CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY IN MEMORY OF COLONEL EDWARD DAVIS CLass OF 1896 sao University Library E 715.K ‘il ict with Spain : “TMH NVOf NVQ dO LInvssy FHL ‘s The (CONFLICT with «~SPAIN__ CONQUEST ofthe PHILIPPINES A STANDARD HISTORY BASED UPON OFFICIAL REPORTS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF EYE-WITNESSES, ot ILLUSTRATED WITH ORIGINAL DRAWINGS FROM PHOTOGRAPHS AND SKETCHES MADE ON THE SCENE OF ACTION. PITI™ By Henry F. Keenan (Dunois) é Author of “ Trajan,” “The Aliens,” ‘The Iron Game,” Fre, Ete: ) Copyright 1898. By Henry F. Keenan, PREFACE. N the ensuing pages the reader will find the record of one of the most astonishing transformations in the history of peoples. The plain tale as set forth rivals the enchantments of feudal conquest, when the world made war a part of its daily life. For though in point of time, the con- flict with Spain embraced but the duration of three months, the prodigies performed by our fleets rival a century's activities in other times. Iu an hour almost, one of our fleets conquered an Oriental empire—dating back coevally with the settlement of our own states; at our very doors, in the sea which has witnessed colossal struggles of most of the powers of Christendom, our navy in three hours ended the domination of the once- world power. And if our armies did not equal in these achievements, the marvels of the fleets, they performed wherever called upon, all that a heroic soldiery was ever asked to do. The tale as it unrolls itself from the far-off shores of the Philippines and the coral reefs of the Caribbean, takes on the texture of the most absorbingly thrilling romance, for it in- volves the dauntless heroism of the knight pledged to deeds of emprise and armies consecrated to peril in every form known in war. It reveals a galaxy of heroes added to the long list whose names shine in the golden legend of our creation and maintenance as a state. From this tale, the citizen of the republic will rise with a new confidence in our system, a new hope in our destiny. For from the opening guns at Manila to the last volley at Santiago, there was not a man under the flag who did not, and does not deserve well, of his country. As much as possible I have striven to let the heroes who wrought so grandly tell the story of their achievements in their own words. From the captivating confidences of the Hero Hobson to the caustic comment of General Miles, the reader will find side by side with the author’s deductions and appreciations, the testimony of every actor in the grandiose drama which constitutes the miraculous conquest of three months. There is no equal period that has a tale of such results to tell; no epic or imagining of what fleets and armies have done that exceeds the in- trepidity of our fleets and soldiery. Nor can any other war, from the excursions of the crusaders, to the campaign in Cuba, equal the unvary- ing chivalry of the great men who wrought in the republic’s honor. For what was never before known in war, both the chiefs of the soldiery cap- cv) vi PREFACE. tured by our fleets and armies, returned to their homes, testifying in pub lie documents to the chivalrous magnanimity of their treatment, by the men who had conquered them. It is a stirring tale which tells itself and has little need of the artifices of rhetoric—for it recounts valor in every tonceivable stress, the qualities in short, which make up a race worthy of its destiny. It is peculiarly mete that freemen battling for the republic, should be the heroes of the scene, for while no commanding figures were discerned for public acclamation, the private soldier, the men behind the guns became the country’s admiration, the world’s wonder. Instead of one Napoleon, or a score of renowned marshals, every man that held a bayonet illustrated the valor of knighthood, the quality of the freemen in armor. An army raised in a day, achieved the work, hardly hoped for from the veterans of a score of campaigns. Wonder books and fiction cannot exceed in the marvelous, the plain unvarnished tale of a conflict, ended almost as soon as begun—so swiftly accomplished indeed, that the spectators do not yet realize its momentous significance, its unparalleled completeness. CONTENTS. — BOOK ONE. CHAPTER I. Pakt J.—RELATES how War Reveals Peoples to Themselves—The Early Viotorles of the Republic—Presents the Influence of the Civil War upon Youth—Gives Types of America‘.ism and our Race Name—Shows War as a Passion—Tells of the Veterans. the Civil War—Congress and the Press—The President’s Opposition to War- [he Destruction of the Maine—Describes the De Lome Incident—The Diplomatic Correspondence—De Lome’s Successor—The ‘‘Jingoes’’— “Yellow ’? Journalism—States that Dispassionate Deliberation was Impossible ~—That the Majority of the People were Opposed 10 War—Takes up Cuban Sentiment—Commercial Interests—Cuban Bonds—Filibustering.............+++ 17 Part II.—TReEats of the Purpose of the War—The British Press—British Estimate of the Yankees—Rumors of European Intervention—The Proffer of British Alli- ance—European Sympathy for Spain—European Distrust of the United States— Attitude of the British Liberals—Enmity of the ‘‘Saturday Review ’’—What British Alliance Really Meant—The Conversion of Depew—Arguments of the Tempters—Carlyle’s Estimate of his Countrymen—An Outspoken British Statesman and Editor,....cssecsssscsssecseseeee sieasecpan ees Seaeeeeneececeseenenses gees fesneen 38 CHAPTER II. Part I.—SHows how Spain received the Ultimatum of the United States—The Monarchy in no condition to Wage War—The Spectre of ‘* Carlism ’’—Deca- dence of the Monarchy—Spain's Great Captains—Her Audacious Enterprises— Her Activities Dependent on Foreigners—British Aliiance—Spain's Fleets— Tells how xXurope sees the United States through British Eyes—Pictnres Spain Seeking Help...........ccsscscccsessccoeserecsnecccectssseeeessssessaenseseensesersesees 49 Par? II.—ConTAINS AN ACCOUNT of Spain under Charles V—Her Wars—Subsidies from Britain—Early British Intrigue—Spain’s Naval System—Her Conscript System—Shows how she Treats her Sailors—Gives her Naval Nomenclature ...60 CHAPTER III, WHEREIN our Former Relations with Spain are Kecounted—Other Tayics Treated are: The Conquistadores—Comparison of Forces—Spain’a Naval Strength— Warships of the Republic—An Auxiliary Navy—The *larneé- of VII the Sea—Encounter of the “S§, Paul’? and the “ Terror”—Early Navies of the Republic—Naval Warfare in 1812—Britain Mistress of the Seas—Naval Duels—Comparison of Armaments—Juggling Tonnage Figures—The Man Behind the Gun—Naval Heroes of the Civil War—Life on a Modern Battle- ship—The Agonizing Expectancy—The Fierce Joy of Battle—Heroism of the CrewS.......06 She nkekue cocenne seueuascsegerenseanss0¢0sstsanesseens Oeeneeneticncnnsiseceendinn sieasnaies 96 CHAPTER IV. IN WHICH the Influence of the “‘ Yellow’? Press is Depicted—Also Relates the President’s call for Troops and the Marvelous Response—Likewise the Capture of Prizes—The Making of Soldiers from Recruits—The Lessons of the Civil War—treats of Politics in War—How the Wes Point Graduates were Ignored—The Man With a ‘‘ Pull ’’—Moving the Legions—The Devotion and Constancy of the Soldiers—‘‘ The Rough Riders’’—Presents Roosevelt, an In- teresting Figure.........+++ eevee sensvenesees rs 85 BOOK TWO. CHAPTER I. Part I.—Inrropuces Commodore George Dewey and the Asiatic Squadron—Dewey Fitting Out His Ships —Dewey Waiting for Orders—Gives the Fateful Message— Dewey’s Comment and Vessels Comprising his Fleet—Describes the City of Manila—Cavite Arsenal—Corregidor—Dewey’s Captains—The Spanish Strength—States what Battle Reveals—Dewey’s Precautions—Shows Admiral Montojo opening the Combat—The ‘‘ Olympia’ Replying—Dewey’s Tactics— The Coolness of the Commanders—The Duel Between the Flagships—What an _“Eight-Incher’? Did and the Spanish Admiral’s Story of the Battle—Tells How Gridley’s Guns were Worked—How the Spanish Admiral Transferred His Flag—How the ‘‘ Baltimore’? Led the Second Attack—Describes the “ Austria’? Wrecked—The Defiance of the ‘‘ Ulloa ’’—The Joy of the Crews— What the Men in the Turrets do—The Audacious ‘‘ Petrel’’—The Victors on Errands Of Mercy......cccsssssesccceseseececenusseeseeensssssceeserseseseseaeseeseensesgoneoss 99 Part II.—DeEraIts the Plight of the Queen Regent—Spanish Self-Restraint—Shows Spain Ready for Peace—Carlist Plotters—Life in Gay Madrid—Tells of the Sickness of the King—Describes a Legacy of Hatred—The Spanish Court—The Spanish Cortes—Shows Spain as only a Shadow of Former Greatness—Tells of Canovas del Castillo—The Short-lived Democracy and Shows the Obverse of the: Picttirdnanisrensenninanansanainwmnennsanmaammarmemennennaamnares 133 Part IJI—Contains a Description of the Philippines—Their Area—Population—Dis- covery and Conquest—Diverse Tribes—Amazing Fertility of the Soil—The Negritos—The Malays—The Peculiar Treatment of Criminals—Relates how Schooled by Priests they Become Assassins—A Scientist's Story—Introduces the Jesuits—Mohammedans—Pirates—Colonizing—The Malay Proa—Sulu Homes—Dress—Amusements and Passions—Food Products—The ‘‘ Queen of Fruits.” soveecesees . 147 CONTENTS, le CHAPTER IL. ReFregs To Our Vulnerable Sea-Coa*t—The Ability of Our Fleets—A Source of Anxiety—The Battleship Oregon—Fears for the Noble Ship—Creating an Aux- iliary Navy—The Puzzle of the “Cape Verde Fleet—Solves the Mystery— Shows the Spanish Admiral Bottled Up—Introduces a Strangely Daring Youth —Richmond P. Hobson—Describes his Audacious Plan—Details of the Scheme —The Coliier Merrimac—The Enterprise—An Ensign’s Heroism—The Call for Volunteers—The Devoted Seven—Watching the Expedition—The Yainful Suspense—The Flag of Truce—The Heroes Safe—As Prisoners of War—As Exchanged—Hero Worship—Hobson’s Modest Behaviour—Relates his Praise for the Jackies, and his Story of the Merrimac’s Suicide..........000-sseeeeee161 CHAPTER III. Part I AFTER ALLUDING To the Santiago ‘‘ Nightmare,’’ Describes the Destruction of Cervera’s Fleet—The Warning Cry—The Admiral’s Ship—The ‘‘ Iowa’? fight- ing the ‘‘ Teresa’’—Now the ‘‘ Oquendo’’—The Apparition of the ‘‘ Colon” —Titanic Fury of the Combat—The Hadean Atmosphere—The Dreaded De stroyers—How the ‘‘Glouc. ster’? Marked its Prey—The Stately ‘‘ Vizeaya ?— A Duel to the Death—Spain’s Proud Cruisers on the Rocks—The Inhumanity ot the Cubans—The Soul-Stirring Devotion of the Yankee Crews—The Prof- fer of Captain Eulate’s Sword—Gives the Noble Sailor’s Reply—Recounts the Difficulties of a Historian—The Story of a Wide-Awake Young Lad—Other Details of the Fight .........ceccsscsseecsscrescnsereccneeeseceecseecarevecaccasseesesuenseees 191 Part II UNFoLDs THE ROMANCE that Envelops Santiago—Exploits the ‘‘ Texas ’— Gives Captain I'hilip’s Epilogue—Also Admiral Schley’s Digest of the Battle —Also the Epic of the ‘‘Oregon’’—Contains Ensign Powell's Story—Relates the Intrepidity of the ‘‘ Gloucester ’—Other Incidents of the Thrilling Drama —And what Captain Evans Regarded as his First Duty—Besides Telling how Turret Guns are Worked.....-.cc.cseseeresees ehasdedeven vate wietbewedavsvdsrstwsesesvavease 209 CHAPTER IV. Part I DescrisEs the Difficulty of Accounting Rationally for the Effect and Causes of Certain Battles—Trials of the Santiago Expedition—The Strength of the City— The First Landing—Camp McCalla—The Marine Corps—The First Sunguiaa y Encounter—What a Correspondent Saw—And Heard—The Irksomeness of Blockading—What the ‘‘Winslow’? Did—A Withering Blast of Shells— Ensign Bagley’s Death—Baiquiri—Debarking an Army—A Foodless Army-— How the Rough Riders Set Out—An Ambush in the Chapparal—The Eq::a- nimity of the Troops—Coolness of the Leaders—The Cry of Mutilation—Te “Devil’s Claw ’’—Poisonous Cacti—Uncanny Things—The Cuban Contingent The Ingenious Yankee Soldier.........sssescecceessssereesacceesnsnseceesesenessaeees 243 Part II Arrorps A VIEW of Florida’s Sand Wastes and Tawny Coasts—The Troops Eager for War—Life on a Transport—Leaving the Squalors of Tampa—An Im- posing Armada—Fair Cuba at Last—Describes the Delight of the Seaworn Soldiers—An Untried Undertaking—Skirmishes—The Natural Defenses of Santiago—The Invading Column—Blockhouses and Wire Barricades—Squad Fights—The Work of the Regulars—Quotes Active Observers of the Operations Mentions the Diversity of Comment—Teils of General Linares in a Trap— x CONTENTS. The Fifth Day—The Cry of Hunger—Our Thin Line—A Whimsical Purpose— General Shafter’s Objective—St. James of Cuba—Environed in Beauty. 269. PaBr (1I.—Deralts the Advance of General Young’s Troops from Baiquiri—Their Progress—The Implacable Resistance of Earth and Wood—The Exuberance of the ‘‘ Rough Riders »—The Story of Sevilla—Compares the Arms of the Oppos- ing Forces—States the Objective Point of the Army—Carries the Reader to El Caney—Relates the Onset of the ‘‘ Regulars’”—Tells the Story of Capron's Merciless Guns--Of MHaskell’s Dash Into the Pitiless Hail—Describes Phenomena of the Battlefield—The Anxiety to be on the Line of Fire.,......291 Fy er Iv Intusrratrs Engineering Difficulties Before Santiago—Shows a Panorama of the City Itseif—Describes El Morro—Other Defences of Santiago—Some Railroads—Spanish Neglect of Sanitation—Introduces Absorbing Episodes— Personal Kecollections of the Thirty-six Hours Fighting—The Singing of Bullets—The Wire Barricades—The Planting of the Colors—The Silencing of Batteries—The Fury of the Fighting—Excerpts from Reports of Commanders —Comment—Describes the ‘‘ Regulars’’—Tells the Deserter’s Story—Defines Bravery—Likewise Cowardice ......-..++-s++seesee shia see nr eaoKeeee een 302 Pas V.—ToucHEs upon the Humorous Side of Grave Ordeals—Relates the Story of El Pozo—Fittingly Eulogizes a Brilliant Staff Officer—Tells how a Block- -house was Taken—Paints the ‘‘Tramp’’ Aspect of the Troops—Describes a Cactus Jungle—Touches Up the Cubanos—Enlarges Upon the Loathly Land Crab—Gives British Impressions at El Caney.......sessesescsesersssoncereserseree se BB0 CHAPTER V. PaxzrI.—Expuioits the ‘‘ Red Cross’? Society—Its Work—Miss Clara Barton—Gives the Origin of the Society—Its Founder—Its Emblem—The ‘‘Seneca’’ and “Concha’? Horrors—Presents Criticisms on the Medical Bureau—The Evasive Letter of the Secretary of War—A Scathing Reply—The Soldier’s Story— Tells of Peculations, Large and Small—Of Selling Supplies—Of the Camp at Part II.—InTRopucES the Red Cross Steamer ‘‘State of Texas’’ and its Samaritan Crew and describes the Advancement of Medical Science—What the Soldier was Told—Field Hospitals—Stretcher Squads—First Dressings—New Methods...573 CHAPTER VI. Part I.—Sets Fort the Royalist Tendencies of Cuba’s Capital City—Slavery in Cuba, How Born In War it Lived in Conquest—The Impress of One Man Upon Havana—Tacon—Havanese Architecture—The Student Confused—Population of Cuba—Distinctions of Birth—Cuba Librists—Cuba, the Fairest of Tropic Climes—Early Government—Climate Influence Races—Defines the Cubano— The Autonomist Group—Shafter’s Cuban Allies—The Dream of the Hierarchy —Shows Havana Under the Blockade..............006 castes wneaedey aweswaea reer 379 Part II.—ConTains DIsqQulsiITIons on the Political Repose of Cuba—An Anarchic Interlude—Cespedes—The Virginius Affair—Cuba for Sale—The Rebellion of 1895—Cause of the Revolt—Agricultural Decay—Spain’s Unwisdom— Campos—Weyler’s Regime—Gomez’s Methods—The Inutile ‘‘ Trochas’’—The “ Reconcentrado’’ System—What a ‘‘ Yellow’? Journal Did—Presents the “Maine” Calamity as Fortuitous—The Cuban Vendetta-~Maceo—His Instinct for Leadership—His Fate—The Cuban as an Ally,,........scerssseessscaseeee- 0000303 CONTENTS. a BOOK THREE. CHAPTER I. Pagr I.—Dzpicts DEwey, the Man for the Hour—Gives his Novitiate under Farragut —Career During the Civil War—Subsequent Career—Promotions—Reluctant Acceptance of the Asiatic Billet-—Personality—Forecastle Criticism—The Jack Tar’s Story—Presents Dewey’s Incomparable Equipoise as both Warrior and Statesman—Relates the Story of the White Flag at Cavite—Augusti’s Ridiculous Proclamation—Rivera’s Treaty with Aguinaldo—Sets Forth the Bumptious Meddlings of the German Admiral—And How Dewey Resented his Insolence —Also the Disingenuousness of the British Admiral.......--.ccccsssssccsrtsseeees 411 PaxEr II. —Suows the Subtle Ease with which the War for “ Humanity’? Became a War for Conquest—Details the Vociferous Demands for ‘‘ Expansion ?—And Gives an Insight into the Character of Aguinaldo, the Bragadocio Insurgent Leader—It Portrays the Ineradicable Savagery of the Man—His Ambitious Pretensions—His Grotesque Pranks—And Presents a Faithful Picture of his Tatterdemalion Followers~It Recounts the Gathering and Despatching of Troops to Reinforce the Fleet at Manila—The Jocose Pillaging of the Treasury in Fitting Out the Expedition—The Rain-Driven Ingenuity of the Soldiers in Front of Manila—The Attack on and Surrender of Manila ....-....sesesesesseeee 435 Part III,—Cowrarns an Account of the Capture of the Ladrones, Beside which Fiction is Pale and Nerveless—The Author also Philosophizes on this Incident in the Manila Escapade—Describes the Discovery of the Group-—States Why the Epithet ‘‘ Thieves’? was Applied to the Islands—And Supplies other Informa- tion of Value Regarding them and the Islanders.......sesscsessseesesoeseesee ooeeee460 CHAPTER II. ILLUSTRATES the Island of Porto Rico as a Land of Philosophic Repose— States How an Almost Orphic Voice Demanded its Conquest—Compares the Island to Naboth’s Vineyard—Proclaimes the ‘‘ Jingoes’’’? Greed—Recites the Adventures of a Young Officer whose Devoir was to Spy out the Land—The Refrains of the Press—The Bouffe Conquest—The Comments of a Porto Rican......... os seneseeeresvecnsesecenesseceeccesonsesesecseeeeeseerseeses sidseeocecevsssnesnsaneees 469 CHAPTER III. EXPLarns the Responsibilities of the Administration after Santiago—Gives the President’s Tranquilizing Proclamation—Mentions the Fantastic Cam- paign of Threats—Shows how Spain Swallowed her Pride—Invoked the Aid of France—Obtained the President’s Ear—Signed the Memorable Protocol—The Chapter Contains also the Full Text of the Fateful Paper, and Disquisitions on Various Allied Matters.,.......sse0 see veeeees soentsesieeentye eoeaeeee con sceresooneesressouses 479 CHAPTER IV. EvLoGizEs the Admirable Group whose Prescience Perplexed and Discom- fited the Enemy—Unfolde the Scope of the ‘‘ War Board '’—The Comprehen- sive Range of its Functions—Quotes a High Authority on Awards and Promo- tions—Defines ‘‘ Prize Money ”’ end ‘‘ Bounty Money ”—States the Methods xu CONTENTS. of their Distribution—Approximate Amounts Due Va..0us Commanders and Ships we 487 CHAPTER V. Part I—Maxus the Volume Encyclopedic, Containing as it does the Official Reports of American and Spanish Naval Commanders—It Embraces Admiral Dewey’s Story of Manila—Admiral Montojo’s Report to the Spanish Minister of Marine —The Report of the Diario de Manila—Admiral Sampson’s Report—Com- modore Schley’s Report—Captain Evan’s Report—Captain Cook’s Repor.— Captain Philip’s Report—Captain Clark’s Report—Captain Taylor’s Report— Captain Chad wick’s Report—Lieut.-Commander Wainwright’s Report—Lieut.- Commander Sharp’s Report—Captain Cotton’s Report—Lieut. Usher’s Report —Admiral C.rvera’s Statement—Also Reports and Minutes of Conversations between the Commanding Officers of the Naval and Lan. - Forces before Part II.—Conrinvzs the Official History of the War by Giving the Reports made to the War Department by various Military Commanders— t Contains General Shafter’s Report—General Wheeler’s Report—General Kent’s Report—In- spector-General Breckenridge’s Report—It also Contains General Lii.-. es’ Re- port to the Spanish Minister of War—Various Statements and Documents Per- taining to the Santiago Campaign from General Miles, Secretary Alger, Gen- eral Shafter, and General Toral—Address of the Spaniards to the American Army—General Merritt's Report—General Anderson’s Report.........- veneee DAT Part III.—SuPPLEMENTS the Official Reports by Controversial Documents, such as a Letter from Secretary Long to Admiral Sicard—A General Officer’s State- ment—Secretary Alger’s Letter to Hon. Chauncey M. Depew—General Wheeler’s Statement—General Sternberg’s Statements .......sscsssenseecseere oe DBD Part IV.—THE Peace Commission—American Members—Appointees of the Queen Regent—Commission Meets at Paris—Conflicting Interpretations of the Pro- tocol—We Demand the Philippines—Negotiations Halted—Sagasta Fails in his Final Effort to Secure European Intervention—Negotiations Resumed— Treaty Signed—Treaty Ratified—Full Text of the Treaty—Territorial Expan- sion—Arguments by Senator Caffrey— Senator Platt—Senator Hoar—Senator Spooner—Senator Foraker—Senator Teller—Senator Berry —Whitelaw Reid— Senator Beveridge—Governor Roosevelt—Senator Depew—McHenry Resolu- tion—Bacon Amendment—Senator Davis—Charles Kendall Adams—William J. Bryan—President McKinley. .......:sssesssccecssesseeseeccesssccscsessssssscesssses OOD List of Illustrations. PAGE. Aguinaldo, The Insurgent Leader....... 446 Alger, Secretary, in his Office.... Almirante Oquendo, Bow of............++ Almirante Oquendo, Wreck of.........++ American School, Flag-day at an. ...... 23 Army Wagon—Tail-piece .........-.-..046 46 Atachio, General..........c0cssescsesesseesees 445 Augusti, Captain-General.........ssceeeee 419 Aunon, Minister of Marine..............+5 435 Bagley, Ensign Worth. ......s.ssseseesees 169 Baiquiri, The Landing at...............---- 259 Barion, Miss Clara...........:.:sssccsseeseee 364 Bates, Major-General John C..... ....+++ 236 Battleship Oregon...........--.sscessceeeeeees 162 Blanco, Captain-General Ramon......... 388 Blockading Fleet leaving Key West..... 68 Blockading Fleet off Havana.............. 7 Blockhouse, Lime-kiln converted into.. 279 Blue, Lieutenant Victor.. ..........0.eeeee 169 Blue Monday—Tail-piece.......0..ssseeeee 459 Breckenridge, Major-General Joseph C. 381 Bringing up Ammunition—Tail-piece.. 581 Brooke, Major-General John R.......... 482 Bugle Call—Tailpiece.........-+-+.+-+-s0e0 12 Butler, Major-General Matt. C..........+ 482 Buttons will Come Off........seseesssseeees 501 Cabinet, Sagasta announcing a new..... 49 Cadiz, Coast Defense Gun &t.........006 59 Cambon, M. Jules.........ssscsesreoeseceeeee 484 Camp Alger, Company Drill at.......... 87 Camp, A Convalescent........21-+e--se0 owe 872 Campos, General Martinez, .....-.sseseee 400 Castellar, Senor.........ccseseeee 145 Cavite Arsenal, Capture of....... -- 103 Cavite, Spanish Earthworks at.. -- 426 Cavite, A Street in..........sssseceseeerseees 151 Cervera, Admiral Pasoual y Topete.... 220 Oervera’s Fleet leaving Curacoa,......... 16() PAGR, Cervera’s Fleet, Destruction of.....0...04. 195 Chadwick, Captain F. E..........00 aectes 229 Chaffee, Major-General A. R......+0.00-+ Clark, Captain Charles E.......... basasusse 214 Color Guard, The...........ssssccerescesseeee 467 Commissary Tent, Regimental............ 288 Concas, Captain D. Victor M..... -» 218 Cook, Captain F. A.....-..+0-seseeseee vee 229 Corbin, Brig.-General Henry C..... eee B81 Corduroy Road, Building a..... ve 225 Cristobal Colon, Wreck of...-....s.sse00+6 197 Cuba, Off for........s.cceceveesssccceeneroseeees 16 Cuban Patriot, A.......0. ssccsesereee engeeews 399 Cutting Cables near Cienfuegos......... De Lome, Dupnuy........:.scseccosseseeerers Dewey, Rear-Admiral George............ Don CarloS.....scesecssesscececoversee Svddesees’ DE Duffield, Brig.-General H. M.... «+» 498 Dynamite Gun, Inspecting a...........++. 96 El Caney, Bringing up Artillery at..... 298 El Caney, The Capture of. 300 Embarking Troops at Tampa. ..... ws 84 Eulate, Captain D. Antonio.:...........4. 217 Evans, Captain Robley Dy....++++:-s00+s+e 214 Expedition, Loading Supplies for........ 273 Field Gun Loaded on Mule..........-00 267 Flag of Truce, The First from Santiago 346 Flagler, Brig.-General Daniel W......... 381 Garcia, General Calixt0.......csssecsesesves 406 Gomez, General Maximo..... > 401 Grant, Brig.-General F. D...---ss0:seee 458 Greeley, Brig.-General A. Vissecssscreeee 415 Greene, Major-General F, V.....essceeee. 408 Gridley, Captain Charles V.......... «- =98 Guantanamo, With the Marines at...... 247 Gun on the Texas, Loading a............. 83 Gun Squad at Practice............. eyessase 392 Guns, Working the Olympia’s8-inch... 118 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, PAGE. Hawkins, Major-General H. &............ 253 Higginson, Captain F. J... Hobson and his Crew........... Hobson, Lieut. Richmond P............... 169 Hobson’s Reception after his Exchange 178 Hospital Ship, On a ..........eseseeeceeneres 378 Infantry, 25th U. 8., Packing up........ 270 Keifer, Majoi-General J. Warren........ 482 Kent, Major-General H. T...........:00006 498 King, Brig.-General Charles... .........+ 458 King of Spain, The, and Queen Regent 48 Ladrones, A Native of the......sesseseeeee 464 Ladrones, Native Hut in the............. 466 Lamberton, Commander B. F.........06 422 La Quasina, Rough Riders at the Bat- BIGLOE sisseccies cei cotter, in anatongoednca reins Lawton, Major-General H. W.. Lazaga, Captain D. Juan B............06 Lee, Major-General Ftzhugh............. Letter from Home, The............. ee Lieber, Brig.-General Guido N... Linares, General... ....--.....s00 Long, Secretary, in his Office... Ludlow, Maj.-General Wm..... ; Maceo, General Antonio..........:seeseeeee Manila, Battle of—The American Fleet 129 Manila, Battle of—The Spanish Fleet.. 128 Manila Bay....cccccccccsssersesssceeneceneneee 420 Manila, General View of........--.s+ +0008 102 Manila, Hermitage St. Nicholas......... 153 Manila, Insurgents Decoying Spaniards 429 Manila, Native Village near Manila, Port Of......sccsesssescesereesereeeees Manila, Spanish Artillery Head- QUALECTS. «....cceeseeceeecereeenceerrnetooeee 104 Manila, Spanish Vessels Blockaded at 112 Maine, Survivors of the......-.--eesessseeee 30 Maria Teresa, Wreck Of..........ssecccesees 198 Matanzas, The Puritan at... oe Matanzas, View Of.......sscccccrcersvenseeee McCalla, Commander B. H..........++00 98 McKinley, President, and Cabinet...... 27 McKinley, William,......cssccscsssssoesees Merriam, Major-General H., C..... Merritt, Major-General Wesley Military Barracks, Annapolis ..... vesseee 234 Military Mast, In the Olympia’s....... Miles, Major-General Nelson A.....00... 475 Mining Village near Santiago..........«. 322 PAGE. Monday Troubles—Tail-piece........0008 15 Mo ro Castle, Havana......ccccssesoseeeeeee 383 Montojo, Admiral Patricio y Parason... 116 Montojo, Admiral, leaving his Flag- Moreu, Captain D. Emilio D........ New York, Volunteering in............0+. Off Duty....seeeeeeecee reece ceneeseeeenseeeaenes Off for Manila —Tail-piece... Packing Mules for the tai. Philip, Captain, Giving Thanks......... 233 Philip, Commodore John W .........-s0+ 214 Pillsbury, Lieut.-Commander John E. 98 Porto Rico, A Native Of... .....sssecseceres 477 Powell, Ensign Joseph W.......++:sseseeee 169 Prizes, Spanish, in Key West Harbor.. 89 Railroad Bridge at Aguadores............ 311 Rapid-fire Gun on Shipboard........ Seva 82 Rapid-fire Gun, Working a Five-inch... 109 Rapid-fire Gun, Working aSix-pounder 202 Red Cross in the Field, The............... 366 Regimental Post-Office—Tail-piece...... 546 Roosevelt, Colonel Theodore.............. 253 San Juan Hill, Assault of......Fvontispiece San Juan, Charge of the Regulars....... 327 San Juan, Porto Rico, View of........... 468 Sampson, Rear-Admiral William T..... 188 Santiago, Bombardment Of............+0008 249 Santiago, Boat Club House........s00e 322 _ Santiago, A Corner in Morro Castle— Tail-piece,......cserecccssecccansscsreesseseas Santiago, Fleet Positions at . Santiago, Loading a Transport for. Saaaiss 244 Santiago, Lying in Wait before.. ........ 166 Santiago, Map of....... see 807 Santiago, Morro Castle........... --- 179 Santiago, Officers Killed at ............06 318 Santiago, Palace of the Governor-Gen- OLA sy. 5+ sic si aceussuussesveccaianespeswecaceresrs 357 Santiago, View Of... sccccssss.ccssescceeeeees 242 Santiago, Yellow Fever Hospital Near.. 311 Schofield, Lieut.-General John M....... 397 Schley, Rear-Admiral Winfield Scott... 188 Sevilla, Block-house at......-.....ss0sseere 293 Shafter, Major-General William R...... 271 Shafter, Sampson and Garcia, Confer- ONCE LOLWEOND........eeceseeeeersesensceere 277 Shells used in the United States Navy 211 Sicard, Rear-Admiral Montgomery...... 397 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Pack. Signaling the Fleet.......ccccseccssseererees 216 Sigsbee, Captain Charles D.............++ 397 Spanish Officers, Captured, on the Nashville. sesevsiciveccesanei weactasveasts 91 Spanish Reserve Fleet, The........... ... 57 Soldiers, Spanish, in Ambush............. 251 Stanton, Brig.-General Thaddeus H.... 415 Sternberg, Brig.-General George M..... 381 Strategy Board, The.........scceccesseeeeeee Stuff our Navy is Made of, The......... Sunday in Camp—Tail-piece............+. Tampa, Infantry Receiving Visitors at.. 263 Tampa, Preparing to Leave Taylor, Captain Henry C........... Terror, St. Paul Disabling the Toral, General Jose y Velasquez Toral, General, Surrender oOf...........++« Torpedo Boat in a Gale Torpedo, Launching a. Torpedo, Loading &......ccesecscsesecesees 256 Uniforms, Light and Heavy... 92 Vesuvius, The, Throwing Projectiles... 208 Virginius, Execution of the Crew........ 396 Vizcaya, Wreck 0f......-..:2secssssecesseeeee Wade, Major-General J. F Wainwright, Commander Richard...... 229 Walker, Commander AS@......scscserseeee Watson, Commodore John C...........+6 Weyler, General Valeriano........++...+. Wheeler, Major-General Joseph.......-.- Whitney, Lieut. Henry W....-+.eeee Wilson, Brig -General John M .......... Wilson, Major-General James H... Wood, Brig.-General Leonard...... ne Woodford, General Stewart L............ Working the Big Turret Guns..........+. Worth, Brig.-General W. S ae Young, Major-General S. B. M.........+ CON QUEST OF THE PHILIPPINES. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Admiral George Dewey.......... .-» 626 Major-General ElwelLS. Otis.... «+» 632 Emilio Aguinaldo,.......s.:seeseeeeceeeseeees 632 American Soldiers Fighting in the Open 641 Aguinaldo Reviewing Filipino Troops 647 A Native Restaurant Main Street, Manila............ Effect of an American Shell.... A Cavite Maiden.............escsee do veneewes 656 JdigsMGebaaueamtecey sande 665 =—~ THE CONFLICT WITH SPAIN. BOOK ONE. I. T is nuted in the history of all peoples, that war serves as a flash light to reveal them to themselves and incidentally to their neighbors. Until the civil war, we were in the dark as to our capabilities for organ- izing armies, fleets, and the conduct of campaigns. Indeed our jocose habit of bragging, had long impressed the world with the conviction that we were an incurably ungovernable race, unamenable to the severe discipline rigorously essential in war. Our earlier conflicts had shown that we had constancy, endurance, and when adequately commanded, most of the qualities that go to make trustworthy soldiers. Even in our infancy we had routed the veterans of European fields; had captured army corps under the most illustrious British captains, had, after years of cruei vicissitudes, finally worn out the British resources. But signal as our victory, in conquering inde- pendence, it wds held alike by the worsted enemy and the European critics, that Britain’s needs in Europe, more than. the valor of the pa- triots, was accountable for the successful issue of the War of Inde- pendence. In the struggle of 1812, Britain was still further hampered by the prodigious efforts of Napoleon, who though rapidly sinking under coa- lized Europe, made it necessary for the British to keep fleets and armies in Europe, which, free to cross the water, would have made the war life or death to us. But wherever a Yankee fleet, or man-of-war, en. gaged an enemy, there remained no doubt of the status of our seaman. Under the southern cross, in the purple reaches of the Mediterranean, in the fogs of the German sea, or off the bleak coasts of New Eng- land, our mariners left a glowing track of victory, or of valor, that compelled the admiration of the world. Vessel .for vessel, our fleets were never successfully resisted, with equal numbers, yard arm to yard arm, no enemy ever escaped capture or sinking. While Europe suffered the ignominious pillage of its merchant fleets ay ‘ 8 TALES OF WAR. by the fierce buccaneers of the Barbary coasts, our sailors boldly em tered the pirate harbors, burned the corsair treasure places, cut out vessels and extorted treaties of peace, on the decks of our victorious war craft. The civil war, however, proved that in action, the people of this re- public arose far above the energies, resources and audacities of Rome, when she made war a religion, or France, when her legislature decreed victories and won them. Since, as Gibbon acridly annotates, mankind gives more glory to its destroyers than to its benefactors, the tale of war is always the most absorbing, save possibly to the philosopher or the poet. The self revelation of war, is comparable, to that premoni- tory moment, in which it is said, that on the point of death, a man sees his whole career in an instantaneous glimpse. Until the civil war the lad at school or college, was taught eloquence in patriotism from the texts of foreign speakers; all his ideas of valor were drawn from the spectacular glories of Napoleon, or the classics. The speeches of Burke, Mirabeau, O’Connell ; the polished and rythmic prose of Motley or Ban- croft, were the main resources for schools and academies. But the civil war gave a new cast to even collegiate thinking and admiration. The masterly simplicity of Lincoln, his addresses to all manner and conditions of men, became models for the young. The thrill- ing episodes of the armies that marched and fought from July, 1861, un- til April, 1865, replaced the conquests of Italy, Egypt—Europe. The boy began by learning that this republic had been born in war; had worsted its hereditary enemy, the British, twice; had conquered Mex- ico; had fought from ’61 to ’65 a war, compared to which all other wars, up to that time were mere emutes, had intimidated banded Europe, from the plot to divide us and forced the British to observe the word, if not the act of neutrality ; that we had curtly commanded the strongest military power of that day to withdraw from an usurped sovereignty in Mexico; that in four years, an unmilitary, if not an unwarlike people, had perfected a warlike machine which could have resisted combined Europe. It was the inculcation of these things in the minds of the present generation that impelled Congress to disregard the prescribed course of negotiation and imperiously command war! A complex and confusing vocabulary of new terms arose in the newspapers. The vain-glorious who spoke lightly of wars as the end and aim of national greatness, were spoken of as “types of Americanism.” Careless and ignorant news- papers differentiated public men by this grotesque misnomer, but it be- A RACE NAME, 19 came firmly established as a synonym for “citizen” of the republic, more fervent in his patriotism, than his neighbor! To be stigmatized as “un-American” became the haunting terror of public life; to be termed a “genuine American ” was as mysteriously po- tent as the insignia of the cross in the age of the crusades. Yet the Canadian, the Mexican, the Brazilian, the Cuban, the Haytian, the Ar- gentinos and Peruvians, are genuine Americans! Unlike the Dutch, when the United States of Holland played its great part in the world, we have no race name to designate our disparate social compact. ‘ Yan- kee ” is the nearest we have to a national designation covering all; yet until the war of the rebellion, to call a southerner a Yankee, would have been as deep an offence, as to confuse a high caste Hindoo with a Pariah! _Now General Lee, kin of the greatest of the Confederate com- manders, glories in the name! Perhaps no secondary incident in the rec- onciliation of the North and South, is more significant of the effect of the war than the complacent acceptance of a term once used in reviling, as a glory and grace! Phenomena like these must be noted to enable us to comprehend the spirit in which our men took up the cross of war and won the crown of conquest. For it is a fact of curious import that no great war ever broke out from causes that involved the real interests of a people, in modern times at least, save our own struggle for independence and the French revolu tion. Even our own revolutionary war did not originate in what would be counted a great cause. The beginning was on a question of taxa- tion—it was only after the passions of the two peoples had become embittered that the struggle involved the vital issue of independence. But the reader will search history in vain for a war that was worth the fighting, all things considered; that is a war deliberately declared and systematically prepared. Wars have been justly fought, when a people had been attacked wantonly, for revenge or conquest or dynastic ambi- tions. For nothing is ever permanently settled by war that could not have been secured by peaceful means! By this is meant, aggressive war. When a nation is attacked, of course resistance is the first requisite of patriotism. But peoples like individuals, are rarely attacked, if they mind their own business, save when their territories excite the covetousness of neighbors, or prosperity stands in the way of the imperialistic tendencies of rivals. From 1789 until 1815, the conquering flight of France, indoctrinating the world with the gospel of democracy, was regarded as ample cause for the British to wage war. And until this day, so deceptive is the animus of history, the world accepts _ a WAR A PASSION. the twenty years carnage, inspired by British greed, as a struggle between freedom and tyranny. It was a struggle between these conditions, but the tyranny was embodied, by the British and their allies, and freedom by the spirit of the French Revolution. War, however, is a passion like another. All our subsidiary activities, since the close of the rebellion, have tended to indoctrinate us insidiously with the passion for warlike things. During the term that has elapsed since Lee delivered his sword to Grant, the presidency has been occu- pied successively by men who achieved renown in the army! There has been but one civilian chief magistrate of the republic since John- son. That is inaugurated—for no one now contests the validity of Tilden’s election in 1876. In the Senate and House, the leaders of both armies have constantly held place. In the executive offices of the states and all places of high trust, the military have held the preference! Even in the supreme court, men with military antecedents are conspicucus! On the ceremonial days when the. veterans of the civil war appear, they are acclaimed as impulsively as when in the days of their youth they marched to the field. “Flag Day” has long been a function in our public schools. Officers from our great military institute are de- tailed at youth’s academies all over the union to teach the manual and the discipline of war! In every conceivable way, war is glorified, until a majority of the youth of the land, count all other uses for life tame and distasteful. The militia of the several states, are made up of the finest flower of the young manhood of the land. Co-existent with this imposing caval- cade, is the never-ceasing clamor of the military for increased battalions ; augmented armaments, a larger navy, fleets that shall equal those of na- tions, whose existence depends upon colossal armadas. Old as the world is, and many as the wars have been, there is no tale so captivating to a people as the story of war. If there ever were a people secure from the adventures of armies, we were until within the year, emphatically believed to be that people. Our enemies said we were too engrossed in the sordid to take time to prepare for strife, our admirers pointed us out as too happy, too well safeguarded from the snares and menaces of neighbors, too confirmed in the philosophic detestation of butchery to dream of war, save in defence of the national soil. Up, therefore till the very hour, that the amazed Spanish ministry rejected our imperious order to quit Cuba, within three days, war wasas little foreseen by the vast majority of the people of the republic, as the blizzard that comes down in an instant upon the Western plains. ea LDL ooo POLE oe WILLIAM McKINLEY. Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States. DEMAND FOR WAR. 23 There had been angry talk of war, with Britain, with Spain, with Chili, in fitful gusts, for years. But the impulse was only momentary. The country paused, berated the power or policy offending us, then plunged into the ways of peace. So recurrent had these almost humorous outbursts become, that our foreign critics cynically took up the tale to point the moral of a hopelessly practical people, so bent on money making that they couldn’t carry a great impulse to its legitimate conclusion. Other nations, saying the same things in the press and parliament, about their neighbors, were ready for hostilities before uttering them. But the FLAG DAY AT AN AMERICAN SCHOOL. Yankee, it was agreed, whose immortal soul is immersed in “Dbooms” and deals and trusts, pays no heed to his parliament, except when it is considering tariffs or the excise. From long habit in warlike speech, most of us, had, while not assenting to the acerbities of this criticism, come to regard Congress asa safety valve, rather than a deciding force in peace or war. Nine out of ten, if asked the question, any time before the 21st of April, would have declared that war could not be brought about, exzept by the will of the people. 24 THREE DAYS OF GRACE. vaguely supposing that in some occult way, a mandate could be obtained from the millions, who make Congress and executives. Hence when Congress gave Spain three days to withdraw from Cuba, there were very few of the citizens of this republic who realized that we had thrown down the gauntlet; that war inevitably followed the deci- sive action of our lawmakers. The words were but too well understood in Spain. To escape the humiliation of the ultimatum from the despised nation of “merchants,” the Spanish cabinet resorted to a not unjusti- fiable subterfuge ; the despatch from our Secretary of State to Minister Woodford, informing him of the determination of Congress, was taken His LE 7 GENERAL STEWART L. WOODFORD. from the wire and conveyed to the Sagasta ministry before its deliv- ery to the Legation. In the precedents of international dealing, Spain had but one thing to do. Our minister was handed his passports. This was a virtual declaration of war, for when the tension between powers becomes so strained that a cabinet refuses to hold intercourse with an envoy, he is given his passports to leave the country. This was early on the morning of the 21st of April. Before night- fall Spain had cause to realize that war was begun. From the Carib- bean sea came reports of the enterprise of our cruisers. Swiftly, by oO ULTIMATUM TO SPAIN. g every despatch thereafter the tale of capture was retold. Then arose a furious outcry. It was charged in the Spanish press and reéchoed in London, that with true Yankee greed, we had anticipated the pre- scribed forms of war and for the mere “money in it” had begun the spoliation of innocent merchant vessels, sailing the seas unconscious of the state of war. On the 25th of April, in order to formalize the situation, Congress put on record the declaration that the United States were at war with the monarchy of the Spains. But even then, when the daily despatches brought the country captivating narratives of the prowess of our auda- cious mariners, the people did not wholly realize that the long-drawn agony that had troubled the counsels of administrations for the last fifty years, was irrevocably submitted to the arbitrament that leaves no appeal. When the President called for 125,000 troops, a premonitory thrill of the spirit that moved the land in '61, for a moment broke the chill. Then began to be seen the results of multitudes of influences that had been almost imperceptibly at work during the last thirty years. Then the youth, who had been nourished on the deeds of their fathers in the war of the rebellion, uprose as their fathers rose in the memorable days of revolt. Then a condition was shown that never had a parallel in a civilized state. Had the President’s call been for a mil- lion men, the number would have been enrolled before the machinery could be prepared. Though we are ranked among the cold-blooded and unimpassionate races, the imagination of the multitude, at once caught the import of the struggle. We were going to warfor anidea! The profligate despotism that had for a century stifled the energies of an earthly paradise, was to be brought to book for crimes against human freedom. War had been talked loosely in our semi-jocose way of treating grave subjects, any time during the last thirty years. So far indeed, as cautious observation connoted public sentiment, we were much nearer war with France in 1865, when the legions of the republic were freed from the conquests of the rebellion; again when the British seemed to demur against paying the damages incurred by their aid and assistance to the southern insurgents. War for a moment seemed inevitable when Cleveland brought the British tergiversations to a pause in the Vene- zuelan scheme. In all the wars we have ever undertaken overt acts have preceded the formal declaration; that is, the people have taken the matter into their own hands. If the South Carolinians had not fired on Sumpter, 26 CONDITIONS IN CUBA. there might have been years of controversy, ending in compromise, but the tragedies of human passion cannot be resisted, when war is in the air. Therefore it may be said that war with Spain came as a grievous surprise to a vast majority of the people. It was in Congress and the public press, that the enormities of Span- ish despotism had been most passionately dwelt upon; the vast majority of the people had but a vague notion of what was going on in Cuba, or what had been going on since we first cautiously intervened in the diplomatic way that nations observe in dealing with questions likely to bring on serious crises. The story of the misyovernment of the island, Spain’s first conquest on this continent, had been told and retold so often, that only the political devotee, so to speak, kept track of the dolorous tragedy, as it was unrolled from day to day in the press, and from year to year in volumes of thrilling power. Rarely, since 1875 had there been a year when the cry of the Cuban “ patriot’ was not raised; revolt, more or less serious had employed the resources of Spain. Time and again the assistance of sympathizers in the States seemed about to wrench the island from the domination of the parent power. Filibustering expeditions left our shores, and for a time gave the Spanish captains serious alarm. ‘These incursions, sometimes rising to the gravity of international disputes, kept the two cabinets of Washington and Madrid incessantly active. Whenever this government made remonstrance with Spain at the in- tolerable condition of the Cuban people, Spain retorted that all the un- rest was the work of “Yankee adventurers.” In 1875, we barely es- caped war over the capture and execution of a band of impulsive volun- teers, who set out to rescue the battling revolutionists. But by timely concessions to our demands, successive Spanish cabinets succeeded in staving off decisive measures. But, during the last ten years a group of daring men arose in the island, who, admonished by the failures of their predecessors, directed their efforts to a campaign of attrition. While depending almost exclu sively upon sympathizers in this republic for material, and even men, they maintained an incessant activity about the exposed legions of the Span- ish army, that in time wore out the courage of the soldiery and disheart- ened the efforts of the captains sent to put down the rebellion. But their greatest triumph was in forcing the accents of their wrongs and miseries upon the attention of the whole world, as they had never been heard be- fore. The journals of this country rang daily with protests and these were heard in the old world. Even the atrocities of the Turk, which President McKinley, Lyman J. Gauge. J. W. Griggs. John D. Long. James Wilson, Cc. N. Bligs, Chas. Emory Smith. can Roce Cora se a PRESIDENT McKINLEY AND HIS CABINET, Wm. R. Day. Russell A. Alger. OPPOSED TO THE IDEA OF WAR. 29 moved the heart of Christendom, could not drown the cry of anguish that finally reached the ears of mankind. In Congress the leaders of the great parties took up the tale. The pulpits echoed it. A distinct senti- ment for the rescue of Cuba from intolerable oppression became irre- sistible. President Cleveland, in the last years of his administration warned the Spanish ministry that the patience of the people of the United States had been dangerously tried; that it behooved wise men to make such a change in the conduct of affairs in the island, as would insure content- ment to the majority. When assassination had carried off the chief advocate of repression, Canovas del Castillo, the liberal ministry that succeeded, gave the Wash- ington cabinet assurances that the Cubans should have Home Rule, in the form Britain administers the Dominion of Canada. Then-followed the Autonomist experiment, but it was too late. The battling minority were unconquerably averse to Spanish domination and the insurrection raged as fiercely as ever. _ President McKinley was from the first opposed to the idea of war. He selected a statesman of high character, a jurist of distinction, to go to Madrid as our minister and impressed upon him the necessity of enlight- ening Spanish statesmen of the dangers they were exposing the monarchy to, by keeping Cuba a perpetual ulcer on the Spanish nationa} body. But, though Minister Woodford extorted the admiration of even the Spaniards themselves, he was unable to make the ministry see that all that was left to the Metropolitan was to withdraw from the island and leave the inhabitants to their destiny. The heritage of woe left the islanders by Captain General Weyler, was too much for diplomacy to reconcile with the methods of a civilized state. The horrors of his system of crowding the rural population inte masses under the range of the soldiers’ guns, brought about a ferment of feeling that no influence in Congress, not even the executive, could re- sist. While the country was shuddering in horror over the atrocities of the “reconcentrados,” the nation was roused to anguish by the sinking of one of our most powerful war vessels in the harbor of Havana, where she was anchored on a mission of peace. Slight events sometimes undo the strongest forces of human calculation. The destruction of the Maine made negotiation extremely difficult for the Washington cabinet. The ‘country believed that the noble ship had been sunk by a Spanish hand; it was never alleged that the hand had been inspired by anybody in 30 THE “MAINE” TRAGEDY. authority, but the atrocity came as a conclusive proof, of all the ma- lignant cruelties so long charged upon the Spanish administration. Though it did not fire the heart of the republic, as the attack upon the Massachusetts regiment marching at Lincoln’s call, in 1861, it made anything like procrastination on the part of the negotiators im- possible. When the seeret is found out, it will probably be seen that ANDERSON MECK i aes PANCK . WHITE. CAHILL REFFROM| | 1B | AG \ ZAR | yi ty Wh SURVIVORS OF THE MAINE DISASTER. (Drawn from life, in the Brooklyn hospital.) the hand that struck down the great battle ship was dealing the hardest blow to Spain that had ever been struck, since the spirit of re- volt arose on the island. For had it not been for this, the president would have had a strong following in his purpose of extricating Cuba from her woes, without the direful expedient of war. Added to this was another incident, which though trivial enough in itself, swayed public sentiment far beyond its gravity. The Cuban Junta, tireless in its efforts to bring peaceful negotiations to a fruitless issue, managed to get hold of a letter from the Spanish Minister, Du- puy DeLome, in which the President was spoken of. in a rather dis. paraging way and the project of autonomy. referred to skeptically. THE DE LOME INCIDENT. 3h The Spaniard wrote, as he supposed, in the inviolable confidence of in- timate personal friendship, and uuburdened his mind of opinions and in- ferences that he was forced to keep to himself, in the hostile atmosphere of Washington. Letters of the same character are passing all the time from diplomats to their familiars, or even unofficially, to their hierarchical chiefs. Any volume of personal memoirs of statesmen will show correspond- ence of the same tenor. But of course the contents are not made known until the incidents, or persons criticized, have passed out of the sphere of actualities. Mischievous as the letter was, the President would have ignored it, had it not been published to the world, simultaneously with DUPUY DE LOME. its reception by the Secretary of State. It accomplished its purpose, to the extent its purveyors desired. It made the further presence of the luckless diplomat impossible, and to that extent, lessened the chances of a peaceful solution of the negotiations with Spain. De Lome’s successor was at pathetic disadvantage in assuming the momentous mission from which so much was expected. 32 THE CISNEROS INCIDENT. But perhaps the most conclusive indication of the wholly false attitude the country was made to seem to hold, was in an incident which sur- passed in insolent disregard of national comities anything ever done by one people to another since the Austro-British allies murdered the French envoys at Rastadt. A young woman named Cisneros, had been put in an Havana prison for undue activity in aiding and abetting the schemes of the Junta. Volumes of lachrymose twaddle were published in the sensational journals, recounting her heroism, her sufferings at the hands of the Spanish authorities. It was however, never intimated that she was conspiring against the lawful authorities of Cuba: that she was taken with every evidence of her handiwork in evidence. She was put in prison, and as Havana was virtually under military law, she fared as other culprits of the kind ever fare in war. One of the most adventurous of the yellow journals conceived that the invasion of the prison and the rescue of this persoiy would make a sensation. The prisoner was spirited out of the lax keeping of her gaolers and carried to New York in triumph. There was no attempt made to conceal the operation—in fact the desperado who managed the law breaking, made a copious narrative of the exploit. The “rescued” young woman was petted and exhibited in New York; she was paraded to Washington and made the prot¢gé of eminent dames. The wife of the Vice President went so far as to give her a sort of adoption. High personages in the administration felicitated her and her rescuer. Now, had Spain been Great Britain, would anybody in this country have ventured to do this criminal act, or having done it, would the au- thorities of the United States admit even tacit sympathy? Suppose, during the Civil War, the British had countenanced the enterprise of a London journalist in entering the “Old Capitol” prison to rescue Belle Boyd, or Miss Surratt, or Miss Greenough? The demand of this govern- ment for the restoration of the prisoner and the punishment of the des- perado would have followed the first trace of the crime and the criminal. Yet, Spain never ventured to present a word of protest against this mon- strous-invasion of her sovereignty. So far had we departed from the right view of proper conduct, that scarcely a word of protest was ever raised in press or public. It was plain that a nation compelled to endure such an affront as that, would suffer anything rather than go to war. Perhaps the jingoes and demagogues who continued provocation after this, did not apprehend war, certainly no legislative chambers ever heard snch utterances about a neighboring state as were uttered in both branches of Congress, during the two months preceding the command to Spain to vacate her sovereignty in Cuba. NOT READY FOR WAR. 88 Two distinct currents were marked in the discussion of the course to be pursued by the President. One was voiced by what was called the “ Jingoes,” the other by moderate men who repelled the very suggestion of war as barbarous. But by far the most decisive factor in the denoue- ment, was a new school of newspapers called fantastically “ Yellow Journalism.” This extraordinary evolution of the press had arisen sud- denly; had dazzled the country by exploits that puzzled the grave and delighted the lax. By every conceivable art. they magnified the inci- dents attending the rebellion on the island of Cuba, and from the pettiest detail upreared a fabric of atrocity that threw certain elements of the people into a delirium of wrath. The excesses of the Spanish soldiery were exaggerated, the inhumanity of the chiefs surcharged with refine- ments of cruelty that convinced the reader of the incurable ferocity of the Spanish administration. The truth and the fact were lamentable enough, but these systematic inventions, reacted on the law-nakers. It was impossible to deliberate with the dispassionate sincerity such an emer- gency called for. From-all parts of the country, constituents made known to congressmen that war alone could avenge outraged humanity. For months both chambers of Congress echoed the indictments of the press. The foremost advocates in the House and Senate were men who had achieved distinction in the combats of the Civil War. Against such a torrent the President struggled resolutely. He knew that we were not ready for war. He knew that though Spain had been drained of her lifeblood by maladministration, and almost incessant war- - fare at liome and abroad, she was not an enemy to be attacked with levity. In this attitude the President was supported by the great major- ity of his countrymen. He was upheld by his Cabinet fervently. Indeed when Congress made further negotiation impossible, two of the members of this body resigned, feeling it to be impossible to give apparent assent to the new departure. John Sherman, the veteran of the Republican party, under plea of ill-health quit the great place of Secretary of State, and the. Postmaster General,—Gary, retired to private life. Now every one who gave thought to the Cuban cause, sincerely desired the enfran- chisement of the island; but not one in a thousand would have consented ‘to the extreme step of war, if the end could be brought about in any other way. Nor were the men who advocated war in the House, or the Senate, the leaders that the people trusted implicitly in counsel. The veterans of our politics were almost unanimously opposed to war. In deed the advocacy of a universal system of arbitration, to which all that is most sober in public life had given adhesion, made the very suggestion 34 FIRING THE AMERICAN PEOPLE of war seem an untimely derision. Nowhere from an authoritative source came a voice for war. On the other hand, the clamor swelled and Was apparently unheard or misunderstood by the conservative. So in- credible did such an issue seem, that the oldest journal in the metropolis, stated gravely the very day befure Congress acted, that such a thing as war was impossible, in this advanced stage of public morals. An unimpeachable witness—among others the editor and owner of aw powerful journal in Chicago, submitted proof that agents of the Cuban Junta had offered him $1,000,000 in bonds to “ Fire the American people over Cuba’s wrongs.” Nor was there any doubt that the Cuban outcry was almost purely mercenary, where it was not adelusion. If the fomenters could but gain a five minutes’ recognition of the so-called Cuban republic, these millions of bonds, distributed where they would do the most good, would be equal to so much money. That was the purpose of the propaganda. How many of the public men who took up the cry and carried on the crusade, were influenced by these bonds, will probably never be known. But of two conclusions the one must be adopted. Hither the advocates of aggressive interference in Cuba were venal, and disseminating what they knew to be lies, or they were ignorant and there- fore had no authority to speak. The war had not gone on a month be- fore this was made clear. There was no Cuban republic; there were no Cuban patriots; there were no thousands on the island clamoring, suffer- ing, dying, for Free Cuba! There was no executive government; there was no army. There was no considerable number of what would be regarded as reputable citizens desirous of a change. But the very agencies that should: have safeguarded us against com- mitting the error of going to war, were most of them enlisted in forcing us into war. If a statesman in Congress undertook to demand proof of the matters alleged, or pointed out discrepancies, he was jeered in the jingo presses as * The Senator from Spain!” Only the most resolute public men ventured to hold out; these, it is humiliating to say were few. Most of the public men, while privately confessing the action wrong, voted to force Spain to fight, when the time came. Unhappily for the republic, the administration was confronted, by no opposition worthy of even the semblance of tactical deference. In the House the party of Jefferson had relapsed into the keeping of immature nondescripts, who were too dull or too indifferent to look up the party traditions. The mere word war de- prived them of the semblance of rational speech. They clamored for war, yet denounced the majority for preparing for it. They professed undying sympathy for the “patriots” of Caba, but took no action to BOOMING FREE CUBA. 86 prove that there were patriots there. Rarely indeed has the popular system—the government of the people, by the people, made so igno- minious a failure, as the Congress of 1897-8. Neither group wanted war ; the sane men in both knew that there was no occasion for war but the Democrats believed that they could gain a party advantage by daring the majority to go to war, and then deriding them on the hustings for not daring. It was this double duplicity that finally frustrated the wise measures of the executive and the men capable of thinking calmly. It is to be remembered too, that most of the party platforms made mention of Cuba in recent political contests. Both the great parties in the last presidential campaign demanded peace and liberty for Cuba, but none of them went so far as to declare for war. The people of this country have come to regard platfurms with a good deal of indifference; for parties in power rarely find it expedient to carry out what seems desir able when in opposition.’ It is too near the event perhaps, to trace mi uutely the interpenetrating influences which so suddenly transferred the field of action from diplomacy to the field of war. While sympathy, based on every trait that adorns and ennobles human nature, was the basis of thesentiment the country felt toward the unfortu- nate Cubans, there were unquestionably other and ignoble motives at work to bring on a conflict. Vast commercial interests were involved in the expulsion of the Spanish and the substitution of “Free Cuba.” Juntas for the “booming” of the cause of the “ patriots,” were main- tained in many of the great seaports. Bonds to an enormous amount were issued, and so placed as,to influence moulders of public opinion. An immense traffic in arms, stores and supplies, sprung up along our sea- coasts. Filibustering became almost as profitable to merchants in New York, Boston and the southern seaports, as blockade running to the mer- chants of London and Liverpool during our Civil War. Though the Spanish press, and even Spanish statesmen, made this traffic a constant subject of reproach to our administration, there is every evidence that our officials strove in good faith to suppress this evasion of the law of neutrality. This very necessity was among the causes that inflamed the advocates of war. The activity of the revenue cutters was denounced as a base partnership in the crimes Spain was committing daily on the Cubans. To every remonstrance of our diplomacy against the enormi ties practiced by the Spanish soldiery, the Spanish diplomats made re- sponse that the war would not last a week if it were not supported by Yankee adventurers. PART fi. ARELY had we embarked in war when its scope and potentialities began to expand. We set out by declaring our purpose to redress an intolerable grievance. To break the ghastly clutch of the dying hand of Spain from the corpse of Cuba. Before the war was ten days old, the same influences and agencies which precipitated the conflict, were engaged in a propaganda of conquest. ‘The preconcert of the cry, the level uniformity of the argument, the shameless appeal to all that is sordid, thoughtless, unscrupulous in humanity, left no room to doubt that some ulterior agelcy was at work, educating the people of the republic in the way of danger—of dishonor. as Coincident with this cry of conquest, an amazing pllenomenon was wit- nessed in the British press. Where we had always been reviled and dis- paraged, we were now fulsomely plastered with praise. We were invited to share the grotesque designation of * Anglo-Saxon ”—a term evolved from the empyrical formularies of British Chauvins, restive under the his- toric traditions of the Norman Conquest. We were asked to believe that our seventy millions were really of British fibre and brawn , that British blood comes pure and undefiled from a handful of piratic nomads, who fled from the penury of the Baltic marches, to pillage themselves into prosperity on the island of the Angles. The clashing cymbals of triumph were sounded over a race alliance which should join our seventy millions with the “interests” of Britain; fusion with the Yankees was acclaimed in the Tory presses. A notorious politician identified with recreancy to liberalism, infidelity to his convictions, moral turpitude in the Trans- vaal outrage, denounced in Parliament as only second to Judas in recre- ancy, took the stump to convince the British people that all they had to do, was to dissemble their ingrained hate of us long enough, and British power, paralyzed by the union of France and Russia, would again cow the world. ‘The argument was virtually this: The Yankees are of the same covetous, grasping breed we are; all that is necessary to win them into aids and accomplices, is to flatter their love of glory, dazzle them from the heights of the mountain of predetermined victory, by plausible promises of booty in lands, the loot of all that Spain possesses—perhaps a share in the despoliation of the colonies France has gathered under her flag, during the last half century. Manila, it was artfully held out, would be a noble acquisition for the republic. The (86) | SECRETARY OF THE NAvy, JOHN D. LONG, IN HIS OFFICK. BRITISH ALLIANCE OFFERED. 89 teeming interests of the United States would find that realm of magnif- icent opportunities an ideal field for Yankee activities. Britain would look on with benevolent acquiescence while we declared the Monroe doc- trine a sham. Coincidently with this, the agents of the British govern- ment sedulously propagated the rumor as semi-official fact, that the great powers, the European concert, were conspiring to limit our operations beyond the waters of the Caribbean sea! Simultaneously with the ad- vance of our fleets, the cablegrams from London were daily filled with guarded disclosures of the heroic efforts of British diplomacy to check the’ union of the powers. Tales of the enmity of France, Germany, Austria, Italy—all the European powers in short, were poured into our news chan- nels with such assiduity, that for a term the horrified people expected that any hour might bring a declaration of European intervention: the appearance of an allied squadron in our waters, and the enforcement of'a peace upon such terns as the European concert might see fit to dictate. Strangely enough, the jingo press—the very yellow journals, culpable in precipitating the war, were the noisiest in propagating this insensate intrigue. There was a moment when if put to a vote, the Cabinet would have been compelled: to accept the yoke of an alliance with the Briton. In every city in the Union, the presses were ablaze with letters to the editor, glorifying the noble rdle Britain had played in the world. That segment of social activity, the clergy, were as history often shows, first to put the seal of approval upon this plausible campaign of hypocrisy and craft. They melted into rhapsodic eulogiums of the “ Christian graces ” ' of British civilization, of the endearing ties of kinship that linked the two peoples; of the lingering love in the heart of the people of this re- public for the “mother country.” Meanwhile, the continental powers and social forces, ignorant of the astute campaign directed from and by British agencies, went on treating the war very much as we treat the. conflicts that involve our friends and enemies abroad. Sentimentally, the aristocrats sympathized with a monarchy staggering under the crushing blows of the colossal democracy ; even those who ap- proved our intervention to rid Cuba of its curse, were by a readily com- prehensible. tendency of human nature, moved to sympathize with the “under dog.” But when the agencies of the continental powers ip this country, made known to their home governments the malevolent craft, the systematic perfidy of the British propagandists in distorting the ut- terances and belying the attitude of the powers, it was too late. The belief had been infiltrated into the mind of the people of the republic that in our first venture in a war undertaken from high motives, the con- 40 THE SHAMELESS ARTIFICE. tinental nations distrusted our aims, and were only withheld from inter- ference by the sturdy veto of Britain. It was useless for the ministers of France, Russia and Austria to show documents in proof of an inviolate neutrality ; of an attitude of absolute impartiality. The British cables were at hand daily to represent the heroic magnanimity of Albion—whio stood guardian over the snarling powers. Had it not been for the chiv- alrous good sense of the British Liberals, within a month of the opening of the war, we should have found our future mortgaged by a bond as in- iquitous as it would be futile, with the nation that never kept a pledge, and never succored an ally, the moment her interests made treason prof- itable. The party of Gladstone denounced the shameless artifice; they warned the republic that the Tory pleadings were simply to enable the discredited diplomacy of the Tory Cabinet, to take up the battle against a Europe coalized against Britain instead of, as heretofore, coalized with her. A long series of affronts were to be avenged: Russia had elimi- nated British influence in the East; Turkey had escaped the thraldom of the Crimean war; France is in threatening propinquity in Africa, and resolute for enforcing the fulfilment of the compact for Egypt's libera- tion. With the forces of the republic to do the fighting, as the conti- nent did, in the campaigns against Napoleon; as the French did in the Crimea, Britain might hope to withstand combined Europe with her fleets, and wear out the resources of the less affluent states. When the time for peace came, she would turn on her “ kinsmen ” as she has turned on every nation that ever entered into alliance with her, and despoil them of every acquisition held out as a bribe. It was not, however, the transpar- ency of the British machination that checked the impulse to become its victim. It was the extraordinary readiness of our press and public men to fall into the pitfall. With some there can be no manner of doubt the conversion was venal. We have become so habituated to the charge of “ British gold,” that the term is now derisive. But that British gold made the path easy, and the way shining for the monstrous proposal of union with our hereditary haters and contemners, no one acquainted with Brit. ish methods doubts. While a vigilant, satanic, unceasing corps was employed in watching the ill-natured utterances of the continental press, the gist of whatever was acrimonious was carefully collated and telegraphed to London, and there made into paragraphs of studious malignity for our home consump- tion; the savage denunciation, the brutal innuendoes of the high caste British periodicals were rigorously ignored or explained away. THE SATURDAY REVIEW. a1 If there is a journal in the British isles that faithfully voices the in- alienable rancor, the inborn hatefulness of the whole British race, it is the Saturday Review. A half century ago, Matthew Arnold took up arms to educate that journal in the graces of suavity, or sweetness and light: to turn its tone into the ‘sweet reasonableness” of the master, in order that mankind might be brought to think less harshly of the British. But he never succeeded. The Saturday Review has never treated the people of this republic other than as a vast congeries of ignorant, dis- honest, ungovernable and ungoverned social buccaneers. It was our in- veterate and caiumniating enemy during the Civil War. It never admit- ted that we exhibited bravery, however constant, in the long war, or a single virtue of a great people during the five years of ordeal, when our institutions were tried as by fire. It vituperated Lincoln, from the day he assumed his burden, until the day he laid it down. It befouled our eminent men ; it pilloried our processes as venal, malodorous, anarchic. It lashed the Gladstone government to shreds for assenting to the Ala- bama award, and has never ceased to stigmatize the treaty as blackmail. In the scale of peoples, it has consistently treated us as a mingling of Mexican and Figiians. When the declaration of Congress, expelling Spain from Cuba reached London, this journal denounced us as thieves and bullies. The war was a speculation of the most abhorrent forces of the most abhorrent people in Christendom. Now this is the real senti- ment of seven in ten of the authoritative Britons. Any citizen of this republic who has sojourned in a British city, knows that a hate of hates, a scorn of scorns, animates the Briton in his estimate of the people of this republic. It was but a few years ago that the great shops in Lon- don made known that ** American trade” was not desired in their estab- lishments—by “ American,” meaning the citizens of the United States of America. But a more eloquent testimony of the inexpugnable rancor borne for us, is shown by the methods adopted by the journals and journalists en- gaged in the plot to captivate our alliance. Such a compact would mean a new career of arrogant, unbridled British domination—for no sooner were we compromised by the bonds of British intrigue, than we should be compelled to transform our democratic civic system into an armed readi- ness to meet the enemies Britain would on the instant raise for us. We should be dragged into long and exhaustive wars in Britain’s interest, in Asia, even in Africa where the British thirst to exterminate the only free people left—the Boers of the Transvaal. But more machiavelian than this, we should by joining in this nefari- 42 AS THE BRITISH ARE. ous union with a nation whose diplomacy is a synonym for fraud and perfidy, give bonds against a future union with Canada. That immense empire bounding us on the north, and to some extent shackling our ex pansion, must in the very nature of things unite its fortunes with this re public. Indeed, the jingoes who exulted in the Venezuelan complication, demanded with a perfervid insistence, a campaign for the annexation of the Dominion. The press of the country, if polled a year ago, would have proclaimed by an almost unanimous voice, the vital need of absorb- ing the last relic of British dominion on the continent, if not in the waters of the continent. The leprous union proposed by the British would have ended that tendency. As yet, we have not been indoctri- nated in the practice of despoiling allies, as Britain did Holland, Denmark and Spain. Hence, Canada would be safe under the adage of honor among thieves. For once identified with the British, we should be as the British are, and there is not a literature in Christendom, or paganism either, where the British do not figure as thieves. If the republic could be lured into a treaty of * imperialism,” seduced into seizing the Philip- pines and thus forced to seek British countenance, the future would be easy for the traditional British policy. We should be compelled to seek British counsel and British aid. We should be vulnerable to the attacks of coalized Europe. Above all, we should forever explode the logic of the Monroe doctrine. All of South America would be open to the enter- prise of the powers, surfeited but not slaked by the pillage of Africa. The aimn was set forth with characteristic cynicism to Chauncey Depew. This effusive personage deprecated the war for the Cubans, holding it our duty to gain onr ends by diplomacy. But in his annual tour to Europe he was taken in hand by the Tory propaganda and to the stupefaction of his admirers came back after a six-weeks’ junket in British castles, a con- vert to war, to imperialism and to the British alliance. He explained without reserve the cajoleries employed. “You Yankees,” said the tempters, “have grown too big for your slice of the continent. You must seize the Philippines; you can claim it as we always do when we want desirable territory, on the plea of civilization. That’s what we pre- tend in Egypt, and the game always ‘goes.’” It is easy to imagine the leer of the descendants and acolytes of the Pitts, the Walpoles, the Cas: tlereaghs and Palmerstons, as these phrases were sounded in the ear of the Yankee. Depew came home convinced, and set to work at once to propagate the thirst for dominion, the fever of grab, the religion of hypocrisy, that has carried the British on a tide of sordid glory and tar. nished grandeur, from the days of Elizabeth to the days of Victoria. CARLYLE’S ESTIMATE. Never did the fowler set the snare with such contemptuous disregard of the victim’s common sense. The presses which had reeked with disdain- ful disparagement of everything we did or attempted to do; the presses which had glorified Jeff Davis and the slave hollers, the presses which had rated the people of the union as a mingling of the ticket-of-leave man and the Irish bogtrotters, in a day, as it were, found that we were bone of British bone, flesh of British flesh. That no wiser saying had ever been uttered than the machiavelian gibe of the time-serving dys- peptic Carlyle, that “ King Shakspeare held the dwellers of the United States in as profound allegiance as the cult of royalty itself.” The same Carlyle made his estimate of his countrymen as “ Thirty millions, mostly fools.” Hence, the populace of this country were accorded the privilege of béing at one with the thirty millions, mostly fools. But the uew ecstasy went farther. The chief of the Tartuffe organs of British guile, found that “ Americans shared the hatred of the continent with the Brit- ish.” Now for sixty years the Briton has been loathed in continental Europe. For almost the same length of time the British casuists, recog- nizing this, have expended volumes in wonder over the fact. Various reasons have been accepted or assigned—sometimes even the true causes have been complacently admitted. Time and again, you might read in British monthlies that the Briton was, and is, hated because he is hateful. The various states of Europe hate the British because they have at various times made alliance with British cabinets, and in every instance they have been cheated. Den- mark hates the Briton, because in a time of peace a British navy entered the harbor of Copenhagen and destroyed half her fleet, ard carried away the rest; Holland hates the British, because under the gvise of alliance, the British flag was flung out over Dutch colonies, and still remains there; Portugal and Spain hate the British because as allies they robbed and pillaged them; Germany and Austria hate the British, because in general wars, she made these states do the fighting, and when peace came seized all the spoils. France loathes the British, because she subsidized the world to check her liberalizing march; because she sent hordes of as- sassins to murder French patriots and French rulers; because she never kept faith. Because she has made history a lie and turpitude a religion. Because from 1789 to 1815 the flower and chivalry of France, that fel! into British hands were subjected to the atrocities we mean when we speak of the prison ships in which our fathers rotted in our harbors; the massacres of Wyoming and a thousand other martyrdoms, put upon the patriots of the revolution; because during the sweat and agony of _ 8 44 WHY BRITAIN IS HATED. the Civil War, British ships, British guns, British aid were poured out like water to destroy the Union; that a rebel victory at Bull Run or Fredericksburg, was hailed by the presses that now degrade us by their sycophantic cajoleries, which were then most ebullient in pronouncing us corrupt and imbecile. One Briton, a public man, member of Parliament and editor of a widely read weekly journal—Henry Labouchere, has never minimized the crimes of his country. He had opposed the greed for territory and the oppres- sion of weaker powers, both in Parliament and in his journal. His speech is the delight of the British plain people, for he sets his face against the enormous expenditures the jingo policy costs the British tax payers. He saw the object of “ British sympathy ” for the United States, and taking the conversion of Depew as a text, he gave us warning. Depew went abroad deprecating any aim in the war, other than the end Congress de- clared. He returned converted to “imperial” jingoism. Labouchere gives a glimpse of the seduction. Depew was beset by aristocratic wheedlers, who know the weight of coronets and caste insignia, upon certain types of the Democracy. ‘Keep the Philippines,” they implored, “and share China with us.” They rallied him humorously on Yankee protestations of fine sentiment, confiding to him, the working of the British system. “That’s the way we go about annexation, we protest Christian and civi- lizing motives and promise to leave as soon as these begin, and then we stay. Christianity and civilization demand it, you know, and we give the beggars liberty, law, justice, and order, which they never had before. It is in your blood, you have come to it honestly, you have aroused this appetite of earth hunger, and you caunot stop.” Labouchere, who has been in public life longer than most of his con- temporaries, adds some reflections that touch the British and their methods, with a firm sure stroke: ‘I do not know who the statesmen were that thus confided in Mr. Depew. Over the dinner table, with the genial American, they laughed at the pleas for grab which they profess in public to their countrymen. They glory in their predatory instincts. They come honestly by these instincts, they boast because it is in their blood, and they advise Americans to show their kinship to us by follow- ing our example. There is, however, a fact which both they and Mr. Depew would do well to remember: ‘thieves fall out.” ‘Share with us China’ sounds well, but if the booty were jointly secured, it is probable that the confederates would proceed to fight for the lion’s share of it. If the Americans are wise, they will maintain the policy in regard to their zelations with foreign nations that has made them the most prosperous THIEVES FALL OUT. 45 nation on the globe. They would not annex any country, where they would have to rule over subject races. They will claim a voice in any alterations in the tenure of territory on the continent on which their lot is placed, but they will steadily act elsewhere on those sound principles of non-intervention that they have already so conclusively proved are the road to fortune. They are entirely mistaken in supposing that the mass of Englishmen are the cynical robbers that their statesmen have repre- seuted them to be to Mr. Depew. They have been temporarily led astray. But there are already signs that they will soon return to the path of hon- esty and of common sense.” Arguments so crudely base, so cynically rascally were addressed to the groveling and sordid in us that it is clear we are rated of the intelligence of the Pacific islanders, who exchange the sovereignty of the coral strands and palm groves for casks of rum, glass beads, or opium. By some inexplicable process, the correspondents of our chief journals stationed in Britain, be- came ardent propagandists of the “deal.” For it was frankly put upon this basis. You need the markets of China, the Briton urged. If you don’t join hands with us, Russia, Germany and France will dismember the ancient empire, and then where will your trade be? Nor in the vol- umes on volumes of confraternal seduction poured out, was there any argument more valid than this. Nor did the sense of the country seem to detect the shallowness of this prattle. For why should China be any less open to our markets with Russia and France, Germany and Austria ruling the celestial territories, than when ruled by the Chinese them- selves? i If we have wares that the millions of the Chinese empire need, they will huy them from us, no matter what power or council of European powers dominate Pekin. We sell our wares in Russia, in Germany, in France—why should we find it any more difficult to sell in markets under the domination of these powers? Or, why should we need the Philippines to insure the peaceful entry into Oriental ports? Our inter- ests in Asia remain precisely where they always have been; we have reached a vast trade there, because the people must have what we pro- duce. Could any power or combination of powers impede us—even were they disposed to? But that the British should venture to insult our in- telligence by this species of argument, discloses the ineradicable misun- derstanding the Briton has always manifested in judging us. He he- lieves that the majority of the people of this republic are knaves, in- fluenced by the temptation that arms the cracksman and the freebooter, and he addresses us arguments, that in old times would be resented as 46 OUR FOREIGN MARKETS. a cause for war. With honest wares to offer the world, it is a matter of indifference to this republic what powers seize and hold other people’s territories. But the Briton urges: “ We have discovered the immense potentialities of the United States for reshaping international destinies, and with the discovery has come the realization of the fact that only by the aid of American influence can grave disasters to the prestige and prosperity of the British empire be averted. Moreover, England is will- ing to pay what she considers to be a fair price for the necessary codpera- tion. That is the basis of the whole matter. Sentiment has nothing to do with it, and the quicker it is dismissed from consideration in connec- tion with the question of an Anglo-American understanding, the better it will be—for America.” In other words, Britain will accord us what she cannot possibly keep from us, if we will aid her to brow-beat the rest of Europe: maintain her supremacy as arbiter of international destinies. If we are the hard-headed, far-sighted race, we get credit for being, the impudent baseness of the proposition ought to be enough to forever end anything but the most formal relations with a power cynical enough to make the proffer, and insulting enough to believe us capable of consider- ing it. Tut KING OF SPAIN AND QUEEN REGENT. TYNTIL the moment the action of Congress reached the Spanish people, é no one in the peninsula dreamed of the possibility of war with this SAGASTA ANNOUNCING A NEW CABINET. republic. The last to apprehend it, was the Queen Regent and the Cab: inet. Sagasta, a venerable statesinan who had served all parties and was a) ey 50 7 SPAIN’S DECADENCE. known to deprecate extremes, had counselled concessions to the utter- most demands of the Cubans as voiced by our minister. Day by day all that had been denounced in Spanish administration on the isle, was changing. Home rule, as applied to Canada by the British, had been formulated—above all, the odious Weyler had been promptly recalled on the urgent suggestion of the Washington Cabinet. Our proffers to care for and feed the wretched country people, crowded into the Spanish lines called “ reconcentrados”” had been accepted. So far as the Spanish Cab- inet knew, there were no further serious demands to be made. When therefore the command of Congress reached Madrid, giving Spain three days to quit the island of Cuba—there was from one end of the peninsula to the other but one cry, one resolution—to die first. Nor was this con- sidered a figure of speech, by the most patriotic of the people. Spain, as all her children knew, was far from a condition to wage war, even with a less formidable power than the republic. For years her treasury had been drained by colonial wars, by the creation of a navy adequate to her colonial needs, altogether out of proportion with her revenues: by revo- lation at home, and insurrection abroad; by the maladministration of the finances, by political jobbery, by the dynastic necessities of a semi-alien sovereign to secure by bribery, what other rulers hold by loyalty and patriotism. Carlism—the century curse of this kingdom, kept the Court and Cabi- net in apprehension. At best the Spanish race have mistaken their tra- dition for actualities, since the reign of Philip IJ. Under his hide-bound bigotry, the Spain of Charles V., the Spain of heroic achievements came to an end. She had eminent men in her service for many a day after, but the morale of the nation suffered an eclipse, as visible as it has here- tofore been incomprehensible. Strangely enough the decadence began from above; a long series of semi-imbecile and wholly profligate kings germinated the seeds of decadence, which spreading from court to camp, from camp to cloister, gradually impregnated the race. Neither art nor science in any of the varied fields that began to thrive exotically else- where, remained in Spain. Decay was as manifest in the humbler arts of industry as in the sublimer reaches of the plastic arts. Since the six- teenth century, Spain has produced no great pictures, no statuary, no eminent embodiment of any of the masterpieces that multiply among perennially thriving peoples. In war, the Spanish armies sank to derision, her fleets, never victorious save under exceptional circumstances, became a nullity with the opening of the eighteenth century. Yet, curiously enough this people mistaking its past achievements for SPAIN’S EARLY CONCUESTS. 51 present actualities, brought the career of the world master—Napoleon to an end. It was the stupefying surrender of a French corps d elite, at Baylen, that aroused Europe to the fact that the master of victories 6a BY “i Vy Oy We Yi SY Fe () WW LTR Tix LAGS YY le y 4 (ded agile oe SILL IPE, ee KX GT HEY Uj. DON CARLOS. LLL We APA DRE, o/ ecercee re: Ui lofi , LEG was vulnerable, that he could be beaten in arms, if a whole people re solved it. endurance of four years of disaster on every field they fought. It was the Spanish people who wore the French out, by the Three 52 THE CONQUISTADORES. hundred thousand of the soldiers who had conquered every army in Europe, were decimated. The Spaniards won what is called in snblime irony, “the war of independence,” by very much the same tactics in which the Cubans wasted the armies of Spain’s greatest warriors during the last ten years. Wherever they stood up in battle before the veteraus of Napoleon, they were routed like herded cattle, but in the deeps of the forest, from the secret paths of mountain and defile, in the narrow streets of the tortuous mountain towns, the deadly stroke of the guerilla picked off the waconscious soldiery. Though nominally master of every city aid strong place in the peninsula, or the strategic points, the invad- ing army was never secure, except in its camps. Nor was the war of independence the only memory that stood as an actuality in the mind of the Spaniard. Cortez, Pizarro, Alva, Ganzaga— the great captains, were in the minds of the million, living personages to- day. Though he may be unable to read or write, the meanest peasant from Andalusia to the Basques, knows the story of the great conquista- dor Cortez, the ungovernable boy, who, fleeing from the trammels of the law sought glory and gold in the Eldorado Columbus had just given to Spain. How he had impressed his courage and ability on the viceroy of Cuba, who was in need of a submissive lieutenant to blaze the way for a secure conquest of the fabled Mexico. How with 500 men, Cortez landed on the Mexican shores, astutely availed himself of the supersti- tious awe of the people, who believed the strange white beings gods, pushed on throught he swarming millions to the capital of the Montezu- mas; dominated these wild and credulous children of the sun. How- when the truth dawned upon them that the whites were mere mortals, and they arose in vengeance, Cortez with his 500 held them at bay and though half his force was slaughtered in the “sad night” of destruction, snatched victory and conquest from the very jaws of ruin. Nor was this prodigious story the only one that the Spaniards counted among the evidence of Spain’s superiority. The annals of no people ceem with more audacious enterprises, more constancy in every conceiv- able danger and hardship. Scores of historical masterpieces in every tongue are devoted to the stirring tale. The humblest Spaniard in com- mon with the proudest, could not conceive the inheritors of such ances- tors, such traditions, vulnerable to a race of yesterday, as it were. What though there were seventy millions of people in the arrogant, parvenu repub!ic; could such a race pretend to give law to the inheritors of the men who had conquered the masters of the old world and made the new ? Add to this, that reading as we know it, does not exist in the peninsula. BRITISH INTRIGUES. 53 That learning, education are prerogatives of the rich, the well born. That newspapers are rare and costly. That the mind of the Spain of to- day, is the mind of the Spain three centuries ago. When a people are dependent for arms, for every article of commerce, when their ships are built in foreign dock yards, their railways con- structed, operated: by foreign artisans and foreign capital, their mechanic arts carried on by strangers, even their hostleries and pleasure houses managed by foreign syndicates, their mineral wealth exploited by outside companies, even their vineyards in the hands of aliens; it is not hard to prophesy the helplessness of such a people in the operations of war, now reduced to an exact science. Since the day Spain accepted the alliance of the Briton, her decadence has been steady, insidious, decisive. For the “war of independence” carried on by British treasure and manipulated in British interests, was but the transfer of the destinies of Spain from the constitutional liberal- ism of Napoleon’s well-meant usurpation, to the maleficient despotism of Bourbonism, under the tutelage of British greed and duplicity. The British alliance in Spain, as everywhere else that this unholy bond has been formed, has brought rot, decay and extinction to all nationality. It was a British alliance that wrought the destruction of Holland; it was British alliance that dragged France to the abysm of anarchy from 1815 to 1852. It was British alliance that blotted Prussia from the map of Europe in 1805 and Austria from 1797 to 1815. It was by alliances with her destined victims that the British succeeded in seizing a third of the colonies of the globe. But of all the victims of British alliance, Spain is the most warning example, for every step in the decadence of the people is clearly traceable to British instrumentalities in specious forms. To the student, there was the pathos of the inscrutable in the causes and passion that thrust this republic to the front as the instrument of Spain’s last devastation. For even the most ardent friends of Spain felt from the first, that the perishing people of the peninsula-—sixteen or seventeen millions—were no match for the seventy million robust antag- onists, the war made us. There were exhaustive arguments and studies in foreign periodicals demonstrating the inevitable outcome of the im- pending conflict. The republic of course, must carry her point in the end. But the earlier stages of the war would witness destructive over- throws of the republic’s fleets; of her armies by disease in the swamps of Cuba. For a year at least, it was circumstantially prefigured, the repub- lic would have to learn war at tle hands of her weaker foe; on sea and land she would be overwhelmed by the superior fleets and the better dis- 54 SPAIN’S FLEETS ON PAPER. ciplined soldiery of the Castilian elite. The array of the Spanish fleets on paper, overtopped all the republic could muster in majesty and science. The trained ranks of a regular army, that had lived on war, would rout the raw levies—howsoever brave—hastily called from the pursuits of peace. Our great seaboard cities, it was mathematically demonstrated, would be either leveled or ransomed within ten days of the opening of hostilities! The points of vantage on our coast were pointed out, where the invincible fleets of Spain, in the early days of the conflict, would entrench bases for supply and even recruiting stations for the army and navy. For among the extraordinary delusions holding the fixity of an axiom in the foreign mind, was the conviction that the population of this repub- -lic was not of the homogeneous texture that makes the multitude patriots, that inspires men to quit home, wealth getting—all the ease and ends of life, in short, to defend the flag, to illustrate it, if need be. The ablest polemists, the most admired philosophers, made this mixture of races, this disparity of citizenship, one of the fatal drawbacks to vigorous and sus- tained effort on the part of this country. Indeed the universality of this belief--that the peoples of this republic—who have not even a generic name; who have no country in the sense that, the Frenchman, Italian and Spaniard have their * patrie,” the Germans, their * fatherland,” could not be brought to face the self-sacrifices of war, the immolation of soldier- ing or sailoring, colored the judgments of our critics. The generality of this belief and its serious utterance, are another testimony to the superficiality of general knowledge. The most cursory glance at the history of the republic, from the infant efforts of the colonists, to the prodigious enterprises of the Civil War, would have admonislied theorists of this text, that no struggles in the evolution of peoples, demonstrated more devotion to all the symbols of zitizenship, country, than the unanimity shown by the men who make up this nation; whether the volunteer be native born, alien, or the descend- ant of an alien—no state—since the foundation of Rome, has ever evoked the devotion of its citizens so impulsively as this. Nor once since the formation of the republic, have we a record of a treason among the trusted men of the republic. What race, nation, or cause, since recorded events have been trustworthily reported, can show a similar testimony? No one ever heard of state, military or adminis- trative secrets, sold to foreign powers, from any official source in this country. History could have refuted this argument of Europe, that we were bound to pass through defeat to ultimate triumph, but our history f YANKEE COUSINS. 55 does not seem to have interested the foreigner. or is this sux ptisiug, for we are separated froin the continental peoples by the barrier of languaga —all that is known of us on the continent, is caught up from British renderings. Now, though we use the same tongue as the British, we ara as little known to the majority of the islanders, as we are to the Germans, the French or the Russians. Such history as the continent reads con- cerning the United States, is translated from British texts. Any one familiar with the appreciations of this republic, and its manners, insti- tutes, habits, tendencies, government and administration, as set forth in British works, is not surprised at the grotesque misjudgments passed upon us by continental critics. Until within a few years—coincident in fact with the President's message on British rapacity in Venezuela, Brit- ish discourse on the republic and its people, was a mingling of derisive misinformation, ironic tolerance or insufferable condescension. It is no crime in the Briton to know little or nothing of the republic or its peo- ple, but it is in keeping with his world-wide status in perfidy, that he re- produces us to the rest of the world, without warning the reader that his assertions are conjectures, his deductions half truths, his estimates partial. It is easy to comprehend why the British should estimate us in fantas- tic disproportion. We are anew people; our history is humdrum: there are none of the scenic situations in our development that a European people presents. Our political intrigues involve no possibility of war. What is, or is not done, in our Congress is a matter of indifference to statesmen, guiding other peoples. The success or defeat of one or the other party in our elections, bears no ulterior relation to other powers. For an instant, our assertion of the Monroe doctrine aroused the super: cilious interest of Europe. Journalists were despatched from over the water to report just the sort of folk we seemed to be. Gushing evangels of “kinship” were delegated from London to melt the sensibilities of “the better classes” of the States, by the proclamation of the love the British people felt for their “ Yankee cousins.” But, as the yellow journals of “the mother country ”, as the Anglophiles are fond of styling Britain, protested British love, the “nobility and gentry” made manifest the contemptuous scorn in which we are now and always have been held by the ruling caste. It was largely by depending on British estimatcs of the people of the United States, that the Spanish people and Spanish ministers played the 56 SPAIN TEMPORIZES. fatal game of temporization. They had learned from British diplomats and British presses that we were ineradicably corrupt; that our politicians were braggart irresponsibles; that the multitude were so intent on heap- ing up millions, they would not stop for war, even if the Congress and the President should have the courage to declare it. Down to the last penny in our treasury, the last bolt in our war ships, the Spaniard got. his information from British presses, British publicists, and British agents. It was an unquestioned acceptance of this voice, that led them into the fools’ paradise of confidence, which made the Spanish masses turn in execration upon the British, so soon as the war was de- clared. Then the Briton revealed himself; the presses scolded the Span- iard for dreaming of war with such a treasury as the republic had at its disposal. They pointed out the impossibility of meeting such an adver- sary on equal terms. They reminded Spain that the Yankees were of British kin, and that the race was always victorious at sea. The wretched Spaniards began to catch a glimpse of the abyss they had dug for them selves. But there were other powers that had sometimesshown generosity. France had gone to war for ideas; had fought to give Italy unity and freedom; had shed blood in rivers to free Poland, had never, in fact, re- fused to aid the overmatched. Then too, the French were kin; they were of the same ancient stock—that is to say, the two peoples could be traced to a single source, called in the confusing jargon of the learned,— “Latins.” France too, or her financiers, held millions on millions of Spanish bonds; French skill, taste and enterprise were in exploitation of neatly every branch of domestic handicraft in the peuinsula. France surely would—the Spaniard believed—fling the tri-color out beside the livid oriflamme of Castile. But, while the ranks of pleasure, the bankers and journalists, fell into fervid exclamations of sympathetic admiration for the harassed cousins across the Pyrenees, the sober peasantry, the hard- headed bourgeoise, the rank and file of the Democracy, turned away in silence. It was hard to be unneighborly they said in dumb show—but France as a republic could not give more than platonic sympathy—even to a cousin. Then a Minister of the Queen arose in the Cortes—with a Jeremiah lament, that impressed the nations. Europe, he declared, had lost its soul. There is no longer a sentiment of chivalry; the adoration of might has obliterated the very idea of the profit of right. Europe wants cent per cent., for whatever she does. We must go with our hands full and pay a big price if we expect help. Just what Spain took in her hands when she appeared in Berlin—this generation will probably not know—but Berlin seems to have found the handful nearly enough—for thereafter the master of Germany did every- Tus SPANISH RESERVE FLEET COMMANDED BY ADMIRAL CAMARA, SYMPATHY FOR SPAIN. thing but send men and fleets to support the lavish hand. Not that the Powers were not in sympathy with Spain; when the time comes to disclose the official documents—it will be seen that every Cabinet in Europe, from the Thames to the Neva, was of one mind, so far as partiality for Spain went. But—the spoil tobe gathered afterward—divided the harmonious concert. By concessions in China—the Russian bear and British lion would have roared together behind the Spanish plume. By breaking the compact with Russia and joining hands with Britain, France might have shared the Philippine conquest with the preacher of ‘* Anglo-Saxon” solidarity. But Spain could not prevail on France to break with Russia for the doubtful boon of sharing British gains. France lad experienced the lack of equity in British alliances, and refused to join the plot. But from the very blackness and deeps of defeat and affront,—British diplo- macy plucked the imposing semblance of a masterstroke. As if by magic, the whole world awoke one morning and found this Republic enamored of Great Britian. The tale is as humorous as Shakespeare’s analogous miracle—Titania’s infatuation for the ass! a) SS. / i= f ; ——— Hy} Ht} —— fi tS /: eS HATCH HCMC CMEC LU Ne : A 4 PART II. N the grandiose pageantry of history, there is no host legendary or ideal | that stands out more impressively than the groups who wrought Spain’s earlier destinies, and impressed her supremacy on two worlds. From the almost fabulous conquests of Ferdinand and Isabella,—to the subjugation of the two Americas, the Spaniard illustrated every trait as- sociated with heroism. Under the sceptre of Charles V., more than half of Europe paid tribute to the genius of Spain. Like Rome she estab- lished her religion, her language, her laws, over unknown lands and peo- ples—a million fold more numerous than her own children. From his sombre cell in the Escurial, Philip II. sent mandates to his lieutenants— who ruled the then unknown continents of North and South America— even the Philippines now at the disposal of this republic. The dynastic wars of the eighteenth century began the demolition of this colonial world empire. The seating of a French Prince, the grandson of the Bourbon King Louis the XIV., stimulated the jealous rage of Britain, Austria and the Stadt-Halter of Holland, the crafty Prince of Orange—who by arts and conduct little in keeping with his professions, gained possession of the British throne. ‘The Continental Powers were intent on crippling the European extension of French domination, while the British were bent on appropriating the American possessions of the decaying Spain. When the war ended, the French Prince was left undis- turbed on the throne of the great Emperador Charles-——but all coveted parts of the vast possessions of the crown had fallen into British hands. When the Napoleonic wars began, Spanish power and Spanish admin- istration were the scorn of Europe. The Bourbon monarchy, pendulating between the caprice of women and the ineptitude of monks, ennobled the worst Moslem regime by contrast. A Bourbon King invoked the army of Napoleon to curb the plotting of the heir to the throne. In contempt of law, policy, and even personal honor, Napoleon set the dynasty aside and installed his brother in the palace of the Hapsburg Cesars. His methods of doing this were of a piece with the substitution of the Houses of Orange and Hanover, for the Stuarts in Britain—but he neglected to cover his designs with the panoply of religion and liberty, which the Britain flings over similar predations. The Spanish, who loathed their imbecile kings, were inflamed to expel the invader—even though that in- (60) SPAIN IN BONDAGE. 61 vader had begun the work of political, social and religious reconstruction that would have made Spain a well-governed, enlightened and liberal regime. But it was to the vital “interests” of Britain—her oligarchy and her traffic, that Spain should be kept in political and social bondage. British subsidies were poured in Klondike streams into the treasuries of the provincial juntes, which claimed to embody the patriotism of the Spanish people. To the subsidies were added armies—such as Britain had never before organized, even for the crushing of our forefathers. By attrition, by fomenting the passions of the people, by coalizing Europe, Napoleon was diverted from completing the military conquest of the peninsula, and finally when swirled into the campaign in Russia, the British, with all Spain swarming in arms about Wellington's army, were emboldened to face the depleted ranks of France, and drove them over the border. From that day to this, British intrigue has held Spain as firmly in the grasp of British interest as Australia or Canada. During the campaign from 1808 until 18138, the British laid claim to supporting and upholding the Spanish people in their efforts for independence; they formed the wild enthusiasts that flocked to the Spanish standard in their own simil- itude. They breathed the breath of national life into them. They denied the armies, they organized every able-bodied man on thg peninsula—in- cluding Portugal—the first attribute of soldiery; they protested that no Spanish army, whatever its number or howsoever well equipped, could be brought to stand a volley from the French, no matter how inferior in numbers or lacking in supplies. British reports were laden with the fanatic savagery of the Spaniards, gentle and simple. Yet Napier, the standard historian of the Wellington campaign, puts on record that the British soldiery—whenever it was victorious in town or camp, outvied savages in the excesses committed on women and property. Every great power in Christendom maintains officers at the capitals of other states, to keep track of the status of military and naval invention, increase in fleets, armaments, and the whole field covering efficiency in war. Now—when war was declared, our administrative bodies were not certain of the proportion of the fleets, nor the effectiveness of the arma- ments that could be put to immediate use by Spain. It was after 1868, when the Spanish naval system went to pieces from the dry rot of maladministration, that the government took in hand the re creation of a navy capable of safeguarding the monarchy both at home and abroad. The dockyards of Spain and the mechanical ingenuity of ‘be people were unequal to carrying out the decrees of the Cortes. The _- 62 TORPEDO VESSELS. building of the vessels was therefore turned over to the dockyards of Britian, Italy and Germany. In the course of ten years, more than a hundred fighting craft—from armored cruisers and battle ships to tor- pedo-boats, were turned over to the Spanish marine. They represented at the epochs when completed, the very farthest advance in the perfection of fighting machines. In the rating of navies, the maritime forces of Spain have been given rank after Germany and Italy. The battle ships and cruisers were accounted as effective as any similar vessels in the British fleets, which are conceded precedence above all the powers both in number and destructiveness. While the perfection of the Spanish ships was universally admitted, there was, even before Dewey’s and Schley’s demonstration, some doubt as to the efficiency of the officers and crews to handle mechanism requiring qualities and aptitudes so unlike the pro- verbial gifts of the Spaniard. But while this was admitted, it was universally held that the possession of a crushing preponderance of torpedo vessels would make it perilous for the fleets of the republic to stand up before the enemy’s war ships— even in equal numbers. It was pointed out by military writers, that the efficiency of the naval army had been greatly impaired by the drastic abolition of privileges, brought about after the revolution of 1868. Since that time the nobility, the wealthy in the coast provinces have not con- tributed their due proportion to the marine service. Hence, a large pro- portion of the seamen and many of the officers, go on board the ships from the interior, with no sea habitudes. Every Spaniard is bound to serve with the colors after the age of nineteen, and it is made optional up to a certain number whether the conscript shall join the land or sea forces. Hence. while implicit confidence was generally expressed, by European critics, in the intelligence, skill and patriotism of the naval hierarchy, there was an admitted uncertainty as to the plain tar. This doubt was more than justified in the combat which involved the destruction of Cervera’s fleet at Santiago. Our sailors found guns loaded and ready to fire, and other evidences of slack discipline and half-hearted endeavor. But Cervera and his staff supply the most explicit evidence. They declare that the officers were compelled to humor the gun crews with draughts of brandy, and stand over them with drawn cutlasses to keep them working the batteries. There are other and more signifi- cant circumstances to account for the astounding collapse of the Spanish sailor while fighting his ship. The official caste of a Spanish vessel preserves all the odious abuses that have been abolished from the navies of other and freer countries, The tales THE SPANISH SAILOR. of inhumanity related of the tar’s life on the conquered fleets, revive the excesses of old time British barbarism. Every ancient punishment identi- fied with the brutalities of the navy, still holds a place in the discipline of the Spanish fleets. From the moment the sailor sets his foot on the ves- sel, often entrapped by the petty officers, he is made to feel that no daring, no devotion to duty, can bring him into anything like equality with the officer. He is regarded as of another class of the human; he is made to do the duty of a menial—from the caring for his superior’s shoes, to washing his soiled linen. For the slightest infringement of the capricious and onerous regulations of the ship, he may be strung up by the thumbs, lashed on the naked back, or confined in an airless chamber, and fed—by a refinement of cruelty, on salt fish, until, mad with the delirium of thirst, he is haled out to take his chances of recovery, through burning fever. So ill is the fame of the treatment of the common sailor, that of late years the Spanish Admiralty have been compelled to wink at a very general practice of what is called “shanghaeing,” that is the systematic search for stalwart youth, the leading them to places of depravity and hustling them on board ship, while in drunken stupor. This would hardly be considered a ;romising novitiate for a sailor,—but two-thirds of the crews that manued the ships of Great Britain down to within a half century, were obtained in this odious way ; with men thus impressed, Nelson won the combats that Britain reckons her chief glory. Yet with all this in mind, the critics of Europe professed the conviction that our improvised sailors would prove no match for these Spanish serfs. Nor is it unlikely that the knowledge of the status of the Spanish common sailor, gave Dewey and Schley and our commanders everywhere, the con- fidence that seemed recklessness. They knew that crews hating their officers could not be made to fight, as the humanely treated sailors of our navy fight. But to the Spaniard, the navy, in some cccult sense typifies his religion,—his ancestry—-the enshrined heroic phalanxes— from the dim beginning of the race until_its apogee under, Charlec "I. The naming of the ships attests at once the idealism and the credulity of the Spanish mind. Of old, the names of the Armadas embraced the rubrio of the saints. A British Admiral attacking a Spanish fleet in the last cen- tury felt as if he were invading heaven—for the names of most of the saints could be found on the Spanish hulls. The present fleets however, embalm the secular worthies of the race, from that wondrous hero Pelayo, to Don Antonio D’Ulloa—whose namesake went down in the harbor of Manila. Don Antonio was a scientist, who in moments of leisure, commanded his 64 SPAIN'S ADMIRALS. He was country’s fleets and administered her colonies as viceroy. a aE Se BOW OF THE “ ALMIRANTE OQUENDO.” governor of Louisiana during Spain’s occupancy of that colony, bat hia NAVAL WOMENCLATURE. 86 memory is cherished as the man who founded the observatory at Cadiz and the conception of the only important engineering works of a remark- able character on the peninsula. The Spaniard acquainted with the history of his country, must have re- flected on the irony of the naval nomenclature, when he read of the fate of the Almirante Oquendo—in the surf of Santiago. Oquendo is a name that holds about the same place in Spanish naval glory, that Farragut does in ours. Three generations of Oquendos distinguished themselves in the Spanish naval service, between the middle of the sixteenth and the middle of the seventeenth century. The Oquendo family belonged to the province of Vizcaya, and the second vessel of the fleet, strangely enough, bore the name, and went down with the Oquendo. The great Admiral, the father, held a place in the “Invincible Armada ” correspond- ing to that of a commodore. He commanded the Guipuzcoa squadron. His son Antonio was ten years old at that time; at the age of twenty-six, in 1604, he commanded a squadron which destroyed a fleet of British cor- sairs. Three years later, Almirante Oquendo wrought havoc among the Dutch ships of war that were convoying the East India merchant fleet past the Spanish coast. In 1631 he gained a great victory over the Dutch Admiral, Adrian Hanspater, off the Argentine coast, and accord- ing to Spanish authorities, a Dutch fleet which Oquendo successfully withstood in the French Channel some years later, outnumbered the Spanish, by five vessels to one. Antonio de Oquendo, as well as Miguel his son, were and are regarded as the type of the Spaniard that gave Spain the world. But the vessel that Spaniards of all ranks and conditions regard with reverence is the Pelayo, the monarch of the Spanish navy-—-commemorat- ing a character, half historical, half mythical—the founder of the Spanish nation. Beyond the Cid—beyond all the great captains, mon- archs and conquistadores, Don Pelayo holds the reverential devotion of all Spaniards. He appeared in the seventh century, when Spain was the prey of the Moors. He is variously set forth as of the Roman race that peopled Spain, and the Goths that poured in from the Pyrenees frontier. Pelayo made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and on his return found that the Moors in their conquering northward march, had subjugated his birthplace, the Asturias. He breathed the vigor of resistance into his clansmen. He raised an army and defeated the pagans. His victory was entered in the records of this time as “ Miraculous,” because the Moors were more than a thousand to Pelayo’s one! He was elected king by the Gothia »obles, and from that kingdom comes the dynasty of to- 66 NAVAL NOMENCLATURE. day. It is further of record, that Pelayo was the first Spaniard voted the right to use the title Don—hitherto employed only to designate saints. Spanish kings are always to this day called Don—as Don Alfonso XII The Carlists pretenders adhere rigidly to the Don, and the title is in- separable from their name, whether ruling or conspiring. | TORPEDO BOAT IN A GALE. “YEND MOL LST AL ATM ONIAVAT LAATY ONIGVYMOOTY AL ITf. AR once begun, invoked as the majority believed, recklessly, the \W country began to consider with poignant questioning the char- acter and resources of the antagonist we had challenged. ‘Thirty years of controversy in the press, heated declamation in Congress and on the stump, had not disturbed the ancient admiration of the cultivated for the splendid qualities that had made Spain mighty and admirable in other days. Indeed, outside the ebullition of demagogues and the repulsive jargon of jingo presses, there was never a rancorous feeling against the Spanish people. Our literature from the first gropings of our earliest writers is filled with appreciation and even reverence for the master minds, and masterpieces of Spanish art. Next to Shakespeare, the genius of Cervantes finds its warmest and most generous admirers in this country. The historical studies of Prescott, of Washington Irving, Ticknor, to omit scores, have made the Spaniard of the past two centuries much more _ kin to us than the races on the British Isles, who sometimes acknowledge kinship when the condescension may serve a purpose. Nor can it ever be forgotten that in our struggle for life, Spain was only secon? to France in the material aid given our forefathers. Indeed, had the Spanisi ‘curt refused to add the weight of Spain’s alliance, France might never have ventured to send her armies and fleets so far from the kingdom. Nor was it. forgotten that in the court of Spain our modest envoys, both before and after the war, received distinguished consideration, only second to that lavished on Franklin in the court of France. ‘That the Spanish monarch and Castilian grandees suspended the most cherished forms of etiquette to make easier for our homely diplomats, the onerous burdens they encountered in Europe. That personal amity existed be- tween Washington, the Republican leaders, and the successor of the Hapsburg Caesar. The curious too, recalled that it was to the inter- vention of this good-natured monarch, we owe the domestication of that grotesque but invaluable beast of burden—the mule, for it was from his royal stables, in Andalusia, that the first of that hybrid race came to this _country, a present to General Washington, sent on the suggestion of Lafayette. Nor was it forgotten that after our independence had been wrung from the hateful shackles of the arrogant Briton, our ministers (69) 60 SPAIN’S AVAILABLE FORCES. forced to endure endless affronts from the British courts, were upheld and vindicated by Spanish confraternity. But it was in the pages of Spain’s history, that the mind of the people became imbued with what may be called identity of sentiment. The illustrious men who ventured into the ew world, now dominated by this republic, seemed in some incom- municable way, our own ancestors. The conquistadores—from Columbus to Cortez, from Cortez to De Soto, are enshrined among our national worthies under the majestic dome of the nation’s capital. The deeds of these great men are part of our heritage. Cortez is as much the wonder and delight of the children of this republic, as Daniel Boone or the stalwart yeomen who illustrated the settlement of the great West. A boy of this republic would hold it shame not to know the thrilling story of Cortez, the Arabian tale of Pizarro. The first sentiment, when Spain stood before us as a foe, was the consciousness of the task of confronting a race capable of the deeds recorded of the con- quistadores. Even though diminished in numbers, despoiled of her world realms, the victim of political bravos and childish bigotries, to the imagination we were going forth to battle with a race that had conquered every people in the world in other days. The presses, the reviews teemed with studies of the available fleets and armies of Spain. This was taken up all over the world. It was the em- phatically expressed opinion of experts and amateurs that the first action at sea, if not on land, would go ill with the improvised army and navy of the republic. The comparison of the available war forces did seem appalling, when set forth by men trained in analyzing the effectiveness of armaments. It was agreed from the first that the conflict would be mostly on the sea. ‘There was never an idea expressed, either in Spain or Europe, that the monarchy would attempt the invasion of the republic. Cuba was by common agreement recognized as the battlefield, but even in that field it was maintained there would be little beyond a blockade, the island being in the nature of a fortress, assailable only by overwhielm- ing fleets, whose business-it would be to starve the garrison into surrender. : The conviction was nowhere disputed in Europe, that the republic would make no effort to carry hostilities to the Spanish mainland; it was even held improbable that the naval operations would extend beyond Atlantic waters. In this preconception of the field of operations, certain obvious advantages were universally conceded to the enemy. Spain’s fleets were more numerous, her great battleships, some of which had been viewed with awe in our own harbors, where the workmanship of the THE REPUBLIC'’S NAVY. 7 foremost yards of Europe in handicraft and invention. Her marines had long been trained in the handling of these mighty forces. Her officers were reckoned among the most accomplished in Christendom. Almost constant warfare, during the last ten years, had given their rank and file, the experience which alone can make the operatious of fleets certain or effective. In Havana, and its ideal harbor, Spain possessed a base, perfect for defence or attack. Her ships, gathered under the impregnable walls of Morro Castle and the ominous miles of forts commanding the water, could from the outset compel the naval movements to take such form as the Spanish Cabinet might seek. This republic could be put on the defensive; never certain whether the squadrons of the enemy were to strike at our forts, or, by manceuvering with the advantages of greater celerity, draw our fleets into ambush and destroy them in detail. For, added to other advantages, all the more formidable ships of the enemy were reputed greater in speed, by several miles an hour, than the swiftest of our defenders. The navy, at the immediate disposal of the administration, was more formidable on paper than in arms. All the world could see what we had, for the status of both army and fleet is presented yearly, to the uttermost detail, to Congress. The list comprised four armored battle ships of tha first-class, Jaunched and ready—five under way. Two armored cruisers of the second-class. Two armored cruisers of no class; one armored ram, Thirteen protected cruisers—that is partly covered with steel; seventeen gunboats; five torpedo boats. Beside these there were six monitors, designed more for coast defence than actual action at sea. But beyond these the sea administration had the potentialities of an almost indefinite auxiliary navy. For no sooner was the war a fact, than private in- dividuals crowded forward to put strong and fleet vessels of the most modern type, at the service of the authorities. Equal to this significant augmentation, great liners, that had attained world-wide fame for the speed of their journeys across the ocean, were quickly transformed into formidable cruisers, as was shown on the Cuban coast; they answered admirably to supplement the regular battle fleets. Indeed, one of the incidents that gave the country immense gratification was the disabling of the Spanish torpedo boat the Terror, by the guns of. the transformed American liner St. Paul, under command of the captain of the Maine— Sigsbee. Every naval expert in the world had looked forward to the havoc bound to be wrought in the unwieldly vessels of the new type, by the torpedo craft, swift sailing, slight in structure, but armed with appli- ances that once launched at an ironclad, no armor could resist. The id THE “ST. PAUL” AND “TERROR.” incredible conquests achieved by our fleets, hardly won more attention in Europe, than this slight encounter of the St. Paul and the Terror. For it was accepted as evidence, that in the hands of a resolute commander, the iron masses that make up the modern war ship, are not necessarily at the mercy of the torpedo boat. This however was a rash assumption, for Li} Feed GENE Se —— = = == =: f—— — SS —K = fe SS SSNS = EZ “ST, PAUL” DISABLING THE “TERROR.” our Cushing demonstrated that in the hands of a resolute man the torpedo is fatal. Of late years there had been immensy- interest shown in the new navy. The “ White Fleet” had been pictured in every journal in the country. Every schoolboy could possess photographs of favorite vessels. The manning of the ships too, had aroused state and civie sentiment. Most of the vessels named after states and cities, had received services of plate to enable the officers to fitly entertain at the ship’s tables. These gifts were made up from contributions representing all grades of the life of the republic. The creation too, of a naval reserve, at which the wise in the old world, jeered unceasingly, made the extemporization of a marine as facile as the creation cf an army. There were both high inspiration and vague apprehension in the horizon CONTINENTAL FLEETS. 73 of hopes the commanders of our fleets carried into the operations with Spain. They were inspired by the unbroken record of valor in our navies —from 1775 during five wars—or sea campaigns. In all of these our mariners had maintained an incontrovertible superiority ove every adver- sary encountered. The Continental fleets, though contemptible in size, and few in number, wrought a havoe in the ranks of the British in almost grotesque disproportion to their bulk in build. For the sailors were un- trained, the vessels improvised, the armaments haphazard. Yet the fig- ures collated at the end of the war, revealed the surprising fact that the volunteer fleets, comprising privateers mostly, captured eight hundred of the enemy's vessels. By the computation, agreed upon as a fair average. fifteen men to a ship, the total number of prisoners could not have been under 12,000. This was wrought by a force that never exceeded 5,000 men. Among these 12,000 taken by our navy, there were at the low- est estimate, one thousand regular soldiers, the flower of the British army, whose capture by the land forces would have ranked as a decisive victory. But the record of actual battles at sea, wien our navy was an inchoate experiment, compares with the marvels of the campaigns with Spain. John Paul Jones, no matter what the disparity of forces, the inferiority of his ships, never hesitated to attack a British ship, wherever encoun- tered. The history of no navy records a triumph so striking as the victory of the Bon Homme Richard over the British ship Serapis. In all that makes seamanship admirable, the infant attempts of the republic rank with the finest achievements known in sea literature. It was in 1812 however, that the fleets of the republic eclipsed all rivalry—taking the proportions into consideration. Though inferior to the British in number and armaments of vessels, our successes at sea were only second to the record made in the late war, and strangely enough, our most striking victories were won at a cost always in amazing disproportion to the casualities suffered. During the two years and five months the war lasted, the Yaikee fleets, cruisers, and privateers cap- tured fifteen hundred vessels from the British flag,—with more than 20,000 prisoners. Conditions consideied, this is even more striking than the destruction of Spain’s fleets, by Dewey and Schley—for Spain never prc- sumed to the rank of the British on the seas, even in the days of her might. In 1812, Britain was the undisputed mistress of every navigable sea in the known world. She had by the foulest of foul play, destroyed thie navies of the lesser powers, and by the genius and sometimes perfidy of her admirals, crushed the fleets and suspended the marine growth of her 74 “THE WHELP OF THE LION.” only rival—France. She was as indisputably master of the sea as Napo- leon was of the land. British journals, seamen and military men, hailed the war with the Yankee vipers” as the signal to ‘‘redeem the error ”— committed in 1781—when a weak ministry conceded the “rabble” of the colonies—independence. The republic was to be crushed in a campaign, its derisory navy swept from the seas by blank cartridges. During the thirty months this war lasted, there were eighteen engagements fought: the despised Yankees conquered in fifteen. But even more ominous than the defeats the British sustained at the hands of our mariners, the dispar- ity of the losses numbed the British. Though not quite so marked in the disparity of the killed and wounded, as in Dewey’s and Scliley’s combats, the British losses were frightful as compared with ours. The results of every encounter of our men-of-war and the British, were marked by slaughter on the enemy’s ships and but trifling loss on our own. But the British were unwilling to draw the same deduction that they pro- nounce to-day—namely that the “ whelp of the lic 1 shows the origin of his superiority ” as ove of the London Reviews summed up the battle of Santiago. P In the famous action between the crack British frigate Macedonian, thirty-eight guns and the United States, forty guns, out of three hundred men, the enemy’s loss was thirty-six killed and sixty-eight wounded— while our loss was seven wounded and five killed. The difference of two guns in our favor, was more than compensated by the more effective am- munition of the Macedonian. Indeed, the larger number of guns on the United States war ships of those days, was generally condemned as an error—for it made the ship unwieldly and more difficult to manipulate at a time when sails were the single locomotive power. ‘The validity of this criticism was soon shown by the diminution of the number of guns. But every encounter told the same tale. When the Frolic was taken by the Wasp, the British had fifteen killed and forty-seven wounded out of 487 —our “Wasp” had five killed and five wounded. When our Hornet vanquished the British Peacock in eleven minutes, the list was, five killed and thirty-three wounded out of 180 men, while we had but three men slightly injured. The tale might be carried to every encounter with nearly the same result. All Britain made an outcry when these astound- ing discrepancies leaked out in the press. ‘“ Ioondon”—The Times of that period solemnly announced,” was covered by a degree of gloom, painful to observe.” Disasters on land, the British had long been accustomed to bear, but to be beaten at sea, by a despised and derided republic, the “scum of Europe,” as British publicists were in the habit of designating FALSE MEASUREMENTS. 75 the colonies, rankled for many a year in the mind of the privileged classes. But the remedy was soon found. I question whether one in a thou- sand of the people of this republic, however proud of the record of our ancestors—knows that the victories won by our forefathers, were if not on equal terms, in most cases at a disadvantage to our marines. The British writers and naval pundits at once took the matter in hand. The naval histories embalming the operations of the fleets, explain the humiliating show made with the king’s navy, by alleging superior tonnage against the unfortunates, in every instance. Hence it is so written and so accepted. That is, every conquest made by the United States ships, was due to the heavier build of the winning vessel. Then it is set forth cireumstantially that in every instance where the Yankees came out best, the British ships were old, rotten, inadequately manned or shackled by untrained crews. In a comprehensive history of the United States navy, Maclay has taken pains to go to the fountain head of evidence in the matter. He accumlates proof on proof to show that the British record is a tissue of falsehoods; that in every .case the United States vessel was older in build and less complete in equipment. In the tonnage pretext—which the general reader accepts, because the explanation is rather technical, the British claim is squarely in the teeth of the facts. To palliate their defeats and the enormous slaughter wrought among the crews, the ac- cepted historians assert that the Yankee frigates were from forty to fifty per cent. larger than their conquered antagonists. ‘This was plausibly shown by the method of measurement in those days. Half the vessel's breadth at the broadest part was taken as the depth. ‘Three-fifths of the breadth was deducted from the length of the hull, the remainder was multiplied by the breadth and this result divided by ninety-five. By this method the United States ship was in every instance snown to be of greater proportions, and for this reason. From the very beginning of our naval construction, New England and Baltimore shipbuilders discovered a genius for the improvement of vessels. The form indeed of The Baltimore Clipper,” as well as the New Eng- land “Sea Bird,” was known wherever the sea carried the navies of com- merce. It was on these docks the long graceful curving lines of our ships first took form. By cutting off all the structure between the water line and the keel the Yankee craft gave the appearance of solid lines down to the bottom, whereas, in fact, they slanted off even with the water line. The British vessels, on the other hand, were built on the old and ugly lines, which are illustrated by a canal boat. It requires no technical 76 A HISTORIC LIE. training to perceive the differences in weight. A Yankee craft, to all in- tents and appearances as heavy as a ship of the same size built squarely down to the keel, was, in fact, not much more than half the weight, for she had two of her angles cut off. But the falsehood did its work. Even the warmest champions of our 1812 heroes, have conceded that the ships were heavier—because the historical lie stands sealed by the official imprimatur. This fantastic method of- measurement was adopted by experts, to rob the United States of the credit, won in the encounters with British ships, and as it is difficult to comprehend, and ostensibly perfectly above board, the British contention has gone into history ; even writers on this side of the water, adopting the plea. But the rule of measurement thus applied to war vessels, was devised for custom-house purposes, to guage the col lection of revenues. For this use it was perhaps fair enough, but it was grossly misleading in measuring the proportions of United States vessels, even merchantmen. ‘The plan of the British frigate showed that the ex- treme length of the deck was maintained nearly the whole distance be- tween the bow and the stern. ‘The rake of the stem and the stern posts of the Yankee frigate was uniformly greater than in the case of the British. From measurements taken at the custom-house in Baltimore in 1812, it was made plain that a merchant vessel built on the plan of the British Macedonian, registered 800 tons and was able to carry 400 hogs- - heads of tobacco, while a ship of the same tonnage, but built on the lines of the United States frigate, could carry only 100 hogsheads. It is true that the United States forty-four gun frigate in the war of 1812 was from ten to fifteen feet longer than the British thirty-eight gun frigate, but owing to the rake of the stem and stern posts in our vessels not an extra gun could be put into the broadside, there being just fifteen ports in the side in both ours and the British ship. Another matter upon which some stress has been laid by the British, is the heaviness of the metal carried on our frigates. It is a fact that the United States vessels were armed with twenty-four pounders on the main deck, while the British ships carried only eighteen pounders. At the time of the war of 1812; however, the use of twenty-four pounders, as the main armament of frigates, was largely experimental, with the weight of ex- perience and authority against them. British commanders insisted that twenty-four pounders were too heavy and could not be worked as effec. tually as eighteen pounders. It was clearly demonstrated that our tlirce frigates of the forty-four gun class, were overweighted, and the experience of the first battles in which they were engaged, disclosed the truth to their commanders. .In the first actions of the war, the Constitution carried eR COLI a THE BLOCKADING FLEET OFF HAVANA. YANKEE CREWS. 79 fifty-five guns in all, with a total weight in shot of 1,401 pounds; before the close of the war, her armament was reduced to fifty-one guns, having a total shot weight of 1,287 pounds. The “ United States” in her action with the Macedonian carried fifty-four guns to the enemy’s forty-nine, but on returning to port six of the United States guns were discarded, as it was found that their great weight had caused the frigate to become “hogged,” or broken backed. ‘The third of these frigates, the President, also reduced the number of her guns to fifty-two, but even this was not sufficient to prevent her from becoming “hogged.” Overweight was the cause of her being overtaken and brought to grief by a British squadron in 1815. The Yankee ships and Yankee crews of 1812 overcame the British enemy for just the same reasons that they would to-day. Because the ships were better built, but above all, because every shot fired from a Yankee deck, represented a man who had a right to himself; every man was fighting for his own and his children’s heritage, while the Briton was fighting for pay, for a sovereign he had never seen, or might ever hope to see; for a constitution which took no more note of the man or the mass, than the ukase of the Czar or the irade of the Padishah. Not aman, how ever humbly employed in the republic’s marine, forgets for an instant, that it depends on himself whether he remains in the galley or mounts to the bridge; a rail splitter was president of the republic; there is no insuper- able obstacle to a stoker taking the place occupied by James A. Garfield, driver of a canal team. The outworn phrase that began to fill the British press—“the man behind the gun,” has a vastly different meaning from that inferred. When the man feels that he has a right in himself—the gun is part of him, but the man behind the British gun, has never felt that, and he never can. Uplifting as the retrospect of the early wars, there were still more gran- diose pictures evoked in recalling the stupendous burdens borne by the navy in the Civil War. The deeds of Ellet, of Dupont, of Foote, in the early days of the war, when the navy was almost held in derision, until Grant's forces were rescued at Belmont, Shiloh, and aided to victory at Donelson and Fort Henry. These inland prodigies could not be imi- tated or emulated in Cuban waters. With this double sentiment ani- mating officers and crew, there was still another, and this weighed with poignant pressure on the thought of the whole country. The stupendous fighting machines we had fabricated during the last fifteen years were ob- jects of unknown force. The mere manning of these involved the tech- nical familiarity with abstrusities hitherto associated with expert crafts- 80 MODERN FIGUTING MACHINES, men, trained in engineering and the mechanic arts. What certainty that the various corps of skilled artisans would be able to keep presence of mind, during the pandemonium of actual warfare? Even the least im- aginative could invoke the actualities of the crash aud carnage of battle; in the meeting of two iron and steel masses, vomiting tons of metal, whose mere impact crushes the stoutest shield. Masses that would plough through yards of masonry; masses hurled three, four and five miles over the surface of the water as surely as in other days the puny missiles of the six pounder, were sped. Nor were the horrors involved in the new life at sea for a moment for- gotten, or ignored. Masses of 300 to 700 men sealed under iron rafters, WORKING THE BIG TURRET GUNS ON THE IOWA. iron partitions, iron gangways, and even in the calm watches of the night immured in the fetid atmosphere of an iron vault. With such constraint, with such vicissitudes, would the old-time constancy and valor avail to keep the body of men equal to the unspeakable ordeal of combat? When the fatal hour arrived, when the demoniac hail pattered on the decks, could human nature find physical reserves to support the superadded THE INSTINCT OF TILE SHIP. g) strain? Millions put themselves in the sailor’s place; they saw the dis. tant outline of the enemy’s squadrons barring the blue horizon; they heard the venomous screeching of the trial shells, searching for the range. They felt the agonizing expectancy, when, everything breakable, inflam- mable, cleared from the adamantine decks,.the sea soldiery, swarmed to their allotted places; here a group at the guns, there a reserve aligned in ranks to fill the places of the dead and disabled. The very ship seems instinct with the coming death. The thrill and throb of the engines enter into a frightful rhythmic sympathy with the awful crisis. From the faces of the men, great beads of sweat rol] down in streams, while with lips compressed, each fated figure waits his prescribed function. The captain of the ship stands in the place of terror. the tribune of the deck; about him the lesser officers wait immobile. The guns, as if endowed with con- sciousness, lunge far outward, spying the point where they can carry most fatal destruction. Everything is glowering—formidable—the en- ginery of Pandemonium—waiting the signal. In this prelude of tension, that no words can make real, sea and sky seem blurred, by the apparition of the potential ministers of slaughter. It would be a relief to the wait- ing man, to feel the shells strike the iron ramparts, to get a touch of the reality ; all thus far is of the supernatural. The conviction that suddenly flashes into every man reared in peace, indoctrinated in the amenities of the creed of Christ, is that the ocean is a dream, that he cannot in reality, be sailing the summer seas, in search of other men nurtured in the same doctrine, to slay; to be slain; to inflict all that earthquakes, storms and natural agencies visit upon the helpless. This fleeting, whimsical ratiocination, is the supreme agony of man in battle—after that the ferocious instinct of slaughter holds him as in a fever. For with the bidding to let loose the thunder of the guns, a con- tracting condition comes in instantaneous swiftness. ‘The exhilaration of being a vengeance, an instrument of a people's wrath, exalts the feeblest, stimulates the ardent, to another sphere of fairly preternatural effort. The shock of the speeding mass of metal, as it quits the brazen maw of the gun, induces of itself, an electric current, as the ship staggers under her own vitalities. A fierce joy displaces this sombre tension of the long expectancy. The words of command, no longer the perfunctory mono- tones of death, but shrilling with a meaning, that portends, death or life, subdue the apprehensions and swiften the movements of the thunderbolt launchers. BO To this phantasm of the imagination—the millions added the down- pour of lead; the din, infernal, and malignant, of the shells bursting 82 FEEDING THE FIRES. where the massed men are plying the guns. Appalling as these spectral anticipations—there were even more grewsome deeps in the minds of the families—who had brothers, sons, or kin on the terrible structures, that preserve and destroy. In the sirocco breath of the engine caves, nude ficures are seen feeding the roaring furnaces. They are far below the “YUE Uy iin RAPID FIRE GUN ON SHIPBOARD. water’s tevel; hundreds of tons of metal are above and about them. Every thrill through the fuliginous mass, may mean death in the most atrocious form to these grimy gnomes. What after all is the heroism of a Hobson, the valor of a Dewey or a Schley, to the inconceivable con- stancy of these perpetual immolators of self? Is there not then something incomparably rare in the patient devotion of that amazing body of men, who alone make it possible to put the exquisite inventions of science to the deadly uses involved in war? Heroism can take no more awe-inspir- ing form than this abnegation of the brave in the deeps of the iron hulks, denied the sustaining sunlight, the companionship of the common aven- gers and defenders. He cannot even know whether death is coming by shell or torpedo. He must wait until the waters gulf him in the briny APPALLING ANTICIPATIONS. 83 maelstrom. Not many bethcught themselves of these momentous factore in the prevoyant anguish that hovered over our fleets, as they gathered in Cuban waters. And while the actual destruction was spared our , kindred, the horrors herein adumbrated, were actualities on the magnifi- cent ships of the wretched Spaniards; indeed these imaginings ten fold inluridated would but feebly reproduce the inferno of each of the ships that our guns battered into tortured masses of shapeless ruin. -(; rau LOADING A GUN ON THE TEXAS. | PS ‘VdNVIL LV SdOOUL ONIDUVANGA IV. ARELY had the word of war been spoken when the malevolent in- fluence of the “yellow” press began to make itself felt in the con- duct of affairs. There were millions who remembered the disasters forced upon Lincoln's administration by the clamor, “On to Bull Run!” In the history of the Crimean War, Kinglake devotes a section of un- equalled brilliancy to the influence of the press upon a nation at war. He describes with absorbing and sustained force the gradual shifting of the initiative from the grasp of the departments of State, to the editorial oe NW 22 = pe es , MS zat 7 ANGEL Era ROR D ON Lge BS aS 2 “ - SHAD [Vo SS o : ‘lh NN f | " > \\ AN b sel | PW yA: AY | 1 N/m Se AS \ 1) CAEL IE EON Ye WAM EOS 5 52S ; | Z V7 i, ees eae . Se I; Y Le | ee ee Pa HMM NM\ as > Ss ee i Vp piss eae \ Mies | (\ AY ST ANA ST Eicedo, VOLUNTEERING IN NEW YORK. sanctum of the Zimes newspaper. Commanders in the field, councils, every responsible source of action, worked in paralysis compared with the potentiality of the Orphic utterances of the press. Before a squadron could be reasonably expected to be ready, the yellow press began a vocif. E50) 86 THE RAW RECRUITS. - erous demand for action, for results, for the doing of things that wouid enable “enterprise” to publish “extras.” Insensibly the disposition of the people was influenced by the incessant iteration. The troops called out by the President were so-to-speak as naked as the newborn babe. Everything had to be done to give them a semblance of cohesive force. It was necessary to assign camps accessible to the va- rious groups of quotas. Chickamauga, identified with one of the momen- tous battles of the Civil War, was selected as the rendezvous for the middle division of the Union. The daily papers were filled with the admirable disposition of the youth of the land to take up the burden of battle; thousands in every state offered themselves to the recruiting offi- LEA ’ ez : ZY. LZ THE “PURITAN” IN ACTION AT MATANZAS. cers. The people, thrown into alarm by the vehemence of the press, vaguely felt that the recruit was a soldier the moment he signed his name to the muster-roll. The yellow press daily proclaimed that the navy was ready and able to “end the war in a week”; that the 200,000 men had nothing to do but march to the sea and sail over to Cuba. It was even argued in the noisiest and most potential of the metropolitan presses, that CoMPANY DRILL at Camp ALGER, OUR NAVY AT MATANZAS. 89 there was no use for the calling out of the soldiery; that the navy was equal to the conquest of Cuba and the Spanish holdings in the Caribbean Sea. When, on April 24th the fleet made a slight test of its guns at Matan- zas, there was a furious denunciation of the administration fur withhold- ing the tars from “real war.” The President was represented as bent upon a “kind-hearted war” in which there should be merely tentative bombardments of fleets and strong places. Much was made of the fre- SPANISH PRIZES IN KEY WEST HARBOR. quency and facility of the captures on the high seas. The whole country was thrown into merriment by the audacities of the hastily-improvised cruisers and blockaders, attacking the most formidable of Spanish craft and dragging them into port as prizes. Indeed, for a fortnight the southern ports were incapable of harboring the immense fleets of mer- a i) Ni i ‘il i i i Mi We 90 VIEW OF MATANZAS. SPANISH “RIZES. 01 chant vessels, that fell a prey to our energetic craft. The incidents gave rise to embittered controversy abroad, where it was sneeringly deduced that the mercantile spirit of the Yankee was, as usual, the preéminent CAPTURED SPANISH OFFICERS ON THE “ NASHVILLE.” phase of the conflict. By international law, an enemy’s ships, when war is declared, are entitled to thirty days’ warning. We, on the contrary, had barely broken relations with Spain, when our ships swarmed in every 02 THE ADMINISTRATIVE BUREAUX. avenue of commerce, to surprise vessels whose commanders had no sus- picion of hostilities. Sordid calculation of the ‘money in it” for our sailors and our treasury filled the presses. Fora time, it would have been natural to suppose that the war had been declared to enable our fleets to accumulate prize-money ! Meanwhile the harassed administrative bureaux were straining the new and creaking machinery to make soldiers out of the admi- cable material proffered. But soldiers cannot be made by mere de- ee EY i LY Pe Rex. . LIGHT AND HEAVY UNIFORMS. crees. The regimenting and brigading, the mobilization of 200,000 men can only be rightly done in prescribed ways. In other countries, these ways have been prepared for years—where people live as in an armed camp. With our small, but ample army of 25,000 men, we have no machinery for putting four times that number in military harness. Everything was to be done. Uniforms were to be made, the innumer- LESSONS OF THE CIVIL WAR. 98 able requirements of men huddled in masses and obliged to supply them- selves with food, covering all the needs of life, in short. Even the trans- portation of these hastily formed bodies of troops presented difficulties. The railways could not supply trains promptly; groups of men were shifted and sent astray, when the camps of organization were located. It was found that there were no- provisions for sheltey uniforming, even drilling. The regulars were hurried to the deadly sand-dunes of the Florida coast, ready for actual service ; but alone, it was held they were unequal to attacking the least of the Spanish strong places. In this interval disputations arose in most of the states over the terms upon which the militia might be made use of to serve under the Presi- dent’s call. The rank and file of the state troops in every case waived all rights to immunity from foreign service, and eagerly demanded the privilege of upholding the republic wherever her interests were at stake. In the war bureaux at Washington it was seen that an early movement would be perilous; that aside from the always present danger of the Cuban climate, it would be murder to dispatch untrained ranks to encoun- ter the veterans defending Cuba’s strong places. Coincident with diffi- culties and embarrassments inseparable from the extemporizing of so large an army, one of the most vicious defects of our system came to add to the confusion, inefficiency and benumbing fatalities of the situation. The place-hunter, denied the usual spoils of office in the civil service, in- sisted on having the officering of the new levies. We had costly lessons in this very evil during the Civil War. We had seen presuming politicians in command of regiments, brigades, army corps, departments, in a million posts requiring the training and exper- ience of men educated iw our military schools; it was supposed that the administration thus admonished would stand between the soldiery and these soulless cormorants. There are volumes attesting the thousands slaughtered on every field of the Civil War by the intrusion of political adventurers; the lessons had been so deeply impressed that the country heard with a shock of indignant disbelief, that senators and representa- tives were making it impossible to carry on the war, unless commissions were given to “ workers,” relatives, and influential nobodies. The coun- try was swarming with the graduated men, who had devoted years to the study and practice of the art of war. There were enough accomplished graduates of West Point to officer a million men safely and competently. Not one in a thousand of these men, eager to return something to the republic in zealous, enlightened devotion for the education given, could even get a hearing. The rich sons of affluent politicians, the profligate 94 THE “ROUGH RIDERS.” kinsmen of war-time personalities, were given staff appointments, places the most difficult to fill, and upon whose proper filling depends the safety of the masses sent under fire. The lamentable effects became apparent in every attempt to move the inchoate legions. Indeed, the picture given of the hopeless tangle at the various camps, became so disheartening, that the executive departments were constrained to promise that no more of this murderous nepotism should be carried on. But the country remarked that in every batch of appointments sent to the Senate, the “ political pull” still made itself felt, and made itself felt to the end. Naturally, there was delay, confusion, hardships in the mobilization of the army, for the indispensable machinery was defective from its inception. The pictures that reached the country from Key West, Tampa and other points of rendezvous, gave promise of the disasters that signalized the years 1861, and 62. Even when exper- ienced men were put in place, the selections seemed based on other than consideration of fitness for the peculiar cainpaigns involved. The administrative officers were in many instances long past the age of vigor. Veterans from both the Confederate and Union armies were promptly named, but they were frequently men who had not been identi- fied with happy campaigns or individual initiative; on the other hand the most eminent of the groups who had conducted armies with precision and success were passed by. Under these conditions, the armies assem- bled in Florida and at the rendezvous in the interior, did not impress the solicitous as likely to meet the crisis. But with these short-comings and vices, there were imposing evidences of the devotion and constancy of the soldier, that to a great extent made up for the lack of leadership. Perhaps the most significant demonstration of this spirit of the country was the organization of a regiment which became the joy of the para- graphers and the pundits of the press. Theodore Roosevelt, a rich young New Yorker, who liad figured frequently as a reformer in the insurrections of New York City politics during the last decade, resigned the responsi- ble place of assistant secretary of the navy, to become a subaltern in a regiment designed to do and dare. Under the characteristic designation of the “ Rough Riders,” Roosevelt almost in a day, gathered the most dis- parate groups of the republic’s adventurers. The recruits came from the scholastic seclusion of Harvard, from the wild life of the plains, from the gilded clubs of the metropolis, the Capauan splendors of millionaire palaces. The cowboy and the dude, the pioneer and the dilletante jostled each other in the ranks that were formed almost in a day. The gathering of this unique organization, the roster of its bizarre personalities, was read THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 95 from day to day, with delight and laughter. The drilling and disc{fplin- ing of the mass, the Croesan gifts of the privates to the regiment, the readiness of the aristocratic contingent to fall into the squalid details of ‘vamp life, made a page of piquant interest for the whole country. Roosevelt, himself, was the most interesting figure; a man of letters, A GROUP OF ROUGH RIDERS. eager, impulsive, absorbed in everything he undertook, he was indulgently admired by even those who distrusted his sagacity or opposed his ideals. He was the chief of the jingo voices in all international ardors. He had been the candidate of his party for mayor of New York. He had been put at the head of the metropolitan police commission on the overthrow of Tammany in 1895—and made the life of his compatriots gay by his original administration of this apparently uncongenial post. He had written voluminous pamphlets in a semi-historical vein, on the settling of y A MOTLEY LEGION. the West, and had made himself the idol of the groups that demanded a big navy, a big army—everythiny big iu fact chat the tax payer distrusts. In his new endeavor, Roosevelt brought the same irrestrainable energy to the task that had given him eminence in other enterprises. He mas- tered the rubric of the tactics and set to work to drill his motley legion - with the assiduous delight of a Prussian martinet. In the loug journey from the regiment’s rendezvous, at San Autonio, Texas, to Tampa, the rough riders were a magnet to the inhabitants from far and near. The farmers and villagers who had read for years of the 400” of New York, flocked to the railway, to catch a glimpse of the scions of these mysterious potencies, transformed into private soldiers of the republic. The famous athletes, the notorious cowboys, the equivocal of mining camps and Buf- falo Bill shows, were no less embodiments of wonder to the country through which the squadrons passed. In every city they were féted, caressed, glorified. But for that matter, no body of men bearing the in- signia of the republic were neglected, as the trains bearing them, dragged an uncertain course to the decisive point of embarkation. We shall see them in the strain and storm of cruel trial, and find that the touch of cue hand, impressed some of the rare qualities, that make steadfast troops— but even in the almost bouffe heroism, we shall likewise see that soldiers are not made, officers are not created by mere proclaiations. INSPECTING A DYNAMITE GUN. if ; = COMMANDER ASA WALKER. CoMMANDER BowMAN H. McCALLA, Lizut.-COMMANDER JOHN E. PILLSBURY. BOOK TWO. I. 'L\N the Sunday morning of the first of May, the war being nine days old, a thrilling rumor stopped the groups wending thcir way to church. Across vague leagues of sea and land, from the utteriaost width of the globe came a tale of conquest. The flag of the republic had been victorious in a combat upon the fortunes of which depended a vast colony. The distance, the mystery of the ships engaged, the sum of death and de- struction, were for twenty-four hours a poignant anguish to the electrified people. Gradually, the country learned that the almost unknown squad- ron of Commodore Dewey, stationed in Chinese waters, had in obedience to a curt order from the navy department, sailed from Hong Kong, sought the enemy at his strong place and fought him until not a vessel was left to fly the enemy’s flag. There had been light talk and fanciful conjeature in the public prints, on the possibilities of our Asiatic squadron doing something to make the Spaniards uneasy for their last and most splendid possession in the East, but the most sanguine never ventured to hope that the first blow of the war would result in a conquest, such as great powers consider ample gain for a long campaign. Many causes had combined to bring about an increase in our Asiatic squadron, even before the authorities had any clear apprehension of war. The late astounding aggression of Germany on the territory of China, in a. time of peace, had suggested the need of ample sea power to safeguard our immense commercial interests in Oriental waters. The threatening complications between Britain and Russia, gave promise of a partition of the unwieldly domains of the Celestial empire, such as the world has been witnessing in Africa. It is inferable too, that the sagacious statesman at the head of the navy department, had a prevoyant instinct in the matter, when he selected the men and the craft for the station. Whether fortui- tous or designed, the republic was miraculously served. One of the de- cisive victories rarely achieved in war, was fought and won, almost before the republic had adjusted its armor for the fray. To the country, the news came with all the fascinating unexpectedness, that made the new world conquests tales of marvel to the Europeans of three centuries ugo ; when successive caravels, brought to the monarch of the Spains, the title deeds of lands far surpassing his inherited realms in extent. : Tt is on record that Dewey himself, accepted the Asiatic billet with re- (99) 100 COMMERCIAL DIPLOMACY. Inctance, counting the Atlantic as the only chance for the fleets, in the by no means probable event of hostilities. It was set down to his credit, that having the right to an Atlantic assignment, he magnanimously yielded to the request of a brother officer, whose term was nearing an end, and hoped that if there were need for action he might have a chance to wind up his career gloriously. Hong Kong is a world harbor; seized by the British in the first epoch of European predation upon China, the port is open to the commerce and navies of the world. In this harbor, Commodore Dewey waited with a sailor’s AUpALSDes, the fateful word that was to launch the wondrous “white squadron” against the unknown. The crews of the great ships, the hierarchy of the officers, every man on the vessels—longed for the word war. For the idleness of an international harbor becomes irksome to the tar. He loves the sea—even in the inhuman tenements assigned him in modern war structures. Hong Kong isa tropic port, and the lassi- tude of the climate begins to tell after a short sojourn. It was noted by the curious, that Dewey had become deeply immersed in the charts of the China Seas; that like Napoleon, before the Italian campaign, he studied them by day, and meditated them by night. It was not however, until the brush of the painter was called in to transform the beautiful white surfaces of the fleet into a repellent nameless drab, that even the almond eyed navvy, knew that there was ominous work ahead, when this portentous transfiguration eclipsed the glory of the fleet. When Dewey on his own responsibility—anticipating the future, with the wise prevoy- ance of a prudent executive, bought out of hand, a British steamer from Cardiff, freighted with 3,000 tons of coal and a vessel of a Hong Kong house, laden with provisions; the very powder boys knew that war was to be the wear very soon. Dewey’s fitness for the post he had taken with reluctance, was never more consummately shown than in this commercial diplomacy. He assured breathing space for his enterprize and really augmented his force by two powerful auxiliaries—for the entire crews of these vessels to a man took service under the flag of the republic. Then came a breath of the far-off land—home. The McCulloch, a revenue cutter, employed by the Treasury Department on missions far removed from war, suddenly appeared among the fleet, shrilling salutes to the en- raptured tars. In war, the President may make use of these pacific craft to supplement the fleets, and when this vessel appeared, every blue jacket on board felt that he was sure of the deadly chance he had been eager for. It was this swift craft, that on the 26th of April dashed up to the flagship, to deliver this ft teful message: THE PRESIDENT’S ORDER. 101 “ WasHINGTON, April 26th. “ JEWEY; Asiatic Squadron: Commence operations at once, particu larly against Spanish fleet, you must capture or destroy them. ; * MCKINLEY.” It 1) not often that the President of the republic thus puts his signature to a command. Only once during the Civil War did Abraham Lincoln perfor this function of his constitutional prerogative—wheu on February 1862 he ordered all the armies of the United States to move. But no order ever given was so completely executed. The Spanish fleet was both destroy »d and captured. Dewey’s comment as reported by a witness at hand, portended—what was to follow: ‘Thank the Lord,” he ejaculated, “at las}, ve got the chance, and I’ll wipe them off the Pacific Ocean.” The sqiadron was lying in Chinese waters when this curt mandate reached its commander. For under the laws of nations, neither belligerent is permitted to make a stay of more than twenty-four hours in a neutral port. Dewey had taken refuge in the nearest haven to Hong Kong, Mirs Bay, and that Celestial harbor was thrown into a panic by the stertorous outburst from the ships, when at two o’clock on the afternoon of April 26th the commodore’s war pennant fluttered out from the mast head. This was the seaman’s signal that the ships were no longer panoplied by the safegvards of law, that at any moment, they must be ready to de- fend themszelves,—three miles from neutral shores. It meant war; and among the masses imprisoned in the iron hulks, there was the exultant delight of the human on being liberated. Every mile the ship sailed now, meant the growing peril of bomb, torpedo, and ram, but the sailors hailed these dangers, as others hail redemption. On the instant, as if impatient to taste to the full the liberty to slay and be slain, the fleet, nine vessels in all, made straight eastward, where the enemy was known to be. The «ammodore’s flagship—the Olympia, led the way, followed in order by the Baltimore, the Boston, the Raleigh, the Concord, the McCulloch, tie Petrel, and the two improvised transports Zafiro and Nanshan. This fleet was familiarly known in every sea port of the republic. It aad been reproduced in illustrations for every reader of newspapers, to the uttermost hamlet from the Canadian frontier to the Rio Grande. Every man of eminence on each ship had been photographed and pictured, until they were as well known as family friends—in every household in the union. The journey, made in the tension and hopes of conflict, was not nrecipitate—for though on fighting bent, Dewey was full of the wise pre- caution of the strategist. The squadron was subdivided into scouts and - 102 THE LAST DAY OF APRIL guards. ‘nese vessels entered and scrutinized the sizes and purport of the harbors, likely to be tenanted by the enemy. Subig bay, a sheet of water, only second in importance to Manila itself—was entered with every precaution suggested by naval craft. It was half hoped that Ad- miral Montojo would be found there, as the harbor offered many ad- vantages for a battle. But Subig was empty of war vessels. Dewey indeed, drew augury there of the inconceivable unpreparedness of the enemy, for it was not known to the few ships encountered, that war was on. Under a yellow moon that seemed to the watching mariners a fantastically erratic balloon, the fleet quit Subig harbor the last day of April and skirted down the Philippine coast, in thrilling expectation. Every officer in control of each ship, knew to a dot on the chart, just what must be met; the only conjectural point was, the number and place- | ate tend GENERAL VIEW OF MANILA. ment of the infernal machinery, prepared for the ships batteries. Would they begin abreast the harbor of Manila—Spain’s most affluent spot in the splendid colony of the Orient? The harbor in peace, is reckoned one of the most inviting in that strange eastern archipelago. Shaped like a vast balloon—swelling to twenty or thirty miles in width at the upper, or northern part, the navigable waters decrease toward the neck or entrance where the island of Corregidor blocks the mouth, ideally placed by nature, to supplement the defensive works of art. The land, OLD MANILA. 163 coterminous with the narrow neck, rises on each side into gigantic pali- sades, commanding the approaches from the open sea. From these sentry-like acclivities, the ground rises inland in mountainous raunges—- far into the interior—of the island of Luzon. The ancient city of Manila, the emporium of the vast Philippine group, is built upon a flat plain, between the upland ranges and the curving bays, twenty six miles upward and northeastward, from the narrow passes on each side of the island of Corregidor. -The city was originally built upon inlets from the bay, the largest called the Pasig river; which accommodates good sized craft. In effect—the arms of the bay make the city almost as detached in quarters as Venice. The original settlement was made on an oblong island south of the Pasig called ‘Old Manila—or Binondo.” This mass of tenement is a perfect reproduction of the medieval Spanish walled CAPTURE OF CAVITE ARSENAL. city. It is compactly circumvallated from its neighboring suburbs, but modern artillery has made these walls mere monuments of the past, as they are no defences. Ten miles south by west, of Manila, the real defences of the place are located at a military and naval settlement— Gavite. The place is admirably chosen for its purpose. An arm of lana A 104 MANILA'S ‘DEFENCES. stretches outward and upward, like the claw of a lobster, completely sheltering a small sheet of water, capacious enough for twenty fleets. Since the attempt of the Germans to seize the Caroline group, Spain has made unstinted efforts to erect Cavite into an inexhaustible defence, both in provisions and appliances for any emergency. For four years, no stranger could get within observing distance of its carefully guarded walls or its imposing arsenal. It was the tale throughout all the eastern seas, that Manila could never be successfully attacked, so ample were the pre- cautions of the home government. And had the Spanish authorities supplemented nature—Cavite could only have been taken as Mobile or New Orleans were, by patient approach and deadly grapple—if even Orie my 1 Ji. Ge iis g f77i'\ was? i fi N we : O. nae tL Nig = y Ay Hy \ ae ye Tain SON Y Mi) Uy Hy h nf YY H SPANISH ARTILLERY HEADQUARTERS, MANILA. these could have won over such enginery as modern science puts in such profusion at the disposal of the defensive. But the ominous points of contact for such an enterprise as Dewey’s were the islands, Corregidor and Rulacabilla—square in the mouth of the narrow entrance to the harbor. Corregidor rises from the water six hundred and fifty feet sky- ward—the second island is less lofty by perhaps a hundred or more feet. These islands, provided as any of our coasts were armed, could have stopped a fleet a hundred fold more powerful than Dewey's. Indeed the DEWEY'S CAPTAINS. 105 completeness of the prodigious armaments on these heights was told all over the Orient, when the first signs of war arose. Add to this the interminable chains of mines, torpedoes and other infer- nal agencies, and Dewey’s hardihood can be comprehended. That mo- mentous Saturday night, as the squadron steamed toward the unknown, Dewey called the illustrious company commanding the several ships, to counsel. The group comprised, Captain Charles V. Gridley, of the flag- ship; of the Raleigh, Captain Joseph B. Coghlan; Boston, Commander G. F. F. Wilde; Baltimore, Commander Nehemiah M. Dyer; Concord, Commander Asa Walker; Petrel, Captain E. P. Wood; McCulloch, Captain D. B. Hodgson. Dewey made known his plan of operations succinctly and confidentially. He proposed, he declared, to carry out the President's order. He directed the captains to slip into the bay past the islands under cover of the night, and then make at the Spanish squadron, wherever found. They were cautioned to extinguish all lignts, and pay no heed to shots fired at them in passing. It was after midnight when the captains were rowed back to their vessels. The large moon suddenly slumped out of sight, and the sea was a wilderness of misty darksess. ‘The audacious armada was soon at the crucial juncture of fort, fleet and mines. The commander took the place of peril, as his old tutor Farragut used to do. The Olympia steamed in spectral majesty under the sweep of the Cor- regidor guus, and the rest of the line followed. The lights on the island were plainly visible, when the men were called up to wash and get a stay- ing draught of coffee. The silence of the hour—neither night nor morn- ing—made the ship’s noises so distinct, that they grew into volcanic up- roars in the excited minds of the crews. It seemed as if the mighty throbbings of the engines must be. audible even in Manila, thirty miles away. For hours, which seemed ages, the ships crept along until they came into the channel, moving in single file, and without a sound on board, ex- cept quiet orders and the throb of the engines and thwacks of the screws. In that still air, it seemed impossible to escape the vigilance of the forts, yet the Olympia, Baltimore, Raleigh, Petrel, Concord and Boston passed with- out even the challenge of a hail. The batteries of Corregidor and Caballo were mute, although the flagship passed well in range, with the Baltimore, following still closer inshore. It was incredible to Dewey and his com- manders, that the garrisons were at their posts and awake, for it seemed that a fleet stealing into an enemy’s bay never made so much noise. The flotilla would all have been inside—squadron, supply ships, and convoy— without the Spanish guards receiving the faintest intimation of its ap- 106 PASSING CORREGIDOR. proach, if it had not been for a fireman on board the McCulloch. Possi- bly her commander had some idea that he was running behind and told the engineer to put on a little more steam. It was supposed that the men at the boilers got the idea that this was needed, and, throwing open the furnace doors, a few shovelfuls of soft coal were dumped in. Up from the smokestack of the cutter went a great shower of sparks. “If some one doesn't see that, the whole island must be asleep,” an officer on the Olympia exclaimed.. Some one evidently did see it, but even then the answer did not come instantly, for some minutes elapsed before,out from the west there came a bugle call, then a flash, and then the rolling boom of a great gun. Between the flash and the report there should have veen the drop somewhere of the shot that went with them, but nobody in the fleet ever saw or heard anything to prove that Spain’s first gun in the battle of Manila Bay, fired anything more than a blank cartridge. Twice more the battery fired, and somewhere astern of the McCulloch, there was a great splashing of water, but there was no ball felt anywhere near the line. Up to the third shot with its answering splash, no reply was made by the invading fleet, but with the third shot, and sounding almost like its echo, there was a roar from the Concord. In what particular part of the fort that shot hit, no one knew. Then further back, the Boston took up the signal and sent in an eight-inch shell. Still further to the rear, the McCulloch having started the mélée, continued as if for diversion. ‘The batteries kept on flashing and booming a few minutes longer, and then became silent. There remained the torpedoes and mines with which the entrance was strewn, and Admiral Montojo’s fleet rushing out to ram the groping vessels. But it is recorded by a participant, that the unanimous feeling was, that if mines were there, they were there, and that was all there was about it. Still in the deep darkness just before the dawn, the adventurous ships sailed implacably onward. Commodore Dewey was talking in an undertone to the rebel Philippino, who was acting as pilot. The figures of the men could be seen standing silently at their posts, up and down.the ship. An officer analyzing the sensations of that crisis of the advance, declared * This invisible fleet ahead was a test out of which no man came without a sigh of relief. It is a hard thing to whisper an order, I know, so perhaps it is not to be wondered at that there should have been a break, or vibration in the men’s voices, as they passed the necessary word from mouth to mouth. We were all keyed up, but it was not long before the fighting string in every man’s heart was twanging and singing like that of a taut bow.” ~ Never in the history of desperate enterprises, was the flower safety THE SPANISH FLEET. 107 more daringly plucked from the nettle danger. It was known that the ‘Spanish fleet, in numbers, largely outnumbered the craft at Dewey’s com- mand. A victorious captain-general had just subdued a prolonged out- break on the main islands, and it was generally supposed that the arsenals of the harbors were amply guarded, and the stores abundant. It had gone forth too, that a deadly system of mining had made the harbor of Manila impossible to navigate, even were there no fleet to impede the entrance. It was true, as a matter of fact, that Admiral Montojo’s vessels were more in number than the squadron of attack, but there the com- parison ends, for one of our battle ships far surpassed any two of the Spanish. In guns, in all the appliances that make fighting machines ef- fective, our less numerous squadron was immeasurably superior. In an- other respect the disparity was more vitally apparent. The conduct of the Yankee crews, the inventive fertility of the rank and file, the quality, which is often spoken of as “moral. stamina,” made our fleet incompa- rably more than a match for an equal number, even on superior fighting machines. This, however, could only be a hope, not a reliance in Dewey’s calculations when he set sail from Hong Kong. The last great colonial empire of the world possessions of Spain, were within three days’ steaming of the cosmopolitan haven of Hong Kong, long held by the British. Pendulating between revolution and anarchy, the tribes of this vast insular empire had been draining the life-blood of the monarchy for years. Pro-consuls had been sent out, as to Cuba, had waged ruthless war for a season, and returned to the metropolitan, pro- claiming peace. But barely. had the word reached Madrid, when revolt was reported; new bands were in motion and the Spanish masters in a panic. The distance from the seat of government, the immensity of the area of the islands, made it difficult to frame effective action from Mad- rid. Had the affairs of the colony been in the hands of strong govern- ments, capable administrators, the problem was great enough to tax the sagacity of the most enlightened and accomplished statesmen. But, as in Spain where a succession of adventurers succeeded in cabinet after cabinet, so in the Philippines, adventurer after adventurer took up the heavy burden of administration, and failed. The causes of these fail- ures are precisely those that brought ruin upon Sj ain herself. Indolence, ignorance, rapacity, the cynical venality deplored by every thoughtful Spaniard. Captain-general after captain-general followed each other at stated intervals, each returning to Spain enriched by his pro-consulate ! But even the fatuous misrule of the Spaniards would not have brought about rebellion, if outside nationalities had not set the discontented into 108 BATTLE DISCOVERS FACULTIES. active revolt. There are no natives capable of aspiring to independence, none that have the remotest conception of self-rule, or rule of any kind, save the bludgeon or the bow string. But the Japanese, the Chinese and even some of the more restless of the Western states of Christendom, kept the natives in activity, with the purpose of wearing Spain out and seizing the coveted territories. Bismarck began the policy some years ago, by a claim on that group of the Philippines known as the Caroline islands. He naively professed that he had no idea they formed part of the possessions of Spain; that they were lying unclaimed by any competent authority, and that Germany needed them! Spain flew into a passion. Europe became interested. Britain saw that her predominance in the Orient would be put in jeopard. Spain was therefore encouraged to arm, to resist, and Britain would stand by. Bismarck had no motion of going as far as a general war. He saw that if he persisted in seizing the islands, that he would have to fight the British. He was given a chance to withdraw without letting it be seen that he was driven out; the matter was submitted to the arbitration of the Pope, and as prearranged, the pontiff reaffirmed Spain’s title. Dewey knew that his ships were perfect, in so far as they represented what has come to be known asa “class” of fighting machines. They ~ had never been tried in action; it was problematical whether the most accomplished of the trained craftsmen could really guide and manipulate the million niceties of invention that make the handling of a battle ship, the work of a scientific adept. As war reveals a people to itself, battle discovers to men, faculties they are hardly conscious of. To manceuver a stately battle ship, under the rubric of the rules Jaid down in the school of the mariner, is far from do- ing the same work in the stress of conflict. For not the least of the de- mand upon the sailor or soldier, is the denial of curiosity! He may not stop to watch the thrilling phantasmagoria of strife; he may not even follow the meteoric parabola of the ball he speeds to do deathly work. The shouts.and cries of command or pain, the hoarse cheers in the pan- demonium about him, the echoing voice of stertorous defiance in the murky deeps beyond—these he may not linger to take count of. He must push hand, limb, body, sight, every faculty that differentiates the man from the machine, how much soever of a prodigy it may be in com- plicated workmanship. He is lost in the savage exultation of death; but he has none of the gluttonous delight of his ancestor, the redman, whose blow preceded the triumph of the scalp—the ecstasy of his enemy’s dy ing groan or servile surrender. DEWEY’S COOLNESS. 109 Dewey’s fleet had just enough ammunition to fight one battle, if the resistance were not prolonged. This however, was not known to the sail- ors, though the veterans must have divined it. Hence the daring of the attack reaches the stage of heroism—known as the forlorn hope—for had the Spanish fleet, resisted long enough, had Admiral Montojo been able TH EPL ute ey meats tite -*- WORKING A. FIVE-INCH RAPID FIRE GUN. to shelter his vessels as he could have done, or as Dewey would have done, had the emergency required it; our fleet would have found itself in the enemy’s harbor, four thousand miles from coal and ammunition! Dewey had taken all the precautions his daring implied. He had in- formed himself of the enemy’s resources; he knew to a gun the armament that would resist him. He had such charts and outlines as it was possi- ble for agents of our government to procure. But he couldn’t foreknow the absolute poverty of the arsenal; the treasonable lack of precautions in the vital defences of the harbor of Manila. It is a testimony to his heroism that he went to his work anticipating all the dangers that skill. prudence, scientific knowledge and ample warning foreboded. He ex- pected to pass as did Farragut, his ancient commander at Mobile, miles of 110 THE OPENING GUN. water strewn with torpedoes, nets to impede his vessels, guns banked on the island of Corregidor, commanding the entrance to the bay, as ef. fectually as Staten Island guards the approaches of New York. For Mu.nila, as the chief city and naval entrepot of Spain’s Oriental Empire, was naturally supposed to be ready at all times for just such an onset as Dewey meditated. The recent war between China and Japan had illustrated the defects of great ships alone, as protections to harbors. Admonished by China’s collapse, it was only natural to suppose that Manila would present an ag- gressive defence redoubtable to the strongest squadron that Britain her- self could bring to bear. All this Dewey counted upon, when after the fateful sail across the Yellow Sea, his squadron came in sight of the island of Corregidor. He had timed his approach to the crucial point, at an hour when he would have the cover of darkness. But in the hands of competent men, darkness would have been no shield. Invention has placed it in the power of defenders of strong places, on the coast, to throw wide beams of light across the pathway of approaching ships, to surprise the most cautious night advance. Dewey’s fleet had almost wholly passed cae island, when a bed of soft coal in one of the furnaces of the fleet sent up a lurid flame. , General R.Cerero . eee THE SPANISH PEACE COMMISSIONERS. Bu, £98 THE PEACE COMMISSION. the various questions as they arose, the limitations of concession on both sides, were really pre-determined at the Capitals of the contracting parties. Rarly in the negotiations it was discovered that the Spanish Commission- ers placed a different interpretation upon the Protocol, or preliminary agreement that ended the war, from that accepted by the American mem- ders. But the Washington Cabinet had taken such care to incorporate an that document all the conditions laid down in the declaration defining the purpose .of the war, that Spain was compelled to assent in principle and in fact to the surrender of all her sovereign rights in the Islands of Cuba, Porto Rico and Guam, and of all her other possessions in the Caribbean Sea. The consideration of these points was mainly formal. After the signing of the Protocol it was very generally conceded that the Philippines were to be the main subject of negotiation. In fact the sreat Oriental Archipelago seemed to afford almost the only basis for se- rious disputation. When the Commissioners had exchanged and verified powers in the gorgeous court of the Foreign Ministry in Paris, it was believed that the terms of a Treaty would be quickly concluded. It turned out, however, that the correspondence preceding the adoption of the Protocol, left the ground open for the widest divergence of interpretation, as to the clause dealing with the Philippines. In fact the termination ‘of hostilities was delayed ten days or more in order that the Cabinet at Washington might be satisfied of Spain’s readi- ness to accept at Paris, whatever might be the interpretation of our com- aissioners. Even granting that the Protocol may, by some, be considered subject to two divergent interpretations, it still seems conclusive that the Sagasta government knew at the time of the signing, that the negotiations at Paris were liable to take exactly the course they have. Be this as it may, when in due course our representatives demanded the absolute cession of all the Philippines, the Queen’s Commissioners brought the discussions to a halt to consult the Madrid Cabinet. Again Sagasta made an effort to secure the intervention of the Euro- pean powers. There was no mistaking the attitude of Europe. None of the powers cared to see our Republic intrenched in the Orient, on the coming battle-ground of the world. All the states of the Old World, pro- vided with armies and navies, are preparing for the partition of the Chinese Empire. The possession of the Philippines, therefore, has a pregnant meaning, to Russia, Germany, France and Great Britain. But the last mentioned power has from the first, favored the taking of the THE PEACE COMMISSION. 699 Archipelago by the United States,—counting on equivalent advantages in the future. Spain having again failed in this final attempt to secure European in- tervention,—the negotiations at Paris were resumed. The suggestion from Madrid that the question of the Philippines be submitted to arbitration was promptly declined. The Washington Cabi- net sent peremptory instructions to Judge Day, the head of the Commis- sion, to accept no such suggestion, and to consent to no further delay. This brought the protracted negotiations more rapidly to a close. THE TREATY OF PEACE Signed at Paris, at a quarter to nine o’clock, on the evening of Decem- ber 10th, 1898, is a momentous document. It officially marks a transfor- mation of political geography, so complete and so quick, that it is scarcely equaled in the World’s preceding wars. As a result it immediately and radically affects the condition of nearly 10,000,000 people in the West Indies and the Philippines. To more than 7,000,000 of these, this Treaty is a Proclamation of Emancipation as real as that promulgated by Abraham Lincoln,—for it abolishes their slavery to the Spanish Government, both incompetent and tyrannical. Whatever may be the final outcome of this War, as affecting the future of Spain or the United States, the results must be beneficial to the inhab- itants of all these islands. The scene was historic as the Spanish Commissioners sorrowfully, and the Americans with feelings of grateful relief, affixed their signatures to this document which embodies the results of the war, and officially marks its ending. The negotiations had consumed just eleven weeks. FULL TEXT OF THE TREATY. The United States of America and her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, in the name of her august son, Don Alfonso XIII, desiring to end the state of war now existing between the two countries, have, for that purpose, appointed as Plenipotentiaries : The President of the United States: William R. Day; Cushman K. Davis; William P. Frye; George Gray; Whitelaw Reid, Citizens of the United States; and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain: Don Eugenio Montero Rios, President of the Senate; Don Buenaventura De Abarzuza, Senator of the Kingdom and ex-Minister of the Crown; Don Jose De Gar- nica; Deputy to the Cortes and Assistant Justice to the Supreme Court ; Don Wenceslao Ramirez De Villa-Urrutia, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- ister Plenipotentiary at Brussels; Don Rafael Cerero, General of Division. 600 THE TREATY OF PEACE. Who, having assembled in Paris, and having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in due and proper form, have, after discussion of the matters before them, agreed upon the following articles : ARTICLE I. Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba. And, as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the obligations that may, under international law, result from the fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and property. ARTICLE II. Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West Indies, and the island of Guam, in the Marianas or Ladrones. ARTICLE III. Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within the following line: A line running from west to east, along or near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) to the one hundred and twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the one hundred and twenty-seventh (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the parallel of four degrees and forty-five minutes (4-45) north latitude to its intersection with the meridian of longi- tude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five minutes (119-35) east of Greenwich, thence along the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty-five minutes (119-35) east of Greenwich to the parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7-40) north, thence along the parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7-40) north, thence along the parallel the one hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the in- tersection of the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the point of beginning. The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) within three months after the exchange of the ratificatious of the present treaty. THE TREATY OF PEACE. 601 ARTICLE Iv. The United States will, for the term of ten years from the day of the ex- change of the ratifications of the present treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and merchandise of the United States, ARTICLE Y. The United States will, upon the signature of the present treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by the American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question shall be restored to them. Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, pro- ceed to evacuate the Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners appointed to arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies under the protocol of August 12, 1898, which is to continue in force till its provisions are completely executed. The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine Islandsand Guam shall be completed shall be fixed by the two governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured war vessels, small arms, guns of all calibres, with their car- riages and accessories, powder, ammunition, live stock and materials and supplies of all kinds belonging to the land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam remain the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of field artillery, in the fortifications and coast defences, shall remain in their emplacements for the term of six months, to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of the treaty ; and the United States may, in the meantime, purchase such material from Spain if a satis- factory agreement between the two governments on the subject shall be reached. ARTICLE VI. Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, release prisoners of war and all persons detained or imprisoned for political offenses in connec- tion with the insurrections in Cuba and the Philippines and the war with the United States. Reciprocally, the United States will release all persons made prisoners of war by the American forces and will undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in the hands of the insurgents in Cuba and the Philippines. The government of the United States will at its own cost return to Spain, and the government of Spain will at its own cost return to the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines, according to the situation of 602 THE TREATY OF PEACE, their respective homes, prisoners released or caused to be released by them, respectively, under this article. ARTICLE VII. The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all claims for idemnity, national and individual, of every kind of either Government or of its citi- zens or subjects against the other Government that may have arisen since the beginning of the late insurrection in Cuba and prior to the exchange of ratifications of the present treaty, including all claims for idemnity for the cost of the war. The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain relinquished in this article. ARTICLE VIII. In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II and III of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba and cedes in Porto Rico and other islands in the ‘West Indies, in the Island of Guam and in the Philippine archipelago, all the buildings, wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and other immovable property which, in conformity with law, belong to the public domain, and as such belong to the crown of Spain. And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, to which the preceeding paragraph refers, cannot in any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to the peaceful posses- sion of property of all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies or any other associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess property in the aforesaid territories, renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of whatsoever nationality such individuals may be. The aforesaid relinquighment or cession, as the case may be, includes all documents exclusively referring to the sovereignty relinquished or ceded, that may exist in the archives of the peninsula. Where any document in such archives only in part relates to such sovereignty, a copy of such part will be furnished whenever it shall be requested. Like rules shall be recip- rocally observed in favor of Spain in respect of documents in the archives of the islands above referred to, In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, are also included such rights as the crown of Spain and its authorities possess in respect of the official archives and records, executive as well as judicial, in the islands above referred to, which relate to said islands or the rights and property of their inhabitants. Such archives and records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons shall without distinction have the right to require, in accordance with law, authenticated copies of the contracts, wills THE TREATY OF PEACE. 608 and other instruments forming part of notarial protocols or files, or which may be contained in the executive or judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or the islands aforesaid. ARTICLE IX. Spanish subjects, natives of the peninsula, residing in the territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may remove therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights of property, including the right to sell or dispose of such property or of its proceeds, and they shall also have the right to carry on their industry, commerce and professions, being subject in respect there- of to such laws as are applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in the territory, they may preserve their allegiance to the crown of Spain by making before a Court of Record, within a year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a declaration of their decision to preserve such allegiance, in default of which declaration they shall be held to have renounced it, and to have adopted the nationality of the territory in which they may reside. The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the ter- ritories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the Congress. ARTICLE X. The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the free exercise of their religion. ARTICLE XI. The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be subject in matters civil, as well as criminal, to the jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they reside, pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same, and they shall have the rights to appear before such courts and pursue the same course as citizens of the country to which the courts belong. ARTICLE XII. Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be determined according to the following rules: First. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private indivi- duals or in criminal matters before the date mentioned, and with respect to which there is no recourse or right of review under the Spanish law, shall be deemed to be final, and shall be exeented in due form by competent authority in the territory within which said j ‘ements should becarried out. 604 THE TREATY OF PEACE. Second. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the date mentioned be undetermined shall be presecuted to judgment before the court in which they may then be pending or in the court that may be sub- stituted therefor. Third. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory which by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its jurisdiction untff final judgment; but such judgment having been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the competent authority of the place in which the case arose. ARTICLE XIII. The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents acquired by Spaniards in the Island de Cuba and in Porto Rico, the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, shall continue to be respected. Spanish scientific, literary and artistic works not subversive of public order in the territories in question shall continue to be admitted free of duty into such territories for the period of ten years, to be reckoned from the days of the exchange of the ratifica- tions of this treaty. ARTICLE XIV. Spain will have the power to establish Consular offices in the ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty over which has been either relin- quished or ceded by the present treaty. ARTICLE XV. The Government of each country will, for the term of ten years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other country the same treatment in respect of all port charges, including entrance and clearance dues, light dues and tonnage duties, as it accords to its own merchant vessels not engaged in the coastwise trade. This article may at any time be terminated on six months’ notice given by either Government to the other. ARTICLE XVI. It is understood that any obligations assumed in this treaty by the United States with respect to Cuba are limited to the time of its occupancy thereof, but it will, upon the termination of such occupancy, advise any Govern- ment established in the island to assume the same obligations. THE TREATY OF PEACE, 605 ARTICLE XVII. The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice of the Senate thereof, and by her Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain, and the ratification shall be exchanged at Wash- ington within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. In faith whereof, we, the respective plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals. Done in duplicate at Paris, the 10th day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and ninety-eight. [Seal. ] Eveento Montero Rios. B. Ds ABARZUZA. J. DE GARNICA. W.R. DEViLLA Urrutia, RAFAEL CERERO. Wituram R. Day, CusHmMan K. Davis. WILuiiamM P, Frys. GroRGE GRAY. WHITELAW REID. THE TREATY RATIFIED. President McKinuzy received from the Peace Commission, on December 24th, the Treaty which had been signed at Paris on the 10th of that month. Promptly, on the re-assembling of Congress, early in January, the Presi- dent placed the Treaty before the Senate. This was followed by a vigorous and thorough discussion of the merits of the document, not only in the Senate, but by the newspapers, political organizations and leaders of thought throughout the country. Finally, on February 6th, 1899 the Treaty was ratified by the United States Senate, by a vote of 57 for, and 27 against it. Following are the details of the vote, arranged according to parties: For THE TREATY. REPUBLICANS—41. Aldrich, Davis, Hanna, Nelson, Shoup, Allison, Deboe, Hansbrough, Penrose, Simon, Baker, Elkins, Hawley, Perkins, Spooner, Burrows, Fairbanks, Lodge, Platt (Conn.), Teller, Carter, Foraker, Mantle, Platt (N. y.), Thurston, Chandler, Frye, Mason, Pritchard, Warren, Clark, Gallinger, McBride, Quay, Ross, Wellington, Cullom, Gear, McMillan, Sewell, Wolcott. DEMOCRATS—10, Clay, Gray, Lindsay, McLaurin, Pettus, Faulkner, Kenney, McEnery, Morgan, Sullivan. POPULISTS—6, Allen, Butler, Harris, Jones (Nev.), Kyle, Stewart. 606 THE TREATY RATIFIED, AGAINST THE TREATY. REPUBLICANS—3. Hale, Hoar, Pettigrew. DEMOCRATS—22, Bacon, Cockrell, Martin, Murphy, Smith, Bate, Daniel, Mills, Pasco, Tillman, Berry, Gorman, Mitchell, Rawlins, Turley, Caffrey, Jones (Ark.), Money, Roach, Vest. Chilton, Mallory, POPULISTS—2. Heitfeld, Turner. ABSENT AND PAIRED, Messrs. Cannon (R.) and Wilson (R.), for, with Mr. White (D.), against; Messrs. Proctor (R.), and Wetmore (R.), for, with Mr. Turpie (D.), against. By this vote—in doubt to the last, and just one more than the required two-thirds—the treaty was approved. It was promptly signed by the Pres- ident, thus completing its ratification and acceptance on the part of the United States, and thereby officially ending our Conflict with Spain. DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. The Treaty was presented to the United States Senate on January 4th, 1899, and referred by it to the Committee on Foreign Relations. The de- bate on the question involved, was opened on January 6th, when Senator Donelson Caffrey, of Louisiana, made a long speech against expansion. During the course of his remarks he said that this Government could not annex the recently acquired territory to the United States; that Congress had power to govern any acquired territory only with the ultimate purpose of erecting it into States; that people of such territory could not be held despotically by the United States ; that it would be unwise and dangerous to incorporate into the United States, as citizens, people who differ widely in their habits, customs, and religion from the people of this country ; and that, even if we had the right to incorporate these distant islands, inhab- ited by a strange people, freedom could not exist in the sub-tropics. Senator Orv1LLE H. Piatt, of Connecticut,in presenting the expansion- ist’s side of the question, said : ‘« As to every matter the United States as a nation possesses sovereign power, except only where sovereignty has been reserved to the States and the people. The right to acquire territory was not reserved, and is there- fore an inherent, sovereign right. In the right to acquire territory is found the right to govern it, and as the right to acquire is a sovereign, inherent right, the right to govern is a sovereign right not limited in the -Constitution.”’ DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. 607 Senator Gzorce F. Hoar, of Massachusetts, on January 9th replied, \igorously presenting the views of the anti-expansionists ; Saying, ‘‘ These propositions of the Senator from Connecticut I deny. I deny them, not as a strict constructionist, but as a liberal constructionist; not as a States’ rights man, but as a Federalist; not as a disciple of Madison or Calhoun, but as a disciple of Alexander Hamilton and Daniel Webster and Charles Sumner.” “TY affirm that every constitutional power, whether it be called a power of sovereignty or of nationality—neither of waicb phrases is found in terms in the constitution—or whether it be a power expressly declared and named therein, is limited to the one supreme and controlling purpose declared as that for which the Constitution itself wae framed: ‘In order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity.’ Now, the liberal constructionists claim thas everything which is done to accomplish either of these purposes, unless expressly prohibited, may he constitution- ally done by the law-making power. And in that I agree with them. The strict constructionist claims and has claimed from the time of Madison that these objects can only be accomplished after ways and fashions ex- pressly described in the Constitution or necessarily implied therein. And in that I disagree with him. “The sovereignty which can be exercised by the nation as a unit is only that which is necessary for accomplishing the purposes of the Constitution, and must either be expressly granted therein or necessary or convenient, in the judgment of Congress, to accomplish the purposes expressly de- clared therein. All other sovereignty is reserved to the States or to the people. The power to conquer alien peoples and hold them in subjugation is nowhere expressly granted. The power to conquer alien peoples and hold them in subjugation is nowhere implied as necessary for the accom- plishment of the purposes declared by the Constitution. It is clearly shown to be one that ought not to be exercised by anybody—one that the framers of the Constitution thought ought not to be exercised by anybody— Becanse it is immoral and wicked in itself. Because it is expressly denied in the Declaration of Independence, the great interpreter and expounder of the meaning of the Constitution which owes its origin to the same generation and largely to thesame men. It is affirmed that it is immoral and unfit to be exercised by anybody—in numerous instances by contem- porary State constitutions and the contemporary writers and authorities on public law, who expressed the opinion of the American people in that gen- eration who adopted the Constitution as well as of the men who framed it.’’ 608 DISCUSSION OF ‘THE 1REATY, In reply Mr. Platt remarked, “I want to say, Mr. President, that an ap- plication of the doctrines of the Senator from Massachusetts would have prevented our expansion westward across this continent to the Pacific coast. We found here this continent in the hands of Indians, who did not want us here, and did not want to be placed under our Government. Not- withstanding that condition, we established our Government here, and now at least we have brought many of the Indians to a state of civilization and citizenship.”’ He further said: ‘“We propose to proclaim liberty and justice and human rights in the Philippines or wherever else the flag of this country shall be planted. Who will haul these principles down ?’’ Senator Wir1t1am E. Mason, of Illinois, on January 10th, followed ina strong speech against expansion, in the course of which he said : “We have learned, and must learn again and again, the simple lesson of the law of compensation. That law is as unfailing as the law of gravita- tion. There is no vicarious atonement for a nation’s crime. I care not what your religious faith may be, no nation has ever committed a crime against a weaker nation or against her own citizens that the law of com- pensation has not demanded settlement.’’ ““You cannot govern the Philippine Islands without taxing them. You have not yet their consent to tax them. ‘You propose again to tax without representation, Look out for tea parties. Those semi-social functions are liable to occur, for Yankee Doodle and the Star-Spangled Banner have been heard in the Archipelago.”’ “(The Filipino, or resident of the Philippine Islands, is begging to treat with us. He knocks at our door to be heard. He loves his home as you love yours, sir, and as [love mine. He has breathed the inspiration of our history. He asks only what our fathers fought for—the right to govern himself. There is no treaty of commercial value to the United States which could be suggested that he is not ready and willing to give us. Then it is not the expansion of commerce you want, but it is the expansion of the gewgaws and the tinsels of royalty.” “‘T am for the independence of the people of the Philippine Islands, as I am for independence of the people of Cuba. I am bound by a solemn promise made in this Chamber. Senators may higgle and say it is not nominated in the bond; but it is an implied promise, more sacred to an honorable gentleman than though it were written in blood. I say respect- fully that there is no more right or necessity of our governing the Philip- pine Islands than there is of governing Venezuela, Brazil, Nicaragua, or any other South American state without the consent of its people. Certainly we have no more right to govern them than we have to govern Cuba, Our DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. 609 Government is committed to the withdrawal of our troops from Cuba as soon as peace is restored and a government established. Will some of the gentlemen who are to follow upon the other side of the case, who are to be- little the dangers of war with an innocent people, tell me why it is that we should apply a different rule to the Philippines from that we do to Cuba?” Senator JoserH B. Foraxsr, of Ohio, on the 11th, took the floor of the Senate in favor of the treaty. In answer to the arguments based on Con- stitutional right and the consent of annexed peoples, he remarked : “Suppose we acquire a coaling station that is situated upon an island in the sea. It is a constitutional purpose for which we have to acquire it. Suppose the inhabitants be of such a character that it is essential to the safety of our interests there that we acquire the whole island, though there be a thousand, or ten thousand, or one hundred thousand, as in the case of Hawaii, or a million people or more as may be the case as to Luzon. Sup- pose we acquired it for a constitutional purpose, a purpose thatis absolutely essential to the national welfare, for the purpose of national defence, must we stop in such a case and secure consent of the population? The Sena- tor’s statement was in regard to Hawaii. Would we stop and jeopardize the national interests, hesitating to acquire a place necessary to the national defence, because somebody there had not been consulted? And suppose we consult the popuiation and they object, or some of them object. What then?” “JT think when we come to consider the question of policy with respect to the Philippines, with the conditions there existing, their feeling of friend- ship, or their feeling of consent, or of objection, will have much to do with determining Congress in that respect. I say I do not know of anybody, from the President of the United States down to his humblest follower in this matter, who is proposing by force and violence to take and hold those islands for alltime to come. I am willing to trust the Administration; I am willing to trust the institutions of this Government and the people of this Government to do justice by the Filipinos. I have no sympathy whatever, and I do not believe the Administration has, with the war which some people talk about making on Aguinaldo and his followers in their struggle for liberty and independence. But I say now that this case, as every other case, must stand or fall upon its own merits and be measured by its own facts, conditions, and circumstances.’’ ‘“‘T know whereof I speak when I say that of the four things we had the choice of doing—giving the islands back to Spain, giving them to other countries, leaving them to anarchy, or taking them ourselves—the Presi- dent acted most wisely when he concluded that we should take them our- selves; and he comes now and says, when he submits this treaty: ‘You put 610 DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. me to war; here is the result; here are these people; do with them as you like.’ It is for the Congress of the United States to investigate and find out about the islands of the Philippines, what kind of inhabitants they may have, whether or not they are capable of government, and whether or not they want government, or whether or not only a few want government.’’ ‘* What is the feeling of the population? You can not tell that in the short time we have had to deal with them. At least I have not been able to satisfy my mind about it. I hope in the near future to be able to do so, and I hope that in due course, at no distant day, we can act intelligently, and I know we will act justly.”’ Senator Henry W. TELLER, of Colorado, devoted especial attention to the capabilities of the Filipinos for self-government. He contended that they have not yet reached the stage where they could be considered capable of taking care of themselves, and he based much of his argument on the incapacity demonstrated by their leader, Aguinaldo. He read extracts from the Phillippine leader’s proclamation, contending that they demon- strated beyond question that he was ignorant of the first principles of popular government, and especially of a democratic form of government. He referred to the fact that the Filipino leader had in some of his pro- nunciamentos spoken as a dictator, which did not accord with the pro- fessions of democracy made for him. He referred to the general situation in the Orient, entering upon the necessity for the United States to hold the footing which had been secured through what might almost be regarded as Providential means. He dwelt particularly upon the great coal deposits of the Phillippines and said that they would be invaluable to any nation that controlled the islands. In the future, he remarked, the country which controlled the coal deposits of the world would dominate the other nations, both from a commercial and a military point of view. At present the United States, Great Britain and Japan control the principal coal supplies, and he predicted that so long as they continued to control them and were friendly with one another they would hold the reins of power. Other European nations appreciate the importance of coal supply, and this fact more than any other accounted for the anxiety of Russia and Ger- many to get a foothold in the Phillipines. Senator Joun C. Spooner, of Wisconsin, took the same side of the argu- ment, saying thatthe proposition to annex the Phillippines was to him one of the bitter fruits of the war. “T can conceive of no circumstances,” he said, “ under which I would give my consent to the admission of that archipelago as a State, or as more than one State of the American Union. If the ratification of the treaty involved permanent dominion, he stated, DISCUSSION OF THE ‘fREATY. oll he would not vote for it; but he was unable to find any half-way resting place between accepting the cession and abandoning the islands to their fate, and this was not permissible. Distance, he thought, did not affect our right to acquire territory. Why was there no objection to the acquisi- tion of Porto Rico, if there must be so much opposition to talying the Philippines? The consent of the Porto Ricans had not been asked. No question has been raised as to our relations with them. Senator B. F. Trttmayn, of South Carolina, asked the speaker. “If we ‘accept the Philippines, would the inhabitants of that territory hive the right to come without hindrance to this country ?”’ Mr. Spooner admitted their right, and Mr. Tillman continued, saying, that by admitting the islands by treaty, ten million people of that territory would have the right to come into this country, and, upon arriving here, could enter into competition with American labor. For this reason he would vote against the adoption of the treaty. Aguinaldo, he said, now held all of the Philippines, except a small portion of the island of Luzon around Manila, and the ratification of the treaty, in his opinion, would inject into this country another race question which would certaisily breed war and bloodshed. Senator Cusuman K. Davis, of Minnesota, a member of the Paris Peace Commission, and Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, on Janu- ary 25th, in presenting the treaty for consideration in executive session, remarked that he was looking forward to a partition of the vast Chinese empire among the European nations, and foresaw thatif the United States did not secure a footing in the Orient such as they now have an opportunity to do through the terms of the treaty, they would be most effectually and forever shut out from this vast market. If we should fail in this we need look for no favors from Europe in regard to a foothold in the Eastern mar. kets, as they are profoundly jealous of the United States, and we had not one friend on the Continent in our recent struggle with Spain. Senator Jamses H. Berry, of Arkansas, in opposing, before the Senate, on January 31st., the retention of the Philippines, made this earnest appeal : “Tt is not the people of those far-off islands that concern me most; it is the effect upon our own country, our own Government, and our own in- stitutions; it is the fear and dread that I have of a large standing army; it is the sympathy thatI feel for the mothers whose boys, either voluntarily or by the operation of conscript laws, will perish in a useless foreign war ; it isthe regretI feel for the great demoralization of our people which must come when all their ideas are shattered and when we adopta line of action which we have for more than a hundred years denounced as unjust and wicked.” 612 DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. ‘“‘T want to keep our Government as it is, as our fathers gave it to us. I want to maintain the doctrine promulgated by President Monroe and al- ways indorsed by the American people. I want to say that no foreign government shall secure a foot of land upon this continent, and that we will not seek to do that in the Eastern Hemisphere which we prohibit others from doing in the Western. “When war was declared against Spain we plighted the faith of the Amer- ican nation that that war should be waged for the freedom of the people of Cuba and not for the acquisition of territory. Itis true that the letter of the law confines that declaration to the island of Cuba itself, but no great nation, when its honor is at stake, can ever take advantage of a technical- ity. That promise was understood by the whole people of the United States and by every foreign nation in its broadest and widest sense, and that was that we had gone to war for the liberty of those people and not for the purpose of conquest or the acquisition of territory.’’ ‘“‘T do not believe, after the solemn declaration we have made, that we can take and hold conquered territory to indemnify us for expenses of the war which we have waged without placing a blot and a stain upon the hon- or of this nation. I trust that that will never be done. If we hereafter, as we have tried to do in the past, hold truth and honor and fair name far above all considerations of wealth, so long this Government will live and prosper. ‘To-day we are entering upon a dangerous field. Weare doing it on the pretense, it may be, of humanity and Christianity, but behind it all is the desire for trade and commerce ; and whenever and wherever considerations of money making are placed above the honor and fair fame of this Repub- lic, the men who do it are undermining the very foundations of the Gov- ernment under which we live.”’ Hon. WHITELAW REID, speaking before the Marquette Club, Chicago, in celebration of Lincoln Day, made these points: “ Your representatives in Paris placed your country in no tricky attitude of endeavoring either to evade or repudiate just obligations. “They protected what was gained in the war from adroit efforts to put it all at risk again, through an untimely appeal to the noble principle of arbitration, ‘* At the same time they neither neglected nor feared the duty of caring for the material interests of their own country; the duty of grasping the enormous possibilities upon which we had stumbled, for sharing in the awakening and development of the farther East. That way lies now the best hope of American commerce. The ocean carriage for the Atlantic is in the hands of our rivals ’’ DISCUSSION OF THE TREAT \., 618 ““The Pacific Ocean, on the contrary, is in our hands now. Practically we own more than half the coast on this side, dominate the rest, and have midway stations in the Sandwich and Aleutian Islands. To extend now the authority of the United States over the great Philippine archipelago is to fence in the China Sea and secure an almost equally commanding posi- tion on the other side of the Pacific—doubling our control of it and of the fabulous trade the Twentieth Century will see it bear. Rightly used it en- ables us to convert the Pacific Ocean almost into an American lake.” Continuing, he said: “ What are the obvious duties of the hour? First, hold what you are entitled to. Next, resist admission of any of our new possessions as States, or their organization on a plan designed to prepare them for admission. Stand firm for the present American Union of sister States, undiluted by anybody’s archipelagoes.”’ “ And next, resist alike either schemes for purely military governments; or schemes for territorial civil governments, with offices filled up by carpet- baggers from the United States, on an allotment of increased patronage, fairly divided among the bosses of the different States.’’ e “When we come to the critical and dangerous work of controlling tur- bulent, semi-tropical dependencies, the agents we choose cannot be the ward heelers of the local bosses. Now, if ever, is the time to rally the brain and conscience of the American people to a real elevation and purifi- cation of their Civil Service, to the most exalted standards of public duty, to the most strenuous and united effort of all men of goodwill, to make our Government worthy of the new and great responsibilities which the Provi- dence of God rather than any purpose of max has imposed upon it.” In an address before the Union League of hiladelphia, in celebration of Lincoln day, the Hon. Ausert J. Beveriper, U. 8. Senator from Indiana, spoke as follows: “ Let the Republic govern as conditions demand; the Constitution does not benumb its brain nor palsy its hand. ‘““The Declaration of Independence applies oly to peoples capable of self-government. Otherwise, how dared we administer the affairs of the Indians? How dare we continue to govern them tc-day? Precedent does not impair natural and unalienable rights. And how is the world to be prepared for self-government? Savagery cannot prerareitself. Barbarisn must be assisted toward the light. Assuming that these people can bs» made capable of self-envernment, shall we have no pi'rt in this sacred and glorious cause ? “ And if self-government is not possible for them, shall we leave them te themselves? Shall tribal wars scourge them, disease waste them, savagery brutalize them more and more? Shall their fields lie fallow, tha’r ferest 6is DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. rot, their mines remain sealed, and all the purposes and possibilities of nature be nullified? If not, who shall govern them rather than the kindest and most merciful of the world’s great race of administrators, the people of the American Republic? Who lifted from us the judgment which makes men of our blood our brothers’ keepers ? ““We do not deny them liberty. The administration of orderly govern. ment is not denial of liberty. The administration of equal justice is not the denial of liberty. Teaching the habits of industry is not denial of liberty. Development of the wealth of the land is not denial of Jiberty. If they are, then civilization itself is denial of liberty. Denial of liberty to whom? There are twelve million of people in the Philippines, divided into thirty tribes. Aguinaldo is of the Tagal tribe of 2,000,000 souls, and he has an intermittent authority over less than 50,000 of these. To deliver these continental islands to him and his crew would be to establish an autocracy of barbarism. It would be to license spoliation. It would be to plant the republic of piracy, for such a government could not prevent that crime in piracy’s natural home. It would be tomake war certain among the powers of earth, who would dispute, with arms, each others possession of a Padifig empire from which that ocean can be ruled. The blood already shed is but a drop to that which would flow if America would desert its post in the Pacific. And the blood already spilled was poured out upon the altar of the world’s regeneration. Manila is as noble as Omdurman, and both are holier than Jericho. Retreat from the Philippines on any pretext would be the master cowardice of history. It would be the betrayal of a trust as sacred as humanity. It would be acrime against Christian civilization, and would mark the beginning of the decadence of our race. And so, thank God, the Republic never retreats.” In an address in New York City, in honor of Lincoln day, Governor RoosEveEtrT declared: ‘‘ We have put an end to corrupt, mediaeval tyranny, and by so doing we have bound ourselves to provide against any outbreak of anarchic savagery. The Malay, whether Pagan, semi-Christian or Mus- sulman, must be taught what the Spaniard has already been taught—that the American flag is to float unchallenged in the Philippines. But remember that when this has been accomplished, even yet our task is only just begun. Where we have won entrance by our prowess, we must deserve to continue by the righteousness and wisdom and even-handed justice of our rule. The American administrators of the Philippines must be men chosen for signal capacity and integrity ; men who will administer the province on behalf of the entire nation from which they come, and for the benefit of the entire people to which they go. If we permit our public service in the Philip- pines to become the prey of the spoils politicians; if we fail to keep it up DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. 615 to the highest standard, we shall be guilty of an act of short-sighted folly, and will have begun to tread the path which Spain trod to her own bitter humiliation. “Let us not deceive ourselves. We have agreat duty to perform, and we shall show ourselves a weak and poor-spirited people if we fail to set about doing it. But if we do not do it aright, the final record will be made up even more in our disfavor. We are bound to see that where the sword wins the land the rule of righteous law shall follow. “ Wehave taken upon ourselves, as in honor bound, a great task, and every honest and upright citizen of this nation should do his part in seeing to it that this task is honorably and well performed.’ Senator Cuauncry M. Depew, of New York, at a recent banquet, in honor of Lincoln, declared : “T cannot see how the Administration or the Peace Commissioners repre- senting the United States could have made any milder or any different terms from those which were embodied in that treaty which was happily ratified by the Senate.’’ “The United States will not go beyond this continent for new stars fo1 our flag or new States for our Union. Cuba may in time be the exception, because of its proximity to our shores, and because a ferry will be run be- tween our coast and that beautiful island. But that event will not occur until American emigration and settlement have made free Cuba a prosper- ous American Republic, with American ideas, American institutions and American spirit, and clamoring for admission as a fully demonstrated American State to the American Union. Far distant countries, peopled by alien races with alien cizilizations, will never be incorporated as part of our governing body. I believe that the untried experiment of American law and justice will, when understood in the Philippines, gradually educate these peoples to the point where they can be safely entrusted with the manage- ment of their own affairs. Native armies and a native police officered by American officers and supported by the revenues of the islands in which they serve, will keep the peace and protect lives and properties. Ameri- can courts and American schoolhouses will rear a generation which can appreciate the value of liberty, which does not mean license, but does mean law. While the United States is meeting the destiny and fulfilling the mission which God has so mysteriously devolved upon it, the American Congress will formulate laws and organize governments for these new pos- sessions, which, while developing them, will prevent any interference with the rights or the position or the income of American labor. On the con- trary, these new possessions and the foothold we have in them for the ex- tension of our trade will open the markets of the Far East and the markets 616 DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY, in these islands to the products of our fields and our factories. Abraham Lincoln struck the key note of American development when he said that the Civil War must be prosecuted ‘ until the Mississippi River runs un- vexed to the sea.’ He saw that while the United States was the greatest market within itself of the world, the surplus of our production must be- come s0 great that to prevent suffocation we must seek and find the coun- tries and the peoples which would need the products of our labor.” “We look forward to the future with confidence and hope, for the Nation which reconstructed itself out of the ruins of civil strife will successfully solve the problems of the expansion of its territory and the extension of its power.”’ The following resolution was adopted by the United States Senate soon after the ratification of the Treaty. Asa ‘declaration of intentions,’ it may, possibly, to some extent forecast our policy in the Orient : Tue McEnery REso.vurion: “That by the ratification of the treaty of peace with Spain it is not in- tended to incorporate the inhabitants of the Philippine islands into citizen- ship of the United States, nor is it intended to permanently annex these islands as an integral part of the territory of the United States; but it is the intention of the United States to establish on said islands a govern- ment suitable to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants of said islands, to prepare them for local self-government, and in due time to make such disposition of said islands as will best promote the interests of the citizens of the United States and the inhabitants of said islands.” Senator Eccrns Hats, of Maine, in speaking on the McEnery resolution, s1id he had not much hope that the Senate would take any course that would stop the desolating program now being carried out in the Philippines, Hardly had the treaty been ratified, however, before a foreign war was precipitated. ‘“T am not disappointed,’’ said he. “JT am not inclined to say ‘I told you so,’ but I told Senators when the treaty was ratified that it would be impossible to take any steps to allevi- ate the condition of the Filipinos. Congress will adjourn and the war will go on, and there is not a man who will not realize in three months that it is a war of conquest and subjugation.”’ Continuing, he stated that Admiral Dewey and Gen. Merritt had said that in three months not 5,000 troops would be needed in the Philippines, and yet we now have 20,000 men there and 7,000 more and the battleship Oregon on the way. ‘« And yet,’’ declared Mr. Hale, “‘ we are told that we are traitors because we want to give those people a chance at least to show that they are DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. 617 friendly and can set up a government of their own. Instead we kill them, not by scores, not by hundreds, but by thousands. More Filipinos have been killed by the guns of our army and navy than were patriots killed in any six battles of the Revolutionary war. It has become a gigantic event. The slaughter of people in no way equal to us, meeting us with bows and arrows, and crawling into jungles by hundreds, there to die, has stupefied the American mind. No one has said that our mission of commerce and of the gospel was to be preceded by the slaughter of thousands of persons. “T am not enamored by the McEnery resolution. It contains little that is good and a good deal that is bad.”’ “‘But,’’ he said in conclusion, ‘‘the car ofjuggernaut will go on. The grind- ing will continue until the people finally make themselves heard upon it.’’ Senator Aucustus 0. Bacon, of Georgia, offered to the McEnery resolution, this amendment : “That the United States hereby disclaim any disposition or intention to exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said islands and assert their determination when a stable and independent government shall have been erected there, entitled, in the judgment of the United States, to recognition as such; to transfer to said government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and just, all rights, secured under the cession by Spain, and to thereupon leave the government and control of the islands to their people.” By a vote of 29 for to 29 against it, this resolution by Mr. Bacon was defeated. A comparison of these two resolutions will indicate just how far the Senate was willing to go in declaring its intended policy toward the Filipinos. Senator Cusoman K. Davis, in a speech before the Union League, of Chicago, in honor of Washington’s birthday, made this explanation as to the work of the American Commissioners : “ Now, my fellow citizens, you may expect me to say why we demanded the entire possession of the Philippine Islands. Practically the entire question as to the Philippines was left by the President of the United States to the judgment and discretion of the American Commissioners. It was at first thought it would be sufficient to take the Island of Luzon; but the best military and naval authorities, Admiral Dewey, General Merritt and Commander Bradbury, laid the situation before us from a military, naval and strategic point of view. This made it perfectly obvious that we must either take the entire archipelago or abandon it entirely; that the relations of those islands to each other was such that the acquisition of one with a hostile power holding the others would only reproduce the con- ditions of Cuba as against the United States, and create perpetual trouble 618 DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. in the waters of the East. We were bound in view of the astounding de- velopment which the Chinese sovereignty has been subject to, to have a sufficient naval station in those waters.’’ “ And so it was decided we should demand, and we did demand and receive the cession of the entire archipelago of the Philippines.’’ President CaarLes KenpALt Apams, of the University of Wisconsin, on the same occasion, spoke as follows: “We find ourselves in possession of insular dependencies as the unex- pected fruits of victory. We made war upon none of them. The question was simply whether we should allow Spain to keep them. Shall we give them to some other nation? We are reduced, then, to the alternative of either giving them to the inhabitants of the islands, or of keeping them ourselves, and of fitting them, as rapidly as we can, for the methods and responsibilities of self-government. “We fought for no such vain and base purpose as to enrich ourselves. We threw our blood and our treasure into the strife simply ‘ to serve the captive’s needs,’ and God forbid that we throw off the responsibilities that have inevitably followed. We cannot be content with half doing what we have begun. It is the voice of civilization that calls to us: ‘¢¢Take up the White Man’s burden, Ye dare not stoop to less.’ ”’ Tue Hon. Wiiiam J. Bryan in his masterly speech at the Virginia As- sociation’s recent banquet in honor of Washington said: ‘ Whether the Spanish war shall be known in history as a war for liberty or as a war of conquest; whether the principles of self-government shall be strengthened or abandoned; whether this nation shall remain a homogeneous republic or become a heterogeneous empire—the questions must be answered by the American people—when they speak, and not until then, will destiny be revealed. Destiny is not a matter of chance, it isa matter of choice; it is not a thing to be waited for, it isa thing to be achieved. “No one can see the end from the beginning, but every one can make his course an honorable one from beginning to end by adhering to the right un. der all circumstances. Whether a man steals much or little may depend upon his opportunities, but whether he steals at all depends upon his own volition. So with our nation. If we embark upon a career of conquest no one can tell how many islands we may be able to sieze or how many races we may be able to subjugate; neither can any one estimate the cost, immediate and remote, to the nation’s purse and to the nation’s character ; but whether we shall enter upon such a career is a question which the people have a right to decide for themselves. Unexpected events may retard or advance the nation’s growth, but the nation’s purposes determine its destiny. What DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY, 619 is the nation’s purpose? That purpose is set forth clearly and unmistakably in the first sentence of the Constitution : ‘We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the com- mon defence, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.’ “Tt will beseen that one of the main purposes of the founders of our Gov: ernment was to secure for themselves and for posterity the blessings of liberty. That purpose has been faithfully followed up to this time. Our statesmen have opposed each other upon economic questions, but they have agreed in defending self-government as the controlling national idea. They have quarreled among themselves over tariff and finance, but they have been united in their opposition to an enlarging alliance with any European power. Under this policy our nation has grown in numbers and in strength. Under this policy its beneficent influence has encircled the globe. Under this policy the taxpayers have been spared the burden and the menace of a large military establishment, and the young men have been taught the arts of peace rather than the science of war. On each returning Fourth of July our people have met to celebrate the signing of the Declaration of Inde- pendence; their hearts have renewed their vows to free institutions, and their voices have praised the forefathers whose wisdom and courage and patriotism made it possible for each succeeding generation to repeat the words, ‘My country ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.’ This sentiment was well-nigh universal until a year ago. It was to this sentiment that the Cuban insurgents appealed; it was this sentiment that impelled our people to enter into war with Spain. Have the people so changed within a few short months that they are now willing to apologizy for the War of the Revolution and force upon the Filipinos the same sys. tem of government against which the colonists protested with fire and sword ? ‘“‘The hour of temptation has come, but temptations do not destroy ; they merely test the strength of individuals and nations; they are stumbling blocks or stepping stones; they lead to infamy or fame, according to the use made of them. “Our nation is tempted to depart from its ‘standard of morality’ and adopt a policy of ‘criminal aggression.’ But will it yield? ‘‘TfI mistake not the sentiment of the American people they will spurn the bribe of imperialism, and, by resisting temptation, win such a victory as has not been won since the battle of Yorktown, Letit be written of the Uniten States: ‘Behold a repnblic that took up arms to aida neighbor 620 DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. ing people, struggling to be free; a republic that, in the progress .of the war, helped distant races whose wrongs were not in contemplation when hostilities began ; a republic that when peace was restored turned a deaf ear to the clamorous voice of greed and to those borne down by the weight of a foreign yoke spoke the welcome words, ‘“‘ Stand up ; be free.’’’ “Let this be the record made on history’s page, and the silent example of this republic, true to its principles in the hour of trial, will do no more to extend the area of self-government and of civilization than could be done by all the wars of conquest that we could wage in a generation. ‘The forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands is not necessary to make the United States a world power. For over ten decades our nation has been a world power. During its brief existence it has exerted upon the human race aninfluence more potent for good than all the other na- tions of the earth combined, and it has exerted that influence without sword or gatling gun. Mexico and the republics of Central and South America testify to the benign influence of our institutions, while Europe and Asia give evidence of the working of the leaven of self-government. In the growth of democracy we observe the triumphant march of an idea, an idea that would be weighed down rather than aided by the armor and the weapons proffered by imperialism. “Much has been said of late about Anglo-Saxon civilization. Far be it from me to detract from the service rendered to the world by the sturdy race whose language we speak. The union of the Angle and the Saxon formed a new and valuable type, but the process of race evolution was not completed when the Angle and the Saxon met. A still later type has appeared which is superior to any which has existed heretofore, and with this new type will come a higher civilization than any which has preceded it. Great has been the Greek, the Latin, the Slav, the Celt, the Teuton and the Anglo-Saxon, but greater than any of these is the American, in whom are blended the virtues of them all. “Civil and religious liberty, universal education, and the right to partici- pate, directly or through representatives chosen by themselves, in all the affairs of the government—these give to the American citizen an oppor- tunity and an inspiration which can be found nowhere else. Standing upon the vantage ground already gained, the American people can aspire to a grander destiny than has opened before any other race. ‘Anglo-Saxon civilization has taught the individual to protect his own rights, American civilization will teach him to respect the rights of others. “ Anglo-Saxon cizilization has taught the individual to take care of himself, American cizilization, proclaiming the equality of all before the law, will DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY, 621 teach him that his own highest good requires the observance of the com- mandment: ‘Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.’ “Anglo-Saxon civilization has, by force of arms, applied the art of govern- ment to other races for the benefit of Anglo-Saxons; American civilization will, by the influence of example, incite in other races a desire for self-gov- ernment and a determination to secure it. “Anglo-Saxon civilization has carried its flag to every clime, and defended it with forts and garrisons. American civilization will imprint its flag upon the hearts of all who love freedom. “¢o American Civilization, all hail, Time’s noblest offspring is the last.’ ” Prestpent McKIn ey in his notable speech, the 16th of February, 1899, before the Home Market Club, of Boston, said : “The Philippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico, were intrusted to our hands by the war, and to that great trust, under the providence of God and in the name of human progress and civilization, we are committed. “Tt isa trust we have not sought; itis a trust from which we will not flinch. The American people will hold up the hands of their servants at home to whom they commit its execution, while Dewey and Otis and the brave men whom they command will have the support of the country in upholding our flag where it now floats, the symbol and assurance of liberty and justice. “ What nation was ever able to write an accurate programme of the war upon which it was entering, much less decree in advance the scope of its results? Congress can declare war, but a higher power decrees its bounds and fixes its relations and responsibilities. The President can direct the movements of soldiers on the field and fleets upon the sea, but he cannot foresee the close of such movements or prescribe their limits. He cannot anticipate or avoid the consequences, but he must meet them, No accu- rate map of nations engaged in war can be traced until the war is over, nor can the measure of responsibility be fixed till the last gun is fired and the verdict embodied in the stipulations of peace. We hear no complaint of the relations created by the war, between this Government and the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. There are some, however, who regard the Philippines as in a different relation; but, whatever variety of views there may be on this phase of the question, there is universal agreement that the Philippines shall not be turned back to Spain. No true American consents to that. Even if unwilling to accept them ourselves it would have been a weak evasion of manly duty to require Spain to transfer them to some other Power or Powers, and thus shirk our own responsibility. Even if we had had, as we did not have, the power to compel such a trans- 622 DISCUSSION OF THE TREATY. fer, it couid not have been made without the most serious international complications.”’ “ The treaty gave them to the United States. Could we have required less and done our duty ? Could we, after freeing the Filipinos from the domination of Spain, have left them without government and without power to protect life or property or to perform the international obligations essential to an independent State? Could we have left them in a state of anarchy and justified ourselves in our own consciences or before the tribu- nal of mankind? Could we have done that in the sight of God and man ??? “ But grave problems come in the life of a nation, however much men may seek to avoid them. They come without our seeking. Why, we do not know ; and it is not always given us to know. But the generation on which they are forced cannot avoid the responsibility of honestly striv- ing for their solution. We may not know precisely how to solve them, bu- we can make an honest effort to that end, and if made in conscience, jus- tice and honor, it will not be in vain.” ‘‘The future of the Philippine Islands is now in the hands of the Ameri- can people. Until the treaty was ratified or rejected the Executive De- partment of this Government could only preserve the peace and protect life and property. That treaty now commits the free and enfranchised Filipinos to the guiding hand and the liberalizing influences, the generous sympathies, the uplifting education, not of their American masters, but of their American emancipators. No one can tell to-day what is best for them or for us. I know no one at this hour who is wise enough or suffi- ciently informed to determine what form of government will best subserve their interests and our interests, their and our well being.”’ “Until Congress shall direct otherwise, it will be the duty of the Execu- tive to possess and hold the Philippines, giving to the people thereof peace and order and beneficent government, affording them every opportu- nity to prosecute their lawful pursuits, encouraging them in thrift and in- dustry, making them feel and know that we are their friends, not their enemies, that their good is our aim, that their welfare is our welfare, but that neither their aspirations nor ours can be realized until our authority is acknowledged and unquestioned. “ That the inhabitants of the Philippines will be benefited by this Re- public is my unshaken belief. That they will have a kindlier government under our guidance and that they will be aided in every possible way to be self-respecting and self-governing people is as true as that the American people love liberty and have an abiding faith in their own Government and in their own institutions DISCUSSION OF THE TREAY. 625 “No imperial designs lurk in the American mind. They are alien to American sentiment, thought and purpose. Our priceless principles under- gono change under a tropical sun. They go with the flag. They are wrought in every one of its sacred folds, and are inextinguishable in its shining stars. ‘*¢Why read ye not the changeless truth— The free can conquer but to save.’ ’’ “If we can benefit these remote peoples, who will object? If in the years of the future they are established in government under law and lib- erty, who will regret our perils and sacrifices? Who will not rejoice in our heroism and humanity? Always perils, and always after them safety. Always darkness and clouds, but always shining through them, the light and the sunshine; always cost and sacrifice, but always after them the fru- ition of liberty, education and civilization. “Thave no light or knowledge not common to my countrymen. I do not prophesy. The present is all-absorbing to me, but I cannot bound my vision by the blood-stained trenches around M anila, where every red drop whether from the veins of an American soldier or a misguided Filipino is anguish to my heart, but by the broad range of future years, when that group of islands, under the impulse of the year just past, shall have be- come the gems and glories of those tropical seas, a land of plenty and of increasing possibilities, a people redeemed from savage indolence and habits, devoted to the arts of peace, in touch with the commerce and trade of all nations, enjoying the blessings of freedom, of civil and religious liberty, of education and of homes, and whose children and children’s children shall for ages hence bless the American Republic because it eman- cipated and redeemed their fatherland and set them in the pathway of the world’s best civilization.’’ Jopyrigni, soy, by W. HA. Lister. ADMIRAL GEORGE DEWEY. ( From his latest Photograph.) BOOK FOUR. ‘CONQUEST OF THE PHILIPPINES. HE Treaty of Peace, duly signed by the Commissioners at Paris, had been delivered by the American members to the President, and had; in due course, been submitted by him to the Senate for ratification. It was then under discussion in the Senate, and by the newspapers and the public generally, when the startling announcement from Manila changed the whole aspect of affairs,—for the apprehended conflict between the Americans and the Filipinos had come. About nine o’clock, Saturday evening, the fourth of February, three native scouts appeared before the pickets of the Nebraska regiment at Santa Mesa. They were, and they had been, violating a previous agree- ment as to the neutral zone between the lines of the insurgents and the Americans. When challenged, they retired. They repeated their mancuvres, and still our sentries withheld their fire. Finally challenging for the third time, these daring Filipinos who were darting past our picket line, Corporal Greely and his men fired. One fell dead; another, wounded. In twenty minutes a sharp fusillade had opened along the insurgents’ entire line, an irregular curve, from Caloocan toward the north, around to Santa Mesa, which lies to the east of the newer or commercial district of Manila, and a short distance north of the Pasig river. Further in- land lay both the village of Santa Ana, to the right, and the coveted water works slightly to the left,—both in the hands of the insurgents. The preliminary flash and rattle of the smaller arms had aroused the sleeping demon of war, and the quiet scenes of this moonless, tropical night quickly changed. The insurgents, all along their line, become still more restless and threatening; though lacking in concert of action and cen- tralized leadership, they are plucky; they suddenly become aggressive,— they have begun the attack. Through the streets of the city, and out along the suburban roads, our troops are hurrying to reinforce the outposts, toward Caloocan and Malabon on the north, and Malate and Paco, to the south. The steady swing of our marching columns and their orderly, resolute bearing bode ill for these crafty but misguided natives who do not yet appreciate the (625) 626 MIDNIGHT FIGHTING. fact that they are no longer contending with Spain. Along the stretch of road from the city to Santa Mesa is the steady tramp of other rein- forcements, these for the Nebraska outpost; they quicken step to reach the front as the fight warms up. Soon there is a lull in the hot fire that has been pouring in on the Nebraska camp, and our boys at once take up the work of intrenching, under the watchful attention of Colonel Statzenburg, as he looks to the well placing of his men. In a crescent about the camp they dig and sweat in the tropical heat, burrowing into the ground and throwing up their defences, which afford but scant pro- tection on this level stretch, owing to the greater elevation of the enemy. Now, all is silence here, over General Hale’s brigade, save the roll of vol- leys heard in the distance toward Caloocan, and Malabon on our extreme left, by the sea. On a knoll to the rear of Santa Mesa, are two of the guns of Battery A of Utah, under command of Lieutenant Wedgewood. At the very open- ing of the attack on the Nebraskans, these had been dragged half-a-mile up the hill from camp, by the soldiers themselves, under the direction and encouragement of their modest and gallant young officer. For nearly three hours the battery men had worked and shoveled and sweated until their gunpit was finished, and then concealed from the enemy by the cut- ting and massing of bushes. That work is done. But even now the tired men find no chance for rest or sleep. It is midnight, and the fight opens again. As the shadows thicken the position and stealthy move- ments of the enemy are completely veiled. The slight flame emitted by their Mauser rifles gives an advantage to the insurgents, while our line is constantly betrayed by the roar and flash of the obsolescent Springfields with which our soldiers fight. After an hour of this midnight firing it finally ceases, by the truce of darkness, each side resting on its arms. But this scanty sleep of our soldiers is broken into by the defiant shouts of the Filipinos, and the distant booming of cannon in the Tondo district, marking the stubborn and continuous fighting along the northern outskirts of Manila. As the moon rose toward morning, it lighted the scene enough to re- veal the serious business in hand. As it grew clearer, though yet in the night, the insurgents renewed the attack with increased boldness. The crack of their mingled Mausers and Remingtons located the line of ad- vance as they worked their way down San Juan hill and made straight for the bridge. This is a serious moment for the company of Nebraskans holding the SAN JUAN DEL MONTE. 629 old Spanish redoubt at our end of the bridge. Can they hold it against these wild, yelling, charging, black Bashi Bazouks of Luzon? On they come in a wild rush—now on the bridge,—now half way over! Bat the Springfields of the brave and hardy Nebraskans flash out :— and these swarthy, reckless dare-devils fall in heaps, dead and dying. They recoil, withdraw and form again. But their second charge, though plucky and worthy of better leadership, is as futile as the first. They try it once more; and for the third time are driven back by our little band whose courage backed by straight-shooting and Caucasian sense, is more than a match for the savage fearlessness and fanatical in- difference of the Filipino. And so, it always is. With the final repulse of this assault upon the bridge, the firing ceased; a respite held till the coming of the dawn. At last comes the prayed-for light of day. There is a hurried breakfast for some of our boys, while for others, none. As daylight broadens, our officers in command, are able to discern the ex- act situation; and the serious business of war is resumed on this bright Sunday morning. We have held the bridge against their ferocious onset ; but the insurgents occupy the open space beyond and they swarm over the steep slopes of San Juan del Monte. Now is the time for the Utah battery; and its guns rake the further end of the bridge and the space beyond, with shrapnel, as Colonel Mc- Coy’s Coloradoans move to the front and reinforce our right near the Pasig river. Now Lieutenant Wedgewood trains his guns on the adjacent block- house to the left. It is quickly cleared by the battery, and captured im- mediately by a rushing advance of the Coloradoans. Again the bridge and the space beyond are swept with shrapnel, as the Nebraska regiment forms at this end, ready to cross. In small squads they advance ina rush, then crouch under cover. as best they can, then rush forward again, finally reaching the opposite side and gaining partial shelter from the plunging fire of the Filipinos who are now swarming up the steep sides of San Juan hill, in slow, stubborn and sullen withdrawal. It is still a serious position for the Nebraskans, between the river and the enemy; but at this juncture the two rapid fire guns, in charge of Captain Gibbs, come clattering across the bridge followed by a battalion of Ten- nesseeans,— whose commander, Colonel Smith, has just fallen from his horse, dead from apoplexy. But the necessities of battle recognize no such delays, and these fighting Tennesseeans under the next in command, cross the bridge in steady column under fire and join the Nebraskans, and aid in clearing the steep sides of San Juan. This was accomplished by noon, in time to get a much needed rest, and to eat their Sunday dinner 630 Mac ARTHUR'S DIVISION. on the crest of the hill, and in full command of the reservoir. The fighting had continued for fourteen hours; and the smouldering homes, and the dead and wounded insurgents that dotted the country from Santa Mesa to the Pasig river on the south, and at the bridge, and up the sides of San Juan del Monte, told of the thoroughness with which our soldiers had bravely completed the task allotted them. While General Hale’s brigade was engaged in this work of forcing the enemy back, and clearing the country from Santa Mesa and the Pasig river to the reservoir, they well kuew from the firing in the distance, that a stubborn fight was raging on the extreme left. At the beginning of the attack Saturday night, the first brigade of MacArthur’s Division had concentrated over here by the Bay, in the Tondo district,—the cheap slum district of newer Manila,—and had gradually advanced their po- sition along the road leading toward Caloocan and Malabon. It was here and around Gagalangin that this section of the trouble began. And here, ready for serious work, are the boys of MacArthur’s Division,—the Kanas regiment under Colonel Funston; the Tenth Pennsylvanians under Colonel Hawkins; Major Kobbe with his Third Artillery; Battery B of Utah under Captain Grant; the Montana boys, and the South Dakotans under Colonel Frost who made it hot for the Filipinos. The darkness protected and helped the Indian fighting of the insurgents. All through this Tondo district, and around Gagalangin the firing continued through the night with but slight intermissions. It was an ugly country for fighting in the open, even in broad daylight. It was worse in the shadows of a moonless night, with a stealthy, treacherous foe all around. A stretch of low ground, and swampy rice-fields, and jungle and brambles, with here and there narrow strips of road and dikes, over which our boys must pass to the rising slopes beyond, covered with clumps of trees and knolls, and the old Chinese cemetery. As the night wore on the fight was taken up by the cruiser Charleston, and the Concord, lying off shore from Malabon. They opened their secondary batteries on the enemy, and the dazed, demoralized followers of Aguinaldo felt the hot rain of death along their lines and trenches, that lay well inland from Malabon toward Caloocan and the old Chinese cemetery. At last light comes. As the morning wears on, MacArthur’s Division forms for a general advance. The objective point is to clear the Filipinos from the rising slopes beyond this flat land ; and to gain the cemetery and its Binondo church—an insurgent stronghold—well up the slope. As the line of advance forms, facing toward the north, the South Dakotans hold the right, furthest inland; next are the Pennsylvanians and the sattiddipigd og} easauqe ty ropuncadta,) ‘sound pty ay Jo aoqeqgorq, ALWIL “VON CL USHLO CS TTA ISD LY WStNa TOL ‘OUTYNIODY OVIING CEMETERY RIDGE. 633 Montana regiment; while Kansas and the Third Artillery make up the left, nearest the bay. As the line advances, Battery B, of Utah, closely following, aids in clearing the way. The Third Artillery moving along the dikes, through a concentrated fire, lost twenty-five men before reach- ing the firm, open ground beyond. The advance of our entire line was hotly contested and slow; but it was steady and sure. Every point gained was held. Finally, the Third Artillery clearing the swamps on either side, came out into the open—under fearless Captain O’Hara, and swung forward like the brave veterans they were, in their advance on the Chinese church, which stood at the southeast corner of the cemetery, and nearest to our advancing left and middle columns. Early in the after- noon this stronghold was taken, greatly relieving Pennsylvania and Montana from the galling flank fire of the Filipino sharpshooters that had gathered in the church. On up the steep, rough slope came Montana and Pennsylvania, checked by the old Chinese cemetery with its graves aud network of barbed wire, and facing a steady fire from the insurgent redoubts ahead. Fortunately Colonel Frost, on the right, had been able to advance more rapidly; and then swinging his South Dakota regiment around, had assaulted and carried the two insurgent trenches where thirty of the enemy were killed. The South Dakotans were now joined by the Pennsylvania and Montana troops, and these combined forces charged and captured the last and most bitterly fought point on Cemetery Ridge, which was a second church—the much coveted Binondo church— which stood at the upper corner of the old cemetery. The enemy, now utterly routed at every point, fled as scattered fugitives, on over the ridge toward Caloocan. It was now past three o'clock Sunday, and the American soldiers had been on active duty, much of this time on the firing line, since nine o’clock Saturday night. While the enemy had been utterly routed and cleared from the field, the insurgent fighting had been plucky and stubborn. In the Tondo dis- trict they had charged the Kansas regiment six times, boldly coming right up to within 100 yards of our advancing column. It was in this part of the battle that the half naked Ygorotes, with bows and arrows, and with savage courage and savage ignorance, recklessly faced our line to receive the withering fire of the Utah Battery. And so they fought with like stubbornness in their redoubts, and up the slopes of Cemetery Ridge, where the ground was thickly strewn with their dead and dying, as the irresistible South Dakotans swept over them. During the fighting Saturday night and Sunday, the insurgents had been dislodged and driven back at every point along the line of MacArthur’s Division, from 63+ “BLOODY LANE.” Cemetery Ridge around to San Juan hill and the Pasig river. It was now toward the close of Sunday afternoon, and our tired soldiers, after twenty hours of fighting, strengthened and held their positions to gain a needed rest. With no adequate knowledge of scientific fighting, and yet with a craftiness peculiar to their race, Aguinaldo’s generals had planned and directed this battle of Manila—extending along an irregular semicircle of fifteen miles—with a degree of strategy that would have been creditable to Caucasian generalship. All during Saturday night, while the fighting went on with Mac- Arthur’s Division to the east and north, not a move had been made by the Filipinos to the south of the city. Evidently they had expected at the beginning of the attack, that our forces would be withdrawn from the south, and thus leave that section of the city exposed. But their crafti- ness, in this at least, was a delusion; for MacArthur’s Division had been able to more than hold its own. It had driven the insurgents back at every point. To the First Division, under General Anderson, lined up to the south and southeast of the city, came the hottest of all this fighting around Manila. Throughout the night the two brigades under King and Oven- shine, had been on the alert and ready for any emergency, though every- thing was quiet along this section of the Filipino lines—ominously so. But early Sunday morning the Sixth Artillery opened fire, from Artillery Knoll, on the enemy to the south, while the big guns of the Monadnock, lying off shore, also swept the insurgent lines. Here and around block- house No. 14, the grim, unflinching, stubborn fighting of the Filipinos was something remarkable. It was here in “bloody lane” that brave Lieutenant Mitchell fell, mortally wounded, crying: ‘Never mind me. Go on.” Notwithstanding the rain of shells from the Monadnock and the Sixth Artillery, Aguinaldo’s misguided followers faced death with reck- less indifference and fought with a grim stubbornness that could hardly have been expected. Here again the courage of ignorance proved to be no match for the sense, the bravery and the straight shooting of the white man. And yet the dogged resistance of these mongrel Malayans was such that it took Captain Murphy, in command of the fourteenth battalion of Ovenshine’s brigade, from eight o’clock Sunday morning till two in the afternoon to take blockhouse No. 14, only 400 yards from the point of starting. The natural obstacles of the field helped the insurgents by sheltering them and by holding in check our advance. Marsh covered with water, mud holes, and a tropical jungle of bushes and briars and BATTLE OF SANTA ANA. 635 vines,—such was the field of battle. Across this marsh the right wing of Ovenshine’s brigade waded waist-deep, as it moved against the flank of the insurgents. This was something new and unexpected to these ‘desperate Filipinos, who now utterly demoralized, deserted their trenches, and scattered and fled, some of them continuing to run for miles back into the country. This part of Anderson’s Division had fought under extreme difficulties, but with invincible, disciplined courage. While their own loss had been serious, they had most severely punished the enemy, now utterly routed and cleared from the field. When the fighting began at half-past seven o’clock Sunday morning, the line of the First Division extended from near the bay, north of Pasay, to the Triega stream, and thence northerly along its near side to the Pasig river. Furthest inland, and next the Pasig, was the Idaho regi- ment. On their right were Washington, California and Wyoming. Across the stream, and directly to the front, lay the village of Santa Ana, within range. Further up the river and a little to our right lay San Pedro Macati. Close behind our line, and near blockhouse No. 11, was Lieutenant Hawthorne’s battery. Some little distance to the right and rear, on Artillery Knoll, was Captain Dyer with Battery D of the Sixth Artillery. Here on Artillery Knoll were General Anderson’s headquarters. From this point he could see, and in a general way, direct the advance of King’s brigade. Across the narrow, murky stream, in front of our lines, was a wide open space of rice-fields stretching away in gentle ascent toward Santa Ana, and further on to San Pedro Macati. Of all points of the crescent fighting line about Manila, this ground in front of King’s brigade, was best adapted for an effective display of military tactics on a broad scale. Shortly after eight o’clock, General Anderson gave the order for King’s brigade to advance. Through Triega stream the men waded, coming out on firm ground, and began fighting their way up the slope. A heavy in- surgent fire from earthworks to the front and left front, and from the old bastioned fort and from the stone walls, and from the old English churchyard near Santa Ana, poured in on our advancing columns. The enemy had two Krupp guns which they failed to handle with any serious results. But the battery of Sixth Artillery, commanded by Captain Dyer, answered with terrific effect from Artillery Knoll. It was ably assisted by Hawthorne’s battery located near blockhouse No. 11. The whistling shells freighted with death sped high over the heads of our advancing troops, and carried destruction and demoralization to the 636 CAPTURE OF SAN PEDRO MACATI. enemy. Captain Dyer proved his remarkable skill in the management of his guns, though greatly hindered by the lack of horses. He rained shells into the insurgent redoubts; and shattered the old bastioned fort, and swept the old English churchyard. In the parlance of war, it was a beautiful sight; in the language of fact it was a severely destructive, utterly demoralizing fire that the undisciplined Filipinos could not long withstand. Covered and supported by the batteries, the Idaho, Washing- ton, California and Wyoming troops kept steadily on, occasionally taking rest behind the ridges of these paddy-fields, which were high enough to afford temporary and partial protection. The first objective was the village of Santa Ana. To gain it, the insurgents were driven from their trenches to our front and left front well up the slope. Then the old fort was stormed by the Idaho troops, while the Californians gave the enemy a cutting fire from the side. A hundred dead Filipinos were found in and around the old bastioned fort, and hundreds more in the trenches, aud along the slope above them, and in the old churchyard, and in the streets of Santa Ana. Fighting fiercely when in their trenches or par- tially under cover, they are now utterly stampeded by the shells from our batteries and by the dashing charges and flank manceuvres of the Ameri- cans. By the rapid advance of the Californians the routed insurgents were hemmed in the streets of Santa Ana, where their loss was heavy. The others went scurrying before our troops, nearly a hundred of them dashing into the Pasig river in a vain attempt to swim across. Less than twenty reached the opposite shore. The brunt of the day’s fighting for King’s brigade was now over. But to complete their work, and clear the enemy from the field a part of the California, Washington and Wyoming troops pressed on to San Pedro Macati, further up the river. As the insurgents’ position in front of the town was strong, Captain Haan, with a part of the Engineer Corps, de- ployed to the right and rear of the enemy, from which position of advan- tage, they sent a plunging fire into the ranks of the Filipinos. This method of flank attack by the Americans, was always new and surprising to the enemy, and invariably was effective in demoralizing and dislodg- ing them. This brilliant flank movement by Captain Haan and his Engineer Corps, saved our front from heavy loss, and placed our troops quickly in possession of the town. For which he gained the praise of the men, and special hearty commendation from Colonel Smith, the regi- mental commander. It was now noon, Sunday. In four hours King’s brigade had advanced from near blockhouse No. 11; and after crossing the Triega stream had taken Santa Ana and San Pedro Macati. They OFFICIAL DISPATCHES, 637 had driven the insurgents before them at every point, and now firmly held their ground. While this left brigade of Anderson’s Division was thus engaged, and - while Ovenshine’s troops at the extreme right were fighting for block- house No. 14, and the village of Pasay, the insurgent sharpshooters, con- cealed in the village of Paco, had become troublesome. They had been firing on General King and his staff, and on an ambulance of the Red Cross Society ; and had killed a driver. Colonel Duboce in command of a few reserve companies of Californians advanced to dislodge the enemy from the village,—and this developed into one of the notable fights of that historic Sunday around Manila. The nipa huts lining the main road to the village were filled with sharpshooters. As these yielded to our advance, they gathered for a final and stubborn standin Paco church and convent. A platoon of Californians, located on a near-by bridge, had maintained a concentrated and steady rain of bullets on the church and convent, but without results. From the upper stories the enemy con- tinued to send a hot and plunging fire, a terriffic fusillade through which Colonel Duboce and a few volunteers dashed into the church, and sprinkled oil, and fired it and retired. Now the guns of Captain Dyer’s battery of Sixth Artillery, located on Artillery Knoll, are trained on the church, and drop a dozen shells into the tower and roof. But not even shells and an oil fire seem sufficient to dislodge these hot Salamanders of Luzon. For two companies of brave Californians dash into the church, but are unable to force their way up the steps to the stories above; and of necessity retire. Fifty rebels were captured and twenty killed at the church and convent, while most of them escaped into the bushes beyond. From nine o’clock Saturday evening the fighting continued with much regularity for twenty hours,—some of it with a degree of fierceness on the part of the Filipinos that had hardly been expected. The following dispatches were received Monday morning: By the Associated Press, Manila, Monday. ‘ Careful estimates place the Filipino losses up to date at 2,000 dead, 3,500 wounded.” The departments at Washington received these dispatches on the day following the battle: “ Mania, February 5, 1899. “To Adjutant General: ; “ Situation most satisfactory ; no apprehension need be felt. Perfect quiet prevails in city and vicinity. List of casualties being prepared and will be forwarded as soon as possible. Troops in excellent health and spirits. “ Oris.” $38 “ON TO MALOLOS.” The following telegram was received by the Chief Signal Officer: “Mania, February 5, 1899. “ Action continues since early morning; losses quite heavy; everything favorable to our arms. “ THOMPSON.” Colonel Thompson being the chief signal officer on the staff of General Otis. “ Mania, February 5, 1899. “To the Secretary of the Navy, Washington: “Insurgents here inaugurated general engagement yesterday night, which was continued to-day. The American army and navy are generally successful. Insurgents have been driven back and our line advanced. No casualties to navy. “ DEWEY.” Such was the summary of the situation as given by those in the best position to judge. The semicircular line of the Americans, when the fighting began, was from eight to ten miles in length. But our troops had advanced at every point until, after twenty hours’ fighting, it extended a distance of fifteen to eighteen miles from Pasay on the south through Paco, San Pedro Ma- cati and Santa Ana to the reservoir on the east, and thence to Cemetery Ridge on the north. And now the declining sun of this historic Sabbath was clouded by the smoke that curled upward from the smouldering ruins of thousands of Filipino homes. Their dead dotted the slopes and valleys, and the marsh and jungle of this wide-stretching field of battle. In numbers our loss had been slight compared with that of the insur- gents. Our brave troops quietly and firmly held their ground, and awaited the developments of the morrow. Following this opening battle in our military conquest of the Philip- pines, there was a lull, but by no means a cessation of our movements in Luzon. The apprehended uprising in Manila had been ordered by the Filipino leaders; but it had been repressed and averted by the watchful- ness of our reserve troops under General Hughes. The First Division had become more firmly established in its advanced position; while Mac- Arthur’s Second Division was gradually taking possession of the country northeast and north of Manila, toward Malolos. Operations in that quarter are indicated by the following dispatch to the Department at Washington: BATTLE OF CALOOCAN. 639 “ Manina, February, 10, 1899. “ Adjutant General: “Insurgents collected considerable force between Manila and Caloocan, where Aguinaldo reported to be, and threatened attack and uprising in city. This afternoon swung left of MacArthur’s Division which is north of Pasig river, into Caloocan, driving enemy easy. Our left now at Caloocan. Our loss slight; that of insurgents considerable. Particulars in morning. Attack preceded by one half hour’s firing from two of Admiral Dewey’s vessels. “ Oris.” It was Friday, February 10th, when, at a given signal, this battle of Caloocan was opened with a destructive fire from the Monitor, Monad- nock, lying in the bay. Within easy range of the doomed town, her whistling shells swept over the intervening jungle, and on, tearing through the woods and exploding with terrifying effect in and about the trenches of the enemy. ‘These lay along the southern outskirts of the town, and partially within this strip of woodland. Quickly following up the work of the Monadnock, the Utah Battery under Captain Grant, shelled the insurgents from the land side, with less roar but with equally destructive effect. Through this strip of woods the Kansas troops, under command of the gallant Colonel Funston made their advance ; while over the open fields that lay to the right moved the Montana Infantry and Third Artillery, and Pennsylvanians. As the fight progressed, the loud- roaring Springfields marked the nearer, and still nearer approach of the dauntless Kansans toward the town. Out in the open, the right of the brigade made its advance by rushes of fifty to one hundred yards ata time, the soldiers crouching for partial protection behind the ridges of these paddy-fields. As the battle warmed up, and the troops came closer to the town, they took on increased enthusiasm. The Mauser bullets came, zip, zip, zip, thicker and thicker around our advancing columns, as here and there, one of our brave boys would sink to the ground, dead or wounded. Now, on the extreme right, the Third Artillery, commanded by Major Kobbe, wheels across, so as to make a flank movement on the town. As in other cases this proves to be new and surprising to the natives, and quickly demoralizing. Smoke hovers over the plain, as our volleying Springfields close in on the trenches. Here and there the Filipinos can be seen, singly and in small squads, darting hither and thither for pro- tection, as they desert their trenches and steal back into the woods. Finally amid wild cheering, our soldiers make a dash for the intrench- ments, and force the enemy back into the town. To dislodge their sharp- 640 CAPTURING THE WATER-WORKS. shooters, the dry nipa-huts were fired, and these routed Filipinos driven from the streets of burning Caloocan, went in wild flight toward Malabon and the north. And thus another stronghold of the enemy was gained ; and an added impetus given to MacArthur’s movement on Malolos. During these operations of the left wing of the Second Division, the right brigade under General Hale had not been idle to the east of Santa Mesa. The reservoir on the top of San Juan hill was ours; and all the country to the south as far as the Pasig river, had been cleared of lurk- ing Filipinos, by the Nebraska and Colorado troops and the mountaineer riflemen of Tennessee. These are the men that in the Sunday fighting, forced their way across San Juan bridge, and climbed the slope of San Juan hill, the soldiers themselves dragging their Nordenfeldt guns up this steep, rugged grade, stopping occasionally to train them with raking effect, on the retreating but sullen enemy. The next objective point is the water-works proper, including the pumping station, and lying some four miles further east among the foot- hills,—still in the enemy’s possession. At this stage of the fighting, the water-works constituted, of course, the point of greatest real and strate- gic importance. And it is remarkable, and not satisfactorily explained, that the insurgents had thus far left the water supply uninjured. But this absolutely essential point of advantage could not longer be allowed to remain in control of the enemy. Accordingly, a part of General Hale’s brigade composed of the First Nebraska, First Colorado, First South Dakota, the Tennessee regiment and some of the regulars, prepared for an immediate advance. This was Monday noon, the day following the heavy fighting on Sunday, February 5th. As our troops moved forward under the immediate command of General Hale, our skirmish line ex- tended for nearly a mile across our front, and at right angles to the direc- tion in which we were advancing. At our left a battalion of regulars; at our right the Tennessee regiment; the skirmish line composed of Wyom- ing and Colorado troops. The light artillery, dragged by the soldiers themselves along the roadway, keeping well up with our line of ad- vance. Several times the guns were trained on groups of insurgents ahead,—a few shells in each case being sufficient to disperse them. Thus, with but slight skirmishing, General Hale’s command advanced, and took possession of the water-works; and the most serious impending danger for all Manila, was averted. The Colorado and Wyoming troops camped here, supported by a part of the Utah Artillery ; while the Nebraska regi- ment still held their camp at the reservoir three miles to the rear; and the Tennessee troops were called away for service at Iloilo, where they VIINVIT AVIN NadO FHL NI ONILHDIY SUAIAIOG NVOINANY INSURGENT LOSSES. 643 distinguished themselves by skilful fighting and extraordinary valor, be- ing the first to land, in open boats and in the face of the enemy. Following up their brilliant victory on Sunday, the First Division had partially destroyed the village of San Pedro Macati, to protect the soldiers from Filipino sharpshooters, as the natives skulked from house to house and fired from the windows as our troops advanced. All that was left of Santa Ana and Paco was occupied by the Californians. For a week after the opening of this campaign, there had not been a day free from fighting. But the Americans had driven everything before them; their outposts now varied in distance from four to ten miles from Manila, the territory they had taken spreading out in the shape of a great fan. All this had been achieved at the cost of sixty-seven Americans killed, and about two hundred and fifty wounded. The known loss of the Filipinos was heavy. 2,500 killed; probably twice as many wounded; and thousands of prisoners. Their unknown losses must have been heavy. Fully twenty villages and towns had surrendered, or had been cap- tured,—-some of these having been burned in order to dislodge and clear out the insurgent sharpshooters. Many rifles and considerable ammuni- tion had been captured ; most of it at Santa Ana. Among the more dis- tinguished prisoners taken in Manila during the first week of hostilities, were Captain A. G. Escamilio, private secretary to Aguinaldo; Captain E. P. Veraguth, Colonel Martin de los Reyes, and Senor Thomas del Rosario, a member of the so-called Filipino Congress in session at Ma- lolos. A few Filipino officials of minor importance were among the thousands of prisoners. Of course the final outcome of this fighting with the Filipinos, was never for a moment in doubt. The victories just won by our self-sacrific- ing, patriotic and gallant troops simply confirmed our certain suppression of the insurgents; and again impressed upon the world the high character of our soldiers. And yet the track of war is always pathetic. The destruction and des- olation that dotted and scarred this surrounding country of humble homes, were none the less touching, because its pagan peoples were, in the main, poor and ignorant and misguided. The ashen ruins and the shattered church of Paco; the burned village of San Pedro Macati; the deserted streets of Santa Ana, with here and there a starving and for- saken dog scurrying away from our troops on guard,—all these told their plain but not-to-be-forgotten tale of what had been and what was. And such also was the story told by the silent and shattered bridge over the San Juan; and by the Binondo church; and by the mute ruins 644 EVERYWHERE THE SIGNS OF WOE. of the burned town of Caloocan. Everywhere the signs of woe! And yet here and there the white flags of the returning pacificos, were already beginning to flutter, Phcenix-like, over the ruins of war,—symbols of both the peace desired and of a new and better order of things yet to come. In reviewing the condition of affairs ten days after the opening of hostilities, General Otis said: ‘The situation is excellent now.