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B»arl?man E&ltton 
 THE MAKERS OF CANADA 
 
 VOL. XII 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
THE MAKERS OF CANADA 
 
 JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 BY 
 
 Hon. J. W. LONGLEY 
 
 TORONTO 
 
 MORANG k CO., LIMITED 
 
 1909 
 
 Boston COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS, 
 
Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada 
 in the year 190 hy Morang & Co„ Limited^ in the 
 Department of Agriculture 
 
 ./^3Y 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHA PTER I Page 
 
 BIRTH AND YOUTH . . . . 1 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 COLONIAL GOVERNMENT . . * 13 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT . . .35 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 HOWE AS A MINISTER .... 71 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 HOWE VS. FALKLAND . . . .89 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE LIBERAL MINISTRY . • . 109 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 HOWE AND RAILWAYS . . . .117 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER VIII Page 
 
 FOREIGN ENLISTMENT AND THE IRISH CATHOLICS 149 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 HOWE AND CONFEDERATION . . .173 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 INCIDENTS ..... 231 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 HOWE AND LITERATURE . . . .257 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 HOWE’S SOCIAL QUALITIES ... 271 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 CONCLUSION . . . . .283 
 
 APPENDICES ..... 291 
 
 INDEX 
 
 301 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 BIRTH AND YOUTH 
 
 J OSEPH HOWE was born at Halifax, Nova 
 Scotia, December 13th, 1804. Those who are 
 familiar with the topography of Halifax have seen 
 the beautiful sheet of water called the North West 
 Arm, which lies on the western side of the city and 
 forms the peninsula on whieh the city is situated. 
 The scenery, though rugged, is delightful, and the 
 cottage in which Mr. Howe was born was built on 
 this Arm, two miles from the heart of the city, 
 then containing scarcely more than ten or twelve 
 thousand people. 
 
 His father was John Howe, who was descended 
 from one of four brothers who came from the 
 southern part of England to the New England 
 States in the 17th century. John Howe was the 
 only one of the family in New England who 
 remained loyal to Great Britain at the time of the 
 revolution, and he came to Nova Scotia after the 
 evaeuation of Boston. Mr. Howe was a Loyalist, 
 devoted to England and British institutions, and 
 he infused into his son a deep-seated regard and 
 attaehment for the empire. In a great speech de- 
 livered at Southampton, England, in 1851, Joseph 
 Howe, referring to his father, uttered the following 
 
 1 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 tribute, which gives a striking indication of his 
 British tendencies : — 
 
 “His bones rest in the Halifax churchyard. I am 
 his only surviving son, and whatever the future 
 may have in store, I want when I stand beside his 
 grave to feel that I have done my best to preserve 
 the connection he valued, that the British flag may 
 wave above the soil in which he sleeps.’* 
 
 Mr. John Howe was first married in Boston to 
 a Miss Minns, by whom he had three sons, John, 
 David and William, and three daughters. On the 
 death of his first wife, Mr. Howe married Mary 
 Austin, Twe Edes, a daughter of Captain Edes, who 
 with his wife and child had come out from England 
 and by chance remained in Halifax. This second 
 wife bore him two children, a son and a daughter. 
 The daughter lived to be married, but died soon 
 after at sea. The son was Joseph, whose achieve- 
 ments and career it is the purpose of this work to 
 chronicle. 
 
 The task imposes unusual responsiblity. To say 
 that Joseph Howe ranks foremost amongst the 
 statesmen produced in British North America and 
 occupies a front position among the makers of 
 Canada does not convey all that a full and just 
 biography of the man would entail. Many men in 
 British North America have been distinguished by 
 successful public careers, and have earned a lasting 
 place in the history of their country by their tal- 
 ents, achievements and devotion, but Howe, while 
 2 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 unsurpassed as a statesman, possessed qualities not 
 usually associated with public life. He was a man 
 of vivid imagination, unfailing wit, a poet and 
 litterateur y whose unique personality places him in 
 marked contrast with most of the political leaders of 
 British North America with whose names his must 
 be historically associated. The brush that paints his 
 character aright should have delicate touches and 
 command of various hues and shades of colour. 
 
 Young Joseph Howe had few opportunities of 
 obtaining an education. His father’s house was 
 two miles from the nearest city school and he 
 was able to attend only in the summer months, 
 when these two miles were traversed on foot each 
 morning and afternoon. In winter he was kept at 
 home. His father, however, was a man of culture. 
 Shortly after his arrival in Halifax he became 
 king’s printer, and after that he held the important 
 position of postmaster-general for the Maritime 
 Provinces, including in his duties the care of the 
 post-office at Halifax. He devoted himself to the 
 cultivation of the mind of his youngest son, who 
 spent his winter evenings in -reading and study. 
 During all his life Joseph was a voracious reader, 
 and the librarian of the legislative library was heard 
 to declare that Mr. Howe had read nearly all the 
 books in the library. 
 
 Joseph, throughout his life, in his public utter- 
 ances referred to his father with veneration. On one 
 occasion, speaking of him, he used these words : — 
 
 8 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 “For thirteen years he was my instructor, my 
 playfellow, almost my daily companion. To him 
 I owe my fondness for reading, my familiarity with 
 the Bible, my knowledge of old colonial and 
 American incidents and characteristics. He left 
 me nothing but his example and the memory of 
 his many virtues, for all that he ever earned was 
 given to the poor. He was too good for this world ; 
 but the remembrance of his high principles, his 
 cheerfulness, his child-like simplicity, and truly 
 Christian character, is never absent from my mind.” 
 
 Joseph had a splendid physique, and, as he grew 
 to manhood, was finely proportioned, and of a 
 robust constitution. He was fond of sports and of 
 rambling in the woods, and very early gave indica- 
 tions of possessing a poetic temperament. 
 
 Although Mr. John Howe held offices to which 
 slight emoluments were attached, he possessed no 
 tendency to accumulate, and, as a consequence, at 
 the age of thirteen, it was felt necessary that Joseph 
 should obtain employment. His father was king’s 
 printer, so Joseph was employed in the office of the 
 Gazette, and taught the trade of a printer, vary- 
 ing this occupation by occasionally assisting in the 
 post-office at Halifax. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that Howe started his 
 career without the advantages of a university edu- 
 cation or even of a complete common school course, 
 and he is not the only conspicuous instance of a man 
 who has achieved, not only a distinguished position, 
 4 
 
JOURNALISM 
 
 but an admirable command of English composition, 
 without a study of the ancient classics. 
 
 During the ten years of apprenticeship Howe 
 composed many fugitive poems, which appeared 
 anonymously in the newspapers in Halifax. One 
 poem entitled “Melville Island,” attracted more 
 than usual attention. Near the head of the North 
 West Arm stands a little island, most picturesquely 
 situated in a small cove, surrounded by verdure- 
 covered hills. Upon this island was erected a mili- 
 tary prison, very soon after the settlement of 
 Halifax, and prisoners were confined there during 
 the French war, and the war of 1812-15. At the 
 time of the publication of the poem the Earl of 
 Dalhousie was lieutenant-governor of the province, 
 and he was so far impressed with the merits and 
 beauty of the verses that he invited the young au- 
 thor to government house, loaded him with praise, 
 and entered his name upon the invitation lists, 
 which, considering the exclusive character of the 
 government house coterie in those days, was an 
 honour somewhat unusual, but, as events will show, 
 not producing any marked results in the birth of 
 aristocratic tendencies on the part of the recipient. 
 
 In 1827, when Howe was twenty-three years of 
 age, having, as he conceived, sufficiently served his 
 apprenticeship, he embarked, in connection with Mr. 
 James Spike, on a journalistic career by purchasing 
 the Weekly Chronicle^ a newspaper which was then 
 being published by Mr. William Minns. The name 
 
 5 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 of the paper was changed to the A cadian, and Mr. 
 Howe, at this early age assumed the duties of 
 editor. It was not a political paper, and its columns 
 give no indication of that wonderful mastery of 
 political topics which its editor afterwards devel- 
 oped. It furnished news, and its editorial columns 
 were devoted to sketches of scenery and local 
 affairs. It was somewhat literary in its scope and 
 published a considerable amount of poetry, much of 
 it the composition of the editor. 
 
 Howe’s connection with the Acadian was brief. 
 Before the end of the year he sold his share in this 
 paper to his partner and purchased the Nova Scotian, 
 This ambitious and widely circulated paper was then 
 owned by Mr. George R. Young, a son of Mr. John 
 Young, the author of the Letters of Agricola, which 
 had aroused the people of Nova Scotia to interest 
 in agriculture, and a brother of William Young, 
 who for many years occupied a commanding position 
 in the political field in Nova Scotia, and afterwards 
 became chief justice of the province, and was 
 honoured with knighthood. Mr. Howe paid £1,050 
 for the Nova Scotian, and in January, 1828, he 
 became sole editor and proprietor. It is probable 
 that he was able to pay but a very small por- 
 tion of this price at the beginning, and since in a 
 small community the task of making a weekly 
 newspaper profitable was far from being an easy 
 one, many of Howe’s friends had serious misgivings 
 as to his ability to make the venture successful. 
 
 6 
 
TOURS OF THE PROVINCE 
 
 Howe himself was duly sensible of the difficulties 
 surrounding it, but he had a lion’s heart and a cheer- 
 ful disposition, and addressed himself to the work 
 before him with unflinching courage and dauntless 
 zeal. 
 
 At that time the English mails were fully two 
 months on their passage, being carried by sailing 
 packets, and the collecting of English and foreign 
 news was therefore difficult and uncertain. Howe 
 toiled day and night to give tone and charac- 
 ter to the paper, and at the same time to secure 
 for it a wide constituency throughout the province. 
 He wrote its editorials and collected its news, and 
 he introduced in the course of time a new feature in 
 publishing reports of debates in the House, and 
 of trials and arguments in the courts of law. 
 Howe did the reporting himself, and Mr. Fennerty 
 describes him as seated in the gallery of the House 
 day after day, taking notes upon the crown of his 
 hat, and then, after the adjournment of the House, 
 working until late at night making transcripts of 
 his notes, with little time reserved for sleep. 
 
 In order to extend his paper’s circulation and 
 establish connections with the rest of the province, 
 Howe was accustomed, when time permitted, to 
 make tours of different parts of the province on 
 horseback or on foot, for in those days railways and 
 other easy and quick modes of communication were 
 unknown'. In this way he acquired a very intimate 
 knowledge of aU parts of the province, and of the 
 
 7 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 views and feelings of the people, and he utilized 
 such information as he was able to collect during 
 these various tours for furnishing material for a 
 series of charming letters entitled, ‘‘Rambles.” 
 These letters were written in an easy, conversa- 
 tional style, and set forth the splendid agricultural 
 resources, the opportunities of developing industries, 
 the need of commercial facilities, and, added to all, 
 the scenic charms and beauties of the province. 
 They awakened people to a sense of the value and 
 importance of their country and aroused emulation, 
 which has made itself felt, if not in active industrial 
 development, at all events in a tendency to intel- 
 lectual progress, which has placed Nova Scotia first 
 in the number of ambitious and able men which it 
 has contributed to the public life of British North 
 America. 
 
 Shortly after assuming control of the Nova 
 Scotian, in January, 1828 , Mr. Howe was married 
 to Catharine Susan Ann McNab, the daughter 
 of Captain John McNab of the Royal Nova Scotia 
 Fencibles. Mrs. Howe was a woman admirably 
 adapted for the position of helpmeet and companion 
 to a busy public man. She was endowed with 
 excellent mental gifts, and above all, possessed 
 of sound judgment and unerring common sense. 
 Howe himself was inclined to be indifferent in 
 financial matters, and somewhat impulsive, occas- 
 ionally rash, in political movements, and Mrs. 
 Howe usually exercised a wholesome restraining 
 8 
 
MARRIAGE 
 
 influence upon the impetuous tendencies of her 
 distinguished husband. She believed in him, had 
 faith in him, and was ever ready to cheer him with 
 her encouragement as well as restrain him by her 
 counsel. As will be seen in the unfolding of Howe’s 
 character, he was a man of exceedingly social and 
 convivial temperament, and, as he was from the 
 earliest times quick in making friendships, unfail- 
 ingly genial and fond of boon companionship, his 
 house was always open to his friends. It sometimes 
 happens that the most amiable wives are indisposed 
 to have their domestic repose continually invaded 
 by hosts of friends at all times and seasons. Mrs. 
 Howe gracefully acceded to her husband’s tenden- 
 cies in this direction, and thus contributed not only 
 to his enjoyment, but also to his power. 
 
 For seven years Howe devoted himself to his 
 work of making the Nova Scotian the first and 
 chief newspaper in Nova Scotia. In respect of poli- 
 tics his editorial career may be characterized as an 
 evolution. During the first year the paper was 
 devoted to his ‘‘ Rambles,” and to a series of clever 
 papers entitled, “ The Club.” They were the joint 
 offspring of several bright men, of whom Howe was 
 the chief, and were framed somewhat on the model 
 of the “Noctes Ambrosianae.” The chief contri- 
 butors were Thomas C. Haliburton (Sam Slick), 
 Lawrence O’Connor Doyle, Dr. Grigor and Captain 
 Kincaid. These men, most of whom afterwards 
 became distinguished, held their meetings and 
 
 9 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 planned their sketches in Mr. Howe’s house. Asso- 
 ciated with them as Howe’s friends were S. G. W. 
 Archibald, Beamish Murdoch, Thomas B. Aiken, 
 Jotham Blanchard, Andrew Shields and George 
 Thompson. “ The Club ” dealt with the various 
 questions of the day, including pointed references 
 to prominent officials and public affairs. 
 
 In 1829, Howe published a history of Nova Scotia 
 written by Haliburton, but antedating the publica- 
 tion of those inimitable sketches, beginning with 
 “Sam Slick,” which have since made his name 
 favourably known to the English-speaking world. 
 This book was a valuable contribution to the his- 
 torical research of the province, but it proved to be 
 an unsuccessful financial operation and Howe lost 
 heavily on the publication. Howe and Haliburton, 
 however, continued to be friends until the latter’s 
 death, although political differences inevitably arose 
 at a later period, which, perhaps, somewhat dimin- 
 ished their intimacy for a time. 
 
 In 1829, Howe began to write upon political 
 topics, and to deal with great independence, courage 
 and dexterity with the questions which began in a 
 more conspicuous manner to engage the attention 
 of the legislature. It was in 1830, however, that he 
 commenced the publication of his legislative reviews, 
 which were afterwards continued from year to year. 
 A seat in the press gallery and a careful reporting 
 of the proceedings of a legislative body is, perhaps, 
 the best possible training for a political career, and 
 10 
 
POLITICAL EDUCATION 
 
 in this way Howe obtained a grip and mastery 
 of the political situation in Nova Scotia difficult, if 
 not impossible, of attainment by any other means. 
 The press often affords better facilities for obtaining 
 a political education than a seat in parliament. The 
 member is in his place for three or four months in the 
 year ; the remainder of the time he is at his home 
 attending to his duties. A political editor is in the 
 field throughout the year, and follows with accuracy 
 the movements on the political chessboard at all 
 times and at all seasons. 
 
 11 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 COLONIAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 T he political problems confronting the people 
 of Nova Scotia in 1830, when Howe began 
 to take an active part in political discussions, were 
 essentially the same as those which were agitating 
 all the provinces of British North America. The 
 struggles of the next few years in all parts of 
 British North America may be characterized as an 
 evolution of the principles of self-government. The 
 imperial government was somewhat perplexed to 
 determine an accurate policy in respect of that 
 portion of North America which had remained 
 loyal to the empire during the great revolutionary 
 struggle, and had become the home of the United 
 Empire Loyalists when the revolting colonies had 
 obtained their independence. When the treaty of 
 peace was signed in 1784, no very high estimate of 
 the value of the remaining possessions in North 
 America was entertained by the English people. 
 The population was extremely small. Nova Scotia 
 had only a few thousands of English-speaking 
 people; New Brunswick was constituted a province 
 not until 1784, and had but a paltry handful of 
 settlers. Prince Edward Island was a small island 
 with very few inhabitants, and Canada, which was 
 
 13 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 the most important division of them all, meant at 
 the beginning, for the most part. Lower Canada, 
 which was preponderatingly French and governed 
 very largely as a Crown colony. 
 
 The experience of the imperial authorities in 
 governing the large English colonies, which had 
 just successfully revolted, left them in a somewhat 
 confused condition as to what course should be 
 pursued in the government of those remaining 
 loyal. If too much was conceded, they feared that 
 revolt and independence would ensue ; and, if too 
 firm a policy was adopted, these small communities 
 might be driven to cast in their fortunes with the 
 republic beside them. To all, legislatures had been 
 conceded, but to these legislatures all power was 
 not committed. The legislative council, or second 
 chamber, of all of them was composed of the direct 
 nominees of the Crown, and these were chosen 
 from the wealthy or official class especially devoted 
 to maintaining the interests of the executive. The 
 lieutenant-governor acted under a commission which 
 gave him large control, and, therefore, while the 
 legislature existed necessarily for the purpose of 
 law-making, it did not for a moment possess the 
 power of determining the political complexion or 
 policy of the executive. It did not even possess the 
 greatest leverage which the House of Commons 
 from the earliest time has possessed, the control of 
 supplies. The revenue of these provinces was de- 
 rived from three sources : first, duties on certain 
 14 
 
FREEDOM FROM CONTROL 
 
 classes of imports, which duties were collected 
 by virtue of imperial acts, their control being 
 vested in the governor; secondly, sales of Crown 
 lands, also treated as a prerogative of the Crown, 
 and the money received from these lands was 
 at the disposal of the king’s representative with- 
 out respect to the legislature. In addition to these, 
 there was another source of revenue derived from 
 duties on imports imposed by the provincial legis- 
 lature. The control of this money was in the 
 hands of the people’s representatives, but from the 
 first two sources enough money was obtained for 
 the purpose of carrying on the government, paying 
 the salaries of officials from the lieutenant-governor 
 down, including the judges and departmental offi- 
 cers of the government. Therefore, it was quite 
 possible for the governor and his friends and 
 officials to go on administering the affairs of the 
 country according to their own views, whether 
 the legislature was favourable or not, because 
 they had at their own command the monies to 
 pay their salaries and administer executive func- 
 tions generally. 
 
 The result of this condition of things could easily 
 be foreseen. The official class would continue to 
 please themselves, and as one favourite departed 
 from the scene another favourite would be chosen 
 to occupy his place, and in consequence the real 
 functions of government would be in the hands of 
 a privileged class, and the great mass of the people 
 
 15 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 permanently excluded from all hope of participation 
 therein. 
 
 Such were the conditions of government in all 
 the provinces. In Upper Canada the governing class 
 was dubbed ‘‘the family compact ” ; in Lower Can- 
 ada it was “the oligarchy”; in Nova Scotia those 
 supporting the government were called “Tories,” 
 but the substantial point at issue was the same in 
 all. English-speaking people, wherever placed, will 
 invariably struggle for the right of self-government. 
 The people of England were the very first who 
 insisted upon popular representation and continued 
 the struggle for several centuries, until the power 
 of the House of Commons ultimately overshadowed 
 the power of both the Crown and the Lords. At 
 the time of which we speak Great Britain enjoyed 
 the full privileges of responsible government. No 
 administration could exist for a moment which did 
 not command the support of the House of Com- 
 mons, and the power of the Crown was limited by 
 checks and guards which the constitutional privileges 
 of the Commons had securely grasped. The sove- 
 reign could spend no money until it had been voted 
 by the Commons ; he could carry on no war until 
 the means for sustaining such war had been voted 
 by the Commons ; his advisers must always be men 
 who had the confidence of the people as represented 
 in the Commons. As all these various provinces 
 adhered to Great Britain, and as a considerable 
 portion of the population were the descendants of 
 16 
 
UNSATISFACTORY CONDITIONS 
 
 Loyalists who had sacrificed everything for British 
 connection, naturally these men looked to England 
 for models of government, and it was inevitable 
 that nothing would ultimately satisfy them but a 
 condition of responsibility to the people as full and 
 ample as that which prevailed in the motherland. 
 
 Such a condition did not prevail in any of the 
 British North American provinces in 1830. The 
 heutenant- governor, as has been seen, exercised 
 powers under commission far in excess of those 
 which any British sovereign would have dreamed 
 of assuming. The members of the executive council 
 were chosen at the will of the governor, and all the 
 important offices of the province were in the hands 
 of a few favourites, and, in the case of Nova Scotia, 
 mostly members of the Church of England. It did 
 not concern the members of the executive or such 
 officials as the provincial secretary, the attorney- 
 general, etc., whether the House of Assembly was 
 favourable to their policy or not. Their tenure was 
 the will of the Crown. If a vacancy in an important 
 office occurred, the strings were at once pulled at 
 Downing Street for appointment to the vacancy, 
 and this system of favouritism and lack of responsi- 
 bility to the popular will, not only prevailed in the 
 capital and in connection with the government, but 
 it existed in all the shire towns in respect to the 
 county offices, such as sheriffs, prothonotaries and 
 clerks of the Crown, customs officers, registrars 
 of deeds, etc. 
 
 17 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Previous to Howe’s advent to the political arena, 
 many men had arisen in the legislature who were 
 disposed to enlarge the powers of the House and 
 curtail the extraordinary powers of the governing 
 authorities. In Nova Scotia, one anomaly, especially 
 objectionable, existed. The executive and legislative 
 councils were identical, that is, the same men 
 who, in their capacity as a second chamber, passed 
 upon all laws, constituted the executive council to 
 execute them. In this council sat the chief justice, 
 the bishop, the collector of customs and other 
 officials. When acting as a legislative council, while 
 the legislature was in session, this body sat with 
 closed doors and its deliberations were as secret as 
 when acting in its capacity as an executive council. 
 Such men as S. G. W. Archibald, Alexander 
 Stewart, Beamish Murdoch, Jotham Blanchard and 
 others had already begun to assert the powers and 
 privileges of the House of Assembly, and by a free 
 criticism of the existing conditions had frequently 
 come into conflict with the “Council of Twelve,” 
 as the legislative and executive council was then 
 called, (owing to the fact that is was composed 
 of twelve members). Through the influence and 
 agency of these men, a large proportion of the 
 population of the various counties had become 
 imbued, with liberal principles ; but these lead- 
 ing reformers had always been careful to avoid 
 any deflnite or far-reaching measures which would 
 bring them into direct conflict with the governor and 
 18 
 
ADVANCING LIBERALISM 
 
 the influential men who surrounded him. At that 
 time government house was the social centre of 
 the city and no man who aspired to occupy an 
 important place in the affairs of the province cared 
 to risk exclusion from the governor’s dinner table. 
 The consequence was, that, notwithstanding the 
 existence of a Liberal party contending for the 
 rights of the people in the House of Assembly, 
 nothing definite in the way of sweeping away exist- 
 ing abuses or of introducing a system of executive 
 responsibility had been yet accomplished. 
 
 Mr. Howe as early as 1830 began in his news- 
 paper to take an active part in the discussion of 
 political matters, at first with considerable prudence 
 and impartiality, but by degrees he became imbued 
 with Liberal principles, and the columns of the 
 Nova Scotian for the next five years exhibited 
 a steady advancement on the part of Howe in the 
 direction of ultra reform principles. In 1830 a 
 general election took place, and Howe took an 
 active part in supporting candidates of the popular 
 party in this election. The composition of the as- 
 sembly returned was decidedly favourable to those 
 who were struggling for a system of popular gov- 
 ernment, but, during the five or six years that this 
 legislature continued, nothing substantial was ac- 
 complished, and all the efforts of the so-called 
 reformers ended in failure. They were, as a matter 
 of fact, constantly overawed and baffled by the 
 council of twelve. Howe, during this period began 
 
 19 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 to write boldly in support of reform measures, and 
 not only gave offence to the government by his 
 attitude, but also drew upon his head the enmity of 
 the Liberal members by stoutly demanding that 
 they go forward and do the work for which they 
 were elected. 
 
 In 1835 fate presented a great opportunity to 
 Howe. At this time the city of Halifax had no 
 charter and was governed as a part of the county of 
 Hahfax by a bench of magistrates appointed by the 
 governor, and in no sense responsible to the people. 
 The general 'belief then prevailing was that this 
 bench of magistrates had become negligent and 
 corrupt in the administration of the affairs of the 
 city, and Howe was quite free with his criticisms of 
 this body from time to time. At last he pubhshed 
 a letter signed “The People,” arraigning the magis- 
 tracy of Halifax in scathing terms. The writer 
 declared that he ventured to affirm, without the 
 possibility of being contradicted by proof, that the 
 magistracy had by one stratagem or another taken 
 from the pockets of the people in fines, exactions, 
 etc., amounts in the aggregate that would exceed 
 £30,000. “Could it not be proved,” he said, “and is 
 it not notorious that one of the present active mag- 
 istrates has contrived for years to filch from one 
 establishment, and that dedicated to the poor and 
 destitute, at least £300 per annum ? ” He further 
 declared that from the pockets of the poor and 
 distressed at least £1,000 was drawn annually and 
 20 
 
PROSECUTION FOR LIBEL 
 
 pocketed by men whose services the country might 
 well spare. 
 
 The result of the publication of this letter was 
 startling. The magistrates of Halifax, a powerful 
 body, tendered their resignation, and they also 
 demanded the prosecution of Howe for libel. The 
 attorney-general submitted an indictment for cri- 
 minal hbel to the grand jury of the county, and 
 a true bill was found. The magistrates beheved, 
 undoubtedly, at this moment that Howe, whose 
 newspaper was becoming very troublesome to the 
 governing class, was about to be destroyed. It was 
 known that he was without means and that the 
 entire influential class was hostile. He would be 
 tried by a chief justice appointed by the governor, 
 and a member of the council of twelve. He would 
 be prosecuted by an attorney-general identifled 
 with the government and interested in maintaining 
 the privileges of the chosen few. Once convicted 
 and sentenced to imprisonment, as they hoped, his 
 paper would be destroyed, he himself discredited 
 and ruined, and a blow thereby struck which would 
 have its due moral effect upon any other incipient 
 reformer who might essay to follow in his footsteps. 
 
 Howe’s conduct in respect to this libel suit 
 marks in a striking manner the moral fibre of 
 the man. He has furnished an account of his 
 course when confronted with the indictment. This 
 is probably the most authoritative statement of 
 the matter: — “I went to two or three lawyers in 
 
 21 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 succession, and showed them the attorney-general’s 
 notice of trial, and asked them if the case could be 
 successfully defended. The answer was ‘ No. There 
 was no doubt that the letter was a hbel. That I 
 must make my peace or submit to fine and im- 
 prisonment.’ I asked them to lend me their books, 
 gathered an armful, threw myself on a sofa and read 
 libel law for a week. By that time I had convinced 
 myself that they were wrong and that there was a 
 good defence, if the case were properly presented to 
 the court and jury. Another week was spent in 
 selecting and arranging the facts and public docu- 
 ments on which I relied. I did not get through 
 before a late hour of the evening before the triali 
 having only had time to write out and commit 
 to memory the two opening paragraphs of the 
 speech. All the rest was to be improvised as I went 
 along. I was very tired but took a walk with Mrs. 
 Howe, telling her as we strolled to Fort Massey, 
 that if I could only get out of my head what I had 
 got into it, the magistrates could not get a verdict. 
 I was hopeful of the case, but fearful of breaking 
 doAvn, from the novelty of the situation and from 
 want of practice. I slept soundly and went at it in 
 the morning, still harassed with doubts and fears, 
 which passed off, however, as I became conscious 
 that I was commanding the attention of the court 
 and jury. I was much cheered when I saw the tears 
 rolhng down one old gentleman’s cheek. I thought 
 he would not convict me if he could help it. I 
 22 
 
A BOLD RESOLVE 
 
 scarcely expected a unanimous verdict, as two or 
 three of the jurors were connections, more or less 
 remote, of some of the justices, but thought they 
 would not agree. The lawyers were all very civil, 
 but laughed at me a good deal, quoting the old 
 maxim that ‘ he who pleads his own case has a fool 
 for a client.’ But the laugh was against them when 
 all was over.” 
 
 Up to this period, although for seven years 
 actively engaged in newspaper work, there is no 
 record that Howe had ever undertaken to deliver a 
 speech in public, and yet, rejecting the advice of the 
 lawyers, he was proposing to face a court politically 
 hostile, the attorney-general and associate counsel, 
 and boldly make his own defence in a criminal 
 action, in which under the rules of law, he would be 
 precluded from offering evidence in support of the 
 truth of the statements in the libel. The difference 
 between a great man and an ordinary commonplace 
 man is usually manifested by one or two striking 
 incidents. The ordinary man, in Howe’s situation, 
 would have made his peace with the magistrates. A 
 careful apology would have been drawn up and 
 published in the Nova Scotian, the proceedings 
 withdrawn, and the abuse not only continued but 
 fortified by this token of cowardly surrender. The 
 great man, the heaven-inspired hero, is he who 
 is able to brush aside all considerations of expedi- 
 ency, all timorous opportunism, and recognizing 
 the moral principles involved in the issue, boldly 
 
 23 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 dares to put everything at stake and challenge fate. 
 Such a man was Joseph Howe, and in the splendid 
 heroism which characterized his action in 1835 we 
 have the key to the qualities and character of one 
 of the greatest men British America has yet given 
 to the world. 
 
 The day of trial came. Sir Brenton Halliburton, 
 the chief justice, presided, Mr. S. G. W. Archibald, 
 the attorney-general, prosecuted, and with him was 
 associated Mr. James F. Gray, a well known advo- 
 cate. A jury was sworn, and Mr. Gray opened the 
 case for the Crown. At the conclusion of the opening 
 address Mr. Hugh Blackader was called to prove 
 publication, but did not appear, because, being 
 in warm sympathy with Mr. Howe, he refused to 
 attend. Steps were about to be taken to issue a 
 warrant for his arrest. Not to be excelled in gener- 
 osity, Howe arose promptly and admitted that 
 he was the proprietor of the Nova Scotian, and that 
 the article had appeared in that paper on January 
 1st, with his knowledge. The Crown’s case being 
 thus admitted, Howe rose to speak in his own 
 defence. That speech has been preserved and can 
 be found in the “Speeches and Public Letters.” It 
 was delivered by a layman, unused to courts, and at 
 that time unused to public speaking. Many of the 
 topics dwelt upon in his speech were local in their 
 character and are of no permanent interest to the 
 world, but nevertheless, it is scarcely going too far 
 to say that the whole history of forensic eloquence 
 24 
 
THE ADDRESS 
 
 in British jurisprudence has rarely furnished a more 
 magnificent address to a jury than Mr. Howe’s, and 
 certain passages of it will not suffer when placed 
 side by side with the great forensic orations of 
 Burke, Sheridan, Erskine and Webster. 
 
 One would have expected some timidity from a 
 man situated as Howe was, but he had scarcely 
 proceeded ten minutes before he assumed a bold 
 and aggressive tone, and this he maintained to the 
 end. He commented very early upon the fact that 
 instead of taking proceedings against him civilly for 
 hbel, in which case he would have been able to 
 furnish proof of the statements, they had chosen to 
 proceed criminally, by which method all enquiry as 
 to the truth or falsity of the libel was precluded, 
 and only his motive in publishing it could be 
 judicially enquired into. “Why,” he demands, “if 
 they were anxious to vindicate their innocence, did 
 they not take their proceedings in a form in which 
 the truth or falsity of the statements made could 
 have been amply enquired into?” And then he 
 answers the question in these terms: — 
 
 “Gentlemen, they dared not do it. Yes, my 
 Lords, I tell them in your presence and in the 
 presence of the community whose confidence they 
 have abused, that they dared not do it. They knew 
 that ‘ discretion was the better part of valour,’ and 
 that it might be safer to attempt to punish me than 
 to justify themselves. There is a certain part of 
 a ship through which when a seaman crawls, he 
 
 25 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 subjects himself to the derision of the deck, because 
 it is taken as an admission of cowardice and incom- 
 petence ; and had not these jobbing justices crawled 
 in here through this legal lubber-hole of indict- 
 ment, I would have sent them out of court in a 
 worse condition than Falstaff’s ragged regiment — 
 they would not have dared to march, even through 
 Coventry, in a body.” 
 
 It is difficult to avoid the temptation of quoting 
 many passages from this remarkable speech, but, as 
 it occupied six and one-quarter hours in delivery 
 and covers many pages, this is impossible. A para- 
 graph or two of the peroration may be fittingly 
 inserted, which cannot fail to impress any one 
 possessed of a shadow of sentiment or imagin- 
 ation with the wonderful power of this young 
 man. 
 
 “Will you, my countrymen, the descendants of 
 these men ; warmed by their blood ; inheriting their 
 language ; and having the principles for which they 
 struggled confided to your care, allow them to be 
 , violated in your hands ? Will you permit the sacred 
 fire of liberty, brought by your fathers from the 
 venerable temples of Britain, to be quenched and 
 trodden out on the simple altars they have raised ? 
 Your verdict will be the most important, in its con- 
 sequences, ever delivered before this tribunal ; and 
 I conjure you to judge me by the principles of 
 English law, and to leave an unshackled press as a 
 legacy to your children. You remember the press 
 26 
 
INDEPENDENCE OF THE PRESS 
 
 in your hours of conviviality and mirth — oh! do not 
 desert it in this its day of trial. 
 
 “If for a moment I could fancy that your verdict 
 would stain me with crime, cramp my resources by 
 fines, and cast my body into prison, even then I 
 would endeavour to seek elsewhere for consolation 
 and support. Even then I would not desert my 
 principles, nor abandon the path that the generous 
 impulses of youth selected, and which my riper 
 judgment sanctions and approves. I would toil on, 
 and hope for better times — till the principles of 
 British liberty and British law had become more 
 generally diffused, and had forced their way into 
 the hearts of my countrymen. In the meantime I 
 would endeavour to guard their interests — to pro- 
 tect their liberties ; and, while Providence lent me 
 health and strength, the independence of the press 
 should never be violated in my hands. Nor is there 
 a living thing beneath my roof that would not aid 
 me in this struggle ; the wife who sits by my fire- 
 side, the children who play around my hearth ; the 
 orphan boys in my office, whom it is my pride and 
 pleasure to instruct from day to day in the obliga- 
 tions they owe to their profession and their country, 
 would never suffer the press to be wounded through 
 my side. We would wear the coarsest raiment ; we 
 would eat the poorest food ; and crawl at night into 
 the veriest hovel in the land to rest our weary 
 limbs, but cheerful and undaunted hearts ; and 
 these jobbing justices should feel, that one frugal 
 
 27 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and united family could withstand their persecution, 
 defy their power, and maintain the freedom of the 
 press. Yes, gentlemen, come what will, while I live. 
 Nova Scotia shall have the blessing of an open and 
 unshackled press.” 
 
 He was replied to by the attorney-general, and 
 the jury was charged by the chief justice, whose 
 instructions to the jury were decidedly unfavour- 
 able to the defendant. In summing up he said : — 
 “In my opinion, the paper charged is a libel, and 
 your duty is to state by your verdict that it is 
 libellous.” 
 
 It is needless to say that the court-house 
 was thronged from beginning to end of the trial, 
 which occupied two days. After the judge’s charge 
 the jury retired, but they only deliberated ten 
 minutes. When they filed into the box and pro- 
 nounced their verdict — “ Not guilty,” the immense 
 crowd in and out of the court-house burst into 
 vociferous cheers. On leaving the court-house, Howe 
 was borne to his home upon the shoulders of the 
 populace. Bands paraded the streets all night, and 
 Howe was compelled during the course of the 
 evening to address the crowd from the windows of 
 his house. He besought them to keep the peace, to 
 enjoy the triumph in social intercourse round their 
 own firesides, and to teach their children the names 
 of the twelve men who had established the freedom 
 of the press. Shortly afterwards a number of Nova 
 Scotians residing in the city of New York raised a 
 28 
 
ELECTED TO THE HOUSE 
 
 subscription and purchased a solid silver pitcher, 
 bearing this inscription : — “ Presented to Joseph 
 Howe, Esq., by Nova Scotians resident of New 
 York, as a testimony of their respect and admira- 
 tion for his honest independence in publicly expos- 
 ing fraud, improving the morals, and correcting the 
 errors of men in office, and his eloquent and 
 triumphant defence in support of the freedom of 
 the press. City of New York, 1835.” 
 
 This was forwarded to Halifax and presented to 
 Mr. Howe publicly by a committee of leading 
 citizens, and accepted by him in a graceful and 
 modest speech. 
 
 This prosecution for libel, by one sudden bound, 
 placed Howe in a most conspicuous place in the 
 eyes of his fellow-countrymen. Early in the next 
 year, 1836, the House of Assembly was dissolved 
 and Howe and William Annand were chosen as 
 the Liberal candidates for the metropolitan county 
 of Halifax. Thus began the intimate friendship 
 between these two men, which lasted without inter- 
 ruption until they separated, in 1869, upon the 
 Repeal question. Both Howe and Annand were 
 elected by large majorities. In his speeches on the 
 hustings prior to this election, Mr. Howe laid down 
 clearly the principles of government which he was 
 seeking to establish in Nova Scotia. These may be 
 epitomized in the following extract from one of his 
 speeches ; — 
 
 “ In England, one vote of the people’s representa- 
 
 29 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 lives turns out a ministry, and a new one comes in, 
 which is compelled to shape its policy by the views 
 and wishes of the majority ; here we may record 
 five hundred votes against our ministry, and yet 
 they sit unmoved, reproducing themselves from 
 their own friends and connections, and from a 
 narrow party in the country, who, though opposed 
 to the people, have a monopoly of influence and 
 patronage. In England the people can breathe the 
 breath of life into their government whenever they 
 please; in this country, the government is like an 
 ancient Egyptian mummy wrapped up in narrow 
 and antique prejudices — dead and inanimate, but 
 yet likely to last forever. We are desirous of a 
 change, not such as shall divide us from our breth- 
 ren across the water, but which will ensure to us 
 what they enjoy. All we ask is for what exists at 
 home — a system of responsibility to the people 
 extending through all the departments supported 
 at the public expense.” 
 
 Thus, at length, Howe has achieved a seat in the 
 assembly of his native province. The situation at 
 that moment demanded high service if the en- 
 trenched system of irresponsibility and favouritism 
 was to be swept away, and a form of responsible 
 government established. The task must fall upon 
 the shoulders of a man especially fitted for this 
 work. No man had up to this time appeared upon 
 the scene who had given evidence of the qualities 
 necessary to achieve this great purpose, and it must 
 30 
 
HOWE’S QUALITIES 
 
 be understood that the process by which responsible 
 government could be extorted from the imperial 
 authorities and made applicable to one province 
 would be available for all the other British Ameri- 
 can provinces, and, indeed, would constitute a 
 model for colonial government throughout the 
 empire. It may be fitting for a moment to examine 
 Howe’s endowments for the great task which was 
 now before him. 
 
 Howe had a splendid physique and an excellent 
 physical constitution. His height was a little above 
 the medium, with broad shoulders, well expanded 
 chest, and a neat, well-formed figure with tapering 
 limbs. He was reputed at the time to possess great 
 physical strength and power. While lacking a schol- 
 astic education, he had, nevertheless, the advantages 
 of a thorough training in journalism and had im- 
 proved his mind by a wide range of reading of the 
 best authors. Shakespeare seems to have been his 
 favourite, and he was intimately familiar with his 
 plays. His temperament was buoyant, and he may 
 be characterized as a splendid optimist. He was 
 eminently social and brimful of humour, which 
 bubbled forth from hour to hour in his daily inter- 
 course with his fellow-men. His mental powers 
 were of the highest order; his mind was incapable of 
 narrow views, and he looked at all questions from 
 the broadest prospective. He had acquired a match- 
 less style in writing, easy, natural, terse, luminous 
 and spiced with an unfailing touch of human nature 
 
 31 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and graceful humour. Previous to his great speech 
 at his trial for libel, he was not knovm to possess 
 any special talent as a public speaker. That occa- 
 sion revealed remarkable powers of eloquence, and 
 from the time he entered parliament to the end 
 of his career he enjoyed without diminution the 
 reputation of being one of the greatest orators 
 of his day and generation. His style of public 
 speaking differed totally from that of other great 
 men in British America with whom he may be 
 contrasted. These brought information and sound 
 reasoning to their public utterances, but, while 
 Howe was surpassed by none in the range of his 
 knowledge on great questions which he discussed, 
 and had extraordinary powers of lucidity in unfold- 
 ing his views and presenting his ideas in a plausible 
 and taking manner, he differed from all his com- 
 peers in the wealth of imagination which he could 
 throw upon any subject with which he was dealing, 
 the dehghtful humour, and, above all, the subtle 
 and irresistible personal magnetism which marked 
 all his great public utterances. These are rare 
 endowments, but they do not constitute the su- 
 preme test of Howes fitness for the great work 
 before him. Intellectual endowments and capaeity 
 to speak and write effectively are important quah- 
 ties for a public man and political leader, but, be- 
 yond these, great occasions require moral stamina, 
 dauntless courage, and these constitute Howe’s 
 crowning glory. His father’s instincts were Tory, 
 32 
 
MORAL HEROISM 
 
 his three elder brothers were distinctly in sympathy 
 with the dominant Tory views of the day. All the 
 influential agencies surrounding the capital and the 
 outlying county towns were hostile to any radical 
 change in the existing condition of affairs, and these 
 elements formed a strongly entrenched power which 
 it was difficult to resist and dangerous to attack. 
 Howe, as has been said, was of an eminently social 
 disposition and no one was better fitted to shine in 
 society. To attack existing powers meant social ostra- 
 cism, a penalty from which most men would shrink 
 with dismay. It also meant that upon his head would 
 fall all the thunder-bolts of ridicule and contempt 
 which entrenched power can fulminate. Those who 
 had been professedly fighting the battles in the 
 assembly were not devoid of intellectual strength 
 and of parliamentary eloquence and power, but 
 they lacked the moral heroism which could chal- 
 lenge the worst and bring matters to a crisis. Such 
 a man was Joseph Howe, and the events will pre- 
 sently show that he was one of those heroes so 
 graphically portrayed in Carlyle, as now and then 
 vouchsafed by Providence to mankind to straighten 
 out the tangles which injustice and incompetency 
 have created, and to introduce a new epoch into the 
 conditions of human affairs. The history of the 
 world is the biography of its great men. Howe was 
 distinctly a maker of history. 
 
 33 
 
t. 
 
 f 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT 
 
 T he general elections had been held in 1836 
 and the new parliament was called together 
 early in 1837. The House of Assembly contained 
 many men of experience and eminence. Mr. S. G. 
 W. Archibald had for some time been a leader of 
 the popular party and was a man of education and 
 ability. Mr. Alexander Stewart, who had been 
 associated with those fighting the battle of the 
 assembly, was also an eminent lawyer and a man 
 who has attained a recognized position in the his- 
 tory of the province. Mr. John Young (father of 
 Sir William) was also a member of the assembly 
 and a man of large and progressive views. Mr. 
 Lawrence O’Connor Doyle was a man of the most 
 delightful character, whom Mr. Howe — not a poor 
 judge of such matters — regarded as the wittiest 
 man he had ever met, and whose political career 
 was only marred by his excessive indulgence in 
 conviviality. Mr. James Boyle Uniacke was also 
 in this legislature, and might be regarded, perhaps, 
 as the leader and spokesman of the Tory party. 
 Howe was thirty-two years of age, he was taking 
 his seat in the legislature for the first time, and the 
 task before him was, not only to confront those in 
 
 35 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 this assembly who were unfavourable to a change 
 in the constitution of the country, but to grapple 
 also with those timid and conciliatory Liberal mem- 
 bers, who were necessarily alarmed at the direct, 
 uncompromising and bold manner in which the 
 young member seemed determined to challenge 
 existing conditions. 
 
 On the first day this new parliament met, Howe 
 was upon his feet with a resolution which indicated 
 the temper of his mind and the line of action which 
 might be expected from him. It was in connection 
 with the appointment of a chaplain. Although at 
 that time the population of Nova Scotia was over 
 150 , 000 , and the Church of England numbered less 
 than 30 , 000 , that body had nearly a monopoly of 
 all the public offices, and of positions with emolu- 
 ments attached. The council of twelve was com- 
 posed of eight Episcopalians, three Presbyterians 
 and one Catholic, and from time immemorial the 
 chaplain of both Houses was chosen, as a matter of 
 course, from the Episcopalian clergy. Howe’s first 
 resolution, when the appointment of a chaplain had 
 been moved, was to this effect : — 
 
 “Resolved, That, representing the whole province, 
 peopled by various denominations of Christians, this 
 House recognizes no religious distinctions, and is 
 bound to extend not only equal justice, but equal 
 courtesy to all.” 
 
 The first and pressing question which agitated 
 the assembly was the constitution of the legislative 
 36 
 
EXCLUSION OF THE PUBLIC 
 
 council. On the opening day, after the routine 
 business had been disposed of, Mr. Doyle moved 
 and Mr. Howe seconded the following resolutions : — 
 
 “Resolved, That the practice hitherto pursued by 
 His Majesty’s legislative council in this Province, 
 of excluding the people from their deliberations, is 
 not only at variance with that of the House of 
 Lords in England, and that of several of the legis- 
 lative councils in the other British North American 
 colonies, but contrary to the spirit of the British 
 constitution, and injurious to the interests and 
 liberties of this country. 
 
 “ Resolved, That while this House has no desire 
 to deny to the upper branch of the legislature 
 the right enjoyed by the representatives of the 
 people, and sanctioned by public opinion, of closing 
 their doors during the discussion of questions of 
 order and privilege, and on particular occasions, 
 when the public interest iliay require secret de- 
 liberation, yet they should fail in their duty if 
 they did not express to His Majesty’s council the 
 deliberate conviction of those they represent, that 
 the system of invariable exclusion, pursued for a 
 series of years, and still pertinaciously continued, is 
 fraught with much evil, and has a tendency to 
 foster suspicion and distrust. 
 
 “ Resolved, That this House is prepared to pro- 
 vide the expenses which may be incurred for the 
 accommodation of the public in the legislative 
 council chamber. 
 
 37 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 “Resolved, That the clerk do carry these reso- 
 lutions to the council, and request their concur- 
 rence.” 
 
 In support of these resolutions Howe made his 
 maiden speech. With slight amendments these reso- 
 lutions were adopted by the House unanimously. 
 
 It was clear after the election that the popular 
 party had obtained a commanding position in the 
 new assembly, and it was not considered judicious 
 by those who were really in sympathy with the 
 oligarchy to make a stand upon this question, be- 
 cause public opinion throughout the province was 
 distinctly opposed to the existing position of the 
 legislative council, especially in its dual character as 
 the executive, and to the holding of its legislative 
 deliberations behind closed doors. 
 
 To these resolutions the council on February 
 4th, forwarded to the House a reply, in which 
 it was set forth that His Majesty’s council denied 
 the right of the House to comment on its mode of 
 procedure; whether their deliberations were open or 
 secret w^as their concern and theirs only. 
 
 This message was received by the popular party 
 in the House T^dth just indignation and considerable 
 anxiety, while of course it was the occasion of mirth 
 and exultation in Tory circles. It was felt on all 
 sides that it was necessary to deal with the matter 
 in some form. Mr. John Young, who was recognized 
 as a consistent and sturdy IJberal, proposed a series 
 of conciliatory resolutions in the hope of inducing 
 38 
 
BOLD RESOLUTIONS 
 
 the council to recede from its haughty position. Mr. 
 Howe saw clearly that the adoption of these tame 
 expressions of opinion would be simply dallying with 
 the question and pursuing the innocuous and futile 
 policy which had characterized the Reform party in 
 the previous parliament. He accordingly conceived 
 the idea that no course was left to him but boldly 
 to propose a series of resolutions in amendment to 
 those of Mr. Young, couched in terms so clear and 
 so emphatic as to make a clean cut issue with 
 the council, and carry the matter, if need be, to the 
 imperial authorities. It is not difficult to see that 
 this was a bold course for a young man, who 
 had scarcely been a fortnight in the legislature, 
 to take; and the boldness of his action is empha- 
 sized by the fact that it could not fail to bring 
 down upon him the displeasure of the recognized 
 leaders of his party. 
 
 In presenting these resolutions Howe made a 
 speech of great length. Impressed with the serious- 
 ness of the position he was taking, he says in the 
 course of his splendid speech : — 
 
 “ It is one which I should not have assumed, did 
 I not deeply feel that it involves the peace and 
 freedom of Nova Scotia; and although, when ap- 
 plied to her alone, these principles may appear 
 of little importance, when I take a broader view — 
 when my eye ranges over our vast colonial posses- 
 sions — when I see countries stretching through 
 every clime, and embracing many millions of people 
 
 39 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 more thari the islands to which they belong, and 
 when I reflect that upon a right understanding 
 of these principles, a fair adjustment of these insti- 
 tutions, depends the security and peace of these 
 millions of human beings, my mind warms with the 
 subject, and expands with the magnitude of the 
 theme. Sir, I ask for nothing but justice and re- 
 sponsibility, sanctioned by the spirit and forms 
 of the British constitution. The idea of republican- 
 ism, of independence, of severance from the mother 
 country, never crossed my mind. Centuries hence, 
 perhaps, when nations exist where now but a few 
 thousands are thinly scattered, these colonies may 
 become independent states. But it will not be in 
 my time ; and when it arrives, if it be permitted to 
 us to look down from the other world upon the 
 destinies of our country, I trust hers may be one of 
 freedom and of peace. But, as there is now no 
 occasion, so have I no wish for republican insti- 
 tutions, no desire to desert the mighty mother for 
 the great daughter who has sprung from her loins. 
 I wish to live and die a British subject, but not 
 a Briton only in the name. Give me — give to 
 my country the blessed privilege of her constitution 
 and her laws; and as our earliest thoughts are 
 trained to reverence the great principles of freedom 
 and responsibility, which have made her the wonder 
 of the world, let us be contented with nothing less. 
 Englishmen at home will despise us, if we forget 
 the lessons our common ancestors have bequeathed.” 
 40 
 
DEBATE ON THE RESOLUTIONS 
 
 A protracted and somewhat fierce debate fol- 
 lowed. Mr. Alexander Stewart, one of the popular 
 leaders, became alarmed, and straightway went 
 over to the government. Howe closed the debate 
 in another speech, concluding with these beautiful 
 and pregnant words : “ Sir, when I go to England, 
 when I realize that dream of my youth, if I can 
 help it, it shall not be with a budget of grievances 
 in my hand. I shall go to survey the home of my 
 fathers with the veneration it is calculated to in- 
 spire; to tread on those spots which the study of 
 her history has made classic ground to me ; where 
 Hampden and Sydney struggled for the freedom 
 she enjoys; where her orators and statesmen have 
 thundered in defence of the liberties of mankind. 
 And I trust in God that when that day comes, I 
 shall not be compelled to look back with sorrow 
 and degradation to the country I have left behind; 
 that I shall not be forced to confess that though 
 here the British name exists, and her language is 
 preserved, we have but a mockery of British insti- 
 tutions; that when I clasp the hand of an English- 
 man on the shores of my fatherland, he shall not 
 thrill with the conviction that his descendant is 
 httle better than a slave.” 
 
 These twelve resolutions proposed by Mr. Howe 
 are so vital to a proper conception of the question 
 of responsible government that they should be read 
 carefully in their entirety (see Appendix A.) In 
 spite of the opposition of the friends of the govern- 
 
 41 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 merit in the House and of the bitter hostility of 
 some of those who were formerly associated with 
 the Reform party, Howe succeeded, with some 
 slight amendments, in securing the passage of every 
 one of these twelve resolutions, some of them 
 by substantial majorities, and soon afterwards moved 
 for a committee to prepare an address to the Crown 
 embodying the resolutions. 
 
 Three days later there came a message from the 
 legislative council so pronounced and decisive in 
 its character as to create the greatest excitement 
 in pohtical circles. It vehemently resented the 
 manner in which the House had commented upon 
 the council and its conduct, and intimated in plain 
 terms that unless one obnoxious resolution was 
 rescinded it would inevitably result in the interrup- 
 tion of the public business. This meant, of course, 
 that they would refuse to pass the supply bill. It was 
 an heroic remedy which the council had previously 
 resorted to with impunity, since the Crown revenues 
 were ample for paying the salaries and carrying on 
 the functions of government, whereas the provin- 
 cial revenues were devoted to the road and bridge 
 service and other matters of importance in develop- 
 ing the interior of the country. If the monies were 
 not appropriated for these purposes, all these import- 
 ant services would have to remain unperformed, 
 which would be not only a serious thing for the 
 country, but would tend to compromise the mem- 
 ber with his constituents. 
 
 42 
 
A DISCONCERTING MESSAGE 
 
 The receipt of this message occasioned the greatest 
 possible anxiety to the popular party in the House. 
 To yield to the council in this point meant a per- 
 petuation of existing .abuses. Stoutly to maintain 
 their position on these pregnant resolutions meant 
 the loss of the revenue, and the absence of any 
 money to spend for the necessary development of a 
 young, scattered and growing province. Many wise- 
 acres shook their heads and said that Mr. Howe 
 had precipitated matters in a rash and hasty man- 
 ner and that the responsibility must fall upon his 
 head, and his enemies were disposed to think that 
 he had fallen into a fatal blunder, which would 
 injure his prestige and, perhaps, destroy his career. 
 
 The day on which the council’s message was to 
 come up for consideration, Howe was not at first in 
 his place, and no one knew what course he would 
 pursue ; and his attitude was of some importance, be- 
 cause, although he had only just taken his seat, in this 
 comparatively short time he had come to be looked 
 upon as a leader and guide in this great struggle for 
 popular rights. At last Howe walked into the 
 chamber, buoyant as ever, with that jaunty manner 
 and cheerful smiling face, which never failed, in the 
 long years in which he was associated with the 
 political struggles of his province, to give confidence 
 to his friends. At the proper time he arose and 
 announced his determination. He had anticipated, 
 he said, the action of the council, and was prepared 
 for it. The revenue should not be lost; the rcsolu- 
 
 43 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 tions had done their work; they had tested the 
 opinion of the House; they had gone, with the de- 
 bates upon them, to the country ; they would go to 
 England, and even if rescinded the very coercion 
 under which the act was done would illustrate the 
 overweening power of the upper branch and the 
 defective constitution of the country. He would 
 not rescind the single resolution complained of, but 
 would move to rescind the whole, and then ask for 
 a committee to prepare an address to the Crown 
 upon the state of the province. What that address 
 would contain was matter for after consideration, 
 when the revenue bills had been passed. 
 
 The resolutions were rescinded ; the revenue bills 
 were secured, and within a few days of the close of 
 the session an address to the Crown was reported 
 and passed, which embodied all the resolutions, 
 and elicited those important despatches from Lord 
 Glenelg, which were laid before the House the 
 next session and led to important results. It must 
 not be inferred that, jaunty as was his manner of 
 doing it, the rescinding of these resolutions occas- 
 ioned Mr. Howe no concern. We know from the 
 best sources of information that he wrestled anx- 
 iously all night with the vexatious problem, and 
 yielded to the painful necessity only after a pro- 
 longed struggle. 
 
 The adroit manner in which Howe had met 
 this serious situation enhanced his reputation, baf- 
 fled the confident anticipations of his enemies, and 
 44 
 
CONCESSIONS 
 
 gave added confidence to his friends. After the 
 revenue bills were passed, Howe moved his address 
 to the Crown, and carried it by a substantial 
 majority. This address, together with the counter 
 statement of the council of twelve, was forwarded 
 to the colonial office by Sir Colin Campbell, at that 
 time lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia. During 
 the recess, despatches were received from Lord 
 Glenelg, secretary of state for the colonies, which, 
 while not conceding the full measure of responsible 
 government for which Howe was resolutely con- 
 tending, went very far towards meeting the just 
 demands of the House of Assembly. In his despatch 
 to Sir Colin Campbell, Lord Glenelg instructed 
 him to substitute two councils for one, that is, a 
 legislative council was to be appointed for purposes 
 of legislation, and a second council was to be 
 appointed for the purposes of government. In form- 
 ing these councils the governor was instructed to 
 select men from all parts of the province and from 
 the various religious denominations. He concurred 
 in the proposition that the chief justice should be 
 excluded from both of these councils, and the 
 governor was recommended to call to his councils 
 those representative men of the House of Assem- 
 bly who enjoyed the confidence of the people’s 
 representatives; and the desire of the House of 
 Assembly to have the control of the casual and 
 territorial revenues was conceded upon the condi- 
 tion that the assembly should provide permanently 
 
 45 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 for the payment, according to a civil list submitted, 
 of the salaries of certain officials, such as the gover- 
 nor, provincial secretary, judges, attorney-general, 
 solicitor-general, etc. To illustrate the fact that the 
 colonial office was not yet prepared to concede the 
 principle of executive responsibility in colonial gov- 
 ernment, an extract from one of Lord Glenelg’s 
 despatches will suffice: — 
 
 “The language of the address would seem to 
 indicate an opinion, which is not yet distinctly pro- 
 pounded, that the assembly of Nova Scotia ought 
 to exercise over the public officers of that govern- 
 ment a control corresponding with that which is 
 exercised over the ministers of the Crown by the 
 House of Commons. To any such demand Her 
 Majesty’s government must oppose a respectful, 
 but, at the same time,' a firm declaration, that it is 
 inconsistent with a due adherence to the essential 
 distinctions between a metropolitan and a colonial 
 government, and is, therefore, inadmissible.” 
 
 Upon the receipt of these despatches. Sir Colin 
 Campbell and his advisers created two councils, 
 and forwarded the names for approval to the 
 colonial office. The legislative council consisted of 
 nineteen members, but it was composed, to a pre- 
 ponderating degree, of those favourable to the 
 governing party, and leading Reformers were care- 
 fully omitted. The executive council was also 
 formed very much upon the same lines, but with 
 some objectionable persons omitted. Four members 
 46 
 
A STEP BACKWARDS 
 
 of the executive were drawn from members of the 
 House of Assembly, but they were those in sym- 
 pathy with government house and officialdom, with 
 the exception of Mr. Herbert Huntington, who 
 was a sturdy advocate of reform and a supporter of 
 Mr. Howe. During the session of 1838, however, it 
 was announced that the legislative and executive, 
 so formed by Sir' Colin Campbell, had been dis- 
 solved, and new bodies created under instructions 
 of Lord Durham, the governor-general. According 
 to instructions from the colonial office, the number 
 of members of the executive was limited to nine, 
 and the legislative council to fifteen members. 
 When the new councillors were gazetted, it ap- 
 peared that Mr. Herbert Huntington, the only 
 Liberal on the executive, had been left out, and 
 the legislative council was composed almost exclu- 
 sively of men hostile to responsible government. 
 
 After these appointments had been gazetted, 
 Howe in his place in the assembly delivered an 
 important and able speech, in the course of which 
 he pointed out the numerous advances which had 
 been made already as the fruit of the efforts of the 
 assembly in the previous session, and indulged in a 
 tone of justifiable triumph concerning the great 
 concessions which had been freely made by the 
 imperial authorities. 
 
 Later in the session another address to the 
 Crown was proposed, expressing appreciation of the 
 gracious consideration which had been given to the 
 
 47 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 previous representations of the assembly, but point- 
 ing out among other things that in the formation 
 of the executive and legislative councils the senti- 
 ments and wishes of the people at large had been 
 ignored and that places in these councils had been 
 conferred upon those who did not command the 
 confidenee of the people, and urging other com- 
 plaints in respect of the existing system of govern- 
 ment. The answer to this despatch was laid upon 
 the table of the House in the session of 1839 and 
 was distinctly unfavourable. The offer of the casual 
 revenues was withdrawn, the councils as they stood 
 were sustained, the judges’ fees were abandoned, 
 but these officers were compensated out of the 
 public revenues. The request that all the outports 
 at which collectors were maintained should be open 
 was evaded, and five or six bills passed during the 
 previous session were disallowed. 
 
 The only course now, it was felt, was to send a 
 delegation representing the views of the majority 
 to England. The tone of the latest despatches 
 clearly indicated that both the governor and the 
 executive were unduly influencing the colonial 
 office. A series of resolutions was moved in the 
 House on the subject of the popular grievances, 
 concluding with one to the effect “that two mem- 
 bers possessing the confidence of the House be 
 appointed to proceed to England and represent to 
 Her Majesty’s government the views and wishes of 
 this House and the people of Nova Scotia on the 
 48 
 
THE REBELLION OF 1837 
 
 subjects embraced in the foregoing resolutions, and 
 such other matters as might be given to their 
 charge.” The debate upon these resolutions was a 
 fierce and protracted one. The lines between parties 
 were being formed. The members of the govern- 
 ment in the House, with Mr. J. B. Uniacke at their 
 head, were distinctly resisting, with the assent of 
 the governor, Howe’s plans for securing responsible 
 government and a recognition of the rights of the 
 people, while Howe had behind hirn a compact 
 majority of men who were determined to follow 
 him, without wavering, in the pursuit of the great 
 and important end he had in view. 
 
 At this particular juncture the popular party in 
 Nova Scotia was considerably hampered by the 
 reports of rebellion and bloodshed which came 
 from the upper provinces. The unwise insurrection 
 led by William Lyon Mackenzie and others in 
 Upper Canada, and the precipitate resort to arms 
 under the leadership of Papineau in Lower Canada 
 had a tendency to cast aspersion upon the popular 
 party in Nova Scotia. It was claimed that they 
 were making demands which would lead also to 
 sedition and rebellion. It is, perhaps, the greatest 
 tribute that can be paid to Howe’s sagacity as a 
 public man, that, though entirely new to the politi- 
 cal scene, and called upon to assume leadership at 
 the moment of his entering the assembly, and 
 resenting bitterly the denial of popular rights by 
 the governing bodies, he was never for a moment 
 
 49 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 betrayed into taking a step which was not strictly 
 constitutional and within his rights as a legislator 
 in a British colonial parhament. When the news 
 of the insurrection first reached Nova Scotia, Howe 
 was able to publish a very able letter addressed to 
 Mr. H, S. Chapman, a leader of the Lower Can- 
 adian extremists, who had written to Howe to 
 secure his cooperation in the Liberal movement 
 there. This letter was dated October, 1835, before 
 Howe had entered the legislature. In it he frankly 
 points out the apparent aim of the agitators in 
 Lower Canada^ — separation from Great Britain and 
 the establishment of republican institutions, and he 
 tells him plainly that no such idea animates the 
 Maritime reformers, who love British institutions 
 and intend to secure their full rights, by constitu- 
 tional means, within the empire. Such a statesman- 
 like exposition of the situation at so early a stage of 
 the struggle for self-government is a striking illus- 
 tration of the great mental endowments of Mr. 
 Howe, and his letter to Mr. Chapman, when 
 published, ehcited the highest encomiums of the 
 English press.^ 
 
 ^ At the time of the rebellion in Canada, a regiment of British 
 soldiers was sent from Halifax to uphold the imperial authority. A 
 meeting to raise funds to support the wives and children of the soldiers 
 was made the occasion of a loyal demonstration, and some of the Tory 
 officials were disposed to take advantage of the incident to hint in their 
 speeches at the dangers of agitation in this quarter. Mr. Howe was 
 promptly on his feet, and in a magnificent speech vindicated the loyalty 
 of himself and his associates, and completely captured the meeting. 
 
 50 
 
REFORM WITHOUT BLOODSHED 
 
 Mr. Howe had faith in British institutions, and 
 believed that, when the issues were thoroughly dis- 
 cussed and clearly understood, all that Reformers 
 were now struggling for could be accomplished 
 without compromising the loyalty of a single indi- 
 vidual or disturbing the peace of any province 
 or community. Indeed, it may be fairly claimed 
 that the principles laid down by Howe and his 
 broad, clear and statesmanlike representation of 
 the situation to the colonial secretary were the 
 means of securing an enlightened system of self- 
 government in all the rapidly growing colonies of 
 the British empire. The necessity of resorting to 
 rebellion in the Canadas in 1837 is an indictment 
 against the wisdom and judgment of the leaders of 
 the popular party, and it redounds to the eternal 
 glory of Joseph Howe that he achieved within the 
 compass of a few years everything the most ad- 
 vanced colonial statesman could desire by perfectly 
 constitutional means and without causing a single 
 drop of blood to be shed. 
 
 In the debate upon the proposition to send dele- 
 gates to England, Howe entirely vindicated him- 
 self and his party from any reflections that might 
 be cast upon them owing to the folly committed by 
 the extremists in the Canadas. The resolutions were 
 adopted by substantial majorities, and Mr. Herbert 
 Huntington and Mr. William Young, afterwards 
 Sir William Young, chief justice, were chosen as 
 delegates to proceed to England. Mr. Howe would 
 
 51 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 naturally have been selected owing to his leading 
 position in the popular party, but he thought it 
 would strengthen his position if he made it impos- 
 sible to have charged against him any interested 
 motive in his struggles. The legislative council 
 selected Messrs. Alexander Stewart and Lewis M. 
 Wilkins as delegates to represent that body and to 
 defend the old system in England. 
 
 A scene occurred in the House during this ses- 
 sion which redounds to its credit and especially to 
 the high and magnanimous character of Mr. Howe. 
 A controversy was going forward in respect to the 
 boundary between the province of New Brunswick 
 and the state of Maine. At last, in February 1839, 
 the governor of the state of Maine sent a message 
 to the senate and assembly of the state announcing 
 that he had ordered troops into the disputed terri- 
 tory. His action in this matter was approved by 
 both Houses and $800,000 was voted to pay the 
 expenses of this hostile invasion of what was recog- 
 nized then as a part of the province of New Bruns- 
 wick. When this high-handed procedure became 
 known in Halifax, although party feeling ran high, 
 all political differences were hushed in a moment 
 when the honour of the British flag was menaced. 
 The executive government was helpless so far as 
 the assembly was concerned, which was largely 
 hostile and under the control of Howe and his 
 associates, but Howe did not permit this to weigh. 
 He at once tendered to the government the united 
 52 
 
LORD JOHN RUSSELL’S MEASURE 
 
 support of himself and his followers in any measure 
 providing for the defence. A series of resolutions 
 was reported and carried unanimously, by which 
 the executive was authorized to call out the whole 
 militia of the province for the defence of New 
 Brunswick and to expend £100,000, if necessary, 
 in repelhng the invaders. When the resolutions 
 were passed, the whole House rose and gave three 
 cheers for the Queen, and three for the province of 
 New Brunswick. 
 
 It was at this time that Lord Durham’s famous re- 
 port was laid before parliament, and this elaborate and 
 now famous document gave great encouragement 
 and support to the popular party. Lord John Russell 
 had brought forward in the English parliament an 
 important measure for the settlement of Canadian 
 affairs. It was disappointing to colonial Reformers, 
 and especially coming from I^ord Russell, who had 
 achieved a just distinction for his breadth of view 
 and liberality of mind. He failed to foUow Lord 
 Durham’s report but elaborately argued that the 
 adoption of executive responsibiUty in the sense in 
 which it was understood in Great Britain was an 
 obvious impossibility. The act creating the union 
 of 1841 did not, therefore, in any way concede a 
 full measure of responsible government, although 
 this was ultimately achieved to the fullest extent 
 under the operations of the act itself. 
 
 Colonial Reformers in Nova Scotia were disposed 
 to become despondent and believe that there was 
 
 53 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 no expectation of obtaining a just consideration of 
 colonial claims to self-government from the im- 
 perial authorities. Howe remained sanguine. His 
 conviction was that Lord John Russell did not 
 understand the situation, and he undertook to bring 
 the whole question of colonial government before 
 him in a series of four letters, which may be read at 
 this date, more than sixty years after their publica- 
 tion, as a magnificent illustration of intellectual 
 capacity, breadth of view and vigorous composi- 
 tion unsurpassed in the whole volume of corres- 
 pondence that has passed for one hundred years 
 between the imperial government and the various 
 statesmen who have been reared in the empire. To 
 print them in full is impossible, and yet no enlight- 
 ened Canadian can afford to dispense with their 
 perusal. They are to be found in Vol. II. of Howe’s 
 “Speeches and Public Letters,” and they embody 
 in the clearest and most fascinating terms, and with 
 a brightness and raciness altogether unusual in 
 official correspondence, the whole case for self-gov- 
 ernment. They were printed in pamphlet form and 
 placed in the hands of every member of both 
 Houses of the imperial parliament, and widely 
 distributed in the clubs. Unquestionably, these 
 letters exercised a far-reaching influence on the 
 policy of Great Britain towards her rapidly develop- 
 ing colonial possessions. After they had been well- 
 considered and understood no further narrow enun- 
 ciations of policy are to be found in despatches from 
 54 
 
LETTERS TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL 
 
 the colonial office, and although in Nova Scotia the 
 struggle had to be maintained a few years longer, and 
 although in the Canadas, after the Act of Union, 
 owing to the narrow views and arbitrary conduct of 
 Sir Charles Metcalfe, full development of responsi- 
 ble government did not accrue until some years 
 later, yet the seeds of sound policy had been sown 
 and taken root, and thenceforth self-government 
 was regarded as not only wise and prudent, but 
 indeed the only condition upon which happiness, 
 contentment and prosperity could prevail in the 
 colonial empire. Splendid work Mr. Howe achieved 
 in the enfranchisement of his own province, but 
 when his claim to eminence is put forward, it will 
 rest not alone upon the fruits of his direct political 
 service in his own province but in the commanding 
 part he played in educating the imperial authorities 
 in true statesmanlike methods. If Howe were alive 
 to-day and with more than sixty years experience 
 in the development of colonial government in North 
 America there is scarce a line in the four great 
 letters to Lord John Russell that he would desire 
 to recall, and his friends and admirers can read 
 them at this day as the emanation of a splen- 
 did mind. Lord John (afterwards Earl) Russell 
 was a very distinguished British statesman and 
 afterwards prime minister, but his friends could 
 scarcely derive the same satisfaction from his ob- 
 servations on colonial executive responsibility. Lord 
 Russell lived to see colonial governors govern, 
 
 55 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 through their constitutional advisers, as fully and 
 absolutely as the sovereign at home; and in less 
 than a score of years after his famous pronuncia- 
 mento^ no British colony possessing responsible 
 government would have tolerated the idea that an 
 executive should hold office an hour after it had 
 ceased to possess the confidence of the people s 
 representatives. 
 
 Messrs. Young and Huntington went to Eng- 
 land, as did also Messrs. Stewart and Wilkins, and 
 at the next session of the legislature in 1839, they 
 reported to the respective bodies which had dele- 
 gated them. Nothing definite resulted from this 
 delegation. Messrs. Young and Huntington ob- 
 tained concessions in respect of the opening of 
 several ports of entry in the province ; some definite 
 concessions in respect of legislation ; but accom- 
 plished nothing in respect either of the composition 
 of the councils or in establishing the principle of 
 the responsibility of the executive to the popular 
 House. 
 
 It is, perhaps, desirable that a statement should 
 be made in respect to the actual methods of con- 
 ducting government in Nova Scotia at this time. 
 The executive council on being constituted in 1838 
 as a separate body from the legislative council, con- 
 sisted, first, of the Hon. T. N. Jeffrey, who was 
 Her Majesty’s collector of customs for Nova Scotia 
 at Halifax, and holding no seat in either branch of 
 the legislature. The Hon. Simon Bradstreet Robie, 
 56 
 
THE EXECUTIVE COUNCIL 
 
 who had had a seat upon the judiciary, which 
 he had vacated, was a member of the executive, 
 and also president of the legislative council. The 
 provincial secretary was a permanent official ap- 
 pointed by the Crown upon the recommendation of 
 the colonial secretary, and held a seat in the execu- 
 tive, but was not a member of either branch of the 
 legislature. His name was Sir Rupert D. George, and 
 although his was an important provincial depart- 
 ment, he was absolutely independent of the House 
 of Assembly, and indeed virtually independent of 
 the executive council to which he belonged. The at- 
 torney-general, Mr. S. G. W. Archibald, was not a 
 member of the executive council, but obtained his 
 appointment direct from the Crown through the 
 colonial secretary, and at the same time held the 
 position of speaker of the House of Assembly. The 
 solicitor-general was Mr. J. W. Johnston, who was 
 appointed to office in 1834, but held no seat in 
 either branch of the legislature, nor indeed was a 
 member of the executive. In 1838, when the two 
 separate councils were formed, Mr. Johnston was 
 made a member of both. Mr. James B. Uniacke 
 was a member of the executive without office, and 
 held a seat in the House of Assembly, and up 
 to 1840 may be regarded as the leader of the 
 government party in the popular branch, and there- 
 fore Howe’s chief antagonist for the first term 
 of his legislative life. It is proper to mention, how- 
 ever, that the strongest man in the executive 
 
 57 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 council, and the one who can be fairly regarded as 
 the leading figure of those opposed to responsible 
 government in Nova Scotia was the Hon. J. W. 
 Johnston, who, though born in the West Indies, 
 sprang from a distinguished ancestry, came to Nova 
 Scotia in his youth, settled at Annapolis, studied 
 law with Mr. Thomas Ritchie, afterwards Judge 
 Ritchie, and on being admitted to practice, first 
 opened an office in Kentville, but afterwards moved 
 to the capital, where he soon by his commanding 
 abilities secured a foremost position as an advocate. 
 His tastes and connections were all aristocratic, 
 though the temper of his mind was liberal, and 
 while his name is invariably associated with the 
 leadership of the Tory party, he was in reality less 
 disposed to thwart reform measures than many of 
 those associated with him. From the time he 
 entered the executive council in 1838, four years 
 after he had held the office of solicitor-general, he 
 was Sir Colin Campbells chief adviser and the 
 strongest man in his government, though then 
 occupying no place in the House of Assembly. 
 
 Afterwards we shall find Mr. Johnston developing 
 into a great figure in the political arena of the 
 province, and destined for many years to be Howe’s 
 most sturdy opponent. 
 
 Similar anomalies in connection with the ad- 
 ministration of government were to be found at this 
 time in all the provinces, and it is not an extraor- 
 dinary incident that the leading men of these 
 58 
 
HOWE’S OBJECTS 
 
 several provinces should have conceived it impos- 
 sible to have adopted in this country the same 
 principle of executive responsibility to the people 
 which had been then fully achieved in Great 
 Britain. It is seldom that a privileged class ever 
 conceives the wisdom of surrendering its privileges. 
 What Howe started out to achieve was simply this, 
 that all persons holding office and helping to carry 
 on the business of the country should be appointed 
 by an executive which had the confidence of a 
 majority of the members of the House of Assembly; 
 that no executive could hold office a day longer 
 than it could command the confidence of the 
 people s representatives, and that the governor 
 himself should be reduced to the position of a 
 respectable figurehead, acting according to the ad- 
 vice of ministers who were responsible for every act 
 done in his name and liable to be called to account 
 for it in the popular House. This was honestly 
 believed, by British ministers and by most of the 
 leading men of Nova Scotia at that time, to be 
 a piece of palpable absurdity, which could not 
 be practically worked. Mr. Howe was thoroughly 
 imbued with the idea that it not only could work, 
 but that nothing else would give satisfaction to the 
 people and lead to pleasant and harmonious re- 
 lations with the mother country. And here we see 
 the issue between the two parties, which was not 
 to be finally determined until 1847. 
 
 Meantime, considerable progress had been made 
 
 59 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 in the direction of reform. The old council of 
 twelve had been swept away ; a legislative council, 
 holding its deliberations with its galleries open 
 to the public, had been created, and an executive 
 council formed in which members of the House of 
 Assembly had obtained seats ; but no control over 
 the executive had been obtained by the House. 
 The revenue of the country had not yet been placed 
 fully at the disposal of the assembly, and the leading 
 officials of the province were, in the main, men who 
 in no sense commanded the confidence of the people’s 
 representatives. 
 
 In the autumn of 1839 Lord John Russell be- 
 came colonial secretary and he sent despatches 
 on the subject of the formation of colonial govern- 
 ments to the Canadian provinces, the most im- 
 portant feature of which was in relation to the 
 tenure of office of public officials in Canada. He 
 adverts to the fact that all the leading offices were 
 held by permanent tenure, the origin of which was 
 that these at first were appointed from persons resid- 
 ing in England, but as of late years the practice had 
 been introduced of preferring to places of trust 
 in the colonies persons resident there, this had taken 
 away the strongest motive which could be alleged 
 in favour of a practice to which there were many 
 objections of the greatest weight. The governors 
 were instructed to cause it to be made generally 
 known that thereafter the tenure of colonial office 
 held during Her Majesty’s pleasure, would not be 
 60 
 
LORD JOHN RUSSELL’S DESPATCHES 
 
 regarded as an equivalent to tenure under good 
 behaviour, but that sueh offieers should be called 
 upon to retire from the service as often as any suffi- 
 cient motives of public policy might suggest the 
 expediency of that measure. These remarks were 
 not to apply to judicial officers, nor to offices which 
 were altogether ministerial and which did not de- 
 volve upon the holders of them duties in the dis- 
 charge of which the character and policy of the 
 government were directly involved, but were in- 
 tended to apply to the heads of departments, and- 
 especially to such offices as that of provincial 
 secretary, treasurer or receiver-general, surveyor- 
 general, attorney and solicitor-general; and should 
 apply also to members of the executive council 
 in those provinces in which the legislative and 
 executive councils were distinct bodies. When these 
 despatches arrived late in 1839, Sir John Harvey, 
 the governor of New Brunswick, under date of 
 December 31st, issued a circular addressed to 
 the heads of the civil departments and members 
 of the executive council of New Brunswick, in 
 which he intimated to them his intention of carrying 
 on the government of that province upon the lines 
 laid down in Lord John Russell’s despatch. This at 
 once gave complete satisfaction to the people of 
 New Brunswick, and practically ended, so far as 
 that province was concerned, any acute contest in 
 relation to responsible government, although, it 
 must be added, it was not until a later date that the 
 
 61 
 

 JOSEPH HOWE ■ 
 
 full and complete recognition of responsible party « 
 
 government was in effective operation in that || 
 
 province. M 
 
 In Nova Scotia, Sir Colin Campbell, acting J 
 
 partly upon his own views, and supported, no S 
 
 doubt, by most of those in his council, adopted an M 
 
 entirely different course. His council was composed jm 
 
 almost entirely of men not possessing the confi- 1 
 
 dence of the assembly, and no prominent member g 
 
 of the popular party could look forward, under || 
 
 existing conditions, to any reasonable expectation m 
 
 of filling a responsible or honourable position in the 1 
 
 government of the country. In the session of 1840, f 
 
 finding that Sir Colin Campbell would take no 
 step towards giving effect to Lord John Russell’s 
 despatches, Mr. Howe gave notice of a series of ® 
 
 resolutions reciting the existing conditions, and j 
 
 concluding as follows: “Resolved, that the House i 
 
 of Assembly, after mature and calm deliberation, ( 
 
 weary of seeing the revenues of the country and ^ 
 
 the time of its representatives wasted, and the 
 people of Nova Scotia misrepresented to the sove- 
 reign, the gracious boons of the sovereign marred 
 in their transmission to the people, do now solemnly 
 declare that the executive council, as at present 
 constituted, does not enjoy the confidence of the 
 Commons.” 
 
 Howe introduced this resolution in a speech of 
 great length and power. Perhaps its greatest merit 
 was in its extreme moderation, and the exhaustive - 
 
 62 
 
WANT OF CONFIDENCE 
 
 manner in which he set forth point by point the 
 actual prevailing conditions. This speech made a 
 great impression, not only upon Mr. Howes friends 
 in the House, but upon the members of the execu- 
 tive who sat in the House, and it was not less 
 far-reaching in its effect upon the people generally 
 throughout the province. This resolution of want 
 of confidence was passed by a large majority in the 
 House, and it is a notable fact that the Hon. Mr. 
 Uniacke, the leader of the government in the 
 House, withdrew from the division, and it became 
 an open secret that he was leaning towards Howes 
 views. After the adoption of these resolutions, the 
 House waited upon the governor in a body and 
 presented them. The governor’s reply was evasive 
 and altogether unsatisfactory. He declared that he 
 had no reason to believe that any alteration had 
 taken place on the part of Her Majesty’s govern- 
 ment in respect to the methods of conducting 
 colonial government, and he declared that justice 
 to his executive council compelled him to say that 
 he had every reason to be satisfied with the advice 
 and assistance which they had at all times afforded. 
 When the House returned to its own chamber, Mr. 
 Uniacke arose and stated that being desirous of 
 facilitating the introduction of a better system 
 of government, he thought it his duty to the 
 House and to the government to tender his resig- 
 nation of the seat he held as executive coun- 
 cillor, and he intimated that his resignation had 
 
 63 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 been accepted. He followed this with a speech 
 in which he admitted frankly the absurdity of 
 the present system and the necessity for a change. 
 Howe at once rose, and in the most handsome 
 manner conveyed his congratulations to his late 
 antagonist; declared that his resignation did him 
 the highest honour; paid a tribute to his ability, 
 and contrasted his conduct with that of the men 
 who, while they had relied upon him for their 
 defence, now wished to sacrifice him in support of 
 a rotten system which the government itself had 
 abandoned. From thenceforward Mr. Uniacke may 
 be reckoned as a friend and coadjutor of Mr. Howe 
 in the struggle for responsible government. To in- 
 dicate how bitter and tenacious of its position the 
 official oligarchy was, it is stated that, although 
 belonging to one of the oldest and most distin- 
 guished families in the province, Uniacke for a time 
 was socially ostracized by the governor and by 
 many of the old Tory families in the city. It was 
 unquestionably an important acquisition to the 
 Liberal party of Nova Scotia to have secured the 
 cooperation of such an able and accomplished man 
 as James Boyle Uniacke. 
 
 Howe and his associates in the House of As- 
 sembly were naturally disgusted at the answer 
 to their address given by Sir Colin Campbell. It 
 was not that he affirmed anything especially ob- 
 noxious, but the evasive tone indicated a determina- 
 tion upon his part to disregard Lord John Russell’s 
 64 
 
SIR COLIN CAMPBELL 
 
 despatch and to cling to his present Tory advisers. 
 Howe’s first impulse was to prepare an address 
 to the governor-general, but this he abandoned, and 
 after a day or two proposed another address to Sir 
 Colin Campbell, couched in mild and respectful 
 terms, setting forth with still greater clearness the 
 exact point at issue between the assembly and the 
 government. He asked him simply to give effect to 
 Lord John Russell’s despatch and carry on his 
 government according to the wishes of the people. 
 The second address was adopted by a large ma- 
 jority in the House, twenty-nine voting for and 
 ten against it. It was presented to the governor and 
 an answer returned almost identical in its vague 
 and unsatisfactory character with the former answer. 
 He declared that if he gave effect to their address, 
 he would practically recognize a fundamental change 
 in the colonial constitution, which he could not 
 discover to have been designed by the despatch of 
 the secretary of state. Lord John Russell, of Oc- 
 tober 1 3th. 
 
 Howe now took a step which for boldness stands 
 almost unsurpassed in the struggle for responsible 
 government in any of the colonies. Sir Colin Camp- 
 bell was a distinguished old soldier, a very worthy 
 type of man personally, and the office of lieutenant- 
 governor of a province in those early days was 
 regarded with a sanctity altogether unknown at the 
 present time. He was sent out directly by the 
 imperial authorities as the representative of the 
 
 65 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 sovereign; he exercised substantial political power 
 and enormous social influence ; he had always at his 
 back not only the wealth and social position of the 
 country and the official class, but there is always an 
 innate disposition on the part of the people gener- 
 ally to hold in high regard the office of governor. 
 Yet Howe took the responsibility of submitting to 
 the legislature an address to the queen, very full in 
 its character, and concluding with this memorable 
 paragraph: “That Your Majesty will join with this 
 House in obviating the necessity for such appeals — 
 that you will repress these absurd attempts to 
 govern provinces by the aid and for the exclusive 
 benefit of minorities, this assembly confidently be- 
 lieves; and in asking Your Majesty to remove Sir 
 Colin Campbell, and send to Nova Scotia a gover- 
 nor who will not only represent the Crown, but 
 carry out its policy with firmness and good faith, 
 the representatives of Nova Scotia perform a pain- 
 ful duty to their sovereign and to their constituents, 
 but recommend the only remedy which they fear 
 can now be applied to establish harmony between 
 the executive and legislature of this province.” 
 
 This step really startled the people of Nova 
 Scotia. It was a novel movement in the history of 
 colonial government. Some members of the legisla- 
 ture became timid. They could follow Howe in 
 his efforts to procure popular government, but to 
 vote to ask the queen to recall the governor was 
 going too far. Some other timid ones who could not 
 66 
 
ATTACK AND DEFENCE 
 
 be induced to vote for this extreme measure were 
 absent when the division took place, but Howe 
 was able to secure twenty-five members to vote, 
 and carry his resolution by a substantial majority. 
 
 When this resolution was adopted considerable 
 excitement prevailed in the province, especially in 
 the city of Halifax. Up to this point the leaders of 
 the Tory party had recognized that Howe’s course 
 was obtaining the support of the mass of the 
 people in the country, and therefore, they scarcely 
 cared to challenge him to a contest in the open ; 
 but they regarded this resolution as going in ad- 
 vance of public opinion and giving a shock to the 
 sensibilities of the people at large. The consequence 
 was that public meetings were summoned to de- 
 nounce this cruel attack upon the governor. The 
 first of these was held in the city of Halifax and 
 the call was addressed simply to those opposed 
 to the action of the assembly. Howe and his 
 friends, of course, could not attend this, but they 
 immediately summoned another meeting, open to 
 everybody, for public discussion. Mr. Johnston, the 
 solicitor-general, who was regarded as undoubtedly 
 the leader of the Tory party, attended this meet- 
 ing, and Howe and he met for the first time upon 
 the public platform. Both speeches were able and 
 eloquent, for Johnston was an orator of great dis- 
 tinction. Howe, after the meeting, was carried home 
 upon the shoulders of the people. His speech on 
 the occasion was a masterpiece, and, considering 
 
 67 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 that the meeting was composed of heated partisans 
 in a mood to interrupt, great moderation was ob- 
 served by Howe from the beginning to the end. 
 From the capital the war was extended into the 
 country. The Tory officials circulated addresses 
 of a fulsome character to the governor. But Howe 
 was equal to the occasion and threw himself every- 
 where, east and west, in the province, to sustain 
 the popular side and keep his friends and supporters, 
 in the outlying districts, in line. 
 
 And so the contest went on until July 9th, 
 1840, when Mr. Poulett Thomson (afterwards Lord 
 Sydenham), who had been recently appointed gov- 
 ernor-general of Canada, arrived from Quebec, 
 which was then the seat of government for Canada 
 and the usual residence of the governor-general. He 
 immediately assumed the reins of government, as 
 under his commission he had a right to, and sent 
 for the leading men of both parties to consult upon 
 the aspect of affairs. Mr. Howe was among the 
 number, and between him and Mr. Thomson there 
 was a full, free and most agreeable interchange of 
 views. 
 
 What course would be adopted in respect to the 
 governor remained a profound mystery. Among the 
 Tories it was reported that the colonial secretary 
 had declined to present the address of the assembly 
 to the queen, and boasts were made everywhere 
 that the governor would be sustained. But the 
 problem was solved on September 30th, when Lord 
 68 
 
LORD FALKLAND 
 
 Falkland arrived in Nova Scotia, bearing with him 
 the queen’s commission as lieutenant-governor of 
 Nova Scotia. This nobleman was a young man, 
 still in the thirties, handsome in appearance, ex- 
 tremely vain, with little political experience, and, so 
 far as can be judged, of no very great intellectual 
 endowments, and certainly lacking in discretion. 
 But he arrived, evidently with instructions to carry 
 on the government in such a way as to meet, if 
 possible, the objections of the popular party, and he 
 started out with one distinct policy, and that was 
 that the only way to govern a colony successfully 
 was to call into the council men representing all 
 shades of political opinion. It no doubt seemed 
 a plausible solution then, but experience very 
 quickly demonstrated that this system was far from 
 being an ideal one, but rather an impossible one, 
 and that with all the evils surrounding it, the only 
 rational and sensible method of carrying on the 
 government of the country was by a homogeneous 
 cabinet with a premier at its head, all the members 
 of which should be united in carrying forward a 
 common policy. 
 
 In furtherance of his policy. Lord Falkland 
 asked Howe to take a seat in his council, and he 
 agreed, on the condition that McNab and Uniacke 
 should also be taken in, that a bill for the incor- 
 poration of Halifax should be submitted as a gov- 
 ernment measure, and that as vacancies occurred 
 from time to time in the council, men in sympathy 
 
 69 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 with the majority of the assembly should be taken 
 in to supply their places. 
 
 Thus, before the end of his first term in the 
 legislature, we find that Howe has not only de- 
 stroyed the old council of twelve, made the de- 
 liberations of the legislative council open to the 
 public, driven from the province a lieutenant- 
 governor who would not regard the popular will, 
 but now has himself been asked to accept a place 
 in the cabinet in association with men of his own 
 political views, whose object was to infuse into the 
 government the principles for which he was con- 
 tending. When Howe was sworn into the cabinet 
 he had been four years in public life and was 
 thirty-six years of age. 
 
 70 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 HOWE AS A MINISTER 
 
 ALMOST immediately after the formation of 
 Lord Falkland’s administration, the House 
 was dissolved and a general election took place. 
 Howe’s position during the three years that he 
 held a seat in the executive was not by any means 
 an easy or agreeable one. As a doughty champion 
 fulminating against officialdom, he quickly be- 
 came the popular idol, but many, if not most, of 
 those who were in sympathy with the movement 
 for responsible government looked with suspicion, 
 if not with disfavour, upon his association with 
 the bigwigs who gathered about government house. 
 Johnston did not become attorney-general until the 
 next year, and the idea of premiership had not yet 
 developed in connection with the executive council 
 of the province, but to all intents and purposes 
 Johnston was Lord Falkland’s chief adviser, and 
 occupied a position as nearly as possible akin to 
 that of premier. He was a strong man and dis- 
 tinctly obnoxious to the Liberals of Nova Scotia, 
 many of whom doubted the propriety of their 
 hero sitting at a council board at which Johnston 
 was the ruling spirit. 
 
 At the same time, it will be easily understood 
 
 71 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 that officialdom and the Tory party generally 
 throughout Nova Scotia were profoundly disgusted 
 at finding at the council board a man who had ruth- 
 lessly disturbed their cornfortable nests, and who, 
 from their point of view, might use his position at 
 this board to destroy completely the system which 
 they cherished. Howe’s first duty was to appease 
 his friends by a public letter before the elections, 
 and thereby secure a majority of Liberals in the 
 new House of Assembly, and in this he was entirely 
 successful. His own words justifying the course he 
 had taken will, perhaps, best set forth his concep- 
 tion of the situation. 
 
 “Having been elevated by Her Majesty’s com- 
 mand to a seat in the executive council, a brief 
 explanation may be necessary on this subject, and I 
 make it the more readily because I have no secrets 
 to conceal. When the charge of personal ambition 
 has been reiterated by those who assert their claims 
 to fill every post in the country, by applying in 
 shoals whenever one happens to be vacant, I have 
 often smiled at their modesty, and at their ignor- 
 ance of facts. Had I sought my own advancement, 
 and not the general good, I might have accepted a 
 seat in council in 1837, and held it for life inde- 
 pendent of the people. Again, in 1839, had I 
 abandoned my principles, 1 might have obtained the 
 vacancy occasioned by the demise of the Hon. 
 Joseph Allison ; but to have gone into the old 
 council, upon the old principles, would have been 
 72 
 
ANOMALIES OF GOVERNMENT 
 
 to deserve the epithets which have sometimes been 
 as freely as ignorantly applied. When, however, 
 Her Majesty’s government, by the withdrawal of 
 Sir Colin Campbell, by the retirement of a large 
 section of the old council, and by the adoption of 
 the sound principles for which the popular party 
 had contended, made such a demonstration as I 
 conceived entitled them to the confidence of the 
 country, it seemed to be clearly my duty to accept 
 the seat tendered by the new governor, and to give 
 him the best assistance in my power.” 
 
 The anomalies of these three years of hybrid 
 administration are too numerous to be minutely 
 detailed. Mr. Howe, although a member of Lord 
 Falkland’s government with Mr. Johnston at the 
 head of it, found himself and his colleagues in 
 Halifax city and county fiercely opposed at their 
 elections by the political friends of Johnston, and 
 this course was pursued in most parts of Nova 
 Scotia in respect to all the candidates running for 
 the assembly who could be classed as Howe’s 
 friends and followers. Nevertheless, the Liberal 
 party was successful in this election, and Howe and 
 his three colleagues for Halifax were returned by 
 large majorities. After the election Howe was en- 
 tertained at a public banquet in Mason Hall. 
 
 Another anomaly in connection with this new 
 condition of things arose at the opening of the 
 House. Mr. S. G. W. Archibald, as has been said, 
 had long filled the office of attorney-general and at 
 
 73 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 the same time the speakership of the House of 
 Assembly. Before the new House met, Archibald 
 had accepted the position of master of the rolls, a 
 judicial post corresponding to judge in equity. This 
 left the speakership open. Under the existing con- 
 dition of things, with responsible government in 
 full operation, no member of a government would 
 think of filling that position. However, the race for 
 the speakership at this session was between Howe 
 and his friend James B. Uniacke, and, after con- 
 siderable contest, the former was elected by a 
 majority of two, thus occupying the dual position of 
 member of the government and speaker of the 
 House. In September, 1842, the office of collector 
 of customs at Halifax became vacant by the retire- 
 ment of Mr. Binney, and Howe accepted the position. 
 It is probable that he was forced by financial exigen- 
 cies to accept this place of emolument. His political 
 duties were now extremely exacting. He had been 
 forced during the first four years of his legislative 
 career to assume leadership, travel over the province, 
 address meetings and give his time to the evolu- 
 tion of policy. He was a poor man when he started 
 his political life and remained steadily poor until the 
 day that he died. At this time, too, he had the respon- 
 sibilities of a young and growing family. He was 
 compelled in 1841, to hand over the control of the 
 Nova Scotian to Mr. Nugent, who in a very short 
 time handed it over to Mr. William Annand, Howe’s 
 friend and colleague, who continued its publication 
 74 
 
RESPONSIBILITIES OF MINISTERS 
 
 together with the Morning Chronicle^ which he 
 started soon afterwards. Howe was, therefore, with- 
 out any means of livelihood except those which 
 sprang from his political duties. When the next 
 session (1843) opened, Howe announced that, hav- 
 ing accepted an office of emolument, he felt it his 
 duty to resign the speakership. Previous to this 
 Mr. William Young, member for Inverness, had 
 been sworn into the executive council in place of 
 S. G. W. Archibald. Young became a candidate for 
 the speakership in 1843, and Mr. Herbert Hunt- 
 ington, another warm friend of Mr. Howe’s, was 
 his opponent. To show that public opinion was ad- 
 vancing, a resolution was passed by the legislature 
 declaring the office of member of the government 
 and speaker incompatible, whereupon Young re- 
 signed his seat in the executive council and was 
 elected speaker by a majority of two over Mr. 
 Huntington. 
 
 Still another anomaly to be mentioned in con- 
 nection with this era of government is that while 
 Howe and McNab made declarations in the House 
 of Assembly that the ministers were responsible 
 and held office through the favour and confidence 
 of the assembly, in the legislative council, John- 
 ston, Stewart and other members made speeches 
 declaring almost the exact opposite. This was one 
 of the tokens of difference of opinion which ap- 
 peared between members of the same administra- 
 tion. Howe was determined that this question of 
 
 75 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 responsibility should be settled and defined. A 
 meeting of council was called and Mr. E. M. 
 Dodd, who was at that time solicitor-general and a 
 member of the executive and legislative councils, 
 was deputed to make a statement which would 
 have a quieting effect. Mr. Dodd in this statement, 
 which was afterwards approved by Mr. Johnston in 
 a public declaration, declares that while the gov- 
 ernor is responsible to his sovereign and the minis- 
 ters are responsible to him, they are likewise bound 
 to defend his acts and appointments, and to preserve 
 the confidence of the legislature. This patched up 
 matters between the diverging ministers, for a time. 
 
 But, perhaps the greatest anomaly which was 
 developed by this period of coalition government 
 was in respect to the question of education. This 
 leads, naturally, to an incident in Howe’s career 
 which cannot be omitted if a full study of his 
 character is to be made. By some unfortunate 
 incident Howe had a quarrel with the leaders of 
 the Baptist body in Nova Scotia at this time. Mr. 
 Johnston himself was originally a member of the 
 Church of England and belonged to the exclusive 
 set which at that time the Church of England 
 represented in the province, though in point of 
 numbers they represented less than one-fifth of the 
 population. An unfortunate division occurred about 
 this time in St. Paul’s church, the oldest and 
 largest Episcopalian organization in the city, in 
 reference to the choice of a rector. The people 
 76 
 
HOWE AND THE BAPTISTS 
 
 elected one clergyman as rector, the bishop ap- 
 pointed another, and made him rector by virtue of 
 his official prerogative. This led to the withdrawal 
 from St. Paul’s of a considerable number of in- 
 fluential men. It happened at this time that a 
 Baptist minister, the Rev. John Burton, was con- 
 ducting religious services in Halifax with consider- 
 able enthusiasm, and many of the seceders from St. 
 Paul’s church sat under his ministration and were 
 affected by his religious fervour, among the number 
 being the Hon. Mr. Johnston, Mr. E. A. Crawley, 
 (a rising lawyer who afterwards entered the Baptist 
 ministry and became one of the most distinguished 
 men in religious life in Canada), Mr. J. W. Nutting, 
 Mr. John Ferguson and others, all of whom ulti- 
 mately joined the Baptist church. Ferguson was 
 the editor and proprietor of the Christian Messenger, 
 and Howe had for some time published this paper 
 in the office of the Nova Scotian under contract, 
 involving certain business transactions between Mr. 
 Howe, Mr. Ferguson and Mr. Nutting, which led 
 to financial difficulties and htigation,^ and paved the 
 way for considerable ill-feeling between Howe and 
 leading members of the Baptist body, the majority 
 of whom in Nova Scotia were naturally in sympathy 
 with Howe’s struggles for popular government. It 
 is necessary to admit frankly that Howe during his 
 whole career could never be classed as thoroughly 
 judicious in his general movements. As a political 
 tactician he was unsurpassed, but he had an impul- 
 
 77 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 sive temperament in his every day dealings with 
 men, which very often led him to do things indis- 
 creet for a political leader, and to utter not in- 
 frequently bitter words which would long rankle 
 in the breasts of his victims. Johnston at this time 
 was intimately identified with the Baptist body and 
 he and the eminent men who united with that 
 body at the same time were regarded with consider- 
 able interest and pride by the Baptists generally 
 throughout the province. Although seated round 
 the same council board politically, no one at the 
 time doubted that Mr. Johnston, was, to all intents 
 and purposes, sympathizing with and aiding and 
 supporting those Baptists associated with the Chris- 
 tian Messenger^ with whom Howe was carrying on 
 a violent personal struggle. 
 
 Another still more acute cause of dissent arose 
 at this time, when Johnston and Howe were sit- 
 ting as colleagues in Lord Falkland’s council. It 
 may be mentioned that Howe from the earliest 
 period was deeply interested in the great question 
 of education, and nothing which pertains to the 
 public life of a country, viewed from every as- 
 pect, can be so far-reaching in its consequences as 
 the proper intellectual development of the masses, 
 through the agency of public schools. As early as 
 1841 Howe introduced a measure to establish a 
 system of free schools by popular assessment. At 
 this time, while there was a school system in Nova 
 Scotia in a measure controlled by the board of edu- 
 78 
 
THE SCHOOLS 
 
 cation, and small sums were voted to aid and assist 
 common school education by the House of Assem- 
 bly, yet throughout the provinee generally the 
 only method of obtaining a school was by volun- 
 tary subscriptions from the people, and the teaeher 
 was very often himself compelled to go through a 
 district and get subseriptions from those having 
 children in order thereby to have a school estab- 
 lished. Some of the larger towns had grammar 
 schools which received a special grant from the 
 legislature, but the sehool system of Nova Scotia 
 was crude, unsatisfaetory, and eould never beeome 
 permanently sueeessful until established upon a 
 distinct legal basis, and until the support of sehools 
 was made a compulsory charge upon the tax- 
 payers in the seetion. Howe was the first Nova 
 Scotian distinctly and explicitly to advocate this. 
 His speech on this question was one of the nob- 
 lest and most elevated of his career. He knew 
 quite well that the proposition to impose taxation 
 for the support of schools would be unpopular in 
 the eountry and alarm the members of the House, 
 but he did not hesitate to advoeate it boldly, and to 
 appeal to the members of the House to risk every- 
 thing in order to aecomplish this great reform. For 
 the sacred purposes of education, for founding a 
 provincial character, for the endowment of common 
 schools for the whole population, no hesitation, 
 he maintained, need be felt at coming to direct 
 taxation. Few, perhaps, were more worldly than 
 
 79 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 himself, or more alive to the value of popularity; 
 yet he would willingly take all the blame, all the 
 unpopularity that might be heaped on him, as 
 one who had a share in establishing that which he 
 proposed. They were representatives of the people, 
 and he put it to them, as they were greatly hon- 
 oured, should they not greatly dare ? He called on 
 gentlemen not to be too timid in risking popularity, 
 and not to reckon too carefully the price of doing 
 their duty. Were they Christians, and afraid to lay 
 down their seats, when He from whom they re- 
 ceived the distinguished name laid down His life 
 for them? Were they Nova Scotians, and afraid to 
 do that which would tend to elevate the country to 
 the highest moral grade ? If so, they were unworthy 
 of the name. It was their duty to raise and establish 
 the character of the country as the character of 
 other countries had been — by the intelligence of 
 the people. 
 
 It was not destined that the honour of establish- 
 ing a free school system should become the endow- 
 ment of ]\Ir. Howe. That glory belongs to another; 
 but that Howe’s persistent and eloquent advocacy 
 paved the way to the later achievement of Sir 
 Charles Tupper, in 1864, is an undoubted fact, and 
 entitles him to a large shaie in the credit for this 
 noble measure. 
 
 But the question in relation to education which 
 resulted in acute difference between Johnston and 
 Howe, while members of the same cabinet, related 
 80 
 
THE COLI.EGES 
 
 to the establishment of colleges. The Church of 
 England had founded King’s College early in the 
 century and it was for a time the only institution 
 that could be regarded as possessing collegiate 
 powers. Dalhousie College had been called into 
 existence early in the century as the result of the 
 appropriation of a large sum of prize money taken 
 in the war of 1812 and entitled the “Castine Fund,” 
 but this institution had been apparently taken pos- 
 session of by the Presbyterian body, and with great 
 illiberality they had refused to appoint the Rev. 
 Mr. Crawley, now an eminent Baptist divine, to a 
 professorship in the institution on account of his 
 religious views. This induced the Baptists to found 
 an institution at Wolfville, called at first Queen’s, 
 but soon after, Acadia College. The institution was 
 started in 1839, and has existed by the voluntary 
 contributions of the Baptist body, and has steadily 
 grown and expanded until this day, when it has 
 become one of the most important collegiate insti- 
 tutions in the Maritime Provinces. The Catholics 
 also founded a collegiate institution, and the Meth- 
 odists were calling into existence their institutions 
 at Sackville, N.B., on the border line between the 
 two provinces and supported by the Methodists of 
 both. Thus in a province of less than three hundred 
 thousand people, five colleges, sectarian in their 
 character, were in existence. 
 
 Mr. Howe believed that these colleges were 
 unnecessarily multiplying burdens upon the people, 
 
 81 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and affording only a minimum of efficiency in the 
 direction of university education, and he therefore 
 openly and boldly favoured the establishment of 
 one central college, free from sectarian control and 
 open to all denominations, maintained by a com- 
 mon fund and rallying round it the affections of 
 the whole people. A resolution supporting this 
 proposition was submitted to the legislature, under 
 Howe’s inspiration, by his friend Mr. Annand, 
 seconded by Mr. Herbert Huntington. Howe made 
 a very able speech in its support, in the course of 
 which he stated that when he looked abroad on the 
 works of Providence he saw no sectarianism in the 
 forest or in the broad river which sparkled through 
 the meadows ; and asked why we should be driven 
 to the conclusion that men could not live together 
 without being divided by that which ought to be a 
 bond of Christian union. 
 
 Asa matter of principle Howe was unquestion- 
 ably sound in this view, and if his policy in respect 
 to one central university had prevailed in Nova 
 Scotia, it is quite probable that greater efficiency in 
 respect to higher education would have resulted. 
 But his uncompromising course on the question 
 was unwise from a political point of view, as the 
 result demonstrated. Taken in connection with his 
 recent quarrel with the Christian Messenger and 
 leading men in the Baptist denomination, it was 
 only calculated to add fuel to the flame. The 
 Baptists at that moment were zealously employed 
 82 
 
ACADIA COLLEGE 
 
 in the work of building up Acadia College, and the 
 project had taken root in the hearts and consciences 
 of the great mass of the denomination. Mr. John- 
 ston, as one of the leaders of the Baptist body, was 
 naturally called upon to defend his college, and in- 
 cidentally the denominational system. This brought 
 him into direct conflict with Howe on an important 
 public question, which at that moment had become 
 a burning one. The inevitable result of such a con- 
 troversy would be to alienate from Howe and 
 his party a powerful section of the Baptist body, 
 and several seats in the Nova Scotia legislature 
 were likely to be influenced in a considerable 
 measure by the Baptist vote. Mr. Howe, as the 
 result showed, paid dearly for his chivalrous advo- 
 cacy of a non-sectarian provincial university, and 
 the acute contest between these two men, both of 
 them sitting at the same council board, constitutes, 
 as has been said, another of the grotesque anoma- 
 lies which must inevitably follow from a govern- 
 ment constructed on the lines upon which Lord 
 Falkland insisted. The Christian Messenger ful- 
 minated furious attacks upon Howe week after 
 week, and Johnston himself, at a Baptist association 
 in Yarmouth, in the course of an inflammatory 
 speech, animadverted with great severity upon the 
 action of the House of Assembly in passing the 
 resolutions which Mr. Annand had moved and 
 Mr. Howe had supported. Howe, in self-defence, 
 held a series of meetings to discuss this college 
 
 83 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 question, the first in Halifax, when a resolution 
 was passed endorsing his policy; then he visited 
 Colchester, Hants, and Pictou. 
 
 While Howe was absent in the autumn of 1843 
 attending these meetings, the executive council, 
 under Johnston’s leadership, was called together 
 and a proposal made for dissolution. Howe was 
 summoned to attend, but he had made engage- 
 ments for two meetings which detained him on the 
 way. Before he got to the capital, an order-in- 
 council dissolving the House was passed. This 
 course was justly regarded by Howe and his friends 
 as unwise and uncalled for. The term of the House 
 had not nearly expired and the government had 
 received a steady support for all its important 
 measures, thanks to the influence which Howe was 
 able to exercise. The dissolution was to take place 
 at a time when acute differences of opinion were 
 being publicly proclaimed on an important question, 
 between Johnston, the leader of the government, 
 and Howe, the leader of the Liberal element in it. 
 
 But Johnston had a definite purpose in this 
 sudden dissolution of the legislature. He perceived 
 that Howe had alienated influential interests in 
 Nova Scotia by his unfortunate difficulties with the 
 Baptists, and on account of his zealous advocacy of 
 a central university as against sectarian colleges, 
 and he conceived the idea that he would dissolve 
 the House and set himself to the task of securing a 
 majority of members in the assembly who would 
 84 
 
A PRECIPITATE ELECTION 
 
 be in sympathy with himself and his views. In 
 furtherance of this, Johnston resigned his seat in the 
 legislative council and accepted a nomination for 
 the county of Annapolis, then represented by a 
 supporter of Howe. Annapolis was a strong Baptist 
 constituency and Johnston relied upon the influence 
 of denominational pride and sympathy to enable him 
 not only to carry his own seat, but also the two re- 
 maining seats in the county. 
 
 Some of Howe’s friends, when this dissolution 
 was announced, seeing in it plainly a determination 
 on the part of the majority of the council, with 
 Johnston at their head, to conduet matters accord- 
 ing to their own views and without regard to the 
 wishes and sentiments of Howe and his friends, 
 urged him to resign and bring on a crisis then. But 
 Howe did not concur in this view, and indicated to 
 Lord Falkland his judgment of the situation. If 
 Howe and his friends should carry a majority of 
 seats in the election, the true policy for Johnston 
 would be to resign and allow him to form an admin- 
 istration. If Johnston obtained a majority of seats, 
 the true policy would be for him (Howe) to leave the 
 government and let Johnston form an administra- 
 tion composed entirely of his own political friends. 
 This most rational proposal Lord Falkland de- 
 clined to entertain, adhering to his fatuous scheme 
 of having a council composed of men of all political 
 views. 
 
 During the election, which Howe and his friends 
 
 85 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 entered upon with much discouragement and want 
 of spirit, he constantly advocated the idea of party 
 government, and announced that the administration 
 hereafter should depend upon the result of the 
 coming elections. Mr. Johnston, on the other hand, 
 supported Lord Falkland’s idea that government 
 should not be conducted upon party lines, but he 
 had in his mind all the while a fixed determination 
 that, if he could by any possibility obtain a majority 
 of members favourable in the new House, he would 
 rule according to his own views and let Howe and 
 his friends take eare of themselves. 
 
 The election took place late in the year 1843, 
 and the result was for a time in doubt. Both parties 
 elaimed a majority. As a matter of fact, the event 
 proved that Johnston could count upon a majority 
 of one in the new assembly. 
 
 After the elections were over Howe and his 
 friends in the government did not resign, and it 
 is possible that if Johnston had pursued a wise 
 course he might have placed his antagonist in an em- 
 barrassing position. But, almost immediately after 
 the election, he committed a distinct blunder, which 
 afforded Howe the very opportunity he wished, to 
 retire from the eabinet. The mistake was nothing 
 less than calling to the executive and legislative 
 councils Mr. M. B. Almon, a bitter Tory, who had 
 been active in opposing Howe in his eleetion in 
 Hahfax, and who was a brother-in-law of Johnston 
 himself. The instant this was announced Mr. Howe, 
 86 
 
RESIGNATIONS 
 
 Mr. J. B. Uniacke and Mr. James McNab retired 
 from the government. It was one of the conditions 
 upon which Howe and his supporters had entered 
 the cabinet three years before, that as vacancies 
 occurred, friends of the Liberal party should be 
 called to the council. William Young had been 
 appointed in 1842, and resigned on accepting the 
 speakership in 1843. The vacancy belonged to the 
 Liberals, and the arbitrary filling of it by the ap- 
 pointment of so pronounced an opponent as Almon 
 made it impossible for Howe and his friends longer 
 to endure the unpleasant position in which they 
 were placed. 
 
 Lord Falkland called upon these gentlemen to 
 give reasons for their resignation, which Howe 
 promptly did in clear terms, as did also Messrs. 
 Uniacke and McNab. At a later time further 
 negotiations were set on foot by Lord Falkland to 
 induce these gentlemen to come back. Mr. Dodd, 
 the solicitor-general, was made the medium of 
 communication. His attempt was unsuccessful, as 
 these gentlemen distinctly declined the proposi- 
 tion. At the first session of the new parliament a 
 resolution of want of confidence was soon moved, 
 and this Johnston was able to defeat by a vote of 
 twenty-six to twenty-five. This tested the strength 
 of parties in the House, and during the parliamen- 
 tary term .1 ohnston had to rely upon this narrow 
 vote to secure the adoption of his measures. 
 
 87 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 HOWE VS. FALKLAND 
 
 AS soon as it became evident that Lord Falkland 
 was determined to carry out his own super- 
 ficial views of government, and that Johnston in- 
 tended to hold office by his majority of one in the 
 House, Howe’s course became clear. The task he 
 set before him was to devote his energies to stirring 
 up public opinion against Johnston and his govern- 
 ment, and to make sure of securing a majority of 
 members at the next general election. The contest 
 for these three memorable years was, perhaps, the 
 most conspicuous in the record of Howe’s career. 
 Party feeling was intense at this moment and Howe 
 saw clearly that by keeping the Liberal party com- 
 pactly together in the House and in the country, 
 and compeUing the administration to be carried on 
 by members of the Tory party alone, he could 
 bring about the exact condition of things for which 
 he had always been struggling. If he carried a 
 majority of seats in the assembly at the next 
 election, he could force the resignation of John- 
 ston’s government and cause the creation of an 
 administration which would represent the views 
 and policy of the Liberal majority, and thus 
 would end forever irresponsible governments, hybrid 
 
 89 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 administrations, and impose for all time to come 
 upon any administration hereafter formed in Nova 
 Scotia the necessity of having the support and 
 confidence of a majority of the people’s repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 The contest was, of course, in a large degree, 
 between Johnston and Howe, but, ultimately, ow- 
 ing to the somewhat foolish conception of his 
 position on the part of Lord Falkland, the contest 
 was really for a considerable time between the 
 governor and Mr. Howe, and this part of it was 
 conducted with the utmost bitterness. An employee 
 of the government and a friend of the lieutenant- 
 governor began a series of scurrilous newspaper 
 articles attacking Mr. Howe. Howe took no notice 
 of the writer of the articles, but held Lord Falkland 
 directly responsible for their publication, and, over 
 his own signature, addressed scathing open letters 
 to Lord Falkland, which constitute the very acme 
 of vituperative literature. 
 
 It has been mentioned that Mr. Annand became 
 proprietor of the Nova Scotian and Morning 
 Chronicle in 1843. As Howe had resigned his seat 
 in the government and also his office as collector of 
 customs, it was the universal judgment of his 
 friends that he should resume the editorial manage- 
 ment of these party papers, and in May, 1844, his 
 first editorial appeared. It was written in his char- 
 acteristic style, and, as an illustration of the peculiar 
 qualities by which Howe could endear himself to 
 90 
 
AN EDITORIAL 
 
 the masses of the people, a quotation from this 
 article will be read with interest : — 
 
 “Hardly had we taken our seat upon our old 
 acquaintance (the editorial chair) when we fancied 
 that ten thousand ties which formerly linked our 
 name and daily labours with the household thoughts 
 and fireside amusements of our countrymen, aye, 
 and countrywomen, were revived as if by magic. 
 We stepped across their thresholds, mingled in 
 their social circles, went with them to the woods to 
 enliven their labours, or to the field to shed a 
 salutary influence over their midday meal. . . . And 
 we had the vanity to believe that we would be 
 everywhere a weleome guest ; that the people would 
 say, ‘Why, here is Howe amongst us again ; not 
 Mr. Speaker Howe, nor the Hon. Mr. Howe, but 
 Joe Howe, as he used to be sitting in his editorial 
 chair, and talking to us about politics, and trade 
 and agriculture; about our own country and other 
 countries ; making us laugh a good deal, but think 
 a good deal more even while we were laughing.’ 
 Such is the reception we anticipate, homely but 
 hearty ; and we can assure our countrymen that we 
 fall back among them, conscious that there is no 
 name by which we have been known of late years 
 among the dignitaries of the land that we prize so 
 highly as the old familiar abbreviation.” 
 
 During these three years and more of toil, Howe 
 was the great inspiring personality of the Liberal 
 party. Mr. Annand, who was associated with him 
 
 91 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 in the editorial office every day during the struggle, 
 thus describes him at this period : — 
 
 “Nothing could exceed the buoyant and cheerful 
 spirit with which Mr. Howe applied himself to the 
 task which he had assumed, of routing Lord Falk- 
 land, and his government, horse, foot and artillery, 
 at the next election. In the darkest hour he never 
 despaired. He played through labours multifarious, 
 and which, to a person of different temperament 
 and training, would have been irksome. His arm- 
 chair became the centre and rallying point of the 
 whole party. Our office was rarely empty; his 
 house, when at home, never. We have often seen 
 him dashing off an editorial, which was to set the 
 whole provinee laughing or thinking, surrounded 
 by a mob of friends planning some movement or 
 preparing for some meeting. We have known him 
 work when he was weary ; inspire others with cheer- 
 fulness, when his heart was sad ; and he thought as 
 little of galloping over two or three counties and 
 addressing half a dozen public meetings, as others 
 would think of a drive round ‘the Point.’” 
 
 Howe’s versatility during this period of conflict 
 was marvellous, but perhaps it may not add to his 
 reputation to enter too fully into his contributions 
 to the political literature of the day. Not content 
 with caustic prose, he lampooned his opponents in 
 verse. One of these poetical effusions entitled “The 
 Lord of the Bedchamber,” created much comment 
 at the time, and was, of course, severely criticized 
 92 
 
SATIRIC VERSES 
 
 by his opponents. It appears that Lord Falkland 
 had been one of the Lords of the Bedehamber prior 
 to his eoming to Nova Scotia, and it was to him 
 under this name that the poem was addressed. The 
 whole poem is a clever bit of satire, but scarcely of 
 sufficient interest to quote in full. Its style can 
 be gathered from the first two verses : — 
 
 The Lord of the Bedchamber sat in his shirt, 
 
 (And D — dy the pliant was there), 
 
 And his feelings appeared to be very much hurt, 
 
 And his brow overclouded with care. 
 
 It was plain from the flush that o’ermantled his cheek. 
 
 And the fluster and haste of his stride. 
 
 That drown’d and bewildered, his brain had grown weak. 
 
 From the blood pump’d aloft by his pride. 
 
 Another pasquinade, supposed to be addressed 
 by Lord Falkland to Lord Stanley, at that time 
 colonial secretary, contains the following as a sample 
 of Howe’s genius in galling satire : — 
 
 In my public despatch, my position, en beau, 
 
 Is set off to the greatest advantage, you know ; 
 
 When you read it you’ll think I have nothing to bore me. 
 
 But am driving Bluenoses, like poultry, before me. 
 
 I’m sorry to own, yet the fact must be stated, 
 
 The game is all up, and I’m fairly checkmated. 
 
 The Poacher in Chaucer, with a goose in his breeches. 
 
 Was betrayed by the neck peeping through the loose stitches. 
 
 And I must acknowledge, unfortunate sinner. 
 
 As my griefs are enlarging, my breeches get thinner ; 
 
 And I feel if I do not soon make a clean breast. 
 
 That from what you observe you will guess at the rest. 
 
 But while talking of geese, it is said, in some ruction. 
 
 That Rome, by their cackling, was sav’d from destruction — 
 llie luck of the Roman runs not in my line. 
 
 For I am destroyed by the cackling of mine. 
 
 93 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 The first session of the new parliament was 
 marked by protracted debates on the political situa- 
 tion. Mr. Howe made a lengthy speech in defence 
 of his conduct both in going into and leaving the 
 administration (but he was careful in this speech to 
 omit anything that savoured of a personal attack 
 upon Lord Falkland), and also setting forth the 
 principles upon which an administration should be 
 formed and continue in office. Then followed the 
 efforts of Lord Falkland to induce leading men of 
 the Liberal party to enter the administration on the 
 condition that Howe should be excluded. These 
 not only failed, but they impelled Howe to that 
 course of vigorous and bitter attack upon Lord 
 Falkland which ultimately drove him from the 
 province. 
 
 During the summer of 1844, Mr. Howe visited 
 parts of Nova Scotia, holding public meetings 
 in Wilmot, Windsor, Newport, Maitland, Parrs- 
 boro, Maccan, Amherst, Wallace and Musquodo- 
 boit. His tours over the province were made on 
 horseback. He often addressed three meetings in 
 a day, attended public dinners, and participated 
 in the evenings in country balls. It is impossible 
 to describe the enthusiasm which he created among 
 his friends and admirers in all parts of the province. 
 At the meetings his eloquence captivated the hearts 
 of his hearers ; in social life he was simply irre- 
 sistible. Most of his time at public gatherings, when 
 he was not speaking, was spent moving round 
 94 
 
SPEECH AT CORNWALLIS 
 
 freely among the people, especially the women; he 
 was brimful of humour, and elicited the ardent regard 
 of every person with whom he came in contact. At 
 each of these great popular addresses he was certain 
 to indulge in some delightful and unique outburst, 
 based upon the surrounding incidents, which evoked 
 great enthusiasm. 
 
 The biography of Mr. Howe, properly speaking, 
 cannot be written. The only true picture of his 
 career can be obtained by extracts from his innum- 
 erable public utterances upon all questions and 
 upon all occasions. The compass of this book makes 
 this impossible. At an immense picnic at Cornwallis, 
 where fifteen hundred persons of both sexes were 
 assembled in the open air to welcome the hero of 
 responsible government, Mr. Howe made the fol- 
 lowing reference to the ladies of King s county, 
 whose health he proposed : — 
 
 Sculptors and painters of old stole from many 
 forms their lines of beauty, and from many faces 
 their harmonies of feature and sweetness of ex- 
 pression ; but from the groups around him, indi- 
 vidual forms and single faces might be selected, to 
 which nothing could be added, without marring 
 a work, that, if faithfully copied, would stamp 
 divinity upon the marble, or immortality on the 
 canvas. “He had seen other countries and admired 
 their wonders of nature and of art. Germany had 
 her Drakenfels, and Scotland her mountains, France 
 her vineyards, England her busy marts, and Ireland 
 
 95 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 her depths of verdure — each and all had some 
 peculiar charm, some native characteristic, that 
 Nova Scotians must be contented to admire, and 
 satisfied to want ; but when he came to contemplate 
 that first, best gift to man, he could place the girls 
 of his own wild country beside those of any portion 
 of the globe, and thank Providence that those who 
 were to lie in our bosoms and beautify our homes, 
 were their equals in personal loveliness, in tact and 
 virtue. 
 
 Addresses of a complimentary character were 
 presented to Mr. Howe in all the places which 
 he visited during this campaign, one of which will 
 serve as an example of the manner in which he was 
 regarded by his ardent followers in Nova Scotia : — 
 
 “Mr. Joseph Howe : — Sir, It is with feelings 
 of no ordinary joy and gratification that we wel- 
 come you to our fertile county. No language at our 
 command can adequately convey to you the un- 
 feigned satisfaction and heartfelt gratitude with 
 which we have ever witnessed the untiring zeal and 
 perseverance you have displayed, in supporting our 
 best interests during the whole tenor of your politi- 
 cal career. Time would fail us to enumerate even 
 the more prominent scenes in which you have stood 
 forth the friend and champion of the people, and 
 triumphantly fought their battles, both with your 
 pen and in the legislative arena, and by which 
 you have won their lasting confidence and affection. 
 But we feel it a duty incumbent on us to mark 
 96 
 
FRICTION 
 
 with peculiar applause and approbation, that noble 
 and disinterested act by which you and your associ- 
 ates cast off the shackles of office, and came forth 
 the staunch and unfettered guardians of the people’s 
 rights. 
 
 “ For this, as well as for the successful exertion of 
 a whole lifetime spent in promoting the glorious 
 cause of British colonial freedom, in the name and 
 on behalf of the reformers of King’s county, we beg 
 to tender you our best thanks and confidence, and 
 our sincere and earnest wishes for your future use- 
 fulness and prosperity. — King’s County, July 17th, 
 1845.” 
 
 The second session, 1845, was the scene of the 
 most memorable contests between the two political 
 parties that have marked the political history of 
 Nova Scotia. At the former session Howe still had 
 confidence in Lord Falkland and no desire to do 
 him injustice. That nobleman had, in a fatuous 
 manner, identified himself with the opponents of 
 Howe, and had taken a course so hostile to him 
 personally that, as we have said, the contest be- 
 came for a time more peculiarly one between Mr. 
 Howe and Lord Falkland than between Mr. Howe 
 and Mr. Johnston. In this session Mr. Uniacke 
 moved a resolution, the general effect of which 
 was to express lack of confidence in the exist- 
 ing administration. Upon this Mr. Howe made a 
 speech in the legislature, which occupied several 
 hours in delivery and was regarded as the greatest 
 
 97 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 parliamentary effort he had hitherto made. In reply 
 to this nearly every prominent man in the legis- 
 lature, from Johnston down, who was opposed to 
 Howe, made answer, nearly all of them speaking in 
 a tone of bitterness and unsparing invective. After 
 ten days debate Howe rose and made a general reply, 
 as long, as able and as vigorous as his first effort. 
 The opening words of this speech will serve to 
 illustrate the delightfully easy and racy manner 
 with which he invariably began his public utter- 
 ances : — 
 
 “Mr. Chairman, — There is a good story told of 
 an Irishman, who was put in the pillory for saying 
 that the city authorities were no better than they 
 should be. He bore the infliction with exemplary 
 patience, and severe enough it was ; for every silly 
 fellow who expected an invitation to the mayor s 
 feast, every servile creature, who aspired to a civic 
 office, strove to win favour by pelting him with 
 conspicuous activity. When the hour expired, and a 
 goodly array of missiles had accumulated upon the 
 stage, the culprit, taking off his hat and bowing 
 politely to the crowd, said, ‘Now, gentlemen, it is 
 my turn,’ and, commencing with his Worship, pelted 
 the crowd with great dexterity and effect. The 
 Irish, who always relish humour, were so pleased 
 with the joke, that they carried the man home on 
 their shoulders. I have no expectation that my fate 
 will be quite so triumphant, but no gentleman will 
 question my right to follow the example. I have 
 98 
 
GOVERNMENT SUSTAINED 
 
 sat for ten days in this political pillory ; missiles of 
 every calibre have hurtled around my head ; they 
 have accumulated in great abundance, and if my 
 turn has come, those by whom they were showered 
 have no right to complain. As first in dignity, if 
 not in accuracy of aim, perhaps I ought to com- 
 mence with the learned and honourabje Crown 
 officer ; but there is an old W arwickshire tradition, 
 that Guy, before he grappled with the dun cow, 
 tried his hand upon her calves ; and perhaps it 
 would be as well, before touching the learned 
 attorney -general, that I should dispose of the 
 strange progeny his political system has warmed 
 into existence. The eagle, before he lifts his eye to 
 the meridian, learns to gaze with steadiness on the 
 lesser lights by which he is surrounded ; and, as 
 ‘Jove’s satellites are less than Jove,’ so are the 
 learned leader’s disciples inferior to their master.” 
 
 Mr. Uniacke’s resolution was voted down by a 
 majority of three, and the government was thus 
 saved for another session. 
 
 During this session an incident somewhat unique 
 in parliamentary government occurred in the House. 
 Those who are familiar with Lord Durham’s famous 
 report are aware that in it is broached the idea of 
 an intercolonial railway connecting the Maritime 
 Provinces with Quebec. In 1845 some capitalists in 
 London set on foot the organization of a company 
 to undertake such a work, and Mr. George R. 
 Young, brother of William Young, then speaker 
 
 99 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 of the House, being in London, associated himself 
 with the movement, and the law firm, consisting 
 of his brother William and himself, were made 
 solicitors of the company. During the session a 
 despatch from Lord Falkland to the colonial secre- 
 tary was brought down and read in the House, in 
 which Mr. George R. Young’s name and that of 
 his brother were repeatedly mentioned, and in which 
 they were held up to condemnation as associates of 
 reckless and insolvent men. The principle of men- 
 tioning private persons in official despatches was 
 entirely unsound and would not be dreamed of at 
 the present time, and only illustrated Lord Falk- 
 land’s utter failure to appreciate his constitutional 
 position as lieutenant-governor. 
 
 Many members of the House were indignant, 
 and especially the speaker, who, occupying the 
 chair, had no opportunity to refer to it. It was in- 
 evitable that some comment should be made upon 
 it, and most public men would have taken occa- 
 sion to animadvert upon this practice in terms of 
 deprecation. Mr. Howe, whose feelings for Lord 
 Falkland, it will be easily recognized, were not of 
 the kindest, saw an opportunity of giving a very 
 striking object lesson, so he rose, immediately after 
 the reading of the despatch, and made the following 
 terse statement : — 
 
 Mr. Howe said that he should but ill discharge 
 his duty to the House or to the country, if he did 
 not, on the instant, enter his protest against the 
 100 
 
A BOLD SPEECH 
 
 infamous system pursued (a system of which he 
 could speak more freely now that the case was not 
 his own), by which the names of respectable colon- 
 ists were libelled in despatches sent to the colonial 
 office, to be afterwards published here, and by 
 which any brand or stigma might be placed upon 
 them without their having any means of redress. 
 If that system were continued, some colonist would, 
 by and by, or he was much mistaken, hire a black 
 fellow to horsewhip a lieutenant-governor. 
 
 Naturally, this extraordinary characterization cre- 
 ated great excitement. The question of order was 
 ' raised It appeared that no one had taken down the 
 words, yet a vote of censure was moved by the 
 government party and carried by their usual ma- 
 jority. Howe immediately addressed a long letter to 
 his constituents on the incident, in which, in scath- 
 ing terms, he dwelt upon the whole principle 
 involved in the recent official despatches of Lord 
 Falkland, and concluded with the following words: 
 “ ‘ But,’ I think I hear some one say, ‘ after all, 
 friend Howe, was not the suppositious case you 
 anticipated might occur, somewhat quaint and 
 eccentric, and startling?’ It was, because I wanted 
 to startle, to rouse, to flash the light of truth over 
 every hideous feature of the system. The fire-bell 
 startles at night, but if it rings not the town 
 may be burned, and wise men seldom vote him 
 an incendiary who pulls the rope, and who could 
 not give the alarm, and avert the calamity, unless 
 
 101 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 he made a noise. The prophet’s style was quaint 
 and picturesque when he compared the great king 
 to a sheep stealer ; but the object was not to insult 
 the king, it was to make him think, to rouse him, 
 to let him see by the light of a poetic fancy the 
 gulf to which he was descending, that he might 
 thereafter love mercy, walk humbly, and, controlling 
 his passions, keep untarnished the lustre of the 
 Crown. David let other men’s wives alone after that 
 flight of Nathan’s imagination; and I will venture 
 to say that whenever, hereafter, our rulers desire to 
 grill a political opponent in an official despatch, 
 they will recall my homely picture, and borrow 
 wisdom from the past.” 
 
 It would not be profitable to dwell further upon 
 the acute and virulent conflict which continued for 
 some time between Lord Falkland and Mr. HoWe. 
 It is sufficient to note that his Lordship was the 
 first to grow tired of it, and at last, notwithstand- 
 ing the support of his government. Lord Falkland 
 became impressed with the disagreeable position in 
 which he found himself placed. On January 1st, 
 1846, he omitted the usual levee at government 
 house, recognizing that owing to his personal em- 
 broilment in the political affairs of the province, it 
 would take almost entirely a partisan hue. No 
 dinner or levee was held on the Queen’s birthday, 
 May 24th, and at last on August 3rd, Lord Falk- 
 land packed up his effects and sailed for England, 
 where he soon after received another appointment 
 102 
 
SIR JOHN HARVEY 
 
 as governor of Bombay. This was the second 
 lieutenant-governor whom Mr. Howe, in the brief 
 period in which he had been in public life, had 
 driven to the wall. 
 
 Sir John Harvey, who had been governor of New 
 Brunswick, and later of Newfoundland, was Lord 
 Falkland’s successor, and he arrived on August 
 11th, 1846. No appointment could have been better 
 suited to meet the difficulties then existing in Nova 
 Scotia. Sir John Ha.rvey was himself a broad and 
 liberal-minded man, and although he acted loyally 
 upon the advice of his ministers on his arrival in the 
 province until they were driven from office, yet 
 unquestionably his sympathies were altogether with 
 those who were struggling to secure constitutional 
 government in Nova Scotia. After he had been 
 a few months in the province he submitted a memo- 
 randum to his ministers, intimating his belief that 
 the council should be filled up, and that it would 
 be desirable to have leading men in the opposition 
 offered places in the administration. The council 
 acted upon the request of the governor and made 
 overtures to Messrs. Howe, Young, Doyle and 
 McNab, and these gentlemen were well assured 
 that, if they accepted the positions thus tendered 
 to them, they would have the confidence and 
 support of the governor. But Howe never proposed 
 that any such step should be taken. In the course 
 of a year a general election must take place and his 
 settled policy was that the situation should not 
 
 103 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 be hampered by coalitions, but that a straight issue 
 between the two parties should be submitted to 
 the people, and the result of the elections determine 
 the complexion of the administration. So in a very 
 lengthy and elaborate paper, prepared by Howe 
 himself, the Liberal leaders respectfully declined 
 this proposition. 
 
 Nothing occurred in the session of 1847 to call 
 for special note. Mr. Johnston had introduced, and 
 carried, an excellent measure providing for simul- 
 taneous polling at the general election, which 
 experience has amply demonstrated to be a great 
 improvement on the old system of having elections 
 peripatetic in their character and lasting ten days or 
 a fortnight. After the session was over, about 
 the end of March, both parties were absorbed 
 in the approaching elections. 
 
 It may be mentioned that after the session of 
 1845, Howe with his whole family removed from 
 the city of Halifax to a farm in Upper JNIusquodo- 
 boit, in the eastern part of Halifax county, forty 
 or fifty miles from the capital, where they spent 
 two years. ]\Ir. Howe’s own words in respect of 
 this Musquodoboit residence may be appropriately 
 
 “They were two of the happiest years of my life. 
 I had been for a long time overworking my brains 
 and underworking my body. Here 1 worked my 
 body and rested my brains. We rose at dayhght, 
 breakfasted at seven, dined at twelve, took tea 
 104 
 
MUSQUODOBOIT 
 
 at six, and then assembled in the library, where we 
 read for four or five hours almost every evening. I 
 learned to plough, to mow, to reap, to cradle; I 
 knew how to chop and pitch hay before. Constant 
 exercise in the open air made me as hard as iron. 
 My head was clear and my spirits buoyant. My 
 girls learned to do everything that the daughters of 
 our peasants learn, and got a knowledge of books 
 which, amidst the endless frivolities and gossiping 
 of city life, they never could have acquired. My 
 boys got an insight into what goes on in the interior 
 of their own country, which should be of service to 
 them all their lives. I read the Edinburgh Review 
 from the commencement, and all the poets over 
 again ; wrote a good deal, and yet spent the best 
 part of every fine day in the fields or in the woods. 
 My children were all around me, and in health, 
 and although I had cares enough, as God knows, 
 and you know, I shall never, perhaps, be so happy 
 again.” 
 
 When the session of 1847 was over, Howe re- 
 turned for a short time to his Musquodoboit home 
 to rest, but it was early made manifest that the 
 government and its friends intended to use desperate 
 measures to secure the elections. Howe was, of 
 course, to contest the city and county of Halifax 
 with three colleagues, and the Conservatives had 
 nominated four strong men to oppose them. Stories, 
 pretty well authenticated, are told of handsome 
 election funds which were raised by some of the 
 
 105 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 wealthy members of the privileged class in Halifax 
 to aid in the contest. Howe returned from his farm 
 in May and began his campaign, first addressing a 
 series of meetings in his own county; then he made 
 a tour of the province, visiting twelve of the eighteen 
 counties, and during this tour addressed sixty public 
 meetings, accepted fifteen public dinners, and rode 
 and drove thousands of miles. It would be im- 
 possible adequately to ' describe the enthusiasm 
 which Howe’s personal presence inspired as he 
 moved over the province. His public speeches were 
 admired, but his personality, as he shook hands and 
 cracked jokes with thousands of men and women, 
 was a greater feature in evoking personal regard 
 than even his matchless and persuasive addresses. 
 
 The elections were held on August 5th, and 
 resulted in the Liberals obtaining a handsome 
 majority. Mr. Howe and his three colleagues were 
 returned for Halifax. After the election, worn out, 
 he went straightway to his little farm in Musquodo- 
 boit, but before he reached the Middle settlement, 
 the inhabitants of the entire section turned out 
 in carriages and on horseback, with banners flying, 
 to meet him, and escorted him, for some twenty 
 miles, to his home. A wagon with the raised seat 
 festooned with flowers, and drawn by six horses, 
 was waiting for him ; an address was presented 
 to him by the people of Upper Musquodoboit and 
 of Middle Musquodoboit, and every token of the 
 esteem and affection in which he was held was 
 106 
 
JOHNSTON RESIGNS 
 
 bestowed. “For a month afterwards,” said Mr. 
 Howe, “ I did nothing but play with the children 
 and read old books to my girls. I then went into 
 the woods and called moose with the old hunters, 
 camping out night after night, listening to their 
 stories and calming my thoughts with the perfect 
 stillness of the forest, and forgetting the bitterness 
 of conflict amidst the beauties of nature.” 
 
 Johnston and his associates did not accept their 
 defeat gracefully. Although no doubt as to the re- 
 sult of the election could exist, yet Johnston took no 
 steps to vacate office, and met the House on January 
 22nd, 1848. Howe proposed Mr. William Young for 
 speaker. This was bitterly opposed by Johnston and 
 the government. Mr. Young was elected by six ma- 
 jority. Still no resignation. On January 24th, Mr. 
 James B. Uniacke moved an amendment to the 
 address, concluding with this statement, “ and we 
 consider it our humble duty respectfully to state 
 that the present executive council does not possess 
 that confidence so essential to the promoting of the 
 public welfare, and so necessary to insure to Your 
 Excellency the harmonious co-operation of this 
 assembly.” This was carried by a vote of twenty- 
 eight to twenty-one, and, the day after, Mr. John- 
 ston’s government resigned, and Mr. James B. 
 Uniacke was called upon to form an administration. 
 
 107 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 THE LIBERAL MINISTRY 
 
 T hose who have perused the preceding chap- 
 ters, and have formed, it is hoped, a justly high 
 opinion of Mr. Howe’s talents and achievements, of 
 his splendid courage, his unceasing devotion to the 
 Liberal cause, his unrivalled eloquence and his 
 matchless power of winning the confidence and 
 affection of the masses, will probably wonder why, 
 when the Tory government had been driven from 
 office, Howe himself was not called upon to form 
 an administration. Those who will take the pains to 
 study carefully and philosophically the history of 
 popular government throughout the world will 
 scarcely need an answer. Public life in all free 
 countries reveals usually two classes of men, one 
 which possesses great talent, great courage, great 
 intellectual endowments and capacity to revolution- 
 ize events and make history; another, which, but 
 moderately endowed with these particular qualities, 
 has the advantage which mediocrity always bestows 
 of possessing the confidence of average people, by 
 dint of a reputation for judiciousness derived from 
 the possession of average qualities. In former days 
 in Great Britain, such men as the Pitts were able, 
 it is true, to obtain the premierships, and in these 
 
 109 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 later days, Mr. Gladstone and Lord Beaconsfield 
 might perhaps be classed as the distinguished ex- 
 ceptions to the general rule, although a careful 
 insight into Lord Beaconfield’s career indicates that 
 he possessed to a very marked degree the quality of 
 gauging public opinion and adjusting himself to it. 
 But for the most part the premiers of Great Britain 
 have been men of average, all-round ability, but 
 who could reckon among their qualities that of 
 being able to appeal to the ordinary mortals whom 
 they were governing. In the United States, Daniel 
 Webster, Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun and James 
 G. Blaine could never be president, but James Polk, 
 James Buchanan, Millard Fillmore, Rutherford B. 
 Hayes and Benjamin Harrison could. The history 
 of Canada and her several provinces has illustrated, 
 often enough, the principle that the man who ob- 
 tained the leadership was not necessarily the man 
 who was guiding the policy of the country or 
 making history. Mr. James B. Uniacke was a gentle- 
 man of education, wealth, high social standing, and 
 of long experience in public affairs, and it was most 
 natural that he should have been chosen to lead the 
 administration to be formed. He chose for his 
 colleagues Messrs. Michael Tobin, Hugh Bell, 
 Joseph Howe, James McNab, Herbert Hunting- 
 ton, W. F. Desbarres, Lawrence O’C. Doyle, and 
 George R. Young. 
 
 The defeat of a Tory administration, and the 
 accession, as a result, of a Liberal administration, 
 110 
 
THE NEW ADMINISTRATION 
 
 constitutes the final act in the triumph of responsible 
 government in Nova Scotia. The advent of Lord 
 Elgin to Canada on the departure of Lord Met- 
 calfe may be named as the period when responsible 
 government in its amplest form reeeived full recog- 
 nition in the larger provinces of Canada. Never, 
 after 1848, was the idea entertained in any province 
 of British North America, having a constitution, 
 that an administration could hold office an hour 
 longer than it had the confidenee of the people 
 represented in the popular branch. 
 
 The new administration had some unpleasant 
 reforms and changes to make. In the formation of ’ 
 the administration Mr. Uniacke became attorney- 
 general, and Mr. W. F. Desbarres solicitor-general, 
 and these were the only departmental offices that 
 then existed. Sir Rupert D. George has been 
 mentioned as perpetual provincial secretary ; it was 
 determined to get rid of him. He resigned his seat 
 in the executive with the rest of the government, 
 but he did not think of resigning his office as 
 provincial secretary. Provision was made by order- 
 in-council for a retiring allowance, and he, having 
 obstinately refused to bow to the popular will, 
 was dismissed, and Howe became provincial secre- 
 tary, holding it as a departmental and politieal 
 office, subject to the exigencies of the government 
 to which he belonged. The treasurer was an officer 
 hitherto appointed by the governor, who had exer- 
 cised this power in Lord Falkland’s time by the 
 
 111 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 appointment of Mr. Samuel P. Fairbanks. This was 
 loudly protested against, and Howe gave pledges 
 that this officer should be a responsible minister. A 
 departmental bill was introduced whereby the two 
 departments of financial secretary or finance minis- 
 ter, and receiver-general or treasurer were created, 
 and these offices were bestowed, the first upon Mr. 
 Herbert Huntington, and the last upon Mr. James 
 McNab. The casual and territorial revenues were 
 taken possession of by the government, and the sal- 
 aries of the various officials, including the governor, 
 judges, etc., were provided for by a civil list made 
 statutable, and subject at all times to the inde- 
 pendent action of the legislature of the province. 
 Great official documents of protest went to the 
 colonial office from aU the officials affected, but 
 they were met triumphantly in able official des- 
 patches prepared by Howe, and it is to be noted 
 that the lieutenant-governor. Sir John Harvey, 
 stood loyally and steadily with the members of his 
 administration in all the acute measures which they 
 were compelled to take in order to give full effect 
 to the principles of responsible government. In a 
 despatch by Sir John Harvey to the colonial secre- 
 tary, dated soon after the formation of the new 
 administration, he makes this observation: — “I 
 may therefore, perhaps, venture to regard the intro- 
 duction of a system of responsible government in 
 Nova Scotia, as having been practically effected 
 upon fair, just principles, and without the necessity 
 112 
 
CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM 
 
 of having recourse to any measure of a stringent 
 character, except in the single instance of the pro- 
 vincial secretary, and that a great step has been 
 taken towards the political tranquilization of this 
 long distracted colony, inasmuch as I apprehend no 
 factious opposition, to any measure of acknowledged 
 utility, from the party under the guidance of my 
 late government.’’ This may be fairly taken as 
 an official pronouncement of the establishment of 
 responsible government. 
 
 In looking over the long and arduous struggle, 
 two or three things niay be safely predicted without 
 fear of challenge. The author, the moving spirit, 
 the supreme champion, and the acknowledged hero 
 of responsible government in Nova Scotia, was 
 Joseph Howe. He achieved it by perfectly consti- 
 tutional means ; not a disloyal word was uttered 
 by him or his friends during the entire contest, 
 though perpetually branded as rebels and provoked 
 by official stupidity. He lent the weight of his 
 great influence to uphold constitutional methods, in 
 the struggle in Canada and New Brunswick. He 
 discountenanced rebellion and bloodshed in both 
 Upper and I^ower Canada, and when at a later 
 date riots occurred in Montreal, when Lord Elgin 
 was pelted with rotten eggs, and the parliament 
 buildings burned by a mob because of a measure 
 to compensate losses by rebellion, and when, also, 
 the British American League was organized in 
 Montreal, revolutionary in its aims and disloyal in 
 
 113 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 its utterances, Howe addressed a letter to the 
 Hon. George MofFatt, the president of the League, 
 dated May 8th, 1849, in which he threw upon the 
 entire movement the greatest possible opprobrium, 
 and in scathing terms intimated that no sympathy 
 could be expected from the provinces by the sea in 
 this disturbing and disloyal movement. Some ex- 
 tracts from this famous letter will certainly be read 
 with interest, and will illustrate Howe’s incisive 
 method of dealing with current topics ; — 
 
 “We gather from the ‘scholastic production’ to 
 which your name is attached, that a convention, 
 called by yourself, is to supersede the parliament of 
 Canada. This movement for dispensing with the 
 services of the legislature, it seems to us Nova 
 Scotians, very naturally generated the idea that the 
 building in which it sat was an encumbrance; and 
 that its books and papers, fraught with occult 
 sciences and varied superstition, were dangerous to 
 the progress of society. Lord Elgin, who stood in 
 the way of Mr. Protector MofFatt, was pelted as a 
 matter of course; and as the old parliament house 
 was too small to hold the convention, it was very 
 reasonable that the mob should exclaim: ‘Burn it 
 down, burn it down; why cumbereth it the ground?’ 
 The promulgation of your manifesto, and the oc- 
 currence of subsequent events, take us somewhat 
 by surprise in this benighted province; but nothing 
 appears more natural than the sequence. 
 
 “As you have appealed to North Americans in 
 114 
 
THE HALIFAX CONVENTION 
 
 your address, and as the mob of Montreal have 
 favoured us with their interpretations of its contents, 
 I am induced to inquire whether it be the true one, 
 and whether pelting the queen’s representative, dis- 
 persing our parliaments, and burning our books, are 
 to be indispensable preliminaries in joining the 
 British American League?” 
 
 In taking office, therefore, in 1848, with respon- 
 sible government fully achieved in Nova Scotia, 
 Howe had not to lament the utterance of a sedi- 
 tious word or an act unworthy of British states- 
 men. The government so formed by Messrs. Uni- 
 acke and Howe continued during the four years 
 term of parliament, and dealt with many questions, 
 but it is not necessary to refer at length to these. 
 The entire revenues of the country were placed 
 absolutely at the disposal of the legislature; the 
 postal system, which had been previously managed 
 under imperial control, was vested also absolutely 
 in the provincial government; a postmaster-general 
 was duly appointed by the executive, and the whole 
 post-office system made as subject to the people’s 
 control as the customs, roads or education. Howe, 
 during his term of office, again brought forward his 
 educational measure, and made another great speech 
 in its behalf, but could secure no adequate support 
 at that time from the legislature. 
 
 Early in September, 1849, a convention was held 
 in Halifax, consisting of delegates from Canada, New 
 Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Nova Scotia 
 
 115 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 — all the members of the Nova Scotia government 
 attending as delegates. The object was to consider 
 the commercial conditions of the country, and, 
 after a full discussion of several days, a resolution 
 was adopted, apparently unanimously, affirming, in 
 effect, that a system of reciprocal trade between 
 this country and the United States was essential to 
 the proper commercial development of the country. 
 This may be regarded as the first organized move- 
 ment in the direction of a reciprocity treaty with 
 the United States, which culminated in the treaty 
 secured by Lord Elgin in 1854. 
 
 116 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 HOWE AND RAILWAYS 
 HEN Howe entered public life, railroads 
 
 were just coming into vogue in the world. 
 In 1830, the experiment of operating railways was 
 successfully inaugurated in both Great Britain and 
 the United States. Naturally these new and some- 
 what expensive means of communication were con- 
 fined at first to great centres, but quickly enough 
 began to be extended, and before 1840 they had 
 become an important feature of transportation. An 
 eye like Mr. Howe’s could not long escape observing 
 the necessity and utility of railways, and as early as 
 1835, a year before he had been elected to parlia- 
 ment, he wrote a long and elaborate editorial in the 
 Nova Scotian, advocating a railway from Halifax 
 to Windsor, that point being selected because it is 
 situated on the Basin of Minas which opens into 
 the Bay of F undy, and would thus connect Halifax, 
 by means of the numerous ports along the Bay, 
 with a large section, not only of the western but of 
 the eastern portions of the province as well. 
 
 After entering public life, Howe felt that the 
 question of responsible government was paramount, 
 and until Nova Scotians had the right to govern 
 themselves and secure full control over their own 
 
 117 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 resources and revenue, it was useless to consider 
 other questions. For twelve years, therefore, he 
 devoted his undivided attention to this great ques- 
 tion, with results which we have been able to 
 appreciate. 
 
 When the Liberal government was formed in 
 1848, an order-in-council was passed, at an early 
 session, authorizing the survey of a line of rail- 
 way between Halifax and Windsor. Mr. Howe, 
 associated with Mr. W. F. Desbarres, was ap- 
 pointed commissioner to carry out the terms of this 
 resolution, and a survey was made and estimates of 
 costs given which were submitted to the legislature 
 in 1849. The exhaustive report made by Lord 
 Durham in 1839 constitutes the origin of many 
 important questions which have since then engaged 
 the attention of British American statesmen, and 
 have led to great and far-reaching measures. One of 
 the suggestions in this famous report was a railroad 
 on Canadian soil to connect the Maritime Provinces 
 with Canada. Durham urged it both as a military 
 necessity and as a pre-requisite of the political union 
 of British North America. However, as the imperial 
 government and parliament did not give much 
 effect to Lord Durham’s recommendations, they 
 did not lead to any immediate practical results in 
 British North America. 
 
 In 1845 a company was formed in London which 
 proposed to build a railway from Halifax to the 
 St. Lawrence, and this proposition was submitted 
 118 
 
THE INTERCOLONIAL RAILWAY 
 
 to the governments of the several provinces for 
 their support. A public meeting was held in Halifax 
 to consider the matter, and a resolution was passed 
 asking the government to aid and support such an 
 undertaking. In this movement, Howe did not, 
 at first, take an active part. At the moment his 
 chief duty was to secure the downfall of Lord Falk- 
 land and the Tory administration, and to that single 
 purpose he devoted himself until after the elections 
 of 1847. The legislature, however, at the instance 
 of the governor, in 1846, adopted a resolution 
 pledging Nova Scotia to co-operate with the other 
 provinces interested in a joint survey of the line to 
 the St. Lawrence, which we may designate by the 
 name which it has since acquired as the Inter- 
 colonial Railway. The sum of ten thousand pounds 
 was spent by the governments of Canada, New 
 Brunswick and Nova Scotia in securing this survey 
 which was made by Major Robinson, and has be- 
 come known in Canadian history as the Robinson 
 Line, which indeed, does not differ very materially 
 from the line which was adopted in 1868 as the 
 route of the present Intercolonial Railway. The 
 Robinson survey was submitted to the legislature in 
 1849. Mr. Howe was then in power, and during 
 that session the government submitted to the legis- 
 lature a measure giving the right of way with 
 ten miles of Crown land on either side, and twenty 
 thousand pounds sterling per annum as a subsidy to 
 be paid until the road was able to earn profits. 
 
 119 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Similar legislation was adopted in Canada and New 
 Brunswick. At this time it was believed that the 
 imperial government would also contribute to the 
 construction of this road, which was deemed of im- 
 mense importance from an imperial point of view. 
 No action, however, was taken by the imperial 
 government immediately, but at a subsequent date 
 a report was obtained from a Captain Harnett, 
 R.E., who spoke unfavourably and in disparaging 
 terms of the entire enterprise, and the British 
 government, in distinct terms, declined to render 
 any assistance. Such was the position of railway 
 matters in 1850. 
 
 So far as can be judged by his recorded utter- 
 ances, and by his general policy, Mr. Howe, from 
 the beginning, had been favourable to the policy of 
 the construction and owning of railways^ by the 
 government. He always argued with warmth that 
 railways were, like other highways, for public 
 utility, and should be owned and controlled by the 
 public and for the public. Seeing nothing likely to 
 arise out of these larger schemes which were as yet 
 somewhat vague, Howe proposed a resolution in 
 the session of 1850, pledging the credit of the 
 province to the extent of three hundred and thirty 
 thousand pounds for the construction of a rail- 
 way between Halifax and Windsor, and made 
 an eloquent speech in support of it. Naturally a 
 new proposition involving a pubhc debt created a 
 good deal of opposition, and was one of those 
 120 
 
RAILWAY PROJECTS 
 
 advanced movements which always alarm the timid 
 and the ignorant. Howe fought for his resolu- 
 tion as well as he could, and foreseeing the impos- 
 sibility of getting the whole sum voted, finally 
 yielded sufficiently to secure the voting of half this 
 sum, feeling well assured in his mind that if once 
 the enterprise could be inaugurated he would have 
 no difficulty in getting the remaining amount voted 
 subsequently. During the summer of 1850, consid- 
 erable excitement in railroad circles arose in con- 
 nection with a scheme for uniting Portland with 
 the Maritime Provinces by means of a road then 
 named the European and North American Railway. 
 This project was to unite Nova Scotia and New 
 Brunswick by rail with the rapidly developing 
 railroad system of the* United States, and to further 
 this movement a great railway convention was held 
 at Portland, July 1st, 1850, and delegates from the 
 governments of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia 
 were invited to attend. The delegates from Nova 
 Scotia were Mr. James B. Uniacke, the leader 
 of the government, Mr. Johnston, the leader of 
 the opposition, and Mr. Fraser, of Windsor. The 
 gathering was a notable one. Great hospitality was 
 bestowed upon the visiting delegates by the city 
 of Portland. Eloquent speeches were made, and 
 resolutions were adopted with great enthusiasm 
 that a company should be formed to carry out this 
 enterprise at once. 
 
 When the Nova Scotian delegates returned, 
 
 121 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 a public meeting was called at Temperance Hall, 
 Halifax, to receive their report and to take into 
 consideration what measures should be adopted on 
 the part of Nova Scotia to further this project. 
 When the scheme came to be carefully examined 
 it was found that the road would cost at least 
 twelve million dollars and no steps appeared to 
 have been taken at this enthusiastic Portland con- 
 vention to determine where the money should be 
 found. Certainly no company was available with 
 sufficient capital to carry on this enterprise. The 
 state of Maine could hardly undertake its portion 
 of the work because it had already mortgaged 
 its resources to the limit for railway construction 
 within the state. The larger portion of the line 
 would traverse New Brunswick which had scarcely 
 two hundred thousand inhabitants and could not 
 afford, on its own responsibility, to raise the money 
 for this work, and Nova Scotia’s contribution of 
 one hundred and forty miles to the frontier, would 
 involve, under the most favourable conditions, a 
 very large sum. After resolutions had been passed, 
 thanking the delegates for their efforts, adopting 
 the line proposed and recommending Halifax as a 
 terminus, Howe arose and began that active par- 
 ticipation in railway enterprises in British North 
 America which has placed his name foremost 
 among all men who are associated with this critical 
 period in Canadian history. A resolution had been 
 moved appointing a large committee to cooperate 
 122 
 
THE PORTLAND SCHEME 
 
 with the people of Portland. Howe made a speech 
 on this resolution, which completely changed the 
 whole temper of the meeting and incidentally re- 
 veals how thoroughly he had considered all phases 
 of the railway question. He pointed out in clear and 
 incisive terms the impracticability of this Portland 
 scheme under existing conditions. He declared that 
 no considerable portion of the great sum required 
 for the construction of this road could be raised by 
 the provincial guarantees of Nova Scotia or New 
 Brunswick or the state guarantees of Maine. The 
 only way that any railroads could be constructed in 
 these provinces for a long time to come was by 
 their government assuming the responsibility, pledg- 
 ing their public revenues, borrowing money and 
 expending it directly on the work. His resolution 
 was as follows : — 
 
 “Resolved, That, as it is the first duty of a gov- 
 ernment to construct and to control the great 
 highways of a country, a respectful address be pre- 
 pared and presented to the lieutenant-governor, 
 praying that His Excellency would recommend the 
 provincial parliament to undertake the construction 
 of that portion of this important work which is to 
 pass through Nova Scotia on a line between 
 Halifax and the frontier of New Brunswick.” 
 
 This lucid proposition commanded instantly the 
 unanimous and enthusiastic support of the entire 
 meeting. An address signed by the mayor and 
 the cdty council was presented to the lieutenant- 
 
 123 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 governor urging his government to take immediate 
 measures to secure the construction of railways in 
 Nova Scotia, on the authority of the government's 
 credit. The governor very soon afterwards sent a 
 despatch to the colonial secretary, indicating the 
 movement in favour of railway construction in the 
 province, and the necessity of spending about eight 
 hundred thousand pounds sterling, which at six 
 per cent, interest, would have to be paid by the 
 province and would amount to forty-eight thousand 
 pounds. This, with an imperial guarantee, could 
 be secured at three and a half or four per cent, and 
 would thus make the annual expenditure for inter- 
 est throughout the province very much less. Earl 
 Grey, in his response under date September 21st, 
 1850, intimated to Sir John Harvey his entire 
 approbation of the support which he and his ad- 
 ministration were giving to railway construction, and 
 stated that in his opinion it would be of the highest 
 service to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to have 
 railways constructed. He concluded, however, with 
 the statement that, while very anxious to promote 
 the enterprise, he regretted to say that Her Majesty’s 
 government would not recommend to parliament 
 any measure for affording pecuniary assistance for 
 the construction of even the railway from Halifax 
 to Quebec, and still less for the construction of any 
 similar railway less national in its character to 
 be undertaken by the people of Nova Scotia. This 
 action of the imperial government is only in line 
 124 
 
A DELEGATE TO ENGLAND 
 
 with the general policy pursued steadily for many 
 years in colonial enterprises. It is possible, perhaps, 
 that in the end, its result has been advantageous 
 to these provinces, because it has fostered a spirit 
 of self-reliance. Whether increased independence 
 bears with it a corresponding increase of cohesion 
 within the empire is a deeper question than the 
 immediate future will solve. 
 
 Howe and his friends were not entirely dis- 
 couraged by this summary disposal of their propo- 
 sition by the imperial government, and it was 
 determined that in order that the question be 
 properly understood by the home authorities, capi- 
 talists and railway contractors, a delegate should 
 be forthwith sent to England to give light upon 
 the resources of the country, and at the same 
 time to enlist the sympathies and produce broader 
 views on the part of British statesmen. Howe was 
 naturally chosen for this task, and on the first day 
 of November, 1850, he sailed for England. Upon 
 arriving there he at once sought an interview with 
 the colonial secretary, Earl Grey, and after thus 
 opening up the important subject he had come to 
 discuss, he addressed two letters to him, embodying 
 fully and exhaustively the exact situation in relation 
 to the various provinces of British North America. 
 It is necessary again to repeat that the only satis- 
 factory biography of Howe is the publication of 
 his own speeches and letters. A mere epitome of 
 these letters would give no adequate idea of their 
 
 125 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 wealth of information or bold and splendid grasp of 
 all the great problems which, for more than fifty 
 years since that date, have been and still are, 
 engaging the attention of the best minds British 
 America has produced: the advantages of railways 
 and the necessity for better steam communication 
 between Great Britain and Halifax ; the importance 
 of uniting all these provinces by a railway between 
 Halifax and the St. Lawrence ; the desirability and 
 importance of making Canada, through direct im- 
 perial effort, a field for the great emigration which 
 was going out from the British Isles ; and the inter- 
 est which the inhabitants of Britain themselves had 
 in the development of the active and progressive 
 peoples that had sprung from their loins and settled 
 in growing communities throughout the world; and, 
 above all, the supreme importance of binding them 
 together in one common policy, imperial in its 
 character, and bringing to the councils of the em- 
 pire the intellect, sympathy and cooperation of all 
 the bright minds, reared and to be reared in its 
 outlying portions. These letters appear in the 
 “Speeches and Public Letters,” Vol. II., page 
 400, and may also be found in the “Journals of 
 Nova Scotia” for 1851. 
 
 Every moment of Howes time during his pro- 
 tracted sojourn in Great Britain was devoted to 
 stirring up interest, among all classes, in British 
 American affairs. The publication of these letters 
 in England at once riveted the attention of the 
 126 
 
SPEECH AT SOUTHAMPTON 
 
 foremost men in Great Britain upon this broad 
 colonial statesman. He received an invitation from 
 the mayor and corporation of Southampton to 
 address a public meeting in that important seaport, 
 and he did so on January 14th, 1851. The hall was 
 crowded with an audience composed of the best 
 people in the city. The speech delivered by Howe 
 upon this occasion is regarded by many of his 
 friends as his greatest effort. It would be difficult, 
 however, out of such a number of orations as must 
 be put to his credit, to assign first place to any 
 one. It certainly was an effective address. One 
 extract only can be given, for the speech is of great 
 length : — ^ 
 
 “When I last visited Southampton I little 
 thought that I should ever return to it again, and 
 certainly never dreamed that I should have the 
 honour and the privilege to address, within its 
 ancient walls, and with the evidences of its modern 
 enterprise all around me, such an audience as is 
 assembled here. I was then a wandering colonist, sur- 
 veying, eleven years ago, Europe for the first time. 
 Attracted to Southampton by the beauty of its 
 scenery and by its old associations, when I entered 
 your spacious estuary, and saw on the one side the 
 fine old ruin of Netley Abbey and on the other the 
 New Forest, famed in ancient story, I felt that I 
 was approaching a place abounding in interest and 
 honoured by its associations. And when I put my 
 
 ^ See ^'Speeches and Letters,” Vol. II., page 32. 
 
 127 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 foot on the spot trodden in days of yore by the 
 warriors who embarked for the glorious fields of 
 Agincourt and Cre^y, and on which Canute sat 
 when he reproved his fawning courtiers, I felt my 
 British blood warming in my veins, and knew that 
 I was indeed standing on classic ground. 
 
 “But, sir, on that occasion I did not see those 
 evidences of commercial prosperity which I was 
 anxious to observe. In visiting to-day your splendid 
 docks, your warehouses, your ocean steamers, your 
 railways, and rising manufactories, which have been 
 created by untiring energy and honourable enter- 
 prise within a few years, my pride in your historical 
 associations was quickened and enlivened by the 
 proofs of modern enterprise which distinguish this 
 great seaport. 
 
 “The object of my visit to England is to draw 
 closer the ties between the North American pro- 
 vinces and the mother country. To reproduce Eng- 
 land on the other side of the Atlantic ; to make the 
 children, in institutions, feelings, and civilization, 
 as much like the parent as possible, has been the * 
 labour of my past life ; and now I wish to encourage 
 the parent to promote her own interests by caring 
 for the welfare and strengthening the hands of her 
 children; to show to the people of England that 
 across the Atlantic they possess provinces of in- 
 estimable value.” 
 
 The effect produced by this speech was grati- 
 fying. Howe was invited to attend a banquet 
 128 
 
EFFECT OF HOWE’S VISIT 
 
 given by the corporation, his health was proposed 
 by the mayor and drunk with great enthusiasm, 
 and the Hampshire Independent^ the leading paper 
 of the city, referred to his visit and speech in terms 
 of the highest appreciation. The metropolitan press 
 devoted a great deal of attention to Howe’s utter- 
 ances on colonial questions, and in the House of 
 Lords a discussion arose on the subject of his 
 letters to Earl Grey. Lords Stanley and Mount- 
 eagle referred especially in strong terms to the 
 importance of the questions opened up by these 
 letters, and asked the government what policy they 
 intended to pursue in view of these representa- 
 tions, strongly urging that Howe’s propositions be 
 accepted. 
 
 Mr. Howe’s utterances attracted another class — 
 the railway magnates. Sir Morton Peto, William 
 Jackson and Thomas Brassey, who were capitalists 
 and railway contractors. They put themselves in 
 communication with Howe, and thus became in- 
 terested in Canadian railways. These men did not 
 prove of advantage to Howe’s aims and policy, but 
 they were led to an investigation of Canadian re- 
 sources, and ultimately became associated with the 
 construction of the Grand Trunk Railway. 
 
 Of social attentions while in London on this 
 occasion, Howe was the constant recipient, but 
 naturally his mind was mostly absorbed in the 
 great purpose of securing an imperial guarantee for 
 the construction of a railway from Halifax to 
 
 129 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Quebec, which would carry with it a railway from 
 Halifax to the New Brunswick border, and thus 
 incidentally serve the interests of the eastern and 
 northern portions of the province. In endeavouring 
 to get some definite action on the part of the 
 Whig ministry then in power, Howe experienced 
 enormous difficulties. During the session of 1850-51, 
 parliament was embroiled in acute faction fights ; to 
 such a degree, indeed, were these dissensions car- 
 ried that on February 21st, 1851, about the time 
 that Howe was hoping to have obtained favourable 
 consideration of his propositions from Earl Grey, 
 Lord John Russell’s ministry resigned, and this left 
 everything in doubt and difficulty. The session in 
 Nova Scotia had already opened, and Howe real- 
 ized the importance of having something to submit 
 to the House of Assembly before it prorogued. For 
 several days it was extremely doubtful what would 
 become of the ministry, or whether Lord Derby or 
 some person else would undertake to form another. 
 This suspense lasted until March 3rd, when Lord 
 John Russell resumed office and agreed to continue 
 the government. By the ]0th, Howe was able to 
 obtain a letter from Mr. Hawes, written under the 
 authority of Earl Grey, the colonial secretary, and 
 this letter was in every way exceedingly encourag- 
 ing and satisfactory. Indeed, it went further in this 
 direction than any subsequent action on the part of 
 the imperial government in respect to guarantees 
 of colonial loans. A possible exception to this 
 130 
 
LETTER OF MR. HAWES 
 
 was the undertaking to guarantee a portion of the 
 money required for the construction of the Interco- 
 lonial Railway at the inauguration of confederation 
 in 1867. The important points of Mr. Hawes’s letter, 
 which was somewhat lengthy, were as follows : — 
 
 “I am directed to inform you that Her Majesty’s 
 government are prepared to recommend to parlia- 
 ment that this guaranty should be granted, or that 
 the money required should be advanced from the 
 British treasury, on the conditions which I will now 
 proceed to state. In the first place, as Her Majesty’s 
 government are of opinion that they would not be 
 justified in asking parliament to allow the credit of 
 this country to be pledged for an object not of 
 great importance to the British Empire as a whole 
 (and they do not consider that the projected railway 
 would answer this description, unless it should 
 establish a line of communication between the three 
 British provinces), it must be distinctly understood 
 that the work is not to be commenced, nor is 
 any part of the loan — for the interest on which the 
 British treasury is to be responsible — to be raised, 
 until arrangements are made with the provinces 
 of Canada and New Brunswick, by which the 
 construction of a line of railway passing wholly 
 through British territory, from Halifax to Quebec 
 or Montreal shall be provided for to the satisfaction 
 of Her Majesty’s government. 
 
 “In order that such arrangements may be made, 
 Her Majesty’s government will undertake to recom- 
 
 131 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 mend to parliament that the like assistance shall be 
 rendered to these provinces as to Nova Scotia, in 
 obtaining loans for the construction of their respec- 
 tive portions of the work. If it should appear that, 
 by leaving each province to make that part of the 
 line passing through its own territory, the pro- 
 portion of the whole cost of the work which would 
 fall upon any one province, would exceed its pro- 
 portion of the advantage to be gained by it, then 
 the question is to remain open for future consid- 
 eration, whether some contribution should not be 
 made by the other provinces towards that part 
 of the line; but it is to be clearly understood that 
 the whole cost of the hne" is to be provided for 
 by loans raised by the provinces in such proportions 
 as may be agreed upon, with the guaranty of the 
 imperial parhament. The manner in which the 
 profits to be derived from the railway when com- 
 pleted are to be divided between the provinces will 
 also remain for future consideration.” 
 
 This important letter, Howe at once communi- 
 cated, with an elaborate report, to his government, 
 and on April 5th sailed for Hahfax, arriving home 
 on the 14th. 
 
 During Howe’s absence some difficulties had 
 arisen in connection with the ministry, which in- 
 volved the resignation of one of the ministers, Mr. 
 George R. Young, and Howe was called upon to 
 exercise his tact in allaying any unpleasant feel- 
 ings that had arisen from these internal dissensions. 
 
 132 
 
CONFLICTING PROJECTS 
 
 Howe’s report and the despatches from Down- 
 ing Street were laid before the House, and were 
 received with an almost universal chorus of ap- 
 proval. Of course, those opposed to the ministry 
 and opposed to government railways made some 
 criticisms, but the sentiment almost universal in the 
 legislature and throughout the province was that 
 Howe had achieved a great work and had suc- 
 ceeded in an unexpected degree in enlightening 
 Her Majesty’s ministers and interesting them in 
 the affairs of British North America. 
 
 Another difficulty which immediately presented it- 
 self to Howe was the opposition which the promoters 
 of the Portland scheme offered to his proposal. The 
 imperial government did not undertake to guaran- 
 tee provincial bonds for the construction of a rail- 
 way from Halifax to Portland. The foundation 
 of their guarantee was that imperial interests were 
 concerned in the construction of a railway from 
 Halifax to the St. Lawrence, and there were many 
 persons in both provinces who looked upon the 
 Portland scheme as the more useful and desirable. 
 Howe did not offer any opposition to the Portland 
 project, but he exerted all his efforts to securing 
 the construction of the Intercolonial Railway, re- 
 garding this enterprise as having important and far- 
 reaching relations to the consolidation of the British 
 American provinces and the strengthening of the 
 empire. Howe, armed with Mr. Hawes’s letter, 
 had now the task of securing the cooperation of 
 
 133 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 New Brunswick and Canada in furthering this 
 great enterprise. It became necessary, consequently, 
 that he should at once take steps to that end, 
 though his first care was that the people of Nova 
 Scotia should be fully enlightened upon the whole 
 question. Before leaving, therefore, for New Bruns- 
 wick and Canada, Howe addressed a great public 
 meeting of the citizens of Halifax at Mason Hall 
 on May 15th, and this speech sets forth in masterly 
 terms the whole position of British North America, 
 its importance to the empire and its great future. 
 Note one passage : — 
 
 “ With such a territory as this to overrun, 
 organize and improve, think you that we shall stop 
 even at the western bounds of Canada ? or even at 
 the shores of the Pacific ? Vancouver’s Island, with 
 its vast coal measures, lies beyond. The beautiful 
 islands of the Pacific and the growing commerce of 
 the ocean, are beyond. Populous China and the 
 rich East, are beyond ; and the sails of our children’s 
 children will reflect as famiharly the sunbeams of 
 the South, as they now brave the angry tempests 
 of the North. The Maritime Provinces, which I 
 now address, are but the Atlantic frontage of this 
 boundless and prohfic region, the wharves upon 
 which its business will be transacted, and beside 
 which its rich argosies are to lie. Nova Scotia is 
 one of these. Will you, then, put your hands 
 unitedly, with order, intelligence, and energy, to 
 this great work ? Refuse, and you are recreants to 
 134 
 
A PROPHETIC UTTERANCE 
 
 every principle which lies at the base of your 
 country’s prosperity and advancement ; refuse, and 
 the Deity’s handwriting upon land and sea, is to 
 you unintelligible language ; refuse, and Nova 
 Scotia, instead of occupying the foreground as she 
 now does, should have been thrown back, at least 
 behind the Rocky Mountains. God has planted 
 your country in the front of this boundless region ; 
 see that you comprehend its destiny and resources 
 — see that you discharge, with energy and elevation 
 of soul, the duties which devolve upon you in 
 virtue of your position. Hitherto, my countrymen, 
 you have dealt with this subject in a becoming 
 spirit, and whatever others may think or apprehend, 
 I know that you vrill persevere in that spirit until 
 our objects are attained. I am neither a prophet, 
 nor a son of a prophet, yet I will venture to pre- 
 dict that in five years we shall make the journey 
 hence to Quebec and Montreal, and home through 
 Portland and St. John, by rail ; and I beheve that 
 many in this room will live to hear the whistle of the 
 steam engine in the passes of the Rocky Mountains 
 and to make the journey from Halifax to the Pacihc 
 in five or six days,'' 
 
 In 1871, when British Columbia was incorporated 
 into the Dominion of Canada under the condition 
 that a railroad should be built to the Pacific ocean 
 in ten years, most men regarded this as a vast and, 
 perhaps, impossible undertaking. It required faith, 
 in 1871, to undertake such a project by a united 
 
 135 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Canada which had grown enormously in population 
 and resources during the preceding twenty years. 
 What are we to think of the great mental vision 
 and splendid faith of a man who, before confedera- 
 tion was seriously conceived, could, in 1851, make 
 a prediction that men within the sound of his voice 
 would live to hear the whistle of the steam engine 
 in the passes of the Rocky Mountains ? 
 
 In New Brunswick, Howe had to encounter 
 exceptional difficulties. The interests of the greater 
 number of the people seemed to be in the direction 
 of the railway to Portland, and the route which 
 Major Robinson had selected for the Intercolonial 
 ran along the north shore of New Brunswick, where 
 population at that time was slight ; it did not touch 
 the cities of St. John and Fredericton, nor the pop- 
 ulous centres of the St. John River. Howe had no 
 less a task before him than to convert the people 
 and government of New Brunswick to his views 
 and interest them in carrying out their share of the 
 project according to the terms of Hawes’s letter. 
 He addressed meetings at Dorchester, Moncton, 
 St. John and St. Andrews, and then visited Fred- 
 ericton to confer with the governor and members 
 of the government. In his public speeches in New 
 Brunswick, Howe grappled with the matter most 
 adroitly and clearly demonstrated that there was no 
 disposition on his part or on that of the government 
 of Nova Scotia to interfere with any of New Bruns- 
 wick’s railway projects, but merely to interest them 
 136 
 
HOWE’S SCHEME ACCEPTED 
 
 in a project of common advantage to all British 
 American provinces, namely that of securing a line 
 from Halifax and St. John to the St. Lawrence. 
 He undertook to point out to them that by means 
 of this promised guarantee of a loan from the 
 imperial government, the money for both projects 
 could be obtained upon conditions involving scarcely 
 more obligations upon their province than one pro- 
 ject would entail. The result of his efforts in New 
 Brunswick was entirely successful, and he was able 
 to induce Mr. Chandler, a leading New Brunswick 
 statesman, to accompany him to Toronto, where 
 he was to meet the Canadian government, with 
 Lord Elgin at its head, on June 15th. On his way 
 thither he passed through Portland, and being 
 entertained by the leading citizens, he so presented 
 his new scheme as to modify any hostility on the 
 part of Portland or the people of Maine. 
 
 The Canadian government, after full consultation 
 with Messrs. Howe and Chandler, promptly ac- 
 cepted Howe’s scheme and adopted a minute of 
 council agreeing to recommend to parliament at 
 the next session a measure to provide their portion 
 of the Intercolonial Railway loan upon the terms 
 embodied in Mr. Hawes’s letter on behalf of the 
 colonial secretary. Mr. Chandler, after this order-in- 
 council had been passed, returned at once to New 
 Brunswick to endeavour to procure a similar order- 
 in-council from his government. Howe remained 
 for a short time in Canada, and he was everywhere 
 
 137 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 received with the greatest enthusiasm. A public 
 dinner was given to him by the citizens of To- 
 ronto, which the governor-general, Lord Elgin, 
 attended. He and Mr. Chandler were taken to 
 Hamilton accompanied by leading members of the 
 legislature, and were entertained by Sir Allan 
 MacNab. Coming down to Montreal, Howe was 
 given a public dinner by the leading merchants 
 of that city, at which Mr. (afterwards Sir) Hugh 
 Allan, the president of the Board of Trade, presided. 
 He was also given a picnic at Beloeil. The public 
 addresses of Mr. Howe in Montreal were delivered 
 very soon after the outburst of dissatisfaction with 
 trade matters, which led to the issuing of an an- 
 nexation manifesto, and the whole tenor of his 
 speeches was to enlarge upon the value of British 
 connection, and to invoke not only colonial pride, 
 but to make it coincide with a due regard to the 
 obligations we owed to the motherland. At Quebec 
 Howe was given a notable reception. He was invited 
 by the mayor and corporation to address a pubhc 
 meeting, and his speech was lauded by the press 
 in the most flattering terms. He was tendered a 
 pubhc banquet, but declined. Indeed, at this mo- 
 ment Howe v/as the most prominent figure in 
 British North America. Mr. Angers, at the meet- 
 ing at Quebec, declared that “ F or his zeal, talent 
 and success in promoting the great Hahfax and 
 Quebec railway, the Hon. Joseph Howe would 
 be considered the benefactor not only of Nova 
 138 
 
A CHANGE OF CONSTITUENCY 
 
 Scotia but of all the North American colonies.” 
 Howe returned to Nova Scotia, passing through 
 Dorchester, N.B., on his way. He met the Hon. 
 Mr. Chandler, who informed him that the govern- 
 ment of New Brunswick had ratified the agreement 
 made in Toronto, and was prepared to construct 
 the two lines upon the terms proposed. 
 
 On July 21st, Howe reached Halifax, and was 
 greeted by enthusiastic demonstrations of welcome 
 on the part of the citizens, including a display 
 of fireworks. He had prepared a lengthy and cir- 
 cumstantial report of his mission to New Brunswick 
 and Canada, which was pubhshed at once and gave 
 universal satisfaction. 
 
 The House of Assembly was dissolved on July 
 26th. Mr. Howe, who had been a representative of 
 the metropolitan constituency of Halifax since his 
 entry into public hfe, resolved to seek a constitu- 
 ency at this election in Cumberland county, alleging 
 as a reason that the attention required by the 
 interests of a county so large and populous as Hali- 
 fax pressed upon him too severely in connection 
 with his larger public duties. It seems probable, 
 however, that Howe, being well assured that Hali- 
 fax was perfectly safe to elect four supporters 
 of the government, felt it desirable that he should 
 secure support in another constituency by his pres- 
 ence. The elections were sharply contested by 
 the opponents of the government, and there were 
 signs of opposition in the county of Cumber- 
 
 139 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 land, but Howe on entering the county proceeded 
 with an active canvass, rode on horseback four 
 hundred miles in twelve days, and made twenty 
 speeches, which produced such an effect that op- 
 position was withdrawn. 
 
 To indicate how highly Howe was appreciated 
 outside of the province, an extract from a speech 
 delivered during this campaign at Amherst, by the 
 Hon. Mr. Chandler of New Brunswick, will be a 
 striking testimony : — 
 
 “Mr. Howe need not, on personal grounds, come 
 to Cumberland to seek a seat. Any constituency in 
 the three provinces would be proud to accept his 
 services. His reputation is North American, his 
 speeches at Southampton, his letters to Earl Grey, 
 have elevated all the provinces in the estimation of 
 Europe — have roused them to a knowledge of their 
 own resources. I do not hesitate to say that no 
 other man in the empire could have conducted 
 that negotiation so ably, that no other man could 
 have ripened this great scheme, so far, or can now 
 bear up the weight of it in the legislature. This we 
 all feel to be true; but what I admire about Mr. 
 Howe is the simplicity of his manners, combined 
 with such high intellectual resources. Negotiating 
 with ministers of state, at the governor-general’s 
 council board, or even in the presence of his sover- 
 eign, as beneath the lowly roof of the humblest far- 
 mer in the land, he is ever the same — Joe Howe.” 
 
 The result of the election was altogether favour- 
 140 
 
RAILWAY MEASURES PASSED 
 
 able to the government. Halifax returned four 
 supporters; Howe and his colleagues were elected 
 in Cumberland by acclamation, and a good working 
 majority was obtained. 
 
 The railway policy, which had thus been appar- 
 ently consummated, so far as the three provinces 
 were concerned, was doomed to be shattered. The 
 compass of this work does not include a history of 
 Canada, nor is it profitable to enter into details 
 of the difficulties which ensued. Messrs. Jackson, 
 Peto, Betts and Brassey had fixed their minds upon 
 railway enterprises in Canada, and sent their agents 
 with all kinds of specious proposals for the construc- 
 tion of the work. Howe was not captivated by these, 
 but wished to adhere strictly to the original pro- 
 position of having the road between Halifax and 
 Quebec constructed by the three governments, the 
 loan for the necessary money to be guaranteed 
 by the imperial government. 
 
 The legislature of Nova Scotia was called to- 
 gether on November 4th, and Howe soon after 
 brought down the railway bills, which pledged Nova 
 Scotia not only to the construction of a piece 
 of road between Halifax and New Brunswick, but 
 for thirty miles beyond the boundary. After a pro- 
 tracted debate his railway measures were carried by 
 large majorities. It became evident, however, soon 
 after, that New Brunswick was being captivated by 
 propositions from English capitalists for the con- 
 struction of the road to Portland, and Mr. Hincks, 
 
 141 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 representing the Canadian government, came down 
 to New Brunswick, and a conference of the three 
 provinces was asked to meet at Fredericton to re- 
 consider the whole question. Mr. Howe declined to 
 join this conference, foreseeing then the influences 
 that were at work. The delegates, however, came to 
 Halifax, and it was easy to see that there was 
 a determined disposition on the part of New Bruns- 
 wick, aided by the influence of the Canadian gov- 
 ernment to make the route of the Intercolonial by 
 the valley of the St. John River, rather than by the 
 Major Robinson route. Howe would not join in 
 this movement because he believed it would jeopar- 
 dize the imperial guarantee. The New Brunswick 
 legislature, however, adopted this proposition, and 
 the next step was to obtain the consent of the im- 
 perial government to the changed route. Messrs. 
 Hincks and Chandler went to England. They 
 asked Howe to join them. It was, however, impos- 
 sible for him to accede to this for the reason that 
 the election of himself and Mr. Fulton had been 
 set aside by a committee of the legislature, and 
 it became necessary for him in mid- winter to con- 
 test an election in Cumberland. The campaign 
 proved a severe one, but on March 24th, 1853, 
 Howe and his colleague, Mr. Fulton, were again 
 triumphantly returned for the county of Cumber- 
 land. On his return he received complimentary 
 addresses and a large escort of the men of Col- 
 chester county, and in Halifax he and his colleague 
 142 
 
RETURN TO THE ORIGINAL POLICY 
 
 were received and conducted to the House by 
 an enormous crowd of people and a torchlight 
 procession. 
 
 Now that the election was safely over, some still 
 thought that Howe should go to England and join 
 Messrs. Hincks and Chandler, but this was not his 
 view. He foresaw difficulty and failure. Lord Der- 
 by’s government was by this time in power, and it 
 distinctly refused to give the imperial guarantee for 
 a line through the St. John valley. Mr. Hincks also 
 had an unfortunate quarrel with Sir John Packing- 
 ton, but he succeeded in making arrangements for 
 the construction of the Grand Trunk Railway. 
 New Brunswick likewise became involved in con- 
 tracts with these English railway men, which turned 
 out unfortunately, if not disastrously, and even the 
 terms and conditions upon which the Grand Trunk 
 was constructed were not, viewed by the light of 
 history, altogether satisfactory from a financial point 
 of view. 
 
 On August 5th, 1852, Sir Gaspard LeMarchant 
 became governor of Nova Scotia, Sir John Har- 
 vey having died the previous spring. Howe now 
 reverted to his original pohcy of constructing rail- 
 ways for Nova Scotia as a government work, and 
 quite irrespective of the action of any of the other 
 provinces. On August 25th an order-in-council was 
 passed, pledging the administration to proceed with 
 the construction of railways east and west, and 
 authorizing contracts to be entered into, subject 
 
 143 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 to the approval of the legislature, for raising the 
 funds and carrying on the works. The publication 
 of this order-in-council brought offers from Messrs. 
 Peto, Brassey & Co., and Sikes, King and Brook- 
 field. It was deemed advisable that the resources of 
 these proposed contractors should be enquired into, 
 and still more necessary that financial arrangements, 
 whereby the money could be secured upon the 
 credit of the province, be made in London before 
 proceeding with any enterprise. To this end, Mr. 
 Howe left for England on October 28th, 1852, and, 
 having completed his arrangements with Messrs. 
 Baring Bros, k Co., for negotiating the provincial 
 bonds to the extent of one million pounds currency 
 ($4,000,000) he returned in the latter part of De- 
 cember. 
 
 During the session of 1853 Howe introduced a 
 measure authorizing the government to construct 
 railways upon the great thoroughfares to the ex- 
 tent of one million pounds. This measure was op- 
 posed by Johnston and his supporters in a most 
 determined manner. Canada had entered into a 
 contract with Jackson and his friends to con- 
 struct their railways, as also had New Brunswick, 
 and it was contended that company railways could 
 be secured with moderate subventions in Nova 
 Scotia at much less cost and by incurring a 
 very much smaller provincial obligation. Howe, 
 against his better judgment, deemed it wise to 
 respect these objections. He withdrew his measure 
 144 
 
GOVERNMENT REORGANIZED 
 
 and substituted facility, bills to give effect to the 
 proposition of the opposition, and announced that 
 he would allow a year to pass and see if favourable 
 contracts could be obtained for the construction of 
 the railways. A year passed by and nothing sub- 
 stantial was accomplished. Consequently, when the 
 House met in 1854, the ground was clear for Howe’s 
 original proposition. It was proposed that a line 
 should be built from Halifax to Pictou in the east, 
 and a line to Windsor westerly, to be ultimately 
 continued to Annapolis or Digby. Some prominent 
 men in the legislature who had hitherto been in 
 opposition to the government, including Mr. L. M. 
 Wilkins, announced their conversion to Howe’s 
 policy and supported the government. The railway 
 measures were passed and the government was em- 
 powered to proceed at once with the construction of 
 the sections east and west, the line being common to 
 both sections as far as Windsor Junction. After these 
 measures had been successfully carried through the 
 House, a complete reorganization of the govern- 
 ment took place. Mr. James B. Uniacke, the at- 
 torney-general and formal head of the government, 
 being in ill-health and desiring to retire from active 
 public life, accepted the office of commissioner 
 of Crown lands. This left the way clear to Mr. 
 Howe to assume in name as well as in reality, 
 the leadership of the government; but he had other 
 views. The Railway Act had provided that these 
 railways were to be constructed by a board of rail- 
 
 145 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 way commissioners, the chairman to be a permanent 
 salaried official with £700 a year, the other mem- 
 bers to be merely consultants without salary. Howe 
 chose, for reasons which it is not quite easy to 
 understand, to give up his position in the govern- 
 ment and take the subordinate position of chief 
 commissioner of railways. He alleged that his 
 object in leaving the government and taking the 
 post of chief railway commissioner was because of 
 his conviction that railway construction was the 
 most important matter at the time, and demanded 
 his undivided attention. He understood well that 
 many difficulties were to be encountered and many 
 dangers to be faced in the introduction of railways 
 into the province, and he felt the work would 
 be safest in the hands of one who was in thor- 
 ough s^nnpathy with the undertaking. At Howe’s 
 suggestion, Mr. William Young, who had been 
 speaker for a number of years, was called upon 
 to form an administration. He accepted this duty 
 and took the office of attorney-general. Mr. Wilkins 
 became provincial secretary, Mr. Henry solicitor- 
 general, and Mr. Howe ceased to be associated with 
 the executive government of the province. He 
 retained, however, his seat in the legislature, as it 
 was expressly provided in the act that the chairman 
 of the railway board should be eligible to sit in the 
 assembly, and it is needless to remark that although 
 no longer in the executive, he continued to be the 
 leading figure in parliamentary halls. 
 
 146 
 
RAILWAYS AND CONFEDERATION 
 
 This sketch embodies the actual conditions of 
 railway construction in Nova Scotia. The railway 
 was pushed forward as rapidly as possible to Truro 
 and to Windsor, and was owned and operated as a 
 government railway. In 1864 provision was made 
 for extending this government road from Truro 
 to Pictou. Consequently, when confederation was 
 formed, while Ontario and Quebec entered the 
 confederation with a large public debt, and without 
 equivalent public works, certainly without any 
 railways to represent this debt. Nova Scotia en- 
 tered the confederation with its quota of debt, but 
 with railways already profitable to represent it. In- 
 deed, if the railway between Halifax and Pictou on 
 the one side and Halifax and Windsor on the other 
 were operated to-day upon ordinary comrnercial 
 principles, they would pay fair interest upon the 
 reasonable cost of construction. 
 
 147 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 FOREIGN ENLISTMENT AND THE IRISH 
 CATHOLICS 
 
 M r. HOWE pursued his duties as chairman of 
 the railway board with assiduity. During the 
 summer of 1854 work was in vigorous operation, 
 and in 1855 a large number of men were employed 
 and construction was going vigorously forward. 
 In 1854 the Crimean war broke out. The results 
 of the early efforts in the war were not favour- 
 able to British arms and much humihation and 
 distress was felt on all sides. It seems inevitable 
 that under the present British army system, the 
 nation must always be unprepared for war on a 
 large scale, and inefficiency in generalship and 
 failure in the commissariat department are always 
 sure to be exposed. The necessity for more men for 
 service in the Crimea became apparent, and in the 
 session of 1854-55 the British government passed 
 an act providing for the foreign enlistment of 
 soldiers for the army. Howe, years before, had 
 pointed out in the clearest possible terms the im- 
 portance of having colonial regiments formed, 
 trained and made ready for active service, but no 
 heed was paid to his suggestions and warnings by 
 either the colonial or war department of the 
 
 149 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 imperial government. In furtherance of the Foreign 
 Enhstment Act, a despatch came from the colonial 
 secretary to the lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, 
 Sir Gaspard LeMarchant, asking him to arrange to 
 have a recruiting station opened at Halifax at 
 which men could be enlisted for active service. 
 The government, in response to this, made arrange- 
 ments accordingly to establish a depot at which 
 officers and men could be enlisted and sent to the 
 Crimea. It may be mentioned at once that the 
 expectation in opening this office in Halifax was 
 that numbers of men would come from the United 
 States and enter the service here. Communications 
 had already been received by the governor and 
 others from friends in the United States intimating 
 that many men were out of employment there, and 
 that a number of British subjects in the United 
 States, as well as Poles, Hungarians, etc., would 
 enter the service with avidity if an opportunity was 
 afforded them. 
 
 The governor sent for Howe and consulted him 
 upon the steps which should be taken, of course, in 
 conjunction with his advisers. Howe thought it 
 desirable that some one should go to the United 
 States, examine the ground, and see how far it was 
 practicable to secure recruits for active service, and 
 in this the governor concurred and asked Howe to 
 suggest a suitable person for this mission. He 
 replied that some member of his government would 
 be best suited for this purpose, but the governor, 
 150 
 
MISSION IN THE UNITED STATES 
 
 and probably his advisers, were strongly of the 
 opinion that Howe would most efficiently discharge 
 such a service. It was not a pleasant duty; it 
 involved difficulties and possibly dangers, but Howe 
 was never a man to shrink from any service which 
 he thought necessary to uphold the honour of his 
 country and the integrity of the empire. 
 
 In consequence Howe started in March and 
 visited Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Wash- 
 ington on this mission. At this period Mr. John F. 
 Crampton was British minister at Washington. Be- 
 tween this minister and the governor of Nova Scotia 
 correspondence had taken place, and this had grown 
 out of correspondence with Earl Clarendon, the 
 secretary of state for foreign affairs, who had drawn 
 the attention of the minister to the Foreign Enlist- 
 ment Act, and sought light as to how far it was 
 probable that recruits could be obtained in the 
 United States. Mr. Crampton proceeded judiciously 
 at first, but came to grief, as it happened, before 
 the matter was over. There were upon the statute 
 book of the United States stringent acts against 
 foreign enlistment in that country. The British 
 minister consulted an eminent lawyer, in whom he 
 had confidence, as to what could be done legally, 
 and what could not be done under this act, and it 
 seemed to be the judgment that no contract for 
 enlistment could be made with any person within 
 the United States, nor could there be personal 
 solicitation of any citizens of the United States to 
 
 151 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 enter into a foreign service. Mr. Crampton no 
 doubt proposed to act strictly within his legal 
 rights and not to exceed them, but this proved to 
 be a somewhat difficult matter, not only in the 
 abstract, but because of the prevalent sympathy of 
 the American government and people during the 
 war. It is useless to enquire why, but the fact 
 remains, that during the Crimean war of 1854-55 
 an immense majority of the people of the United 
 States sympathized with Russia. At the beginning 
 a policy of strict neutrahty was announced by the 
 United States government, and it can be easily 
 inferred that any steps taken in any direction tend- 
 ing to give aid or assistance to the British authori- 
 ties at this juncture would excite the most acute 
 feeling throughout the United States. 
 
 It was the judgment of the British minister, as 
 well as of the governor of Nova Scotia that, while 
 it was illegal to enlist soldiers in the United States, 
 it was not infringing any statute to circulate posters 
 in that country setting forth the fact that a recruit- 
 ing station had been opened at Halifax and that any 
 men who desired to enlist and might come for that 
 purpose, on arriving there, would not only receive 
 pay according to the army regulations, but would 
 be paid the full amount of their travelling expenses 
 from their residence to Hahfax. A proclamation to 
 that effect was issued by the provincial government 
 of Nova Scotia, under the hand of the lieutenant- 
 governor, and signed by Mr. L. M. Wilkins as pro- 
 152 
 
DIFFICULTIES OF THE MISSION 
 
 vincial secretary. An address, written by Howe, 
 embodying this proclamation and pointing out the 
 opportunity that it afforded, was issued and widely 
 circulated in the United States, chiefly through the 
 agency of Howe, who was acting with those upon 
 whose friendly confidence he thought he could 
 rely, especially the British consuls at New York, 
 Boston, etc. 
 
 At an early stage of Howe’s mission in the 
 United States he began to meet with difficulties. 
 It was his misfortune to be approached by men 
 who made great professions of devotion to the 
 empire, and of their ability to obtain recruits, pro- 
 vided that some means were placed at their disposal, 
 and Howe, in as judicious a manner as possible, 
 placed in the hands of one of these officious men 
 the sum of $300. Howe’s secretary also held com- 
 munication with several persons, perhaps, in some 
 instances with a little more zeal than discretion. In 
 consequence, the fact that steps were being taken 
 to secure recruits for the British army in the 
 United States became gradually a matter of notori- 
 ety. It not only got into the newspapers but the 
 authorities took cognizance of it, and warrants were 
 issued for the arrest of sundry persons, including 
 Howe and his secretary. The latter was arrested 
 and tried before Judge Kane, and acquitted. No 
 bill was found against Howe. Hertz, who had 
 obtained the money from Howe and some other 
 money from his friends on the strength of the 
 
 153 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 business he had undertaken, turned out to be a 
 renegade, and after being tried for violating the 
 laws of the United States, he made a confession 
 impheating various persons, including the British 
 consuls and the British minister himself. 
 
 At a somewhat critical period of Howe’s efforts, 
 the finishing stroke in the way of opposition came 
 from Hahfax. A man named William Condon, 
 who held office as a gauger in the customs depart- 
 ment, was president of the Charitable Irish Society. 
 It is, perhaps, fitting to state here that during the 
 progress of the war in the Crimea there were 
 unmistakable tokens in Halifax of sympathy with 
 the Russians on the part of a considerable portion 
 of the Irish Catholic population. Indeed, it is 
 asserted upon fairly good authority that meetings 
 were held in which Great Britain and her actions in 
 respect to the war were denounced, and that a league 
 was formed to give effect to these hostile views. 
 Condon was suspected of having more or less 
 sympathy and cooperation with this movement. 
 Howe had some success in obtaining recruits, and 
 a number of men came to Halifax for this purpose, 
 among others a body of Irish Catholics. Whether 
 these men were influenced after their arrival in 
 Halifax or not, the fact remains that it was alleged 
 on their behalf that they had been induced to come 
 to Nova Scotia upon the pledge of work upon the 
 railway. As no work was provided for them, they 
 were in a condition of destitution, and Condon 
 154 
 
CONDON’S ANNOUNCEMENT 
 
 sent to an Irish newspaper published in New York, 
 where Howe then was, a telegram couched in the 
 following terms: “Sixty Irishmen entrapped in Bos- 
 ton as railway labourers sent here for the foreign 
 legions. Publish and circulate this. — Wm. Condon, 
 Pres. C.I.S.” The effect of the publication of this 
 was to compel Howe to leave immediately, which 
 he did, and returned to Halifax after two anxious 
 months in the United States, where his efforts had 
 secured about nine hundred men in spite of all the 
 difficulties encountered. It can be easily imagined 
 that he was not in a very pleasant humour towards 
 the Irish population on his return to the province. 
 
 In 1855 the term of the legislature expired, and it 
 became necessary to have a general election. Howe 
 had not returned from his mission in the United 
 States when the campaign opened throughout the 
 province. It was not believed that his seat in Cum- 
 berland was in any danger, and therefore he did 
 not hasten his return with any sense that his 
 presence was necessary in Cumberland county. But 
 it happened that in this election the candidate 
 against him was a certain local doctor named 
 Charles Tupper, who thus for the first time appears 
 upon the political scene in Nova Scotia, in which 
 he afterwards played such a conspicuous part, and 
 for many years later a still more commanding part in 
 the larger arena of federal affairs. Local tradition 
 thus records the circumstances under which Mr. 
 Howe and Dr. Tupper first met in the political 
 
 155 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 arena. It has been already mentioned that Howe 
 was called upon to contest a bye-election in Cum- 
 berland in 1852, and it is related that in one of his 
 public gatherings in that county, after he had 
 finished his address, Dr. Tupper, short of stature 
 and then of slender form, came forward and de- 
 manded the right to reply. This was received with 
 laughter and jeers by Howe’s friends. Mr. Howe 
 was, as always, disposed to be generous, so he arose 
 and said: “Let us hear the little doctor by all 
 means. I would not be any more affected by any- 
 thing he might say than by the mewing of yonder 
 kitten,” pointing to a cat which was perched upon 
 a fence near by. Having thus secured the right 
 to speak. Dr. Tupper came forward and plunged 
 at once into a vigorous onslaught in the same 
 trenchant style which characterized him until the 
 latest period of his pohtical career. A gentleman 
 present at the meeting, who was then in political 
 sympathy with Howe, was so far affected by 
 Tupper’s vigorous criticisms that he made the 
 remark that “it was possible that Howe would find 
 this little doctor a cat that would scratch his eyes 
 out.” The prediction was soon enough fulfilled. At 
 the general election of 1855, Dr. Tupper received 
 the Conservative nomination as a candidate for the 
 county of Cumberland, and conducted his campaign 
 with such force that when the votes were counted 
 it was found that Tupper and his Conservative 
 colleagues were elected, and Howe and his col- 
 156 
 
HOWE’S FIRST DEFEAT 
 
 leagues had been defeated. This was Howe’s first 
 defeat in a political election. Mr. Young’s govern- 
 ment had been handsomely sustained and had a 
 large majority in the new House, and Mr. Howe 
 would retain his office as chairman of the railway 
 board. His defeat, therefore, did not , affect in any 
 way his pecuniary prospects, but it was an un- 
 expected and unpleasant incident. He accepted his 
 failure, however, good-naturedly, and attributed it 
 to the fact that he was too late in getting into the 
 county owing to his absence abroad. 
 
 During the session of 1856 Howe was not in his 
 accustomed place in the House of Assembly of Nova 
 Scotia, and it is needless to say that his absence 
 created a great gap. No figure, indeed, could be 
 more missed by the occupants of the galleries. For 
 twenty years he ‘had been the most conspicuous 
 figure in the legislative halls, bringing every variety 
 of genius to bear upon the stirring questions dis- 
 cussed, and it did seem a strange incident to find 
 public discussions going forward in the assembly 
 with no ‘‘Joe” Howe to enliven them. In 1856, 
 after the session, Mr. L. M. Wilkins was appointed 
 a judge of the supreme court. His place as provin- 
 cial secretary was taken by Mr. W. A. Henry, at 
 that time solicitor-general, and Mr. A. G. Archi- 
 bald became solicitor-general and a member of the 
 executive. Mr. W ilkins’s seat in Hants county 
 thereby became vacant, and Howe was presented 
 with a requisition signed by leading men of both 
 
 157 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 political parties asking him to become the repre- 
 sentative of that county in the House of Assembly. 
 He accepted, and was returned by acclamation. 
 Once again, therefore, Mr. Howe was in his place 
 as a member of the assembly. 
 
 But striking events were to occur before he took 
 his seat in the session of 1857. During the summer 
 of 1856 riots had occurred on the railway. It appears 
 that a body of Irish Catholics had made a savage 
 attack upon the shanty of one Gourley, situated on 
 the line of railway under construction. It is not neces- 
 sary to enter into details of the outrage, but unques- 
 tionably it was a savage and brutal attack, and a 
 reign of terror was inaugurated. The reason alleged 
 for this attack upon Gourley ’s shanty was that the 
 owner had made some observations reflecting upon 
 certain tenets and practices of the Roman Catholic 
 Church. The outbreak was not entirely confined to 
 the attack upon Gourley ’s shanty, but other riots 
 and terrorizing acts were alleged to have been per- 
 petrated by the Irish Catholics employed on the 
 work, and they had given out threats that no 
 Protestant should be allowed employment. Howe, 
 as chairman of the railway board, had proceeded to 
 make personal investigations and take proceedings 
 to bring the rioters to justice, and to secure peace 
 and order along the line, and in pursuit of this 
 he had encountered much that was irritating and 
 calculated to excite deep indignation. 
 
 It happened that on the afternoon of his return 
 158 
 
DISMISSAL OF THE BRITISH MINISTER 
 
 from this tour a public meeting was held in Halifax 
 for the purpose of considering the presentation 
 of an address to Mr. John F. Crampton, the British 
 minister at Washington, who had been summarily 
 dismissed from that post by the president of the 
 United States, solely and entirely on account of his 
 connection with the foreign enlistment business 
 with which Mr. Howe had been actively associ- 
 ated.^ The people of Nova Scotia at large were in 
 
 ^ Early in 1856 a long discussion took place in the British House of 
 Commons on the conduct of Mr. Crampton in respect of foreign enlist- 
 ment, in the course of which Mr. Gladstone made a speech attacking 
 Crampton, and incidentally reflecting on Mr. Howe. The latter at once 
 addressed an open letter to Mr. Gladstone, in which he resented his 
 imputations and ably defended himself. Only an extract or two can be 
 quoted : — “ Presuming on the advantage which fine talents and elevated 
 station confer, you ventured to take unwarrantable liberties with a 
 stranger’s name and reputation ; to speak in his absence of a British 
 American gentleman, whose only offence was obedience to his sovereign 
 and zeal for the honour of his country, in terjns of sarcasm and re- 
 proach, which, I shall presently show, were undeserved from any 
 Englishman, and least of all from the honourable member for Oxford. 
 
 . . . The responsibility for what I did, whatever it was, has been 
 assumed by the Queen’s government and ministers, and after full 
 discussion of the subject in all its bearings, has been sustained by 
 parliament. By what rule is it, therefore, that Mr. Gladstone, a single 
 member of the cabinet under whose authority and instructions I was 
 employed, ventures to arraign my conduct, or shake himself clear 
 of the responsibility of my proceedings ? If ^ this Howe ’ has done 
 wrong, 'that Gladstone,’ no less than Mr. Sydney Herbert, his friend 
 and colleague, whose despatch was my sole warrant and authority, must 
 share the blame.” 
 
 Mr. Gladstone, after reading Mr. Howe’s letter, sent him a note, in 
 which he very generously withdrew his reflections, and made the 
 amende honorable. Mr. Howe never received any remuneration from the 
 Imperial government for his disagreeable and dangerous services in 
 connection with Foreign Enlistment. 
 
 159 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 sympathy with Mr. Crampton and believed that he 
 had been unfairly and harshly dealt with by the 
 American authorities. Knowing that Mr. Crampton 
 was to pass through Halifax on his way to England, 
 a public meeting of the citizens had been called to 
 consider the propriety of presenting an address 
 to him. No political hue was given to this meeting. 
 Leading men of both political parties attended and 
 expressed their opinion freely that Mr. Crampton 
 had been made a victim of American sympathy 
 with Russia. The war by this time was over and 
 peace had been established. The meeting proceeded 
 in its usual way. A resolution was moved by Mr. 
 Henry Pryor that a complimentary address be pre- 
 sented to Mr. Crampton expressing the cordial 
 sympathy of Nova Scotians. This was seconded by 
 Mr. Peter Lynch, Q.C. 
 
 At this point a note of opposition was heard, and 
 it came from a representative of the Irish Catho- 
 lics present at the meeting. Howe had taken no 
 active part in the meeting up to this point, but 
 when he observed this fresh outbreak of anti-British 
 feeling among the Irish population, he felt that the 
 time had arrived when some one should take the 
 responsibility of speaking out in plain and unmis- 
 takable terms. This action on Howe’s part was not 
 that of a judicious politician, or a successful oppor- 
 tunist ; indeed a thorough politician would have 
 done nothing of the kind, but in Howe’s action on 
 that day and for the months that succeeded it, one 
 160 
 
BREACH WITH THE IRISH CATHOLICS 
 
 may read clearly the type and character of his man- 
 hood. He was fresh from the scene of Irish Catho- 
 lic rioting and terrorism on the railway. He still 
 remembered the outbursts of hostility to Great 
 Britain by a portion of the Irish population in 
 Halifax, and he had not ceased to smart under what 
 he conceived to be the disloyal and hostile treatment 
 he had received from the hands of Mr. Condon 
 while endeavouring to advance the interests of the 
 empire in a foreign country. His just indignation 
 was thoroughly aroused, and with the courage 
 always characteristic of his every movement, he 
 threw discretion to the winds and arose in this 
 meeting and delivered a speech in which in clean 
 cut terms he denounced the insidious disloyalty 
 of a portion of the Irish population and gave it 
 to be distinctly understood that, at whatever cost or 
 sacrifice, he intended that the loyal British people of 
 this province should join issue squarely with those 
 who were the undisguised enemies of the empire. 
 He went further and stated that the Protestant 
 sentiment of this country should be tested as to 
 whether a band of Irish ruffians should undertake to 
 terrorize Protestant citizens in the discharge of 
 their duties on the public works of this country. 
 
 This action on the part of Mr. Howe, as will be 
 easily understood, created a deep and bitter feeling 
 in the community. Two-fifths of the population 
 of the city of Halifax were Roman Catholics, and 
 an overwhelming portion of the Catholic population 
 
 I6I 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 was Irish, and to add to the piquancy of the incident 
 it must be borne in mind that a substantial majority 
 of this Irish Catholic population had been devoted 
 to Howe in his great agitation for popular govern- 
 ment, and had supported him with zeal and ardour 
 in all his election contests in the city and county of 
 Halifax. The immediate effect of Howe’s speech 
 was a violent outburst of feehng on the part of the 
 Irish Catholic population, voiced through their 
 organ. The Catholic. An opportunity of retreat was, 
 perhaps, presented to him. He had made his speech 
 from sudden impulse, and therefore reflection might 
 have suggested to him the propriety of withdraw- 
 ing many of his vigorous and offensive words and 
 securing peace. But no such course was characteris- 
 tic of the man. His speech was succeeded by letter 
 after letter in the Morning Chronicle^ in which in 
 terms still more vigorous he declared that he would 
 never cease until it became distinctly and thor- 
 oughly understood in Nova Scotia who was to rule, 
 the loyal English population or a band of disloyal 
 Irish Catholics, who undertook to mob people for 
 the expression of their religious convictions. 
 
 What course would have been adopted by the 
 Conservative party at this moment if Johnston only 
 had had control of the political movements of his 
 party must be a matter of conjecture. Undoubtedly 
 many leading Conservatives in Halifax were in 
 secret sympathy with Howe in his crusade, and 
 Johnston himself was scarcely the type of man that 
 162 
 
TUPPER SEIZES HIS OPPORTUNITY 
 
 would have cared to have attained power by a 
 league between his party and the Irish Catholic 
 population. But although in the legislature only 
 one session, Charles Tupper had become the lead- 
 ing and dominant spirit of the opposition. Upon 
 the instant that this quarrel between Howe and the 
 Irish Catholic population had arisen, Tupper saw the 
 chance of utilizing the incident for defeating the 
 government and coming into power. He accordingly 
 took prompt advantage of the occasion persistently 
 and relentlessly to encourage the controversy and 
 help to widen the breach. As the professed cham- 
 pion of civil and religious liberty, he became the 
 vindicator of the rights of the Irish Catholic popu- 
 lation. The session of 1857 was approaching, and 
 the public began to speculate with profound interest 
 as to what would be the outcome of this quarrel in 
 respect to the government of the day. 
 
 As Howe was not then a member of the govern- 
 ment, and as William Young, the premier, had said 
 and done nothing in respect to the Irish Catholic 
 population, and no member of his government 
 was in the slightest degree directly concerned in 
 Howe’s quarrel, it may be reasonably asked why 
 this emeute should in any way affect the fortunes 
 of the government. The answer is very simple. 
 Howe at that moment occupied such a command- 
 ing place in the public eye and was regarded as 
 such a supreme factor in the counsels of his 
 party that it was impossible to dis-associate his 
 
 163 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 political party from any public action of his. Howe 
 held office under the government as chief commis- 
 sioner of railways. The Morning Chronicle , which 
 was his organ in this controversy, as well as the 
 leading organ of the Liberal party in the province, 
 was o^vned and controlled by Mr. William Annand, 
 a member of the legislature and holding the office 
 of queen’s printer under the government. Dr. Tup- 
 per was very particular to have the question con- 
 stantly protruded: “If you are not in sympathy 
 with ^Ir. Howe and ]\Ir. Annand in their crusade 
 against our Roman Cathohc citizens, why do you 
 retain them in office?” Prior to the meeting of the 
 legislature, Mr. WiUiam Condon, who has been 
 mentioned as a foremost factor in these pohtical 
 rehgious disturbances, had been dismissed from his 
 office as gauger in the customs department, and 
 every one felt that it was almost impossible for the 
 government to have pursued any other course, 
 considering the fact that he was day after day 
 writing offensively in respect to Mr. Howe, and on 
 hnes calculated to damage the pohtical party with 
 which Howe was associated. 
 
 WTien the House met the crisis came. Some 
 time previously Mr. Michael Tobin had resigned 
 his seat in the government. He was an Irish 
 Cathohc, and related by marriage to Mr. WiUiam 
 Young. Just as the House was meeting another 
 Cathohc member of the government resigned, as 
 did also Mr. W. A. Henry, who, although not a 
 164 
 
HOSTILE DEMONSTRATIONS 
 
 Catholic himself, represented the county of Sydney 
 (now Antigonish), the population of which was 
 seven-eighths Roman Catholic. An amendment to 
 the address was moved by Mr. Johnston in terms 
 which made it practically a vote of want of confi- 
 dence, and this was carried on a division of twenty- 
 eight to twenty-two, every Catholic supporter of 
 the government but one voting with Mr. Johnston. 
 In the debates which were continued for a number 
 of days in the House of Assembly, Howe became 
 the central figure of the discussion, and never in his 
 whole political career did he exhibit greater hero- 
 ism and greater disregard for consequences than in 
 this struggle. Usually it had been his fortune to 
 have an enthusiastic crowd of friends in the gallery, 
 who applauded all his efforts in the direction of 
 popular government. During this debate the pre- 
 ponderating element in the galleries was drawn 
 from the Irish Catholic population, and when 
 Howe arose to speak every effort was made to 
 disconcert him by hostile demonstrations, and the 
 speaker and other members of the House were 
 compelled to threaten constantly to clear the gal- 
 leries. But Howe maintained his position with rare 
 good nature, and uttered his views with a boldness 
 altogether foreign to a man in political life. His own 
 position’was at stake, as well as that of the members 
 of the government. He was then, as at all times, 
 poor and without means of support for his family 
 outside of his employment as a public man, but he 
 
 165 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 declared in the plainest terms that if the govern- 
 ment were defeated on the issue then before the 
 House he would not hold office another hour. An 
 extract from one of his speeches in this session will 
 serve to indicate the Spartan manner in which he 
 faced the situation: — 
 
 “ Let me say, sir, in the face of this legislature — 
 in the presence of those who have known me both 
 in public and private life for upwards of thirty 
 years, that no inducement, however strong, no lure, 
 however tempting, could provoke me to persecute 
 any man or body of men on account of religion — 
 and although, for purposes which it is not difficult 
 to understand, some parties are attempting to pro- 
 pagate this trash now — the time will come when 
 the principles which have guided my public career 
 for thirty years, will be recognized and discerned 
 by my actions to-day. I claim equal justice for 
 myself, I claim equal justice for every Catholic 
 in the country. Turn to your journals — to your 
 reports — ^to the pages of the public prints, and you 
 will everywhere see my footprints. It may be that 
 the pressure brought to bear on some of my friends 
 may induce them to desert their ancient standard, 
 believing that something is to be gained or achieved 
 by going into opposition. A word or two to these 
 gentlemen, and but a word — I do not come here to 
 explain or apologize. What is writ is writ and what 
 is said is said. 
 
 “ Throughout a long political life — throughout a 
 166 
 
HOWE IN OPPOSITION 
 
 long parliamentary career, I have been true to the 
 friends with whom I started — to the principles 
 which I entertained. The time may come, I say, 
 when some of these friends ihay desert me and 
 their party — some may do it willingly, but others 
 will do it most reluctantly. When the new adminis- 
 tration is formed, Mr. Howe’s office will be at its 
 disposal. He will take his seat on these benches an 
 independent member — will say that which he be- 
 lieves to be true, and do that which he believes to 
 be right. And, sir, all the combinations which can 
 be formed will never coerce or intimidate me, con- 
 fident that the heart and soul of Nova Scotia is 
 with me in this struggle.” 
 
 Mr. Johnston, it is but fair to mention, in opening 
 the attack upon the government, scarcely referred to 
 the racial and religious phase of the discussion. He 
 based his demand for the downfall of the govern- 
 ment upon its incapacity and total failure to con- 
 duct the public affairs with efficiency. It comported 
 best with his policy that he should get all the Irish 
 Catholic votes on an issue other than that of race and 
 religion. It was entirely needless that he should 
 plunge into a discussion of the racial question when 
 assured that the votes would come to him precisely as 
 well on the public issues as on the real issue. 
 
 Johnston succeeded in forming his government, he 
 becoming leader and attorney-general with Tupper 
 as provincial secretary. Howe’s next business, there- 
 fore, was to secure the downfall of this administration, 
 
 167 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and for the next two years he* devoted himself 
 without respite to the task of inflaming the people 
 and keeping the issue which he had raised well to 
 the front. The general elections came on in 1859. 
 Howe contested Hants county, and was triumph- 
 antly returned, as also a small majority of Liberals, 
 enough to secure a majority of four or five on 
 division. By this time the Catholic question had 
 subsided to a considerable extent, and one of the 
 principal matters to be determined at this election, 
 as there were no grave issues of public j^olicy at 
 stake, was — which of two veteran lawyers was to 
 receive the appointment of chief justice of Nova 
 Scotia. Sir Brenton Halliburton, who had been chief 
 justice for many years, was long past eighty, and 
 infirm, and it was quite well known that he could 
 not continue on the bench very much longer. If 
 the government were sustained, the office would go 
 to J. W. Johnston, who thoroughly deserved it for 
 his long and brilliant record in the political field as 
 weU as his splendid career in the forensic field. If, 
 however, the government were defeated, this great 
 prize would fall to William Young. 
 
 Although it was manifest that a majority of 
 opposition members had been returned, Johnston 
 did not resign, but continued in office and met the 
 House. During the session of 1860, Dr. Tupper made 
 a brave and splendid fight for existence. It proved, 
 hopeless, however, and a vote of want of confidence 
 was passed, and Johnston retired. Mr. Young was 
 168 
 
PREMIER OF THE PROVINCE 
 
 called upon to form an administration. For some 
 reason, probably an indisposition to seek re-election 
 in Cumberland, he took no department, but simply 
 the position of president of the council. Howe was 
 provincial secretary, Mr. A. G. Archibald attorney- 
 general, and Mr. Annand financial secretary. In 
 a few months Young accepted the office of chief 
 justice, at last vacant, and Howe became for the 
 first time premier of the province. 
 
 Howe and his government continued in office 
 until the general election of 1863, but little per- 
 tains to this administration which is of historical 
 importance to Nova Scotia, or adds anjrthing to 
 Howe’s reputation. As a matter of fact, Howe had 
 long since outgrown his provincial ambitions, and 
 yearned for wider horizons and a larger sphere of 
 action. Devoted as he was to the empire, and con- 
 scious of having rendered great service, he cherished 
 the dream that he would sooner or later receive 
 tokens of appreciation in the way of imperial em- 
 ployment. The greatest of men have their weak- 
 nesses, and Howe, with all his intellectual power, 
 was not devoid of personal vanity nor free from the 
 corroding influence of a towering ambition. In 1 854, 
 when only fifty years of age, he talked about bid- 
 ding farewell to political life, and it was probably 
 with greatly diminished enthusiasm that he battled 
 for two years in opposition for the purpose of 
 restoring his party to power, and it was also pro- 
 bably with scant joy that he resumed his place 
 
 169 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 in the provincial administration. In 1860 his col- 
 leagues appear to have become aware of Howe’s 
 great yearning for an imperial post, as the records of 
 the executive council board witness. Before Mr. 
 Young retired to the bench, a minute of council 
 was passed, setting forth Mr. Howe’s strong claims 
 to imperial recognition, which was, no doubt, for- 
 warded through the lieutenant-governor to the col- 
 onial secretary. 
 
 No imperial position, however, immediately came. 
 The history of imperial policy in relation to the 
 colonies indicates what would seem to an ordinary 
 person a short-sighted policy in respect of making 
 use of the talents of distinguished men in the out- 
 lying portions of the empire. Knighthoods are be- 
 stowed freely, sometimes a baronetcy, but positions 
 in the imperial service rarely. Patronage probably 
 plays as large a part in the imperial as in colonial 
 governments, and ministers have their hands full in 
 providing posts and employment for friends of the 
 party within the kingdom. 
 
 Early in 1863 an opening came. Mr. Perley of 
 St. John, who had been appointed fishery commis- 
 sioner on behalf of Great Britain for carrying out 
 the provisions of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, 
 died while in Newfoundland on fishery business, 
 and Howe was selected as his successor. The ap- 
 pointment was made early in the year with the 
 understanding that the active duties should not be 
 taken up by Howe until somewhat later in the 
 170 
 
THE RETRENCHMENT SCHEME 
 
 season. This was necessary inasmuch as Howe was 
 still leader of the government and a general elec- 
 tion was at hand, and the fortunes of the party 
 seemed anything but bright at that moment. As 
 has already been remarked, a great genius is not 
 always a successful party leader, and Howe encoun- 
 tered many difficulties in the three years during 
 which he had control of provincial affairs in Nova 
 Scotia. The government majority was extremely 
 narrow. His lieutenants in the House did not at 
 that stage render very effective support in public 
 debate. Johnston was, of course, the leader of the 
 opposition, but the moving, animating and inspiring 
 figure was Dr. Tupper, who gave no rest day or 
 night to a government manifestly sinking in popular 
 favour. During the session previous to the election 
 of 1863, Dr. Tupper brought forward a famous 
 “ Retrenchment Scheme,’’ whereby he proposed, in 
 order to have more money at the disposal of the 
 government for public services, to cut down the 
 salary of nearly every official in the government 
 employ, thereby saving sixty or seventy thous- 
 and dollars a year. It was a mere political de- 
 vice, but it served its purpose with the electorate. 
 The elections took place in May, 1863, and out 
 of a House of fifty-five, only thirteen Liberals 
 were elected. Howe himself was among the slain. 
 The situation appearing quite satisfactory in the 
 county of Hants, Howe was induced to become a 
 candidate in the county of Lunenburg. Tupper, 
 
 171 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 who had the good fortune to be elected by acclama- 
 tion in the county of Cumberland, started straight 
 for Imnenburg and pursued Howe steadily for a 
 week, with the result that Howe and his colleagues 
 were defeated by large majorities. A new govern- 
 ment was formed, Johnston becoming leader with 
 the department of attorney-general, and Tupper 
 resuming his old department of provincial secretary. 
 During the first session of the new legislature, 
 1864, an act was passed creating a judge in equity 
 for the express purpose of retiring Mr. Johnston, 
 thus clearing the way for Tupper, who assumed 
 the leadership. Events of the most far-reaching 
 character followed the formation of this adminis- 
 tration, but these must be dealt Avith in another 
 chapter. 
 
 172 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 HOWE AND CONFEDERATION 
 
 W HEN Dr. Tupper was in England in 1866 
 endeavouring, in common with other Cana- 
 dian statesmen, to secure the passage of the British 
 North America Act, and Howe, representing the 
 anti-confederate party of Nova Scotia, was seek- 
 ing to prevent its passage, the former wrote and 
 published a pamphlet, filled with quotations from 
 Howe’s former speeches and utterances favourable 
 to a union of the British North American colonies. 
 Indeed, so strong were the passages quoted and 
 so effectively were they marshalled by Tupper, that 
 the impression has prevailed everywhere that the 
 confederation of British North America had been 
 Howe’s cherished dream. This is not strictly true. 
 That a man with Howe’s breadth of view should 
 fail to recognize the possibility and importance 
 of the organization of all British North America 
 into a consolidated dominion, possessing the germs 
 of nationality, is opposed to any conception of his 
 character. Every question which pertained to the 
 development of British America had received his 
 profound consideration, and upon all questions of 
 this character he had made striking and brilliant 
 utterances in his speeches and writings. Neverthe- 
 
 173 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 less, it cannot be fairly said that Howe had made 
 himself a conspicuous champion of confederation. 
 If we are to give effect to his utterances in respect 
 to the destinies of British North America, it will be 
 plainly seen that his favourite scheme, from early 
 days, had been a consolidation of the empire, a 
 solution of the problem of the North American 
 colonies by an organized empire in which all the 
 colonies would be represented, and all accept com- 
 mon responsibilities and duties in respect to main- 
 taining imperial integrity. Of that proposition Howe 
 may be said to have been the most conspicuous 
 author, and on the question of imperial federation, 
 no note has been uttered within the last decade 
 by any statesman, imperial or colonial, more ad- 
 vanced or matured than Howe’s utterances of fifty 
 years ago. He had in general terms repeatedly 
 and eloquently advocated a union of the British 
 North American colonies, and none w^ere able 
 to perceive with greater breadth of view the im- 
 portance of such a union and its necessity if a 
 consolidated English-speaking nation was to be de- 
 veloped in North America. In some of his speeches 
 the difficulties in the way of this union are frankly 
 pointed out, and the objections on the part of the 
 Maritime Provinces to linking their destinies com- 
 pletely with Canada had been frankly avowed. 
 When Johnston in 1854 moved a resolution and 
 made an eloquent speech in favour of a union of the 
 British North American provinces, Howe had spoken 
 174 
 
SIR CHARLES TUPPER 
 
 in anything but enthusiastic terms in support of 
 Johnston’s resolution. On the contrary he pitted 
 against this proposition a wider and more dazzling 
 prospect of imperial union. It is just to affirm that, 
 while Howe recognized the value and importance 
 of Canadian confederation, he always cherished a 
 lurking fear that the Maritime Provinces would 
 be completely overshadowed and absorbed by the 
 Upper Provinces in such a union. 
 
 Johnston retired to the bench in 1864, and 
 Tupper became actually, as from the beginning he 
 had been virtually, premier. Tupper was a man 
 of great ability and restless ambition. He naturally 
 sought, the moment he found himself safely in the 
 saddle, to inaugurate some movement which would 
 extend beyond the narrow bounds of the province. 
 He consequently introduced a scheme of Maritime 
 union in the session of 1864, and sought the co- 
 operation of the governments of New Brunswick 
 and Prince Edward Island in furtherance of this 
 project. Both these governments responded favour- 
 ably to his application, and it was arranged that 
 a convention should assemble early in September at 
 Charlottetown. Nova Scotia was to send five dele- 
 gates, and, naturally, it was altogether desirable 
 that both of the great political parties should be 
 represented. At this moment Howe was not in the 
 legislature, and was performing the duties of British 
 commissioner under the provisions of the Recipro- 
 city Treaty. The political party with which he was 
 
 175 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 associated was a mere remnant in the legislature, 
 Mr. A. G. Archibald leading the forlorn hope of an 
 opposition. 
 
 At the time this convention at Charlottetown 
 was to be held, no thought of the larger union was 
 present as a definite proposition in the minds of any 
 of the provincial governments. Though Howe was 
 not in public life, few would question that he, above 
 all others, should be asked to join in such a large 
 measure as the union of the Maritime Provinces. 
 Sir Charles Tupper has always asserted that he 
 invited Mr. Howe to become a delegate from Nova 
 Scotia to this convention. But the absence of any 
 official communication to that effect in the pro- 
 vincial secretary’s office occasioned doubt in many 
 minds as to the accuracy of this. The matter, how- 
 ever, has been placed beyond doubt, fpr the original 
 correspondence is in the possession of Mr. Sydenham 
 Howe, Joseph Howe’s only surviving son, and is as 
 follows : — 
 
 “Halifax, August 16th, 1864. My Dear Sir: — I 
 have the pleasure of informing you that your name 
 has been this morning submitted by the executive 
 council to His Excellency the lieutenant-governor 
 as one of the delegates to the conference upon the 
 union of the Maritime Provinces, and I am in- 
 structed by His Excellency to enquire if you will 
 accept that office and attend the meeting of dele- 
 gates at Charlottetown on September 1st. I remain, 
 Yours faithfully, (Sgd.) C. Tupper.” 
 
 176 
 
CONFEDERATION CONFERENCE 
 
 “ H. M. S. Lily, August 16th, 1864. My Dear 
 Sir: — I am sorry for many reasons to be compelled 
 to decline participation in the conference at Char- 
 lottetown. The season is so far advanced that I find 
 my summer’s work would be so seriously deranged 
 by the visit to Prince Edward Island that without 
 permission from the foreign office, I would scarcely 
 be justified in consulting my own feelings at the 
 expense of the public service. I shall be home in 
 October, and wiU be very happy to cooperate in 
 carrying out any measure upon which the confer- 
 ence shall agree. Very truly yours, (Sgd.) Joseph 
 Howe.” 
 
 A seat on the delegation was offered, of course, 
 to Mr. Archibald, the leader of the opposition, and 
 the other seat, it appears from the official records, 
 was offered to Mr. John Locke, M.P.P. for Shel- 
 burne county, a leading representative of the Liberal 
 party in the House. Mr. Locke declined to serve, 
 and Mr. Archibald was asked by Sir Charles Tupper 
 to name the gentleman he would prefer to be 
 associated with him on the delegation, and he named 
 Mr. Jonathan McCully, who was the leader at that 
 time of the Liberal party in the legislative council. 
 Dr. Tupper, Mr. W. A. Henry and Mr. R. B. 
 Dickie were the delegates chosen from the govern- 
 ment side of the House. 
 
 It is not necessary to dwell in detail upon the 
 incidents attending confederation. The Maritime 
 delegates met at Charlottetown. Difficulties im- 
 
 177 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 mediately presented themselves in the way of a 
 Maritime union, which bade fair to be insuperable, 
 and while these were being grappled with. Sir John 
 Macdonald and his associates from Canada appeared 
 suddenly upon the scene and proposed a union of 
 all the provinces, and induced the delegates of the 
 three provinces to meet Canadian delegates at a 
 conference at Quebec to consider a wider scheme of 
 confederation, which should embrace all British 
 North America. Representatives of all the provinces, 
 including Newfoundland, agreed to this, and the 
 famous Quebec conference was held, at which a 
 scheme of confederation, quite ample in its details, 
 and not widely differing in principle from the scheme 
 ultimately adopted in 1867, was framed. It is, in- 
 deed, an unfortunate incident that in the consider- 
 ation of such a great question as engaged the 
 attention of the statesmen of Canada at Quebec, a 
 man of the genius, experience and national repu- 
 tation of Joseph Howe should have been absent. 
 Sir Charles Tupper declares that, having imdted 
 him to take part in the Charlottetown convention, 
 and he having declined, and Messrs. Archibald and 
 McCully ha\dng accepted and taken part in the de- 
 liberations at Charlottetown, and having been present 
 when the invitation was extended by the Canadian 
 delegates to go to Quebec, it was impossible for 
 him to ask either of these gentlemen to retire in 
 order that Howe might have a place. It may also 
 be added that Mr. Sydenham Ho^ve declares very 
 178 
 
HOSTILITY TO THE SCHEME 
 
 distinctly that, even if his father had been invited 
 to attend the Quebec conference, he would have 
 been unable to serve owing to the fact that at that 
 particular season he was actively engaged in his offi- 
 cial duties and was cruising in H. M. S. Lily round 
 the coast. At all events, a measure of confederation 
 was drawn up in Quebec in October, 1864, and as- 
 sented to by the representatives of all the provinces, 
 and Joseph Howe had no part in the matter. 
 
 How this scheme was presently submitted to the 
 public ; how it was adopted, after serious discussion, 
 by the Canadian parliament in 1865 ; how it was 
 rejected by New Brunswick very soon after its 
 publication and Mr. Tilley swept from office, and an 
 anti-confederate government, under Mr. Albert J. 
 Smith, installed in power, which necessarily post- 
 poned the whole question; how it was rejected 
 by Prince Edward Island, and how all the ingenuity 
 and skill of Dr. Tupper was essential to prevent a 
 resolution hostile to it being passed in the Nova 
 Scotia legislature in 1865; and how ultimately New 
 Brunswick reversed its judgment and adopted the 
 scheme in 1866 ; and how the legislature of Nova Sco- 
 tia, on the suggestion of Mr. William Miller, who had 
 been one of the pronounced opponents of confeder- 
 ation, adopted a resolution, by a majority of thirty- 
 one to nineteen, authorizing the delegates to frame 
 a scheme in London, are incidents well known and 
 not necessary at this stage to be elaborated. It is 
 enough to say that very early after the publication 
 
 179 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 of this scheme, it became manifest that the people 
 of Nova Scotia were unfavourably disposed to 
 the union, as laid down in the Quebec reso- 
 lutions, and were prepared to offer bitter and 
 uncompromising opposition to the confederation 
 scheme. Public meetings were called in Halifax, at 
 which eloquent and aggressive speeches were made 
 against the scheme. These meetings were extended 
 throughout the province, and unusual political ex- 
 citement was generated. Party lines for the first 
 time in Nova Scotia began to be obliterated. The 
 most determined opponents to confederation were 
 lifelong supporters of Mr. Johnston, and up to 
 that moment, had been followers of Dr. Tupper. 
 Messrs. A. G. Jones, W. B. Vail and Martin 
 I. Wilkins may be cited as conspicuous examples 
 of Conservative opposition to the union. On the 
 other hand, Messrs. Archibald and McCully, the 
 actual leaders of the Liberal party in the legisla- 
 ture, were supporting confederation. While this ex- 
 citement was developing, every person in Nova 
 Scotia was profoundly anxious to know what course 
 Mr. Howe would take in this matter, because every 
 one recognized that he was still the greatest man 
 and the most potent factor in the public life of the 
 country. 
 
 Notice had been given by the American govern- 
 ment of the termination of the Reciprocity Treaty, 
 and Howe recognized, of course, that with its 
 termination his position as an imperial officer ceased. 
 
 180 
 
HOWE’S DILEMMA 
 
 This meant cessation of employment, which was not 
 an altogether unimportant consideration to a man 
 who had not accumulated a dollar. 
 
 Howe had ample time to weigh the situation 
 carefully and to determine his action after balancing 
 every consideration. On the one hand was the fact 
 that he had often expressed himself concerning the 
 union of British North America as one of the great 
 and imperative questions of the future, and that now 
 a more definite prospect loomed up of securing this 
 great object than had ever previously existed. On 
 the other hand the situation presented a great and 
 terrible temptation, almost beyond the power of 
 mortal man to resist. Howe saw a recent and 
 not much beloved rival at the head of affairs in 
 Nova Scotia, suddenly become a conspicuous figure 
 in the moulding of a great measure of national and 
 far-reaching import. His own poUtical party had 
 been annihilated in 1863. There were manifest 
 tokens of popular hostility to confederation in Nova 
 Scotia. What if these prejudices could be utilized 
 for the destruction of Tupper and his high-flown 
 scheme with which his name had become so con- 
 spicuously associated? When this had been accom- 
 plished, Mr. Howe might reflect it would be easy 
 for himself to reopen the matter and secure a 
 measure of confederation which would more amply 
 satisfy the interests of the Maritime Provinces. The 
 temptation thus presented to a man of Howe’s active 
 temperament, who was soon to be without employ- 
 
 181 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 ment, has induced many persons to believe that 
 he was influenced by personal considerations in the 
 action which he finally took in reference to con- 
 federation. That these considerations may have had 
 some influence upon his judgment, it is indeed, im- 
 possible to deny, but a close examination into his 
 every act and motive at the time entirely rebuts the 
 supposition that personal considerations were in any 
 way paramount in influencing his action. As for the 
 matter of livelihood, Mr. Howe, foreseeing the 
 termination of his imperial office, had made ample 
 provision for securing a liberal competence. His 
 literary abilities had so far impressed the proprietor 
 of the New York Albion as to induce him to offer 
 Howe a handsome salary to undertake the editorial 
 management of that paper, and a written contract 
 had been entered into, the terms of which were 
 everything that Howe could desire. 
 
 The following is the contract actually signed 
 between Mr. Howe and Mr. Morrell : — 
 
 “New York, March 22nd, 1866. Memo, of Agree- 
 ment: — Referring to the correspondenee hereunto 
 annexed, it is agreed: — That Joseph Howe shall as 
 early as possible after the 31st inst., assume the 
 editorial management of the New York Albion, and 
 that William H. Morrell shall pay him quarterly at 
 the rate of three thousand five hundred dollars per 
 annum. It being understood that should anything 
 occur to make it Mr. Plowe’s interest to withdraw 
 from the engagement, he shall forfeit one quarter’s 
 182 
 
MORRELL’S PROPOSAL 
 
 salary to Mr. Morrell and shall give him at 
 least one month’s notice. Joseph Howe, W, H. 
 Morrell.” 
 
 Writing to his wife at this time, from New York, 
 Howe gives some interesting particulars which in- 
 dicate pretty clearly the trend of his mind at this 
 moment. No reference is made whatever to confed- 
 eration, nor any hint given of re-entering pohtics: — 
 “ When I left home, as you know, though my pros- 
 pects of further official employment were good, still 
 there was just enough of doubt and uncertainty 
 about it to make us both anxious as to the future. 
 Assuming the desire and the intention of my friends 
 over sea to be all that we could wish, still there 
 might be delay, and a year or two wasted in waiting, 
 without income, would embarrass and vex us a good 
 deal. But Providence seems to provide for us often 
 in modes very unexpected and often just at the 
 right time. I had hardly arrived here Saturday 
 morning when an application was made to me 
 by Mr. William Morrell, who has purchased the 
 New York Albion, to write for, or what he would 
 much prefer, to edit the paper after March 31st 
 next, when the transfer takes place. The offer 
 was made in the most flattering terms, it being 
 assumed that the views and policy of the speech at 
 Detroit would guide my pen in the conduct of the 
 paper. We dined together and discussed the whole 
 subject with the utmost frankness nearly all day. . . 
 After a good deal of friendly chat, I explained my 
 
 183 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 position and expectations and gave him to under- 
 stand that if official employment offered I could 
 only consent to write for the paper, hving where 
 I liked and receiving a certain annual sum. This I 
 thought I could do while I remained on the con- 
 tinent. If free of other engagements I might be in- 
 duced to edit the paper if he could make it worth 
 my while. He finally said he would make me offers, 
 either of which I could accept any time within tw^o 
 months, but he would prefer that I should assume 
 control of the paper. He would give me $1,500 for 
 editorial or other contributions, leaving me free 
 to attend to other business and live where I liked, 
 or he would give me $3,500 to edit the Albion, 
 If the paper prospered, as he thought it would, 
 he would add $500 to either offer I accepted, at the 
 close of the year. All this was very handsome and 
 fair, and astonished me very much, as it will you. 
 Here, at all events, are bread and cheese, a living 
 for my family, and an honourable and influential 
 position independent of local politics or of friends 
 over the sea. If nothing better turns up we are thus 
 provided for' and have two months to look round 
 us, if anything better is on the cards. If they give 
 me anything I can make my $1,500 by light labour 
 and get my salary besides. If they give me nothing 
 we can five here in our usual quiet way, and put by 
 $1,000 every year to pay our debts, leaving our 
 assets in Nova Scotia undiminished. For this new 
 and unexpected mercy I fervently thank God. It 
 184 
 
JOURNALISM OR POLITICS ? 
 
 makes me feel more independent of all chances and 
 casualties than I have done for many a day.” 
 
 Howe was undoubtedly at this time not es- 
 pecially disposed to resume public life in Nova 
 Scotia. Always desirous of imperial appointment, 
 and realizing by this time how little trust could 
 be reposed by a colonial statesman upon British 
 magnanimity in this regard, Howe would unques- 
 tionably seek in preference a position in the literary 
 world. As has been said, he had distinct tastes in 
 the direction of literature and wielded a most facile 
 and graceful pen. A situation, therefore, on a lead- 
 ing paper of literary scope in the city of New York 
 would be congenial employment, and would give 
 him at the same time an opportunity of collecting 
 his various manuscripts and of producing something 
 in literature which would be worthy of his genius. 
 Those most closely associated with Howe at this 
 critical period of his hfe declare that he was ex- 
 tremely reluctant to take any step which would 
 lead to his re-entry into the political field, but 
 he was unquestionably honestly and frankly opposed 
 to the Quebec scheme. It must be mentioned in 
 this connection that from various points of view the 
 Quebec scheme was not altogether just to Nova 
 Scotia, financially or otherwise, and this of itself 
 constituted a large factor in justification of a policy 
 of hostility. That Howe, in finally resolving to throw 
 the weight of his power against confederation, in- 
 tended thereby to destroy forever the principle 
 
 185 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 of confederation cannot for a single moment be 
 believed. That he thought himself fully justified in 
 destroying Tupper s scheme of confederation on the 
 ground that it was unjust to Nova Scotia and should 
 not be adopted until the people of Nova Scotia had 
 pronouncedjudgment upon it is the fact, and what- 
 ever consequences to Howe’s name and reputation 
 in history are involved by that fact must be ac- 
 cepted and endured. At the first great public 
 meeting held at Temperance Hall in Halifax to 
 denounce the scheme, Howe sat upon the platform 
 but said nothing. Mr. McCuUy had been editor 
 of Annand’s Morning Chronicle for several years, 
 and had come back from Quebec a firm advocate 
 of confederation, and wrote his editorials accordingly. 
 Suddenly there came a time when, like a thunder 
 bolt from a clear sky, appeared the first of a series 
 of articles which extended for several days, entitled 
 “ The Botheration Scheme, No. 1.” Any person in 
 Nova Scotia who had been familiar with Joseph 
 Howe and his unique and unmistakable style could 
 have no doubt that these thunder bolts proceeded 
 from the great old tribune himself. 
 
 The political situation in Nova Scotia at this 
 time was mixed. Dr. Tupper and his government 
 were overwhelmingly strong in the legislature ; 
 Archibald, the leader of the opposition, and Hiram 
 Blanchard, one of his chief lieutenants, were cordi- 
 ally supporting confederation. McCuUy, the leader 
 of the opposition in the legislative council, was 
 186 
 
A MIXED SITUATION 
 
 also cooperating with Tupper in furthering con- 
 federation. It was clear, however, that the confed- 
 eration question must quickly overshadow all local 
 issues, and as a consequence, we find those of both 
 parties opposed to confederation in the House, 
 coming together and appointing a leader. Mr. 
 Archibald was ignored, and Mr. Stewart Camp- 
 bell of Guysboro was chosen for this position. 
 Several supporters of the government had an- 
 nounced their hostility to confederation, and lead- 
 ing Conservatives and supporters of the government 
 were openly announcing their determination to 
 resist the scheme to the death. The session of 1866 
 brought matters to a crisis. The anti-confederate 
 New Brunswick government had been disposed 
 of. Tilley had come back victorious to office after 
 another general election, and New Brunswick was 
 ripe to enter the union. It only remained for 
 Nova Scotia to join and confederation was assured. 
 The two islands of Prince Edward and New- 
 foundland were too small to be of serious conse- 
 quence in the creation of the union, and it was, of 
 course, confidently believed that they would join 
 in due course. It was not quite plain how the 
 existing House of Assembly could be induced 
 to accept the Quebec project. It was a notorious 
 fact that a majority of the members were avowedly 
 hostile, and, vigorous and determined a leader 
 as Dr. Tupper was, it was not easy for him to dis- 
 cover the methods by which he could get a favour- 
 
 187 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 able vote for confederation in the existing temper 
 of the House. Suddenly, one day, when the session 
 was well advanced, and when every one was on the 
 qui vive as to what steps Tupper would take, Mr. 
 William Miller, now Senator Miller, member for 
 the county of Richmond, made a speech favour- 
 ing the appointment of delegates to meet repre- 
 sentatives of the other provinces in London for 
 the purpose of framing a scheme of confederation 
 more favourable to the interests of Nova Scotia. 
 Most members of the anti- confederate party at that 
 time believed that this startling proposition, coming 
 from one of the most active and determined op- 
 ponents of confederation, was the result of a com- 
 pact between Tupper and himself. The opportunity 
 of enquiring into this question occurred some years 
 later, when Mr. Miller brought an action for libel 
 against Mr. Annand because the Morning Chron- 
 icle had stated that Miller had been corruptly 
 bought by Tupper. In the course of this suit both 
 Miller and Tupper swore most positively that not 
 a single word had passed between them on the 
 subject, and Tupper deposed that no person in the 
 legislature was more amazed than himself when 
 Miller made his proposition. However, Tupper re- 
 solved to take instant advantage of the new situa- 
 tion. A few days later he submitted a resolution 
 embodying Miller’s proposition, and by the exten- 
 sive exercise of the patronage of the government 
 and by every bold measure which it was possible for 
 188 
 
COMPROMISE REJECTED 
 
 an indomitable man to exercise, secured the passage 
 of this resolution, and the field was thereby- ripe 
 for a colonial conference in London for the framing 
 of the British North America Act. 
 
 In the meantime Howe was consolidating the 
 opponents, and the Morning Chronicle^ of whose 
 columns he obtained control, thundered against the 
 union every day. By mid-summer, 1866, Howe's 
 duties as fishery commissioner ceased with the 
 treaty, and he was free to resume the active 
 duties of a pohtical leader. It should be men- 
 tioned in this connection that, notwithstanding 
 the fact that Howe was seriously opposed to 
 the Quebec scheme, and had many misgivings 
 as to the wisdom of linking Nova Scotia with 
 the Canadas in view of the unfortunate political 
 muddle which had characterized the last decade 
 of their history, he, nevertheless, went to Mr. 
 Archibald, prior to his sailing for England as a 
 delegate to frame confederation, and told him that 
 if it was provided, in any act so framed, that the 
 scheme should not come into operation until it had 
 been submitted to the people of Nova Scotia and 
 voted upon by them, he would withdraw all further 
 opposition and cease entirely the agitation. No such 
 assurance was given him by Archibald, nor indeed 
 was there the slightest intention on the part of the 
 promoters that anything of the kind should be 
 done. It was the purpose of the authors of con- 
 federation to get the scheme legally adopted and 
 
 189 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 to run no risks of a hostile vote of the people. This 
 high-handed method of overturning the constitution 
 of the country without popular assent, was ob- 
 noxious to every deep-rooted sentiment of Howes 
 nature. That the people should rule in all matters 
 had been his invincible principle from the earliest 
 moment of his political life, and it unquestionably 
 stirred his indignation to have this scheme, which 
 he regarded as unfavourable to Nova Scotia, con- 
 summated by the imperial parliament in defiance of 
 the wishes of her people. 
 
 The following extract from a letter to the Hon. 
 Isaac Buchanan, dated June 20th, 1866, will give 
 a fair idea of the dominant views of Mr. Howe at 
 this time : — “You seem to mistake altogether the 
 grounds on which I have taken the field. Though I 
 have never proposed any scheme of union I have 
 no invincible objection to become a Unionist pro- 
 vided anybody will show me a scheme which does 
 not sacrifice the interests of the Maritime Provinces. 
 The Quebec scheme does sacrifice them completely 
 and the reference to a committee in England is not 
 only an unconstitutional waiver of the rights and 
 responsibilities of the legislature but a leap in the 
 dark besides. The people of Nova Scotia have for 
 one hundred and eight years had their own parlia- 
 ment, and responsible government for twenty-five. 
 I hold that to deprive them of these rights by 
 an arbitrary act of parliament, at the instigation of 
 the Canadians who have never invested a pound of 
 190 
 
REASONS FOR OPPOSITION 
 
 capital in our country, would be an outrage out 
 of which would grow undying hatreds and ulti- 
 mate annexation. If an honest, practicable scheme 
 of union can be arranged, let it be printed, perfect 
 in all its parts (which the Quebec scheme is not), 
 and when it has been aired in all the provinces, let 
 the people accept or reject it. If they voluntarily 
 abandon their institutions they will sincerely sup- 
 port the union. If tricked or bullied out of what 
 they value highly they will never be content. When 
 our four hundred thousand tons of shipping go 
 sweeping over the sea with their flags half-mast 
 high, carrying into all British and foreign ports 
 a protest against the outrage done them by the 
 Canadians, you may judge how much stronger they 
 will be for the support of such allies. My course 
 is clear. Old opinions have nothing to do with this 
 matter. I resist the Quebec scheme of government 
 because I do not like it, and the plan for sweeping 
 away the institutions of my country without the 
 consent of its people — because it is an atrocious 
 violation of legal rights never abused or abandoned.” 
 Howes power over the masses at this time was 
 phenomenal. A few leading Liberals followed Archi- 
 bald, but it may be safely stated that the entire 
 Liberal party of Nova Scotia, with these few ex- 
 ceptions, placed themselves unreservedly and with 
 ardour under Howes banner, and their ranks were 
 swelled by a considerable section of the Conserva- 
 tive party, who were alarmed at confederation. 
 
 191 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 The delegates met in London December 4th, 
 1866/ The opponents of confederation had raised 
 a considerable fund for the purpose of sending 
 Howe to London, accompanied by Messrs. An- 
 nand and Hugh McDonald, M. P. P., to exert 
 their utmost endeavours to defeat, if possible, the 
 confederation scheme. Howe made a magnificent 
 fight in London, but it was manifestly the policy 
 of the imperial government that Canada should 
 be united, and all the weight of the administration 
 was thrown in that direction. It is to be noted also 
 that the leading men occupying the front benches 
 of the opposition were in no way disposed to make 
 an issue of confederation in the imperial parliament. 
 
 Howe issued pamphlets, wrote newspaper articles 
 and discussed the question with leading members 
 of the imperial parhament, but without avail, and 
 the British North America Act was adopted on 
 March 29th, 1867, and, as is well known, came into 
 force on July 1st of that year. 
 
 Mr. Howe, his efforts to prevent the passage 
 of the British North America Act having failed, 
 was in a measure free from further responsibility. 
 He reported fully to Mr. W. J. Stairs, of Halifax, 
 president of the anti- confederate league, and the 
 following correspondence will indicate that his pol- 
 itical associates were disposed to allow him to exer- 
 cise his own judgment as to the future. The letter 
 from Mr. Stairs which follows is dated from Halifax, 
 March 28th, 1867 : — 
 
 192 
 
LETTER FROM MR. STAIRS 
 
 “Your letter of the 15th inst. has been received 
 and read to those friends who have been with you 
 so much interested in showing the people of Eng- 
 land the state of public feeling in Nova Scotia. 
 
 “ I thought it right to bring it to the notice 
 of the anti-confederate members of the legislature, 
 and it has elicited with them, jointly with our 
 outside friends, a letter of thanks to you for your 
 devoted services, and shows, if words can express it, 
 their feelings of sympathy for you in this heavy 
 disappointment. Some may say they never expected 
 any other result, that they judged the House of 
 Commons to be as it has proved. But I must say, I 
 am disappointed. I never could have believed the 
 House of Commons was so void of earnestness and 
 so purely selfish as to disregard the rights and 
 wants of a colonial people, when their case was so 
 clearly and distinctly put. 
 
 “I must say, if to get rid of these provinces 
 is their idea, and 1 believe it is, they have shown a 
 clear perception of the mode in which it is to be 
 worked. But all vain regrets must be buried, and 
 we must, to repeat your words, look to make a new 
 page in the history of our country. This is easier for 
 some than for others. 
 
 “I am commissioned to convey to you the sense 
 of a meeting of friends held last evening. The 
 names will be seen by you on another paper. The 
 sentiments they expressed as regards yourself were 
 these: — 1st. That after the devotion and sacrifice 
 
 193 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 you have made of yourself on behalf of Nova 
 Scotia, it is the wish of your friends and the friends 
 of Nova Scotia, that you should cease from any 
 course of public action in the interests of Nova 
 Scotia which may be made at a sacrifice of your 
 personal feelings and interests. 2nd. Your friends 
 feel that should you return and wish to join the 
 parliament at Ottawa, they will hail your aid as of 
 most serious importance to the party whose duty it 
 will be to mould the constitution of the new state, 
 with regard to the interests of Nova Scotia. 3rd. It 
 was expressed by the Hon. Mr. McHeffy that the 
 county of Hants would, whether you were absent 
 or present, return you as a member of the parlia- 
 ment at Ottawa.^ 
 
 “And now, dear sir, I have tried to convey 
 to you the sense of the meeting, but I feel it 
 has been most imperfectly put. The kindly words 
 which expressed these thoughts I cannot reproduce. 
 Of this, however, be assured, your friends will hail 
 
 ^ Copy of resolution of party friends referred to in the above letter : 
 Resolved unanimously, ^‘That the sincere and cordial thanks of this 
 meeting he, and are hereby tendered, to the Honourable J oseph Howe 
 for his very firm and patriotic vindication of the right of the people of 
 Nova Scotia to he consulted on the question of the confederation of the 
 colonies before the final consummation thereof by the Colonial and Im- 
 perial authorities ; and that he he most kindly assured that the learning 
 and ability displayed by him in the discussion of that question, involving 
 as it did, the constitutional freedom of Nova Scotia for all time to come, 
 will ever be held in grateful esteem by the hearts and memories of his 
 fellow-countrymen. On behalf of the meeting, Stewart Campbell, 
 Chairman.” 
 
 194 
 
HOWE’S REPLY 
 
 with pleasure any word which may reach them 
 of your being happily employed in England, and 
 should you return to continue your lot among us, 
 you will ever have the first place among your 
 countrymen. ...” 
 
 The following is Mr. Howe’s reply to Mr. Stairs’s 
 letter, dated April 12th, 1867, from 25 Saville Row, 
 London : — ‘‘Many thanks for your long, kind letter 
 and its enclosure. Our friends have expressed in 
 a very earnest and touching manner what I know 
 every one of them feel. Though savage enough 
 when all was over I was never for a moment 
 depressed. I had calculated all the chances before 
 coming here, and knew that they were heavily 
 against me. But I knew also that it was my duty to 
 come. If I had not, my honour would have been 
 tarnished and my conscience wounded. Having 
 done my best I can now sleep soundly. Even 
 the Canadians (no matter what our scamps may 
 say) admit that we made a most gallant fight, and 
 now that it is all over I have the satisfaction to 
 know that, however provoked, we have not, in the 
 face of the world, discredited our friends or our 
 country by one ungentlemanly act or word. 
 
 “ In leaving me perfectly free to follow my own 
 fortunes, my friends have shown their appreciation 
 of past labours, and recognize my right to repose. I 
 have thought much of this matter during the past 
 month, and I have come to these conclusions, that, 
 perplexed and comparatively defenceless as our 
 
 195 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 people must be for some time, I am hardly at 
 liberty to desert them now, at the very crisis of 
 affairs, and when some guidance may be required — 
 at all events, that I cannot do this, or seek or accept 
 other employment until after the general election. 
 If my countrymen desire my aid and wish me to go 
 to Ottawa, they will say so and some county will 
 elect me. If they do not, then they absolve me from 
 all obligation, and I can then dispose of what 
 remains of my life to the best advantage. Were 
 I to express an opinion as to what ought to be 
 done, I might err, and therefore do not, and the 
 matter must rest entirely with my countrymen, 
 whom, by no overt act, on this personal point, can I 
 attempt to influence or control. I shall probably go 
 home by the boat of April 27th, and be governed 
 by the action of my friends, if any has been taken. 
 An idea has got abroad here that I am expected to 
 lead the opposition at Ottawa. It would be a great 
 mistake for our people to pledge themselves to 
 oppose an administration which is not in existence, 
 and which cannot be formed until after the elections 
 take place all over the confederacy. All that they 
 ought to do is to pledge themselves to cooperate 
 and take any line that in their judgments will 
 be most for the interests of our country. 
 
 “To conclude the personal matter, let me say 
 that I have not, since I came here, asked any office 
 or preferment, nor do I think, if any were offered, 
 that I could honourably accept it, without laying 
 196 
 
LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 
 
 myself in some way open to the suspicion of in 
 some way compromising the dignity of my mission, 
 and withdrawing myself from responsibilities which 
 my countrymen may yet wish me to assume.” 
 
 This is a manly, straightforward statement of his 
 position. Two extracts from his letters to Mrs. 
 Howe at this period show as conclusively that he 
 proposed, having gone thus far, to share the fortunes 
 of his party and make one last struggle for his 
 country. “No appointment has been offered me, nor 
 have I asked for any! The subject of my personal 
 claims or position has never been even alluded to 
 in any communication, personal or written, since I 
 came here. This battle must be fought out before I 
 can think of my own interests or yours either, 
 which God knows are always uppermost in my 
 thoughts. You take, as you always do, just and 
 patriotic views of our duty at this crisis. When the 
 last shot has been fired and I can do no more 
 in defence of my country’s rights and interests, with 
 a clear conscience and a cheerful spirit I can com- 
 mence the world again, and a kind Providence will 
 take care of us as it has always done. It is not worth 
 while even to speculate as to the future just yet, 
 but we will think quick when the proper time 
 comes.” 
 
 And a fortnight later, on March 2nd, 1867, he 
 writes : — “ As you may suppose, the last fortnight 
 has been one of anxiety and vexation, but through 
 it all I have been cheered with the consciousness 
 
 197 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 that I have done my duty to my country and to 
 yours and to my father’s principles and memory, and 
 am a thousand times happier than I was at Wash- 
 ington or at home last spring before I had decided 
 on my course. I can now live among my own 
 countrymen and enjoy their respect, or lie down 
 beside my father in the churchyard. Do not feel 
 about my disappointment. I never could have been 
 happy had I not fought this battle through, and 
 when it is over will face the future with a light 
 heart.” 
 
 No one will be surprised then, that after con- 
 federation was adopted by parliament, Howe forth- 
 with went back to Nova Scotia and began one 
 of the most brilliant political campaigns in the 
 record of colonial government in British North 
 America. The first general election for the House 
 of Commons of Canada was to take place in Sep- 
 tember, 1867, and the election for the first provin- 
 cial legislature was to take place on the same day. 
 A provincial government had been formed under 
 the auspices of Dr. Tupper in July, with Mr. Hiram 
 Blanchard and Mr. P. C. Hill as leading members. 
 A Dominion cabinet was formed at the same time 
 at Ottawa with Sir John A. Macdonald at the 
 head of it, and with Messrs. Archibald and Kenny 
 as the Nova Scotia representatives. Dr. Tupper 
 himself, with great magnanimity, had resigned his 
 right to a seat, which was, of course, placed at 
 his disposal. Howe had one clear purpose, which 
 198 
 
IN THE FIELD AGAIN 
 
 was to carry, if possible, every one of the nineteen 
 seats which Nova Scotia had in the House of 
 Commons and every one of the thirty-eight seats in 
 the House of Assembly, and to achieve this in the 
 face of all the power and patronage of both the 
 federal and provincial governments and also in the 
 face of the tremendous force and power of Dr. 
 Tupper as an opponent. During the spring of 1867 
 Howe made a political tour of Nova Scotia, ad- 
 dressing large meetings from town to town, east 
 and west. The enthusiasm which he inspired on 
 these occasions cannot be adequately described in 
 words. His face was not as familiar as of yore in all 
 parts of Nova Scotia, and for some years his voice 
 had not been heard, but he still lived in the hearts 
 of the masses of the people as the greatest figure in 
 the political world. Unquestionably, the sentiment 
 of Nova Scotia at this stage was hostile to political 
 union with Canada, but with the leading politicians 
 on both sides accepting it, it is likely, if Howe had 
 remained neutral, that this opposition would have 
 failed to take effective form and shape. But with 
 Howe at the head of the movement, it developed 
 into a tidal wave which even the indomitable will 
 of Tupper could not resist, although, in justice 
 to him, it must be said that he threw the whole 
 power of his splendid energy into the contest. 
 
 The writer may, perhaps, be permitted to describe 
 the incidents of one of these meetings of Howe 
 in 1867, of which he was an eye-witness. The 
 
 199 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 meeting for Annapolis county was to be held 
 in Bridgetown, one of the largest and most central 
 towns in the county. The meeting was to take 
 place in the forenoon, which, under ordinary cir- 
 cumstances, would be an impossible hour to secure 
 a great gathering in a farming population, but 
 from eight o’clock onwards carriages began to roll 
 into the town from every quarter, and by half- 
 past ten the town was filled with an excited mul- 
 titude. A little later Howe drove in himself and 
 was enthusiastically greeted by the multitudes 
 along the street. He put up for a short time at 
 the leading hotel at the head of the street, and 
 hundreds, if not thousands, watched to see his 
 form near a window in the upper story, where, 
 seated at a table, he was making a few notes in 
 preparation for the meeting. At last, accompanied 
 by a number of leading friends, he walked to the 
 court-house. It was found that the building would 
 not contain one-half of the people, and as the day 
 was fairly pleasant, it was necessary to move outside 
 and speak from the steps to the multitude in the 
 open air. Mr. Howe was dressed tastefully, as 
 always, in a suit of grey, and wore a tall white hat. 
 When the meeting was organized and a chairman 
 appointed, Howe came forward and stated that 
 he was accustomed at all such gatherings to begin 
 with three cheers for our beloved Queen, and these 
 were given with a will. Howe was extremely care 
 ful during his whole anti-confederate, and later 
 200 
 
A CAMPAIGN SPEECH 
 
 during his repeal campaign, to make sure that 
 no charge of disloyalty to the empire could be pre- 
 ferred against any action on his part or that of the 
 party with which he was associated. He then 
 launched forth into a magnificent speech dealing 
 with the subject in its broadest terms and carefully 
 abstaining from any mere claptrap appeals to the 
 popular prejudices. As an example of the imagery 
 with which he could embellish passages of his 
 speech, one extract may be given from this admir- 
 able address : — 
 
 “Aye, but think of the attractions of Ottawa 1 
 They may be very great, but I think I may be 
 pardoned if I prefer an old city beside the Thames. 
 London is large enough for me, and you will no 
 doubt prefer London with its magnificent pro- 
 portions to Ottawa with its magnificent distances. 
 London ! the commercial centre of the world, the 
 nursing mother of universal enterprise, the home of 
 the arts, the seat of empire, the fountain-head 
 of civilization. London ! where the Lady we honour 
 sits enthroned in the hearts of her subjects, and 
 where the statesmen, the warriors, the orators, 
 historians and poets, who have illustrated the vigour 
 of our race and the compass of our language repose 
 beneath piles so venerable we do not miss the 
 cornice and the plaster. London 1 where the archives 
 of a nationality not created in a fortnight are pre- 
 served, where personal liberty is secured by the de- 
 cision of free courts, and where legislative chambers, 
 
 201 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 the most elevated in tone, control the national 
 councils and guard the interests of the empire. 
 Surely with such a capital as this we need not seek 
 for another in the backwoods of Canada, and we 
 may be pardoned if we prefer London under the 
 dominion of John Bull, to Ottawa under the do- 
 minion of Jack Frost.” 
 
 Howe, at all events, so successfully pursued his 
 campaign against confederation that out of nineteen 
 members of the House of Commons, only one. Dr. 
 Tupper, and that by the most tremendous exertions, 
 was elected to represent the confederate cause, and 
 of the thirty-eight seats in the provincial legislature 
 only two confederates secured election, and one of 
 these, Mr. Blanchard, by a division in the ranks of 
 the anti-confederate party. He was promptly un- 
 seated, and at the bye-election defeated by an im- 
 mense majority, a few months later. Most of the 
 anti-confederate candidates in both the federal and 
 provincial House were elected by overwhelming ma- 
 jorities. In fact a more complete tidal wave of popu- 
 lar opinion was scarcely ever exhibited in the history 
 of popular government. 
 
 Howe at this moment was the hero of the hour, 
 and it seemed as if he held the destiny of the 
 province within his own keeping. A provincial 
 government was promptly formed with Mr. An- 
 nand, Howe’s life-long friend, at the head of it, and 
 with his anti-confederate supporters as members. 
 At the first session of the federal parliament, Howe 
 202 
 
TUPPER’S PARTY GROWS 
 
 appeared with an unbroken phalanx to raise the 
 note of repeal in the national councils, while his 
 only opponent. Dr. Tupper, confronted him without 
 a follower. This was the appearance that matters 
 assumed at this moment, but the history of the 
 world demonstrates clearly enough that events are 
 not controlled by mere majorities. Now that Howe 
 had been able, by dint of his marvellous influence, 
 to induce the people of Nova Scotia to reject con- 
 federation and demand the disruption of the union, 
 what was to be the outcome ? For upon the solution 
 of this must depend ultimately the strength or 
 weakness of Howe’s position. 
 
 Of course, the provincial government took imme- 
 diate steps to obtain a repeal of the union, and in this 
 they received the cooperation of all the Nova Scotia 
 members of the House of Commons, with three ex- 
 ceptions. One exception the reader would naturally 
 expect, but already Dr. Tupper was proceeding with 
 his task of sapping the strength of the anti-confed- 
 erate party. Mr. Stewart Campbell, who had been 
 elected to the House of Commons for Guysboro, as 
 an unflinching anti- confederate, had suddenly an- 
 nounced his behef that, as confederation had been 
 adopted, it would be unwise and unpatriotic to 
 take further steps to secure its dismemberment. 
 Mr. James McKeagney of the county of Cape 
 Breton had from the beginning intimated his deter- 
 mination to take a similar course, and these two men 
 from this moment may be classed as Dr. Tupper’s 
 
 203 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 followers. A delegation was immediately appointed 
 to go to England and demand a repeal of the 
 British North Ameriea Aet, so far as it related 
 to Nova Scotia. Of course, Howe was put at the 
 head of this delegation, with Annand, J. C. Troop 
 and H. W. Smith as co-delegates. Howe sailed for 
 England on February 14th, 1868, and the other 
 delegates proceeded later. Dr. Tupper was chosen 
 by the government of Canada as its representative 
 to oppose the action of the Nova Scotian repealers, 
 and to uphold the integrity of the Dominion. 
 
 Howe, who was, of course, the soul of the dele- 
 gation, proceeded to take the most active measures 
 to further his plans. He issued pamphlets and 
 published letters. He canvassed personally members 
 of the House of Commons and of the House of 
 Lords. He was able to secure the active cooperation 
 of no less a personage than Mr. John Bright, who 
 became his spokesman in the House of Commons, 
 and of Lord Stratheden in the House of Lords, but 
 he plainly saw very soon after his arrival, indeed it 
 is not unlikely that the suspicion took possession of 
 his mind before he started, that it was distinctly 
 a part of the imperial policy that confederation 
 should be maintained. He was therefore unable 
 to secure the slightest aid or encouragement from 
 the colonial secretary or the members of the govern- 
 ment, and he found equal difficulty in obtaining 
 any cordial cooperation from those occupying the 
 front benches of the opposition. 
 
 204 
 
TUPPER AND HOWE IN LONDON 
 
 Early in March Tapper appeared in London and 
 his first step on his arrival there was to proceed to 
 Howe’s lodgings to present his compliments. Un- 
 questionably, Tapper felt that he was bound to 
 capture Howe, and he recognized that even the 
 stars in their courses were fighting for him and his 
 cause. Howe and Tapper had their first interview 
 alone in London. The situation could not be mis- 
 understood. Dr. Tapper said: “Mr. Howe, you are 
 here seeking a repeal of this union. You are com- 
 missioned for that purpose, and bound to exert 
 your utmost efforts. You will fail. What then?” 
 And indeed, what answer could Howe make, 
 even with his overwhelming majority in the pro- 
 vincial legislature and his great array of support in 
 the House of Commons, and his overpowering 
 command of the electorate ? Could he propose politi- 
 cal union with the United States ? Tapper knew 
 that it was opposed to every instinct and prejudice 
 of Howe’s character. Was rebellion to be thought 
 of? Three hundred thousand Nova Scotians against 
 the empire I This was too preposterous for ser- 
 ious consideration. What then? Was Howe’s great 
 statesmanship to be put to no better use than 
 to disturb and agitate the union and give birth to a 
 spirit of faction and unrest, which would paralyze 
 the efforts of the authors and founders of this new 
 nation ? Could any one expect that a man of 
 Howe’s greatness could picture such a line of con- 
 duct as the outcome of all those large ideas of 
 
 205 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 constructive statesmanship which had characterized 
 his entire life ? Tupper clearly perceived this when 
 he put that poignant question — “ What then?’’ 
 
 Howe naturally pleaded that he could do nothing 
 but remain true to those whom he represented. He 
 knew quite well that he had conjured up a spectre 
 which he could not down and was powerless to 
 control. But Dr. Tupper’s answer was prompt: 
 “ You cannot permanently ally yourself with a 
 disturbing faction. Your place is in the government 
 of Canada, helping by your talents and your in- 
 fluence with the masses to secure the effective 
 operation of confederation itself.” And when all 
 was said and done, that was the only course open 
 to Joseph Howe. He remained in London to 
 the end, until Mr. Bright’s proposition for a com- 
 mittee of enquiry was voted down by an over- 
 whelming majority, and when a proposition favour- 
 able to repeal had been rejected by an incoming 
 Liberal administration in as clear and decisive 
 terms as had characterized the answer from the 
 Conservative government which had just left office. 
 
 Before leaving England Howe penned an elo- 
 quent and spirited protest on behalf of Nova Scotia 
 addressed to the colonial secretary, in which he 
 concluded with these memorable words : “In the 
 interim, we presume, the future of our country will 
 be anxiously considered by its people. May the 
 Almighty guide them. Having discharged our duty 
 to the empire, we go home to share the perils 
 206 
 
A LOSING BATTLE 
 
 of our native land, in whose service we consider it 
 an honour to labour, whose fortunes in this, the 
 darkest hour in her history, it would be cowardice 
 to desert.’’ Then he and his co-delegates sailed for 
 Halifax, and on board the same steamer was Dr. 
 Charles Tupper. Before leaving England he had 
 written to Sir John Macdonald that “ Howe would 
 soon be with us.” 
 
 Howe and his associates were received in Hali- 
 fax by the anti-confederate party as the heroes 
 of Nova Scotia’s rights, and Tupper was wel- 
 comed by a few leading men who had gathered 
 upon the wharf to present their respects, among 
 others Mr. Tilley, of New Brunswick. Howe’s 
 position at this moment was extremely trying and 
 painful. He saw plainly that it would be unpatriotic 
 and unworthy to keep up a fruitless agitation which 
 would constitute a disturbing feature in confedera- 
 tion, and yet it required little prescience to foresee 
 what attitude would be assumed towards him by 
 that great anti-confederate party which his genius 
 had created. There is nothing from which a spirited 
 man shrinks with such instinctive horror as the 
 charge of treason, and it was not difficult to per- 
 ceive that any movement on his part towards staying 
 the insensate agitation for repeal would be met by 
 a howl of indignant dissent from the repeal party. 
 This, indeed, might have been avoided but for the 
 existence of a provincial government. The members 
 who had been elected to the House of Commons 
 
 207 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 were distinctly pleased with the condition they 
 found there; soon began to fraternize with the 
 representatives of the other provinces, and soon 
 in their hearts ceased to have the slightest desire for 
 a repeal of the union. But the members of the 
 provincial government were not brought in contact 
 with Canadian questions at all. They owed their 
 position to the tidal wave of anti-confederate feeling 
 in Nova Scotia. They believed that this still existed 
 and would not spend its force for some years, 
 and that the most effective method by which they 
 could retain the confidence of the people who 
 sent them there was to keep up the agitation for 
 repeal, though they knew quite well that it would 
 be hopeless and fruitless. Therefore at this moment 
 the highly-inflamed anti-confederate party in Nova 
 Scotia looked to the local government for the 
 championship of its cause rather than to the mem- 
 bers of the House of Commons. If the leaders of 
 the provincial government had frankly agreed with 
 Howe as to the course which should be pursued, 
 much of the difficulty and opprobrium with which 
 he had later to contend would have been avoided. 
 But there was no intention on the part of the 
 leaders of the provincial government to do anything 
 of the sort. The consequence was that the first 
 moment Howe gave indications of an intention to 
 hesitate respecting further measures looking to 
 repeal, Mr. Annand, his life-long friend and associ- 
 ate, parted company with him, and opened the 
 208 
 
TUPPER’S ACTIVITY 
 
 columns of the Morning Chronicle to an unceasing 
 tirade of abuse of his old leader and hero. 
 
 When Howe returned from England he was still 
 received and regarded as the leader and hope of the 
 repeal party. If any of his associates on the dele- 
 gation had suspicions regarding his future course, 
 they concealed them, and, as a consequence, public 
 meetings and receptions were held in which Mr. 
 Howe was glorified for his able championship of 
 the repeal cause ; and uncompromising determination 
 to carry forward the struggle was everywhere ex- 
 pressed. But events were developing. On landing at 
 Halifax Tupper found Mr. Tilley, a member of the 
 federal cabinet, and to him he unfolded Howe’s 
 doubts and difficulties, and the inevitable deter- 
 mination to which they must ultimately carry him. 
 Mr. Tilley was induced to write a letter to Sir 
 John Macdonald, recommending that he come 
 down to Nova Scotia and confer with the leaders of 
 the anti-confederate party. As for Tupper himself, 
 he set out straightway for Ottawa to find Sir John 
 in person, and not finding him there, pursued him 
 to Toronto and induced him to agree to visit 
 Nova Scotia about August 1st, 1868. It happened 
 that the provincial legislature was to hold a special 
 session at that date, and in view of the failure 
 of the repeal delegation, a convention of all the 
 provincial and federal members opposed to con- 
 federation was to be held in Halifax. Tupper’s 
 anxiety was not so much to secure a favourable 
 
 209 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 consideration of any proposition to stay the repeal 
 movement with the party generally as to bring Sir 
 John and Mr. Howe together, because he recognized 
 that if Howe’s cooperation could be obtained, the 
 backbone of the repeal movement would be broken, 
 and that Howe’s great name and influence, allied 
 to his own confederate followers in Nova Scotia, 
 would quickly give him command of the situation. 
 
 Sir John agreed to this visit and was accompanied 
 by Sir Georges Cartier, Mr. Peter Mitchell and Mr. 
 William McDougall. The announcement of Sir 
 John’s intended visit was made in advance, and was 
 received with mingled feelings by the anti- confeder- 
 ate party. Sir John, although confederation had been 
 achieved but a year, had already gained the repu- 
 tation of being a most able and adroit manipulator 
 of men and conditions, and the uncompromising 
 repealer viewed with alarm the prospect of the wily 
 politician bedevilling the leaders of the anti-con- 
 federate party. One of the repeal organs, the 
 Acadian Recorder y went so far as to suggest vio- 
 lence to Sir John, and this drew from Mr. Howe 
 the following letter to the editor of the Morning 
 Chronicle y dated July 30th, 1868, which is so char- 
 acteristic of the man that it must be inserted in full : 
 
 “The papers inform us that Sir John A. Mac- 
 donald and his lady, and perhaps Mr. Cartier, are 
 coming to Nova Scotia on a visit, and the editor of 
 an evening paper bespeaks for them, should they 
 come, discourteous treatment, if not rougher hand- 
 210 
 
HOWE’S PROTEST 
 
 ling. I regret to see this spirit manifested in any 
 quarter. Where actual war rages flags of truce are 
 respected, and the soldiers in the field exchange 
 courtesies across their lines which lend the grace of 
 chivalry to the sternest conflicts. Roderick Dhu 
 shared his plaid and his heather couch with Fitz 
 James, though ready and anxious to cross swords 
 with him in the morning. We have taught the 
 public men of Canada and of England within the 
 past two years that the people of Nova Scotia are 
 men and not cravens. Let us show them now that 
 we are gentlemen and not ruffians. One rude word, 
 one act of discourtesy, would disgrace us all, and 
 bring such discredit on our cause as to make it 
 hopeless hereafter. 
 
 “Nineteen Nova Scotians traversed the Canadas 
 last fall, and sojourned for forty days in the capital 
 of the Dominion. Though the great majority of 
 them were known to be hostile to the fundamental 
 law under which the legislature was convened, and 
 not very friendly to the government — though I and 
 others denounced the act and the policy of the 
 majority on all suitable occasions, with indignant 
 freedom of speech, yet from the time we entered 
 Canada until we came out of it we received from 
 all classes of the people hospitable and courteous 
 treatment. I passed through the crowded corridors 
 of the House of Commons with my hot words 
 ringing in the ears of the people I met, but they 
 never offered me insult, and at three o’clock in the 
 
 211 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 morning I often went to my lodgings alone, as little 
 apprehensive of obstruction or offence as I would 
 have been in the streets of Halifax. Let us hear no 
 more, then, of different treatment- of Canadians, 
 high or low, in any part of the province. If we have 
 lost our constitution let us preserve our manners. 
 
 “The secretary of state and the imperial *parlia- 
 ment have thrown upon the Canadian government 
 the responsibility of action in the great controversy 
 which, at the present moment, perplexes us aU. It 
 would appear that its leaders have promptly re- 
 sponded, and will come here to discuss with Nova 
 Scotians such remedial measures as they may have 
 to propose. We are bound to give them a fair 
 hearing and courteous treatment. Is our case so bad 
 that we are afraid to discuss it on our own soil with 
 the leading men of Canada? Are we so strong that 
 we can afford to outrage the public sentiments 
 of the whole world by a reckless disregard of all 
 usages of civilized diplomacy? I think not, and 
 I hasten to say that I should deeply regret if any 
 indiscretion were to sully a course which has hither- 
 to been conducted with dignity and temper which 
 have challenged the respect even of those to whom 
 we have stood opposed. I am quite sure that on 
 reflection, the writer to whose article I refer, and 
 whose views it is possible I may have misappre- 
 hended, will concur in the opinions which I consider 
 it a public duty thus frankly to express.” 
 
 This was the first public utterance which had 
 212 
 
SIR JOHN MACDONALD’S VISIT 
 
 fallen from Howe’s lips since his return from Eng- 
 land. His residence was a neat little cottage in 
 a grove on the Dartmouth side of the harbour, and 
 while all others were talking the great old sage 
 remained silent, and his silence was bearing its fruit 
 in mutterings of suspicion on the part of his friends 
 and followers. This letter gave a distinct indication < 
 of his intention to treat with Sir John, and his 
 desire that he should be courteously received dur- 
 ing his visit. 
 
 ' Sir John and his colleagues arrived at Halifax on 
 a Saturday evening, July 31st, and Sir John himself 
 became a guest of Sir Hastings Doyle at govern- 
 ment house. He immediately addressed a note to 
 Mr. Howe, stating his desire to meet him, and 
 suggesting Sunday at half-past one o’clock as 
 a suitable hour. Howe acknowledged the note and 
 agreed to meet him at that hour at government 
 house, and it can be easily imagined what mat- 
 ters of weighty import were discussed during the 
 afternoon between these two distinguished men. 
 The next day the anti-confederate caucus assembled 
 in the old parliament buildings. Mr. Howe presided. 
 An executive committee was appointed to give Sir 
 John Macdonald and his colleagues a hearing, and 
 Howe was able to secure even this slight concession 
 only by his own casting vote. Sir John Macdonald 
 appeared before this committee composed of the 
 leading men of the party, including all the members 
 of the provincial government, but he accomplished 
 
 213 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 nothing definite by this. Sir John was too adroit to 
 commit himself by any injudicious promises. He 
 stated that his government had been charged by 
 the colonial secretary with the duty of discovering 
 what just grievances Nova Scotia had, and if any of 
 the terms of union were shown to be unfair that 
 his government would undertake to make them 
 right, and he invited most full and cordial repre- 
 sentations in this regard. So far as the provincial 
 government and its immediate followers were con- 
 cerned, no concessions would have been accepted. 
 It was not their interest to come to terms. It was 
 their interest at that moment to have the agitation 
 kept up, but Sir John Macdonald’s words had their 
 weight with those members of the anti-confederate 
 party who were in the House of Commons, and 
 they were not wanting in effect even upon mem- 
 bers of the provincial legislature who were just and 
 broad enough to recognize that the agitation was 
 aimless and vexatious. But Sir John Macdonald’s 
 visit had accomplished this important result: it had 
 secured a rapprochement between himself and the 
 great leader of the repeal party. 
 
 It is scarcely possible to appreciate the enormous 
 difficulties which surrounded Howe at this moment. 
 Patriotism declared, in unmistakable terms, that it 
 was his duty to abandon this vexatious and hopeless 
 struggle. The appreciation of his own name and 
 character in history proclaimed that it would be 
 impossible to avoid the adverse judgment of man- 
 214 
 
A DIFFICULT POSITION 
 
 kind, if he lent himself further to a lost cause. On 
 the other hand, he was confronted with the un- 
 questionable fact that he would have the bitter 
 hostility of the provincial government, and that in 
 his ears would be heard the din of a thousand voices 
 proclaiming him a traitor, and these the voices of 
 lifelong friends and admirers. He might well, per- 
 haps, have wished that he could have been spared 
 such a victory as seemed to be his on September 
 18th, 1867. Sir John Macdonald desired Howe 
 to take immediate steps to end the difficulty. The 
 most persistent claim put forth by the anti-confed- 
 erate party was that under the financial terms 
 of confederation. Nova Scotia was not receiving full 
 justice. It is scarcely worth while to enquire into 
 the niceties of this claim, because, whether it was 
 well founded or mythical, it was seized upon by Sir 
 John Macdonald as a convenient means of taking 
 some step to reconcile Nova Scotians to the union. 
 He wished Howe to enter at once upon the dis- 
 cussion of better terms with Sir John Rose, the 
 finance minister. Howe hesitated, but he agreed to 
 give the whole question careful consideration and 
 to continue the discussion with Sir John by corres- 
 pondence. Consequently, soon after his return. Sir 
 John Macdonald wrote a lengthy and carefully 
 prepared letter, setting forth his understanding 
 of the situation, and pressing upon Mr. Howe the 
 necessity of giving these matters careful attention 
 with a view to early action. The correspondence, 
 
 215 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 which extended over two months, between Sir John 
 Macdonald and Howe, has been published in the 
 appendix of Pope’s “Life of Sir John Macdonald,” 
 and these letters are intensely interesting historical 
 documents, although it must be frankly admitted 
 that in this correspondence, viewed from a political 
 standpoint. Sir John Macdonald comes out dis- 
 tinctly best. Not a line in his several letters but 
 showed evidence of most careful reflection; not an 
 injudicious expression falls from his pen; nothing 
 that could not safely be given to the world at any 
 moment. Howe’s letters are scarcely free from 
 some tokens of indiscretion. He sometimes puts 
 himself somewhat in the power of Sir John, and he 
 occasionally betrays unfortunate tokens of personal 
 feeling in regard to his late associates. It must be 
 remembered that at this date Mr. Howe was sixty- 
 five years old, and although many men have ex- 
 ercised their full faculties at a much later period 
 in life, it may be fairly stated that he was not 
 the Howe that drove Sir Cohn Campbell and Lord 
 Falkland from Nova Scotia. 
 
 Mr. Howe showed Sir John Macdonald’s letter 
 to Annand, the head of the provincial government, 
 because he did not fail to realize how important it 
 was that the provincial government should be 
 induced, if possible, to cooperate in measures look- 
 ing to a settlement of Nova Scotia’s grievances on 
 the basis of better terms. Annand read the letter 
 and at once stated; “Yes, we will take this letter 
 216 
 
HOWE AND ANN AND 
 
 and deal with it.” Probably this would have been 
 very satisfactory to Howe if he could have trusted 
 Annand to have dealt with it in a fair and in- 
 genuous manner, but it required no great wisdom 
 to see that if left absolutely to be dealt with by the 
 provincial government, it would have been not the 
 means of securing reconciliation, but the means of 
 the provincial government’s seeking justification for 
 the continuation of the struggle by imposing un- 
 reasonable, indeed impossible, conditions upon the 
 federal government. Howe was therefore compelled 
 to withdraw the letter from Annand’s consideration, 
 since, indeed, cooperation was impossible. It was 
 thus that these two life-long friends parted com- 
 pany, and that a powerful faction remained in 
 Nova Scotia to hamper every movement of Howe 
 in the direction of reconciliation, to keep up the 
 agitation for repeal for a year or two longer, and, 
 even then, to leave a rankling sentiment in the 
 breasts of hundreds, if not thousands, of men in 
 Nova Scotia, who might, under fair conditions, 
 have been reconciled to the great measure of Cana- 
 dian confederation. 
 
 Howe’s version of the interview between Annand 
 and himself on this point is as follows : — “ Mr. An- 
 nand wished to shelve Sir John’s letter until an- 
 other delegation could be sent to England. I said, 
 ‘ If I put this by for six months and let you send 
 a delegation and the answer is unfavourable — what 
 then?’ Mr. Annand replied, ‘Then I will go for 
 
 217 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 annexation/” To this Mr. Howe answered, “In 
 that case we should have to part, and we may as 
 well part now and save six months’ time.” 
 
 Howe remained in seclusion at “Fairfield” dur- 
 ing the summer and autumn. A vote of thanks to 
 the delegates had been adopted by the legislature 
 of Nova Scotia before its adjournment in Septem- 
 ber, and a day was appointed on which the delegates 
 were to appear at the bar of the House and receive 
 this token of honour from the mouth of the speaker. 
 Mr. Annand, Mr. Troop and Mr. Smith were at the 
 bar, but the great old Joseph was absent, though 
 not far away. Indeed, at the very moment when 
 the speaker was conveying the sentiments of the 
 House, Howe, on the arm of a friend, was walking 
 to and fro on Hollis Street under the shadow of the 
 parliament building. Mr. Howe had his reasons, 
 and they were fairly good ones, for not wishing at 
 that moment to accept hypocritical professions of 
 regard from the men whom he knew were presently 
 to turn and rend him. 
 
 Every day that Howe refused to join in the 
 vehement outcry against confederation the suspic- 
 ion deepened in the mind of the anti-confederate 
 leaders that he was about to forsake the cause, and 
 dark whispers and ominous shakings of head were 
 heard and seen. Knowing that he was without 
 means it was the prevailing fear of the repealers 
 that Howe would obtain some imperial office as 
 the price of abandoning his friends, or even some 
 218 
 
THE REPEAL PARTY SUBSCRIPTION 
 
 lucrative place provided by the federal government. 
 These fears were absolutely without foundation and 
 no doubt remains that Howe was solely concerned 
 in devising the best and most honourable means 
 whereby the provincial interests could be served 
 and the trouble ended. 
 
 The wealthy men of the repeal party conceived 
 the idea of meeting these fancied temptations by 
 counter proposals. When Messrs. Howe, Annand 
 and Hugh McDonald went to London in 1866- 
 67 to oppose the adoption of the confederation 
 scheme, their expenses were paid by a subscription 
 from the friends of the anti-confederate party, 
 and a sum had been raised for this purpose, 
 amounting to $6,710.97. When the anti-confeder- 
 ate government had been formed, subsequent to 
 the elections, it was deemed a proper thing to 
 vote from the provincial treasury this sum for the 
 purpose of recouping the friends who had raised 
 it by voluntary subscription. One day in Sep- 
 tember, 1868, one of the merchants who had been 
 a liberal contributor to this fund and a devoted 
 friend of Howe, visited him at “Fairfield,” and 
 made a proposition that this sum should be handed 
 over to him as a mark of appreciation for his de- 
 voted services to the cause. The real object was, 
 of course, delicately veiled, but a man of Howe’s 
 discernment could not fail to apprehend its possible 
 meaning. After giving the matter careful considera- 
 tion he wrote to another very influential friend in 
 
 219 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 the city a lengthy letter in which it will be seen 
 that Howe, in very plain terms, declines to permit 
 his actions to be hampered by personal considera- 
 tions of any kind. It was publicly stated by Howe 
 that another attempt had been made to bind him 
 to the cause in the form of a proposal to send him 
 to Washington as a special commissioner for Nova 
 Scotia, but this he declined even to consider. The 
 following is the letter above referred to, dated 
 Fairfield, September 26th, 1868 : — 
 
 “My dear B., — G was over yesterday and 
 
 we talked all the afternoon. As you and others 
 whose motives are equally friendly were not present 
 I have thought it due to you to put upon paper 
 the substance of what was said to G . 
 
 “1st. As respects the rumours and slanders set 
 afloat about the town and country, I believe they 
 all come out of the province building and had their 
 origin in the meanest and most contemptible of 
 motives. They are without a shadow of foundation. 
 
 “2nd. I had with the imperial government in 
 1867 no intercourse or communication which was 
 not known to or read by Messrs. Annand and 
 McDonald. In 1868, except during the two days 
 that Mrs. Howe and I spent at Stowe, when 
 confederation was never mentioned, some or all of 
 the delegates were present at every interview with 
 the Duke of Buckingham, and saw, I believe, every 
 note that passed between us. I have at no time, 
 since I resigned my fishery commissionership, asked 
 220 
 
INDEPENDENCE 
 
 for office, nor has any offer been made to me by 
 Her Majesty’s government. I have had no com- 
 munication with the imperial authorities since leav- 
 ing England, and the story which I found floating 
 about Hants the other day, that the British gov- 
 ernment had said to Mr. Howe, ‘You quiet Nova 
 Scotia and we will take care of you,’ is a base 
 falsehood, without a shadow of foundation. 
 
 “3rd. It is just as untrue that I have accepted 
 office under the Dominion government. The very 
 reverse is true, and Sir John Macdonald was in- 
 formed that nothing would induce me to take 
 office until the country was satisfied and my own 
 friends thought that I could do so with honour. 
 Even when consenting to cooperate with him for 
 the restoration of our American trade it was with 
 the distinct understanding that my services would 
 be gratuitously rendered, that no miserable scamp 
 should have it in his power to say that money was 
 an inducement. 
 
 “You will perceive, therefore, that at this mo- 
 ment I stand perfectly independent of the imperial 
 and of the Dominion governments. Now, for many 
 reasons, I desire to stand quite as independent of 
 the local government. In the critical and delicate 
 circumstances in which this province is placed, it 
 may become my duty to act on my own judgment, 
 and, should the necessity arise, I wish to be per- 
 fectly untrammelled by all considerations except 
 those of public duty. 
 
 221 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 “ I have no faith in a further appeal to England, 
 and I cannot lie to the people of Nova Scotia and 
 amuse them with vain delusions and another ex- 
 pensive delegation. 
 
 “ I do not believe in Mr. Wilkins’s law, and I do 
 believe in the paramount power of the imperial 
 parliament. 
 
 “I do not believe in committing a body of 
 honourable and loyal men to treason, insurrection 
 and fihbustering raids into our country without the 
 smallest chance of a fair fight to be crowned by 
 reasonable success. 
 
 “ I do not believe in passing revenue laws which 
 nobody would obey, without the governor’s assent, 
 nor in imprisoning collectors who would be instantly 
 released on a writ of habeas corpus. 
 
 “ I do not believe in making treasonable speeches 
 one day nor in eating them the next. Nor in cen- 
 suring a governor and then shrinking from the 
 inevitable alternative — a dissolution. 
 
 “For these, and for sundry other reasons, it is of 
 the utmost importance that I should keep myself 
 clear of all entanglements just now. If, as I believe 
 he will. Sir John A. Macdonald puts into official 
 form the substance of what he said to the com- 
 mittee of the convention, I want to be at perfect 
 liberty to reconsider the whole subject as it may be 
 then presented. 
 
 “ As respects our mercantile friends, I have 
 nothing to conceal from them. My action in the 
 222 
 
PORTLAND CONFERENCE 
 
 future as in the past will be fair and open. If they 
 wish to do my family the service delicately ex- 
 plained to me by Mr. G., I am perhaps not rich 
 enough to refuse their gift. But I want it to be 
 made, if made at all, with a full knowledge of the 
 facts. I have always thought, without any reference 
 to what they might do with it, that the merchants 
 were entitled to have the money advanced in 1867 
 for the public service, repaid by the government. 
 But if this is done it ought to be done purely 
 on public grounds and without reference to its 
 further appropriation. If given to me it should 
 be given for past services, leaving my future action 
 untrammelled. If given merely as a retainer to 
 commit me to a policy which I may or may not 
 approve, my friends would not, I am sure, feel 
 offended if in that case the offer was respectfully 
 declined.” 
 
 The correspondence between Mr. Howe and Sir 
 John Macdonald resulted in a conference at Port- 
 land between Mr. Howe and Mr. A. W. McLellan, 
 one of the members of the House of Commons, 
 and Sir John Rose, in which the whole financial 
 situation was taken into careful consideration. Mr. 
 A. W. Mcl^ellan, who afterwards became a minis- 
 ter, was a sound and able financier, and a very 
 suitable man to cooperate with Mr. Howe in de- 
 tails. It may be mentioned, however, that Howe’s 
 first choice for his associate was Mr. A. G. Jones, 
 of Halifax, who was regarded as one of the most 
 
 223 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 influential men of the anti-confederate party, and on 
 Howe’s dropping out, became the recognized leader 
 of that party in Nova Scotia. Mr. Jones, in response 
 to Howe’s request, very frankly stated his reasons 
 for declining. He would be very glad to enter into 
 such negotiations, with the aim of securing financial 
 justice to Nova Scotia, but he said with much cog- 
 ency, that any efforts made by any persons who did 
 not secure the cooperation of the provincial govern- 
 ment would not settle the question, and that it was 
 useless to attempt to secure a settlement until the 
 local House agreed to it. As evidence that Mr. 
 Howe acted openly in all his actions in this matter, 
 it is to be noted that before going to Portland 
 he addressed the following circular, dated October 
 19th, 1868, to his Nova Scotia supporters in the 
 House of Commons: — 
 
 “ Sir John A. Macdonald sent me last week 
 a semi-official letter, embodying the statements and 
 propositions made here to the committee of the 
 convention, to which I have replied to-day. As 
 these papers are of some length I cannot have 
 copies made for all our friends, but I write to say 
 that they and any others that may form part of our 
 correspondence will be open to the inspection of 
 the members of the House of Commons whenever 
 any of them come to town.” 
 
 At Portland arrangements were made for the 
 sum of $1,188,750 to be added to the debt to 
 be credited Nova Scotia on entering confederation, 
 224 
 
A MEMORABLE CONTEST 
 
 and an annual payment of $80,000 for ten years. 
 Howe would, undoubtedly, have preferred not to 
 have entered the government of Sir John Mac- 
 donald at this time. If he could have maintained an 
 independent attitude as a member of the House of 
 Commons, he could have avoided many imputations 
 which followed his acceptance of an office of honour 
 and emolument. He foresaw this with unerring 
 clearness, but, unfortunately, the option was scarcely 
 left with him. Sir John Macdonald stated that 
 it involved great difficulty and risk to agree to 
 these large concessions to Nova Scotia, and that his 
 only hope of being able to carry such a measure 
 through the House of Commons was by the assur- 
 ance that the repeal movement would cease, and 
 that the only substantial guarantee he could give to 
 his colleagues and supporters was the presence 
 of Mr. Howe himself in his cabinet, helping to 
 carry out the great work of confederation. To this 
 appeal Howe could make no answer. The conse- 
 quence was that on January 30th, 1869, Howe was 
 sworn in as president of the privy council, and came 
 back to Nova Scotia to face the issue with the 
 electors of the county of Hants, for which county 
 he was then sitting as member. The contest in 
 Hants was the most memorable in the history 
 of single elections in Nova Scotia. The provincial 
 government and the entire anti-confederate party 
 threw themselves into the county from far and 
 near, because it was recognized that the struggle 
 
 225 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 was one of life or death to the anti-confederate 
 party of Nova Scotia. Funds were not wanting. 
 The sum of $6,710.97, voted generously by the 
 legislature to recoup the men who had patriotically 
 subscribed it to pay the delegates in 1866-67, was 
 paid over to the treasurer of the repeal league, and 
 the very sum with which the leaders of that move- 
 ment sought to bind Howe to their cause was in 
 the end applied to secure his defeat in Hants. 
 
 Nevertheless, Howe’s friends were not inactive. 
 As long as his health permitted he made a splendid 
 fight, but, unfortunately, during the campaign his 
 strength completely failed him and he was confined 
 to the house, and the election had to be carried on by 
 friends. The result of the election, however, was en- 
 tirely satisfactory to Howe. His majority was three 
 hundred and eighty-three, and by his election the 
 cause of repeal received its death blow, although the 
 provincial government still utilized it as a battle-cry 
 for a year or two afterwards, and this notwithstand- 
 ing the fact that the better terms which Howe had 
 achieved were accepted by them, and aU the ad- 
 vantage of the larger annual revenue which his 
 exertions had obtained, inured to their benefit. 
 
 Howe did not long remain the president of the 
 council. The department of secretary of state for 
 the provinces soon became vacant by the retire- 
 ment of Mr. Archibald, and Howe was assigned 
 to this place. This department was an important 
 one and corresponded very largely with the duties 
 226 
 
VISITS FORT GARRY 
 
 now performed by the minister of the interior. The 
 admission of the North-West Territories and the 
 creation of the province of Manitoba were especially 
 under his control. In order the better to discharge 
 his duties, Howe made a visit to Fort Garry, or 
 Winnipeg, in the autumn of 1869, and studied 
 upon the spot all the circumstances and surround- 
 ings of the situation, and became impressed with 
 the idea that difficulties were to be met in taking 
 possession of that country. On his return from 
 this visit he met Mr. McDougall, who was on 
 his way to assume the duties of governor when 
 the territories should be legally handed over. In 
 the brief interview which occurred, Howe frankly 
 pointed out some of the dangers of the situa- 
 tion, but the circumstances of their meeting on a 
 cold day, in open conveyances, made a lengthy 
 interview impossible. Mr. McDougall, after the 
 unfortunate fiasco which attended his attempting 
 to assume his duties, charged Mr. Howe with 
 having fomented the difficulties during his visit 
 to Winnipeg. This charge, of course, was pre- 
 posterous. Howe had no other object than to 
 remove obstacles and to pave the way towards 
 pleasant and friendly relationships with the people 
 of the new territory which was about to become 
 a part of the Dominion. After his return to Ottawa 
 news of the outbreak on the Red River reached 
 the capital. The correspondence in relation to this 
 troublesome incident in Canadian history devolved 
 
 227 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 upon Mr. Howe, and in it he displayed his old-time 
 ability in unfolding in lucid and fitting terms the 
 varying phases of the situation. In all the important 
 problems which confronted the Canadian govern- 
 ment during the four years that he was in office, he 
 took a fairly active part. 
 
 Howes four years as a member of Sir John 
 Macdonald’s cabinet are the least glorious of his 
 whole career. His health was impaired, not entirely 
 on account of old age, although he was sixty-five 
 when he became a member of the government, 
 but chiefly owing to the arduous winter campaign 
 of 1869 in his election in Hants, when he was 
 compelled, as has been mentioned, to withdraw 
 from active participation in the fight. His journey 
 to the North-West was also a task beyond his 
 physical power and his exposure during the long 
 journey in a sleigh in November, and the necessity 
 of camping out on the plains produced serious 
 results. Consequently, during the remainder of his 
 term in office he did not possess the vigour and 
 fire of former years. But, apart from this, the 
 situation was novel. Howe had been accustomed 
 all his life to lead and control events. He found 
 himself a member of a government of which Sir 
 John Macdonald was the supreme head and of 
 a cast of mind totally different from his own. Sir 
 John Macdonald was a shrewd political manager, 
 an opportunist, whose unfailing judgment led him 
 unerringly to pursue the course most likely to 
 228 
 
GOVERNOR OF NOVA SCOTIA 
 
 succeed each hour, each day, each year. Howe had 
 the genius of a bold Reformer, a courageous and 
 creative type of mind, who thought in continents, 
 dreamed dreams and conceived great ideas. Sir 
 John Macdonald busied himself with what con- 
 cerned the immediate interests of the hour in which 
 he was then living, and yet Sir John Macdonald 
 was a leader who permitted no insubordination. Sir 
 Georges Cartier, a man not to be named in the same 
 breath with Howe as a statesman, was nevertheless 
 a thousand times of more moment and concern with 
 his band of Bleu followers in the House of Com- 
 mons, than a dozen Howes, and the consequence is 
 that we find, for four years, the great old man 
 playing second fiddle to his inferiors, and cutting a 
 far from heroic figure in the arena in which he had 
 been cast under circumstances altogether unfavour- 
 able. There are gleams of the old fire in occasional 
 speeches delivered in the House of Commons, but 
 this old fire usually betrayed him into injudicious 
 observations which led to trouble and sometimes 
 proved perplexing to Sir John Macdonald.^ 
 
 In the spring of 1873 the governorship of Nova 
 Scotia became vacant by the retirement of Sir 
 Hastings Doyle. This position was offered to Howe. 
 He accepted it, and in May, 1873, he was sworn 
 into office, and took up his residence at government 
 house, Halifax, the very place from which he had 
 driven the Colin Campbells and Falklands in a 
 
 ^ See Appendix B ” 
 
 229 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 former day. His health was broken, but his friends 
 hoped that the leisure and freedom from care of 
 this position would enable him to recuperate, and 
 Mr. Howe himself on assuming office was cheerful 
 and buoyant. He was not destined to hold this high 
 place long, for his great career was soon to reach its 
 termination. 
 
 When weighing, as history must weigh, his 
 claims and qualifications as a statesman of the 
 first order, those of our Canadian fellow-citizens 
 who do not belong to Nova Scotia, and who are 
 not familiar with his great career must try to do 
 him the justice of never measuring his quahties by 
 the four unfortunate years that he was a cabinet 
 minister in Ottawa. 
 
 230 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 INCIDENTS 
 
 M r. HOWE had always a yearning desire to 
 visit England and note in person the scenic 
 aspects and industrial developments of Great 
 Britain, and also to come in contact with her 
 public men and study on the spot her political 
 institutions. At the close of the session of 1838, he 
 sailed on April 28th for England accompanied by 
 T. C. Haliburton (Sam Slick), and did not return 
 until November. During that time he not only 
 travelled over a large part of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, but also visited France, Belgium, and a 
 portion of Germany. He contributed to the Nova 
 Scotian a series of delightful articles under the title 
 of “A Nova Scotian in England.” These have 
 never been published in separate form, but they 
 would make as interesting a book of travels as any 
 that have been published in this country. 
 
 On the voyage across, the ship upon which Howe 
 had taken passage was overtaken by the steamer 
 Syrius, which had made a trial trip to America 
 from England and was on her return voyage. The 
 captain of the Tyrian, on which Howe was sailing, 
 determined to send his mails on board of her. Mr. 
 Howe visited the steamer while she was lying to 
 
 231 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and was entertained by the captain, after which he 
 returned to his ship which lay becalmed, while 
 the steamer proceeded easily upon her voyage. 
 This incident so far impressed Mr. Howe, whose 
 eye was ever alert for anything that would oper- 
 ate favourably to his country, that he devoted 
 himself, on his arrival in England, to the task of 
 drawing the attention of the colonial minister to 
 the desirability of establishing steam communi- 
 cation between Great Britain and Halifax. Mr. 
 William Crane, a prominent man from New 
 Brunswick, was in London at the time and he 
 joined with Mr. Howe in a letter addressed to 
 Lord Glenelg. Two extracts from this letter will 
 serve to demonstrate how clearly Howe grasped 
 the problem of steam communication between 
 Great Britain and British North America and how 
 broad and far-reaching were his views in this regard 
 even at this early date: — 
 
 “Since the undersigned left the colonies, and after 
 the close of the legislative sessions, the successful 
 voyages made to and from England and New York 
 have solved the problem of the practicability of 
 steam navigation across the Atlantic, and rendered 
 a revision of the system of packet communication 
 between Great Britain and her North American 
 provinces extremely desirable, if not a measure of 
 absolute necessity. Assuming that no reasonable 
 doubt can any longer be entertained that the com- 
 mercial and public correspondence of Europe and 
 232 
 
LETTER TO LORD GLENELG 
 
 America may now, and to a vast extent will, be 
 conveyed by steam, the question arises whether the 
 line of packets between the mother country and 
 the important provinces of North America, should 
 not be immediately put upon a more efficient 
 footing. This question, for a variety of reasons, is 
 beginning to press itself strongly upon the minds, 
 not only of the colonists generally, but of all those 
 who in this country are engaged in commercial 
 relations with them, or are aware of the import- 
 ance, in a political point of view, of drawing them 
 into closer connection with the parent state. . . . 
 
 “If Great Britain is to maintain her footing upon 
 the North American continent — if she is to hold 
 the command of the extensive sea coast from Maine 
 to Labrador, skirting millions of square miles of 
 fertile lands, intersected by navigable rivers, in- 
 dented by the best harbours in the world, contain- 
 ing now a million and a half of people and capable 
 of supporting many millions, of whose aid in war 
 and consumption in peace she is secure — she must, 
 at any hazard of even increased expenditure for 
 a time, establish such a line of rapid communication 
 by steam, as will ensure the speedy transmission of 
 public despatches, commercial correspondence and 
 general information, through channels exclusively 
 British, and inferior to none in security and expedi- 
 tion. If this is not done, the British population 
 on both sides of the Atlantic are left to receive, 
 through foreign channels, intelligence of much that 
 
 233 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 occurs in the mother country and the colonies, 
 with at least ten days, in most cases, for erroneous 
 impressions to circulate before they can be cor- 
 rected. Much evil has already arisen from the 
 conveyance of intelligence by third parties, not 
 always friendly or impartial ; and, from the feverish 
 excitement along the frontier, the indefatigable 
 exertions of evil agents, and the irritation not yet 
 allayed in the Canadas, since the suppression of the 
 late rebellions, it is of the highest importance that 
 a line of communication should be established, 
 through which not only official correspondence but 
 sound information can be conveyed. The pride, as 
 well as the interests of the British people, would 
 seem to require means of communication with each 
 other, second to none which are enjoyed by other 
 states.” 
 
 Very soon after this, Mr. Samuel Cunard of 
 Halifax, with great foresight and enterprise, estab- 
 lished a steamship line between Great Britain and 
 Halifax, which created many bright hopes in the 
 breasts of the people of that city at the time. The 
 enterprise grew to such proportions that the Cunard 
 line subsequently made New York the terminal 
 point on this continent and developed into one of 
 the great steamship lines of the world. The desir- 
 ability, however, of direct rapid transit between 
 Great Britain and Canada, through some convenient 
 point on the Atlantic coast, has continued to occupy 
 the attention of the public men of this country to 
 234 
 
ADVOCATES RAPID TRANSIT 
 
 the present day, and no words advocating this 
 project have been couched in broader and more 
 effective terms than those uttered by Joseph Howe 
 in 1838. 
 
 Howe visited England many times after this, 
 as will have been observed from the records of 
 the preceding chapters of this book. He became to 
 a large degree associated with the public men of 
 Great Britain, and was, in his day, perhaps the 
 most conspicuous figure in London among the 
 colonial statesmen of the empire. 
 
 An incident which illustrates Howe’s determina- 
 tion to uphold his cause at all hazards occurred in 
 1840. It is unnecessary to state that the persistent 
 and successful attacks which he was making upon 
 the salaried and governing class of Nova Scotia ex- 
 cited the bitterest hostility. At first an attempt to 
 crush him by ridicule and ostracism was tried, but 
 this proving unsuccessful, and Howe’s capacity and 
 possibilities becoming each day greater, the leading 
 spirits of the governing class became desperate. 
 It has been mentioned that in 1840, after the 
 resolutions had passed asking for the recall of Sir 
 Colin Campbell, public meetings were held in 
 Halifax and elsewhere in the province to discuss 
 this burning question. At one of these meetings 
 Johnston made a speech of considerable length and 
 importance, which Howe had no opportunity of 
 answering on the spot. He replied to it in two 
 stinging letters addressed to the people of Nova 
 
 235 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Scotia, and in these he arraigned the existing 
 irresponsible system of government, the high sal- 
 aries which were paid to the chief justice. Sir 
 Rupert D. George and others, and plainly intimated 
 that if these gentlemen were to give up their 
 positions, they could be filled on more moderate 
 salaries by men of equal if not greater capacity. 
 The publication of these letters promptly evoked a 
 challenge to Mr. Howe. It may be mentioned that 
 his first invitation to an affair of honour had come 
 two years previously from Doctor Almon, who was 
 then just beginning to practice in Halifax, who 
 afterwards became a senator and died but a few 
 years ago, and who was well known all his life for 
 his somewhat extreme views on many questions. 
 This matter was disposed of without a meeting. 
 So far as can be gathered, young Almon was 
 unable to obtain any leading man to act for him 
 in this proposed affair. But after the publication of 
 the letter to the people of Nova Scotia, Mr. John 
 C. Halliburton (son of the chief justice. Sir Brenton 
 HaUiburton) believing his father to have been in- 
 sulted in this letter, sent a formal challenge to 
 Howe, which was promptly accepted, his old and 
 staunch friend, Herbert Huntington, undertaking 
 to act for him and be his second in the duel. It 
 may seem strange at this time that any public man 
 would think of risking his life on the field of 
 honour in this country, and the sixty or more years 
 that have intervened since then have so far wrought 
 236 
 
CHALLENGED TO A DUEL 
 
 a change in public opinion, that anything of the 
 kind would be considered preposterous at this date; 
 but in 1840 duelling had not entirely disappeared 
 in Halifax, and Howe felt it his duty to accept. 
 Fortunately, we have on record his own words 
 of justification and a full analysis of all the inci- 
 dents which seemed to make the step necessary, 
 in a letter written to his sister shortly after the 
 event, which will be read not without interest at 
 this present time : — 
 
 “Your long letter only confirmed my appre- 
 hension that you would be startled and worried by 
 the duel. I fully appreciate all you said, and enter 
 into your feelings — but nobody but myself could 
 exactly understand the requirements of my position, 
 and, constituted as society is, the almost imperative 
 necessity there was for my taking the step. Provi- 
 dence, in this case, mercifully preserved me, for 
 which, I trust, I shall never cease to be thankful, 
 and strengthened my hands by the very means 
 which were taken to disturb me. For my own part, 
 I hate and detest duelling as much as you do — as 
 much as anybody can. A person who engages in it 
 lightly must be a fool — he who is fond of it must 
 be a villain. It is a remnant of a barbarous age, 
 which civilization is slowly but steadily wearing 
 away, but still it is not worn out. There are perhaps 
 three views taken of duelling by three large classes 
 of persons at the present day — the religious people 
 view it with abhorrence, as an ordeal in which there 
 
 237 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 is no justice and by resorting to which the express 
 commands of the Deity are violated — the fashion- 
 able, those who fancy themselves possessed of a 
 more elevated station in society than the rest of 
 their fellow-creatures, and who believe that they 
 have higher notions of honour and a monopoly 
 of courage and fine feeling, cherish and boast of 
 this institution as one peculiarly their own, although 
 they have no more real affection for it than their 
 neighbours — while the great body of the people, 
 those who settle their own differences with fists, 
 sticks and horsewhips, while they seldom resort to 
 the pistol, are yet admirers of personal intrepidity 
 in all its forms, and rely with more affectionate 
 attachment upon a leader in the senate or the 
 cabinet, if assured that he is fit to lead them in the 
 field. My own belief is that there are situations 
 which try the moral courage more severely than 
 duelling. So far as my experience goes I would 
 rather stand a shot than go through the ‘rescinding 
 of the resolutions,’ the ‘libel trial,’ or the moving of 
 the ‘address of censure.’ On either and all these 
 occasions there was more at stake than a limb 
 as far as I was concerned — more than a life as 
 regarded the country, and I suffered a thousand 
 times more than on the morning I went out with 
 Halliburton. Indeed that affair was done with as 
 much coolness as any other piece of business. I had 
 been long impressed with the conviction that it 
 would have to be done with somebody, at some 
 238 ' 
 
LETTER TO HIS SISTER 
 
 time, and had balanced the pros and cons and 
 regarded the matter as settled. So long as the party 
 I opposed possessed all the legislative influence 
 they did not much mind my scribbling in the 
 newspapers — when I got into the House they 
 anticipated that a failure there would weaken my 
 influence as a political writer, and believing I would 
 fkil, were rather glad than sorry. When, however, 
 they found I not only held my own, against the 
 best of them, but was fast combining and securing 
 a majority upon principles striking at the root of 
 their monopoly, they tried the effect of wheedling, 
 and, that failing, resorted to intimidation. 
 
 “For the first two sessions Uniacke’s bearing 
 and speeches were most insolent and offensive. 
 I let him go on for some time, till the House was 
 satisfied that he had earned a dressing, and then 
 curried him down once or twice to his own surprise 
 and that of his friends, who expected that he would 
 have challenged me. He did not, however, although 
 I fully expected it. He saw I was determined, was 
 satisfied and altered his tone. Another member of 
 the party was annoyed at a speech I made two or 
 three years ago and demanded an apology. I con- 
 sulted Dodd who was an old hand at such work ; 
 we handed the parties the reporter’s notes of the 
 speech and refused to apologize for a word of it. 
 The gentleman, finding we were not to be bullied, 
 thought fit to be satisfied. Winter before last, 
 young Dr. Almon called me out — his father abused 
 
 239 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 me in the council and I skinned him in the House. 
 This was easily disposed of. . . . 
 
 “Thus stood matters when Halliburton’s message 
 came. To him I could not object. Though younger 
 than me and having neither any family nor political 
 party depending on him, still he was in the situa- 
 tion of a gentleman and had a right to make the 
 demand. Had I ever been out with anybody I 
 would at once have refused or explained — because 
 in fact there had only been a fair comparison of 
 different classes, and no insult in the matter; but 
 feehng assured that he could not draw back, and 
 that if I did it would subject me to repeated an- 
 noyances from others, and, perhaps, either weaken 
 my position as a public man, or compel me to 
 shoot some fellow at last, I selected a friend whom 
 I knew would go through with it if necessary. He 
 did his best to prevent it, but the thing had to be 
 done, and all is well that ends well. I never 
 intended to fire at him and would not for ten 
 thousand pounds — all that was necessary was for 
 me to let them see that the Reformers could teach 
 them a lesson of coolness and moderation, and 
 cared as little for their pistols, if anything was to 
 be got by fighting, as for their arguments and 
 abuse. I know you will say that the risk was 
 greater than any advantage would justify — morally 
 speaking it was — politically, there were strong 
 temptations and among them the one which I 
 know you will prize the highest was the perfect 
 240 
 
THE DUEL 
 
 independence I received to explain or apologize — 
 to fight or refuse — in future. A proof of the ad- 
 vantage gained in this respect was shown a fort- 
 night ago. Sir Rupert D. George being annoyed at 
 a passage in the first letter to the solicitor-general, 
 sent John Spry Morris to me with a challenge. 
 My answer was, ‘that never having had any per- 
 sonal quarrel with Sir Rupert, I should not fire at 
 him if I went out, and that having no great fancy 
 for being shot at by every public officer whose 
 intellect I might happen to contrast with his 
 emoluments, I begged leave to decline.’ This I 
 could not have done had he come first, but 
 now, the honour was not equal to the risk — 
 nothing was to be gained either for myself or my 
 cause — they got laughed at and nobody blamed 
 me.” 
 
 The meeting took place one morning in the 
 spring of 1840 at a place in Point Pleasant Park 
 near the old Tower. It had been arranged that 
 the affair should come off at an early hour, and 
 Howe and Huntington were upon the scene at the 
 time appointed. Pistols were used and Halliburton 
 fired first. Fortunately, he missed his aim. Howe, 
 with that generous and chivalrous nature which 
 always characterized him, discharged his pistol in 
 the air and the affair was over. Mr. Howe asked 
 Mr. Huntington to breakfast, and they went back 
 from this exciting meet in a somewhat serious 
 mood. Very little was said at the breakfast hour, 
 
 241 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and Mrs. Howe, remarking the unusual silence, 
 asked : “ What is the matter with you all this 
 morning, one would think you had been to a 
 funeral?” and then it was that Howe for the first 
 time related to her the incidents which indicated 
 that he had been much nearer to a funeral than she 
 had suspected. On the day of the duel Howe wrote 
 and left with Huntington four letters to be de- 
 livered in case anything serious should occur. Two 
 were in respect of business matters and it is not 
 necessary to refer to them. Of the other two, one 
 was addressed to his wife, and the other to the 
 people of Nova Scotia. These two letters will be 
 read with sympathetic interest, not only by those 
 who knew him and appreciated the tenderness of 
 his nature, but by all those who respect under all 
 conditions a brave and loving heart. To his wife 
 he wrote : — 
 
 “ The painful alternative of risking my life has 
 been forced upon me, very unnecessarily, as I 
 conceive, but in a way and from a quarter that 
 it may not be put aside. You know my sentiments 
 upon these matters and the view I take of all the 
 obligations which my position imposes. If I fall, my 
 will, made before going to England, will secure to 
 you and the children all I am worth. Sell the Pearl, 
 keep up the Nova Scotian, pay my debts and there 
 will be a living for you all. I have written a line to 
 Thompson and Arthur who will not do less than 
 what is right. Confide in James who will be a 
 242 
 
TO HIS WIFE AND COUNTRYMEN 
 
 father to you. I cannot trust myself to write what 
 I feel. You had my boyish heart, and have shared 
 my love and entire confidence up to this hour. 
 Heaven and ourselves only know the pure pleasures 
 of the past — the future, for you and my dear babes 
 might well unman me, and would, did I not feel 
 that without a protector you could better face the 
 world, than with one whose courage was suspected, 
 and who was liable to continual insult which he 
 could not resent. God in His infinite mercy bless 
 you. There shall be no blood on my hand. Yours 
 till death, Joseph Howe.” 
 
 To the people of Nova Scotia he wrote : — “ My 
 friends, — During the political struggles in which 
 I have been engaged, several attempts have been 
 made to make me pay the penalty of life for 
 the steady maintenance of my opinions. Hitherto 
 Providence has spared my life, and without dis- 
 honour averted the necessity for an appeal to those 
 laws which society has prescribed. This may not 
 be the case always. Were my own feelings only 
 to be consulted under the circumstances which 
 may make the publication of this letter neces- 
 sary, I might, and probably would, decline a con- 
 test, but weU knowing that even a shadow of 
 an imputation upon my moral courage, would in- 
 capacitate me for serving my country with vigour 
 and success hereafter, I feel that I am bound 
 to hazard my life rather than blight all pros- 
 pects of being useful. If I fall, cherish the prin- 
 
 243 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 ciples I have taught — forgive my errors — protect 
 my children.”^ 
 
 Howe was a man of broad sympathies, and no 
 class — especially the weak and helpless — failed to 
 
 ^Very soon after, Mr. Howe was challenged by Sir Rupert D. 
 George. Fortunately, having given conclusive proof of his courage 
 and sustained his position as a man of honour before all the world, he 
 was able to dispose quickly of Sir Rupert’s challenge. The correspond- 
 ence is furnished on account of the interest which these illustrations of 
 the type of the age will afford : — 
 
 Sir Rupert D. George’s challenge : — 
 
 ''Sir, — I called at your house with the intention of delivering 
 the enclosed note from my friend Sir Rupert George, but finding 
 you out have been obliged to send it under cover. 1 have only to 
 request on his behalf that you will appoint a friend to make the con- 
 templated arrangements as early as possible. I shall be at the Ex- 
 change Reading Room until six o’clock and again at half-past seven. 
 I am. Sir, your obedient humble servant, John Spry Morris. — April 
 24th, 1840.” 
 
 Enclosure : — 
 
 "Joseph Howe, Esq. — Sir; I have read your letter to the people 
 of Nova Scotia and considering your observations with respect to 
 myself to be insolent and offensive, I have requested my friend, Mr. 
 Morris, to make the arrangments that have become necessary for the 
 settlement of the affair between us. Your most obedient servant, 
 Rupert D. George. — 24th April.” 
 
 "John Spry Morris, Esq. — Sir: Your note of this day’s date, 
 covering one from Sir Rupert D. George, has just reached me, and in 
 reply to both I have to state that I see no occasion for my consulting 
 any friend upon the subject of them, but at once, and without any 
 hesitation, decline the hostile meeting to which they point. 
 
 '‘ Having never had any personal quarrel with Sir Rupert George, I 
 should certainly not fire at him if I went out, and I have no great 
 fancy for being shot at, whenever public ofllcers, whose abilities I may 
 happen to contrast with their emoluments, think fit to consider politi- 
 cal arguments and general illustrations 'insolent and offensive.’ 
 I am, sir, your obedient, humble servant, Joseph Howe.” 
 
 244 
 
INDIAN RIGHTS 
 
 receive his generous consideration. When he en- 
 tered political life the Indians of Nova Scotia were 
 a quite neglected race. The Indians in the province 
 were not numerous and consisted of one tribe, the 
 Micmacs. In laying out Crown lands, reservations 
 had been made for them, but no one had been 
 appointed to see that their rights were respected, 
 or to assist them in any way in acquiring the rudi- 
 ments of an education, or to encourage them in 
 giving up a nomadic life and making permanent 
 settlements by building houses and cultivating 
 lands. In 1841, soon after Howe’s admission to the 
 executive council of Lord Falkland, he addressed 
 to that nobleman a long and able letter setting forth 
 the condition and needs of the Micmac race in the 
 province. Lord Falkland’s response to this was the 
 appointment of Howe as a special Indian commis- 
 sioner, and an appropriation of money was made to 
 enable him to give aid and encouragement to the 
 Indians. 
 
 Howe devoted a great deal of attention to the 
 discharge of this work. He obtained data in respect 
 to Indian reserves in the Crown lands’ office. He 
 had correspondence with not only the chiefs of the 
 Indian tribes, but clergymen and others, chiefly 
 Catholic priests who were interested in the Indian 
 tribes in their vicinity. In the autumn of 1842 he 
 made a tour of the province, visiting every Indian 
 reserve and Indian camp from one end of the 
 province to the other. 
 
 245 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 In the Nova Scotia archives a fairly good sized 
 volume is preserved in manuscript, mostly in 
 Howe’s own handwriting, containing a detailed 
 statement of all his labours and efforts on behalf of 
 the Indians, and it affords extremely interesting 
 reading. He appeared to enter with warm sympathy 
 into the cause of the Micmac and he seems to have^ 
 been wonderfully successful in winning his way 
 into their confidence and regard. One passage from 
 his report will serve to illustrate how broad were 
 his sympathies and how easily he could adapt him- 
 self to the most unique circumstances : — 
 
 “A ride of ten miles further out on what is 
 called the Liverpool road brought me to Charles 
 Glode’s farm. For the greater part of the way, 
 though there is a struggling settlement of whites, 
 this road is very indifferent, and for the last three 
 miles there is only a wood path. As several lots 
 had been laid off for Indians on my plan, I was in 
 hopes to have found several families together. In 
 this I was disappointed though some had chopped 
 down a few acres. Either from the badness of the 
 road, the distance from town, the stony character 
 of the soil, or from all these causes combined, the 
 others have strayed off to other places without 
 making any perceptible improvement. I reached 
 Glode’s camp some time after dark. He was absent 
 on a hunting expedition and I was compelled to 
 throw myself on the hospitality of his two daugh- 
 ters, young girls of twelve and fifteen, who in that 
 246 
 
VISITS THE INDIANS 
 
 remote situation, several miles from a habitation 
 and surrounded by the wilderness, were left in 
 possession of his worldly goods, and who, though 
 the most perfect children of nature that I ever 
 beheld, required some explanation and persuasion 
 before they would lift the latch. 
 
 “Having won their confidence, watered and fed 
 my horse, by the aid of birch bark torches, we got 
 some herrings, potatoes and tea for supper. I spent 
 a couple of hours in contrasting the not ungraceful 
 but guileless simplicity of these young creatures 
 with the active intelligence and prurient knowledge 
 of things good and evil, so common among persons 
 of the same age in the cultivated and more artificial 
 state of existence I had left behind me. 
 
 “It was almost impossible to make conversation 
 as we had so few topics in common and at last we 
 lit a torch and fell to writing down Indian names 
 with the corresponding English words, an exercise 
 which seemed to interest my young friends very 
 much.” 
 
 Of course Howe ceased to be Indian commis- 
 sioner when he retired from Lord Falkland’s 
 council in 1843, but he always took a warm interest 
 in the Indian population, and to most of them he 
 was as great a hero as he was indeed to the fellow- 
 citizens of his own race. 
 
 In 1854 a bill was introduced into the Nova 
 Scotia legislature by Mr. Johnston to prohibit the 
 importation, manufacture and sale of aU intoxicating 
 
 247 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 drinks. Such measures are now common in both the 
 federal and pro\Tncial legislatures. Usually states- 
 men hedge upon them and dispose of them by 
 various subterfuges. Howe was opposed to prohib- 
 ition and met the issue squarely in a speech of 
 wonderful boldness and rare eloquence, every word 
 of which would be read vdth interest, but only 
 a few passages of which can be given. These, at all 
 events, show that Howe did not shirk the issue, not- 
 withstanding that the legislature had been flooded 
 with petitions, and considerable interest had been 
 excited on the question. He said in part: — 
 
 “ The world has come dovm to the present period, 
 from the most remote antiquity, with the wine cup 
 in its hand. David, the man after God’s ovra heart, 
 drank wine. Solomon, the wisest of monarchs and 
 of human beings, drank wine. Our S ardour not only 
 drank it, but commanded Christians to drink it ‘ in 
 remembrance of Him.’ In strong contrast vrith our 
 Divine Redeemer’s life and practice we hear of the 
 Scribes and Pharisees, who drank it not — who 
 reviled our Saviour as a ‘vflne bibber,’ and the 
 ‘ companion of publicans and simiers,’ who would 
 have voted for the Maine liquor law as unanimously 
 as they cried, ‘ Crucify Him.’ ... So far as my 
 reading extends, I may assert that every king, every 
 statesman, every warrior who has illustrated the page 
 of history, drank wine. The apostles who were the 
 companions of our Sa^flour, drank it. The prophets, 
 whose flights of inspiration still astonish us, we have 
 248 
 
SPEECH ON TEMPERANCE 
 
 every reason to believe, drank it. Cicero and Demos- 
 thenes, and all the orators of antiquity and of modern 
 times, indulged in the juice of the grape. Who can 
 say how much of the energy which gave them such 
 power of language was drawn from its inspiration ? 
 Have these men been eclipsed by the Dows and 
 Kellogs of the platform ? What orators has the 
 state of Maine sent forth comparable with the 
 Pitts, Burkes, Grattans, Foxes, and Sheridans of 
 the British Islands, every one of whom drank wine? 
 Let the learned gentleman glance at the noble 
 structures — the architectural wonders that em- 
 bellish Europe. Who reared them ? Men of gigantic 
 intellects whose common beverage was wine. Let 
 his eye range through the noble galleries where the 
 sculptors have left their statues ; where the painters 
 have hung in rich profusion the noblest works of 
 art. Wine, we are told, clouds the faculties and 
 deadens the imagination. Yet it was drunk by those 
 benefactors of their race ; and we cannot, with their 
 masterpieces before us, believe the assertion, till 
 their works have been eclipsed by artists trained up 
 under this rigorous legislation. Has Maine turned 
 out as yet a statue that anybody would look at ; 
 a picture that anybody would buy ? Look at the 
 deliverers of mankind ; the heroic defenders of 
 nations. Was Washington a member of the tem- 
 perance society? Did not Wallace ‘drink the red 
 wine through the helmet barred?’ Who will under- 
 take to say that Bruce, on the morning on which 
 
 249 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 he won the battle of Bannockburn, — that Tell, on 
 that day when he shot the apple off his son’s head, 
 had not tasted a glass of whiskey or a stoop of 
 wine ? 
 
 “If then, sir, all that is valuable in the past — if 
 heroism, and architecture, and oratory, sculpture 
 and painting — if all that has bulwarked freedom 
 and embellished life — has come down to us with 
 the juice of the grape ; if no age or nation has been 
 long without it, I think it behooves the advocates 
 of this bill to show us some country where their 
 system has been tried ; some race of men who 
 drank nothing but cold water.” 
 
 Allusion has been made to one visit of Mr. 
 Howe’s to the United States on an unpleasant 
 mission and with unfortunate results, but it must 
 be understood that he was not an infrequent visitor 
 to American cities and was everywhere a welcome 
 guest. In 1851 a great festival was held in Boston 
 to celebrate the completion of railway communi- 
 cation with the West, and British America was 
 represented by the governor-general. Lord Elgin, 
 Mr. Hincks and Mr. Howe. The occasion was 
 honoured with the presence of the president of 
 the United States and some of the most emi- 
 nent men in the union, including Edward Everett, 
 Josiah Quincy and others. Howe spoke on behalf 
 of British America in the same elevated strain 
 which characterized all his speeches. He visited 
 Boston again in July, 1857, and at the city cele- 
 250 
 
TRIBUTE TO EVERETT 
 
 bration in Faneuil Hall, responded to the toast 
 “The Queen of Great Britain,” in the course of 
 which he paid the following tribute to Edward 
 Everett : — 
 
 “ You are indeed fortunate in the possession of a 
 man who gives to our land’s language its strength 
 unimpaired by the highest embellishment. The 
 Indian draws from the maple the bow wherewith 
 he kills his game, and the sap with which he 
 sweetens his repast. Mr. Everett draws from the 
 same large growth and cultivation, the arguments 
 by which he sustains the great reputation and great 
 interests of his country, and the honeyed accents 
 which give to scenes like this the sweet cement of 
 social life. The ancients 
 
 * Threw pearls of great price in their goblets of gold, 
 
 When to those that they honoured they quaffed.’ 
 
 He melts into our cup the rich ingots of his imagin- 
 ation, and every man who listens to him is intel- 
 lectually richer for the draught.” 
 
 Another passage alludes to the relations between 
 Britain and the United States : — 
 
 “England is no longer the harsh mother against 
 whom that old indictment was filed. She is found- 
 ing new provinces every day, training them in the 
 practice of freedom and in the arts of hfe ; and, 
 when they are prepared for self-government, she 
 does not force them into declarations of independ- 
 ence, but' gracefully concedes to them the right to 
 make their own constitutions, and to change and 
 
 251 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 modify them from time to time. We North Ameri- 
 cans may have had our grievances in the olden 
 time. We may have had our own contests with 
 besotted statesmen and absurd systems, but now 
 we are as free as you. We govern ourselves as 
 completely as any of your independent states. We 
 have universal suffrage and responsible government. 
 You may sometimes have to endure a bad adminis- 
 tration for four years ; we can overthrow a bad one 
 by a single resolution, on any day of the year when 
 our parliaments are in session. Think of us then, as 
 we really are, your equals in many respects ; your 
 rivals, it may be, in all things honourable, but ever 
 your brethren, your friends, your neighbours.” 
 
 A little later Howe was a guest at the Demo- 
 cratic festival at the Revere House, and responded 
 to a toast, “Our mother country,” in a speech 
 equally brilliant and pleasing. 
 
 In 1865 a great convention of the boards of 
 trade and chambers of commerce of the United 
 States was held at Detroit, to which representative 
 men from all the cities of British North America 
 were invited. The purpose of the convention was to 
 consider the question of fiscal relations between the 
 United States and British North America in view of 
 the fact that notice had been given of the termina- 
 tion of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854-66. It was one 
 of the greatest gatherings of a commercial character 
 that has taken place on this continent, and such emi- 
 nent Americans as the Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, Vice- 
 252 
 
SPEECH AT DETROIT 
 
 President of the United States, and from Canada 
 such men as the Hon. Messrs. Holton, Flint, Gibbs, 
 Buchanan, Leonard, Sir Hugh Allan, Peter Red- 
 path; the Hon. Messrs. Fisher, Botsford and Steeves, 
 of New Brunswick, and other eminent men from all 
 parts of North America gathered together. Two 
 resolutions were adopted by the convention. One 
 was approving of the action of the United States in 
 giving notice of the termination of the treaty, and 
 the other was a resolution requesting the president 
 of the United States to enter into negotiations with 
 the government of Great Britain, having in view 
 the execution of a treaty between the two coun- 
 tries for reciprocity of commercial intercourse be- 
 tween the United States and the several provinces 
 of British North America, which should be just 
 and equitable to both parties. Howe was one 
 of the delegates from Halifax to this conven- 
 tion, and spoke upon this resolution. His speech 
 so far excelled the other addresses that it be- 
 came the one great feature of the convention, 
 and the Detroit convention itself is remembered 
 now chiefly on account of this address. It so im- 
 pressed the delegates that at the conclusion of 
 one of its finest periods, the vast gathering rose 
 en masse and gave three cheers. He gave a clear 
 statement of the incidents which had led to reci- 
 procity, the mutual advantages which had accrued 
 from its operation, and the special and superior 
 advantages derived from its provisions by the 
 
 253 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 people of the United States. He pleaded for a 
 broad and generous policy in respect to this subject, 
 but at the same time, in eloquent terms, he told 
 the citizens of the United States that the people of 
 British North America could never be lured from 
 their allegiance or forced by any commercial pres- 
 sure into an abandonment of their regard for the 
 empire. The speech remains as one of the noblest 
 expositions, by a statesman of either country, of 
 the true relations which exist between the United 
 States and Canada. 
 
 Prince Edward Island had, from almost its 
 earliest settlement, suffered from the consequences 
 of improvident grants of large areas of land to 
 private holders, by which settlers were deprived of 
 the titles to their lands and the country was kept in 
 perpetual agitation on the question of land mono- 
 polies and quit rents. After much correspondence 
 between the government of the island, the pro- 
 prietors and the colonial secretary, it was at last 
 arranged that the whole matter of difference be- 
 tween the proprietors and the tenants should be 
 left to the arbitrament of three commissioners, one 
 to be appointed by Her Majesty’s government, one 
 by the legislature of Prince Edward Island as 
 representing the tenants, and the third by the 
 proprietors. On the acceptance of this proposition 
 by the legislature of Prince Edward Island, the 
 Hon. Joseph Howe was unanimously chosen to 
 represent the tenants on the commission. The Hon. 
 
 254 
 
PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND 
 
 John Hamilton Gray, of New Brunswick, was ap- 
 pointed to represent the imperial government, and 
 John W. Ritchie, Esquire, an eminent lawyer (and 
 afterwards judge), of Nova Scotia, to represent the 
 proprietors. These commissioners opened their court 
 at Charlottetown on September 5th, 1860, and 
 heard counsel representing the various parties, and 
 took a large volume of evidence. They subsequently 
 traversed the island from end to end, examining 
 minutely into the circumstances and conditions of 
 all portions of the province affected. They then 
 made a report extremely full, and dealing in an 
 exhaustive manner with every phase of the dispute, 
 and made an award which should have been satis- 
 factory to all parties concerned. It was satisfactory 
 to the government and people of Prince Edward 
 Island, and an act was at once adopted by the legis- 
 lature of Prince Edward Island giving legal effect 
 to the award. This act, however, was disallowed by 
 the Crown, on the advice of the colonial secretary, 
 upon whom must rest the responsibility of having, 
 by a narrow and illiberal policy, postponed the 
 settlement of this acute question for more than ten 
 years. 
 
 255 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 HOWE AND LITERATURE 
 
 T he public speeches and official acts of a 
 statesman convey only a partial idea of his 
 real character. In comparing Howe’s speeches and 
 public letters with those of other Canadian states- 
 men, it will be found that he has left behind 
 him a volume of political literature in no way 
 approached by the written remains of any one 
 or any half-dozen public men who have exercised 
 a commanding influence in moulding the insti- 
 tutions of Canada. It is quite true that a num- 
 ber of those engaged actively in public life have 
 given more or less attention to matters of a literary 
 character. The Hon. George Brown was a vigorous 
 prose writer, but so far as is known, his writings 
 were confined entirely to political topics. Sir John 
 Macdonald has left on record a number of public 
 letters of great interest, which reveal him as a 
 man of enormous sagacity, of unfailing prudence, 
 and with a clear mastery of the subject matter 
 under discussion, but his most devoted admirers 
 would scarcely regard his writings as literature, or 
 anything more than the clear and careful exposition 
 of existing political conditions at any given period. 
 Mr. L. S. Huntington wrote a book or two and 
 
 257 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 some poetry. Alexander Mackenzie wrote a life of 
 George Bro^, but it could hardly be called a suc- 
 cessful biography nor did it reveal any special merit. 
 David Mills wrote some poetry as well as prose. 
 Sir Charles Tupper has contributed a few maga- 
 zine articles on political topics, which are not at all 
 unlike, in tone and substance, his speeches on similar 
 topics. Of literary work, it could scarcely be claimed 
 on his behalf that he has done anything. Sir John 
 Thompson, Sir Georges Cartier, Mr. J. J. C. Abbott, 
 and Sir McKenzie Bowell have contributed nothing 
 beyond newspaper editorials to literature, nor in- 
 dulged in any special writing, as far as is known, 
 except that of a purely political type. Sir Wilfrid 
 Laurier has certainly literary sympathies and has 
 written some few charming articles, which betray 
 a taste which gives great promise, but his time has 
 been absorbed so fully in politieal work that there 
 has been little scope for the cultivation of the muse. 
 
 Mr. Howe stands forth unique in this regard. 
 His politieal writings are, of course, his best known 
 work, and these embrace a variety of topics, so 
 large and varied in their character as to put him in 
 a class by himself among Canadian public men. He 
 contributed the first and the last word upon the 
 subject of colonial self-government, and was un- 
 questionably the man who, above all others, enlight- 
 ened the imperial authorities, and especially colonial 
 secretaries, as to the true and only policy whereby 
 the colonial possessions could be retained and made 
 258 
 
VARIETY OF POLITICAL TOPICS 
 
 loyal and devoted to the empire. He was among 
 the first of those who dreamed dreams of the con- 
 solidation and greatness of British North America, 
 and no public man in Canada has ante-dated him 
 in his great prophecy of 1851, that there were 
 those within the sound of his voice who would 
 live to hear the screech of the railway whistle in 
 the passes of the Rocky Mountains. He stands 
 almost first among those who conceived the great 
 idea of imperial federation, and certainly no man 
 has ever lived within the empire who has con- 
 tributed such a wealth of knowledge, and such a 
 breadth of conception to this subject as Joseph 
 Howe. Indeed, if all that has been said within 
 the last decade on this topic by all . the states- 
 men within the British empire, were brought to- 
 gether, nothing more cogent, nothing more adr 
 vanced would be found than in his “Speeches 
 and Letters,” published more than fifty years ago. 
 As long ago as 1838, Howe recognized the im- 
 portance of a fast line of steam service between 
 Hahfax and Great Britain, and if all that has been 
 said on the fast-line service within the past decade 
 were added together, there would be found nothing 
 more advanced on the subject, nor anything said 
 half so forcibly and eloquently, as when Howe dealt 
 with the same topic half a century ago. 
 
 If it be really important that Canadians should 
 be loyal to the Crown and devoted to the empire, 
 no public man born within this Dominion has con- 
 
 259 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 tributed one tithe as much towards propagating and 
 enforcing that principle as Joseph Howe. Indeed, 
 his speeches and public letters on the great political 
 topics which have concerned British North America 
 and, in fact, the empire, constitute a body of 
 literature which can be read with as much interest, 
 profit and inspiration to-day as when they first 
 appeared, and contain within them germs which 
 cannot die, and which will seem fresh and inspiring 
 to future generations. 
 
 But Howe’s literary work was by no means 
 confined to his political writings, though no man 
 engaged in public life in British North America 
 had more exacting political duties cast upon him. 
 It was his business, almost single-handed, to edu- 
 cate a province, both by his pen and by his personal 
 presence. He frequently held office, and even when 
 not in office was the centre, soul and rallying point 
 of his political party, and yet he found time amidst 
 these exciting duties to write a great deal, both in 
 prose and poetry. In Halifax he became at an early 
 period of his career, in spite of the strong political 
 feeling that existed, the indispensable man on all 
 great occasions. In 1849 Halifax celebrated the 
 hundredth anniversary of its foundation by Corn- 
 wallis, and on that occasion Howe composed the 
 words of a song, now familiar enough, which still 
 vibrates with the emotion with which he wrote it: — • 
 
 All hail to the day when the Britons came over, 
 
 And planted their standard, with sea-foam still wet, 
 
 260 
 
THE FLAG OF OLD ENGLAND 
 
 Around and above us their spirits will hover, 
 
 Rejoicing- to mark how we honour it yet. 
 
 Beneath it the emblems they cherished are waving, 
 
 The Rose of Old England the roadside perfumes ; 
 
 The Shamrock and Thistle the north winds are braving. 
 
 Securely the Mayflower blushes and blooms. 
 
 Chorus. 
 
 Hail to the day when the Britons came over. 
 
 And planted their standard with sea-foam still wet. 
 
 Around and above us their spirits will hover. 
 
 Rejoicing to mark how we honour it yet. 
 
 Well honour it yet, well honour it yet. 
 
 The flag of Old England ! well honour it yet. 
 
 In the temples they founded their faith is maintained. 
 
 Every foot of the soil they bequeathed is still ours. 
 
 The graves where they moulder, no foe has profaned. 
 
 But we wreathe them with verdure, and strew them with flowers' 
 The blood of no brother, in civil strife pour’d, 
 
 In this hour of rejoicing, encumbers our souls ! 
 
 The frontier’s the field for the Patriot’s sword. 
 
 And curs’d be the weapon that Faction controls J 
 
 Chorus — Hail to the day, etc. 
 
 'Then hail to the day ! ’tis with memories crowded. 
 
 Delightful to trace ’midst the mists of the past. 
 
 Like the features of Beauty, bewitchingly shrouded, 
 
 ' They shine through the shadows Time o’er them has cast. 
 
 As travellers track to its source in the mountains 
 The stream, which far swelling, expands o’er the plains. 
 
 Our hearts, on this day, fondly turn to the fountains. 
 
 Whence flow the warm currents that bound in our veins. 
 
 Chorus — Hail to the day, etc. 
 
 And proudly we trace them : No warrior flying 
 From city assaulted, and fanes overthrown. 
 
 With the last of his race on the battlements dying. 
 
 And weary with wandering, founded our own. 
 
 From the Queen of the Islands, then famous in story, 
 
 A century since, our brave forefathers came. 
 
 261 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 And our kindred yet fill the wide world with her glory, 
 
 Enlarging her Empire and spreading her name. 
 
 Chorus — Hail to the day, etc. 
 
 Ev’ry flash of her genius our pathway enlightens — 
 
 Ev’ry field she explores we are beckoned to tread, 
 
 Each laurel she gathers, our future day brightens — 
 
 We joy with her living and mourn for her dead. 
 
 Then hail to the day when the Britons came over. 
 
 And planted their standard, with sea-foam still wet. 
 
 Above and around us their spirits shall hover. 
 
 Rejoicing to mark how we honour it yet. 
 
 Chorus — Hail to the day, etc. 
 
 On another notable public occasion he stirred 
 every patriotic heart in his country by another 
 poem of no less fire and merit, entitled: — 
 
 OUR FATHERS 
 
 Room for the Dead ! your living hands may pile 
 Treasures of Art the stately tents within ; 
 
 Beauty may grace them with her richest smile. 
 
 And Genius there spontaneous plaudits win. 
 
 But yet, amidst the tumult and the din • 
 
 Of gathering thousands, let me audience crave : — 
 
 Place claim I for the Dead — 'twere mortal sin 
 When banners o’er our Country’s treasures wave. 
 
 Unmarked to leave the wealth safe garner’d in the Grave. 
 
 The Fields may furnish forth their lowing kine. 
 
 The Forest spoils in rich abundance lie. 
 
 The mellow fruitage of the cluster’d Vine 
 Mingle with flowers of every varied dye ; 
 
 Swart Artizans their rival skill may try. 
 
 And, while the Rhetorician wins the ear. 
 
 The pencil’s graceful shadows charm the eye. 
 
 But yet, do not withhold the grateful tear 
 For those and for their works, who are not here. 
 
 Not here? Oh! yes, our hearts their presence feel 
 Viewless, not voiceless, from the deepest shells 
 262 
 
OUR FATHERS 
 
 On memory’s shore harmonious echoes steal, 
 
 And names, which, in the days gone by, were spells. 
 
 Are blent with that soft music. If there dwells 
 The spirit here our Country’s fame to spread. 
 
 While ev’ry breast with joy and triumph swells. 
 
 And earth reverberates to our measured tread. 
 
 Banner and wreath will own our reverence for the Dead. 
 
 Look up, their walls enclose us. Look around. 
 
 Who won the verdant meadows from the sea.^ 
 
 Whose sturdy hands the noble highways wound 
 Through forests dense, o’er mountain, moor and lea ? 
 
 Who spanned the streams? Tell me whose works they be. 
 
 The busy marts where commerce ebbs and flows ? 
 
 Who quelled the savage ? And who spared the tree 
 'That pleasant shelter o’er the pathway throws ? 
 
 Who made the land they loved to blossom as the rose ? 
 
 Who, in frail barques, the ocean surge defied. 
 
 And trained the race that live upon the wave ? 
 
 What shore so distant where they have not died ? 
 
 In ev’ry sea they found a watery grave. 
 
 Honour, forever, to the true and brave. 
 
 Who seaward led their sons with spirits high. 
 
 Bearing the red-cross flag their fathers gave ; 
 
 Long as the billows flout the arching sky, 
 
 'They’ll seaward bear it still — to venture or to die. 
 
 The Roman gather’d in a stately urn 
 The dust he honour’d — while the sacred fire. 
 
 Nourish’d by vestal hands, was made to burn 
 From age to age. If fitly you’d aspire. 
 
 Honour the Dead ; and let the sounding lyre 
 Recount their virtues in your festal hours ; 
 
 Gather their ashes — higher still, and higher 
 Nourish the patriot flame that history dowers. 
 
 And, o’er the old men’s graves, go strew your choicest flowers. 
 
 His lectures before the Mechanics’ Institute in 
 Halifax, some of which, fortunately, have been 
 preserved, may still be admired for their wealth of 
 
 263 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 patriotic sentiment, and their genuine eloquence. 
 Two of these are especially notable, one on the 
 “Moral Influence of Women,” and the other on 
 “Eloquence.” 
 
 When the tercentenary of Shakespeare was cele- 
 brated in Halifax in 1864, every one turned to Jo- 
 seph Howe to deliver the oration on the occasion, 
 and among the many splendid tributes which the 
 most gifted minds throughout the empire laid at 
 the feet of England’s and the world’s greatest poet, 
 few surpassed in purity of diction and warmth of 
 eulogy the oration delivered by Joseph Howe. It 
 has been already mentioned that while yet a boy he 
 composed a poem on Melville Island, and those 
 who will care to read it in the published volume of 
 his poems will see that it reveals a poetical gift 
 which would do no discredit to a poet of maturer 
 age. His most ambitious poem was entitled “Aca- 
 dia,” but was never finished, although it fills some 
 hundreds of lines and is extremely beautiful from 
 beginning to end. Many of his best verses were the 
 fruits of happy inspiration in going from place to 
 place throughout Nova Scotia. It has been men- 
 tioned that he was fond of riding over many por- 
 tions of the province on horseback, and by this means 
 he became acquainted with many families, among 
 whom he was always a welcome and revered guest. 
 On one occasion, while visiting a political friend, Mr. 
 Eaton, in Cornwallis, he drove in the autumn to the 
 beautiful Gaspereau Valley, and on his way observed 
 264 
 
THE DESERTED NEST 
 
 a deserted nest that hung shelterless on a tree. This 
 evoked the following stanzas : — 
 
 Deserted nest, that on the leafless tree, 
 
 Wavest to and fro with every dreary blast. 
 
 With none to shelter, none to care for thee. 
 
 Thy day of pride and cheerfulness is past. 
 
 Thy tiny walls are falling to decay. 
 
 Thy cell is tenantless and tuneless now. 
 
 The winter winds have rent the leaves away. 
 
 And left thee hanging on the naked bough. 
 
 But yet, deserted nest, there is a spell 
 E’en in thy loneliness, to touch the heart. 
 
 For holy things within thee once did dwell, 
 
 The type of joys departed now thou art. 
 
 With what assiduous care thy framers wrought. 
 
 With what delight they viewed the structure rise. 
 
 And how, as each some tiny rafter brought. 
 
 Pleasure and hope would sparkle in their eyes. 
 
 Ah ! who shall tell when all the work was done. 
 
 The rapt’rous pleasure that their labours crown’d. 
 
 The blissful moments Nature for them won. 
 
 And bade them celebrate with joyous sound. 
 
 A Father’s pride — a Mother’s anxious care. 
 
 Her flutter’d spirits, and his gentlest tone. 
 
 All, all, that wedded hearts so fondly share. 
 
 To thee, deserted nest, were surely known. 
 
 Then though thy walls be rent, and cold thy cell. 
 
 And thoughtless crowds may hourly pass thee by, 
 
 Where love, and truth, and tenderness did dwell. 
 
 There’s still attraction for the Poet’s eye. 
 
 It was in no small measure due to Howe’s 
 efforts that the mayflower (trailing arbutus) be- 
 came generally recognized as the floral emblem 
 of the province, and Nova Scotians everywhere 
 were charmed by the appearance of the poem in 
 
 265 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 which in fitting terms he celebrates the beauties of 
 this modest fioweret: — 
 
 Lovely flow’ret, sweetly blooming 
 ’Neath our drear, ungentle sky — 
 
 Shrinking, coy and unassuming. 
 
 From the gaze of mortal eye. 
 
 On thy bed of moss reposing, 
 
 Fearless of the drifting snow. 
 
 Modestly thy charms disclosing, 
 
 Storms but make them brighter glow, 
 
 Spring’s mild, fragrant, fair attendant. 
 
 Blooming near the greenwood tree. 
 
 While the dew-drop, sparkling, pendant. 
 
 Makes thee smile bewitchingly. 
 
 Oh ! I love to look upon thee. 
 
 Peeping from thy close retreat, 
 
 WTiile the sun is shining on thee. 
 
 And thy balmy fragrance greet. 
 
 View exotics, proudly growing 
 On the shelter’d, mild parterre. 
 
 But, if placed where thou art blowing 
 Would they bloom and blossom there? 
 
 April’s breeze would quickly banish 
 All the sweets by them display’d. 
 
 Soon each boasted charm would vanish. 
 
 Every cherish’d beauty fade. 
 
 Scotia’s offspring — first and fairest, 
 
 Nurst in snows, by storms caress’d 
 Oh ! how lovely thou appearest 
 When in all thy beauty dress’d. 
 
 Red and white, so sweetly blending. 
 
 O’er thy fragrance throw a flush 
 While beneath the dew-drop bending, 
 
 Rivall’d but by beauty’s blush. 
 
 Welcome, little crimson favour. 
 
 To our glades and valleys wild, 
 
 Scotia ask’d, and Flora gave her. 
 
 Precious boon, her fairest child. 
 
 266 
 
HOWE AND HALIBURTON 
 
 On social occasions Mr. Howe not infrequently 
 contributed poetic toasts. During most of their lives 
 Mr. Howe and T. C. Haliburton (Sam Slick), were 
 friends and boon companions. Haliburton was some- 
 w^hat older than Howe and had left public life be- 
 fore Howe entered it, but they were often thrown 
 together socially. Haliburton, by assiduous devotion 
 to literary work, has secured a conspicuous place 
 among the humourists of America. He was not 
 regarded in his day as a very great man, but he was 
 eminently jovial, and at all convivial occasions 
 brimful of wit and bad puns. Howe had infinitely 
 superior intellectual qualities, and indeed finer 
 literary tastes, but his duties as a politician pre- 
 cluded his giving the same attention to literary 
 work. Ultimately Haliburton left the Bench and 
 moved to England, where he obtained a seat in 
 the House of Commons. On one of the convivial 
 occasions in Halifax after Haliburton’s departure, 
 Howe proposed his health in the following toast: — 
 
 Here’s a health to thee, Tom, a bright bumper we drain 
 To the friends that our bosoms hold dear. 
 
 As the bottle goes round, and again and again 
 We whisper '^we wish he were here.” 
 
 Here’s a health to thee, Tom, may the mists of this earth 
 Never shadow the light of that soul 
 Which so often has lent the mild flashes of mirth 
 To illumine the depths of the Bowl. 
 
 With a world full of beauty and fun for a theme. 
 
 And a glass of good wine to inspire, 
 
 E’en without thee we sometimes are bless’d with a gleam 
 That resembles thy spirit’s own fire. 
 
 267 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Yet still, in our gayest and merriest mood 
 Our pleasures are tasteless and dim, 
 
 For the thoughts of the past, and of Tom that intrude, 
 
 Make us feel we’re but happy with him. 
 
 Like the Triumph of old where the absent one threw 
 A cloud o’er the glorious scene, . 
 
 Are our feasts, my dear Tom, when we meet without you, 
 
 And think of the nights that have been. 
 
 When thy genius, assuming all hues of delight. 
 
 Fled away with the rapturous hours. 
 
 And when wisdom and wit, to enliven the night. 
 
 Scatter’d freely their fruits and their flowers. 
 
 When thy eloquence played round each topic in turn. 
 
 Shedding lustre and light where it fell. 
 
 As the sunlight in which the tall mountain tops burn. 
 
 Paints each bud in the lowliest dell. 
 
 When that eye, before which the pale Senate once quailed. 
 
 With humour and deviltry shone. 
 
 And thh voice which the heart of the patriot hailed, 
 
 Had mirth in its every tone. 
 
 Then a health to thee, Tom, every bumper we drain 
 But renders thy image more dear. 
 
 As the bottle goes round, and again and again. 
 
 We wish, from our hearts, you were here. 
 
 It has been mentioned that Howe very nearly 
 became the editor of the New York Albion, He 
 contributed some very delightful articles to that 
 publication, one of them a vivid pen and ink sketch 
 of Daniel O’Connell, whom Howe had met in 
 London, and another entitled “The Locksmith 
 of Philadelphia,” which, though indeed a simple 
 story, yet nevertheless possesses in a degree the 
 style and quality which have made the “Vicar 
 of Wakefield” an immortal book. Had Howe taken 
 268 
 
A VISIT TO HOWE 
 
 the editorial chair of the Albion instead of em- 
 barking in the anti-confederate campaign of 1867, 
 he might have lived longer and had an opportunity 
 of making contributions to literature which would 
 have given him a not undistinguished place among 
 the literary men of the age. 
 
 The writer spent an afternoon with Mr. Howe in 
 the autunrn of 1872, about six months before his 
 death. Howe had been spending a fortnight at the 
 house of his daughter, Mrs. Cathcart Thomson, on 
 the shores of the North West Arm. As I entered 
 the room I noticed he had three bundles of papers, 
 one containing his poems, which have subsequently 
 been published, another containing his fugitive 
 prose writings, and another, much larger, his politi- 
 cal correspondence with eminent men throughout 
 the empire. He had been devoting most of his time 
 to endeavouring to cull the most important of his 
 papers from the great mass and classify them. He 
 said that he had been devotedly fond of literary 
 work throughout his life, and it was a matter of the 
 keenest disappointment that his political duties had 
 robbed him of the time essential to pursue his 
 cherished aims. He hoped that by some good for- 
 tune leisure would soon be afforded him during 
 which he could carry out his literary projects. The 
 promised leisure came the following May, when he 
 was appointed governor of Nova Scotia, but, alas, 
 his health was broken, and but a short period was 
 to be allotted to him for fulfilling these literary 
 
 269 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 aims. This is a matter for sincere regret since 
 a volume of Howe’s reminiscences of men and 
 things would have constituted as delightful reading 
 as could well be imagined. His letters to his wife 
 and members of his family, while absent from home, 
 especially in the old country, are full of delightful 
 descriptions of persons he was meeting and of in- 
 teresting incidents, political and otherwise, which 
 were occurring about him, but after all, these are 
 not the passages from his letters which the world 
 would cherish most, if indeed they were available 
 for publication. The tone of tender affection for his 
 family, and the devotion for Nova Scotia which 
 breathes in them all would be the most splendid 
 tributes to the great and noble soul from which 
 they flowed. 
 
 270 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 HOWE’S SOCIAL QUALITIES 
 
 I T is much easier to picture a great man in 
 his public capacity, to report his speeches, to 
 dramatize his actions, to reproduce his sentiments 
 in relation to matters of public concern than it is to 
 portray his personal characteristics in his every day 
 life. In Mr. Howe’s case, these constitute such an 
 interesting and striking phase that one seems baffled 
 in the attempt. A more delightful personality 
 could scarcely be imagined. Although occupying 
 prominent offlcial positions most of his life, Howe 
 was absolutely free from the conventional pose 
 of an official personage. When not actively em- 
 ployed in public duties, (and no one led a busier 
 life, made more speeches, wrote more articles, 
 attended to more official routine,) he was not 
 happy for long without congenial companionship. 
 Did he leave the provincial secretary’s office some 
 afternoon at four, it was to seize upon a congenial 
 friend and take a long ramble, telling stories, 
 cracking jokes, or indulging in poetic outbursts ; 
 or, again, seeing a good, fat, Irish ward-politician 
 near, he would, in a most genial manner, take him 
 by the arm and whisper that he was greatly per- 
 plexed with some important matter of public policy 
 
 271 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and was earnestly desirous of having his advice. 
 He would then gravely unfold the situation and 
 hold earnest converse with his Hibernian friend, 
 luring him into precisely the view of the situation 
 which he himself* desired to adopt, and, finally, 
 leave him with a warm pressure of the hand with 
 the impression upon his mind that he was himself 
 playing an important part in the government of 
 the country and that Joe Howe was the boy who 
 knew how to do things. 
 
 Picture a great Liberal demonstration held in 
 one of the country districts of Nova Scotia to 
 celebrate some electoral victory — large crowds 
 gathered in a spacious field with baskets of provis- 
 ions and little family picnics in all quarters. At 
 last a team drives up with four spirited grey horses, 
 decorated with the Liberal colours, and in a large 
 and handsome carriage sit the Hon. Messrs. Young, 
 Archibald, Annand, McCully, Weir and Howe. 
 As they alight, the leading men gather round and 
 are presented one by one to these distinguished 
 statesmen. Messrs. Young, Archibald, etc., in a 
 dignified posture, remain in a group to receive their 
 friends and admirers in a manner befitting their high 
 official station. Where is Howe? In an instant he is 
 flying among the crowd, speaking to every woman 
 he knows, probably calling her by her Christian 
 name. At one moment he has the charming Mrs. 
 Smith upon his arm, perfectly happy to be thus 
 honoured by the great Joe Howe, but in five 
 272 
 
A TYPICAL SCENE 
 
 minutes he has reached Mrs. Brown, another 
 admirer, and by some subtle process not quite easy 
 to describe, Mrs. Brown is seen smiling and happy 
 leaning upon Mr. Howes arm, until, indeed, the 
 delightful Mrs. Jones is seen, whereupon, by a 
 similar process, Mrs. Jones is likewise revelling 
 in the rapture of a stroll with Mr. Howe. The 
 other dignitaries are entertained at luncheon in a 
 special tent provided for this purpose. Is Howe 
 there ? Not a bit of it. He is lying on the ground 
 taking his picnic with the Robinsons with an 
 admiring circle from the other families gradually 
 gathering about him. When the time for speaking 
 arrives, the chairman is conducting Messrs. Young 
 and company, in fitting form, to the platform, 
 which has been erected and festooned for the 
 occasion. Where is Howe? With a cigar in his 
 mouth, flying about, arranging that all the best 
 seats near the platform are filled with his lady 
 friends, and this lasts until, finally, he is captured 
 and himself conveyed to the platform and planted 
 among the distinguished speakers. Solemn discus- 
 sions of the great public questions ensue in speeches 
 by Messrs. Young, Archibald and McCully, but 
 when Joe Howe is upon his feet everybody is on the 
 qui vive for they know that some delightful bit of 
 humour will characterize his opening remarks, and 
 then they look for an outburst upon the local scenery 
 and historical memories of the place. When at last 
 the period comes, when, throwing back his ,coat, he 
 
 273 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 begins to dwell upon public affairs, the heart of 
 every man, woman and child in the vast audience 
 thrills with the magnetic home-made eloquence, 
 which falls naturally and gracefully from his lips. 
 
 Again, fancy him entering one of the innumer- 
 able homes he was accustomed to frequent in his 
 constant rambles over the province. The moment 
 he was inside the door, he would fling his arm 
 round the wife and salute her with a hearty kiss. If 
 there were any grown up girls in the house, they 
 were submitted to the same salutation. If, in their 
 modesty, they ran away, they were chased and 
 pursued until they were captured and kissed, and 
 this was Howes almost invariable custom for thirty 
 years. Once in the family circle, all dignity was laid 
 aside and every moment was occupied with delight- 
 ful and entertaining conversation. He told stories 
 to the children and entertained the grown ones 
 by incidents of his travels, and anecdotes of every 
 kind which had occurred during his varied experi- 
 ences in the world. 
 
 In this way he became a domestic personality in 
 hundreds, if not thousands of homes in Nova Scotia. 
 Women were absolutely devoted to him, and 
 taught their children to regard him as a hero. If 
 death came to any household with which he was 
 thus closely linked, there promptly came a beautiful 
 letter from Howe (and who could write such let- 
 ters?), full of sympathy and consolation. And these, 
 we may be sure, were not written for dramatic effect, 
 274 
 
AN AFFECTIONATE NATURE 
 
 but because his own heart was warm and his own 
 great soul sympathized with sorrow in every form. 
 His private correspondence with his wife and 
 children reveals a warmth of affection and tender- 
 ness of soul rarely found in the correspondence 
 of any of the world’s heroes whose letters have seen 
 the light. 
 
 To old men who had been associated with his 
 early struggles, Howe was especially devoted. In 
 his wanderings over the province he never passed 
 by a house in which an old friend lived, without 
 entering and talking to him in the most affectionate 
 terms. In 1868 when he was travelling through the 
 western part of Nova Scotia, he entered the house 
 of an old man who had passed his eightieth year 
 and was confined by age and infirmity to his 
 easy chair by his fireside. He had been one of 
 Howe’s devoted friends in early days. Howe sat 
 down beside him, talked in loving terms of their 
 old associations, and on rising to leave him, kissed 
 his furrowed cheek, down which could be seen 
 rolling tears of affectionate and grateful appreciation. 
 With such incidents as these, a matter of almost 
 every day occurrence, is it any wonder that he 
 became in a peculiar degree, and in a sense, quite 
 different from that which pertains to the average 
 public man, the idol and hero of thousands of Nova 
 Scotians, became, indeed, a distinct figure in the 
 public mind, and a living, breathing personality 
 in the pubhc imagination? Johnston, Young and 
 
 275 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Tupper could be mentioned with a fitting sense of 
 provincial pride, and at a later date after confedera- 
 tion Sir John Macdonald, Blake, Mackenzie, Laurier 
 and Thompson evoked the respect and admiration 
 due to -eminent men who were dedicating their lives 
 and energies to the public service. But people 
 thought of Joe Howe in a different sense. He was 
 part and parcel of the daily life and thought of 
 the people, woven into the very woof of their 
 existence. 
 
 A bitter day came to many devoted friends 
 of Mr. Howe in 1869, when, for reasons which have 
 been amply set forth, he felt it necessary to accept 
 confederation and take a seat in the government of 
 Sir John Macdonald. The antipathy to confederation 
 at that time was very intense. The method by 
 which it had been forced upon the country in 
 defiance of the popular will, had aggravated the 
 bitterness, and coming so soon after the splendid 
 victory of 1867, Howe’s action bore the semblance, 
 in the popular mind, of desertion and treason. The 
 old veterans who had for thirty years fought under 
 Howe’s banners, and loved him as a brother, were 
 forced, with bitterness of heart, to cast him from 
 them as one who had betrayed their cause. In 
 his goings to and fro in the province in the latter 
 part of 1868, he was met by many cold looks, and 
 some lifelong friends refused to give him their 
 hand, and it can easily be imagined how keen and 
 poignant would be the pain which this would cause 
 276 
 
HOWE’S INFLUENCE 
 
 to a warm and sensitive nature. If there was one 
 yearning desire ever present in Howe’s heart, it was 
 that he should maintain the love and confidence of 
 his fellow-countrymen. In his speech at Windsor at 
 the first meeting after he had taken office in 1869, 
 he referred at the close of his address to the fact 
 that it had been charged upon him that he had 
 deserted his principles and entered the government 
 from ambition. Throwing back his coat in the old 
 familiar way, he uttered these passionate words : — 
 “Ambitious, am I? Well, gentlemen, I once had 
 a little ambition. I was ambitious that Nova Scotia 
 should have a free press and free responsible gov- 
 ernment. I fought for it and won it. Ambitious I 
 am I? Well, gentlemen, an old man at my time of 
 life can be supposed to have but little ambition. 
 But, gentlemen, I have a little ambition, I am 
 ambitious that when, in my declining years, I shall 
 ride up and down the length and breadth of Nova 
 Scotia, I may receive the same sympathy, confi- 
 dence and love from her sons as in days gone by I 
 received from their sires.” 
 
 No public man that ever lived in British America 
 and few that have ever lived in the world, within 
 the range and sphere in which they moved and 
 acted, exercised such a far-reaching influence upon 
 the people within the circle of their influence as 
 Joe Howe. To his impulses may be traced the race 
 of clever men whom Nova Scotia has contributed 
 to the public life of Canada, and not alone to public 
 
 277 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 life, but to the literary and intellectual life of the 
 country. From the period at which Howe was at 
 the zenith of his power until after his death a great 
 number of the brighter Liberals were insensibly 
 imitators of his style and manner. The famihar 
 gestures which were so characteristic were seen 
 reproducing themselves in many young men who 
 were mounting the political platform and essaying 
 to influence the world with their oratory. It is 
 impossible to estimate the number of young men in 
 Nova Scotia whose breasts were stirred to honour- 
 able ambition by the writings and speeches and the 
 personal influence of Joseph Howe. When he left 
 his party, if indeed his action can be so characterized, 
 in 1869, some of those who had been his lifelong 
 admirers and imitators were among those who went 
 to Hants county to confront him on the platform 
 during his campaign, and it was not far from ludi- 
 crous to see young lawyers, whose eloquence had 
 been fashioned in Howe’s school, actually hurling 
 their thunder bolts at the old man’s head, with 
 gestures and intonations which had been aptly 
 borrowed from their former hero. These small 
 lights were seeking to destroy their old master 
 by the inspiration which they had drawn from his 
 breath. 
 
 Howe had an inordinate and undying love for 
 the beautiful and picturesque, and as he went 
 abroad in Nova Scotia, he sought in every way to 
 inspire a taste for the aesthetic among the people. 
 
 278 
 
LOVE OF NATURE 
 
 For trees especially he had a great love. It is 
 related that on one occasion when passing along 
 the road near Truro, he saw a farmer beginning to 
 cut down a beautiful row of willows which grew by 
 the roadside in front of his house. Howe was 
 shocked, jumped from his carriage and expostulated. 
 The farmer replied that he could sell them and he 
 needed the money. Howe said: “What will you 
 take to let them stand ? ” 
 
 “ Oh, I suppose five pounds,” answered the 
 farmer, and Howe instantly drew from his purse 
 the five pounds, and those who travel in .the 
 vicinity now can see to this day the beautiful row 
 of trees still standing. 
 
 In religion, Howe was absolutely free ‘from 
 sectarian prejudices or denominational infiuence. 
 His father belonged to a sect called Sandemanians, 
 or Glassites, who held somewhat peculiar views, 
 accepting the Bible as final authority, but being 
 utterly opposed to an established church and a paid 
 clergy. A small knot of these men, of whom Mr. 
 John Howe was one of the leaders, used to gather 
 together on Sundays for worship, and so strong was 
 Mr. John Howe’s prejudice against a paid clergy 
 that, although naturally a man of generous in- 
 stincts, he would refuse to remain in the same 
 room with a salaried clergyman. As the result of 
 his father’s lack of denominational affiliations, 
 Howe never united himself* with any religious 
 body nor could he be reckoned as an adherent of 
 
 279 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 any particular religious sect. He was, nevertheless, 
 a man of strong religious feelings. No man in his 
 day studied the Bible more thoroughly and care- 
 fully than he, and he constantly expressed the 
 opinion that its literature was among the finest and 
 its truths the most sublime. Quotations from the 
 Scriptures are found inwoven into his public utter* 
 ances on all occasions. Howe’s habit of going to 
 the country and actually living in the fields for 
 a week or ten days has been already mentioned. 
 One of the places which he thus frequented was 
 the house of a coloured couple named Deers, at 
 Preston. One evening a Baptist minister happened 
 to arrive at the Deers ’s house to remain all night. 
 He details the fact that during the evening he got 
 into free conversation with Howe and when the 
 time came for bed the latter informed him that he 
 had made a practice during his whole life of reading 
 a passage from the Scriptures before going to bed. 
 He got down the Bible for this purpose, and after 
 he had finished reading, asked the minister to 
 engage in prayer. But it is proper to add that 
 Howe bore no general character for piety during 
 his active political life. On the contrary, his duties 
 brought him in contact with ward politicians and 
 his convivial nature brought him boon companions 
 at the festive board, and his reputation was that of 
 a jolly good fellow. Those only who knew him in- 
 timately were able to appreciate the strong under- 
 current of religious feeling which pervaded his 
 280 
 
INTELLECTUAL INTERESTS 
 
 nature. During his life he usually went to church 
 wherever he was, and it mattered to him not in the 
 slightest degree whether the service was Roman 
 Catholic, Episcopalian, Presb)d:erian, Baptist or 
 Methodist. Mrs. Howe belonged to the Presby- 
 terian faith and in Halifax Mr. Howe frequently 
 attended church with her. 
 
 Howe was constantly endeavouring in Halifax 
 to keep up some sort of interest in intellectual 
 matters. It was very considerably by his personal 
 influence that the Mechanics’ Institute became a 
 permanent and useful institution in the city, main- 
 taining a course of lectures and literary discussions. 
 Howe himself was a frequent contributor to the 
 lecture course and a constant attendant of the 
 other lectures, frequently moving the vote of thanks 
 and imparting new life to the discussion by his 
 happy observations. It is related that on one occa- 
 sion when Mr. George R. Young had lectured 
 before the institute, Mr. Howe, in the course of 
 the general discussion which followed, made some 
 remarks in a spirit of banter touching certain 
 features of the lecture, which were not altogether 
 pleasing to Mr. Young, who, in responding to the 
 vote of thanks which had been accorded him, took 
 occasion to say that he did not come to such 
 occasions with stale jokes bottled up in his breeches’ 
 pocket; to which Mr. Howe on the instant remarked 
 that no one was in a position to state what jokes 
 Mr. Young carried bottled in his breeches’ pocket, 
 
 281 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 but all could bear testimony to the fact that he 
 never drew the cork ! 
 
 Mr. Howe had ten children, of whom only two, 
 Mr. Sydenham Howe and Mrs. Cathcart Thomson, 
 are now living. 
 
 282 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 AS has been stated, broken in health, and yet 
 buoyant and hopeful, Howe was appointed 
 governor of Nova Scotia in May, 1873. In a letter 
 to a friend, written shortly before leaving Ottawa, 
 he says: — 
 
 “The governorship I never had a doubt would 
 be offered to me by my colleagues, nor did I ever 
 distrust the widespread confidence and affection of 
 my fellow-countrymen. What was very doubtful 
 when I saw you in the autumn was whether I 
 should live through the winter and be in any 
 condition to discharge any official duties in the 
 spring. Thanks to a kind providence, the doubt so 
 far has been given in my favour. I have gone 
 through three of the worst months of the winter 
 without any serious recurrence of the dangerous 
 symptoms which imperilled my life last year. We 
 have still two months of winter to pass through, 
 but thanks to my Boston physician, I know what 
 to do if anything goes wrong, which, at present, 
 I do not apprehend. Of course, no appointment will 
 be made until General Doyle’s retirement, but, 
 should I live, you will see me dowm in time to 
 take the chair if it is vacant. There may be a little 
 
 283 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 knot of people opposed to my appointment, but 
 there is hardly one of them that does not know in 
 his inmost soul that I have fairly earned the pro- 
 motion by forty years of public service. What some 
 of them are afraid of is that I will violate my own 
 principles by treating them unfairly and pay them 
 off for a good deal of gratuitous treachery and 
 abuse. They will probably be mistaken in this as in 
 everything else. No offer has ever been made to me 
 of imperial favours. Certainly no honorary distinc- 
 tions have ever been sought by me or desired.” 
 
 Howe did not misjudge the attitude of some 
 of the more bitter of the repealers, who, while most 
 persons called and paid their customary respects at 
 government house, on his appointment, remained 
 away as a token of their displeasure at his alleged 
 desertion of the repeal cause. 
 
 The days were quietly spent. Howe had hoped 
 that the leisure which the governorship would 
 afford him would enable him to devote some 
 time towards gathering together his literary work, 
 and to publish a record of his striking reminis- 
 cences. But this expectation was doomed to dis- 
 appointment. June had just been ushered in, with 
 its unfolding leaves and early blossoms, when sud- 
 denly the city was startled with the announcement 
 that Joseph Howe was dead. Quickly the word was 
 flashed over the province, and nothing could have 
 been more touching or could illustrate more fully 
 the supreme place which he occupied in the hearts 
 284 
 
NEWS OF HIS DEATH 
 
 of the people than the tokens of profound grief and 
 almost awe with which the news of his death was 
 heard. Plain farmers in remote rural districts bowed 
 in silence when told that Joseph Howe was dead. 
 It was not because he occupied a position which 
 would make his death precipitate a crisis ; he was 
 not holding any place of power. For the previous 
 four years he had not been conspicuously in the 
 public eye, but he remained at all times enthroned 
 in the hearts of his countrymen. Nor, indeed, was 
 the feeling evoked that which ordinarily follows the 
 death of a conspicuous and highly esteemed public 
 man. It was rather the loss of a personality who had 
 for more than a generation been associated with the 
 everyday life and thought of the people of Nova 
 Scotia. He had moulded to an enormous degree the 
 thoughts and sentiments of the people. He was a 
 living entity that had charmed them in every form 
 and on a hundred different occasions. Scarcely a 
 commonplace word had ever fallen from his lips. On 
 whatsoever theme or occasion he spoke or wrote, 
 the subject at once became illumined with a splen- 
 did imagination and a glowing warmth of soul 
 which touched the heart at the same time that 
 it captivated the intellect. 
 
 His funeral was attended by an immense con- 
 course of people. His wife being a Presbyterian, the 
 services were conducted by the pastor of one of the 
 Presbyterian churches. Twenty thousand people 
 lined the streets through which were carried the 
 
 285 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 last mortal remains of Joseph Howe to repose 
 in Camp Hill cemetery. His family, although 
 possessing little wealth, erected a modest monument 
 of plain Nova Scotia granite. The remains of lesser 
 men than he have been deposited in Westminster 
 Abbey, but it is fitting that the hero of popular 
 rights should mingle his dust with the commonest 
 of his countrymen. Thirty years have passed by and 
 no statue has been erected by his countrymen 
 to immortalize his splendid career. EfiTorts have 
 been made in this direction, but people who would 
 willingly contribute to a monument for a champion 
 oarsman have been backward in subscribing to a 
 statue for the greatest Nova Scotian. At the last 
 session of the Nova Scotia legislature the sum 
 of ten thousand dollars was unanimously voted for 
 this purpose, and a commission has been appointed 
 to secure its erection at the south end of the pro- 
 vincial building and in view of the provincial 
 secretary’s office, in which for years he sat and 
 laboured and wrote. It must be mentioned to the 
 credit of the present provincial government of Nova 
 Scotia that some years before the death of Howe’s 
 widow they voted her an annual pension of five 
 hundred dollars. When his qualities are understood, 
 when his great labours and achievements are appre- 
 ciated throughout the Dominion, it is not unlikely 
 that a statue not less imposing than any now 
 standing, will be erected to perpetuate his name on 
 Parliament Hill at Ottawa. 
 
 286 
 
HIS WORK 
 
 Comparisons are unpleasant and generally need- 
 less. Viewing his forty years of public service justly 
 and having regard to his speeches, his writings and 
 his achievements, what other of the great men that 
 British America has produced can be fairly placed 
 in comparison with him ? He did not attain such an 
 eminent place in the public life of the Dominion as 
 Sir John A. Macdonald, nor, perhaps, would he 
 have been able, under similar conditions, to have 
 guided the ship of state with the same consummate 
 skill amid the various difficulties which surrounded 
 the initial stages of welding together the somewhat 
 heterogeneous elements which went to compose the 
 Canadian confederation. Let due credit be given to 
 each man in his own sphere for his special gifts and 
 achievements, but among the gifted men whom 
 British North America has produced, we cannot 
 name one who has left behind such a body of 
 political literature dealing so luminously with every 
 great question which concerns both Canada and 
 the empire, as remains to the perpetual credit of 
 Joseph Howe. Nay, without presumption, may it 
 not be fairly asked what British statesman that 
 has lived and acted within the past sixty years 
 has contributed as much to the solution of these 
 great empire-reaching questions as can be found in 
 the recorded utterances of Joseph Howe? Where 
 among his contemporaries can be found a man 
 who could throw such flashes of imagination upon 
 every subject with which he attempted to deal, in 
 
 287 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 the whole volume of whose writings and speeches 
 scarcely a dull word or commonplace expression can 
 be found ? Who dreamed such dreams of his coun- 
 try’s ultimate greatness and power ? Who drew such 
 mighty pictures of the possibilities pertaining to a 
 union of the British races of all parts of the globe 
 into one great empire ? Where will we look in our 
 country’s history for such a striking personality 
 that could captivate senates by his skill and elo- 
 quence, masses by his magnetic power, and intel- 
 lectual bodies by his unrivalled powers of mind? In 
 an age of timid opportunism he exhibited daily the 
 qualities of a hero. He had the courage to leave the 
 conventional ruts in which most public men are 
 content to plod and to strike out into new fields, to 
 brave dangers from which the average public man 
 shrinks. Alone and almost single-handed he faced 
 the power of a well intrenched autocracy in Nova 
 Scotia, destroyed their power and gave his country- 
 men the boon of self-government. He was the fore- 
 most expounder and the greatest teacher of the 
 true principles of colonial government of his age, 
 and his great thoughts penetrated the cobwebs of 
 official routine which surrounded the colonial office 
 in Downing Street and gave birth to larger and 
 better views. 
 
 Circumstances have much to do with a man’s 
 ultimate place in history. The same genius which 
 could successfully manage the affairs of a province 
 might suffice to manage successfully the affairs of an 
 288 
 
SUBSEQUENT EVENTS 
 
 empire, and he who works in a small sphere may have 
 a small place in history beside the man to whom for- 
 tune has consigned the larger arena. Most of Howe’s 
 hfe was spent in ministering to the well-being of a 
 province that at his death numbered scarcely four 
 hundred thousand souls. He lived to see the Cana- 
 dian confederation launched, but at a period when it 
 was too late for him to achieve the first position in it 
 or to recognize the fruition of those splendid dreams 
 which his imagination never failed to create. Thirty 
 years have passed since he was laid at rest, and it is 
 not too much to say that no one of the great ones 
 who are permitted to participate in the vast expan- 
 sion and development of this Dominion would have 
 felt greater joy and pride in the realization than 
 would Joseph Howe. To have British power estab- 
 lished from the Atlantic to the Pacific in North 
 America, to convert wildernesses into centres of in- 
 dustry and progress, to plant cities on plains where 
 nothing but bears and buffaloes roamed, and to have 
 great railway lines unlocking the resources of vast 
 undiscovered territory were glorious visions which 
 ever filled the heart of Joseph Howe. But to all 
 these great hopes he, rightly or wrongly, as time 
 will show, preserved the ideal of a united empire 
 which has not yet been realized. 
 
 No one can estimate too highly the worth and 
 value of a great man : — 
 
 ** Canst thou bind the sweet influences of Pleiades, or 
 loose the bands of Orion ? ” 
 
 289 
 
/ 
 
 JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 His great thoughts, his heroic actions and his 
 mighty achievements are not alone the heritage of 
 his country, but the inspiration of the young men 
 who are to carry forward its destinies. Every for- 
 ward step which humanity has taken in the politi- 
 cal, in the religious, scientific or social world has 
 been under the guidance of some superior being 
 who has, amid difficulty and danger, led the way. 
 When Canada has achieved, as it is fast achieving, 
 a recognized place among the puissant nations of 
 the world, and the British empire has attained the 
 dominance due to union and enlightened virtue, 
 Joseph Howe will occupy a conspicuous niche 
 among the authors and heroes of its glory. 
 
 290 
 
 
APPENDICES 
 
APPENDIX - A” 
 
 THE TWELVE RESOLUTIONS 
 
 1. RESOLVED, that a committee be appointed 
 to draw up an address to His Majesty to embrace 
 the substance of the following resolutions: — 
 
 2. Resolved, that in the infancy of this colony 
 its whole government was necessarily vested in a 
 governor and council; and even after a representa- 
 tive assembly was granted, the practice of choosing 
 members of council exclusively from among the 
 heads of departments, and persons resident in the 
 capital, was still pursued; and, with a single excep- 
 tion, has been continued down to the present time. 
 That the practical effects of this system have been 
 in the highest degree injurious to the best interests 
 of the country; inasmuch as one entire branch of 
 the legislature has generally been composed of men 
 who, from the want of local knowledge and experi- 
 ence, were not qualified to decide upon the wants 
 or just claims of distant portions of the province, 
 by which the efforts of the representative branch 
 were, in many instances, neutralized or rendered of 
 no avail; and of others, who had a direct interest in 
 thwarting the views of the assembly, whenever it 
 attempted to carry economy and improvement into 
 the departments under their control. 
 
 3. Resolved, that among the many proofs that 
 might be adduced of the evils arising from this im- 
 perfect structure of the upper branch, it is only 
 necessary to refer to the unsuccessful efforts of the 
 
 293 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 assembly to extend to the outports the advantages 
 of foreign trade ; to the enormous sum which it was 
 compelled, after a long struggle, to resign for the 
 support of the customs establishment ; to the diffi- 
 culties thrown in the way of a just and liberal 
 system of education; and to the recent abortive 
 attempts to abolish the illegal and unnecessary fees 
 taken by the judges of the supreme court. 
 
 4. Resolved, that while the population of this 
 province is composed, as appears by the last census, 
 taken in 1827, of twenty-eight thousand six hundred 
 and fifty-nine members of the Episcopal Church, 
 and one hundred and fifteen thousand one hundred 
 and ninety-five Dissenters, which proportions may 
 be assumed as fair at the present time, the appoint- 
 ments to the council are always studiously arranged 
 so as to secure to the members of the church em- 
 bracing but one-fifth of the population, a clear and 
 decided majority at the board. That there are now 
 in that body eight members representing the church; 
 that the Presbyterians, who outnum&r them by 
 about nine thousand, have but three ; the Catholics, 
 who are nearly equal, have but one; while the Bap- 
 tists, amounting, by the census of 1827, to nineteen 
 thousand seven hundred and ninety, and the Metho- 
 dists to nine thousand four hundred and ninety- 
 eight, and all the other sects and denominations, 
 are entirely unrepresented and shut out from in- 
 fluence in a body whose duty it is to legislate 
 for all. 
 
 5. Resolved, that while the Catholic bishop has 
 no seat at the council board, and while clergymen 
 of all other denominations are, as they ought to be, 
 
 .carefully excluded, the bishop of the Episcopal 
 Church always has been and still is a member. 
 
 294 
 
APPENDIX “A” 
 
 6. Resolved, that while Dissenters, as they have 
 a right to, justly complain of a state of things so 
 exclusive and insulting, they would regard its con- 
 tinuance with more indifference if it did not lead to 
 a general and injurious system of favouritism and 
 monopoly, extending throughout almost every de- 
 partment of the public service over which the local 
 government have control; thereby vesting in the 
 hands of a part of the population the resources 
 arising from the industry of the whole, and creating 
 invidious distinctions and jealous discontent in the 
 minds of large numbers of His Majesty’s loyal 
 subjects. 
 
 7. Resolved, that two family connections em- 
 brace five members of the council; that, until very 
 recently, when two of them retired from the firm, 
 five others were co-partners in one mercantile con- 
 cern ; and to this circumstance may be attributed 
 the failure of the efforts of this assembly to fix 
 a standard of value, and establish a sound currency 
 in the province. 
 
 8. Resolved, that the assembly of this province 
 have for years asserted, and still most respectfully 
 assert, their right to control and distribute the 
 casual and territorial revenues of the country, 
 whether arising from the fees of office, the sale of 
 lands, or the royalty paid upon the produce of the 
 mines. But this House regret that hitherto their 
 efforts to obtain justice in this respect have been un- 
 successful. The lands of the province are, in effect, 
 mortgaged to pay to the commissioner a salary out 
 of all proportion to the services he is called on to 
 perform; while all the mines and minerals of the 
 province have been leased for sixty years to a 
 wealthy English company, without the consent of 
 
 295 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 and independent of all control by the representa- 
 tives of the people. 
 
 9. Resolved that apart from the mere question 
 of judges’ fees, which this House has pronounced, 
 and still believes to be, unconstitutional and illegal, 
 the presence of the chief justice at the council board 
 is unwise and injurious, having a tendency to lessen 
 the respect which the people ought to feel for the 
 courts over which he presides. From the warm 
 interest he has always manifested in public ques- 
 tions, and particularly in some of those in which 
 the representative branch and His Majesty’s council 
 have been diametrically opposed, and from the 
 influence which his position gives him over a nu- 
 merous bar, he has generally been regarded as the 
 head of a political party; and frequently been 
 brought into violent conflict with a people imbued 
 with the truly British idea that judges ought not to 
 mingle in the heats and contentions of politics. 
 
 10. Resolved, that the evils arising from the 
 structure of His Majesty’s council, and the disposi- 
 tion evinced by some of its members to protect 
 their own interests and emoluments at the expense 
 of the public, are heightened and rendered more 
 injurious by the unconstitutional and insulting prac- 
 
 ' tice, still “ pertinaciously adhered to” by that body, 
 of shutting out the people from their deliberations. 
 This practice they still maintain, although it is 
 opposed to that of the House of Lords in England 
 and that of the legislative councils of Lower Can- 
 ada, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and 
 Newfoundland; and notwithstanding the murmurs 
 and complaints of the people for a long series of 
 years and the repeated representations and remon- 
 strances of this assembly. 
 
 296 
 
APPENDIX ‘‘A” 
 
 11. Resolved, that while the House has a due 
 reverence for British institutions and a desire to 
 preserve to themselves and their children the ad- 
 vantages of that constitution under which their 
 brethren on the other side of the Atlantic have 
 enjoyed so much prosperity and happiness, they 
 cannot but feel that those they represent partici- 
 pate but slightly in these blessings. They know that 
 the spirit of that constitution — the genius of those 
 institutions — is complete responsibility to the peo- 
 ple, by whose resources and for whose benefit they 
 are maintained. But sad experience has taught them 
 that, in this colony, the people and their representa- 
 tives are powerless, exercising upon the local gov- 
 ernment very httle infiuence, and possessing no 
 effectual control. In England, the people, by one 
 vote of their representatives, can change the minis- 
 try, and alter any course of pohcy injurious to their 
 interests; here, the ministry are His Majesty’s 
 council, combining legislative, judicial, and execu- 
 tive powers, holding their seats for life, and treat- 
 ing with contempt or indifference the wishes of 
 the people, and the representations of the Com- 
 mons. In England, the representative branch can 
 compel a redress of grievances, by witholding the 
 supplies ; here they have no such remedy, because 
 the salaries of nearly all the public officers being 
 provided for by permanent laws, or paid out of 
 the casual and territorial revenues, or from the 
 produce of duties collected under imperial acts, 
 a stoppage of supplies, while it inflicted great 
 injury upon the country, by leaving the roads, 
 bridges, and other essential services unprovided 
 for, would not touch the emoluments of the 
 heads of departments in the council, or of any 
 
 297 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 but a few of the subordinate officers of the govern- 
 ment 
 
 12. Resolved, that as a remedy for these griev- 
 ances, His Majesty be implored to take such steps, 
 either by granting an elective legislative council, or 
 by such other reconstruction of the local govern- 
 ment as will insure responsibility to the Commons, 
 and confer upon the people of this pro\dnce what 
 they value above all other possessions — the blessings 
 of the British constitution. 
 
 298 
 
APPENDIX “B” 
 
 MR. HOWE did not approve of the Pacific 
 Railway policy of the government .in 1872, which 
 led to defeat in 1873. He was in no way mixed up 
 with the election scandals of 1872, because while 
 they were in progress he was in the United States 
 under medical treatment. He was returned for 
 Hants by acclamation in his absence. But on his 
 return in the autumn he became dissatisfied with 
 the policy, and although old and without means, he 
 refused to give his sanction. He promptly wrote 
 the following to Sir John: — 
 
 “Ottawa, December 6th, 1872. My dear Sir 
 John: — After a night of anxious consideration of 
 the scheme of railway policy developed by Sir 
 Hugh Allan and his friends yesterday, and appar- 
 ently acquiesced in by my coUeagues, I have come 
 to the conclusion that I cannot defend that scheme 
 or be a party to arrangements which I believe will 
 be a surprise to parliament and the country, and 
 fraught with consequences deeply injurious to the 
 best interests of the Dominion. I shall as rapidly as 
 possible put upon paper the views I entertain of 
 the measure as presented, and of the policy that 
 ought to be pursued, and hope to be able to place 
 them in your hands in the course of the afternoon. 
 I regret sincerely the separation from old friends 
 which this divergence of opinion must necessarily 
 involve, but I apprehend it cannot be avoided, and 
 am quite prepared to make the sacrifice rather than 
 throw over for the sake of office my conscientious 
 
 299 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 convictions. Believe me, my dear Sir John, Yours 
 sincerely, (Sgd.) Joseph Ho^ve.” 
 
 Sir John could not afford to allow a resignation 
 on such an issue, and instantly sent Howe the fol- 
 lowing note: — 
 
 “(Confidential.) December 6th, 1872. My dear 
 Howe : — I have talked matters over with our col- 
 leagues and they desire to meet your views as much 
 as possible. You need not prepare your paper, and I 
 will be glad to see you in the morning. Yours 
 always, (Sgd.) John A. Macdonald.” 
 
 Matters were arranged in some way to satisfy 
 Mr. Howe, for he remained in the government 
 until May, 1873. 
 
 300 
 
INDEX 
 
 A 
 
 Acadian, The, 6 
 Acadia College, 81, 83 
 Aiken, Thomas B., 10 
 Acadian Recorder, 210 
 Albion, The, 182, 183 
 Allan, Sir Hugh, 138 
 Allison, Hon. Joseph, 72 
 Almon, M. B., 86, 87, 236 
 Angers, Mr., 138 
 
 Annand, William, 29 ; assumes con- 
 trol of the Nova Scotian, 74, 75 ; 
 publishes Morning Chronicle, 75 ; 
 submits resolution supporting one 
 non-sectarian college, 82 ; finan- 
 cial secretary, 169; action for libel 
 against, 188 ; delegate to London, 
 192; head of provincial govern- 
 ment, 202 ; member of repeal 
 delegation, 204 ; turns against 
 Howe, 208, 209, 217 ; receives 
 vote of thanks from the legisla- 
 ture, 218 
 
 Archibald, A. G., 157, 169, 176, 
 177, 186, 189, 198, 226 
 Archibald, S. G. W., 10, 18 ; pro- 
 secutor in libel suit, 24 ; in the 
 House of Assembly, 35 ; speaker 
 in the House of Assembly, 67 ; 
 master of the rolls, 74 
 
 B 
 
 Bell, Hugh, 110 
 Betts, Mr., 141 
 
 Blackader, Hugh, 24 
 Blanchard, Hiram, 186, 198, 202 
 Blanchard, Jotham, 10, 18 
 Brassey, Thomas, 129, 141, 144 
 Bright, John, 204, 206 
 Buchanan, Hon. Isaac, 190 
 Burton, Rev. John, 77 
 
 C 
 
 Campbell, Sir Colin, lieutenant- 
 governor of Nova Scotia, 45, 68, 
 62, 64-69 ; address of Howe to 
 Queen re Sir Colin Campbell, 66 
 Campbell, Stewart, 187, 194 (note), 
 203 
 
 Cartier, Sir Georges, 210 
 Catholic, The, 162 
 Chandler, Hon. Mr. 137-140, 232 
 Chapman, H. S., 50 
 Charlottetown, convention at, 176- 
 179 
 
 Christian Messenger, 83 
 Chronicle, Morning, Mr. Annand 
 publishes, 75 ; Howe contributes 
 to, 90-93 ; letters concerning 
 . Irish Catholic terrorization, 162 ; 
 McCully as editor, 186 ; '^Bother- 
 ation Scheme ” articles, 186 ; ac- 
 tion for libel, 188 ; opposed to 
 union, 189 ; opposed to Howe, 
 209 ; letter from Howe to editor 
 of, 210-212 
 Chronicle, Weekly, 6 
 "Club, The,” 9, 10 
 
 301 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Colonies, the government of, 14 
 Condon, William, 154, 155, 164 
 Council of Twelve,” 18 
 Crampton, John F., 151, 152, 159, 
 160 
 
 Crawley, E. A., 77 
 Cunard, Samuel, 234 
 
 D 
 
 Dalhousie College, 81 
 Desbarres, W. F., 110; solicitor- 
 general, 111 ; appointed commis- 
 sioner, 118 
 Dickie, R. B., 177 
 Dodd, E. M., 76, 87 
 Doyle, Sir Hastings, 213 
 Doyle, Lawrence O’Connor, 9 ; in 
 assembly, 35 ; offered a seat in 
 council, 103, 104 ; elected for 
 Halifax, 106 ; chosen by Uniacke 
 for administration, 110 
 Durham, Lord, bis report before 
 parliament, 53, 99 
 
 E 
 
 Elgin, Lord, 250 
 Everett, Edward, 250, 251 
 
 F 
 
 Fairbanks, Samuel P., 112 
 Falkland, Lord, 69, 71 ; calls on 
 Howe, McNab and Uniacke for 
 reasons for resignation, 87; bis 
 struggle with Howe, 89-102 ; re- 
 turns to England, 102 
 Ferguson, John, 77 
 Fraser, Mr., 121 
 Fulton, Mr., 142, 143 
 
 G 
 
 Gazette, The, 4 
 
 302 
 
 George, Sir Rupert D., 57 ; dis- 
 missed from post of provincial 
 secretary. 111; challenges Howe, 
 244 
 
 Glenelg, Lord, despatches from, 44, 
 45 ; letter to, 232 
 Gray, James F., 24 
 Gray, John Hamilton, 255 
 Grigor, Dr., 9 
 
 H 
 
 Halliburton, John C., his duel 
 with Howe, 236-244 
 Haliburton, Thomas C. (Sam Slick), 
 9, 231, 267 
 
 Halliburton, Sir Brenton, 24, 168 
 Harnett, Captain, 120 
 Harvey, Sir John, 61 ; made gov- 
 ernor-general, 103 ; his conduct 
 towards the members, 112, 113; 
 despatch to colonial secretary, 
 124 ; death, 143 
 
 Hawes, Benjamin, his letter, 131, 
 132 
 
 Henry, W. A., 157, 164, 177 
 Hill, P. C., 198 
 
 Hincks, Sir Francis, 141, 142, 250 
 Howe, John, father of Joseph, 1 ; 
 his marriages, 2 ; king’s printer 
 and postmaster-general, early 
 education, 3 ; character, 4 
 Howe, Joseph, born at Halifax, 
 Nova Scotia, 1804, 1 ; speech at 
 Southampton, 1, 2 ; tribute to 
 his father, 1, 2, 4 ; physique, 
 learns printer’s trade, 4 ; com- 
 poses poetry, enters journalism, 
 5 ; edits the Acadian, purchases 
 the Nova Scotian, 6 ; strenuous 
 work in journalism, 7 ; tours in 
 
INDEX 
 
 Howe, Joseph — Continued 
 province, 7, 8 ; marriage, 8 ; 
 
 Rambles” and ^'The Club,” 9; 
 friendship with Haliburton (Sam 
 Slick), 10 ; writes on political 
 questions, 10, 19 ; the political 
 problem of self-government, 13 ; 
 colonial government, 14; large 
 power of lieutenant-governor, 
 limitations of the legislature, 14, 
 15 ; discusses politics in his paper, 
 19 ; attacks magistracy of Hali- 
 fax, 20 ; is sued for libel, 20-30 ; 
 character, etc., 31-33 ; in parlia- 
 ment of 1837, 36-44 ; debate on 
 the resolutions, 41 ; a disconcert- 
 ing message, 43 ; speech in par- 
 liament of 1838, 47 ; advocates 
 reform without bloodshed, 60, 
 61 ; dispute re boundaries of New 
 Brunswick and Maine, 62, 63 ; 
 letters to Lord John Russell, 64, 
 65 ; the executive council, 67 ; 
 his objects, 69 ; resolution of 
 want of confidence in council, 62, 
 63; address to Sir Colin Camp- 
 bell, 65 ; address to the queen 
 re the recall of Sir Colin Camp- 
 bell, 66 ; as a minister, 71 ; 
 anomalies of government, 73 ; 
 speaker and collector of customs, 
 74 ; gives up Nova Scotian^ 74 ; 
 quarrel with the Baptists, trouble 
 about schools, 76-87 ; a precipi- 
 tate election, 85, 86 ; resigns 
 from government, a resolution of 
 want of confidence, 87 ; struggle 
 with Lord Falkland, 89-102 ; con- 
 tributes to Nova Scotian and 
 Weekly Chronicle, 91, 93 ; holds 
 
 meetings throughout Nova Scotia, 
 94-97 ; speech at Cornwallis, 95 ; 
 speeches in legislature, 97-99; 
 protest against despatch of Falk- 
 land, 100, 101 ; is offered seat in 
 council by Sir John Harvey, 103, 
 104 ; residence in Musquodoboit, 
 104, 105 ; election contest, 105- 
 107 ; proposes William Young 
 as speaker, 107 ; chosen on 
 Uniacke’s administration, 110; 
 provincial secretary. 111 ; elec- 
 tion of a treasurer changed, 112 ; 
 position in the government, 113 ; 
 letter to the Hon. George Moffatt, 
 114, 115 ; measures introduced 
 during Uniacke’s administration, 
 115 ; Halifax convention, 116, 
 116; editorial in the Nova Sco- 
 tian re railroads, 117 ; appointed 
 commissioner, 118 ; attitude to- 
 wards building of railways, 119- 
 123 ; resolution re railways, 123 ; 
 sent to England as delegate, 125- 
 132 ; speech at Southampton, 127, 
 128 ; how the Hampshire Indepejv- 
 dent regarded the speech, 129; 
 Mr. Hawes’s letter, 131, 132 ; 
 addresses citizens’ meetings, 134- 
 137 ; his scheme accepted by 
 Lord Elgin and the Canadian 
 government, 137 ; new election, 
 Howe stands for Cumberland 
 county, 139 ; Mr. Chandler’s 
 speech, 140 ; his railway bills 
 passed, 141 ; conference at Fred- 
 ericton, 142 ; contests election, 
 142, 143; trip to England to 
 obtain credit for province, intro- 
 duces measure for construction 
 
 303 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 Howe, Joseph — Continued 
 of railways, 144 ; returns to his 
 original proposition, 145 ; the 
 railway bill, retirement of Uni- 
 acke, 144, 145 ; retires from gov- 
 ernment, becomes chief commis- 
 sioner of railways, 146 ; work as 
 chairman of railway board, 149 ; 
 his attitude towards formation 
 of colonial regiments, 149, 150 ; 
 sent to the United States to secure 
 recruits, 150-155 ; election con- 
 test, 155-157 ; asked to take Wil- 
 kins’s seat, 157, 158 ; riots on 
 the railway, 157, 158 ; projected 
 address to Crampton, and Irish 
 Catholic opposition, 159-168 ; 
 contests Hants county, 168 ; pro- 
 vincial secretary and premier, 
 
 169 ; wearies of provincial office, 
 169, 170 ; fishery commissioner, 
 
 170 ; his attitude towards British 
 North America Act, 173-175 ; 
 British commissioner, 175 ; Howe 
 and confederation, 180-182, 185, 
 186 ; position on the Albion of- 
 fered him, 182, 183 ; series of 
 articles in the Chronicle, 186 ; 
 consolidating opponents of con- 
 federation, 189 ; letter to Hon. 
 Isaac Buchanan, 190, 191 ; dele- 
 gate to London, 192 ; feelings 
 of the people towards, 193-195 ; 
 his reply to Mr. Stairs, 195- 
 197 ; his purpose regarding Do- 
 minion cabinet, political tour, 
 199; meeting in Annapolis 
 county, 200-202; campaign 
 against confederation and its 
 result, 202 ; at head of repeal 
 
 304 
 
 delegation, 204 ; meets Tupper 
 in London, England, 205-207 ; 
 his trying position, 207 ; letter 
 to the Chronicle, 210-212 ; pre- 
 sides at anti-confederate caucus, 
 213, 214 ; his difficulties, 214- 
 216 ; correspondence with Sir 
 John Macdonald, 216; does not 
 receive the vote of thanks, 218 ; 
 the projects of the repeal party, 
 219-224 ; enters government of 
 Sir John Macdonald, 225 ; elec- 
 tion in Hants, 226 ; secretary 
 of state, 226, 227 ; ground- 
 
 less charge of McDougall, 227 ; 
 governor of Nova Scotia, 229, 
 230 ; sails for England, 231 ; 
 project for steamship line, 232- 
 235 ; attacks salaried class in 
 Nova Scotia, 235 ; results, 236- 
 244 ; Indian commissioner, 245- 
 247 ; his opposition to prohi- 
 bition, 248-250 ; visits to the 
 United States, 250-254 ; meeting 
 of tenants and proprietors of 
 Prince Edward Island, 254, 255 ; 
 Howe and literature, 257-270; 
 his social qualities, 271-282 ; his 
 children, 282 ; his death, 284- 
 285 ; the feeling of the people, 
 285 ; funeral, 285, 286 ; a con- 
 ception of his character and 
 work, 286-290 
 
 Huntington, Herbert, 47, 51, 56 ; 
 runs for speakership, 75 ; sup- 
 ports resolution demanding non- 
 sectarian education, 82 ; chosen 
 on Uniacke’s administration, 110; 
 made finance minister, 112 ; acts 
 as Howe’s second, 236 
 
INDEX 
 
 j 
 
 Jackson, William, 129, 141, 144 
 Jeffrey, Hon. T. N., 56 
 Johnston, J. W., 57, 58, 71, 75 ; 
 goes over to Baptists, 77-87 ; 
 appoints Almon to the council, 
 85 ; has a majority in assem- 
 bly, 86 ; defeats resolution of 
 want of confidence, 87 ; tenac- 
 ity of office, 89 ; contest with 
 Howe shifted to Falkland, 90 ; 
 speech against Howe, 98 ; carries 
 measure for simultaneous polling, 
 104 ; resigns with his govern- 
 ment, 107 ; member of railway 
 convention, 121 ; opposes Howe’s 
 measure for construction of rail- 
 ways, 144 ; attacks the govern- 
 ment, 167 ; retires, 168 ; ap- 
 pointed attorney-general, 172 ; 
 speech favouring union in British 
 North America, 174 ; retires to 
 the bench, 175 ; introduces bill 
 prohibiting sale of intoxicants to 
 the Indians, 247, 248 
 
 K 
 
 Kenny, Sib Edward, 198 
 Kincaid, Captain, 9 
 King’s College, 81 
 
 L 
 
 Legislature, the, 14-19 ; its limit- 
 ations, 14, 15 
 
 LeMarchant, Sir Gaspard, 143, 150 
 Letters of Agricola, 6 
 Lieutenant-governor, his large 
 powers, 14 
 Locke, John, 177 
 
 London, colonial conference in, 188, 
 189 
 
 Lynch, Peter, 160 
 M 
 
 Macdonald, Sir John A., 178, 198, 
 209 ; Tupper arranges that Howe 
 shall meet, 210 ; Howe bespeaks 
 fair treatment for, 210-212 ; ar- 
 rival in Halifax, discussion with 
 Howe, 213 ; anti-confederate cau- 
 cus, 213, 214 ; influence on 
 
 Howe, and correspondence with 
 him, 215-217 ; induces Howe to 
 enter his government, 225 ; his 
 speeches, etc., 257 
 Mackenzie, William Lyon, 49 
 MacNab, Sir Allan, 138 
 McCully, Jonathan, 177, 186 
 McDonald, Hugh, 192, 219 
 McDougall, William, 210, 227 
 McKeagney, James, 203 
 McNab, Catharine Susan Ann, mar- 
 ried to J oseph Howe, 8 ; her 
 character, 8 
 
 McNab, James, enters council, 69; 
 declaration made by, 75 ; retires 
 from government, 87 ; offered 
 a seat in council, 103, 104 ; 
 elected for Halifax, 106 ; chosen 
 by Uniacke for the administra- 
 tion, 110; made receiver-general, 
 112 
 
 McNab, Captain John, 8 
 Melville Island,” a poem, 5 
 Metcalfe, Sir Charles, 55 
 Miller, William, 179, 188 
 Minns, William, 6 
 Mitchell, Peter, 210 
 Morning Chronicle — See Chronicle 
 
 305 
 
JOSEPH HOWE 
 
 MorrelJ, William, 182, 183 
 Morris, John Spry, 241 
 Murdoch, Beamish, 10, 18 
 
 N 
 
 Nova Scotian y the, 6, 8, 9, 19, 23 ; 
 Mr. Annand publishes, 75 ; Howe 
 contributes to, 90-93 ; Howe’s 
 editorial re railroads in, 117 ; 
 Howe contributes to, 231 
 Nugent, Richard, 74 
 Nutting, J. W., 77 
 
 P 
 
 Packington, Sib John, 143 
 '^People, The,” a letter signed, 20 
 Perley, M. H., 170 
 Peto, Sir Morton, 129, 141, 144 
 Pryor, Henry, 160 
 
 Q 
 
 Quebec Schesie, 178, 185, 187 
 Quincy, Josiah, 250 
 
 R 
 
 Railways, report of Lord Durham 
 on, 118 ; from Halifax to Wind- 
 sor, 118 ; company to build Inter- 
 colonial, 118, 119; Robinson Line, 
 119; European and North Amer- 
 ican Railway, 121 ; convention at 
 Portland, 121 ; scheme to unite 
 New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and 
 Maine by rail, 121-125 ; railway 
 magnates and Howe, 129 ; Cana- 
 dian government accepts Howe’s 
 scheme for Intercolonial Railway, 
 137 ; railway policy shattered, rail- 
 way bills passed, 141 ; conference 
 at Fredericton, 142 ; government 
 
 306 
 
 refuses imperial guarantee for 
 line through St. John valley, 
 143 ; government pledged to go 
 on with railways east and west, 
 143, 144 ; Howe’s measure for 
 construction of, 144, 145 ; pro- 
 vision made to extend road from 
 Truro to Pictou, 147 ; riots, 157, 
 158 
 
 Rambles,” a series of letters, 
 8, 9 
 
 Ritchie, John W., 255 
 Ritchie, TTiomas, 58 
 Robie, Hon. Simon Bradstreet, 56 
 Robinson, Major, 119 
 Rose, Sir John, 215 
 Russell, Lord John, 53-55, 60, 61 ; 
 his ministry resigns, he resumes 
 office, 130 
 
 S 
 
 Self-government, 13 
 Shields, Andrew, 10 
 Smith, Albert J., 179 
 Smith, H. W., 204, 218 
 Spike, James, 5 
 Stairs, W. J., 192, 193 
 Stewart, Alexander, 18 ; in the 
 House of Assembly, 35 ; deserts 
 to the government, 41 ; delegate 
 to England, 52, 56 
 Stratheden, Lord, 204 
 
 T 
 
 Thompson, George, 10 
 Thomson, Poulett, 68 
 Tilley, Sir Leonard, 179, 187, 207, 
 209 
 
 Tobin, Michael, 110, 164 
 Troop, J. C., 204, 218 
 
INDEX 
 
 Tupper, Sir Charles, 80 ; contests 
 Cumberland county with Howe, 
 155-157 ; encourages breach be- 
 tween Howe and the Catholics, 
 163, 164 ; provincial secretary, 
 167 ; '^Retrenchment Scheme,” 
 171 ; assumes the leadership, 172 ; 
 publishes quotations from Howe’s 
 speeches favouring British North 
 America Act, 173 ; scheme for 
 Maritime union, 175-180 ; invites 
 Howe to become delegate to the 
 Charlottetown convention, 176 ; 
 advocates confederation, 186-189; 
 f o r m s provincial government, 
 198 ; resigns his right to a iSeat 
 in cabinet, 198 ; elected to repre- 
 sent confederate cause, 202; alone 
 in opposition, 203 ; plans to undo 
 anti-confederates, 203, 204 ; goes 
 to London, England, 205-207 ; 
 confides in Mr. Tilley, 209 ; his 
 magazine articles, etc., 258 
 
 U 
 
 Uniacke, James Boyle, 35 ; resists 
 Howe’s plans for securing re- 
 sponsible government, 49; Howe’s 
 chief antagonist, 57 ; resigns his 
 seat as executive councillor, 63 ; 
 joins Howe in the struggle for 
 responsible government, 64; given 
 a seat in Lord Falkland’s coun- 
 cil, 69 ; runs for speakership, 74 ; 
 
 retires from government, 87 ; 
 moves resolution of want of con- 
 fidence, 97-99 ; called to form an 
 administration, 107 ; chooses his 
 colleagues, 110; attorney-general, 
 111; measures introduced, 115; 
 member of railway convention, 
 121 ; commissioner of Crown 
 lands, 145 
 
 Union of all the provinces, 178-182, 
 185-192 
 
 Union of 1841, 53 
 W 
 
 Wilkins, Lewis M., 52, 56, 145, 
 146, 152, 157 
 
 Y 
 
 Young, George R., 6, 99, 100; 
 offered a seat in council, 103; 
 declines, 104 ; elected for Hali- 
 fax, 106 ; chosen for administra- 
 tion formed by Uniacke, 110; 
 resigns his ministry, 132 
 
 Young, John, 35; proposes concilia- 
 tory resolutions in parliament of 
 1837, 38, 39 
 
 Young, Sir William, 51, 56; mem- 
 ber of executive council, 75; 
 speaker, 75; again proposed as 
 speaker, 107 ; called to form an 
 administration, 146; his govern- 
 ment sustained, 157 ; accepts the 
 office of chief justice, 169 
 
 807 
 

 
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