SUBSTANCE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 LORD SHEFFIELD, 
 
 Monday, April 22, 1799, 
 
 UPON THE SUBJECT OF 
 
 UNION WITH IRELAND, 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 Printed for J. DEBRETT, oppofite Burlington Houfe, 
 Piccadilly. 
 
S54- 
 
 SUBSTANCE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 LORD SHEFFIELD, 
 
 Jlpril 22, 1799. 
 &c. &c. 
 
 JL HE Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 moved the order of the day for taking into 
 confideration the Addrefs from the Lords 
 upon the fubjecT: of the Union with Ire- 
 land ; which being read, he moved that the 
 faid Addrefs be now taken into conside- 
 ration. 
 
 3350 
 
[ 2 ] 
 
 The Addrefs was then read twice, and 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved, 
 That this Houfe do concur with the laid 
 Addrefs, 
 
 Lord SHEFFIELD fpoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. Speaker, 
 
 Sir, I wifh it to be underftood, that I fup- 
 port the refolutions and addrefs, in confi- 
 dence that the affu ranee given by a noble 
 Lord in an official fituation in Ireland will 
 be ftrictly obierved, namely, that Mioifters 
 will look to the fenfe of Parliament and of 
 the Country, before the meafure of Union 
 {hall again be brought forward there ; and 
 that aflurance being given, I am not fenfible 
 of any fufficient argument that mould pre- 
 vent the Britifh Parliament from giving 
 fome general explanation of the arrange- 
 ment it is difpofed to make, more efpecially 
 
[ 3 3 
 
 as I obferve that fcarcely any man in this 
 country objects to the principle of the 
 meafure ; nor can I fuppofe, that a nation 
 fo well informed and fo much accuitomed 
 to political conliderations as the Irifri, 
 mould for a long time perfevere in refufing 
 to receive or examine what may be pro- 
 poied from the Britim Parliament ; and for 
 thefe reafons I wiih to trouble the Honfe 
 with a few obfervations. 
 
 We cannot be much furprized at the 
 alarm which has taken place in Ireland. 
 The word Union was fuffered to be banded 
 about there for many months without the 
 {iighteft attempt on the part of the Minis- 
 ters to explain the terms of it. The aid 
 of designing men, and of thofe prejudiced 
 from partial and local conliderations, was 
 fcarcely neceffary to take advantage of this 
 circumftance : the apprehenfions of Ireland 
 
 B 2 
 
C 4 ] 
 
 had always been, that an equal and favour- 
 able Union woyld not be granted : and no 
 fmall part of that people were made to be- 
 lieve, that their liberty, their independence, 
 their dignity, and almoft the exiftence of 
 the nation, would be done away by their 
 becoming one and the fame with the moft 
 independent and moft refpe&able nation in 
 the world. 
 
 But, in truth, the meafure of Union was 
 ill-prepared for Ireland, and Ireland was ill- 
 prepared for Union. It is not without com- 
 petent information that I am convinced, if 
 the outline of the liberal proportion for 
 Union, which is now offered, had been at 
 firft properly communicated and with all 
 the plain nefs and candour which fuic the 
 Irifh charadter, it would have been very 
 differently received ; and it is not my opi- 
 nion alone, but the opinion alfo of thofe 
 
[ 5 3 
 
 who are not friendly to the meafure, that 
 it might have been accepted, at leaft it 
 would have prevented all that mifreprefen- 
 tation and mifapprehenfion which might 
 well be expe<5ted, without fome previous 
 attention. I can hardly imagine a cafe, in 
 refpe£t to which, until underftood, more 
 jealoufy was likely to be entertained than 
 this of a legiflative Union, otherwife the 
 meafure being really fo neceffary and fo 
 advantageous CO Ireland, the ftrange abufe 
 of the words " Dignity and Independence," 
 which have been fo entirely miftaken 
 there would have made little impreffion. 
 I can fuppofe it will be impleading at 
 firft to acknowledge, that the premature op- 
 pofition was the refult of an ill-founded 
 jealoufy. Yet that acknowledgment, and 
 the confequent departure from an hajly 
 oppofition to the meafure, is no more than 
 may be fairly expeded from the candid 
 opennefs of the Irifli character. 
 
C 6 ] 
 
 It is not now the queftion whether the 
 meafure has been brought forward and con- 
 duced as it mould have been, but whether 
 the Britifh Parliament fhould do what de- 
 pends on it to obviate the mifchief which 
 muft arife from independent and feparate 
 Legiflaturesexifting within the fame empire, 
 whether we fhould relinquifh a meafure 
 which feems necefiary to the general fecu- 
 rity and welfare, or take the prefent op- 
 portunity of ftating the outline of it. 
 
 I mall not trouble the Houfe with a re- 
 petition of hiftorical inquiry into the caufes 
 of the prefent ftate of Ireland, nor with 
 many references to the reports of the Lords 
 and Commons of that kingdom. The caufes 
 and the proofs are but too plain. The noto- 
 riety of numberlefs melancholy fadts, which 
 demonftrate the wretched and dangerous 
 condition of that country, with reafon alarms 
 
[ 7 ] 
 
 every thinking man : it is an unanimous 
 opinion in this country, that fomething is 
 neceffary to be done to preferve Ireland ; 
 and there feems to be almoft a general con- 
 vi&ion, that it can be done only by a legif- 
 lative Union. 
 
 For my part, I cannot fee the meafure in 
 any other light than that of being abfo- 
 lutely neceffary. It has long been my 
 opinion, and every thing which has hap- 
 pened in Ireland, and in refpect to Ireland 
 during the laft twenty years, particularly 
 that which took place in 1782, and was 
 whimfically enough called " Final Adjufl- 
 ment," have convinced me of that neceffity. 
 
 When it was found proper to take off 
 the fhackles from the Irifh Parliament, and 
 highly proper it was, a Union fliould have 
 been propofed, and by the fame meafure 
 
[ 8 ] 
 
 only fhould all the commercial and other 
 advantages have been communicated, which 
 were fo indifcriminately conceded without 
 terms fince 1778. It would have been 
 flill better, if an Union had taken place in 
 the beginning of the century, and that the 
 Conftitution and Commerce of Great Bri- 
 tain, which had been fo long and fo invi- 
 dioufly withheld, had been then communi- 
 cated to Ireland. But in 1782, the admi- 
 niftration of that day, without fupplying 
 any means of keeping thefe kingdoms 
 together, rafhly gave away the depend- 
 ance of the two iflands on each other; and 
 now there is no certainty in the connexion 
 of Great Britain and Ireland. Independ- 
 ance of Legiflature feems to have fuggefled 
 notions of feparation, which appeared, in 
 fome degree, as early as 1784. However, 
 even thofe who attempt to juftify what was 
 done in 1782, muft acknowledge, that 
 
C 9 1 
 
 there were points of eflential confequence 
 left unfettled, and that it fhould not have 
 been poftponed to the hour of difficulty and 
 diftrefs to arrange and afcertain the rela- 
 tive exertions and political connexions of 
 the two countries. 
 
 Much has been faid on the words 
 <* Final Adjuftment : " but that which is 
 fo called, only referred to the then afferted 
 independence of Parliament, and by no 
 means precluded Union : on the contrary, 
 it was the opinion at the time, that farther 
 meafures were neceffary to eftablifh a con- 
 nexion on a folid and permanent bafis : and 
 fo far as I underftand what was intended, 
 I confider that adjuftment as putting the 
 Irifh Parliament on the footing of inde- 
 pendence and free deliberation, and in that 
 fituation alone which could fatisfy the 
 people of Ireland, that the acts of their Par- 
 
[ io ] 
 
 liament would be thenceforward free and 
 uncontrouled ; but at any rate it is trifling 
 to fuppofe, that nothing more was to 
 be attempted, if that which had been 
 done had not the effefl: of preferving the 
 connexion and attachment of the two 
 countries. It is true that Union became more 
 neceffary, as well as more difficult, in con- 
 fequence of what was done in 1782, and 
 alfoin 1793, when the principle of our na- 
 vigation and colonial laws were, without 
 terms or occafion, facrificed by the ad; which 
 permits goods and commodities of the 
 growth, produ£tion, or manufacture, of 
 Afia, Africa, or America, to be imported 
 from Ireland into Great Britain. All thefe 
 benefits fhould have been referved as the 
 means of Union, but being, then uncon- 
 ditionally granted, they have rendered that 
 meafure much lefs fought for by Ireland ; 
 and I confefs that the flrongeft objection I 
 
[ II ] 
 
 felt to the propositions that were brought 
 forward in the Britifh Parliament in 1785, 
 (which by no means would have done what 
 . it is neceffary to do,) arofe from the appre- 
 henfion, that if carried, they might prevent 
 an Union. It was obvious, that if all the 
 referved advantages of Great Britain were 
 to be given up, there would be no means 
 of future negotiation remaining. 
 
 Previoufly to that period, Ireland would 
 have petitioned for an Union, and I think 
 me might well do fo now as the greateft 
 poflible acquifition (he could make ; but 
 neither the adjuftment in queftion, nor 
 all the commercial conceffions, nor other' 
 means employed to tranquilize thatcountry, 
 have had the leaft efFecl. The bad ftate of 
 Ireland yearly became worfe. It appears 
 the parties are not to be fatisfied ; that no 
 melioration of the condition of Ireland has 
 c 2 
 
[ « 1 
 
 taken place ; that a great proportion of 
 the people is now as ill difpofed to Go- 
 vernment, as bigoted, as ignorant, and 
 as uncivilized as they were at the time 
 of the rnaffacre in 1641. At prefent the 
 permanency of the connexion of Great 
 Britairi with Ireland depends on the par- 
 ties which exift, and ever muft exift, in a 
 nation of Proteftants and Roman Catholics 
 fo peculiarly interefted againft, and politi- 
 cally hoftile to, each other. Thefe divifions 
 are the bane of the country, never to be an- 
 nihilated but by a legiflative Union. The 
 whole prefent fyftem is bad. The change 
 of Government, at leaft every four years, 
 and the conceffions fo regularly made under 
 the vain notion of fatisfying the people, 
 create and promote fchemes and fuggeftions 
 inconfiftent with the tranquillity of the 
 country, and encourage agitators, whofe 
 
C '3 3 
 
 uniform object it is, to difturb the public 
 mind. 
 
 I have obferved, that independence of 
 Parliament fuggefted the idea of feparation. 
 Irrational notions of independence, leading 
 to diffolution of Government, muft end in 
 civil war and the introduction of the 
 French. Manufactures and agriculture 
 would then ceafe much more fuddenly 
 than they could poffibly revive ; and what- 
 ever might be the event, Ireland would be 
 completely ruined, and England greatly 
 diftreffed. But fuppofing the crifis in 
 queftion flhould not immediately come on, 
 Ireland would continue in its prefent dif- 
 turbed ftate, and England would ever find 
 Ireland the back door to confpiracy, rebel- 
 lion, and invafion. And fo miferably dif- 
 trafted is Ireland at prefent, that among 
 three millions of Roman Catholics, and 
 
[ 14 ] 
 
 half a million of Diffenters, there is fcarcely 
 a man capable of a political idea, who does 
 not wifh for fomething different from that 
 which is; namely, a Change of theChurch 
 Eftablifhment, the Abolition of Tithes, a 
 Parliamentary Reform, or a Republic ; 
 nor are the members of the eftablifhed 
 Church entirely free from the fame un- 
 happy temper of mind. The common 
 Enemies of mankind will not fail to take 
 advantage of this ftate of things : they have 
 raned it into a dangerous and formidable 
 conspiracy, and it feems the only means 
 through which they can hope of fucceed- 
 ing in their favourite plan of deftroying the 
 Britim empire. 
 
 Nothing can be more dangerous than a 
 notion, that a coalition of Churchmen, 
 Diffenters, and Catholics, for the pur- 
 pofe of feparation, cannot take place. 
 
[ *5 ] 
 
 The reports of the Lords and Commons 
 of Ireland, and what has happened lately, 
 completely prove, that fuch a coalition 
 is not merely poflible, but that it actu- 
 ally exifts, and that the foundations of 
 it are laid, and deeply laid, already. 
 
 This fubjecT; has been fo fully and fo 
 ably difcuffed, that it is not neceflary to 
 ftate how general, how great, and how 
 irremediable by common means, are the 
 mifchief and danger : the unexampled pe- 
 rilous ftate of Ireland is well known : it 
 was.therefore evidently the duty of His Ma - 
 jefty's Minifters to bring forward fome 
 meafure to prevent even the poffibility of 
 fo great a calamity as the feparation of 
 the two countries ; and however I may 
 differ in opinion with His Majefty's ' Mi- 
 nifters in refpect to the conducl of this 
 bufinefs, I acknowledge great merit in 
 
[ ,6 ] 
 
 their undertaking fuch an arduous tafk 
 at a time they were fo fully engaged in the 
 moft momentous concerns, and in their not 
 fhrinking from the difficulties which obvi- 
 oufly might prefent themfelves, and which 
 too often induce Minifters to adopt fome 
 temporary expedient (juft to ferve their 
 turn) which never effe&ually fucceeds, but 
 in the end produces greater difficulty and 
 much mifchief. It feems alfo highly in- 
 cumbent on thq Britifh Parliament to 
 take early the moft effe&ual fteps to pro- 
 mote the proper remedy : and every thing 
 has been tried, except that which is ©ow 
 obvioufly the beft and only means, an 
 Union, and which, in confequence of the 
 wild opinions that are abroad, and the dis- 
 turbed ftate of the world, has become ftill 
 more neceffary. Every conceffion has 
 been made, many colonial and commercial 
 advantages, which Ireland could not on 
 
[ *7 3 
 
 any reafonable ground claim without an 
 Union, have been communicated to her : 
 in fliort, every thing has been granted fo 
 far, that we are now told by the enemies of 
 Union, Ireland cannot acquire more by that 
 meafure, and that (he does not defire greater 
 freedom and extenfion of trade, than fhe at 
 prefent pofleffes, preferring her independ- 
 ence and dignity as a nation. They furely 
 have odd notions of independence and dig- 
 nity who prefer holding almoft the whole of 
 their trade, almoft their exiftence at the 
 difcretion of another country, rather than 
 by right as a part of that country. 
 
 But I fhould not do juftice if I did not 
 acknowledge this way of thinking is by 
 no means general, and that the two largeft 
 counties, Corjk and Galway, and the city 
 of Cork, county of Clare, and other dif- 
 tri&s of Ireland, had expreffed the con- 
 
[ ,8 ] 
 
 trary, and (o well, that I wifh to make ufe 
 of their own words. Speaking of Union, 
 the county of Cork fays : 
 
 r f P P J ^ e are ^ rm b r P er fuaded it would 
 
 -*■ |^add to the welfare, the credit, and 
 
 the immediate profperity of Ireland, and that by the 
 uniting our ftrcngth in the clofeft manner with the mod 
 free, and moft happy people on earth, we mould exert 
 the beft pofhbie means in our power for preferving the 
 fafety, the honour, and the fecurity of our deareft rights. 
 Determined, therefore, as we are to ftand or fall with 
 Great Britain, we look forward with thegreateft anxiety 
 to this connexion, as the moft effectual "means of put- 
 ting an end to all our factions and religious animofities, 
 and of reconciling the people of Ireland to each other, 
 by doing away all ill-founded jealoufies between fellow- 
 fubjects. 
 
 We confider it as moft obvioufly and indifpenfably 
 neceflary to the profperity of this kingdom in general, 
 and to the reftoration of that tranquillity and induftry, 
 which alone can render the inhabitant profperous and 
 happy, and moft likely in its confequences to reclaim the 
 deluded people from thofe habits of violence and out- 
 rage to a fenfe of their duty to the laws of their country, 
 and the beft of Kings. 
 
 City of Cork. < 
 
 To become a conftituent part of that 
 empire, to whofe protection we owe 
 our political exiftence, and whofe Conftitution is the ad- 
 miration of the civilized world : to participate in thofe 
 refources, which are inexhauftible : to become joint 
 
[ I? 1 
 
 proprietors of that navy, which is irrefiftible, and to 
 fhare in that commerce which knows no bounds, are 
 objects beyond which our moft fanguine willies for the 
 profperity of Ireland cannot polTibly extend : while the 
 profpect, which they hold forth of terminating the 
 jarring interefts of party, and reconciling the jealous dis- 
 tinctions of religion, promifes, a reftoration of that 
 tranquillity to which this country has been too long a 
 ftranger. 
 
 r f r 7 J ^ e are P er ^ ua ^ e( ^> tnat a * e * 
 
 * L g" l fl anve Union with Great Bri- 
 
 tain> eftablillied on terms of perfect equality, would in- 
 vigorate the refources, increafe the wealth, and add ma- 
 terially to the fecurity of both countries, enabling them 
 to oppofe their common enemy with increafed ftrength 
 and power, and moft effectually to defeat their object of 
 dividing the empire for the purpofe of fubduing it. To 
 confider this meafure as it effects either country fepa- 
 rately, we conceive to be a narrow view of its object : 
 but even in that confined fenfe of it, we are firmly con- 
 vinced it would add to the welfare, the credit, and the 
 immediate profperity of Ireland : and we are of opinion, 
 that uniting our ftrength in the clofeft manner with the 
 wifeft, the freelt, and the happieft people upon earth, 
 with whom we muft neceffarily ltand or fall, is fo far 
 from a facrifice of the honour and independence of 
 Ireland, that it is the belt means left to us for preferv- 
 ing both. 
 
 Thefe addreffes are moft refpectably 
 figned ; and a third addrefs from the 
 D 2 
 
[ a ] 
 
 county of Cork, nearly in the fame words, 
 has the fignature of 373 of the principal 
 Nobility, Bifhops, Magiftrates, Clergy, and 
 perfons of property, both Proteftants and 
 Catholics : and there is reafon to believe, 
 that the lentiments therein exprefled are 
 much more general in the feveral counties 
 which have not addreffed than has been 
 fuppofed. 
 
 Although Ireland has acquired much 
 which (hould only have been conceded by 
 Union, it is not true that (he cannot obtain 
 farther commercial advantages by that mea- 
 fure. The beft market, that of Great Bri- 
 tain, for all Irifli manufactures, is frill re- 
 ferved, except linens, and her linens are 
 become one of the greatefl manufadlures 
 in the world, entirely in confequence of 
 having that market, and could never have 
 been carried on to its prefent great extent, 
 
[ .« ] 
 
 unlefs aided by the prompt payment of 
 Great Britain, which in a great degree a£ts 
 as a fupply of capital *• 
 
 Six parts in feven of the whole exports 
 of linen from Ireland are imported into 
 Great Britain, and of the feventh part the 
 
 * The bounties on the export of Iri(h linens from hence 
 at the fame time that they give to Great Britain about 
 an eight of the trade in thofe articles, encourage the ma- 
 nufacture in Ireland. The average of bounties on the 
 export of linens for the laft four years is nearly 34,7 00L 
 Irifti linens exported from Great Britain 
 
 on an average of the laft four years, Yards 
 
 entitled to bounty ------ 4,866,015 
 
 Ditto not entitled to bounty - - - - 964,507 
 
 Total of Irifli linens exported from Great 
 
 Britain -------- 5,830,522 
 
 The duties laid on the import of foreign linens for the 
 purpofe of protecting the Britifli linen manufacture are 
 about 25 per cent, of their real value, and give almoft 
 the monopoly of the Britifli market to many articles of the 
 Irifli linen manufacture. The duties paid on foreign 
 linen ufed in this country, on the fame average, amount 
 to 1 15,000. If the fame rate of duties had been laid 
 on Irifh linens imported and ufed in this ifland under 
 the ufual policy of protecting the Britifli manufacture, 
 as is done in all like cafes, it would raife a revenue of 
 about 650,000!. 
 
r ** } 
 
 greateft proportion goes to America, in- 
 eluding the Weft Indies. On an average of 
 four years,ending the 25th of March 1798, 
 
 Yards 
 
 were exported from Ireland 39,885,776 
 of which to Great Britain - 335695,659 
 
 To the Britifh Colonies in 
 
 America and Iflands in the 
 
 Weft Indies *-.--- 1,285,998 
 
 To the States of America - - 4,012,519 
 
 To foreign parts of Europe and 
 
 to Africa ------ 891,530, 
 
 being about a 44th part of the whole 
 export of linens from Ireland. 
 
 Linens are the only Irim manufacture, 
 properly fo called, which has the advant- 
 age of the Britifh market, and it has flou- 
 rilhed accordingly. No manufacture, no 
 trade of Ireland, except fuch as are duty 
 
 * In this are not included Irifti linens exported from 
 Great Britain to the Briti(h Colonies and to the Ame- 
 rican States, but only the quantities fent directly from 
 Ireland to the places mentioned. 
 
[ 23 1 
 
 free, or have particular advantages in the 
 Britifli market, have fucceeded. Linens, 
 corn, and the produce of cattle, which 
 alone have thofe advantages, amount on an 
 average of the laft three years to 5,410,825 
 when the total value of all Irifh 
 imports into Great Britain were 5,612,689 
 of which there were articles 
 not the manufacture and pro- 
 duce of Ireland to the amount 
 of- - 101,864 
 
 So that the articles of Irifh 
 growth or manufafture, which 
 are not duty free, or have no 
 particular exemption or ad- 
 vantage in Britiih ports, 
 amount only to - - - - 100,781 
 
 and form a fmall proportion, indeed, of the 
 great importation from Ireland into Great 
 Britain alone amounting to 5,612,689, 
 which, ftated in the manner moil: favour- 
 able to Ireland, is, at leaft, fix parts in {even 
 
c m 3 
 
 of the whole export trade of Ireland to 
 all parts. 
 
 We cannot be furprized, that woollen 
 and other manufactures have decreafed in 
 Ireland during the late turbulent flate of 
 that country. We may rather wonder, 
 that they have not been more affeCted : but 
 fuch articles as have the peculiar advantage 
 of the Britifh market, have even lately in- 
 creafed. The manufactures and commerce 
 of Ireland are now, and have always been, 
 greatly inferior to what they may be ; it is 
 reafonable therefore to fuppofe, that when 
 the prefent prohibitory duties which were 
 laid on manufactures coming from all parts 
 to proteCt thofe of England, are, in refpeCt 
 to Irifh manufactures, equalized, as intended 
 by the articles of Union, and they (hall have 
 the advantage of the Britifh market the 
 fame as linens ; the produce of cattle and 
 corn, they may alfo flourifh. 
 
[ *5 ] 
 
 No country is better circumftanCed ftf 
 manufactures than Ireland* She has plenty 
 of water and fuel % the firft requifites in 
 
 * Moft parts of Ireland, where, through want of 
 fkill and wealth, they have not yet been able to fupply 
 fhemfelves with coal, particularly the manufacturing dif- 
 tricls, are acceffible by water and near the coafts of England 
 and Wales, which abound in coals. Ireland may have 
 that article cheaper from the Weft and North- weft of 
 England and from Wales, than it can go coaftuife to 
 many places in Great Britain where great manufactories 
 are carried on which confume large quantities of that ar- 
 ticle. Coals from Great Britain to Ireland pay only an 
 export duty of 1 4d. per chaldron, when the fame article 
 carried coaftwife to London pays a duty of 9s. 3d. pet 
 chaldron, and to any other part of England 5s. gd. If 
 Ireland does not think it necellary to protect her own col- 
 lieries by any import duty, (he may cheapen the price of" 
 coals to her manufacturers by taking off the duty of is o 
 9-|d. per ton on the import of that article into Dublin, 
 and of 9-|d. into all other parts of Ireland. The paftage 
 from the Englifh collieries is fhort, and the freight is 
 moderate. And it may be obferved, that inferior forts 
 of coal anfwer the purpofe of manufacture, and that the 
 bogs of Ireland furnifti plenty of excellent feat or turf. 
 E 
 
[ 26 ] 
 
 manufactures. The encouragement to her 
 induftry will be great, efpecially as it will 
 be impoffible to countervail the difference 
 of price of labour and of excifes in the 
 two countries *, and commercial men will 
 acknowledge the fuperior advantage of a 
 near market, and a quick return, fo ab- 
 folutely neceffary to a country wanting 
 capital. 
 
 If Union fhould take place, there will be 
 no jealoufy, no warfare of bounties and 
 drawbacks, no invidious wifli to check the 
 profperity of Ireland, or any manufacture 
 there, and the great commercial advantages 
 of Ireland will no longer be held at the 
 pleafure of another country. 
 
 * Import duties in the two countries may be equa- 
 lized, or the difference of thofe duties on raw materials 
 may be paid on import of the article or manufacture, of 
 which it is made. 
 
[ *7 ] 
 
 The profperity of Ireland, fuch as it is, 
 in no degree arofe from the independency of 
 the Irifh Parliament, but from commercial 
 advantages derived from Great Britain. I 
 hefitated when I firft heard that a contrary 
 affertion came from a man as able, as refpec- 
 table, and, at leaft, as well informed, as any 
 in the two iflands ; but the aflertion that the 
 profperity of Ireland arofe from the inde- 
 pendence of her Parliament, appears to 
 me fo entirely unfupported by fact, that 
 I fcarcely know how to reafon about it, 
 except by afking, whether the increafe of 
 the linen manufacture ; whether the prof- 
 perity of the beef, pork, and butter-trade ; 
 whether the growth of a grain of corn, or 
 of a blade of grafs ; whether the opening of 
 the ports of Great Britain to Irifh corn at a 
 lower price than from other countries, have 
 been effected by the independence of the 
 Irifh Parliament : in fhort, which article 
 
 £ 2 
 
r 2 8 ] 
 
 of growth or export has increafed in corn 
 fequence of it ? Have the laws been better 
 executed ? Has the country been more 
 tranquil ? Are life and property more 
 fafe? In truth, I can trace little to that 
 event but the prefent disturbed ftate of Ire- 
 land, I repeat, that the profperity of Ire- 
 land entirely depends on the connexion 
 with and advantages derived from Great 
 Britain, without which her trade w r ould be 
 almoft nothing ; and this appears fo per- 
 fectly evident, that I confider it not to 
 be neceflary to add a fyllable more to 
 prove it. 
 
 When Ireland has acquired the Briti/h 
 ConfHtution a due execution of laws and 
 tranquillity, and that life and property are fe- 
 cure there, Englifh capitals will undoubtedly 
 be employed in Ireland, and then her prof- 
 perity will be real and permanent. At pre- 
 
[ *9 ] 
 
 fent no prudent man will lend one (hilling 
 to that country in any fhape, far lefs will a 
 commercial or manufacturing man rifk his 
 capital in any fpeculation, where a fpirit of 
 unfriendly independence, of fepa ration and 
 of rebellion fo ftrongly prevails ; but furely 
 it is not commercial advantage and wealth 
 only that are wanting to Ireland, She is 
 deficient in the moft effential of all things, 
 good order and well-executed laws. Life 
 and property are not more lecure there, than 
 among the moft difturbed people upon 
 earth, A refidence there is as much to be 
 avoided as in countries fubjeft to the moft 
 hideous tyranny or favage banditti. 
 
 It is curious, -efpecially at this time, that 
 apprehenfions are exprefled that the num- 
 ber of abfentees will be greatly increafed 
 by an Union. There are now infinitely a 
 greater number of Irifh emigrants, for the 
 
[ 3° ) 
 
 fake of perfonal fafety, than will be occa- 
 fioned if Union mould be adopted. If that 
 meafure mould take place, few families will 
 follow thofe who are called to Parliament : 
 if they make the experiment, the difference 
 of expence will foon check the evil : and 
 thofe that occafionally become abfentees, 
 will be fo by choice, not by compulsion. 
 
 It will not be improper in this place to 
 ftate, with the view of removing wrong 
 impreffions, that the number and property 
 of abfentees have been always greatly ex- 
 aggerated, and alio the bad effe&s of the 
 confequent drain of money, 
 
 Thofe w T ho are moft capable of examin- 
 ing the queftion agree, that the remittance 
 to regular abfentees is below 6oo,oool., I 
 believe confiderably, which is not more 
 than one fifth of the value of the exports of 
 
[ 3' 1 
 
 linens alone to this country, amounting to, 
 at leaft, three millions. According to the 
 common valuation, it may not always ap- 
 pear fo much, becaufe they are rated, at 
 moft, at is. 6d. per yard, even now that 
 their quality is much improved ; but if 
 valued at only ipd., linen and linen yarn 
 will, on an average of the laft three years, 
 amount to a larger fum than I have men- 
 tioned, and more than balance all the im- 
 ports of Great Britain ; including raw ma- 
 terials, as well as remittances to abfentees. 
 The imports of the products and manufac- 
 ture of Ireland into Great Britain on an 
 average of the laft three years, 
 being 5,510,825 
 
 and all imports of the produce 
 or manufafture of Great Bri- 
 tain into Ireland - - - - 2,087,672 
 
t m 3 
 
 So that there is a balance of upwards of 
 2,800,000 in favour of Ireland, allowing 
 an actual remittance of 600,000 1. to ab- 
 fentees. 
 
 The above is the ftatement of the inter* 
 change of produce and manufacture. , Be- 
 fides which, Ireland imports from Great 
 Britain at prefent, in confequence of her 
 being obliged to avail herfelf of Britifb ca- 
 pital, and of her limited commerce, except 
 with Great Britain, 
 
 Of colonial articles - - - 970,000 
 Of foreign merchandize - - 498,173 
 
 1,468,173 
 And England receives from 
 Ireland of colonial and fo- 
 reign merchandize - - - 101,874 
 
 which gives a balance to Eng- 
 land on foreign and colonial 
 importation of - - - - 15366,309 
 
 and if deducted from the above balance of 
 
I 33 J 
 
 2,800,000, will ftill on the whole, ftating 
 the trade and remittances in the moft fa- 
 vourable manner for Ireland, leave a balance 
 °f 1 5433>69il. in favour of the latter 
 country. 
 
 It fhould be obferved, that while the 
 imports of the produce and manufa&ure 
 of Ireland into Great Britain are in a pro- 
 greffive ftate of certain increafe, on the 
 other hand, the imports of foreign and 
 colonial articles from Great Britain into 
 Ireland are in a courfe of decreafe ; but I 
 proceed to confiderations of more confe- 
 quence to both countries. 
 
 I am little difpofed to argue in favour of 
 non-refidence, but I muft obferve, that 
 thofe parts of Ireland, as well as of Eng- 
 land, where manufactures flourifh, are 
 remarkable for the non-refidence of land- 
 proprietors. Yet, in other parts of the 
 
[ 34 ] 
 country, I confidcr their abfence as the 
 greateft misfortune , and I conceive one of 
 the moft effential advantages of England 
 over Ireland arifes from the refidence of 
 that clafs of men, and from their great at- 
 tention to the people, and to all the details 
 of the country round them. But we can- 
 not be furprized, that men of fortune in 
 Ireland mould now refide in villas near the 
 metropolis, or abfent themfelves, when 
 we recoiled: the uncivilized ftate of the 
 country. At prefent it cannot be expe&ed 
 from them, nor is it fafe, and unlefs fome 
 great change fhould happen, which will 
 induce and enable men of fortune to live 
 there, and to mftrudt, proted, and encou- 
 rage the people, civilization will go on 
 very flowly. 
 
 All the fame obje&ions which are urged 
 in Ireland againft an Union, were made by 
 
[ 35 1 . 
 
 Scotland at the time of her Union with 
 England, and every mifchief was pre- 
 dicted, but they all proved unfounded. 
 Arguments, which came from fomeof the 
 ableft men of thofe times, and which then 
 appeared almoft conclusive, are completely 
 refuted by experience. It was faid, that 
 Edinburgh would be deferted and ruined : 
 the fame is now faid of Dublin : but fince 
 Union, the fize of Edinburgh, and the 
 number of her inhabitants, have been more 
 than doubled, and the city beautified in a 
 high degree. All Scotland is greatly 
 improved, her population increafed, fhe is 
 ten times more rich fince that period : her 
 people are civilized, the laws are now exe- 
 cuted, life and property are fecure ; the Le- 
 giflatures of the two Kingdoms no longer 
 at variance as heretofore, and at the rifk of 
 rupture each counteracting the other. Few 
 families of property are now conftantly 
 
 F 2 
 
[ 36 ] 
 
 abientees, and almoft without exception, 
 thofe Scotchmen, who go from home and 
 acquire a fortune, in the end carry it to 
 Scotland. Before the Union, Scotland had 
 fcarcely any thing worthy the name of a 
 manufacture : all her efforts to obtain a 
 foreign or colonial trade had failed, but 
 now her manufactures and trade are as 
 great in proportion as thofe of England, 
 And all thefe advantages are greatly be- 
 yond the progreffive improvement which 
 would have taken place without an Union, 
 and without which many of them never 
 could have taken place. 
 
 The alarm in the city of Dublin on the 
 fubjeCt of Union is faid to be greater and 
 more juft than elfewhere, but I am per- 
 fectly fatisfied that her apprehenfions are un- 
 founded. The abfence of 80 Commoners and 
 30 Lords, even fuppofing them constantly 
 
[ 37 3 
 
 "refident before, certainly cannot ruin Dub- 
 lin. The Lord Lieutenant, the principal 
 officers of every kind, the Courts of Jus- 
 tice will ftill remain. She will ftill continue 
 the Winter refidence of the principal people 
 of fortune, as Edinburgh does. She will be 
 the feat of education, of amufement, and 
 of the arts. Her trade will increafe greatly. 
 The complete intercourfe and exchange of 
 commodities which will be eftablifhed by 
 an Union, will raife her commerce beyond 
 what the moft fanguine man has ever yet 
 imagined. Cork, Waterford, and Limerick, 
 will have a great proportion of the provifion 
 and other trade ; but Dublin will be the 
 great mart for the import and export, parti- 
 cularly of manufactures. Dublin will have 
 the great trade to the moft thriving port, 
 perhaps, in the world ; I mean Liverpool, 
 The trade of Ireland with England will be 
 parried on with moft fecurity, efpecially in 
 
t 38 3 . 
 
 time of war, between thofe ports. Every* 
 article of foreign and Britifh manufacture 
 and produce which Ireland does not furnifh 
 or import immediately from the place of 
 growth or of manufacture, fhe may have 
 from thence, Almoft all the widely-ex- 
 tended inland navigation of England points 
 to Liverpool, and may fupply what is 
 wanted to advantage. As Ireland imports 
 but a fmall proportion of her confumption 
 of Weft-India articles directly from the 
 place of growth, Dublin is well fituated 
 for fupplies of thofe articles from Briftol 
 and Liverpool in return for her exports to 
 thofe places. The corn trade will become a 
 prodigious article, if the produce of the two 
 iflands fhould by an Union be put on the 
 fame footing as between two counties in 
 England. The great inland navigations of 
 Ireland will convey corn at a cheaper rate to 
 Dublin, even from Limerick and Con- 
 
[ 39 3 
 naught, much cheaper than by a cir- 
 cuitous and precarious voyage by fea. 
 The canal tolls on corn and flour fhould, 
 in favour of Dublin, be purchafed at the 
 public expence, or greatly reduced ; and 
 the fame fhould be done in refpeft to the 
 docks in the port of Dublin. This would 
 facilitate the intercourfe between the two 
 countries, and be a mutual advantage to 
 them both ; and would ultimately benefit 
 Dublin much more than the refidence; of 
 thofe who would be fent to the united 
 Parliament. Dublin would become the 
 warehoufe of the corn of that kingdom 
 for the fleady and certain corn markets of 
 the North -weft of Great Britain and the 
 North of Ireland, where a very fmall part 
 of the confumption of the inhabitants can 
 poflibly be grown. The Englifli farmer 
 may at firft be alarmed, when he hears, 
 that Ireland will be confidered as a part of 
 
t 40 ] 
 
 England in refpedt to the corn-trad'" ; but 
 the advantages will be reciprocal, and the 
 effect, which fome may apprehend from an 
 influx of corn more than fufficient, can- 
 not take place. Unfortunately we con- 
 ftantly import as much oats as Ireland 
 can fpare at any time, at prefent double 
 the quantity, and that evil is increas- 
 ing rather than decreaung. She is well 
 fituated to furnifh that part of Great Bri- 
 tain, which will always require a fupplyof 
 that kind of corn, and the quantity of 
 wheat fhe is ever likely to fpare will not be 
 fufficient to overload the Britifh markets. 
 It will be much lefs mifchievous to the 
 growers of wheat in England to have thfc 
 ports regularly and conftantly open to the 
 limited quantity that can come from Ire- 
 land, than to have them open to a glut of 
 corn from all parts of the world for three 
 months certain ; the moment the fmalleft 
 
t 41 J 
 
 proportion of the confumption of this 
 country is wanting, the moment its price 
 becomes what is by no means extravagant, 
 but on the contrary, while it is moderate, 
 confidering the increafed expence of tillage. 
 The opening of our ports for three months 
 certain to all the world, when we only 
 want a moderate quantity, may reduce the 
 price of wheat ruinoufly low ; but the 
 comparatively fmall quantity that could 
 come from Ireland, would have no farther 
 effeft than fupplying what may be actually 
 wanted. When Ireland has a conftantly 
 open market in Great Britain for corn, it 
 will prove the greateft encouragement to 
 her farmers to change their flovenly ma- 
 nagement. At prefent their corn is ex- 
 ported in fo bad a ftate, that itmuft meet 
 the corn of other countries at market to 
 great difadvantage. When they have a 
 fteady market, they will foon find the ne- 
 
[ 4* ] 
 
 ceffity of preparing and dreffing their corn 
 in a manner that will enable it to bear a 
 competition with the corn of England. 
 
 It has been fuggefted, that the manu- 
 factures of Ireland, and particularly the 
 linen trade, would fuffer through the want 
 of a refident Parliament. The principal 
 manufactures and commerce of Scotland 
 are fituated at a greater diftance from Lon- 
 don than thofe of Ireland, and they became 
 what they are fince the Union of the Parlia- 
 ments ; yet there has never been the (lighted 
 complaint in refpeCt to neceflary protection 
 and afliftance from the Britifh Parliament : 
 and perhaps it may not improperly be ob- 
 ferved in this place, that no difad vantage 
 whatever has arifen to the affairs of Scotland 
 in confequence of her having only forty- 
 five Members in the Britifh Parliament, 
 but they have been as well attended to 
 
[ 43 ] 
 
 and as well managed as thofe of England 
 by upwards of five hundred Members, and 
 the government of Scotland has been ad- 
 miniftered fince Union as vigilantly and 
 more impartially than before, and the fame, 
 in all probability, will be the cafe in refpeft 
 to Ireland. 
 
 The objection to Union on the part of 
 the Proteflants of Ireland is unaccountable : 
 they can hardly be faid to conftitute a na- 
 tion : they are an Englifh colony govern- 
 ing upwards of three millions of Roman 
 Catholics, or, at leaft, fix times their own 
 number in a country acquired and main- 
 tained by Englifh arms and treafure, which 
 colony never could have fupported it-felf; 
 and even the laft Summer would have been 
 overwhelmed, unlefs prote&ed by the fame 
 means by Englifh power. They cannot 
 difdain that defcription ; many of them, I 
 
 G 2 
 
[ u ] 
 
 am fure, arc fenfible, that fuch is their 
 fituation, and that their confequence and 
 fecurity depend on the connexion with the 
 Mother Country. In refpeCt to the Roman 
 Catholics, Union alone can make it fafe to 
 fatisfy their claims. By Union, all that 
 enmity, jealoufy, and contrariety of in- 
 terest, which naturally arife between thofe 
 two unequal bodies, muft fqon ceafe. The 
 Proteftants will lofe nothing ; I am fatis- 
 fied their object was not monopoly, but 
 fafety : they will be fafe, and relieved from 
 all apprehenfions, and may have a better 
 tenantry, and more attached to their in- 
 tereft. The Roman Catholics may acquire 
 all they can defire ; and I hope we ihall 
 never again hear of Proteftant afceftdancy 
 or Catholic emancipation, words which 
 have been very infidioufly employed to the 
 worft purpofes. On cool reflexion it will 
 appear, that Ireland will not incur any 
 
[ 45 1 
 
 difadvantage, but the advantages to be 
 gained by her are the greateft that can be 
 conceived, and, in the firft place, fecurity 
 and tranquillity, as it is reafonable to fup- 
 pofe, that an identity of Conftitution and 
 a due execution of the Laws, will produce 
 the fame effe&s in Ireland as they have 
 done in Great Britain, and particularly in 
 Scotland w T ithin this century. Till Union 
 takes places, and not till then, will the 
 theoretical independence of Ireland be- 
 come praflical. Ireland, in truth, is now 
 actually dependent on England through 
 her divifions, through her trade, and 
 through her Conftitution. Either the 
 Proteftants or the Catholics will depend 
 on Englifti fupport. It has been fhewn, 
 that the trade of Ireland is abfolutely de- 
 pendent on that of England ; and the King 
 of Great Britain being fubje£t to Britifli 
 laws, in obeying him, and under the 
 
C 46 ] 
 
 neceffary controul of his Minifters, Ireland 
 mud: in fome fort be dependent : but flip- 
 pofing two perfectly independent Legifla- 
 tures within the fame empire, they muft 
 always be confidered as in an uncertain and 
 perilous ftate, mutually inconvenient to 
 each other, and always cherifhing difcon- 
 tent and jealoufy. If one Parliament exerts 
 powers in oppofition to thofe of the other, 
 what muft be the confequences ? They 
 are fo obvious, that it would be an abufe of 
 time to ftate them. We cannot refleft 
 with much fatisfadtion on the only two in- 
 ftances which have occurred fince the in- 
 dependence of the Irifh Legiflature, where- 
 in the two Parliaments could a£t oppofitely 
 to each other. The reje&ion of the com- 
 mercial propofitions in 1785, on the part 
 of Ireland, has not obtained the applaufe, 
 even in that country, of the well-informed, 
 and the conduit which was held on the 
 
[ 47 3 
 
 occafion of appointing a Regency evinced a 
 difpofition to rifk the mifchiefs which might 
 be expedled to arife from the clafhing of 
 two independent Parliaments. In fhort, if 
 the lort of independence which is claimed 
 has any meaning, it leads to feparation-— 
 Union or feparation muft take place ; for 
 it feems agreed on all fides, that the coun- 
 tries cannot go on as they are. 
 
 Soon after the acceflion of James the 
 Firft to the Thrones of thefe kingdoms, 
 that wife Statefman and Counfellor, Sir 
 Francis Bacon, ftrpngly recommended an 
 Union between England and Scotland. 
 He clearly faw how faulty and precarious 
 the fortunate junction of the two countries 
 would be, if only fupported by the cir- 
 cumftance of having the fame King. He 
 propofed a complete Union. He recom- 
 mends highly the liberal fyftem of the 
 
[ 48 ] 
 
 Romans, obferving, that their naturaliza- 
 tions were, in effedt, perpetual mixtures, 
 not only with perfons, but with cities and 
 countries ; and adds, that there never were 
 any States that were good commixtures but 
 the Romans. He alfo obferves, that the 
 conduft of other kingdoms has been dif- 
 ferent, and confequently the addition of 
 farther empire and territory has been ra- 
 ther matter of burden than of ftrength, and 
 kept alive the feeds of revolt and rebellion 
 for many ages. And he adds, that Arragon 
 was united to Caftile by a marriage ; but 
 after an hundred years, a civil war com- 
 menced in confequence of the bad policy of 
 not incorporating, but leaving it a feparate 
 Government ; and if he had lived as late 
 as thefe times, he might have dated 
 much ftronger cafes. Machiavel alfo at- 
 tributes the growth of the Roman Em- 
 pire to the good policy in incorporating 
 
C 49 3 
 
 fo eafily with ftrangers ; and Molyneux, the 
 ftrenuous afferter of the independence of 
 the Irifh Parliament, fays, an Union on 
 equal terms would be highly advantageous 
 to Ireland, and the beft means of enjoying 
 that independence : and the Irifh Parlia- 
 ment, in the beginning of this century, ex- 
 preffed a defire for an entire Union. But 
 the times were not fo enlightened as they 
 now are, and a narrow policy prevented the 
 participation of thofe liberal, fair, and 
 equal terms, which are now offered to Ire* 
 land. Theprefent Chief Baron of Ireland, 
 one of the firft conftitutional authorities of 
 that kingdom, and a fuccefsful fupporter of 
 Irifh independence in 1782, has afferted, 
 that the independence of the Irifh Parlia- 
 ment was moft valuable, becaufe it would 
 enable Ireland to treat for a Union upon 
 fair terms* 
 
 H 
 
[ 5° 1 
 The Union of Wales and Scotland with 
 England, the Union of Bretagne, Dauphiny, 
 and other provinces with France, the 
 Union of the feveral kingdoms of Spain, 
 all of which, while independent, were 
 greatly prejudicial to each other, proved 
 highly advantageous to the different coun- 
 tries and to the empires, in proportion to 
 the completenefs of legiflative Union that 
 took place ; and the fenfible Americans 
 foon difcovered how dangerous their fitu- 
 ation would be, if they remained feparate 
 independent States. 
 
 Every advantage that was expeded, and 
 more than was expected, has been derived 
 from the Union of Scotland. No countjy 
 was ever more difturbed before and at the 
 time. Nothing could tend more diredly 
 to feparation than the ad of fecurity which 
 palled in the Parliament of Scotland juft 
 
[ 5* ] 
 
 before that event : a great proportion of the 
 people of all ranks were as ill-difpofed to- 
 wards England as the worft difpofed of the 
 Irifh. The Clans were as much out of the 
 reach of the law as any part of Ireland can 
 be fuppofed to be. To cany fire and fword 
 from one diftricl: into another, was as much 
 the difpofition of the Highlanders, as it has 
 been lately of White-boys and Defenders in 
 Ireland. The tafte and fafhion of the people 
 were to be in a fituation to commit hofti- 
 lities, and the chief men of the country, 
 inflead of endeavouring to excite the in- 
 duflry of their dependants, only valued 
 themfelves in proportion to the number of 
 thofe who were difpofed to follow them in 
 arms. Notwithstanding the Crowns of the 
 two kingdoms had been annexed above an 
 hundred years, a connexion with France 
 was ftill kept up, and the mofr. dangerous 
 intrigues carried on. I mail only add, that 
 
 H 2 
 
[ 5* 3 
 
 although the caufes or motives were not 
 precifely the fame, the effects were; and 
 many other inftances of the diforders, 
 and of the refemblance of the fituation 
 of Scotland at that time to the prefent 
 ftate of Ireland might eafily be ftated, 
 and that all thofe circumftances which 
 difhirbed Scotland, as much as Ireland now 
 is, have been done away by Union. 
 
 Nature has given many local advant- 
 ages to Ireland. Union will give her a 
 Conftitution that is deemed the beft ; will 
 give her tranquillity, wealth, and cha- 
 racter ; and money will be lent in Ireland, 
 when fettled, with as much confidence as 
 in England, Thofe who are now abfentees 
 would find the advantage of refiding there. 
 Englifhrnen would rifk their perfons and 
 property in that country, which, if not 
 
[ 53 ] 
 
 immediately, will in time, become as civi- 
 lized as Great Britain. 
 
 On the whole, it may be confidently 
 pronounced, Union is moft neceffary, and 
 will be moft beneficial to Ireland. The 
 plan feems formed for her peculiar, al- 
 though I will not fay for her exclufive, 
 advantage, and as a partial friend I could 
 not propofe any thing more favourable 
 for her. Yet it by no means follows, 
 that the great advantages of Union to Ire- 
 land will be counterbalanced by diiad- 
 vantages to Great Britain, or that the gain 
 of Ireland will be the lofs of Great Britain. 
 In a long courfe of years, even if the mea- 
 fure of Union mould not take place, ma- 
 nufa&urcs and trade will decline in fome 
 places when they redouble from various 
 circumftances in others : but pofiible local 
 difadvantages muil not prevent the Legif- 
 
[ 54 ] 
 
 lature from looking to the general p 
 It muft be admitted, the p perity of 
 land would be the profpenty of Great Bri- 
 tain. The inefficient ftatc or :i - a 
 great lofs to the whole. The zd 
 ftate of that country is a gei era! r \ >ack 
 from the profperity of the empire", .very 
 part of which will find the aovanfage of 
 that high degree of improvement which 
 the affimilntion 6i the two coiurtfibs would 
 effecT:. Great additional ftrength, and fe- 
 curity and general profperity to' Great Bri- 
 tain and to the Empire, will be the confe- 
 quence of Union, and the attention of the 
 Executive Government would not here- 
 after, amidffc the diftreffes of war, and at 
 the moment of the utmoft peril, be dif- 
 tracted by confpiracies and rebellion in 
 Ireland. 
 
 Perhaps no circumftance in the character 
 
[ 55 ] 
 of the commercial and manufacturing in- 
 terefts, and of the people in general in 
 Great Britain, gives a greater proof of 
 their liberality and good fenfe, than their 
 acquiefcence on this occafion in fome pof- 
 fible facrifice of manufactures, of com- 
 merce, and of conftitution, for the fake 
 of unity and tranquillity of empire; 
 The energies of commerce furpafs, and 
 fometimes contradict, the moft plaufible 
 calculations : and even in a commercial 
 light England might be benefited by a 
 great increafe of manufactures and com- 
 merce in Ireland, inafmuch as Ireland will 
 be better enabled to pay for the many 
 articles fhe will continue to take from 
 England. We all know that much com- 
 mercial advantage cannot be obtained by 
 trading with a nation which is not rich, 
 efpecially when the produce of the two 
 countries is the fame. The interchange of 
 
C 56 3 
 
 commodities will animate trade ; and no 
 intelligent man will fay, that the manu- 
 factures of England have decreafed in con- 
 fequence of the great increafe of manufac- 
 tures in Scotland. But thofe who will give 
 themfelves the trouble of examining the 
 
 queftion will find, that the two countries 
 are mutually benefited by the profperous 
 ftate of their refpe£tive manufactures and 
 commerce, and that competition encourages 
 fkill and induftry, and promotes and en- 
 forces good regulations, and confequent 
 cheapnefs of manufacture. In refpeCt to 
 revenue, the empire will be highly be- 
 nefited ; for with the increafe of wealth, 
 there will be as great increafe in the ex- 
 cife and cuftoms ; and when we enu- 
 merate the commercial and other ad- 
 vantages that would be derived from 
 an Union, we fhould not forget the mif- 
 chiefs that would be avoided, and that 
 
[ 57 ] 
 the final termination of the antient alli- 
 ances, x the connexion, and the intrigues of„ 
 France with Scotland, and all proje&s of 
 feparation, were at laft effected by the Union 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 In refpeft to the incompetence of Parli- 
 ment, it is difficult to believe that that ob- 
 jection is at this time ferioufly urged : if it 
 is, it only convinces me there is great 
 want of argument againft the meafure of 
 Union. The argument w r ould throw us 
 back to firft principles ; that is, the diffo- 
 lution of Government, and to that jargon 
 which has nearly ruined Europe. This 
 dodlrine was ably refuted at the time of 
 the Union with Scotland ; if it had not, it 
 would ill fuit the pretentions of Ireland to 
 eftablifh k. 
 
 If I fhould be afked, whether I am fatis- 
 i 
 
[ 58 ] 
 
 fled that Union will produce order and 
 fteady profperity in Ireland, I fhould an- 
 fwer, that I am, The fame violence and 
 machinations which exift at prefent to ef- 
 fect feparation might poffibly be attempted 
 at firft ; but when Ireland is irrevocably 
 become a part of Great Britain, thcie would 
 gradually and foon be an end of fpeculations 
 and confpiracies. France would no longer 
 fpeculate on diftinft governments and in- 
 terefts. The enemies of order would not 
 be tempted by any profpedl of fuccefs : 
 they would recollect, that it is not Ireland 
 alone, but the three kingdoms, that mull: 
 be induced to facrifice or yield their Confti- 
 tution : and, as was the cafe in Scotland, 
 when the people of that country, who had 
 been fo averfe to Union, had tafted the 
 fweets of that meafure, they became the 
 mofl ftrenuous fupporters of it ; info- 
 much, that when it was the obje£b to raifc 
 
C 59 ] 
 
 a rebellion there, it was found that a decla- 
 ration againft Union would be unpopular 
 and hurt the caufe. 
 
 It may appear extraordinary, that fo 
 much ihould be faid in this Houfe to prove 
 the advantage of Union to Ireland ; but 
 the arguments are not fo mifapplied as they 
 may feem to be, they are, iji truth, arguments 
 to recommend the laying a propofition be- 
 fore the Irifh nation fo beneficial, that I can- 
 not doubt but a people of great abilities 
 and capable of difcernment, will, when the 
 heat of their alarm has fubfided, no longer 
 refufe to take into confideration a plan 
 which may be highly advantageous to every 
 part of the empire ; and unlefs the meafure 
 had been ill understood, the unreafonable 
 refufal to liften to any propofition, could 
 not have taken place. 
 
 i % 
 
[ 6° ] 
 
 In voting for the refolutions, I do not 
 mean to approve more than the principle 
 of Union, to which no adequate objection 
 has been ftated. If we fhould hereafter pro- 
 ceed to details, it will be then neceffary to 
 give all our attention, and exert our beft 
 powers in examining the articles ; and 
 above all, in preventing harm to the Con- 
 ftitution, taking care that we do not, with 
 a levity and fubmiffion that feem to belong 
 to the times, do any thing that may be uri- 
 neceflary for one country, and fhould be 
 highly dreaded by the other. 
 
 There has now been an opportunity of 
 fome experience, which it is to be hoped 
 will promote the utmoft liberality and can- 
 dour in propofing the meafure, whenever 
 the people of Ireland are found to be dif- 
 pofed to accept it. Every man will agree 
 with me in deprecating all idea of force or 
 
t 61 j 
 
 threats, or the ufe of any means that arc 
 not perfectly fair and honourable. 
 
 To render Union fatisfa&ory and per- 
 manent, it will not be fufficient that it be 
 merely acceded to by Parliament. The 
 people at large muft be reconciled to it ; 
 and that they may, is the wifh neareft my 
 heart. It is for Ireland that I am moft 
 interested on this occaflon. Her deplorable 
 condition demands it ; for I am moft feri- 
 oufly convinced the meafure is abfolutely 
 necejfary for her tranquillity, fecurity, and 
 welfare. The bad effe&s of two feparate 
 Parliaments within one empire, and the 
 baneful idea of feparation, can be done 
 away only by an Union ; and until that 
 event takes place, Ireland will never be 
 fettled, will always be difturbed by the 
 moft mifchievous fpeculations and in- 
 
[ 6% ] 
 
 trigues, the fport of parties, and of the 
 enemies of England ; fhe will be a weaknefs 
 as flie is at prefent, inftead of a ftrength to 
 the empire. 
 
 THE END. 
 
PUBLICATIONS by DEBRtfTT. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS on the PRESENT STATE 
 of IRELAND, by Jghn Lord Sheffield ; pub- 
 lished in 1785. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS on the COMMERCE of the 
 AMERICAN STATES and of GREAT BRI- 
 TAIN, by John Lord Sheffield. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS on the PROJECT for ABO- 
 LISHING the SLAVE TRADE, by John Lord 
 Sheffield. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS on the CORN LAWS, by 
 John Lord Sheffield. 
 
 vJ 
 
Date Due 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 WW 15 
 
 TQPO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 AHQ 2 
 
 ii rv>r» 
 
 
 
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 ibbe- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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