Cornell Aniversity Library Cornell University Library BR 1046.G78 TH 3 1924 005 902 535 ainove REPORTS RECEIVED cou HER MAJESTY’S CONSULS RELATING TO THE CONDITION OF CHRISTIANS IN TURKEY. 1860. ; : 2 Ei --Predented to both Houses of Parliament by Command of Her Majesty. , = LONDON : PRINTED BY HARRISON AND SONS, LIST OF PAPERS. No. Page. 1. Cirenlar addressed by Sir H. Bulwer to Her Majesty’s Consuls in the Ottoman Dominions ., Me is aa . o- oe oe 1 2. Queries addressed by Sir H. Bulwer to Her Majesty’s Consuls in the Ottoman Dominions. .. wi aa wa i ies aie oe 3 8. Acting Consul Abbott to Lord J. Russell re ois os .. July 9,1860 4 Two Inclousures. 4. Consul Calvert to Lord J. Russell .. es 4 ue .. July 23,—— 7 Two Inclosures, 5. Consul-General Longworth to Lord J. Russell... i ws .. July 20,—— 19 One Inclosure. 6. Consul-General Green to Lord J. Russell .. in as .. July 23, ——- 28 Three Inclosures. ‘7. Consul Finn to Lord J. Russell és a es ve 1. July 19,—— 26 One Inclosure. "8. Consul C. Blunt to Lord J. Russell .. Bs 26 a .. July 1 —— Be Two Inclosures. 9. Sir H. Bulwer to Lord J. Russell .. vs ae vs «. duly 31,—— 34 ; One Inclosure. 10. Consul Cathcart to Lord J. Russell .. oes at ne .. August 8,——~ 38 Two Inclosures. 11. Vice-Consul Mayers to Sir H. Bulwer dis me a .. July 2,——— 46 12. Consul Holmes to Lord J. Russell .. es a6 si .. August J10,—— 47 18. Consul Skene to Lord J. Russell .. 58 ss me .. August 14,—— 48 One Inclosure. 14. Acting Consul Zohrab to Lord J. Russell bes ai a .. July 30, -—— . 53 Two Inclosures. 15. Major Cox, R.E., to Lord J. Russell. . oe ar ase .. August 11,—— 58 Two Inclosures. 16. Consul-General Longworth to Lord J. Russell es ars .. August 26,—— 60 Two Inclosures. 17. Consul Sandison to Lord J. Russell .. as a ae .. August 20,—— 67 18. Consul Skene to Lord J. Russell .. oy. OO Be va .. August 23;—— 67 One Inclosure. | 19. Consul Holmes to Lord J. Russell .. wk a me .. September 3})— One Inclosure. 20. Consul-General Moore to Lord J. Russell .. oii ae -. Sgptr .. - Two Inclogures. 21. Consul Holmes to Lord J. Russell .. i ar ee 2 One Inclosure. 22, Consul Holmes to Lord J. Russell .. te NG wl>—— 74 23. Acting Consul Abbott to Lord J. Russell a ve soer 26, mem 74 Two Inclosures. 24, Consul Blunt to Sir H, Bulwer ex a ot _. September 24,-——— 89 -~ Two Inclésures. 25. Consul Calvert to Lord J. Russell .. Ks us : .. September 27,—— 93 One Inclosure. ‘ 26. Consul Calvert to Lord J. Russell .. ses a “i .. October 4,—— 94 Two Jnclosures, / 27. Major Cox, R.E., to Lord J. Russell os a 3 .. October 33,—— 96 Reports received from Her Majesty's Consuls relating to the Condition of Christians in Turkey. No. 1. Sir H. Bulwer to Lord John Russell.—(Received June 23.) My Lord, _ Constantinople, June 11, 1860. I INCLOSE your Lordship the copy of a despatch which I am about to send to Her Majesty’s Consuls in European Turkey. I send also a copy of the questions that I have addressed to them, with an instruction that they should send one answer to these questions to your Lordship, and one to this Embassy. T have, &c. (Signed) H. L. BULWER. Inclosure No. 1. Circular addressed by Sir H. Bulwer to Her Majesty's Consuls in the Ottoman Dominions. Sir, Constantinople, June 11, 1860. YOU are, I presume, aware that the Russian Government has recently addressed that of Her Majesty, in reference to the condition of the Ottoman Empire, and especially in reference to the condition of the provinces of Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovinia, condemning in the strongest terms the conduct pursued by the Ottoman authorities in general, and blaming in particular their conduct towards the Christians,—conduct which it says ‘can no longer be borne, inasmuch as that it is characterized by the grossest intolerance and persecution. I understand that details of murder, rape, and forced conversion, accompanied the above declaration. . Now I am well aware that the Government in this country is lax and irregular ; that the conduct of public functionaries, especially the inferior ones, is too frequently corrupt and unjust,—and I undoubtedly think that abuses do really exist, which could, and ought to be corrected with severity and with promptitude. On the other hand,—looking at the barbarous and despotic power but a few years since exercised by the of in the Provinces, and at the venal practices too long indulged in by Turkish functionaries,.¥the temptation being not unoften given by the Rayahs themselves, who bribed such functionaries to favour the one against the other,—it is too much to expect that a pure and perfect administration will now be found. The crimes, moreover, signalized by Russia, are in all countrics unfortunately to be seen and deplored ; and whilst religious toleration to a far greater extent than is even now practised by many European governments, has been traditionally characteristic of Turkish domination, — a system of religious equality, though by no means easy to cstablish at first—when the conquering race is of one creed, and the conquered of another, —has, nevertheless, of late years, made a visible progress in the capital ; and can hardly, one would suppose, since it has been proclaimed ostentatiously and constantly, with the conscnt of the Sovereign, be altogether disregarded by the Porte’s official servants in the country at large. Thus,—whilst I am far from denying that great and radical reforms are required in the provincial administration, I am, nevertheless, inclined to believe that it is an exaggeration to contend that things are in a much worse state than under the circumstances might be expected, or that there is a constant and perverse action, on the part of the Governors and their subordinates, in opposition to the general policy which their superiors are pledged to carry out, A 2 It seems to me, indeed, that more evil arises at present from the want of power and authority somewhere, than from the actual abuse of power and authority anywhere. I have also been made acquainted, through the channel of our Consular Agents, as well as by other means, that great efforts have of late been nade by persons of various kinds,— not identified with, or belonging to, the native population,—to get up discontent amongst the population, and to excite them to make complaints that may reach the ear of the European Powers; and that in this way the Slave population has been especially brought to imagine that it may obtain, through foreign protection, great advantages, and even arrive at an independent existence. I have likewise been informed that a conspiracy among the Slavonian race, with the object of making a revolution in this Empire, actually exists,—with chiefs selected, and plans more or less defined,—and that though such conspiracy miy not, at this moment, be formidable, its leaders imagine it may become so by exciting the sympathies of the Great Western and Northern States. Amidst a state of affairs so complicated, it is not casy to form a clear and impartial judgment,—either as to the faults of the Porte, or of those it employs; or of the complaints made against both; or of the mode of dealing with the present crisis ;—in such manner as will be best calculated at once to benefit the Ottoman people and the Ottoman Government. What I desire from you is, that you should endeavour to take all the circumstances I have described into your consideration ; and, without measuring the condition of things around you by an impossible standard,—state fairly where you think the general condition of the country in which your post places you, is behind that which, according to your opinion, it should at this time have attained ;—in what the principal evils of which you have to complain consist : by what practical means they can best be remedied ; how far the condition of the Rayah population, since the Edict of Gulhané, and the Hat-i-Humayoum of April 1856 have been promulgated, has improved ; and in what points you consider that the intentions of the Sultan, as expressed in these instruments, can be carried out more fully, with safety and advantage. It sometimes happens that notwithstanding bad and inefficient laws, a semi-barbarous people is tolerably well governed ; and that sometimes, notwithstanding good laws, it is governed execrably. A good deal,-as it appears to me, must of necessity, depend upon the individual fitness of the local governors ; it also not unfrequently happens that good laws in theory, are not good laws in practice,—as being unfitted to the peculiar population to which they are applied ;—whilst where races and religions are intermingled, the task of government will become still more complicated and difficult ; since that which would be favourable to-one class of the inhabitants, might appear to be, and actually be, unfair and unfavourable to another. ‘To form a right judgment in these matters, local knowledge is most essential ; and, consequently, I address myself to you for that knowledge. For my own part, I conceive that justice, in the simplest and clearest forms, is the great end to aim at; concentrating responsibility, so that when wrong is done, it should at once be seen who did it, and that parties should not be able —the one, by throwing the blame upon the other, to render punishment difficult. It is, likewise, to be considered that whatever enlightenment exists in Turkey, exists at the centre ; and great care must be taken that if local authority is granted to local bodies for local interests, that authority should not be such as to bring local ignorance and prejudice to bear too much upon general matters, and thus paralyze the power of the Porte’s representative to do good, even when he has the will to do it. I say this because, from a careful attention to the various reports made to me,—I am much struck by sceing how almost every abuse which has been brovght to my notice, has proceeded from the local Councils now existing,—these screening the Pasha or Caimakam when he acts amiss, and opposing him when he acts uprightly. Your ideas as to the manner in which the said Councils should be replaced or reformed, would be valuable to me. Her Majesty’s Government is as desirous as any Christian government can be, to advance the well-being and progress of the Christians in Turkey ; acknowledging, however, that it is also the duty of the Sultan to advance equally that of his co-religionists. Her Majesty's Government wishes also, as you well know, to maintain the Ottoman. Empire,—which in its fall would produce a general disorganization in the East, accompanied, probably, by war throughout the world,—the whole producing a series of disasters which would certainly not benefit any class in Turkey, and would be likely to cause great calamities to mankind. Not merely the ministers of the Sultan are desirous that a fair and equal policy should be pursued towards Mahometans and Christians, but the Sultan himself, told me personally only a few days ago, and this in a manner which evinced profound sincerity,—saying, indeed, that he spoke “not with his lips but with his heart,’—that the whole object of his reign had been, and still was, to advance the condition, and protect the interests, of every class, without 3 any unjust distinction of religion throughout his Empire ; deeming only that reforms should be framed with that moderation and prudence which are not incompatible with steadiness of purpose, and are peculiarly requisite when we have to deal with ancient usages and deep-seated prejudices amongst mixéd populations unfavourably disposed towards each other. It is in conformity with these sentiments, that the Grand Vizier has now proceeded with almost unlimited powers into the provinces. Iam not as yet certain as to the extent of his present tour, which is undertaken as well to introduce improvements on the spot, as to judge of the reforms that might be possible, both in the working and in the frammg of the Provincial Administration hereafter. His Highness may possibly pass through your district,—and if he does, or if he sends any one of his mission there,—you will offer to give him, or any person he sends, any information in your power as to the state of the country, and the conduct of the authorities. In the meantime, you will find, by the accompanying despatch, that I have addressed to you, a series of questions, which you will have the goodness to answer at your earliest con- venience,—sending one copy of that answer home, ae copy to the Embassy here. Tam, &c. No. 2. Questions addressed by Sir H. Bulwer to Her ajesty’s Consuls in the Ottoman Dominions.* 1. WHAT is the general condition of the province over which your jurisdiction extends ? 2. What is the relative population, Christian and Mussulman, as far as your information enables you to pass an opinion, within the said province ? 3. What is, generally speaking, apart from religion, the occupation and position in life of the Christians on the one hand, and of the Mussulmans on the other; for instance, are the great bulk of proprietors in the country Mussulmans? Are the majority of persons engaged in trade in the towns Christians ? 4. Can Christians hold landed property on equal condition with Turks; and if not, where is the difference ? 5. Can Christians exercise trade in towns on equal terms with the Turks; and if not, where is the difference ? 6. Are the Christian peasantry in the Christian villages as well off generally as the Mussulmans ; and if not, where is the difference ? 7. Is Christian evidence admitted in Courts of Justice ; and if not, point out the cases where it has been refused 4 8. Is the Christian population, on the whole, better off, more considered, and better treated, than it was five, ten, fifteen, twenty years ago ? 9. Are there any inequalities dependent on religion now, and if so, what are those inequalities? _ 10. Would the Christian population like to enter the military service instead of paying the tax which procures them exemption ; and which would they gain most by—serving in the army, or paying the said tax ? 11. Do Christians iind any difficulty in constructing churches, or in following their religious observances ? 12. When cases of oppression against the Christians take place, is this generally owing to the acts of the Government, or the fanaticism of the population 4 13. When Protestants are, if ever, persecuted, does that persecution proceed from Mus- sulmans, or from Christians, or other sects ? 14, Are many of the grievances of which the Christian population complains owing to the conduct of their own authorities ? 15. Are Christians admitted into the Medjlis or Local Councils? Are these Councils generally more in favour of progress and good government than the officials of the Porte, or more unfavourable ? 16. If the latter, would there be any practical mode that occurs to you of limiting their attributes, so as still to maintain their power where it is useful, and abridge or suppress it. where it is not 4 17. What is your opinion as to withdrawing from the said Medjlis their judicial functions, and creating tribunals apart from them ; and in such case how would you have those tribunal, composed ? * Sir H. Bulwer’s Circular Despatch to the Consuls of June 11, 1860, inclosing these questions, has not been received, A2 4 18. Do the Mahometans evince a strong desire to make converts? Do they do so frequently, or ever, by compulsion? If so, point out, if you can, the guilty parties. 19. In the case of the conversion of females, is this generally the effect of religious enthusiasm on the one side or the other, or does it proceed fr om worldly causes? And, if the latter, state those causes. 20. What measures do you thiuk would best attain the end of equal justice, with the most simple and least expensive forms 4 21. What measures do you think could best be taken to improve generally the condition of the country ? 22. What is your opinion as to the possibility of establishing schools for all religions and classes, and as to the effect that would be produced by those schools ? 23. What is your opinion as to naming a Christian Vice-Governor by the side of the Turkish Governor, where a great part of the population is Christian; the one and the other corresponding with the Porte ? 24. Is it become a custom for subjects of the Porte to get forcign peep ts? Do they frequently get passports from Greece, and exchange them for Russian passports 2 No, 3. Acting Consul Abbott to Lord J. Russell—( Received August 3). My Lord, Monastir, July 9, 1860. IN compliance with instructions from Her Majesty’s Ambassador at Constantinople, I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship herewith inclosed, copies of a despatch and its inclosure, which I have this day addressed to Sir Henry Bulwer in answer to his Excellency’s two circular despatches of the 11th of June last, relative to the condition of the Christians in Turkey. I have, &c. (Signed) RICHARD GEO. ABBOTT. Inclosure 1 in No. 3. Acting Consul Abbott to Sir H. Bulwer. (Extract) Monastir, July 9, 1860. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency’s two circular despatches of the 11th of June last, relative to the condition of’ the Christians in Turkey, and I beg to transmit herewith inclosed, answers to the Queries contained in the latter circular despatch. I venture respectfully to state to your Excellency that from my knowledge of Turkey and its inhabitants, I firmly believe that, notwithstanding any privileges and advantages which may be granted to the Christians, these, although apparently satistied at first, will never desist from complaining eventually of the Turkish yoke, and making their complaints reach the ear of European Powers, magnifying to a great degree, as is their usual habit, any injustice to which they may have been subjected by Mussulmans. The Bulgarians and Greeks have only to look back to ten, fifteen, and twenty years, when with justice,they might have complained of the burden of their thraldom ; but now, how great is the difference ! In giving my humble opinion on this subject, I am far from taking the part of the Turks, and exoncrating tle conduct of some of the ‘Turkish officials. Abuses, and to a great extent, exist in this Province as well as in others, and the evils caused by these abuses are of such a nature as to admit of remedy. For instance, a Pasha is apparently an honest man, but his Kehaya or Intendent is yenal, and then the inhabitants have to suffer from the rapacity of a man whose advice has so much deliberative power with the Pasha, who, perhaps indolent and weak, allows himself to be influenced by an unprincipled man in whom he has entire confidence. ‘Then come, next, the Beys who sit in the Medjlisses. Natives of the place where they hold their office, and with great local interests to protect, they connive, for a trifle, at illegal acts, if, by doing so, their interests are in any way promoted, and hence affix their seals to decisions which have not the slightest particle of justice. As to the Christian members, they take their seats at the Mcdjlisses as a matter of form, A 5 but dare not dissent from an opinion emitted by the Mussulman members. I hear that some years back the Christian member of the Medjliss at Monastir was poisoned for opposing his Mussulman colleagues. Amongst the Beys of the category above alluded to, I may mention Halil Bey, the principal member of the Medjlis, who, owing to his wealth illegally amassed and to his influence in the country, carries on, it may be said, the administration of this Province. He is prejudiced against foreigners ; and he is a bad enemy and a faithless friend to those of the mercantile and labouring classes who dare act in opposition to his will. I would venture to suggest that both he, and his tool, Yussuf Yazigy, the self-constituted President of the Tijaret (Commercial Tribunal), should be removed, and prevented from ever holding any public office at Monastir. In the subordinate branches of administration, there is, I am sorry to say, great avidity for money shown by the lower officials. ‘This comes from the paltry salaries that Government awards them ; salaries which cannot keep them alive, were they not to increase them by unjust means. Great complaints are also made of the Multezims, to whom the revenues of the Province are farmed out every year. It is asserted by the peasantry that these Multezims and their employés levy, generally speaking, twice and thrice as much as they ought, thus reducing the contributors of these tithes to great pressure. Inclosure 2 in No. 3. Answers to Queries. 1. THE general condition of this province is not so good as might be expected. The inhabitants are contented with the laws they are governed by, but, generally speaking, not with the functionaries in whose hands is the authority of the Porte. . 2. The Eyalet or Pashalic of Monastir is divided into three provinces, viz., Monastir, Ochrida, and Geortcha. The approximate number of inhabitants is: in Monastir, 1,000,000 ; in Ochrida, 750,000 ; and in Geortcha, 800,000. In Monastir, the Christians are 75 to 25 Mussulmans; in Ochrida, 45 to 55; and in Geortcha, 34 to 66; 2.¢., about 1,359,500 Christians, and 1,190,500 Mussulmans, on an average in the whole Eyalet. 3. The Mussulmans form the great bulk of proprietors in the country ; and the Christians form the great majority of persons engaged in trade in the towns. A. Yes. 5. Yes. 6. No: the Mussulmans, being the chief proprietors, hire Christian labourers, to whom they advance, for wages, &c., more money than they can possibly pay, and at high interest. They then get so entangled with their Mussulman creditors, who are merciless in their demands, that they have frequently to work all their lives for them, or sell the little landed property they may possess, to extinguish their debts. On the other hand, the Mussulmans make it a point to buy off all land in the hands of the Christians. 7. It is only admitted at the Tahkik Medjlis (Court of Inquiry). There, Christian witnesses are sworn, whereas Mussulman are not. I cannot point out cases where it has been refused at the other Courts, as, it being considered an established rule not to admit Christian evidence, a Cliristian has never dared present in a suit one of his co-religionists to give his testimony. 8. Undoubtedly it is, . 9 Yes. Christian evidence is not admitted in all the Courts of Justice. Christians are withheld from filling high ranks, such as Governors or Gencrals. 10. Christians would prefer entering the army instead of paying the exemption tax, provided they were formed into separate regiments, and were held out the prospect of advancing as much as Mussulmans would in similar positions. If this were the case, they would gain most by serving in the army. 11. No. They simply have to pay a fee of about 3,000 piastres for the firman authorizing them to construct a church. If more than that sum is expended, it is owing to the dishonesty of the Turkish Commissioners sent on the spot to measure the ground and point out the proportions of the edifice, who extort bribes from the Christians, in order that in their report to the Pasha they should raise no objections as to the building of that particular church. Christians, moreover, are not allowed to have bells in their churches. 12. It is generally owing to the acts of the Government officials and to bad administration, 6 13. There are no Protestants in this province ; but if there were, and were persecuted, I believe that the persecution would come from the Christians from whose church they had seceded. 14. Sometimes it is owing to the conduct of their own authorities. The Christian member of the Medjlis being a nonentity, and not allowed to differ in his opinion from his Mussulman colleagues, is unable to come forward and protect his co-religionists from any aet of injustice. 15. Christians are admitted into the Medjhs. JI have explained in Answer 14 their powerless position. These Councils, generally speaking, are not in favour of progress and good government, the principal members forming them being Beys who take their seats as members thereof, on account of their position and influence in the country. For imstance, if a Pasha arrives at Monastir with intentions to carry on a good administration, he is tied down by these members, who, having great local interests, try to shield this or that party guilty of crime from punishment. The Pasha being, therefore, unable to act independently, and obliged to refer everything to these Beys for their sanction, it is utterly impossible that he can act with justice and equity. 16 and 17. At Monastir there are four Medjlises and the Cadi’s Court of Justice, viz., the Medjlissi-Kebir (Grand Council), the Tijaret Medjlis (Commercial Council), the Tabkik Medjlis (Court of Inquiry), the Nuwakat Medjlis (Provisional or Criminal Council), and the Mahkemeh (a Court where the Cadi acts as sole Judge, and tries cases according to the precepts of the Koran.) The Medjlisi-Kebir is formed of the Pasha, the Cadi (Judge), Mufti (High-Priest), seven Turkish members, one Christian, the Greek Archbishop, and one Hebrew representative. | The Tijaret Medjlis is composed of three Mussulman members, four-Christian, and one Hebrew ; The Tahkik Medjlis of six Mussulmans and two Christians ; The Nuwakat Medjlis of six Mussulmans and one Christian. I would beg to suggest that the Medjlisi-Kebir be altogether abolished, and independent action given to the Pasha, who should lave the option and power of referring to any of the other Courts any cases which he does not feel competent to decide himself; and on the other hand, if the Pasha be found a delinquent, that he should be recalled immediately, and prevented from holding any other public office. . That the Tijaret Medjlis, the Tahkik Medjlis, and the Nuwakat Medjlis, should be formed of respectable and trustworthy persons, annually elected by votes. That each person having an income of 59/. should have the power to vote; and that the number of Mussulman and Christian members at these Medjlises should be in proportion to the respective populations. That these members, before entering upon their duties, should be duly sworn; and that their decisions should be guided by a code of laws, some of which have already been framed, but are not put into execution. That this code be translated into the Greek language. That the foreign Consuls in the different towns of Turkey (if this is not considered impugning the integrity of the Ottoman Empire) should be made honorary members of these Councils, without, however, any deliberative power, but merely as auditors, and ready to give their advice, if required to do so, by the President of the Council. This plan, I think, would be a great check on the local authorities, who would not then dare act in contravention to instructions and established laws. With reference to the Court of Mahkemeh, I think that this Court should be still allowed to exist, with its same attributes ; because if put aside, it would hurt too much the feelings of true Mussulmans. I would propose that the Cadi should be made a salaried officer of the Crown, and not allowed to levy exorbitant fees here and there ;—'That the cases tried in this Court should be limited to cases of landed property ;—That a law should, moreover, be passed, admitting the: validity of a public document over the testimony of witnesses. I say this because it has hitherto been the custom of unprincipled litigants to produce Mussulman false witnesses, whose testimony annuls the validity of a document made in a public office. ‘This illegal mode has often been the cause of dispossessing a rightful owner of his property. And, lastly, that the revenues of the province be collected by Government officers of well-proved honesty, and not farmed out to Armenian bankers and to Beys, who, in collecting them, commit excesses, and levy more than is their due share. 18. When it is in their power to make converts, they willingly do so. I hear that it is generally by compulsion or intimidation. I cannot mention the guilty parties, as no conyer- sions have taken place since my arrival here. The present Pasha of Monastir being very averse to this kind of proselytism, generally gives up the person so to be converted to the Greek Archbishop, and allows him to decide for himself as to the advisability of changing his religion. ‘The present Pasha does this, notwithstanding a Vizirial Circular which has lately been addvessed to the Pashas, ordering them to confine such converts in their konaks (official 7 residences) until such time as they shall have made their declaration in favour of or against the Mahometan faith. 19. Generally speaking, in the conversion of females, it is not the effect of religious enthusiasm ; it proceeds from worldly causes, such as love, or exemption from military conscription. A custom prevails here to exempt from military conscription a Mussulman young man who elopes with a Christian girl, and whom he converts to his faith. This being considered a meritorious act for his religion, it entitles him, as a reward, to be freed from military service. : 20. To frame a Code of Laws on some European Code. To admit Christian evidence indiscriminately in all Courts of Justice. ‘To swear the members of the different Councils or Courts mentioned in Answers 16 and 17. To raise the salaries of the subordinate officials ; to reduce those of the Pashas; and to consign to condign punishment officials who may embezzle public money or receive bribes. . _ 21. Besides those mentioned in Answers 16, 17, and 20, I would moreover suggest that the troops be regularly paid; that the police system be completely re-organized ; that the policemen employed in the towns should be without arms, and their salaries raised from 60 to 250 piastres per month ; that those employed in the country should be taken from the Rediffs of each village, with their pay and rations as if actually serving in the army; that some of these should be mounted, to scour the country and prevent brigandage, &c. 22. Such schools could be established, and they would be productive of great good to the country, provided they were styled “Government Schools,” and placed under the super- vision of the Minister of Education at Constantinople. These schools would be the means of assembling the Christian and Mussulman children together, and inculeating in them an early friendship and regard for each other, thus supplying that want of sympathy which at present exists between the conquered and conquering races. 23. I think that this plan would not be a good one in places remote from the capital, and far away from the control of the Central Government. The Christian Vice-Governor, elate at being thrust into so high a position, his ambition would become unbounded and he himself unmanageable ; and while considering his Mussulman colleague as his rival, will ever be intriguing against him. 24, I believe that the Greek authorities are generally very liberal with their passports. As to Russian passports, there are no persons in this Province, that I know of, the bearers of such patents; but in the neighbouring Provinces of Adrianople and Philippopolis, where ‘there are Russian Consuls, I hear that it is the case. Monastir, July 9, 1860. (Signed) RICHARD GEO. ABBOTT. No. 4. Consul Calvert to Lord J. Russell.—(Received August 3.) My Lord, Salonica, July 23, 1860. I HAVE the honour to inclose herewith, to your Lordship, a copy of my despatch, together with its inclosure, to Her Majesty’s Ambassador at the Porte, in reply to a series of questions relating to the condition of the Christians in the Ottoman Empire. T have, &c. (Signed) CHARLES J. CALVERT. # Inclosure 1 in No. 4. Consul Calvert to Sir H. Bulwer. (Extract.) Salonica, July 20, 1860. I HAVE had the honour to receive, a few days previously to the termination of my duties as Her Majesty’s Consul at Salonica, your Excellency’s despatch marked Circular of the 11th of June last, together with the accompanying despatch of the same date, containing a series of questions in relation to the condition of the Christians in the Ottoman Empire ; and as the subject of your Excellency’s despatch is one the importance of which cannot be too highly magnified, and your Excellency is desirous of obtaining local knowledge in the matters in point, I have taken upon myself. to reply to the questions referred to in the place of my successor, who has only newly arrived at his post. 8 I beg leave respectfully to transmit my answers herewith, in the form of an inclosure, and I venture to offer in this despatch a few remarks suggested by the occasion. My attention, as your Excellency will perceive, has been engrossed with the questions relating to the Local Councils. I have aimed at affording the Christians a fairer opportunity than they have hitherto had the privilege of enjoying, to deliberate on matters affecting their own interests, and of sharing with their rulers the responsibilities of the administration of justice when they themselves are concerned. This could, I imagine, be achieved without weakening in the smallest degree the authority of the Porte; on the contrary, rather strengthening it by causing all local measures agreed to on the spot to be subject to its immediate cognizance and control, and by leaving, as heretofore, the executive power entirely in the hands of the Turkish functionaries. The laws ought, however, to be codified and translated into the languages used in those parts of the country in which they are intended to be in force, so that, when the Tribunals are erected, each class may know exactly what it has to expect, and that the laws they are governed by apply equally to the other classes. By way of gathering opinions from every part of the Empire, temporary Provincial Councils might be organized on the representative system. The projected laws could be submitted to those Councils for debate before they were definitely established by the Central Government ; so that: errors and omissions could he rectified, and if found unsuited to any particular locality the cause of the inapplicability of any one law would be at once brought under the Porte’s notice. The composition of the existing Medjlises, or local Councils, is manifestly defective ; and and if less progress has been made than might have been expected towards accomplishing the objects of the Edict of Gulhané, I ascribe the blame, in great part to these Councils. Once the-principle of equally-proportioned representation of mixed interests has been established and honestly maintained by the Porte’s functionaries, it will be the fault of the Christians if they decline to avail themselves of the advantages held out to them. In the provinces it might be difficult at present to find a sufficient number of educated Christians to fill all the places that would be open to them. But I do expect that enough patriotism is left in the breasts of those Christians who have emigrated from this country to Europe, where they have become enlightened and wealthy, to induce their return to the land of their birth in order to occupy the positions at their command that would enable them to benefit their less favoured countryinen. There are, no doubt, amongst such emigrants many who hold to exaggerated notions of nationality and political freedom, and who, being infected with extreme opinions, imagine that the only meet time for their action is when the decisive movement for final independence has fairly commenced. Whenever, if ever, that event takes place, the Christians in Turkey ought to be better prepared for liberty than they are in their present condition. It is, unfortunately, an historical fact that during several centuries the Christians have been sorely oppressed. As their moral degradation has through this long period of oppression become hereditary, so their elevation to a higher standard of social and political worth will only be attained progressively through successive generations after the removal of the oppression. As yet, there has scarcely been one generation since the first step has been taken towards it. Nevertheless, the condition of the Christians is, in this province at least, by no means so intolerable as it has been ; and although I must admit that it is not, on the whole, as satisfac- tory as I could Wish it to be, it cannot be disputed that the Christians are far better off now than they were some years ago. The greater part of the floating capital, and almost all the trade, of the country is in their hands, whilst, on the other hand, the Turks have been decimated by the conscription, and Mussulman artificers and tradesmen return after their period. of military service to find their places occupied by Christians. There is one striking feature in the management of affairs in ‘Turkey which cannot be too strongly dwelt upon, that is, that the provinces are neglected for the capital. At the capital all the resources of the State are collected, and there they are lavishly expended. One-half of what is annually thrown away would, within the last twenty years, have sufficed to make good roads through all the principal provinces. It would prove an incalculable benefit to the provinces were a certain portion of the public revenues to be appropriated for their sclf- improvement, and the people who contribute them to have an clective voice in the mvestment. The Turkish Government has also too long neglected the interests of the two classes of the population upon whose well-being the prosperity of the country mainly depends, namely, the agricultural and mercantile classes. Almost every other consideration ought to have been sacrificed for the promotion of their interests. Like the Turkish landed proprictors, the State appears to care not how its revenues.are raised, provided it receives them. By means of a little attention to this point, the revenues derived from the tithes and the Customs would be ceusibly increased without imposing additional burdens upon the people. The taxes in Turkey pe 9 are not heavy; but it is the mode of collection which causes them to he felt oppressive. Long experience of the rapacity of the Government has taught the population that their wisest policy is. not to pay their contributions too readily. Prompt payment would be taken as an indication that they had the means to give more, and the demand for more would follow. We have an instance of this in the manner in which the direct taxes were. assessed upon the Christians on the promulgation of the “Tanzimati Hairiyé,” which was intended to put a stop to the then existing system of axactions. The Rayah population, on being called upon, promptly furnished statements of the exact amount of the contributions they had been abitra- rily subjected to in addition to the lawful taxes; and since it was presumed that they had been able to satisfy all the requisitions made upon them, the Government, I am told, forthwith assessed them with the whole amount, which they pay at the present moment. The class of men selected for the posts of Mudirs in the provincial districts is generally a very inferior one. Their salaries being exceedingly small, there is every inducement to increase them unlawfully. If the Porte knew how greatly the welfare of its subjects depended upon the conduct of the Mudirs it would at once reform the whole system of these appointments. Reviewing my answers to your Excellency’s question, and what I have written above, I beg leave respectfully to state it as my humble opinion that direct foreign interference in the affairs of the various races is most prejudicial to the general interests of the population. It ought at once to be put a stop to by every practicable means. More good would be done by employing the gentle influence of unobtrusive and disinterested advice at the head than by exciting the susceptibilities of both rulers and subjects in the mode that has been practised. The deplorable events that have occurred in Syria, and the display of Mahometan fanaticism, accompanied, as it always is, with atrocities, ought to make us more than ever cautious how we curb the spirit of the conquering race in Turkey. The Turks, too, have their secret societies; and the discovery of one conspiracy, with the punishment of the leaders, is no security against the formation of other conspiracies against the Government, and against the Christians, who are considered to have been too much favoured by the Government already. The lives of the Europeans who are thinly scattered over the country are assuredly not safe so long as the elements of strife are fermenting on both sides. The lives of the foreign Agents, too, are exposed to even greater danger, because the Government itself seems to be incapable of suppressing an outbreak against Christians; whilst, were the case reversed, a foreign Agent suspected of having upheld the authority of the Porte would in all probability be sacrificed to the popular vengeance of the Christians. Rumours occasionally get into circulation, here and there, of an apprehended rising of the the Mussulmans, and the Turkish authorities are always the first to lull suspicion by asserting that there is no cause for alarm, and so for the time being no notice is taken of such rumours. Nevertheless the possibility of such a disaster should be carefully weighed, the temper of the Turks taken into calculation, and the opportunity watched before concessions are made. I should therefore say that, however much we may see to condemn in the Turks, no measures of reform ought to be introduced without carefully sounding the puplic mind in advance, in order to reconcile, as far as may be practicable, the numerous conflicting interests of the population, and thus avert the calamity which too great eagerness to remodel the system of government would be certain to entail upon the world. Inclosure 2 in No. 4. Answers to Queries. 1. THE condition of the province of Salonica, inclusive of Triccala (Thessaly,) is not generally satisfactory. The causes are manifold. They may be briefly summed up as - follows :— — Insecurity to life and property in the rural districts ; The vexatious exactions of the farmers of the public revenue ; The non-development of the natural resources of the industrial arts and agriculture, and consequent languor of the export trade which, with the exception of a few articles, has made but little progress ; The practice of either devoting capital to loans at high rates of interest instead of invest- ing it in the improvement of the resources of the country, or else hoarding it ; The discouragement which peasants feel to cultivate more land than is absolutely requisite to enable them to provide their own necegsities out of their share of their crop; of this whatevep romaine over is honrded and concealed; oe a 3 10 The want of properly constituted tribunals, and the imperfect execution of the Sultan’s Ordinances ; The absence of facilities for transport of travellers and merchandize : The pervading feeling of uneasiness and anxiety as to the future. To which may be added the mistrust and jealously with which the dominated and dominating races regard each other, together with 1 common want of confidence in, and affection for, the Sultan’s Government; the one class considering that too much has been conceded to the Christians ; and the other that not enough has been done for them. 2. The adult male population of the province of Salonica may be approximately stated as follows : namely,— The twelve Cazas of Salonica : Mussulmans. . xe os .. 26,000 Christians .. px sie .. 100,000 Jews and other sects .. aie ee 5,000 - 131,000 The Sandjak of Serres : Mussulmans. . sie a a 6,000 Christians .. ie se eae 20,000 Jews and other sects .. Ke we 3,000 —_—_-- 29,000 The Sandjak of Drama : : Mussulmans aie Pee sis 70,000 Christians .. ei eve ae 10,000 Jews and other sects .. es ese 5,000 85,000 The Sandjak of Triccala : Mussulmans dy as sie 20,000 Christians .. by i — 120,000 Jews and other sects .. - ni 1,000 — 141,000 Forming a total of .. ae 386,000 Total number of Mussulmans .. Sis 122,000 ie = Christians td sic 250,000 is “ other sects ei ne 14,000 In the above estimate females and children of both sexes under 14 not being included one-third only of the total population is given. 3. The majority of the agricultural population is composed of Christians. There are also a large proportion of Mussulmans who till the soil. The carriers, shepherds, day labourers, masons, carpenters, &c., are principally Christians. The great bulk of proprietors in the country are Mussulmans. ‘There are very few Mussulmans engaged in trade in the towns ; those who are, belong to the peculiar sect called Ma’mins, reformed Jews outwardly professing Islamism. The trade of the country is almost exclusively in the hands of Christians and Jews. 4, They can; only as regards the acquisition of landed property a Christian is not allowed to purchase any belonging to a Turk. Exceptions are, however, made. 5. There are so few Turks engaged in trade in the towns that a standard of comparison can scarcely be said to exist. There is no difference in this respect that I am aware of. 6. As the Mussulinan peasantry are not as well off as they might be, the distinction between the condition of the Christians and that of the Mussulmans in the villages is in some respects only relative. One point of difference consists in the fact that the irregularities of the tax and tithes collectors, and the excesses of the police force, not to speak of the depreda. tions of brigands, are practised to a larger extent and with more barefacedness on the Christian than on the Mussulman peasantry. It is, however, extremely difficult to define the extent of the difference, and quite impossible to prove the facts on which the general statement of its existence is founded. But I feel persuaded that, without admitting any special claim of the Christians on our sympathy, the tacit submission of the Christians to the abuses in question, and to others of a harassing character, has conduced to their perpetuation at the hands of the notoriously rapacious tax and tithes-farmers. The Mussulman peasantry are not so extensively imposed upon, because the superior chance which their complaints have of being listened to by a District Government in which the element of their co-religionists preponderates, causes them to be regarded with greater respect. The Mussulman peasantry, nevertheless, suffer from the same causes as their fellow-labourers on the soil only to a smaller degree. There is, however, 11 a positive difference, and a very important one, in the condition of the Christian peasants 1m the farms (“tchiftliks”) held by Turkish proprietors. They are forcibly tied to the spot by means of a perpetual and even hereditary debt which their landlord contrives to fasten upon them. This has practically reduced many of the peasant families to a state of serfdom. As an illustration I may mention that when a tchiftlik is sold, the bonds of the peasantry are transferred with the stock to the new proprietor. In Thessaly there are Christians who own farms on the same conditions. Upon one occasion in which the landlord, who was a merchant, had become a bankrupt, I remember noticing that amongst the assets borne on his balance- sheet there figured the aggregate amount of the peasant’s debts to him, and it formed a rather large item. 7. In Salonica it is. If it has ever been refused in the District Courts of Justice, I am not prepared to point out the cases where it has been refused. _ 8. [have to hesitate in answering in the affirmative on all three points. I should state, however, that the change for the bettcr within the last five years is scarcely perceptible, and will only be properly appreciated hereafter when its advantages stand out prominently as from the background of the past. The Christians themselves admit that their general condition is improved, but they think that more ought to have been accomplished by this time. The progress of the work of reconstruction docs not keep pace with their fond hopes of something better than they seem ever to expect from their present rulers. The use of the degrading terms offensively employed by the Mussulmans in speaking and writing of Christians and Jews is gradually dying out. Only, the Turks would do wisely to abolish the distinctive epithets in their public letters which they have preserved to this day. They themselves know full well the force of those words which have nothing offensive in their meaning until they are applied relatively to the persons designated. Thus, the gradations in the class of words, answering to our “the said,” “the aforestated,” “the above-mentioned,” which are of frequent occurrence in Turkish composition, may be employed in such’ajway as to reduce a Christian to an inferiority of consideration if he be alluded to in the same document with a Turk. While to a Turk the term “ mfma-ild” (extolled), or “ mezkir” (mentioned) would be applied, in writing of a Christian it would be “merktim ” (traced out), “ mezbir” (alluded to), or “ mesttir” (written). The same shade of difference is carried out in all their writings. For instance, “ Hajji” (pilgrim) is used for a Mussulman who visits his shrine, and “ Aji” (bitter) for a Christian who performs the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 9. The inequalities dependent on religion are :— . Ist. That Christians and Jews are not allowed to hold the public offices usually assigned to Turks. Thus, the President of the Tribunals are invariably Turks ; 2ndly. That a given number of Christians or Jews is represented in the Medjlises by a smaller proportion of members than an equal number of Mussulmans ; 3rdly. That the evidence of a Mussulman has more weight in the Turkish Courts, where a Turk is in the case, than that of a Christian or Jew ; Athly. That the derogatory distinctions adverted to in the answer to the preceding question (No. 8), with others of a similar character, are confirmed by the Turkish officials. 10. They would not like to enter the military service if, through their enrolment in the Sultan’s army, they would be compelled to leave that part of the country where there home is fixed. But if they were called upon to furnish their contingent to a well-organized police force, serving in their own district, or not far from it, they would in all probability, prefer furnishing that contingent to paying the exemptive tax. ‘That is to say, provided the police detachment to which they belonged was composed and officered exclusively by Christians, and that both men and officers were well and regularly paid and fed. Under such conditions they would gain more than by paying the tax. In respect of the subject of this question, the Christians are,strongly contrasted with the Jews, who have so little taste for the profession of arms that they would rather pay the tax ten times over than be obliged to serve in the army. 11. None, that Iam aware of. I have never heard either mentioned as a grievance in this part of the country. 12. They are attributable chiefly to the innate hatred which the Mussulmans bear towards the Christians; and, if the officials of the Porte ever act against the Christians, they (particularly the subordinate authorities in the districts) are generally instigated by some influential Mussulman landed proprietor sitting in the Medjlis. Otherwise, the Mussulman and Christian population live peaceably towards each other, not from motives of affection or sympathy, but, because of their mutual dislike, they avoid each other as much as possible. The Mussulman always considers himself the Christian’s superior, and whenever he acts with kindness towards the Christian it is with a species of condescension and forbearance which converts a right into a favour. Ba 12 13. There are very few Protestant subjects of the Porte in this neighbourhood. Part reside in the town of Salonica, and part in the district of Cassandra. Some are Jews and some are Greeks. All the annoyance they have been subjected to has proceeded from the sect from which they have seceded. The Jewish Rabbis pronounce the “kheyram,” and the Greek Bishops the anathema, against the seceders, the effect of which is to reduce the objects of the ban to the greatest distress. They are avoided by their relatives and former friends ; no one will either buy or sell with them, or give them employment ; so that, from actual want of the means of subsistence, they are obliged to recant. In Russia the Government has made it a penal offence for a Jewish Rabbi to pronounce a ban, but I do not know whether their own Clergy are privileged or not to anathematise the disobedient members of their flocks. It would be a great boon were the Porte to prohibit the practice of anathemas and excommunications, for the reason that it interferes with the principle of toleration in matters of faith which has been established through the benevolence of the Sultan. The Turks may well be excused their fanaticism, when so much bigotry, intolerance, and uncharitableness prevail amongst the Christian sects. The Greek Clergy, I regret to have to add, are, for the most part, the greatest opponents to the circulation of the Scriptures amongst their flock, although the latter have generally evinced readiness to receive them. ' 14, The Christian authorities—by which I mean their Spiritual Chiefs and their Primates (*Cojabashis”)—-are even more rapacious and tyrannical in their small sphere than the Turkish authorities are in a Jarger sphere. The Bishops and Metropolitans are guilty of many acts of oppression and cupidity towards their flocks, which, if committed by Turks, would rouse a storm of indignation on the part of the Christian sympathisers, Only a few days ago, the Bishop of Vodena, being in want of money, sent to a small hamlet of only forty families in his diocese and extorted 1,000 piastres. The assessed taxes are collected by the Cojabashis, who resort to the harshest measures in order to exact more than is justly due, so as to enable them to appropriate the surplus. . In the -village accounts, which are kept by the Cojabashis, the expenditure for extras is frequently exorbitant ; and a large amount is generally charged for “presents” (i.e., bribes), the greater part of which has not, probably, ever been disbursed. ‘T have heard that it is in contemplation to introduce a measure according to which the Greek Clergy will be prevented from collecting their own revenues. It would be well were some means to be devised that would enable the population to pay the taxes direct into the ‘Treasury. 15. Christians are admitted into the local Councils, but they are so few in number compared with the Mussulman members as to be completely overawed, and therefore practically useless. They blindly affix their seals to the “mazbattas” (reports or decisions) which are written in Turkish,—a language they can rarely read; and even were they to understand what - was written, they would scarcely venture to refuse to confirm it, although they might inwardly dissent from the purport of the document. ». The Medjlises, as at present constituted, are decidedly opposed to progress and good government, because the former would destroy their influence without, and the latter would weaken their power within ; in either case depriving the members of the means of forwarding their own individuai interests, which I believe to be paramount to all others. When a new Governor is appointed, there is generally a struggle for the upperhand. If the Pasha be weak, any good intentions he may be desirous to carry out are frustrated, and the Medjlis has its own way in everything; and, if he be firm, the Medjlis conspire against him, and they usually have friends at Constantinople through whose influence they eventually succeed in getting him removed. In no case can any responsibility be fastened upon the members as a body. The onus of every fault, even if caused by their opposition to the Governor, falls upon the Governor himself. The Medjlises cannot but be unfavourable to progress and good government when the members wilfully, though covertly, transgress the known wishes of the Central Government by settling amongst themselves beforehand the manner in which a case about to be brought under their notice in the Council shall be disposed of. Instead of being judges, they more frequently act the part of advocates, and it requires the utmost vigilance of an honest Governor to counteract their machinations. The Christian members commonly side with the strongest party, to whom they, in a manner, scll their con- sciences. ‘Ihe business transacted at the Medjlises is, therefore, a mere play, the parts of which have been pre-arranged. The Governor, who has numerous other calls upon his time and attention, cannot, in every case, check such irregularities. The present Governor of Salonica has, however, prevailed over the Medjlis; and it is due to his zeal, firmness, and integrity, and especially to tho support he receives from higher quarters, that he has been able to do so much good to this country. 16. As the necessity of limiting the attributes of the Medjlises Las been sufficiently 18 demonstrated by the foregoing answer (No. 15), and the next question affords the occasion for suggesting the mode by which that might be effected, I refer to the following answer No. 17). I may merely premise, in this place, that the Chief Council and the tribunals of the province are composed in the following manner :— The “ Medjlissi Kebir,” or Grand Council :—Twelve Turks, namely, the Governor of the Province; the Muhasebiji, or Chief Accountant; the Mufti, or Turkish High-Priest: the Mollah, or Cadi; the Evkaf Naziri, or Superintendent of the Vakoof property (an office now held by Mustapha Bey); Mehmed Bey, Hairullah Bey, and Abdurahman Bey (brothers) ; Hadji Ahmed Agha and Salih Bey (brothers of the Evkaf of Naziri); Abdullah Bey (a relation of the preceding brothers) ; Ibrahim Bey: Two Christians; namely, the Metropolitan of Salonica, and Dimitri Economo : One Jew, Jacob Benvenisti. . The “Tahkik Medjlis,” or Court of Inquiry into Criminal Cases, likewise called “ Istintak Medjlis ?’— A Turkish President and eight members; namely, four Turks, two Christians, and two Jews ; also two Turkish clerks. The “ Tijaret Medjlis,” or Commercial Court :— A Turkish President and eight members ; namely, four Turks (of whom three are Mamins), two Christians, and two Jews ; also a Turkish clerk (a Mamin). The “ Mehkémé,” or purely Turkish Court of Justice, where the suits are disposed of by the Cadi in accordance with the religious laws drawn from the Koran. The Mehkémé is also the office where notarial acts are done. There is likewise a “Zerait Mudiri” (Abdurahman Bey, one of the members of the Grand Council), for the settlement of differences arising out of farm accounts. He calls in assessors ad hoc, either with or without the consent of the partics. 17. I should be in favour of withdrawing every particle of judicial functions from the Medjlises, and of erecting them into purely deliberative Councils, and I think that ‘Tribunals apart from such Councils ought to be created. Each community, Mahometan, Christian, and Jewish, ought to clect their own represen- tatives for fixed periods, say for three years at a time, and the number of the members might be proportioned to the population. In the rural districts smaller Councils might be formed in the same manner under the presidency of the Sub-Governors. Only questions affecting the gencral interests of the population ought to be admitted to debate. In the district towns there might be six, and in the central town of the province twelve members, and to each Council where there is a mixed population, a Turkish and a Christian secretary might be appointed by the Porte, whose duty it would be to record the proceedings each in his own language, and to serve in some measure as channels of communication between the people and the Councils. The spiritual heads of the different communities, namely, the Mufti or his Naib, for the Mussulmans, the Metropolitan, Archbishops, and Bishops for the Christian sects, and the Rabbis for the Jews, to have the right ea officio of sitting in the Council and to have a deliberative voice. When the Council either unanimously or by a majority of voices has agreed to a proposed measure, the result of its deliberations should be submitted by the Governor of the Province to the approval of the Porte, who would have either to decree the adoption of the measure before it could have any legal force, or to pass its veto upon it. As the revision of the measures proposed by the Provincial Councils would entail. a con- siderable amount of labour on the Central Government, I would be for erecting an office at the capital, the duties of which would consist in transmitting either way between the provinces and the heads of the Departments at the Porte, the reports and the decrees. By such means great irregularity, and possibly greater punctuality and expedition would be secured. The acts of the Local Councils ought to be registered seriatim in a book to be kept for the purpose by each Secretary, and that register ought at all times to be accessible to the members. When the acts have been sanctioned by the Porte they should, where the means exist, be printed and published. The reports from the District Councils would, in the first instance, be sent up to the Central Provincial Council, which would have to pass its opinion on them before their trans- mission to the capital. All matters relating to the mode of levying the taxes, or their assessment, the main- tenance of public order and security, the improvement of the condition of the rural and urban population, the promotion of trade and industry, and such like, would come under the cogniz- ance of the Councils. In order that each notable member of the community might have the opportunity of serving the public, I would propose that one representative should retire periodically to. make 14 room for another. The meetings might take place once or twice a-week, and the members, irrespective of creed, should have some distinction prefix such as “ Honourable” put to their names, and receive a suitable salary during their tenure of office. If any particular member, owing to superior qualifications for the office or to other creditable motives, should happen to be re-elected, the Government would have the opportunity afforded it of testifying its recog- nition of his merit by the bestowal of a badge and title of distinction on him, without reference to his creed. This might possibly act as an incentive to zeal and integrity, both of which qualities are, unfortunately, scarcely known at present. It might likewise induce a feeling pf greater loyalty on the part of the Christian members. Then apart from the Medjlis thus constituted, with its attributes clearly defined, there would remain the tribunals of law and justice to erect, namely, a Civil Court, a Criminal Court, a Commercial Court, and a Police Court. Under the present system, the important functions of all these Courts, excepting the Commercial, are centred in the Medjlis; and it is clearly improper that the attention of this body should be occupied, as it frequently is, with a simple police case which might be disposed of summarily by a subordinate Magistrate. It is the practice of the Turkish Tribunals to sit with closed doors, and none but the parties in the case and their witnesses are admitted. I would therefore suggest, as a powerful check upon arbitrary proceedings, that all the above-mentioned Courts should be held in public, that is, with open doors on fixed days, and at stated hours. There are various modes by which they might be constituted, regard being had to the absence in Turkey of a class of persons educated to the legal profession, or perfectly competent to act as Judges. With the help of a simple Code of Laws, and some plain rules of procedure to be applied without distinction of class or creed, a great advance could be made towards a more equal administration of justice. In the course of time, and as experience would dictate, those laws and rules could be modified so as to keep pace with the progress made. In Turkey it is easier to frame laws than to find persons who will apply them properly. Tribunals exist, but a fit class of Magistrates and Judges to sit in them is wanting. To supply this deficiency, we must fall back upon the same class of people as those who compose the Local Councils above mentioned—the notables who enjoy the confidence and respect of the public, or who may be distinguished by the superiority of their judgment and acquaintance with the people. The readiest way of procceding, therefore, would seem to be to compile a list of all eligible indi- viduals of the community, and out of the number to select the members of the Courts of Law and Justice. — The Civil Court might be composed as follows :— A President, with no local connections, to be appointed by the Porte; four to six Assessors ; two Registrars, a Turk, and a Christian, with one or more clerks under them. The President would conduct the proceedings; and it would be au advantage were he to be made the sole medium of communication between the Court and the parties to the suit. The Registrar’s duty would be to take Minutes of the proceedings. The President would pronounce the decision, to which the Assessors will have either to assent or dissent; in the latter case, recording their motives at the foot of the written decision. ‘The same plan might be carried out with respect to the District Courts. As a check upon arbitrary decisions or irregular proceedings, every facility should be afforded to parties desirous of appealing to a higher tribunal. That object would, I conceive, be best attained by the appointment of a special Officer or Recorder unconnected with the Local Government, whose duty it would be to enter, in a Register prepared for the purpose, a Minute of every plaint on which a suit may be founded. All plaints to be laid before the Governor, who should be instructed to admit none but such as had been duly registered and numbered by the Recorder. The Governor, or his Secretary, Turkish or Greek, cither in Council or not, would then decree the reference of the plaint to the proper tribunal, Civil, Criminal, or Commercial, according to the nature of the case. When a decision is given by either the Civil or the Commercial Court, the party who may be desirous of appealing against it would lodge his appeal with the Recorder, who would be bound to give notice thereof to the Local Court and to the next highest tribunal. Thus from the District Courts the appeal would be to the Provincial Courts, and from the Provincial Courts to the Supreme Council of Justice, or to the “Tijaret” at Constantinople, as the case may be. But lest the remoteness from some of the provinces of the Courts of Appeal might be deemed an inconvenience, a Pro- vincial Court of Appeal might be erected. The Judges in this Court could be delegated, say one member from each of the communities represented from the Council of the province. The final appeal would then be to the highest Courts at Constantinople. This arrangement would necessarily be subject to some regulations as to time, provisional execution of judgment, secu- rity for costs and expenses, value in suit, &c. 15 In providing for Civil Courts I have purposely omitted to take into account the “ Mehkemé,” because as the attributes of the Cadi or Mussulman Judge have undergone sensible modifications since the last reforms (Edict of Gulhané), the effect of any newly-contemplated measures tending to equalize, permanently, the balance of justice, as between Mussulman and Christian, would be to render that Magistrate almost a superfluity, since all his decisions in civil suits must be founded upon the “ Sheryi,” or Koran Code of Laws, which we all know are not conspicuous for their tolerance towards unbelievers. The Cadi, however, would be useful as a public notary, to execute deeds and perform sundry legal acts, such as administering oaths to Mahometan witnesses, giving attestations, and taking down depositions. Or he might be made the Recorder of plaints and appeals, and be empowered to levy a small fee for the services rendered. There are few men of this class of officials who are proof against the temptations to venality with which their office is now besct. The Cadis hold their office only for a year, at the expiration of which period they are either reappointed or replaced by a successor. Their emoluments are derived from fees, for which no scale is fixed, but are rather regulated by bargain. When the period draws nigh at which a Cadi knows he must retire, his sole anxiety is to collect as many fees as he can. He then cheapens his bargains ; and so vicious is the system pursued on these occasions, that it frequently happens the most arbitrary judgments (‘ilams ”’) affectiug important interests of landed property, are issued by him during the last few days before his retirement. Only the other day, at Serres, Husni Pasha, the present Governor of Salonica, destroyed'a number of ilams issued by the ex-Cadi of that town under the circumstances mentioned. But it is not every Turkish Governor who will act in such an independent or impartial spirit ; and thus, in the very largest majority of cases, the Cadi’s last ilams are carried into effect, and a vast amount of irreparable injury falls upon the luckless individual who had failed to out-fee his unscrupulous adversary. The Cadi, therefore, ought to be excluded from every Court of law and justice, although it might be deemed expedient to admit him to the Councils. I have now to notice the Criminal Court. As at present constituted this is merely a a Court of Inquiry or Investigation, called the “ Tahkik Medjlis,” composed of Mussulman and non-Mussulman members. During the few years it has been in operation it appears to work satisfactorily. I have been present on one or two occasions and thought that the proceedings were conducted with great propriety and regularity, although it struck me that this depended, in a great measure, perhaps too much so to be taken as the rule, upon the conduct of the President. This Court takes down, in writing, all the depositions and examinations, and when the inquiry is concluded, a report (“mazbatta’ ”) is addressed to the Governor, who passes sentence provisionally, except in those cases where the criminal is convicted of a capital offence, and awaits the sanction of the Porte before carrying it into execution. I would leave the Criminal Court untouched so long as it continues to act, and as I have seen it do when the present Governor of Salonica presided. I would, however, recommend the appointment of a President having no local connections and no local interests to subserve. I would also recommend, for the sake of humanity, that every practicable expedition, compatible with the true ends of retributive justice, be used in getting through the inquiries ; for where there is a large number of criminals to be tried the dilatoriness of the Court keeps them languishing for months in confinement, during which, in the present state of the prisons, they are exposed to infectious and fatal disorders. The Commercial Court is badly constituted and gives no satisfaction. When a foreigner is concerned in a cause the attendance of the Consul’s deputy, and the addition, ad hoc, of a couple of foreign assessors, are more likely to ensure greater regularity in the proceedings. But even under favourable circumstances I know instances in which decisions at variance with commercial law and usages have been given, and one, in particular, in which an action was brought to recover losses and expenses consequent on a forcible seizure of the property of the plaintiff, when the Court, after months of delay, issued a decision confirming the plaintiff’s right, but declining to point out which of the two parties implicated on the other side was responsible for the act. The plaintiff was an Ionian and the defendants Turks; one of them the ex-Kaimakam of Serres. Through this culpable omission on the part of the Court, it is strongly suspected that the Ottoman ‘members were bribed. The Kaimakam was allowed to leave the country, and the case has not yet been settled, although the proceedings commenced nearly two years ago. In a place like Salonica, where there are so few elements for composing a Commercial Court according to the rules laid down in 1849, and where there are no Turks, saving the hybrid Mamins, engaged in trade questions of a purely commercial nature might be disposed of more satisfactorily and expeditiously by arbitration, with an umpire in case of disagreement. If the arbiters found that the case was not purely a commercial one, they would send it back to the Governor, who would then refer the parties to the Civil Court. 16 In the Police Court, a Turkish and a Christian Magistrate, appointed by the Governor, might sit side by side five days in the week, and dispose of all ordinary police cases summarily. They might likewise receive criminal charges, and transmit them to the Governor to befsent on by him to the Criminal Court. A daily report of the cases standing in the books of the Police Court, and of those disposed of, signed by both Magistrates, should be submitted to the Governor. In localities where the population includes other sects, such as Jews, a Jewish Magistrate might take his place on special occasions with the Turkish and Christian Magistrates. \ : A few plain instructions for the guidance of the Magistrates would require to be framed. The Magistrates should have no executive functions to perform. The executive power should be vested exclusively in the Governor of the Province, and in the sub-Governors acting under his authority. This is a fit place to offer a few remarks on the subject of witnesses. I premise that the evidence of any individual arrived at the age of discrimination and in the possession of his faculties is admissible in all the tribunals without distinction of rank, nationality, or creed. The names and residences of the witnesses which the plaintiff in a civil suit desires to call in support of his plaint, should be written in some part of the petition ; so that when it reaches the Civil Court before which the case is to be tried, the President or the Secretaries should first summon the defendant and inquire of him whether he intends to contest the action or not: in the former case binding him over to appear on the day that may be appointed for the hearing and to name the witnesses in his defence ; and, in the latter, taking security from him that he will satisfy the plaintiff. The plaintiff, on his side, should give security for the payment of the expenses of his witnesses and those of the defendant, according as the issue of the suit may determine. The witnesses should then be served with notices to appear, and, if requisite, they should be bound to do so on the day fixed. A scale of expenses might be framed, fixing the amount per diem, according to the station of the witness, that shall be paid to him during his absence from his home or habitual place of residence, together with his travelling expenses. All witnesses should be sworn by their respective authorities before going into the Court, and they should hand in a certificate to that effect before giving their evidence. Such a course would dispense with the inconvenience of the attendance of the persons by whom oaths are administered to the members of the various sects. In criminal cases. where there is a prosecutor, the same course might be followed by the President of the Court of Inquiry, and provision ought to be made that, when the accused is convicted of his offence, the expenses should not fall upon the prosecutor, but rather be defrayed by the culprit, or by the Government. Yet, some precaution would be necessary to check any disposition to leniency towards the accused on account of his rank, or of his religious belief, which might be induced, when the Court had it in its power, to make the prosecutor pay the expenses. Instead of the “Ressim,” or Governor's fee, on all money recovered through his exccutive medium from debtors (amounting to 5 per cent. when the creditor is a Turkish subject, and to 2 per cent. when he is a foreigner), which the creditor has now to pay, I would substitute a regular scale of fees, to be paid in the manner the Court may direct. Penalties ought to be attached to disobedience of summonses. According to the plan I have attempted to sketch out, every class of the population would be represented, and would have the means afforded it of making known its wants and grievances with greater certainty of obtaining justice, or at least of obtaining an impartial hearing, than at present exists. For instance, supposing a village community, or an individual peasant, has reason to complain of the exactions of the tithes-farmer, or of the arbitrary proceedings of the police, a Turkish or a Christian member of the district, or of the Provincial Council, on being informed of the act complained of, would frame a plain statement of the case, and, after laying it before the Council, move that body to institute an inquiry into it with the view to the punishment of the culpable parties. For this purpose it would be uscful were a Mixed Committce of members to be detached from the Council to conduct the inquiry on the spot, and to bring up their Report to the full Council, who would then have to pass their opinion on it, and direct the measures to be taken in consequence. \ few such inquiries, followed up by the condign punishment of the culpable, would have the most salutary effect, and, in all probability, induce a feeling of confidence which is now wanting amongst all classes, but especially amongst the Christians, in their rulers. Numerous other abuses, which are daily practised, might’ very possibly be eradicated by similar means, The population at large, now suffering from the unchecked prevalence of irregularities, or from a merely partial correction of them, would then bo taught to look up to the Councils as their best friends and protectors, 18, Leannot say that a9 body, they do, ‘The cases of Christian fomales who have been 17 a eS abdueted by, or who have voluntarily eloped with, Mussulmans in this part of the country, are very scarce in proportion to the population. The cases of conversion of males are even rarer. I am acquainted with only two cases of the latter description in which Christian youths offered themselves before the Medjlis as candidates for the “white faith,” as they called it. In both instances they were dismissed by the Governor (Husni Pasha), whom a few inquiries satisfied that their motives were impure. It is not every bad Christian that will make a good Mussulman. I am also acquainted with three or four cases of female conversion to Islamism. In one of them, there can be no doubt, compulsion was used. That was during the Governorship of Mirza Said Pasha. Sufficient influence was exerted to have the girl eventually brought from Drama, where she had been detained for some weeks, to Salonica to be examined. She managed to flee, with her parents, to Constantinople ; and, further influence having been employed there, her abductors, two young Turks of Drama, named Omer Havali and Mustafa Havali, were finally put upon their trial at Salonica. The conduct of one of the Beys of Drama, named Hajji Tahir Omer Bey, was to have been investigated at the same time. The girl’s father returned from Constantinople to prosecute the offenders, and everything appeared to be progressing favourably in the cause of retributive justice, when the proceedings received a sudden and decisive check from an unexpected quarter. The French Consul informed the Governor, in the presence of the Medjlis, that, having recently met the Metropolitan of Drama, he had been assured by that Prelate that the girl Magdalini had voluntarily declared to him her intention to become a Mussulman. This admission was made six months after the girl’s alleged profession of Islamism. There is, however, very strong reason for suspecting that the Metropolitan of Drama perjured his conscience for the sake of the goodwill of the Beys of that district, of which he happened just then to stand in great need ; as I regret to add that, had he not done so, he would not have been able to raise from his flock (mostly dependents of the Beys themselves) the means to satisfy some pressing creditors for a large sum of money. The father for the security of his life has emigrated to another part of the country; and his daughter, who has remained a Christian, is, I believe, living at Constantinople. In the other cases, two girls were restored to their Christian parents, and another chose to remain a Mussulman, despite every persuasion to the contrary, and every opportunity for reflection. 19. Religious enthusiasm, I may safely venture to assert, is never the motive on the side of the females; and I doubt very much whether, in the cases with which I am acquainted it existed on the other side—the more especially, because Mussulmans are not only allowed, to have Christian wives, but they are obliged to give them every facility for worshipping according to their own faith ; and because true Mussulmans consider it an unhallowed motive for a Christian female to change her faith out of mere love for the person of a Mussulman. In every case, therefore, in which a Mussulman acts contrarily to the above principles, as in the case of Magdalini (Answer No. 18), he renders himself liable to punishment. It depends upon the officials of the Porte to arraign and condemn the culpable, but they do not always do their duty in this respect. The causes are almost invariably worldly, and proceed from depravity of morals.