imports from South America and Siberia, the situation would differ from that which we are now rapidly approaching only in degree. The effect of regional timber exhaustion may be compared with what would happen if the orchards and truck farms in the Kastern and Central States disappeared and the housewife had to obtain the daily necessities of her table from Florida and California. One of the first effects of the depletion of our virgin forests is the scarcity of timber products of high quality. This has already reached a serious stage in the United States, particu- larly in respect to the high-grade hardwoods which were among the most valuable and distinctive of our original forests. An increasing shortage of such products as compared with their normal consumption must be expected. Not only will their prices be high but it will be increasingly difficult to obtain many of then in the quantities required by American manufac- turers at any price. TIMBER DEPLETION AND LUMBER PRICES. Timber depletion, while not the primary cause, is an im- portant contributing cause of high prices. The large curtail- ment in lumber production in many regions, due to the cutting out of their forests, has not only made the consumer pay more for his lumber in the form of freight but has enhanced the effects of congestion in transportation and of climatic and other factors causing temporary curtailment of output in the regions which still support a large lumber industry. It has restricted 68 « opportunity for competition and thereby increased the oppor- tunity of the manufacturer or dealer to auction his lumber stocks for higher prices. This is at least one reason why con- sumers of lumber in Pittsburgh are in some instances paying 40 per cent more than consumers of the same material in Port- land, Oreg., over and above the freight charge between those points. If the war had been fought 40 years ago and had brought the same aftermath in all particulars, it can not be doubted that the presence of a large lumber-producing industry at that time in the Lake States, in the hardwood forests of the Central States, in New York and the northern Alleghenies, and on the Atlantic seaboard would by the very extent of regional compe- tition and the better distribution of transportation have afforded a curb on the upward movement of lumber prices which did not exist in 1919. The continued depletion of our forests will con- tribute to similar sharp increases in lumber prices in time of transportation or other crises and will also lead to high price levels under normal conditions. Whatever the precise effects of timber depletion upon recent prices, whatever the tendencies in the lumber industry, there can be no question that the real solution is to grow and protect forests. . IDLE FOREST LAND. The depletion of timber in the United States has not resulted primarily from the use of our forests but from their devasta- tion. The kernel of the problem lies in the enormous areas of forest land which are not producing the timber crops that they should. There are 326 million acres of cut-over timberlands in the United States. Their condition ranges from complete devas- tation, through various stages of partial restocking or restocking with trees of inferior quality, to relatively limited areas which are producing timber at or near their full capacity. On 81 million acres there is practically no forest growth. This is the result of forest fires and of methods of cutting which de- stroy or prevent new timber growth. There were 27,000 re- corded forests fires in 1919, burning a total of 83 million acres. During the preceding year, 25,000 fires burned over 103 million acres of forest land. An additional large acreage was burned each year, of which no record could be obtained. The area of idle or largely idle land is being increased by from 3 to 4 million acres annually as the cutting and burning of forests continue. The enormous area of forest land in the United States not required for any other economic use, esti- mated at 463 million acres, would provide an ample supply of wood if it was kept productive. Depletion has resulted, not from using our timber resources but from failure to use our timber-growing land. Nor does this situation exist simply in the less developed and thinly settled regions of the country. The State of Massachu- setts, as a typical example, contains denuded forest lands within a stone’s throw of her dense population and highly de- veloped industries, which have been estimated at 1,000,000 acres .and which are largely idle as far as growing wood of economic value is concerned. A NATIONAL FORESTRY POLICY. A remedy for this appalling waste must be found in a con- certed effort to stop the devastation of our remaining forests and to put our idle forest lands at work growing timber. It is inconceivable that the United States should forfeit the eco- TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, nomic advantage of its enormous timber-growing resources, and that it should go on using up its forests with no provision for growing more until wood products are priced on the basis of imported luxuries and their use is restricted to the lowest possible scale of civilized existence. The concerted action neces- sary to put an end to forest devastation must enlist the Na- tional Government, the respective States, and the landowner. It is impracticable to nationalize all of the forest land in the country, or even the major portion of it. On the other hand, the results needed can not he attained if timber production is left to the initiative of the private owner of land or is sought solely through compulsory regulation of private lands. Not only has the public very large interests at stake which justify an assumption of part of the burden; certain fundamental causes of forest devastation can be removed only by public action. Chief among these are the fire hazard of forest properties, par- ticularly of growing forests, and a property tax system which discourages or may prevent the landowner from engaging in the business of growing timber. On the other hand, the public can not and should not do it all. A measure of responsibility rests upon the land owner, and should be recognized in equitable requirements in handling his land. It is a case of the public and the private owner alike doing their part. Our policy must aim toward timber production on somewhat the same footing as in France or Scandinavia—as an established national practice. This calls for a core of public forests, public instruction and example, public encouragement in protection and taxation, and a respon- sibility recognized by forest owners to keep their lands pro- ductive. This report would not be complete without indicating the essential steps which should be taken to stop timber de- pletion. The plan here outlined is built up on the belief that the most rapid progress will be made by utilizing the recog- nized police powers of the several States to stop forest fires and bring about better handling of privately owned forest land. The equitable adjustment of timberland taxes in such ways as will promote timber production is a responsibility of the individual States. At the same time the national im- portance of stopping timber depletion calls for the taking of an active part by the Central Government, particularly in aiding the forest activities of the States, standardizing tech- nical practice in fire protection and forest renewal, and largely extending national acquisitions of forest land. THE FEDERAL LEGISLATION NEEDED. The Federal legislation needed may be summarized briefly as follows: COOPERATION WITH STATES IN FIRE PROTECTION AND FOREST RENEWAL. Legislation is needed, as an extension of section 2 of the act of March 1, 1911 (Weeks law), which will enable the Forest Service to assist the respective States in fire protection, methods of cutting forests, reforestation, and the classification of lands as between timber production and agriculture. It should carry an initial annual appropriation of not less than $1,000,000, ex- pendable in cooperation with the States, with a proviso that the amount expended in any State during any year shall not exceed the expenditures of the State for the same purposes. The Secretary of Agriculture should be authorized, in making such expenditures, to require reasonable standards in the dis- posal of slashings, the protection of timbered and cut-over lands from fire, and the enforcement of equitable requirements in cutting or extracting forest products which he deems necessary to prevent forest devastation in the region concerned, and to withhold cooperation, in whole or in part, from States which do not comply with these standards in their legislative or ad- ministrative measures. Federal activities under this law should not, be restricted to the watersheds of navigable streams but EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 69 should embrace any class of forest lands in the cooperating States. This law greatly extending the very limited Federal aid now given to the States in fire protection, will enable the Forest Service to organize and carry forward a nation-wide drive against the chief cause of devastation—forest fires—and to fol- low fire protection with such other measures as may be needed in particular forest regions to stop denudation. It will also aid States and private owners in restocking lands already denuded, where tree growth will not come back of itself. THE EXTENSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF FEDERAL FOREST HOLDINGS. Legislation is needed, in part as an extension of section 1 of the act of March 1, 1911 (Weeks law), which will permit the rapid enlargement of the National Forests and the consoli- dation of existing forest units for more effective administration. This legislation should: (1) Continue the purchase of forest or cut-over lands, as ini- tiated under the Weeks Act, with annual appropriations of at least $2,000,000. (2) Authorize the Secretary of Agriculture to exchange Na- tional Forest land, timber, or transferable timber certificates for private timbered or cut-over land within or adjoining existing National Forests. (3) Withhold from any form of alienation, except under the mineral laws, all lands now in Government ownership or control but not embraced in National Forests or National Parks, includ- ing canceled patents or grants, unreserved public lands, and Indian and military reservations, which are valuable chiefly for the production of timber or protection of watersheds, and all lands of similar character hereafter revested in or acquired by the United States, and authorize the President, upon recom- mendation of the National Forest Reservation Commission or otherwise, to incorporate such lands in National Forests. About a fifth of the forest land in the United States is now publicly owned. One of the most direct and effective means of arresting devastation and offsetting the dangers aris- ing from concentration of timber in private ownership is the extension of publicly owned forests. It is, under present con- ditions, the only effective means for overcoming the depletion of old-growth timber of high quality and for restocking many denuded areas which require planting. The public should own a half of the timber-growing land in the United States, well distributed through all the principal forest regions. Every encouragement should be given to the States and to municipalities to acquire forest land, but the Federal Government must take the lead. In all Federal acquisi- tions there must be an equitable compensation to communities for the tax returns of which they are deprived. Appropriations for the purchase of forest lands should be used, first, to complete the program laid out for the protec- tion of the watersheds of navigable streams under the Weeks Act, through acquiring about 1 million acres in New England and about 5 million acres in the southern Appalachians, and, second, to acquire cut-over land, not necessarily upon important watersheds but distributed through all the principal forest regions where areas suitable for Federal management can be obtained. Much desirable timber-growing land in the vicinity of existing National Forests .can be acquired by exchange from National Forest timber or timber certificates, and the adminis- tration of the National Forests will be improved and simplified through such consolidation. As part of this policy it is of the utmost importance that all timber-growing land and land valuable chiefly for watershed protection which the Govern- ment now owns or controls or in any manner may acquire shall be withheld from other disposition, with a view to its incorporation in National Forests. An effective administrative agency for carrying out this policy and for determining the ie 70 TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, best means of liquidating existing equities in such lands, as in the case of Indian reservations, now exists in the National Forest Reservation Commission, representing three executive departments and both Houses of Congress, which passes upon purchases under the Weeks law. THE REFORESTATION OF DENUDED FEDERAL LANDS. The current appropriations of the Forest Service should ‘pro- vide for the progressive reforestation of denuded lands in National Forests, to be completed in not more than 20 years, with a yearly sum beginning at $500,000 and increasing to $1,000,000 as soon as the work can be organized on that scale. The National Forests contain several million acres of forest land so severely burned that it can not be restocked without planting. To restore this land to timber production is an im- mediate Federal responsibility. Tree planting is most urgent on denuded watersheds from which water is obtained for power, irrigation, or municipal use. The work already done by the Forest Service has established methods, costs, and the limits of successful reforestation by artificial methods. This project can, therefore, be undertaken upon an assured basis of costs and results. A STUDY OF FOREST TAXATION AND INSURANCE. Legislation carrying a moderate appropriation is needed which will authorize the Secretary of Agriculture to study the effects of the existing tax methods and practices upon forest devastation, to devise model laws on forest taxation, and to cooperate with State agencies in promoting their adoption. The same law should authorize a study of forest tnsurance looking to the assembling of authentic data on risks, practicable forms of insurance, the distribution of losses, ete. The annual property tax is not adapted to lands employed in growing 50 or 75 year timber crops, and is an important cause of forest devastation. While land taxes rest with the States, the Federal Government can do much to further wise changes by an authoritative investigation and the formulation of equitable tax laws adapted to timber-growing land. While for- est insurance must be developed largely by private initiative, investigation will be of material help in promoting this impor- tant aid to timber growing by private land owners. THE SURVEY AND CLASSIFICATION OF FOREST RESOURCES. Legislation is needed, with an appropriation of $3,000,000, to be available for from two to four years, as the work may re- quire, which will permit the Secretary of Agriculture to survey the forest resources of the United States, determine the present volume, together with the present and possible production of each class of timber in every important forest region, and ascer- tain the requirements as to quantity and character of timber of each State and of every important wood-using industry. This survey should mark out, by broad lines, timber-growing land from land suited to farm crops to the end that the forest- growing resources of the United States may be fairly estimated and utilized in consideration of other land uses. Senate bill 8555, for the survey of pulpwoods, covers part of the compre- hensive investigation necessary. Exact information upon timber stands or growth and upon the areas of forest as distinct from agricultural land is not to be had. It is essential for developing a national forest policy de- signed to supply timber of the kinds and in the quantities and places needed by the country. CURRENT APPROPRIATIONS FOR FOREST RESEARCH. The current appropriations of the Forest Service should be sufficient to maintain experiment stations in all the principal forested regions of the United States. Further research is not necessary to determine the urgency of the action proposed. But a continuous study of the technical e EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. phases of reforestation in the principal timber regions, with their tremendous diversity of forests and methods of forestry practice, is essential to carry the national policy forward to the best results. Recent cuts in congressional appropriations will necessitate closing the four experiment stations hitherto established in the Western States. Not only should those sta- tions be restored, but provision should be made for additional experiment stations covering the other important forest regions of the country. The survey of forest resources should be undertaken at once; but the essential facts as to timber depletion and its causes are so clear that no time should be lost in enacting the legisla- tion recommended, particularly for cooperation with States and the extension of National Forests. The first point of general attack in arresting devastation is to stop forest fires. Hence a law permitting effective Federal and State action in this matter, as already outlined, is of the greatest urgency. THE STATE LEGISLATION NEEDED. The State legislation necessary to stop forest devastation will necessarily vary in different regions. Certain essential features of such laws, however, are common to all of the States contain- ing large forest areas. The more important of them may be stated briefly as follows: FIRE PREVENTION AND REFORESTATION OF PRIVATE LANDS. State laws should provide for the organized protection of all forest lands in the State during periods of fire hazard, the pro- tected areas to include all cutover and unimproved land, as well as bodies of timber. The protective system should include patrols during dry weather, lookout stations, fire breaks and roads where effective, and organized fire-fighting forces. Every forest owner, large or small, should bear his proportionate share of its cost, about half of which may be properly borne by the State itself with the aid of the Federal Government. Police regulations for the control of fire during dry periods, in con- nection with railroad or industrial operations near forest land, land clearing or slash disposal, hunting, etc., and for the con- trol of incendiarism, form an essential feature of the protective system. State laws should establish the responsibility of owners of forest land for complying with such equitable requirements as may be determined upon and promulgated by the proper State agency, dealing with precautions against forest fires, the dis- posal of slashings, methods of cutting timber or of extracting particular forest products, such as naval stores or pulpwood, and such other equitable requirements as the authorized State agency shall determine upon as necessary to prevent devasta- tion. All timbered and cutover land in State or private owner- ship which is not now required for other uses than timber growing should be classed as “forest land” and placed under the control of the State forest organization as far as it deems measures of control necessary to prevent devastation. The agency in each State charged with the administration of the laws dealing with forest fires and devastation preferably should be a nonpartisan commission exercising wide latitude under the general authority of the State in determining equi- table regulations applicable to various classes of forest lands. It should have authority, backed by penalties prescribed in the law, to enforce its regulations, subject to appeal by landowners to a judicial review. It should have authority to investigate any questions concerning the forests and forest industries of the State and to advise and assist forest owners in carrying out the most effective technical methods on their land. It should shave authority and funds for growing planting stock and distributing it to local owners in the State at cost. It should have charge of the acquisition and administration of State forests and of the classification of receded tax lands to TIMBER DEPLETION, PRICES, segregate areas which should be incorporated in State forests. It should unify in one body all forest activities of the State. The make-up of this commission should represent the general public, its forest owners, its wood-using industries, and other interests or organizations concerned with timber production. STATE AND MUNICIPAL FORESTS. Effective progress in restoring the enormous areas of de- nuded land to timber growth can be made only by largely in- creasing public forests. Supplementing the policy of forest acquisition by the Federal Government, every State, including States in the prairie regions, should acquire forest lands or lands adapted to tree growth, and provide systematically for the planting of such areas as will not otherwise restock with timber of valuable species. In the forest regions State acquisi- tion should be concentrated largely upon cut-over lands not needed for other purposes. As a part of this program, pro- vision should be made for the classification of lands owned by the State or acquired through nonpayment of taxes or other- wise, and for the segregation as permanent State forests of areas best suited for growing timber or protecting watersheds. State laws should encourage the acquisition of forest lands by municipalities, to the end that public-forest ownership may EXPORTS, AND OWNERSHIP. 71 be extended by any agencies capable of undertaking it. Public- forest ownership not only is the most effective direct attack upon timber depletion; it serves other vital public interests, particularly recreation, the protection of water sources, and the conservation of wild life. Furthermore, publicly owned and administered forests, widely distributed and setting standards of technical prac- tice, will be of the greatest educational value and stimulus to the general adoption by private owners of methods which will keep their lands productive. TAXATION OF FOREST LANDS. The adjustment of existing methods of taxation to the grow- ‘ing of timber crops is one of the most essential steps for ar- resting devastation. Every State containing forest areas should provide for an exhaustive study of the effects of existing methods and local practices of taxation upon forest devastation, to the end that needed revision of tax laws may be drafted and considered by its legislature. The nation-wide study of forest taxation proposed for the Federal Government would serve to assist and correlate the consideration of this problem in the respective States. ADDITIONAL COPIES OF THIS PUBLICATION MAY BE PROCURED FROM THE SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON, D. C. AT 25 CENTS PER COPY Vv