A WELSH GRAMMAR HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE BY J. MORRIS JONES, M.A. PROFESSOR OF WELSH AT THE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OP NORTH WALES, BANGOR LATE RESEARCH FELLOW OF JESUS COLLEGE, OXFORD PHONOLOGY AND ACCIDENCE OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1913 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY HUMPHREY MILFORD M.A. PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY ' J íô 185628 PRINTED l.i ENGLAMl. PREFACE " This book ", as V. Henry says of his Breton Lexique, " has the misfortune to have a history." It would be tedious, even if it were possible, to relate it in detail ; but the long delay in the appearance of the work calls for a brief account of the facts by way of explanation and apology. In the early nineties I contributed to the new edition of the Welsh encyclopaedia T Gwyddoniadur an article on the Welsh language, which contained a sketch of Welsh grammar. This sketch was expanded in a course of lectures delivered to the Junior and Intermediate classes at Bangor .after the foundation of the University of Wales. The idea occurred to me of prepar- ing the substance of the lectures for publication as a textbook of Welsh grammar ; but I was unable at the time to carry out the investigation which seemed to me necessary before such a book could be properly written. The work was intended to be a descriptive grammar of Modern Welsh with special reference to the earlier period. Late Modern Welsh is more artificial, and in some respects further removed from the spoken language, than Early Modern Welsh, owing largely to the influence of false etymological theories ; and the object which I had in view was the practical one of determining the traditional forms of the literary language. Even scholars have been deceived by the fictitious forms found in dictionaries ; thus " dagr " given by Silvan Evans, after Pughe, as the sg. of dagrau, is quoted as a genuine form even by Strachan, Intr, 23 ; .see below p. 212 Note. I had however chiefly in mind the ordi- nary writer of the language, to whom a clear idea of the literary tradition is at least equally important. The first draft of the a2 iv PREFACE book was begun in 1899 ; but I was dissatisfied with it, and made a fresh start a year or two later. The progress of the second draft was much hindered by examination work which took up the greater part of my long vacation for some years. In 1907 I had finished the accidence and written more than half of the syntax. As Early Modern literature consists almost wholly of verse in the strict metres, I found myself in the syntax quoting more and more from Medieval prose. At last I was forced to the conclusion that the Medieval period would have to be dealt with in the earlier portion, which would therefore have to be entirely re- written. Many Medieval forms had already been quoted in it, in order to show that the Early Modern forms followed the old tradition, especially where the late written form is artificial ; in some cases the etymology also was given, in order to show further that the traditional form had developed regularly. In re-casting the first portion I thought it would be well to bring together the laws by which Welsh sounds are derived from Keltic and Primitive Aryan, so that by reference to them any formation or word might be compared with its cognates, and traced to its origin. Thus from a descriptive grammar of Modern Welsh the book grew into a Welsh Grammar Historical and Comparative. In its present form the work was commenced early in 1908 ; and the Phonology and Accidence now published were completed in the Spring of 19 13. The volume has taken a year to print ; and I have not found the time too long for the final revision of the copy and the correction of proofs. A few words may here be said of the most important previous works on the subject. The earliest known Welsh grammar is that preserved in the Eed Book of Hergest (r.g.), and printed from a late copy as Bosparth Ecleym Dafod Áur by Ab Ithel ; apart from the treatment of sounds and metres this is little more than a definition of the parts of speech. Simwnt Vychan's grammar (p.il.) is also of value only for its prosody. The first printed PREFACE v Welsh grammar was written by Dr. Griffith Roberts, and appeared at Milan in 1567. It gives an interesting account of the language as it was written before the influence of Salesbury made itself felt ; but the most remarkable feature of the book is the section on etymology, which records the discovery by the author of the fact that the sound-changes which take place in Latin loan-words were capable of being stated as laws. Dr. J. D. Rhys's grammar appeared in 1592. The author wrote excellent Welsh, though his peculiar alphabet makes it appear uncouth ; and his grammar is an attempt to describe the language as he wrote it. It is cast almost wholly in the form of tables, and is less systematic in reality than in appearance. The prosody, which is valuable, was contributed by contemporary bards. In 1593 a small grammar was published by Henry Salesbury, in which literary and dialectal forms are given, but are not distinguished. Dr. John Davies published his grammar in 1621, the year after the appearance of the revised Bible, which is believed to be chiefly his work. The grammar represents the result of a care- ful study of the works of the bards. It was the first Welsh grammar to be based on an examination of the actual facts of the language of standard authors. Medieval bards are quoted in modernized spelling ; in that respect, therefore, the work is not in the strict sense historical. But the author's analysis of the Modern literary language is final ; he has left to his successors only the correction and amplification of detail. The grammar of William Owen (later W. O. Pughe) prefixed to his Dictionary, 1803, stands at the opposite pole. It is written on the same principle as the dictionary, and represents the language not as it is, or ever was, but as it might be if any suffix could be attached mechanically to any stem. The author's method can best be realized by imagining a Latin grammarian evolving out of the stems of volo the presents ind. volo, volis, volit ; vio, vU, vtt ; vulo, vuls, vult ; veto, vels, velt ; vello, vellis, vellit, vi PREFACE and the infinitives volere, vlere^ vulere, velere i vellere i with perhaps a note stating that these infinitives are " seldom used " (see his Gr. 2 66, 68), or alternatively a footnote to the effect that vette " is as often used " (do. 6y). Examples are quoted of such forms as are genuine ; and the impression is conveyed by the suggestio falsi of " seldom ", " as often ", and the like, that the others also occur. To the author truth meant conformity with his theory ; facts, perverse enough to disagree, were glossed over to save their character. In 1853 appeared the first edition of Rowland's work, which was regarded for more than a generation as the standard grammar of Modern Welsh. It is for the most part a description of the written Welsh of the 19th century ; but the paradigms contain many of Pughe's spurious forms. The author had practically no knowledge of any Welsh older than that of the Bible translation ; he records recent usages, but is unable to throw any light on them, or to decide between genuine and counterfeit forms. The use which he makes of Dr. Davies often shows that he was in- capable of understanding him ; e.g. in professing to give Davies's table of diphthongs, after including iw wy among the falling diphthongs he imagines that he has done with those combinations, and omits them from the rising class, without perceiving that the very object of the classification is to dis- tinguish between falling iw wỳ and rising iw wy. But his book contains a quantity of sound, if ill-digested, information about Late Welsh ; and marks the return to common sense after the domination of Pughe. The foundations of modern Keltic philology were laid by I. C. Zeuss in his great Grammatica Celtica, which was published in 1853. The sections devoted to Welsh grammar contain a wonderfully complete and accurate analysis of the language of the Red Book Mabinogion (ed. Lady Charlotte Guest, 1849), the Black Book of Chirk (in a.l., 1841), and the Welsh passages in Liber Landavensis (ed. Rees ; 1840). PREFACE vii In 1908 appeared the first part of Pedersen's Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen ; two of the remaining three parts have since been issued. This important work is mainly- comparative as its title suggests, and deals with the derivation and development of the grammatical forms of all the Keltic languages. It records the latest results of Keltic philology, but is in some respects rather markedly individual. Strachan's Introduction to Early Welsh appeared posthumously in 1909. It contains a Medieval Welsh grammar, reader and glossary. The grammar was written by Strachan in a few weeks in 1907, and one cannot but wonder with his editor at "the amazing rapidity with which he toiled ". The work embodies forms from texts inaccessible to Zeuss, and is naturally the pro- duct of a more advanced knowledge. Its value is somewhat lessened by the fact that a large number of forms and phrases are quoted without references. Of the scope of the present work I have already spoken. It embraces roughly that of the grammars of Davies, Strachan, and Pedersen (so far as this relates to Welsh). The sections dealing with the derivation of Welsh sounds were planned and partly written before the appearance of Pedersen's work; but I had the advantage of consulting the latter in filling in the detail. I have however examined each rule for myself; many new examples are adduced, and the conclusion arrived at differs in some cases from Pedersen's. In §§ 75, 76 I have attempted a solution of the extraordinarily difficult problems presented by the development of original diphthongs in Welsh. I hope the result is in the main sound, though some of the details are tenta- tive. In § 63 I have endeavoured to compress into a few pages an account of the Aryan vowel system, a knowledge of which is essential to an understanding of the vocalism of the derived languages. The section follows the lines of Hirt's suggestive work Der idg. Ablaut ; the notation (R, F, etc.) is an adaptation viii PREFACE and elaboration of Hirt's. Apart from the Welsh examples the section contains nothing new except the notes on the place of a in the system (v {%)) and the treatment of long diphthongs (vii (5)). In the discussion of philological questions generally my obligation to Brugmann's great work is so obvious as hardly to need statement ; for the writing of prehistoric forms his scheme has been adopted, and is departed from in only one par- ticular : e r, e n etc, are used here, as by Hirt, instead of rr, nn etc. I have also learnt much from Meillet's brilliant Introchiction, and have borrowed from him the convenient use of the term " sonant ''' to denote the sounds which oscillate between vowels and con- sonants in Pr. Ar. In the search for the origin and cognates of Welsh vocables I have made extensive use of Walde's Wörterbuch, which contains, in a concise form and fully indexed, a vast collec- tion of the results of recent investigation in this field ; Boisacq's Dictionnaire I have also found most valuable. For the purposes of Keltic philology I have consulted with much profit Thurney- sen's admirable grammar of Old Irish. The sections treating of the derivation of sounds are fuller than they were originally intended to be ; and with the material thus provided I was led further to attempt to trace to their origin all inflexions and im- portant grammatical forms. But in order to save space I have generally given only the explanation which seemed to me in each case the most probable ; thus the fact that Pedersen's equation of W. ynteu with Ir. intl or his derivation of eih-aw from *e$io is not mentioned does not necessarily mean that it has not been considered, but that I regard it as less likely than the explanation offered in the text. I have to express my gratitude to Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans, who was kind enough to lend me for the purposes of this work his manuscript referred to as tr., his transcripts of numerous poems by G.Gr., G.GL, Gu.O., D.N., D.E., H.D.,I.F. and IL.,and to furnish me with proofs of w.m. before it was issued, and of k.p. PREFACE ix and b.t. which have not yet appeared ; and to Mr. J. H. Davies who generously lent me for several years his transcripts of about 200 of the poems of T.A., and verified readings for me in mss. at the National Library. For the latter service I am also indebted to Mr. T. Gwynn Jones at the National Library, and to Mr. J. Ifano Jones at the Free Library, Cardiff. I have to thank Mr. Shankland for the readiness with which he has assisted me in various ways at the Library of the University College of North Wales. The first proof of # every sheet was read by my colleague Professor Hudson-Williams ; proofs of the Accidence were read by my assistant Mr. Ifor Williams ; proofs of the Phonology and revises of the Accidence were read by Sir John Rhys. To each of them, and to the Reader at the Press, I am indebted for the correction of errors which had escaped me. Every reference to a printed book was verified by myself in the first proofs, and I hope few errors remain uncorrected ; references to mss. were compared with my notes and with entries in the Report on Welsh Manuscripts, but it was of course impossible, except in a few cases, to check the reading with the original. My thanks are due to Mr. Ifor Williams for much valuable criticism and many bints ; I owe to him the explanation of iw. Ml. yw, as a metathesis of wy p. 277, see p. xxvii below. I desire to acknowledge my deep obligation to my teacher Sir John Rhys, who has always been ready to help with criticism and advice. Lastly, I owe a debt of gratitude to the Fellows of Jesus College who elected me to a research fellowship for a period in order to enable me to devote my long vacations to the work. J. MORRIS JONES. May 31^, 1913. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION : page Origin and General History ...... i PHONOLOGY: Orthography and Pronunciation : The Alphabet . . . . . . , 9 The Vowels 11 The Consonants . .18 Note. — Transcription . . . . . . .29 Sounds in Combination : Syllabic Division . . .... . . 30 Diphthongs. Falling Diphthongs . . . 31 Rising Diphthongs . . . . . . ' . 37 Ambiguous Groups 41 Accentuation . . . . . 47 Quantity . 65 The Aryan Vowels in Keltic . . . .. «74 Aryan Vowel Gradation .78 Keltic Vowels in British and "Welsh . . . .85 The Short Vowels ........ 85 Affection of Short Vowels . . . . .89 The Long Vowels . . . . . . »93 The Diphthongs . . 97 Later Modifications of Vowels . . . . .110 Vowel Variation in Modern Welsh . . . .116 Vowel Mutation . .116 Vowel Affection . . . . . . . .120 The Aryan Consonants in Keltic and British . .122 The Explosives . . . . . . . .124 The Spirants . »133 The Sonants 147 Interchange of Consonants : Consonant Alternation . . . . . 155 Assimilation, Dissimilation, and Metathesis . . . 159 xii CONTENTS British and Latin Consonants in Welsh : page The Soft Mutation 161 The Nasal Mutation 167 The Spirant Mutation . . . . . . .175 Initial Mutation . . . . . . . .176 Later Consonant Changes : Loss of Voiced Spirants and Sonants . . . . 177 Provection . , . . . . . . .181 Loss of Syllables . 188 ACCIDENCE : The Article ... . . . . .192 Nouns . . 194 Number . . 195 Parisyllabic Nouns . . .. . . . .195 Imparisyllabic Nouns . . . . . .198 «^-sterns . ... . . . .198 ^-sterns . . . ... . . . 200 i-steras . . . . . . . . 202 i-stems .. . . . . . . 206 r-stems . . . 209 Vowel Changes . . . ... . .210 Plural of Nouns with Singular Endings . . .213 Plural formed from Derivatives . . . . .214 Double Plurals . . < . . . -215 Plural Doublets . .216 Singular Doublets . 217 Desynonymized Doublets 218 Anomalous Plurals . . . . . . .219 Nouns with no Plural .220 Nouns with no Singular . . . . . .221 Gender . . . . . . . . . .222 Derivative Nouns . . .... .229 Adjectives : Number. 234 Gender 238 Comparison 241 Derivative Adjectives . . . . . . .255 Numerals 258 Compound Nouns and Adjectives . . . . .260 CONTENTS xiii Pronouns : page Personal Pronouns 270 Possessive Adjectives .282 The Relative Pronoun 284 Interrogative Pronouns, Adjectives and Adverbs . .289 Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives . . . «294 Pronominalia . . . . . . . . .299 Verbs 315 The Regular Verb . . . . . . . • ' 3 J 7 Notes and Additional Forms . . . . . «319 Origins of the Welsh Verb : The Aryan Verb . . . . . . 330 The Welsh Verb 331 Contracted Forms ........ 340 Irregular Verbs : The Verb 'To Be' .346 Compounds of the Verb ' To Be ' 351 Af, Gwnaf, Deuaf 359 Verbs with Old Perfects . . . . . . 369 Verbs with i-Aorists . . . . . . .372 Defective Verbs . . " . . ' ... . . «373 Verbal Stems 380 Verbal Nouns . . . . . . . . 385 Verbal Adjectives . . . . . . . , 396 Compound Verbs . . . . . . . . 397 Prepositions . ... . . . . . 397 Adverbs . ... . . . . . 422 Conjunctions 440 Interjections 450 INDEX . . 453 ABBREVIATIONS I. SIGNS V 'root*. < 'from, comes from \1 The angle points in the direction of the > ' giving, gives \ j change. : ' (is) cognate with ', used to connect forms having a common element, but usually varying in formation or vowel -grade. The common use of the sign as roughly equivalent to £ viz/ does not clash with the above, and has been retained. = is used for three purposes; (i) between forms which according to the laws of their respective languages imply the same ground-form ; it replaces the usual colon only where it is desired to point out identity of formation as well as of root, etc.; — (2) between references to, or various readings of, the same passage in two different mss. ; — (3) between two designations of the same MS., book or person ; or two characters of the same value, etc. = ' (is) pronounced ' ; it generally introduces a phonetic transcrip- tion, see Note p. 29 ; but in some cases the phonetic spelling occurs in contemporary texts, and a reference is given. I denotes syllabic division, see p. 3-1 ; division of feet on p. 18. / (1) between words quoted denotes that they rhyme, or correspond in cynghanedd, i.e. have the same consonantism or accentuation or both; — (2) between letters denotes that they alternate, see e.g. § 101 iii ; — (3) in references, see VI 1. * prefixed to a form denotes that it is not attested, but only inferred from a comparison of cognates, or from the known action of sound- laws. It also marks hypothetical forms (and meanings) generally. A dot under a vowel denotes that it is sounded close. A comma under a vowel denotes that it is sounded open. t under a vowel denotes that it is nasalized ; thus Fr. bon = bq. Marks and symbols explained in the body of the work: accent marks § 39 ; i, u § 100 ; w § 17 xi II ; wỳ § 38 i ; I, m, n, r § 57 ; e n, etc. § 61 i (2"), § 62 i ( 2 ),'§ 63; 9 § 57; h, §, q, g, q», g* § 84; », h §17vi; £§19iv; ỳ § 16 ü (3), § 25 iii; ^§16v( 2 ); y, y § 16 i ; f § 22 iv; 5 § 17 iv; 8 § 19 iii; x> * § 17 iii; 6 § 14 ii (2); F, F°, L, L°, V, B, R 2 , Bj etc. § 63. Meanings are given in single inverted commas ; double inverted commas are used to quote the words of the original when the words explained are taken from a translation ; also as ordinary quotation marks. ABBREVIATIONS xv II. TERMS abl. ' ablative ' ace. ' accusative ' adj. 'adjective* adv. 'adverb* aff. 'affixed* (in Index ' affirmative ') anal. ' analog-y, -ical ' aor. ' aorist ' auto, 'autograph* cf. ' compare * conj. ' conjunctive * or ' conjugation * cpv. 'comparative* dat. ' dative ' def. ' definite * denom. ' denomina- tive* do. ' same book (or author) * e. g. ' for example * eqtv. ' equative * f., fern. ' feminine * gen. ' genitive * gl. ' gloss on ' ib. ' same book and page * id. ' same meaning ' i.e.' that is * impers., imps. * im- personal * impf. ' imperfect ' impv. 'imperative* ind. 'indicative* indef. * indefinite * inf. ' infixed ' inj. ■ injunctive * instr. ' instrumental * interr. ' interroga- tive * intj. 'interjection' I.e. ' in place cited ' lit. 'liter-ary, -ally* loc. ' locative * m., mas., 'masculine* nom. ' nominative * obj. ' object(ive) * obi. ' oblique ' orig. ' original(ly) ' perf. ' perfect * pers. 'person(al)* pi. ' plural * plup. ' pluperfect * pos. 'positive* pref. 'prefix(ed)* prep. ' preposition * pres. ' present ' prob. ' probably * pron. ' pronoun * or ' pronounced * ac- cording to context, prov. 'proverb* q.v. ' which see ' redupl. ' redupli- cated ' rh. 'rhyming' sc. * scribal * sg. ' singular ' spv. ' superlative * subj. ' subjunctive ', rarely ' subject ' suff. 'suffix* s.v. ' under the word ' unacc. ' unaccented ' v.a., v.adj. * verbal adj.* vb. ' verb' v.n. ' verbal noun ' ' voc. ' vocative * III. LANGUAGES Abbreviations denoting languages are obvious contractions of the names of languages given on p. i. Mn. 'Modern*. Ml. 'Medieval* or 'Middle*. O. 'Old'. Pr. * Primitive '. Note that Ir. means ' Old Irish ' as in Thurneysen Gr., Vendryes Gr., and Windisch, Irische Texte. Ml. and Mn. Ir. are so named. O.E. ' Old English '= Anglo-Saxon. O.H.G. ' Old High German '. Gathav. ' Gathic Avestic ', Oldest Avestic. Hes(ych). designates forms and meanings from the Lexicon of Hesychius. xvi ABBREVIATIONS IV. AUTHORITIES PEEIODICALS AND WORKS ON GRAMMAR AND PHILOLOGY Ab Ithel, see Dosp. Ed. Anwyl, or. : A Welsh Grammar for Schools ... By E. Anwyl, MA. Oxon. London 1898-9. Arch. Camb. : Archceologia Cambrensis. Boisacq : Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque . . . Par Émile Boisacq. a — òpx~» Heidelberg and Paris 1907-13. Brugmann : Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogerma- nischen Sprachen 2 . . . Strassburg, I 1897, II i 1906, II ii 191 1. [The Eng. trans, of the 1st edn., vol. iv, 1 895 = * II iii revised, has also been used.] Camden 4 : Britannia . . . Londini 1594. CIL. : Corpus Inseriptionum Latinarum. Berolini 1862 ff. Coel. y B. : Traethawd ar Hynafiaeth ac Awdurdodaeth Coelbren y Beirdd . . . Gann Taliesin Williams (Ab Iolo). Llanymddyfri 1840. Cymmrodor : Y Cymmrodor, the Magazine of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. D. : Antiqvce Lingvo? Britannicw, nunc communiter diet 03 Cambro- JBritannicae . . . Rvdimenta . . . Londini 1621, by Dr. John Davies of Mallwyd, author of D.D. below ; see above, p. v. D.D. : Antiquce Linguae Britannicce, Nunc vulgd dictae Cambro-Britan- nicce . . . et Lingvae Latince Dictionarium Duplex . . . Londini, Impensis Joan. Davies SS. Th. D. An. Dom. 1632. Dosp. Ed.: Dosparth Edeyrn Davod Aur ; or the Ancient Welsh Grammar ... to which is added Y Pum Llyfr Kerddwriaeth . . . With Eng. trans, and Notes, by the Rev. John Williams Ab Ithel MA. Llandovery 1856. Fick 4 ii : Urkeltischer Sprachschatz von Whitley Stokes. Ubersetzt . . . von Adalbert Bezzenberger. Göttingen 1894, being the 2nd vol. of the 4th ed.of Vergleichendes Wbrterbuch der indogermani\ schen Sprachen von August Fick. G. Mechain: Gwaith y Parch. Walter Davies A.C. {Gwallter Mechain). Dan ol. y Parch. D. Silvan Evans B.D. 3 vols. Caerfyrddin 1868. G.R. : Dosparth Byrr ar y rhann gyntaf i ramadeg cymraeg . . . [Milan] 1567. Reprinted as a'suppl. to RC. 1870-83 under the title A Welsh Grammar and other Tracts by Griffith Roberts. Henry (or Henry Lex.) : Lexique etymologique des termes les plus usuels du breton moderne. Par Victor Henry. Rennes 1900. Hirt Abl. : Der indogermanische Ablaut . . . von Herman Hirt. Strassburg 1900. Holder : Altceltischer Sprachschatz, Leipzig 1891 ff. ABBREVIATIONS xvii I A. : Anzeiger fur indogerrnanische Sprach- und Altertumskunde. Supplement to IF. IF. : Indogerrnanische Forschungen. Zeitschrift fur indogerrnanische Sprach- und Altertumskunde, herausgeg. von K. Brugmann und W. Streitberg. Strassburg. J.D.R. : Cambrobry tannic w Cymraecwve Lingvae Institvtiones et Rvdimenta . . . conscripta h Joanne Dauide Rhseso Monensi Lan- uaethlseo Cambrobrytanno. Londini 1592. J.J. : Transcripts and original notes on orthography etc. in the hand of John Jones of Gelli Lyfdy, fl. 1 590-1630. KZ. : Kuhn's Zeitschrift = Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sjwachfor- schung aufdem Gebiete der indogermanischen Sprachen. Legonidec : Grammaire celto-bretonne . . . Par J. F. M. M. A. Legoni- dec. Paris 1807 Lhuyd: Archoeologia Britannica . . . By Edward Lhuyd. . . Oxford 1707. Lindsay: The Latin Language: An Historical Account of Latin Sounds, Stems, and Flexions. By "W. M. Lindsay. Oxford 1894. Lindsay EWS. : Early Welsh Script. By W. M. Lindsay. Oxford 1912. Llyfryddiaeth : Llyfryddiaeth y Cymry . . . Gan y diweddar Barch. William Rowlands (Gwilym Lleyn). Ed. by D. Silvan Evans. Llanidloes 1869. Loth Voc. : Vocabulaire vieux-breton . . . Par J. Loth. Paris 1884. Macbain : An Etymological Dictionary of the Gaelic Language, By Alexander Macbain. 2 Stirling 191 1. Meillet Dial. : Les dialectes indo-europeens. Par A. Meillet. Paris 1908. Meillet Intr. : Introduction à l'étude comparative des langues indo- europeennes. 2 Paris 1908. Mendus Jones Gr. : Gramadeg Cymreig Ymarferol . . . Gan J. Mendus Jones ^Llanidloes 1847), 2 Caernarfon n.d. Mona Ant. : Mona Antigua Restaurata . . . By Henry Rowlands. 1 Dublin 1723. MSL. : Memoires de la Société de Linguistique de Paris. Paris. O'Donovan (or O'Don. Gr.) : A Grammar of the Irish Language . . . By John O'Donovan. Dublin 1845. Paul-Strong: Principles of the History of Language. By Hermann Paul. Trans, by H. A. Strong. London 1891. Pedersen Gr. : Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen, von Holger Pedersen. i Göttingen 1909; ii, 1. Teil ib. 191 1. Sir J. Price : see y.l.h. under VI 11. R. I. Prys : Orgraph yr Iaith Gymraeg. Gan R. I. Prys a Thomas Stephens. Dinbych 1859. Pughe : A Dictionary of the Welsh Language . . . To which is pre- fixed a Welsh Grammar. By W. Owen Pughe. 2 Denbigh 1832. RC. : Revue Celtique . . . Paris. xviii ABBREVIATIONS Rhys CB. : Celtic Britain. By J. Rhys. London 2 i884. Rhys CC. : Notes on The Coligny Calendar. By Sir John Rhys. From the Proceedings of the British Academy iv. Rhys CF. : Celtic Folklore Welsh and Manx. By John Rhŷs . . . Oxford 1 90 1. Rhys CG. : Cettae and Galli. By John Rhŷs. From the Proc. of the British Acad. ii. Rhys CIFI. : The Celtic Inscriptions of France and Italy. By John Rhŷs. From the Proc. of the Brit. Acad. ii. Rhys CIGr. : The Celtic Inscriptions of Gaul. By Sir John Rhys. From the Proc. of the Brit. Acad. v. Rhys LWPh. : Lectures on Welsh Philology. By John Rhys. 2 London 1879. Rhys no. : Number of inscription in LWPh 2 . Richards : Antique Linguae Britannico3 Thesaurus, being a British, or Welsh-English Dictionary ... By . . Thomas Richards. 3 Dol- gelley 18 15. Rowland : A Grammar of the Welsh Language ... By Thomas Row- land. * Wrexham [1876]. Salesbury : A Dictionary in Englyshe and Welshe ... by Wyllyam Salesbury. London 1547. Cymmrodorion Soc. Reprint. See also under V. Seebohm : see under VI in. Silvan Evans : A Dictionary of the Welsh Language. By the Rev. D. Silvan Evans, a — en-. Carmarthen 1 888-1 906. Silvan Evans, Llythyraeth : Llythyraeth yr Iaith Gymraeg. Gan D. Silvan Evans. Caerfyrddin 1861. Sommer : Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre . . . Von Dr. Ferdinand Sommer. Heidelberg 1902. S.R. : Siôn Bhjdderch.= Grammadeg Cymraeg . . . O Gasgliad, My- fyriad acArgraphiad John Rhydderch . . . Mwythig (Shrewsbury) 1728. T. Stephens : see R. I. Prys. Stokes, Fick : see Fick. Strachan Intr. : An Introduction to Early Welsh. By the Late John Strachan . . Manchester 1909. S.V. : Pump JLyfr KerZwriaeth [Welsh Grammar and Prosody by Simwnt Vychan, see V] ; see p.il. under VI n. T. Charles : Geiriadur Ysgrythyrol . . . 3 Bala 1836. Tegai : Gramadeg Cymraeg . . . Gan Hugh Hughes (Tegai). 3 Caer- narfon [1859]. Tegid : A Defence of the Reformed System of Welsh Orthography . . . By the Rev. John Jones M.A. [Tegid]. Oxford 1829; and another tract ; confuted by W. B. Knight, to whom the chief credit is due for saving the Welsh Bible from the vandalism of Pughe's followers. Thurneysen Gr. : Handbuch des Altirischen . . . Von Rudolf Thur- neysen. i. Teil: Grammatik. Heidelberg 1909. ABBREVIATIONS xix Thurneysen KR. : Keltoromanisches. Von Rudolf Thurneysen. Halle 1884. T.J. : The British Language in its Lustre, or a Copious Dictionary oj Welsh and English . . . Compiled by the great Pains and Industry of Tho. Jones. London 1688. TPS. : Transactions of the Philological Society. London. Tr. Cym. : The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmro- dorion. London. Troude : Nouveau dictionnaire pratique breton-francais . w . Par A.-E. Troude. Brest 1876. Troude, Die. Fr.-Bret. : Nouveau dictionnaire pratique francais § breton . . . Par A. Troude. 3 Brest 1886. Vendryes Gr. : Grammaire du vieil-irlandais . . . Par J. Vendryes . . . Paris 1908. Walde : Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, von Dr. Alois "Walde . . . Heidelberg * 1906, 2 19 10. Whitney : A Sanskrit Grammar ... By William Dwight Whitney. 3 Leipzig 1896. Williams Lex : Lexicon Gornu-Britannicum . . By the Rev. Robert Williams M.A. . . Llandovery 1865. ZE. : Grammatica Celtica . . . Construxit I. C. Zeuss . . . Editio Altera curavit H. Ebel . . . Berolini 1871. ZfCP. : Zeitschrift fiir celtische Philologie, hg. v. Kuno Meyer und L. Chr. Stern. Halle a. S. Other references seem to require no explanation. The most im- portant of the works used, but not referred to, are the following : A New English Dictionary. — Skeat, An Etymological Dictionary of the English Language 4 19 10. — Kluge, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache 7 i9io. — Prellwitz, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der griechischen Sprache 2 1905. — Macdonell, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary 1893. — Wiedemann, Handbuch der litauischen Sprache 2 1897. — Wright, A Primer of the Gothic Language 2 i899. — Windisch, Lrische Texte mit Wörterbuch 1880. — Loth, Les mots latins dans les langues brittoniques 1892. — Rhys, The Outlines of the Phonology of Manx Gaelic 1894. V. AUTHORS (m. before an author's initials in brackets denotes that the quotation is from a marwnad in his memory.) A.R. : Absalom Roberts (Conway Vale), d. 1862 (?), see il.m. B.A. : Bedo Aeddren (Llangwm, il 15/44 b.), c. 1500. B.Br.: Bedo Brwynllys (Brec), c. 1460. B.D. : Bleddyn Du [BleSyn Tu § 111 vii (2)], c. 1350. B.F. : y Brawd Fadawg ap Gwallter, c. 1250. B.Ph.B. : Bedo Phylip Bach, c. 1480. b2 xx ABBREVIATIONS B.V. : Bleddyn Vardd, fl. 1250-90. C. : Cynddelw (Powys), fl. 1 150-1200. Ca. : Casnodyn, c. 1320. Ceiriog : John Ceiriog Hughes, 1832-87. D.B. : Dafydd Benfras, fl. 1200-50. D.E. : Dafydd ab Edmwnd (Flintsh.), fl. 1450-80. D.G. : Dafydd ap Gwilym (N. Card.), fl. 1350-80; ref. to Bardd- oniaeth Dafydd ab Gwilym . . . Llundain, 1789. D.I.D. : Deio ab Ieuan Du (Card.), c. 1480. D.IL. : Dafydd Llwyd ap Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, c. 1480. D.N. : Dafydd Nanmor (Beddgelert), c. 1460. Dr. M. : William Morgan (CVonshire), 1541-1604; Bp. of St. Asaph, translator of the Bible, 1588. Dr. P. : Richard Parry (Ruthin), 1 560-1 623 ; Bp. of St. Asaph, editor of the revised Bible, 1620. Internal and other evidence points to the version being largely if not mainly by Dr. John Davies. D.W. : Dewi Wyn o Eifion = Dafydd Owen (Llanystumdwy), 1784- 1841 ; ref. to Blodau Arfon . . . Caerlleon (Chester), 1842. D. y C. : Dafydd y Coed, c. 1330. E.F. : Eben Fardd = Ebenezer Thomas (S. C'von), 1802-63 ; ref. to Gweithiau Barddonol Eben Fardd, [Bangor, n.d.] E.M. : Edward Morris (Cerrig y Drudion), d. 1689 ; ref. to Edward Morris . . . ei Achau . . etc. Liverpool 1902. E.P. : Edmwnd Prys, Archdeacon of Merioneth, 1541-1623; ref. to Edmwnd Prys . . . Gan. T. R. Roberts (Asaph). Caernarfon 1899. ps. refers to his metrical version of the Psalms. E.S. : Elidir Sais, fl. 11 60-1 2 20. E.U. : Edward ab Urien, c. 16 10. G. : Gwalchmai (Anglesey), fl. 1 1 50-90. G.B. : Gwynfardd Brycheinog (Brec), c. 1170. G.C. : Gruffudd ap Cynfrig Goch, p. 119, error in p 64/122 e. for Rhys ap Cynfrig Goch p 97/244 ("nai . . i I.G." Ì) ; p 100/408 ; il 133/129 b.(? = R.G.G.). G.D.A.: Gwilym Ddu o Arfon, c. 1300. G Gl. : Guto'r Glyn (Denb.), fl. 1450-80. G.Gr. : Gruffudd Gryg (Anglesey), c. 1370. G.Gw. : Gruffudd ap Gwrgeneu, c. 1200. G.H. : Gruffudd Hiraethog (N. Denb.), fl. 1520-60. G.I.H. : Gwilym ab Ieuan Hen, c. 1460. G.I.IL.F. : Gruffudd ab Ieuan ap Llywelyn Fychan (Denb.), fl. 1500- 25; selected poems ed. by J. C. Morrice, Bangor Welsh MSS. Soc. 1 9 10. G.J. : Griffith Jones, Rector of Llanddowror, 1684-176 1. G.M.D. : Gruffudd ap Maredudd ap Dafydd, c. 1320-50. Gr.O. : Goronwy Owen (Anglesey), 1723-69; ref. to Gwaith y Parch. Goronwy Owen . . . Llanrwst, i860. (In R. Jones's edn., 1876, the text is tampered with.) G.S. : Guto ap Siancyn y Glyn = G.Gl. ABBREVIATIONS xxi G.T. : Gwilym Tew (Glam.), c. 1450. Gu.O., Gut.O. : Gutun Owain (Denb.), fl. 1450-90. G.V. : Gruffudd Vychan, c. 1320. G.Y.C. : Gruffudd ab yr Ynad Coch, c. 1280. H.A. : Huw Arwystl c. 1550. H.C.1L. : Huw (or Hywel) Cae Llwyd, c. 1480 [il r. p. 428 footn. for 1525 read 1475]. H.D. : Huw Dan, or Hywel ap Dafydd ab Ieuan ap Rhys (Brec), c. 1480. H.K.: Hywel Kilan (1 = 1-1) (Llŷn î), c. 1480. H.M. : Hugh Maurice (Denb.), 1 622-1 709; ref. to Eos Ceiriog .. . 2 vols. "Wrexham, 1823. H.O.G. : Hywel ab Owain Gwynedd, Prince of the House of Gwynedd, d. 11 70. H.R. : Hywel Rheinallt, c. 1480. H.S. : Hywel Swrdwal (Montgomerysh.), c. 1450; ref. to Gwaith Barddonol Hywel Swrdwàl ai Fab Ieuan, ed. by J. C. Morrice, Bangor Welsh MSS. Soc, 1908. I.B.H. : Ieuan Brydydd Hir (Merioneth), c. 1450. I.C. : Iorwerth ab yCyriawg, c. 1360. I.D.: Ieuan Deulwyn (Carm.), fl. 1460-80; ref. to Gwaith Ieuan Deulwyn, ed. by Ifor Williams, Bangor "Welsh MSS. Soc. 1909. I.F. : Iorwerth Fynglwyd (Glam.), c. 1490. I.G. : Iolo Goch (Denb.), fl. 13 70-1 405; ref. to Gweithiau Iolo Goch . . . Gan Charles Ashton, Cymmrodorion Soc, 1896. I.H.S. : Ieuan ap Hywel Swrdwal, c. 1470; ref. as for H.S., q.v. I.ILaf. : Ieuan Llavar, c. 1590. Io.G.=I.G. I.R. : Ieuan ap Rhydderch ab Ieuan Llwyd, c. 1420. I.T. : Ieuan Tew o Gydweli, c 1460 (often confused with the later, and lesser, Ieuan Tew who graduated at the Caerwys Eisteddfod of 1568). L.G.C.: Lewis Glyn Cotha, fl. 1440^80; ref. to Gwaith Lewis Glyn Cothi . . . Oxford 1837. L.M. : Lewis Morris (Llywelyn Ddu Eon), 1701-65. L.Môn: Lewis Môn, c. 1500. L.Mor. : Lewis Morgannwg, c. 1520. Bj. : Llawdden (Llandeilo, i.mss. 320), c. 146®. 3L.G. : Llywelyn Goch Amheurig Hen, c. 1380. M. : Meilyr (Anglesey), c. 1137. M.B. : Madog Benfras, c. 1380. M.D.: Madog Dwygraig, c. 1370. M.K. : Maurice Kyfhn; ref. to Deffynniad Ffydd Eglwys Loegr 1595, reprint ed. by Wm. Prichard Williams, Bangor 1908. M.IL. : Morgan Llwyd o Wynedd, 16 19-16 59; ref. to Gweithiau Morgan Llwyd o Wynedd, i ed. by Thomas E. Ellis, Bangor 1899 ; ii ed. by John H. Davies, Bangor 1908* M.R. : Maredudd ap Rhys, c. 1440. xxii ABBREVIATIONS O.G-. : Owain Gwynedd, c. 1580. P.M. : Llywarch ap Llywelyn, Prydydd y Moch (Wigwer, St. Asaph ; "wele [gwely] Pridith Mogh" at " Wyckewere", Seebohm 31), c. 1 160-1220. R.C. : Rhys Cain, c. 1580. R.D. : Richard Davies (Conway), Bp. of St. Davids, 1501-81 ; trans- lator of some epistles in Wm.S.'s N.T. 1567. R.G.D. : Robert ap Gwilym Ddu = Robert Williams, Betws Fawr, Llanystumdwy, 1 767-1 850; ref. to Gardd Eifion . . . Dolgellau 1841. R.G.E. : Rhys Goch Eryri (C'vonsh.), c. 1430. R.G.G. : Rhys Goch Glyndyfrdwy, c. 1420 (?), see G.C. R.IL. : Rhys Llwyd ap Rhys ap Rhicart, c. 1460. R.M. : Richard Morris (Anglesey, brother of L.M.), 1703-79; editor of Bible, 1746, 1752. R.V. : Rowland Vaughan, Caer Gai, Llanuwchllyn, d. 1667. Salesbury, see Wm.S. S.B. : Siôn Brwynog (0 Frwynog ym Môn), d. 1562. S.C. : Siôn Cent (Kentchurch), c. 1420. S.M. : Siôn Mawddwy (native of Glam.), c. 1580. S.Ph. : Siôn Phylip (Ardudwy, Mer.), 1 543-1 620. S.T. : Siôn Tudur (Wigwer, St. Asaph), d. 1602. S.V. : Simwnt Vychan (Ruthin), born c. 1530, d. 1606; author of P.IL. T. : Talhaiarn = John Jones, Llanfair Talhaearn, 1810-69 ; ref. to Gwaith Talhaiarn, i London 1855, ii London 1862, (iii Llanrwst 1869). T.A. : Tudur Aled (N. Denb.), fl. 1480-1520. W.IL. : Wiliam Llŷn (ì Llŷn ; res. Oswestry), 1535-80; ref. to Barddoniaeth Wiliam Llŷn . . . Gan y Parch. J. C. Morrice M.A. Bangor 1908. W.M. : William Morris (brother of L.M.), 1705-63. Wm.S. : Wyllyam Salesbury (Llanrwst) ; translator of the bulk of N.T. 1567 ; joint tr. and ed. of Pb. 1567, 1586; etc. ¥ms. : William Williams, Pant y Celyn (Carm.) ; hymn-writer, 1 71 7-9 1 ; ref. to Gwaith Prydyddawl . . . William Williams . . . sefyr Holl Hymnau . . . Caerfyrddin, 181 1, definitive edn. by his son. ABBREVIATIONS xxiii VI. SOURCES T. COLLECTIONS OF MANUSCRIPTS The name of the collection is denoted by a sm. cap. initial without a stop ; the number of the MS. follows, and generally the number of the page or folio, separated by an oblique stroke; thus p 99/469 means Peniarth ms. 99, page (or folio) 469. The mss., except those of the Brit. Mus., are numbered as in the Historical Manuscripts Commission's Report on Manuscripts in the Welsh Language, r. after a reference indicates that the words quoted appear in the Report. As many of the quotations are taken from transcripts in some of which only the p. or fol. of the opening lines of a poem was given, the refer- ence may be to the piece beginning on the p. or fol. named. A = British Museum Additional Manuscripts. c = Cardiff Free Library Manuscripts. j = Manuscripts in the Jesus College Library, Oxford. il = Llanstephan Manuscripts, now in the National Library of Wales. m = Mostyn Manuscripts, at Mostyn Hall. p = Peniarth Manuscripts, now in the National Library of Wales. Stowe = British Museum Stowe Manuscripts. II. MANUSCRIPTS AND TEXTS 0. W. materials are distinguished thus t« References are not usually given to the pages of ox., ox. 2, juv. and m.c, as Loth Voc. forms an index to these mss. The reference is to pages except where otherwise stated below. fA.c. : Annates Carnbrice in Y Cymmrodor ix 152—169; reference to years. [Early 12th cent, literal transcript of late 10th cent. orig. by scribe ignorant of Welsh, see Phillimore's preface.] a.g. : Athravaeth Gristnogavl [Milan 1568]. By Morys Clynoc ; ed. by G.R. Cymmrodorion Soc. Reprint 1880. a.l. : Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales ... 2 vols. 1841. b.a. : The Book of Aneirin = c 1, circa 1250. Facsimile and Text by J. Gwenogviyn Evans. Pwllheli 1908. [Parts are transcribed literally from older copies not understood by the scribe.] bar. : Barddas . . . With trans, and notes by J. Williams ab Ithel. i Llandovery 1862 ; (ii London 1874). [Late Gwentian.] xxiv ABBREVIATIONS b.b. : The Black Booh of Carmarthen = pi, end of 12th cent. Ed. by J. Gwenogvryn Evans. Pwllheli 1906. b.ch. : The Black Book of Chirk = p 29 = a.l. ms. a., circa T200. Quotations taken from the orig. ms. (Quotations from a.l. are referred to the latter.) b.cw. : Gweledigaetheu y Bardd Owsc. [By Ellis Wynne]. Llun- dain 1703. Reprint ed. by J. Morris Jones, Bangor 1898. bb. : Y Brython. i Weekly ; ii-iv Monthly ; v Quarterly. Tre- madoc 1858-63. [Contains old cywyddau etc.] +b.s.ch : The Book of St. Chad. 9th cent, entries in W., see Lindsay EWS. 1-6 ; transcribed (with facsimiles) in l.l. pp. xliii-xlviii ; ref. to nos. of entries ib. b.t. : The Book of Taliessin ^P2, circa 1275; ref. to the edn. about to be published by Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans. c. i and c. ii : Ceinion Llenyddiaeth Gymreig . . . Dan olygiad y Parch. Owen Jones. 2 vols. London 1876. c.b.y.p. : Cyfrinach Beirdd Ynys Prydain . . . Dan olygiad . . . Iolo Morgan wg. Abertawy (Swansea) 1829. c.c. : The Cefn Coch MSS. ... Ed. by the Rev. J. Fisher. Liver- pool 1899. [Late 1 6th and 17th cent.; mostly poetry.] C.G. Cant Ganeuon. Gan John Ceiriog Hughes. Wrexham [ 1 863]. C.IL. : Cynfeirdd Lleyn : zf 00-1800 . . . Cynnulledig. . . gan J. Jones (Myrddin Fardd). Pwllheli 1905. cm. : Ystorya de Carolo Magno. From the Red Book of Hergest. Ed. by Thomas Powell. Cymmrod. Soc. 1883. +cp. : Fragment of an Old Welsh Computus. 23 lines [10th cent.]. Fac, transcr. and transl. by E. C. Quiggin. ZfCP. viii 407-10. Ref. to lines. cy. : Reproductions in Y Cymmrodor. D. : Quoted in D., see under IV. d.g. : By G.Gr. etc., printed in D.G. ; see under V. d.p.o. : Dryeh y Prif Oesoedd . . . Gan Theophilus Evans . . . 2 Mwythig (Shrewsbury) [1740]. Reprint ed. by Samuel J. Evans . . . Bangor 1902. d.t. : Diddanwch Teuluaidd : neu Waith Beirdd Mon ... 2 Caer- narfon 1 81 7. E. : Egluryn Phraethineb . . . Gan Mr. William Salesbury, a . . . Mr. Henri Perri . . . Lhundain 1595 ; 8 Llanrwst 1829. Ref. to chapters. e.g. : Eos Gwynedd . . . Gan . . John Thomas, Pentre'r Foelas. Dan olygiaeth G. Caledfryn. Llanrwst[i845]. e.p. : Quoted in E.P. ; see under V. F. : Flores Poetarum Britannicorum ... gasgliad J[ohn] D[avies] SS. Th. D. . . . Mwythig (Shrewsbury) 17 10. f.n. : Y Flodeugerdd Newydd. Casgliad o gywyddau . . . Wedi eu golygu gan W. J. Gruffydd. Cardiff 1909. [Early Mn. verse.] G. : Gorchestion Beirdd Cymru . . . O Gasgliad Rhys Jones . . . Amwythig (Shrewsbury) 1773. [Early Mn. verse.] ABBREVIATIONS xxv G.c. : The History of Gruffydd ap Cynan. The Welsh Text with trans., intr., and notes. By Arthur Jones. Manchester 1910. [Pp. 102-142 = p 17/1-16, mid-i3th cent.] tGEN. Old-Welsh Genealogies in Y Cymmrodor ix 169-83; ref. to nos. of genealogies. [From the same ms. as A.c, q.v.] g.e. Quoted in G.R., see under IV. gee. (or Greal) : Y Great ; sev Cynnulliad o Orchestion ein Hynaviaid . . . Llundain 1805-7. h.g. : Hen Gwndidau, Carolau, a Chywyddau...[^d.^ by Hopcyn . . . and Cadrawd . . . Bangor 19 10. [Gwentian i6th-i7th cent.] Hyff. Gynn(wys) : Hyfforddiad Gynnwys I Wybodaeth jachusol o Egẁyddorjon a Dyledswyddau Crefydd ... Gan Weinidog o Eglwys Loegr [Griffith Jones]. Llundain 1749. h.m. ii : Selections from the Hengwrt MSS. . . in the Peniarth Library, Vol. ii. Ed. . . by . . Robert Williams . . . transl. contd. by . . G. Hartwell Jones . . London 1892. [Vol. i is referred to as s.G.] i.mss. : Iolo Manuscripts . . . Coll. . . by . . Edward Williams, Iolo Morganwg . . . Llandovery 1848. [Contains cywyddau etc. besides late Gwentian memoranda], f juv. : Glosses in the Juvencus MS., Cambridge Univ. Libr. Pub- lished by Stokes in Kuhn's Beiträge iv 385-421. [9th to nth cent., Lindsay EWS. 16.] •f juv. sk. : The verses in the Juvencus MS., printed in Skene's Four Ancient Books of Wales ii 1-2. l.g.c. : Appearing in L.G.C., see under V. tii.L. : Liber Landavensis, c. 1 1 50. The Text of the Book ofLlan Dav . . . by J.GwenogvrynEvans . . . [and] John Rhys . . Oxford 1893. [Contains documents with O.W. forms literally transcribed]. IL.A. : Llyfr yr Ancr, dated 1346. The Elucidarium and Other Tracts in Welsh . . . Ed. by J. Morris Jones . . . and John Rhŷs . . . Oxford 1894. il.b.m. : Llyfr Bychan Mawddwy, a 16th cent. ms. in the National Libr. of Wales. il.h. : Y Llyfr Hir in the National Libr. of Wales, [ms. collection by W. Jones (Bleddyn), of Early Mn. cywyddau.] il.m. : Lloches Mwyneidd-dra . . . Gan Absalom Roberts. Llanrwst 1845. [Contains coll. of old penillion telyn.] M.A. : The Myvyrian Archaiology of Wales ... 3 vols. London 1801-7. [Corpus of Ml. poetry and prose. 2 Denbigh 1870.] t m.c. : Glosses on Martianus Capella in the Libr. of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, ed. by Stokes in Arch. Camb. 1873 PP« 1-2 1. [Mostly 9th cent., Lindsay EWS. 22.] m.e. : Mil o Englynion = Pigion Englynion fy Ngwlad . . . Gan Eifionydd. i 2 and ii, Liverpool 1882. m.l. : Morris Letters. The Letters of Lewis, Richard, William and John Morris, of Anglesey . . . Ij28—iy6y. Transcr. . . and ed. by John H. Davies ... 2 vols. Oxford 1906-9. xxvi ABBREVIATIONS m.m. : Meddygon Myddfai. The Physicians of Myddvai. . . Transi. by John Pughe . . F.R.C.S. . . and ed. by . . John Williams Ab Ithel. Llandovery 1861. [Pp. 1-34 are from r.b. 928 ff.] N.T. : New Testament. o.b. : Oriau'r Bore. Gan John Ceiriog Hughes. 2 Wrexham n.d. o.H. : Oriaur Hwyr. Gan John Ceiriog Hughes. B Wrexham [1872]. f ox. : Oxford Liber Commonei and Ovid, Bodleian Libr., Auct. F 4. 32. Date 817, Lindsay EWS. 7 (812, Dosp. Ed. 10). Glosses in W. and notes in mixed Lat. and W., printed in ZE. 1052-60. fox. 2: Cod. Oxoniensis Posterior. Glosses in Bodl. 572 printed in ZE. 1060-3 as W, ; given as Corn, in Loth Voc. ix; shown to be W. by Loth, RC. xiv 70 ; 10th cent. Pb. : Prayerbook. p.g.g. : Pattrwm y Gwir-Gristion . . . Chester 1723. Reprint ed. by H. Elvet Lewis. Bangor 1908. P.3L. : Pump JLyfr KerBwriaeth by S.V. = J 9 autograph; printed (from a copy by J.J. of a copy of the orig.) in Dosp. Ed. pp. xlii— cxxviii. p.il. refers to the latter, J 9 to the auto. ms. r.b. : The Red Book of Hergest=j 1, late 14th and early 15th cent. Quotations taken direct from the ms. ; ref. to columns. r b.b. : Red Book Bruts. The Text of The Brutsfrom the Red Book of Her g est. Ed. by John Rhŷs . . . and J. Gwenogvryn Evans. Oxford 1890. r.G. : Red Book Grammar; cols. 1117-1142 of b.b. Ref. to columns. The Bangor MSS. Soc. will shortly publish an edn. by the writer. BH.B.S. : Rheol Buchedd Sanctaidd . . . Llundain 1701. Transi. of Jer. Taylor's Holy Living by Ellis Wynne, author of b.cw. e.m. : Red Book Mabinogion. The Text of the Mabinogion . . . from the Red Booh of H erg est. Ed. by John Rhŷs . . . and J. Gwenogvryn Evans. Oxford 1887. b.p. : Red Book Poetry ; quotations taken from corrected proofs of the edn. about to be published by Dr. J. Gwenogvryn Evans. Ref. to columns. Ruthin Court Rolls : The Court Rolls of the Lordship of Ruthin of the Reign of King Edward the First. Ed. . . by R. A. Roberts. Cymmrod. Record Series. London 1893. [Contains Welsh names in Norman-Fr. spelling.] Seebohm Trib. Sys. : The Tribal System in Wales ... by Frederic Seebohm . . . London 1895. [Contains reproductions of Norman documents with Welsh names.] s.G. : Selections from the Hengwrt MSS. . . Vol. i. Y Seint Greal . . . Ed... by.. Robert Williams. London 1876 [=pii, end of 14th cent.] sk. : The Four Ancient Boohs of Wales ... By William F. Skene. Edinburgh 1868. Vol. ii. [Texts; now superseded except pp. 1-2, see juv.] ABBREVIATIONS xxvii te. : Tremvan ms. ; cywyddau etc. in the hand of Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt 159 2-1 666 ; used by the editor of g. ; now in the possession of Dr. J. Gwenogvryn Evans. w. : 13th cent. ms. copied by Dr. Davies in 16 17, since lost sight of, recently re-discovered; Davies's copy in a 14869, the source of the poems of M., G., H.O.G., etc. in m.a. i. A reproduction, ed. by the present writer, will be issued in the IJniv. of Wales Guild Series. w.b. : The White Book of Rhydderch = p 4 and 5. w.M. : The White Booh Mabinogion . . . Ed. by J. Gwenogvryn Evans. Pwllheli 1907. From the White Book of Rhydderch =P4, late 13th cent. Ref. to columns. The volume also contains other early versions of the Mabinogion, incl. the fragments in p 6/i, ii, circa 1225 ; ref. in this case to pages distinguished by "p." w.m.l. : Welsh Medieval Law . . . Harl. MS. 4353 . . . 13th cent. . . . By A. W. Wade-Evans. Oxford 1909. y.l.h. : Yn y Ihyvyr hwnn y traethir GwySor hymraeg, etc., 1546. By Sir John Price. Reprint ed. by John H. Davies . . Bangor 1902. CORRECTIONS P. 54, § 44 i, 1. 9, read Kellynnawc (U = l) P. 71, § 54 ii, 1. 1, after b, d, g, insert f, dd, P. 113, § 78 i (2), 1. 7, delete ;—raccw § 210x (3) P. 131, iv, 1. 8, insert * before ghuer- P. 153, 1. 1, read di\e\fyl P. 166, iv (3), 1. 6, for * ad-rim- read *ad-rlm- P. 194, 1. 9, insert * before is-le. P. 277, 1. 7, delete * before wỳ The metathesis was suggested by Mr. Ifor Williams ; unfortunately I overlooked his note in his Cy 'franc Lludd a Llefelys (1910), p. 20, in which he adduces examples of wy m.a. 2 145& and uy do. 2276, so that the form need not have been starred. The same explanation is given by Pedersen Gr. ii (191 1), p. 158. INTRODUCTION ORIGIN AND GENERAL HISTORY § 1. i. The Welsh Language is a member of the Keltic branch of the Aryan (also called the Indo-European or Indo- Germanic) family of languages. The languages of this great family are classified as follows, names of branches and groups being printed in spaced type : (i) Indian, comprising (a) Sanskrit; (b) Prakrit dialects, from which are descended numerous modern languages in India. (2) Iranian : (a) Avestic (East Iranian, also called Zend or Old Bactrian) ; (b) Old Persian (West Iranian), later Pehlevi ; (c) Modern Persian. (3) Armenian. (4) Greek, which comprises many dialects, the most important being (a) Ionic- Attic ; (b) Doric ; (c) Aeolic : Lesbian, Thessalian, Boeotian ; (d) Arcadian and Cyprian ; (e) Pamphylian. (5) Albanian. (6) Italic : (a) Latin, from which are derived the modern Romance languages ; (b) Oscan, Umbrian. (7) Keltic: (a) the Q division, consisting of dialects in Gaul and Spain, and the Goidelic group, comprising Irish, Scotch Gaelic and Manx ; (b) the P division, consisting of Gaulish, and the British group, comprising Welsh, Cornish and Breton. (8) Germanic : (a) Gothic ; (b) the Norse group, including 1. Swedish, Gutnish, Danish; 2. Norwegian, Icelandic; ( p in British is much later than the same change in Gaulish. Oi) course, if the ogams are Welsh, there was no difference in the 5th cent, between Welsh and Irish, and both differed from Gaulish, which alone had p. Hence the classification into insular and continental. But the assumption on which it is based is groundless ; no one now holds that the ogáms are Welsh. If it is denied that a systematic classification of the groups is possible, it would be better to take them separately than to adopt a classification which implies a close relationship between Goidelic and British. But there seems no sufficient reason for separating British from Gaulish. It is now admitted that Brit, p from q* is ancient ; and it is extremely improbable that this p developed independently of Gaulish p. Tacitus, Agricola xi, tells us that the speech of the Britons differed little from that of the Gauls. The Gaulish forms Uevvo-ovwS- oç, Vindomag(os) > arnbact(os), Voretovir(os) are identical with the British forms which we have to postulate as the originals of the Welsh penvoyn ' white-headed ', gwynfa ' paradise ', amaeth ' serf ', gwaredwr * saviour'. It is for those who would separate British and Gaulish to prove that Tacitus was wrong. For the continental q% dialect or group of dialects various names have been suggested, as Sequanian (Nicholson), Pictavian, Celtican (Rhys), Ligurian (Jullian). The language of the Coligny calendar con- tains both qu and p ; but whether the latter is secondary, or borrowed from Gaulish, or represents Aryan p, cannot yet be decided, since independent evidence as to meaning is lacking. The presence of Ar. p, if proved, would constitute these dialects a class apart. b2 4 INTRODUCTION § 3 § 3. i. Welsh, Cornish and Breton are descended from British (properly Brittish), the language of the ancient Britons. The speakers called themselves Brittones, and their language *JBrittoniM. The Old English name w&sBrittisc or Bryttisc,SisOri Br yttisc sprecende Guthlac, Godw. 42, 17 (cf. íüiys, CF. 676), which in later spelling was Brutish, misspelt British a under the influence of the Lat. Britannia. The name continued to be used for the derived languages : "The Gaulish speach is the very Brittish, the which was very generally used heere in all Brittayne before the coming in of the Saxons ; and yet is retayned of the Walshmen, the Cornishmen, and the Brittons," Spenser, State of Ireland (Lloyd's Enc. Die). It was commonly used for Welsh as late as the 1 8th and beginning of the 1 9th cent. : " In these Schools . . . Men , Women and Children being ignorant of the English Tongue, are taught to read their native British language," Welsh Piety 1754 p. 53, 1755 p. 47 etc. Cf. dedication of Grawn Awen (Caledfryn) 1826. ii. The Welsh call themselves Cymry, from *kom-brogi 'fellow countrymen'; but the use of this as a national name is subse- quent to the separation of the Welsh from the Cornish and the Bretons. The old name, which survived in poetry, was Brython b.t. 13 from Brittones ; the corresponding name of the language Brythoneg was superseded by Gymraeg, but some memory of it sur- vived (D.D. gives Brythoneg, but with no quotation). The Bretons call their language Brezonek, and Cornish was called Brethonec; all these forms imply an original *Brìttönikä. Sir John Rhys in his LWPh. 2 16 adopted the names Brythons and Brythonic for the Brittones and their language, remarking, however, that he would " like to have called them Brittons and their language Brittonic ". I prefer to call the language by its traditional English name British, which in this connexion involves no ambiguity. The term Brythonic suggests a later period, and tends to disguise the fact that the language meant is the speech of the ancient Britons. iii. The name Brittö, sg. of Brittones, probably owes its tt to its being a formation of the type of Gk. Nikottw etc., see § 93 iii (2), for an earlier Britann(os), pi. Britannl. Similarly we have a late Boittío, for Britannia. *Brittia survives in Bret. Breiz ' Brittany ', and * Britannia in Ml. W. Brydein used as a variant of the more usual Prydein as in b.b. 100, milvir Pridein 1. 5, milguir Bridein 1. 7. Britain- seems to be for Pritan- by British alternation p:b § 101 iii (2) ; cf. peit(an)nii Holder i 564, peitníii do. ii 1046. Pritto also occurs as a personal name beside Britto, and Prittius beside Brittius (see Holder s. vv.). The view now generally held that the members of these pairs are unrelated rests on no other basis than the assumption that British p- could under no circumstances pass into b-. The fact, a It is of course still pronounced Brittish, rhyming with skittish, not with whitish. § 3 INTRODUCTION 5 however, is that Pritan- and Britan- are synonymous. The P- goes back through Diodorus Siculus probably to Pytheas (4th cent. b. c). Polybius (2nd cent. B. c.) seems to have used Bper^avLKal vyjo-ol ; but Strabo and Diodorus have ITpeT(T)aj/tKat vrjo-oi and TLptrfâcwoí ; later Ptolemy and Marcian used II-. Stephanus of Byzantium (c. A. d. 500) wrote BperravtSec vrjcroi and Bperravoi, remarking that Dionysius (Periegetes ; Augustan age) wrote "one t . . . Bperavot " [read BperawoQ, and that others used " p, liperav&es vtjo-ol, as Marcian and Ptolemy" ; elsewhere Stephanus himself wrote UpeTaviKrj and UptravoL Holder i 560. The e in liper- = Brit, i, see § 66 i. Pritan- is an n-stem representing original (*q%rt e n- or) *q%rit e n-; for the nn see § 62 i (2). The surviving forms show that the old P- forms had one t ; thus W. Prydain 'Britain', Ml. W. Prydein, implies *Pritan(n)ia and Ir. Cruithnech 'Pictish' implies a Pictish * Pritenikos ; hence the -rt- in nperravt/cat is probably a misspelling of copyists, due to the Britt- forms which prevailed later. The forms with -on- had -tt- ; thus W. Brython < Brittones, Bret. Brezonek < *Brittonikä, and Ml. Ir. Bretain 1 Britons ' represents Brittones regularly. As the new form Brittones spread, Britannia became Brittannia which survives in Fr. Bretagne ; later we find Brittania BpeTraviKrj etc. which were substituted for older forms in mss. There is no possible doubt that the oldest I?- form is Britann- : Catullus (died 54 b. c), Propertius, Vergil, Horace, Ovid, all scan Britann-. The evidence of the dated coins and inscriptions in Holder is as follows (the numbers in brackets refer to Holder i) : coins of Claudius A. d. 41, 46 have Britannis, Britannic Britann. (564, 36, 37); inscriptions: A. d. 41 Britannia (589, 52); time of Claudius Britannia (590, 27); A. D. 43 Britannic(um) (598, 24); A. d. 49 Britan(nicis) (599, 34). In A. d. 49 or 50, at least a century after the first evidence of Britann-, -tt- appears first in two inscriptions in the name of Claudius's son Britannicus : Britta[nico] (602, 18), Britlanici (602, 22); in eight other cases it is Britannicus or Bperawucos (602). The early appearance of tt in this name may mean that Brittö was in use as an abbreviated personal name earlier than as meaning ' Briton '. In the national name the single t continued in use : A. d. 54 Britaninicum) (600, 22); A. d. 65 Britannico (599, 5); A. d. 80 Britannica (598, 37). In a. d. 85 Brittones first appears in the gen. pi. Brittonwm side by side with Britannica (607, 41-2). In a. d. 90 first occurs Brittanniae (588, 7) ; in A. D. 98 and 103 Britannia again (59°) 25; 588, 9); in A. d. 99 Brittonum (607, 43); in A. d. 105 Brittan[nia~\ (588, 10), in a.d. iio Brittanniae (590, 5) and Britannica (598, 40). In the 2nd cent. Britann- and Brittann- are both common. Brittania first occurs on a coin in a.d. 185 (590, 50) and Brittanicae in A. d. 210 (599, 51). The W. Pryden ' Picts ' § 121 iii from *Pritenes, Prydyn b.t. 13 'Pict- land ' from *Pritenl, and the Ir. Cruithen Cruithnech seem to have the F-grade -en- of the stem-ending, probably a Pictish form. The Picts were Britons, as shown by the fact that p < q% abounds in Pictish names. They kept in their own name the P- which also survives in 6 INTRODUCTION §§ 4, 5 W. Prydain 'Britain', and so came to be distinguished from the Southern Britons, who called themselves Brittones. Picti, which is not known to occur before A. d. 297, seems to be a Latin translation of *Pritenes explained as meaning ' figured ' (: W. jpryd ' form ', Ir. cruth), just as W. Brithwyr ' Picts ' is a translation of Picti. This explanation of *Pritenes is probably only a piece of popular etymology ; but even if it had some old tradition behind it, the name is equally applicable to the other Britons, for they all painted or tattooed them- selves, Caesar b.g. v 14, Herodian iii 14, 7. Indeed the objection to accepting it as the true explanation is that at the time when it was first applied it could not be distinctive. The etymology of a proper name is always uncertain, except when, like Albion, it hardly admits of more than one meaning, and that meaning fits. Britain like Albion must have been a name given to the island by its Keltic invaders, and Albion suggests the feature most likely to impress them. There is an Italo-Keltic root of some such form as *q*rei- which means 'chalk' or 'white earth', giving Lat. crëta, and W. pridd ' loam ', Irish ere ; the attempt to derive the Welsh and Irish words from the Latin is a failure — the root must be Keltic as well as Italic ; and it may have yielded the name Pritannia meaning ' the island of the white cliffs '. § 4. i. Gaulish and British are known to us through names on coins, and words and names quoted by Greek and Latin authors. No inscriptions occur in British, but British names are found in Latin inscriptions. A number of inscriptions in Gaulish have been preserved. Goidelic is known from the ogam inscrip- tions, of which the oldest date from the 5th century. ii. The scanty materials which we possess for the study of Gaulish and British are sufficient to show that these languages preserved the Aryan case-endings, and were at least as highly inflected as, say, Latin. The great change which transformed British and converted it into Welsh and its sister dialects was the loss of the endings of stems and words, by which, for example, the four syllables of the British Maglo-mnos were reduced to the two of the Welsh Mael-ywn. By this reduction distinctions of case were lost, and stem-forming suffixes became a new class of inflexional endings ; see § 113, § 119 i. § 5. The history of Welsh may be divided into periods as follows : (1) Early Welsh, from the time when British had definitely become Welsh to the end of the 8th century. Of the forms of this § 5 INTRODUCTION 7 period we have only echoes, such as the names found in Bede, § 113 i (4). (2) Old Welsh (O. W.), from the beginning of the 9th to the end of the nth century. The remains of this period are a number of glosses, and some fragments of prose and anonymous verse. But O. W. forms are preserved in later copies in the genealogies, the Book of Llandâf, the Laws, the Book of Aneirin, etc. (3) Medieval We ísh (Ml. W.) 3 from the beginning of the 12th to the end of the 14th century and somewhat later. The orthography varied much during this period, and was at first in an unsettled state. It will be convenient to refer to the language of the 12th and early 13th century as Early Ml. W., and to that of the 14th and early 15th as Late Ml. W. (4) Modern Welsh (Mn. W.), from Dafydd ap Gwilym to the present day. Though D. ap Gwilym wrote before the end of the 14th century, he inaugurated a new period in the history of the language, and is in fact the first of the moderns. The bards of the 15th and 16th centuries wrote the bulk of their poetry in the cywydd metre popularized by Dafydd ; and the forms used by him, with some alterations of spelling (ai, au for ei, eu § 79), were preserved unchanged, having been stereotyped by the cynghanedd. The language of this body of poetry may be called Early Mn. W. At the introduction of printing, Wm. Salesbury attempted in his works, including the New Test. (1567), to form a new literary dialect, in which the orthography should indicate the etymology rather than the sound. His practice was to write Latin loan- words as if no change had taken place in them except the loss of the ending, thus eccles for eglwys ' church ', descend for disgyn ' to descend ' ; any native word with a superficial resemblance to a Latin synonym was similarly treated, thus i ' his, her' was written ei because the Latin is eius (perhaps eu ' their ' suggested this). But Dr. Morgan in his Bible (1588) adopted the standard literary language as it continued to be written by the bards, though he retained some of Salesbury's innovations (e.g. ei for i 1 his'). Some dialectal forms used by Morgan (e.g. gwele for gwelai 1 saw ' § 6 iii) were replaced by the literary forms in the revised Bible (1620), which became the standard of later writers. Thus 8 INTRODUCTION § 6 Late Mn. W., which begins with the Bible, though influenced to some extent by Salesbury, is based upon Early Mn. W., and forms a continuation of it. In the 19th century several neologisms were introduced, chiefly under the influence of Pughe ; the language of this period will be referred to, when necessary, as Recent Welsh. § 6. i. The spoken language has four main dialects, as follows : (1) Venedotian, the dialect of Gwynedd or North West Wales. (Gwyn. dial.) (2) Powysian, the dialect of Powys, or North East and Mid Wales. (Powys dial.) (3) Demetian, the dialect of Dyfed or South West Wales. (4) Gwentian, the dialect of Gwent and Morgannwg, or South East Wales. N. W. is used as an abbreviation for * North Wales ' or * North Walian ', S. W. for ' South Wales ' or f South Walian '. ii. The two N. W. dialects differ from the two S. W. chiefly in the choice of words to express some common ideas, the most noticeable difference being the use of 0, fo in N. W., and e^fe in S. W., for the pronoun * he ' or ' him'. iii. In the final unaccented syllable the diphthongs ai and an are mostly levelled with e in the dialects. In Powys and Dyfed, that is, in an unbroken belt from North East to South West, the three are sounded e ; thus cader, pet/ie, bore for cadair ' chair ', pethau ' things ', bore c morning \ In Gwynedd and Gwent they are sounded a, as cadar (Gwent cdltarj^et/ia, bora. When ai is significant (e.g. as denoting the plural) it is ai in Gwynedd, i in Gwent, sometimes i in Powys, as Gwynedd defaid < sheep ', llygaid (when not Ugadd) ' eyes ' ; Gwent defid, llý\cid ; Powys defed, llygid ; Dyfed defed, llyged. Dialectal forms, chiefly Demetian and Powysian -e, begin to appear in the mss. of the 15th century ; but the rhymes of the bards of the 15th and 16th centuries, with the exception of some poetasters, always imply the literary form, which is still used in the written language except in a few words. See § 31 ii. £*vÿA*v 4W^2^J PHONOLOGY = *- t~*j&, — ,"T^ ORTHOGRAPHY AND PRONUNCIATION The Alphabet. § 7. i. Welsh, in all its periods, has been written in the Latin alphabet. The ogam inscriptions are Irish. The letters of the ogam alphabet consist of scores and notches on the edge of the stone ; one to five scores, cut at right angles to the edge on either side, or obliquely across it, form 1 5 consonants ; one to five notches on the edge form 5 vowels. The "alphabet of Nemnivus", contained in ox., dated 812, and reproduced by Ab Ithel in Dosp. Ed. 10, 11, is stated in the MS. to have been formed by Nemnivus "ex machinatione mentis suae" in answer to a Saxon's taunt that the Britons had no letters. Most of the signs are forms of Latin characters made to imitate runes ; two ~ (^- n and A u) are runes, while others seem to be arbitrary inventions. .^r( There is no evidence of the use of this alphabet. The "winged alphabet" given by Ab Ithel ibid. 12 consists of two classifications of Scandinavian tree-runes, the top line representing the two schemes * of classification. The reason given for supposing the scribe to be a ' '^ ' Welshman is too ridiculous to need refutation. vẃ*va_y*w» Among the "traditions " invented by the Glamorgan bards in support £L ^Uj^*Z^ \ of their claim to be the successors of the druids was the " wooden book ".; U*y ' (U^r o^i^aQ. though all the accounts of it are in Iolo Morgannwg's handwriting, io<^ acä,. cCazQ (^ contemporary evidence of its existence in the early 17th cent, is çr? /fij^. -^&u-Ao *■ ?( afforded by Rhys Cain's satirical englyn (Ab Iolo, Coel. y B. 50); but ^3 ( it cannot be traced further back. The ' bardic alphabet ' called coelbren is^ri^r- A^k y beirdd was a conventional simplification of ordinary characters u^Asttuu,," r 4*i< adapted for cutting on wood ; its letters are derived from the hand- writing of the period, as V b, ) ò, -4 c (= e), h h, \A n, Y* r, except where it was easier to adapt the Latin capitals, as A A, A. for 21, and b for dd. The last has survived in the form 8 in ordinary handwriting, but manuscript 8 is printed dd. § 8. The orthography oOIn. W. is almost purely phonetic : each letter of the alphabet has one standard sound, except y which has two. It will therefore be convenient to give the values of the letters in the modern alphabet, and then, using the modern characters to represent the sounds of the language, to show in detail how each sound was written in earlier periods, noting any changes which have taken place in the sounds themselves. The Vowels. § 9. The letters a, e, i, o, u, w, y represent vowel sounds. The following diagram shows the approximate relative positions of the vowels at the present day. i[ and f/ denote the two sounds of y. Vowels pronounced with rounded lips are enclosed in brackets. The more open the sound the less the rounding. Front Back The vowel sounds i, e, a, 0, w, except in certain diphthongal combinations, have probably undergone no material change from a G.R., Rowland, Silvan Evans, Tegai. Rowland's haitch is a S.W. vulgarism. 12 PHONOLOGY §§10-14 the O. W. period to the present day ; the sounds a, e, o, have always been represented by the characters a, e, o, a and the sound i always by i, with some exceptions in Early Ml. W., § 16 ii (a). § 10. The sound of a is that of the English a in father. It occurs long as in tad 'father', medium as in tá\ dol 'fatherly ', and short as in mam ' mother '. The sound does not occur short in English, the a of Eng. man being a more forward sound, which may be denoted by ce. This sound ce is heard in Welsh in a narrow strip stretching from the English border to Harlech, and in Glamorganshire. § 11. Tbe sound of e, when long or medium, is the middle e, as in the Eng. me% let ; thus gwen ' smile ', gwé\nu ' to smile ' ; when short it is generally more open, tending towards the Eng. e in there ; thus gwenn ' white '. For its sound in diphthongs, see §§29,79. § 12. The sound of i is the close i of the French fni, si, or the North Eng. i in king, machine. The Southern Eng. i is more open. It occurs long as in gwin ' wine ', medium as in gwi\noedd ' wines ', short as in prin ' scarcely '. § 13. The sound of o, when long or medium, is the middle o, midway between the close o in Eng. note and the open o in not ; thus ton ' tune ', to\nau ' tunes ' ; when short it is more open, tending towards the o of not, as tonn ' wave ', tonnau ' waves'. § 14. i. The sound of w is that of the French ou in sou, or the North Eng. oo in food, hook. The Southern Eng. sound is more open. It occurs long as in (jwr ' man ', medium as in gw\rol ' manly ', short as in trwm ' heavy '. ii. (i) The sound w was written u in O.W., and thus could not be distinguished (except by the context) from the sound u, § 15 i, which was also written u (though sometimes i, § 15 ii). (2) In Early ML W., the sound w } both vocalic and conso- nantal was written u (or v) and w, and as the former also repre- sents the sound u, and both represent the sound f the spelling is often ambiguous. In Late Ml. W. the uncertainty is partly re- moved by the restriction of w and the use of (a peculiar shape a Here and in the following sections up to § 26, a letter printed in heavy type represents the written letter ; a letter printed in italics represents the sound. §15 THE VOWELS 13 of v) to represent the tv sounds. The characters w and repre- sent both w and w almost indifferently. Theoretically perhaps w stood for w, and the r.b. scribe wishing- to distinguish between gwŷr ' men ' and gwi/r ( knows ' writes them gwyr, gOyr respectively, b.g. iii8 ; there seems to be a slight predominance of the w value for w, but no systematic distinction is made between the sounds, whole pages frequently occurring, e.g., in w.m., where is used exclusively for both. m° In this work Late Ml. W. is transcribed w, as nothing is gained by reproducing a distinction which would often be misleading if taken to have a phonetic significance. (3) In Mn. W. the sound is represented by w. G.R. uses u; and J.D.R. a peculiar character based on â, a late script form of 6 ; § 7 ii. § 15. i. (1) In Late Mn. W. the sound of u, long, medium, and short, is the same as the clear sound of y, § 16 i ; thus the words Mn ' sleep ' and Jiŷn i older ' have now absolutely the same sound. But in O. and Ml. W. u had the sound of the French u, that is, an i pronounced with rounded lips. In accented syllables it retained this sound down to the end of the 16th cent., as is shown by the fact that J.D.R. (pp. 33, 34) describes both u and ?/, and distinguishes between them with a phonetic truth which could only be derived from actual acquaintance with both as living sounds. 'b (2) In the final unaccented syllable the original u sound became 1{ as early as the 14th cent.; see ZfCP. iv 118. Hence we find u and y confused from the 14th century on. Kymry ' the "Welsh, Wales ' often appeared as Cymru ; see y Cymru ' the Welsh ', G.R. p. [v] ; M.IL. ( 3 Ader. — Title). Later, the misspelling Cymru came to be used for ' Wales ', the true form Cymry being retained as the pi. of Cymro. In the 3rd pi. of prepositions, arnunt 'on them', etc., in dywedud 'to say ', anoddun ' deep ', credadun ' believer ', arofun ' intend ', munud ' minute ', y is in Late Mn. W. wrongly written for u ; for testun ' text ', ysgrythur ' scripture ', see § 82 iii (3). The converse error was frequent in the 1 6th cent., Dr. M. writing fellu, i fynu, gorthrymmudd, etc. The view that the distinction survived in monosyllables down to a late date is corroborated by the fact that out of about 140 monos. in use containing either u or ^ only one, crud 'cradle' (crut il.a. 72, k.p. 14 1 8), is now commonly misspelt; and even this misspelling is due to Pughe's bringing the word under the same head as cryd 14 PHONOLOGY §16 ' quaking, fever ' obviously on a false etymological theory. D.D. and Richards have crud ' cradle ', cryd * fever '. ii. The O. and Ml. W. sound above described was written u. It was therefore not distinguished in writing in the O. and Early Ml. period from the sound w which was also written u. We may call 0. W. u the front u, or «, when it corresponds to Mn. W. u, and the back u when it represents Mn. W. w. It is certain that the two sounds were as distinct then as they were later, for in O. W. we find the ü sound written i, as in scipaur JUV. ' barn ', Mn. W. ysgubor. Still earlier evidence of ii is furnished by Bede's spelling Dinoot of a name which was later Dunawd. § 16. i. y has two sounds, the clear and the obscure. The clear sound of y is a peculiar ^-sound very difficult to acquire. It is a dull i produced further back than ordinary i. The sound is very similar to French u in its effect upon the ear, and has the same absolute pitch ; but it is produced quite differ- ently. The French u is an i pronounced with rounded lips, but the Welsh 1/ is an i pronounced further back, but with open lips ; see the diagram, § 9. Ml. W. had both sounds, written u and y respectively ; but gradually the rounded sound, which was written u, was replaced by the unrounded sound, though still continuing to be written u, the result being that Welsh has now the unrounded sound only, written u and y. The sound ^ is long as in äŷn ' man ' or short as in brpi ' hill \ It cannot be medium except when written as u, as in úno ' to unite ', and in the word gyda for gqd a, § 82 ii (2). In S. W. dialects both u and i[ are sounded as i or nearly so. The obscure sound of y is the sound of the Eng. in ivory. It is medium or short in the penult, or short in an unaccented syllable. It is long in the penult before a vowel or h as cỳ-oedd, cŷ-hoedd, and in the name of the letter y. W In this grammar the character y is used as in ordinary written Welsh to represent both the clear and the obscure sound ; but when it is required to distinguish between them, the character \\ is used to denote the clear, and y to denote the obscure sound. — Note that y is the clear i[ in the diphthong ẃy, and when cir- cumflexed, ŷ. §16 THE VOWELS 15 A special character for the sound y was used by some 16th century scribes, and is regularly employed by J.D.R. and Dr. Davies in their grammars. A distinctive character is also needed for the clear sound ; and n is convenient because it suggests u which has now the same sound. Note. — The idea that y has borrowed its clear sound from u, which, as we have seen, is the exact reverse of the truth, has led some writers to call y the primary, and y the secondary sound of y. The former is of course secondary, being the obscured form of y and other sounds. IT On the use of the two sounds of y see § 82. ii. (i) In O. W. the sounds of y are denoted by i, and are therefore not distinguished in writing* from the sound i. That t[ and i were then distinct requires no further proof than that they are different in origin, and if the difference had been lost it could not have been recovered. (2) In Early Ml. W. mss., as in the B.B., y and i are used in- differently to express the i sound and the sounds of y. In b.ch. ( = a.l. MS. a.) y is used in some parts almost to the exclusion of i, as brenyn^ tyr for brenin ' king ', tir ' land ' ; yx p. 9 for ix ' nine ■ (printed nau in a.l. i 18 !) shows that the scribe treated y and i as identical. In some early mss. the sounds of y were repre- sented by e ; see the passage in ancient orthography in a.l. ii 36-8, where y lie, y dqn appear as elle, eden 6 the, place ', * the man'. (3) In Late Ml. mss., as in Mn. W., the sounds t/,y are written y, and are not confused with i which is written i (except that y also represents % § 25 iii). In a few monosyllables of frequent occurrence, y by constant repeti- tion advanced to the easier front position of i towards the end of the Ml. period. These are y ' to ', y ' his ' or ' her ', ny, nyt ' not \ The latter often appears as ni, nit in w.m., see 46, 48, showing the thinning of the vowel to be so early. That the sound was once y is shown by the fact that nŷd, written nydd (dd = double d, not B) by J.D.R. in 1592, may still be heard in Anglesey. ŵsr In this grammar the Ml. W. y 'to' and y 'his* or 'her' are dotted thus, ỳ, to distinguish them from the article y = y. As the ỳ was probably sounded i some time before it came to be so written, it may be read i. [There can be no confusion with ỳ = i, which never stands by itself, § 25 iii.] iii. Though not indicated in writing, the difference between t/ and 16 PHONOLOGY § 16 y goes back to the O. W. period. That O. W. i represented not only the clear y but also the obscure y is shown by such forms as cimadas (= cyfaddas) M.c. Here cyf- comes from *kom-; the y results from the indistinct pronunciation of o, § 65 iv (2), and was never sounded y ; hence the written i must have meant y. See also § 40 iii (2). In Ml. mss. generally, as in Mn. W., no distinction is made between y and y. But in some parts of b.ch., e stands for y, and y for y regularly; thus Ylety yu ety muyhafene tref akemeruedaf ac ykyd ac ef erey auenno or teylu, a.l. i 12 = y leti[ yw y t\[ mwyhaf yny dref a chymherfeSaf, ag t[ gyd ag ef y rei a vynno tfr teilu, ' His lodging is the largest and most central house in the town, and with him such as he may please of the household.' The scribe's observance of the rule is remarkable ; and though there are many slips due to mechanical copying, his spelling in some cases helps to decide the sound in obsolete forms. iv. (1) In Early Ml. "W. y and y were probably nearer e than at present. If we assume the line a — y more inclined towards the line a — i in the diagram p. 1 1 above, it will be seen at a glance not only why both were written e at that time, but why the b.ch. scribe uses y to represent both i and y, and e to represent both e and y. (2) The sounds y and y in these forward positions were less stable, being not merely felt to be near enough to e to be represented by e in writing, but also liable to be confused with e in speech. Some examples of this confusion survived, and are met with in the later language : (a) Interchange of y and e : Myrddin, Merddin D.G. 471 ; tymestl, temestl G-. 153; ystiiWF. 24, estyii; cybyddiaeth, a chebySŷaeth il.a. 144 ; ỳ bellynnic il.a. 126, 146, pellennig ; ketyrndeith, cydymaith ; ynnill, ennill ; cynfigen, cenfigen ; Tâl-y-bolion m.a. i 3 1 5«, explained as tâl ebólỳon w.m. 45 ; Pen-e'-goes for *Pen-y'-goes, see § 46 ii (3). — (/3) Interchange of y and e : velle il.a. 148 for felli[ ; Late Mn. W. wele 'behold' for (a) wely 'dost thou see?' § 173 iii (3); Mercher for Merchyr b.a. 17, b.b. 48, see § 69 v ; hwdy cm. 31, hwde e.m. 173; mywn, mewn; Lhiyn, Lleyn. Dial, edrech for edrych, -ech for -ych 2nd sg. pres. subj. § 176 iv. — (y) In Ml. W. y hun 'himself, herself is written e hun, the e modification being preferred owing to the difficulty of sounding unrounded y and rounded ü in consecutive syllables, cf. § 77 viii. Dissimilation also occurs in e IwerSon w.m. 59 for y IwerSon. Similarly te\ym for *ty\ym § 103 ii (1); diell for di-hyll § 146 ii (2). In Breton *y has generally become e ; thus nevez = W. newydd ; liemj) = W. jpymjp ; kevrann = W. kyvran ; ened = W. ynyd. (3) y before a nasal tended to be lowered towards a, and is some- times written a in the b.ch., as cantaf a.l. i 84 for cyntaf\ kannal, do. 154 for kynnal; kafreiht do. 130 for kyvreith. Hence y and a interchange before a nasal : Yngharad, Angharad ; ymherawdr, am- herawdr ; ymddifad, amddifad ; canhorthwy, cynhorthwy ; mynach, manach, etc. Unaccented a is sometimes weakened to y in the dialects, but § 16 THE VOWELS 17 examples are rare in lit. W. : rhyglyddu ' to merit ', for rhaglyddu, see raclySei w.m. 428. (4) In Mn. W. since y has become quite neutral, it is apt in some cases to be coloured by neighbouring sounds : after w or followed by w in the ultima, it becomes w, § 66 ii. When immediately followed by another vowel it is assimilated to it, § 82 ii (3). v. (1) In Ml. W. an inorganic y is written between two consonants at the end of a word in the following groups : 1. cons. + r, 1 or n ; 2. rm, rf, lm, If; 3. 8f ; 4. rarely rch, lch ; thus joobyl for pobl 'people', vy maryfw.M. 59 for/y marf 'my beard'. In O. W. it appears as i, as in reatir juv., Mn. W. rhaeadr ' cataract ', but is of rare occurrence, being usually omitted as in Mn. W., thus cruitr, disci juv. datl, scribl ox. It occurs medially as i in centhiliat juv. ' singer ' for centhliat, as o in cenitolaidou ox., Mn. W. cenedlaethau ' generations \ In Early Ml. W. it appears as i, y, and e, as perygil b.b. 3 1 ' danger ', cathil do. 1 6 'song', autyl do. 15 'ode', coloven a.l. i 10 'column'. It occurs sometimes in initial groups : gynaud b.b. 84 ' of flesh ' ; keleuuet A.l. i 40 = clywed ' to hear '. (2) The sound intended to be represented was the glide between the consonants, which was becoming perceptible as a dull sound resembling y. It was naturally written i in O. W., e in b.ch., these being the signs for y } see iii above. It was not written where no audible glide developed, as in nt, rth, r8, and was rare where the glide was voiceless, as before eh. It did not form a full syllable in Ml. W., at least in the standard pronunciation, for (a) it is occasionally written in groups where it is generally omitted, and which seem never to have been syllabic, as in meirych w.m. 41 =rneirch e.m. 28 ' horses ' ; (/?) it is sometimes found medially where it could not be syllabic, as in kenedyloeS il.a. i i = kenedloeS il.a. 169 'nations', dadeleu a.l. i 20 = dadleu ' lawsuit ' ; (y) it does not affect the accentuation ; thus in cô\lofyn gweS e\ofyn y gwe\Sl\eu, — b.p. 1239 ' Upholder in fearless manner of prayers ', the e of eofyn is accented to correspond to the i of gwehleu ; (8) it does not count as a syllable in Ml. verse ; the above is a line of nine syllables ; in the following cywydd couplet the cynghanedd requires chalych to be read as an absolute monosyllable, as it is pronounced at the present day : Pwy a allei, jpei pennsaer, peintỳaw a chalych pwynt vy chwaer? — I.G.,k.p. i 408. ' Who could, though he were a master, paint with chalk my sister's mien % ' &ŵ" In the quotations in the present work this non-syllabic y is represented thus, f. (3) In Mn. lit. W. the epentheliíL y- is simply dropped; thus p)obl t ffeneslr, ofn. The non-syllabic pronunciation continued to be the only one admissible in cynghanedd, and so remained the standard literary form ; and the mute y came to be dropped in writing to prevent ambiguity. [In one form of cynghanedd, however, exemplified by — 18 PHONOLOGY §17 Da osódiad hyd i sawdl. — D.N., g. 158, -1 answers a syllable -tad in the cynghanedd, though it does not count as a syllable in the metre, an inconsistency which shows that such a word as this, treated as a monosyllable in verse generally, sounded like a disyllable when it ended a sentence.] In the spoken language, when the word was disyllabic the final liquid was lost, thus perig,ffenest for jperigl ' danger ', ffenestr 'window', or metathesized as in ewyrthforewythr' uncle'. In monosyllables the glide was assimilated to the vowel of the syllable or the second element of its diphthong and became syllabic ; thus pobol, cefen, llwybiir, sowdwl, bar a' for pobl ' people', cefn 'back', llwybr 'path', sawdl 'heel', barf ' beard '. Some examples of this assimilation already appear in Late Ml. W., as budur il.a. 18 'dirty', kwbwl cm. 87 'all', vy maraf e.m. 42 'my beard'. — The colloquial syllabic pronunciation is the one generally implied in recent verse in the free metres; thus Anne Grifiiths's Llwybr cwbl groes i natur, though so printed in all hymn- books, is intended to be sung Llẃybyr \ cẃbwl \ gróes i \ nâtur. But in N. W. dialects the parasitic vowel did not arise in groups containing /; thus in the greater part of N. W. ofn, ' fear ', cefn ' back ', llyfr ' book ', barf i beard ' are purely monosyllabic to this day. Forms like march, calch are everywhere monosyllabic. IT For prosthetic y- see § 21 iii, § 23 ii, § 26 vi (4). The Consonants. § 17. The values of the letters representing consonants in the Mn. alphabet are as follows : i. Voiceless explosives (tenues) : p = English p ; t, normally more dental than Eng. t, but varying to Eng. f; c = Eng. k, having two sounds, front c (h) before i, e, like k in Eng. king, back c (q) before a, 0, w, u |f, like c in Eng. coal. ii. Voiced explosives (mediae) : b = Eng. b ; d corresponding to W. t as above ; g front and back {§, g), like Eng. give y go. iii. Voiceless spirants : ff or ph. = Eng. /", labiodental ; th = Eng. th in thick (which may be denoted by /) ; ch = Scotch ch in loch, German ch in nach (x), but not German ch mich (£). Even after c and i, as in llech ( slate ', gwich ' squeak ', the ch is the back sound \. i 4- back x is an awkward combination, and becomes difficult in the short time available when the i is the second element of a diphthong ; hence baich, braich are generally pronounced bä^ brmfa (with the short a of the original diphthong). This pronunciation is con- demned by D., p. 10 ; but the spelling ay is common earlier, e. g. J.D.R. 271, But beichiau, breichiau are so sounded, with back x ( n <>t x). § 17 THE CONSONANTS 19 iv. Voiced spirants: f = Eng. v, labiodental; dd = Eng. th in this (b). O.W. had also the guttural voiced spirant, which may be represented by 5, corresponding to ch ; see § 19 i. v. Voiceless nasals : mh ; nh ; ngh. The nasals can only be made voiceless by a strong emission of breath, which causes a distinct aspirate to be heard as a glide after the consonant. I Thus nh is somewhat similar to Eng. nh in inhale, vi. Voiced nasals : m ; n ; ng. The last has two positions corresponding to those of g, namely front £, back 90. vii. Voiceless liquids : 11 ; rh. The former is a voiceless I pro- nounced on one side. It is produced by placing the tongue in the I position, raising it so as to close the passage on one side, and blowing between it and the teeth on the other. The common imitation thl conveys the effect of the " hiss " (voiceless spirant) in the th, and gives the side effect in the I. But 11 is of course a simple sound, which may be described shortly as a " uni- lateral hiss". The sound of rh is the Welsh trilled r made voice- less by a strong emission of breath, causing an audible aspirate glide after it. Briefly, it is r and h sounded together. viii. Voiced liquids : 1 ; r. The latter is trilled like the strong" Scotch r, or the Italian r. The trilled r is a difficult sound to acquire ; young children usually substitute I for it. A few never acquire it, but substitute for it a guttural r ( = $). This is almost the only defect of speech to be found among speakers of \ Welsh ; it is called tafod tew c thick tongue '. ix. Sibilant : s. Welsh has no z ; such a pronunciation as zel c zeal' is pure affectation; unsophisticated persons say sel, selog. Before i as in eisiati, s now tends to become Eng. sh, and in some S.W. dialects after i. But many old speakers cannot pronounce shibboleth at all. Standard Welsh s is the ss in hiss, x. Aspirate : h. The aspirate is distinctly sounded, and is never misused except in Gwent and Glamorgan. It is really the voiceless form of the vowel which follows it, or the glide between a voiceless nasal or liquid and a vowel. xi. Semi-vowels : i ; w. As these letters also represent vowel sounds, they will be marked % w in this work where it is neces- sary to point out that they are consonantal, i is the sound of the Eng. y in yard ; w is the Eng. w in will. c2 20 PHONOLOGY § 18 IT "Welsh w is the same sound as that which is written u in the hypothetic forms of Ar., Kelt., Brit., etc. Thus Mn. W. wir ^indeed' is identical with the first syll. of Kelt. *uîr-os ' true '< Ar. *uër-os. § 18. i. The characters p, t, e had the values in O.W. of modern, p, t f c. They also represented the mutated sounds b, d, g } $ee § 103 iii; as in scipaur JUY.^scubmvr, Mn. W. y§gubor ' barn ', creaticcml ox. = creadigmvl, Mn. W. creadigol ' created \ When they have this value they are sometimes doubled ; thus in M.c. we find caUeiraul } Mn. W. cadeiriol c cathedral ' adj., carrecc, Mn. W. carreg ' stone ', 7iej)p, Ml. W. heb ' says '. Possibly this is due to the influence of Irish spelling. [In Old Ir. original *nt > *d-d written t and sometimes tt.] ii. In Ml. W. p_, t, c no longer represent b } d, g medially, but finally after a vowel they continued to do so even down to the Mn. period. The facts are briefly as follows : In the b.b., late 12th cent., the final labial is written p, but often b (mab 27, 28, 29) ; the dental is always d, because t is used for the soft spirant ò ; the guttural is always c. In the 14th cent, the labial very generally appears as b, though often as p ; the dental is always t, the guttural always c. In the 15th cent. (e.g. il 28) we have b, d, c. In the 1620 Bible b, d, g, but c in many forms, unic, lluddedic, etc. The final e is still written in ac and nac, which should be ag, nag, § 222 i (i)^ ii (3). On the sound of the consonant in these cases see § 111 v (4). Finally after a consonant p, t, e have always represented the voiceless sounds. iii. In Ml. W. and Early Mn. W., initial c is generally written k. The chief exceptions are the combinations cl, er. Medially we find c, k, ee, ek. Finally after a consonant, though we generally have c, we also find k (or even ck) ; as grafangk, oer- drangh r.p. 1331, diagk etc. do. 13 14, dig elk do. 1364, Iork r.b.b. 397, carbunck, il.a. 170. In these words the sound was, and is, voiceless. Note that after a vowel, where the sound is now g y it is never written k in Ml. W. Thus k, which represents the tenuis only, is clearly distinguished from c, which also finally represents the media. Note. In O. W. and the earliest Ml. W., as in l.l. (about 11 50), c alone is used ; k appears in b.b. and was general in Ml. and Early § 19 THE CONSONANTS 21 Mn. W. Gr.R. discarded k on the principle of " one sound one letter ", p. 20. But the decisive factor in its banishment from the Welsh alphabet was its replacement by c in Salesbury's N. T., published the same year (1567). This being one of the many innovations "quarrelled withall" in his orthography, Salesbury," in the Prayer Book of 1586 gave his reason for the substitution : "C for K, because the printers haue not so many as the Welsh requireth," Llyfryddiaeth 34. It is curious to note that a letter which was thus superseded because of its greater prevalence in Welsh than in English was classed 160 years later among " intruders and strangers to the Welsh language", Gor- mesiaid a dieithriaid i'r Iaith Gymraeg, S.R. (1728) p. 1. JU^r^^ iMrUu ^ & *~* § 19. i. The characters b, d, g, in O.W. represented initially f - ' "^ the modern sounds b, d, g ; but medially and finally they stood for the mutated sounds f, ò, 5, as in gilbin «tut., Mn. W. gylfin a 'beak', guirdglas m.c. = gwyrh%las ) Mn. W. gwyrddlas 'greenish * blue \ Medially and finally /"was also represented by in, though ... in this case the spirant was doubtless nasalized then, as it is still normally in Breton; thus nimer OK. = niver, Mn. W. nifer , ~ *wT.' number ', heitham ox., Mn. W. eithaf ' extreme '. ^Y~ ii. (1) In Ml. W., b represented the sound b, but no longer the sound/. (2) The sound/ 1 was written in Early Ml. W. u or v, w and f ; (\^^J^^ ? thus in b.b., niuer 7 -nifer; vaur 2,1 =fawr 'great'; sew 45 = sef 'that is'; diliafal 20 = diliafal 'unequalled'. We also find fiF, as affv 21 =a fu 'who has been', bariffvin 53 = barfwyn ' white-bearded ,' tiff 50 = tyf ' grows \ As u and v also represented the vowel il, and as ti, v, and w repre- sented w as well, the orthography of this period is most confusing. (3) In Late Ml. W. the sound /was written medially u or v and fu ; finally it was represented by f regularly (the few exceptions which occur, e.g. in w.m., being due to mechanical copying). Thus, il.a., vy 2 =fy * my ' ; llanur 3 = llafur ' labour ' ; kyfuoelhawc 55, Mn. W. cyfoethog * rich ' ; gynlaf 3 ' first ', dywedaf 3 ' I say ', ef 3 ' he ', etc. u and v continued to be used medially for/during the Early Mn. period ; but G.R. has f everywhere, and was followed by Dr. M. in the 1588 Bible, which fixed the Late Mn. orthography. As u and v also represented the vowel il, the word fu may be found written w, vu, uv, uu. But there is much less confusion than in the 22 PHONOLOGY §10 earlier period, for (i) w is distinguished from ü ; (2) finally u and / are distinguished; thus nev means neu 'or', not nef ' heaven '. The distinction between the characters u and v is a modern one ; double v (i. e. w) is still called " double u " in English. $w In the quotations in this grammar the letter u or v (for it was one letter with two forms) is transcribed u when it stands for the vowel, and v when it represents the consonant f } irrespective of the form in the MS., which depended chiefly on the scribe's fancy at the moment. (4) The sound which is now the labiodental,/ (e Eng. v) was in O. W. and probably also in Ml. W. a bilabial d, like the South German w. It was the soft mutation of b or m, and resulted from these bilabial sounds being pronounced loosely sq that the breath was allowed to escape, instead of being stopped, at the lips. It was sometimes confused with w, § 26 v ; and was so soft that it might, like w, be passed over in cynghaned çL é.g.pwynt vy cliwaer p. 17 above; see Tr. Cym. 1908-9, p. 34. iii. (1) The letter d in Ml. W. stands for both d and dd (h). (2) In some Early Ml. mss., of which the most important is the B.B., the sound Ò when it is an initial mutation is generally repre- sented by d, but medially and finally is represented rather illogi- callybyt; thus B.B., dy divet 19 = dy òiweò ( thy end'; imtuin ^l^ymbwyn 'to behave'; guirt 33=gwyrb 'green'; betev 63 = behen ' graves '. Medially, however, we also have d, as adaw 41 = Abaf ' Adam ' ; and occasionally, by a slip, finally, as oed 1 = oeb 'was' (conversely, by a rare slip, final t = d, as imbit 70 =ym my d ' in the world '). In b.ch. usage is still looser. (3) In the Late Ml. period the sound b is represented by d, rarely by dd, see il.a. p. xxii. Initially and medially d and ò cannot be distinguished at this period, but finally they can, since final d is written t, § 18 ii, so that final d must mean the sound ò. But it often happens that -d for -d and -t for -ô are copied from an earlier MS. While w. is distinctly Late Ml. W. in the representation of ŵ i i t y, it has -d for -d and medial and final t for ò ; also occasionally dd, as ar dderchet 1 zoa = arberc/ieb. (4) dd came generally into use in the 15th cent. In the 16th Sir J. Price, 1546, used d; G.R., 1567, used d ; Salesbury, 1567, § 20 THE CONSONANTS 23 used dd and ct ; Dr. M. in the Bible, 1588, used dd, which in spite of J.D.R.'s dh, 1592, has prevailed. ««• In this grammar Ml. W. d when it stands for dd (Ò) is transcribed ô. iv. (1) In Ml. W. the letter g stands initially and medially for the sound g. The voiced spirant 5 had then disappeared. (2) But g is also used as well as ng for the sound ng {p) (as in Eng. song). When final, g must mean the nasal, for the explosive is written c, § 18 ii ; thus Hog b.b. 90, w.m. 180, e.m. 87 must be read Hong ' ship'. m- In this work Ml. g when it represents the nasal ng (10) is transcribed g. (3) Medially ng sometimes stands for n\g (pronounced ng like the ng in the ^ng. finger) ; thus Bangor, pronounced Bangor. The simple sound represents original , as papep juv. =pa beth ' what '. (2) In Ml. W. the sound is generally written th, though in some early mss., as b.ch., sometimes t (after r) as kemyrt a.l. i 4 = h/mp't/i ' took \ In Mn. W. it is always written th. Such a form as perffeidỳaw il. a. 19 is no exception to the rule. The th had been voiced to dd, and the word was perffeiddiaw. It is so written in Early Mn. W., and the Late Mn. W '. perffeithio is a re-forma- tion. See § 108 iv (2). iii. (1) The sound ch (x) is written ch in O. W., as biclian ox. = byclian • little '. Once we have gch, in iurgcliell m.c. ' fawn \ Mn. W. iyrchett. (%) The sound is written ch consistently in Ml. and Mn. W., and there seem to be no variations to note. § 21. i. The sounds m/i, ŷi/i, and ngh were written mp, nt, and nc in O. W. ; and mp, nt and nc, ngk, or gk in Ml. W. These combinations continued to be written throughout the Ml. period, though the modern signs appear as early as w.M. or earlier ; see §107. § 22 THE CONSONANTS 25 In Early Ml. W. we also find m for mh, n for nh, and g for ngh ; see § 24 i. ii. The letters m, n, ng have always represented the sounds m, 7i) to ; but m also represented v in O. W., § 19 i ; ng may represent Tog in Ml. and Mn. W. ; and to was also written g in Ml. W. ; § 19 iv. , . r iii. Initial n has sometimes a prosthetic y- ; as yrwng e yniver ef ac yniver y llys . . . yr yniveroeì> w.m. 40 ' between his host and the host of the court . . . the hosts '. It is also written a as smadreS cm. 2 1 ' snakes ', anniver w.m. 65. § 22. i. In O. W. the sound 11 was written 1 initially, and 11 medially and finally; as leill ox. others', lenn M.c. * cloak ' guolhmg juv. =gwollwng ' release '. In dluithruim juv., if rightly analysed into llwyth ' weight ' and rhwyf ( oar ', we have dl- for /£-, the usual imitation of the 11 sound, § 17 vii, proving the sound to be as old as the 9th cent., though then usually written 1- initially. The imitation thl is common in the earliest Norman records, but has not been used by Welsh writers. ii. In Ml. W. the 11 sound is represented by 11 ; in some mss., e.g. the E.B., it is ligatured thusH, enabling it to be distinguished from double 1 as in callon r.m. 106 ' heart ', lotto r.p. 1369, 1407, kollyn r.b. 1073 'pivot', which we now write calon, lolo, cotyn, § 54 ii. The ligatured capital IL has been used from the Ml. period to the present day in lettering done by hand. iii. In Mn. W. 11 is used. Several attempts have been made from time to time to find substi- tutes : G.R. used 1, Sir J. Price and J.D.R. used lh ; Ed. Lhuyd used lh and \ ; but 11 has held the field. iv. The sound rh was written r in O. and Ml. W. The scribes use r for rh even when the h has a different origin, and some- times even when it belongs to another word, as in y gwanioyn arqf h.b.b. 194 for y gwanwyn a'r haf 'the spring and summer'. $w Ml. W. r for rh is transcribed r in our quotations. v. In the late 15th and early 16th cent, the sound rh was represented by rr and R ; it was not until the middle of the 16th cent, that the present digraph rh, which seems to us so obvious and natural a representation of the sound, came into general use. U/vaT 26 PHONOLOGY § 2a vi. The sounds / and r have always been represented by the letters 1 and r. § 23. i. The sound $ has always been written s. In O. W. it is sometimes doubled as in clrisst juv.=dryssi ' thorns ', iss M.c, Ml. W. ys < is 5 . In Ml. W. it is usually doubled medially between vowels, as in Iessu b.b. 25, 50, il.a. 1, 19, etc., Saesson b.b. 48, messur b.b. 3 ' measure ', etc., but sometimes written single as in Saeson b.b. 60. Initial ss also occurs, as ssillit b.b. 99 = syttyh, Mn. W. sytti ' thou gazest '. z for s is rare : tryzor il.a. 1 7 ' treasure '. ii. Initial a followed by a consonant has developed a prosthetic y- (written y, e, i, etc. § 16), as in ysgol ' school \ It is not derived from the late Lat. prosthetic i- as in iscola, since Corn., Bret., Ir. scol do not show it, and it appears in native words in W., as ystrad. It arose in W. for the same reason as in late Lat., a syllabic pronunciation of s- after a consonant. The earliest recorded examples are Istrat, Estrat, beside Strat in l.l. see its index s.v. Istrat. In the spoken language it is not heard except in words in which it is accented, as ŷsgol, ŷstrad, ysbri[d, etc., and sometimes in derivatives of these, as ysgolion ; but sgúbor, stródur, sgrífen, strijd. In O. W. it is not written : scipaur juv., strotur m.c, scribenn m.c. In Early Ml. W. we have gwastavel a.l. i 4 = gwas-stavell for the later gwas ystavell w.m. 183, e.m. 85. In the oldest verse it does not count as a syllable : Stavell GynSylan ys tywyll heno (10 syll.) it. p. 1045. ' The hall of Cynddylan is dark to-night.' In later verse it usually counts after a consonant and not after a vowel : Mi Iscolan yscolheic ( = 3Ii 'Scólcm yscólhe\ic, 7 syll.) b.b. 81. * I am Yscolan the clerk/ But in b.b. 9 1 we seem to have scolheic after wyd, see § 41 iii (2). Mae sgrifen uwchben y bedd — L.G.C. 20. ' There is a legend above the tomb.' Damasg a roed am i sgrîn. — T.A., A 31101/115. c Damask was spread over his coffin.' Ac ysgrîn i geisio gras. — D.G. 60. ' And a coffin to seek grace/ The y- was general in late Ml. mss., but it is possible that when unaccented the actual spoken sound consisted of a gradual beginning of the s, which like a vowel preserved the r of the article, etc. G.R., 1567, says that yr is used before st, sc, sp, as yr stalwyn, though some §§ 24, 25 THE CONSONANTS 27 write yr ystalwyn, p. 68. He himself also writes ag scrifennu, p. 69, etc. In the 1620 Bible we find sceler, sclyfaeth, serif ennedic, but yscubor, yspeilio, yscrifen, each word generally written in the same way whether it follows a vowel or a consonant. The r of the article is retained before forms without y-, as yr scrifenyddion Barn, v 14, Matt, vii 29. The y- is introduced more freely in the 1690 edition; but its insertion everywhere is late, and of course artificial, since it never became general in natural speech. § 24. i. The letter h has always been employed to denote the aspirate ; but it was not used to represent the aspirate glide after r until the modern period, § 22 iv ; and in some Early Ml. mss. mh, nh and ngh were written m, n and g, as emen (=ym/ien) a.l. i 84, eurenynes (=y vrenhines) do. 4; vy gerenhyt w. 3« ( = vy ngherennhÿb) ; yg gadellig do. 90 ( =yng Ngliadelling)* ii. In O. and Ml. W. h seems also to have been used to denote a voiced breathing*; see § 112. §25. i. Consonantal i is represented in O.W. by i, as iar t juv. = iär ( hen ', hestoriou ox., pi. of Ziestawr, cloriou ox., Mn. W. dorian 'boards',, mell/iionou m.c, Mn. W. meittion 'clover'. Before -oil it is also found as u (once iu), as enmeituou ox., Mn. W. amneidiau * beckonings ', damcircliinnuou juv. ' circuits ' ; iifieiuou juv. í defects ' ; here it was probably rounded into U in anticipation of the final ii ; cf. § 76 iii (3). Where it is the soft mutation of front g it appears as g in O. W., as in Urbgen in Nennius = Urfien, Mn. W. Urien ; Morgen gen. xxv = Morien. Here the i was doubtless heard with more friction of the breath being the spirant 5 corresponding to front g ; see § 110 ii. ii. In Early Ml. W. i is represented by i, except in mss. where y is used for i } § 16 ii {%) ; thus tirion b.b. 2,6, pi. of tir ' land ', dinion do. 45 ( = dynion) ( men '. iii. In late Ml. W. it is represented initially by i, rarely by y ; as Iessu b.b. 25, 50, il.a. i, 19, etc., leuan il.a. 78, iarll % iarlles w.m. 136 ' earl, countess', iawn r.m. 16 'right', ŷawnhaf do. 24 c most proper ', Yessu, Yiessu, il.a. 100. Medially it is written y, as dynnŷon w.m. 32 'men', bedyòŷaw do. 32 'to baptize', mehylỳaw do. 34 ' to think ', etc., etc., rarely as i, as ymbilio lt.M. 3 c he may entreat.' «®- When y represents i it will be dotted as above in the quota- tions in this book.tj-^ ifrvi h**$- 28 PHONOLOGY § 26 iv. In Mn. W. i is written i ; but often j in the 18th cent., see e.g. Llyfryddiaeth 1713, 4 5 1748, 4, 8 ; 1749, a. v. Voiceless i occurs where the word or syllable preceding i causes aspiration, and is written hi (also hy in Ml. W.), as ỳ Marllaetli R.M. 178' her earldom ', kennliyadii il.a. 79 ' to consent '. If pronounced tensely hi becomes the palatal spirant x as i n the German ich, but this does not occur in Welsh : hi remains a voiceless semi- vowel. Cf. § 17 iii. § 26. i. Consonantal w is written gu in O. W. as in petguar ox. = pedwar 'four \ See § 112 ii (1). ii. In Early Ml. W. w is represented by u, v, and w ; in Late Ml. W. by w and 0. Its representation is the same as that of the vowel w ; see § 14 ii (2). In Mn. W. it is written w. The letter w sometimes appears in the form uu, as in keleuuet a.l. i 40 ( = cy-lywed) ' to hear '. iii. Initial w- had become gw~ in the Early Welsh period ; see § 112ii(i); but it is w- under the soft mutation, thus gwallt ' hair,' dy wallt ' thy hair '. Initial gw may come before Z, r or n, as in gwlad ' country ', gwraig ' wife ', gyonâf i I do ', each one syllable. The initial combinations are practically gl, gr or gn pronounced with rounded lips, the rounding taking place simultaneously with the formation of the g, so that the off-glide of the g is heard as w. When the g is mutated away the initial is I, r or n with w as an on-glide ; thus dy wlad ' thy country ' sounds like dyw läd, except that the syllabic division is dy \ wlad. iv. In Ml. and Early Mn. W. final w after a consonant was consonantal ; see § 42. Now the w is made syllabic. The exceptions to the rule were forms in which -w represents earlier -wỳ, as hwnnw ; Mn. W. acw, Early Ml. W. raccw, Ml. W. racko ; assw, gwrw, banw§ 78 i (2). It may have been made consonantal in the last three by analogy, coming after s, r, single n. v. Medial w is liable to interchange withy ; thus cawod, cafod 1 shower ' ; cyfoeth, cywaeih § 34 iv ; diawl ( devil ' for *diajl. The old verbal noun from lliw ' colour ' is Uifo ' to dye ', a newer formation is lliwio ' to colour \ The reason for the interchange is that f was once a bilabial, £, § 19 ii (4), and so, very similar to w, being in effect w with friction of the breath at the lips in- stead of at the back. vi. (1) Voiceless w, by being pronounced tensely, has become § 26 THE CONSONANTS 29 a rounded ch, written chw. It is the result of pronouncing* voiceless w with the mouth-passage narrowed at the back so as to produce audible friction, which is heard as ch (x) accompany- ing" the w. In S. W. dialects the loose voiceless w (written wh or hw) prevails initially. In O.W., in juv. and M.C., chwi i you ' appears as hui ; later this word was everywhere chwi, the ch being still heard even in S.W. (though now unrounded in this word, thus chi). Initial ehw prevails in Ml. W. and later, as chuerv b.b. 83, 84 = chwerw ' bitter ', chuec • do. 84 ' sweet ', chuant do. 34 ' lust ' ; chwythu w.m. 47 ' to blow ', chwaer do. 41 ' sister', chwedyl do. 42, e.m. 29 ' tale', cliwythat il.a. 9 ' breath', chwant do. 11 ' lust', and so generally in Mn. W. ; but wh fre- quently occurs in Ml. mss. and sometimes in Early Mn. poets, as whechet il.a. 147 ' sixth ', whennychu do. 149 'to desire', whaer e.m. 28, wheal G. 147. (2) Initial rounded ch is heard with w as an off-glide, as in cliwaer ; final rounded ch has w as an on-glide, as in iwch ' to you ', ewch ' go ye '. In the latter case the sound is ch in all the dialects, not h. (3) Initial chw sometimes interchanges with gw; as Gware dy chware e.m. 154 'play thy game', chwith, gwith do. 301 'sinister'; this is due to the variability of original initial s-, § 101 ii (1); *sw- > chw- ; *u- > gw-. nghw for chw is due to a preceding n (nhw > tohw), as chwaneg, anghwaneg ' more ' ; yn chwaethach e.m. 7, yghwaethach do. 85, 108 'rather*. (4) Initial chw has often a prosthetic y-, as ychwaneg 'more', ychwanegu w.m. 44 ' to add '. (5) Final rounded -ch, of whatever origin, becomes unrounded if the syllable is unaccented ; thus welewch w.m. 50 ' ye saw ' is welech. But -i[wch gave -wch, as in cerwch 'ye love' for *cerî[wch, see § 173 viii; so 'peswch for *pesi{wch : pas, § 201 iii (2). The form ydych is due to the analogy of ydyrn; so Late Mn. W. gennych after the 1st pi. for Ml. and Early Mn. gennwch, , Note. Teansceiption. — By means of the devices mentioned in the above ÍJ sections (the use of S, g, _r, etc.) the forms of Late Ml. W. can - tXgenerally be transcribed so as to indicate the approximate sound while preserving the exact spelling of the MS. But, as we have seen, the orthography of 0. and Early Ml. W. is so irregular that no such plan is possible. Accordingly, for these periods, the form in the ms. is given, followed, where necessary, by a transcription introduced by the sign = , giving the probable sound in modern characters. The works of Early Mn. poets are often found in late mss. and 30 PHONOLOGY § 27 printed books containing not only dialectal forms inconsistent with the forms implied by the rhymes of the bards, but also late inventions, such as ei, eich, etc. In these cases the spelling has been standardized in the quotations in this work. The spelling of the MS. is here of no importance, as the cynghanedd, rhyme or metre is in every case relied on as showing the exact form used by the author. All quotations are given with modern punctuation, including the insertion of the apostrophe, and the use of capital letters. Sounds in Combination. Syllabic Division. § 27. i. In Welsh a single consonant between two vowels belongs normally to the second syllable ; thus co\nu ' to sing ', gwe\le\dig 'visible ' ; when there are two or more consonants the first belongs to the first syllable, as can\tor ' singer ', can\iad 'song', tan\wi[dcl 'fire- wood', can\tref ' hundred (district)'. A double consonant belongs to both ; thus in can\nu ' to whiten ', the first syllable ends after the stoppage of the mouth -passage for the formation of the n, and the second begins before the opening of the passage which completes the formation of the consonant. Thus a double consonant implies not two indepen- dent consonants, but a consonant in which the closing of the passage takes place in one syllable and the opening in the next, and both count. This is seen most clearly in a word like drycin ' storm ', where the c closes as a velar q and opens as a palatal % (drŷq\%m), and yet is not two complete consonants. The conso- nants p, t, c, m, s, ng, 11, are double after accented vowels, though written sing'le ; thus ateb, canosant = at\teb, co\nas\sant. See § 54. ii. A consonant which is etymologically double is simplified after an unaccented syllable; as cy\né\Jìn r.m. 183 'familiar' (cyn-nef-in < *kon-ô.orn-ìno- : Lat. domus) ; whe\aŷ\chu e.b.b. 89 (from ckwant) ' to desire ' ; ym\gy\mtll\aw, do. 49 (from cynmdl) ' to gather together '. But this phonetic rule is not regularly observed in writing, except in the final unaccented syllable, calonn ' heart ' (pi. calónnau), Cálann (from vulg .Lat. Kalaud-), etc., being generally written colon , Colon, etc, iii. In modern writing the division of syllables where required, as at the end of a line, is made to follow the etymology rather than the 4§ 28, 29 SYLLABIC DIVISION 31 sound ; thus it is usual to divide can-u ' to sing ' so, can being the stem and u the ending, instead of ca-nu, which is the true syllabic division. In the case of more than one written consonant the division is usually made to follow the sound; thus, can-nu ' to whiten ', plen-tyn ' a child ', the etymological division being cann-u, jplent-yn. Ml. scribes divided a word anywhere, even in the middle of a digraph. In this grammar syllabic division is indicated when required by | as above ; and the hyphen is used to mark off the formative elements of words, which do not necessarily form separate syllables. Diphthongs. § 28. A diphthong consists of the combination in the same syllable of a sonantal. with a consonantal vowel. When the sonantal element comes first the combination is a falling diphthong. When the consonantal element comes first it is a rising diphthong. " Diphthong " without modification will be understood to mean falling diphthong. Falling Diphthongs. : *^Ẃ> §29. i. In O. W. falling diphthongs had for their second element either i, front u, or back u. The O. W. diphthongs with Mn.W. (au.), ae (ou.), oe wy ei, ai eu, au aw ew iw uw, yw yw, ew ii. (i) As i in O. "W. represented both i and ?/ the exact value of the second element in O. W. ai, oi, ui cannot be fixed ; but it was probably receding in the direction of ?/. In ẃy it has remained y. : The former diphthongs are generally written ae and oe ; but the spellings ay, oy are commonly met with in Early Ml. W., and sometimes in mss. of the Mn. period; as guayt 'blood', coyt 1 timber', mays 'field' l.l. 120; croyn 'skin' a.l. i. 24, 'mays do. 144; Ysjpayn 'Spain', teyrnassoyS ' kingdoms ' por. In r.m. 118 their Ml. and Mn. developments are as follows : 0. W, Ml. W. ai an, ae i - oi oq, oe ui wh ^ei ei Front ü ou (au) eu ^au aw eu ew Back u - iu iw iu uw, yw ^ou yw, ew 32 PHONOLOGY §§ 30, 31 we have haearn, in 119 hay am 'iron'. Though now always written ae, 08, the sound in N. W. is still distinctly ay, oi[ ; thus maes, coed are read mays, coyd. In Mid and S. "Wales the sound approaches the spelling ae, oe. In parts of S. W. the diphthongs are simplified into ä, ö in the dialects : mas, cod. In Pembrokeshire oe becomes w-ë and even we. (2) Ml. W. ae and oe are derived not only from O.W. ai and oi, but also from O.W. disyllabic a|e and o|e ; thus saeth < sa\eth < Lat. sagitta ; maes < ma\es (rhyming with gormes, b.t. 25) < *ma%es ; troed pi. traed (rhyming with vrithret / bryssỳet e.p. 1042) from *troget-, *traget-, § 65 ii (1). They may also represent a contraction of a|n, o|n as in däed § 212 iv, troent, § 185 i (1). iii. Ml. W. ei had an open and a close e according to position ; these developed into Mn. W. ai and ei ; see § 79 i. The present sound of the form ei is n, where a is an obscure vowel which is hardly, if at all, distinct from y. iv. O.W. ou ( = oil) occurs once as au, in anutonau juv. ' perjuria ', which in ox. is anutonou. The was unrounded in Ml. "W., becoming an indistinct vowel, open and close, written e ; the two forms became Mn. W. au and en ; see § 79 ii. v. O.W. au and eu (back u) have remained the same phonetically, the back u being written w in the later language. O.Ẅ. iu repre- sented three distinct diphthongs according as i represented i or either sound of y. The diphthongs yw and yw are even now of course both represented by a single group yw in ordinary writing. The rules for distinguishing between them are those that apply to y and y generally ; §82ii( 4 ). vi. O.W. ou (back u) represents the diphthong yw, written yw and also ow at a later period, § 33 iii (2). Thus diguolouichetic ox.; Ml. W. llywychedie e.m. 84 ' shining ', llywych e.p. i 153, which appear beside llewych e.p. 1154, Mn. W. llewych corr. into llewyrch 'light'; § 76 vi, viii. § 30. The diphthongs ae or au. and oe or ou. followed by w form the falling triphthongs aew, oew or aqw, oqw, in g\oai[w 'spear', gloi[w ' bright', /w?/w 'sprightly', crot/iv ' clear ', which remain strictly monosyllabic in the cynghanedd of the Early Mn. bards. In late pronunciation the w is made syllabic, except when a syllable is added, as in the pi. gloqwon which is still disyllabic. In dd?/wc/i, contracted from dä ywch, the dt/w has now been simplified into aw ; see § 212 iv. § 31. i. Unaccented ae in the final syllable was often re- duced to e in the Ml. period, especially in verbal forms and proper names ; as in adwen for adwaen ' I know ', chware for chvarae ' to play ', Ithel for Itiiael, O. W. IudJiail ( = iüh-Iiail). § 32 FALLING DIPHTHONGS 33 Pan aeth pawb allan ỳ chware e.m. i 16 ' When everybody went out to play'; see also e.m. 15, 38, 84, 87, 153, etc. Lloches adar i chwarae, Llwyn mwyn, llynaW Hun y mae. — D.G. 37. 'A retreat for birds to play, a pleasant grove, that is the manner [of place] it is.' See also D.G. 40, 58, 465 (misprinted -au in 169). Nid gwr heb newid gware : Nid Hong hebfyned oH lie. — G.G1. c. i 197. ' He is not a man, who does not change his pastime ; it is not a ship, that does not move from its place.' For examples of adwen, see § 191 ii (2). ii. (1) The simplification of final unaccented ai and au to e are dialectal and late. Such forms as lief en for llefain, gwele for gwelai are avoided by the Early Mn. bards in their rhymes, but they begin to appear in mss. in the late 15th cent., and were common in the 1 6th and 17th cent. But the literary forms never fell out of use, and ultimately supplanted the dialectal forms in the written language, though some of the latter have crept in, as cyfer for cyfair, Ml. "W. hyveir § 215 iii (9), ystyried for ystyriaid § 203 iii (2). (2) The levelling in the dialects of the sounds mentioned gave rise to uncertainty as to the correct forms of some words. The word bore 'morning' began to be wrongly written boreu or borau in the 15th cent. a ; see G. 190. The forms camrau, godreu, tylau are later blunders for the literary forms camre 'journey', godre ' bottom edge', pi. godreon, e.m. 147, and tyle 'hill; couch'. The new ychain for ychen 'oxen' § 121 iii is due to the idea that -en is dialectal. In Gwynedd ychain is heard, but is a dialectal perversion like merchaid for merched. Tesog fore gwnar lie 'n lion, Ac annerch y tai gwynion. — D.G. 524. 'On a warm morning make the place merry, and greet the while houses.' See bore b.b. 31, 55, 82, 92, 108, w.m. 56, 73, etc. JS y i adewais lednais le Ynghymry arfy nghamre. — I.G. 201. 'I left no noble place in Wales on my journey.' See kamre, e.p. 1269. Lluwch ar fre a godre gallt, A brig yn dwyn barúg-wallt. — D.G. 508. 1 Snowdrift on hill and foot of slope, and branch bearing hair of hoar- frost.' See also e.p. 1036. A jphan edrychwyt y dyle e.m. 146 'And when the couch was examined.' § 32. The diphthong ai is wrongly written ae by most recent writers (under the influence of Pughe) in the words afiaiih a There is one example in c.M. 5, which stands quite alone in the R.B., and so is prob. a scribal error. 34 PHONOLOGY § 33 1 delight ', araith t speech ', cyffaith ' confection ', disglair ' bright ', goddaith ' conflagration ', gweniaith (or gioeiniaith) ' flattery ', rliyddiaith 'prose', talaifh £ crown; realm'. See §202 iv (i). The word diffaith, Ml. W. diffeith, ' waste, wild, evil ' (from Lat. defect-us) is generally written so in the good periods (e.g. diffeith b.b. 106, b.m. 1 83) ; "but some early examples occur of a new forma- tion from ffaet/i 'cultivated' (from hsá. /actus), r.p. 1047, 1. 2. Yn y nef rnae 'n un afiaith Yn son archangylion saith. — Gr.H. G. 101. ' In heaven in pure rapture there speak archangels seven.' See D.G. 358, where afiaith is printed afiaeth in spite of its rhyming with gobaith. See also g. 122. Ef a gâr aivdl ac araith, Ef a wyr synnwyr y saith. — H.D. p 99/469. 1 He loves song and speech, he knows the meaning of the seven [sciences].' See G. 118 ; areith b.b. 9, 15. Disgleir Biweir Veir vorivyn. — Ca., e.p. 1247. ' Bright chaste virgin Mary.' Coed osglog, caeau disglair, Wyth ryw yd, a thri wair. — D.G. 524. ' Brandling trees, bright fields, eight kinds of corn and three of hay/ See D.G. 54, 120, 209, 404. See b.cw. 8, early editions of Bible, etc. Fal goddaith yn ymdaith nos. — D.G. 13. ' Like a bonfire on a night's march.' See goSeith e.p. 1042, b.b. 73. Gwenwyn ydiw eu gweiniaith, Gwynt i gyd gennyt eu gwaith. — I.F. m 148/721. ' Their flattery is poison, to thee their work is all wind.' Twysog yw, enwog i waith, Teilwng i wisgo talaith. — E.U. 'He is a prince whose work is famous, worthy to wear a crown/ Troes dilyw tros y dalaith, Torri ar rif tyrau'r iaith. — Gu.O. A 14967/62. ' A deluge has overflowed the realm, thinning the number of the nation's towers/ See G. 80, 87, 199, 218, 257. Tro 'n d'ol at yr hen dalaith ; Digon yw digon daith. — E.P. il 124/283 e. ' Turn back to the old country ; enough is enough of travel/ §33. Late Contractions, i. (1) We have seen that a-e and o-e were contracted early into ae and oe ; § 29 ii (2). This contraction also took place later, as in Cymmeg ' Welsh ', Groeg §33 FALLING DIPHTHONGS 35 i Greek ', and in verbal forms such as aed ' let him go ', rhoed ' let him give ', rJioes * he gave ' ; see § 185. In e.p. 1 189 Gro-ec is a disyllable rhyming with chwec, ostec, Cym\ra\ec, tec; in the e.g. 1119 it is stated to be a monosyllable; D.G. uses it as a monosyllable, 53, as well as rhoes 6 ' gave ', troes 68 'turned', gwnaed 149 'let her do', doed 145, 228 'let him come', ffoes 191 'fled', but ffo\es 61. He uses Cym\rá\eg as a trisyllable rhyming with teg, 2, 179; so G.Gr., d.g. 243. This form persisted in the 1 5th cent. ; as Gymro da i Gym|ra|eg, Gymered air Gymru deg. — G.G1., M 146/281. * A Welshman of good Welsh, let him take the praise of fair Wales/ In the 1 5th cent., however, we meet with the contracted form ; see T.A. g. 251. Later, this was usual : Da i Gym|raeg, di-gymar oedd, Di-dláwd ym mhob dadl ýdoedd. — W.IL. 120 (m.S.B.). * Good [in] his Welsh, incomparable was he, resourceful in all debate.' (2) The contraction of the accented penult with the ultima results in an accented ultima § 41 iii. But in newly-formed compounds, contracted forms such as maes, troed are treated like other mono- syllables, and the accent falls on the penult; thus glŷn-faes D.G. 135 * vale ', méin-droed do. 262 ' slender foot ', dêu-droed ' two feet '. ii. The e.g., 1 1 19, states that ey is always a disyllable. This is not necessarily the case in the penult, for in such forms as ûei/ri/ò, § 122 ii (3), pi. of haer 'fort', tret[bh[cli e.p. 1153 from traethaf 'I treat', etc., it is an old affection of ae. In other cases, however, the diphthong is late, and the disyllabic form is used in poetry down to the 16th cent. Thus: Lloer yw a dawn llawer dŷn, Lleuàd rliianedd Llë|qn. — G.G1., M 148/191. 1 She is the moon and the grace of many women, the moon of the ladies of Lleyn.' See also I.G. 388, 405. Salbri ieuanc sêl brë|nr Sydd i gael swyddau a gwŷr. — Gu.O. A 14967/94. ' Young Salesbury of the stamp of a chieftain [is he] who is to have offices and men.' JVid âi na chawr na dyn chwi[rn, Heb haint Duvj, tinmen të|nrn. — T.A. c. ii 81. ' Neither a giant nor a violent man, without the scourge of God, could take our liege lord.' See g. 176, f. 14, 33. See hë|iirn / tëjnrn / kedqrn e.p. 1226. D 2 36 PHONOLOGY § 33 The contracted form sometimes occurs; as Penfar hev^m pan fo'r hirnos. — D.G. 267. 1 A head-dress of iron spikes when the night is long.' — To the holly. The name Lleyn is now pronounced Llqn, and regarded as an exception to the rule that Welsh is written phonetically. Llŷn, as the name should be spelt, is a contraction of Llyyn, which also occurs, e.b.b. 307, 342 ; and has been written in the contracted form from the 1 6th cent. The contraction is as old as the 14th, for we find liyyn in e.p. 1360, where the metre proves the sound to be Ui[n. Lŷn i Dywyn, yn dau, Dywyn i dir Beau. — W.IL., o. 297. ' From Llŷn to Towyn, we two, from Towyn to the land of the south.' iii. (1) The Mn. W. diphthongs oi, ou and ow are always late contractions ; as in rlioi for rho\i from rlioddi ' to give ' ; ymarJióus c.c. 330 for ymarlio\us ' dilatory ' ; rhoiuch for rJio\iuc7i ' give ye ' ; rJioist for rho\eist ' thou gavest ' ; rlioi for rho\ei ' he gave \ These contractions occur in common words in the 14th cent.; see roi e.p. 1206, 1 210, rlioi D.G. 206, 521, 524, rhois do. 206, rhoist do. 2, e.p. 121 1 ; rout (printed roit) D.G. 206, roi, rown do. 243. But uncontracted forms occur even later ; tro\ais D.G. 307, tro\i I.G., cyffró\î L.G.C., d. 16. (2) The diphthong ow is pronounced with the unrounded, thus 9w, where the a is closer than the first element in the Eng. ow, and is scarcely distinguishable from the obscure y ; in fact the yw in cywydd and the ow in rhowch are identical. Hence in the 15th, 16th and 1 7th cent, the old diphthong yw was often written ow ; as in coivydd or kowydd for cywiidd, see Mostyn e. pp. 2, 3, etc., 26, 27, etc. etc. iv. A late contraction may take the form of one of the old diphthongs ; or even of a simple vowel ; as gla\nJiáu for gla\nliá\u 'to clean'; plan e.p. 1222 for plá\eu 'plagues'; di\léu for di\le\u 'to delete'; awn for d\wn 'we go'; gla\nhad for gla\nhá\ad e cleansing ' ; (g)wnai w.m. 54, 250 for gwna\ei 'did', cf. b.b. 64; cy\tun for cp\tú\un 'united'; bum for lu\um 4 1 have been''; gwy\bum for givy\bú\iim 'I knew'; can for ede\u ' to shut '. These forms occur uncontracted in Ml. W. : gunaun b.b. 81 ( =gwna\wn rhyming with wn) ' I would do ' : yn gyttuun e.b.b. 238; cayu IL.A. 167 ( = cay\ti)j kaeu w.m. 24 ( = &áe\n). Uncontracted forms are met with as late as the 1 6th cent. By garu a wybü|um ; Barllain dy bylgain y bum. — H.S. 5. § 34 FALLING DIPHTHONGS 37 'I have known [what it is] to love thee; I have been reading thy vigil.' See D.G. 38. v. A late contraction usually takes place when a word ending in a vowel is followed by i 'his' or 'her', Ml. y, and often when it is followed by the preposition i ' to ', Ml. y. Ac, ag lose their final consonant and form a diphthong with the former, as a'i Ml. W. ae, ay 1 and his, with his ', but not with the latter : aci ' and to '. Ancr wyfji'n cyweirio ifedd. — 7 syll. § 44 vi. Da i Gymraeg, di-gymar oedd. — 7 syll., i above. N08 da, i ivalch onest y Waun. — 7 syll. G. 177. 1 Good night to the honest fellow of Chirk.' Rising Diphthongs. - <4"^*> «** § 34. i. The rising diphthongs in the Mn. language are as follows : — ia as in caniad, iâr ; wa as in anwar ; ie as in iech?/d ; we as in adweii ; io as in rkodio, ior ; wi as in cedwir ; iw as in iwrch, rhodiicn ; wo as in givalwor ; iy as in iyrchell ; wu as in wq as in edwt/ii ; wy as in penwynni. In Ml. W. i is generally written y, § 17. The combinations ii, p/, in, ww do not occur in Mn. W. They occur in verbal forms in ML, W. but are generally simplified ; see § 36 i, ii. ii. When i or w comes before a falling diphthong the coin* bination becomes a mixed triphthong ; as iai in iaith c language ' ; iau in teithian 'journeys'; waw in gwawd 'song, mockery'; iẃỳ in meddyliwỳd ' it was thought ', neithiwyr, D.G. 424 (now generally neithiwr § 78 i (2) ) ' last night'. — We have a tetraph- thong in the old pronunciation of gwa?/w (or gwaew) § 30. iii. When an unaccented i comes before any other vowel the two are frequently contracted into a rising diphthong ; thus di\ó\ddef 'to suffer ' becomes a disyllable dw\ddef D.G. 137. Some early examples occur, as er\ioed ' ever' for *er \ i \ ted ' since his time \ diver ' by heaven ' § 224 iv (2) is a mono- syllable, as the metre shows in h.p. 1206, D.G. 46, 51. djdwl 1 devil ' must have been contracted into a monosyllable in O.W. 38 PHONOLOGY § 35 when the accent fell regularly on the ultima ; otherwise it would have become *dt\awl. iv. The rising* diphthongs wa and wo are frequently inter- changed ; as givatwar w.m. 185, gwatwor D.G. 136 'to mock'; marwar il.a. 39, marwor ' embers ' (cf. maroryn § 36 iii) ; cawad, cawocl ' shower ' ; pedwar, pedwor ' four '. Pedwor trysor tir Iesu. — H.R., c 7/114. ' The four treasures of the land of Jesus.' The change takes place both ways ; wa becomes wo in cawad b.m. 180, e.p. 1223, D.G. 57 (rhyming with brad) and cawodydd or cafod- ydd D.G. 305 (penult rhyming with bod) ; wo becomes wa in cynawan cm. 21 for cynawon pi. of ceneu § 125 iii; dywad for dywod from dyfod § 193 ix (3). v. (1) The rising diphthongs wi/ and wy are of course not distinguished in ordinary writing, both being represented by wy; see § 82 ii (5). Note then that wy represents three distinct diphthongs, the falling wỳ as in mwyn ( gentle ', c to charm ' ; the rising w?/, short in ywi/wi ' white ', long in ' men ' ; the rising wy as in tywynnu ' to shine \ See § 38. (2) In ordinary writing the falling iw and the rising no are also not distinguished. See § 37. § 35. i. Many stems end in i, which appears before all inflexional endings beginning with a vowel (with the exceptions mentioned in § 36), but is dropped when the stem has no ending; thus wiyfyryrf 'I meditate', myfyriant { they meditate ', wyfyrio ' to meditate ', myfyriol ' meditating ', but myfyr £ medita- tion '. In words borrowed from Lat. the i can be traced to its source in short % ; thus myfyr < memoria ; si[nn, syniaf < sentio ; ystyr, ystyriaf < historia. In native words it represents original i, as in dŷn 'man' pi. dynion from Kelt. *donios: Ir. duine § 100 iv; cf. also § 201 iii (6). — In a few new formations the i is ignored as in di-ystyru ' to ignore ', dynol ' human ' a new formation which has replaced Ml. W. dynỳawl il.a. 12, 24,-38, etc. ii. (1) In Mn. lit. W. i generally appears after syllables having ei, as in ysbeiliaf i I rob ' (ysbail ' spoil ' < Lat. qwlium) ; teitJiiaf 1 1 journey ' {faith 'journey'), gchjan ' words' [gair ' word'), neithko(y)r 'last night', Ml. W. neithwyr § 98 i (3). In these cases the i is omitted in S. W. dialects and most Ml. mss., as § 36 RISING DIPHTHONGS 39 keinliauc b.b. 54 = keinhawc b.t. 28 ; but the oldest Ml. prose mss. (the early mss. of the laws) and Mn. lit. W. follow the practice of the N. W. dialects and insert the i, as keynyauc a.l. i 24 MS. A., cf. 22 mss. B., d., Mn. W. ceìnìog 'penny'. (2) There are, however, several exceptions to this rule besides those mentioned or implied in § 36. The i is omitted before the substantival terminations -en, -es, -edd; as cleilen (M.IL. i 155 has the unusual deilien) 'leaf, bugeiles e shepherdess ', cyfeilles (printed cyfeillies in d.g. J 5) * amie ', meitheäd 'lengthi- ness ' ; before endings of comparison, as meit/ied, meithach, meithaf (maith ' long '), meined, meinachj meinaf {main ' slender '), except r/ieit-ied, -iach, -iaf § 149 i, stems in -eidd- as mamceihŷach IL. a. 8 'finer', pereiddiqf ( sweetest', and some stems in -eith- as perffeitMaf ' most perfect ' ; before the pi. endings -edd, -oedd, as ieithoedd ' languages ' ; in a few isolated words as teilo c to manure' (but teỳlỳaw in b.ch. 102), adeilad 'building'' (but adeilỳat in e.p. 1220), cymdeithas ' society ', eiddo 'property'. (3) Medial ei before a consonant originally simple must be due to affection by i after the consonant ; and the i in ysbeiliaf etc. is the affecting i preserved, -eith- generally represents *-ekt- a verbal noun and adj. formation, as in j^rffeitli ' perfect ', and the i in perffeithio is probably analogical, § 201 iii (6). From these the i has tended to spread. But there is necessarily no original reason for it when ei comes from -ek- or -eg- ; hence the exceptions meithach, cymdeithas> teilo {tail < *tegl- § 104 ii (1)), etc. iii. i is also added to many stems having i or u; as cil £ back ', pi. ciliau, cilia/ ' I retreat ' ; tir ' land ', old poetic pi. tirioii b.b. 26, e.p. 1144, tirio 'to land', tiriog 'landed' (but pL tiredd, tiroedd) ; gmdd 'cheek', pi. gruddiau ; linn 'form', pi. lluniau, llunio ' to form ', lluniaidd ' shapely ' ; ystudŷaw, llavuryaw IL.A. 11 'to study \ *to labour'. In some of these cases also the i is lost in S. W. dialects. iv. Many stems end in w which forms rising diphthongs with the vowels of all endings, except with w § 36 i ; thus galw ' to call ', galwaf ' I call ', gelwaist ' thou calledst ', gelwynt ' they called ', etc. § 36. i. w drops before w, and i drops before i. The semi- vowel is sometimes written (as w or y) in Ml. W., but is often 40 PHONOLOGY § 36 omitted. Thus while e.m. 51 has mi a gadwwn, mi ae kadivwn, the older w.m. 71 has in the same passage mi "a gadwn, mi ay caclwn. Similarly we have vedyhyii in il.a. 48 but bedyhir earlier, p. 42. The syllable closed by the w or i remains closed after its loss ; thus cad\wwn, be\dydd\iir became cäd\wn, be\dydd\ir (not cá\dwn, be\dy\ddir). By re-formation the w is sometimes restored in the spoken lang. in forms like ber\wwc7i ' boil ye' impve., on account of the strength of the analogy of ber\wi, ber\waf, ber\wo$, etc. But the lit. and ordinary form is bër\wch, and the absence of ww in the traditional pronunciation accounts for the well-known W. pronunciation of E. wood as 'ood, etc. ii. i drops before ?/ and u in monosyllables and final syllables ; as ?/rc/i a.l. i 20, il.a. 6 J for *ii/rc7i pi. of iwrch ' roebuck' ; udd i lord ' < O. W. Iud- (' *warrior ') ; peid?/nt e.m. 90 (from peidŷaw 'to cease', cf. peidỳwỳs e.m. 98); Marednh e.p. 1194 for ^Marediub, O. W. Morgetiud gen. xiii ( = Mo?'zetiiib), Gruffudd< O. W. Grip/mid (= Griffiiib). It is often found written in Ml. W., as ystyrŷych E.p. 1153 '"t n o u mayst consider', lúlỳynt il.a. 11 ' they would breed', Uafvuryus do. 28 'laborious', mehylŷut w.m. 103 ' thou wouldst think ' ; but the spelling is perhaps theoretical ; see below. Initial vol in polysyllables has given i, as in Iddeio ' Jew ' for Huhew ; lihel < ^ìuh-hael, O. W. Iudhail. See Ihew p 14/1 k. (13th cent.); iteivon (t = 8) b.b. 102; so in il.a. see its index, and in e.b., see e.b.b. index. Salesbury wrote Iuddew, which he inferred from the derivation. The Bible (1588 and 1620) has Iddew ; but late editors have adopted Salesbury 's unphonetic spelling. D. includes iu among rising diphthongs ; but his only example is the artificial Iuddew. It is seen that iu became u in the syllables which were accented in O. W., and i in syllables unaccented at that period, § 40. The simplification must therefore have taken place before the shifting of the accent; and Ml. W. forms with ỳu (bìu) are analogical forma- tions, and perhaps artificial. iii. w sometimes drops before ; as in the prefixes go- i gov- for gwo- i gwor- ; thus Ml. and Mn. W. goleuni ( light ', O. W. guolleuni juv. But analogy has tended to restore it ; thus while we find atliraon m.a. i 256, ii 319 for athraioon b^.a. 112, e.m. 19, e.p. 1234 ' teachers', canaon b.a. 38, m.a. i 261, 315 for hanawon E.B.B. 147 'whelps', lleot h.m. ii 234, 2,35 for lleioot il.a. 10 § 37 RISING DIPHTHONGS 41 'lions', maroryn il.a. 35 for marworyn D.G. 363 'ember', it generally remained in these words. Late examples of its loss : Ml. W. etwo (varying with etiva by § 34 iv) gives eito r.p. 1357, Mn. W. eto ( = etto) 'again'. So penivag became *penwog whence pennog ' herring ', the pi. retaining the w : penwaig L.G.C. 158, Ml. W.penweic a.l. i 66. *gwolchi 'to wash' gave golchi, whence gylch 'washes'; but in Ml. "W. the latter was gwylch, as y dwfvyr a wylch. pob peth il.a. 18 4 water washes everything.' Mot a wylch mwyn arngylch Man. — Ca., k.p. 1244. ' The sea washes the sweet coast of lion/ iv. i drops before w owing to the extreme difficulty of pro- nouncing the combination, but it remains before vocalic w ; thus gweithiwr ' worker ', gtueithjwyd ' was worked ', but gweithwvr ' workers ' (not ^gioeitliiwi[r). — Of course vocalic i remains in all cases : ysbi-wr ' spy ', pi. ysbî-w?/r. v. i drops after w following a consonant, or following a diphthong ; thus ceidwad for *ceidwiad ' keeper, saviour ', geirwo?i for *geirwion, pi. of gctrw £ rough ', hoy won for */wywion, pi. of Jwyw 'sprightly'. But when w follows a simple vowel the i remains, as in glewion, pi. of gleio 'bold', glawio 'to rain '. It is kept in gvnalen when contracted (as in D.G. 60) for gwi\d\len, § 75vi( 2 ). vi. i drops after îù, as in duon for *duion, pi. of du i black ', goreuon for *goreuion pi. of goreu ' best '. vii. i drops after r or I following a consonant, as meidrol for meidripl 'finite' (yeidrỳawl it.p. 1233, veidrawl do. 1234), budron for *hidrion, pi. of budr c dirty ', crivydrad for crwydriad ' wanderer ', meistraid for meistriaid ' masters ', teimlo for *teimlio ' to feel ', treiglo for treiglw ' to roll '. This rule is not always observed. In some late Bibles crwydrad has been altered into crwydriad. We also find meistriaid in Mn. W. ; dinistrio always retains i, and mentrio occurs for mentro. Ambiguous Groups. § 37. i. As above noted iw in ordinary writing represents both the rising diphthong iw and the falling diphthong iw. 42 PHONOLOGY § 37 ii. iw in the ultima followed by a consonant is iw, as iwrch 'stag 1 ', rhoditoch 'walk ye', cofiivn 'we remember', myrddiwn 'a myriad'. The only exceptions are the Mn. forms iwck for Ml. ?/wc/i ' to you ', and niwl for Ml. nywl § 77 v, § 90. The Demetian disyllabic ni\wl (D.D. s.v., D.G. 150 ní-wl /nä-wyr) is <*niwwl < *niwyl < w/io£ with irregular epenthetic vowel § 16 v (3) (y> w after w § 66 ii (2)). Nifwl existed beside *niwwl. But the standard form appears to be a monosyllable (D.G. 70 niwl / nos); and all the derivatives are from niwl-, as niwliog or niwlog ' misty ', niivlen ' a veil of mist '. Initial iŵ became *üŵ and then iiw in wm£ 'porridge' < Ml. W. nüí (eìŵ^)e.b. i 06 i, Bret, zoi ; but ẁ#rc& remained because it is easier so than if another consonant were added to the group at the end of the syllable. iii. In all other cases iw is iw ; thus (1) finally, as in zw, Ml. yw ' to his ', rhiw ' hill ', briw ' wound ', eclliw ' to reproach', hecldiw 'to-day'. There is no exception to the rule in lit. "W. In the Powys dialect heddiw is sounded heddiw, and in Gwynedd heiddiw ; but the Demetian heddi' implies heddiw. The bards always rhymed it as heddiw, till it came to be written heddyw in the 15th cent, (one example in e.p. 1286), an artificial restoration, see § 77 v. Nid oes fyd na rhyd na rhiw Na lie rhydd na llawr heddiw. — D.G. (to the snow), 408. c There is no world or ford or hill or any free place or ground to-day.' See also D.G. 16, 26, 82, 86, 126, 153, 194, etc. Ni fa hawdd nqfio heddiw I un affrwd yn i ffriw. — T.A., r. 22. ' It has not been easy to swim to-day for one with the stream in his face/ (2) In the penult or ante- penult, as diwedd ' end ', ni\weidio 1 to harm ', ciwdocl ' race, people '. Exceptions are the borrowed words siwrnai 'journey', siwr 'sure', and diwrnod 'day' when contracted, as in Gr.O. 88, for di\ẃrnod for Ml. W. diwyrnawd, w. la (generally in Ml. W. diwamaivt, a S. W. form). iv. iw is disyllabic when it is formed by adding a syllable beginning with w to a syllable ending in i ; thus giveddi ' prayer ', yweddt-wn ' let us pray ', gweddí-wr ' suppliant '. In such words the i is generally written in Mn. W. with a diaeresis — gweddhvr. § 38 AMBIGUOUS GROUPS 43 v. The combination iwy has four sounds : (i) the mixed triphthong iwỳ, as in neithiwyr, § 34 ii. It occurs in verbal forms when the terminations -wỳf, -wyd, -wys are added to stems in i, § 35 ; as rliodiwyf ' I may walk ', tybiwyd ' it was thought '. (2) %wy disyllabic. It occurs when the above endings are added to stems in vocalic i, as gweddíwỳf (3 syll., see example in § 201 ii (2) ) ; and in compounds of di- with stems having wỳ, as in di-wyr ' not bent ' (gwyr 'bent'). (3) iy?Hi or (4) *y?y> according to position, as in llẁn[dd G. 164 'painter', pi. lliwyddion; diw\[d 'diligent' spv. diwytaf. These sounds may occur either when iw is followed by ?/ or y or when i is followed by wi[ or wy in word- formation. § 38. i. The distinction between the falling* diphthong 1 wy and the rising diphthong w\\, both written wy, is an important one. The difference between them is seen most clearly in mono- syllables such as gwi/r ' he knows ', gwi[r í men '. In other posi- tions they are liable to be confused in the dialects, and in a few cases we find confusion even in lit. W. In ordinary written W. the falling diphthong when long is denoted by ŵy (only used initially and after y, c/i), but when short or unaccented there is no method in ordinary use by which it can be distinguished ; in that case it is printed wy, where necessary, in this book. The rising diphthong is indicated by marking the w a consonant. ii. In monosyllables wy represents the falling diphthong ex- cept when preceded by g or c/i ; thus dŵipi ' to bring ', hrŵtpi 'rushes', cŵpi 'complaint', clŵyd 'hurdle', llwybr c path ', /nv?/nt ' they, them ', cwỳmp ' fall '. Words beginning with g or ch have usually the rising diphthong, as gw?/n ' white ', gwyrdd ' green \gwydd ' trees ', chwqrn ' roaring ', chwŷth ' blows ' ; the exceptions are Gw?/ ' the Wye ', gw?/dd ' goose ', gwydd * pre- sence ', gw?/l 'vigil, holiday', gŵi[l 'modest', gi&t/ll 'goblin', gwyr 'knows', gŵyr 'a bend', gwỳstl i pledge', gŵyth 'anger', cliŵydd ' swelling '. Note the following words which conform to the rule, though spelt like some of the above-mentioned exceptions : gwŷdd ' trees ', gwŷl 'sees' § 173 iv (1), gyyijll 'darkness'. iii. When a word has the falling diphthong ŵy in its simple form, the diphthong remains so in all derivatives ; thus mŵyn 44 PHONOLOGY §38 ' gentle ', mwỳnach ' gentler ', mwỳnhau ' to enjoy ' ; cŵipi ' com- plaint ', pi. cwỳniou, v.n. cwyno ' to complain'. Similarly the rising* diphthong remains rising, the ?/ becoming y according to rule, § 82 ii (5) ; thus gwt/n ' white ', gwynnacli i whiter ', gwỳnnu ' to whiten'. In N. W. dialects wy has come to be sounded vrq in the penult after c, g or ch, as cwyno for cwyno ' to complain ' ; gwyddau for gwyddau ' geese ' ; cliwyddo for chwyddo ' to swell '. But original wv, which in the penult is properly wy, has become w in all dialects, as chwthu for chwythu ' to blow ', chwrnu for chwyrnu ' to roar ', gwnnu for gwynnu ' to whiten ' ; see § 66 ii. iv. When a word in its radical form begins with wy the diph- thong is the falling one ; thus tui/ ' egg ', ŵi/t/i ' eight ', wỳthnos ' week ', wỳhr ' sky ', wylo ' to weep ', ŵi[l i weeps ', wỳneb ' face '. wybr y wylo and wyneb are frequently mispronounced ; and in N. W. dialects the w of wyneb having been made consonantal a g has been prefixed to it giving gwyneb. This vulgarism hardly occurs before the 19th cent. JRhaid imi ddŵi{n pridd ar /'ẃyneb a lihag bod i'm adnabod neb. — D.G. 307. ' I must bear earth upon my face, so that no one shall know me.' See wrth f wyneb D. G. 23, yn f wyneb do. 442. Amlwg fydd trŵî[n ar ẃyneb ; a Afraid i ni nodi neb. — E.P. 212. ' Plain is the nose on a face ; we need mention no one.' AW anadl oil aW wyneb h Fal aroglau siojpau Siêb. — D.G., 330. 'And all the breath and face like the perfume of the shops of Cheap- side/ See also g. 49. Os wyneb b iarll sy 'n y bedd, Iarll a aned erllynedd. — D.N., c. i 161. ' If an earl's face is in the grave, an earl was born last year.' So always in the Bible; seefy wyneb, c Gen. xliii 3, Ex. xxxiii 20, Lev. xvii 10, etc. ; eu hwynebau, c Gen. xlii 6, etc. An early indication of the mispronunciation is found in y wynebeu, b.cw. (1703), p. 7, which should be yr wỳnebeu, but has not yet become y gioynebeu. v. Final wy is always the falling diphthong ; as pwi[ ' who ? ' Conwỳ, Myfanwỳ) arlwỳ £ a spread ', dirwỳ ' fine ', Uywy ' beautiful ', a Pronounce the wyn of wyneb so that it rhymes with the wyn of ddíbtin, trûyn as the cynghanedd lusg demands. b Not a'r yivyneb, os gwyneb, the g being ruled out by the cynghanedd. c Not/?/ ngwyneb, eu gwynehau. § 38 AMBIGUOUS GROUPS 45 Tawỳ ; also medial wy followed by a vowel, as mwỳar ( black- berries ', gwỳar ' gore \ Tlawd a íbyr talu dirẃy : Ni thelir math Lowri mŵy. — T.A., A 14879/20. 1 The poor are accustomed to pay forfeit ; they will never more forfeit such a one as Lowri/ But in the Ml. and sg. pres. ind. of verbs with w stems, as in gelwi/ i thou callest ', kedwy ( thou keepest ' § 173 iii (1), Mn. W. ge/wi, cedwi, the diphthong* is of course the rising' one. vi. When a word has wy in the last syllable and a in the penult j the wy is the falling diphthong ; thus arwỳdd ' sign ' , arglwỳdä * lord ', amiwỳd ' cold ', addwỳn D.G. 355 * gentle ', cairn- wỳll e candle ', giuanwỳn ' spring ', cadwyn ' chain ', annwyl i dear ' ; awỳr ' air ', awỳdd ( desire ', see x below. Except in compounds, such as tamm[dd c firewood ', etc. ; see § 83 iii. Rhaid i'r gwan ddal y gannẃyll Tr deivr i wneuthur i dŵt{ll.—~E,.F. 235. 1 The weak must hold the candle for the bold to do his deceit/ Oer gennych eira gwanwyn : Oerach yw 'myd er ych mŵi[n. — T A., c. i 342. 1 Cold you deem the snow of spring : colder is my plight because of you/ See D.G. 321, 408, 525. Aur a gâd yn ddwi[ gadẃyn, A'i roddi'n faich i'r ddyn fwi[n. — D.G. 64. ' Gold was brought in two chains, and laid as a burden on the gentle maiden/ See also g. 250. Dyfynnodd i'w dai f annwyl — Da le mae *n dala i ŵyl. — H.D., p 99/430 ' He has summoned to His mansions my dear one — it is a good place where he is keeping his holiday/ See § 54 i (3). vii. wy is the falling diphthong when it is derived from Kelt. ei corresponding to Irish w or ë, as inpw?/ll ' thought ', Ir. cîall> gŵi[dä ' goose \ Ir. gèd, gwỳstl ( pledge ', Ir. glall, etc. ; or when it is derived from Latin ë, ig or 1, as in rliŵi[d c net ' from rëte, ctü)[r ' wax ' from cêra, églwỳs s church ' from ecclësia, egwỳddor 'alphabet' from äòëcêdärium, gwénwỳn i poison ' from venenum, dwf/s ( intense ' from dênsiis, swi[n ' charm ' from signum ; sŷnnwỳr ' sense ' from sentire. Rule vi may be verified in many words 46 PHONOLOGY § 38 by applying the test of derivation ; e. g. cannwỳll from candëla, cadwỳn from catena? parádwỳs from paradlsus. Geiriau da a gioŷr i'io dŵì[n A ddinistr y ddau wenẃyn. — D.I.D., r. n. ' Good words and men to bring them will destroy the two poisons/ Y doeth ni ddywaid a ŵi[r ; Nid o son y daw synnẃỳr. — G.I.H., g. 144. ' The wise does not say what he knows ; it is not from talk that sense comes/ See also g. hi, 175, 234, 296. viii. wy is the falling diphthong in the substantival termina- tions -rwỳdd ' -ness ', -wỳs ' -ians ', and in the verbal terminations but is the rising one in -w?/r pi. of -wr ' -er '. The ending -wỳs '-ians ' added to names of places is probably derived from the Latin -ènses. Hyd Tork y bu hydref dwi[s, A'r gwanwi/n ar y Gwennẃỳs. — L.G.C. 421. ' As far as York it has been a very autumn, while it was spring to the men of Gwent/ ix. The following words may be mentioned as those most commonly mispronounced : wy is the falling diphthong in cerwỳn 'vat', disgwỳl 'look, expect', Gwỳnedd 'Venedotia', Gwỳndi/d^ id., morwỳn ' maiden ', ierwỳn * fervent ' ; it is the rising diphthong in oherwydd 'because of, cycliwi[n 'rise, start', erchwi/n c protector, [bed]-side ', dedw?/dd ' happy '. See terwyn / gŵyn / brwj/n e.p. 1206 ; eerwỳn / coll-lwỳn D.G. 347. Y ferch addfwỳn Wynedd, Sy ymysg osai a medd. — D.G. 314. ' The gentle maid of Gwynedd, who lives in the midst of wine and mead/ See also L.G.C. 219. Mi a eurafhob morẃyn eiriau mawl er i mŵi[n. — D.G. 28 r. 'I will gild every maiden with words of praise for her sake/ See also D.G. 126, 236, 297, 298, 356, and g. 119, 229, 243. Ar i farch yr âif' erchwuji Yn y llu ddoe'n Hew ddŷn. — T.A. G. 234. a Pughe, <îerivÌDg cadwyn from cadw, made ifc cadwyn, and asserted that it was masculine. He then inferred a fern, cadwen, which (as cadwyn is fern.) was un- fortunately adopted by many 19th cent, writers. But no one has had the courage to write cadwenni for the pi. cadwyni. There is an old word cadtcen or cadtoent which means * a battle ', from cad. § 39 AMBIGUOUS GROUPS 47 * On his steed went my protector in the host yesterday, a man like a lion/ See also L.G.C. 143, D.G. 510. The word kyfrwi[s ' shrewd ' (rhyming with henweri[s and ywi(s in b.t. 78, and with prises 2/8, yr, y, the negative, interrogative and affirmative particles, most conjunctions as the a in bara a chaws ' bread and cheese ', and often prepositions as the rhag in rhag ofn ' for fear '. The Welsh enclitics are the auxiliary pronouns i, di, etc. They are often written in mss. where they do not count in the metre, as in Arduireaue tri b.b. 36 (Arhwyrëaf-i dri) for Arddwyreaf dri (5 syll.) ' I will exalt Three '. These may however be accented for emphasis. § 40. i. In Mn. W. all polysyllables, with a few exceptions named in § 41, are accented on the penult ; as câ\naf i I sing ', cán\iad ' a song ', can\iá\äan ' songs '. ii. The position of the accent was certainly the same in the Late ML period. This is proved by the fact that in the 14th cent, the cynghanedd was fully developed in its modern form in which the penultimate accent plays an important part, ZfCP. iv 123 ff. iii. (1) But certain vowel values point to a period when the accent fell generally on the ultima. The evidence seems to show that this was the case in O. W., and that the transition took place in the Early Ml. W. period. (2) The clear sound i[ occurs in the ultima only ; the obscure sound y, which must have been the sound when unaccented, occurs in all other syllables. Hence the ultima must at one time have borne the accent. In monosyllables which have always been unaccented such as the article yr, y, the sound is y ; but in those which have always been accented, such as dy8 ' clay ', it is y. There has been no shifting of the accent in y dyS ' the day ', which therefore preserves the accentua- tion that resulted in the vowel sequence y . . . i{. Hence a word like rnynifi, which contains this sequence, must once have been accented *myni{8. § 41 ACCENTUATION 49 Similarly Brit, ü remains (written w) in the ultima ; but appears as y in other syllables, § 66 i ; — ei remained and became ai in the ult., but became ei giving ei ( = di) in the penult, § 79 ; — Brit, ä is aw in the ult., o in the penult, § 71 i ; — uw in the ult. is u in the penult, §77 x ; from iii we find ü in the ult. and monosyllables, the easier i in the penult, § 36 ii. (3) In one or two words the vowel of the old penult has dropped since the separation of W. and Bret.; thus W. cryS 'shoemaker' < *cery8 < Brit. *kar(p)iìö: Bret, here, § 86 i (5) ; — W. ysbryd < *spryd < *spyryd < Lat. spiritus : Bret, spered. On the other hand in some words an intrusive vowel developed before the accented syllable ; Ml. W. dyly ' deserves, owes ' comes through *dyly < *dly~z„ § 199 ii (2); the y spread from this to other forms of the verb. — Ml. W. taraw ' to strike ', tereu ' strikes ' < *taráw, *terêu <*traw, *treu. The vowel did not spread from these to trawaf; the late Mn. tarawaf is an artificial lit. form, § 202 i (3). (4) The accent in ýsgol, ýstrad, etc., now falls on a syllable that at one time had no existence. It is obvious that the shifting took place after the introduction of the prosthetic vowel. There is no evidence of that vowel in O. W. In the earliest Ml. W. we find Istrat and Strat, § 23 ii. The latter may be an archaic spelling, but it seems to show that the accent was on the a. We may therefore infer that the transition took place in the Early Ml. period. In some words the prosthetic vowel was never firmly established ; and the accent remains in its original position in these, § 41 i. iv. In Brit, the accent was apparently free as in Pr. Ar. As unaccented ä was shortened, it is seen that in *brateres ( > broder) the accent was on the ante-penult ; as ä which remained accented gives aw, the accent to give must have shifted to the er in O. W., according to the general rule at that period. By the second shifting it went back to its original position, the new penult. Two shiftings must be assumed to explain such a form as ýsbryd, which involves a shifting from *(y)spryd, which in turn implies a shifting from spirit-us. — It will be seen in the following pages that British cannot have shared the fixed initial accentuation of Goidelic. § 41. In some words in Mn. W. the accent falls on the ultima. These are i. A few disyllables in which the first syllable is (1) ys- or (2) ym-\ as (1) ysgrin 'shrine, coffin ', § 23 ii, ystrŷd ' street ', ysgrech ' screech ', ystôr l store ' ; (2) ymwei 4 do thou visit ', ymdd ' do thou leave '. But most words with these initial syllables are accented regularly, as ŷsgol £ school', ỳshryd ' spirit ', ŷsgwyd ' to shake ', ỳmdaith * journey', ŷmgudd D.G. 374 'hides'. In some cases we have both accentuations, see ỳmwel below ; 1402 E 50 PHONOLOGY § 41 occasionally with different meanings, as ŷmladd ' to fight ', ymladd ' to tire one's self ' ; ỳmddwyn ' to behave ', ymddŵyn 8 to bear '. Y dydd ar awr, ni'm dawr, dod ; ýmwel â mi dan ámod. — G.I.H., tr. 91. ' Fix the day and hour, I care not [when] ; visit me under [that] condition.' Arthur o'i ddolur oedd wan, Ac ymladd cad Gámlan. — L.G.C. 450. ' Arthur was weak from his wound, and from fighting the battle of Caiman/ See also T.A., c. ii 78. T fir óh wéddw ddifrychéuddeddf WediW ymlädd a'r drem leddf. — D.E., p 112/840. 'The widowed woman of spotless life after the prostration and disconsolate aspect.' ii. The reduplicated pronouns mgfi, tydi, etc. Rarely these are accented regularly ; see § 159 ii (2). iii. (1) Words in which the last syllable has a late contrac- tion, § 33, such as pa\ra\tói for Ml. W. pa\ra\to\i ' to prepare ', cy\tun for Ml. W. cy\tu\un ' united ', Gwr\tkeyrn for Gwr\tÂe\yrn, Cÿm\räeg for Cŷm\rä\eg, pa\rhäd for pa\rhä\ad 'continuance \ It is seen that in these words the accent in Ml. W. was regular, and kept its position after the ultima was merged in the penult. (ä) In the word ysgolhaig, Ml. W. yscolheic ' scholar ', the con- traction in the last syllable seems to have taken place early in the Ml. period, as Nid vid iscolheic nid via eleic unben b.b. 91 (10 syll. ; read scol\heic, § 23 ii), but it was necessarily subsequent to the fixing of the present accentuation ; in b.b. 81 the uncontracted form occurs, rh. with guledic. A similar form is pen-dig ' chief. The wovaffelaig seems to have been accented regularly ; thus in r.p. 1221 we have ff eleic /ffilij, the latter being the h&t.jilii. Tudur waed Tewdwr ydoedd, A phenáig cyff leuan oedd. — Gu.O., G. 196. ' He was Tudor of the blood of Tudor, and chief of the stock of leuan.' iv. A few words recently borrowed from English ; as apel, \ appeal '. § 42 ACCENTUATION 51 v. Di syllables in which h stands between two vowels are accented regularly; thus cýhyd as in Cýhyd a rhai og háeam D.G. 386 1 [spikes] as long as those of an iron harrow ' ; and hyd gýhyd c.c. 312 'full length'; cỳhoedd l public ', as in gýhoedd/gáeat, k.p. 1283; gwéheirddD.G. 20 'forbids '. Contraction has taken place in some of these, thus cỳhoedd > *cóhoedd > coedd, D.G. 524 ; so gwáhan > gwân, which gave rise to gwahân. This appears to be the reason for gwahân, cyhŷd, gwahardd^ etc. in recent W. § 42. In Ml. and early Mn. W. final w after d, b, n, I, r, s was consonantal, § 26 iv ; thus meddw ' drunk ', marw ' dead ', delw ' image ', were monosyllables, sounded almost like meddf, marf, delf. Hence when a syllable is added the w is non-sylla- bic for the purposes of accentuation ; thus méddwon 'drunkards ', márwol ' mortal ', márwnad c elegy ', délwau ' images ', árddelw * to represent, to claim '. The w is usually elided between two con- sonants, as medd-dod ' drunkenness ', for méddwdod. In b.b. 84 we have uetudaud (^fehwdawd), but in Ml. W. generally such words were written without the w, as mebdawt, k.p. 1217, 1245, 1250, 1269, tl.a. 147 ; gwehdawt b.t. 31, r.p. 1261 ' widowhood '. The w inserted in these words in recent orthography is artificial, and is commonly misread as syllabic w y thus medd\w\dod, the accent being thrown on the ante-penult, a position which it never occupies in Welsh. The correct form médd-dod is still the form used in natural speech. When final, in polysyllables, the w is now dropped, and is not written in late W., so there is not even an apparent exception to the rule of accentuation ; thus árddelw ' to claim ', sŷberw ' proud ' are written drddel, sŷber. In (jtoárchadw i to guard ', ymóralw c to attend (to) ', metathesis took place about the end of the Ml. period, giving gwdrchawd, ymór- awl, which became gwdrckod, ymórol in Mn. W. In all standard cynghanedd the w in these words is purely non- syllabic : Da arSelw kynnelw KynSelw keinSawn. — b.p. 1229 (9 syll.) 'A good representation of the exemplar of Cynddelw exquisitely gifted.' The accentuation of KynSelw corresponds to that of keinhawn. Cf. kyvarch / kyfenw, 1230. I llórf am pair yn llẃyrf arw hud gwir ac hoed garw. — D.G. 208. ' Its [the harp's] body makes me faint jaway from real enchantment and sore grief.' E 2 52 PHONOLOGY § 42 Dyn marw a allai far wain Weithian drwy eithin a drain. — D.I.D., G. 182. ' A dead man might lead me now through furze and thorns.' F'enaid hoen geirw afonydd, Fy nghaniad dy fárwnad fy id. — 1L.G., f.n. 30. ' My beloved of the hue of the foam of rivers, my song thy dirge shall be.' Cf. i fdrwnad efo D.I.D., g. 184. Marwnad ym yw awr yn d'ôl. — T.A., a 14894/35. ' It is a lament to me [to live] an hour after thee.' Pwy ath eilw pe â'th wayw onnì — T.A., A 14975/102. ' Who will challenge thee if with thy ashen spear Ì ' The last example shows that eilw could still be a pure monosyllable at the end of the 15th cent., for the present disyllabic pronunciation mars the cynghanedd. Even stronger evidence is afforded by the accentuation dêu-darw / dôdi B.Ph.B., Stowe 959/986. Although final w was non-syllabic, yn or yr following it was generally reduced to i n or Vj being combined with the w to form wn or wr, § 26 iii. Äch gwaed, rhyw ywch gadw'r hëól. — T.A., A 14965/46. ' With your blood it is natural to you to guard the road.' Murnio da, marw'n y diwedd. — D.IL., r. 31. c Stowing away wealth, [and] dying in the end/ In a compound like marwnad the w was not difficult, for wn (rounded n) is common in Welsh, § 26 iii. But the colloquial pro- nunciation is now mawrnad, with metathesis of w. In 16th and 17th cent. mss. we also find marnad and barnad. The combination is more difficult in such compounds as dérwgoed ' oak-trees ', mdmvddwr ' stag- nant water ', chwêrw-der ' bitterness ' ; and though the etymological spelling persisted in these, the pronunciation dér-goed, már-ddwr, chwêr-der is doubtless old. Lie dírgél gerllaw dérwgoed. — D.G. 321. 'A secret place near oak-trees.' Cf. dérwgist, T.A., g. 232. Trofy chwer'der yn felysdra. — Wms. 657. 1 Turn my bitterness into sweetness.' Gyr chwérwder garchárdai ; Newyn y lleidr a wnan llai. — D.W. 112. ' [Charity] drives bitterness from prisons ; it makes less the hunger of the thief/ Note i. The rule that such words as marw, delw are monosyllabic was handed down by the teachers of cynghanedd, but the bards of the 19th cent, hardly knew what to make of it. Thus R.G.D. 97 uses marv) and delw, and E.F. 185 uses enw and garw as monosyllables, while at the same time rhyming them. They no more rhyme as § 43 ACCENTUATION 53 monosyllables than if they were rnarf, del/, or enf, garf. In standard cynghanedd, marw rhymes with garw, tarw only, and delw with elw, gwelw only ; see below. The disyllabic pronunciation may be traced as far back as the 15th cent. In a couplet attributed to D.G. (see d.g. 322) bw rhymes with galw, a rhyme condemned by S.V. because galw is a monosyllable whose vowel is a, p.il. xcii. Some old rhymes are syberw/hirerw/derw/chwerw, b.b. 69 ; agerw/ chwerw/syberw/gochwerw, b.a. 19; helw/delw, ib. ; dyveinw/dyleinw, b.t. 21; divanw/llanw, m. A. i 475; ymoralw/salw, do. 466; cadw/ achadw/bradw, I.G. 422 ; enw/senw, do. 407 ; geirw/teirw, D.G. 500; syberw/ferw, Ë.P. 203. Note 2. In hwnnw, acw (earlier raccw) the w was vocalic ; also probably in other forms in which it is a reduction of -wy, see § 78 i (2). § 43. i. No Welsh word or word fully naturalized in Welsh is accented on the ante-penult. Such forms as Sáesoneg ì Sáeso?ie$ are misspellings of Sáesney, Sáesnes. AW gyfreith honno a droes Alvryt vrenhin Gymraec yn Saesnee r.b. B. 79 'And that law did king Alfred turn from Welsh into English.' See ib. 64, 95, 96, etc. The following words for different reasons are now sometimes wrongly accented : catholig, omega? penigam'p ' masterly ', periglor ' parson ', lladmérydd ' interpreter ', ysgelérder ' atrocity ', oUwydd ' olives '. A thdlurffin gathólig. — S.C. 'And to pay the catholic fine.' Cf. c.c. 25; I.G. 491 ; L.M., d.t. 196. Cyngor períglor églwys. — M.R., r. 12. 1 The counsel of a church parson '. Penáig y glod, penigamp — Pennod i chompod a'i champ. — M.B. (m. D.G.), A 14967/183. ' Master of the [song of] praise, supreme — the height of its compass and achievement.' Alpha ac Oméga máwr. — A.R. (1818), e.g. p. xiii. 'Great Alpha and Omega/ Cf. il.m. 2. See Wms. 259, 426, 869. ii. A few words recently borrowed from English are accented on the ante-penult, as mêlodi, phüósophi ; but derivative forms of even these are accented regularly, e.g. melôdaidd, philosophy dd. a This word has been naturalized in Welsh as in other languages, and the natural Welsh pronunciation is probably nearer the original than the omega now some- times heard from the pulpit in imitation of the English fashion. The adjective is not an enclitic in u/ /xeya. The natural accentuation, as used by the hymn- writers, is unconsciously adopted by those like A. Koberts who are not affected by a little learning. 54 PHONOLOGY § 44 § 44. i. In a regularly accented word of three syllables the first syllable is the least stressed ; thus in can\ia\dau the stress on can is lighter than that on dau, both being unaccented as compared with ia. Hence the vowel of the first syllable is liable to drop when the resulting combination of consonants is easy to pronounce initially ; as in Mn. W. pladur ( scythe ', for Ml. W.paladtcr, cm. 95 (paladurwyr w.m. 425, 426) ; Mn. W. gwrando f to listen', for Ml. W. gwarandaw^ b.m. 16, cm. 29; Mn. W. Clynnog for Ml. W. Kelynnawc, il.a. 124. Some shortened forms are found, though rarely, in Ml. prose and verse : gwrandaw , cm. 27 ; kweirywyt for Jcyweirỳwyt 'was equipped', r.p. 1276 (the y was written, and then deleted as the metre requires) ; pinywnR.v. 1225 from E. opinion; grennyS do. 1055 for garennyS. For dywedud 'to say' we generally have dwedud in Early Mn. poetry (written doedyd in the 1 6th cent.); so twysog,T&.V. § 32,b.cw. 71, for tywysog ' prince ' ; cledion c.c. 334, 390, pi. of caled i hard'; clonnau for calonnau ' hearts ', in Tyrd, Ysbryd Glân, i 'n clonnau ni, R.V. ii. In words of four or more syllables, when pronounced de- liberately, the first syllable has a secondary accent, as hèn\di\gé\dig ' blessed ', pi. bèn\di\ge\díg\ìon. This also applies to trisyllables with the accent on the ultima, as cỳj\iavj\nhäd 'justification \ The least stressed syllable is the second ; and this is often elided, in which case the secondary accent disappears ; as in Mn. W . gorehfŷgu for gòrchyfỳgu il.a. 15, and in Mn. W. verse tragẃydcìol for trà\gy\ẃy\ddol 4 eternal ', partói for pà\ra\tói ' to prepare ', llythrénnau for llỳthÿrénnau ' letters ', perthnásau ' relations ' for pèrthynásau^ etc. Gwaeddwn, feirdd, yn dragẃyddol ; Gwae ni nad gwiw yn i 61. — Gu.O., A 14967/120. { Bards, let us cry for ever ; woe to us that it is useless [to live] after him.' See g. 160, 255. Yn ddyfal beunydd i bartói. — Wms. 259. 1 Assiduously every day to prepare/ iii. When a vowel is elided, as in i, ii, or v, the same vowel disappears in the derivatives of the word ; thus pladunvyr ' mowers ' ; twysoges b.cw. i i ' princess \ from twysog, for tywysog ; tragwyddoldeb ' eternity ', ymhartói ' to prepare one's self, 'wyllys- gar { willing' (ewyllys, 'wyllys i will '). § 44 ACCENTUATION 55 Wedi 'mrawd ymcCr ydwyf\ A to, Dduw, ymbartói dd wyj. — L.Mor. (m. I.F.). 1 After my brother I tarry here ; to him, Oh God, I am preparing [to go].' (The metre proves the elision, but not its position.) In iragwyddoldeb the lost syllable is the second, so that there is no departure from the general principle laid down in ii ; but in pladur- wyr the first is lost because the word is formed from the reduced pladur. If jpaladurwyr had been reduced directly it would have given *paldurwyr ; similarly twysoges, etc. iv. Occasionally in Mn. W. haplology takes place, that is, a consonant, if repeated in the following syllable, is lost with the unaccented vowel ; as erledigaeth for erlidedigaeth ' persecution ', crediniol for credaduniol, § 132 (8), ' believing '. (Cf. Eng. singly for single-ly i Bister for Bicester, Lat. stipendium for stipijjen- dium, etc.) v. An unaccented initial vowel sometimes disappears, as in Late Ml. W. pinŷwn b.p. 1225 ' opinion', borrowed from Eng. ; 'wyllys for ewyllys in verse ; and in Late Mn. W. machlnd l to set ' (of the sun) for Ml. and Early Mn. W. ym-achludd, D.G. 121, § 111 vii (3). As a rule, however, this elision only takes place after a vowel : Tebig yw V galennig lân I 'dafedd wlad J fan. — I.D., tk. 142. ' The fair new year's gift is like threads from the land of [Prester] John.' Another reading is / edafedd gwlad I fan, I.D. 22. Ac ef gyda 'i ogyfoed Yw gŵr y wraig oreu 'rioed. — L.G.C. 318. ' And he with his mate is the husband of the best wife [that] ever [was].' In the dialects it is very common : morol ' attend (to) ' for ytnorol, rnolchi for ymolchi ' to wash ', deryn for aderyn ' bird ', menyn for ymenyn ' butter ', mennyh for ymennyS ' brain ', etc. vi. In a few disyllables the vowel of the final unaccented syllable is sometimes elided ; thus ónid í but' appears generally as oud in Mn. W. Other examples met with in Mn. (rarely in Late Ml.) verse are mipid for mŷned 'to go ', tyrd for tyred 1 come ! ' gweld for gwéled c to see ', llond for llónaid ' full (capa- city) ', cans for cánys ' because ', namn for námyn ' but ', all except the last two in common use in the dialects. Similarly ér ys be- comes ers, § 214 vii. 56 PHONOLOGY § 45 A ncr wyffi 'n cyweirio i fedd, Ond aros mujid i orwedd. — D.G. 295. 1 1 am an anchorite making ready his grave, only waiting to go to rest/ Cans ar ddiwedd pob gweddi, Cofcywir, yr henwir hi. — D.G. 235. 1 For at the end of every prayer, unforgotten she is named.' MaSeu, kanys ti yw'r meUc. — r.p. 1298 (7 syll.). * Forgive, for Thou art the Healer/ The length of the line shows that hanys is to be read kans. It occurs written cans in w.m. 487. Ni edrychodd Duw V achwyn ; Ni rnynncdd aur, namn i ddwyn. — G.GL, m 148/256. 1 God did not regard the lamentation ; He desired not [to have] gold, but to take him away/ See also I.G. 380. See examples of tyrd, dyrd in § 193 viii (2). vii. The vowel of a proclitic is often elided (1) After a final vowel, y is elided in the article ýr, § 114 ; the pronouns yn e our ', ŷch ' your ' (now written ein, eioli), § 160 ii (1) ; the oblique relative y or yr, § 82 ii (1), § 162 ii (2) ; the pre- position yn, § 210 iv. (2) Before an initial vowel, y is elided in fy ' my ', cly 'thy ', § 160 i (1). (3) The relative a tends to disappear even between consonants, § 162 i. (4) The vowel of pa or py ' what ? ' sometimes disappears even before a consonant, as in pie l where ? ' § 163 ii (2). (5) After pa, rqw tends to become ry and r\ § 163 ii (6). § 45. i. (1) Compound nouns and adjectives are accented regularly ; thus gwin-llan i vineyard ', cadén-fardd ' chaired bard ', gwág-law or Haw-wag ' empty-handed '. Gwáwd-lais mwydlch ar góed-lwyn, Ac ëos ar lios Iwyn. — D.G. 503. ' The musical voice of a thrush in a grove, and a nightingale in many a bush/ Yn i dydd ni adai wan Acw 'n lláw-wag, Gwenllían. — L.G.C. 232. ' In her day she, Gwenllian, left not the weak empty-handed there/ (2) Even a compound of an adjective and a proper name may be so accented ; as § 45 ACCENTUATION 57 Dágrau am urddedíg-Rys Yw V mtr hallt, os gwir rnarw Rhys. — G.G1., m i 46/1 71. 1 The salt sea is tears for noble Rhys, if it is true that Rhys is dead.' See Uchél-Grist, D.G. 259. The name Bendigéid-frán 'Bran the Blessed', was so accented, and the /was lost, § 110 iii (3), giving Bendigêidran (corrupted into Benegridran in Emerson's English Traits, xi). Bondo gwŷdrBendigéidraii. — T.A., a 14976/166; c. Ü83. 1 The glass eaves of Bendigeidran.' (3) When the first element has one of the mutable sounds ai, au, w i y it is mutated in the compound, becoming ei, eu, y, y respectively, because it is no longer ultimate when the compound is treated as a single word ; thus gwêith-dy ' workshop ' (gwaith ' work '), héul-des 1 heat of the sun ' {haul ' sun '), drýg-waith ' evil deed ' (drwg ' evil '), melỳn-wallt ' yellow hair ' (melyn ' yellow '). In old compounds aw also is mutated, as in llofrudd, § 110 iii (1). 4$r A compound accented as above may be called a strict compound. ii. (1) But the two elements of a compound may be sepa- rately accented ; thus cöel gréfyää ' false religion ', gáu hróffwyä 1 false prophet ', hen ẅr ' old man ' (sometimes accented regularly, hénwr, B.cw. 64). (2) The difference between a secondary accent and a separate accent should be noted. A secondary accent is always subordinate to the principal accent ; but when the first element of a compound has a separate accent it is independent of the accent of the second element and may even be stronger if the emphasis requires it. Again, the first element when separately accented has the unmutated ai, au, w, or v in its final syllable ; thus in cỳd-nabýddiaelh ' acquaintance ' there may be a secondary accent on cỳd (short y), but in cyd gynúll- iad there is an independent accent on cyd (long y). In fact, when there is a separate accent, the first element is treated as an indepen- dent word for all purposes of pronunciation (accentuation, vowel quantity, and vowel mutation). tir A compound accented as above may be called a loose compound. (3) Sometimes the elements of a loose compound are now hyphened, thus coel-grefydd ; but as any positive adjective put before a noun forms with it a loose compound, in the vast majority of such com- pounds the elements are written as separate words. See § 155 iii. iii. An adjective or noun compounded with a verb or verbal 58 PHONOLOGY § 46 noun forms a loose compound, as cŷnffon lónni ( to wag the tail ', prŷsur rédant i they swiftly run \ Fel y niwl o afael nant Y díson ymadáwsant. — R.G.D. 149. ' Like the mist from the grasp of the valley have they silently passed away.' iv. (1) Prefixes form strict compounds with nouns, adjectives, and verbs ; as áthrisl i very sad ' (trist ' sad '), am-gylcli ' circum- ference ', cỳn-nal ' to hold ', etc., etc. (2) But compounds with the prefixes an-, di-, cyd-, go-, gor-, gwrtk-, rhy-, tra- may be either strict or loose ; as án-awdd or án háwdd 'difficult', § 148 i (6); án-amJ/ỳnys G. 103, án ami, § 164 i (1) ; di-wair, di wáir ' chaste ' ; rl/ŷ-wyr ' high time ' and r/iÿ hwyr ' too late ' ; trá-mawr Gr.O. 51 , ẅä máwr ' very great ' ; trá-doeth do. 5^, tra doeth 4 very wise '. Dí-dad, arnddifad ýdwyf, A dí fráwd wedii farw ivyf. — L.Mor. (m. I.F.). ' Fatherless, destitute, am I, and without a brother after his death.' Y mae V ddibyais tnor ddiwair. — D.G. 148. ' The bosom is so chaste.' Fwyn a dì wáir — f'enaid yw. — D.G. 321. 1 Gentle and chaste — she is my soul.' Cf. D.G. 306. Trâ dä im y try dêu-air. — I.F., c 18/ n. * Very good for me will two words turn out/ In late Mn. W. new compounds are freely formed with these elements separately accented ; thus tra, go and rhy are placed before any adjectives, and treated as separate words; § 220 viii (1). When both elements are accented, the second has generally the stronger accent, unless the prefix is emphatic ; in gor-úwch ' above ', gor-ls ' below ', the first element has lost its accent, though these are also found as strict compounds, thus góruwch, O.G., G. 257, Gr.O. 34. § 46. i. Expressions consisting of two words in syntactical relation, such as a noun and a qualifying adjective or a noun and a dependent genitive, are in some cases accented as single words. 48f» These may be called improper compounds. Mu- table vowels are mutated (y >y, etc.) as in single words. They differ from proper compounds in two respects : (1) the initial of the second element is not softened except where the ordinary rules § 46 ACCENTUATION 59 of mutation require it; (2) the words are arranged in the usual syntactic order, the subordinate word coming last, except in the case of numerals, ii (5) below. Cf. in Latin the improper compounds pater-fa milias, juris-dictio, in which the first element is an intact word, by the side of the proper compounds jpatri-cida juri-dicus in which the first element contains the stem only. ii. Improper compounds accented on the penult consist of — ■ (1) Some nouns qualified by da, as gẃr-da ' goodman ', gwréig-dda ' good wife ', hin-dda ' fair weather ', geir-da ' good report '. Names of relatives with maeth, as tád-rnaeth ' foster father ', mámaeth (for mám- faeth, § 110 iii (1)) 'foster mother', máb-maeth, bráwd-rnaeth, chwáer- faeth. A few other combinations, such as héul-wen ' bright sun ' a (haul fem., § 142 iii), côel-certh 'bonfire' (lit. 'certain sign'). See also (3) below. A bryno tir â braird da, Yn i drdal â'n ẃr-da. — L.G.C. 249. ' He who buys land with good title in his neighbourhood will become a goodman/ (2) Nouns with dependent genitives: tref-tad 'heritage', dýdd- brawd or dỳdd-barn (also dydd bráwd, d\dd barn) 'judgement day', pén-tref 1 village ', pên-cerdd ' chief of song ', pên-tan 'hob '. See also (3) and (4) below. (3) Nouns with adjectives or genitives forming names of places ; as Tré-for or Tré-fawr, Brỳn-gwyn, Mynýdd-mawr, Abêr-maw, Mín- ffordd, Pên-tir, Pen-mon, Pén-mon MáwrJ 3 Even when the article comes before the genitive, the whole name is sometimes thus treated, the accent falling upon the article ; as Pen-y- berth near Pwllheli, Tal-ý-bryn in Llannefydd, Clust-ý-blaì8 near Cerrig y Drudion, Moel ý-ci (pron. Mov\lýc\i), a hill near Bangor, Llan-ê-cü near y Bala, Pen-ê-goes near Machynlleth, Pen-é-berth near Aberystwyth (e for y, § 16 iv (2)). Cf. (7) below. Mi af i ganu i 'm oes I benáig o Ben-é-goes. — L.G.C. 429. ' I will go to sing while I live to a chieftain of Penégoes.' (4) The word duw (or dyw) followed by the name of the day in the genitive ; as Dúw-sul as well as Dúw Sul or Dydd Sul ' Sunday' ; so Dúw-llun ' Monday ', Dúw-mawrth ' Tuesday ', and Dtf-iau for Duw Iáu ' Thursday '. Similarly dá{w)-gwyl ' the day of the feast (of)'. * It is often supposed that heulwen is a proper compound of haul and gwên, meaning the ' smile of the sun' ; but erroneously, for heulwen is the ' sun ' itself, not ' sunshine \ b The common spelling Penmaenmawr appears to be due to popular etymology. Camden, 4th ed., 1594, p. 18, has Pen-mon maur, and the word is now pronounced Pènmon-máwr. 60 PHONOLOGY § 46 Echrỳs-haint, och, wir lesu ! Ddyfod i Iâl Ddíf-iau du.— T.A., G. 235. I A dreadful plague, Oh true Jesus ! that blajck Thursday should have visited Yale.' See § 214 vii, ex. 2. Both accentuations are exemplified in — Bum i'r gog swyddog Dduw Sul ; Wy ddi-swydd, a hyn Ddúw-sul. — T.A., A 14976/108. I I was an officer of the cuckoo on Sunday ; I am without office, and this on Sunday.' (Gwas y gog ' the cuckoo's servant ' is the hedge- sparrow.) (5) A numeral and its noun, as dêu-lwys ' 2 lbs.', dẃy-bunt ' £2 ', cán-punt ' «£100 ', etc. Cf. E. twopence, etc. Though the order is the same here as in proper compounds, and the mutation is no criterion, it is certain that most of these are improper compounds. In the case of un, proper and improper compounds can be distinguished : un-ben * monarch ' is a proper compound, the second element having the soft initial, but un-peth is precisely the combination un peth ' one thing ' under a single accent. (6) The demonstrative adjective after nouns of time v See § 164 iii. (7) Very rarely the article with its noun, as in È-fenéchtyd for y Fenéchtyd ' the monastery ', in which the article, taken as part of the word, acquired a secondary accent. iii. Improper compounds accented on the ultima consist of — (1) A few comlwnations of two monosyllabic nouns, of which the second is a dependent genitive and the first has lost its accent ; as pen-rháith ' autocrat ', pen-Had ' summum bonum ', pry-nhawri for pryt nawn. Yr eog, rhŷwiog ben-rháith., At Wén dos eto ún-waith. — D.Gr. 148. 1 Thou salmon, gentle master, go to Gwen once more.' A 9 m cérydd naawr i 'm cáriad, Ac na'th gawn yn lláwn ben-lläd. — D.G. 513. ' And my great punishment for my love, and that I might not have thee as my whole delight.' (2) A number of place-names of similar formation, as Pen-iyrch. Note. — (1) From this and the preceding section it is seen that accentuation does not always accord with the formation of words. A loose compound is etymologically a compound, but its elements are accented as separate words. An improper compound is etymologically a combination of separate words accented as one word. The accentua- tion of improper compounds is to be accounted for thus : in O. W. we may assume that gwr da, Aber Maw, Pen y berth were originally accented as they would be if they were formed now, with the main § 47 ACCENTUATION 61 stress in each case on the last word. When each combination came to be regarded as a unit, the main stress became the only accent ; thus, *gwr-dâ, *Aber-máw, * Pen-y-bérth. This was at that time the accentuation of ordinary words, such as *pechadür, § 40 iii. When the accent shifted, and *pechadur became pechádur, *gwr-dä became gihr- da, *Aber-máw became Aber-maw and * P 'en- y '-berth became Pen-ŷ- berth. In most cases of a combination like the last, each noun retained its individuality, and the original accentuation remained; hence Pèn-y-bêrth, which is a common place-name, is usually so accented, and the accentuation Pen-ý-berth is exceptional. In such a phrase as prýt nclwn ' time of noon ', each noun retained its meaning to the Ml. W. period ; then, when the combination came to be regarded as a unit* the first element became unstressed, resulting in pryt-náwn, whence pry-nháwn, § 111 v (5). (2) Improper compounds having thus become units could be treated as units for all purposes ; thus some of them have derivatives, such as gwr-da-aeth, ' nobility ', tref-tád-aeth ' heritage ', di-dref-tád-u s.G. 306 ' to disinherit ', jprynháwn-ól í evening ' adj. (3) On the other hand, in some proper compounds each element was doubtless felt to preserve its significance ; and the persistence of this feeling into the Ml. period resulted in loose compounds. § 47. i. In compound prepositions the elements may be accented separately, as óddi dr. But the second element has usually the stronger accent ; and in some cases the first element becomes unaccented, as in Ml. W. y gdnn y which became gan 'by' in Late Ml. and Mn. W. by the loss of the unaccented syllable. On the analogy of y gánn, y ihrth, etc., derivative and other old prepositional and adverbial formations retained the O. W. accentuation, as odán, yrihng, yrháwg. The separate accent often persists in Mn. "W., as in óddi ihrth (Ml. W. y wrth), and in adverbial phrases like óddi ýno (in the dialects odd ýno as in Ml. W.). In the latter the first element may become predominant, thus odd yno ' from there ' in the spoken language (often contracted to oSno and even ono). ii. In prepositional and adverbial expressions formed of a preposition and a noun (whether written separately or not), the last element only is accented ; thus uwch-bén ' above ', dra-ckefn 1 again ', ger-hrón ' before ', uwch-láw ' above ', ymläen ' forward ', ynghỳcl ' together ', i gycl ' together ', erioed ' ever '. These expressions thus form improper compounds accented on the ultima. The adverb achlan (achlân) ' wholly ' is similarly accented. 62 PHONOLOGY § 47 Heais fail orohian I chlod yng Ngwynedd achlan. — D.G. 235. 1 1 have sown her praises like a paean through the whole of Gwynedd.' iii. Many adverbial expressions of three syllables, consisting of a monosyllabic noun repeated after a preposition, form im- proper compounds accented on the penult ; as ol-ŷn-ol ' track in track', i.e. 'in succession ', a ben-drá-phen 'head over head', laiü-ŷn-llaio 'hand in hand', etc. The first noun may have a secondary or separate accent, as Uìth drá-phlith e helter-skelter '. The first noun being in an adverbial case has a soft initial. A dau frawd ieuaf ar 61 Eli énwog ol-ýü-ol. — G.G1., c. i 201. i And two younger brothers in succession after the famous Eli.' Oes hwy no thri, Siôn, y'th roer, Law-ýn-llaw â'th lawén-lloer. — T.A., a 14866/746. 1 For a life longer than three, Siôn, mayst thou be spared, hand in hand with thy bright moon.' See also E.P. 240. Ael-ýn-ael â'i élỳnion. — D.N., c. i 160. ' Brow to brow with his enemies.' Dal-ýn-nal rhwng dwy lánnerch. — D.N., m 136/147. ' Face to face between two glades ' ; ýnnal for ýn-nhal, § 48 ii. Daw déidiau dad-í-dad, b Góllwyn hen, — nid gwell un had. — "W.IL. ' He comes from forebears, father to father, like an ancient hazel-grove — there is no better seed.' Arglwyddi lìn ó-lin ynt. G — L.G.C. 460. ' They are lords from line to line.' See wers dragwers il.a. 164 'reciprocally', gylch ogylch do. 166 'round about', ddẃrn trá-dwrn, láw drá-llaw, L.G.C. 18. In many cases the first noun also is preceded by a preposition, as Marchog o lín ó-lin oedd. — L.Mor., i.mss. 292. 1 He was a knight from line to line.' See Iwyn i-lwyn D.G. 141,0 law i-law do. 145. Cf. Late Mn. W. i-gam 6-gam ' zig-zag '. a The last ol of olynol was mistaken about the middle of the last century for the adjectival termination -ol (= -awl), and from the supposed stem olyn an abstract noun olyniaeth was formed to render ' succession ' in l apostolical succes- sion ' ! b In all the above examples the cynghanedd is either T2 or C2, which implies the accentuation indicated. See ZfCP. iv. 124, 137. c The cynghanedd is S4, which implies the accentuation marked. § 48 ACCENTUATION 63 The ordinary accentuation is also met with in the bards : O lẃyn i lẃyn, ail Énid. — D.G. 84. ' From bush to bush, [maiden] second to Enid.' iv. When pa or py is followed by a preposition governing" it, the latter only is accented: pa-hám (for pa am, § 112 i (1)) ' what for ? why ? ' often contracted into pam by the loss of the unaccented syllable, § 44 vii. So were doubtless accented the Ml. W. pahár a.l. i 108, 134, pa hár do. 118 (for pa ar) ' what on ? ' pa rdc b.b. 50, pyrác r.m. 126 ' what for ? ' § 48. i. When the syllable bearing the principal accent begins with a vowel, a nasal, or r, it is aspirated under certain conditions, § 112 i (4) ; thus ce\nhéd\loedcl ' nations ', from cenedl ; ho\nhé\ddig (vonhehic b.p. 133 1) from bonedd 'gentry', § 104 iv (1); cy\nàáliivyd, from cynnal 'to support' from cyn + dal (d normally becomes n, not nk, § 106 ii) ; di\háng\ol from di-anc 'to escape'; a pklannhedeu r.p. 1303 * and planets', usually planedau ; kenhadeu w.m. 184, offcener in Ml. W. kennadeu do. 42 'messengers'. AH aur a'ifedd y gŵyr fo, "Fonheddlg* fy nyhúddo.— L.G.C. 188. ' "With his gold and mead doth he use, as a gentleman, to comfort me.' ii. On the other hand, an h required by the derivation is regularly dropped after the accent ; as cŷtines ' warm ', for cŷn-nhes from cyn + tes (t gives n/i, § 106 iii (1)) ; brê\nìn ' king ', for bren\nhin from bre\en\nhin from *breentm, Cornish brentyn ; tdn\nau 'strings', for tan\nlieu from O. W. tantou M.c. ; eang 'wide ', for éh-ang from *eks-ang- ; anawdd il.a. 109 for án-hawdd ' difficult ' ; áraul ' bright ', for ár-haul, which appears as arheul in r.p. 1 168. The h is, however, retained between vowels in a few words, as ehud ' foolish ', dehau and dean ' right (hand), south' ; and in nrh, nhr, b nghr, and lrh, as ánrhaith 'spoil', anhrefn ' disorder ', ánghred ' infidelity ', ólrhain ' to trace \ The h is also dropped after a secondary accent, as in a L. G. C.'s editors print voneddig in spite of the answering h in nyhuddo. b nrh and nhr have the same sound but differ in origin : nrh = n + rh; nhr is from w + tr. They are often confused in writing. 64 PHONOLOGY § 48 brèniniâethau ' kingdoms \ So we have cènedláethau ' genera- tions ', bhneclfUgaidd 'gentlemanly' (voneUgeih R.G. 1139). iii. Note therefore the shifting of the h in such a word as dìhâreb 'proverb', Ml. W. dikaereb r.p. 1326, pi. diarhebiov, Ml. W. diaerhebŷon r.b. 974, 975, 1083. The word has etymo- logically two A's : di-haer-heb, but only that is preserved which precedes the principal accent. iv. The above rules may be briefly stated thus : an intrusive h sometimes appears before the accent, and an organic h regularly dis- appears after the accent. It is obvious that the rule cannot be older than the present system of accentuation; it is indeed the direct result of that system, and is probably not much later in origin. The first change was the weakening and subsequent loss of h after the accent, giving such pairs as brenin, brenhinoedd ; angen, anghenus ( < *nken-, Ir. ëcen); cyrnar, cymharu (< Lat. compar-) : here h. vanishes in the first word of each pair. Later, on the analogy of these, other pairs were formed, such as bonedd, bonheddig ; cenedl, cenhedloedd ; where an intrusive h appears in the second word of each pair. In O. W., when the accent fell on the ultima, it was easy to say bre\en\nhín ; but when the accent settled on the penult, it required an effort to sound the aspirate after the breath had been expended on the stressed syllable. Hence we find, at the very beginning of the Ml. period, breenhineh and breenin l.l. 120. But the traditional spelling, with h, persisted, and is general in b.b., as minheu 12 ; synhuir ( = synnhwyr) 17 ; aghen agheu 23 ; breenhin 62 ; though we also find a few exceptions, as kagell 35. In r.m. it still survives in many words, as brenhin 2; agheu 5 (but angeu ib.); mwyhaf n ; minheu 1 2; but more usually vwyaf 1 3 ; minneu 3 ; gennyf8; synn- wyr 13 ; amarch 36 ; llinat (for llin-had) 'linseed' 121. In the r.p. we find ánawh 1227, 1264, 1270, 1299 ; áneirdd, ánoew 1226 ; diagyr (for dí-hagr) 1289; lláwir (for Uaw-hìr ' long-handed ') 1207, 1226; láw h ir 1 2 14, with h inserted above the line — an etymological correction ; dwrhonn 1271, with h deleted by the underdot — a phonetic correction. Intrusive h makes its first appearance later, and is rarer in Ml. W. than lost h,. In a.l., ms. a., we find boneSyc ii 6, 14, but in this ms. n may be for nh; in later mss. bonhehyc i 176-8, ms. e. ; bonheBic in Ml. W. generally. In other cases it is less usual ; thus kennadeu is the form in k.m., though the older w.m. has sometimes Jcenhadeu 184, 249 ; kenedloeS r.b.b. 259, il.a. 169, so generally. The orthography of the 1620 Bible generally observes the phonetic rule; thus brenin, brenhinoedd Ps. ii 6, 2 ; cenedl, cenhedloedd do. xxxiii 12, ii 1 ; angeu, anghefol do. vi 5, vii 13; aros, arhosodd Jos. x 12, 13; bonheddig, boneddigion Es. ii 9, 1 Cor. i 26; ammarch, ammherchi Act. v 41, Bhuf. i 24; etc. There are some irregularities and inconsistencies; e.g. diharebion Diar., title, i 1, and anghall Diar. i 4 beside the phonetic angall do. viii 5. The Bible spelling was §§ 49, 50 ACCENTUATION 65 generally followed, and the use of h medially was fairly settled on phonetic lines, when Pughe introduced confusion by discarding it wherever his mad etymology failed to account for it. His wildest innovations, such as glanâu, parâu for glanháu, 2>arháu, were rejected by universal consent ; but his principle was adopted by the " new school " including T. Charles, Tegid and G. Mechain, who disregard the accent, and insert or omit h in all forms of the same vocable according to their idea of its etymology. 8 - Silvan Evans (Llythyraeth, 68) writes as if the cogency of this principle were self-evident, and imagines that to point out the old school's spelling of cyngor without, and cynghorion with, an h, is to demonstrate its absurdity. In his dictionary he writes brenines, boneddig, etc., misquoting all modern examples to suit his spelling; under ammeuthun (his misspelling of amheuthun) he suppresses h in every quotation. In spite of the determined efforts of the " new school " in the thirties, present-day editions of the Bible follow the 1620 edn. with the excep- tion of a few insertions of etymological h, as in brenin, ammarch, which appear as brenhin, ammharch. Quantity. § 49. In Mn. W. all vowels in unaccented syllables are short. Unaccented syllables here include those bearing a secondary accent, in which the vowel is also short, as in cenedldethau, though before a vowel it may be long in deliberate pronunciation, as in dealltẃriaeth. In Late Ml. W. the same rule probably held good, but not necessarily earlier. In O. W. it was clearly possible to distin- guish in the unaccented penult the quantities preserved later when the syllable became accented, § 56 iv. § 50. Vowels in accented syllables in Mn. W. are either (1) long, as the a in can 'song'; (a) medium as the a in canu; or (3) short, as the a in cann 'white', cannu 'to whiten'. In monosyllables a long vowel (except i or u) is generally circumflexed before n, r or 1, § 51 iv, and in any other case where it is desired to mark the quantity. Short vowels are marked by N which is sometimes used instead of doubling the consonant, as in D.D. s.v. can — gan ' with ', and before I which a G. Mechain (iii. 224) writing to Tegid, assents to brenin, breninoedd "though from habit I always read brenhinoedd with an aspirate ; but the root does not warrant such reading." His pronunciation was correct ; and it just happens that the " root" does warrant it ; see § 103 ii (1). 1402 i 1 66 PHONOLOGY § 51 cannot be doubled in writing; clal b.cw. 91, hèl do. 95, calon Hyff. Gynnwys (1749) PP- 3> 20, 3 r 9 bis. @^"In this grammar the circumflex has been retained in most cases where it is, or might be, used in ordinary writing. But where the position of the accent has to be indicated, ~ is used ; where there is no need to point out the accent, and the word is not usually circumflexed, " is used. As every long vowel must be accented in Mn. W., it will be understood that ", 1 and * in Mn. W. words mean the same thing. In Brit, and earlier a vowel marked " is not necessarily accented. As N is required to denote a secondary accent it would be confusing to use it to mark a short accented vowel ; hence * is used here for the latter purpose, where necessary. The accent mark ' denotes accent without reference to quantity. A medium vowel can only be indicated by showing the syllabic division ; thus ca\nu. Note. The medium vowel, or short vowel with open stress, which occurs in the penult, is not heard in English where a penultimate accented vowel, if not short as in fathom, is long as in father. Silvan Evans calls the medium vowel "long", and J.D.R. often circumflexes it. But the a of cá\nu is not long, except in comparison with the a of cán\nu ; beside the a of can it is short. It is a short vowel slightly prolonged past the point of fullest stress, so as to complete the syllable, and the following consonant is taken over to the ultima. § 51. i. If a vowel in a monosyllable is simple its quantity is determined by the final consonant or consonants, the main principle being that it is long before one consonant, short before two, or before a consonant originally double ; see § 56 ii. ii. The vowel is short before two or more consonants, or before p, t, c, m, ng ; as cant ' hundred ', torf ' crowd ', pÒrth 4 portal ', bârdd ' bard ', at ' to ', Uâc ' slack ', cam ' crooked ', Hong 'ship 5 . Nearly all monosyllables ending in p, t or c are borrowed ; some from Irish, as brat ' apron ', most from E. as hap, top, het, pot, cnöc, which simply preserve the original quantity. E. tenuis after a long vowel becomes a media, as W. clog < E. cloak, W. grôd G. 157 < E. groat, re-borrowed as grôt ; so the late borrowings côt, grât (but in S. "W. cot). W. at is an analogical formation, § 209 vii (2); ac, nac should be ng, nag in Mn. orthography § 222 i (1), ii (3). § 51 QUANTITY 67 Exceptions to the above rule are the following : (i) In N. W. words ending in s or 11 followed by another consonant have the vowel long ; as trîst ' sad ', cösb ' punishment ', hdllt * salt ' adj., etc., except in borrowed words, as cast 'trick'. In S. W., how- ever, all such words as the above conform to the rule. (2) The vowel is long when it is a late contraction, § 33 iv; as ânt * they go ', for a-ant ; bum ' I have been ', for bu-um ; bônt ' they may be ', for bo-ont ; rhônt ' they give ', for rho-ant. In ym ' we are ', ŷnt 1 they are ', the vowel is pronounced long ; it is marked long by J.D.E. 94 ; but E.P., ps. lxxv 1, rhymes ynt with hynt, and in Ml. W. it is written ynt (not *yynt) ; hence the lengthening is probably due to false analogy. Cant ' they shall have ' is for ca-ant and has long a ; but cant ' sang ' is for can-t, and is therefore short. Even gwëld, § 44 vi, from gwel, has the e shortened by the two consonants ; a fortiori, in cant ' sang ' where the final double consonant is older, the a must be short. Silvan Evans (s. v. canu) adopts the error of some recent writers, and circum- flexes the a in cant, even where it rhymes with chwant, and in quoting Gr.O. 82, where no circumflex is used. The word never rhymes with ânt, gwnânt, etc. tir The vowel is circumflexed when long before two consonants, except where the length is dialectal. (3) The mutated form deng of deg i ten ' preserves the long vowel of the latter in N. W. iii. The vowel is long if it is final, or followed by b, d, g, f, dd, ff, th, ch, b ; as tŷ ' house ', lie ' pkce ', m âh ' son ', täd ' father ', gwäg c empty ', äôf ' tame ', rhödd ' gift ', clöff ' lame ', cröth ' womb ', cock ' red ', gläs i blue '. Exceptions: (1) Words which are sometimes unaccented, vi below. (2) Words borrowed from English, as säd i steady ', tẁb, ffläch (from flash), lack (from lash). Süd, also written süt, 'kind, sort' from suit (cf. Chaucer, Cant. Tales 3241) is now short; but in D.G-. 448 it is long, rhyming with hud. (3) Some interjectional words, such as chwâjf, jplff, äch. The inter- jection och is now short, but is long in the bards ; see Och / Göch D.G. 464. Cỳffis now sometimes incorrectly shortened. $®* A long vowel need not be circumflexed before any of the above consonants. In the case of a contraction, however, the vowel is usually marked ; thus rhòdd ' he gave ' for rhoodd for rhoddodd. In such forms the circumflex is unconsciously regarded as a sign of contraction, and may be taken to indicate that the vowel is long independently of the character of the consonant. The circumflex is also used in nâd ■ cry ' to distinguish it from näd 1 that not '. iv. If the vowel be followed by 1, n or r, it may be long or f2 68 PHONOLOGY § 51 short : tdl 6 pay ', dal ' hold ', can i song ', can ' white ' ; car i rela- tive ', car e car \ Each of these consonants may be etymologically single or double. Dal is from *dalg- § 110 ii (2), so that the final 1 represents two root consonants. In O. and Ml. W. final n and r when double in origin were doubled in writing, as in penn, ' head ', Irish cenn, in other cases of course remaining single as in hën ' old ', Irish sen ; thus the principle that the vowel is short before two consonants, long before one, applied. The final consonant is now written single even in words like pen, and only doubled when a syllable is added, as in pennaf, cf.Eng. sin (O. E. sinn) but sinner (though even medial -nn- is now sounded -n- in Eng.). It is therefore necessary now to distinguish between long and short vowels in these words by marking the vowels themselves. ^Ina monosyllable, a long vowel followed by 1, n or r is circum- flexed ; thus, tâl * pay ', can, ' song ', dôr ' door ',del ' may come ', hŷn ' elder '. But i and u need not be circumflexed, since they are always long before these consonants, except in grin, and in (= Ml. W. ynn 'to us'), and a few words from English as pin, ML The common words dŷn, hen, ol are seldom circumflexed. Ml. Ẅ. -nn is still written in some words, e. g. in onn ' ash ' pi. ynn, as in the names Llwyn Onn, Llwyn Ynn. Doubling the consonant is preferable to marking the vowel when it is desired to avoid ambiguity, as in cann ' white ', a yrr ' drives '. It is not sounded double now when final ; but the consonant is distinctly longer e. g. in pen than in hën. In Corn., penn became pedn. Note. The a is long in tâl ' forehead, front, end ', and was circum- flexed down to the latter part of the 18th cent.; see D.D. s.v., G. 68. The 1 is etymologically single, as is seen in the Gaulish name Cassi- talos. In the spoken language the word survives only in place-names, and is sounded short in such a name as Tàl-y-bónt because this has become an improper compound accented on the ultima, § 46 iii, so that its first element has only a secondary accent, § 49. When the principal accent falls on it, it is long, as in Trwyn-y-tâl near the Kivals. Tegigil tâl, Edeirnaun, Iâl b.b. 74 'Tegeingl to its end, Edeirnawn, [and] Yale.' The rhyme with Iâl shows the quantity oîtâl. Y fun araf, fain, eirian, A'r têlfal yr aur rnâl man. — D.G. 330. ' The calm, slender, bright girl, with the head like finely milled gold/ v. When the word ends in 11 the quantity varies. In N. W. it is short in all such words except oil, höll ; in S. W. it is long, except in gall ' can ', dull i manner ', mwll ( sultry ', cÿll ' loses \ and possibly some others. § 52 QUANTITY 69 vi. Many prepositions, adverbs and conjunctions, which are long by the above rules, by being often used as proclitics have become short even when accented, more especially in N. W, ; as rhag ' against ', heb ' without ', nìd, näd ' not ', dan ' under ' (originally one «), mal^fal.fel ' like', äg (written ac) ' and ', nag (written nac) ' nor ' ; but ag ' with '. The long vowel is preserved in some of these in S. "WV The word nes 'until', § 215 i (2), was circumflexed even by N. W. writers as late as the 18th cent., see nês G. 237 ; it is now sounded nës (already nes in b.cw. 83, 115 beside nês 'nearer' 13, 109, no). In D.G. dan ' under ' has long a : Serchog y cân dän y dail. — D.G. 225. ' Lovingly it sings under the leaves.' § 52. i. If the vowel in a monosyllable is the first element -of a diphthong, its quantity depends chiefly upon the form of the diphthong. ii. The vowel is long in ae ì oe> wy ; thus träecl ■ feet ', öen ' lamb ', hŵyr ' late ', câe ' field ', cäem £ we might have ', döe ' yesterday ', mẅy ' more ', cwyn ' complaint ', Jiẅynt ' they \ blöesg l blaesus ', rhẅysg ' pomp ', mäent ' they are ', tróent ' they might turn '. But except before -sg, wỳ is short before two or more consonants or m ; as twym, twymn, ' hot ', rhwym 'bound ' (also rhẅym), cwymp ' fall ' (now pron. cwi{mp in N. W.), llwybr ' path ', rhẁysẀ ' hindrance ' brwydr ' battle ', pẁynt ' point ' ; — hŵynt is influenced by hŵy ' they '. Similarly mäent formed from, and influenced by mäe. The other cases are examples of contraction : cäem < cä-em, trôent < tro-ynt iii. The vowel is short in all other falling diphthongs ; as häi 1 fault ', bÿw ' alive ', tröi i to turn ', llaid ' mud ', bnw ' wound ', dicw ' god ', bmvch i cow ', haul ' sun ', äur ' gold ', dewr i brave ', bawd ' thumb ', mawl ' praise ', etc. Exceptions: (1) In N. W. aw, ew are long when final only; as täw ! ' be silent ', haw ' dirt ', Hew * lion ', tew ' fat ' ; otherwise short as above. In S. W. the diphthongs are short in both cases. (2) au is long in träul ' wear, expense ', päun ' peacock ', gwäudd 'daughter-in-law', ffau 'den', gwäun 'meadow', caul 'rennet', päu ' country '. The form gwaen is a recent misspelling of gwäun. In West Gwynedd the word is pronounced giveun (e = 9), Ml. W. gweun, O. "W. guoun. (3) The vowel is long in âu when contracted for a-au, as in plait 'plagues' ; but in cäu for cáe-u, § 202 iii, it is short. It is long in âi for a-ai, and ôi for o-ai when final, as gwnâì, trot 3rd sg. impf. ; but 70 PHONOLOGY §§ 53, 54 öi for o-ai not final, as in tröis for trô-ais. On account of the long vowel gwnâi, trôi, etc. are generally sounded and often written gwnae, troe, etc. ; but in the bards -âi rhymes with ai, see wnâi / ehedai G. 242. Both forms are seen in Ml. W. gwnai w.m. 25, 54, gwnay k.m. 237 (ae=ay, § 29 ii (1)). (4) The vowel is long in o'i, a'i, da i, etc., § 33 v, of course only when accented. In Ml. W. o'i, ai are written oe, ae or oy, ay. § 53. When the accent in a polysyllable falls on the ultima, the above rules apply as if the ultima were a monosyllable ; thus, short, pahâm ' why ? ', pe?iaig, § 41 iii (2), parhâu ' to continue ', gwỳrdroi ' to distort ' ; long, Cymraeg, parhänt (for parha-ant), gwỳrdr&i (for gwỳrdro-ai) ' he distorted ', penllâd ' summum bonum '. In parhau, caniatau, etc., some recent writers circumflex the a, possibly a practice first intended to indicate the long vowel in the uncontracted form -ha-u, § 54 iii. When contracted the a is short. In D.D. and Bible (1620) it is not circumflexed. J.D.R. 144 writes cadamháu. But see § 55 ii. § 54. In the accented penult — i. (1) The vowel is short, if followed by two or more conso- nants, or by p, t, c, m, ng, 11, s ; as harddwck i beauty ', plentyn ' child ', cannoedd i hundreds ', hÿrracli ' shorter ', ëstron ' stranger \ ëpil 'progeny', äteb c answer', ämeu ' to doubt ', ângen 'need', allan £ out ', Iesu l Jesus ', glandeg ( fair ', glanwaith ' cleanly ', tanip 4 to fire ', tÿbiaf ' I suppose '. There is no exception to this rule, though before m the vowel is sometimes wrongly lengthened in words learnt from books, such as trämor ' foreign ', ämwys ' ambiguous \ .Silvan Evans marks many obsolete words, such as amwg, amug with long a, for which there is no evidence whatever; it merely represents his own misreading of Ml. W. -m-, which always stands for -mm-. (2) The consonants above named are each double in origin. In Ml. Ẃ. t, c, s were usually doubled in this position, as atteb, racco or racko, messur ; but -m- is generally written single, owing to the clumsiness of 'mm- and its frequency ; possibly -p-, which is not very common, followed the analogy of -m- ; 11 and ng being digraphs can hardly be doubled in writing. In early Bibles m and p are doubled ; and Gr.R. wrote gallu, doubling / (his I =■ U). As however each is etymologically doùolé (except in borrowed words), the double origin § 54 QUANTITY 71 is sufficiently indicated by writing the letter ; thus ateb is necessarily the same as atteb ; mesur is necessarily messur. So every medial or final m, ng or 11 means mm, ton, or UU etymologically, and is so pronounced in the accented penult. ŵr But in the case of n and r the consonant is not necessarily double ; hence a distinction must be made between single and double n and r. The a in cannu 'to whiten ' is short because it is followed by nn, representing original nd (cf. Lat. candeo) ; the a in canu ' to sing ' is medium because it is followed by a single n (cf. Lat. cano). The distinction is made in nearly all Ml. mss., and generally in Mn. mss. and printed books down to Pughe's time. (3) The accented syllable is " closed " (stopped, blocked) by the first of the two consonants, thus glân\deg, plên\tyn f cân\nu. Even i and w cause the preceding consonant to close the penult ; thus glan\waith from glân ' clean '. Ml. scribes, knowing that the syllable was closed by two consonants, and not knowing that the second in this case was i or w, sometimes doubled the first consonant, as in dynnỳon w.m. 32, (g)lannweith r.m. 52 ; but as a rule, perhaps, it is written single, as in dynỳon r.m. 21, (g)lanweith w.m. 72. A consonant originally double cannot be distinguished from one originally single in this case ; thus tân-io ' to fire ', from tân ' fire ', and glan-io ' to land ', from glann ' shore ', form a perfect double rhyme. It is therefore unusual to double the consonant in the modern language in these forms ; glannio and torriad are written glanio and toriad, which adequately represent the sound (cf. pentref for penntref, etc.). Thus in ysgrifennwỳd ' was written ' the double n indicates that the w is a vowel ; in ysgrifenwyr ' writers ', the single n indicates that the w is consonantal. Hence some words like annwyl cm. 70, synnwỳr r.m. 116 are now written with one n owing to a common, but by no means general, mispronuncia- tion of wỳ as wi[ ; see p.il. xcvi, where Llyr / ssynwyr is condemned as a false rhyme. ii. The vowel is medium if followed by b, d, g, ff, th, ch, 1, single n, or single r ; as gó\baitk 'hope', á\deg 'time', sé\gur ' idle ', á\ffait/i ' effect ', ê\thol ' to elect \joe\c7wcl ' sin ', cá\nu 'to sing', bo\re 'morning', cd\lan 'new year's day '. In this case the accented syllable is " open " (free), that is, it ends with the vowel, and the consonant is carried on to the next syllable. See§ 50, Note; § 27 i. In a few forms we have a short vowel before 1, as in l6l\o (often mis-read Iô\ló) ; câl\on ' heart ' ; cêl\yn ' sting ', 0. W. colginn juv. ; bSl\wst 'colic' < *bolg-; dêl\ir 'is held' for dil\iir § 36 i <*dêlÿr. In Ml. W. such forms are written with double 1, § 22 ii. Double I cannot be from original 11, which gives the voiceless "Welsh 11 (ft). It occurs only in a new hypocoristic doubling as in lol-lo, or where a consonant now lost closed the syllable before disappearing : 72 PHONOLOGY § 55 in colon the lost consonant is w ; in colyn it is i < % ; ẅ drops before o, and i before «/ § 36 iii, ii; — colon (Corn, colon, Bret, kalon, koloun) <*kaluond- : W. colweB b.a. 6 'heart', coludd 'entrail' : Skr. kroda-h ' breast, interior ' : Gk. ^oÀaáeç, O. Bulg. zelad-uku ' maw ' with gh- (q/gh alternation). — For Early Mn. W. colyn ' to follow ' the Ml. conlyn has been restored in writing. A short vowel also occurs in cädwn, tybir, etc. § 36 i. iii. The vowel is long if followed by a vowel or h ; as e\og 1 salmon ', de-hau c right, south ', Gwen | lit \ an. iv. It is short in all falling diphthongs; as cae\ad 'lid', mwy\af 'most', Uei\af ' least', rhwy\dau 'nets', llwy\brau 'paths', heu\log 'sunny', tew\dwr 'thickness', byw\yd 'life', cnaw\dol ' carnal'. But in 1ST. W. the vowel is medium in aw, ew, iw before a vowel, that is the w is heterosyllabic ; thus tá\wel ' silent ', te\wi l to be silent ', llê\wod ' lions ', ni sounded tâw\el, têw\i, Hew wed ' harm '. In S. W., however, these are od, ntw\ed. § 55. i. The above are the quantities of the vowels in the Mn. language. They were probably the same in Ml. W. where the vowel is simple. Thus map or mab, tat, gwac had a long ä like their modern equivalents mäb, tâd, gwäg ; for where the vowel was short and the final consonant voiceless (=Mn. p, t, c), the latter was doubled, as in bratt r.g. 1117, Mm W. bratt D.D., or oral ( = brät) c rag, apron '. In the case of Ml. single -t, both the long vowel and the voiced consonant are attested in the spelling of foreigners ; thus the place-name which is now Böd Feirig, which in Ml. W. spelling would be *Bot veuruc, appears in Norman spelling in the Extent of Anglesey, dated 1394, as Bode-ueuryk (Seebohm, Trib. Sys. 1 App. 6), where bode doubtless means bod, the Mn. W. sound. Again in the Extent of Denbigh, dated 1335, the Mn. W. Rhös appears as Roos (op. cit. 72), show- ing the vowel to be long before s then as now. The N. W. long vowel before st is attested in 1296 in the Ruthin Court Rolls p. 15, 1. 10 in the spelling Neeste of the name Nest. The dis- tinction between medium and short in the penult is everywhere implied in Ml. spelling ; and we are told in r.g. 1120 that the vowel is long when followed by another, as the i in Gioenlliant, Mn. W. Gwen-lH-an. Thus the quantity of a simple vowel was § 56 QUANTITY 73 generally the same in all positions in Ml. and Mn, W., even local usage agreeing ; except in shortened words § 5 1 vi. ii. But in diphthongs many changes must have taken place. As a " vowel before a vowel " was long then as now, tro-'i must have had a long ö, so that, when first contracted, it was still long ; it remains long in Montgomeryshire; thus the short o in tröi is probably late. Similarly short ei for e-i } au for a-u, 6u for o-u. Other diphthongs also probably differ, and we can infer nothing as to Ml. W. quantity in diphthongs from the Mn. W. pronunciation. § 56. i. The quantity of a vowel in British determines its quality in Welsh ; but its quantity in Welsh depends, as we have seen, on the consonantal elements which follow it in the syllable. ii. A short accented vowel in Brit, or Latin followed by a single consonant was lengthened in Welsh; thus Brit. *tcdos gave tâl, § 51 iv Note, *rotä (cognate with Lat. rota) gave rhöd, Lat. sönus gave son, etc. This took place after the change in the quality of long vowels, for while original ä gives aw § 71, long ä lengthened from ä remains â. It also took place after the reduction of pp, tt, cc intoj^, th, ch, for the latter are treated as single consonants for this purpose ; thus Lat. saccus became *sa%os with single ^, which gives sack ( = sâ^) in Welsh. Long vowels remained long, as in pur from Lat. pürus. On the other hand, a vowel originally long was shortened before two consonants ; thus the 5 of Lat. forma became ü, which was shortened in the Welsh ffürf. Hence the general rule § 51 i, which probably goes back to Early Welsh and beyond ; for the lengthening of short vowels originated at the time of the loss of the ending, and is due to compensation for that loss. iii. There is no reason to suppose that this lengthening took place only in monosyllables. Thus O. W. litan ' wide ' (: Gaul, litanos in KoyKo-Xiravoc, Smertu-litanus, etc., Ir. lethan) was probably sounded *lly-dan, while guinlann was doubtless *gwinl(l)ann. In Ml. W. when the ultima became unaccented this distinction was lost, the a of llýdän being shortened, § 49, and the nn of gwin-llann being simpli- fied, § 27 ii. The rule forbidding the rhyming of such a pair was handed down from the older period, and is given in e.g. i i 36 ; such a rhyme is called trwm ac ysgawn 'heavy [with 2 consonants] and light [with one] \ But the bard's ear no longer detected any difference in the unaccented ultima ; he is therefore instructed to add a syllable to find out whether the syllable is "heavy" or "light": kallonneu (11 = l-l) is given as an example to show that the on(n) of kallon [sic] is " heavy ", and amhaneu to show that the an of amkan is " light ". The Early Ml. bards avoid trwm ac ysgawn ; but in the first poem in b.b., where the rhyme is -ann, several forms in -an occur, as imuan 1 (: gwanaf ' I wound '), darogan 7 (: canaf ' I sing '), which shows that 74 PHONOLOGY "§§ 57, 58 the distinction was beginning to disappear. The Late Ml. poets frankly give it up ; e. g. Ca. bychan / glan / kyvan(n) / diflan(n) / darogan/ . . . kalan(n) / kan / Ieuan(n), b.p. 1233-4. Yet in O. W. the distinction was a real one, for it is reflected in the ordinary spelling of words ; as bichan ox. 'little' (cf. vychanet w.m. 44, k.m. 31), atar ox. birds' (cf. adaren b.b. 107), scribema. m.c. 'writing' (cf. yscrivemiu il.a. 2), corsenn ox., guinlaim juv., etc. The dimin. endings -yn, -en appear as -inn, -ema. ; the pi. ending -ion is always -ion. iv. In the unaccented penult in 0. W. the distinction between an open and a closed syllable was preserved ; the vowel must have been shorter in the latter, as it was later when the penult became accented. v. The diversity in the present quantity of vowels before 11 and s, and the fixing of the present quantities of diphthongs, are due to complicated actions of analogy, which it would take too much space here to attempt to trace. THE ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC § 57. Parent Aryan had the following vowel-system : Short vowels a e i o u a Long* vowels â ô î ô ü Short diphthongs ai ei oi au eu ou Long diphthongs äi ëi ôi âu ëu öu Short vocalic 1 m n r o 000 Long* vocalic í m n r O 0000 e and o were probably pronounced open ; u has of course its Latin value = Welsh w (not Welsh u) ; 9 was an obscure vowel whose exact quality is uncertain, but which was probably not unlike W. y ; vocalic 1, m, n, r arose from reduced el, em, en, er; when long they repre- sent the contracted reductions of two syllables § 63 vii (2). §58. i. The Aryan short vowels remained unchanged in Primitive Keltic, except a, which became a as in all the other branches except Indo- Iranian, in which it became i, see vii below. ii. Ar. a (Lat. a, Gk. a). Lat. dacruma (lacrmna), Gk. SaKpv, Goth, tagr : W. pi. dagrau 'tears' < Pr. Kelt. *dakruua. — Ar. *agö > Lat. ago, Gk. âycû : Ir. agaim ' I drive ', W. af for a-af for *a%af 'I go ' < Pr. Kelt. *ag-. — Lat. säl, sails, Gk. aAy, Goth, salt : Ir. salami, W. lialen ' salt ' < Pr. Kelt. *sal-. iii. Ar. e (Lat. e, Gk. e). Ar. *bher- > Lat./fero, Gk. $e/>a>, O. E. beran 'to bear' : Ir. berimm ' I bear', W. ad-feraf 'I re- § 59 ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC 75 store ' < Pr. Kelt. *ber~. — Ar. * medhu- > Gk. fiiov ' wine ', O. H. G. metu ' mead ', O. Bulg. medu ' honey ', Skr. mádhu ' honey ' : W. medd ' mead ', meddw ' drunk ' < Pr. Kelt. *medu- *medu-. — Ar. * ekuos > Lat. equus, Skr. dsva-h : Ir. eeh ' horse ', Gaul. IJjjo- (in Epo-redia, etc.), W. eb-oV colt ' < Pr. Kelt. *eku-. ■ iv. Ar. i (Lat. i, Gk. l). Ar. *uids («/ ueid- 'see, know') > Lat. video ' I see ', Gk. Horn. FiSp.€v, Goth, witum ' we know ' : Ir. fas ' knowledge ', W. gwys ' summons ' < Pr. Kelt. *uiss-, § 87 ii. — Ar. *uliq*- (Vueleicj*- ' wet') > Lat. liqiieo : Ir. flinch ' wet ', W. gwlyb ' wet ' < Pr. Kelt. * ulif-. v. Ar. o (Lat. o, Gk. o). Ar. *o%to(u) > Lat. octfö, Gk. oactcü : Ir. ocht, W. tytâ 'eight' < Pr. Kelt. *o&tö, §69 iv (s). Ar. *logh- (Vlegh- 'lie') > Gk. Aó*xos 'bed, couch, ambush', O. Bulg. sa-logu ' consors tori ' : W. go-lo-i, r. p. 1040, 'to lay, bury ' Lat. toga : W. to 'roof, §104ii(2). ' vi. Ar. u (Lat. u, Gk. v). Ar. weak stem *&un- > Gk. gen. sg. kvvos, Goth, hunds, Skr. gen. sg. súnah : W. pi. own ' dogs ' < Pr. Kelt. *kun-es. — Ar. *sru-t- (Vsreu- 'flow') > Gk. pvros 'flowing', Skr. srutdh 'flowing', Lith. srutà ' dung- water ' : Ir. sruth ' stream \ W. rliwd ' dung- water ' < Pr. Kelt. *srut-. vii. Ar. e (see i). Ar. *pdter *ppter- > Lat. pater, Gk. iraTr\p, Goth, fadar, Arm. hair, Skr. pitdr- : Ir. athir 'father' < Pr. Kelt. *(p)atîr. — Ar. *sdt- (Vw- 'sow')>Lat. satus : W. had ' seed' < Pr. Kelt, "sat-, §63 vi (1). § 59. i. The Aryan long vowels â, í, ü remained ; but ë be- came î ; and ô in stem syllables became ä, in final syllables ü. ii. Ar. ä (Lat. d, Gk. Dor. d, Att. Ion. 17). Ar. *bhrdt-ër, -er-, -or, -or- > Jjat. frdter, Gk. Dor. (pparrjp ' member of a clan ', Goth, bröpar, Skr. bhratar- : Ir. brdthir, W. Irawd ' brother ', pi. broder, br odor ion § 124 i < Pr. Kelt. *brdt-îr, -er-, -or-. — Ar. *mät-ër, -er- } -r- > Lat. mäter, Gk. Dor. p.Òurr)p, Skr. mätár- : Ir. mdthir ' mother ', W. modr-yb ' aunt ' < Pr. Kelt. *mdt-ër, -r-. iii. Ar. ë (Lat. ë, Gk. 77). Lat. virus, O. Bulg. vera ' faith ' : Iv.fir, W. gwir ' true ' < Pr. Kelt. *uiros. — Lat. rex, Skr. raj- ' king' : Ir. ri, Gaul, rice, W. rhi < Pr. Kelt. *rifo, * rig-. iv. Ar. í (Lat. *, Gk. I). Ar. *q%rit- (Vq^reid- 'buy ') > Skr. kritah ' bought ' : Ir. crlthid ' inclined to buy ', W. prid 76 PHONOLOGY §§ 60, 61 ' precious ' < *Pr. Kelt, q-rit-. — O. H. G. rim, O. E. rim ' number ' : Ir. rim, W. rhif ' number ' < Pr. Kelt. *r«-. — Ar. suffix *-ino-, as in Lat. su-inus : W. -in § 153 (io) < Pr. Kelt. *-inc~. v. Ar. ô (Lat. o, Gk. kvs, Skr. äsúh ' quick ' : Ml. W. di-awc, Mn. W. cli-og ' idle ' < Pr. Kelt. *äk-us. — Lat. ignötus, nötus, Gk. yvcuros : Ir. gnäth ' known, accustomed ', W. gnawd 'customary ' < Pr. Kelt. *gnätos. — Lat.jto, O. H. G. bluot ' bloom ' : Ir. Math, Ml. W. blawt ' blossom ' < Pr. Kelt. *blât-. In final syllables Ar. ö > Kelt, ü ; this became U, later I in Brit., and affected a preceding vowel, § 69 i ; it remains as -i in W. ci ' dog ' § 132 (i). But when followed by a final nasal o be- came o in Pr. Kelt. ; thus Ir. gen. j>l.fer ' of men ' implies * uirön from *uiröm *-öm : Gk. -guv). vi. Ar. ü (Lat. ü, Gk. ti). Lat. tü, Gk. tv-vt), O. Icel. J>ü, A vest, im : Ir. tü, W. ti ' thou ' < Pr. Kelt. *tü. — O. H. G. rum, O. Icel. run c secret, rune ' : Ir. run, W. rain ' secret ' < Pr. Kelt. *rün-. — Lat. cuius : Ir. cül, W. cil 'back' < Pr. Kelt. *kül-. § 60. The Aryan short diphthongs remained in Pr. Kelt. ; see examples in §§ 75, 76. In the long diphthongs the long vowels developed as elsewhere ; thus äi, áu remained ; ëi > îi ; ên > îu ; in syllables not final ôi, öu became äi, äu respectively ; in final syllables öi > ûi, later doubtless ü, but seemingly still written -ovi in Gaulish, Rhys CIG. 5 ; öu>üu; §§ 75, 76. § 61. i. (1) Aryan 1, r (Lat. ul, or-, Gk. aX, Xa, ap, pa, Germ, til, ur ; Skr. r, r) probably remained in Pr. Kelt., but developed in all the groups as li, ri. Thus Ar. *mlk-t- (V ' melg- ' milk ') > Lat. mulctus : Ir. mlicht, blicht, W. blith c milch ' < *mlikt-<¥Y. Kelt. *mlkt- (W. ar-mel ' the second milk ', mel-foch ' suckling pigs ' < F-grade *melg-). — Ar. Hl-t- ( Lat. oc-cult-us : Ir. clethi ' celandum ', W. clyd ' sheltered ' l^t. yortus, O.H.G. furt : Gaul, -ritum, 6. W. rit, Mn. W. r/iyd ' ford ' < Pr. Kelt. *(p)rt-.— Ar. *q%rm-is ' worm ' > Skr. kfmi-k, Lith. kirmis : Ir. cruim, W. joryf ' worm ' < Pr. Kelt. *q%rm,is. — Ar. *dr%- ( >/ clerk-) > Gk. tSpaKov 'I saw', Skr. dfs- 'look' : Ir. drech 'aspect', W. drych ' appearance ', e-drychaf ' I look ' < Pr. Kelt. *drk-. § 62 ARYAN VOWELS IN KELTIC 77 Ir. cry, comes from qVri before i, e or u, as shown by cruimther 1 priest ' which appears in ogam as qVrimitir < Early W. primier, Thurneysen Gr. 135; therefore this proves nothing as to Kelt. r. But Kelt. *rk gave Brit. *rkk > W. rych as in drych above, t%cä < *prk- § 101 in (1), Zupitza°KZ. xxxv 256, while Kelt, rik gives W. ryg as in cryg § 101 ii (2). (2) Before vowels and i and ^ 3 Ar. preserved an older form of these sounds, which we may write e l, e r, where e represents an indistinct or murmured vowel. These give Kelt, ar, al, see § 63 iii. ii. Ar. |, r (Lat. Id, rd ; Skr. Ir, ür for both) appear in Pr. Kelt, as lâ, rä. Thus Ar. *_pI-no- 'full* (Vjoele-) >Skr. pürná-h : Ir. Idn, W. llaion ' full ' <° Pr. Kelt. *(p)ldnos.— Ar. *ml t- (V 'meld- 'grind ') > W. blawd 'flour' < Pr. Kelt. *mldt-. — Ar. *grn- {s/gerd x - 'rub, grind') > Lat. granum^ Skr. jîrná-h 'worn out' : Ir. gran. W. grawn ' grain ' Lat. centum, Gk. e-Karou, Goth. Jiund, Lith. szimtas, Skr. sata-m : Ir. cèty W. cant. — Ar. *dnt- ' tooth ' > Lat. dent-, Goth, tunpus, Skr. dat- : Ir. dët, W. dant. — Ai*. *n- negative prefix > Lat. in-, Gk. a-, Germ, un- : Ir. in-gnatli 'unwonted 5 , ê-tröcar 'un- merciful', W. an- § 156 i (5). (2) Before vowels and i and u, the forms were e m, e n, see § 61 i (2) ; these gave am, an in Kelt., and appear so in Ir. and W. ; thus W. adanedd ' wings ' < *p e t e mids ; O. W. -ham, W. -{h)af spv. suffix < *-is e mos. But when e n followed the accent it seems to have become ann in Kelt, (through nn?) ; thus Ir. anmann 'names' < *án'm e na < *andm e nd § 121 iv, §63 v (2) ; — Ir. Erenn ' of Ireland ' < *êriann < *~iuerii e n-os beside W. Iwerhon ' Ireland ' < *we'rion- ; — Brit. Britann- < *cj*rit e n- § 3 iii ; with the same suffix W. pett-enn-ig ' stranger ' ; — W. griddfan ' groan ' pi. griddfannau § 203 ii (4) ; — W. Gofannon, Gaul. Golannicnos, Ir. goba ' smith ', gen. gobann ; etc. — Final -ann either remains as -an, or is reduced to -a § 110 v (2), or tended to become -ant (through -and?) § 121 iv, § 203 ii (4). 78 PHONOLOGY § 63 This development is precisely parallel to that of the R-grade of ei after the accent in Brit., which gave aii > W. -oeS, the second i becoming 8. Similarly ou after the accent gives W. -eü, prob. from '-ouu- § 76 iii (2). ii. Ar. m, n were doubtless mä, nä in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar. *sn- (R 2 of Vsene-, see § 63 vii (2)), >Ir. snd-that, W. no-dwydd c needle '. — Ir. gnäth, W. gnawd ' known, accustomed ' might be from *gn- like Lat. gnä-rus, but is more probably from *§nö- like Lat. nötus, V genë-. The Gaul, -gnatus ' born ' is assumed to have â, in which case it may be from *gn- ; but it may have a from 9, like W. ynad 'judge', Early Ml. W. pi. hygneid b.b. 10, 84 <*fiyn-%nat<*seno-gnat- ' elder '< *gn2-t-, V genë- 'give birth'. ARYAN VOWEL GRADATION § 63. i. In Parent Aryan, while the consonants of any morphological element were comparatively stable, its vocalism varied according to circumstances ; this variation is called " vowel gradation " or " ablaut ". The system is similar to, but less highly developed than, that of the Semitic languages, in which the only fixed elements of a word are its consonantal skeleton. In Aryan what may be regarded as the standard vowel was e ; this is the full grade, and may be denoted by F. It interchanged with ; this grade may be denoted by F°. In either case the vowel might be lengthened, becoming e or ; the lengthened grades may be denoted by L and L°. The vowel might become more or less indistinct ; in this case we write it below the line thus e ; this is the reduced grade, R. Lastly it might vanish altogether ; this is the vanishing grade, V. The same syllable in different com- binations may occur in any or all of these grades. ii. Taking the root *sed- ' sit ' as an example, the system is as follows (for z in V-grade see § 97) : V R F F° L L° zd s e d sed sod sëd söd Examples : V *-zd- : W. nyih, Lat. nidus, E. nest, etc. < Ar. *ni-zd-os § 97 ii, W. syth < *si-zd-, ibid. — R *s e d- : W. hadl < *s e d-lo- § 111 vii (1).— F *sed-: W. gorsedd l high seat' < Kelt. *uer-en-sed- ; eistedd ' to sit ' met. for *eitsedd < *ati-en-sed- ; Gaul. esseda ' war-chariot ' < *en-sed- ; W. annedd ' dwelling ' for ann-hedd < *ndo-sed-,cyntedd' porch' < *kintu-sed-; heddwch 'peace' <*sed~; Lat. sedeo, etc. — F° *sod- : W. hudd-ygl, Ir. suide ' soot ' § 1 00 v ; W. aros 'to stay' < *jp e ri-sod-t- § 187 iii. — L *sed- : Lat. sëdës, whence W. swydd ' office '.—- L° *sod- : W. soddi ' to sink ', sawdd ' subsidence ' < *söd-, O.E. söt, E. soot. § 63 VOWEL GRADATION 79 Ved- ' eat ' : — V *d- : W. dant, Lat. dent', etc. < *d-nt- (parti- cipial stem) '*eater'. — F *ed-: W. ŷs 'eats' < *et s ti < *ed-ti, Lat. edo, est. — L *ëd- : Lat. in-ëdia, Skr. ädyáh ' eatable'. Vret- ' run ' : — F *ret- : W. rhedaf ' I run ', gwa-redqf ' I succour ', Gaul. Vo-reto-. — F° *rot- : Ir. roth, W. rhod ' wheel ', Lat. rota. — L° *röt-: W. rhawd ' troop * Ml. W. gwarawt 'he succoured' < *?/o-rä£- < *^o-(re)röíe. In Kelt. e becomes a before explosives, as well as before I, r, m, n, see iii below. Thus "W. adar ' birds ' < *p e t e r- ; adanedd ' wings ' < *p e t e níìäs ; beside edn 'bird' < *petn-, Vpet- 'fly'. In Italic also we seem to have a for it, as in Lat. quattuor < *q% e tuores ; in Gk. i in 7rtorvp€ç; Hirt, Abl. 15, Meillet, Intr. 2 73. iii. When the vowel is followed by one of the sonants I, r, m, n, the scheme is as follows, er being taken as the example : V R F F° L L° r r r er or ër ör o e Examples: suffix *-ter-: — V *-tr~: W. modryb 'aunt' < ina-tr-9q%-î, Lat. gen. mä-tr-is. — R *-tr-\ Skr. mä-tr-hâ 'grandmother'. — F *-ter- : W. bro-der ' brothers *, Gk. ace. 7ra-rép-a. — F° *-tor- : W. bro-dor-ion 'brothers, clansmen', Gk. ace. pa-Top-a. — L *-ter-: Gk. Ttaa^p. — L° -tor- : Gk. pa-T(op. Vbher- { oear ' : — R *bhr- : W. cymryd ' to take ' < *kom-bhr-t- — F *bher- : W. cymeraf ' I take ' < *kom-bher- ; Lat. firo, Gk. 0€/oü), etc. Vhel- ' hide ' : — R *M- : W. clyd ' sheltered ' < *kl-t-, Lat. occultus § 61 i (1).— F *keU : W°. celaf 1 ! conceal'.— L *kel-: Lat. cel-o. Before these sonants e appears as a in Kelt., giving al, ar, am^ an. In other branches thus : Ar. e l, e r give Gk. aX, ap, Lat. al, ar, Germ. ul, ur, Skr. ir ur (for both), Lith. il ul, ir ur ; Ar. e m, e n give Gk. a/x, av, Lat. am, an or em, en (venio § 100 i (4), tenuis below), Germ. um, un, Skr. am, an, Lith. im urn, in un. The V-grade occurs only before vowels. The form r, n, etc. of the R-grade occurs only before consonants ; the form e r, e n, etc. before vowels, and before i and u. Where in the derived languages the latter appears before other consonants, a vowel following it has been elided since the Ar. period. I use ' to mark this elision. Examples : V-grade of el in W. glas ' green ' see vii (3) ; of er in rhann vii (2) ; of en in glin vii (4). R-grade before consonants, I, r, m, n, see examples in §§ 61, 62. R-grade before vowels : W. malaf 'I grind' < *m e l-, Vmela 30 - ' grind'; — araith 'speech', Ir. airecht < * e req-t-, Vereq- 'speak': O. Bulg. rekct * I speak ' (with V-grade of 1st syll.) ; — archaf ' I ask ', Ir. arco < Kelt. *ar'k - < *;y e &-> Vperek- : Lat. precor (with V-grade of 1st syll.); — carr 'car', Ir. carr, Gaul. (-Lat.) carr(-us) < Pr. Kelt. *kar'so» : Lat. currus < *qrs-os ; — darn ' fragment ' < *d e r'n- < *d e n-n- : Skr. dlrnáh ' split, divided ' < *drn- < *d e rg-n-, V derä- 80 PHONOLOGY § 63 ' split ' ; — so sarn ' causeway ' : Skr. stîrnáh ' strewn ', Vstero- ; — cam 'hoof, Galat. Kapvov 'trumpet' : Vkerä x (u)- ; — teneu 'thin', Corn, tanoiv, Ir. tana : Gk. raw-, Lat. tenuis, Skr. tanú-h, all < Ar. *t e nu- ; — hafdl 'like, equal', Ir. samail 'likeness' < *s e m e l- : Lat. similis ; — ganed ' was born ' < *g e n-, Vgene-. K-grade before u : W. carw ' deer ' < *k e ru-os : Lat. cervus < *keru-os ; — marw ' dead ' : Lat. mortuus § 204 ii (5); — before i : W. myned § 100 iv. The forms I, r, m, n are generally classed as V-grade ; but the vowel of the syllable cannot be said to have vanished when it has converted the consonant r into the vowel r. In fact r is the form that e r takes before a consonant, and must therefore be the same grade. iv. The treatment of the diphthongs ei, eu (properly ei, eu) is parallel, i and u corresponding to Z, r, m, n, and vocalic i, u to vocalic Z, r, m, n. Thus : L° öi V R F F° L i u i> ieÌ>) { Ì u, ( e u >) uu ei eu oi ou ëi ëu The R-grade forms i, u occur before consonants only ; the forms J,, e u, which became ii, uu, occur before vowels. Examples : Y-grade : W. berwi ' to boil ', Lat. ferveo < *bheru- t Vbhereu- ; — W. duw ' god ' < *dwỳw, Lat. deus, both < *deiu-os, Vdeieu-, vii (4). Vueid- ' see, know ' : — R, : gwedd ' aspect ' < *uid-â ; gwŷs ' summons ', gwŷs ' it is known ', both < *uit s t- < *uid-t- ; Lat. vid-eo; — F: gwydd 'presence' < *ueid-, arŵỳdd' sign' < *p e ri-ueid-; Gk. eíSofjLaL',— F°: Gk. oîSa < *uoíd-a. Vkleu- 'hear': — R: clod 'praise' < *klu-tó-m § 66 v; Gk. k€-k\v-0l; — F: dust 'ear' < *kleu-t-st- § 96 ii (3). Vdeuh- 'lead': — R: dyg-af 'I bring', dwg 'brings' < *duk-; dwyn ' to bring ' < *duk-n- ; — F : Lat. düco, O. Lat. douc-o, Goth. tiuh-an < *deuk- ; — L°: dug 'brought' < *(du)-döuk-, § 182 ii (2). The V-grade disappears between consonants ; see Vqoneid- vii (4) Vgeneu- ib. ; see viii (2) and § 100 ii (2). v. (1) As seen above, Ar. had the vowel e interchanging with 0; the vowels i and u are secondary, being vocalized forms of i and u. (2) a occurred in Ar. only in special cases, which Meillet, Intr. 2 139 gives thus : 1. in child-language, as Skr. tata, Gk. rára, Lat. tata, W.tada; 2. in certain isolated words, possibly borrowed, as Lat. faba ; 3. in a few endings, as 3rd sg. mid. *-tai, Gk. -tcu, Skr. -te ; and 4. initially, interchanging with zero, as Gk. do-Trjp : Lat. Stella, W. seven, E. star. As shown by Meillet (ib. 140) initial a- may coexist with the F- or L-grade of the following syll., as in Gk. à.(F)í£oì with F *ueg- beside avfa, Lat. augeo with V *ug- ; cf. dcrr^p. This seems to imply that a- might be a movable preformative, but it does not prove that it was § 63 VOWEL GRADATION 81 outside the ablaut system ; in fact, the common gradation ä : 9 necessarily implies the ablaut of a, as ë : 9 does that of e ; see vi. Many indications point to a being an Ar. survival of a pre- Aryan sole vowel a, which ordinarily split up in Ar. into e and o. It is pre- served in child-language because this is conservative ; thus while Ar. *tata gives W. tad ' father ', in W. child-speech it remains as tdda. In the ordinary language a stands side by side with e/o, or occurs where we should expect e/o, in the following cases: i. initially; 2. before *9 or i ; 3. before gutturals. Thus 1. at-, ati- : et-, eti- pref. and adv. 'beyond, and, but' § 222 i (3); O. W. arm, Ir. ainm 'name' < *án{d)mn, Armen. anun 'name' : Gk. 6vofia< *6n9mn, Vono-/ano~. — 2. The ending of the neut. pi. nom.-acc. is *-9; now the neut. pi. of o/e-stems is -ä from *-a9, where *-«- represents the stem vowel instead of -0- (or -e-) ; similarly the fern, of o/e-stems is formed with -ä- for *-a9- ; but io/^-stems have beside -iä- < *-ia9- the fern, form -ië- < *-ie9-. Cf. also ä : ô ix below. In the dat. sg. of cons, stems both -at and -ei occur, as Gk. infin. suff. -/xevou : Osc. diiivei, paterei, Solmsen KZ. xliv 161 fP. In the positions indicated, a has R- and L-grades. Thus, 1. Initially: F *am- in Gk. a/x^t, Lat. ambi- : R *m- in Ir. imb, irnm, "W. am, ym- y Skr. abhi-tah (a- < *m-) ' on both sides ' ; F *ar- in "W. arth, Gk. apKTos : R *r- in Lat. ursus, Skr. fhsah § 98 i (2) ; F *ag- in Lat. ago, Gk. ayw : L *äg- in Lat. amb-äges. — 2. Before 9 or i : F *ä (< *a9) : R *9, see vi ; F *ai- in Gk. aWa, Ir. aed ' fire ', W. aélwyd : R *i- in Skr. idh-má-s 'firewood'. For the fern, of io / ie-stems there is beside -iä- and -id- a form -I- ; this may be explained thus 1 RF *iia9, *iie9 give iiä, iië : RR *ii9>î, vii (2). Cf. vii (5). 3. Before gutturals : Vah- : oq- ' sharp, rugged ', as Gk. ok/hc, ó£vç, Lat. oc?'25, W. ochr : Gk. a/c/oo?, Lat. acus, Ẅ. (h)agr ' ugly ' ; — Vdek/gh- ' to seem good, acceptable ; to apprehend, teach ' ; e in Lat. decus, decet, Ir. dech, deg, 'best' : in Lat. doceo, Gk. Sokcco, Soy//,a : a in Gk. Si8áo-Koo (< *8t8a/ R(R) ii(d) > i. Where ry occurs in W. beside forms implying an original long vowel we may assume that the former comes from a variant with short vowel of the root ; thus W. gwrysg ' boughs, twigs ' < *urd-sq-, RV of Vuerod- ; Lat. radix < *urd-, R 2 of Vuerod-, 0. E. wrdt < *urôd-, VF of Vuerod-. (3) A few examples are appended : Vghele- ' green, yellow ' : VR *ghh- > Kelt. *gla-st- > Brit. -glasos ' tawny ' (Gildas), W. glas ' green ' ; FV *ghel- > Lat. hel-us. V gelak/g- ' milk ' : RR *g e hk- > Grk. ydXa, yáÀa/o-oç ; — VR *ghk- > Lat. lact- (whence W. llaeth) ; *ghkt-s > Ir> glass ' milk ', W. glas- dwr ' milk and water '. Vqeuep- ' blow ' : VF *quejo- > Lith. kvepti l blow ' ; — RR *q e ud$- > W. cawad 'shower', Iv.cua, gen. cüad; — VR *qu9jo- > Lat. vapor, Gk. Ka7rv6s. Vg^eie- * live ' : R 2 *gH- > Lat. vt-vu-s, W. buan ( quick ' < Brit. *bi-uo-no-s § 76 ix (2); — R(R) *gH~ > W. by-w 'live', by-d 'world', Gk.°/?ioç ;— VF *gHê- > Gk. #} v . Vbheua- 'be' : R(R) *bhu- > Lat. fu-turus, Gk. v-a-L W. bod 'to be';— L°V *bhöu- > W.bu § 189 iv (3) ;— VV *bh(u)- > f- in Lat./ẅ, b- in W. byS § 189 iv (1). (4) AVhen the second syllable has a short vowel, the treatment is similar : RR ii & > R 2 I, etc., as before ; RV is i. Examples : Vdeieu- ' god, day ' : FV *deiu-os > Lat. deus, W. *dwyw > duw ' god ' ; — R 2 *dlu- > Lat. dw-us ; — RV *díu- > W. dyiv Í day ' ; — RL *diiëu- > Lat. dies, W. dydd ' day '. Vqoneid- ' nit ' : FR *qonid- > Gk. Kovtc gen. koviSos ' nit ' ; VR *<7w? O. E. hnitu, E. mi, O. H. G. hniz i nit ' ; *s(q)nid-ä > W. W6c?c? ' nits ', Ir. sned ' nit ' ; — FV *qond- > Lith. handis ' moth ' ; *sqond- > W. chwann-en l flea '. Vgeneu- 'knee': FR *genu > Lat. genu; — F°R *gonu > Gk. ywv; — with -en-, -er- forming names of parts of body : base *geneu-en- : VR 2 *gnün-, by dissim. > Kelt. *glün- > Ir. glün, W. glin ' knee ' ; — base *geneu-er- : RVV *g e n(u)r- > *ganr- > W. garr ' knee ' (ajfa£ garr ' knee cap'). Vqorou-: FR *qoru- > Gk. Kopv-yrj ; — VF *qrou- > W. crwi/ ' heap, hillock '. g2 84 PHONOLOGY § 63 Vbhereu ' boil ' : FV *bheru-, see iv above ; — VR *bhru- > W. brwd c hot, fervent', Lat. dë-frü-tum 'new wine boiled down'. *qMuer- ' four ' : EF° % q^^uor- > Lat. quattuor ; — FR *q%etu e r- > W. pedwar, Ir. cethir, Gk.rerrapcc; — RL° *q% e tucr- > Skr. catvarah, Goih.Jîdwör ; FR (before cons.) *q%etur- > Gk. rerpa-, becoming by viii (i) *qUetru- it gives Gaul. Petru-, W. pedry- as in pedry-fan. (5) Long diphthongs must represent radical disyllables, and their reduced grades can only be explained from the disyllabic forms. Thus èi must be FV of *egei or *edai (ei/ai v (2) ) ; the R of the first syll. is 9 which vanishes before a vowel, leaving ei or ai (properly VF of *e9ei or *e9ai) ; if the second is reduced we get it, before a cons, i (properly VR of *egei or *é»at). We know that êi interchanges in roots with eiê or eiä; this implies a metathesis of the sonants, for the latter forms represent *eieg or *eia9 : the RR of these is *iid which gives i, see vii (2). Thus we have as reduced grades of ei the forms ei or ai, i(i), I ; for convenience these may be distinguished thus : R le ei, R la ai, R 2 ii, i, R 3 I. The same principle applies to the long w-diphthongs. [It has been assumed that ai is 9i (with 9 as R of e), but Skr. has ay for it, whereas 9 is i in Skr. Besides, we should expect 9Ì like e i to give *ii, as perhaps it does, for ii may also be for *n RV of *e9eif\ Examples : */sei- * late, long ' : F *sei- > Skr. säyám ' evening ', before cons. *8ë- > Lat. serus, W. Jar 'long', Ir. sir; — R le *sei- > W. hwyr ' late ' ( < *sei-ros), hwy ' longer ', Ir. s^a ( < *seison < *sei-isön) ; — R 2 *«- > W. %d 'length' (< *szi-);— R la *sai- > W. wo^Z 'life- time ', Lat. saeculum ' age ', both < *sai-tlo-m § 75 i. Vuerli- 'laugh (at), shame' : VR 2 *uri- > *uri-zd- whence Lat. video, Skr. vrid-a ' shame ' ; — (VF *ure- or else) VR 3 *uri- > Kelt. *url-t- > W. gwrid 'blush' ; — RR 2 *u e ri- > *uaritä in "W. dan-wared ' to mimic ' ; — RR 2 *u e rii- > W. gwarae ' play ' § 75 v (4). — From Vuere- (without i) : RR *y e r9- > *uarat- > Ẅ. gwarad-wỳS 'shame' (by dissim. for * gwarad-rwyh) ; — R(R) *y> e r'- > *uar-t- > W. gwartli * shame ' ; *s-uar-d- > W. chwarS ' laughs ' ; *s-uar-tin-l > W. chwerthin ' laughter ' § 203 vii (3). viii. (1) Certain combinations produced by the above laws are un- stable ; thus ur is liable to become ru, as in *q*etru- vii (4) ; and u e r may become ur as in *dhur- for *dhu e r- : *dhuor-, § 91 i. While w e , Z e , r e , etc., may remain and give ua, la, ra, etc., in Kelt., they may be, and oftenest are, reduced to u, I, r, etc. Hence we are not obliged to postulate cue, ele, ere, etc., where there is no evidence of the first e in surviving forms. Thus : Vsuej)- 'sleep': F *suejp-no- > Lat. somnus (< *suepnos), Skr. svapnah c sleep, dream ' ; — R *svp-no- > Gk. vttvo Gk. Tr\ára-vo Skr. práth-ah ' breadth ', W. lied ' breadth ' ;— RV *plth- > W. llys ' court ' § 96 ii (5), Gk. §§ 64, 65 VOWEL GRADATION 85 Tr\aT-v Armen. layn 'broad'; — (without Z, § 101 ii (2)) RF *p e the- > Lat. pate-re, etc. (2) Other combinations are unpronounceable or difficult ; thus ui cannot be sounded before a cons. ; in that case i drops. Generally i, u drop between consonants, see iv above. ix. Some roots have more than one ungraded form ; thus radical ä may stand beside radical 0, as in *arä- or *arö- ' scratch, bite ; plough, dig ' : Lat. arä-re has F *arä- of the first, Gk. aporpov has R *ar9- of the second. The F of both, with -d- extension, occurs in Lat. räd-o, rôd-o. Beside â we have sometimes to assume a, as in Skr. rddati 1 scratches, digs ' (not 9 here, which gives i in Skr.). In many cases all the forms cannot be explained without assuming an alternation of long and short vowel in the root ; this may have come about by false analogy. Another common form of root alternation is *têu- : *teuä- or *ghëi- : *gheìä- (Lat. hiä-re) ; see vii (5). Note. — Ablaut is not to be confused with the changes due to accentuation or other causes in the derived languages, such as the shortening of unacc. ä in Brit. § 74, or the loss of a vowel in such a word as cawr § 76 iii (4), which would be *cur if the loss were primitive § 76 ii (1). KELTIC VOWELS IN BRITISH AND WELSH § 64. From what has been said in §§ 57-62 we arrive at the following* vowel system for Pr. Kelt. : Short vowels aeiou Long* vowels ä î ü Short diphthongs ai ei oi au eu 011 Long diphthongs äi ûi äu, iu Short vocalic lmnr The Short Vowels. § 65. i. The short vowels a, e, o remain unchanged in W. ; see examples in § 58 ; so Latin a, e, o ; unless affected by other vowels §§ 67-70. The exceptions are the following : ii. (1) Before a guttural in many cases became a, apparently when unaccented in Brit. ; thus W. Cymro < *kom-brogos, but Gymraes 1 Welsh-woman ' < *kom-brogíssä : *brog-, W. bro ' border, region ' < *mrog-, VF of Vmarog-, whose FV gave Lat. marg-o ; — W. troed ' foot ' < ace. *trôyet-m, pi. traed < ace. pi. *troyet-áss (< *-ns : Skr. -áh), or from gen. pi. *troget-im (< *-om which was generally 86 PHONOLOGY § 65 accented in Ar.) as in gwŷr traed t infantry ' ; Vt/dhregh- : Gk. T/oexoo, Tpo'xoc; the V had also a by Ar. a/e/o altern. § 63 v (2), as in Ir. traig ' foot ' < *tragets, but we can hardly suppose Ar. o/a in the same word in Brit. — Similarly in Lat. loanwords, as W. achos ' cause ' < occasio. — W. achub < *occup- for Lat. occup- § 73 ii (4). (2) On the other hand a > in Pr. Kelt, before Ar. g%h in "W. oen, Ir. ilan 'lamb' <*ognos < *ag%hnos: O. E. ëanian 'yean' § 101 iii(i). (3) In Brit, e became i before g followed by a vowel; so partly in Gaul; as W. ty ' house ' O.W. tig < *tigos < *tegos, Brit. Cato-tigirni, also spelt (in Cornwall) Tegerno-mali beside Tigerinomalum Khys LWPh. 2 404, Gaul. Tigernum, Iv.teg 'house', tigerne 'lord', V(s)theg- § 92 i. — W. liy ' bold ' < *segos : Gaul, ^eyo-ftapoç, Vsegh- : Gk. e^oo < *segho~, Skr. sáhah ' might \ — W. gwe-ly ' bed ' < *uo-leg- : Ir. lige . < *legiio- Vlegh-. — Where e appears it is due to a-affection ; as in bre 'hill' < *brigä § 103 ii (1) ; thus lie ' place' < ace. *ligan < *leg-m, Vlegh- ; — gre ' herd ' < *greg-m = Lat. gregem ; — godre ' bottom (edge of garment), foot (of hill)' <*uo-treg-m, Vtregh-, see (1), pi. godryon, godreon, both in e.m. 151. But before a consonant eg remained : W. gwair m. ' hay ' < *uegr- : Ir. fêr ; — W. tail ' manure ' < *tegl- §104 ii (1) ; — W. arwain ' to lead - <*ari-ueg-n- Vuegh-: Lat. veho; olrein, etc. § 203 iv (1); — W. tew ' thick '°§ 76 viii.° iii. (1) The mid vowels e and were pronounced close in Brit, before nasal + explosive and became i and u respectively. Examples : e before nas. -f-exp. >W. y; thus "W. ^í/way' Ir. set <*sent-: 0. H. G. sind ' way ' < *sent-. — O. W.jpimp, Ml. W. pymp ' five ', Gaul. 7re/x7r€- < Pr. Kelt. *q&eidcpe < Ar. ^penffe. — W. cy-chwynnu il.a. 133 'to rise ', later 'to start ', Ir. scendim < Ar. *sqend- § 96 iii (2). — The y becomes e by a-affection, as Gwent < Venta; cf. E. Wintchester ' Venta Belgarum '. In Lat. loanwords we have y, as tymp < temjms ; tymor < temjoora ; cymynn(af) < commend-o ; esgynn{af) < ascend-o, etc.; but most nouns have -enn, Mn. W. -en, as elf en < elementum; ffurfafen W. w; thus trwnc < *tronq- § 99 v (3); — tvjng ' swears ' : Ir. tongim ' I swear ' ; — hwnt ' yonder ' : Eret. hont § 220 ii (5). — The change took place in Lat. loanwords, as pwnn ' burden ' < pondus ; ysbwng < spongus ; except in fern, forms, as Hong ' ship ' < longa (navis). W. pont ' bridge ' < Brit. ace. *pontan (< -m) put for Lat. pontem, became fern. The 3rd pi: subjunct. -ont instead of *-wnt is prob. due to the analogy of the other persons, which have -0-. (2) The same change took place before a liquid and explosive, though here with less regularity. § 65 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 87 e + liq. + exp. > W. y ; thus Ml. W. kymyrth < *kombert-et, with «-affection kymerth § 181 vii (i); — gwyllt 'wild' < Brit. *gueltis: Ir. geilt § 92 iv. — But usually it remains as e ; thus for nyrth b.b. 68, the ordinary form is nerth m. ' strength ' ; so perthyn < Lat. pertin- owing to preference for the sequence e . . y. — merch ' maid ', perth ' bush ' are fern. ; and rnellt pi. 'lightning', gwellt pi. ' grass' may be neut. pi. in *-ä or fern. pi. in *-âs. o + liq. + exp. > W. w ; thus W. iwrch ' roebuck ', Bret, iourcli ; 0. Corn, yorch: Gk. £6p£; — W. twrch 'boar', Bret, tourcli: O. Corn. torch, Ir. tore, — W. swllt 'money, shilling' < Lat. soVdus. — torch ' torque ' is fern. : Ir. tore. But other exceptions occur as coiff ' body ' < Lat. corpus ; porth m. ' gate ' f. ' harbour ' has exchanged genders and keeps o in both. Formations like gor-ffen etc. are also exceptions. (3) The same change took place before m. Thus e: W. chwym 1 whirling ' < *spem-, § 96 iv (1) ; — W. Edyrn beside Edern < Etemus, — W. gwern 'alder', and cem § 95 ii (3) are fern.; so uffern 'hell' W. y ; as byrr ' short ' : Ir. berr ; — W. gyrr i a drove ' <*gerks- § 95 iv (2). But remains, as in corr 'dwarf, torri 'to break '. (4) In many Lat. loanwords e or before r + cons, became a (on the analogy of the B-grade in sarn etc. ?) ; thus sarff < serpens ; carrai ' lace ' < corrigia; parchell b.b. 55 beside porchell a.l. i 276 < porcellus ; tafarn < taberna ; Padarn < Paternus ; Garmon < Ger- mänus. (5) e before ss > y ; as in ys (ys, i[s § 82 ii (1)) < *esti ' is' ; — ŷs ' eats ' < *essi < *ed-ti : Lat. est. Also before Lat. st as in tyst ' witness ' < testis. But either affection or the sequence e . . y (or e . . u) causes it to be e, as in ffenestr ' window ', testun ' text ' < testimonium. iv. (1) In the present penult y appears for e and before a nasal whether followed by another consonant or not; as in cychwynnu, tymor iii (1); ffynnhawn, now ffynnon < Lat. fontäna ; tyner < Lat. tenerum ; myfqr < Lat. memoria ; myned 'to go ' : Bret, monet ; mynwent beside monwent < Lat. monumenta. But many exceptions occur, as cenedl 'nation', Conwy; and derivatives like gwenu 'to smile ' (: gwtn ' smile '), tonnau ' waves ' (: tonn ' wave ') do not show the change (exc. hynaf ' oldest ' assim. to the cpv. hŷn, § 148 i (1 1)). (2) o > y in the prefixes *ko-, *kom-, *kon-, *to-, *do-, *ro-; as W. cywir ' correct ' < Kelt. *ko-uiros ; rhy-fawr ' very great ' < *(2))ro-märos; see § 16 iii; except when the vowel of the root is lost, as in W. cosp 'punishment', Ir. cose < *kon-sq%- § 96 iii (5); W. rhodd 'gift' < *(p)ro-d~ § 63 vi (1). — When separately accented rhy has acquired a new strong form rliy, as rhy dda ' too good ' ; similarly *dy, *&y, written di in O. W. ( < *do ' to '), as a preposition became *8v > Ml. W. ỳ > Mn. W. i ' to' § 16 ii (3). So cyn before the equative, now sounded cyn } and dialectally %%n. 88 PHONOLOGY § 66 v. (i) o and a interchange after u § 34 iv. So we have gwa- beside go- for gwo- < *uo- : Gaul, vo- < Ar. *upo ; thus gwa-red-wr 1 saviour ' < *uo-reto-uir- : Gaul. Voretovir- ; — W. gwas ' servant ' : Iv.foss < *upo-st- § 96 ii (2). The 15th cent, pedwor § 34 iv (so Salesbury's Die. s. v.) has a new, perhaps local, for a § 63 vii (4). We also find the interchange after ii (cons, or voc), as breuan for *breuon § 76 iv (2) ; bean for *biion § 76 ix (2); (Anglesey dial. neuoS for neuah). (2) After m- there is an older change of a to 0, as in W. môr ' sea ', Gaul. Aremorici, Ir. » : Lat. mare ; — W. myned < *monet-, Bret. monet < *mamiet- § 100 iv; — W.morwyn < *marein- § 125 v (1). (3) e after u becomes o/a in the following cases : Ar. *uper > Pr. Kelt. *uer > Gaul, ver-, Bret, war 'on', W. ar, gwar-, gwor-, gor- § 36 iii ; — W. Cadwallon < Brit. Catu-vellaunos ; — W. gosper < Lat. vesper-. Probably the above show the influence of Brit, uo- ; cf. Ir. for- < *uer- on the analogy oîfo- < *uo-. Generally ue remains, as in chwech ' six ' < *sueks. vi. (1) After i post-tonic a became e ; thus wyneb ' face ' < *êni-eq%~, §100 v, < *éni-aq%-< *éni-dq%-, Vöq% = Skr. ánlJcam ' face' < *êni-9q%om. But when pre-tonic the a remained, as in ivynab-, in composition, from *eniaqV:-\ gwySiad < *uididto § 180 iv (1). (2) Pre-tonic io prob. became ia ; thus we have aea < *-iia-', but no *aeo < *-iio-', so that the latter perhaps became *-u'a- / § 75 vi (2). So the rel. a < *ia < Ar. ios, § 1'62 vi (1). § 66. i. Pr. Kelt, i and u remained in Brit. Brit, i was open, and is transcribed e by the Greeks, as in IIpçT(T)ai/LKrj (vr)o~os) : W. (ynys) Prgdain, but i by the Romans as in Britannia (Gk. 1 was close, Lat. i open). Brit, i gave W. y, which is 1/ in the ult. and accented monosyllables, y in non-ultimate syllables and proclitics. Brit, u remains, now written w, in the ultima and monosyllables, and becomes y ( = y) in all other syllables. See § 40 iii. Examples: W. dr?/c/i 'appearance', edryc/iqf 'I look'*gww- > *9 w -> § 36 i. Thus gŵr 'man' < *uur-os < *uir-os', — gwrth- ' contra- ', xorth ' against ' < *uurt- < *uiri- < *uerto : Ir. frith < *urt- § 211 iv (2); — gwnn 'I know' < *uindo, § 191 iii (1). The w thus produced is not 'mutated to y in the penult, e.g. gẃról 'manly', gibraidd id., ẃrthyf' by me ' ; and gwnn seems to show that it was not liable to affection ; in that case givyr 4 men ' is analogical. (2) Before other consonants initial unaccented ui- or ue- became *oz- giving W. il- i as in Ml. W. ugeint 'twenty' < Kelt. *uiknti : Ir. Jîche; — W. ucher ' evening' < {*uisqer- <) *ues2>er- § 96 iv (2). (3) Generally, however, initial ui- became gwy- regularly: as giyŷs < *uid-t- § 63 iv; — gwynt < *uint- < *uent- < *uent- : Lat. ventus) — gwyw 'withered', § 75 vii (3); — gwyrth 'miracle' < Lat. virtus. But gwy- later became gw-, ii (2) above. iv. Ar. i in the ultima, or ending the first element of a compound gave Gaul, and Brit. e. Thus Gaul, are-, W. ar- < *are- < *ari- < %r p e ri ; — W. am < *mbe < *mbhi : Lat. ambi-, Gk. âfxL ; — W. môr < *more, Gaul, more < *mori : Lat. mare. The reason that final unaccented short i does not affect a preceding vowel is probably that it had become e. v. Pretonic u became 0, as in iôn 'lord' < *iud-no-s, pr 'lord' < *iud-ro-s : W. wS § 100 i (1); see § 104 iv (3); bon m. 'base, stem' < *bud-no- § 104 iv (1); clod 'praise, fame' < Tclutom : Ir. cloth (gen. cluith) id. < klutom, Gk. kXvtov, Skr. srutám ' what has been heard, tradition ', V Jcleu- ' hear '. Affection of Short Vowels. § 67. A short vowel (but no long vowel) was liable to be affected by a sound in a succeeding* syllable. Affection is of two kinds in Welsh : 1. ultimate, when it takes place in the syllable which is now the last, having been brought about by a sound in a lost termination; 2. non-ultimate, when it takes place in the present penult or antepenult, the affecting sound being generally preserved in the ultima. Ultimate affection is caused by a or i sounds ; non-ultimate by the latter only. 90 PHONOLOGY §§ 68, 69 § 68. Ultimate «-affection. — i and ü became respectively e and o in the ultima when the lost ending had a ; thus gwedd ' aspect' < *uid-ä § 63 iv \—bod ' be ' < Kelt, *bu-tä § 189 iv (6) ;— cnved ' rabble ' < Lat. civitas ; — gramadeg < Lat. grammatica ; colqfn < Lat. columna. Hence adjectives having q (<£) or w (<$) in the ultima change these to e and o in the fern., the affection being due to the lost fern, ending -ä ; thus Brit, ^uindos, *uindä gave respectively gwynn ì gwenn ' white '. The adj. *briktos had regularly fern. *briktâ, which by the rule became *brektä; now *ikt > 1th and *ekt > eith, later aith § 108 iv (i) ; hence brtth ' speckled ', f. braith, which is thus seen to be quite regular. The affection is original only in adjectives of the -os/-ä declension ; but after the loss of the inflexional endings, it spread by analogy to other stems ; e. g. crwnn ' round ' < Brit. *krundis (: Ir. cruind) has f. cronn on the analogy of trwm < Brit. *trwmbos (: Ir. tronim) f. trom ; and gwyrS < Lat. vir'dis has f. gwerS on the analogy oîffyrf,fferf < Lat. firmus^rmia. Doubtless deilien wyrdd in M.IL. i. 155 represents a local survival of the old fern., as in tonn wyrt (-t = -8) w. ga 'green wave '. § 69. Ultimate e-affection. i. This was caused by i, I (from î, ê, ö or û), or by accented e or t. Kelt, post-tonic es before a vowel became i and caused this affection § 75 vii (1), so e(p) see ib. ; also Lat. /, and sometimes e, before a vowel. ii. (1) a becomes Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai : eil, ail 'second' < *aìiós : Lat. alius ; — yspeit i ysbaid ' space ' < Lat. spatium ; — rhaib £ spoil ' < Lat. rapio ; — beirdd e bards ' < *lardi ; — meib 'sons' < Brit. *mapî ; — itgei?it, ugain 'twenty ' < *uikantí< Ar. iiìfogH-, — lleidr ' thief ' < Lat. latrd ;— deigr c tear ' < *dahm § 120 iii (1). (2) ak or ag before a consonant, which becomes ae in Ml. and Mn. W. § 104 ii (1), iii (1), § 108 iv (1), is affected to ek or eg which gives Ml. W. ei, Mn. W. ai, see ib. Thus Saxones > Saeson but Saxo > *Seoc > Seis, Sais ; — *kaktos ' serf ' ( < *qaptos) > caefâ, but pi. *kaktl > ceit/i, caith ' serfs ' ; — *dragnos > draen 'thorn' § 104 ii (1), pi. Sk dragnesa>*dragnia>drein i drain. (3) In disyllables before consonant groups containing r, and before c/i, the affection of a appears as ?/, which alternates with ei in Ml. and early Mn. W. Thus lieym b.t. 29, b.m. 121, e.p. 1362, e.b.b. 47, pi. of haeam 'iron'; — reydyr b.p. 1301 beside ryeidyr b.p. 1222, pi. of rliaeadr 'cataract'; — Jcedym w.M. 51 § 69 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 91 beside kedeirn do. 40, pi. of cadaru 'mighty'; — so alarch pi. eleircli, elyrch § 117 i; — tywarchen pi. fyweirc/i, tywyrch § 126 i (2) ; — paladr, pi. peleidyr w.m. 179, Mn. W. pelydr ; — Mn. W. bustych, menyc/i, § 117 i. Also in the proclitic geir>gyr 'near' § 214 ii. The i[ is probably the result of thickening the i before r + cons, and before x in an unaccented syllable. (In accented syllables as beirS, the i is still pure, but it has become i[ before x § 1 7 iii.) Thus ei > yi[ > %[. From r + cons, it spread to cons. + r. Probably gwesgyr (single r) for gwasgar §173iv(i)is due to false analogy. (4) In polysyllables before a labial also, a is affected to ^ ; as in modryb < *mätr-aq%-í § 122 iv (2); cyffelyb, ethryb also from *-aq%- <*-9 2 H- Jöqu- 'face', cf. § 143 iii (8); Caer-dyf Cardiff ' : Taf.— -am- becomes -eu or -yf, except in analogical formations ; see §76 vii(i). iii. (1) e becomes q: engyl 'angels' < Lat. angeli; — cyllyll 'knives' < Lat. culteZfa; — so, cestyll, gwëyll § 117 i; — erbyn ' against ' < Kelt. *ari quennoi § 215 ii (4) ; — gwŷl ' sees ' § 173 iv(l). There appears to be no certain example of e becoming ei) dyweit c says' may be from *uat- § 194 i (1). (2) ek or eg before a consonant when affected became ik or ig which gives 1 regularly ; as nith ' niece ' < *nekti-s § 86 ii (1) \— llitli ' lesson ' < Lat. lectio. iv. (1)0 becomes ei (Mn. ai) or n : yspeil, ysbail ' spoil ' < Lat. spolium ; — êeil, sail ' foundation ? < Vulg. Lat. solea for Lat. solum, cf. E. soil ; — myjyr ' thought ' < Lat. memoria ; — ystyr ' meaning ' < Lat. historia ; — dŷn ' man ' < *donios : Ir. duine ; — m?/r c seas ' < *mon § 122 ii (4) ; — esgyb ' bishops ' < Lat. episcopl ; — Selyf< Salome ; — tair Ml. W. teir for *ty-eir ' three ' fem.< *tisorés § 75 vi (3) ; — pair, Ml. peir ' caldron ' : Ir. coire § 89 iii. It is seen that ei occurs before I and r ; but in disyllables we have i[ before the latter. (2) ok or og before a consonant, which gives oe in W., becomes wỳ when affected ; thus oen ' lamb ' < *ognos, pi. wyn < *ogu% \ — ŵyth £ eight ' < *o%to~. v. u becomes 11 : Merchyr § 16 iv (2) < Mercurius ; — cŷn ' chisel ' < Lat. cnneus ; — asgwru ' bone ' pi. esgyrn ; — ŷch ' ox ' < 92 PHONOLOGY § 70 Ar. *uqsö, whence O.H.G. ohso, Ski. ujcsà (A v. uasS- implies -q-) ; the pi. ychen ( < Ar. *uqsénes, whence Skr. uksanah, EL am*) has ^ from ^ unaffected, § 66 i. w does not become ei; deifr as pi. of dwfr is doubtful (m.a. i 556) except as a late and artificial form ; see Silvan Evans s. v. vi. When any of the above changes takes place in the ultima, a in the penult becomes e ; see kedym, elyrch, pelydr, Selyf, esgyrn above. also became e, as gosod í to set ' gesyd e sets ', liable to become y before st, as Ml. W. ebestyl, ebystyl < apostoll, sg. abostol < apostolus. In Ml. W. the affection extended, as in the last example, to the ante-penult. vii. The ei due to affection as above, also ei from eh or eg, had open e, and was thus distinct from original ei which had close e. The former (ei) gives ei, ai; the latter (ei) gives ivy § 75 iii (1). On later modifications of i[, ei, see §§ 77, 79. §70. Non-ultimate affection, i. a and sometimes o in the syllable which is now the penult became e when the following syllable had I or Ì (now i or i[), except where the í was itself affected to e, § 68. Thus eery da ' reprimand ' < *karûo(s) be- side caredd ' fault ', Ir. caire, < *karíiä ; — Ml. W. gioedy ' after ', O. W. guotig ; — Ml. W. pebyll ' tent ' < *_papûio < Lat. päpilio ; — Ebrill < Aprllis ; — cegin < coquma ; melin < molina ; etc. In Ml. W. the affection extends over two syllables, as ederyn ' bird ', Mn. W. aderyn, pi. adar. seems to undergo the change chiefly after a labial or before a guttural, where it might have become a if unaffected. The restoration of a in the antepenult in Mn. W. is due to the vowel in that syllable becoming obscure because unaccented, in which case it was natural to re-form etymologically. ii. (1) Before i the same change took place, and a and o appeared as e in O. W. ; but the e was further affected by the i, and became ei in Ml. and Mn. W. ; thus Mariánus > O. W. Meriaun gen. iii. > Ml. W. Meìrỳawn e.b.b. 8j, Mn. W. Meirioii ; — so O. W. Bricheniauc a.c. 895, Mn. W. Brycheiniog ; - — O. W. mepion gen. xii, Mn. W. meibipn ' sons '. See § 35 ii. In the dialect of Powys ceiliog ' cock ', ceiniog ' penny ' are pro- nounced celiog, ceniog. This is perhaps a simplification of ei, § 78 v, rather than old e retained. § 71 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 93 (2) Original e also became ei before i ; thus Eterniänus > Edeirnaun b.b. 74 Edeirnon w.m. 50, e.m. 35, Mn. W. Edeirmon (now wrongly spelt Edeyrnion) ; — so pencerdd ' chief of song' Ml. pi. penkeirhyeit e.p. 1230, Mn. W . penceirddiaid ; — anrlieg ' gift' pi. anreigŷon e.p. 1221 (generally anregỳon r. b.b. 394, e.m. 257, now anrhegion) ; im-ben ' mon-arch ', unbeŷnŷaeth, a.l. i. 34, 382, ' sovereignty ' (now unhennaeth, new formation) ; gorwedd* to lie ', gorweiddiog ' bed-ridden ' ; gweiniaith § 32 for gwenialtli ' flattery '. (3) In later formations i does not affect the vowel ; forms like personnŷeit, Albanŷeit etc. § 123 iv, and cariad, meddiant, etc., are extremely common in Ml. and Mn. W. Also forms like avian ' silver' in which i is not original, bat comes from g. iii. The Ml. and Mn. diphthong ae, whether from ak- or ag~ before a consonant, or from a-e, becomes ei before % or i, as in ML W. keithiwet < Brit.-Lat. * kaktiuitas ; saer 'craftsman' pi. seiri ; gwaedd ( cry ', gweiddi ' to cry ' ; draen ( thorn ', dreiniog 'thorny'. Similarly og..i or ug..i > ei..i\ as in gweini 'to serve' < *no-gnim-\ heini 'active' < * su-gnlm- : gmm- § 203 vii (4). Before ?/ it becomes ei/, as in keyrydd pi. of kaer 1 fort'. But, except in a few cases such as the above, this affec- tion is usually ignored in writing, especially in the Mn. period. iv. The affecting sound has disappeared in cenwcli ' ye sing ' for an earlier *ceni[wch § 26 vi (5) ; in the Ml. forms Edeirnon etc. § 35 ii ; and in such forms as ceidwad for ceidwiad, § 36 v. v. The affection of a and by a lost stem-ending -«-, -io- f -Ü-, of the first element of a compound is similar to ultimate affec- tion : a > ei in meitin b.a. 18 'morning' (Mn. W. ers meitin 1 some hours ago') < *matû-ün- (treated as a compound) < Lat. mätüúmim ; — > y in syl-faen : sail, § 69 iv. In Ml. W. meinoeth b.t. 68, meìnỳoeth do. 45 ' midnight' < media node, we seem to have early metathesis of i, thus meinỳoeth < *menŷoeth < *meda-niokte. The forms meinyh b.t. 31, meinSyS do. 55 'mid-day' are formed on its analogy. The Long Vowels. § 71. i. (1) Pr. Kelt, â (from Ar. ä and ô) remained in Brit. In Early W. it became an open ô like Eng. a in call, which we may write ; in O. W. this became in unaccented syllables, ait 94 PHONOLOGY § 71 ( = aw) in accented syllables. Latin ä also shared this develop- ment. The Early W. o is attested in Bede's Dinoot ( = I)ünot\ Ml. W. Dunawt < Lat. Bônätîis. In all syllables except the ultima it became o, as broder ' brothers ' < Pr. Kelt. * bräteres ; in this position aw from ä occurs only in late formations like mawrion pi. of maior ' great ', and after w § 148 i (6). But in the ultima and in monosyllables o > O.W. ait = Ml. W. aw, as O. W. hraut ox. 'judgement ' < Pr. Kelt. * bräton, trintaut juv. sk. < Lat. trinìtä- tem ; Ml. W. brawt, trindawt. In Mn. W. aw remains in mono- syllables, as brawcl, but in the now unaccented ultima it has be- come tf, as in trindod. The following table summarizes the history of Brit, (and Lat.) ä : Brit. (Lat.) Brit. Early W. O.W. Ml.W. Mn.W. Mn.W. *brä,teres . >*° o o broder penult. rinit&tem ! ä o^ bräton I \^au aw: trìnitätem [ ä o^ so trindod ult, ^ aw brawd monosyll. (2) ä when unacc. was shortened and gives a § 74 i (1) ; this might happen in monosyllables as a ' of ' § 209 vii (5), a ' whether ' § 218 iii. When ace. in Brit, and unacc. later, it gives 0, as in pob § 168 i (3), mor§ 151 i, o c from, of §209 vii (5), 0, «if § 222 v (1). ii. (1) Ml. W. aw in the unaccented ultima (whether from ä as above, or from ou § 76 iii) survives in the spoken language in carillaw 1 hand-rail ', darllaw ' to brew ', distaw ' silent ', eirlaw ' sleet ', ysgaw (also ysgd) ' elder-tree ', llysfrawd ( brother-in-law ' ; in compounds with numerals, as deunaw ' 1 8 ', dwyawr l 2 hours ', teirawr ' 3 hours ', etc. (except dẃylo for dẃylaw • hands ') ; and in compounds of mawr, as dirfawr * very great ', trystfawr ' noisy ' (except in place-names, Trefor, Coetmor). In a few book-words which have gained currency it is not a genuine survival : as traethawd ( treatise ', catrawd ^regi- ment ', bydysawd ' universe ', rhaglaw ' deputy ' ; and the forms Maws ' multitude ', cyfiawn 'just ', Ionawr ' January ', ansawdd c quality ', are influenced by the written language, which, however, had also llios, cyfion, lonor, ansodd Io.G. 187, formerly; see examples below. Chwefror has always (generally sounded Chwefrol by dissimilation). The recent written language has been influenced by mechanical ideas of etymology in the substitution of aw for the regular in ffyddlon 1 faithful ', dwylo ' hands ', union. ' straight ', cinio ' dinner ', anodd 'difficult', cpv. anos (§ 48 iv, § 148 i (6)); all these appear with -in early Mn. poetry, and are pronounced with in the spoken language. On the misspelling athraw for athro see § 76 v (5). § 71 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 95 Ni fyn cariad i wadu, NcCi ddangos i lios lu. — D.G. 69. * Love will not be disavowed, or manifested to many a host.' Gwahawdd Saeson bob Ionor Ft Beau maent ar hyd môr. — L.G.C. 155. * They invite Saxons every January to the South across the sea.' Anodd rhyngu bodd y byd. — T.A. a 14967/29. 1 It is difficult to please the world.' (2) aw in the ultima began to be reduced to in the Ml. period ; thus we find Edeimon w.m. 50, achos il.a. 4, Meirŷon b.b.b. 13. But the bards even in the Mn. period continued to write the aw for the purposes of rhyme. In recent times, owing to ignorance of the older language, they have sometimes written aw for original 0, as " esgawb " for esgob * bishop ', " dyniawn " for dynion ' men '. This is not due to a confusion of the sounds of and aw (for the a in aw is a pure a, quite distinct from 0), but to the blundering notion that as some o's may be written aw, any may. The Early Mn. poets generally use aw correctly, guided by a living literary tradition. The distinction is seen in Ml. W. yscol 'school', iscol b.b. 81 from Lat. sc(h)ola and yscawl w.m. 189 'ladder' < Lat. scäla, both ysgol in Mn. W. (3) In a few cases aw comes from 0: praw(f) beside pwofi < Lat. prob- ', mawl beside molaf'I praise', Ir. molim ; tymawr b.p. 1244 for the usual tymor < Lat. tempora. In each case the o comes before or after a labial. In Vulg. Lat. there was a tendency to lower a vowel before a labial so that prob- might become *prob- > prawf. But it is more likely that all these are due to false analogy. In awr ' hour ', and nawn ' noon ' we have aw < Lat. 5. These have been explained as late borrowings ; but historically this is im- probable. Possibly the pronunciation of höra varied in Lat., since Gk. o) ( = 0) was popularly sounded 5 (yXwo-o-a > Ital. chipsa) ; ö would give o > aw. For nawn see § 76 iii (4). iii. äg > O. W. oil, Ml. W. eu, Mn. W. en, au ; thus breuant ' wind-pipe ', O. W. -brouannou < *brägnt- : Ir. bräge gl. cervix, O. Bret, brehant ; — W. pau * country ', O. Bret, pou, Corn, pow < Lat. pâg-u8\ — so ak or äg before a consonant : W. gwaun, O. W. guoun l.l. 156, 196 'lowland', Ir. fän < *uähi- < *uo-ak~n- § 104 iii (1) ; — W. ceulo ' to congeal ' < *cägl- < Lat. co-âgl-o. But before t the â is shortened § 74 iv. iv. -än- often gives own in the present penult : cronni : crawn §202 v (a) \—ffynlionnau 'fountains' < fontän- \ — Meirŷonnyh G.c. 123, R.b.b. 263, beside Meirŷonyh do. 303, 306, <3Iaridn-. 96 PHONOLOGY §§ 72, 73 § 72. L Pr. Kelt. î ( Ir. dun, W. dm ' fort ', dinas ' city ' : O. E. tüẅ, E. town ; — Pr. Kelt. * gîün- > Ir. glün, W. glm 'knee* §63 vii (4);— Pr. Kelt. *M > Ir. cü 'dog', W. cì, §89 iii.— But Lat. pürus gives pür t müfois gives mud, etc. ii. Some irregularities occur in the development of Lat. ü and Brit, and Lat. ü before a labial : (1) Lat. ü in cüjpa gives I in W. cib, Bret. kib. This seems to be the only example in W., and may be due to fluctuation between ü and i before a labial ; cf. conversely W. uffern ' hell ', Bret, ifern < Vulg. Lat. Iferna, Lat. inferna. (2) Brit, and Lat. ü before b followed by a vowel gave W. u ; as du ' black ' for *duv < *dub- : Ir. dub l black ' ; "W. cuSygl for *cufygl < Lat. cübic'lum. But before w, r, I, ub gives wf regularly, as in dwfii, dwfr, § 90. (3) ü before m is regular, as shown by W. twf ' growth ', tyfu £ to grow ' < *tum- § 201 i (8). But Lat. ü in nwmerus gives i in nifer. Tins may be due to a dial, pronunciation of Lat. u as ü ; cf. Osc. Niumsieis ' Numerii ', and the Oscanized Lat. JViumeriis ' Numerius '. Lat. itself had ü before m in an unacc. syll., as maximus, maxurnus = maxilmus. The sound ü would be identified with Brit, ii, and prob. lengthened, giving the same result. W. vfyll ' humble ' < Lat. hümilis may perhaps be similarly explained, but with u for i as in uffern. (4) ü before p is regular, as seen in cybyh l miser ' < Lat. cU2)idus, syberw ' proud ' < Lat. swperbus. In W. achub < Lat. occüpo the u may be due to the lengthening of the it when it came to be accented, as it did in Brit. § 65 ii (1). For Lat. è see § 75 iii (1) ; for Lat. ö see § 76 ii (1). §§ 74, 75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 97 § 74. i. (i) In Brit, d was shortened when unaccented. Thus W. pechadur t sinner ' < *peccätör- < Lat. ace. peccätör-em beside pechod 'sin ' h. mätütumm ; — W. agwỳhawr for *afgŵỳhawr< Lat. âbëcêdarium ; — W. Madrun < Lat. mätrona beside modryb 'aunt' < Kelt. *mätraqH; — W. ceiüagwỳdd 'gander', Ml. W. keylyacuyt a.l. i 280 < *kaliako-geidos beside ceiliog ' cock ' < *kaliakos\ — W. paratói 'to prepare ', § 201 iii (5), beside parod ' ready '< Lat. parätus, etc., etc. Naw mwy i frag na cheiliagwydd, Naw gwell i sywnwyr na gŵydd. — S. T., c 16/93. 'Nine times more boastful than a gander, nine times more sensible than a goose.' (The recent spellings parotoi, ceiliqgwydd are false ; the words are pronounced as spelt above.) For the apparent exception in Ionawr a sufficient explanation is the secondary accent which was required to distinguish Januarius from FèbruariuSj and which for emphasis might even become primary. (2) Words like swyddogol ' official ' are formed in W., and mostly late, by adding -ol to -og, and are not derived in full from Brit., for Brit, -ak-al- would give -ag-ol. The word lluosog is an old forma- tion, but it is not formed from the original of Miaws; the latter has a from 5, the formation being *-ös-täts, while the former has 0, the formation being *-os'tos, extended to *-os-täkos. § 75 iii (3). ii. It is seen in the above examples that other long vowels remained long when unaccented ; and that I and ü need not have been accented to cause affection of a preceding vowel. iii. In Ir. the shortening of long vowels is carried further and is independent of the Brit, shortening of ä. The latter had not set in in Pr. Kelt, as is shown by the development of âu, which when unaccented in Brit, gave au, while Kelt, au gave ou § 76 v (5). iv. All long vowels were shortened before groups of sonant + explo- sive, as in gwynt 'wind' < *uentos < *uëntos; so Lat. ventus. W. dyall < *diidlt- < *diialt- § 75 vi (4). Also before two explosives ; *-o-akt- *-äkt- > n *-akt- > -aeth § 203 i (4). The Diphthongs. § 75. j. (1) Ar. ai remained in Kelt. It appears in Ir. as äi, äe, in Gaul, as ai or e. Before a consonant it appears in O. W. as oi, and in Ml. and Mn. W. as oe (ou,) § 29. Thus W. coeg 'empty' (as a nut without a kernel), coeg-ddall ' purblind \ Ir. 1402 H 98 PHONOLOGY § 75 caech ' one-eyed ' : Lat. caecus ' blind ', Goth, haihs ' one-eyed ', Skr. kekara-h ' squinting ' < Ar. *qaiq- ; — W. hoedl ' lifetime, life', Gaul. Setlo-ceni-(ae Deae) : Lat. saeculum < *sai-tlo-ni § 111 vii (i); — W. coed 'wood, forest', Gaul. Ceto-briga< *kaito- : Goth, haipi, O. H. G. keida, E. heathy Lat. bn-cëtum (ë for #£ owing to confusion with the suffix -ëtum). (%) Before a vowel ai fell together with i% see iv below. But as in the penult, followed by e (or i), gave a new ai which gives W. oe>o § 78 i (i); thus Brit. *kara$et>*karoe y caro 'may love'. Followed by Í it falls together with ii and gives -ei, as *uomasim > ar nei ; when the % was unacc. it gives -i as *uómasìm > mzi § 209 vii ( i ). But in the ante-penult a vowel before s drops § 113 i (2); hence *kara-se-re > kar-her ' may he loved '. (3) Kelt, âi > W. ẃy, as in mwy ' greater ' < *mâ-iös or *mäison : Ir. mao for *mau<*niäiös. When unaccented it was shortened and so gives oe, as prob. in Ml. W. moe il.a. 14% ' more '. A new äi was produced before a vowel in Brit, when äs was followed by I or e; thus *karás-ìt>*karâiit>karwy § 183 a (1). A new «i might be produced before a cons, by metath. of i § 100 v ; thus Lat. occasio > W. acâos, but Brit. pi. *accasiones > *accaisones >M1. W. acliwysson. (4) W. oe>ae after w or ?ft, etc. ; oe>wae after g § 78 ii (2). ii. (1) Ar. oi remained in Pr. Kelt., and appears in Ir. as ôi, ôe. In W. it became u before a consonant. Thus Ar. *oinos * one ' > Gk. 011/69, oli/rj ' ace ', O. Lat. oinos ) Lat. ünus : Ir. oen, W. un 'one'. — W. ud in anudon 'perjury', Ir. oeth * oath ' : Goth, aip-s 'oath'. — W. grug 'heather' for *gwrug (Pemb. dial, gwng)) li.froech<*uroiko-8 : Gk. epeiKi] < *uereikä. Before or after u in Brit., oi became ai which gives W. oe (oy) ; as in gloyw ' shiny, glossy ' < *gloi-uo-s : Gk. yÀotóç< *yA.ot/ r oç, § 92 1 ; — kg(h)oe8 ' public ' < *kg-woeS < *ko-uoid- : W. gŵyS 'presence' < *ueid-, Vueid- 'see' ; here -w- dropped; where it remained, woe again gave wae § 78 ii (2) ; thus gwaethaf for *gwoethaf< *uaidisarnos < *uoidi- samos< *uo-ed-isamos < *upo-ped-is ii mo-$ § 148 i (5). (2) Before a back vowel oi gave W. ẃy ; as *-oian>*-wy~n >-wn § 180 iii (1); cf. § 76 v (4). But before i or e the i § 75 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 99 dropped § 100 vi, and o before the vowel developed like u before a vowel, that is, as ou ; thus *dó esö > *dóiü > *dóì > *dóul > *deu § 76 v (i), whence deuaf § 193 x (5) ; and *do eset>*doiet> *doet > *douet > daw y or without diphthongization *do-et > do, see ib. ; so *tnoi estö > *mo estl > *mo ys > moes § 200 ii. Followed by I after the accent it gives -i i as in -hi f. sing, ' to her ' < *'-dcfi<* f ~(lo-sl § 210 x (1). (3) Ar. öi gave Kelt, âi and developed accordingly. iii. (i) Ar. ei remained in Pr. Kelt. In Gaul, it is written e or €i, as Devo-gnata y Aeuovova. In Ir. it appears as è or la. In W. before a consonant it became ẃy. Thus W. gwyh 1 presence ' for *gwwyh < Ar. *ueid- § 63 iv \—-mor~dwỳ * sea voyage' <*mori-teig- § 103 ii (1), etc. In Brit, and Gaul, it was probably sounded as ei. Latin e which was sounded f, was identified with this sound in Brit., and shared its development in W., thus rete > rhwgd, rëmus > rhwgf, plëbem > jolwgf, cëra > cŵyr, etc. Lat. oe which seems to have varied from ö to e appears in W. as i, oe or ivy, as ciniaw 'dinner', poen 'pain', cwyn ' supper \ (2) Before a vowel ei fell together with ii, see below. (3) Ar. ëi before a vowel > Kelt. % > W. i. Thus W. díod, Ml. diawt ' drink' < *dkei-ati-s, VdJwi- 'suck '. — W. llíaws ' multi- tude ', Bret. liez< Brit. *llassäs <*Uästäts <*(p)lws-täts, a noun in *-tät- from the cpv. *plë-iôs : Lat. insc. pleores, Gk. 7rÀetW. Before Kelt. it becomes u, as in lliiosog, Ml. lluossauc < Brit. *lluossäJco-s an extension of *lfóosso~8 <*(jp)Uos-to-s an adj. formed from *plê-iös like Lat. honestus from honös ; see § 76 ix (2), § 74 i (2), § 169 iii (3). Before a consonant êi>ê giving Kelt. I, W. i. iv. ai and ei fell together with ii before vowels. After the accent the i became 8, in other positions it remained as i. Thus : (1) Accented ii (or ái or éi), which is generally in the penult, but may be ante-penultimate, gives W. -y8 ; thus W. rhyh * free ' < *pnios : Goth, frets ì Eng. free ; — trefyh ' towns ' < *trebiies ; — irydyh ' third ' m. < *trilnos ; with -a in the ult. it gives -e8, as trydeh * third ' f. < *tritûä. In the ante-penult -yS-, as W. yslyhad * thorn ' : Ir. see, gen. pi. sciad. (2) Post-tonic '-ii gave *«m, which became oe8, § 62 i (2) ; h2 100 PHONOLOGY § 75 thus moroet ' seas ' < *moriia : Lat. maria ; — Ml. W. ' countries ' < *ulátiies ; — clannoeb fern. m.m. 8 ' toothache ' < *dántiiä ; — ötfô ' would be, was '< ^ / sii r êt ì § 180 ii (3). v. Before the accent, in the penult the result varies accord- ing 1 to the quality of the accented vowel in the (now lost) ultima; thus: (1) iié > W. -i, as in tri c three' m. <*triiés (accented like the f.)< Ar. *tréies (f. Hisorés) see § 103 i (3) ; — W. trefi 'towns' < *trebiies. (2) iií > Ml. W. -ei, Mn. W. -ai, as in W. rei, r/iai ' some ' § 165 vi, earai 'would love' § 180 ii (2) ; cf. nei, nai vii (2). (3) iió > W. -yw as in rhyw 'some' § 165 vi ; cf. gwyw vn (3)- (4) iia>0. W. -ai, Ml. and Mn. W. -ae, -e, also Ml. W. ẃy ; as in O. W. guarai, later gwarae, (/ware, ehwarae, chware 'to play', Bret, ckoari, Corn, hwary < Brit. *(s-)uariia < *u e rii-, \fuerei § 63 vii (3) ; a variant is guarvy b.b. ^o=gwarwy. vi. Before the accent in the ante-penult the result varies according as the accent fell on the lost ultima, or on the penult. (1) In the former case the penult had generally a reduced vowel a ( chw'ior-eh 'sisters', with -eh added, Bret, choarezed with two additions. The labial changed the diphthong (Early W. *oi} to wy. Under the new accent wy remained, but became i in the present ante-penult ; thus mẃyar : miaren — *gwẃyal : gwiálen, a new pi. gwlal being then formed from the latter. Where the sound comes in the present ante- penult in old formations, the form is undecided; thus O. W. gui- annuin ox. ' Spring ', Early Ml. W. guaiannu(i)n, guayanuhin A.L. i 142, also gwahanwyn do. 308, Ml. and Mn. W. gwannwỳn, gwanwyn < Brit. *uesant- ' : Skr. vasantd-h ' Spring ', Lat. vër < *uësr. (3) When the following a or was affected, the diphthong became y or e, liable to be assimilated and lost ; thus ryeidp\ reydfr ' cataracts ', heyrn ' irons ' § 69 ii (3), Gwyn. dial. Uyrn for /i?/7/rn ; — W. tair ' three ' f v Ml. and O. W. teir for *tyeir (cf. breint, Seint § 103 ii (1)), Ir. teoir < *tisores : Skr. tìsráh ; so W. pedair 'four' f., Ir. cetheoir <*q%etesores : Skr. cátasrah. - Such forms as hetyrn, rheieidr are quite late and artificial. But some old re-formations occur when the diphthong stood in the present ante-penult, as deyeryn (-yn = -in) b,A. 12 'earthen', Iteyernin ib. 'of iron', daeerin e.p. 1281, miéri, pi. of miaren. (4) Secondly, the vowel following the diphthong is accented. In that case the diphthong became e or y liable to be assimilated and lost, as in (3) above. Thus W. è'og ' salmon '< *esak- : Ir. ëo, gen. iach ; — W. deall, dyall, dalli § 82 ii (3) 'understanding', de.allt-wriaeth id., N.W. dial. dällt<*diiált- < *diijilt- § 74 iv, met. for *diiä-ilo-, Vdheid- 'appear, perceive' : Skr. dliyä-yaü 'thinks', dlârah ' intelligent ' ; Ml. W. dyai ' thought ' < *diid-i' with 102 PHONOLOGY § 75 analog*, accentuation for original *dhiid-tó- ; — Ml. W. gorffywys, later, with y lost, gorffwys ' rest ' < ^uer- -i- ; thus Ml. W. tei * houses ' < *tigia < *tigesa § 104 ii 2 ; — W. clyw ' hearing ' < *Motii- § 76 v (a)<*tòWŵ-, nom. *kléuos : Ir. clü, Gk. k\Ìoç< *kléuos, neut. s-stem. — So -ep- : W. ceifn ' distant cousin* < *kóm-niös < *kóm-nepöt-$ 1 see § 123 v. (2) In the penult and ante-penult, when és came before -e- y contraction took place, and ése > ei > W. ẃy ; thus W. wy-t c art 3 < *ése tü < Ar. *esi ' art ' ; — W. neithiwyr < *nokti dieser- § 98 i (3). — So épe: W. twymn <*tepesm(e)n- § 86 i (3). In the penult -és- before -I- gave oe ; thus W. chwaer for *c/iwoer i (4), Corn. hoer<*suésìr<*suésör \ — W. doe c yesterday' <*désì<*ŷ/iö*ie$ei : Lat. Zieri, Gk. x^?, Skr. ÂydL — Corn, noi ' nephew ' < *népöts. es- before Í prob. gave ei (like -**- before -^-, see v), and Ml. W. nei, Mn. nai ( nephew ' may represent *nepÒts (accented like the f. *nepMs : Skr napti/i). es- before -?-' gave y, as in Ml. W. y ' his ' < *esw, y ' her ' (for e ?) < *esias, § 160 iv. Lat. -aii- > Ml. W. ei, Hn. W. ai as in Met, Mai ( May ' < Maiius (Sommer 225); Ml. "W. Kei < Caius. (3) Before lost u or o i -es- or -is- gives yw (ew) ; as Ml. W. Ywein, Uwein, later Owein < *Esu-gamos : Gaul. Esngen(ios), Ir. Eogan : Gk. Evyevios. So perhaps in the (pretonic) penult: W. gwyw ' withered ' < *uisu- : Ir. feugud gl. marcor, Icel. visenn : Lith. rŷstu ( I wither ', Lat. viesco. So is before lost u or gives iw, and ais gives oew : W. gwiw 1 good ' < *uî$ns < *uesu-s : Gaul. Visn-rix : Skr. fdsu-h, Gk. €v, W. bardd, pi. beirdd. -äi unaccented > ai > t, thus Gaul. B-qXrjo-ajxL dat. of a name whose nom. occurs as Belisama ; ôi>üi, in Pr. Kelt, later ü, § 60, cf. Ir. dat. fiur ' to a man ' < dat. *uiröi ; -ëi doubtless gave -I. (2) But in monosyllables Ar. -ai, -oi, -ei remained in Kelt., and developed as follows in W. : -ai>-oe, thus Ar. *uai>*gwoe>gwae § 78 ii (2). -ei > wy ; W. wy ' they ' < *ei : Ir. ë. -oi > wy ; W. pwy ' who ?'<*q%o-i = Lat. qui § 163 vi ; when unaccented it became eii (O. W. ou, oi) § 78 iii, thus Ar. ^moi i *foi>W. meu, teu § 161 iv. § 76. i. The Ar. diphthongs au, eu, ou were distinct in Pr. Kelt., but tended later to become one sound, which is written ou. In Gaul, eu was still written as well as ou in forms having original eu, as in tento- beside toovtiov? and Neviod... beside Noviodunum ; we also find av y iii (4). In Brit, we may assume ou for all three. In W. it takes a variety of forms according to its position. The same development is shared by uu whether from Ar. uu § 63 iv or from Lat. u before a vowel. ii. (1) Before a consonant, except s, the diphthong became u (= ii) in W., üa in Ir. Thus W. kid 'people, country', Ir. tüath < *leutä, Gaul, teuto- : Goth, piuda, etc. ; — W. rhudd ' red', Ir. rüad < *roudk-os, Gaul, lioud-ius : Goth. ravps\ — W. cudd 'hidden', cuddio 'to hide' < *qeudh- : Gk. k€íjÔcû, O. E. hŷde ì E. hide ; — W. bugail * shepherd ' < ^bon-kolms < * g^ou-qolios : Gk. (3ovk6\o?. In Brit, it was probably sounded 0% ; and Lat 5 ( e ö) and ü shared its development ; thus W.ffurf< Lat. forma ; mur < Lat. rnürus, etc. (2) But original eus gives W. ew, as rheiv 'ice' < *preus-: 104 PHONOLOGY § 76 Lat. prulna < *prusulna\ — W. trew * sneeze ' < *(s)treu-s-, Vpstereu- §96 ii (4) ; — TV '.blew 'hair' < *bleus- § 101 iii (2). The reason seems to be that *eus became *eh% before the degrada- tion of the first element of the diphthong. (3) The diphthong was liable to be simplified by dissimilation when the following syllable contained uor u; thus Ar. *tauros ' bull ' became Kelt. *tauruos (in imitation of *ueruä > Ml. Ir. ferb 'cow', Vendryes MSL. xii. 40), whence Kelt. *taruos > Ir. tarb, "W. tarw ' bull '. Later, when au had become ou in Brit., *ou-tüt- > *o-tüt- > W. odid ' rarity ', beside Ir. othad, uathad < *au-tät- } both from *pau- : Lat. pau-cu-s, O.H.G./ôÄ, Kfew. iii, (1) Before a vowel the diphthong became aw when un- affected. Thus W. naw ' nine ' < Brit. *nouan < Ar. * neun ; — W. haw 'dirt' < *bou- f beside budr 'dirty' < *bou-tro- Vpeu(ä x )- : Lat. /jus, etc. §101 iii (2)', — W. awydd 'desire' for * awwyb (rh.. with rhwyh § 38 x) < *aueid- : Lat- av'ulus < * auid-, Vauei-. — So Brit., au for u-nacc. äu as in Ml. W. andaio ' listen ', met. for *aduaw < *áti-gnä-u- ' attend to ' < *gn-u- Vgene- : Lat. ndvus, Ir. aithgne ' cognitio '. — So also uu for Lat. u before a vowel, as W. cystrawen ' syntax ' < Lat. construenda. (2) But in the penult (the present ult.) post-tonic '-ou- gives Ml. W. -eu, Mn. W. -an; thus the pi. endings *'-oues, * f -oua give W. -eu, -au, as in cadau 'armies' < * katoties, dagrau 1 tears ' < Ar. ^clálcruud ; similarly angau l death ' < * ankou- ; cigleu ' I have heard ' < *lcukloua § 182 i. In this case -eu does not affect a preceding a as it does when it is itself the result of affection § 69 vi, as in teneu < *tanouis. The above change. may be due to a doubling of u, see § 62 i (2), thus *auu > *iiu > *üü > *öü > 0. W. oil, Ml. W. eü. (3) iou- gives W. ieu ( = ieü). Thus W. ieuane ( young ' < Brit. *iouankos < Ar. iuunkos : Lat. juvencus § 100 i (1) ; — W. Ienan < *louánne§ for löánnës ; — Mn. W. Ian, Ml. W. Ieu ' Jove ' < Brit. gen. *Iou-os for Lat. Jovis ; — Mn. W. iau, Ml. W. ieu 1 yoke ' < *iou-ón < ^jng-óm, see vi (1). Here we have the assimi- lation of u to i by which it becomes it ; cf. the assim. of i to u in -ioii in O. W. } § 25 1. An alternative form ief-, if- appears in the penult : iefanc, ifanc ; lefan, Ifan. The latter is attested in the 14th cent : ivanghet cm. 84. Later it is common : Pawb yn eu rhif yn ifanc S.C., c. i 1 14 'all in their [full] number young '. § 76 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 105 Ifane, ifanc a ofyn : Henaint, at henaint y tyn. — S.Ph. be. iv 391. 1 The young seeks the young : old age is drawn to old age.' The form ief- is probably older, but cannot be verified ; Ml. W. ieu- is ambiguous, but doubtless generally meant ieil-. The latter form is seen in Paham, a minneu 'n ieuane, Yr wyfyn rhwym ar fy nhranc ? — B.A. il 133/77. ' Why, when I am young, am I bound at death's door 1 ' The dialects now have if-, as I fan, ifanc, but imctid for teuenctid ' youth '. (4) The ante-vocalic form aw may occur before a consonant where the vowel after it has dropped, as in W. cawr ' giant ' < Brit. *koiiaros : Gaul. Kavapos, Ir. caur (< W. ?) */lceuä-. We also have aw regularly for Lat. au, as in awdur < Lat. au{c)torem\ llawh 'praise' < laudem; Ml. W. Pawl < Paulus (the biblical Paul is merely the Eng. form, and is pronounced Pòl). W. nawn * noon '< *nouna possibly dial. Lat. for nona ( < *nouena), cf. Pelignian Nounis ' Nonius ', and Lat. old spelling noundinum. Sir John Khys suggests the influence of Brit. *nouan. See § 81 iii (2). (5) Except when affected as in iv (4), v (3) (5), Brit, äu gave u in W., as in hi 'has been' < *(be)bäue < Ar. *bhebhöue §189 iv (3) ; caru 'to love' < */carä-u- §202 ii. When unaccented â was shortened, iii (1), § 74. iv. The penultimate affection of the diphthong has the forms ew, yw, and eu ; thus (1) Before ì ox î remaining as y or i, it appears as ew, as in newyh 'new', Bret, nevez < *nouiios < *neuiios', — W. cnewyll 'kernels' < *kneu- : E. nut < * knu-d- ; — W. ewythr 'uncle' < *auon-ter : Lat. avun-culvs < *anon- (nom. * auö see v (5)); Bret, eontr (eo for ew, i lost), Corn, enitor {-tor = tr?) ; — W. ewyllys ' will ' <*oui-, V auei-. — Similarly rhewin ' ruin ' derived from the Lat. ruina. (2) Before i when pretonic it is eu (= eu), the i being lost ; thus W. breuan ' handmill ' for *breuon < *brouwn-{\ Corn. brou y Bret, breo, Ir. bräu all from nom. ^brouiö, Ir. gen. broon) : Goth. quairnus y E. quern, V ' g^erä-. But when accented it is yw as in ultimate aff. ; thus cyw 106 PHONOLOGY § 76 * young of an animal ' < *kóniö pi. cywion < *kóuìones ì see v (6) ; — distrywijif < * dî-stróuia-mi, v (2) ; — llywiaf ' I steer ' : llyw ( rudder ' ib. In late formations i has no effect: gwrandawiad ' hearing ' from gtvrandaw ' to listen '. (3) Where it remained a diphthong before a consonant iii (4), its affected form is en ; thus ceuri p 94/179 e. 'giants ' now ceiri (in Tre'r Ceiri, etc.) by § 77 ix, pi. of cawr ; the usual pi. cewri w. m. 441, iL.A. 44 is a re-formation; — W. beucly < Brit. *boui-tigos, a later formation than *boukolios ii (1) (cf. Lat. nâufragus, later ndvi-fragus) ; — Ml. W. Meuruc § 77 viii < Mauricius; — Ml. W. cyngheussaetli < * con-caus-i-act- : cyngaws £ lawsuit ' < Lat. causa. (4) am became ai giving wỳ § 75 i (3) ; as anclwyo i to mar, spoil' met. for *ad-nwy-o < *ati-näu-i-, niwed 'injury* for *nwyet § 78 iv < nau-iat- < ^nòu-ì- : Lith. novyti 'to afflict' < * noui~. v. In the present ultima the diphthong, when affected, takes various forms, as follows : (1) The ordinary affection is Ml. W. eu, Mn. W. au ; this occurs : 1. Before unaccented -1 ; as dau ' two ' m., Ml. deu, O. W. dou < *dóuî < Ar. *duuo~(u) : Gk. Sva>, Svo, Lat. duo, Skr. duvä(u) ; — W. tau 'is silent' < *toult < * (s)tup-ëit, beside taw 'be silent!' < *tóue; — W. cenau ' whelp' < *kanóuì < *kanóuö: Ir. cana : from *k(u) e n- : Lat. canis. 2. Before accented £ ; as W. teneu ' thin ' (Corn, tanow, Bret. tanaó) < *tanouís < *f e nuuû : Lat. tenuis, Skr. tanúh f. tanvi. 3. Before a consonant ; as W. haul ' sun ' < Brit. *saulws < *säueliós : Gk. rjeXio?, ^Àíoy, Dor. aeXioc Lith. sáulë, Skr. surya-h, Lat. sòl < * sâuol< * säuel. ( '-li- would have given W. II ; hence we assume Brit, -li- ; see also § 113 i (5).) Ml. W. ewr, Mn. W. aur * gold ' cannot be from aurum which gave Ml. aur ( = awr), and Bret. aour. The Mn. W. aur, Ml. eur represents the adj. *aurios for aureus, which spread from expressions like modrwy aur 'gold(en) ring', etc. The noun is seen in ef guisgus aur (u = w) b.a. 38 ' he wore gold '. H The above is the ordinary affected form, which is used e. g. in the § 76 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 107 formation of the 3rd sg. pres. ind. of verbs ; thus tereu ' strikes * : taraw a saif\ saf § 173 iv (1). It is seen that when -eu is the result of affection as above, an a before it is affected to e ; see iii (2). (%) -óui- gives -yw, Thus W. dilyw ' flood ' (now generally- misspelt diluw) < *âllóuio- < Lat. diluvium ; — distryw ' destruc- tion ' < *dî-stróui- : Goth, straujan, Lat. destruo ; the vb. is distrywiaf iv (2) ; — W. llyw ' rudder ', < *louio- : Ir. lue<*lu-iio- : Gk. 7TÀóoy, Vpleu- ; — W. clyw ' hearing ' < * kloui- < Méues- §75vii(i). There is no reason to suppose that uu became in in Brit., as stated by Pedersen, Gr. i 6 1 ; yw is from out as above. Clywaf ' I hear ' is a denominative from clyw, cf. clywỳaf cm. 32 (the pres. stem of Vkleu- meant ' to be named ', and clywaf cannot come directly from it ; cf. Meillet, MSL. xv 337). (3) -áui- became -âi- which gives -ẃy § 75 i (3) ; thus W. wy ' egg ' < Brit. *äuion < Ar. *ouiom : Gk. &loi/, Sov, Lat. ovum; — Cornwy < Cornäui-(a) ; — Aethwy e.p. 141 9 < * Oethwy § 78 ii (3) < Octavius. Pedersen Gr. i. 66 suggests that Ir. og is borrowed from W., but this is improbable, and does not help to explain the -g. Thurneysen IA. xxvi 26 insists upon a Kelt. *ugos, *uges. The fact, however, seems to be that ui under certain conditions became in Ir. a spirant written g ; thus Ir. ugaire ' shepherd ' < *oui-ärius : öi, ui ' sheep ', Lat. ovis; Mn. Ir. ughachd 'will' < *oui-akt-, Vauei-, iv (1). — Eng. egg is from Icel. egg < Pr. Germ. *ajja- < *o~uio-. (4) -oui or -oui- / was similarly simplified to -o-t, -oi- ', which gives -ŵy ; thus W. dwy ' two ' f. < *douí < *duuái : Lat. duae ì Skr. duve < * duuái ; — W. aswy ' left (hand) ' < *at-$oui-ä : Skr. savya-h ' left '. -wy as in (3) and (4) may be weakened to -eu ; as Corneu, asseu ; these are not direct affections, as shown by the unaffected a- ; also to w, assw, see § 78 iii, i. (5) -âuí, -äuí- or -aui- r by the shortening of unacc. ä became -auij -am- or -aui- simplified to -a-i, -a-í- or -ai-\ which gives -oe. The simplification here was late, so that -aut did not, like -asi } give -ei. It did not take place in Bret, and Corn., in which the groups appear as -ou (-ow). In W. -oe generally becomes -o, § 78 i (1). Examples : -(g)no in proper names ; Iud-noe l.l. 176, 187, Balch-noe D. G. 43; Gueithgno l.l. 144, Guipno 108 PHONOLOGY § 76 (wrongly wr. guipno) gen. v, Mn. W. Gwyddno; Moclino b.b. 6i, Beuno il.a. 119, Mn. W. Ttidno, Machno, etc., all < *-gnäuw-s : Lat. Gnaeus < *gnä-uẁs < *§%-, V 'genê- ( be born '. (With the accent on the ä it gave -nwy by (3), as Mochnwy b.b. 47, Gronwy § 78 i (2), weakened to -neu, see (4), as Gidtneu b.b. 98, 106, luclnou L.L. 73, 77, etc.) ;— W. do 'lock' <*qlâu-û : Gk. KAijis, Lat. clavis, *J {i)qläu-\ — W. noe 'large bowl ' < *näuiä : Lat. navia, ndvis, Gk. vavs, Ion. vrjvs, Skr. ŵító ; — W. athro ■ guardian, teacher ', <*alfräm<*alfräuö<*altro-auo, § 155 ii (1) : *auon- iv (1) ; pi. athrawon, alltrawon < *alträuónes ; f. elltrewyn ' stepmother ' < * alträuóni ; Bret, aoutrou ' seigneur ', Corn, altrou ' fosterfather '. The mas. sg. is íŵ-o in all Ml. W.. texts : b.b. 86 ; a.l. i 338 ; w.m. 128, 452-3; r.m. 100-1, 202; il.a. 3, 6, 49, 107, 113; e.p. 1225, 1241, 1255, 1345, 1348 ; e.b. 975 ; Io. G. 640, etc. ; and in the early edns. of the Bible. The late athraw (Salesbury, Die.) is an artificial form deduced from the pi. Cae Athro (near Carnaivon) is so named locally ; Gae-athraw is a misspelling which came through the Sunday school from late edns. of the Bible. The sg. alltraw is also artificial. (So in late W. cenaw is written for cenau in defiance of the pronuncia- tion in all the dialects, which is çene or cena implying cenau § 6 iii.) Pughe's fern, elltrewen is his own invention ; -en would not affect the -aw- to -ew-. Other examples of the same development, though the orig. forma- tion is not so clear in these, are — W. glo 'coal' for *gwloe < Brit. *guläuis, Vguel(ä x )-: E. coal, Skr. jvdlati ' blazes ' ; — W. gro ' gravel ' <*gräuís<*ghröu-, Vghreu- : Lat. rüdus, E. grit; — W. tyno 'plain, meadow' for *tno, O. W. tnou l.l. 32, 44, 74, Bret, tnou (: W. teneu, Vten- 'stretch'?). (6) Doublets occur for several reasons. — 1. Difference of accentua- tion in Brit. ; thus W. gwryw ' male ', benyw ' female ' < Brit. *uiróuìos, *banóuios, beside guru, banu a.l. i 272 = Gwyn. dial, gwrw, banw for *gwrwy *banwy < *uirouios, *banouiós. — 2. Difference of ending, as in ceneu 'whelp' < *kanóuö, see (1), above, beside cnyw 'young of an animal' < *k(a)nouiö, whence, by § 101 ii (2), cyv) 'young of an animal' pi. cywion<*k{n)ôuiones. — 3. Difference of strong and weak forms ; as asswy beside asseu and assw, Gronwy beside Gronw, Cornwy beside Gorneu, see § 78. Note. — It is to be observed that -5 does not produce t-affection in Bret. ; hence W. aff. dau, hut Bret, unaff. daou, < *dúuö. On the other hand W. aff. haul, Bret. aff. heol both from *sau , lios. The assumption usually made that äu gives W. -eu, -au hased entirely upon these two words (taken as *d{u)äu, *säu , l-) does not explain the difference in Bret. vi. (1) ug before a vowel > uu in Brit, and developed like 5 76 KELTIC VOWELS IN WELSH 109 ordinary uu or on. Thus W. traw-qf 'I strike '< *trug-ami < *prug- for *purg- i V (s)phuereg- § 97 v (3) ; — after i-, iii (3), W. /«« 'yoke' : hat. jugiwi, Gk. (vyov, Skr. yugám all ii, as W. Uu ' host ', Ir. Mag < *sloug- t § 95 i ; — W. tru, tru-an ' wretched ', Ir. trüag < *troug-os ; — W. hu-arth ' farmyard ' < *bou-rtart- : Lat. /writes § 99 vi. vii. In Brit, m between vowels or sonants was already loosened to nasalized v or u ; after a vowel it is therefore treated partly as a consonant and partly as the second element of a diphthong. (1) am generally gives af as in the spv. ending -haf§ 147 iv (2), liafal ' like, equal ' : Ir. samail § 94 i ; affected it gives medially ef before a vowel, eif before % ef or eu before n f as in defnydd or deunydd F. 37 ' material ' <*dam-niio- : Ir. damnae id., Vdema- l build ' ; cyniefig i primitive ' : cyntaf ' first ' ; — finally, eu, as W. edau, edeu ' thread ' < *etami 3 O. W. etem ( = edi/v ?), pi. edafeb<*etamíiä8<*pet9- i Vpete- ; so Ml. W. gwelleu 'shears', Mn. W. gwellau pi. gwelleifiait ; Mn. lit. gwellaif is deduced from the pi. ; hynaif is doubtless analogical ; so dryc/ieif, dyrchaif, § 188 iii. The variant of -eu is -yf: crog-edyf ' drop wort \ (2) em gives ef finally, as in nef § 100 v ; medially ef as in gefell ' twin ' < Lat. gemellus ; or yf as in By fed < Demefa ; or (before wy) y(w) as in tywyll § 111 i (2), tywyh § 86 i (5) ; affected, finally, -yf or -eu ; as clehyf or cleheu ' sword '< *klad-emö (cf. Gk. âKp€fi(iûu) } V ' qoldd- ; pi. cleddyfau a new formation ; so nehyf or neheu ' adze ', § 130 i. (3) om gives of as in do/ ' tame ' : Lat. domdre ; affected, yf as in Selyf^ 69 iv (1) ; before -n- it gives af as in safn ' mouth' < *stom-n- : Gk. oro/za ; affected, eif as in ceifn § 75 vii (1), simplified to ef, § 78 v, in the improper compound cefnderw, O. W. pi. eeintiru § 137 ii. (4) um before a vowel gives -w(f), -yf-, as in tw(f) ' growth ', iyfu * to grow ' : Lat. tumeo ; before n it gives aw, af or w, as in 110 PHONOLOGY § 77 Ml. W. ysgaw?i>S.W. ysgon, also ysgafn, Mn. W. and N. W. ysgafn, Ml. W. ysgwn § 101 iv (3). viii. (j) After the prefixes *kc~, *to-, *do-, *ro- an initial u- was heterosyllabic, and the of the prefix becomes y regularly § 65 iv (2), as in cy-wir ib., ty-wysog ' prince ', dy-wedaf § 194 ' I say ', rhy-'Wynt c hurricane '. (2) The vowel also develops regularly before gu, as in tew ' thick', Ir. tiug < * tegu- : E. thick; cf. ii (2). ix. (1) iu and îu occurred as V- and R-grades of eim, eiêu, etc. ; Kelt. iu. also< Ar. ëu. The i or I appears regularly in W. as y or i. Thus byw ' live ' luo > iio as in lluossawc §75iii(3). Later Modifications of Vowels. § 77. i. In Late Ml. W. y, when short, became { before g (then written c) or ng. Thus in the unaccented ultima in Late Ml. W. we generally find ic, sometimes ing, as tebic w.M. 122, 129, 142, e.m. 164, 213, etc.; meddic w.M. 141, e.m. 113, 212, 306, k.p. 1298; kyving e.m. 1 10 (but kyvyng w.M. 46, 465, e.m. 32). Such words are rhymed by the bards with monosyllables having i (not i[) : Ond dychrnygion dynion dig, A cham oedd jpob dychymig. — D.G. 22 ; see 246. ' [They were] but jealous men's fancies, and every fancy was false.' Rhinwedd mab Ieuan feddig Ar dy ruddfal aur a drig. — L.G.C. 348. 'The virtue of Ab Ieuan the physician will dwell as gold on thy cheek/ AH frig yn debig i dan. — D.E., G. 125. 'And its tips like fire/ — To a woman's hair. See 133, and D.G., 27, 285. See tebig / diwig / cerrig / Uewig / rhyfig , etc. E.P. 283. In a monosyllable before g the vowel is long, § 51 iii, and therefore remains y, as in plŷ g 'fold', crŷg 'hoarse' see ply c w.M. 89, e.m. 65; but before ng it is short, § 51 ii, hence ing 'anguish', which is for yng e.p. 1286, 1407 ; cf. the derivative ygder e.m. 119. The only words in which the vowel is sounded y in the unaccented ult. are compounds of plyg, cryg etc., as dyblyg D.G. 258, (g)wỳrblyg 255, ogryg 244, deuSyblyc il.a. 68; also the 3rd sing. pres. ind. of § 77 LATER VOWEL CHANGES 111 verbs with stems ending in -og, as ysgyg D.G. 370 'shakes' (though we have ennic cm. 13 from annoc ' incite '). In other cases the sound is ig. The late Mn. spellings meddyg, tebyg etc., are purely artificial, deduced from meddygon, tebygu etc. A few words of this class are still written phonetically, as cerrig. The sound was y in Early Ml. W. as shown by the rhyme cerryg / jolyg C. m.a. i 241, and the assonance metic / bid b.b. 76 ( = mehyg / byd); and y the mutation of y remains in the penult. Hence we have two forms : (1) -ig for -yg<-tc-, which becomes -yg- in the penult ; (2) -ig for -ig<-w-, which is -ig- in the penult. Thus (1) meddig < Lat. medicus, pi. meddygon, (2) lleithig < Lat. lectlca, pi. lleithigeu. In Mn. W. one or two words of the second class have passed over to the first : perigl ' danger ' < Lat. perlclum ; cynnig ' to offer ' < Lat. con- dlco, though still sounded perigl, cynnig are written perygl, cynnyg because, by false analogy, derived forms have come to be sounded with y as peryglus, cynygiaf. In Ml. W. the penult had i in these, as periglwys k.b.b. 44-5, periglus il.a. 14Ó, berigleu r.b.b. 121, gynig- wyt w.m. 168, gynnigỳwyt k.m. 234, kynnigywys do. 144. ii. y becomes i in the unaccented ult. in some cases after g or ng ; thus ergyt w.m. iio, hi 'shot'; ergit k.m. 80, 81, r.b.b. 42, now ergid (written ergyd) ; efengil RJL., F. 5, E.P. 278 ' gospel * ; so sounded now though written efengyl ; megis / dis, D.G. 315; cregin for *cregyn. But as a rule y remains ; egyr ' opens \ diogyn ' idler ', negydd ' denier ', dengys ' shows ', are so pronounced, owing to the influence of analogical forms without g or ng. iii. In the same position y frequently becomes i after penultimate i or ei; thus llinyn w.m. 75 'string', but llinin four lines earlier, also 78, llinin r.m. 54, 56 (each time), dibin cm. 91 'hang', amSiffin p'21/1 e. 'to defend', gwlithin w.m. 455, r.m. 102 'dewdrop', giliS w.m. 9, 134 'other', origin il.a. 122 'a moment', (double dim. of awr 'hour'), dilin D.G-. 343 'to follow'. Derfel wrth ryfel a thrin Dewr oedd, a da i wreiddin. — D.I.D., g. 178. ' He was a brave Derfel in war and encounter, and of good stock.' Herwydd nas gwnai ddyhirin Fentrio i oes fewn trin. — S.T., g.r. 369. ' Because a dastard would not risk his life in battle.' But analogy has always tended to preserve the termination -yn : Ysbys y dengys y dŷn ba radd y bo i wreiddqn. — T.A., f. 33. 1 Plainly does a man show of what degree his origin is/ chyrch dyrfa, deed! dŷn, Daw i'w harail dihirqn. — D.G., 173. ' If she hies to a gathering, fairest maid, a knave comes to watch her.' 112 PHONOLOGY §77 The sound is now i, as llinin, dibin, amddiffin, giliS, gwreiSin, etc. ; the y written is an etymological spelling. Sometimes it is wrongly written, as in ers meityn for ers meitin § 70 v. This may also occur in Ml. W. as in yr meityn w.M. 17, r.m. i i beside the correct er meitin w.m. 128, 138, yr meitin r.m. 280, cf. meitin/ffin b.a. 18; dilyt beside dilit w.M. 41. iv. In Mn.W. ?/ followed by i in some common groupings became i ; thus eery di ' thou lovest ' became ceri di, and ceri supplanted eery as the regular form. So wrthyfi, wrthyt ti became wrthifi, wrthit ti, and the 1620 Bible has wrthif, wrthit; so gennif, gennit; but later the Ml. forms with y were restored in writing. [The dialects developed new formations.] v. The diphthong yw is now sounded iw after front consonants: after c ( = ŵ) in cyw = Iciw (but pi. cywion = qdwion), after r in rhyw and its compounds amryw, cyfryw, etc., in dryw, ystryw, gwryw, after n in benyw, and initially in yw ' is', yw ' to his ' now written i'w. [Gwryw, benyw, yw ' is ' are not dialectal forms in N. W., but are sounded with -iw in reading or quoting.) Ml. W. nywl r.m. 46, w.M. 64 'fog' is now written niwl, § 37 ii. In distryw, dilyw the -iw sound is earlier, on account of the preceding i; both are often spelt with -iw in Ml.W. After d and S the sound iw is still earlier ; thus ydiw, heBiw are so spelt in Ml. W. in mss. where i and y are distinguished. The only words remaining now with yw are byw, clyw, Uyw ' prince ' and Uyw 'rudder' (also sounded Uiw), gwyw 'withered' in addition to Duw which is sounded Byw in Late Mn. W. ; and compounds of these lledfyw, hyglyw, etc. vi. In the Mn. language y in the unaccented ult. is sounded i before U in some words ; as cyllyll ' knives ', gwyntyll ' fan ' ; in some, as candryll 'shattered' (lit. ' 100 bits'), both y and i are heard; others have y always, as sefyll. This modification sometimes appears in late mss. ; but is hot recognized in the rhymes of the bards. vii. (1) In Ml, W. u ( = u) was unrounded to i after the labial in govut 'pain'; the usual Ml. form is govut w.M. 138 1. 15; 231 ; but gofit w.M. 138 1. 4; 131, 141, etc.; Mn.W. gofid. (2) In a few cases y came to be rounded after a labial; thus pump 1 five ' for an earlier pymp, O.W. pimp ; bustl ' gall ' for *bystl : Bret. bestl (Bret. e = W.y § 16 iv (2)). viii. As it was difficult to pronounce unrounded i or y and rounded ii in consecutive syllables, assimilation took place : *iSunt ' to them ' (cf. iSaw ' to him ') became uSunt and always appears so in Ml. W. see a.l. i 2 ; p 17/î r.; IL.A. 7, 8, 11, 21, etc. ; w.m. 6, 26 ; r.m. 4, 7, etc. The natural sound in Gwyn. is uSun, though the artificial Mn. lit. iddynt and the analogy of iddo may have influenced the pronunciation of some speakers. Similarly ei became eu, as in reudus w.m. 2 1 , r.m. i 3 , r.p. 1238 for rheidus 'needy' ; teulu ' household troops' for teilu, the form implied in the spelling teijlu of a.l. i 2, 12, etc.; eulun often later for eilun, and now sounded eulun. In the reverse order we have Ml. W. Meuruc for Meuric, § 78 LATER VOWEL CHANGES 113 ix. In Mn. W. u having come to be sounded y, it becomes i in those positions where y would be so treated : thus barrug, esgus, cynnull are sounded barrig, esgis, cynnill. — D.G. rhymes menig / sarrug 8. — Before i or i it is sounded i. Dr. M. writes iniawn Job i i ; we now say inion ' straight ' for union, inig for unig, tostirio for tosturio, etc. Hence carut ti became carit ti, and -it in Late Mn. W. replaced -ut as the 2nd sg. impf. ending. x. u being rounded in O. and Ml. W., final ch after it retained its rounding ; thus uch • higher ' = u%ch, sometimes written uwch in Late Ml. W, ; when the u was unrounded the glide remained, and the sound became ywch as implied in ywch e.p. 1295 ; this is the present sound ; it is written uwch in Mn. W. But in the penult we have uch, as in uchel ' high '. Hence the mutation, uw :u, § 81. xi. The modern pronunciation cited in this section is that of Gwynedd, where the sound y or u is quite distinct from the sound i. § 78. i. (1) The diphthong oe or oy, O.W. oi, remains finally in only two words : noe ' basin ', doe ' yesterday ' ; Ml. W. had moe ' more ' also. Elsewhere it is regularly reduced to -0, as in creto ' may believe ' for *cred-hoe appearing as cred-doe b.b. 53, a stray survival, § 183 ii; and in -no in personal names for -noe, do for *cloe, etc. § 76 v (5); in am-do 'shroud' for *am-doe § 104 ii (2) ; th or S may be lost after it as in heno ' to-night '< O. W. henoid juv. sk. = henoeth e.p. 1040; it became ui by assim. in hunnoid ox.>hunnuid M.oMl. and Mn.W. hwnnw; and hinnoid gave hynny by analogical assimilation (-d = -8 in O. W.). A late example is y ddannodd 'toothache ' < Ml. W. y SannoeS § 75 iv (2), in which however the final -8 remains. Final -aeth>-a in the same way in yna, etwa for ynaeth, etwaeth. (2) Similarly wỳ, 0. AV. ui, may be reduced to w ; cf. hwnnw above. Thus Uw ' oath ' § 104 ii (2) ; Gronwy w.m. 1 10, 1 1 1 > Gronw do. 10 1, 104, 105; Gronwy, Goronwy for *gtvronwy < *u(i)ro-gnauios § 76 v (5) ; both forms survived : Pont konw (Llanedwen) is called Pont Ronwy by some, but whether the latter is of lit. origin is difficult to decide. So assu A.L. i 144 ( = assw) < asswy 'left'; — guru, banu < *gwrwỳ, *banwy § 76 v (6) ; — raccw § 210 x (3). — Before a consonant : aor. 3rd sg. -wys>-ws § 1 75 i (5) ; tyngwt b.a. 4 for tyngwyt ; adeilwt, rannwt G.c. 106, 108 ; and doubtless impf. 1st sg. -wn is for an earlier *-wyn § 180iii (1); -wnfor *-wyn § 215 iii (1). So mwrthwl w.m. 46, K.B. 968, D.G. 430, wyrthwl e.m. 32 beside mortuyl b.ch. 77, morthwyl, mwrthwyl D.D., rnorlhwyl Bible, spoken lang. mwrthwl pi. myrlhwylion. Late Mn. W. neithiwr 'last night' < neitlnwyr § 34 ii, Ml. W. neithỳwyr s.G. 43. Some cases occur of the late substitution of wy for w: rnadws 'high time' w.m. 22, e.m. 14 ( : Sequ. niatu.., Lat. mätürus) is given by Wm.S. and D.D. s.v. as rnadwys, which is not attested; — cyfarws, w.m. 454, 459-60, later cyfarwys, see Silvan Evans s.v. ii. (1) In some words oe in the ultima was reduced to e, and wỳ to y ; thus *nammoen ' not more [than] ' became namen b.a. 15, 16 ' only ', 1403 I 114 PHONOLOGY § 78 and namwyn r.p. 1056 gave Ml. and Mn. W. namyn 'but, except', § 222 iii (3); — * ma har-oin (variant maharuin, b.s.ch. 3), Early Ml.W. 7naharaen a.l. i 278, Ml. and Mn. W. maharen ' ram ', pi. * t meheruin> meheryn; mahar- <*mas- e ro- 'male': Lat. mäs, suff. § 153 (5), + oen § 65 ii (2) ; — *adwoen (written adwaen but rh. with hoen,poen b.b. 70) > adwaen, adwen 'I know'; — brenhinoet b.b. 53>brenhine8, but -oeS remains in N. W. and Mn. Lit. W. ; — so cefnderweS, ewythreS. — The change seems to be due to unrounding by dissimilation with a labial in the word (teymeS followed the synonymous brenhineS). Later examples are Gawlwyd, Mawddwy now sounded Cowtyd, Mowddv ; cf. also a(w)wyr>awî{r, etc. § 38 x. (2) After a labial O. W. oi>Ml.W. ae ; asO. W. guoilaut b.s.ch. 6 >M1. gwaelawt, Mn. gwaelod ; — W. gwae ' woe ' for *gwoe<*uai : Lat. vae, Goth, wai; — W. gwaeS 'cry' for *gwoe8, Ir. fäed<*uaid- : Lith. waidi ' lamentation ' ; — bae& ' boar ' < *boe8 (written baeS but rh. with oe8 b.t. 26, 1. 17). After g-, oi (oe, oy) became way, wae as in gwayw ' spear ' for *goyw § 75 vii (3) written gvaev but rhyming with gloev (gloyw) b.b. 72; — gwaed ' blood ' for *goed = Bret, goad, Leon he c'hoad ' his blood ' (ch Ml. W. eu ; thus eu ' their ' for *wy from *eisom §160 iv; — meu, teu § 75 viii (2), § 161 iv; — pi-eu 'whose is 1 ?' with eu for *wy<*eset § 179 ix (3), § 192 ; — asseu, Corneu, Guitneu, Iudnou §76v( 4 ), (5); *wa§219i(2). iv. (1) ui {wy) finally or before a vowel was liable to be metathesized to yw\ as in yw 'is' for *wy § 179 ix (3); — yw 'to his, to her' for *wy § 160 iv (2) ; — nyw ' who . . . not . . . him ' for earlier nuy § 160 ii (2). — After a dental it became iw, § 77 v, as in Ml. W. ydiw 'is' for *yd-wy ; — "W. niwed ' harm ' for *nwyet § 76 iv (4). — In Bret, and Corn, this metathesis was carried further : Bret, piou, Corn, pyw, peiv : W. pwy ' who ', etc. (2) This might happen before a consonant also; but in that case *yw became ii ; thus *dwyw ' god ' > *dyw-w > duw ; the form *dwyw is attested in b.t. 10, where, though spelt duw, it rhymes with plwyio (=plwyfi); and it remained in all derivatives, as O. W. duiutit ' divinity', Ml.W. dwywes ' goddess', dwywawl, Mn. W. dwyfol ' divine ' ; the forms duwies ' goddess ', duwiol ' pious ' etc. are late deductions from duw ; — similarly Early Ml.W. verbal noun deweduyt a.l. i 146, 152, etc. gwedy dywedwyd w. 15a 'after saying '> Ml. W. dywedut 'to say'; the wỳ remains in dywedwydat w.m. 63, e.m. 45 'saying', dywedwydỳat s.G. 171 'babbler'. v. In the penult oe, ae, ei tend to become 0, a, e respectively before two consonants, more especially in Mn.W. ; thus otva r.p. i 208, s.G. 303, § 79 LATER VOWEL CHANGES 115 Mn. W. odfa for oedfa ' appointment, meeting ' ; Mn.W. add fed ' ripe ' for aeddfed, Ml.W. aeSvet w.m. 73, il.a. 166, r.b.b. 175 ; Mn.W. glendid for Ml.W. gleindit ' cleanliness, beauty '. (Dial, gwergloS for gweirgloS, cosnoth sgernoth for coesnoeth esgeirnoeth.) ae>a in aeth- § 108 iv (2). vi. In the ult. ae sometimes became e § 31. § 79. i. (1) Old and Ml.W. ei appears as ai and ei in Mn.W. With some exceptions, § 81 iii (1), ai appears in the ultima and in mono- syllables, and ei (pronounced di § 29 iii) in other syllables. Thus Mn. W. ai stands in the syllable generally accented in O. W., and ei in the syllable then unaccented. The natural inference is that the Mn. mutation ei / ai is an exaggeration of a difference in the pronuncia- tion of ei going back to O. W. (2) O. W. ei was originally ei with open e, § 69 vii. But in un- accented syllables it came to be sounded ei to avoid lowering the tongue to e and raising it again to i in the short time available. The same thing took place in accented syllables ending in a group of consonants, as beir8, since the time required to pronounce the conso- nants left less time to sound the diphthong. But in accented syllables with a simple or no consonantal ending the ei remained. Ml. W. ei therefore represented ei and ei ; the former gave Mn.W. ei, sounded n ; the latter gave ai. The old distinction is reflected in the Gwynedd pronunciation of a preceding guttural: ceiniog, ceirch are sounded Icdiniog knrch ; but caib, cais are qaib, qais ; the velar and palatal alternate in the same word : qaib, hdibio ; it may be added that before ordinary y ( = 9) the consonant is the velar, thus cybyS, cynnar are qdbvS, qdnnar. It is seen therefore that the first element of di must be from close e, for it differed from that of ai which comes from open e, and also from the old y ( = 9). The present sound di seems to be as old as the 16th cent., for rhdir contracted for rhy-hir (rh»-hir) is written rheir in g.r. ioi. The present sound ai is at least as old as the 14th cent.: gwnai (doodreven do. 94 > Mn. W. dodrefn 'furniture'; ryodres b.a. 5 > roofdres e.b.b. 195 > rhodres ( pomp ' ; kyoe8 b.p. i 206 > *cooe8 > coeS § 41 v ; gwelyeu > gwelyau > gwelâu Ps. cxlix 5, Can. vi 2 (1588 and 1620), b.cw. 23 ' beds '; *cyd-dy-un >M1.W. cyt-tu-un >Mn.W. cytun § 33 iv; dylyed>*dyleed>dyled § 199 ii (2). But it also remained unassimilated, as in htmdyeu e.m. 4, dylyet do. 5, camlyeu b.p. 1297. In that case it tended to become e § 1 6 iv (2), thus deun b.p. 1 2 1 7, deall beside dallt I.D 1 2, N.W. dial, dallt ; godreon beside godryon § 65 ii (3); darlleaf § 203 iv (3) ; or was raised to y, which broke up later into dy (written eu); thus godreuon J.D.R. [xxi] for godryon, lletteuodd Gen. xxxii 21, dyleuaf so printed in d.g. 35, beside gwelyeu J.D.R. (whose y = y) [xiv, xix], dhylyei [xix, xxi], dhylyedic [xvi, xix]. Cf. rhy Voiced z,*5 j Sonants : Nasals m n Liquids l,r Semivowels i M u § 84 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 123 Note i. — In the aspirated tenues the breath was allowed to escape after the explosion ; thus th was probably sounded somewhat like the t in W. tad, or like t before an accented vowel in Eng. or N. German, in all of which breath is heard as an off-glide. Aryan t on the other hand was sounded like French or South German t with no escape of breath between the explosion and the vowel. The exact pronunciation of the aspirated mediae bh, etc., is not known. The conventional European pronunciation is b + h, etc., as in Eng. abhor, adhere. In India the element represented by h. is a voiced throat spirant. But the sounds were undoubtedly simple like the aspirated tenues, and were probably voiced forms of the latter. Note 2. — It is generally held that there were as above three series of gutturals. The palatals were sounded on the hard palate like W. c in ci or E. k in king. The labiovelars were sounded between the root of the tongue and the soft palate, so far back that the lips were naturally rounded, as in the formation of the vowel u, W. w, E. u in full. These two series are established by such equations as Skr. s = Lat. c < Ar. k, and Skr. k, c = Lat. qu < Ar. q«. But another equation often occurs : Skr. k, c = Lat. c, which points to Ar. q inter- mediate between the two others, too far back to give Skr. s and too far forward to give the labialized Lat. qu. In the Western languages Kelt., Ital., Germanic, Greek, there is no difference between Ar. k and q ; both give k which is generally accommodated to the following vowel ; thus Ar. kmtom gives W. cant pronounced qant, not *kant. Where a guttural occurs in a form only found in Western languages, we can only write it k, g, etc., with no diacritic mark. In the Eastern languages (except Tocharish) the palatals became sibilants, thus k > Skr. s (an sh sound) ; but the velars remain, or became tch sounds (as in fetch) before front vowels, thus q > Skr. k, or c (a tch sound), the latter before an Ar. front vowel. — Meillet, Intr. 2 63 ff., admits only two series, % and q%, and regards Skr. k = Lat. c as a special treat- ment of Ar. k in Skr. and the Eastern group. He points out that the supposed q occurs chiefly before r, before a, and after s. The frequent alternation of k and q § 101 iv (1) makes it probable that originally, at any rate, the two are the same. A recent advance from q to k has taken place in Eng. before ä, now sounded cé ; thus old borrowings in W. have q, as in the Anglesey dial, qap ' cap ', qaban ' cabin ', qario ' to carry ', but later borrowings have k as îcab ' cab ', kabinet ' cabinet ', karej ' carriage ', the a being the same, but the k with a perceptible i glide. The example shows how q may become k before a forward vowel, and how the k, once introduced, may remain before a back vowel. The same processes might have taken place in Ar., and it is quite possible that % and q represent an original neutral k. Note 3. — The " sonants " play a special part in Ar. phonology ; they occupy an intermediate position between consonants and vowels, and in R-grades become vocalic; see § 63. 124 PHONOLOGY §§ 85, 86 It is usual to include in the Ar. nasals íò, occurring only before k, g, Ich, gh, and to occurring only before q, g, etc. These are secondary sounds due to the assimilation of m 9 n to gutturals ; and it is not certain that such assimilation had taken place in Ar. We find e. g. mt in *kmtóm still remaining in Lith. szimtas, § 62 i. The Explosives. § 85. In Pr. Kelt, the aspirated explosives fell together with the unaspirated, thus th and dh are treated as t and d respec- tively ; there is one exception § 92 iii. The velars fell together with the palatals, thus q, like k, gave k. Hence, g, gh, 8, 8 n all appear as g in Kelt. §86. i. Ar. p (Lat. p ; Gk. tt ; Germ. f; Skr. p) and Ar. ph (Skr. ph ; Gk. ) disappeared in Kelt, (i) initially before a vowel, (2) initially before a sonant, (3) between vowels, (4) between a vowel and a sonant, (5) between a sonant and a vowel , (6) between sonants. Examples : (1) Ar. *pib- > Skr. pibämi * I drink ', Lat. bibo ( < *pibo) : Ir. ibim ' I drink ', O. W . iben juv. sk. ' we drink ', 'W.yfaf 'I drink'. — Ar. V pet- ' fly' > Lat. penna <*peêmä : O. W. etn y Mn. W. edn ' bird ' < *petuo-. — Ir. athir * father ' < *pdtèr y W. edryd • parentage, descent ' < *pdtr-t- y edn/dd ' patri- mony ' (e. g. m.a. i 247) < *p9triio-y edryf id. < *pdtr-m- : Lat. pater , Gk. irar-rip, etc., Skr. pitrtvd-m * paternity ', pitriyah 'pater- nal, ancestral ', Gk. Trdrpios, etc. — Ir. air- t W. ar- * fore- ', Gaul. are- < *p e ri- : Gk. wapd. — Ar. *prt- > Lat. portus : O. W. rit, W. rhyd i ford ', § 61 i. — Ar. *p7n->W. llawn % § 63 vii (2). (2) Ar. *pro > Lat. pro-, Gk. 77*00, Skr. prd : Ir. ro-, O. W. ro-, W. rhy-. — Ar. *plâr- > O. E. for : Ir. lär, W. llawr - floor ', § 63 vii (2).— Ar. *priios > Goth, freis, O. E. frêo, E. free : W. rhydd ' free '.— W. Uiaws §75 ii (2).— W. llydan § 63 viii (1). (3) Ar. *Ŷiepôt->SkT. nápät-, Lat. nepôs : Ir. nice. Ml. W. net 1 nephew ', § 75 vii (2). — Ar. *upo->Yv. Kelt. * wo- > Gaul, uo-, Ir. fo-, W. gwo- y go-. — W. twymn * hot ', twymyn * fever ' < * tepes- men~, § 75 vii (2) . (4) Ir. tene * fire ' < * tepnet-, W. tan id. < *t e p-?i- : Lat. tepeo } Skr. tdpas ' heat '. — Ir. solam, W. /^/«w * handy ' < Pr. Kelt. *su-läm-o$ < Ar. ^p!m- ) § 63 vii (2). — W. dyro ' give ' < §86 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 125 *do-pro-d-, */dö~, §63 vi (i). — *mpl-*mpr->*aml-,*amr->^N. qf-l-, af-r-, as qf-les ' harm ', Ir. am-less; thus af- spread for an-< *«- (neg. prefix) before / and r, see § 156 i (5). (5) Ir. col, Bret, col, W. eel * fault ' : Lat. cz^a, O. Lat. colpa, — Ir. cilornn gl. urceus, O. W. cilurnn ( = cŷlwrnn) gl. urnam, W. celwrn, Bret, kelorn : Lat. calpar, Calpurnius, Gk. kccXtttj, Skr. karpara-h 'shell' (Kelt. # or e in first syll. unexplained). — W. crydd 'shoemaker' (for * eery âd § 40 iii (3)), Bret. kere< *karpiw, Ir. eairem <* karpimo- : Lat. carpisculum, Gk. Kprjiris: V ' qerä x p- ' shoe '. *mp>*m> W. forw: W. tywydd * weather ' for *tywwyh < * tempes-edò : Lat. tempestas. The view that rp, contrary to every analogy, gives rr is based upon one or two examples in which the group may have been rps or even rs, as Ir. serr, Ẅ. serr ' bill-hook ' (: Lat. sarpo), which may be < *serp-s- or *ser-s- (cf., without j), Skr. srnl ' sickle '), and upon such an equation as W. gwarr * the back between the shoulders ' and Lith. varpa ' ear of corn '. (6) *mpl, *mpr gave *ml, *mr, W. fl,fr, as cyflawn ■ full'< * kom-pln-, cyfra?i ' share ' < * kom-prdt-sna § 63 vii (2). ii. (1) Before t y Ar. p became qS > k (§ 89 ii) in Pr. Kelt. Thus Ar. *septm>¥r. Kelt. * sektm >Ir. secht n-, W. saith : Lat. septem, Gk. eVra, etc. — Ar. *qap-tos > Pr. Kelt. *kakfos > Ir. cacht, W. m^/* ' serf : Lat. captus. — Ar. *neptis > Pr. Kelt. *nektis>lY. neclit, W. nith ( niece ' : Lat. neptis. — W. llithro ' to slip' < *sliklr- < *slip-tr-, V slei-b- extension of Vslei- : E. slip, etc., § 95 i. Before or after $ also, p was liable to become qS in Kelt., § 96 iv ; also before n, see iv below. (2) Initially in anticipation of medial q~, Ar. p became q" in Italo-Keltic ; as Ar. ^penq^e ' five ' > Skr. panca, Gk. wiure : Lat. quinque, Pr. Kelt. *c[  eiDc(*e > O. W. pimp, Ml. W. pymp, pump, Ir. cwV, Gaul. 7T€fjLTT€-. — Ar. *peq%-, *poq%- > Gk. irkircuv, iroiravov : Lat. coquo (K^queqvo), coctus, Bret, pibi, W. jöíŵ 'to bake' (<*ÿ*o^-), /w?tö ' hot' (<*foq*-l-). (3) In anticipation of & or q, Ar. p- seems in some cases to have become t- ; thus Ir. tore (beside ore), W. twrch 'boar ' : Lat. porous ; see turio § 101 iii (1) ; — W. tanc ' peace ' : Lat. pax, pango, Vpak/g- ; — W. teg ' fair ', Gaul. Tecos : O. E. foe.gr, E. ./air, q-t > x^ is more probable than pt > ft > x^ iv. Before s, p>^>"i after a rounded vowel ; tbus *upsel-> * iftksel- > * ouksel- > W . uchel, Ir. nasal ; * lopsq- > * lu-ksk- > W. llusgo §96 iii (5); — similarly before n; * supn->*su*&n->W. hun ' sleep ', Ir. süan, § 63 viii (1) ; *n-uo-dup-n->'W. an-o-hun 'bottomless', cf. annwfn §102 iv (2), V dlieup/b-\ so possibly before t ; W. tutk ' trot ' < * tupt- : O. Bulg. tupati ' palpitare ', tüpütati ' palpitare, ealeare ', Gk. tvittcu. Original q* before t had become k earlier (in It.-Kelt), and develops as k, as in poeth above, m before p prevents the diphthongization : W. Host < *lompst-§96 ii (3). § 87. i. Ar. t (Lat. t ; Gk. r ; Germ, p, d; Lith. t ; Skr. t) and Ar. th (Gk. r; Skr. tli) appear in Pr. Kelt, as t. Thus Ar. *laturos>~La,t. taurus, Gk. ravpos : Ir. tarb, W. tarw ; — Ar. *tep- : W. tes y twymn, tan § 86 ; — Ar. * treies > Skr. tray as, Gk. Tpels, Lat. très : "W. tri, Ir. In, 'three'. — Ar. *ardtrom > W. aradr 'plough' : Gk. dporpov. — Ar. *pltk9->Gk. irXaTavos, Gaul. -Xiravos, O. W. litem, W. llydan ' broad ', § 63 viii (1). ii. In Ar. the first t in the group tt had become an affricative ; this stage is represented thus t 8 t ; in Skr. it went back to tt (just as tstj with original s, gave tt in Skr.), in Gk. it became or, in Germ, ss, in Lat. ss, in Pr. Kelt, ss, appearing in W. generally as s. Example : base meleit- ' honey ' : FR * melit-tos i honeyed ' §§ 88, 89 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 127 > W. melys ' sweet ', Ir. milis. As dt became tt, § 93 i, the same result followed; thus Ar. Vueid- 'see, know', gave *uid-t-> *uitt->*%it*l->W. gwŷs i it is known' § 63 iv : Skr. vitta-h ' known ' ; — Ar. V (s)kheid-/(s)qheid- : R-grade nasalized > Lat. scindo, F-grade * keid-t- >* keil s t- >MV . cwys * furrow', Ir. cèis. — So W.cas ' hate ' < * hd-t-, Vkdd- : E. hate) F-grade, W.cawdd ' insult ' : Gk. KrjSo?. Similarly Ar. dd > d z d >zd 3 § 91 ii. § 88. Ar. k (Lat. c ; Gk. k ; Germ, h, -g- ; Lith. sz ; Skr. s), Ar. kh (Gk. %), Ar. q (Lat. c ; Gk. k ; Germ, h, -g- ; Lith. k ; Skr. k, c), Ar. qh (Gk. x, Skr. kh) appear in Kelt, as k. Examples: Ar. *kmtom ' ioo ' > Lat. centum, Gk. 6-kcctOv, O. E. hund, Lith. szimtas. Skr. sata-m : Ir. cêL W. cant < Pr. Kelt. *kntoni. — Ar. Vqa-, F-grade Lat. cams, Skr. kâyamäna-h ' fond ', R-grade W. caraf 'I love'. — Ar. *qap- > Lat. capio : W. 0«^ § 188 iv — Ar. *qrekt > Ir. crecht, W. crai^ ' scar ' < Pr. Kelt. *krekt- : Skr. karjati ' injures' < *qerg-, V qereg-. — Ar. * e reqt- >Pr. Kelt. *arekt- > W. 0ra2ẃ& ' speech ' § 63 iii. § 89. i. Ar. q" (Lat. qu ; Gk. 77, but r before e or r\ } and /c before or after v ; Germ, hw, -f-, -w-, -g- ; Lith. k ; Skr. ^, c) and probably Ar. q*h (Skr. kh ; Gk. 0, 6 ?) were q* in Pr. Kelt. This remains as q* in the ogam inscriptions, but became c in Ir. ; in Gaul, and Brit, it appears as p. — Examples : Ar. ^q-etuer- (in various grades § 63 vii (4)) > Lat. guattnor, Skr. catvarah : "W. pedwar, Ir. cethir. — Ar. V (felâ x - / q*èl- > W. pell 'far' (<*q%el-s-o-): Gk. rrjXc. — Ar. V secy- : Lat. inquam <*insqudm : Ml. W. hep, heb ' says '. — W. prynaf ' I buy ' § 201 i (4) ;— Ar. V leiq'  -> Gk. \çl7tcû : W. llwyb-r 'track' : Lat. linquo (^-infix). ii. (1) Before t, s and prob. n, Ar. qS became k in Kelt. Thus Ar. *jpoq*t- > *q*oq»t->*q*okê->W. poeth, § 86 ii (2).— Ar. *noq%t- (Vnog--) > Kelt. *nokt- > Ir. nocht, W. noeth ' naked ' : Lat. nüdus < *)iog~edhos. — W.gwlyò, O.W. gulip ' wet' < *uliq~- : Lat. liqueo ; W. gwlith ' dew ' < *ulikt- < *uliqH- ; gwlych ' liquid ' (such as gravy, etc.) < *ulik-?i- or ulik-s- : V 'ueleiq'*-. For Ar. sq*, q*$, see § 96 iii. (2) After I or r also (but not I, r), we have k for Ar. q£ ; thus W. golch ' slops ', golchi ' to wash ' (Iv.folcaim) < *uolk- < *uolq*- § 100 ii (2) : *uliq*- i as above. — W. cynnyrch ' crop, produce ' < 128 PHONOLOGY § 90 *ko?i-derq u -, V 'dereq*- : Gk. Speiroù £ I mow, reap ', Speirdur] ' sickle \ Except in compounds, where the initial of the second element is treated as an initial, as gorjficys, § 75 vi (4). (3) Before 11 it appears as k, as in Ml. W. cw 'where ?' < the Ar. interrog. stem *q u u-, § 163 i (7) vi. iii. Ar. ku or qu, like q%, gives p in Brit, and Gaul. : W. prys 1 brushwood ' < hirist- : O. H. G. hrls ' twig ', hurst, E. hurst, O. Bulg. chvrastu 'brushwood', Vkuereis-. — W. pair * caldron' < *quorw-. Ir. coire id. : O. N. hverna ' pot ' < *quer- : Lat. scflnium. — Ar. *ekuo-s > Lat. equus, Gk. lttttos (t< e ?), Skr. asvah : Ir. ech y Gaul. Epo-, W. ebol 'colt'. — W. penn 'head', Gaul. Tíevvo- ì Ir, cenn<*quenno-<*quept-sno- : Goth. haubip,Yx. head, Germ. Haupt, base *qauepet- met. for *qapeuet- (Sütterlin IF. xxix 123) whence Lat. caput (<*qapuet-). — In later formations: Ar. V 'male- 'grow': H *nwk- > Gk. fiaKpos : W. mag-u 'to nurture ' ; *mak-uo-§ > W. mab ' son, youth ', Ir. mace, ogam gen. maq^qH, — W. epil * offspring ' < *eb-hil < *ek-uo-$il-, V së- § 63 vi (1), cf. W. gwe-hil-ion 1 Bren. xiii 33 <*##-«/-. But before u it gives k, as in W. ei ' dog' < *kü<*kuü<*kuö = Skr. sva ; cf. ii (3) above. In the Roman period, therefore, there was no Brit. q% or qu, and Lat. qu gives k; as in carawys, garawys 'lent' < quadragesima \ W. cegin ' kitchen ' < coqulna. iv. It was clearly possible to distinguish in Ar. between q* and qu; probably the rounding in the latter was much more pronounced. But qu was also felt as a double consonant, and gives -mr- in Gk., whereas q~ gives -ir- only. § 90. Ar. bh (Lat./, -b- ; Gk. ; Germ, b ; Lith. b ; Skr. bh) and the rarer Ar. b (Lat. b ; Gk. /3 ; Germ, p ; Lith. 5 ; Skr. b) both appear as b in Pr. Kelt. Examples : bh : Ar. V bher- >Lat. few, Gk. (pep®, E. $rar, Skr. bhárati ' bears ' : Ir. berimm ■ I bear ', W. cymeraf'I take' <*kom-ber-. — Ar. *bArätêr s *bhräter->lj2it. f rater } Gk. (ppdrcup ' member of a clan ', E. brother, Skr. bhrätar- : Ir. brdthir, W. brawcl 'brother'. — Ar. V bhereu- >Lat. ferveo : W. berwi, § 63 vii (4).— Ar. *$£«-> W. forá, § 63 vii (3).— Ar. */enebh-i VF *nebh->Gb. vi(po?, veyeX-q, Lat. nebula : Ir. ?? Goth, diups ' deep ' : R *dhub- > Gaul. Dubno-, W. dwfn ' deep ', Gaul. dubron, W. ẁ/r ' water '. § 91. i. Ar. dh (Lat./-, -^-, -3- j Gk. ; Germ, d; Lith. d ; Skr. J/*) and Ar. d (Lat. d ; Gk. 8 ; Germ. £ ; Lith. d ; Skr. d) appear as d in Kelt. Examples : dh : Ar. *dhuor- : *dhur- > Lat. /oris, Gk. öi^pä, E. door : W. <ŵ < *dhur-ä, drws ' door ' < *dhru-st- < *dhur- § 63 viii (i), Ir. dorus (intrusive o?). — Ar. *dhub->^N. dwfn § 90. — Ar. */ ereudh->Ij&t. ruber, Gk. epvopos: W. rhudd ' red ' < Kelt. *roud~. d : Ar. V 'demä- : E°R *domd- > Lat. domi-tus : W. do/' 'tame' ; RR *d e md- > Gk. â-SájÀa-Tos : W. dafad ' sheep ', — Ar. *r//^>Lat. decern, Gk. 5e/ca, Goth, taihun, Lith. deszimt, Skr. ŵŵ : Ir. ^êMl »-, W. ^gW. duw, dydd, § 63 vii (4). — Ar. V 'uerod-: R 2 ^Ŵ > Lat. radix ; VR *urdd- > Gk. paSa/xvos, Lat. radius : W. gwraidd 'roots'; RV *urd->Ir. frëm ' root' <*urd-?nä } W. greddf 'instinct' for *gwrehf § 102 iii (%)<*urd-mà, §63 vii (3). ii. Ar. d or t -f- d(h) became d z d(h), which gave zd in Kelt., and fell together with Ar. zd, giving Ir. t (tt), and W. th § 97 ii. Thus W. peth ' some, a certain quantity of, something, thing ', beth e what ? ', Ir. cuit ' part, share ' < *q%id-dm : cf. Lat. quid-dam. — W. rhathu 'to scrape, smooth '< *r dd-dh- (or *rdd-zdh-) : Lat. rädo, § 63 ix.— W. meth { miss, failure ' < *mit-dh- : Ir. mis-, mith- 'miss-', E. miss, Vmeit- : Lat. mûto. § 92. i. Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk. y; Germ, k; Lith. z ; Skr./), Ar. gh (Lat. h ; Gk. x ; Germ, g ; Lith. i ; Skr. >&), Ar. g (Lat. g ; Gk. y ; Germ. £; Lith. g ; Skr. ^, j), Ar. eh (Lat. A ; Gk. x ; Germ, g ; Lith. g ; Skr. gh, h) all appear in Kelt, as g. Examples : g : Ar. grn- > Lat. gränum, Goth, kaurn, Lith. Hmis, Skr. jtrnd-h : Ir. gran, W. ^raw^ § 61 ii. — Ar. V genê- > Lat. genitor, Gk. yei/ecny, Skr. jdnati 'begets' : W. geni 'give birth'. — ArVâ!réý->Lat. argentum, Gk. apyvpo?, Skr. rajata-m ' silver ' : W. ariant, Ir. aŵÿ^ I silver ' < Pr. Kelt. *argnt-. gh : Ar. *ghei-em- > Lat. hiems, Gk. x ei 7* a : w - ^^/, § ?5 vi (1). — Ar. V segh-> Gk. exa) (<*segho), Skr. s«tóLat. gli-s, Gk. y\[-vr), Lith. gli-tus 'smooth, sticky 5 , Ir. glenim, W. glynaf'I adhere'. — Ar. >/(s)Mé#->Lat. ^o, Gk. orlyoy, riyos, Skr. sthágati 'covers' : Ir. &?£<£, fo^, O. W. tig, W. zy ' house '<*tegos- F° *(*)*%- >Lat. %ŵ, W. to 'roof, § 104 ii (2). gh: Ar. Vghabh->ha,t. habeo, Lith. gabana ' armful ' : W. gafael ' to take hold ', Ir. gabim ' I take '. — Ar. */legh- ' lie' > Lat. lectus, Gk. Xexoy : W. lie ' place', Ir. %£ 1 bed ', W. gwe-ly ' bed ' ; L *lëgh- > Lith. pälègis ' confinement to bed ' ; F° *%/&- § 58 v. ii. Ar. g£ (Lat. v, gu after %, # before cons, and u ; Gk. /3, 8 before e or 77, y before or after v ; Germ, kw ; Lith. g ; Skr. #:./) g ay e Pr. Kelt. b. Thus Ar. Vg*eië->'Lat. vivo, Gk. /3i'os : W. byw, etc., § 63 vii (3). — Ar. *ýH<ŵíŵ>Lat. ŵ (Umbr.-Samn. form for true Lat. *ŵ), Gk. /3íŵ : Ir. bo, W. ẁ, pi. bu. iii. But Ar. g^h (Lat./-, -#-, -Ô-, #tí after n ; Gk. 0, ; Germ, w, ^ ; Lith. g ; Skr, gh, h) forms an exception to the general rule, § 85, and does not fall together with the unaspirated consonant. It remained a rounded guttural in Pr. Kelt., and gave g in Ir. with loss of rounding ; but the rounding was retained in Brit., and we have in W. initially gw, medially f ( = v) between vowels. Thus Ar. V ' g^hen- > Gk. Oeivcu, (povoc, Lat. dë-f en-do : Ir. gonim ' I wound ', W. gwanu ' to stab ' < *gwon- § 65 v, gwanaf ' swathe ' (hay cut at one sweep). — Ar. V g- her- >Lat. formus, Gk. ôepfiós, E. warm : Ir. gorim 'I warm ', W. gori (<*gwori § 36 iii), Bret. gori, gwiri ' to incubate ', W. gori ' to suppurate ', gor ' pus ', W. gwrës 'heat', § 95 iii (1). — Ar. V ' g*7ielè- 'green, yellow' >Lat. flavus : W. gwelw 'pale', gwellt 'straw, grass', Ir. gelim 'I graze', gelt- 'fodder'; the doublet *^<ŵ>Skr. hári-h 'yellow, greenish', Gk. x\6r) 'verdure, grass', yXoos ( green' : W. gledd 'turf, glas 'green', glas-wettt 'grass', § 101 iv (1). — Ar. Vg u hedh-> Gk. 7ro0eoö, dicro-ao-oai : Ir. guidim 'I pray', W. gweddi 'prayer'. — Medially: Ar. V sneig^h- >Lat. ninguit, nix, uivis, Gk. vtya : Ir. snigid ' rains ', snechta ' snow ', W. nyf § 93 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 131 'snow'.— Ar. V dheg v ~Ltà. foveo, Gk. réỳpa : Ml. Ir. 1 fire ', W. deifio ' to singe '. iv. Unlike ku, which is treated as q% in Kelt., Ar. gu (g% gu) does not fall together with g%. The change q*>p is Gaul.-Brit. but not Goidelic, while the change g Vt >b is Pankeltic, and there- fore much earlier. The double consonant gu remained, and gives medially W. w, Ir. g, as in W. tew l thick ' < *teguos, Ir. ting : E. thick § 76 viii. — Ar. gnu develops like^, giving initially W. gw-, Ir. g- ; thus Ar. *gÂuel-t->W. gwyllt, Ir. geilt ' wild ' : Goth. wilfteis, E. wild, parallel to Ar. ghuer- > lta,t.ferus, Gk. ôrjp. v. When the guttural follows a nasal we have the following results : ng« >W. m (for mm), Ir. mb ; as Ar. *ng*en- > Ir. imb, W. ymen-yn ' butter ' : Lat. unguen. ng-h >W. ng ( = %?#), Ir. ng ; as W. llyngyr ' lumbrici* : Lat. lumbrlcus. — W. angerdd ' heat ' < *n-gXker-d- ; angar ' heat ' < *^-^e r -j Vfpher-, see iii ; ager ' steam ' § 99 vi (i). nghu >W. w, Ir. ng\ as W. ewin 'nail', Ir. ingen < *ng/iu-, V onoqh/gh- : Skr. nahlid-li * nail ', Gk. Svv£, Lat. unguis. nghu> W. f, Ir. ng ; as W. tafod ' tongue ', Ir, tenge : O. Lat. dingua (Lat. lingua), E. tongue < Ax. *dng hud. — W. llyfu 'to lick' <*lingh-u- : Ir. Ugim, Gk. Xe/x©, Xiyvzvcu, Lat. /ŵ^o, V leigh-. The first two groups contain two consonants each ; g% > b, and consequently the nasal became m ; but g%h remained a guttural so that the nasal became to, and the group became %>%>%, which was unrounded in W. as in Ir. The other groups contain three consonants ; in Ir. the u dropped as usual, leaving w ; but in W. the u remained, »w > to before a consonant, and %> dropped, § 106 ii (i). § 93. i. In Ar., when two explosives came together, a tenuis before a media became a media, and a media before a tenuis became a tenuis; thus p + d > bd, and b+t>pt. Only the second could be aspirated, and the aspiration, if any, of the first was transferred to it; thus bh + d > bdh. In this case if the second was a tenuis it became an aspirated media, thus bh + t > bdh ; this however only survives in Indo-Iran. ; else- where we have two tenues ; thus Gk. has kt from gh + 1, as in €vkt6$ : ev^ofjiai, Meillet, Intr. 2 106. So in Italic and k2 132 PHONOLOGY § 93 Keltic; thus Lat. leetus, Ir. lecht 'grave', */legJi-\ W.gwait/i ' fois ', Ix.fechtK Pr. Kelt. *uekt-, Vuegk- § 100 i (i). ii. (i) Ar. -pt-, -kt-, -qt-, -q^t-, all gave -kt- in Pr. Kelt., §§ 86 ii, 88, 89 ii ; thk appears in Ir. as -c7it, in W. as -ith, etc. §108 iv (l). (o) In other groups of dissimilar explosives the first was assimilated to the second in Pr. Kelt. ; thus tk > kk > Ir. cc, W. eh ; as W. achas ' hated ', Ir. accais ' curse ' < *akkass- <*ad- kdd-t- § 87 ii. — W. aehar ( loves ' <*akkar-<*ad-qdr- : Lat. cärus § 88. Lat. -pt- was introduced too late to become -kt- as above, and so became tt, as the habit of assimilation persisted in Brit. ; this gives W. th ; as iwegeth ' sermon ' < preceptum, ysgrythur < scriptüra. (3) When the group consisted of mediae, the double media became a single tenuis in Brit., giving a media in W. ; thus dg > gg > Brit, c > W. g ; it gives Ir. c or cc sounded gg, Mn. Ir. g. Examples : Ir. acarb, "Vf • agarw ' rough, rocky, unfertile • w.m. 1 80 < *aggam- < *ad-g7i e rsu- : Ir. garb, W. garw f rough ' < *gh e rsu- : Gk. yipo" *) SkiJirsitdk 'bristling', Av. zarstva- c stone', Lat. /wrreo, hirsütus, Vgaeres-, § 95 iv (3). — W. aber, O. W. aper 'confluence', aberth 'sacrifice' < *abber- < *ad-b/ier-, V bher-. There seems no good reason to suppose that gd, db could give gS, Sf in W. "W. gwydd ' goose ' cannot come from Stokes's *gegda (if g were not assimilated, eg would give ei, not íüỳ, in W.), and Pedersen's breuddwyd < *brogd- (Gr. i 109) is not convincing. W. 8/ can only come from zb, or zg § 97 iii, iv, or from dm; words like addfwyn, addfain come from ad-in- (mwyn ' gentle ', main ' slender '), not from *ad-b-. II Two soft spirants coming together, where no vowel has fallen out between them, can only occur when the first was already the spirant 8 < z in Brit., or when the second was the sonant m. iii. (1) Ar. tt became t s t, and Ar. dd(h) became d z d(h), § 87 ii, § 91 ii, giving W. s (ss) and th respectively. But when d+t or t + 1 came together in Kelt., they became tt, which, like Lat. tt, appears in W. as th ; thus W. atJiech 'skulking' < *ad-teg-s~: W. techu 'to skulk, lie hidden', V ' (s)theg- § 92 i. — W. saeth ' arrow ' < Lat. sagitta. — For tt + liquid see § 99 v (4). Similarly d-d when they came together in Kelt. > Brit, t > W. d ; as in edifar ' repentant ' < *ad-di-bar- : W. bar ' indigna- § 94 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 133 tion ' , Ir. bar a : Lat. ferio. — W. credaf ' I believe ', Ir. cretim (t = d-d) < *kred d- : Skr. Sr ad dim- ' confide, believe '. Ar. *îcred dhë- lit. ' set (one's) heart (on) ' was not a fast compound (cf. Skr. srád asmäi dhatta 'believe in him'); thus the W. credaf is explained by the d-d coming permanently together in Kelt, (for Ar. d-dh>W. th § 91 ii), Brugmarm 2 I 670, 691. Lat. credo is also irregu- lar, as if *dö ' give ' had been substituted for *dhe ' put ', Sommer 251. «r When d-d came together later in Brit., tbey seem to have been simplified to d giving W. 8, as in ahysg ' education ' < Lat. addisc- ; so W. ahef ' home ' < *ad-dem-, */ demä- § 91 i. (a) The change of the first t in tt to the affricative t s was perhaps due to the tendency in Ar. to avoid double consonants, which in other cases seem to have been simplified. Gemination however was a special characteristic of diminutives and hypo- coristic or pet names, and of child-language, which was in a sense a language apart ; and in these even tt remained unchanged. Thus Gk. Nikottou (for NiKOTtXeia), Jlkkou, @çokkcù, ^í'àAío?, KpirTis, HOipvis, O. H. G. Sicco (for Sigench or Sigbertus), Lat. Varro (beside Varus), Brit. Commios (beside Comuas, GaxA.-Comus), W. lol-lo (with double I in Ml. W. § 22 ii, for Iorwert/i), Gutto (for Gruffub) ; — Gk. force, Lat. atta 'papa' ; Skr, akkd 'mama', Gk. 'Akkco, Lat. Acca Lärentia (: W. y nawfed ach ' the ninth degree of consanguinity', lit. ' the ninth ^mother ', cf. " the 4 th mother " § 123 v ; ach ac edryd ' descent ', lit. ' *mat- and pat-ernity ' ; ackoedd, achau 'lineage'). As the above examples show, the habit of doubling in such forms persisted in new creations, and may account for the q-q^ in the ogam maq^q-i, and for the tt in Brit. *genettä > W. geneth r.p. 1359 ' girl '. So in tribal names : Brittones beside Britanni ; GalU beside TaXaTai. Also in names of animals: Lat. vacca.\ W. bwc/i 'buck' (chJ- '• Lat. similis, Gk. ojiaXos, Vsem- ' one '. — Ir. earn, W. haf ' summer ' : O. H. G. sumar, E. summer, Skr. «M * year \ — Ir. -sen, W. ^/ŵ ' old ' : Lat. senex, Gk. eVoy, Skr. mita-h 'old ', Lith. sënas ( old '. — W. had : Lat. sẅs § 63 vi (i). — W. hun ' sleep ' : Lat. somnus, Gk. vttvos, § 63 viii (i). — W. %«£ ' way ', Ir. set, § 65 iii. — W. Mr ' long ', Ir. ẅ : Lat. sêrus, § 72. Ir. secht n-, W. sŵ^ ' seven ' : Lat. septem, Gk. eVra, etc. < Ar. *septm § 86 ii (i). — W. sìl ' progeny, seed', beside hil < *éê-Z-, d; the corre- sponding change of s would be to z. But s did not become voiced ; it remained voiceless, but was pronounced loosely, and ultimately became h. It must have been loosened already in the Roman period, for Lat. intervocalic s introduced at that period remains, as in caws < cäseus. Now Lat. explosives undergo the soft mutation ; the loosen- ing of Brit, s is therefore earlier, and so the interchange s/h does not enter into that system. Before such a system of interchanges was organized it was natural to choose one or the other sound for the same word ; and the postvocalic reduced s was chosen for most in Brit., the postconsonantal full s for others. It is quite possible that the two forms persisted in many words for a considerable period, so that we have e. g. W. Hafren beside Brit. (-Lat.) Sabrina. There is only one certain example of Lat. initial s- giving h- ; that is hestawr < sextarius ; this either was a trade term borrowed early, or has followed the analogy of words like Hafren. Possibly a transition stage is represented by Ixaminus, Isxaminus beside Isarninus Rhys LWPh. 2 418. (The Ir. reduction of s is independent, and is included in the Ir. system of initial mutation.) § 95 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 135 iv. Ar. su- remained in Pr. Kelt., and gives s in Ir., chw-, hw- in W., § 26 vi. Thus Ar. *suesör > Ir. siur, W. chwaer 'sister ' §75 vii (2). — Ar. *suid-t- > *suii s t- > W. chwŷs 'sweat' : Skr. svidyati 'sweats' : Lat. sudor <*suoid- : E. sweat. — Ar. *«loW. chwech i Ir. sê : Gk. 'fé^, §101 ii (2). — Ar. *suefc(u)r->W. chwegrwn ' father-in-law ', chwegr ' mother-in-law ' : Lat. soeer, socrns, Gk. iicvpoc, eKVpa, Skr. svasurak, svasruh. — W. chwi ' you ' < *s-uês : Lat. vos § 159 iv. — Before from ä it was unrounded to h, as in hawdd<*suäd- § 148 i (6). Medial -us->^>W. w § 76 ii (3). § 95. i. Ar. sm-, sn-, si-, sr- remained in Pr. Kelt, and appear in Ir. unchanged, in W. as m-, n-, 11-, rh-. Thus, sm-: Ir. smèr ' blackberry ', W. mwyar ' blackberries ' § 75 vi (2). — Ir. smir gen. smera ' marrow ', W. mêr id. : Gk. o-fivpifa, nvpifa 6 1 anoint', E. smear, Lith. smarsas 'fat'. — sn- : Ir. snechta, W. nyf" snow' : Lat. ninguit, O. H. G. snëo, E. snow § 92 iii. — Ir. snäim ' I swim ', W. nawf ' swimming ' : Lat. näre, Skr. snati ' bathes '. — Ar. V senè(i)- ' thread ' : Ir. smim, W. nyddaf ' I spin ', Ir. snäthat, W. nodwydd ' needle ' : Lat. nêre y E. snare, Skr. snäyu 'bowstring'. — si- : Ir. slemun, W. llyfn 'smooth': Lat. lübricus<*sloibricos ì E. slip. — Ir. slüag, W. llu ' retinue ' : O. Bulg. sfaga ' servant '. — sr- : Ar. * sreu- : Ir. sruth 6 stream ', W. rhwcl 'dung- water' (rhwd tomydd I.G. 238), rhewyn 'gutter': Lith. srutà ' dung- water ', Gk. pvro?, pevfia, etc. § 58 vi, § 76 iv (1). — Ir. srön ' nose ' < *srokn-, W. r/zcx?^ ' snore ' < *srohi- § 99 vi (3) : Gk. piy^co, piyKco 'I snore', poyy^os 'snoring', pvy\09 ' pig's snout ', § 97 v (3). As s- before a vowel sometimes remains in AY., so a few examples occur of s- before a sonant, as (y)snoden ' band, lace ', Ir. snäthe gl. filum < *snt-, \/ 'senë(i)- \—{y)slath beside Hath ' lath ', Ir. slat : E. lath, O. H. G. latta without 5-. The N. W. dial, slywen 'eel' is prob. for *syllywen : Corn, selyas, syllyes ' eels ',Bret. silienn (stlaonenn) 1 eel ' ; the Mn. lit. "W. llysywen, S. "W. dial. Uyswen, seems to be a metathesized form ; prob. Vselei- : Lat. Umax. The second element is perhaps -ongliu- : Ir. esc-ung ' eel ' : Gk. cy^cXvc ' eel ' (the root has many forms, see Walde 2 s.v. anguis). ii. (1) Medial -sm-, -sn-, -si-, -sr- probably remained in Pr. Kelt., but became -mm-, -nn-, -11-, -rr- in both Ir. and W. (In W. -mm- is written -m-, and 11 is now the voiceless tt, 136 PHONOLOGY § 95 properly double U § 54 i (2)). Examples : sm : W. twymyn ' fever' <*tepes-men- § 86 i (3). — W. ym 'we are', Ir. ammi < Kelt. *ésmesi § 179 ix (3). — sn : W. onn-en 'ash', Ir. /iuinn-ius<*os-n- : Lat. ornus<*osinus i O. H. G. as-k, E. ash, — W. bronn ' breast ', Ir. bruinne id. < *brus-n- : O. H. G. brus-t ' breast '. — si : W. coll ' hazel ', Ir. coll < *qos-l- : Lat. corulus < *cosulus, O. H. G. hasal, E. hazel, Lith. kasulas ' spear '. — sr : W. fferru ' to congeal ' < *spis-r- : Lat. spissus ' thick '. — After a long vowel or diphthong n or r is simplified, as mffün 'breath' < *spois-n- § 96 iv (t) ; — gwawr ' dawn ' < *uo~s-r- : Lat. ver ' spring '< ^uès-r, */ eues-. But the simplification took place too late to give *f, *l for m, 11 in twymyn , pwyll, etc. ; and -m, -11 remained double after simple vowels and shortened them, as in drum § 100 v, dull (2) below. (2) An explosive before one of the above groups simply disappears ; thus *pr9-t-snâ>W. rhann § 63 vii (2) ; — *tuk-slo-s > W. twll § 86 ii (3) ; — *drk-smä > W. drem l sight', */ der%- § 61 i ; — W. rhwym ' band ' < *reig-smen, Vreig- : Lat. corrigia ; — W. pwyll, Ir. clall ' thought ' < *cfeit-sl- : Skr. cit-ta-m 'thought ', caityak ' soul ' ; — W. dull ' manner, appearance ' < *doik-sl-, Vdeih- : Gk. SeiKw/iL. (3) But a sonant in the above position remains. Examples : W. garm 'shout', Ir. gairm<*gar-smn, V gar- : Lat. garrio ; — W. telm ' snare ', Ir. tailm, gen. telma < *tel-sm- : Gk. TeXaficou 1 thong ' ; — Ml. W. anmyneh (now amynedd), Ir. ainmne ' patience ' < *n-smeniia, Vmenei ' thought ', pref. n- l in ' ; — W. mymryn ' a little bit', Ir. mîr 'a bit of flesh '< *mëmsro-m (i shortened in Brit., m lost in Ir.) : Lat. membrum < *mêmsrom, Gk. /irjpos < *mëmsros or *mësros } Skr. mäs ' flesh ' ; — W. cern ' back of cheek' < *lcersn- : Lat. cernuus <*%ersn-, Gk. Kaprjvov <*k e rasnom, Lat. cerebrum < *ìcerasrom ; W. st ; nsqS > sp ; as W. cystadl, cystal ' as good ' § 96 ii (3) ; cosp <*konsq*-§ 96 Hi (5). (3) The nasal also disappears when an explosive came between it and the s, as in W. cysefin 'primitive', Ml. W. cyssefin < *hnt'saminos, beside cyntaf 'first' § 106 iii (3), cyntefin 'Spring' < *kintu-samino-. iv. (1) Ar. -Is-, -rs- probably became -11-, -rr- in Pr. Kelt. Examples of the former are uncertain in W., because -In-, '-U- also give W. II ; perhaps W. pell ' far ' < *q*el-s- : Gk. reAoy. — W. carr, Ir. carr, Gaul. carr-{us) < *q e r'sos § 63 iii ; — W. iwrr ' crowd ' (b. b. 44, 45), ' heap ' < *hir-s-, ur< u e r § 63 viii, Vtuer--. Lat. turba, turma (W. for/ V q{h)eleiq- parallel to jlcereq- above. 138 PHONOLOGY § 96 (3) An explosive following the group remains, and the s disappears ; thus W. torth ' loaf, Ir. tort<*torst- ' baked' : Lat. tostus < *tors(i)tos : torreo < *torseiö; W. tarth 'vapour, mist' (tarth mwg Act. ii 19 ' vapour of smoke ', tan twym tarth b.t. 38 'hot scorching fire ') < *t e rs-t- : Gk. repcraiucu, V teres- * dry up'; — W. garth 'promontory, hill', Ir. gart <*gh e r'st- : Gk. X€/5(roy, Vgheres- § 93 ii (3) (not to be confused with garth ' enclosure' : Lat. hortus § 99 vi (1), § 76 vi (2)). § 96. i. Ar. s + tenuis remained in Pr. Kelt. In Brit, the group either remained or became a double spirant ; thus sk gave either (1) sk or (2) xx > an d s ^ gave either (1) st or (2) a sound between pp and ss, which became ss. It is probable that form (1) occurred after a consonant, and form (2) after a vowel, being caused by a loose pronunciation of the s. Both forms occur initially and medially, and in the latter case form (1) can be shown in a large number of cases to have followed a consonant now vanished. In Ir. st gave ss, initially s-, and the other groups remained unchanged. Tenuis + s also became a double spirant in Brit. A media before s had become a tenuis in Ar., and gives the same result. An aspirated media before s changed it to z in Ar., thus dhs > clhz (dzh) ; the group became tenuis + s in Kelt., with the same result. When s is combined with two explosives in any order it is the first explosive that drops: thus Host < Hompst- ii (3); asgwrn< *ast-korn- ii (4) ; nos <*not§ <*noqHs ii (5). The same simplifica- tion took place later in words borrowed from Lat. : W. estron ' stranger' < extmneus, astrus sk, as in W. asgwrn, Ml. ascwrn c bone ' < *ast-kom : Gk. bcrrkov, see (2) above (initial a/o altern. § 63 v (2)) ; and llosgwrn ' tail ' similarly formed from *lompst-, see (3) ; — W. gwisg ' dress ' < *uèst-q~, di-osg ' to undress ' < *de-uost-q-, */ues- : Lat. vestis, etc. (5) Ar. ts gives ss in Ir. and W. Original ds and dhz became ts, giving the same result. — W. blys ' strong desire' < *mlit-s-, noun in -s- beside melys ' sweet ' participle in -t- § 87 ii, base *meleit- ; — W. llys ' court ', Ml. Bret, les, Ir. liss, less<*(p)lt-s-, with an -s- suffix which lost its vowel, added to *plth- § 63 viii (1) ; — W. aswy, Ml.W. asswy,asse.u < left (hand) ' < ^at-somó-s < *ad- seuws : Skr. savydh ' left '. — An explosive before the group drops ; thus W. nos ' night ' < nom. *not-s < *noq%t-s beside noeth in trannoeth 'the following day', heno, O. W. henoid ( = kenoyt/i) 'to-night ' from oblique cases *nokt- ; so glas- c milk ' < *ghkt-s, § 63 vii (3) ; tes 'heat' < *tekts < *tep-t-s : Lat. tepeo, etc. A nasal before the group drops, § 95 iii (3) ; but a liquid remains, and the group becomes 11 or rr, § 95 iv (2). iii. (1) Ar. sk- appears as sc- in Ir., as sc- or h- (< y) in "W. § 96 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 141 In W. sc has become sg, and initially ysg-, § 23 ii. Thus W. ysgten, Ir. sclan 'knife', V skhe{%)- : Skr. chydti 'cuts off'; — Ml. W. isgaud b.b. 35 'darkness', Ir. scäth ' shadow ' < *skdt- : Goth. skadus, E. shade, Gk. W. ch, but is hardly to be found except in old compounds like gochel ' to guard (against)', ym-ochel ' to take shelter ' < *upo-s-'kel- i *Jlcel- § 63 iii. — Ar. -sq-, -sq£- gave y*, generally unrounded to ch ; in Ir. all appear as ss. 142 PHONOLOGY § 96 Thus Ar. verbal suffix *-sqe- (: Skr. -ccha-, Gk. -onca), Lat. -sco), appears as ch in W. chwenychqf '; finally -wc/^ < *-y**x < *-*-*£- (: Gk. -i-o-KCu) § 201 iii (2) ; — Ml. W. amkawh w.m. 453 ' replied' < *am-y*-awh § 156 i (4) < *mbi-sqv < -, V seq^- 'say'; suffix §182 iii. (5) After an explosive or nasal, however, Ar. -sk-, -sq->W. -sc- (-sg-), and Ar. -sq~-> W. -sp- ; in Ir. -sc-. Thus W. mysgu, cymysgu ' to mix ', Ir. mescaim ' I mix ' < *tnik-sq- : Lat. misceo, Gk. fiiyvv/ii, Skr. misrd-h ( mixed', Vmeik/g-; — W. ^w^ö 'to drag ' < *lop-sq- ii (3) above ; — W. hesg ' sedges ', Ir. sescenn * swamp ' < *seq-sq- : E. «sedÿ^, O. E. secg V seq/g- ' cut ' : Lat. seco etc.; — W. Uesg 'languid, infirm, sluggish', Ir. lesc ' slothful ' < *leq-sq-, V(s)leg- : Skr. laioga-h 'lame' < *leng-, Lat. langueo < *ldng-, Gk. \ayapo$ ; — W. gwrysg l twigs ' < *urd-sq- : Lat. ramus < *urd-m,o-s, Vuerod- § 91; — W. diaspad f. { a cry' < *dê-ad-sq~-dtä, V ' seq^-, suff. § 143 iii (18) ; W. cosp ' punishment', Ir. cose ' correction, reprimand ' < *kon-sq Vt - ' talk with \ As the group -sku- or -squ- contains three distinct consonants, it gives -sp- in W. (not -ch-) ; thus W. hysp ' dry ' (without milk), di-hysb-yddu * to bail ' (a boat, a well, etc.), di-hysb-ydd ' inexhaustible ' < *sisq-uo- redupl. of Vseiq- ' dry ' : Avest. hisku- f. hiikvi-, Lat. siccus < *sîcos (W. sych, Ir. secc < Lat. ?). (6) Ar. -ks-, -qs-, -q"s- give Ir. ss, W. Bret. Corn, -ch- or -h-. Thus Ir. dess ' right (hand) '<*defa-, W. deheu * right, south '< *deksouios, Gaul. Dexsiva dea : Lat. dexter, Gk. <$eftoy, Goth. taihswa, O. H. G. zesawa ; — Ir. m-, W. eh-, ech- § 156 i (15) : Lat. ea?, Gk. e£ ; — W.ych ' ox ' (Ml. Ir. oss)<*uqsö : Skr. ^/fo«, O. H. G. tfto, § 69 v. — So finally : W. chwech ' six ', Ir. se, sess- < *sueks : Av. xsvas-, Gk. e£ ÇFég), Lat. s#£, Goth, #a^#, E. six W. ff-, Ir. s- (mutated to/-). Thus W. ffun ' breath ' < *spois-n- : Lat. spîro<*speis-ö ; — W. ffer ' ankle ', Ir. seir * heel ' (ace. du. di pâerid) < *sper- : Gk. vpóì/ ' ankle, heel'<*^Ä e r- : Lat. perna, Gk. irT€pva<*puer-n- (Jacobsohn, KZ. xlii 2J5), V sphuerê- see (%) below ; — W. ffonn ' stick ', Ir. sonn ' stake' <*spondh- : E. spoon, O. E. span 'chip of wood', Icel. spänn, spönn ' chip ', Gk. cnrdO-q ' spatula ', a-tprfv ' wedge ', Vsp(/i)ë-, spend- * hew '. Similarly before a liquid : W. ffraeth 'eloquent, witty '< *sphrdki-, V sphereg- : Germ, sprechen, O. E. sprecan; E. speak, see § 97 v (3) ; — W. ffrwst ' haste '< *sprut-st- : Goth, sprautd 'quickly', W.ffrwd § 101 ii (3); — W. fflochen ' splinter ' < *spkloq-?i- : Skr. plmlakam ' board, plank ', V sp{Ji)el- : Germ, spalten, E. split, cf. W. talch § 86 ii (3). (/?) sp(h)->Kelt. sq*>W. chw- (h-) or sp- 5 Ir. sc-. Thus W. cliwynn 'weeds' (prob. originally 'furze', as E. whin which comes from it) < *sqHnn- < *spid-sn- : Lat. pinna < *pid-snd ; Ir. see gen. pi. sciad, W. yspyddad 'hawthorn' < *sqHi-at- : Lat. spina, splca, V spei- ; — W. chwydu ' to vomit ', chwŷd ' vomit ' § 100 ii (3), V speieu- : Lat. spuo, E. spew, etc. ; — W. hollt ' split', hollti ' to split ', beside (a) Bret, faouta ' to split ' < *spol-t-, Vspel- § 101 iv (2) ; — W. yspar ' spear ', Bret, sparr : Lat. spams, O. H. G. spe'r, E. spear, V sphuerê- § 97 v (3) ; — W. chwyrn ' swift' < *sphern-, hwrh ' a violent push '< *sphtri- § 100 iii (2). (3) Medially, Ar. -sp- gives (a) W. -ff-, or (/3) W. -ch-, Ir. -sc-. Thus W. dual (a) uffarnau (p) ucharnau ' ankles ' < *ui-sp(u) e r-n- : sg. ffer, Lat. /?erŵ# above ; — (/?) W. «^e/- 'evening', Ir.fescor : Lat. vesper, Gk. éWepoy § 66 iii. After a consonant (a) -sp->W. ff; unlike -st-, -sk- i which preserve the explosive, sp had become -sf-, and there was no explosive to preserve. Thus W. effro ' awake' < *eksprog- dissim. from *eks-pro-gr- : Lat. expergiscor for *ex-pro-griscor (Walde, s. v.) : Av. fra-yrisdmnö ' waking ', Skr. járaie ' wakes ', Gk. eye/pû), V ger-, gerêi-. (3) Ar. -ps- also gives (a) W. -fif-, or (/3) W. -ch-, but Ir. -8S-. Thus (a) "W. craý* 'sharp, keen' < *qrap-s- < *qrab-s- : Icel. skarpr, O. E. scearp, E. *^ Kelt. bd. In W. this became th, through bb ; in Ir. it appears as t, U ( = d-d), Mn. Ir. d. Thus Ar. *nizdo§ . ' nest ' >Ir. net, nett, Mn. Ir. nead, W .nyth : Lat. nidus, O. H. G. nest, E. nest, Skr. nuìá-h, V sed- § 63 ii ; — W. sijtli 'upright', sj/t/w ' set erect ', Ir. seta ' tall ' < *sizd- : Lat. sîdo < *sizdö, Skr. sidati 'sits' for *sidati<*sizd-, Gk. Jfo < *sizdö, V sed-, redupl. *sizd- ; — W. gwyth ' anger ', ad-wyth ' hurt, mischief, misfortune ' < *§heizd~, Ml. Ir. goet ' wound ' < *ghoizd- : Skr. héda-h ( anger ' < *gheizd-os, hédati ' angers, vexes, hurts ', Lith. zaizda ' wound ', zeidziu ' I wound ', Av. zoizda- ' hateful ' ; — W. brathu ' to stab, bite ', broth ' a stab, a bite ' < *bhrazd(7i)- : Russ. brozda 'bit, bridle' < *bhrazd(h)-, O. Bulg. bruzda id.< *bhrzd(h)- : with -<^-, Ski*. bhrsti-h 'tooth, point ', Lat. fastlgium for *farsti- (<*frasti-?), VbAera-s-? Walde 2 275, extension of Vbker- 'prick' : W. her 1 spear, spit ' ; d- presents : W. cliwytliaf ' I blow ' < *suiz-d-, Ir. sétim id. < *sueiz-d- : Skr. hvedati 'utters an inarticulate sound, hisses, hums' < *hueiz-d- : with -t-, O. Bulg. svistati ' sibilare '. After a consonant the result is the same, for the consonant had dropped in Brit., and though st of that period remains (e. g. Lat. -st-), the mutation d>b is later, so that Brit. -bd>bb>th. Thus the prefix *eks- + d- gave *e(g)zd- > *ebd- > eth- as in ethol ' to elect ' < *egz-dol- : E. tale, Ger. Zahl ' number ', W. didoli ' to segregate ', Skr. dálam ' piece ', Lith. dalis ' part ', Vdel- ' divide'. iii. Ar. -zg(h)-, -zg(h)- > Kelt. -Bg- ; in Ir. it appears as dg ( = 02); in W. *ôg became 18 by met. ; after w, *Ò£ >8f. Thus § 97 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 145 W. maidd c whey ' < *me%h-, met. for *meh%-, Ir. medg { whey ', Gallo-Lat. mesga (s for ô ? cf. § 96 ii (i)) : Lat. mergo i Lith, mazgobi ' to wash ', Skr. majjati ' sinks ' < *mezg- ; — W. haidd * barley ' < *se-zg~, redupl. of *seg- : Lat. seges ; — perhaps W. twddf l a swelling' for *tìiò%-<*ôuzg-, s-stem of Vteua- (: Goth. />üs-) +-g- suff. : Lat. turgeo (Walde 2 rejects his first suggestion that this is from *tuzg- in favour of Solmsen's *türigo, IP. xxvi 112 if., with -igo (: ago), though this is usually 1st conj., as navigdre), W. gwSf 'throat', N. W. dial. gwlw, pi. ggSfe, gySfa, S. W. dial. gwSwg, pi. gy§ge, gythce, Bret, gouzoug, with -# for -g, § 111 vii (4), seems to require *guzg- ; ? ghu-s- i Vgheu-, (: Lat. fauces) + -gr-, as in mwn-g ' mane '. iv. Ar. -zb(h)- > Kelt. Òb > Ir. dò, W. 8f. Thus W. odd/ 'knag, knot, nodule', Ir. odb : Gk. ocryvs (<*ostMu- ?). v. (1) The above groups are found only medially. luitially Ar. s- did not become z-, but changed a following media to a tenuis ; thus sò- > sp-, M- > sph, etc., Siebs, KZ. xxxvii 277 ff. Hence the initial alternations b- : sp- and dh- : sth-, etc., as in Germ, dumrn, E. dumb<*dh- : Germ, stumm, W. di-staw < s^-, § 156 i (11). (2) As s- could be prefixed or dropped in Ar. and for a long time after the dispersion, § 101 ii (1), Siebs 1. c. holds that the above ex- plains the initial alternation of a media and tenuis. In a large number of cases it undoubtedly does so. Where the media is general and the tenuis exceptiona.l, it affords a satisfactory explanation, as in the case of the Kelt, t- in tafod ' tongue ' corresponding to d- elsewhere (O. Lat. dingua), which is parallel to the t in taw! * be silent' (s still kept in di-staw) corresponding to the *dli- which gives the d- of E. dumb. But it hardly explains the alternation when the tenuis is general and the media exceptional, as in W. craidd, Lat. cord-, Lith. szirdls, E. heart, Gk. KapSta < *îc- : Skr. hrd-, Av. zdrdda < *gh-, since k < skh, without a trace of the s- in the whole of Europe, is improbable. But whatever the explanation may be, the fact of the alternation can hardly be called in question. (3) As an example of the variety of forms produced by variable s-, we may take Vbhuere-, extd. *bhuere-g-/-gh-/-q-, orig. meaning 1. ' hurl ', 2. ' smite ' ; hence from 1. c sprinkle, cast (seed) ; roar, snore ; rattle ; talk ' ; from 2. ' break ; crash, break out, burst ; smell '. bh- : W. bwrw ' hurl, smite ', bwrw glaw * to rain ', bwrw had ' to cast seed ' < *bhur'g-(ur < u e r); Lat. frango < *bhrdng-, frâgor < *bhrg-,frä- noa L 146 PHONOLOGY § 98 gräre, E. break, burst, W. brycli, brith i speckled ' ; — sph- : W. hwrS §100 iii (2), chwyrn 'swift' § 96 iv (1), chwyrnu ' to roar, snore' ; Ski*, sphuráti ' spurns, darts, bounds ', sphurjati ' rumbles, roars, rattles, crashes ' < *sphurg- ; Lat. sperno, spargo ; E. spurn, sprinkle ; Gk. cr^ápayoç ; W.ffraeth § 96 iv (1), ffroen < *sphrug-nä (ru < ur) ; — p(h)- : W. erch ' speckled ', Gk. irepwós ; "W. arch-fa ' stench' < *ph/q- ', arogleu ' a smell ', compound pjroqo-prag- % — (p ...gr >£...£§ 86 ii (3)) trywy§ ' scent ', trwyn ■ nose ' < *prug-no-, trawaf ' I strike ' < *prug- (ru < ur); — spr > sr § 101 ii (3): W. rhuo 'roar, talk loudly ' < *srogi-, Gk. /óey^w, pey/cco, poy^oç, pvyxos, W. r/wcA ' snore '. § 98. i. (1) In Gk. and Kelt, a dental explosive sometimes appears after a guttural where the other languages have s ; this is explained by the supposition that Ar. possessed after gutturals another spirant, similar to E. th in think, W.th, which is written p. After an aspirated media, as s became z, § 96 i, so J> became $ ; thus glip >ghd (gdh). Brugmann 2 I 790 ff. (2) Ar. kp- (Lat. s~, Gk, kt-, Skr. fa-) gave Kelt. t-. Thus W. tydwet, tydwed a b.b. 20, 36 ' soil, land ' < *tit- : Lat. situs { site ', Gk. ktlo-ls ' settlement ', ktÍ£cû • I found \ Skr. faiU-h 6 abode, earth, land ' : */%J>ei- c earth', see (3) below. Ar. -kip- (Lat. -%-, Gk. -kt-, Skr. -fa-) gave Kelt. -kt-. Thus W.'arth 'bear', Ir. art<*artos<*axktos : Gk. apKTo?, Lat. nrsus <*urcsos, Skr. fksah : Ar. ^arlcpos, *rkpos § 63 v (2). (3) Ar. gh$-° (Lat. h-, Gk. x 0-, Skr. >&-, Germ. $f-, Lith. z-) gave Kelt. d-. Thus Ir. indhe, W. ẁ * yesterday ' < *ẁä = Lat. /£m : Gk. \6és, Skr. %ŵ^, § 75 vii (2) ; this occurs medially in W. neithiwỳr ' last night § 78 i (2) for *neith-hiŵyr < *nokti dieseräi (assuming the case to be loc.) : O. H. G. yestaron, E. y ester-, Lat. âesternus : Ar. *ghdies-, suff. *-ero-/-tero-. — W. ty-byn \ a measure of land, a small farm ' lit. * *house-land ', tref-hyn b.t. T4, gwely-hyn (gwelitin b.b. 64), Ml. pi. tyhynneu for *-hŷnieu < *domi- : Lat. humus, Gk. x0u>j> : Ar. *gho*em- ' earth ' ; allied to this as meaning ' terrestrial ' are the names for ' man ' : W. dyn, Ir. dnine <*donio- <*gho*omi- : Lat. homo, Lith. zmu, zmo-gus pi. zmon'es, Goth, guma pi. gumans : Ar. *ghâem-. This may be for *ghdiem- as Pedersen suggests, Gr. i 89-90 ; in that case the root must be *ghò*ei-, which therefore must be the same as * In Late W. wrongly spelt tudwedd from a fancied relation to tud ' people ', whence ' country'. The examples in b.b. both rhyme with -ed. §99 THE AUYAN CONSONANTS 147 Vfyei- above, with Ar. alternation %-/gh- ; hence W. claear ' earth ' < *g/tffii- e rä, V glidei-. (4) g*hS- (Gk. (j)6-) gave Kelt. d-. Thus W. clar-focl 'to waste away, perish ', dar-fodedigaeth ' phthisis ' < *dar- < *g%/tâ e r- : Gk. (pôçípoù < *gWder- ; W. dyddfu c to pine, waste away ' < *di-d-m- redupl., -m- suff. : Gk. -, as ksarati ' flows, passes away, perishes ', key ate ( decreases, wanes '. ii. In Gk. we sometimes find £- where the other languages have i-. This equation is held to imply an Ar. palatal spirant j (the sound which is written 5, i. e. palatal g, in other connexions in this book ; it differs from i in being pronounced with more friction of the breath). Examples are W. iau ( yoke ', Lat. jugum, Skr. yuga-m, Gk. £vyóv, all < Ar. *jugom ; — W. ids 'a, seething', Skr. yasyati i seethes, bubbles ', Gk. £ícû : Ar. Vjes- ; — W. uwd 1 porridge ', Ml. W. iwt § 37 ii, Bret, iot, Lat. jus, Skr. yüsa-m ' broth ', Gk. ^v/xtj : Ar. Vjeu- ; — W. iwrcà, O. Corn, yorch : Gk. £6p£ § 65 iii (3) ;— W. ioli : Gk. {fjXos § 201 iii (a). The Sonants. § 99. i. Initially before vowels, and medially between vowels, Ar. 1, r, m, n (so in most of the languages, but r- > ep- in Gk.) remained unchanged in Pr. Kelt. In W. initial 1- and r- became 11- and rh-, § 103 i (4). Many examples occur in the above sections ; as W. Host < *lompst- § 96 ii (3) ; W. halen ' salt' § 58 ii ; W. rhwym, Vreig- § 95 ii (2) ; W. adferaf i Vbher- § 58 iii ; W. mis l month ' § 95 iii (1) ; W. haf, Ir. mm ' summer ' § 94 i ; W. naw ' nine ' § 76 iii (1) ; W. ychen ' oxen ' § 69 v. The treatment of these sonants in combination with s has been discussed in § 95, and in combination with s and an explosive in § 96. There remains the combination of sonants with one another and with explosives. ii. (1) Ar. ml-, mr- remained in Pr. Kelt., but in Brit, they became bl-, br- and appear so in W. ; in Ir. both m- and b- appear. Thus W. blys<*mlit-s- § 96 ii (5) ; — W. bro ' region', Ir. mruig * boundary '< *mrog- : Lat. itiargo, O. H. G. marka i O. E. mearc, E. march § 65 ii (1) ; — W. brag ' malt ', Ir. mraich l2 148 PHONOLOGY § 99 K^mroq-, W. braenu 'to rot' <*mr9q-n-, *ttr > thr in athro § 76 v (5). (2) It has been conjectured that an explosive + n sometimes became a double explosive in Kelt.; Pedersen, Gr. i 158, suggests that this took place immediately before the accent. Thus Ir. brecc, W. brych ' speckled ' < *brikkos < *bhrknos : Gk. 7rep/cvóç § 101 iii (2) ; as -cc occurs in Ir., the doubling here is not Brit, rkk pey/coo § 97 v (3). We have nk > hh > ch after a nasal in the Bret, muta- tion after ma ' my ', nao ' nine ', as va chaloun ' my heart ', nao cliant ' 900 ' ; but the development is regular in W. § 100. i. (1) Ar. i- (Lat. /-, Gk. \ Germ, j, Lith. /, Skr. y-) remained in Pr. Kelt. ; it disappears in Ir.. but remains in W. Thus W. ieuanc, Bret, iaouank, Corn, iouenc, Ir. öac, öc : Lat. 152 PHONOLOGY §100 juvencus, O. H. G. jung, E. young >, Skr. yuvamh 'youthful' < Ar. iwnnlcos : — W. iaith ' langruaffe \ Bret. iez<*iek-t- : O. H. G. jelian ' to say ' ; — O. W. Iud- < *warrior ', W. udd ' lord ' < *ieudk- ; ion, ìôr ' lord ' < Kelt. *iud-nó$, iud-rós § 66 v : Gk. vcrfxivrj ' battle ', Skr. yodlmh ' warrior ', yúdh id., yudhyati ' fights ' ; W. ieu § 76 iii (3)). The hesitation between i and i must go back to O. W. when the accent was on the ult. and the i would be unaccented. Lat. i became i early, and § 100 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 153 we have diawl monosyll. § 34 ii -yb, -íiä > -eò ; '-iù > -oeò § 75 iv. But the change did not take place in oi or ii. (2) The same change took place after 1 or r following the accent ; thus li > */ô > W. 11 ; and 'ri > *rô = W. r8. Examples : li : W. gallaf ' I can ' : Lith. galiu 1 1 can ' ;— W. all- in ail-fro ' foreigner ', Gaul. Allo-broges < *alio- : Lat. alius, Gk. aXXo? < *alios ; — W. gwell ' better ' : Skr. varya-h ' eligible ', varlyan 'better' : O. E. wel, E. well, orig. ' choice ', */uel- ' wish '. — ri : W. arddaf ' I plough ' : Lith. arm ' I plough ', Goth, arjan l to plough ' ; — Pr. Kelt. Iuer-wn-, -iann- > W. Iwerddon * Ireland ', Ir. gen. Ërenn ; — W. morddwyd ' thigh ' : O. H. G. muriot ' thigh ' ; — W. hwrdd ( a violent push' < *spuri- (urvpa l mallet '<*cr0f/)íä ; in that case Ir. ordd is from British (a not improbable borrowing, cf. Pedersen Gr. i 22-4). 154 PHONOLOGY § 100 (3) The change of i to *8 in the above cases took place before the Roman period, for there is no example of it in any word borrowed from Lat. The alteration was therefore earlier than the period of vowel affection, and the *8 could not affect; hence arSaf, not *eir8af, etc. The fact that the change does not take place initially corroborates the view that it did not happen before an accented vowel. All forms that occur can be explained under this supposition ; thus all- < *álio-, but ail l second ' < * alios, etc. ; see § 165 vi. iv. Ar. -mi- became -ni- in Pr. Kelt. ; as W. dyn ( man ', Ir. chiine < *ghdomio-, § 98 i (3), § 121 i ; — W. myned, 'to go ', Ml. Bret, monet, Corn. nones < *momi- for *mami- § 65 v (2), by assim. for *bam-i- < *g ì * e m-i-, V ' g*em- : Lat. venio, Gk. fiaivcu both < *gu e mw, Gotb. qiman, E. come. The -i- disappeared before the -e- of the suffix ; the suffix may have been -at-, § 203 ii, which follow- ing the accent would become -et- after i, see § 65 vi (1). The i was lost in the compounds an-fon, dan-fon ' to accompany, send ', prefix § 156 ii (1). v. In some cases metathesis of i took place in Brit. Thus Ir. suide t soot ' comes from *sodio-, but W. hudd- in huddygl ' soot ' implies *soid- ; O. E. söû, Lith. sudziai 'soot ' have L°-grade ; so W. suddaf '1 sink ' < *soid-<*sodi- beside W. soddqf ' I sink ', sawdd ' subsidence ' < *söd- y V sed- § 63 ii. — W. drum ' ridge ' < *droimm- < *drommi- < *dros-mi- : Ir. druimm < *drommi- («-stem) : Lat. dorsum < *drs-so-m, Gk. ôeipás < *ders-ad-, Skr. drs-ád ' rock, millstone ', Vderes- ;■ — W. turio ' to delve ' < *toirg-<*torgi- : Lat. porca § 101 iii (1) ; — W. ar-o-fun 'intend ', dam-(f)un-aw, dym- un-o ( desire \ with -fun-<*moin-<*mo?ii- : Lat. moneo, Vmenei-, extension of V r men- ' mind' ; — W. ulw 'ashes, powder' < *oilu- <*polui- : Lat. pulvis < *poluis ; — W. Urien, O. W. Urb-gen § 25 i < *oirbo-gen- < *orbio- : Gaul. Orbius ' heir ', Lat. orbus, Gk. opyavos ; — W. wyneb ' face ', in comp. wynab- e.m. 30 < *einep~, *einap-<*eni-9g%- (§ 65 vi (1)) : Skr. antkam 'face'< *eni-9q%-, \/ oq%- ; the un-metathesized form is seen in O. W. einepp, where ein- is from *en(i)- § 70 v, since old ei bad then become ui = Mn. wy ; O. W. enep, Corn, eneb Bret, enep, Ir. enech show i lost, which occurs before e in Brit., see vi below, and cf. § 35 ii (2), and is usual in Ir., cf. i above ; — W. wybr, wybren ' cloud ' il.a. 104, 91, 'sky', O. Corn, huibren gl. nubes < *£ÌW?*- K^embhri- § 99 vi (1) : Lat. imber gen. imbris (z-stem) < *embhri- § 101 THE ARYAN CONSONANTS 155 ( : Gk. â(j)p6<$ ' foam ', Ir. imrim ' storm ') ; without metathesis and with i lost, Bret. Van. ebr, Corn. ebr on, ebbarn ; again, with metath., W. nwyf-re ' sky ' < *ueib- < *nebhio- ; the root is *enebh-, of which *emb/i- is FV, and *nebh- is VF ; with -/- suffix, § 90. (W. nef i heaven ' is however from V ' nem- ' curve ' hence ' vault ', as shown by Bret, nenv, Ir. nem ; also seen in W. nant ' vale'< vi. i drops before i or e, see iv, v, above ; cf. § 75 ii (s). INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS Consonant Alternation. § 101. i. Comparison of the derived languages points to certain alternations of consonants in Pr. Aryan ; they are mostly the result of dialectal variation, and of the accidents of consonant combination. The same causes produced the same results after the dispersion ; and while some of the alternations mentioned below may be primitive, others are certainly later, and some comparatively recent. Three kinds of alternations may be distinguished: (i) the consonant alter- nates with zero; (2) the manner of articulation varies; (3) the place of articulation varies. ii. The cases where the consonant alternates with zero are the following : (1) Initial s- before a consonant is variable; thus Gk. o-reyoç, Lith. stógas 'roof, Skr. sthdgati 'conceals': Gk. rcyoç, Lat. tego, W. to 'roof; V{s)theg-; — Ir. scaraim, W. ysgaraf i l separate' Lith. skiriu id. : Lat. caro ' flesh ', orig. ' piece (of flesh) ', Gk. /ceijow, Skr. krntati 'cuts': atlre, Gk. ireTavw/xL, W. edau 'thread'; — W. brau 'brittle' 156 PHONOLOGY § 101 < *bhräg-, Lat. franco, E. break : Skr. bhanakti ' breaks ', Ir. com- boing * coufringit ', Armen. bek ' broken ' ; — W. cryg c hoarse ' < *qri-q-, ysgrech ' scream ' < *s-qriq-nä, Gk. Kpi£ E. hoarse (in- trusive r); — W. craff 'sharp', crafu 'to scratch', crach 'scabs', E. scrape : without -r-, "W. cafn ' trough ' (scooped out), E. scab, shave, shape, Gk. a-Kaimd, cr/ca<£oç, Lat. scabo, Lith. skabus ' sharp ' : *sqra-b-/-bh-/-p-; — Lat. brevis < *breghuis, Gk. f}paxv t . . . g § 86 ii (3)), W. trwyn m. ' nose ' < *prugno-s, trywyS ' scent' < *prugiio- : Gk. pvyx oç ' pîg' s snout '< *srunghos § 97 v (3). — So prob. Lat. scaevus, W. chwith § 96 iii (2) < *sq-, by (2) above for *sql- : Lat. laevus, Gk. A.atóç < *sl- ; by (2) *sl- > *s-, whence W. asswy < *ad-soui-, Skr. savyah; as sk- alternates with sq-, see iv (1), the sin pie root is perhaps *Mei- : Lat. cllno, cllvus, W. cledd ' leit (hand)', go-gledd 'north'. So perhaps Lat. lact- for *slact- for *sqlact- : GE yáÀa, W. glas-dwr § 63 vii (3); — W. ffreu b.b. 37 ' fruit ' < *sprag- : Lat. frägum < *sräg-. (4) A semivowel after a long vowel was often dropped : Skr. astau ' eight ', Goth, ahtau : Skr. crsia, Gk. oktw, Lat. ocíö. The reduced grade may come from either form; see Vuerë(i)- § 63 vü (5). Other sonants might disappear finally after long vowels, as Gk. KViov : Skr. Sva 'dog', Lith. szu, Ir. cẅ, W. ci; — Gk. fjiýrrjp : Skr. mata. iii. "While the place of articulation remained the same, the mode of articulation might vary. (1) At the end of a root a tenuis frequently alternated with a media. Thus O. E. dÿfan, E. dive < *dheup- : W. dwjii ' deep ', Gaul, dubno-, Lith. dubùs 'deep' < *dhub-, ^dheup/b-; — Lat. gen. pads : Lat. pango Vpafc/g-; — Lat. sparg-o : Gk. 7repK-vóç, W. erch, ii (1) above; — Lat. plancus, W. talch : E. flake, Vpelaq/g- § 86 ii (3); — Lat. § 101 INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS 157 lüceo, Gk. Xcvkoc, W. Hug i light ' : W. go-leu ' light ', Gaul. Lugu-, Vleuq/g-. — So Lat. porca, W. rhych ' furrow ' < *prk : W. turio ' to delve ' < *torgi- (t- for p- § 86 ii (3)-) ; W. tyrchio ' to delve ' is a late form from twrck = Lat. porcus, prob. allied to the above words de- spite Armen. herk 'newly ploughed land' which implies -q-; (Lith. parszas 'pig' implies -%-); see iv (1). In the same position an aspirated media alternated with a media : — W. oen ' lamb ', O. E. ëanìan ■ yean ' < *ag%hn- : Gk. Sl/jlvos < *ag%n- : Lat. agnus ambiguous ; — Skr. budhná-h ■ bottom ', Gk. TrvOfjLrjv < *bhudh- : O. E. botm < *bhud- : W. bùn ' bottom ' < Kelt. *budn-o- ambiguous. An aspirated tenuis alternated with an aspirated media : — Skr. nakhd-h * nail ' : Ir. ingen, W. ewin, Lat. unguis, Lith. nägas ' nail '. (2) Initially a tenuis alternated with an aspirated media, more rarely with a media. Thus W. craidd, Lat. cord-, Gk. /capSta, Lith. szirdls, E. heart, Sk. srad-, all from lc- : Skr. hfd-, Av. zdrdda, from *gh- ; — Ir. cingim ' I go, stride ', W. rhy-gyngu ' to amble ', Ir. ceirrvm ' stride ', "VV. cam id. < *kngh-smen- : Germ. Gang, E. gang-way, Gk. koxUvy) for *Kaxvith i for u, iv (1), Lat. paedor < *pai-d-, Vpei- : W. baeddu 'to dirty ' < *b(h)ai-d- (-d- present) ; — Lith. pluskos ' hair ', O. E. fleos, E. fleece, Ger. Fliess, Vpleus- : W. &few ' hair ' (mostly of animals, not of man's head in W., as in Corn, and Bret.) < *b(h)leus-; — Lat. pasco, Gk. 7rar€o/xat, Goth, fidjan, E. food, W. yd 'corn', Ir. ith id., ^kv.pitu-h 'food', Vpä{i)- : O.W. bit 'food' <*b(h)it-, Ir. friacZ id. < *b{h)ii-, W. òwi/d do. < *b{h)ei-t- ; — Lat. £>^£, Lith. _p^ẁ* ' to blame', O. E.ficol, E. fickle, Vpeiq/g- : W. bai 'blame, fault' < ace. *b(h)?gim ; — Gk. 7re7r/owrat, ziropov, Lat. pars, W. rŵaw, Vpcro- § 63 vii (2) : W. barn 'judgement' < *b[h) e r , n-, brawd id., Ir. bräth id. < *b(h)rt- (for meaning cf. Germ. Teil ' part ' : Urteil ' judgement '). — The above alternation may be accompanied by a similar alterna- tion medially ; thus Lat. caper, Gk. /cá7r/ooç, W. caer-iwrch ' roebuck ', all < *qap(e)r- : VV. gafr ' goat ', Ir. gabor, gabur, Gaul. Gabro- < * g(h)ab(h)r- ; — Lat. capio, Goth, hafjan, W. ciyv?/ 'to get' < *qap-: Lat. habeo, W. gaf-el ' to take hold (of)' < *ghabh-. There seems to have been a later tendency to substitute a media for a tenuis initially before a sonant in Brit, and Goidelic ; as in Brit. Britan- for *Fritan- § 3 iii ; — so W. brig ' top (of a tree), crest 158 PHONOLOGY § 101 (of a wave), hair of the head, border (of a country) ', briger ' hair of the head'<*6rî&- for *prik-, metath. for *hrip- > W. crib ' comb, crest, ridge (of a roof) ' : Ir. crick ' boundary of a country ' < *qri-q-uo- broken redupl., Vqerei- 'separate, divide, cut off' : Lat. crëna ' notch ', crista ' crest ', crlnis ' hair of the head ' ; — Ir. droch ' wheel ' : "YV. tro ' turn ' ; — Ir. gee : W. cainc ' branch ' < *knq- : Skr. Sakha 'branch';— W. gast 'bitch' : ci 'dog' § 96 ii (3).— Cf. W. Grawys, Garawys 'Lent' § 138; < Lat. quadragesima. — Still later is the softening of the initial of an adverb, and of a proclitic, as dy ' thy ' ; these are regarded as mutated forms, and are not mutated further (except occasionally by false analogy). (3) Alternations like the above occur also in suffixes; as *-tro- : *-dhro- and *-tlo- : *-dhlo~. (4) Though I and r are not mixed indiscriminately, several doublets occur in which they alternate, as Vghuer- / ghuel- § 92 iv. These alternations may have originated, as suggested by Meillet, Intr. 2 143, in reduplicated forms in which, by dissimilation, r may become I, or even n. Thus Vg^ere- ' devour ' gives *g^er-g^el-, *g v< e n-g lÀ r-, etc., also with g for g* by dissim. ; thus Gk. /Ji/fyxotnat), Lat. vorare, W. barus ' greedy ' < *g\r- : (broken redupl.) Gk. e/?po£e, Ml. H. G. krage, Ir. bräge, W. breuant ' windpipe ' < *g^rg-nt- : (full redupl.) Lat. gurgulio, O. H. G. querechela, Gk. ydyypaiva : Lat. gula. iv. The place of articulation might vary. (1) The different gutturals sometimes alternate. Thus, q/k : — Vleuq/k- : Skr. rócate ' lights, shines ', roka-h ' bright ', Lith. laukti ' to expect ', with *-q- : Skr. rusant- ' bright, white ', Lith. luszis ' lynx ' with *-&- ; — the suffix *-qo- : *-fco-, as Skr. maryaka-h (marya-h ' young man') with *-q- : Skr. yuvasa-h (yuvan- ' young ') with *-&- : Lat. juvencus, W. ieuanc ambiguous ; — Vah-foq- § 63 v (2); — - Vkei- : Vqoi- : Vq^eie-, see Walde s.v. civis. For a large number of examples see Brugmann 2 I 545 ff. After s-, -q- predominates, § 84 Note 2 ; and %/q alternate, as Skr. chindtti ' cuts, severs '< *sk- : Lith. sk'edziu 'I separate '< *sq-, Vsk(h)eid-/sq(h)eid-. g^h/gh : — Lat. fl-lum ' thread ' < *g%hî- : W. gl-au * nerves, sinews ' <*ghi-; — W. gwres, Gk. Otpjiós, etc. <*g%h-, § 92 iii : Lith. zaryjos * glowing coals ', Alb. zjar ' fire ' < *gh- ; — W. gwelw ' pale ', Lith. geltas 'tawny' < *g%h- : Lith. zeliu green, W. glas 'green' < *gh, §92 iii. Exactly the same change of position as the last is involved in the alternation of u and i f which occurs in some roots, as Vgheu- : Vghei- ' yawn '. (2) The Ar. consonant series p, t, k, q, q% is not a line with p and qp as loose ends, but as it were a circle, in which p and q* approach one another. qK combines the back with the lip position, and the shifting of the stop to the latter position makes it p. It is not sur- prising therefore that q% became p in some languages as W., Osc- Umb., Gk., or that under certain conditions p > q%, § 96 iv. Already in Ar. there seem to be some cases of p alternating with q*, and even § 102 INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS 159 with q ; this takes place before I, and before r when it is a variant of I. Thus we have the parallel roots *pel-, *q%el-, *qel- ' to turn ', also with r, *q%er. Examples : — *pel- : Lat. poples ' bend of knee ', Ir. imb-el, W. ym-yl ' rim, edge ' < *mbi-pel-, W. cyf-yl { border, vicinity ' < *kom- , pel-, ol-wyn ' wheel ', Gk. 7reAo/xai < *pel- (since q%e > re § 89 i); — *q~el- : Lat. colo, incola, Gk. reXeOo), TroXeva), W. dy-chwel-af ' 1 return ' < *do-sq%el- ; redupl. Gk. kvkXos, O. E. hweohl, E. wheel; — *qel- : Gk. kcXXov' o-rpefiXov Hes., Lat. coluber; — qer- : Lat. curvus, Gk. Kopuvr), Ir. cor ' circle ', W. côr ' circle, close ', cored 'round weir', Ml. W. at-coraf'I return', Ir. cruind, W. crwnn ' round '. So the roots *spel-*sq~el-, *sqel-, *sqer- 'to split, separate, scatter'; thus *spel- : O. H. G. spaltan, E. split, Skr. sphätáyati ' splits ', Bret, faouta ' to split ', W. fflochen ' splinter ', hollti ' to split' § 96 iv (i); — *sq"el-, *sqel- : Lith. skeliu 'I split', Bret. skula, W. chwalu ' to scatter ', Ir. scäilim e I scatter ' ; — *sqer- : Lith. skiriu, W. ysgar, etc. ii. (i); — also in the sense of 'snatch- ing ' ; with p, Lat. spolium : with q, W. ysglyfio ' to snatch ', ysgly- faeth 'prey' < *sql-m-. So Gk. irXcvfunv, irvevfMuv 'lung', Lat. jpulrno (for *plumö), O. Bulg. plusta, O. Pruss. plauti * lung ', the *■ light' member (cf. E. lights 'lungs'), W. Human ' banner '< *pleus- m e n- : Skr. Tdoman- ' right lung ' < *qleumon-, W. ysgy faint dual 'lungs' < *s-qum e n- (I lost ii (2), see also § 121 iv), Bret, skevent, Ml. Ir. seaman {Ì < Brit.), Ml. W. yscun b. b. 4 = ysgwn ' light, soaring ', 0. W. scamn-, "W. ysgawn, ysgafn, Bret, skariv ' light ' < *s-qumn- § 76 vii (4) ; W. cwhwfan for *cy-chwyfan ' to wave in the breeze, flutter ' < ko-squmon-, chwŷf ' waving ' < *squmö : Vpleu-/ (pneu-) ' float, waft '. (3) The change of p to t, which sometimes occurs is doubtless always secondary, as in Skr. sthivati ' spews' (: Lat. spuo, E. spew) where the t is due to the following palatal, cf. Gk. 7ttv(ú < *2>iẅì5. In Kelt, p became q% before q%, but sometimes t before a palatal or velar § 86 ii (3), perhaps a compromise between the labial and guttural positions. Assimilation, Dissimilation and Metathesis. § 102. i. Assimilation, dissimilation and metathesis of consonants have taken place at all periods ; most of the examples occurring have arisen since the Ar. dispersion. In many cases the change has become a phonetic law ; but most of the changes, especially of dissimilation and metathesis, occur only accidentally. ii. (1) Assimilation of joined consonants : (a) Ar. pd > bd etc. § 93 i ; sd > zd § 97; ghp>ghd § 98. — (6) In most of the derived lan- guages mt > nt, etc. § 84, Note 3. — (c) In Kelt, tk > kk, etc. § 93, ii (2), (3); nl > II, nr > rr, In > 11 § 99 iii ; 18 > 11 § 100 iii (2). — \d) In W. nt > nnh etc. § 106, lit > 11 § 105 ; da > d-d > t § 111 vii (2); li > I I § 110 ii (2). In Late Mn. W. nff > nth in benthyg < Ml. W. benffic < Lat. beneficium. 160 PHONOLOGY § 102 (2) Assimilation of separated consonants : Italo-Kelt. p . . . q~ > q* . . . q* § 86 ii (2). — Kelt, b, . . m > m . . , m in *momiat- > W. myned§ 100 iv. iii. (1) Dissimilation of joined consonants: (a) Ar. tt > t s t § 87 ii. — {b) When two continuants come together there is often a ten- dency to alter one of them either to an explosive or to a semi- vowel : thus in Brit, ml- > M-, mr- > br- § 99 ii (1) ; in W. nB > nd as in bendith ' blessing ', sB > sd, IB > Id > lid, 118 > lid § 111 vii (2) ; SI > dl as in bodlon, Br > dr as in cadr § 111 vii (1) ; m% > me as in amcan § 156 i (4) ; nv > nw as in O. W. anu § 99 iv (1), ru > rw as in syberw § 105 ii, fl > wl § 104 v. In many cases the spirant disappeared: fn>n § 110 iii (4), Bn > n § 104 iv (1). — (c) In W. mni > ml in teimlo 'to feel' < *teimnio < *tamn- < *tang-smen- : Lat. tango. (2) Dissimilation of separated consonants : («) Already in Ar. r...r>r...l etc. § 101 iii (4); and tr...r>t...r in *tisores 'three ' .fem. > "W. tair, Skr. tisráh § 69 iv. — (b) In Kelt. gn. . . n> gl . . . w in *glün- > W. #Zm ' knee ' § 63 vii (4) ; I . . . I > r . . . I in *aralios > "W. cera^ ' other ', Ir. araile. — (c) In W. gw . , .w > g . . .win glyw ' lord ' < *gwlyw < *uli-uo-s, VR of Vuele(i)- § 63 vii (2) ; gw . . . v > g ... v in gr^S/ ' instinct ' (greBfu * to be inbred ') < *urd-mä : Ir. ./mn §91; r . . . r > r. . . Z in Chwefrol § 138 i (2) ; Z . . . I > Z . . . r in llefrith i new milk ' for *lle-flith < *lo-vlith ' * calf-milk ' ; th. . .th > t. . .thin gwrtaith ' manure ' < *uer-tek-t, Vtheg- § 92 i ; Z . . . B > I . . . d in late Mn W. machlud for Ml. W. ymachluB etc. § 1 1 1 vii (3) ; S...Z>cZ... Zin £>£cZoZ ' horseshoe ' for *pe8awl < Lat. jpedalis. iv. (1) Metathesis of joined consonants : (a) Nasalized stems may be the result of the metathesis in Ar. of the suffix -n- with the last consonant of the root ; thus *jug-n- > *jung- > Jj&t.jungo, Vjeug- ; if so, forms like Skr. yunakti ' joins ' are analogical formations which arose in imitation of forms with n as part of the root ; but the effect is the same as that which would be produced by an Ar. infix -ne-. — (b) In Brit, di > id, etc. § 100 v. — (c) In Ŵ. Ig > gl in annwyl 1 dear ' < *induglens < Lat. indulgens ; chl > Ich in allweB ' key ' for *alchweB, Bret, alchouez, for *achl- § 99 vi (1); nm > mn in amnaid ' nod ' < O. W. enmeit § 95 ii (3) ; dn > nd in andaw ' listen ' for *adnaw § 76 iii (1), andwyo § 76 iv (4). (2) Metathesis of separated consonants : (a) Ar. *bhudh/d- 'bottom' and *dhub- ' deep ', if not originally the same, are confused in the derived languages : W. annwfn ' hell ' < *n-dub-n- for *n-bud-n- ' bottomless ' : Gk. a-fivo-cros ; cf. O. Bulg. duno ' bottom ' and Armen. andundk' " aftvo-aos " with d . . . d for b . . . d by assimil. — (b) In Kelt. n...r>r...nin Gaul. Taranis ' Juppiter tonans ', Taranu-, W. taran ' thunder ', Ir. toran ' din ', < *taran-, *toran- for *t e ndr- Hondr- : Brit. (-Lat.) Tanar-o Chester insc. (re-metath. ?), O. E. punor, E. thunder, Lat. tono, Gk. crriva} V(s)tenâ- ; b . . ,g > g . . .b in Ir. goba, W. gof ' smith ' < Kelt. *góbann- for *bog- < *bhog-: Gk. <£o>yw, E. bake < *bhog- } Germ, backen < *bhog-n- } Lat. focus § 103 INTERCHANGE OF CONSONANTS 161 Vbhok/g-; in early Kelt, before the loes of p, k...p >p... h in W. archen ' shoe ', Bret, archen < *park- for *karp- <• *q e r'p- Vqerä x p- ' shoe ' § 86 i (5).— (c) In Brit, n . . . I > I . . . n in W. telyn f. « harp ', Bret. tefew, Corn. teZem < *telenî for *ten-él-l ì Vten- ' stretch ' : Ẅ. tan£ ' harpstring ', Lat. tendo, Gk. tcivod, etc. — »(d) In W. Z...8 > S...Z in wiwZ 'soft' for *mela8 < *mefod- : Lat: mollis < *molduis, Skr. rnrdú-h ' soft ', etc. Vmelä x - ; and in Ŵ7 'feeble' for *eiU8, § 156 i (2) : ymlaS § 204 i, Vied- 'weary, weak'. BRITISH AND LATIN CONSONANTS IN WELSH The Soft Mutation. § 103. i. (1) Brit, and Lat. p, t, k, b, d, g, m between vowels became b, d, g, f, S, 3, f respectively in W. Thus W. Cyndaf < Brit. Cunotam(os) ; — W. saeth ' arrow ' < *sarel/i < Lat. sagitta ; — W. deg ' ten ' < Brit. *dekan < Ar. *dekm ; — W. cybydd ' miser' < Lat. cuyndits ; — W. llafur ' labour ' < Lat. labprem. Numerous examples occur in the above sections. The change is called the " soft mutation ". (2) As the same changes took place generally between a vowel and a sonant (see the details § 104), and as every initial consonant must be followed by a vowel or a sonant, it follows that where the preceding word ended in a vowel the initial is changed as above \ thus while Brit. *oinos markets gave un march * one horse ', Brit. *oind mamma gave unfam * one mother ', not *un mam. (3) The conditions are, however, not quite the same initially as medially. Medially -sk- became -\\- by the reaction of the two sounds on one another before the period of the present changes. But in the case of final -s and initial k- no reaction took place in the earlier period, and the sounds came down to later Brit, un- changed. It was then too late for sk to give xx> as shown by the retention of Lat. sc, see (5), and of Brit, medial sic from ksk etc. § 96 iii (5) ; thus the k- remained, and the final syllable with its -s ultimately disappeared. For similar reasons final -s pre- served an initial media or m- intact. Hence we have the radical consonant after words or classes of words which ended originally in -s, such as mas. sg. nouns or adjectives; thus ^diijus dagos > di/dd da ' good day '. 1402 M 162 PHONOLOGY § 103 But when the final syllable of the first word was accented, its -s combined with an initial tenuis, which thus became a spirant. For this reason we have the spirant mutation of a tenuis after Ml'. W. i[ c her' (now written ei)<*esias = 'Skx. asyah ' her ' ; tri c three ' < Brit. *treiés (for *tréies would have given *trydd) ; a ' with ' and a ' and ' < Brit. *agg6s § 213 iii (i), § 222 i (3). On the mutation after ni, see § 217 iv (1) ; after chwe § 108 iii. tair and pedair had the same accentuation, and in Bret, ter, peder, and also pevar (=pedwar), cause the spirant mutation. The radical has been substituted in W., as in the majority of cases where the spirant occurred from the above cause. (4) After final -s initial 1 and r were unvoiced ; cf. si- > 11- ; sr->rh- i § 95 i ; but between vowels 1 and r underwent no change. Thus we have 11 and rh now in those positions where the radical occurs of the consonants mentioned in (1) above, and 1 and r in those positions where the said consonants are softened. Welsh grammarians therefore speak of 11, rh as " radical ", and 1, r as " mutated " consonants. Though the reverse is historically the case, it is convenient to retain the old terminology in dealing with the interchange of the sounds in the present language. Note. The term " soft mutation ", first applied to the change where it occurred initially, is due to Dr. Davies, who called it " forma mollis" D. 26. It has also been called "vocal" and " middle ". The latter name, used by Rowland, owes its origin to the term " forma media " used by Davies as a name for the change of the tenues to the mediae ; as applied to the six others it is mean- ingless. Continental scholars use " Lenition " as a term embracing the Welsh "soft mutation" and the corresponding Irish "aspira- tion". (5) Lat. sp, st, se remained, as Ml. W. yspeil < spolium § 69 iv (1), ystyr < historia ib., escyn < ascend-. An explosive before the group dropped in W., as in estron < extraneus ; so after the loss of an intervening vowel, as W. esgob < episcopus, W. esgud 1 active' is, § 108 v. ii. (1) Medially between vowels 3, the soft mutation of g, dis- appeared completely after the O. W. period ; as in saeth i (1) ; — maes<*rnaies § 29 ii (2) : Gaul, -magus ; — teyrn ( ruler '< *tyyrn § 103 THE SOFT MUTATION 163 < tigirn- ; — also finally, as da ' good ' < *dag- § 63 v (2) ; — ty 1 house ' < tigos § 65 ii (3) ; — bro < *mrog- § 99 ii (1) ; — bre (prob. f.) I hill ', Corn, bre f. < *brigd, Gaul, -briga < *bhrgh- : Germ. Berg ; — bore 'morning', O. W. more in b.a. 17 1. 20, Bret, beure < ace. *märig-an (<*-««) : Jr. imbdrack, Mn. Ir. mdrach <*mârig- : Kelt. *m,ärig- < *mörigh- L°R 2 of V ' merè(i)q/gh- : Skr. márlcih ' ray of light '. Goth, maurgins, E. T^onz. — Already in O. W. we find nertkeint (<-e%int), beside scamnhegint (g = %). ig gives y, affected to e, as above ; it is often assimilated to the following vowel, as in dy led < Ml. W. dylyet<*dliget- §82 ii (3) ; Ml. W. breenhin ' ^king' <*brigant-m- : Skr. ace. Irhánt-am, gen. brhat-dh * high, great ' < ^bhrgh-ént-^ -nt-. Before a it was lost, as in ẁm'7^ ' privilege *, Ml. W. breint< O. W. bryeint l.l. 120 < *briganti- ; Ml. W. Seint<*Sigontion ' Segontium *. — ẃy comes not from ig, but from eig, as in mod-nvy ' ring ' < F-rgrade *reig~, as in rhvym § 95 ii (2) ; mor-dwy ' sea-voyage ' < *teig~, Ir. ^m^^ 'I go ' : Gk. aT€Í\cù ; so canhorthwy i assistance ' < *ka?da-uer- teig-, lit. ' *go over with '. — äg gave eu, au, § 71 iii. Initially % disappeared completely ; but as the initial of the second element of a compound it often became % >i after a dental (d, b, n, I, r), as Jjlwyd-iarth<*leito-garto- § 95 iv (3) ; Pen-iartk < ^penno-garto^ ; miUiast D.G. 278 beside mil-ast 'greyhound bitch' ; arw-floedd-iast § 157 ii (1) ; Mor-ien, O. W. Mor-gen ' *sea- born ' ; Ur-ien, O. W. Urb-gen § 100 v. For £ before and after sonants see § 104 ii, § 105 ii, § 110 ii. (2) The soft mutation of m was originally the nasalized spirant v. The nasalization generally remains medially in Bret., but disappeared in W. towards the end of the O. W. period. As f was thereafter the soft mutation of both b and m, there has always been the possibility of its being referred to the wrong radical. This probably accounts for the substitution in some cases of one for the other, as in bawd ' thumb ', O. W. maut f. (y fawd ' the thumb '), still with m- in mod-rwy orig. ' thumb-ring '. In a few cases m- and b- interchange, as bath and math (y fath 'the kind of '), baeddu and maeddu ' to dirty \ Nid adwaen, iawn yw dwedyd, Weithian i bath yn y byd. — G.I.H. I I know not, it is right to say it, her like now in the world/ m2 164 PHONOLOGY § 104 Och irni/ pe marw chwemwy, bydd i math rnewn bedd mwy. — D. N., f.n. 90, c.c. 267. 1 Woe is me ! though six times more died, [I doubt] if her like will ever more be in a grave.' In bore for more we may have dissim., as in mr- > br-. iii. In O. W. softened consonants were represented by the corresponding radicals ; see § 18 i, § 19 i, It would be wrong to conclude from this that the softening had not then taken place, for its occurrence initially is due in almost every case to a vocalic ending which was then already lost. The difference between the radical m in un march and the soft f in un fam cannot be accounted for if assumed to have taken place since the O. W. period when ' one' was un ; it must be referred to the Brit. m. *oinos, f. *oinä. The O. W. spelling was doubtless a survival from the time when the mutated consonant could still be re- garded as a debased pronunciation of the radical. On the Ml. final tenues see § 111 v. § 104. i. The mutable consonants, p, t, k, b, d, g, m normally underwent the soft mutation between a vowel and a sonant ; thus pr >br in W. Ebrill< Lat. Aprllu ; W. go-bryn-af ( I merit ' < Brit. ^uo-prmami, V cfreid- § 201 i (4) ; — pl>bl in W. pobl< Lat. pop' lus; — tn>dn in W. edit ' bird , < *pet-no- § 86 i ; — tu > dw in W. pedivar < Brit. *petuares § 63 vii (4) ; — kr > gr in W. gogr } gwagr l sieve '< ^uo-kr-, Vqerei- : Lat. crihrum\ — br>fr in W. diofr ' water ' § 90 ;— bn > fn in W. dwfn ' deep ' ib. ; W. cefn ' back ' < *kebn- : Gaul. Cebenna ' les Cevennes ' {*qeb- allied to *qamb/p- § 106 ii (1)) ; — dm>8f, see iv (3). ii. (1) g before I, r, n gave £, which became i forming a diph- thong with the preceding vowel. The Mn. developments are as follows : ag > ae ; eg > ei or ai ; ig > i ; og > oe ; ug > ẃy ; äg > eu or au ; ig > i. Thus W. aer f battle' 3 Ir. är ' slaughter' < *agr- : Gk. ây pä ; — W, draen c thorn ' < *dragn-<*d/ir e g7m- : Gk. Tpfyi'oç ; — W. tail ' manure ' < *tegl- § 35 ii (3), V (s)tkeg- * cover ' § 92 i, cf. gwrtaith ( manure ' < *uer-tekf- ; — W. oen ' lamb ', Ir. üan < *ognos § 65 ii (2) ; — W. oer ' cold ', Ir. üar < *ogr- : Gaul. (Seq.) Ogron... name of a month; — W. annwyl § 102 iv (1) ; — § 104 THE SOFT MUTATION 165 W. ceulo<*cägl- § 71 iii. Examples of gm are uncertain. On swj/n % > i ; thus W. cae ' enclosure, field ' < *kagio-, Gaul. 5th cent, caium, whence Fr. quai, V kagh-/kogh- : Lat. co7ius, E. hedge, Germ. Heche ; — Ml. W. daeoni ' goodness ' < *dag-iono- gnim- (re-formed as da-ioni in Mn. W.). It is seen that the vowel is not affected by the % but it may be by a following l< ô ; thus W. llai, Ml. W. llei ' less ', Ir. laigiu, both < *lagips < *l e gh(u)iös : Lat. levis, Gk. e\axvç ; — W. -(h)ai, Ml. -(A) ei < *-sagiö § 121 i, § 201 iii (4). — So igi affected by a gave egi be- coming -ei, -ai, as W. tai, Ml. tei ' houses * < *tigia < *tigesa, pi. of *tigos 'house'; — W. carrai Mace 1 < Lat. corrigia. When unaffected, igi gave ii>î; as in bri ' honour '< *brigio- : brenin, braint § 103 ii (1) ; and lúon in Ml. W. Kaer-llion < *ligiÖnos ) Brit. gen. for Lat. legiönis. Similarly ogi>oe>-o, § 78 i (1), in to ' roof <*togio- : Ir. tuige gl. stramen, and amdo ' shroud' <*mli-togio- : Ir. im-t/mige 'clothing' : Lat. toga, V ' (s)theg-. — ugi > wy > -w, § 78 i (2), in llw ' oath ' < *lugion : Ir. luige, lugae < *lugiion. (Ml. W. pi. llyeu } llyein, Mn. llwon, dial, llyfon are all analogical formations.) (3) gu>s**>w : W. tew ' thick' <*tegu- § 76 viii (2). — og^ >oui>eu in euod 'worms in sheep' <*ogH- < Ar. ^og^hi- : Gk. 6 19, Skr. dhih 'snake'. iii. (1) Before n Brit, k > x > i, so that kn gives the same result as gn ; thus W. dwyn ' to bring '< *duk-n- § 203 iv (3) ; — braenu 'to rot ' < *bra/cn- < ^mrdq-n- § 99 ii (1) ; — croen 'hide, imà' <*krokn-, Bret, croc 1 hen, Ir. crocenn < *kro/cn- (kn > kk) < *qroq-,YF° of *qereq- broken redupl. of V qer- ' divide, rip ' : Lat. corium, cortex, O. Bulg. (s)kora ' rind ', korici a kind of vessel, W. civrwgl ' coracle ' ; — W. gwaun < *uäkn- < *uo-akn- : W. ochr see below ; — W. tin ' buttock ' < *tiknâ < *tüqnä, Ir. ton < *tüknä : E. thigh O. H. G. dioh. This may be due to gemination of k, 166 PHONOLOGY § 104 see (2) below ; in many cases kn>gn regularly ; thus W. sngno 'to suck' <*seuk-n-,V seuq/g- : Lat. sücîís, sügo, E. suck, etc.; — W. dygn ' grievous ' < *dikn- < *detogn- : Ir. dingim 4 1 press down ', O. E. tengan ' to press ' ; — W. rhygnu ' to rub ' < *ruhi- : Gk. pvKavr) ; — W. dogn ' portion, dose ' < *dok-n-, Vdelc- : Gk. Siicofjiai, SoKaurj • orJKrj. (2) Before r, k, t give g, d regularly, as in gogr i above ; — chwegr <*suekr- § 94 iv ; — W. deigr * tear • < *dakrü § 120 iii (1) ; — W. aradr W. n (not *nn) ; as in W. hon l stem ' < * bud-no-, bonedd i nobility ' < *budníiä : Ar. *b7iudk- * bottom ' § 10.2 iv (2) ;— W. blynedd < Hlidnuas § 125 v (1). (2) Brit. dm>W. 8f ; as W. greddf ( instinct ' § 102 iii (2) ;— W. deddf 'law' < *ded i mâ < *dhedh-mä, Vd/iê- : Gk. reofio?, 6e6/jió?<*d/iedk-nios; — W. add-fwyn etc. § 93 ii (3), q. v. (3) Brit, dl, dr after a back vowel became U y or ; the ô remained after the accent, and was provected to d, as kadi, eadr § 111 vii (1), and disappeared before the accent, as in iór<*iud-rós § 66 v. After a front vowel dl, dr > gl, gr, and developed accordingly, ii (1) ; thus W. cadair, Ml. hadeir fl or wl, as in gafl ' fork ' : Ir. gabul, Lat. gabalus * The identification of the name (treated as two common nouns by Silvan Evans) is the discovery of Professor J. E. Lloyd, Tr. Cym. 1899-1900, p. 158. §§ 105, 106 THE SOFT MUTATION 167 < Kelt. ; Ml. W. nywl § 90, diawl § 100 ii (i).— ml, mr § 99 ii. — mn § 76 vii, § 99 iv. Other groups of explosive 4- sonant are regular. § 105. i. After r Brit, and Lat. p, t, k become respectively flf, th, ch ; thus W. corff< Lat. corpus ; — W. gorffwys § 89 ii (2) ; — W. porth < Lat. portus ; — W. archaf § 63 iii, etc. Ik >lch, as W. golchi § 89 ii (2) ; — W. calcklff, as W. J Ë'^ lit, as in Ml. W. kyfeillt ' friend ' = Ir. comalte ' foster-brother ' < *Ico?n-aU(i)ios ; W. allt 'declivity; grove ' <*alt-, Val- 'grow, nourish' : Lat. alo, altus ; — medially it becomes 11 as in W. cyllell ' knife '< Lat. cultellus ; W. di-wyttio ' to cultivate ' : gwyllt ' wild ' § 92 iv ; except in re-formations, as in hollti ' to split ' from hollt § 96 iv (1) ; the t is sometimes lost finally in an unstressed syllable, as in Mn. W. cyfaill, Ml. and Mn. dealt § 75 vi (4). ii. rb > rf, as in W. barf ' beard ' < Lat. larba ; also rw, as in sŷberw ' proud ' < Lat. superb us. — rd > r8, as in bardd < Brit. *bardos (fíapSoí * âoiSoì napà PaAaraíŷ, Hesych.). — Medially rg > ri as in arian 'silver' = Ir. airget <¥Lût. *argnt-om : Lat. argentum, Skr. rajatá-m : Gk. apyvpos, Vareg-. Finally rg > -r, -?y, -ra, -rw § 110 ii. lb >lf, as in gylftn ' beak ', O. W. gilbin : Ir. gulban id. < Kelt. *gulb-. — Medially lg > li, as in daUaf § 110 ii (2) ; for final lg see ib. — Medially ld>ll as in callawr 'caldron' < Lat. caldärium ; — finally lit as in swllt 'money, shilling ' rf or rw § 99 ii (2) ; — lm > If, ib. ; — nm > nf or nw § 99 iv (1). The Nasal Mutation. § 108. i. (1) A nasal before an explosive was assimilated to it in position where it differed; thus Ar. hntóm ' 100 '> Brit. *kanlon ; Ar. ^peng^e ' 5 ' > Kelt. *q ,A cioq % e > Brit. *pempe. This may be assumed to have taken place in Late Brit, when the nasal ended one word and the explosive began the next if the syntactical connexion was a close one. Subsequently a media, or (later) a tenuis, was assimilated to the nasal, becoming itself a nasal. This is called the " nasal mutation " of the explosive. 168 PHONOLOGY § 106 The order of tbe changes was the following : yn ' in ' + Bangor first became ym Bangor^ and then ym Clangor, The recent spelling yn T&angor is therefore not only a misrepresentation of the present sound, but a falsification of its history. (2) There is a sporadic assimilation of n to i in the groups in or ein, the n becoming %> ; thus pringhaf k.p. 1278, spv. of jprin ' scarce' ib. 1280 (< *q%rit-sno-s : prid 'precious', Vq^reia- 'buy'); meith- ring {-in) D.G. 69 for meithrin ' to nourish '; Einion is often written Eingion or Eingnion = eiíòon, which has become etoioan in Gwynedd, e. g. Llan-engan near Pwllheli. ii. (1) Brit, mb, nd, »g became respectively mm, nn, row ; they remain so in W., mm being generally written m ; nn finally written -n (but -nn in monosyllables in Ml. W.) ; ## written ng (and Ml. W. gg or g); see § 51 iv, § 54 i (2). Thus W. cwm 'valley' < Brit, *kumbo- } V ' qeub/p- ' curve' : Lat. cûpa, -cumbo^ Gk. KVfifios, etc. ; — W. cam ' bent, crooked ' < Brit. *kambo- i Gaul. Cambo-dünum, Gallo-Lat. cambiäre : Lat. campus (orig. 'vale'), Gk. Kafiirrj, /cá/*7rrû), Vqamb/p- 'curve'; — W. twnn ' bruised, broken ' f. town, < Brit. *tund-os, -â : Lat. tar/ö, Skr. tundate 'strikes', V{s)teu-d-\ — W. tonn 'wave' < Brit. *tundá <*tum-dä : Lat. tumeo, W. tyfîi, Vteuä x - 'swell'; — W. cann ' white ', cannu ' to whiten ', llóer-gan ' moon-lit ' < *qa?id- : Lat. candeo i Gk. KavSapo? < *qand- } beside W. cynneu ' to kindle ', cynne 'a burning', cynnud 'firewood', Ir. condud<*qond- : Skr. cand-, scand- ' shine '< *(s)qend- : V sqand-/sqend- ; — W. //cwy ' ship ' < Lat. /ow^ŵ ; — W. angel < Lat. angelus. — So before a sonant, as Cymro pi. Cymry < Brit. *kom-brog-os, -i ; — W. amrwd ' raw ' : £/w/ § 63 vii (4) ; — Cyngreawdr §104 iii (2) ; — except where the nasal has become a media § 99 vi (1). — The double nasal was simplified after an unaccented syllable § 27 ii, and before a sonant § 54 i (3). Kelt, ng* ( < Ar. ng%h) was unrounded and gave w, as in llyngyr, angerdd § 92 v. When 1070 came before a sonant, including u, it was first simplified to 90 and then. lost, as in ewin, tafod, see ib. So we have nawraS R.p. 1331, O.K. [372] 'nine degrees' < Brit. *nouaio- grad- (navgraS b.b. 42 may have old oo, but is prob. analogical); — W. cyni (one n) 'trouble ' < *kotonlm- < *kon-gnî-mu- § 203 vii (4) ; ~-W. aren ' kidney ', Ir. äru < *aìor- < Kelt. *aiogVr- < *angẀr-, V anegfyt- : Gk. v€pós, Lat. Praenest. nefröriès, Lanuv. nebrundines § 106 THE NASAL MUTATION 169 (: Lat. higuen with g%, Walde s.v.). But after e or i and before r or /, the 90 became io and gave i, as in eirin Deut. xxiii i for *eiryot, §77 iii, < *eryn pi. of aren above ; — W. cilydd i mate ' < *ci i K>ly§ (ii > W. i not y, cf. § 104 ii (2)) < *kmgliio8 (§ 65 iii (1)) = Ir. die < *kev)gliios : Ir. cingirn, 'I go', W. cam 'stride', see § 101 iii (2); for meaning, cf. Ml. W. hmnat 'mate' < cam. The rule only applies to old formations where the 9090 already existed in Brit. ; in newer formations, and Lat. derivatives 90 remains, as Gyngreawdr above. (2) The above changes took place before the loss of Brit. syllables, for nd coming together after the loss of a syllable remains, as in trindod < Lat. tnnität-em. Initial mediae were assimilated to final nasals before the latter were lost ; e. g. naw mlynedd i nine years ' < *nouam mlidniia§ <*neun bl-* Every Brit. 9\d became nn, so we have no words ending in nd except where a vowel has been lost in the Mn. period between the sounds, as in ond etc. § 44 vi; see iii (4). iii. (1) Brit, mp, nt, Bk remained finally as in W. pump, pymp/> #e do. 60. These examples show that the mutation had already taken place, and that the written radical was a survival of O.W. spelling. It is to be noted that the n of yn is in every case assimilated in position to the explosive, even where that is unmutated. So before m, as im mon b.b. 6i, im minit eidin do. 95. iv. Since yn kept its nasal, it is natural that it should mutate tenues as well as mediae ; but as^ lost its nasal ending early, we should expect it to mutate the mediae but not the tenues, like naw, which gives naw xnlynedd ' 9 years ', but naw -pwy-s 4 9 lbs.' In O.W. and Early Ml. W. this is, in fact, the case. Thus in O. W. we have mi-telu * my household ', mi coueidid ' my company ', juv. sk. (9th cent.); and in b.b. we find vy tud 13, vy perchen, vy parch 42, wy dun 49, vy pen, vy crawn 62, vy penhid 81, vy hi 99 ; the form wympechaud 83 is a rare excep- tion, and in no case is the tenuis nasalized. But b and d are generally nasalized in b.b., g being also probably for #*; thus vy nruc 24, wy-nragon 51, vi-mrid (= fy mryd) 82, wi-nvywron ( = fy nwyfron) 100, wy-nihenit 50, vy martrin 67. The occurrence of a number of examples like vy bartrin 6j, wy duu 82, vy dewis, vy Devs 42, is probably due to the influence of the regular non- mutation of p, t. We do not seem to meet with such forms as vyn drwc, vym bryd which appear in later mss. ; vy is written as an open syllable, and p, t, k are not mutated after it. The later mutation of these is analogical ; the mutation caused by^ in the mediae was extended to the tenues in imitation of the complete and consistent system of mutation after yn. But in spite of the levelling of the mutation after the two § 107 THE NASAL MUTATION 173 words, the difference between the words themselves — the closed yn and the open fy — remained, and persists in the ordinary spelling of to-day, as in yn nny fy nltacl ' in my father's house \ v. (i) The representation of the nasal initial mutation after ynsoid fy has presented considerable difficulty to writers of the language. In Late Ml. W. mss. p, t, k appear unmutated, and/?/ is treated asfyn ; thus yn ty vynntat i il.a. 35. That this is a conventional spelling is shown by the fact that scribes so rendered forms already mutated in their copies. Thus where a.l. ms. a. has ernm i 84, the later MS. b. has em pen. Similarly the e.b. scribe writes down the radical of a consonant mutated in the same passage in the W.B., as vyghof w.m. 104 = vyg co/ b.m. 76, vymhechawt w.m. 3gg=vym pechawt b.m. 255, etc. Further, the cynghanedd always implies the mutated form ; as yn-trugare8 yn ii gwirion, — b.p. 12 16 ; syrth ym--perigyl swrth amharawt, — do. 1250 ; where ntr is to be read nhr to correspond to nr, and mp must be mh to answer mh. In w.m. and w. we sometimes find a survival of the curious transitional form met with in O. W. § 106 iii (4); thus ymphen w.m. 256, vygchret do. 390; vyg khnf w. 76. The last example shows that what is meant is not the voiceless spirant, for x is never written hh. (2) The mediae b, d also are frequently written unmutated, especially after yn) thus yn diben w.m. 129 made yn niben in b.m. 202 ; conversely ymlaen w.m. 54 made ym blaen in b.m. 38 ; both have ymon colofyn w.m. 181, b.m. 84. Here again the cynghanedd belies the non-mutation, as in yg-karchar yn.-6.aear yn yt, — b.p. 1168, where we must read yn naear (to give ná/ný as required by the cynghanedd sain). With yn, g is generally doubled, as in yggovot, yggwyS w.m. 123, but is sometimes single, esp. before w, as in yguales w.m. 57 ; in all cases it is doubtless to be read %>. After fy the single nasal is used; thus in w.m. we have vy mot 32, vy maryf 59, vy mrawt 62, vy-gwreic 62, vy ni waradwySaw 43 ; more rarely the nasal and mute, as vym-brawt 51, vyn da 459. It is seen that in spite of inconsistencies, the difference between closed yn and open fy is unconsciously reflected in these spellings. (3) In mss. of the 15th and 16th cent, the consonant is regularly mutated, and the two words are generally joined ; thus in the Keport on the Peniarth mss., we find ynghaer llion 50/90, ymyellt, ynghaer 53/126, ymorgannwg 54/37, vymod 54/21, vyngwallt 54/280, ymhob 54/209, vymhennadur 57/27. Sometimes the words are separated; thus yn nef 75/172; ym hob 54/250, 61/18, 67/330; y mendith ('y for fy) 54/78 ; vy nolur 56/72. (4) Salesbury wrote vi-dew, vi-popul for fy Nuw, fy mhobl, " to saue the word the les maimed," as he explains (1586 Pb. Preface). G.R, 174 . PHONOLOGY §107 mutated the consonants and joined the words, fynhy 41, ynnhy 79; he states that m is double — M ymhob a leissiir ymmhob " 80 (see § 54 i (2) ). His reason for joining fy appears to be that ng cannot be initial, " canys rhy anoS yw sillafu fy ngwaith, fy nghaws" 42. Dr. Morgan separated the words in the case of n and m ; as fy nhŷ Job xix 15, yn nhŷ do. i 13,/y mhen xxix 3, ym mha beth vi 24 ; but he appears to think like G.R. that ng cannot be initial, and writes fyng-halon xxxvii i, yng-hilfach xxxviii 16, thus missing the distinc- tion which he elsewhere observes between yn and fy, and wrongly- representing fy as a closed syllable. The prejudice against initial ng was overcome in the 1620 Bible, and fy nghalon was written as freely as/?/ nhy. That settled the matter as far as fy was concerned. But the representation of yn in the same combination still presented a difficulty. The ng ( = to) was part of the preposition yio ; at the same time ngh or ng was the initial of the noun, and Dr. M.'s hyphen in the middle of the trigraph ngh was absurd ; the 1620 Bible there- fore used ynghilfachau, returning to the ms. forms. Here ng does double duty, the inconvenience of which appears when the noun requires a capital initial. Dr. ~K. wrote yng-Hrist; M.K. has yngHymryp. [iv]; the 1620 Bible ynGhrist 1 Cor. xv 18, 19, 22 ; so in the Bibles of 1677 and 1690. Later, we find yng Haerlŷdd T.J. title (1688); yn Ghymru rh.b.s. dedic. (1701); Yngroeg S.B,. 16 (1728). In all these the capital is misplaced by being either put in the middle of the trigraph or transferred to the preposition. The form yn Ngh- which appears about this time, see b.cw. lxxv, grew out of yn Gh- because it was felt that the initial was Ngh- ; it is objec- tionable because n is not accepted as a symbol for to except before k or g. The later form y' Ngwynedd d.g. 41 (1789) misrepresents the preposition as an open syllable. Pughe adopted yn Ng-, yn M-, because, in the teeth of all the facts, he denied that the n of yn was mutable. This unphonetic spelling, which stultifies the history of the nasal mutation, § 106 i, has predominated since his day. J.J. wrote yng nolau P 312/iv/i R., and Dr. Davies pointed out in 162 1 that ynghanol was short for yng-nghanol D. 202; but it was not until about a hundred years later that the form yng Ng(h)- came into regular use. We find yng Nghrist in the 17 17 Bible, and subse- quently in those of 1727, 1746, 1752, and nearly all later editions. This form has been used and advocated by most of the Welsh scholars of the 19th cent., including Iolo Morgannwg (who denounces "dull ffiaidd Mr Owen Pughe" c.b.y.p. 237), It. I. Prys, T. Stephens, T. Kowland, and Silvan Evans. (5) Fy being unaccented, the following nasal, though of double origin, is simplified, and belongs to the second syllable § 27 ii,i ; thus the syllabic division is fy\nuw. As words are separated in modern orthography, the usual spelling fy Nuw is in every way correct. Similarly fy merch, fy ngardd. But yn is accented, and the double consonant remains, extending to both syllables § 27 i ; hence ýn\núw, ordinarily and correctly written yn Nuw. In the same way we have § 108 THE NASAL MUTATION 175 ym Mangor, yn IDwỳnedd. With our present alphabet we have to write the last yng Ngwynedd ; so yng Nghadelling. It is objected to this that it is clumsy ; but that is the fault of the alphabet. It is the only way of expressing the sound fully and correctly, and is the exact equivalent in modern characters of the Ml. W. yggwyned w.M. 108, yg gadellig w. ga, § 24 i. (6) There are, however, a number of adverbial and prepositional expressions, in which yn, followed by the nasal mutation, is wholly unaccented. In this case the nasal is single, as after fy ; and the preposition is naturally joined to its noun, exactly like the in in the Eng. indeed. These expressions are ynghyd, ynghylch, ynglŷn, yngholl, ynghudd, ymhell, ymhlith, ymysg, ymron, ymlaen, ymhen, yngham, ymhellach, ynghynt, etc. No principle of accentuation is violated in this spelling, as asserted by Silvan Evans, Llythyraeth 50, who recommends yng nghyd etc. See above § 47 ii. The Spirant Mutation. § 108. i. Brit, or Lat. pp, tt, kk gave W. ff, th, ch re- spectively. Thus W. cyff i stem '< Lat. cippus ; Brython < Brit. Brittones ; pechod < Lat. peccätum ; hwch : Ir. socc, etc., § 93 iii (3). It occurs when an initial tenuis follows an explosive in word-composition, as in ackas § 93 ii (2), athech § 93 iii (i),atkrist § 99 v (4). This is called the " spirant mutation " of the tenuis. ii. In Brit, s + tenuis had already become a double spirant § 96 i ; and original oxytones ending in -s caused the spirant mutation of a following initial tenuis § 103 i (3), as tri chant 6 300 '. In this case th- and ph- were chosen as the mutations of t- and p-, as their relation to the radicals is clearer than that of the alternative forms s, x^. iii. The spirant mutation after chwe ' six ' is irregular. From Kelt. *sueks kantom we should expect *chwe cant, since ksk gives sk, and final -s would drop. But the independent form of *sueks was already *X^X m Brit. ; and we may assume that this was generalized, so that the ch- in chwe chant comes from -^ k-. iv. (1) Brit, or Lat. kt > *jj^ > *X/^ > ÌP '> ^ ne i forms «-diph- thongs § 29 i, cf. § 104 ii (1) ; thus akt > aeth ; okt > oeth ; ukt > ẃyth ; ekt > eith, Mn. aith ; ikt > ith. Thus W. cacth < Brit. *kaktos § 86 ii (1) ; doetk < Lat. doctus ; ffrwyth < Lat. fructus ; saitk< Brit. *sektan< Ar. ^sejottÿ, ; perffaith< Lat. joerfectus ; brith < Brit. *brikto8 < *bhrktos § 101 iii (%) ; eith in 176 PHONOLOGY § 109 'furze ' < *ekt%n- < *ak-Mn- i Valc-/oq-\ seithug 'fruitless; < *sek-touk-< ^seqH-f without' + *teu-q-, a/ ' teuä x - ' increase ' ; eithaf 1 extreme ' < *ek-t e m-os : Lat. extimus. (2) In Ml. W. there was a tendency to voice this ih to S, as in perffeÄSỳaw il.a. 19 from jperffeith, now re-formed as jperffeithio 'to perfect'; arhwaeddont do. 32 'they may taste' (: chweith 'taste'). The 8 survives in cynysgaehu from cynysgaeth 'endowment'. In aeth + vb. 'to be 'forming old perfects and pluperfects, the diphthong was simplified, giving ath-, affected to eth-, as ethyw il.a. 82, more com- monly ehyw 'went'; so aSoeS 'had gone', etc., § 193 vi (3), (5). — Final 8 so produced disappeared in heno, yna, etc. § 78 i (1). v. Lat. x >*x s > i s > ^ nus ax >aes, etc. ; as W. fe?s 'trailing ' < laxus ; pais, Ml. W. pels < pexa {tunica) ; coes ' leg ' < coxa. So Saeson < Saxones i Sais < Saxo § 69 ii (2). Similarly Brit, -h- from -nhs- etc., § 96 iii (6). Initial Mutation. § 109. We have seen that Welsh has nine mutable consonants. Initially the radical and mutated forms exist side by side in the living* language. The use of the various mutations is determined by syntactical rules which have sprung from generalizations of prevalent forms. Thus an adjective after a fem. sg. noun has its soft initial because most fem. sg. nouns ended in a vowel. The following table shows all the mutations of the nine mutable consonants : Radical Soft Nasal Spirant P b mh ph t d nh th c g ngh ch b f m d dd n g ng m f 11 1 rh r No change No change No change The words " No change " in the table mean that the con- sonants under which they are placed retain their radical forms in those positions where the others undergo the respective muta- tions. Thus after yn, which nasalizes the explosives, m, 11, and § 110 INITIAL MUTATION 177 rb. remain unchanged ; and words which cause the tenues to become spirants do not alter the other six. This is always understood when the nasal or spirant mutation is named, and there is no need to particularize except in case of irregularity. Strictly speaking, of course, words which caused the nasal and spirant mutations changed I, r to 11 and rh. But for practical pur- poses it is simpler to treat the changes as above ; see § 103 i (4). Later Consonant Changes. Loss of Voiced Spirants and Sonants. § 110. i. The soft mutations of b, d, g, m have all tended to be softened to the vanishing point. Being very soft " buzzes " 8 and / were liable to be confused ; and so we find one substituted for another as in cuddy gl (kuSygyl w.M. 140, k.m. 211) 'cell' for *cufygl < Lat. cubic' lum (prob. influenced by cudd 'hidden'); UiSŷonyS b.p. 1287 for Eifionydd (eiwonit b.b. 69); Late Mn. W. Gaer Dydd for Caer Dyf 'Cardiff'; or two metathesized, as in clefyheu k.m. 182 for cleSyveu do. 126, and in clefytaud (t = S) b.b. 48 for cleSyfawd'.W. cleddyf, § 76 viii (2) (Ir. claideb 'sword' < W.). — S.V. (p.il. xci) says of the line Kawn vedd rhad hyneddvau Rhys (by H.K., see c.c. 344) that it pleases the ear though it violates the rule. The ear does not notice the inversion v 8 / 8 v. ii. (1) The soft mutation of g has uniformly disappeared as an initial sound. Thus *dy ytrdd has become dy ardd ' thy garden \ Medially it disappears or becomes i before a vowel, or before I, r or n §" 103ii ( i), § 104 ii. Medial n%n>n, as in ynad § 62 ii; cf. § 106 (2) Medially after I or r it appears as i, § 105 ii, which is lost before y, as in colyn <0. W. colginn § 54 ii. This palatalization of 3 to %>i after a liquid is comparatively late, for it does not take place finally ; in that position 5 remained dark, and became non-syllabic y, as in Ml. W. duly (1 syll.) 'to hold' ; this was either assimilated to the / as in N. W. dal (< *dal-l, double I, not U), or was lowered to a and became syllabic, as in S. W. dala; from Brit. *dalg-<*d e l'gh-, V delä x gh- : Skr. dîrgháh 'long', Lat. indulgeo, longus. Medially it is i from the same stem, as in daliaf 'I hold, maintain, continue'. So "we have ML W. hely 'to hunt',°K W. hël 'collect', S. W. Ma; Ml. W. holy < bag, belly ', N. W. böl, S. W. bola ; Ml. W. gwaly, Mn. W. gwala 'sufficiency'; Ml. W. eiry 'snow', Mn. W. (N. and S.) eira, and eir in eir-law ' sleet ', ces-air ' hail ' ; Ml. W. llary ' generous ' < Lat. largus, Mn. W. llariaidd. The form -a appears in writing as early as the b.b., e. g. llara 7, where, however, the word counts as only one syllable in the metre. 1402 M" 178 PHONOLOGY §110 In the 1 6th cent, the sound of -y in the above Ml. W. forms was not known. J.D.R. writes it y ( = ?/), p. 136 ; but Dr. Da vies compares it with Eng. final mute -e, as in take, and writes it y, as holy, hely D. 19. The correctness of this transcription is confirmed by the b.ch., where it appears as e ( = y, § 16 iii), as dale a.l. i 20 = daly. [g >y >a forms an interesting parallel to the supposed Pre-Ar. g giving 9 and then mostly a.] (3) Lat. virgo >W. gwyry (1 syll.) D.G. 156, il.A. 84, 87, 90, etc., whence gwyrdawt e.b.b. 119, though we have also gweryndawt il.A. 1 7, 50, 84, b.b. 40, direct from virginitatem. In b.b. 70 occurs the pi. gwirion< Brit. *uirgones. Later we find morwyn wyra a.l. i 518; Gwynedd dial. mew[n gwi[r§ (for *gwyr-r cf. dal-l) * unsalted butter ', Dyfed menyn gwqra, Rhys CC. 46. Ẅe also have gwyrf (1 syll.) D.G. 118, gwyryf vireindawl (4 syll.) e.p. 1199, and gweryS (2 syll.) e.p. 1200, D.G. 137, pi. gwerySon (3 syll.) e.p. 1199, b.b. 71. The latter cannot be derived from virgo ; no medial syllabic irrational y is known in Early Ml. W. ; gweryh must be Kelt, and may represent *g^heríÌ9 } pi. *gẄieríiones : Ir. gerait ' virgin ', gerait (i. mac bee) ' little boy ' O'Dav. : redupl., Gk. irapOivos < *g~hr-g%hen- (not : Skr. prthukah 'boy, calf, since *íŵ>Gk. t), Lat. virgin- < *g~er-ghen-, dissim. for ^g^her-g^hen-, and perhaps W. gwyrf < *g V; herg*hö, which fits exactly, § 92 iii. — Dr. Davies wrongly takes Ml. W. gwyryf as a disyllable gwy\ryf, which it may have become dialectally, § 16 v (3). The biblical pi. gwyryfon is formed from the new disyllable. (4) In bwrw < *burg- § 97 v (3), llwrw < *lurg- < Horg- § 215 ii (7), the -^ was rounded by the preceding w, and became -w. In derived forms, however, it became i regularly ; as Ml. W. byrỳaf i I cast down ', now bvjriaf. (5) In hy 'bold' (<*%S < *sig- < *sego- : § 92 i) a final /is now wrongly written. The /is not pronounced, and there is no evidence of it in Ml. W. or the poets ; see hy e.b.b. 265, D.G. 42, 269, 313, etc. It does not occur in old derivatives : kyn-hyet s.G. 277, hy-der, hy-dab. In the dialects, however, / is inserted in new derivatives, as hyf-dra, hyfach, which, like llefydd, brofydd, dial. pi. of lie, bro, are due to false analogy. Other spurious forms like hyf occur in late mss., such as daf, lief, brof for da, He, bro. In none of these is the/ an old substitution for g ; they are sham-literary forms made on the analogy of tref for the spoken tre\ iii. (1) Final f was lost before the Ml. period after aw, as in Haw 'hand' < Hlawf < Kelt. *lärnä < Ar. *j>lmä § 63 vii (2); — rlwv) ( spade' < *rhawf < *rä-mä, Vara- § 63 ix. When a syllable is added and aw is replaced by § 81 i, the /reappears, as in llofrudd ' murderer', lit. ' red-handed ', llof-yn D.G. 107 'wisp ', lloffa ' to glean ' < Hlof-ha, rhofiau 'spades'. So praw il.A. 24, e.p. 12 15 * proof for 2>rawf a back-formation from provi il.A. 38, 72 < Lat. probo. The re-introduction of / in praw is artificial, and inconsistent with the N.W. pron. praw, § 52 iii, Exc. (1). §110 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 179 Na wrthod, ferch, dy berchi ; Na phraw ymadaw â mi. — D.G. 108; see 238, 240. ' Refuse not, lady, to be honoured ; do not try to leave me/ It was lost after iw inRhiwabon 'Ruabon* for Hw vabun r.b. 1066, and after w in tw ' growth ', dwr ' water ', reappearing in tyfu ' to grow', dyfroedd 'waters ', in which w is mutated to y. It disappeared regularly after u, as in plu ' feathers ' sg. pluen < Lat. plürna ; — cu 1 dear', O.W. cum (m = v), Corn, cuf, Bret. kun,kunv, Ir. co~im<*koi-m-, Vkei- : Skr. seva-h ' dear ' < *kei-u-os, Lat. clvis ; — du ' black ', Corn. duv, Ir. dub < *dhubh-, Vdheubh- : Gk. tv<£A.os; — so in derivatives cu-dab, cu-ed, du-ach, etc. f being originally bilabial, § 19 ii (4), when it followed w, w or u ( = u), it was in effect little more than the narrowing of the lip- rounding at the end of the syllable, and so came to be disregarded. For a similar reason, when f followed m, it was also lost or assimilated, as in mámaeth for *mám-faeih ' foster-mother' ; im 'y hun for imfy hurt 'for myself. Ni byddai bwn, heb ddau bar, Im *y hunan o'm heiniar. — I.D. tr. 138 ; cf. E.P. 277. ' Without two pairs [of oxen] there would not be [even] a burden for myself of my crop.' It remained in cam-fa ' stile ' (Gwyn. dial, cam- la, Dyfed canfa by dissim.). (2) Initial f often disappears mfy 'my', especially in poetry, the following nasal mutation showing that 'y means ' my ' not ' the ' ; as ygkorn ( = 'y nghom) ym neSeir b.t. 35 ' my horn in my hand ' ; 'Y mam b.m. 194, 1. 5 'my mother' ('the mother' is yfam); so T myd wen § 136 iii, 'y mun D.G. 17 'my girl', 'y nghcfa, 'y inraint, do. 274, etc. — It is lost in nab ' son ' in patronymics, as Hywel ab Einion ; — in ychydig for fychydig, rad. bychydig. Dêuaf- — myfi yw d' eos — D'iau, 'y nŷn, daw nos. — D.G. 114. 1 1 will come — [for] I am thy nightingale — assuredly, my lady, if night comes.' (3) Medial f drops after an explosive, when followed by a rounded vowel or a liquid, as in testun ' text ' for *testfun < Lat. testimonium. Hence in compounds, where it is the initial of the second element, it is often lost, as in Bod-órgan for *Bod Forgan (' Morgan's dwelling'), Bod-ẃrog for *Bod Fwrog, etc. ; Bendigéidran § 45 i (2) for Bendigéid- Vran (Bendigeitvran, first written without the v in r.m. 26, and v inserted above the line). Between a consonant and liquid it dropped early in some cases as in yr llynedd, Gwenlliant § 111 i (1) and Hydref do. vii (1). Rarely before an explosive, as in agwySawr for *afgwy$awr § 74 i (1). (4) Final fn in unaccented syllables is generally reduced to n, especially after rounded vowels, as in eon for eofn ' fearless' § 156 i N2 180 . PHONOLOGY §110 (15"); únon Gr. O. 118 for ún-ofn 'one fear'; annwn for annwfn * hell ' ; dodren in the dialects, and sometimes in the bards, for dodrefti § 82 ii (3); colon for colofa, see example; ysgafii 'light* retains its /in N.W. dial.; in S.W. ysgawn or ysgon is used. m Vol Samson wrth golon gynt A fu'n rhwym yw fy nhremynt. — G.G1. p 83/59. - Like Samson, who was bound to a column of old, is my condition/ Final fl. gave I in S.W. côl L.G.C. 280, for cqjl ' bosom, embrace/ (5) Final f began to disappear very early in the spoken language ; we already find gwartha for gwarthaf in l.l. 196. Its earliest regular loss (apart from the cases cited in (1) above) occurred after i, as in the v. n. termination -i, e.g. rnoli ' to praise ' for *molif, 0.*W. molim juv. sk. ; Hi for llif 'flood*; divri e.p. 1149 f° r difrif 'serious'; cyfri D.G. 4 for cŷf-rif ' to count \ But in the 1 4th cent, it had come to be freely dropped after any vowel, as the following rhymes show : ne/bore G.Gr. D.G. 238, ydwy /mwy D.G. 72, cry'/Iesu do. 474, ha'/Efa do. 157; so wna' D.G. h ]2 ) kynta e.p. 1277. The word is treated in every way as a word ending in a vowel ; thus it is followed by 'n for yn, V for y or yr, etc., as ofnwy V D.G. 321 for ofnwyf y ; ydwy'n for ydwyfyn § 125 iii ex. 1 ; Tre'rkastell e.p. 12 10 for Tref y Castell. Final f is not known to drop in the old words glaif ' sword ', of ' raw ', blif ' catapult ' or in lit. W. lief ' cry ', sef ' that is '. It is still retained in the spoken language in dof ' tame ', rhwyf ' oar ', href 'bleat', prif 'chief, ^a/'Taff', and in borrowed words, as braf ' fine ' : Fr. brave, E. brave. iv. (1) Initial 8 in 0. "W. di 'to' disappeared, giving Ml. W. ý, Mn. W. *, ' to ' § 65 iv (2). (2) Medial 8 disappears in rnewn : Ir. medön § 215 iii (1); in the verb rhoddaf v.n. rhoddi ' to give ', which became rho-af > rhôf, v.n. rhoi ; see rhoist, etc. § 33 iii (1) ; but the $ also persisted in the written language; see § 186. Similarly arh oaf for *arhoddaf§ 187 iii. Medial 8 also disappears in tyddyn > tyn in place-names of the form Tiin-y-mäes (*tyì{n > *ti[iin, *tT[n, tyn). Medial 8 is sometimes lost as the initial of the second element of a compound; thus rheg-ofydd {rec ouyt m.a. i 324, 344) 'lord of gifts' for rheg-Sofydd (recSovyd w.m. 452, e.m. 100); Duw Ofydd for Duw Ddofydd, Cred-ofydd for Cred-Sofydd, etc. It was also lost before an explosive, as in Blegywryt a.l. i 338 (ms. l.) for BleS-gywryd {Bledcuurit l.l. 222); diwedydd {diwedit b.b. 90) 'evening' for *diwe$~dy$ ; gwybed ' flies ' for gwySbed (gwySbet e.m. 54). (3) Final 8 was lost in the relative ydd before a consonant, § 162 i. It disappeared early in the 2nd sg. pres. ind. of verbs, § 173 iii (2). It dropped in yssyS ' who is ' (often issi = yssy in b.b.), though sydd may still be heard as well as sy. Sometimes in naw Duw ! f.n. 63 for nawh Duw/ i God's protection 1 ' (i.e. God help us !). In ifynydd §111 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 181 ' up ' the final -8 was lost early, though it is sometimes found written in Ml. W., as kyvodi ỳ vyny8 il.a. hi, and survives to this day iii parts of Dyfed. With its 8, ifyny lost all trace of its original signifi- cation, as seen in the unconscious repetition in ỳ vyny ỳ vyny 8 Oliver k.p. 1280 c up to Mount Olivet '. The final -8 of eisteS also disappeared very early ; it is eiste in the b.b. and b.ch. So in w.m., e.g. 4 times in col. 449, in each case changed to eisteh in e.m. 293-4. The -8 is deduced from eisteSaf, etc., and its re-insertion finally is artificial ; it is not sounded in eiste in the spoken language. Final -8 also dis- appeared in hwnnw etc. § 78 i (1). v. (1) The final -r of the article yr was lost before a consonant after the O. W. period; see § 114 iii. So -r after a consonant in brawd§ 113 i (1). (2) Final -nil was sometimes lost in unaccented syllables ; as cyfa 'whole', Ml. W. ley fa k.p. 1285 for cyfan(n), cf. kyfannu w.m. 129 ; yma 'here' for yman{n) § 220 ii (11); (e)felly ' so ' < *hefel hynn ' like this ', cf. fill hýnn § 215 iv (2); Ml. W. ky- for hynn ' as ' before the eqtv. § 147 iv (4) ; -fa for fiann § 143 iii (16). The tendency was arrested, and -nn generally remains; it had not gone far in hynn before it was checked, and -n(n) was restored. The loss also occurs in Corn, and Bret., so that it must be referred to an early peculiarity in the pronunciation of -nn. Prove ction. § 111. i. (1) When n or r came before a liquid after the loss of an intervening vowel, the liquid became voiceless ; thus nl > nil ; rl > rll ; nr>nrh; rr>rrh. Examples: gwinllan ' vineyard '< *gwin- lann <*vîno-landä ; hirllaes 'long trailing ' for *hir-laes ; penrhyn ' pro- montory ' for *penn-ryn) an-rheg § 156 ii (1) ; Henllan, Henllys, etc. Also in combinations in which no vowel had intervened, as gór-ìlanw ' high tide ', an-llygredig ' incorruptible '. So initially : yn llawn for yn lawn ' full ' ; yn rhad, mor llawn, mor rhad (yn and mor generally cause lenition of adjectives) ; so ]>ur llawn ' very full ' ; hen Hew Job iv 11 (1620), hën llys P 121/35 K. This change had taken place before the loss of £ and 8 as described in § 110, and did not take place later. So where g or 8 originally stood between the sounds it did not occur. Thus we have Cýn-las < *Cyn-%las < Cuno-glasos ; tor-Ian ' brink ' < *torr-%lann ' broken bank ' ; Hár-lech < IlarS-lech w.m. 38 ; còr-lan ' fold ' < *cor8-lann. Thus yn lân, mor lân from glân * clean, fair ' ; and while we have y llan 'the hamlet' from *yr lann from llann 'enclosure', we have y lán ' the bank ' from *yr %lann from glann ' bank ', both nouns being fern. But / appears in some cases to have dropped out early enough to allow of the change ; as in y llynedd more fully yr llynedd for *yrflyne8 ; Gwenllian < *gwenn-fliant. (2) 1 was palatalized and became 11 in two positions : (a) after Brit. 182 PHONOLOGY §111 ei, Lat. e ; thus cannwỳll < Lat. candela ; *w?/ZZ ' deceit ' < Lat. tela ; tywyll ' dark ' § 38 x for Hyw-wỳll § 76 vii (2) < *temeil- < Henies-elo-s : Biet. ieraZ, ttnval for *tenvol, Corn, tiwul, Ir. iemeZ : Lat. tenebrae < *temesrai, Skr. tarnasáh dark-coloured ' ; but not after Brit, cm, e. g. coeZ ' omen ' < *kail- < *qai(u)l- : O. H. G. heilisön ' augurari ' : Ir. eel < *£ez7-. — (/?) Between two i's, as in Ebrill < Lat. Aprllis ; yebyll ' tent ' < Lat. päpilio. ii. (1) When b-b, d-d, g-g came together after the loss of a vowel they became double p, t, c respectively, simplified before the accent, and before a sonant ; as in Catéym for Cattê\i{rn < *Cad-diprn- < Brit. Cato-tigirn- (Rhys no. 47) ; meitin < *meid-din < Lat. tnätütl- num § 70 v ; wynepryd 'countenance' < *wyneb-bryd ; and in the example bywiôcledd < bywiog gledd : A'ìin bẃcled cCm bywiócledd Yn arfau maen arfy medd. — G.G1., m 146/198. ' And my buckler and live sword as weapons of stone [carved] on my grave/ When the explosives came together in different words they resulted in a double consonant, voiced at the implosion, but voiceless with the new impulse at the explosion. This change is not now represented in writing ; but in mss. and early printed books -d d- etc. frequently appear as -d t- etc.; thus Nid Toethineb heb len p 54/356 e. 'Tleie is no wisdom without learning ' ; Gwnaed tuw ag enaid howel p 63/7 R ' Let God do with the soul of Howel ' ; Ygwaed ta a vac tëyrn p 52/22 ' Good blood begets a king ' ; Glowed Urn ond y glod tau c.c. 342 'To hear anything but thy piaise' ; iV wlad tragwyddol B.cw. 86 'to the eternal land'; Y Ddraig Goch ddyry cychwyn G. 177 'The Red Dragon gives a leap '. " Two /b/ standeth in force of /p/. . . .mab byyan most be pronounced as if ytt were wrytten mab pyyan " J.J. il 144/51. In all cynghanedd prior to the 1 9th cent, such a combination corresponds to a tenuis. The wiiters of the recent period sometimes treat it as a media. (2) 88 became th in nyth, syth, etc. § 97 ii; cf. dial, rhöth for *rhoSS < rhoSoS ' gave \ Similarly jg became ch in dichon § 196 ii (2). But generally two voiced spirants remained, written single, as in prifarS for prìf-farò ' chief bard '. iii. (1) When a media was followed by h the two became a double tenuis ; thus ateb (t = tt) ' reply ' < *ad-heb < *ati-seq v <-, Vseq*- * say ' ; drycin 'storm' § 27 i < *dryg-hin ; gwlypaf 'wettest' for *gwlyb- Za/§ 147 ii. When the sounds came together in different words they gave the double sound dt etc., see ii (1) above ; and in all standard cynghanedd -d h- corresponds to t, -b h- to p, -g h- to c ; as Oer yw héb hwn, ŵr hy -pert Gr.H. G. 99. (2) Similarly in some cases fh. > IT; 8h > th ; as in lloffa 'to glean' § 1 10 iii (1), § 201 iii (4) ; diwethaf ^last' § 149 i ; rhotho § 186 ii ; §111 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 183 bytho § 189 ii (4). So fr-h>ffr in dyffryn § 106 iii (2); f-rr>f-rh >ffr in cyffredin §156 i (9). But as a rule the groups remain, as dyddháu, dyfrháu ; and -/ h-, -8 h- do not correspond to ff, th in eynghanedd. iv. When two similar consonants, whether explosives or spirant s, one voiced and the other voiceless, came together, they became a double voiceless sound medially, simplified where double consonants are usually simplified, as before a consonant ; thus pópeth (]) = pp) < *pôb~peth ' everything ' ; gwrthrych ' object ' < *gwrth-Zrych. In ordinary pronunciation the result is the same when the sounds occur in different words ; and in Ml. W. mss. -th 8- frequently appear as th only ; thus athiwe8 il.a. 157 for a'th 8iwe8 'and thy end' ; Athdw athwylaw ar llet e.p. 1220 'And Thy image with Thy hands ex- tended ' ; cf. 1205 1. 34, 132 1 1. 32 ; similarly weirillian tec 1424 ftr (G)werilliant deg; cereint f duw 1220 (d deleted by dot, t substituted). v. (1) When two unlike mediae came together, the group was unvoiced at the implosion, but not necessarily at the explosion. In Ml. W. both are usually written as tenues; thus dieter e.p. 1209, atkessynt 1309, Aepcor 1230, dywetpwytw.M. 96, duc^wyt do. 183, attpawr b.b. 35. The second is, however, often written as a media, as wac&er e.p. 1280, atborỳon do. 1208, kythar do. 1300, llygatgall do. 1308. In the 1620 Bible we have atcas, datcuddiad, etc. ; but the more usual spelling later was atgas, datguddiad, etc., which perhaps represents the sound more accurately. When however the second consonant was a dental it tends more to be voiceless. In the Bible we find such foims as digter for dieter, the g being due to dig. In eynghanedd either consonant may correspond to a tenuis or a media. Pughe's etymo- logical spellings adgas, udgorn, hébgor, etc., misrepresent the sound, which is as nearly as possible atgas, utgom, hepgor. (2) A media was frequently, though not necessarily, unvoiced before 1, r, m, n, 8, f and even w, i. Thus in Ml. W. we find llwtlaw k.p. 1222 'Ludlow', atraw8 1251, tatmaetheu r.m. 24, atnewy8wys 93, wreic8a 23, dynghetven 73, atwen 245, lletỳeith e.p. 1222. But while k.m. has grwytraw 86, the older w.M. has in the same passage grwydraw 183. In e.p. 1269, 1303 we have sygneu 'signs' but in 1214, 1215 it is written syeneu. Indeed the e.b. scribe, who had no ear for eynghanedd, writes tenuis and media where they should corre- spond ; as heidỳaw/ehetỳat p.p. 1283, chenedloe8/chynatleu 1204, dilitỳa/dy aelodeu 1 2 1 6. In the last example the sound is certainly d, as aelodeu cannot have t. It might therefore be supposed that the sound was always a media, and that to write it a tenuis was a mere ortho- graphical convention. But though the sound is now generally a media, there is evidence that it might be, and often was, a tenuis : (a) D.G. has such correspondences as Dadlitia W/diwyd latai p. 19, neitiwr/ natur 133 ; and (/3) the tenuis has survived in a number of examples, as Coetmor (for coed-mor < coed mawr) ; tycio ' to prevail ' < twg ' prosperity' < *tuq-, Vteua x - } cf. § 108 iv ; eto for etwo < eduatth 184 PHONOLOGY §111 § 220 ii (7); ysgatfydd 'perhaps'; Llan Decwyn; caneitio 'to brighten ' (of the moon) < cannaid ; cartref, pentref. (3) The mediae were unvoiced before voiceless consonants; thus atsein b.t. 20, datsein e.m. 289, Botffordd G. 102. In Late Mn. orthography etymological spellings prevail, as adsain Ezec. vii 7, Bodffordd. The latter, the name of a place in Anglesey, is always sounded Botffordd, in spite of the spelling with d. (4) It is seen from (1), (2) and (3) above that a media is liable to be unvoiced before any consonant in the middle of a word. But we have seen in the preceding subsections that a change which took place medially also occurred when the group belonged to different words. Hence final mediae must frequently have been sounded as tenues before an initial consonant ; and this is very probably the reason why they were so commonly written as tenues, the pre-conso- nantal form being generalized in writing. The facts are briefly summarized in § 1 8 ii. But before an initial vowel it is certain that a final explosive, though written as a tenuis, was in fact a media in the 14th cent. In the following examples from e.p. (which might easily be multiplied) it is seen that the final t or c in heavy type must be pronounced d or g to correspond to a media in the other part of the line : DigystuS I anrec am (dec ystwyll 1202, Glot oleu \yn (glew dalu 1203, Gwledic eurswllt \vu (gwlat a gorseS 1208 ; so before a liquid : Temyl ỳ grist | teu amlwc rat 1200. Such a slip as Set libera nos a malo il.a. 150 shows that the scribe was in the habit of writing final t where the sound was d. Cf. also § 18 iii. That the written tenuis does not mean that the vowel was short in a monosyllable like gwac nöw gwäg is proved by such a spelling as yn waac.y gadeir waacw.M. 449, e.m. 293. Cf. § 55 i. The final media before an initial consonant, however, corresponds to a tenuis in much later cynghanedd, especially when the initial is voiceless : Heh swydd | mor (hapus a hwn g. 239 Brigffydd | a bair \Loffa hwn } etc., v.tl. lxxix. Though the explosive is now a media before an initial consonant as well, we have a trace of the tenuis in ap for ab (for fab § 110 iii (2) ), as in ap Gwilym beside ab Edmwnd. (5) Since the explosive was a tenuis before a consonant we have -p m- and -t n- ; these combinations were mutated to mh and nh in the following examples, the voicelessness of the tenuis being retained after its assimilation: Amhadawc P 61/18 E. for Ap Madawc, Amhredydd c.c. 334 for Ap MaredtiS, am mydron b.b. 94 (m = mh § 24 i), etc. ; prynhawn w.m. 70, e.m. 50, il.a. 121 for pryt nawn w.m. 162, e.m. §111 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 185 229. The late spelling prydnawn is an artificial reconstruction ; the spoken language preserves the traditional pronunciation prynháwn. Ag un lliw, gannwyll awyr, Y bamwn haul brynhawn hwyr. — I.D. 7. 'And of the same colour I judged the late evening sun, — the candle of the sky/ Cf. brynhawn/ 'beryn hir D.G. 73, Barn hen /brynhawn do. 428. vi. (1) A media was unvoiced after nasal + tenuis. The following cases occur : uk-d > Bkt or rat, as in ieuenctid ' youth * also written ieuengtid ; — nt-g>Dk, as in difancoll D.G. 387 * perdition '< *difant- goll; deincryd D.G. 385, k.p. i 157 ' gnashing of teeth ' < *deint-gryd. (2) A media was generally unvoiced after a voiceless spirant ; as glastwfyr k.m. 146 for glasdwfr § 96 ii (5) ; neillparth do. 148 for neillbarth ; dywespwyt do. 90 ; gwnaethipwyt do. 89 ; gwalloo b.cw. 37 for gwallgof ) alltud for all-dud. On the other hand p and c are voiced, sometimes even in Ml. W., after s ; thus while we have ysk.yn k.m. 11, kyscu do. 21, ysjpryt mA. 99, we also find disgynnent k.m. 14, goresgyn do. 91, ysbryt il.a. 3, esgussawd w. la, pasgadur ib. Though the tenuis was commonly written up to the 18th cent., Dr. Davies's orthography has generally prevailed since the appearance of his dictionary ; in this the media is written except in the groups st, lit, cht, fft, thp. (3) An initial media is sometimes found written as a tenuis after a voiceless spirant : Ganys Qollyghy w.m. 78 changed to Kan nys golly nghy in k.m. 56 ; Bei ys cuyjpun b.b. 81 'If I knew '; os izovyn a.l. ii 18 'if he asks it'; seith ipechawt IL.A. 143 for seith bechawt s.G. 36 ' seven sins ' ; ath caledrwydd kh.b.s. 74 ' and thy hardness.' vii. (1) 81 > dl, as in bodlon ' satisfied ' < *boS-lawn. The recent spelling boddlon is a reconstruction due to Pughe ; the natural pro- nunciation is bodlon (S. W. bolon) ; cf. Fo&lon im dan fe&wlwyn ir D.G. 172' contented with me under fresh birch-trees ' ; Bodloni bydol annyn Gr.O. 34 'to satisfy a worldly wretch ' ; hadl ' lying in ruins ' for *ha&l < *s e d-lo- y Vsed- ' settle ' § 63 ii. Similarly 8r > dr, as in cadr ' puissant ' for *ca$r : Gaul. Belatu-cadrus ep. of Mars, O. Bret. cadr gl. decoreo, Bret, cazr, kaer ' handsome ' : Gk. Ke/caS/xcVoc, Skr. SäSad- 'distinguish oneself. It took place after the loss of /; thus Hydref ' October ' < hySfref (hehvref a.l. i 24, calan hyddfref m.a. i 346Ò 'Oct, 1st '), dedryd ' verdict' < *deSf-fryd. On the other hand d (< orig. t) is sometimes treated as 8 before a sonant, and in S. W. dial, has remained 8 or disappeared. Thus cenedl is kenetyl in b.b. 10, 16, where t = 8, but in 0. W. is cenetl B.s.CH/2, where t = d (S. W. dial, cen-el) ; hoedl (with d < t, cf. Late Brit. Vennisetli, and see § 63 vii (5) ) is treated as hoeSl by Casnodyn, hoehyl I hehioch k.p. 1248, cf. 1234, 1241, but G.M.D. has hyder / hoedy-l do. 1320, cf. 1212 ; so I.G., 11 udol / hoedl 310. S. W. hweBel for chwedl cannot mean that the suff. was *-dhlo- } for -edl- would give 186 PHONOLOGY § 112 -eil § 104 iv (3). So S. "W. gwaSan for gwadn ' sole ' has orig. t, since dn gives w ; gwadn < *uo-t-n- < *uo-dd-no- < *uj>o-bd-no- ' * under foot', Vped-. The late change of drum, drem to irwm, tfrem is probably due to the soft mutation Sr- becoming dr-, and the d- being then mistaken for the soft mutation of t-. It certainly is not a phonetic law that dr- should become tr-, for drwg, drych, drain, drud, etc., all retain dr-. (2) S > d after s, t, d, and in old formations after I, 11, n; thus treisdwyn for *treis-Zwyn 'a taking by force', dreis-dwyn/dristyt e.p. 1288; atal ' to withhold ' < *ad-dal% < *ad-8al% < *ati-dalg-; llygeitu for llygeid-Su, etc. ; bendith for *ben-8ith < Lat. benedictio ; nielltith or melldith for *melhith < Lat. maledictio. This change also takes place initially ; thus wos da c good night ' §146 iii (2), nos du Diar. vii 9 'black night ', for *nos 8- {nos being f. — the orig. mutation was rad. after *no{k)ts, but this cannot be assumed to have survived)'; so yr wythnos diwethaf ' last week ' ; tros "Dafydd G. 237, tros daear e. xiv for tros 8- ; BleSyn tu r.p. 1284 for Blehynt du for BleSynt Su ; lleian dw D.G. 20 ' black nun ' ; Siwan du L.G.C. 319, 321 ' black Joan ' ; holl daear do. 446. Pan aeth Tomos ap Rhoser At "Duw a'r saint trwy y sêr. — L.G.C. 38. ' When Thomas ap Ehosser went up to God and the saints through the stars.' Llyma V blaid lie rnaér blodau A V holl dawn ou rlyw ill dau. — T.A., c. ii 83. ' This is the band [of children] in whom are the flowers and all the gift of their [the parents'] two natures/ Yna nosa, myn Iesu, Einioes dyn megis nos du. — G.G1., c 7/44. ' Then, by Jesus, man's life darkens like black night.' (3) 8 > d before or after the above sounds, and continuants such as m, f, even when separated from them, see § 102 iii (2); as Late Mn. W. machlud < ym-achludd § 44 v < Lat. occlüdo ; Late Mn. W. gormod for gorrnoh the usual form in the bards ; Maesyfed * Radnor ' for Maes HyfeiS; didol < *di-Sawl § 156 i (11), pedol § 102 iii (2). The change, being a form of dissimilation, is only accidental. (4) The change of 3 to g and of / to b under similar conditions is rare: arglwyS 'lord' beside arlwyS (both in w.m. 160) < *ar- %wlwy& < *p e ri-ulei- YE le of Vuelei-; cf. glyw § 102 iii (2) ; cwbl for *cwfl § 168 iii (3) ; parabl 'saying' for *parafl < Lat. parabola ; cabl 1 calumny ' for *cafl < *kaml~ met. for *kaFmen : Lat. calumnia § 100 ii (1) ; so Bret, cablus, Corn, cabal. § 112. i. (1) In O. W. and Early Ml. W. an initial vowel or a medial vowel in hiatus seems to have been pronounced with a distinct breathing which is often represented by h. This breathing was voiced, § 112 LATER CONSONANT CHANGES 187 and so differed from h < s, which was voiceless. Examples are, initial : O. W. ha, hac ox. ' and ' ; heitham do., Ml. and Mn. W. eithaf § 108 iv (i) ; — Ml. W., from a.l. i, huydvet (wythfed) 58 ; huchof ib. ' above me ' ; hun din (un dyn) 124' one man ' ; yr hun (yr un) 256 ; huiui (wyf i) 114; er hyd (yr i[d) 326 ' the corn '; ohyd (0 i[d) 82 ' of corn' ; hercki (erchi) 152 ; hodyn (odyn) 78, etc. Medially it occurs not only where a soft spirant had disappeared, as in diheun.M. 18 K *di-%eu, Mn. W. diau ■ truly ' ; rohi a.l. i 1 18 < ro&i; but also where no consonant ever existed, as in diheu il.a. 2 1 ' days ' ; dihagei r.b.b. 48 ' escaped '. (2) Although this breathing has generally been smoothed away, it was liable to become voiceless before an accented vowel, and in that case it survived as h\ thus medially in dihangol 'escaped, safe'; initially, after a vowel in pa "ham for *pa am ' what for', pa hachos il.a. 123, pa hawr do. 13 ; after r in un ar hugain ' 21 ', yr holl § 168 ii (3); in all positions in hogi 'to whet' for *ogi < *ä&-, Vak-/oq- : Ẅ. agalen ' whetstone '. This occurs in several cases in which an initial accented vowel was followed by two consonants, so that it was pronounced rather forcibly ; thus W. hagr ' ugly ' for *agr, Bret, akr, Tiakr, Vaic-/oq- ; — W. hardd ' handsome ' for *arS ' high * : Ir. ard, Lat. arduus, cf. Harh-lech orig. quite evidently ' high rock ' ; —so sometimes henw ' name ' (henw ' noun' e.g. 1121), generally with h- in Gwyn. dial., but anwêdig without it : Bret, hanv, hanu, hano, Corn, hanow ; 0. W. anu, Ir. aiwm, see p. 81. (3) On the other hand initial h (k-; angheuol< *a , K>k-, etc. ; probably plannhedeu § 48 i followed the analogy of plan- hiyion<* plant-', canhwylleu r.b.b. 380 seems to be due to the treat- 188 PHONOLOGY §113 ment of Lat. nd as nt s cf. Corn, cant ail, Bret, cantdl. — (b) For original s, as in anheSeu w.m. 8i, cyfanheddu do. 73, Anlaehu mewn crwyn hySod IL., from ann(h)e8<*ndo-sed- § 63 ii; glanháu, parháu etc. § 201 iii (4); probably -he- in iscolheic b.b. 91, pi. yscolheigon k.b.b. 235, Mn. W. sg. ysgolháig is the suffix -ha- < *sag- see ib. -s- between sonants dis- appeared, e. g. amynedd §95 ii (3) ; but kenhadeu § 48 i may contain a reflection of it: kennad 'message, messenger '< *kens-n-9tä, Vlcens- ' speak with authority, etc' see Walde 2 151 : Lat. censeo, W. dangos § 156 ii (1). — The h which provects mediae always comes from s; in no case is provection caused by an "accentual Ä", or h developed from a soft breathing. ii. (1) The semivowels i, w, ü seem to have been pronounced in Early Ml. W. with friction of the breath, which is often represented by h before i or u, especially in the b.ch. Thus yhu (yw) a.l. i 6 ; Mahurth (Mawrih) 64 ; entehu (ynteu) 130 ; nehuat (neuaS) 78 ; arnehy (amei) 100. More rarely it occurs between two u's (uu = w), or two i's, as in arnauhu (arnaw) 132; doissihion (doythion) 124. With w such a breathing would be equivalent to back g, and at an earlier period it was represented by g, which survives in enguy a.l. i 100 for envoi ' to name ' (which never had the media g, as the w is from m) ; this also may stand between two -w's in this MS., as dim or auguenel (a wnel) dyn medu b.ch. 120 'anything that a drunken man does'; auguenelhont (a vmelhont) do. 118. In O. W. w is written gu as in petguar ox. for pedwar ' 4 '. The sound of w, then, was virtually £* ; this after hgorS f. b.t. 7 through *%or8, this being taken for the soft mutation after the art., as in ir guit ( E yr ^wỳS) f. b.b. 97 ' the goose '. Later gallt for allt f. ' slope ' ; gerfydd beside herwydd for erwyS § 215 ii (5). The Mn. godidog g. 252 for odidog 'rare', and N.W. dial, gonest for onest probably involve a confusion of initial 0- with the prefix go- § 156 i (16). (3) Conversely initial g is sometimes lost, as in euog 'guilty' for geuog (geuawc il.A. 155 "mendaces", gau 'false') ; elor f. ' bier' for gelor m.A. i 205a, met. for *gerolW '. Maelgwn ; Brit. *Katu-mamws >W. Cad- fan ; Brit. Mori-dünon > W. Myrddin ; Lat. bene-dictio > W. bendith. Similarly the vowel before the suffixes -tat-, -tut-, -tero-, etc., as ciwdod < Lat. ace. cwitàtem, gwendid ' weakness ' < Brit, ace. *uanno-tütan ; and the -i- in the spv. suffix *-isamo$ } as tecaf £ fairest ' for *teghaf < *tek-isamos. In many words of four or more syllables the vowel of the second syllable was elided, as Ml. W. agwyhawr < Lat. äbëcëdärium^ meitin < m,ätütmum } Saesneg < *Saxon?M, etc. Stems in -ä- had -0- in composition ; thus Kelt. *teutä ' people ' was Teuto- in compounds ; and a in the second syllable generally remains in nouns, as in Caradog < Brit. Caratäcos, ffurfafen < Lat. fir 7ri amentum. But in many formations -a- in the ante-penult was lost, as in Ml. W. karhont <*kara$onti § 183 ii (1), and the suff. -gar < *-äkaro$ § 153 (8). The loss of the root vowel in such forms as allweh<*n-qVu-nä § 99 vi (1), dedwgB<*do-t , u-iios § 100 ii (1) had probably already taken 190 PHONOLOGY § 113 place in Brit. So in some cases the -v- of the spv., as ia Ml. W. nessaf <*ned , samos § 148 i (i). Disyllabic and compound prefixes are treated like the first element of a compound ; thus Kelt. *ari- > Brit. *are- > W. ar- ; Brit. *kanta- > W. cannh- § 156 i (6), (7) ; *&om-(p)ro- loses its -0- and gives cyfr- as in cyfr-goll ; so *uor-en-sed- loses its -e- and gives gorsedd ' high seat ', as if from *uore-ssed-. (3) The inscribed stones (5th to 7th cent.) do not throw much light on the above changes. The ogam inscriptions are Goidelic, and those written in Roman letters are in bad Latin, while many of the names even in the latter are Goidelic in form. In some cases a name has the Lat. nom. ending -us, as Gatamanus Rhys no. 6 (LWPh. 2 364), Aliortus no. 14, Veracius 9, but most have the Lat. gen. ending -i, as Cunogusi hicjacit 5 ' [the body] of 0. lies here'. The names and the following maq^qH of the ogams show that -i is gen., and not a debased form of the Brit. nom. -os. (The ogam -i is the Kelt. gen. suffix *-% being the Italo-Kelt. gen. of -0- stems.) As a rule the Lat. fili agrees, but often does not, thus Dervacifilius Justi icjacit 37. Fem. nouns end in -e, which is doubtless the ordinary late Lat. -e for -ae, though the noun in apposition stands in the nom., as Tunccetace uxsor Daari hicjacit 77, et uxor eius Caune 20. A nom. in -a appears in Avitoria Jtlia Cunigni Eglwys Cymun insc. Possibly a Brit. nom. ending in -0 for -os occurs in Aliortus Elmetiaco hie jacet Bhys 14 (the only stone with jacet) and Vitaliani Emereto 76. In a few cases no ending occurs : Etterni fili Victor 7 1 , in which the legend is complete, and Victor is gen.; Velvor filia Broho 32. These and the false concords seem to indicate that the case endings were lost in the spoken language. The stem-vowel u appears as -u- and -0-, as Catu-rugi Hhys 60, Cato-tigirni 47; and -0- appears as -0-, -u-, -e-, -i-, as Cuno-gusi 5, Vendu-magli 45, Vinne-magli 21, Vende-seili 12, Venni-seili 67, pointing to -9- for which the Kqman alphabet has no symbol. The form -a- for -u- or -0-, as in Cata-manus 6, is Goidelic ; cf. in bilingual stones Cuno-tarni in Roman characters, Cuna-tami in ogam 75 ; Trene-gussi in Roman, Trena-gusu in ogam 73. In some cases the stem-vowel was preserved, and forms containing it survive beside forms in which it is lost; thus Dumnagual beside Dumngual both in gen. v. That the former is not merely an archaic spelling of the latter is shown by the survival of both in the Mn. language : Mai mab i Ddyfnwal Moel-mud Yw Phylij) braff i olud . . . Mae yn Haw Ml Dyfnawal Yr erwi rnawr ar aur mal. — L.G.C. 209. 1 Like a son of Dyfnwal Moelmud is Philip of vast wealth. In the hand of the descendant of Dyfnawal are the broad acres and the milled §113 LOSS OF SYLLABLES 191 gold.' Other similar doublets are Tudwal and Tudawal k.p. 1394, Dingad and Dinogat b.a. 22. The aw in Dyfnawdl is the regular development of ou before a vowel, see § 76 iii (1) ; before another consonant the -0- remains, as seen in Dinogat. (4) The forms used in writing are always traditional, and in the above inscriptions the names have probably archaic forms preserved with the Latin in which they are embedded, since other evidence points to the loss of the terminations at this period. The re-formations consequent on the loss of the endings are largely the same in Bret, and W. ; thus W. -au, Bret, -ou represents the pi. -oues of w-stems, § 120 i; these stems could not have been very numerous, and the addition of "W. -au and Bret, -ou to nouns of all classes denoting common objects, and to tad, mam and others, can hardly be an accidental coincidence, and is clearly subsequent to the breakdown of the Brit, declension. It seems therefore probable that the new language was in an advanced stage of development before the separa- tion of the two dialects. In the oldest ms. of Bede, a.d. 737, the stem-vowels and termina- tions are completely lost, as in Car-legion, Ban-cor, Dinoot. The redaction was therefore an established fact in the early 8th cent. (5) The vowel of the penult is sometimes lost after a diphthong, apparently when the accent originally fell on the ultima, as in claer < *kliiarós § 75 vi (1) ; haul< *säueliós §76v(i);so probably cawr< *kouarós § 76 iii (4). With haul ' sun' < *sauliós < *säueliòs con- trast the disy liable huan ' sun ' < *sauanos < *sau e nos (with 71-suff. like E. sun, cf. Walde 2 721); affected au, short because unaccented, gives W. au §76 v (1); and accented au gives W. u § 76 iii (5); see § 76 v Note, p. 108. ii. In a disyllabic proclitic a final short vowel might disappear in the Brit, period ; thus Ar. *mene ' my ' > *men, and caused the nasal mutation, § 107 ii, iv. iii. (1) The final consonant of a monosyllabic proclitic was lost in W. ; thus Brit. *men ' my ' gave W. fy ' my ' ; but not till after it had mutated the following initial (in this case causing the nasal mutation of mediae § 107 iv). (2) But the consonantal ending of an accented monosyllable was in general retained ; thus W. chweck ' six ' < Kelt. *sueks (but chwe before a noun) ; W. uos ' night ' < Brit. *no$$ < *nots < ^noqHs § 96 ii (5) ; W. mock ' early ' : Lat. mox ; W. yn * in ' < Brit. *en < Ar. *en. ACCIDENCE THE ARTICLE § 114. i. The definite article is yr, V ory. There is no indefinite article in Welsh. ii. The full form yr is used before a vowel or h, as yr of on ' the river ', yr haul ' the sun ', dwfr yr afon,gwres yr haul ; they is elided after a vowel, as iv qfon ' into the river ', o'v ti{ ' from the house ' ; before a consonant the r is dropped, unless the ŷ has been elided as above, as yn y ti{ 'in the house'. w- counts as a consonant : y waedd ' the cry ' ; i- as a vowel in Mn. W. yr iaith ' the language ' ; in Ml. W. as a vowel or a con- sonant, as yr iarll e.m. 188 1. 25 ; 189 11. 13, 30 ; 190 1. 7 ; y iarll 189 11. 2, 20. As initial wy is wy § 38 iv, we have in the standard language yr wy f the egg ', ?/r «%r ' the grandson ', yr ŵyih ' the eigbt ', yr wythnos ' the week ', yr wylo ' the weeping ', yr wỳneb ' the face ', yr wybren ( the sky '. Similarly yr wyddfa ' Snowdon ', yr wỳddgrug * Mold ', with radical ^w^- fern., see v. iii. O. "W. has only the first two forms, written ir and r\ thus ir tri ox. c the three ', ir pimphet do. ' the fifth ', ir his bichan do. f the little finger ', ir »20;?^^ do. ' the thumb ', ir guolleuni juv. ' the light', or deccolion m.c. gl. decadibus, ör bardaul leteinejop m.c. gl. epica pagina, div escip l.l. 110 ' to the bishops \ After a diph- thong we have ir } as ŵozí ir emicl m.c. { that of the brass '. The form y is in regular use in early Ml. W., as E betev ae gulich y glav b.b. 63 ' the graves which the rain wets '. In Ml. W. r is used after a ' and ; with ', ' from ', ỳ 'to ', na ' nor ', no ' than ' ; but usually y or yr after other words ending in vowels, as kyrchu y llys, . . . a chyrchu y bordeu w.M. 5, llyna y llys do. 6, etc. The reason is probably that the article, as a proclitic, was generally joined to the following word, thus yllys ' the court ', so that these groups became isolated in the scribe's mind, and were written in their isolated forms. On the other hand, the article could not be separated from the above monosyllables (cf. yny which is the regular form of yn y ' in the '*), hence after these it assumes its post- §114 THE ARTICLE 193 vocalic form. It was undoubtedly spoken r after all vowels then as now, except when a pause came between the words ; for we find early examples of r even after diphthongs ; thus Jcir Haw r eirccheid b.b. io 'beside the suppliants', mi yw r iarll w.m. 137 'I am the earl', gwirỳon yw r vorwyn do. 138 'the maid is innocent', erglyw r /pcb- loeS k.p. 1 20 1 'the peoples will hearken*. In some cases y is written where the metre requires r as Pa gur yw y porthaur ? b.b. 94 ' What man. is the porter ? ', where we should have yw r, as the line is 5 syll. Sometimes yr is written before a consonant : Pieu ir bet b.b. 66 for jrieur be81 'whose is the grave?'; llyma yr we8 b.m. 2 for llyma V weS ' this is the manner '. In the early Mn. bards V is regular, esp. after pure vowels; and it is general in later prose, e.g. the 1620 Bible, though not without exception here. Pughe attempted to substitute y for it everywhere, and under his influence y was adopted in many late edns. of the Bible, except after a, 0, i, na. This pre- ference for y is chiefly due to the mistaken notion that r forms no part of the word, but was put in before vowels " for the sake of euphony ". We have seen above that the article is yr, and of the clipped forms 'r is older than y. iv. The Ir. article is ind, after prepositions sind, from Kelt. *sendos, which gives W. hynn 'this', see § 164 vi. This occurs in W. in yn awr ' now ', lit. ' this hour ' (O. Bret, annaor, Ir. ind or sa), and y naill for *yn aill § 165 (Bret, ann eil § 166 iii, Ir. ind-ala). The art. in Corn, is en or an; in Ml. Bret, an; in Mn. Bret, ann before vowels, t-, d-, n- and h-, al before 1-, ar before other con- sonants (so the Bret, indef. art. eunn, eul, eur, from un ' one '). Pedersen Gr. i 153 ff. quotes late examples of n > r after a cons, in Ir. dialects and Bret., and one or two cases of the change before a cons, as Ml. Ir. marbad for 0. Ir. mainbad, Bret, mor-go i horse collar * for *mon-go (obviously cases of dissim. of nasals). No such change as n > r is known in Welsh, which prefers to change r to the easier n § 100 i (2). W. yr can only be identified with Ir. ind by a rule made ad hoc ; this is the only form of the art. in W. (yn awr is not * the hour' but 'this hour') ; the -r abounds in the earliest period, and cannot be compared with Bret, -r, which is late, and may have spread from ar before r-. The fact that there is a demonst. pron. ar in W. used before the rel., see § 164 v, makes the derivation of yr from hynn still less probable. There is no reason why the W. and Ir. articles should be the same word ; the use of a demonst. as art. is much later than the separation of the P and Q groups. Gaulish has no art.; Pedersen Gr. ii 177 quotes o-oaiv ve/jirjTov * this temple' as an example of the art. in Gaul., which is as if one were to quote in hoc tumulo from a Lat. inscr. as an example of the Latin "article " hie. Though common in the O. W. glosses and prose fragments, the art. seldom occurs in the early poetry; it is not found in juv. sk., and is rare in the b.a. : Gwyr a aeth Gatraeth '[the] men who went to Catraeth \ It does not occur in 0. Corn, or 0. Bret., see Loth Voc. noa 19é ACCIDENCE § 115 38 {ann is the demonst. in annaor above). Brit, no doubt had several demonstratives used before nouns; but the adoption of one to be used as an art. seems to be later than the separation of W., Corn, and Bret., and independent in each. The origin of the W. yr is not clear. Brit, had an ^-demonstrative seen in Ml. W. y lleill beside y neill §165 vi, cf. yll § 160 i (2); and -I is more likely than -n to have become -r. But yr may come from a demonst. with locative -r- suffix, as in E. here, there, which might be declined with stem -ro-, cf. Lat. supra ; yr < Hs-ros Ì cf. Lat. ille < is-le. v. The initial consonant of a fem. sg. noun (except 11- and rh-) undergoes the soft mutation after the art. Note initial gwỳ- : yr ŵyl ' the holiday ', yr ŵydd ' the goose ' ; initial gwy- : y wyrth ' the miracle ', y wŷs ' the summons \ The mutation shows that the art. had the o/ä- declension in Brit. NOUNS § 115. i. The old Keltic declension is lost in W., §§ 4, 113 ; a noun has one form for all cases. This is usually derived from the old nominative, as ciwecl ' rabble ' < Lat. civitas ; sometimes from the accusative, as ciwdod ' people '< civitatem. (In W., ciwed and ciwdod are different words, not different cases of the same word.) Traces of the oblique cases survive in adverbial and prepositional expressions, §§ 215, 220. ii. The noun in W. has two numbers, the singular and the plural. Traces of the use of the dual are seen in deurudd ' cheeks ', dwyfron ' breasts ', dwi/law ' hands ' ; the last has become the ordinary pi. of Haw ' hand \ The dual of o-stems may have given the same form as the sg., as in Ir., where we have fer 'man' < *uiros, and fer '(two) men', apparently from *uirö, as *uiro would have given *fiur (cf. Gk. 8vo, Vedic voc. -a ; but W. dau implies -0 in *dáuö itself). Thus W. dau darw 'two bulls' (deudarw p. 52), d'eu-wr L.G.C. 185 'two men' {-wr keeps its sg. form while the pi. became gwŷr § 66 iii (1)). But in nouns with consonant stems the dual must have taken the same form as the pi. ; thus Ar. *uqso > W. ych ' ox ', but the dual *uqsene and the pi. *uqsenes both gave ychen ; so we have Ml. W. deu ychen b.m. 121 'two oxen', deu vroder do. 26 'two brothers'; and, by analogy, dwy wrageS a.l. ii 98 ' two women '. In Late Mn. W. the sg. form only is used. §§116,117 NOUNS 195 The dual, whether it agreed in form with the sg. orthepl., formerly preserved the effect of its old vocalic ending in the soft mutation of a following adj., as deu wyZel vonllwm w.M. 56 { two bare-backed Irishmen', y ddwy wragedd vywiogach L.G.C. 127 'the two women [who are] kinder \ iii. In W. the noun has two genders only, the masculine and the feminine. The following traces of the old neuter survive : (1) nouns of vacilla- ting gender § 142 i. — (2) The neut. dual in Kelt, had been reformed witli -n on the analogy of the sing., e.g. Ir. da n-droch ' 2 wheels'; hence in W. after dau, some nouns, originally neuter, keep p-, t-, &- unmutated § 106 iii (4) ; thus dau cant or deucant ' 200 ', dau tu or deutu ' both sides ' ; and by analogy dau pen or deupen l two ends \ Number. § 116. The plural of a noun is formed from the singular either by vowel change or by the addition of a termination, which may also be accompanied by vowel change. But where the singular has been formed by the addition to the stem of a singular termination, this is usually dropped in the plural, and sometimes a plural termination is substituted for it, in either case with or without change of vowel. There are thus seven different ways of deducing the pi. from the sing. : i. change of vowel ; ii. addi- tion of pi. ending ; iii. addition of pi. ending with vowel change ; iv. loss of sg. ending ; v. loss of sg. ending with vowel change ; vi. substitution of pi. for sg. ending ; vii. substitution of pi. for sg. ending with vowel change. Parisyllabic Nouns. § 117. i. The vowel change that takes place when the pi. is formed from the sg. without the addition or subtraction of an ending is the ultimate i-affection ; see § 83 ii. This was originally caused by the pi. termination -I of tf-stems ; thus *bardos gave barb ' bard ', but * bardl gave beirh ' bards ' ; and also by -I of neut. «-stems, as in mŷr ' seas ' < *morî § 122 ii (4) ; possibly -ẅ of neut. w-stems, but original examples are doubtful. Later, when the cause of the affection had been forgotten, it came to be regarded merely as a sign of the pi., and was extended to all classes of stems. o 2 196 ACCIDENCE §117 Examples: Ml. and Mn. W. march 'horse', pi. meircii\ tarw 'bull', pi. teirw ; carw ' deer *, pi. ceirw ; gwalcli ' hawk ', p]. gweilch ; alarch ' swan ', pi. eleirch, elyrch ; salm ' psalm ', pi. Ml. seilym il.a. 107, beside salmeu r.p. 1303, Mn. salmau\ llygacl 'eye', pi. Ml. llygeit) Mn. llygaid ; dafad ' sheep ', pi. Ml. deveit, Mn. defaid ; bran ' crow ', pi. Ml. brein, Mn. brain ; Ml. manach, Ml. and Mn. mynach ' monk ', pi. Ml. meneich, myneic/i, Mn. menych, myneicA (late mynacJwd) ; paladr ' beam, ray ', pi. yeleidr^ pelydr ; Mn. bustach ' bullock ', pi. bustych ; Ml. and Mn. maen ' stone ', pi. Ml. ^^i^, Mn. wẃ Dat. xvii 4 (later meini) ; cyllell ' knife ', pi. cyllyll ; castell ' castle ', pi. cestyll ; gwaëll ' knitting needle ', pi. gwëyll D.G. 458 ; /£ eu in a pi. noun ; but another affection aw > yw (§ 76 v (2)) occurs in alaw ' water-lily ', pi. elywB.T. 32. ii. haearn ' iron ' has pi. Aeyrn, and rhaeadr ' cataract ' has rhëydr, rhyeidr § 69 ii (3), § 75 vi (3) ; pennog e herring ' has penwaig § 36 iii ; iwrcli ' roebuck ' has ?/rc/i § 36 ii, later iyrchod G. 167 ; gŵr e man' is for *gwwr and has pi. gwt[r § 66 iii (1), and so its compounds, as pregethwr 'preacher ', pi. pregethwyr\ gwrda c goodman ', pi. gwyrda. §118 NOUNS 197 D. 38 gives ieirch rh. with Uenneirch ; but the pi. of Manner ch i glade ' is llennyrch ; the correct reading seems to he ijrch/llennyrch see I.G. 287. iii. Anomalous vowel changes occur in — (1) troed' foot', pi. traed § 65 ii (1) ; and tŷ ( house ', pL ML tei, Mn. tai § 104 ii (2). The compounds of the latter have -tei Mn. -tai, or -tyeu Mn -tyau\ as Mordei b.a. i, gwindei r.p. 1202 ( banqueting houses'; Hetty eu k.p. 1274 e lodgings', clafdyeu do. 1269 e hospitals ', hundyeu w.M. 5 ' sleeping rooms '. In Gwynedd -dai is generally accented, as beu-dâi * cow-houses ', pop-tâi 'ovens', gweith-dâi 'workshops'; but eleuséndai 'alms- houses '. (2) Ml. W. biw ' ox ' (e. g. karcharaur goruit, cut biw b.b. 90 ' the horse is a prisoner, the ox is lean), pi. bu (e.g. can-mu w.M. 455 ' 100 oxen') ; biw is also frequently pL, e. g. b.t. 59. biw < Brit. *büus < *g%öus ; bit < *bäues < *g%öues ; pi. biw from a re-formed *büues. (3) Other cases are carreg, pi. cmvy (for cerryg) § 77 i ; croge?i, cragen, pi. cregin (for cregyn) § 77 ii ; «sjm ' ass ', Ml. pi. essynn w.M. 81, h.m. ii 226 (the irregularity is in the sg., where the orig. a was restored), Mn. pi. asynnod; llo c calf pi. lloi for llo-i B.T. 59. iv. Ml. W. pebyllm. 'tent' § 70 i (pi. pebylleu), Mn. pebyll sg, W.IL. 216, is treated as pi. in the Bible, with a new sg. pabell f., from Wm.S.'s hypothetic pabell hwn glossing y pebyll Jiynn sg. 2 Cor. v 4. It is generally supposed that amws is a similar, but natural and early, analogical sg. from emys assumed to be pl.< admissus (rather *amniissus since -dm- > of) for admissärius, but such an error is unlikely at an early period when the word was in common use ; e...y in the sg. is not unusual, e.g. ceffyl. § 118. i. In many parisyllabic nouns, after the loss of the Brit, endings, the pi. was not distinguished from the sg. by affection as above. These were (1) neut. nouns, whose pi. ending -ä did not affect ; thus Brit. *arganlon, pi. *argantä > W. arian, which is sg. and pi. § 133 ii. — (2) Nouns in which the vowel is not capable of 2-affection (Brit. i i d, etc.) ; thus Lat. piscis, pi. pisces > W. pysc ' fish' sg. lt.M. 131, usually pi.— -(3) 198 ACCIDENCE §§119,120 Nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg. and pi. ; thus Brit. *uradios, pi. *uradii > W. gwraidd ' root ' or ' roots \ ii. As it is inconvenient to have the same form for sg. and pi., new distinctions grew up. These took three forms : (i) Nouns belonging to the first of the above classes had their vowel affected to form a pi. ; probably some of those mentioned in § 117 i are examples of this. — (2) A pi. termination was added ; thus as Lat. medicus, media had both become mehyg, a new pi. meòygon was formed ; and for pi. pysg a collective pyscawt Mn. W. pysgod was used, § 123 iii. — (3) A sg. termination, m. -yn(n), f. -en(n) was added ; thus gwraidd in the sg. became gwreiddyn ; and as pysg continued to be used as a pi., a new sg. pysgodyn was formed from the pi. pyscawt. Imparisyllahic Nouns. § 119. The W. pi. terminations are the Brit, stem-endings of imparisyllabic nouns, which were lost in the sg. representing the old nom. sg., but survived in the pi. after the loss of the pi. endings *-es, neut. *-#, § 113 i. Thus Lat. latrö and its Brit. pi. *latrones gave W. Ueidr, pi. lladron, by regular sound-change ; then the -on of the latter and similar nouns naturally came to be regarded as a pi. ending, and was added to nouns of other declen- sions where a pi. sign was needed, as to meddyg, see above. Such additions were made on some analogy, mostly of meaning, sometimes of form. u-stems. § 120. i. Mn. W. -au, Ml. W. -eu, O. W. -ou comes from Brit. *'-oues y *'-oua the pi. endings of ^-sterns ; thus Brit. *katus, pi. *Mtoues, gave W. cad ' battle ', pi. cadau. This termination spread and became the commonest in W. (and Bret.). It was added to — (1) most names of common objects ; aspenn-eu w.m. 41, Mn. W. pennau ' heads ' ; clust-eu ib., Mn. clustiau \ ears ' ; gtiefl-eu ib., M.ii.gweflau 'lips'; amrann-eti ib., r.p. 1270, Mn. amramiau } late amrantau, sg. amrant ( eyelid ' ; arv-eu w.m. 7, Mn. arfau ( arms ' ; tlyss-eu do. 37, Mn. tlysau, sg. tlws c jewel' ; loggou l.l. 120 (gg = ##), llongeu w.m. 39, Mn. llongau ' ships'; badeu w.m. 39, Mn* § 120 NOUNS 199 badau 'boats'; tonnou juv., Ml. tonneu, Mn. tonnau ' waves i' ; pebylleu w.m. 44 c tents ' ; betev (t = Ò) b.b. 6$, Mn. becldau c graves ' ; fmytheu, llannev do. $6, Mn. ffrwyl/iau ' fruits ', llannau ' churches ', etc. So drysau ' doors ', cadeiriau c chairs ', canhwyllau c candles ', llyfrau ' books ', etc. etc. The chief exceptions are nouns taking -i, see § 122 ii (2), and names of implements taking -ion, § 121 ii (2). (2) Some nouns denoting persons, as tadau ' fathers ' ; marnau ' mothers'; kenhadeu w.m. 184 ' messengers ', Late Mn.W. cenhadony meicheu w.m. 25 ' sureties ', now meichiau ; dwyweu e.b.b. 6j ' gods ', Mn. W. duwiau ; fern, nouns in -es, as breninesau ( queens ', etc. (3) A few names of animals, as Jiebogeu w.m. 12 ( hawks'; keffyleu w.m. 119 ; heilogeu il.a. 165 ; bleiddiau § 123 iv (4). (4) Many abstract nouns, as drygau ' evils' ; brodỳeu r.p. 1238 { judgements ' \poeneu w.m. 49, poenau ' pains ' ; gofidiau c sorrows '; meddylỳeu § 121 ii (3) ' thoughts ', etc. ; and abstract derivatives in -ad or -iad, -aeth i -as, -der, -did, -dod, -edd, -yd ; as bwriadau ' intentions ', gweledigaethau ( visions', priodasau ' weddings', mwynderau ' delights ', gwendidau c weaknesses ', pererindodau ( pilgrimages ', troseddau c transgressions ', clefydau ' fevers'. Also some names of times, seasons, etc., after dieu § 132 (2) : oriau f hours ' ; bore-eu r.p. 1290 ' mornings' ; nosseu CM. 1, sg. nos ' night ', wythnosau ( weeks ' ; but misoedd, blynyddoedd § 122. (5) The neologists of the 1 6th cent, took aroglau ' smell ' for a pi., in spite of popular usage which treats it as sg. to this day. They manufactured a sg. arogl and a v.n. arogli, vb. aroglaf, which with various derivatives are used in the Bible. But the word is aroglau, see arogleu il.a. 81 translating "odor" 232, vb. arogleuaf b.t. 79, v.n. arogleuo, present-day coll. 'ogleuo. ii. When -au is added to a stem ending in i, § 35, the com- bination is -iau ; e.g. O.W. hestoriou, cloriou, enmeituou, dificiuou § 25 i, Ml. W. gruhỳeu w.m. 140, Mn.W. gruddiau c cheejks ' ; glinỳeu w.m. 434, gliniau e knees '. In Mn. VTTuiu is used after -ei-, as geiriau c words ' § 35 ii. It came to be generally used to form new plurals, especially of borrowed words, e. g. words in -p, -t, -c, § 51 ii, as hetiau ( hats', capiau { caps', bratiau e aprons ' (but Ml. W. bratteu w.m. 23 ' rags '), carpiau ( rags ', llanciau ' youths ', etc. 200 ACCIDENCE § 121 iii. (i) In Brit, the nom.-acc. sg. neut. ending must in some cases have been *-û (instead of *-w), cf. Lat. cornü, etc. (so sometimes in Skr., see Brugmann 2 II ii 144), as in *dakrü > "W. deigr 'tear' (e.g. llawer deigyr a wyleis i h.m. ii 129 ' many a tear have I wept', bob deigr Dat. vii 17" irav SaKpvov "). The pi. ending might be *-oua (< *-uu9) or -ü (< *-uu9 contracted, § 63 vii (2)); deigr 'tears' from the latter is doubtful, though used by Gr.O. 50 ; the former gives the usual pi. dagrau § 7Q iii (2). See also § 125 iii Note. (2) cainc ' branch ' may be a fern, uä-stem, with nom. sg. in -ü, Thurneysen Gr. 182 ; thus cainc < *kaK>kü, pi. cangau, Ml. W. cageu b.b. 48 <*kmdkouas ■. iv. The pi. ending -au does not affect a preceding vowel, see § 76 iii (2); cegeu b.b. 47 is a scribal error as shown by cageu 48. n-stenis. § 121. i. -ion and -on come from Brit, -tones and -ones, pi. endings of ^-sterns. The Brit, forms were *-u < *-ö, pi. -ones, as in Brittones; but *-iu < -iô, pi. -tones, as in Verturiones, Gaul. Suessiones, seems to have predominated, as in Goidelic (Thurneysen Gr. 202). Hence the greater prevalence of -ion in W. Borrowed words were of course declined like native, and Lat. latrones > Brit. Hatrönes > W. lladron. In Ar., nouns in -ö(n), -iö(n), -iiö{n) (loss of -n §101 ii (4)) were (a) nomina agentis, frequently from adjectives with 0-, io-, iio- stems; thus Gk. o-r/oa/fcov ' squinter' : o-TpaySoç l squinting'; ovpavtwv 1 heavenly one ' : ovpdvios ' heavenly '• (b) abstract nouns, as Lat. ratio. Thus the use of -ion in W., which is added to names of persons and instruments, and to abstract nouns, corresponds roughly to the original value of the suffix. -on goes back to Brit, in nouns in which the vowel is affected in the sg., § 125 iii ; after -hai < *-sagiö, pi. -heion re-formed for *-haeon < *-sagiones, and after -ydd, pi. -yddion, re-formed for -y^on < -iiones, as in gweryddon § 110 ii (3). But in most cases it is a new addition in W., as in ymerodron, pi. of ymherawdr < Lat. imperätor. W. dynion is also prob. an analogical formation, for Ir. duine implies *doniios, and Bret, and Corn, use tud, tus ' people ' for the pi. The adj. *donios and its pi. *doniî woidd both give dyn, to which -ion was added to form the new pi. ii. -ion is added to (1) many nouns denoting persons, as dyn f man ', pi. dynion ; mab ' boy, son 5 , pi. meihion, Ml. meibon § 35 ii (1), O. W. mejoion § 70 ii (1) ; gwas ' servant ', pi. gweision, Ml. gweisson w.m. $$ ; wyr * grandson ', pi. wyrion, Ml. wyron r.b.b. 49 ; gwastrawd ' groom ', pi. gwastrodỳon w.m. 33 ; including derivatives in -(7i)ai, -ydd, -og Ml. -awe, -or Ml. -awr, -ig, -awdr, as gwestai e guest', pi. gwesteion il.a. 168 ; crydd, pi. cryddion, §121 NOUNS 201 Bret, here, pi. hereon § 86 i (5) ; gwe/iydd ' weaver \ pi. gwehyddion ; marcliog ' knight \ pi. marchogion ; cantor ' singer ', pi. cantorion ; pendefig ' chieftain ', pi. pendefigion ; ^ * doctor ', pi. dysgodron (in Recent W. re-formed as -wyr) ; and adjectives used as nouns § 145 iii. In a few cases the ending is -on, as meddygon § 118 ii ; Iddew 'Jew', pi. Iddeiuon, Ml. W. Ihewon il.a. 19, Tbeon do. 17; at/irawon, etc. § 125 iii. (2) Some names of implements : cyn ' chisel ', pi. cynion ; ebill ' auger ', pi. ebillion ; ẅwö^ ' bar, lever ', pi. trosolion ; ysgol, Ml. yscawl ' ladder ', pi. ysgolion } Ml. yscolỳon w.m. 189 ; ysgolion 'schools ' follows this probably. (3) Some abstract nouns : rhybuddion ' warnings ' (Ml. rybnhỳeu w.m. 72); esgusion 'excuses'; trafferthion 'troubles'; with -on : gofalon 6 cares ' ; cysuron ' comforts ' ; but most take -au § 120 i (4). H.M. has meddylion ii 194, m 147/639 r., for the usual meddyliau, Ml. W. mehylỳeu r.p. 1201^ 1303. (4) ebol, Ml. ebawl ' colt ', pi. ebolion, Ml. eboìỳon w.m. 45 ; keneu, see § 125 iii ; planhigion ' plants ', sg. planHg-yn. iii. -en < Brit. *-enes < Ar. *-enes survives only in y alien 'oxen', sg. ych § 69 v; and in Ml, W. Try den 'Picts' {Gynt a Gwybyl a Vhryden b.a. 24 ' Danes and Irish and Picts '), O. W. Priten gen. xix. Ar -en- was the F-grade of the suffix, of which -on- was the F°- grade, and -ön the L°-grade §63 iii. The first occurrence of the misspelling ychain, § 31 ii (2), known to me is in Rhydyehain in the title of the 1690 Bible ; it did not come into common use before the 19th cent. The form is always ychen in Ml. W. and in the rhymes of the bards before the recent period. See ychen w.m. 480, r.m. 121, b.t. 59, il.a. 109, r.p. 1241, m.a. i 230, 426 ; ryt ychen ' Oxford ' see indexes of r.m. and e.b.b. Da V ardd ychen mewn pen pant. — W.1L. f. 8. ' Well do oxen plough at the end of a valley.' Dig wyf am dewi go/eg Yn pen yn lihydjohQii deg. — H.D. (m. I.H.S.), p 100/125. ' I am wroth because the muse of our chief is silenced in fair Oxford.' • — See ben 1 'ychen D.G. 400, gen /ychen do. 318, men /ychen L.G.C 189; wên/Rhydychen S.Ph. c.c. 189; rryd ychen/dalen p 54/242 R. iv. The R-grade e n of the stem-ending became -ann- in Kelt. § 62 i (2). In Ir. it appears as -ann ; in W. as a pi. ending it was affected 202 ACCIDENCE § 122 in every case to -ein(n), tending to become -eint or to be replaced by -eu. The affection prob. comes from neut. dual forms, of which the ending in Pr. Ar. was *-l. Thus Ml. W. ysgyveint m.m. 2, Mn. W. ysgyfaint * lungs ' < *squm e n-î, old neut. dual ; the noun has no sg. ; — O.W. anu ' name ' pi. enuein, Ml. W. pi. enweu, with a new sg. enw, Mn. W. enw, pi. enwau (the a- survived in anwedig G.R. [122, 220], Gwyn. dial. § 112 i (2)) : Ir. ainm, pi. anmann, neut.; — cam ' step ', O.W. pi. cemmein, now camau : Ir. cëim, pi. cëimmenn, neut. ; — rhwym * band ', 0. W. pi. ruimmein, now rhwymau ; — gof ' smith ', also gofan(n) b.t. 7, pi. Ml. W. goveyn a.l. i 72, Mn.W. gofaint : Ir. goba, gen. gobann; — edn 'bird ', once ednan M.A. i 195, pi. ednein (printed ednain m.a. i 207), etneint b.p. 1245, Mn. ednaint Gr.O. 10; — llw 'oath', Ml. W. pi. cam lyein il.a. 158, camlyeu r.p. 1201 ' false oaths ', Mn. W. llwon, Gwyn. dial, llyfon. § 122. i. -i, -ydd, -oedd, -edd represent tbe Brit, endings of «-, to-, id- and ie- stems. ii. /-stems. (1) The vowel is not affected in the sg. All the above endings occur in the pi. The Ar. nom. endings were m.f. sg. *-is, pi. *-eies ; neut, sg. *-i, pi. *-ip, *-l. In Brit, the sg. *-is, *-i became *-es, *-e and did not cause affection; the pi. *-eies became *-iies which gave -i, -ydd or -oedd accord- ing to the accentuation § 75 v, iv; the neut. pi. *-na > *-iia>-edd or -oedd according to accentuation; and *-l affected the preceding vowel and dropped. (2) -i and -ydd both form the pi. of tref l town ' ; thus trewi (=trefi) b.b. 54, trewit ( = trefyb) do. 91, Mn.W. trefi § 160 iii (2), and tref ydd D.G. 3 ; cantref ( cantred ' makes cantrevoeh r.b.b. 407 ff., but Mn. W. cantref-i, -ydd like tref\ see § 75 iv, v. eglwys ( church ' follows tref in Mn.W. (eghvysyh p 147/5 R *)> but Ml. W. has eglwysseu b.p. 1046, m.a. i 2^a, In. Ml. W. fforest follows tref: foresti b.b.b. 199, fforesfyb b.m. 195, Mn. W. fforestydd only, plwyf ( parish ' (a late meaning) also takes -i or -ydd in Recent W., but earlier plwyvau m.a. ii 613. -i was added to some names of persons : saer ' craftsman ', pi. seiri w.M. 189 ; maer ' steward ', pi. meiri b.b. 54 ; cawr 'giant ', pi. cewri (rarely ceuri) § 76 iv (3) ; merthyr ( martyr ', pi. merthyri il.a. 126; prophwydi ib. ; arglwydcl, pi. arglwyhi m.a. i 198« ; so all in Mn. W. (in Late W. merthyr on also). § 122 NOUNS 203 -i was also added to many names of things with e or a in the sg., the -i of course affecting the latter; as llestr-i w.M. 6 'vessels'; gwernenn-i a hwylbrenn-i do. 5 1 ' masts and yards ' ; canhwyllbrenn-i, also -an, both in I Chron. xxviii 15 ' candle- sticks '; fenestr-i m.a. i 2,16a 'windows'; cethr-i I.G. 584 'nails'; perth-i p.p. 127a 'bushes'; — banier-i m.a. i 197Ó ' banners ', sg. baniar ; per-i ib. ' spears ', sg. par; defn-i ' drops ' § 202 v (3), for dafneu k.p. 11 84 ; ifor-i R.P. 131 8 * oaks ', sg. ddr f. The use of -i has been extended in Mn. W. ; thus Ml. W. kerbeu w.M. 6 ' songs ', Mn. W. cerddi T.A. and later ; Ml. W. garbeu r.b.b. 145 ' gardens ', Mn. W. gerddi D.G. 258 ; Ml. W. llwynen r.b.b. 40 ' bushes ', so llwynau D.G. 60, later llwyni ; Ml. W. mein ' stones ' (sg. maen), Late Mn. W. meini (Ml. meini in ZE. 284 is an error for mein, see r.m. 196, 1. 5) ; beddi B.cw. 59 beside the usual beddau, Ml. beteu (t = b) b.b. 63. (3) -ydd and -oedd are found in avon-it ( = -yb) b.b. 91 ' rivers ', avon-oeh u.b.b. 40, Mn. W. afonydd\ gwladoeb m.a. i 199«, cm. 2, R.B.B. 44, w.M. 190, later gwledyb in the last-quoted passage in r.m. 91, Mn. W. gwledydd ; keyryb w.M. 192 ' castles', kaeroeb r.p. 1230, also caereu b.a. 26, Mn. W. keyrydd W.IL. 64, caerau G.G1. m 346/163 ; dinassoeb w.M. i9o,e.m. 91, g^,M.n. W.dinasoedd, rarely dinessyb p 147/5 R -> G.G1. p 152/201. They are added to nouns in -fa, as Mn. W. porfeydd, porfaoedd ' pastures ' (most of them with only one in use), Ml. W. tyrvahoeb r.p. 1241 ( crowds' ; as well as -au, Ml. W. -eu : presswylvaeu il.a. 57 ' habi- tations ', eistebvaen do. 62 ' seats ' (-aeu later contr. to -an). -ydd alone occurs in meyssyb r.p. 1 188 ' fields ', Mn. W. meysydd (wrongly spelt meusydd), sg. maes ; heolyb r.m. 175 'streets'; bro-yb R.P. 1 1 89 'regions'; dolyb do. 1188 'meadows' (also doleu b.t. ^^) ; gwetmyb R.P. 1286 ' meadows', sg. gweun, gwaun ; lluoss-it (= -yb) b.b. 66, p.p. 1188 'hosts', sg. lliaws ; nentydd 'brooks', poet, wöŵ^ D.G. 25, sg. nant ; coedydd 'trees', y stormy dd ' storms ', etc. (4) Old neut. nouns take -oedd or -edd, sometimes alter- nating with vowel-affection ; as mor m. f sea ', pi. moroedd < *moriia beside rnŷr < *mor% § 117 i; dant m. 'tooth', pi. dannedd < *dantna beside deint r.p. 1036, daint D.D. s.v. ; deint is also sg., see iii (2). -oedd may be orig. m. or f. also, see (1). 204 ACCIDENCE § 122 -edd and -oedd are added to nouns orig. of other declensions as follows : -e8 in Ml. W., -oedd in Mn. W. are added to tir m. ' land ' (an old neut. s-stem), pi. tiret (-t = -ô) b.b. $$, tireb r.b.b. 40 (beside tirion § 35 iii), Mn. W. tiroedd D.G. 436, 524 ; mynydd m. { mountain' (< ^monüo-), pi. mynybeb w.m. 250, b.t. ii, r.b.b. 40, Mn. mynyddoedd ; dwfr m. ' water ' (neut. tf-stem), pi. dyfreb il.a. 54, 6$, Mn. dyfroedd. mynySeS having become mynySe in S. W. dialects (cf. eiste § 1 1 iv (3)), this was wrongly standardized as rnynyddau by some recent writers, but the traditional lit. form mynyddoedd prevails. The same remark applies to Mynyddoedd, now sometimes written blynyddau for dial. blynySe < *blyny$e§. In the above words -oeS may be old as a N. W. form, the prevailing forms in Ml. W. being S. W. -oedd was added to cant m. 'hundred* (neut. tf-stem), pi. cannoedd ; nerth m. ' strength ' (neut. tf-stem) ; mil f. c thousand ' ; mur m. 'wall 5 , pi. muroeb w.m. 191, muroedd G. 237, later muriau ; llu m. ' host ' (m. tf-stem), pi. lluoeb r.m. i 75, Mn. lluoedd; byd m. ' world ' (m. ^-stem), pi. bydoeb m.a. i 199, Mn. bydoedd ; nifer m. 'host*, pi. niveroeb w.m. 54, Mn. niferoedd ; mis m. ' month ', pi. misoedd ; teyrnas f. ' kingdom ', pi. tyrnassoeb w.m. 50, Mn. teyrnasoedd; twr m. 'tower' (< E. < Fr.), pi. tyroeb w.m. 191, tyreu do. 133, Mn. tyrau ; iaith f. 'language', pi. ieitlweb w.m. 469, b.t. 4, Mn. ieithoedd ; gwledd f. ' feast ', pi. gwleddoedd D.G. 524, gwleddau do. 8 ; gwisg f. ' dress ', pi. gwisgoedd ; oes f. ' age ', pi. O. W. oisou (with d added at some distance, see fac. b.s.ch. 2, for ' deest ' according to Lindsay, EWS. 46), Ml. W. oessoeb il.a. 103, oesseu b.t. 15, 19, Mn. W. oesoedd, oesau ; acJioet (t = b) b.b. 53, Mn. ackoedd, achau 'lineage' both in L.G.C. 213, sg. ach f. ; dyfnderoedd 'depths', blinder-oedd, -au ' troubles '. iii. ẃ-stems. (1) The vowel is affected in the sg. ; the pi. ends in -ydd, -oedd, -edd. The Ar. nom. endings were m. sg. *-(i)ios, pi. *-(i)i5s ; neut. sg. *-(i)iom, pi. *-(i)iä. In Kelt. *-(i)iös gave place to *-(i)ioi > *-(t)u; this gave -y$ or -oeS according to the accent ; neut. *-íiä gave -eS ; -eS in m. nouns is prob. for -oeS. Where neither sg. nor pi. had i before i, we had e.g. dyn 'man' and ' *men'; then a new dynion for the latter § 121 i. § 122 NOUNS 205 (2) Ml. W. bugeil 'shepherd', pi. bugelyh n*.A. 109, r.b.b. 245 < *boukolios pi. *boukoMn. This was a rare type, and in Mn. W. a new pi. was formed : bugail, pi. bugeiliaid. But the f. aclain ' wing ' (m-stem), pi. adanedd, had a new pi. made by affecting this, as if the word belonged to the -io- declension : ad am, pi. adenydd §125 iii. The word for ' tooth ' seems partly to have passed over to this declension; thus *dantion pi. *dantíiä giving sg.deint jl.a. 67 trans- lating "dens", Mn. W. daint, as heb un-daint D.G. 323 'without one tooth ', pi. dannedd as for sg. dant ii (4) above. In Gwyn. dial, the sg. is^daint. The ending was -oeS in brenhinoet b.b. $3 ' kings ',Mn. W. brenhinoedd ; but the more usual Ml. form is breenhineh l.l. 120, brenhineh w.m. 178-9, prob. with -eh for -oeh § 78 ii. So teyrneh r.p. 131 3, D.G. 181 'kings', ewythreh r.m. 140 'uncles' ; cystlwn 'family', pi. cystlyneh e.p. 1267. Cystlynedd Gwynedd i gyd, Cynafon Hwlcyn he/yd. — G.G1. m i/no. 49. ' All the families of Gwynedd, and the scions of Hwlcyn too.' iv. Fern, iê- and 2'ä-stems. (1) The vowel is affected in the sg. PL ending -edd. ië- and m-stems have R-grade forms in -i, p. 81. In Lat. and Bait, they remain distinct or have become so (Lat. düritia : dûritiës). In Kelt, they seem to be mixed, see Thurneysen, Gr. 180 f . ; but as e > I in Kelt., the meaning of the facts is often obscure. In other branches -ië- and ~iä- are indistinguishable. The W. sg. may come from *-iä, *-ië, or *-î ; pi. -eB < *-íiäs. (2) blwyddyn ' year ' (Ir. bliadain) < *bleidom, pi. blynedd < *blidniiäs§ 125 v (1) ; this pi. form is used only after numerals ; for other purposes a new pi. was formed by adding -edd to the sg., as blwyhyneh w.m. 37, then by metath. blwynyheh il.a. 105, Mn. W. blynyddoedd, S. W. dial. blynyhe(h) (whence latterly a false Uynyddau see ii (4)). — modryb 'aunt ' < *mätr-aqH (y ; ewythrod for ewythredd § 122 iii (2), cyfnitherod for cyfnitheroedd W.1L. c.il. 132. (3) It occurs after a few names of things : (a) geminated forms, or what appeared to be such, as cycliod sg. cwch 1 boat ' ; nythod ' nests ', Ml. W. nethod (e =y ) a.l. i 24 ; bythod, sg. bwth ' hut ' ; (/3) diminutive forms, as tenynnod ' halters ' sg. tennyn ; bythynnod ' cottages ', sg. bwthyn ; and by false analogy Mn. W. tyddynnod ' small farms ', for Ml. W. tyhynneu a.l. i 168, 182 ; bwlanod sg. bwlan ' a vessel of straw ' ; (y) some names of coins : dimeiot r.b.b. 384 now dlmeiau ' halfpennies ' ; ffyrlligot ib. now ffyrlingod 'farthings'; ffloringod D.G. 287 'florins', hattingod ' half-farthings ' ; (8) personifications etc. : angheuod B.cw. 6$ * death-sprites ' ; eilunod ' idols ', erthylod ' abortions '. iii. Ml. W. -awt occurs in pyscawt p.m. 52, w.m. j^ r.b.b. 149, b.t. 8, b.b. 89 'fish* < Lat. piscätns, § 118 ii (2) ; and in 208 ACCIDENCE § 123 gorwyhawt b.t. 36 ' horses ', sg. gorwỳh ; ehystrawt b.t. 70 ' horses ' sg. eddystr or eddestr. The first survives as pysgod, in which the ending is now indistinguishable from old ~od. iv. -iaid, Ml. W. -ýeit, -eit, is the pi. formed by affection of the ending -iad. Ml. W. -ŷat § 143 iv (5) ; thus offeiriad ( priest ' pi. offeiriaid, Ml. W. offeireit il.a. 117. All names of living things in -iad (except cariad) form their pi. so ; thus ceinŷeid m.a. i 285 * singers ', lleitỳeid (t = h) ib. now lleiddiaid * murderers ', gleissỳeid ib., now gleisiaid, sg. gleisiad ' salmon ' ; but abstract nouns in -iad have -iadau § 120 i (4); cariad 'lover' is the same as cariad ' love ' and has pi. cariadau Hos. ii 5, 7, 10. But -iaid is also added to form the pi. of names of living things whose sg. does not end in -jfld : (1) Names of classes and descriptions of persons : per sonny eit il.a. 117, now personiaid, sg. person ' parson ' ; conffessorieit do. 70 ; raclovyeit w.M. 456, Mn. W. rhaglofiaid, sg. rhaglaw ' deputy ' ; barwnỳeit b.m. 179, now barwniaid, sg. barwn 'baron'; mak- w.m. 15, mackwyeit e.m. 9, sg. maccwy(f) 'youth' ; bỳleỳn- a.l. i 24, sg. hilaen e.b.b. 123 'villain'; cythreulỳeit m.a. i 25 1 # 'devils' ; ysgwierỳeit s.G. 11 'squires'; in Mn. W. jö^w- näethiaid Ps. ii 2, sg. pennatth ; estroniaid * strangers ', meistraid ' masters ', gefeilliaid ' twins ', Frotestaniaid, Methodistiaid, etc. Also adjectives used as nouns, § 145 iii. (2) Tribal and national names : Albanỳeit e.b.b. 271, also Albanwyr do. 270, sg. Albanwr ' Scotchman ' ; Corannyeit e.m. 96, no sg. ; Brytanỳeit do. 91, no sg. ; ^ Groecieit aW Lhadinieit J.D.R. [xiv] ' the Greeks and Latins ' ; Hhufeiniaid^ Corinl/iiaid, etc. Also family and personal names : y Llwydiaid ' the Lloyds ', y Lleisioniaid L.G.C. no 'the Leyshons', Koytmoriaid p 61/33 e. (3) All names in -ur of living things : pechadurŷeit Eì.a. 152 now pec/iaduriaid, sg. pec/iadur ' sinner ' ; kreaduryeit do. 4, now creaduriaid, sg. crëadur ' creature ' ; awdurieid J.D.R. [xiv], awdurŷeit e.p. 1375, sg. awdur ib. 'author' (the pi. awduron seems to come from the gorseddic writings, the source of numerous fabrications) ; 'Mn.W.ffoäduriaid, cysgaduriaid, heniiriaid, etc. Other nouns in -ur take either -iau, as gwniaduriau ' thimbles ', pladuriau ' scythes ', or -au àspapurau ' papers ', mesurau ' measures ', or -OTi as murmur on, çysuron. § 124 NOUNS 209 (4) Some generic names of animals ; as anifeileit il.a. 165, w.m. 228, now anifeiliaid, sg. anifail 'animal' ; mileit 11.M. 129, Mn. W. milod, sg. mil ' animal ' ; so bwystvileit r.b.b. 40 now bwystfilod, sg. bwystfil\ ysgrubliaid Gen. xlv 17 'beasts'. Also a few specific names, as cameleit il.a. 165, Mn. W. camelod ; Mn. W. Ueiddiaid Matt, vii 15 c wolves', also bleìddiau T.A. G-. 233, Ml. bleỳhỳeu m.a. ii 230 ; gwenoliaid D.G. 20, sg. gẁennol ' swallow '. Strictly, of course, -iaid is not a i-stem but a fo-stem ; thus -iad from *-iatos, pi. -íatá < *-iafà. v. -ant < Brit, ^-antes, m. f. pi. participial ending occurs in carant b.a. 14, b.b. 46, il.a. 153, k.m. 130, sg. car 'kinsman' < *karants (Ir. care < *karants) < *lc e r- : Armen. ser ' progeny, family ', E. her-d, Lat. crësco, */1cer- ' grow '. In Early Ml. W. carant was already affected into kereint C. m.a. i 244, Mn. W. ceraint, later also cerynt M.K. [71] 'kinsmen' (not 'lovers'). On the analogy of this was formed the pi. of Ml. W. nei (now nai) ' nephew' : neỳeŷnt a.l. i 8, nỳeìnt w.m. 89, il.a. i2i,Mn.W. neiaint ; and oîceifn c 3rd cousin ' : keytvneynt (= keivneint) b. oh". 76 defined ib. as e children of the 4th mother' (those of the 2nd being 'cousins', etc.). Ml. W. meddweint il.a. $$ ( drunkards' may be an old participial form. A few other nouns have -eint, Mn. W. -aint affected for an earlier *-ann } § 121 iv. Y-stems. § 124. i. -er < Brit. *-eres occurs in broder w.m. 38, r.m. 26, later affected to brodyr R.M. 140 ; broder survived, as in T.A. G. 229, Wm.S. e.g. Act. xv 23, but was at length ousted by brodyr, cf. § 122 iv (3). In Ml. W. brodorion also is used, b.m. 203, 207. Sg. brawd ' brother', § 59 ii, § 63 iii. brodorion also meant ' fellow-countrymen, clansmen ' b.b. 51, 55 (cf. Gk. paT«)p); in Late Mn. "W. it came to mean 'natives'; brodor 1 a native ' is a new sg. deduced from this pi. -yr was added (instead of the old -äwr) to gwayw 'spear' (also in Mn. W. ' pain '), giving gwaewyr CM. 48, but more usually gwewyr R.B. 1074 (for *gweywyr). Of era' gwaith fu i'r gwŷr Eliaw ôl i wewyr. — D.N., p 99/598. 'It was the vainest task for men to anoint the marks of his spears/ 1402 P 210 ACCIDENCE § 125 ii. -awr is common in Early Ml. W. poetry : gwaewaur b.b. 58, b.a. 9 (see fac.) * spears 5 , ysgwydawr b.a. 9 ' shields ', clebyvawr, byhmawr, llavnawr ib. ' swords, armies, blades ' ; later (in prose) gwaewar w.m. 182, R.m. 85. -awr < Brit. *-äres < Ar. *-öres. Vowel Changes. § 125. The vowel changes which occur when an ending is added to form the pi. are the following : i. Mutation § 81 : brawd 'brother ', pi. brodyr ; brawd 'judge- ment ', pi. brodiau ; daw ' son-in-law ', pi. dofỳon R.B.B. 68 ; rhaw 'spade', pi. rhofiau § 110 iii (1); cwrr 'edge', pi. cyrrau; dun ' man \ pi. dynion ; sail ' foundation ', pi. seiliau ; ffau ' den ', pi. ffeuaw, gwaun 'meadow', pi. gweunydd ; buwch 'cow', pi. buckod, etc. etc. ii. Penultimate Affection § 83 iii: The endings which cause affection are -i, -ydd, -iaicL, -ion: par, peri ; ddr, deri; maer, meiri ; cawr, cewri ; § 122 ii (2) ; — caer, ceyrydd ; maes } meysydd ; do. (3) ; — e^a? ' mate ', pi. cymàeiriaid; gefell r.p. 1302 ' twin ' (< Lat. gemellus), pi. gefeilliaid ; penkeirbyeit, anreigŷon § 70 ii (2) ; »200 ' son ', pi. meibion, etc. ; see § 128 ii. iii. Re version. In some cases the vowel is affected in the sg., but reverts to (or, historically speaking, retains) its original sound in the plural : Eem. ie- or m-stems, with pi. ending -edd, § 122 iv : adein b.b. 82, adain D.G. 132, 421 'wing', pi. adaneb r.m. 155, r.b.b. 64, later affected to adenydd ; celain ' corpse ', pi. celanedd or calaneb R.b.b. 49 ; edeu, edau ' thread ', pi. edafedd or adaveb r.m. 154 ; elain 1 fawn ', pi. elanedd or alaneb a.l. i 20 ; gwraig, Ml. W. gwreic, pi. gwrageb ; »é?zŵ 'snake'', pi. nadredd, anadreb § 21 iii, later nadroedd; Hein r.p. 1239, m.a. i 329$, 4216, Mn. W. rhiain D.G. 39, 95, 117, 130, 308, etc. 'maiden', pi. rianeb w.m. 166, r.p. 1282, rhianedd D.G. 125, 234, 371. — Neut. io-stem : daint, pi. dannedd § 122 iii (2). — Fern, ^ä-stem, pi. ending -au : cainc ' branch ', Ml. W. ceing w.m. 108, pi. cageu b.b. 48, now cangau, see § 120 iii (2). — Neut. u-stem, pi. ending -au : deigr c tear ', pi. dagrau } see § 120 iii (1). — Mas. and fern, w-stems, pi. ending § 125 NOUNS 211 -on (Brit. nom. sg. -5, pi. -ones) § 121 i : athro, pi. athrawon §76 v (5), athraon § 36 iii ; ^a- § 83 iii Note 2). In old formations -ion affected the preceding vowel, thus the ei of rneibion is the affection of a by i, as shown by the intermediate form mejrion § 70 ii (1). But rneibion seemed to be the pi. meib with -ion added ; and on this analogy -ion was added to engyl. The y in angylion is not an old affection of the e by i, for that would be ei, cf. anreigŷon, etc., § 70 ii (2). angelion is a new formation probably due to AVm.S., and, though used in the Bible by Dr. M. and Dr. P., has failed to supplant angylion as the spoken form. Silvan Evans's statement that angelion very frequently occurs in Ml. mss. is a gross error, supported only by a quotation from a 1 7th cent. copy,H.M. ii 337, of a tract appearing in il.a., where the reading is egylỳonn 129. In most cases however -ion is added to the sg., and does not affect ae, e, 0: kaethyon e.p. 1272, ysgolion ' schools'. iii. The diminutive pi. endings -ach (-iach.) and -os are added to pi. nouns, as cryddionach Gr.O. 208, dynionach do. 93, J.D.R. [xx]; dreiniach 'thorns'; plantos, gwragedkos, dilhados (d/i = b, Ih = 11) J.D.R. [xv] ' children, women, clothes ' ; cynos ' little dogs' ; more rarely to sg. nouns: branos b.m. 154, L.G.C. 148, ■ little crows \ caregos ' pebbles ', dernynnach ' bits '. Sometimes a final media is now hardened before the ending: 2 )r y~ fetach, merchetos. This is prob. due to late diminutive doubling (d-d > tt, etc.). 216 ACCIDENCE § 129 iv. A noun with a pi. ending sometimes has its vowels affected as an additional sign of the pi., as ceraint for carant § 123 v, adenyb for adaneh § 125 iii, brodyr for broder § 124 i, which are therefore, in a sense, double plurals. Phiral Doublets, § 129. i. A noun not ending in -yn or -en may have more than one pi. form in the following ways : (l) One pi. may be formed by affection and one by the addi- tion of an ending : mór ' sea ', pi. mŷr, moroeb § 122 ii (4) ; arf 'weapon', pi. arveu w.m. 97, 99, etc., poet, eirf D.G. 2; esgob '■ bishop ', pi. esgyb, later esgobion (15th cent., Gut.O. A 14967/87), esgobiaid (T. A. a 14975/61), the first and last now obsolete; Ml.W. hevynderw 'cousin', pi. Mvyndyru, a.l. i 2,0,2, Mn. W. cefnder, pi. cefndyr, cefnderoedd L.G.C. 167. In Recent Welsh new and inelegant weak forms are sometimes found, as castelli, alarchod for cestyll, elyrch. On the other hand in the late period we meet with spurious strong forms, such as edyn § 125 iii Note ; and latterly emrynt for amrannau (amrantau) § 120 i (1) ; brieill for briallu § 134 ii; creig for creiyiau. (2,) Two or more plurals may be formed by adding different endings : tref ' town ', pi. trefi, trefydd § 122 ii (2) ; haer ' castle ', pi. keyrydd, kaeroedd, caereu, do. (3) ; actiau, achoedd L.G.C. 213 'ancestry' ; dyn § 127, etc. See § 131 i. (3) Two plurals with the same ending may have different vowel changes ; thus Ml. W. ceing old pi. cangeu § 125 iii, newer pi. ceing heu il.a. 144 ; these survive in Mn. W. as cainc pi. cangau, ceinciau. So cawr ' giant ', pi. ceuri, cewri § 76 iv (3) ; ackaws, aclios 'cause' pi. achwysson § 125 v (3), achuysỳon a.l. i 30, and achosion. ii. A noun ending in -yn or -en may have more than one pi. form as follows : (1) Some nouns of class 1, § 126 i, have two plurals, one without and one with the vowel affected; as gvSialen 'twig', pi. gwial or gwiail ; seren ' star ', pi. ser b.t. 26, or sŷr il.a. 5, the latter now obsolete; collen 'hazel', pi. coll m.m. 32, generally cyll ; onnen * ash ', pi. onn, more usually ynn ; mellten ' flash of lightning', pi. mellt 3L.A. 107, rarely myllt b.b.b. 259. § 130 NOUNS 217 Ni thawaf, od af heb dâl, Mwy nog eos mewn gwial. — D.G. 418, cf. 151. ' I will not be silent, though I go without pay, more than a nighting- gale in the branches. E gaeodd Mai â gwíail T llwybrau yn dyrrau dail. — D.G. 442, cf. 87, 162, 225. '. May has blocked up with twigs the paths into masses of leaves/ Mawr yw seven y morwyr, Mwy yw no swrn o'r man sŷr. — L.G.C. 459. ' Great is the star of the mariners, greater than a cluster of small stars.' By ryw cyn amled ar onn, a M s. awr. Derwgoed ywW* dreigiau dewrion. — T.A. A I4975/II• , Thy kindred are as numerous as ash-trees, but the brave dragons are oaks/ (2) A noun may fall in more than one of the classes mentioned in § 126; thus cwningen, pi. 1 owning, 2 cwningod; gelyn, pi. 1 galon, 3 gelynion; dalen, pi. 1 dail, 3 dalennau; defnyn, pi. 2 dafnau, 3 defynnau ; asen 'rib', pi. I ais, 2 asau, 3 asennau. Rhyfedd yw'r ais, a'i rhifo, Fal cronglwyd lie tynnwyd to. — I.B.H., r. 17. * Strange are my ribs, and to be counted, like rafters where the roof has been taken away/ Ef a wŷs ar fy asau Am gelu hyn im gulhau. — B.Br. 13 p 82/293, cf. D.G. 295. 1 It is evident from my ribs that I have become lean through conceal- ing this [secret]/ Siôn ffriw ac asennau Ffranc Sy lew brau — Salbri ieuanc. — T.A., A 14965/44. ' Siôn, of the face and frame of a Frank, is a spirited lion — young Salesbury/ Singular Doublets. § 130. i. A noun not ending in -yn or -en may have two forms of the sg. owing to various phonetic accidents: (1) -yf ': -eu § 76 vii: clebyfn.v. 1236 ' sword', clebeu do. 1369, pi. clebyfeu ; nehyf do. 1237 ' adze ', and neheu. (2) dant, daint ' tooth ', pi. dannedd § 122 iii (2). (3) gwyry, gwyrf y gwerydd ' virgin ', pi. gweryddon § 110 ii (3). b Wrongly attributed in the MS. to D.G. ; see A 14967/no. 222, and the cover of Greal no. 6 — Mae rhytu amwynt. 218 ACCIDENCE § 131 (4) joaret w.m. 92, parwyt B.T. 27 (the latter obsolete), pi. parwydydd * walls ' (of a house). (5) gwarthafl 'stirrup', Mn. W. gwarthol (-afl>-awl>-ol), pi. gwarthafleU) Mn. gwarthajlau. (6) tíÿẅ/ ' day ', %w in %^ Sul etc., pi. dyddiau, dtau. ii. A noun may have a sg. form with, and one without, a sg. ending ; as deigr, deigryn 'tear', pi. dagrau ; erfyn, arf i weapon ', pi. arfau § 129 i (1) ; edau, edefyn £ thread ', pi. edafedd, § 125 iii. The diminutive form has sometimes a pi. of its own ; as dafn 'drop', pi. dafnau § 122 ii (2), and defnyn 'drop', pi. defnynnau § 126 iii ; cainc '' branch ', pi. cangau, ceinciau § 129 i (3) ; cangen 1 branch', pi. canghennau T.A. G. 251. iii. Nouns ending in -yn or -en, Class 1 § 126 i, may have two singulars, (1) one formed with each ending ; thus adar ' birds ', sg. m. aderyn and f. adaren b.b. 107, the latter obsolete ; ysgall ' thistles ', sg. ysgettyn and ysgallen, both in use ; cawn, sg. conyn ' stalk ', cawnen ' rush ' ; gwial or gwiail^ sg. gw'ialen^ or gwielyn c.c. 265. (2) With different vowel changes ; as dail ' leaves ', old sg. dalen § 126 i (2), newer sg. deilen, re-formed from the pi. §126i(i). Lesynonymized Doublets. §131. i. Many pi. doublets, especially those with different endings, § 129 i (3), have been desynonymized, some early, as bronneu w.m. 94, D.G. 233 'breasts', bronnyh m.a. i 415, D.G. 70, ' hills', sg. Iron 'breast, hill'; personiaid § 123 iv (1) 'parsons', per- sonau ( persons ' (personỳeu cm. 19), sg. person in both senses. The following occur in Mn. W. : canoniaid ' canons ' (men), canonau Regulations', sg. canon; cyngkorion 'counsels', cynghorau ' councils', sg. cyngor ; Uwytliau £ tribes ', llwythi * loads ' (but llwythau ' loads ' Ex. v 5, vi 6, Ihoythi 'tribes' J.D.B,. 29 1), sg. llwyth\ prydian ' times ', prydau * meals ', sg. joryd ; pwysau ' weights ', pwysi ' lbs. ', sg. j!?wÿ# ; ysbrydion ' spirits ' (beings), ysbrydoedd ' spirits ' in other senses (but Ml. W. ysprydoeh y s.g. 308-9, ysprydỳeu do. 310, both in the former sense); anrheithiau { spoils', anrlieithi ' dear ones \ sg. anrhaith f booty ; darling ', § 156 ii (1). § 132 NOUNS 219 ii. In some cases the desynonymization is only partial : tadau means both ' fathers ' and ' ancestors ', but teit il.a. isi, Mn. W. (aid means the latter only, as Penaethiaid yw dy daid oil. — G.I.H., il 133/211. ' All thy ancestors are chieftains/ teidiau 'ancestors' is perhaps to be treated as the pi. of taid 'grandfather', a derivative (<*tatios?) of tad, cf. nain 'grandmother' (<*naniä?). The pi. ais, while continuing to mean ' ribs ', was used for ' breast ' D.G. 316, and became a sg. noun, fern, (like Iron), as Am Robert y maer ebwch Yn f ais drom anafus drwch. — T.A., g. 230. ' For Robert is the cry in my heavy wounded broken breast.' But asau and asennau retained their literal meaning. In the spoken language now, ais is ' laths ' (sg. eisen), asennau ' ribs ' (sg. asen). iii. Partial desynonymization extends to the sg. in deilen 'leaf (of a tree only), dalen 'leaf (natural or artificial), dail 'leaves' (of trees or books), dalennau 'leaves' (artificial only, but Ml. W. dalenneu b.b. ioi 'leaves' of trees). Complete desynonymization has taken place in the sg. and pi. in cors f. ' marsh ', pi. corsydd, and corsen f. ' reed ', pi. cyrs (in Ml. W. cors, corsydd meant ' reed, reeds ' also, see Silvan Evans s. v.) ; tant ' harp-string ', pi. tannau, and tennyn ' halter ', pi. tenynnod. iv. Desynonymization occurs in the sg. only in conyn ' stalk ', cawnen ' reed ' ; gw'ialen ' twig, wand ', gw'ielyn ' osier ' (used in wicker-work — the original meaning, § 75 vi (2)). In the dialects also coeden ' tree ' " vox nuperrimè ficta " D.D. and coedyn ' piece of wood '. The word for ' tree ' in lit. W. is j)ren ; cf. ny elwir coet un j)renn r.p. 1044 ' wood is not said of one tree/ In some cases, of course, the diminutive was from its earliest forma- tion distinct in meaning from its base ; as yden f. ' a grain of corn ' from yd ' corn ' mas. sg. (yr yd hwn ' this corn '), pi. ydau ' varieties of corn '. Anomalous Plurals. § 132. A few anomalous plurals remain to be noticed : (1) ci ' dog ', pi. cwn ; ci < Kelt. *kü < *lcuü < Ar. *%(u)uô : Skr. sva § 89 iii; cwn < Brit. *kunesren, derw, ffawydd, glo, maen, pridd, calch, clai, tail, gwair, gwellt, yd, bwyd, bar a, cig, gwaed, gwin, cwrw, dwfr, gwydr, lltdr, lliain, si dan, glaw, eira, etc. (6) Verbal nouns ; see § 205. ii. The following nouns are fern. : (1) gwlad 'country', teyrnas 'kingdom', ynys 'island', and names of countries, etc. : Cymru \ûn ' beautiful Wales ', Prydain JPawr ' Great Britain ', y Fôn fau Gr.O. 16 ' my Mona '. But tir ' land' is m., hence Tir Groeg m. ' Greece '. (2) tref 'town', Van 'church', and names of towns and parishes: Bangor "Fawr yn Arfon ; JLanbadarn Fawr. (3) afon 'river', and names of rivers: Dyfi wendal D.IL. 'fair- browed Dovey '. (4) Names of mountains and hills : yr Wyddfa ' Snowdon ', Carnedd 1402 Q 226 ACCIDENCE § 139 Ddafydd, Moelyci; but mynydd 'mountain' and bryn 'hill' are m., and so therefore are names formed from them, as Mynỳddmawr. (5) iaith 'language', and names of languages: y Gymraeg wen E.P. 217; but when the name denotes matter written in a language it is m. : y Gymraeg hum ' this (piece of) Welsh '. llythyren É letter ' is fern., and names of letters and sounds : a fain 'thin a' (i. e. ' 03 '). (6) Names of trees : derwen ' oak ', dâr ' oak ', collen ' hazel ', etc. (7) Collective nouns denoting communities, etc.: y genedl 'the nation ', y werin ' the people, the crew (of a ship) ', y bobl ' the people ', y bendejigaeth ' the nobility ', y gymanfa ' the assembly ', y gynulleidfa ' the congregation ', y glêr ' the bards ' (y fân glêr L.Gr.C. 71), y dorf, V dyrfa ' the crowd ', y gynhadledd ' the assembly ' ; with some late exceptions, as y cyngor ' the council ', y bwrdd ' the board '. § 139. The gender of a derivative noun is determined by its ending. i. The following endings form m. nouns : -ach dim. sof., -aint, -awd, -cyn, -dab -deb, -der, -did, -dod, -dra, -dwr, -edd, -had, -i -ni -ioni, -iad -ad, -iant, -inab -ineb, -rwydd, -wch (-wg), -yd, -yn. Examples : bwbach, henaint, traethawd, llecyn, un-dab, -deb, blinder, gwendid, cryndod,ffieidd-dra, cryfdvjr, amynedd, glanhâd, tlodi, noethni, drygioni, cariad, teimlad, mwyniant, doethin-ab, -eb } enbydrwydd, tywyll-wch, (-vig), iechyd, offeryn. Exceptions : awdurdod, trindod ; buchedd, cynghanedd, trugaredd, see § 143 iii (13); cenadwri (f. after cennad); adeilad § 205; caniad 1 song ' (f. after can) but caniad ' singing ' m. ; galwad (f. after galwedig- äeth); blwyddyn, elltrewyn, odyn, telyn, twymyn. In the last group -yn is not the sg. ending -ynn, see § 126 iv. ii. The following endings form f. nouns : -ach (abstract), -aeth -iaeth etc., -as, -ed, -ell, -en, -es, -fa, -ur. Examples : cyfeillach, cosbedigaeth, athrawiaeth, teyrnas, colled, asgell, seven, llynges, jporfa, natur, lüadur. There are many exceptions in -aeth and -iaeth', as claddedigaeth, darfodedigaeth, gwasanaeth, hiraeth, amrywiaeth, gwahaniaeth, llun- iaeth. — Other exceptions are lludded, caethiwed, syched, pared ; castell, cawell, hiriell ' angel ' D. 43 ; maharen; hanes m. in N. W. — gwn'iadur ' thimble ' is m. in N. W. ; names of persons in -ur are mas. (f. -ures). iii. The following endings form derivatives having the same gender as the noun to which they are affixed : -aid ' -ful ', -an dimin., -awd, 'od ' stroke, blow ' ; as crochanaid m. 'potful'; llwyaid f. 'spoonful; maban m. 'babe', gwreigan f. 'little woman', dynan com. 'little person ' ; cleddyfod m. ' stroke of sword ',ffonnod f. ' blow of a stick ', dyrnod m., arfod f. (cleddyfawd f. D.G. 473 is exceptional). iv. -og (-awe) forms m. titles and designations, as tywysog ' prince ', marchog ' knight ', swyddog ' officer ', cymydog ' neighbour ', taeog ' villain ' ; and f. terms of reproach, âsffolog ' fool ' f., budrog ' slattern ', slébog id. Names of inanimate objects in -og are generally f., as arffedog ! apron ', clustog ' cushion ', mawnog ' bog '. § 140 NOUNS 227 -ig forms m. titles, as gwledig ' prince', pendefig ' chief, and f. diminutives as oenig, etc. -in is m. in brenin 'king', dewin 'sage', budin 'drinking horn', ewin ' (finger-)nail ', gorllewin ' west ' ; otherwise f„, as byddin, cegin, cribin, gwerin, hesbin, megin, melin. v. -ai, Ml. W. -ei (for -hei) forms nouns of com. gender, as llatai § 136 ii; see cicai f. D.G. 166. § 140. i. No useful rule can be laid down for determining by the form the gender of nouns without derivative endings. It is true that nouns having w or y in the ultima are mostly m., and those having ö or e are mostly f. ; thus asgwrn, arddwrn, dwrn, dwfr, ellyll, hyd, bryn are m. ; colqfn, torn, ffordd, ffenestr, gwen, deddf are f. But exceptions are so numerous that the rule is of no great practical value. The reason for the rule is that Brit, u and i, which normally give "W. w and y, were affected to o and e by the lost f. ending -a, § 68, thus bringing about a preponderance of f. nouns with o and e. The reasons for the numerous exceptions are the following : ( i ) o and e may be original Brit., and not the result of affection at all, as in môr m. 'sea', penn m. 'head' ; (2) y is often due to affection by the lost f. ending -I; as in blwyddyn f., telyn f. etc. ; (3) endings other than -ä, -1 caused no affection ; hence ffrwd f., hwch f. etc. u seems to some extent to have followed the analogy of w, thus W. cur m. < Lat. cüra f. ; most monosyllables with u are thus m. ; but dud ' vehicle ', tud ' people, country ', hug ' covering ', chin ' thigh ', hun í sleep ', punt ' £1 \ffust ' flail ' are f. There is no reason why a, i and the diphthongs should be distinctive of gender ; and rules which make them the basis of such a distinction are arbitrary, and worse than useless. Thus Mendus Jones, Gr. 2 75, states that monosyllables having a are f. ; Anwyl, Gr. 28, says they are m., and names 13 exceptions (omitting gardd, sarff, barf, nant, cad, Hath, barn, etc., etc.) ; actually, the proportion of m. to f. (excluding Eng. words, and names of males and females, as tad, mam) is about 55 : 45. Similarly monos. with i are said to be m. ; in reality the numbers of m. and f. are practically equal: — m., Hid, gwrid, pridd, llif ' flood ', rhif, brig, cig, cil, mil ' animal ', ffin, llin, min, gwin, glin, tir, mis, plisg, llith ' mash ' ; — f., pi, crib, gwib, gwich, tid, ffridd; llif 'saw', gwig, pig, hit, mil ' 1000 ', hin, tin, trin, rhin, gwisg, cist, llith ' lesson '. ii. A few doublets occur with m. -w-, f. -0- ; as cwd m. ' bag ', cod f. ' purse \ The others are borrowed words containing -or + cons. ; as torf ' crowd ' < Lat. turba : twrf ( tumult ' -,—fforch ' a fork ' < li2it.furca : ffwrch i the fork, haunches ' ;— ffordd ' way ' < Q2 228 ACCIDENCE §§ 141, 142 O.K/ord : iffwrcld ' away ' ; — bord ' board, table ' < M.E. lord : bwrdd id. < O.E. bord. Also with -yn : -en, as ysgellyn : ysgallen § 130 iii, coegyn : coegen etc., §137 i,ffwlcyn iffolcen, and S.W. dial, crwtyn 'boy' : croten 'girl'. § 141. i. The gender of a compound noun is generally that of its subordinating element ; thus elmendy ' almshouse ' m. like ty ' house ', this being the subordinating, and elusen the sub- ordinate element. So gwinllan ' vineyard ' f. like llan ; can- hẃyllbren 'candlestick' m. like pren. There are a few exceptions, possibly due to a change in the gender of the simple noun: cartref m. 'home', pentref m. 'village' (though tref is now f.) § 1 1 1 v (2) ; pendro f. ' vertigo ' (tro m.), as Mae'r hendro ar y llo lleiaf'R.v. 1278. Epithetized compounds have the same gender as the sex of the person ; thus all-tud ' exile ' generally m. {tud f.). ii. The above rule also holds for improper compounds, § 46, in which the subordinating element comes first ; thus tréf -tad ' heritage ' f. ; dŷdd-brawd ' day of judgement ' m. ; pónt-bren ( wooden bridge ' f. ; pén-cerdd ' chief of song ' m. § 142. i. There are many nouns of vacillating or uncertain gender. Some of them are old neuters, like braich from Lat. bracchium. In other cases the uncertainty is due to the action of analogy. ii. The gender sometimes varies according to meaning or use : — gdlwg 'sight' m., as in golwg byr 'short sight' (but f. in il.a. 107) : golwg 'appearance' f., as in teg yr olwg 'fair to see'; — bath or math ' kind ' m., as dau fath ' two kinds ' : with the art. f, as y fath ' the kind', y fath beth 'the kind of thing' ; — man 'spot' m., as yr Sen van gochỳon w.M. 140 'to the two red spots ', man gwan ' weak spot ' : man ' place ' f. generally as in Matt, xxviii 6, often m. as in Jer. vii 3 ; note yn y fan ' immediately ', yn y man ' by and by ' ; — to ' roof ' m. as in aderyn y to ' sparrow ' : to ' generation ' sometimes f., as in L.G.C. 204; — coes 'leg' f. :coes 'stalk' or 'handle' of a spade, etc. (where there is only one) m., dim. coesyn m. — Unrelated pairs : gwaith 'work' m., gwaith 'fois' f., as in dwy waith 'twice' ; llif m., llif í'. ; mil m., mil f. ; llith m., llith f . ; § 140 i. iii. Some nouns have different genders in Ml. and Mn. W. This is sometimes due to a break in the tradition owing to the word becoming obsolete in the spoken language; in other cases it is due to, or has been helped by, analogy. Early Mn. W. generally agrees with Ml. W. ; the break comes in the Late Mn. period. § 143 NOUNS 229 The following are m. in Ml. W., f. in Late W. : damwein w.M. 29, e.m. 19 'accident'; breint l.l. 121, e.b.b. 71 'privilege'; dinas cm. 3, 8, il.a. 44, D.G. 325 'stronghold, city', still m. in place-names; nefiL.A. 4 ' heaven ', S.Ph. (m. W.IL.) late 16th cent, has ne' gwyn, but H.S. mid. 15th already has nef f. } see § 160 iii (2) (c) ; chwedyl e.m. 192 ' tale ', chwedl drwg Ps. cxii 7 ; gruS tl.a. 93 ' cheek', y grudd, deu- rudd in the bards, but f. in Bible; gweithret a.l, i 526, b.b. 7, il.a. 132 ; ergit e.b.b. 42 ; krevyS il.a. 143. The following are f. in Ml. W., m. in late W. : tangneveS w.M. 43, e.m. 30, 38 (but y tangneveS w.M. 55) 'peace % m. in Bible ; gvjirioneS w.M. 29, e.m. 19 ' truth ', m. in Bible and later bards, c.c. 357 ; cygreir cm. 18, e.m. 160 'truce', m. in Bible, Deut. xxix 14 ; rydit e.b.b. 83 'freedom'; person cm. 19, il.a. 3 'person'; llynn w.M. 51, e.m. 36 ' lake ' ; llys w.M. 5, e.m. 3 ' court \ In some cases the gender fluctuates in Ml. W. : breich, as in cm. 18 ar y breich ' on the arm ', and in the next line ŷ'r vreich ' to the arm ' ; it is m. in the Bible, but now f. except in place-names ; — heul ' sun ', m. jl.a. 3, f. do. 161, generally f. in the bards, m. in Bible, f. in Wms. 257, now m. ; heulwen is an improper compound of haul wenn § 46 ii (1); — clot 'praise' m. as clot bychan w.M. 142, e.m. 212, generally f. in the bards g. 184, f. in the Bible, 1 Bren. x 7, now m., orig. neut. § 66 v. iv. The difference is in some cases dialectal : ciniaw ' dinner ' f. in w.m. 61, e.m. 43, now f. in S.W. but m. in N.W. ; troed m. in Ml.W. e. g. deudroet always (not dwy-), m. in N.W., f. in S.W. The following are f. in S.W., m. in N.W. : cyflog, hanes, garr, gwniadur, llyn, pwys, munud, dorian (though ar y funud, yn y glorian in N.W. also) ; in Mn. Lit. W. these are mostly in. as in N. W. ; crib 'comb' now m. in N. W., but crib ' ridge ' f. On the other hand in N.W. cusan (m. cm. 58, 61) and cwpan (m. in Bible) are sometimes treated as f., doubtless a late misuse, as also the use in some parts of canhwyllbren as f. But dust m. e.b.b. 54, m. in S.AV., is f. in N.W. and in the Bible. N.W. is not uniform: sach m. in Gwynedd (2?S Vöq*--\ike Lat. antlquus, Skr. prdtlka-m 'face' and W. wyneb § 100 v. In -deb *a%>- is added to a -ti- stem, in -ineb to Brit. -ínì- (as in brenin iv (10)) ; r -ia- > ie >e § 65 vi ; in -dab -inab to allied adj. stems in -to-, -îno- (cf. Brugmann 2 II i 285); f -oa- > '-a- > a. Silvan Evans states s.v. duwdab that -dab etc. are "local forms ", meaning that the -a- is Gwyn. a for e, § 6 iii, which is absurd, for dial, a does not extend to the penult as in -dabaeth (dial, atab, atebodd, not *atabodd). The forms with a occur before any trace of dial, a, and are used by writers of all parts : divjeirdap p 14/2 r. (circa 1250), dewindabaeth r.b.b. 16, 38, 41, 42, cm. 93; doethinab m 117 r. (c. 1285), r.b.b. fac. opp. p. 1 (c. 1310-1330); cowveindab S.T., a 169/39 r. ; hydab L.G.C. 195; geudab Ps. lxii 9. Y Drindod a ro* undab a Printed dro. Er deigr Mair deg ar i Mab. — T.A. C. ii 78. f The Trinity bring about union for the sake of fair Mary's tear for her Son.' § 143 NOUNS 231 (9) -der, -ter < *-tero- cpv. suff. : dyfn-der ' depth \ ( 1 o) -did, -tid, Ml. W. -dit, -tit < Ar. *-tüt- : gwen-did 'weakness ' ; -dod, -tod, Ml. W. -dawt, -tawt< Ar. *-tät- : cryn-dod ' trembling ' ; — : Lat. vir-tut- (<*uiro-tüt-)\ cwi-tät-. -dra, -tra, see (22) below. (11) -dwr < *-turo-, prob. -ro- added to -tu- stem., cf. Gk. fjcáp-Tvpoç : cryfdwr ' strength '. (12) -ed, Ml. W. -et, partly < -itäs, as in ciwed < Lat. cwitäs; partly < *-e-to, Ml. "VV. dyly-et<*dligeto-n : Ir. dliget. — syched 'thirst' ; nodd-ed ' protection ', colled ' loss ', etc. (13) -edd<*-îiä : trugaredd ' mercy' <*trougâIcaríiä : Ir. tröcaire; — : Gk. -co, avapxia, etc. Most nouns with this ending have become mas. in W. ; but many retain the orig. gender § 139 i. (14) -eg<-ikä; as gramadeg < grammatica ; so hanereg 'half- measure ' < Brit. *san-ter-ikä. It forms the names of languages as Saesneg, Gwyddeleg, Ffrangeg, Gwyndodeg * the dialect of Gwynedd ', Gro-eg, Cymrá-ëg. In the last two contraction took place. Wm.S. took -aeg for the ending in Cymráeg, and so, beside the correct Saesneg, wrote Saesnaeg and Saesonaeg, see the headings in his Die. Gwyddelaeg, Ffrancaeg etc. were also formed, either by him or by his imitators. D.D. s.v. aeg vehemently protests against these solecisms, and against the use of aeg as a word meaning ' language \ a — Kanys Yspaenec a lywedei y kawr cm. 19 { For it was Spanish that the giant spoke'. Kymr&ec /chwec k.p. 1189. Ffrangec 8a lóewdec Uletỳeith do. 1225 ' Good clear pure French'. Dysgais yr eang Ffrangeg; Doeth yw i dysg, da iaith deg. — I.R., p 82/309 k. ' I have learnt the rich French language ; wise is its learning, fair good tongue/ (15) -es < *issä : buches 'herd of cows, place for milking' ; llynges 1 fleet ', lloches ' hiding-place ' ; cf. iv (4). (16) -fa : 1. < *-rnag- ' place ' : por-fa ' pasture ' ; cam-fa 'stile ' ; trig- fa dwelling place'; cyrch-fa 'resort'. — 2. Abstr. for -fan(n) v.n. ending § 203 ii (4), by loss of -nn § 110 v (2) < Ar. *-m e n- § 62 i (2): llosg-fa 'a burning'; lladd-fa 'slaughter'; cryn-fa ' tremor ' ; bodd-fa ' deluge '. The two are confused, and the second class have plurals like the first, as llosgfeydd. (17) -i is the same as the v.n. ending -i, see § 202 ii ; thus tlodi 'poverty' (also as v.n. 'to impoverish '), noethi ' nakedness' (v.n. 'to denude'), diogi 'idleness' (v.n. 'to idle '), caledi ' hardship', gwegi 1 vanity ', ymddifedi ' destitution '. (18) -iad, -ad added to verb-stems is properly -ad, as shown by * Yr aeg is of course parallel to the c oloyies* in Eng., except that in Eng. no one imagines ology to be a real word. It is strange that the false division was not extended to -es ; though a Welshwoman is Cymraes, no one has written Gwyddelaeg for Gicyddeles, or called his wife yr aes. 232 ACCIDENCE § 143 such forms as carad, e.g. llu du di-garad b.b. 86, and especially the form -had (for -lw-ad), which would be *-haead if the ending were -iad ; hut with stems in -i- we have e.g. rhodi-ad (: rhodiaf) ; from these -iad was generalized, but too late to cause penultimate affection; hence cariad ' love ' {-iad agent affects, see iv (5) ). -ad, pi. -adau is from *-9-tu- (Ar. *-tu- verbal-abstr. suffix) : Lat. supine genitum < *gend-tu-m; -ad f. < *-9-tä § 203 iii (8). (19) -iant is similarly -ant < *-%t-, participial suffix, as in Ml. W. derewant jl.a. 152 ' stink ', Mn. W. drewiant; it generally appears as -iant in Ml. and Mn. W. : wieBỳant w.m. 8, Mn. W. meddiant ' possession '. (20) -id in addewid f. ' promise ', perhaps < *-î-tä ( : Lat. fîriîtus) ; in cadernid m. ' might ' < *-l-tu- ( : Lat. sup. vestltum) ; — rhyddid is a late re-formation of rhy(8)-did. (21) -ni < Brit. *graQnu-, O. W. gnim 'work' § 203 vii (4) : mech-ni ' bail' (inach 'a surety'), noeth-ni ' nakedness' ; -ioni<-iono- gnlm- § 155 ii (1) : haëlioni 'liberality'; also -oni in barddoni (bardhony a.l. i 78) £ bardism \ As -ni is for *-%ni, and n%n > n § 1 10 ii (1), the ending cannot be distinguished from -i after n ; thus trueni ' wretchedness ', gwrthuni ' unseemliness ' may have -* or *-%ni. (22) -red, lit. ' course ', < *-reto-, Vret-§ 63 ii : gweithred 'action', Ml. W. brithred 'confusion' ( = Ir. brechtrad 'commingling'); in a more literal sense, hydred ' length ', lledred ' breadth '. -rwydd, lit. ' course ', < *-reido- : Gaul, rëda ' waggon ' < *reidä, W. rhwydd ' easy, without let, perfunctory', lit. ' * running ' ; a fertile abstr. suff. in "W. : enbyd-rwydd ' peril ', gwallgof-rwydd ' insanity '. -dra, -tra, lit. ' course' < *'-trog-, Vtregh- § 65 ii (1) : e-ofn-dra ' fearlessness \ (23) -wen < *-is-qo-, v.n. ending; see § 201 iii (2) : tywyllwch 1 darkness ', heddweh l peace '. The -wg in the by-form tywyllwg is prob. due to dissim. of continuants ; see § 201 iii (3). (24) -yd < *-o-lüls, nom. sg. of *-o-tüt- (10): bywyd 'life', Ir. bethu < Kelt. *biuotüts; mebyd 'youth'; partly perhaps <*-itl (: Lat. -itia, and substituted for it, as tristyd < *trìstitì < trlstitia). (25) -ynt in helynt 'course'; tremynt (drernynt) 'sight'; prob. *-en- + -tl. iv. Endings denoting agent or person: (1) -adur < Lat. -ätörern, as in pechadur < jpeccätörem, extended to new formations : henadvr ' elder ', penadur ' chieftain ' ; in creadur ' creature ' it comes of course from -ätüra. (2) -ai, Ml. W. -ei, properly -hei for it hardens the preceding consonant, < *-sagiö 'seeker' § 104 ii (2), as blotai 'beggar of meal' (blawd 'meal'), cynutai 'gatherer of firewood' (cynnud 'firewood') etc. The late artificial formation mynegai ' index ' is wrong in form (it should be *rnynacai) and in meaning (it should denote a ' seeker '). (3) -awdr < Lat. -ätor,. as in ymhêrawdr < imperätor, crêawdr < creator, extended in W., as in dysgaudr 'teacher', llyuiawdr 'ruler'. §143 NOUNS 233 For W. awdr * author ' < Lat. au(c)tor (beside awdur < ace. au(c)törem) the dial, form mvdwr (with parasitic w § 16 v (3)) came to be used in Late W. The above words were then mistaken for compounds of this, and wrongly spelt and accented ymheráwdwr, creáwdwr. Lastly the -wr was mistaken for -wr ' man ', (8) below, and a new pi. ymherawdwyr formed instead of the true pi. ym(h)erodron ; but ym{h)erodraeth remains. (4) -es < Brit. *-Ì88ä : Lat. -issa : brenhines etc. § 137 i. (5) -iad : hebryngỳat w.m. 4 ' guide'; it affects a to ei : lleiddiad 1 killer' (lladd ' kill '), datgeiniad ' singer' ; after w the i is lost § 36 v, as geilwad ' caller ' (galw ' call '), ceidwad ' keeper, saviour ' (cadw * keep '). It implies Brit, -iatis (or iata) : Gaul. Na/x,avo-aTiç, TaXarai : Ir. -ith, i-stem ; the suffix is -ti- (or -td) : Gk. //,ávriç, KpL-rrj-s ; -ia- or -a- < -id- or -d- ; the affection of the vowel shows that the -ia- form was already generalized in Brit. (6) -og, Ml. W. -awe < Brit, -akos adj. suffix § 153 (5) forms m. nouns as tywysog ' prince ', marchog ' knight ', swyddog ' officer ', •and f. nouns as ffolog, see § 139 iv; the former have feminines in -oges : tywysoges ' princess ', cymydoges ' neighbour '. (7) -or, Ml. W. -awr < Lat. -ärius as kaghellaur a.l. i 62, Mn. "W". canghellor < cancelldrius, extended in W. : telynor ' harpist ', cantor 1 singer ' ; f. -ores : cantores. (8) -wr { man ' : pregethwr ' preacher ', gweithiwr ' worker ' etc. ; -wraig ' woman ' : gólchwraig ( washerwoman \ (9) -ydd < Brit, -no : crydd £ shoemaker ' § 86 i (5), melinydd 1 miller ', jprydydd ' poet ' ; -edydd < -atíiö : dringhedydd ' climber ', nqfiedydd D.G. 502 'swimmer'; -idyS : llemidit w.m. 466 IlernhidyS e.m. no 'leaper'; f. -yddes : frydyddes 'poetess', -adyddes : gwriiadyddes * sempstress '. (10) Endings of more restricted use: -ig in pendefig 'chieftain', gwledig 'prince', < *-î-&o>-,. § 153 (9). -in in brenin < *-lni- ; cf. pi. brenhinoedd ; -in from Lat. -Ino- in dewin for *diwin < dlvinus, per{%)er'in ' pilgrim ' < *pergerinos < peregrlnus. v. Endings denoting instrument or thing: (1) -adur, iv (1): Ml. "W. yaladur, Mn. W. pladur ' scythe ', gwriiadur ' thimble ' etc. (2) -in < -ina : melin ' mill' < Lat. mollna ; cegin § 89 iii ; so cribin, megin, etc. 139 iv. The m. buelin may have -in < *-ikno-, cf. Gaul, celicnon 'tower', V qel- 'high' : Lat. celsus, colurnen. (3) -ell < -ella or -ilia : padell 'pan' < Lat. patella ; pibell 'pipe', ffynhonnell ' fountain, source '. (4) -og iv (6), besides names of persons, forms f. names of things, as arffedog ' apron ', clustog ' cushion ', of plants, as tewbanog ' mullein ', of places, as mawnog ' peat-bog ', brwynog ' marsh ', etc., and m. names of birds as cyffylog ' woodcock ', and animals, as draenog ' hedgehog ', llwynog ' fox '. (5) -wr iv (8) : crafwr ' scraper '. 234 ACCIDENCE § 144 ADJECTIVES Number. § 144. The pi. of adjectives is formed from the sg. as follows : i. By change of vowel. The change is the ultimate «-affec- tion § 83 ii ; cf. § 1 17 i. Examples : bychan ' little ', pi. bychem IL. a. 2, Mn. W. bychain^ so llydan 'broad', truan 'wretched', buan ' quick ' ; cadarn ' strong ', pi. kedeirn w.m. 40, Jcedyrn do. 51, Mn. W. cedyrn ; ieuanc 'young ', pi. ieueinc w.m. 181, Mn. W. ieuainc ; harh 'handsome', pi. Âeirb ; ^ôút 'deaf pi. byheir r.p. 1 1 96, Mn. W, byddair. ii. By adding the ending -ion. Examples: mud ' mute ', pi. mudŷoii p.p. 1 1 96, Mn. W. mndhn; coc/i ' red', pi. cocliŷon r.p. t 236, Mn. W. cochion ; ^teo? ' bold ', pi. glewion ; «i/ ' narrow ', pi. culion. iii. The addition of -ion causes the following vowel changes : (1) Mutation § HI: tlawd 'poor 3 , pi. tlodỳon r.p. 1196, Mn. W. tlodion ; trwm 'heavy ', pi. tvymyon r.m. 14, Mn. W. trymion\ llwm 'bare', pi. llywion ; Ifym 'keen', pi. llymion ; meh[n 'yellow', pi. melynk>n\ Mn. W.main 'slender', ip\. me inion, etc. The comparatively late pi. mawrion is an exception ; an older form is perhaps rnorŷon b.t. 45 ; but the original form mawr< *märî (like the sg. mawr<*märos) generally remained : llojppaneu mawr w.m. 23, r.m. 14 'big boots'. A similar exception is trawsion m.a. i 544. (2) Penultimate affection §83 iii: glas 'blue', pi. gleissỳon r.p. 1196, now written gleision ; dull 'blind', pi. deillỳon ib., Mn. W. deillion ; claf i sick ', pi. cleivyon ib., Mn. W. cleifion ; ^ö^, pi. gweigwn\ cadr, pi. ceìdrỳon r.p. 1169 (ceidron iv). e is not affected: ^cA^ 'high' pi. uchelion m.a. i 565a; see <7weZ- 10OW etc. iv. a is unaffected in the late pi, meddalion ; the old pi. is meddal like the sg. : petheu clayr mehal il.a. 70 "blanda et mollia ". ae remains unaffected, and the ending in some old forms is written -on, as haélon b.b. 3, r.p. 1169, m.a. i 283a, later haelion. iv. After the groups mentioned in § 36 v-vii, the i drops, so that the ending appears as -on : gwelw ' pale ', pi. gwelwon R.P. 1 196, gweddw 'widowed ', pi. gwehwon do. 1236 ; cliwerw 'bitter', pi. c//werwon; hoyw 'sprightly', pi. hoywon ; du 'black', pi. duon ; teneu ' thin ', pi. teneuon ; budr ' dirty ', pi. budron ; garip ' rough ', pi. geirwon ; marw ' dead ', pi. meirwon ; llathr ' bright ', § 145 ADJECTIVES 235 pi. lleithron (lleithyrŷon in w. yb). The affection of the vowel in geirwon etc. bears witness to the lost i. In most Ml. W. mss. the t, following ei, is lost after all consonants, as in S.W. dialects, § 35 ii, as deillon k.p. 1236 (beside deillŷon 1196). v. Some adjectives have two plurals, one formed by affection, and one by adding -ion : hardd ' handsome ', pi. heirdd, heirddion ; garw ' rough ', pi geirw, geirwon ; marw ' dead ', pi. meirw^ meirwon. caled usually remains unchanged: rhai caled T.A. c. ii yg, pethau caled Ex. xviii 26, cf. 1 Bren. x 1, xiv 6; but caledion Judas 15 (though calet here also in Wm.S.), cledion c.c. 334. The spoken forms are caled and cledion. The form celyd R.G.D. 96 seems to be a recent invention; Wms. 372 has Yr hoelion geirwon caled, changed in recent hymnbooks to celyd. Similarly Cymraeg is sg. and pi. : henweu Kymraec s.G. 172 ' "Welsh names'. § 145. i. The only pi. forms which are originally adjectival are those produced by vowel affection; where these exist they generally accompany pi. nouns, thus gwŷr cedyrn, not gwŷr cadarn. But we have seen that from the Ar. period *-$, pi. *-iones formed nouns corresponding to adjectives in *-ios § 121 i ; and there can be no doubt that W. forms in -ion (from *-iones) were originally nouns, as they may still be, e.g. y tlodion * the poor '. The dis- tinction between these nouns and adjectives proper was obscured by the fact that adjectives might be used as nouns, e.g. y kedyrn w.m. 51 ' the mighty ' ; then, in imitation of 'gwŷr cedym i mighty men ', expressions like plant tlodion 'poor children ' were formed for the sake of formal agreement, as the agreement was not apparent in an adj. like tlawd which had the same form for sg. and pi. But the old tradition persisted, and the use of forms in -ion was, and is, optional : eriron du, . . . coc//, eririon gwinn, . . . glas, . . . lluid b.b. 72-3 ' black . . . , red . . . , white . . . , blue . . . , grey eagles'; dynyon mwyn p.m. 21 ' gentle folk', meirch do/ do. 31 ' tame horses ' ; and is more frequent in later than in earlier periods, thus bratteu trwm of w.m. 23 appears as bratten trymỳon in the later r.m. 14. Hence we find (1) as forms in -ion were not really needed, many adjectives remained without them, and have no distinctive pi. forms ; (2) in many cases plurals in -ion remain substantival. ii. The following adjectives have no distinctive plural forms in use : 1 236 ACCIDENCE § 145 (1) The simple adjectives (or old derivatives no longer recog- nized as such) : back, ban, call, cas, certh, craff, cu, cun, chweg, da, dig, drwg, fflwch, gau, givdr, gioir, gwymjp, /iqfal, Jiagr, hawdd, hen, //off, llawen, llesg, lion, llwyr, mad, man, pur, rhad, serf y 11, serth, sobr, swrth, teg. bychain is pi. of byohan, not of bach, which is sg. and pi. like the others in the above list ; thus plentyrb bach ' little child ', pi. 'plant bach. Yr adar bach a rwydud A'th iaith dwyllodrus a'th hud, — D.G. 313. ' Thou wouldst snare the. little birds with thy deceiving words and thy wile.' drwg is also an abstract noun, pi. drygau ' evils '. hagr is included in D.'s list; Rowland's hagron is obviously spurious — it would be *heigron if genuine, hen is included because henŷon il.a. 95 is only known to occur once, and that in verse. D. y C. has hyff as pi. of hqff, as well as aghlyff, pryff and cryff as pi. of anghloff, fraff, craff apparently extemporized e.p. 1361 ( praff has pi. preiffion). man is usually pi. as in cerrig man ' small stones ', often sg. as in gro man ' fine gravel \ glân l clean' has pi. gleinỳon il.a. 102, e.p. 1236, which is compara- tively rare, and became extinct. D. 56 includes tywyll, but quotes an example of tywyllion ; this and one or two others like onelysion (for melys pl„ Diar. xxiii 8) are not uncommon in Late Mn. W. (2) Adjectives of the equative or comparative degree. But superlative adjectives have substantival plurals. (3) Derivative adjectives in -adwy, -aid, -aidd, -ar, -gar, -in, -lyd, § 153. But adjectives in -ig, -og, -ol, -us have plurals in -ion, which commonly precede their nouns, but may follow them, as gwyr bonhehigŷon s.G. 62 * gentlemen \ nefolŷon wybodeu ac ysprydolỳon gelvydodeu il.a. 103 'heavenly sciences and spiritual arts', cf. 102. Deddfolion ddynion a ddyfa- lant m.a. i 26 * law-abiding men they deride '. oV nefolion ar daear- olion a thanddaearolion bethau Phi], ii 10. — Nertlioeh nefolýon . . . neu wrthỳeu fyveSolyon il.a. 102 'heavenly powers or wonderful miracles '. Y mae'r sir wedi marw Siôn Yn wag wŷr enwogion. — Gut.O., G. 219. ( The county, after the death of Siôn, is void of famous men.' Rhoed yn un bedd mawredd Môn — Eu deugorff urddedigion. — H.K. 1 In one grave has been laid the greatness of Môn, their two noble bodies/ § 145 ADJECTIVES 237 (4) Most compound adjectives, as hy-gtyw, //y-gtod, e-ang i ffrwytJi-ton, metys-tais, etc. But when the second element is an adj. which may take -ion, the ending is sometimes affixed to the compound; thus claer-wynnŷon il.a. 92 'bright*, gtoyw-huon do. 93 'glossy-back ' ; glas-feinion D.G. 87 ' green and slender', tat- gryfion Ezek. iii 7 "of an hard forehead ". D. 56 quotes cyn-dynion, erchyllion (erch-hyllion) as exceptional forms in Dynion cyndynion dinerth Hyllion erchyllion a cherth. — Anon, 1 Stubborn (but) weak men, ugly, hideous and strange/ iii. Many adjectives have substantival plurals used partly as abstract nouns as uchetion Gr.O. 120 'heights', but chiefly to denote classes of persons ; the sg. is also in some cases substantival. The pi. is formed either by affection or by adding -ion or -iaid, Ml. W. -ÿon, -ŷeit ; the latter is used for persons only, and causes the same penult, affection as -ion, except in late forma- tions. Thus caeth ' slave ' pi. keith, Mn. W. caith L.G.C. 63, or Ml. W. keithyeit or Mn. W. caethion ; byddar ' deaf pi. hyddair, later formation byddar iaid ; hatch 'proud' pi. beilch r.p. 1334 1. 46, beitchion, beitchiaid; truan 'wretch' pi. truain, trueinion, trueiniaid ; gwan ' weak ', pi. gweìnỳon m.a. i 110b , gweinŷeit r.p. 1196, Mn. W. gweiniaid ; datt 'blind' pi. deittion, deiltiaid. At ol y ferch ar wyl Fair gloVr bedd e glywW byddair. — T.A., c. ii 83. ' The deaf hear [the lamentations] for the maid on Lady Day at the closing of the grave/ Äi lun gwrdl yn gorwedd Ef a wna i'r beilch ofni'r bedd. — T.A., A 14975/107. ' Since his manly form lies [in it], lie makes the proud fear the grave/ Be chwilid pob ach aliwn, Bylchau'n ach beilchion a wn. — T.A., A 14966/277. ' If every alien pedigree were examined I know gaps in the pedigree of proud ones/ A jphlaid feilchiaid a fydd. — D.E., p 100/249. 1 And there will be a company of the proud/ Note, gweiniaid is often used adjectivally in Mn. W., as rhai gweiniaid 1 Cor. ix 22 ; on the other hand gweinion is often a noun 238 ACCIDENCE § 146 even as late as C.c. 338 (dated 1588). blwyddiaid is the only form of the pi. of the adj, blwydd ' year old ', and is used adjectivally, as saith oen blwyddiaid Lev. xxiii 18; see § 122 iv (2), p. 206. iv. Many superlatives have pi. forms which are substantival only ; one, hynaif ' elders ', is formed by affection ; the others take -ion or -iaid, as goreuon, hynafiaid (the a of -qf is not affected) ; eithafoeh r.m. 186, L.G.C. 140, 152 (beside eithafion) and yellafoedd are peculiar in having -oedd. Hojpcyn ar lasfryn ai laif. Hwnnw oedd fal yr hynaif. — L.G.C. 167, cf. 10. ' Hopkin on a green hill with his sword, — he was as the men of old.' Llan Nefydd, lie i hynafiaid. — T.A M A 31 102/158. ' Llan Nefydd, the place of his ancestors/ I wyth ynys y'th aned, O'th ofn crynn eithafion Cred. — T.A., A 14971/390. 1 For eight islands hast thou been born, the uttermost parts of Christendom tremble for fear of thee/ v. Derivatives in -ig, -og, -ol, -us have substantival plurals in -ion only; as y dysgedigion 'the learned \ y cyfoethogion 'the wealthy', meidrolion 'finite beings', rheidusion m.a. i 315a ' needy ones \ Ac yr wyf inneu yn my net yn erbyn bonheBigŷon y wlat lion s.G. 293 'and I am going against the gentlemen of this country'. Efe a dywdllt ddirmyg ar foneddigion Ps. cvii 40. vi. Many compounds have plurals used as nouns only : kyvoedyon C. m.a. i l^h 'contemporaries', anwariaid ( savages', y ffyddloniaid ' the faithful ' ; pengryniaid and pengrynion, ' round- heads ' ; prydferthion e beauties ', abstract. Gender. § 146. i. Many adjectives containing w or \\ have f. forms in which these vowels are affected to o or e respectively, §§ 68, 83. The change takes place chiefly in monosyllables. ii. Monosyllables containing w or y may be classified thus : — (1) In the following the affection takes place in the f., in the literary language: — w : blwng I.G. 198 'angry', f. blong see ex.; brwnt 'dirty'; bwlch (Jcic bwlch a.l. i 524 'meat in cut'), f. bolch § 146 ADJECTIVES 239 b.p. 1327; crwm 'bent'; crwn 'round'; dwfn 'deep 5 ; llwfr 'cowardly'; llwm 'bare'; mwll 'sultry'; mws r.p. 1348 'stale', f. mos I.G. 406 ; joŵl ' blunt', f. jpôl IL. il 133/2110; tlws * beauti- ful'; trwch I.G. 491 'maimed', f. troch do. 285; trwm 'beavy'; trwsgl 'clumsy'; twll w.m. 133, G.Gr. d.g. 247 'perforated', f. toll r.p. 1045 ) twnn I.G. 497 ' battered ', f. town, see ex. — y : brych ' spotted ' ; byrr ' sbort ' ; cryf ' strong ' ; cryg ' boarse ' f. grec e.p. 1274, I.G. 628, D.G. 2 2 3 ; ffyrf ' thick ' ; gwlyb 'wet'; gwynin) ' white ' ; gwyrdd ' green ' (but see § 68); hysb ' dry ' ; llyfn ' smooth '; llym ' keen ' ; sych ' dry ' ; syth ' upright ' ; tyn(n) ' tight \ All the f. forms of the y-group are in colloquial use, except creg. Rhoes hwrdd i'm Hong, rhoes flong floedd. — G.Gr. p 51/49. ' [The billow] gave my ship a push, and gave an angry shout.' Oer yw rhew ar warr heol : Oerach yw 'mronn donn yn d'ôl. — W.DJ., G 300. 1 Cold is the frost on the ridge of the roadway ; colder is my stricken breast after thee.' (2) In the following both the unaffected and the affected form are used for the f. ; in some cases perhaps the affected is a conscious formation, more or less artificial: — wifflwch, f. in D.G. 80, but -ffloch in comp. I.G. 226 'flush'; j)wdr 'rotten', f. Num. v 21, but podr I.G. 399; rhwth 'distended', geg-rwth f. D.G. 344, but roth I.G. 406; swrth, f. sorth 'prostrate' Gr.O. 59. — y: clyd 'sheltered', did f. b.b. 62, but cled D.G. 221 and later poetry, see ex., now clyd f. ; crych ' curly ', f. D.G. 75, -grech in comp. see iv (1); chwyrn 'whirling', f. D.G. 418, late chwem d.p.o. 344; gwydn ' tough ', gwedn D.G. 50 ; gwymp ' fine ', I.R. has gwemp says D. 54 ; hyll, f. D.G. 71, nos hyll 'horrid night' do. 500, later f. hell, but generally hyll, and so in spoken W. (the compound diell is not necessarily f. as D. assumed, but is for di-hyll by dissim. § 16 iv (2), and may be mas. as diell dëyrn m.a. i 4936). Od aeth Rhys o'i glaerllys gled, Yr wyf finnau ar fyned. — D.N., m 136/109. { If Rhys has gone [to the grave] from his warm bright home, I too am about to go/ (3) In the following the vowel is never affected, but the unaffected form is m. and f. : — w : brwd ' warm ', drwg ' bad ', glwth ' glutton- ous ', gwrdd ' strong ', gwrm ' brown ', llwgr ' corrupt '. — y : dygn 'grievous'; grym 'strong'; gwych, f. D.G. 89, 143, 156, 315, 359 ' fine ' (gwech is a late fabrication) ; gwychr ' victorious ' ; gwyllt see ex. ; hy * bold ' ; hydr ' valiant ' ; myg ' admirable ' ; rhydd ' free '; rhyn(n) f. D.G. 267 ' shivering, cold ' ; syn(n) ' astonishing '. 240 ACCIDENCE § 146 Hed drosof hyd a dir Esyllt a Misprinted i. berfedd gwlad Wynedd wyllt. — D.G. 523. ' Fly for my sake as far as the land of Essyllt from the heart of the wild region of Gwynedd.' iii. The change takes place rarely in uncompounded poly- syllables : (1) Melyn ' yellow ' has f. melen always. (2) D.D. gives " manwl et manol" s.v. but cites (from L.G.C. 318) manwl f. ; the form manol seems a variant (Ì late) of manwl rather than a f. For the f. of tywyll L.G.C. and D.E. wrote tywell, which is quite certainly a spurious form, for tywyll originally had in its ult. not y but wỳ § 38 x, § 111 i (2), and could no more take a. f. form than llwyd ' grey \ The true f. is tywyll : Stavell GynSylan ys tywyll b.p. 1045 'The hall of C. is dark'; Tywyll ywr nos, . . . tywyll yw'r fro D.G. 267 'dark is the night, dark is the land'; rlian dywyll Luc xi 36. D. 54 states correctly that tywyll is com., quoting as violating usage (" sed dixit poeta") the well-known couplet — Nos da i'r Ynys Dywell; Ni wn oes un ynys well. —L.G.C, m 146/140. ' Good night to the dark island ; I know not if a better island be/ The name, which denotes Anglesey, is properly yr Ynys Dywyll (Ynis Dowyll Camden 4 681, Ynys Dowyll Mona Ant. 1 24). Rowland 41 gives tywell as regular, and cites the couplet as an example, borrowing it from D. or his translator, but lacking D.'s scholarship. Some recent writers have used the form, having learnt it from these sources ; and naturally Wms's tywyll nos is everywhere " corrected " to tywell nos in the new C.-M. hymnbook. The spoken language of course preserves the traditional form nos dywyll. In Ml. and Early Mn. W. derivatives in -lyd had f. forms in -led : croc creuled b.b. 41 'bloody cross'; y Breic danllet s.g. 294, 329 1 the fiery dragon ' ; arf wyarlled G.G1. D. 59 ' gory weapon ' ; Ac wybren drymled b ledoer b Printed dremled. A'i lluwch yn gorchuddioW lloer. — D.G. 229. ( And a gloomy chilly sky, and its drift hiding the moon.' (3) But the bulk of polysyllabic adjectives with w or n in the ult., which are not conscious compounds, have no distinctive f. form : w: agwrdd 'strong' amlwg 'evident', chwimwth 'quick', teilwng * worthy ', etc. ; — y : melys ' sweet ', dyrys ' intricate ', hysbys ' known ', echrys ' terrible ', newydd ' new ', celfydd ' skilful ', pybyr f. I.G. in' keen ', ufyll ' humble ', serfyll ' prostrate ', etc. etc. iv. The affection often takes place in compounds : (1) In the second element when it is an adj. as pen-grych b.m. 163 'curly-haired', f. benn-grech do. 232 (but ben-grych in the earlier § 147 ADJECTIVES 241 w.m. 165); claerwyn m.a. i 92 'bright', f. claerwen D.G. 48; mynŷgl-wen do. 137 * white-throated ', drwyn-llem do. 395 'sharp- nosed'; gwallt-felyn g. 157 'yellow-haired', f. gwallt-felen D.G. 107; di-syrnl ' artless', f. dí-seml D.G. 53. Dywed, donn lẃys-gron, lás-greg, Chwedl da am ferch wiwdal deg. — G.Gr. p 77/194. 1 Tell me, finely-curved blue hoarse wave, good news of the fair sweet-faced maiden.' Sometimes the first element is affected in co-ordinate compounds, as tlos-deg D.G. 518 'beautiful and fair', sech-goeg I.G. 406 'dry and void ' ; and in rare cases both elements, as cron-fferf D.G. 38 ' round and firm '. (2) But old compounds, consisting of prefix + adj. and others which are not consciously felt to be compounds, retain their vowel unaffected : hy-dyn 'tractable', an-hydyn 'intractable', cyn-dyn ' stubborn ', ed-lym ' keen ', cymysg ' mixed ', hy-fryd ' pleasant ', dy-bryd ' ugly ', cyffelyb ' like ', amlwg, agwrdd, etc. iii (3). v. The following" are irregular : (1) brith 'speckled' has f. braith, Ml. "W. breith, a special case of a affection, not originally irregular, see § 68. (2) The change takes place in the penult in bychan ' little ', f. bechan, see §101 ii (2), and cwta 'short', f. sometimes cota; and sometimes in comparatives and superlatives; see § 147 iii. vi. There is no distinctive form for the f. pi. Comparison. § 147. i. The adjective in W. has four degrees of comparison, the positive, the equative, the comparative, and the superlative. As the cpv. is followed by no, later na ' than ', the equative is preceded by cyn and followed by â (unacc, a) : cyn wynned âW eira as white as snow ' ; 'of after the spv. is expressed by : y byrraf or ddau lit. ' the shortest of the two '. ii. (1) The derived degrees are formed from the positive by the addition of ~(k)ed, ~ack, ~{h)af respectively. The -//- of the equative and spv. disappeared after the accent § 48 ii, but hardened final -b, -d, or -g to tenues, even when these were followed by a sonant ; in Late Mn. W. the hardening is extended to the cpv. Of course all mutable vowels are mutated, § 81. Thus the present-day comparison is as follows : — 1402 E 242 ACCIDENCE §1 Positive Eqtv. Cpv. Spv. glân ' clean ' glaned glanach glanaf teg ' fair ' teced tecaçh^ tecqf gwlyb ' wet ' gwlyped gwlyjpach gwlypaf £&!%%£ 'poor' tloted tlotach tlotaf #zŵ ' dirty ' hutred butrach butraf gwi/dn ' tough ' gwytned gwytnach gwytnaf (2) But in Ml. W. the final consonant of the positive was not hardened in the comparative ; thus we have tebygach w.m. 44, r.m. 30 'more likely ', tegach 'fairer' beside teckaf ' fairest' w.m. 226, r.m. 164, hyfrydach r.b.b. 50 'more pleasant ', reidŷach r.p. 1 249 ' more necessary '. The tenuis is rare : kaletach b.t. 64, 69 ' harder '. The media remained in Early Mn. W., e.g. rywiogach L.G.C. see § 115 ii; caledach G.G1. c. i 195; tegach T.A. a 14967/89 ; tlodach see ex. ^leíÄ cerdd dafod yn dlo&ach ; Aed ef i wlad nef yn iach. — H.D., p 99/416. ' Poetry became poorer [by his loss] ; may he go safe to heaven.' The equative and superlative, however, always have the tenuis : kyn-debycket w.m. 34, r.m. 22, teccet w.m. 181, r.m. 84, teccaf a gwastataf w.m. 179, e.m. 83, etc. The -Â- which caused this hardening is sometimes preserved in Ml. W. : dahet e.m. 50 ' as good' ; mwyhaf w.m. 179, r.m. 83 ; ky vawket, gurhaw § 149 i (2) ; pennhaw {-w = -f) b.b. 102 ; see § 48 iv. H On i before the ending, see § 35 ii (2). iii. In Ml. W. f. forms of the derived degrees arose, the endings being added to the f. positive ; these are new formations, and are less frequent in earlier than in later texts ; thus dissymlaf of w.m. 6 becomes disemylqfm r.m. 4. Other examples are tromJtaf w.m. 82, r.m. 60 ; gwen(n)ach r.b.b. 60 ; gwennet r.p. 1239 ; do/net do. 1276. A few survive in the Mn. period, eos dlosqfD.G. 402 ' most beautiful nightingale ' ; berraf f. i 7 ; Wennaf Wen, iv. (1) The comparison of adjectives in the Ar. languages is largely formed by means of the Ar. suffix *-ẁs-. The L°-grade *-iô8 gives Lat. -ior nom. sg. m. f. of the cpv. ; the F°-grade -ios gives Lat. -ius the corresponding neuter ; the R-grade -is is seen in the Lat. cpv. adverb mag-is. The E-grade -is- with other suffixes gave many forms of the cpv. and spv. § 147 ADJECTIVES 243 (2) The W. spv. -haf (=Ir. -em, -am) is from Kelt. *-isamos, *-isamä < Italo-Kelt. *-is e m-os, -ä, cf. Lat. plürimus < *plöis e mo8. This is formed by adding the ordinal ending *- e mos (: Lat. sept-imus) to the suffix of comparison -is-, just as the other ordinal ending -tos (: Lat. sex-tus) added to-^s- forms the other spv. ending -istos familiar in Gk. and Germanic. [The -ss- of Lat. -issinius is due to some re- formation, probably -is- + -simus newly compounded, the latter ele- ment containing ~(i)s- already.] (3) The W. cpv. -ach (Bret, -och) seems to come from Brit. *-aks- for unaccented *-äks- § 74 ; probably in full *-äk'son < *-äk-isön (final *-on for *-cm § 59 v) the cpv. in *-is-ön (: Gk. -huv, Goth, -iza) of a derivative in *-äk-os of the adj. § 153 (5). The general substitu- tion of the cpv. of a derivative for the ordinary cpv. in *-iös is doubt- less due to the fact that, after the loss of endings, the cpv. in -ids did not differ from the pos. pi. (*katarn-iös would give ^cedeim), & or in some cases from the pos. sg. (*meliss-ìös would give *melys). The suffix -ok- itself prob. had a heightening force, as it has in Lith. when added to an adj. ; in Lettish -aks is the ordinary cpv. ending. The suffix *-isön is formed by adding *-ow to the suffix of comparison *-is-. It occurs with loss of -i- in W. nes, haws, etc. § 148 i, q.v. ; the final *-ön is the L°-grade of a suffix -en-, which is perhaps to be seen in amgen § 148 ii and haeachen q. 234, apparently an obi. case of haeach § 220 iii (6). The final -n of the nom. sg. -son is prob. the initial of no ' than ' §113 i (1). (4) The W. eqtv. -het ( = Bret. exclamative -het) seems to be fro n Brit. *-is-eto-s, formed by adding the Kelt, ordinal suffix *-eto-s § 154 ii (2) to the suffix of comparison *-is-. It contains the same elements as the spv. suffix *-istos, but is a new and independent formation, in which each element preserves some measure of its signi- ficance : -is- ' superior ', -eto- ' in order'. It is equative in meaning only when cyn is prefixed ; thus çyn deced â ' as beautiful as \ lit. ' equally excelling-in-beauty with '. Without cyn it is an exclamative, as uchet y kwynaf b.p. 14 17 'how loudly I lament!'; so Ml. Bret. kazret den ' what a fine man ! ' (in the dial, of Leon the spv. is substituted for it, as brasa den ' what a big man ! '). In W. it is largely used substantially as the obj. of a vb. or prep., meaning not the quality denoted by the adj. but the degree of it : er i theced 4 in spite of her superior beauty '. Zimmer, KZ. xxxiv 161-223, held that the eqtv. was a noun like colled, etc., which became an adj. by being compounded with cyn, which he regarded as *kom-; cf. lliw 'colour', cyfliw 'of a like colour'. His explanation did not account for the -h- in the suffix; hence Stern, ZfCP. iii 164, suggests that the eqtv. is a compound, the second element being allied to Ir. säith, Lat. satis, but this the vowel does not admit of. — The fact that teced is a noun in er i theced no more proves it to be a noun originally than the use of gwaethaf a Both survived for hên ' old ', but the pi. only as a noun ; thus hýn ' older '< *$eniös t hýn l ancestors '<*.se«i. e2 244 ACCIDENCE § 147 as a noun in er dy waethaf ' in spite of thy worst ' proves the spv. to be a primitive noun ; the ordinal itself is so used, as ar vyn deuSecvet w.m. 83 ' on my twelfth ', meaning ' [I] with eleven others '. Zimmer ignores the difference of meaning between the eqtv. and an abstract noun; er fy nhlodi is 'in spite of my poverty', but er fy nhloted is * in spite of the degree of my poverty '; the former means ' though I am poor ', the latter ' however poor I may be ' ; the idea of ' degree ' is common to the W. eqtv. and Bret, exclamative, and it is absurd to assert, as Zimmer does, that it is a meaning read into the form by us moderns. Some of the irregular equatives given in the next section begin with cym-, cyn-, cyf-, cy-, which are the regular forms of Kelt. *koin- in composition. These do not require cyn before them ; hence Zimmer believed that cyn before an equative in ~(h)ed was identical with the above prefixes, and came from *kom-. But cyn is followed by a soft initial, and its -n (Ml. -nn) is never assimilated to the following consonant ; Strachan, who accepts Zimmer' s view, explains this briefly as follows: "the form cyn- with analogical lenation became the general form before all sounds," Intr. 29. Analogy usually causes the one to conform to the many; but the above explanation involves the assumption of the many conforming to the one in the generalization of the pre-dental form cyn- (which did not take place in any other compounds of *kom-); it involves the same assumption in the generalization of the apparent lenition in cy-w- (as in cy-wir) ; as the two things (-n and lenition) could not co-exist in any formation from *kom-, the two generalizations would have to be independent, so that the improbability is raised to the second degree. Further, the -n- of cyn is not only old enough to provect I- and r- (§ 111 i), as in cyn llonned, cyn rhated (as opposed to cyf-laẁn, cyf-ran from *kom-), but is actually older than the separation of W. and Bret., for in Ml. Bret, it is quen. Some other explanation of cyn must therefore be sought. cyn ( = cyn, in the dialects mostly Jcín) is now a proclitic, though it may be accented for emphasis ; it was also a proclitic in Ml. W. for it was generally joined to the eqtv. in writing, though often separated, see below. But its -y- shows that originally it was a separate word separately accented, and distinguishes it from all the forms of *kom-, which have y. In cyn-ddrwg, cyn forms an improper compound with the adj., and its y becomes 2/ § 46 i ; this is the only case of y in cyn with lenition. — While cyf- < *kom- can be prefixed to a noun or adj. as cyf-liw, cyf-uwch, the form cyn cannot be put before a noun ; we cannot say *cyn harddwch, *cyn dlodi, *cyn rhaid, *cyn gymdeithas, but must say cyn hardded, cyn dloted, cyn rheitied, cynn gytymdeithaset h.m. ii 419. Zimmer notes this, loc. cit. 197, but does not draw the obvious conclusion. The only word in W. not ending in -(h)ed used after cyn with lenition is drwg, and that is an adj. In Bret, quen, ken (ker, kel) comes before positive adjectives : quen drouc, quen bras. The inference is that forms in -(h)ed are § 148 ADJECTIVES 245 adjectives. Bret, preserves traces of a wider use of hen which shows that it is an adverb or conjunction : hen ar re binvidih, hen ar re baour ' les riches aussi bien que les pauvres ' Troude, Die. Fr.-Bret. s.v. aussi 3. The W. lenition is probably more original than the Bret, non-mutation, as -n tends to cause provection. The base of cynn is very probably *hom- as has been supposed, but it contains an additional element, doubtless an adverbial suffix, probably the loc. suffix *-dhi or *-dhe § 162 vi (2), thus cynn < *hon-dhi; cf. Umbr. joonne ' cum ' < *q%oin-de, O.Lat. quamde ' quam '. In Ml. W. beside hyn- as hyndebychet w.m. 34, and hynn written separately as hynn dechet il.a. 19, 67, hynn gadarnnet do. 67, etc. we sometimes find hy- as hygyfyghet r.m. 150, hy Sruttet ib. This is due to the loss of final unaccented -nn, see § 1 10 v (2). The misspelling can for c\n arose in the 18th cent., and was adopted by Pughe ; but there is absolutely no justification for it either in the earlier written language or in the spoken dialects. The Ir. eqtv. in -ithir, -idir is not phonetically related to the W. eqtv. § 148. i. The following adjectives are compared irregularly :— (1) agos ' near' § 222 i (3) ; eqtv. mor agos s.G. 34, Job xli 16, kynnesset cm. 58 ; cpv. nes ; spv. Ml. nes§af i now spelt nesaf. W. nessaf, Ir. nessam < *ned- s e rno-s : Osc. nessimas £ proximae ', Umb. nesimei ' proxime ' : Skr. náhyati ' binds ' (h < *dh), Vnedh- 1 bind '. The cpv. nes ( = nës) < *ned-son < *ned-sön ; as final -on became -on § 59 v, it would not affect the vowel; see § 147 iv (3). In the dialects agos is often compared regularly (a)gosach, (a)gosa\ thus ffor" gosa' ' nearest way ' for lit. fort ( =fforh) nessaf m.a. i 3676. These forms sometimes crept into the written language in the late period ; see Silvan Evans s.v. agos. (l) bychan ' small, little ' ; eqtv. lÿchaned, tteieel ; cpv. Ml. llei, Mn. llai ; spv. lleiaf. bychan § 101 ii (2); vychanet, yr byclianet w.m. 44 ; am beth hyn- vychanet a hynny s.G. 107 ' for so small a thing as that '. For llai see § 104 ii (2). Khys Brydydd used a spv. bychanaf, see Pughe s.v. mymryn. (3) cynnar ' early ', buan { quick ' ; eqtv. epited ; cpv. cipit ; spv. cyntaf. — buan is also compared regularly : buaned D.G. 132, buanach do. 225, Galarnad iv 19 ; so cynnar, spv. cynharqf 1 earliest ' etc. Ni wy%wn i varch gynt . . . no hienn k.m. 9 ' I knew of no fleeter steed than this '. buan § 63 vii (3); — cynt (: Ir. cët, Gaul. Cintu-) is perhaps cpv. in meaning only; it is believed to be cognate with Goth, hindumists ; 246 ACCIDENCE § 148 Eng. hind-er, be-hind, perhaps from V kent- 'point'; cf. blaenaf 'foremost, first': blaen 'point'; — cyntaf §106 iii (3); cynnar §153 (4); cynffon ' tail' < *cynh-ffonn shows cynt meaning 'hind'. (4) da ' good ' ; eqtv. Ml. kynna b.t. 10, e.p. 1403 ; Ml. kydadfl m.a. i 290, kystal b.t. 10, w.m. 4, 7, etc., Mn. cystadl, usually cystal; as a noun Ml. daiiet w.m. 70, daet e.m. 207, Mn. daëd, daed; cpv. gwell. ; spv. Ml. goreuÄafB.T. 65, b.b. 42, goreuafiL. a. 49, but usually goreu, Mn. W. g oreu, gorau. da §65 ii (1); kynna < *kom-dag-', daed and c£ag<#, disyll. and monosyll., see exx. ; — cystadl § 96 ii (3), cf. distadl ibid. ; the frequent use of the word caused the reduction -adl > -al ; J.D.R.'s cystadled, and later cystled seem to be wrongly standardized forms of Gwyn. dial, cystlad, which may well be for cystadl by metathesis; — gwell orig. ' choice ' § 100 iii (2), prob. not cpv. in form ; — -goreu appears to be formed from gor- ' super ' § 156 i (1*7) and some form of the base *eueseu- 'good' § 75 vii (3); it is not likely that goreu is shortened from goreuhaf, for the dropping of the ending would be against all analogy; rather goreuhaf is a rhetorical form made from goreu, and apparently not largely used at any time; the Mn. form is goreu, gorau, § 8 1 iii ( 1 ) ; in the Early Mn. bards it rhymes with -au, see ex. — Pughe's goraf is a fiction. Er dácäd fo V gair di-werth, JVi bydd gwir heb addaw gwerth. — T.F., M 148/59. ' However good a word without a bribe may be, it will not be [accepted as] true without the promise of a bribe.' Gwae ni dy ddaed gan dy ddwyn. — T.A., G. 230 (7 syll.). ' Woe to us that thou wert so good since thou art taken away.' Cf. L.G.C. 190. gwŷl gwr gael y gorau, Oed i'r gwr hwn drugarhau. — T.A., A 24980/85. ' If a man sees that he has the best [of it], it is time for that man to relent.' So iau/orau H.C.1L., il 133/2126; H.D.p 99/498. (5) drwg ' bad' ; eqtv. kynhrwc r.p. 1357, s.G. 11, 34, ^y, etc., cynddrwg Gen. xli 19 ; as a noun drycket w.m. 227, Mn. dryced D.G. 40 ; cpv. gwaeth ; spv. gwaethaf. drwg, Bret, drouk, droug, Ir. droch-, drog- < Kelt. *druko- Vdhreugh/q- : Skr. drúh-, dhruk 'injuring, betraying', druhyati ' huits', Germ. Trug : Lat. fraus; — cynddrwg § 147 iii (4); — gwaeth, gwaethaf, Bret, gwaz, gwasa, Vann. gwac'h, Corn, gwêth, gwetha ; the Bret, forms show that W. wae is for woe, so that Stokes's *uakto-s Pick 4 ii 260 is inadmissible; hence probably gwaethaf < *gwoe$-haf < *U2)o-ped-is e rnos § 75 ii (1) : Lat. pessimus < *ped-s e mos ; in that § 148 ADJECTIVES 247 case gwaeth is formed from the superlative; see llydan (n) below. These are, then, the compared forms of gwael * base, vile ', the posi- tive often having a suffix lost in comparison, cf. rnawr, Mr, uchel ; and gwael represents *upo-ped-lo-s ; its derivative gwaelawt ' bottom ', 0. W. guoilaut, preserves the literal meaning (' under foot '). Of course in Ml. and Mn. W. gwael is compared regularly, its relation to gwaethaf having been forgotten. (6) hawdd 'easy'; eqtv. hawsset il.a. 8i, Mn. Aawsed; cpv. haws ; spv. /mwssafiL.A. 8i, s.G. 13, Mn. hawsaf. hawdd, originally ' pleasant ', as in hawddfyd ' pleasure ', hawdit ( = haw8-£y$) b.b. 90 'fine day ' , hawdd-gar 'handsome* §153(8) for *hwawdd § 94 iv < Ar. *suädú-s : Gk. r/8vç, Skr. svädú-h, O. E. 'swête, Lat. suavis ( < *suädui-s), etc. ; — cpv. haws < *suäd'son < *suädisön=Gk. rjStwv < *suädisön; — spv. hawsaf < *suäd's e nios', the -aw- instead of -0- in the penult is due to the lost w before it ; cf. gwawd' song' < *uät- y Ml. pi. gwawdeuB.v. 12 16. In Gaul, we find Suadu-rix, -genus (prob. -ä-). For the development of the meaning cf. E. ease c comfort ; facility \ In Recent W. we sometimes see hawddach and hawddaf which come from the most debased dialect ; good speakers still use the standard forms haws, hawsaf. Similarly an-háwdd, ánawS r.p. 1227, etc. § 48 iv, Mn. ánodd ' difficult', O. W. hanaud cp. ; eqtv. anháwsed ; cpv. ánaws, duos; spv. anháwsaf. Owing to its obvious formation the word is generally written anhawdd in the late period; but the regular Mn. form is dnodd, because h is lost after the accent § 48 iv, and unaccented aw > o § 71 ii (1). The spoken form is Ó7ioS, in some parts hánoB by early metathesis of h, as perhaps in the O.W. form above. Maddau ún ym oedd ánodd Na bai yn fyw neb un fodd. — I.D., g. 135 ; cf. c.c. 193. 1 It was difficult for me to part with one whose like did not live/ Eithr ános yw dJaros di. — T.A., c. i 340. ' But it is more difficult to confront thee.' But the prefix may be separately accented § 45 iv (2), in which case the word is necessarily án-háwdd ; this form is attested in — deuaf wyl iw dai fo, An-háwdd fydd fy nyhúddo. — Gut.O., a 14967/60. ' If I come on a holiday to his houses, it will be difficult to com- fort me.' (7) hen 'old'; eqtv. liyned\ cpv. h[n b.t. 2öeMd. /iŷn ; hynach c.c. 342 ; spv. ^ynaf^ O.W. hinham. 248 ACCIDENCE § 148 Mn, Ir. sen < Ar. *seno-s=Qk. ho W. uchel ' high ' § 86 iv) ; if the orig. adv. was *id, the adj. would be Hd-selo-s > *îssélo-s, which gives W. issel, Ir. issel regularly. Pedersen suggests *jpe~d-selo-, Vped- ' foot ' ; but the connexion with Ital. spv. Imo- is more probable. (11) llydan ' wide ' ; eqtv. cyfled, as a noun lied; cpv. lied, late lletach ; spv. lletaf. W. llydan, Ir. lethan § 63 viii (1); W. lied noun, see ibid. ; spv. lletaf < *jplet-is e imo-s. — The cpv. lied, Ir. letha (-a added in Ir.) is irregular ; OsthofF derived W. lied from *plet-is (Thurneysen Gr. 227), but it is not clear why the adverbial form -is should be generalized (the regular * t pletio~s would give W. Hlyd, Ir. Hithiu). As many comparatives were the same as the superlative without its ending, e. g. hwy, hwyaf, Ir. sia, stam, the probability is that some, § 148 ADJECTIVES 249 which differed, were assimilated, so that lied is a re-formation of *llyd on the analogy of Uetaf. This seems also the simplest explana- tion of Ir. letha and similar forms. In the same way "W. hynaf seems to owe its y to the comparative hŷn, § 65 iv (i). The cpv. lied in Job xi 9 is changed in late editions to llettach ; the literary form is lied : thus Eidion lied no'r dunnell win IL. A14967/20 ' an ox broader than a tun of wine '; cf. L.G.C. 429. drug aredd pen Calf aria, sydd yn llawer lied nar byd. — Wms. 490. ' Oh the mercy of mount Calvary, which is much wider than the world.' (12) mawr ' large, great ' ; eqtv. Ml. kymemt, Mn. cymaint, and Ml. kymein, Mn. cymain § 106 iii (2) ; as a noun meint, Mn. maint ; cpv. Ml. moe § 75 i (3), Ml. and Mn. mwy, as an adv. mwyach also ; spv. mwyhaf\ 147 ii (2), mwyaf. ~W. mawr, Ir. mär, mör, Gaul. %çyo-fxapo? < Kelt. *mä-ro-s; — cpv. mwy, Ir. mäa, mäo, möu < *mä-iös § 75 i (3) ; spv. mwyhaf < *mäis e mos < *mä-is e mos; — the eqtv. noun maint < *ma-ntí-s < *mä-ntí-s §74 iv, with the suffix of numeral substantives such as *dekanti~s < *dekm-ti-s : Skr. dasatih c a decade ' ; cf. the formation of eqtv. adjectives with ordinal suffixes; cf. also pa veint cm. 78 ' how many ', y meint gwyr a oeS iSaw r.b.b. 46 c the number of men that he had'=' as many as he had', etc. — The dialectal form cymin(t) of the eqtv. is met with, though rarely, in the bards : Nid cymin or y min mau Blys gwin a bias i genau. — D.G. 317. ' Not so much on my mouth is the desire of wine as of the taste of her lips.' (13) tren(n) * strong' ; cpv. trech (= trêcà); spv. trechaf. Trechaf treisied, gwannaf gwaedded prov. ' let the strongest oppress, the weakest cry'. S.T. has a new cpv. trechach r. 6. W. trenn, Ir. tren < *trek-sno-s, V stereg- : Germ, stark, streng, Eng. strong; — cpv. trech, Ir. tressa (with added -a) < *trek-'son < *treg-isön ; — spv. trechaf, Ir. tressam < *trek- , s e mo-s. chweg ' sweet ' has Ml. cpv. chwechach w.m. 481, e.m. 121, formed like trechach fiom an old cpv. *chwech <*suek- , son. (14) uchel ' high ' ; eqtv. Ml. kyvuch, Mn. cyfuwch, contr. cuwch ; exclam, uchet it.P. 141 7 ; as a noun uchet w.m. 189 ; cpv. "NLLuch, Mn. uwch ; spv. uchaf. uchel §86 iv, § 96 iv (3); uch, uwch < * up-' son; uchaf < *up- 's e mos : Lat. s-ummus < *s-up-mo-s, Gr. vnaTos < *up-m-to-s. On the mutation uch- : uwch see ^77 x. The form uwchaf sometimes met with in Late W. ignores the mutation ; it is a re-formation from uwch, as children say buwchod for buchod ' cows ', sg. buwch. 250 ACCIDENCE § 149 ii. The following have defective comparison : — (i) Spv. eithaf ' uttermost '< *ekt e mos : Lat. extimus, § 109 iv (i) (to cpv. eithr 'except, but', Ir. echtar<*ektro-s : Lat. extra § 99 v (4) ; to positive eh- ech- < * eks- : Lat. ex). (2) Cpv. amgen ' other ; better ' ; also a later amgenach s.G. 200, D.N. f.n. 91. Ac amgen ledyr no hwnnw ny phrynei ef w.m. 67 'And other leather than that he did not buy '. amgen is a cpv. of similar form to hagen § 222 iii (4), and may be neg. in a(n)- of the cpv. corresponding to the spv. megys § 215 iv (3) ' like ' ; thus *n-sm-äk-is-en- > *amgien > amgen § 100 vi. (As the 2nd syll. drops -is- remained and gave i not h.) (3) prif ' chief '< Lat. primus is not felt as a spv. in W. ; it always forms the first element of a compound : § 155 iii (1). iii. Equatives with the prefix cy- may have before this the prefix go-, as gogymaint, gogyfuwch etc. Thus — AW Hall a oe8 yn JcynSuet ac yn ogymeint a Iran s.G. 99 ' and the other was as black and as large as a crow '. yn ogyfuweh â Duw, Phil, ii 6. — This form is sometimes predicated of both the things compared: Nid gogyhyd esgeiriau y cloffD'mY. xxvi 7. § 149. i. Many nouns take the endings of comparison, and thereby become adjectives of the respective degrees. (1) The following are in common use in Mn. W. : rhaid c need ' ; eqtv. cyn rheitied D.G. 299 'as necessary, as fitting'; cpv. Ml. reidyack r.p. 1249, ^ n * rheitiacJi 'more necessary, more fitting' ; spv. Ml. reittafn.T. 1 148, Mn. rheitiaf. rhaid < Kelt. *(p)rat-io- ' due, due share ' < *prdt-, Vpero- ' dis- pose ' : W. rhad see below, rhann ' share ', Lat. part- § 63 vii (2), W. barn § 101 iii (2). elw ' profit ' ; cpv. elwach ' profiting more, better off', as (pa) faint elwach fyddi di ? ' how much better off wilt thou be ? ' elw is properly helw, still so pronounced in Gwynedd in phrases like ar dy helw ' in thy possession ' ; helw = Ir. selb ' possession ' both < *sel-uo-, Vsel- ' take ' : Ir. selaim ' I take ', Gk. éÀeîi/, Goth, saljan, O.E. sellan, E. sell. blaen ' point, front' ; also adj. as troed blaen ' fore-foot' ; spv. blaenqf, ' foremost, first ' ; § 215 iii (10). ôl ' rear, track', asyn ol l after, according to' § 215 iii (6), 61 troed 'foot-print'; also adj. as troed ol 'hind foot'; spv. o/ŵ/'last' < *ol-is fi mo$ : Lat. ultimus < *ol-t f mos* § 149 ADJECTIVES 251 pen(n) 'head'; spv. pennaf ' chief ' ; also in Ml. and Early Mn. W. cpv. pennack il.a. 89, G.G1. p 83/58 ' higher, superior' ; § 89 iii. rhad 'gift, grace', having become an adj. 'cheap' from the phrase yn rhad ' gratis ', is compared regularly. rhad < *jprdt- : rhann, Skr. jmrtám ' reward ' ; see rhaid above. diwedd 'end'; spv. diwaethaf ' last ' jl.a. 7, r.p. 1195, 1249, 1298, p 16/19 B «i * ^ etr i 5 by RT). (in Wm.S.); diwethaf il.a. 43> 59> p I 4/ 11 K *> A - L « i 4> 4^j 5°j Matt, xx 8 Wm.S.; so in Es. ii 2, xlviii 12, Jer. xxiii 20 in 1620 ; but generally in 1620, and everywhere in late bibles, diweddaf. a.l. i 48 dŷuedaf does not imply 8, as we have pemdec for ^m- theg on the same page. The form diweddaf seems to come from Wm.S.'s dyweddaf Matt, xxvii 64 ; and as it seemed to be " regular" it ousted the traditional forms in the written lang. of the 19th cent.; but the spoken forms are dwaetha' (Powys), dwỳtha' (Gwyn.V and dwetha (S.W.). Caned dy feirdd — cyntaffûm, A diwaethaf y deuthum. — T.A., a 14901/26. 'Let thy bards sing — I was the first [of them], and I have come last '. The O.W. diued b.s.ch. 2 and Bret, divez, Corn, dewedh, Ir. diad, dead show that the noun diwedd cannot be for *diwaedd ; on the other hand diwaethaf cannot well be for diwethaf. The explanation of the former seems to be that it comes from an intensified form with *-uo~, which survived only in the spv. ; thus diwaethaf < *diwoe8-haf < *dî-uo-(u)ed-isamo-s, cf. gwaethaf (5) above. diwedd is 'end' in the sense of 'close, conclusion', not a geo- metrical term ; hence from *di- ' out ' + ued-, Vuedh- ' conduct, lead' : Lith. vedu ' I conduct, lead', E. wed, etc., cf. W. gor-SiweSaf 1 1 overtake '. (2) Many other cases occur in Ml. W. : gurhaw ( = gwrhqf) b.b. 41 'most manly'; amserach w.m. 9, k.m. 6 'more timely'; llessach w.m. 17, lt.M. 11 'more beneficial' {lies 'benefit'); dewissach cm. ii 'preferable' (dewis' choice' noun); pennadurŷaf do. 8 'most princely'; ky vawhet r.m. 149 'as cowardly', bawaf h.p. 1278 'most vile' (baw 'dirt'). ii (1) Equative adjectives are formed from many nouns by prefixing cyf-, Cfm-, (as cyfled, cymaint)\ thus kyjiiw r.b.b. 179 1 of the same colour ' ; kyvurh w.m. 75 ' of the same rank ' ; 252 ACCIDENCE §§ 150, 151 kymoneh ib. * as noble ' (boneb ' nobility ') ; kyvoet do. 27 ' of the same age ' ; cyfryw ' of the same kind, such '. (2) In one or two cases the second element no longer exists in its simple form either as a noun or adj. : cyfred ' as swift ' (rhedeg ' to run ') ; cyfref ' as thick ' (rhefedd ' thickness '). (3) Compounds of un- ' one ' also form the equivalents of equative adjectives: unlliw a D.G. 17 'of the same colour as'; neb un fodd § 148 i (6), ' any one like ' (modd ' manner '), unwedd a ' like ', etc. § 150. Most adjectives may be compared regularly, including — i. Many derivatives in -aidd, -ig, -in (not denoting substance), -og, -us ; Sisperaidd ' sweet ', eqtv. cyn bereiddied, cpv. pereiddiac/i, spv. pereiddiqf; so pwyúcaf i most important ', gerwinqf i roughest ', cyfoetliocqf ' richest ', grymumf i mightiest \ But those containing more than two syllables are mostly compared periphrastically. Verbal adjectives in -adwy, -edig are not compared (except peri- phrastically), though caredig ' kind ', no longer felt as a verbal adj., is, e. g. caredicaf ' kindest '. Adjectives in -ol are rarely compared ; those in -aid, -in denoting material, and in -lyd are not compared. ii. Compounds in which the second element is an adjective ; as gloyw-húaf il.a. 93 'of a most glossy black ', llathyr-wỳnnaf ib. ' most lustrously white ', klaer-wynnaf ib. ' most brilliantly white', cyn vlaen-llymet . . . blaen-llỳmaf w.m. 176 'as sharply pointed . . . most sharply pointed '. Dwy fron mor wynion aW ôd, Gloyw-wýnnaeh na gwylanod. — D.G. 148. ' Two breasts as white as snow, more luminously white than sea- gulls/ But when the second element is an adj. compared irregularly, the compound cannot be compared, as maleis-ddrwg, troed-lŷdan, pen-úchel, etc. A few of these may, however, be compared by adding the endings to derived forms, as gwérth-fawr ' valuable \ spv. gwerthvawrussaf il.a. 80, ox gwerthfawrocaf \ clód-fawr ' cele- brated*, spv. clodforusaf. (G.M.D. has gwerthvoraf~£L.v. 1195, an unusual form.) Adj. compounds with noun final as ysgafn-droed ' light-footed' can only be compared periphrastically. §151. i. Adjectives which cannot take the endings of com- parison as above may be compared periphrastically, by placing before the positive mor, mwy, mwyaf, to form the eqtv., cpv., spv. §151 ADJECTIVES 253 respectively, mor softens the initial of the adj. except when it is 11 or rh ; but mwy and mwyaf take the radical ; thus mwy äymunól Ps. xix 10, Diar, xvi 16 'more desirable'. •mwy and mwyaf are of course the cpv. and spv. of mawr. As they do not cause lenition, they represent Brit, forms ending in con- sonants, mwy may come directly from the neut. nom-acc. form *mäis < *mä- + -is as in Lat. mag-is • the corresponding form of the spv. would be *mäisamon (cf. Lat. plürimum, Gk. irXeio-Tov), which would give mwyaf -with, the rad., since the nasal mutation of mediae survived only after fy, yn and numerals § 107 i. mor is probably the pos. mawr unaccented, forming a loose com- pound with the adj., thus representing Brit. *märo-; and so causing lenition. For o instead of aw see §71 i (2). It is now generally accented, and pronounced mor; D.D. gives it as mòr ( = mor), but mor (cf. pob § 168 i (3)) may sometimes be heard, when it is em- phatic. It was first used as an exclamative, thus OW. mortru ox, gl. eheu, morliaus do. gl. quam multos. The transition from the literal meaning ' *greatly sad ' of the compound mor-dru, through ' *very sad ! ' to * how sad ! ' is easy ; and as the last meaning is equivalent to that of the exclamative eqtv., the form mor dru naturally came to be regarded as a periphrastic eqtv., and was used later with «'as' and the compared noun. See examples below. ii. (1) mwy and mwyaf me only used to compare compounds and derivatives where inflexional comparison is not feasible. mwy da, mwy drwg, etc., are not used by adult speakers ; Wms/s enw mwyaf mawr 750 is a childish expression called forth by the exigencies of rhyme. (3) On the other hand forms with mor are, as shown above, different in origin from the equative, and have had a separate existence from the outset. Hence mor is used freely before all adjectives at all periods. Thus : Exclamative : mortru gl. eheu !— Mor truan genhyf mor truan a Beryv b.b. i ' How sad to me, how sad [is] what has happened.' — Poet emendigeit y gof ay digones . . . mor dost yw w.m. 477 'Ac- cursed be the smith that made it, so painful is it.' — mor Syrys yw r.m. 120 'so tangled is it.' — mor hagyr y gwelei y 8elw ry oed arnaw w.m. 251 'so ugly did he perceive the appearance that he bore.' — mor Urỳeit . . . mor dec e.p. 1385 ' how bad . . . how fair/ WyloW wyf lawer afon Drosti hi, mor drist yw lion. — Gut.O., A 1 4967/1 19. 1 1 weep many a river for her, so sad is she/ Truan, mor wann ywW einioes, Trymed yw tor amod oes/ — T.A., J 17/201. * Alas, how weak is life, how sad is the breaking of life's promise/ 254 ACCIDENCE § 152 Equative : am gyflavan mor anweSus ac a rywnaethoeS w.m. 30 1 for so horrible a murder as [that] which she had committed.' — pryf mor Sielw a hwnnw do. 78 'so vile a reptile as that.' — peth mor aghywir a hynny r.m. 177 * so wrong a thing as that '. Ni bu fyd i neb o Fôn Mor oer ag y maer awron. — H.K. ' There has not been to any man of Môn so cold a world as it is now.' (3) mor with a noun forms the equivalent of an eqtv. adj., as O. W. morliaus gl. quain multos ; Ml. W. mor eisseu k.p. 1428 ' how necessary '. The construction is not common, and is now obsolete, but several examples occur in the Early Mn. bards. The construction arises naturally from the original meaning of mor as explained above, for mor-liaws ' *great host ' could as easily as mor-luosog ' *greatly numerous ' come to mean as an exclamative ' how numerous ! ' Nid mor ddihareb nebun In gwlad ni a hi i liun. — D.G. 440. ' No one is so proverbial in our land as she herself/ / dad, mor wrda ydoeddf — L.Gr.C. 93. 1 His father, how noble he was ! ' Nid marw ef, nid mor ofud. — T.A., A 14879/20. ' He is not dead, it is not so sad [as that].' Curiais yr ais mor resyn. — S.T., il 133/170». ' I suffered [in] my heart so sorely.' (4) mor with the cpv. occurs in mor well Diar. xvi 16 ' Oh how much better ! ' The usual construction is cymaint gwell ! but the above may be a stray example of an idiom once in use. It is quite consistent with the explanation of mor adopted above. (5) In S.W. dialects mor is sometimes used instead of cyn before the eqtv., as mor laned for cyn laned or mor lân. (6) The m- of mor is never mutated, but remains in all positions; thus after f. sg. nouns : gyflavan mor anwehus (2) above ; arch mor drahaus r.m. 227 'so insolent a request'. This may be due to its exclamative origin. § 152. i. A positive adjective is sometimes repeated to enhance its meaning. As a rule the iteration forms a loose compound, the second element having its initial softened, as A da dda hyd % ddiwedd W.IL. 62 ' and very good till his death '. Very rarely it forms a strict compound, as § 153 ADJECTIVES 255 Péll-bell, ar draws jpob hýll-berth, Po bellaf, gwaethaf yw'r gwerth. — G.G1. m 146/154. 1 Very far, across every horrid bush [I have driven my flock] ; the further, the less is their worth.' In some cases the initial of the second adj. is not softened, so that the two do not constitute a formal compound ; as Da da fu grud hydfedd W.IL. 40 ' very good was she from the cradle to the grave ' ; Drwg drwg Diar xx 14. Where the adj. begins with a vowel or an immutable consonant, there is, of course, no indica- tion of the construction ; e.g. isel isel Deut. xxviii 43. ii. A cpv. is compounded with itself to express progressive increase in the quality denoted by the adj. When the cpv. is a monosyllable the compound is generally strict, as gwaeth-waetk ' worse and worse ', lléi-lai ' less and less ', lléd-led { wider and wider', nés-nes * nearer and nearer', mwy-fwy Phil, i 9 * more and more '. In present-day speech the compound is oftener loose, as llái Mi. When the cpv. is a polysyllable, the compound is necessarily loose ; see the ex. below. Ef â of on yn fẃyfwy Hyd y môr, ac nid â mwy. — L.G.C. 357. ' A river goes increasing to the sea, and goes no more.' Gwr a wellaW gwŷr wéllwell, A gwŷr a wna'r gwr yn well. — D.N., F. 4, G. 161. ' A master who betters the men more and more, and men who make the master better.' A Dafydd oedd yn myned gryfach gryfach, ond tŷ Saul oedd yn myned wannach wannach. — 2 Sam. iii 1. The combination always forms a compound, for the second cpv. has always its soft initial. mwy na mwy ' excessive ', understood as 'more than more ', is doubt- less originally ' more and more ', the n- of na being the final -n of the cpv. § 147 iv (3). Derivative Adjectives. § 153. Derivative adjectives are formed from the stems of nouns, adjectives and verbs by the addition of the following suffixes : (1) -adwy, -ediw, -edig, -awd verbal adjective suffixes, see §206. Ml.W. -awdyr seems to be -awd with excrescent -r § 113 i (1) : 256 ACCIDENCE § 153 annyoheivyawdyr jl.a. 53 'intolerable', teimlỳawdyr do. 42 'sensi- tive', reolawdyr cm. 14 'regular. 5 (2) -aid, Ml.W. -eit : Ir. -the participial; as in cannaid D.G. 64, Marc ix 3 'bright'; llathraid D.G. 386 ' shining'; euraid do. 13, 64, 88, 220, 372-3, Ml.W. eureit w.m. 180 ' golden '; ariannaid, Ml.W. arỳanneit b.m. 83 'silvern'; it may represent Brit. *-at-io-s, a -io- derivative of the participial -dt-. It is distinct from -aidd ; euraidd is a late bungle (not in D.D.). (3) -aidd, Ml.W. -ei.8 : Ir. -de ; added to nouns, as teyrneiS w.m. 20 ' kingly ', Mn.W. gwladaidd ' rustic ', gwasaidd ' servile ' ; to the v.n. caru in karueiS w.m. 145, Mn.W. caruaidd 'lovable, loving'; to adjectives as peraidd ' sweet ', puraidd ' pure ', often modifying the sense, oeraidd ' coldish ', tlodaidd ' poorish ' ; it represents Kelt. *-adios, a -io- derivative of the adj. suffix *-ado-s : cf. Lat. -idius in proper names beside adj. -idus which may be from *~ado-s, and cf. Gk. -aS- in fjiiyás ' mixed ', etc. Also-iaidd in arglwyddlaidd D.G. 450 ' lordly', -oniaidd in bardd- oniaidd do, 449 ' poetic \ (4) -ar < Kelt. *-aro- < *- e ro- in byddar ' deaf, Ir. bodar : Skr. badhìrá-h ; cynnar ' early ', diweddar ' late ' ; cf. -ro- in mawr < *mä-ro-s, etc. (5) Ml.W. -awe, Mn.W. -awg, -og : Ir. -ach < Kelt. *-äko-s : Lat. -äcus, Gk. -yjkos, -aKos, Skr. -aka-h, Lith. -okas ; added to nouns, as arvawc k.m. 270, Mn.W. arfog ' armed ', llidỳawc w.m. 51, Mn.W. llidiog ' angry ', gwlanog ' woolly ', gwresog ' hot ', pwyllog ' deli- berate ', etc. ; many of these adjectives have become nouns : marchog, swyddog, etc. § 143 iv (6), v (4). The suffix is sometimes added to adjectives, as trugarog : trugar 'merciful'; duog, Ml.W. duawe b.m. 172: du 'black'; geuawc : gau 'false '. The cpv. of the derivatives ended in *-äk'son > -ach, which was taken for the cpv. of the simple adj.. and spread to all adjs., § 147 iv(3); hence added to -og itself, Mn.W. gwerthfawrocach. (6) Ml.W. -awl, Mn.W. -awl, -ol< Kelt. *-älos : Lat. -alis in lìberälis, etc. ; an exceedingly common suffix ; added to nouns, as nefol ' heavenly ' ; to adjectives, as estronol ' foreign ' ; and to verb stems, as symudol ' movable, moving ', dyraunol ' desirable '. (7) -8e; occurring in Ml.W. verse: tande, eurhe P.M. m.a. i 2926 ' fiery ', ' golden \ It seems to be the Ir. -de ( = -he : W. -ai8, see (3) above) borrowed during the 12th cent, bardic revival which drew its inspiration from Ireland. It does not seem to occur in prose. (8) -gar < *-äk-aro-s < *-äq- e ro-s ; thus hawS-gar ' comely ' < Brit. *suadakaros < Kelt. *suád(u)-äk-aro-s § 148 i (6); a combina- tion of (5,) and (4) above: added to nouns, as epilgar 'prolific' (epil ' offspring '), dialgar ' revengeful ', enillgar ' gainful, lucrative ' (ennill 'gain'); added to adjectives, as meistrolgar 'masterful', trugar ' merciful ' (tru ' miserable ', for meaning cf. Lat. rnisericordia) ; added to verb stems, as den-gar ' alluring ' (denu ' to allure '), beiddgar 1 daring '. § 153 ADJECTIVES 257 The idea that -gar means ' loving ' (caru ' to love '), which clearly cannot be the case in epilgar, enillgar, dengar, etc., has resulted in the formation in the late period of new adjectives in which it bears that meaning ; as gwladgar ' patriotic ', ariangar ' money- loving '. But many new formations in the dialects preserve the original force of the suffix, as sgilgar ' skilful ' from E. skill. It need hardly be added that Stokes's implied explanation of trugar as 'loving the wretched' Fick 4 ii 138 is fanciful, as also the popular explanation of hawddgar as ' easy to love \ (9) -ig, Ml.W. -ic < Kelt. *-ikos : Skr. -Iha-h, Lat. -îc-, Gk. -Ik- ; as unig 'only, lonely', deheuig 'dexterous', lloerig 'lunatic', bon- heddig ' gentle- ', etc. ; O.W. cisemic juv. gl. primus. (10) -in < Kelt. *-inos: Skr. -ina-h, Gk. -7j/oç, Lat. -mus, Lith. -ynas (y = l) ; it is added to names of materials, as in derwin m.a. i 191 'oaken', lletrin b.t. 9 'leathern', meinin E.P. ps. xviii 29 ' of stone ', daeerin, heyemin § 75 vi (3) ; and to adjectives as gerwin ' rough ' (garw ' rough '), gwerthefin ' highest ', cysefin ' primitive ' § 95 iii (3), cf. O.W. cisemic above. (11) -lawn, Mn.W. -lawn, -Ion t -{vl i = Uaion 'full', §63 vii (2) ; as ffrwythlon ' fruitful ', prydlon ' punctual ', heddychlon ' peace- ful', bodlon § 111 vii (1), etc. (12) -1yd, after n or r -11yd, Ml.W. -lyt, -llyt 'covered with' <*(p)lt-, Vjplethe- § 63 viii (1); as llychlyt r.m. 145 'dusty', dysdlyt chwinllyt do. 146 'dusty flea-infested', seimlyd 'greasy', rhydlyd ' rusty ', creulyd, gwaedlyd ' bloody ', tomlyd ' dungy ', tanllyd ' fiery '. When added to adjectives it is the equivalent of lied- ' rather ' : Ir. leth ' half ', which is ultimately from the same root (' *stretch out > *sur- face > *side > half) ; as gwanllyd ' rather weak ', oerllyd ' coldish '. (13) -us < Lat. -ösus; originally in Lat. derivatives as dolurus ' sore ' < Lat. dolörösus, llafurus, Ml.W. llafurŷus < Lat. laböriösus ; as the nouns dolur, llafur had also been borrowed the adjectives seemed to be formed from these by the addition of an adj. suff. -ws, which was subsequently added to W. forms, gweddus ' seemly ' (gwedd § 63 iv), clodus, clodforus 'renowned', grymus ' strong', etc. Note. — melus is a late misspelling; melys ' sweet ' has y, as melis (i = y§ 16 ii (2)) b.b. 83, 101, melys b.a. 3, il.a. 42, 70, r.b.b. 208, melyster il.a. 129, 149, b.b.b. 44. The error is due to the late levelling of u and 7, §15 i, and the false notion that the word is formed from mel ' honey ' by the addition of -us. In derived forms the sound is y as melysach, as opposed to grymusach, and the v.n. is melysu D.W. 112, as opposed to grymuso, see § 202 iii, iv (Pughe's meluso is a fiction), melys is cognate with Ir. milis, and is clearly a direct derivative of Ar. base *meleit- § 87 ii, and so is many cen- turies older than any form in -us, a suffix borrowed from Lat. J402 258 ACCIDENCE § 154 NUMERALS § 154. i. (i) The cardinal numbers are as follows : I, un. — 2, m. dau, Ml. deu, O. dou ; f. dwy.-^-$, m. tri ; f. tair, Ml. teir, — 4, m. pedwar ; f. pedair, ML pedeir. — 5,. pump, pum, Ml. pump, pymp, O. jtrcV»/?. — 6, chwech, chwe. — «7, wz^/j, Ml. ^^^. — 8, wyth. — 9, naw.-r-io, deg, deng, Ml. ifec, ŵ^. — u, un ar ddeg. ^-12, deuddeg, deuddeng, Ml. deuhec, O. doudec—13, tri(f. tair) ar ddeg. —14, pedwar (f. pedair) ar ddeg, — 15, pymtheg, Ml. pymthec. — 16, un ar bymtheg. — 17, ^ii each', { £i6 each', etc. ii. (1) The ordinal numbers are as follows: 1, cyntaf. — 2, ail, Ml. eil.—s, trydydd, f. trydedd.—4, pedwerydd, Ml. pedweryh, pedwyryh ; f. pedwar edd, Ml. pedwar eh, pedwyreh, O. petguared. — 5, pumed, Ml. pymhet, O. pimpliet. — 6, chtveched, Ml. chwechet, § 154 NUMERALS 259 huechet. — 7, seithfed, Ml. seithvet. — 8, wythfed. — 9, nawfed, — 10, degfed, Ml. decvet. — 11, unfed ar ddeg, Ml. unvet arbec. — 12, deuddegfed, Ml. deubecvet. — 13, trydydd (f. trydedd) ar ddeg. — 15, pymthegfed. — 16, unfed ar bymt/ieg. — 17, ail (or eilfed) ar bymtheg. —18, deunawfed. — 20, ugeinfed. — 30, degfed ar hugain. — 40, deugeinfed. — 41, unfed a deugain. — 100, canfed. — 1000, milfed. (2) cyntaf § 148 i (3);—«^ § 100 iii (3) ;—trydydd, tri § 75 iv (1) ; — pedweryS < *q%etu e riios ; pedwyryh (later pedwrydd h.g. 54, § 66 ii (2)) has -wy- < *-uu- re-formed for u < u e § 63 viii (1). W. pymhet, Ir. cöiced come from a Kelt. *q%eioq%etos, which, like Skr. pancatha-k, implies the addition of the ordinal suffix -t(h)o-s to the full form *penqHe, thus *penq%e-to-s, as opposed to Lat. qulntus, Gk. 7rejU7rroç, O.H.G.fnfto, which imply Ar. *penq%-to-s. In Pr. Kelt, by the side of * q*eioq*eto-s there arose *sueksetos which gave Ir. sessed, W. chweched ; and thus -eto-s came to be regarded as the ordinal suffix. Added to *sektarn ( < ^sejìtm) it gave *sektam-eto-s, which gave Ir. sechtmad, W. seithfed ; added to *dekam it gave *dekameto-s, which is seen in Gaul.-Lat. petru-decameto (ablative) ' fourteenth ', and gave Ir. dechmad, W. degfed ; similarly *kntom-eto-s > Ir. cët- mad, W. canfed. Then -ameto-s or -meto-s was used to form ordinals for 8, 9, and 20, though the cardinals did not end in -m ; thus W. nawfed, Ir. nömad, may come directly from *nouameto-s ; but *oktameto-s would give W. *oeth-fed, so that wythfed was again re-formed from wyth ; so ugein-fed. iii. (1) Multiplicatives are formed by means of gwaith, Ml. gweith f. 'fois', preceded by cardinal numbers, the two generally compounded, but sometimes accented separately; as unwaith or un waith 'once', Ir. öenfeeht] dwywaith * twice', teirgwaitk thrice', pedair gwaith ' four times ', pum waith ' five times ', chwe gwaith, seithwaith Lev. iv 6, 17, saith waith do. viii 11, wythwaith, nawwaith c.c. 227, dengwaith, ugeinwaith, canwaith, milwaith. (2) But before a comparative the m. cardinal only is generally used, the two sometimes compounded ; pum mwy D. W. 146 * five [times] more ' i. e. five times as many, saith miry Lev. xxvi 18, 21 'seven times more' ; deuwell it. p. 1271, D.G. 157 'twice as good', dau lanach c.c. 60 'twice as fair' ; yn gant eglurach s.G. 10 ' a hundred times as bright'. Moes ugeinmil, moes gánmwy, A moes, moes im un mwy. — Anon., m.e. i 140. * Give me twenty thousand [kisses], give a hundred times as many, and give, Oh give me one more.' s2 260 ACCIDENCE § 155 Tristach weithian bob cantref; Bellach naw nigrifach nef.— G.Gr. (m. D.G.), f.n. 4. ' Sadder now is every cantred ; henceforth nine times happier is heaven.' (3) A m. cardinal is also used before another cardinal, as tri t(ii)ry chant b.b. 18 '3 x 300 ', tri phumcant gre. 166 '3 x 500 ', dau wythgant ib. ' 2 X 800 ', naw deg a saith ib. c 9 x 10 + 7 '. This method is now commonly used to read out numbers in the arabic notation ; thus 376, tri chant, saith deg a chwech. iv. Distributives are formed by putting bob before a cardinal, the initial of which is softened; thus bob un i bob heu r.m. 13a * one by one, two by two ', Ir. each öin, each dä ; bob ddau I.G, 1 80, L.G.C. 381, 436; bob dri L.G.C. 148 'three by three'; also bop un ac un cm. 49 ' one by one ', bob un a dau f. 2-6 ; and bob gannivr L.G.C. 383 'in hundreds', lit. 'every hundred-man', cf. Ir. each cöic-er ' every five-man'. Similarly bob ail 'every other ', pob eilwers w.M. 181 'alternately'. In Late Mn. W. yn is inserted after bob ; as bob yn ddau . . . bob yn dri 1 Cor. xiv 27; bob yn un ac un Es. xxvii 12, Marc xiv 19; bob yn ddau a dau Marc vi 7 ; bob yn ail ' every other '. As $ob in other constructions is followed by the radical, the yn may have been introduced because it was felt that something was required to explain the lenition. But the reason for the lenition is that the original form of bob here was an oblique case ending in a vowel. v. Fractions : -|, hanner ; -|, traean ; J, pedwaran, chwarter > y ì, toythfed ; -5^, canfed ; § , deuparth ; |, Mn. tri chwarter ; §, tri wythfed, Rann truan : traean b.b. 973 'the share of the weakling: one* third', deuparth . . . tray an w.m. 130. COMPOUND NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES § 155. i. Either of the elements of a compound may be a noun (n) or an adjective (a) ; thus we have four possible types : 1. n-n ; 2. a-n ; 3. a-a ; 4. n-a. The formation of compounds of these types is an ordinary grammatical construction, and any elements may be combined if they make sense, whether the combination is in general use or not. The relation to one another of the elements § 155 COMPOUNDS 261 and the meaning of the resulting compound must be left to be dealt with in the Syntax ; here, only the forms of compounds can be considered. ii. (i) The second element of a compound has its initial softened ; thus : n-n hdf-ddydd ' summer's day '■ ; a-n hdwdd-fyd ' pleasure ' ; a-a gwŷrdd-las greenish blue ' ; n-a pen-gam ' wry- headed '. The reason is that the first element in Brit, ended in a vowel, as in Brit. Maglo-cunos > W. Mael-gwn; so *samo-diië(u)s > "W. haf- ddydd ; *katu-markos > W. cad- far ch, etc. In these, as generally in the Ar. languages, the first element is the stem. In Kelt, when the stem ended in a consonant an -o- was added to it ; thus the stem *kun- ' dog ' is in compounds *kuno-, as Brit. Cuno-belinos > W. Cyn-felyn ; W. cyn-ddaredd l rabies ' < *kuno-dang*riia < *-dhngKhri- : Lat. febris < *dheg*hri-h i Vdheg^h- § 92 iii, cf. aren § 106 ii (i). This explains the suffix -ioni § 143 iii (21); it is a compound of a derivative in -ion- with *gmmu- ; now *drukion-gmmu- should give *drygni by the usual loss of stem endings; but *drukiono- gnlmu- > *drygion-%nif > drygioni (since rvgn > n § 110 ii (1)). When the second element began with a vowel, contraction took place; thus *àltro + a , uô > *alträuö § 76 v (5), cf. Gk. Dor. a-rparayos * leader of an army ' < *strto + ag-, Brugmann 2 II i 79. (a) When the first element ends in n or r, and the second begins radically with 11 or rfi, the latter is not softened : gwin- llan, per-llan, pen-rhyn see § 111 i (1); so gwen-llys L.G.C. 8, eiirllin D.G. 13, etc. ; similarly, though less regularly, in loose compounds : hen Hew, hen llys, pur llawn § 111 i (1). When a compound is consciously formed both II and I are found thus ysgafn-llef D.G. 37 ' light- voiced ', but eur-len D.G. 109 'cloth of gold', geir-lon do. no 'of merry word'; ir-lwyn do. 504, per- Iwyn do. 518. iii. The following adjectives generally precede their nouns, and so form compounds, mostly loose, with them : (1) prif ' chief ', as jmf lys w.m. 1, prif-lys r.m. i ' chief court ', prifUnas w.m. 179 ' chief city ', prifgaer ib. ' chief castle ' ; y prif ddyn ' the chief man \ It cannot be used as an ordinary adj. ; such a phrase as *dyn prif does not exist. (2) hên, as hen wr or hén-wr l old man ' ; hen ddyn id., also héu- ddyn whence E. quoth Hending ; Hén-llan il.a. 105, Hen-Uys etc., hen yd Jos. v 11, yr hen ffordd Job xxii 15, yr hen derfyn Diar. 262 ACCIDENCE § 155 xxii 28, yr lien bohl Es. xliv 7, etc. In the comparatively rare cases where lien follows its noun, some antithetic emphasis is enerally implied, as Ieuan Tew Hen ' Ieuan Tew the Elder '. Br daëd draw, rai llawen, Mae gwae rhai am y gŵr hên. — W.1L. ' However good [they may be] yonder, genial [young] people, the lament of some is for the old master/ (3) gwir c true, genuine ', as gwir grefydd ' true religion '. As an ordinary adjective it means ' true to fact ', as hanes gwir ' a true story ' ; so as the second element of a compound : geir-wir i truthful '. gwir is also a noun ' truth ' ; compounded, cás-wir ' unpalatable truth \ (4) gau ' false ', the antithesis of gwir, as geu hwyeu il.a. 43 * false gods ', gau broffwyd ' false prophet'. As an ordinary adjec- tive 'lying ' ; as a noun 'falsehood ' w.m. 29. (5) cam c wrong, unjust ' ; as cam f am ' false judgement ' , cam ran ' wrongful portion ', i.e. injustice. As an adj. ' crooked', as ffon gam ' a crooked stick ' ; as a noun ' injustice '. Tasgu bu twysog y byd Gam ran i Gymru ennyd. — S.T., c. ii 209. ' The prince of this world has inflicted wrong on Wales awhile/ (6) unig ' only ' ; yr unig leth ' the only thing '. As an ordinary adj. it means ' lonely ', as dyn unig 'a lonely man'. Cf. Fr. seuh (7) y naill, r/iyw, y rhyw, amryw^ cyfryw, unrkyw, /toll, cwbl } y sawl, y cày dig, ambell, ami, lliaws, etc., §§ 165, 168, 169. i v. The following words precede adjectives, and are compounded with them : (1) lied 'half § 153 (12), as lled-wac b.b. 49 f half-empty ', Ued-ffer m.a. ii 586 'half- wild', lléd-ffol ' half-silly ', lied- from ( half-frowning \ Nid mawr well nad meirw i wŷr, Lléd féirw pan gólled f'éryr; Nid byw am enaid y byd, íiléd-fyw yngweddill ádfyd. — T.A., A 14874/127. ' It is not much better that his men are not dead, [they were] half- dead when my eagle was lost ; they were not alive for [want of him who was] the soul of the world, [but] half-alive in the dregs of adversity/ § 156 COMPOUNDS 263 In the example lledféirw is a loose, UM-fyw a strict, compound. In Late Mn. W., lied usually forms loose compounds and means £ rather '. lied is also compounded with nouns, as lléd-ran * half-share ', lléd-wyl ' half-holiday ', lléd-fryd ' listlessness ', lléd-iaith ' brogue, foreign accent', lied ymyl ' border near edge'. (2) pur 'very', as pur-hu, pur-wynn r.m. 151, pur-goch 154; pur-iawn ' very well ', now púrion. It now forms loose compounds mostly, as pur dda ' very good \ Used after its noun as an ordinary adj. it means ' pure '. § 156. i. The first element of a compound may be a prefix, which was originally an adverb or preposition. Some other vocables of adj. or noun origin have become mere prefixes ; for convenience of reference these are included in the following list. Where the mutation of the initial after the prefix is fairly regular, it is noted in square brackets. Most of the prefixes form verb- compounds also, and some are oftener so used ; hence it is con- venient to include verbal nouns and verbs in the examples. (1) ad- [soft] < Brit, ate- : Gaul, ate- < Kelt. *ati- : Skr. ati ' over, beyond'; ati- 'very'; §222 i (3). Three distinct meanings occur in W. : (a) ' very ', dt-gas § 111 v (1) 'hateful ' ; (b) ' second', dt-gno ' chewing the cud ', dd-ladd ' aftermath ', hence ' bad ' as dd-fias 'after-taste, ill taste'; (c) 'over again, re-', ád-lam 'a leap back', dteb (< *ad-heb) ' reply ', dd-lais ' echo '. (2) aB- before a vowel or / (from m) < Brit. *ad- : Lat. ad ; in- tensive ; ddd-oer ' very cold ', ádd-fiuyn, ádd-fain § 93 ii (3). Before a tenuis it is a- followed by the spirant mutation, as dchas § 93 ii (2), dthrist ' very sad ' : trist ( sad '. Before a media it is a- followed by the radical, dgarw 'very rough': garw § 93 ii (3); but before d- it is a- followed by 8, as a-Sef § 93 iii (1) , a-Sail, etc. With initial s- it gives as-, as in as-gloff ' lame ' < *ad-skloppos < vulg. Lat. cloppus *8clöpus : W. doff ' lame '. Before I- or r- followed by Î it gives ei- as in eirif §104 iv (3); eiSil 'feeble', met. for *eili8 §102 iv (2) < *ed-lîd- < *ad-lëd-, Vied- : Lat. lassus, Gk. A^Scû/ 'to be fatigued' Hes., § 204 i. In aberth, aber §93 ii (3) it means 'to' (or is aber < *n-bher-1 ; cf. Gael. Inver-). (3) all- < Brit. *allo- : Gaul, alio- 'other ' § 100 iii (2); dll-fro ' foreigner '; dll-tud ' exile '. (4) am-, ym- [soft] < Brit, dmbe-, ambi- : Gaul. 'A/x/3l- : Gk. âfjLí, Lat. amb-, ambi- § 63 v (2); — (a) ' around ' : dm-gorn ' ferrule ', dm-gylch 'circuit', dm-do 'shroud', am-ddiffyn 'defence'; hence (b) ' on each side, mutual ', ým-ladd ' battle ', ým-drech ' struggle ', ym-gýnnull ' a gathering together ' ; hence (c) reflexive, as ym-olchi 264 ACCIDENCE § 156 1 to wash oneself ' ; (d) ' round ' > ' different, changeable ' as ám-ryw 1 of various kinds ', ám-yd ' corn of different kinds mixed ', am-liwiog ' parti-coloured ', amheu w.m. i86 'to doubt', Mn. dmeu, vb. am- héu-af < *mbi-säg-, V sag- : Gk. rjyiofmi, Dor. ay- 'I think, believe', Lat. sagax. — am-c- < *am-^- by dissim. of continuants, as ám-can 1 design, purpose, guess' <*am~xan < *ambi-sh-n-, Vsíhë(i)- : Lat. scio, Skr. chydti 'cuts off'; and amkawB w.m. 453 'replied, said' < *am-x-awB § 96 iii (4). (5) an-, en-, etc., neg. prefix < Ar. *n- (R-grade of neg. *ne) ; àmhdrod ' unprepared • : pared ' ready ' ; dmraint ' breach of privi- lege' : braint; athrúgar, ànhrugárog §99 vi (1); àn-nêdwy8 'un- happy ' : dedwyS ' happy ' ; àngharédìg ' unkind ' : caredig ' kind ' ; en-wir ' untrue, evil ' < *an-uiro-s, re-formed án-wir in Mn. W. ; dn-fwyn 'unkind' : mwyn; án-fad : mad § 99 iv (1) ; df-les § 86 i (4) : lies ' benefit '; df-raid ' needless ' < *am-(p)rat-zo- < *n-pratio- : rhaid 'need' § 149 ii; so dfrad, dfryw ; — before orig. Í-, àn- llygrédig ; — an + glân should give *alan § 106 ii (1) ; this is re-formed in two ways, dn-lan, df-lan ' unclean ' ; — b often follows the analogy of m, as àn-fonhéddig : bonhéddig ' gentlemanly '. The prefix when not bearing the principal accent has often a strong secondary accent ; this might become a separate accent, as in an allu ( = dn dllu) il.a. 33 'want of power ' ; hence an hdwdd § 148 i (6), dn ami § 164 i (2). (6) ar-, er- [soft] 'fore-'< Brit. *are- (< *ari-) : Gaul, are- (in 'Apr)- the rj marks the quality rather than the quantity of the e) <*p e ri- : Lat. prae, Gk. 7repi; ar-for (in arfór-dir 'maritime land') < *are-mor- : Gaul. Are-morica ; dr-gae ' dam ' : cae (: E. hedge) ; dr- dreth * chief rent ', etc. — Exceptional mutation : êr-myg ' admired '< *are-smi-Jco- } like ed-myg ' admired ' < *ate-smi-ko-, Vsmei- ' smile ' : Lat. admlro, mi-rws (-ro- suffix), Skr. smdyati ' smiles ', Gk. jxuBaw, E. smile, O. Bulg. smëchü 'smile'; cf. dirmyg (12) below; ar-merth, see dar-merth (13) below. — Possibly Brit. *ar- : Lat. per, in drtaith ' pang ', by dissim. for *ar-thaith < *ar-stik-tä, Vsteig- : Lat. instigo, Gk. a-TLjfxa, Skr. tiktd-k ' sharp, bitter ' ; and dr-choll ' wound ' < *ar- qoVd-, Vqolad- ' strike ' : Lat. clädês, W. cleddyf ' sword ', coll ' de- struction, loss '. (7) can(nh)- [soft] 'with, after' < Brit. *kanta- < *knta : Gk. Kara; cdn-lyn v.n. 'following'; canh-órthwy § 103 ii (1) now spelt cynhorthwy; can-hebrwng 'funeral'; hebrwng §99 vi (1); cdn-llaw ' balustrade ; assistant in law-court '. (8) cyd- [soft] ' together, common ', is not, as is often assumed, identical with cyf-, but is the noun ci[d as in i gyd ' to-gether ', also used as an adj. in tir c\[d ' common land '. A few of the compounds which it forms are strict, as cytûn < *cyd-húun ' united ', cýd-fod ' concord ', cyd-ẃybod ' conscience '; but the bulk of those in use are loose compounds in which the form of the prefix is cŷd § 45 ii (2); in this form it is still fertile ; cyd ddinesydd ' fellow-citizen ', cyd genedl ' kindred ', etc. The word seems to be a verbal noun *ki-tu~ from Vhei- 'lie', cf. Ml. W. Jcyt gwr il.a. 136, cm. 21 'cohabitation 4 156 COMPOUNDS 265 with a man ' : Gk. kcitou * lies ', O. E. hàèman ' lie with, espouse ', O.H.G. hlwo 'husband ', E. home, W. cu, Lat. civis § 110 Hi (i). (9) cyf- before vowels and i, I, r, n; cy- before w-, chw-, h- ; with following s-, cys- ; elsewhere cy(m)-, cyn-, ey(ng)- [nasal] ; < Kelt. *kom- : Lat. com-; (a) 'com-', often followed by â 'with', cýf-ar ' co- tillage ' ; cýf-liw, cỳf-wrh, etc. § 149 ii; cỳf -ran 'share' : rhan * part ' ; cỳmod ' concord ' : bod ' be ' ; cyn-n(h)wrf ' commotion ' : twrf; cyngháneS 'harmony* : can 'song'; cystal § 148 i (4). — (b) Intensive ('together' > 'fully'); cyflavm 'complete': llawn 'full'; cýf-lym ' fleet ' : llym ' keen '. — A few irregular forms are found, which are due to false analogy, as cýf-SyS ' dawn ', formed after cýf-nos ' evening '. The form *ko- (beside *kom-) goes back to Italo-Kelt. It occurs before u- as W. cŷwir, Ir. coir < *9co-mros; before m-, as W. cof ' memory ', Ir. cuman < *ko-men-, Vmen- ' mind ' (but later *kom- as in W. cymysg (m = mm)) ; sometimes before sq-, sq^-, s-, as "W. cy-húddo ' to accuse ' : Icel. sMta, skuti ' a taunt ', O.Bulg. huditi 'to revile', Gk. kvM&lv 'to reproach', V(s)qeud-; see § 96 iii; cy- háfal ' co-equal ' : hafal § 94 i. cyfr- [soft] < *kom-(p)ro- § 113 i (2); intensive, as cỳfr-goll 'utter loss, perdition' ; cŷfr-wi{s (generally mis-pronounced cỳfr-wỳs) 'trained, cunning' : gwqs 'known'; cŷfr-gain (kywrgein b.b. 10) ' very fine '. — cyfr-r- > cyfrh- > cyffr as in cyffredin ' common ' < *cyfr-red-in ; amgýffred ' comprehend ' < *am-gyfr-red : rhedeg ' run ' ; the O.W. amcibret may represent the stage amgyfred. (10) cyn(nh)- [soft] 'former, preceding' < Brit. *kintu- §148 i (3) } cynh-áeaf ' autumn ' : gaeaf ' winter ' ; cỳn-ddail ' first leaves ', cýn-ddelw 'prototype'; the t is kept before h §106 iii (3), as cŷntaid for *cynt-haid ' first swarm ' (of bees) ; in the form cyn it is used to construct new loose compounds as cì[n fáer ' ex-mayor', etc. (11) di- [soft] < Kelt. *dí- < *de- : Lat. de. Two meanings : (a) ' outer, extreme, off', as di-ben ' end, aim ' : pen ' head, end ' ; di-dol, Ml. di-dawl ' cut off, separated ', see below ; di-noethi v.n. ' de-nude ' ; (b) ' without ', as di-boen or di bóen ' painless ', di-dduw or dí dduiu ' godless ', etc. In this sense it is freely used to form new com- pounds, mostly loose, by being put before any noun or v.n., or even a v.n. phrase, as di alw am dano ' un-called-for ' ; but, though loose, the expression is still a compound, thus di gefh wyf c.c. 184 ' helpless am I ', exactly like gwan wyf ' weak am I ', as opposed to heb gefa yr wyf ' without help am I ', the un-compounded phrase Jieb gefn requiring yr after it. The compound is an adj. made from a phrase in which the prep, dl governs the noun; the formation is old, and gave rise at an early period to the idea that dl was a nega- tive prefix, which therefore might be compounded with adjectives; thus di-og 'lazy ', O.W. di-auc : *auc ' quick, active' : Gk. wkuc, Lat. öcior ; so di-brin ' not scarce ', di-drist ' not sad ', dv-wael ' not mean ', etc. — Lat. dê- seems to have been identified in Brit, with the 266 ACCIDENCE § 15& native prefix, and gives W. di-, as diffyg ' defect ' < de-fic-. — Ex- ceptional mutation: di-chell 'wile' < *dë-sqel(p)tä, V ' sqelep- :W.cel- fyddyd ^ craft ' etc. § 99 ii (2); di-chlyn 'exact, cautions, circum- spect ', as v.n. ' to choose, discriminate ' < *dë-sql-n- } Vsqel- ' split, separate ' ; di-chlais ' break (of day) ' < * de-s-qhd-ti- or *de-kkl- for *de-kl- § 99 v (4), Vqolad- ' strike, break ' : W. dais ' bruise \archoll (6) above; dichon, digon § 196 ii (2); W. didawl, didol for *di-8awl (8 . . . I > d. . .Z § 102 iii (2)) : gwá-Sawl' endowment ',Ir. fo-dàli 'deals out' < *dôl- : W. ethol < *dol-, see § 97 ii. dis- before t- < dë-s-, where s is the initial of the second element, often lost in the simple form : di-stadl § 96 ii (3) ; distrych ' foam '< *dë-strk~, Vstereq- : W. trwyth ' wash, lye ' § 99 v (3) ; di-staw ' silent ' : taw ' be silent ' < *stuu-< *stujo-, Vsteup/bh- : Ger. stumm * dumb ', Lat. stupeo : E. dumb, Vdheubh- (dh/st- alternation). Be- fore other consonants < *dë-eks-, as in disglair §201 iii (6). Also from Lat. de-s- as in disgyn(n) < descend-. (12) dir- [soft] 'vehemently' Eichards, ' truly '< *deru- : dlr 'true', Ar. base *dereu~ ' hard' § 137 ii; dir-boen or dir bòen ' great pain ', dir-fawr ' very great ', dir-gel ' secret '. — Exceptional muta- tion : dir-myg ' contempt ' < *dëru-smi-k', Vsmei- 'smile ' ; here dir- is not necessarily neg. for beside ' admiration ' as in ermyg, edmyg (6) above, we have ' mockery ' from the same root, as in W. tre-myg ' insult ', O.H.G. bi-smer ' mockery ' ; nor in dir-west ' abstinence ', which is literally ' hard diet ', cf. E. fast. (13) dy- [soft] 'to, together', often merely intensive < Brit. *do- ; dỳ-fyn ' summons ' : mynnu ' to will ' ; dy-gŷnnull v.n. ' gather together ', dy-gyfor w.m. i ' muster ' ; dy-wêddi ' fiancee '. In a few cases it interchanges with ty-, as Ml. W. dy-wallaw v.n. ' to pour (into) ' : Mn. W. týwallt ' pour ' ; dý-ret ' come ! ' : tý-red ' come ! ' ; very rarely ty- alone is found, as ty-wysog ' prince \ Except, mut. : dy-ch- < *do-sk- or *do-kk- before r, I; as dy-chryn ' fright' : crynu ' tremble ', yscrid b.b. 3 1 ' trembles ', Bret, skrija ' to tremble from fear ' ; dý-chlud : cludo ' to carry \ Hence dyeh- in dych-lámu ' to leap up'. — In old compounds the of do- was retained when the vowel of the root was lost § 65 iv (2), and might in that case be affected to e, as dê-dw-yh § 100 ii (1). dad- [soft] < *d(o)-äte- see (1) above : (a) intensive; dát-gan v.n. ' proclaim ' : canu ' sing ' ; (b) ' un- ' (as in 'un-do ') ; dàd-lẃytho v.n. ' to unload ', etc. The unacc. of *do- was elided before a vowel. dam- [soft] < *d(o)-ambe- 1 see (4) ; dám-sang ' to trample ' : sengi 'to tread'; dám-wain 'accident' : ar-wain 'to lead' : Vuegh-. Also dym- ; Ml. damunet, Mn. dymuniad ' desire ' for *dym-fun- : ar-o-fun 'intend' § 100 v. The m usually remains unchanged, but seems to have become n by dissimil. in dan-waret § 63 vii (5), unless the prefix here is dan- below. dan- [soft] < *d(o)-ando- ; dán-fon, see ii (1) below. dar- [soft] < *d(o)-are- < *do-}) e ri- ; dár-fod ' to have happened ' § 190 i; dar-óstwng 'to subdue' : go-stwng 'to suppress ' < *uo(s)- § 156 COMPOUNDS 267 ' under ' + *stong- : Goth, stinqan ' to thrust \ The irregular mutation in dârmerth ' provision ' (of food, etc.) is due to -sm- > -mm- ; *do-are-smer-t-, Vsmer- : Lat. mereo, Gk. pípoç, pepis. In dárbod, dárpar, the prefix had the form *d(o)-aros-, see § 196 i (3). This form may also account for the preservation of -st- in ddr-stain ' to resound ', thus *d(o)-aros-stani- : W. sain ' sound ', Vsten-. dos- < *d(o)-uo(s)- + initial s-; dosbarih 'division, arrangement, system' : gosparth b.b. ii ' rule, government ', V sper- § 101 iv (2). dyr- (also written dry-) in dyrcháfel ' to raise ' < *do-(p)ro-, see §188iv; cf. cyfr-( 9 ). It is now generally held that the original form of the prep, is Ho, and that *do- is a pretonic or proclitic form, like W. ti • thou ', pro- clitic dy r thy '. But pretonic softening, though it occurs in W. and Ir. cannot be proved to be primitive, and is obviously in most cases comparatively late. The facts in this case are as follows : (a) In Ir. the prep, is do, du, always with d- (as opposed to tar, mostly with t-) ; the pref. is to-, tu-, at first both accented and pretonic, later pretonic do-, du-. (ft) In W. pretonic d- for t- as in dy ' thy ' is not mutated further (i.e. does not become *S-) ; but the prep, was *8y (written di in O.W.) giving Ml. W. ỳ, Mn. W. i; it starts therefore from Brit. *do, and agrees in form with the Ir. ; the pref. is dy-, rarely ty-. — There is no trace of t- in the prep, proper in W. or Ir. ; and the supposed original Ho equates with no prep, in the Ar. languages. But in Pr. Kelt, the possibility of t- for d- is proved by W. tafod, Ir. tenge, so that Ho-, which occurs only in composition, may be for *c?o-. Pr. Kelt. *do : E. to, Ger. zu, Lat. en-do-, in-du-, O. Bulg. do, Av. -da ' to \ Cf. W. ann- ii (1) from *n-do-, which places *do beyond doubt. (14) dy- 'h&d' <*dus- : Gk. Svo-; dŷchan ' lampoon '< *dus-kan- : can 'song '; reduced to *du- on the analogy of *su-, (19) below, in dy-bryd ' shapeless, ugly ', Ir. do-chruth < *du-q%r-tu- : Ẅ. pryd, Ir, cruth ' form '. (15) eb- < *ek-uo-; in épil for *eb-hil § 89 iii, ebrwydd 'quick' : rhwydd ' easy ' § 143 iii (22). e-, eh-, ech-<*e&s- § 96 iii (6); e-ofn, Ml. W. eh-ofyn 'fearless' : Ir. esomun, Gaul. Exobnus ; é-ang ' wide, extensive ' : *ang ' narrow \ ech- developed before vowels, but spread by analogy : éch-nos ' night before last ', éch-doe ' day before yesterday '. But the regular form before an explosive is es- (ys-) as in es-tron ' stranger ' < Lat. extran- eus ; êstyn ' extend ' < ex-tend-, etc. ; és-gor ' to be delivered ' (of young), V(s)qer- 'separate, cut'. (16) go-, gwo-, gwa- [soft] 'sub-' < Kelt. *uo- < *upo- : Skr. úpa, Gk. v7to, Lat. s-ub, § 65 v (1) ; gwo-br 'prize ' < *uo-pr- : prynu 'to buy' § 201 i (4); gwâ-stad 'level' § 63 vi (1); go-fúned, 'desire', ar-ô-fun (13) above. In Mn. W. go- freely forms loose compounds with adjectives § 220 viii (1). gos-< *uo-s- + initial s-; gôsgorS ' retinue', Ml. W. gwoscorh b.b, 10 < *uo-skor-d-, */sqer-'. dósbarth (13) above. (17) gor-, gwor-, gwar- 'super- ' < *uor- for *uer < *uper 268 ACCIDENCE § 156 upári, Gk. vTrep, Lat. s-uper § 65 v (3); gor-ffen^n) ' finish' : penn ' end ' ; gór-fod ' conquer ' : hod ' be ' ; gwar-chadw ' guard ' : cadw 1 keep ', etc. etc. (18) gwrth- [soft] ' contra- 5 § 66 iii (1) ; gibrthun, Ml. "W. gwrth- vu?i 'hateful' : dymuniad (13) above; gẃrth-glawS 'rampart' : clawS 1 dyke ', etc. (19) hy- [soft] 'well, -able ' < *su- : Gaul, su-, Ir. su-, so- : Gk. v- (in v-yojc), Skr. m- (1 from the base *eueseu- ' good ' with V-grade of the first two syllables) ; hý-gar ' well-beloved, lovable ' : caraf 'I love'; hỳ-dyn ' tractable ' : tynnaf'I draw ' ; Hý-wél ' *conspicuous ' : gwelaf ' I see ' ; hỳ-fryd ' pleasant ' : bryd ' mind ', etc. (20) rhag- [soft] * fore-' < *prako-, by § 65 ii (1) < *pro-qo- (i.e. *pro- with suffix -qo-) : Lat. reci-procu-s < *reco-proco-s ; rhág-farn 'prejudice ' : bam 'judgement' ; rhág-fur 'contramure ' : mur 'wall'; rhág-ddor ' outer door ' ; rhag-luniaeth ' providence ', etc. (21) rhy- [soft] 'very, too' : Ir. ro- : Lat. pro-, Gk. irpó, Skr. prd, Goth, fra- ; rhỳ-wyr ' very late ' : hwyr ' late ', cf. Gk. 7rpo-/caKos ' very bad'; rhỳ-gyng, Ml. W. rygig ' ambling pace' < *(p)ro-%engh- § 101 iii (2). In Mn. W. it forms loose compounds with adjectives § 65 iv (2), § 220 viii (1). (22) tra- [spirant] 'over, very, excessive' < *tar- < *t e r6s-, § 214 iii : Ir. tar-, Skr. tirás- ; tra-ckwant ' lust ' ; trá-chas ' very hateful ' ; tra-serch i great love, adoration ' ; trd-chul ' very lean ' ; trâmor ' over- sea' i.e. trammor for Harmmor < *t e rôs mari.; trachwres b.t. 30 : gwres § 92 iii. It forms loose compounds by being placed before any adj., § 220 viii (1). The metathesis could have taken place when the accent was on the ult. ; cf. § 214 iii. traf-, as in traf-lýncu ' to gulp ' (: llyncu ' to swallow) < *tram- : Ir. trem-, tairm-, an m-formation from the same base : cf. Lat. tarmes, trämes ; see § 220 ii (10). There seems to have been some confusion of the two prefixes : trawior above and trâmwy ( to wander ' < -*rnoui- (: Lat. moveo) may have either. This would help to spread tra- for *tar-. trdnnoeth ' over night ' cannot be from *tram- which would become traf- before n; trmnyh ' over the day' i.e. * next day but one ' is probably re-formed after trannoeth. traws-, tros- § 210 x (6) ; Ml. W. traws-cwy8 w.m. 83, 85, ' trans- action ' ; in Mn. W. leniting, traws-feddiant ' usurpation ', prob. owing to sc > sg etc. § 111 vi (2), as in traws-gwyS b.m. 60, 61. (23) try- [soft] ' through, thorough'; trý-dwll 'perforated'; trỳ- loyw ' pellucid ' ; trỳ-fer £ javelin ' : her ' spear '. It seems to imply Brit. *tri-, weak form of *trei > trwy 'through' § 210x(5). ii. Some prefixes occur only in rare or isolated forms, and are not recognized as such in the historical periods. The following may be mentioned : (1) a(n)- < *n- 'in'; áchles § 99 vi (1), anmyneS § 95 ii (3); ánglaS * funeral' < *n-qlad- (claddu ' to bury') \fqolad- § 101 ii (3). § 157 COMPOUNDS 269 ann- [soft] < *ando- < *n-do- : Lat. en-do-, in-du-, E. in-to ; ánnedd § 63 ii; ánnerch 'greeting' < *nd(o)-erk-, Vereq- 'speak' § 63 iii ; en-byd ' dangerous ' (enbyd ! ■ beware ! ' in Festiniog quarries) < *ndo-pit- : pyd * danger ' < *qui-t-, Vqouei- ' be ware ' : Lat. caveo, Gk. icoéu) : W. rhý-buB ' warning ' < *pro-quei-d- ; dn-rheg 'gift': rheg 'gift' < *prek-, dn-rhaith 'prize, booty; *bride, dear one' < *ndo-prek-t- i Vpereq- 'acquire, buy' : Litb. perhù 'I buy', Gk. TTLTrpda-KO) (*-prq-sqÖ), extension of Vper- in Gk. Trépyrjfii ; án-fon < *ndo-mon- § 100 iv; anian ' nature' < *ndo-g e n- : Lat. in-genium. dann- [soft] < *d(o)-ando- ; ddnfon : an/on above ; ddn-gos ' to show ' (S. "W. ddn-gos ; in N. W. with late assim. of -g-, ddnnos) < *d(o)~ando-Jcons-, V teens- : Lat. censeo, Skr. sçcsati ( recites, praises, reports, shows'. y-, e- [nasal] < * en- ' in ' ; emhennyS m.m. 23 (from r.b.) ' brain ', cf. M.A. ii 107, 337, emennyh r.b.b. 54, s.G. 270 < *en-quenniio- : Bret, em-jpenn, Corn, empinion, ympynnyon ; -mŵ- persisted in Mn. W., see m.m. 140, o'mhoen (read o'm hun)/ymhennydd D.G. 501; the usual form yménnydd with abnormal loss of -Ä- before the accent may be due to early contamination with a form containing *eni- ; the form in Ir. is in-chinn < *eni-quenn-. (2) he- < *sem- ; hebrwng § 99 vi. (3) ban- < *sani- : Ir. sain ' separate ', W. gwa-han-u, Lat. sine, E. sun-der, Skr. sanitúr ' besides, without ' ; in hdn-fod ' being from, coming from, origin, essence '. § 157. i. No compound has more than two elements ; but any element may itself be a compound. Thus anhyfrycl ' unpleasant ' is compounded not of an + hy + bryd but of an + hyfryä, though hyfryd itself is a compound of hy + bryd ; similarly hardd-deg ymdrech 1 Tim. vi 12 is a loose compound, each of whose elements hardd-deg and ym-drech is itself a compound. All compounds must be so analysed by successive bisections. Deuruddloyw fis dewisaf, Dyred oV haul daradr haf. — G.Gr., p 51/49. ' Most exquisite bright-cheeked month, bring the sun of summer ray.' DeurúUoyw fis is a loose compound ; its first element is a com- pound of deuruS and gloyw, deuruS itself being compounded of dau * two ' and gruS ' cheek '. ii. (1) In compounds of three syllables in which the first element is a compound, as pengrých-lon D.G. 74 'curly-headed [and] merry', a strong secondary accent on the first syllable often becomes a separate accent, and the syllable breaks loose, resulting in an illogical division ; thus hir fêin-wyn D.G. 16, for hirféin-wyn, a compound of hir-fain ' long slender ' and gwyn ' white ' ; téw góed-allt do. 328 for tewgoed-allt < téw-goed (do. 157) ' thick trees ' and (g)allt ' copse ' ; gárw flòedd- 270 ACCIDENCE § 158 iast do. 82 < gdrw-floeh ' rough- voiced ' + gast 'bitch' § 103 ii (1); mýdr ddóeth-lef do. 293 < mýdr-Soeth + lief ' of rhythmical voice ' ; man sérliw G. 129 < mán-ser + lliw 'of the colour of small stars' ; pén sáer-wawd do. 297 < jpen-saer * architect ' + gwawd 'song' mean- ing ' of masterly song '. Y wawr dlós-ferch ry dlŷsfain Wrm ael a wisg aur a main. — D.G. no. 1 Dawn-bright maid, too beautifully slender, of the dark brow, that wearest gold and [precious] stones ' ; gwawr dlosferch < gwáwr-dlos ' dawn-beautiful ' + merch 'maid'; — ry dlysfain is a loose compound oîrhy and tlýs-fain, so that its accentuation is normal; — gẃrm aeZis a loose bahuvrihi (or possessive) compound ' possessing a dark brow '. (2) The same accentuation occurs when a compound number is compounded with a noun, as dáu cánn-oen G.Grl. m 146/313 * 200 lambs'; sáith ugéin-waith L.G.C. 421 'seven score times'. The separated syllable has the un-mutated (un-combined) form of its diphthong dau, saith (not deu, seith) § 45 ii (2). iii. Strict compounds are inflected by inflecting the second element, as gwindy pi. gwindei § 117 iii, hwyl-brenni^ cankwyll- brenni § 122 ii (2), claer-wŷnnŷon, etc. § 145 ii (4), an-wariaid etc. § 145 vi, an-hawsaf § 148 i (6), gloyw-huaf etc. § 150 ii. But in loose a-n compounds the adj. is often made pi., as nefolỳon wylodeu etc. § 145 ii (3). Indeed these formations are so loose that the second element may be suspended, as in nefolion- a'r daearolion- a thanddaearolion- betliau ibid. An eqtv. or cpv. adj. before a noun is not compounded with it, but the noun has always its rad. initial. A spv. adj. may or may not be compounded ; see Syntax. PRONOUNS Personal Pronouns. § 158. The Welsh personal pronouns are either independent or dependent. Of these main classes there are several sub-divisions, containing a form for each person sg. and pi., including two, m. and f. , for the 3rd sg. The use of the 2nd pi. for the 2nd sg., so common in modern European languages, appears in W. in the 15th cent. There are numerous examples in T.A. (e.g. § 38 vi), who mixes up sg. and pi. in addressing the same individual : § 159 PRONOUNS 271 Meined dy wasg mewn y tant, Chwi a 'mdroeeh i'm dau rychwant.—T.A. A 14866/105. * So slender is thy waist in the girdle, you would turn round in my two spans/ § 159. The independent personal pronouns are the forms used when the pronoun is not immediately dependent on a noun, a verb or an inflected preposition. They occur (a) at the beginning* of a sentence, see § 162 vii (2); — (b) after a conjunction or uninflected preposition, including^, megis ; — (c) after ys ' it is ', mae (mai) i that it is ', panyw id., pel ' if it were * s etc., and after the uninflected heb y ' said ' (heb y mi § 198 i). Independent personal pronouns are either simple, reduplicated or con- junctive; thus: /i* i. Simple: sg. I. mi, 2. ti, 3. m. ef, f. hi ; pi. 1. ni, 2. chwi, 3. Ml. wy, wynt, Mn. hwy, hwynt (also occasionally in Late Ml. W.). The h- of the Mn. 3rd pi. forms comes from the affixed forms ; thus gwelant wy = gwelant-h wy mutated to gwelann-h wy, see § 106 iv; the -h was transferred to the pronoun, cf. § 106 iii (2) ; and the inde- pendent forms borrowed the h- from the affixed. ii. Reduplicated: (1) Ml. W., sg. 1. mivi, myvi, myvy, 2. ticli, tydi, 3. [m. efo\, f. hihi ; pi. 1. nini, 2. chwichwi, chwchwi, 3. icyntwy, hwyntwy. — Mn. W. sg. 1 myfi, 2. tydi, 3. [m. efo,fo (later fe, efe see below)], f. hyhi ; pi. 1. nyni, 2. chwychwi (often pronounced but rarely written chwchwi), 3. hwynt-hwy. mivi, tidi w.m. 4, myfi (see vyvi § 160 iii (1)), chwichwi e.b.b. 67, chwchwi s.G. 164, hwyntwy e.m. 132, wyntwy s.G. 165. (2) These pronouns are usually accented on the ultima: myfi, tydi, hwynt-hwy, etc. ; but they were formerly accented on the penult also, and this accentuation survives in certain phrases used in Powys. Examples of penultimate accentuation : Du serchog yw'th glog mewn glyn, A mýfl sy'n d' ymôfyn. — D.G. 521. 1 Of a lovely black is thy coat in the glen, and it is I who call thee/ — To the blackbird. Nid diddle onid týdi ; Nato Bum bod hebot ti. — S.M., il 133/261. 'There is none faultless but thee; God forbid [that we should] be without thee/ 272 ACCIDENCE § 159 Thus accented they also appear as mýfy, tydv, etc. : Mawr oedd gennyd dy fryd fry, Mwyfwy dy son na mýfìi. — G.Gr., d.g. 246. ' Greatly didst thou boast thy intention yonder ; more and more noisy [art thou] than I/ (3) The forms my ft, tydí sometimes lose their unaccented y after a, na or no, giving a m'fi, a th'di, etc. ; as megys yS ymydawssam ath ti il.a. 148 'as we forsook thee', cf. 121, 1. 6. Duw a'th roes, y doeth rysvsr ; A th'di a wnaeth Duw yn ŵ\ — W.IL. 8. ' God gave thee, wise hero ; and thee did God make a man/ (4) In the spoken language efo, hyhi became yfo, yhí; and the others followed, thus yfl, ythdî (in Gwynedd ychdí by dissim.) ynl, ychi, ynhw(y). These may sometimes be seen written yfo etc. in the late period, e.g. c.c. 273, 340. (5) Beside efo the reduced form fö appears in the 1 4th cent. The inconvenience of having different vowels info and e/was overcome in two ways : in N. W. fo replaced If (except in a few stereotyped phrases, as ynte ? for onid hefi ' is it not so Ì ', ai e Ì ' is it so Ì ') ; in S. W. e(f) remained, and fô was changed to fë. From the S.W. /e Wm.S. made his'new efe 2 Thess. ii 16, which, however, he uses very rarely. Dr. M. adopted this form, and used it throughout his Bible for the nom. case, independent and affixed — a remarkable observance of a self-imposed rule ; that the rule was arbitrary is shown by the fact that efe is used where W. idiom expresses ' he ' by an oblique case, as am fod yn hoff ganddo efe y hi Gen. xxix 20, herwydd ei farm efe 2 Sam. xiii 39. In Ml. W. the only form is efo, see iv (2), which is rare compared with the simple ef. The bards also use efo, accented êfo and efo, see examples; but where it does not rhyme, late copyists often change it to efe; thus in A fo doeth efe a dau g. 144, the ms. actually used by the editor of G. has efo tr. 87. — efe s.G. 53 is ef in the MS., p 1 1/356; and eue cm. 87 is euo (i.e. evo) in the ms., e.b. 474. The form êfo survives in dial, efo 'with' for efo a § 216 ii (3). Nid oes offrwm, trwm yw'r tro, Oen Duw ufydd, ond efo. — R.R., f. 7. ' There is no sacrifice — sad is the case — except Him, the obedient Lamb of God.' Iarll Penfro, efo rydd fdrch. — L.G.C. 355. ' The Earl of Pembroke, he will give a horse.' iii. Conjunctive: (1) Ml. W., sg*. 1. mynheu, minheu, minnen, 2,, titheu, 3. m.ynteu, f.Aitàeu; pi. 1. nynheu, ninheu, ninneu, 2. chwitheuy 3. wynteu. — Mn. W. sg. 1. minnau, 3. tithau> 3. m. yntav,) f. hithau ; pi. 1. ninnau, 2. chwithau, 3. hwyntau^ hwythau. § 159 PRONOUNS 273 (2) A pronoun of this series is always set against a noun or pronoun that goes before (or is implied) : Dioer, heb ef. . . . A unben, heb ynteu w.m. 2 f By heaven, said he. . . . Ah ! prince, said the other.' The series is in common use in Mn. W. ; sometimes the added mean- ing is so subtle as to be untranslatable : chwi a minnau ' you and T ', but as a rule minnau siguiBes ' I too ', ' even I ', 'I for my part ', ' but I ', ' while I ', etc. The first term of the antithesis may be im- plied : Wei, dyma finnau 'n niarw Ceiriog o.b. no 'Well, now even I am dying ' [not somebody else this time ; this is not said, but finnau implies it]. A conj. pron. often stands in apposition to a noun: Ynteu Pwyll wm. n, cf. 12, 14 'he also, [namely] Pwyll ' i. e. Pwyll also ; a gwyr Troea wynteu b.b.b. 20 ' and the men of Troy on their part '. The 3rd sg. ynteu answers naill in the expres- sion naill ai . . . ai ynteu ' on the one hand either or on the other hand '. From its unaccented use as ' on the other hand ' it became a conjunction 'then' : Paham, ynteu il.a. 13 'why, then Ì ' Pwy, ynteu do. 2 7 ' who, then ] ' Nyt oes un wreic, ynteu A.l. i 176 'there is no woman, then'. In Ml. W. pronouns of other persons are used instead of ynteu after ae, as kymer vedyS . . . ae titheu ymlaS cm. 13 'receive baptism ... or else fight'; as the subject of an impv. cannot come before it, titheu here replaces ynteu in ae ynteu ymlaS ' or else fight* under the influence of ymlaS ditheu 'fight then!' iv. Origin of the independent pronouns : (1) mi, Ir. mê < ace. *me : Skr. mä, Gk. /xe (the Ir. me seems to be *me lengthened, as original e > Kelt, I) ; — ti, Ir. tû < *tü: Lat. tü, Av. tü, Gk. rv-vr}, O.H.G. dü; ti partly also from Ar. ace. *t(u)e; — ef, O.W. em, Corn, ef, nom. -e, Ml. Bret, eff, Ir. e, he ; f. hi, Corn, hy, Bret, hi, Ir. si. The 3rd sg. pron. in Kelt, as in Germ, seems to have been *es or *is, f. *sl ; thus O.H.G. er < *es : Ir. e or he < *es (: Umbr. es-to- 'iste '); the Corn, nom. postfixed -e may represent this ; but in W. it has been replaced by ef; W. ef < *emen < * em-em = O.Lat. em-em, redupl. ace. of *es, cf. Skr. im-dm < *im-em. As hi kept its h-, it is unlikely that ef is for *hef, since the parallel could hardly fail to have been preserved ; but in phrases where ef means ' so ' there are traces of A-, as in N.W. ynte, S.W. ontef e ' is it not so Ì ' for onid kef {ef) ; here ef may be from *semo-s ' same ' = Skr. samdk ' like, same '. W. hi < Ar. *sl : Goth. si j O.H.G. si, si, Gk. r (Sophocles) ; *sl is an ablaut variant of *s(i)iä § 122 iv (1), f. of the pron. *s(i)ios, *s(i)iä, *t(i)iod (Skr. syáh, sya, tydd) a derivative of *so, *sä, *tod (Skr. sd, sa, tat, Gk. 6, fj, to). — PI. nl, chwl, Ir. snt, si < *s-nês, *s-uës : Lat. nös, vös, Skr. nah, vah (or, as the ê-grade is not certain elsewhere, < *snl, *sul with nom. pi. -I after o-stems) ; — wy, Ir. ë < *ei nom. pi. of *es; 'wynt with -nt from the 3rd pi. of verbs (so Ml. Ir. lat). (2) The redupl. forms are the simple forms repeated, originally as separate words : mi-vi < Brit. *m% mi, etc. As ef seems itself to be a redupl. form it is natural that it is not found reduplicated (efe being a figment ii (5)); the emphatic form is efo. In Ml. AV. this is chiefly 1402 T 274 ACCIDENCE § 160 an affixed accusative § 160 iii (i) : llyma efo w.m. 160 'see him here ' ; mostly following other pronouns : gwassanaetha di evo b.m. 185 ' serve thou him ', cf. 164, 168, 170, 198, 280; the transition to the inclep. use is seen in a thra guÈỳych ti evo, evo ath guS ditheu e.m. 173 ' and while thou hidest it, it will hide thee '. The form efo is prob. for *efoeS § 78 i (1); this implies *émiio-, and may be ace. *em-eiom : cf. Lat. gloss im-eum " rbv avrov " < *irn-eiom. (3) The conj. pronouns are re-formations based upon yntau which is for *hynn-teu (loss of h- on the anal, of ef) < Brit. *séndos touos ' this other, the other ' ; * touos < *tuuos : Skr. tvah, tuah ' other ', mostly repeated tvah . . . tvah ' the one . . . the other ' ; the word is always unaccented in Skr. ; this is also the condition to give -eu in W. § 76 iii (2). The origin is seen clearly in naill . . . yntau from *sendod dllipd . . . sêndod touod ; cf. Skr. tvad . . . tvad ' at one time ... at another ' or with tvad after the second member only. When *hynn teu came to mean ' he too ' a fern. *hih teu was formed giving hitheu ; then followed * , mi i m teu > mynheu, minneu ; *tît teu > titheu; and on these are modelled the pi. forms. § 160. Dependent personal pronouns are either prefixed, infixed or affixed. i. Prefixed pronouns. (1) The following stand in the genitive case immediately before a noun or verbal noun ; the mutation following each is given after it in square brackets. For the aspiration of initial vowels see ii (5). %• i- Ŵ f\ >, \ [nasal], 2. dy\ d' [soft], 3. Ml. y, Mn. i, late misspellings [m. soft, f. spirant] ; pi. I. Ml. an, yn, Mn. yn y late misspelling ein [rad.], 1. Ml. awc/i y ych, late misspelling eich [rad.], 3. eu (sometimes Ml. y, Mn. i) [rad.]. These pronouns are always proclitics, and are never accented ; when emphasis is required an a^ixed auxiliary pronoun is added to receive it ; thus dy ben dí 'thy head \ Before a vowel fy ' my ', dy ' thy ' tend to lose their y, and /', a" occur frequently in poetry : f'annwyl § 38 vi, f'erchwyn § 38 ix, f'annerch § 136 ii, fwỳneh § 38 iv; d'eos § 110 iii (2), oVadwyth D.G. 35, d'adnabod do. 147. fy often becomes 'y, see § 110 iii (2). This occurs only when the initial of the noun is nasalized, i. e. when its radical is an explosive (or m- in f. nouns : 'y mam § 110 iii (2), 'y modryb B.cw. 13 ' my aunt '), for otherwise 'y could not be distinguished from the article y ; as it is, it cannot be distinguished from unaccented yn ' in ' Çy mhénn * my head', ymhénn 'at the end [of]'), except by the context. — When the/- vanishes as above, the y is liable to be lost after a vowel, leaving only the following nasal initial to represent the pronoun : § 160 PRONOUNS 275 Darfw V ieuenctid dirfawr ; dewrfu 'nydcL darfu 'n awr. — D.G. 529. ' Mighty youth is spent ; if brave was my day, it is spent now.' Llongwr wyfi yn ddioed ; Ar ben yr hwylbren mae 'nhrosd. — H.D., p 101/259. 1 At once I am a sailor ; my foot is on the top of the mast.' See also yw 'myd § 38 vi, yw 'mron § 146 ii (1). ML y 'his, her' > Mn. i § 16 ii (3). Occasionally i is already found in Ml. W., as o achaws i drigiant efw.M. 12 'on account of his residing '. The spelling ei is due to Wm.S., § 5 (4), who also changed yn b.b. 108, ych do. 79 to ein, eich ; there is no evidence of the earlier use of these forms ; and in the spoken language the words are i, yn, ych, as in Early Mn. W. It is doubtful whether the correct spelling can now be restored, as the misspelling is distinctive, enabling ei. * his ' to be distinguished from i ' to ', and i ' I ', as in gwelais i dŷ ; and ein 'our* from yn 'in'; but the written ei, ein, eich should be read i, yn, ych. eu ' their ' is a Ml. form preserved artificially in lit. W. Already in the 14th cent, y appears for it as ytat lb. a. 117, 1. 13 'their father', ypenneu, ytavodeu do. 152 'their heads, their tongues'. In Early Mn. mss. it is generally i, distinguished from the sg. only by the rad. initial which follows it. (2) Before kun, Jinnan e self ', § 167 i (3), the following forms occur in Ml. W. : sg. 1. vy, vu, my, mu, 2. dy, du 9 3. e ; pi. I. ny, 2. ?, 3. e. a minneu vy hun w.m. 88 ' and I myself ; am laS honafvu hun vy mab do. 35 'because I myself slew my son'; namyn my hun do. 88 'except myself; buw mu hunan e.p. 1045 'I myself [am] alive ' ; dy anwybot dy hun w.m. 2 ' thine own ignorance ' ; du hun do. 29 'thyself; ae Swylaw ehfòw, tl.a. 10 'with His own hands'; ehun tl.a. 77 'herself; arnamnj hunein w.m. 29 'on ourselves'; ar yn llun ny hun r.p. 1368 ' on Our own image ' ; a gewssynt e hun w.m. 59 ' what they had had themselves ' ; yrygthunt e hun w.m. 421, y ryngtunt ehunein r.m. 272 'between themselves'. In Mn. W. the forms do not differ from those of the gen. given in (1) ; but ny persisted in the sixteenth cent. ; i'n pechod njltuu a.g. 17 * to our own sin ' ; i ni ny/ntn do. $$ ' for ourselves '. Before numerals the forms are Ml.W. pl.i. an,yn, 2. (awch,ych), 3. yll, ell, Mn. W. 1. yn (misspelt ein), 'n, 2. ych (misspelt eich), 'ch, 3. ill. ni an chwech W.M. 29 ' us six ', yn dwy tl.a. 109 'we two ' f., yll pedwar w.m. 65 'they four'; arna&unt wy yll seith s.G. 33 'on the T 2 276 ACCIDENCE § 160 seven of thein ' ; ae Swylaw yll dwyoeS do. 39 ' with both his hands ' ; u&unt ell deu w.m. 182 'to them both '. In Mn. W. ni 'n dau 'we two ', chwi 'ch tri f you three \ Awy ill £ri ' they three *, etc. ii. Infixed pronouns. (1) The following stand in the genitive case before a noun or verbal noun ; mutation is noted as before : Sg. 1. -m, now written 'm [rad.] ; 2. -t/i, Hh [soft] ; 3. Ml. W. -e, -?/, Mn. W. -i, now written 'i [m. soft ; f. spir.] ; pi. 1. -», '« [rad.] ; 3. -ŵl, 'c^ [rad.] ; 3. Ml. -£, -y> Mn. -i, % late misspelling 'u [rad.]. Also 3rd sg. and pi. -w, y w after Ml. y, Mn. i ' to ' ; see below. The Ml. 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y represents the second element of a diphthong ; thus oe or oy ' from his ' is simply y contracted. The Mn. sound is oi (unacc. oi), and the late spelling oi rests on the false assumption that the full form of the pronoun is ei. This contraction may take place after any word ending in a vowel, see § 33 v, and often occurs after final -ai and even -au. Similarly 'n, 'ch may occur after any final vowel or diphthong, as Duw 'n Tad, JDuw 'n Ceidwad D.G. 486 ' God our Father, God our Saviour ', since this is only the ordinary loss of unaccented y, see § 44 vii. But 'm, 'th stand on a totally different basis ; these are not for *ym, *yth, which do not exist in the genitive. 8. But dm, a'th are properly a m, a th' for *a my, *a thy with the old spirant mutation after a as in a mam, a thad; hence we find that in Ml. W. they occur only after a ' and ', a ' with ' (including gyt a, tu a, etc), na ' nor ', no ' than ', all of which cause the spirant mutation, and after ỳ l to ', o l from ', which caused gemination of the initial of a following unacc. word in Kelt., thus W. im, ym 'to my' = Ir. domm 'to my'; see iv (2). In biblical Welsh this tradition is strictly followed. But in D.G. we already find yw ' is ' added to the above monosyllables (if the readings are to be trusted), as yw'm serch 498, ywm Selyf 522, yw'th gân 137, yw'th wèn 497. After other words 'm and 'th are rare in D.G., and are possibly misreadings, as iddi'm traserch 498, ynoth ddwyn 478. After neu 'or' and trwy 'through', fy and dy are always used: neu dy ladd 264, trwy dy hoywliw 180, Dyro dy hen drwy dy hais 107. So after all ordinary words ending in vowels ; the only non-syllabic forms of the pronouns being f',d' or the nasal mutation, see i (1) above ; as hwde fanfodd 114 (not hwdem an/odd), mae d' eisiau 1 9 (not mae'th eisiau), mae d' wyneb 107 (not mae'th wyneb), colli W303 (not colli y m da), gwanu 'mron 502 (not gwanu 'm bron). The insertion of 'm, 'th after all vocalic endings is a late misuse of these forms. The converse practice of using fy and dy after a, 0, i, na (as fy for o'm, i dy for i'th etc.) appears first in hymns to fill up the line, and is usual in the dialects ; but it is a violation of the literary tradition. a One or two apparent examples (as yth effeirŷat cm. 57) seem to be scribal errors. § 160 PRONOUNS 277 After the prep, i ' to, for* the form w is used for the 3rd sg. and pi. with the mutations proper to the usual forms, as i'w dŷ J to his house j i'w thŷ ' to her house ', i'w tŷ ' to their house \ The combina- tion appears in b.ch. as yu, as pan el e brenỳn yu estavell a.l. i 48 ' when the king goes to his chamber ' ; later yw voli cm. 49 lit. ' for his praising', yw swper do. 43 'for their supper ' ; itisprob. a metathesis of *wỳ § 78 iv (1) from *(d)oi ) an early contraction of *do % 'to his', *do being the orig. form of the prep. § 65 iv (2). A later but still old contraction gives oe, as A Soei hi ỳ gyt ac ef oe wlat ? il.a. 125 1 would she come with him to his country? ' In the 16th cent, oi " to his* was still used in Carnarvonshire, G.R. [129]. But oe, Mn. o'i also means ' from his ' ; as this is an obvious meaning (0 being 'from'), oe ' to his ' became obsolete. A third form of the combination is ỳ, a contraction of ỳ ỳ ' to his ' ; this is a re-formation, with the prep, taken from other connexions after it had become ŷ; it is the usual form in Ml. mss., as y brenhin a aeth ý ystavell cm. 43 ' the king went to his chamber ', Ynteu Pwyll . . . a Soeth ŷ gyvoeth ac ŷ wlat w.m. 1 1 ' Pwyll too came to his dominions and to his country \ In b.b. we find ỳ eu 66 1. 5 ' to their', a rare form. The form % ' to his, to her, to their ' survives in Gwyn. dial. ; but the usual Mn. form is i'w, which is the least ambiguous, and represents the oldest con- traction. j£.is quite a late spelling ; it is sounded * in natural speech, and thus has the same form as the 3rd sg., but takes the same mutation as eu. In Ml. W. there is no trace of *au, *ou ; rarely we have o eu as in p 6/ii b., and often ae eu, oc eu, e.g. w.m. 89 ; where these are not employed, the forms met with are ae, oe or ay, oy like the sg. ; in Early Mn. W. ai, oi. "Pro 'u pi. post istas particulas [a, na, 0], & scribitur & pronunciatur '*, vt, a'i carodd, pro a'u earodd, &c." D. 177. The 1620 Bible always has 'i both gen. and ace. : iachâodd hwynt, ac a'i gwaredodd o'i dinistr Ps. cvii 20. The forms m and i occur after er in Ml. "W. eirmoet ' during my time', eirỳoet 'in his time', Mn. W. er-m-oed, er-i-oed; the latter became the stereotyped form for all persons, and is the usual expression for 'ever '. But ermoed survived in Early Mn. W., see L.G.C. 194. (2) The following stand in the accusative ease before verbs ; all take the radical initial of the verb except Hit, which takes the soft. Sg*. 1. -m, now written 'm ; 2. -th, Hh ; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -s, -w, Mn. W. -?, 'i, -s ; pi. 1. -71, [ti ; 2. -ch, 'c/i ; 3. Ml. W. -e -y, -s, -w, Mn. W. -i, 'i (recent V), -s. 'm, 'th, 'n, 'ch are used after the relatives a and y, and where y is lost after a vowel, as lie for lie y ' where ', yno for yno y * it is there that ', etc. ; after the affirmative particles neu, a, ef a, e, fo, fe ; the negative particles ni, na; the conjunctions 'if, oni 'unless', y 'that ', and^e 'if, Ml. pei, which is for pei y ' were it that ' ; and in Ml. W. the tense particle ry. Thus : 278 ACCIDENCE § 160 Ni' th wyl drem Vth wal drama wr ; E'th. glyw mil, nyth y glaw mawr. — D.G. 133. ' No eye sees thee in thy vast lair ; a thousand hear thee, [in] the nest of the great rain.' — To the Wind. a'th. eura di § 7 ii ; IWth fagwyd D.G. 323 'where thou wast reared'; am ssuinassei-e douit b.b. 24 'the Lord created me ' ; efam lias G.G1. § 175 iv (6) 'I was killed'; dm lleddi D.G. 59 ' if thou killest me '; o'th gaf do. 524 'if I may have thee '; onifh gaf do. 29 ' if I have thee not' ; beith leSit r.p. 1255 'if thou wert killed' ; rym gelwir b.t. 36 'I am called ' ; see § 171 iii (2). The 3rd sg. and pi. -e or -y, Mn. -{, H ('u) is used after the relative a and the affirmative particles a, ef a, e, fo, fe ; as pawb ay dyly w.m. 8 'everybody owes it'; £x gwelir D.G. 524 'it will be seen'. It also follows the relative y, and is contracted with it to y (= y y 'that . . . it '); as llyma yr weS y keffy r.m. 2 ' this is the way that (== in which) thou shalt have it ' ; sefval y gwnafw.m.. 3 ' this is how I will do it ' ; val y herchis cm. 89 ' as he commanded them ' (vol is followed by y ' that '). In Early Mn. W. this is written î, later ei or eu ; recently it has been written ÿi and y'u in order to show the construction ; but there is no authority for this, and the traditional sound appears to be i (not yi). The 3rd sg. and pi. -s is used after ni, na, oni ' unless ' and * if ' ; as Ae eiSaw nys arvollassant il.a. 161 'and his own received him not'; onis cwplaa oe weithretoeS cm. 15 'unless he fulfils it in his works'; os myn L.G.C. 187 'if he desires it'. It often serves to save the repetition of the object in the second of two negative sentences : ny mynneis inheu un gwr . . . ac nys mynnaf e.m. i t I I did not want a husband, and do not want one ' ; nyd enwaf neb ac nys gwradwyddaf J.D.R. [xvii] ' I name no one, and disgrace him not ' ; and often refers to a noun or pronoun placed absolutely at the head of a sentence, as ond ef nis gwelsant Luc xxiv 24 'but [as for] him, they saw him not' ; Safnau'r môr nis ofnir mwy D.W. 271 'the mouths of the sea — one no longer fears them \ The form -s is also used after pe, thus Mn. W. pes forjoeiy-s ' were it that . . . it ', aspei ys gwy^wn w.m. 42 ; in Ml. W. generally written pei as, as pet as mynhut w.m. 142 'if thou wishedst it'. Similarly gwedy as gwelych cm. 83 £ after thou hast seen it '. After affirmative neu, as neus roSes w.m. 20 ' he has given it ' ; rarely after affirmative a, as .4 s attebwys dofyS b.t. 24 'the Lord answered him'. — In Late Mn. W. nis is sometimes treated as if the s meant nothing ; such a misuse is rare in Ml. W. and, where it occurs, is probably a scribal error, as Nys gwelas llygat eiroet y sawl Synŷon il.a. 117 with nys repeated from the previous line. On os for 'if'see§ 222 v(i). In Early Ml. verse we sometimes find nuy (= nwy) in relative sentences corresponding to nis in direct statements (nwy from an old contraction of *??o i, cf. *wy'(i) above, *no being the orig. form of the neg. rel., see § 162 vi (3)); as nis guibit ar nuy g(u)eiho b.b. 7 'he § 160 PRONOUNS 279 will not know it who has not seen it'; cf. do. 8 11. r, 13. Later by- metathesis this appears as nyw, as nyt kerSawr nyw molwy r.p. 1400 ' there is no minstrel who does not praise him ' ; nyw deiryt do. 1273 ' which do not belong to him \ Later nyw is used in direct state- ments, as ac nyw kelaf r.p. 1244' and I will not conceal it \ Jn b.ch. occurs enyu ( = ynyw) teno tranoeth 14 (misprinted eny in A.l. i 32) 'until he removes it the following day ', formed analogically. We also find rwy rel., as rwy digonsei b.t. 24 ' who had made him '. (3) After pan ' when ' and Ml. kyt ' since ' syllabic accus. forms are used : ym, yth , y, yn, yc/i, y. In Late Mn.,W. these are written ým, yta, ei, y'n, y'c/i, eu ; the apostrophe is incorrect, see iv (2). But even in Ml. W. after pan and other conjunctions ending in consonants, an affixed ace. pron. after the verb is preferred to the infixed; see iii (1). yr pan yth weleis gyntafw.M. 156-7 ' since I saw thee first' ; pan i'm clywai dust Job xxix 11; kid im guneit b.b. 23 (= ci[d ym gwriéyh) * since thou makest me '. In the early period also after nid * there . . . not ', as nid a>ma.-vyS b.b. 90 ' there will not be to us ' (ann dat. see below). (4) In Ml. and Early Mn. verse the forms in (2) and (3) are also used in the dative. Dólur gormoS am. doSyw e.g. 1127 'too much grief has come to me ' ; car a'm oedd, nym oes G. m.a. i 201 'a friend there was to me, there is not to me' (i.e. I had but have riot); Am. bo forth b.b. 34 e may there be a way for me ' ; pan im roted par do. 23 (t = 8) ' when existence was given to me'; É'm rhoddes liw tes Iw teg D.G. 136 1 [she of] the hue of summer gave me a fair pledge' ; Cerdd eos a'm dangosai 'Y mun bert do. 499 ' the nightingale's song would show me my comely maid '. (5) Initial vowels are aspirated after the following prefixed and infixed pronouns : all the forms of the gen. 3rd sg. fern., and gen. 3rd pi. ; all the infixed forms of the ace. 3rd sg. m. and f. and 3rd pi., except -s. oeS liw ỳ hwynneb tl.a. 81 'was the colour of her face'; oc eu hamsser do. 119 'of their time' ; mi ai hadwaen «/Gen. xviii 19. After 'w, z n and yn gen. and ace. both aspirated and unaspirated initials are found. om "hanvoh R.M. n, w.M. 18, om anvoS R.m. 30, w.m. 43 'against my will ' ; yniiarglvjyS ni il.a. 165, yn arSerchogrwyS ni do. 168 ' our majesty'. So in Early Mn. W. : A'm smnwyl 13.G. 219, am edwyn ibid, 'knows me', o'm hanfedd D.E. g. 113, i'm oes S.T. r. 29, 280 ACCIDENCE § 160 i'm hoed D.G. 498. In Late Mn. W. the h- is always used, and often written superfluously after eich, 'ch. iii. Affixed pronouns are substantive and auxiliary. (1) Substantive affixed pronouns are used in the accusative after verbs as sole objects ; they are identical with the indepen- dent pronouns simple, reduplicated and conjunctive, with the initials of the 1st and 2nd sg. softened. They occur where there is no preverb to support an infixed pronoun, as when the vb. is impv. ; where the preverb ends in a consonant, as pan, etc. ; and in some other cases where there is no infixed pro- noun ; for the details see Syntax. dygwch vi oSyma w.m. 8 'bear me hence* ; hualwyd fi D.G. 47 1 1 have been shackled ' ; clyw fyfy do. 100 ' hear me ' ; pann welsant ef 3L.A. 114 'when they saw him'; ny roSassit hi do. 122 'she had not been given \ They often follow auxiliary affixed pronouns, as Pan geissych di vyvi e.m. 224 ' when thou seekest me*. They are also used in the dative after interjections, as gwae fi ! ' vae mini!' (2) Auxiliary affixed pronouns serve as extensions of other pronominal elements ; they are appended to words which already have either personal endings, or prefixed or infixed pronouns. The form of the 1st sg. is i, in Early Ml. W. -e (= i[) ; in Late Mn. W. it is written fi after -f, but this is an error, though sometimes found in Ml. W. ; the 2nd sg. is di, after -t ti, Early Ml. -de ; 3rd sg. m. ef, efo, f. hi ; pi. 1. ni, Early Ml. -ne, 2. chwi, 3. wy, wynt, later hwy, hiv.ynt. There are also conjunctive forms, innau. dithau, etc. Supplementing (a) the personal form of a verb : gueleis-e b.b. 71 ' I saw', arSuireav-e do. 36 'I extol ' ; pan roddais i serch D.G. 134 ' when I set [my] affection ', andau-de b.b. 6 1 ' listen thou ', Beth a glywaist ti Ì D.G. 335 ' what didst thou hear Ì ' y del hi § 136 iii, etc. (b) the personal ending of a preposition : irof-e b.b. 23 'for me ', arnat ti D.G. 136 'on thee ', iSaw ef w.m. 5 'to him', etc. (c) a prefixed or infixed pronoun, gen., ace. or dat. : wi-llav-e b.b. 50 ( = vy-llaw-y) 'my hand', f'enaid i D.G. 148 'my soul'; am creuys-e b.b. 82 'who created me'; nym daw-e do. 62 'there comes not to me ' ; dyn ni 'm cred i D.G. 1 73 ' a woman who does not believe me'. Ni cheisiwn nefna'i threvi Be gwypwn nas kai hwnn hi. — H.S., p 54/1/257 k. ' I would not seek heaven and its abodes if I knew that he would not attain it/ § 160 PEONOUNS 281 iv. Origin of dependent pronouns : (i) Prefixed. — fy < Ar. *mene § 11 3 ii ; — dy ' thy ' < Brit. *to(u) proclitic form of *toue < Ar. *teue ; — y ' his ' < Ar. *esio : Skr. asyá ; y ' her ' < Ar. *esias : Skr. asyah, § 75 vii (2);— an ' our', Bret, hon, hor, all for *anr, which (like Ir. ar n- for *anr n-) represents regularly (§ 95 ii (3)) Kelt. *nsron < *ns-rdm : Goth, unsara, with suff. -{e)ro- : cf. Lat. nostrum with suff. -t(e)ro-; — ny before hun < *nes or *nos : Skr. nah ace, gen., dat. ; — awch i your ', formed from chwi on the analogy of àn : ni ; — eu ' their ', O.W. ou, Bret, ho, is probably for *wy unaccented, and so from *eison < Ar. *eisom : Skr. esam 'their' < *eisom, Osc. eisun-k; for the weakening of unaccented wỳ to eu see § 78 iii ; — yn, ych before numerals < *esnes, *esues : Goth, izwis ' you ' ace. < *esues ; — yll is a form of an Z-demonstrative § 165 vi, perhaps < ace. pi. *ollös < *ôlio- or *olno- : Lat. ollus. (2) Infixed. — Gen. m, -th see ii (t); Brit. *men caused the rad. of tenues, the nas. of mediae § 107 iv, and as the latter was generalized for fy, the former was for 'm; e or -y is merely the prefixed y contracted with the preceding vowel ; n, -ch are the prefixed forms with the vowel elided ; e or -y ' their \ originally only after 'from/ and *do ' to ' ; thus oe or oy ' from their ' < *íôỳ contracted ; similarly the rarer oe ' to their ' ; ay ( and their, with their ' is formed on the analogy of oy, instead of the orig. ac eu which also survived, as oc eu ' from their ' was formed on the analogy of the latter, instead of orig. oy (0 ' from ' had no -ç) ; — i'w l to his ', etc., Ml. W. yw met. for *wy < *do % i to his ' contracted after *esio ' his ' had become *?. but early enough for *oi to become *wy, see ii (1); the metathesis is actually attested in nuy ( = nwỳ) > nyw, see below. Ace. (dat.). m, -th < *rnm-, *tt- from ace. *me, *te, dat. *rnoi, *toi, originally used after the neg. ny, the tense part, ry, etc., which caused gemination of the initial ; in Ir. also the forms after nl, ro, no, do, etc., are -mm-, -t- ( = tt) ; see § 217 iv (1); after the rel. a which causes lenition, -m, -th must be analogical ; the rad. initial after -m is due to the analogy of -m gen. ; n (Ir. -nn-) < *nes, see (1); -ch by analogy; — the syllabic forms prob. developed thus: *pann m cl- > *pann m cl- > pan ym clywai ; so n > n > yn ; yth, ych by anal.; cf. heb yr § 198 iii; on the whole this is more pro- bable than that y- represents the vocalic ending of pann lost else- where, which is the explanation of the corresponding Ir. forms generally assumed (Thurneysen Gr. 246, Pedersen Gr. ii 145); in any case the y- is not the rel. y, which is not used after /> k before u § 89 ii (3)) by the addition of more than one of the suffixes named in § 162 vi (2) ; the different forms have been confused, and can no longer be disentangled ; similar formations are Skr. hu-ha (h < dh), Gathav. Tcu-dä i where ? ' Lat. ubi < *q%u-dh-, O. Bulg. ku-de ' where ? ' W. para, pahám < *^a(S) am < *q%od mbhi ' what about ? ' paSiw or pySiw is obscure ; no dative form seems possible ; an analogical *pod-do might give *py$ (as d-d > d § 93 iii (1)) and iw may be yw ' is ' § 77 v ; so ' to whom it is ' or ' for what it is '. W. bynnag, Bret, bennak, bennag, seems to be from some such form as *q%om-de l when ' + ac ' and ', so that in meaning it is the literal equivalent of Lat. cum-que, and is, like it, separable (Lat. qui cwmque lit. ' who and when '). Demonstrative Pronouns and Adjectives. § 164. i. (1) The demonstratives hwn 'this', hwnnw 'that' are peculiar in having* a neuter form in the singular. Both are substantival and adjectival. The adjectival demonstrative is- placed after its noun, which is preceded by the article ; thusjf gwr § 164 PRONOUNS 295 1 this man '. The different forms are — sg. mas. hwn, hwnnw, fern, /ion, honno, neut. hyn, hynny, pi. m. and f. hyn, hynny. The following forms occur in O.W. : hinn m.c., JUV., cp. 'hyn'; hunnoid ox., hunnuid m.c. 'hwnnw'; hinnoid ox. 'hynny'; hirunn JUV. ' yr hwn ', ir /www m.c. ' the one', m., see iv (i); hunnuith cp. f. y hinnuith ib. m., hinnith ib. neut. and pi. (a) liwnnw means { that ' person or thing* out of sight, ' that * in our minds. To indicate objects in sight, adverbs are added to hwn ; thus hwn yna ( that (which you see) there, that near you ', hwn acw, Ml. W. hwnn racko ' that yonder'. So hwn yma 'this here '. But yma and yna are also used figuratively ; hwn yma 1 this ' which I am speaking of, hwn yna ' that ' which I have just mentioned. Hence we can have the abstract hyn before these ; but not before acw which is always used literally of place. Vy arglwySes i yw honn racko b.m. 175 'that (lady) yonder is my mistress'. Guttun Ywain a ysgrivennodd hwnnyma Gut.O. auto. m 28/33 r. ' Guttun Owain wrote this'. An-áml yw i hwn yma Nag ystôr nag eisiau da. — I.D., tr. 149. ' It is rare for this one to store or to want wealth/ These expressions are sometimes used adjectivally as y wreic weSw honn yman il.a. 114' this widow ' ; o'r byt hwnn yma do. 1 1 7 ' from this world ' ; y vorwyn honn yma s.G. 143 ' this maiden '. But for this purpose the adverb alone is generally used : yn y byt yma il.a. 102, 155 ' in this world ' ; o'r esgobawt yma r.p. 1272 ' from this diocese ' ; y vy&in burwenn racco r.m. 151 ' the white army yonder '. Any other adverb of place may be similarly employed : y fan draw, y tu hwnt, etc. In the spoken language hwn yna, hon ýna, h^n ýna are commonly contracted to hẃ\na, hó\na, hij\na (not hwnna, etc.) ; and these forms occur in recent writings. (3) The neut. sg. hyn, hynny always denotes an abstraction ; it means ' this ' or ' that ' circumstance, matter, thought, statement, precept, question, reason, etc. ; or ' this ' or ' that ' number or quantity of anything ; or ' this ' or ' that ' period or point of time. Hynny, hep ef ansyberwyt oeS w.m. 2 ' that, said he, was ungentle- manliness ' (meaning ' that ' conduct) ; Pater noster . . . sef yio pwyll hynny yn tat ni il.a. 147 ' Pater noster . . . the meaning of that is our Father \ A wnelo hyn nid ysgogir yn dragywydd Ps. xv 5 ; wedi hyn ' after this '. 296 ACCIDENCE § 164 Nid wylais gyda'r delyn Am 'y nhad gymain ahynn. — I.D. tk. 151. ' I have not wept with the harp for my [own] father as much as this/ ii. (1) The neut. hyn or hynny is substantival, not adjectival. In Mn. W. it is sometimes used adjectivally after certain nouns ; but as the construction is unusual in Ml. W., it must be a neologism : yn y kyfrwg hynny r.b.b. i i for yg kyfrwg hynny do. 319, 320, 321. The examples show that it is added to nouns expressing ideas for which substantival hyn stands. or cliwedl hit hyn H.A. il 133/164 ■ of this long story ' ; A'r petk hyn S.Ph. e.p. 275 'and this thing' [which thou knowest]; y pebh hyn Dan. iii 16 ' this matter' ; ein neges hyn Jos. ii 14, 20 'this our business ' ; y pryd hynny 1 Sam. xiv 18 ; ai'r pryd hyn Act. i 6. — This use of hyn, hynny never became common, but seems to have been more or less local. In Gwent hyn adj. has spread, and is now used with all nouns. — O.W. hinnith after ir loc guac in cp. 6 seems to be an error for hinnuith as in 9, 11, 14, 15, a form of hwnnvj, with y for w in the penult, cf. § 66 ii (1). (2) The pi. hyn or hynny is both adjectival and substantival. The former use is extremely common. The latter is compara- tively rare ; examples are — ny thebygaf i ỳ un hyn vynet w.m. 35 c I do not imagine any of these will go', a hene ( = hynnv) a elguyr goshorth e brenyn a.l. i 8 'and those are called the king's guard'. Ni phalla un hyn Es. xxxiv 16 ' No one of these shall be missing'. The reason that this use is rare is that hyn or hynny pi. was liable to be confused with hyn or hynny neut. sg. ; thus hyn 1 these ' might be taken for hyn ' this (number) '. To avoid the ambiguity ' these ' and { those ' substantival were expressed by y rhai hyn and y rhai hynny, literally ' these ones ' and ' those ones '. Though still commonly written in full, these expressions were contracted, early in the Mn. period, to y rhain G.G1. c. i 198 andy rheiny do. do. 194, or^ rheiniT.A. a 24980/85. Angeu Duw fu 'Nghedewain O'i trysor hwy 'n treisiaw *r rhain. — L.G.C. 175. 1 The death [angel] of God has been at Cedewain, robbing these [i. e. the people there a ] of their treasure.' a Cf. Qefii yr áwron (§ 48 iv), yr áwran ; y waith hon >M1. W. e loeỳthỳon a.l. i 242 (ms. b) usually wéithon^ Mn. wéithion t wéithian (§ 35 ii (1) ) ; y prycl hwn > y prỳtwn w.m. 102 ; y tvers hon >y wérshon w.m. 128 ; all the above mean ' now \ Soynos hon > y no-son ' that night ', and y dyad hwn >y dythwn, y déthwn §66 ii(i) 'that day'. The form dythivn was still in use in the 17th cent. ; see Silvan Evans, s.v. dwthwn. Arwydd ydyw yr awron Wreiddiaw Rhys o'r ddaear hon. — L.G.C. 206. ' It is a sign now that Rhys is sprung from this land/ Ar bob allawr yr awran Y gwneir cost o'r gwin ar cann. — D.IST., G. 149. ' On every altar now provision is made of wine and white [bread]/ Bardd weithian i Ieuan wyf. — L.G.C. 275. I I am now a bard to Ieuan/ By dissimilation yr awran (pron. yr owran § 81 iii (2)) became yr owan, and is now sounded in N.W. yrwan. The loss of the r goes back to the 15th cent. : bu draw V bywyd ar ran, Maer Bos yma 9 r owän. — G.I.H. p 77/384. 1 If his life has been spent partly away, the Nightingale is here now/ As ' this day ' and ' this night ' were expressed by heSiw and heno, the forms y dythwn and y noson were used for ' this day ' or ' this night ' of which we are speaking, i. e. ' that day ' or ' that night \ When the composition of the words was forgotten hwnnw and honno were added for clearness' sake; thus in a.l. i 142, where MS. A. has ni Sele y dithun kafail ateb 'he is not to have an answer that [same] day', the later ms. e. has y dythwn hunnw. This is the Biblical construction; see y dwthwn hvmnw Jos. iv 14, vi 15, viii 25, ix 27, etc.; y noson honno Dan. v 30, vi 18. Later, noson and dwthwn were wrested from this context, and taken to mean simply 'night' and 'day'; e.g. a dreuliodd y dwthwn yn sanctaidd rh.b.s. 215 translating " who has spent his day holily ". iv. (1) The forms yr hwn, yr hon and yr liyn (bnt not *yr hwnnw etc.) are used before the relative, meaning 1 , with the latter, ' the one who 'or 'he who ', ' she who ', and ' that which ' ; in the pi. 298 ACCIDENCE § 164 y rhai ' the ones ' is used, which is more strictly the pi. of yr un ' the one ' ; the latter is similarly employed, as are also y neb, y sawl and definite nouns like y gŵr Ps. i I, etc. 0. W. ir hinn issid m.c. 'he who is ' gl. ille ; ir hinn issid Christ juv. 'he who is Christ'; hirunn juv. gl. quern. The first two glosses show that ir hinn might be mas. in O. W. (2) The above forms may be qualified by superlatives : o'r hynn odidockaf a wypych e.m. 163 'of the rarest that thou knowest ' ; o'r hyn goreu a gaffer w.m. 428 'of the best that is to be had \ When so qualified a rel. clause need not follow : o'r hyn lleiaf Act. v 1 5. ' at least ' ; taled o'r hyn goreu yn ei faes ei hun etc. Ex. xxii 5. So with adverbial expressions : yr hwnn y tu a Chernyw w.m. 59 ' the one towards Cornwall \ (3) In the 1 6th cent, yr was often omitted before hwn in this con- struction : hwn a fedd fawredd WJL. G. 292 'he who possesses greatness ' ; Hwn a wnaeth nef E.P. ps. cxxi 2 ' He who made heaven ' ; i hwn a'th wahoddodd Luc xiv 9 ; i hyn a weddiller Act. xv 17. In Gwyn. dial, yr hwn has been replaced by hwnnw. v. Before relatives we also have in Ml. W. the form ar, which is sg\ and pi. Iolune ar a heir b.b. 88 'let us praise Him who creates'; yno kyrcheist ar a gereist rei goreu G.M.D. e.p. 1202 'there thou broughtest those whom thou lovedst of the best ' ; &V ny Sel yn uvyS kymmeller o nerth cleSyveu w.m. 8 'let him who will not come obediently be compelled by force of arms ' ; ac a vynnwys bedyS o'r Sarascìnỳeit a adwys Charlys yn vyw, ac ar nys mynnwys a la$aw& cm. 3 ' and [those] who would be baptized of the Saracens Charles left alive, and those who would not he slew.' It is chiefly found in the form 'r after 'of. Ac o'r a welsei efo helgwn y byt, ny welsei ewn un lliw ac wynt w.m. 1 ' and of those that he had seen of the hounds of the world he had not seen dogs of the same colour as these ' ; o'r a helei ifr llys w.m. 34 'of those who came to the court ' ; fob creadur o'r a wnaeth- pwyt il.a. 4 ' every creature of those that have been created'; bob awr o'r ỳ hoetter cm. 86 'every hour of those during which it is delayed '. In Mn. W. this construction survives with replaced by a § 213iii (1). na dim a'r sydd eiddo dy gymydog Ex. xx 17. Fob peth byw a'r gyda thi Gen. viii 17, see ix 16. ym mhob dim a'r y galwom arno Deut. iv 7. dim a'r a wnaethpwyd loan i 3. vi. hwn and hon come in the first instance from Brit. *sundos, *sundä; the neut. hyn from *sindod, and the pi. hyn from either § 165 PRONOUNS 299 *sundî or *sindî. The -u- and -i- are undoubtedly for -o- and -e- before -nd- § 65 iii (i) ; we arrive, therefore, at *sondos, *sondä for hwn, hon, *sendod for hyn neut., and *sondl or *sendl for %w pi. (In the Coligny Calendar sonno and sonna occur, Rhys CG. 6, but the context is obscure or lost.) The most probable explanation of the above forms seems to be that they are adjectives formed from adverbs of place, which were made by adding a -d(h)- suffix, § 162 vi (2), to *sem-, *som- : Skr. sama-k 1 same ', Gk. opes, Ir. som ' ipse '. The form of the adverb would be similar to that of Skr. sa-ha 'in the same place together ' < *sm-dhe ; but the Kelt, formations have the full grades *sem-, *som- (instead of the R-grade *sm-) and the demonstrative meaning ('in this place, here '). For the formation of an adj. *sendos from an adv. *sende cf. Lat. supernus : superne, and cf. the transference of the flexion to the particle -te in Lat. is-te, etc. It is probable that coming after its noun the form of the adj. was m. *sondos, f. *sondä, neut. *sondod, pi. m. *sondl giving W. m. and neut. hwn, f. hon, pi. hyn. This agrees with the fact that neut. adj. hyn after a noun is an innovation ii (1). — Before a noun the form would be *sendos etc., whence the Ir. article (s)ind. This survives in only a few phrases in W. — The substantival form would also be m. *sendos, f. *sendä, neut. *sendod f pi. m. *sendl which would give W. m. hyn, f. *hen, neut. hyn, pi. hyn. We have seen above, iv (1), that ir hinn was m. in O. W., but was already beginning to be ousted by hirunn (for *ir hunn), as *henn had perhaps been already replaced by honn, for in Corn, the forms are m. hen ( = W. hynn), f. hon (= W. honn). The result is that hyn remains as the neut. subst. ; but the m. and f. substantives hynn, *henn were changed to hwnn, honn on the analogy of the adjectives. The form hwnnw comes from a derivative in '-iio- of the adj. *sondos; thus *sôndiios > hunnoiS § 75 iv (2) > hunnuiS > hwnnw § 78i(i), (2). The fern. *sôndiiä would also give the same form, which actually occurs as f. : ir bloidin hunnuith cp. c that year ' ; honno is therefore a re-formate on the analogy of hon ; so the last syll. of hynny § 78 i (1). ar is prob. formed in a similar manner from an adv. with the suffix -r which was mostly locative, Brugmann 2 II ii 735. The stem might be *an- § 220 ii (it); thus *an-ro-s > *arr > ar. Pronominalia. § 165. i. Pronominalia expressing alternatives are substantival and adjectival, definite and indefinite. Subst. def. : y naill . . . y Hall ' the one . . . the other ' ; pL y naill . . . y lleill « these ... the others '. In Ml. W. the first term is y neill ory lleill, thus y lleill . . . y Hall i the one . . . 300 ACCIDENCE § 165 the other '. With an adj. or rel. clause, and in negative sentences, the first term is yr un ' the one ', pi. y rhai, Ml.y rei * the ones '. Subst. indef. : un . . . arall ' one . . . another ' ; pi. rhai . . . eraill, Ml. rei . . . ereill ' some . . . others '. In the following list of adjectival forms gwr , gwŷr, gwraig show the position and initial mutation of the noun : Adj. def. : y naill wr . . . y gwr arall ' the one man . . . the other man' ; y naill wraig . . . y wraig arall ; y naill 'wŷr . . . y gwyr eraill. For y naill Ml. W. has y neill or y lleill, and for eraill, ereill, also used in Mn. W. Adj. indef. : rhyw ŵr . . . gŵr arall ' a certain man . . . another man ' ; un gwr . . . gwr arall ' one man . . . another man ' ; rhyw wraig . . . gwraig arall ; un wraig . . . gwraig arall ; rhyw wŷr . . . gwyr eraill ; Mn. W. rhai gwyr . . . gwyr eraill. Ml. W. ereill, also used in Mn. W. § 81 iii (i). y naill (and Ml. y lleill) adj. ' the one ' and rhyw form compounds with their nouns, which are lenited § 155 ii (i), iii (7). The com- pound is often a strict one as y nUllffordd, rhŷwbeth. As -11 causes provection of mediae, an initial tenuis after neill, lleill generally appears unmutated in Ml. W., as y neillparth for y neillbarth, etc., § 111 vi (2); but analogy generally restores the mutation in Mn. W., especially when the compound is loose, as y naill heth a'r Hall ' the one thing and the other ' ; but neilltu, see ib. Subst. : yn gyflym y UaSawS y neill oV gweisson, ac yn y lie y llaSawh y llall e.m. 191 'he quickly slew one of the youths, and forthwith slew the other'; yny orffei y lleill ar y llall k.m. 262, w.m. 408 l until the one overcame the other'; a'r un y byàei borih ef iSi a gollei y gware, a'r llall a Sodei awr w.m. 174-5 'and the one that he supported lost the game, and the other gave a shout '. — rei ohonunt yn wylaw, ereill yn udaw, ereill yn cwynaw il.a. 152 1 some of them weeping, others moaning, others crying ' ; i un, . . . ac i arall . . . ac i arall . . . etc. 1 Cor. xii 8-10; the second term may of course be repeated when indef. Adj. : o'r lleill b imrth . . . ac o'r parth arall w.m. 421-2 ' on the one hand . . . and on the other hand ' (6 beginning barth deleted by underdo t) ; am nat oeh kyn Siogelet y neill^brS a'r llall s.G. 29 'be- cause the one way was not as safe as the other'. — Or bwytey mywn un amser yn y dyS, a symut hynny ỳ amser arall m.m. 33 (from r.b.) ' if thou eatest at one time in the day, and changest that to another time ' ; ryw Byn cynbhigennus . . . undyn arall J.D.K. [xxii] 'a jealous man . . . any other man '; Mn. W. rhai dynion . . . eraill eh. b.s. 87 " some men . . . others " ; the use of rhai before a noun seems to be late, but neb rei occurs so in Ml. "W-, iv (3). § 165 PRONOUNS 301 ii. (i) The first alternative may be a noun or personal or demonstrative pronoun, as ti ac avail ' thou and another ' (i. e such as thou), liyn ar Hall ' this and that '. Car yn cyhuddo arall ! Hawdd i'r 11a w gyhuddo'r Hall. — T.A., c. ii 78. 1 A kinsman accusing another ! [It is] easy for the hand to accuse the other/— kanys yr hynn a vynnei hwnn nys rnynnei y Hall s.G. 49 ' for that which this [one] desired the other desired not '. In these cases the second term subst. pi. may be (y) rhai eraill i (the) others ' : mwy . . . oeS honno no'r rei ereill oil w.m. 180 'that [ship] was larger than all the others ' ; Hog a oe8 vwy noc un o'r rei ereill do. 185 ; cf. il.a. 102. (2) The first alternative may be implied, as in other languages ; as y dydcl arall M.IL. i 178 6 the other day ' ; y nos arall r.p. 1362, D.G. 25 ' the other night ' ; Gad i evsLillgadw arian T.A. f. 6 ' let others hoard money '. iii. All the forms of the first term except y naill subst. may be used without a sequel as ordinary pronominalia meaning c one, some ' ; thus — (1) Adj. y naill 'one' in y naill lianner 'one half (now generally e about a half), y naill du or y neilltu ' one side ' (hence neilltuo ' to retire ' etc.) ; neill-law see example. BisteS a oruc Peredur ar neill law yr amherodres w.m. 164 (neill- law e.m. 231) 'Peredur sat beside the empress', lit. 'on one side of the e.' ond pari el o'r neilltu Diar. xx 14 ; see Gen. xxx 40; Barn, vii 5 ; 2 Sam. iii 27 ; etc. (2) Subst. un c one ', pi. rhai, Ml. hi * some ' ; often with qualifying adjectives un da ' a good one ', rhai drwg ' bad ones \ Also yr tin * the one ', pi. y rhai, Ml. y rei ' the ones ' ; these are chiefly used with adjectives as yr un drwg ' the evil one ', or with a relative clause § 164 iv (1) ; and yr un instead of the indef. un in negative sentences, as — Pa obeith yssyS ÿr gler Ì Nyt oes yr un il.a. 40 ' What hope is there for the bards 1 There is none/ Cf. s.G. 17, 1. 10. Adj. yr un [m.rad., f. soft] * the same', followed, if necessary, by ac (ay), a 'as \ Also un [soft], forming compounds strict or loose with nouns ; the compound is an adj. meaning ' of the same ...',§ 149 ii (3). 302 ACCIDENCE § 165 (3) Adj. rhyw' a (certain), some'. The noun with which is compounded, see i, may be singular or plural. fyv dieted edmic b.b. 43 'an admirable covering', fyw Savatenneu m.m. 6 (from b.b.) 'some warts'. Yr oedd gan ryw wr ddau fab Luc xv 1 1 " av6pu)7ró *eill 'one' : *alalios > arall 'other'. — un 'one' § 75 ii (1). — rhyw < *riio- ; rhai < *riii § 75 v ; *rao- < *pri-o- = -prio- in Lat. proprius : Lat. prlvus, Umbr. prever ' singulis ', preve ' singillariter ', Osc. preivatud ' privato, reo ' (the -v- in these is a suff.) ; the orig. meaning is ' proper, parti- cular ' ; rhyw Syn ' a particular man ' ; rhyw i ' proper to . . ., natural to . . .' ; rhyw ' a particular kind ' ; etc. ; *pri-o- may be an adj. derived from the prep. *pri (: *prei, *prai) ' before ' (' prominent ' > ' characteristic '), spv. Lat. primus. § 166. i. ' Each other ' is expressed by pawb i gilydd or poh un i gilyäà \ literally ' each his fellow ' or ' each one his fellow '. ac y tagnovehwyd pawb naSunt ae giliS w.m. 451 c and each of them was reconciled to the other '. Llawen vu pob un wrth ý giliS honunt do. 9 c Each of them welcomed the other '. (For the form gilii see § 77 iii; it is of course the spoken sound at the present day.) Yn iach weithian dan y dydd Y gwelom bawb i gilydd. — S.T., c.c. 186. ' Farewell now until the day when we shall see each other/ lit. ' each his fellow '. In the 15th century pawb or pob un came to be omitted, and i gilydd alone thus came to mean 'each other'. Ni a gawn drwy flaenau'r gwŷdd Roi golwg ar i gilydd. — Gut.O., A 14997/15. 'We shall see each other through the branches of the trees.' Ni a ddylem garu i gilydd a.g. 25 ' we ought to love one another'. In the familiar Salesburian orthography i gilydd is of course ei gilydd ' his fellow '. As the antecedent is generally ph, the i was mistaken in the spoken lang. for i ' their ' (written eu) ; and after the 1st and 2nd pi. yn and ych are substituted for it on the analogy of the construction of hun * self ; thus in the recent period ein, eic/i, eu are written before gilydd^ which owes its g- to the fact that the pron. before it was the 3rd sg. m. i ' his '. Wm.S. and Dr. M. sometimes misspell the pron. as eu (Salesbury often confuses his own invention ei with eu ; the spoken form of both was i then as now). In the 1620 Bible the 3rd sg. m. pron. is correctly written in the orthography adopted in it : ar garu honoch ei gilydd loan xiii 34 ; os bydd gennych gariad i'w gilydd do. 35 ; Byddwch yn vn-fryd â'i gilydd Rhuf. xii 16 ; Anherchwch ei gilydd 1 Petr v 14; Anwylyd carwn ei gilydd 1 loan iv 7, see 11, 12. In 1402 X 306 ACCIDENCE § 167 all these cases the 3rd sg. pron. was changed by R.M. (1746) to eich, 'ch, ein. ii. (1) After yr im in negative sentences i gilydd often takes the place of y Hall. Ac nyt attebei yr un mwy noe gilyS e.m. 21 1-2 'and neither answered more than the other '. — ny Sigawn yr un ohonunt vot ỳ wrth ý gilyfc id. a. 128 ' Neither of them can be away from the other \ (2) It takes the place of arall after neu ' or ' ; as ryw ne'i gilydd D.G. 33 7 \nëi (for neu'i) misprinted noi] 'some day or other '. (3) It is used instead of arall or y Hall after a noun, § 165 ii (1), in such phrases as the following : Brwc ỳ [= ỳ ÿ] gilyS e.m. 141 'From one evil to another' ; or pryt ỳ [= ỳ ỳ] gilyS do. 62 'from one time to the other' (Ì the same on the following day) ; o'r ysgraff pwy gily& S * G » I2 5 £ f rom one barge to the other'; or mor pw y [gilyS] w.m. 180, oV mor py[=py ý] gilyS e.m. 83, o'r mor bwy gilyS e.p. 1263 'from sea to sea '. Da iawn y gwyr dan y gwŷdd Droi gw'ielyn drwy [i] gilydd. — D.N. c.c. 265. * Right well she knows under the trees [how] to plait an osier with another.' The noun would originally be mas., as it is in the above examples. Breton has a form é-ben to be used instead of e-gile after a fern, noun ; this is more likely to be original than the Corn, use of y-ben after both genders. (The idea that this is pen 'head' is refuted by Henry, Lex. 109.) iii. Irish each a chele, the exact equivalent of pawb i gilydd, is used in the same way. The Breton expression is arm eil égilê (Legonidec 227) which in W. would be *y naill i gilydd. The word cilydd is used as an ordinary noun in the older Welsh poetry; as rac Davyt awch kilyt hilỳwch P.M., m.a. i 280 'before David, your comrade stand aside '. Duw ỳ Cheli vu ỳ chilyS B.D. e.p. 1 251 'God her Lord was her companion'. Also in the proverb Ch(w)echach bwyt kilyS e.b. 966 'A neighbour's food is sweeter '. For the etymology of the word see § 106 ii (1). § 167. i. (1) ' Self is expressed by sg. and pi. nun or sg. hunan, pi. Mn. hunain, Ml. hunein with prefixed pronouns ; for the forms see § 160 i (2). ( 2 ) fy hun means both ' myself and ' alone'; thus mi af yno fy hun 'I will go there myself or 'I will go there alone'. After gen. § 168 PRONOUNS 307 prefixed or infixed pronouns it means ' own ', as fy llyfr fy hun ' my own book \ (3) fy hun, dy hun, etc. always stand in an adverbial case, meaning literally £ by myself, etc.; they do not replace a pronoun or pro- nominal element, but supplement it. Thus euthvuoa fy hun ' I went by myself (not *aeth fy hun 'myself went '); fy nhŷ fy hun 'my own house ' (not *tŷ fy hun ' the house of myself ') ; amcanodd ei ladd ei hun Act. xvi 27 ; cf. 1 loan i 8 ; Iago i 22 ; 2 Tim. ii 13 ; efe a'i dibrisiodd ei hun Phil, ii 7 ; similarly «mat dy hun 1 Tim. iv 1 6 (not *ar dy hun) ; ynddo ei hun Es. xix 1 7 (not *yn ei hun) ; drostUD. e-hunein il.a. 37 (not *dros e hunein), etc. The reflexive ym- counts as a pronoun: ymro&i e-hun il.a. 120, cf. 89 and a.l. i 176. (In colloquial Welsh i hun is used alone as the object of a verb or v.n., as wedi lladd i hun instead of wedi i ladd i hun, and this neologism occurs in recent writings ; but in other connexions the old construction survives, thus mi af fy hun, arnat dy hun etc.) But after a conjunction joining it to another clause the pronoun which it supplements is not necessarily expressed ; thus nyt archaf inheu ỳ neb govyn vy iawn namyn my hun e.m. 64 'I will bid no one demand my indemnity but myself ; nad oes or tu yma V un ond fy hunan b.cw. 68 'that there is on this side none but myself ; ynuch no my- hun il.a. 67 ' higher than myself. — When put at the head of the sentence fy hun etc. are followed by the adverbial rel. y (yS, yr), as vy hun yr af I.D. 35 lit. '[it is] myself that I will go'; canys ei hunan y gelwais ef, ac y bendithiais, ac yr amlheais ef Es. Ii 2. ii. un ' one ' has a derivative *un-an lost in W. but surviving in Corn, onon, onan, Bret, unan; this and the fact that hun, hunan express ' alone ' make it probable that the -un in these is the numeral. But Corn, ow honan, Ml. Bret, ma hunan show that the h- in W. fy h-unan is not merely accentual. Before u it may represent either *s- or *su- ; thus hun may be from *su'oinom < *sue oinom (limiting accusative) ; the reflexive *sue might stand for any person at first (Brugmann 2 II ii 397), but personal pronouns were afterwards pre- fixed, thus *me su 'oinom > my hun. The u in Ml. mu etc. is due to assim. to the u of hun. § 168. i. (1) Subst. pawb ' everybody '. Though sometimes treated as pi., e.g. pawb a debygynt w.m. 463 ' everybody thought ', pawb dm gadawsant 2 Tim. iv 16, pawb is, like Eng\ everybody \ properly sg.,and is mas. in construction : Pawb ry-gavas ỳ g//varvjs w.m. 470 'everybody has received his boon \ So in a large number of proverbial sayings : Pawb a'i chwedl gantho 'everybody with his story'; Rhydd i bawb i farn 'free to everybody [is] his opinion' ; Pawb drosto 'i hun ' each for himself. (2) Adj. pob [rad.] ' every . It sometimes forms improper compounds with its noun ; as popel/i ( = poppeih for pobpelh) x 2 308 ACCIDENCE § 168 beside pob peth ' everything ' ; pobman beside pob man ' every place ' ; pqparth G. 234 beside pob parth ' every part ' ; boptu besides bob tu ' on each side \ The mutated form bob, by dissimilation of the consonants appears, though very rarely, as bod, in late Ml. orthography bot ; as ŷ bot un ohonunt il.a. 3 ' to each one of them '. N.W. dial, bod yg un * each and all ', lit. ' and one '; earlier bod ag un il.m. 9, T. i 346. pob un, pob rhyw § 165 iv, pob cyfryw { every such ', as pob cyfryw orfoledd Iago iv 16 'all such rejoicing'. But ordinarily pob cyfryw means ' every ' emphatic, ' all manner of, the cyf- having the intensive meaning § 156 i (9) (b). It is followed by ( of after pob (not by ag- ' as • after cyf- i so that the cyf- is not comparative). pob kyfryw Syn eithyr Awt e.p. 1245 'every single person but Awd '. Yr rei hynn oeB gyfrwys . . . yrn pob kyvryw arveu cm. 10 1 these were skilful in all manner of arms '. Pa le i mae Christ ? Ymhob cyfriw le c.c. 319 'Where is Christ 1 ? In every single place '. Pob cyfriw beth coll. c every single thing \ — bop kyfryw vwydeu oV a rybuchei ehun s.G. 10 ' of all viands which (lit. of those which) he himself desired \ Cf. k.m. 8, e.b.b. 50. (3) pawb, Ir. each, gen. cäich < Kelt. *q%äq%os ; the second ele- ment is probably the interr. and indef. *q%os and the first, *q%ä~, an adverbial form of the same (Thurneysen Gr. 293). pob, Ir. each is the same, with the vowel shortened before the accent, which fell on the noun. The shortening is independent in "W. and Ir. ; the W. (like aw) implies Brit, -ä-, § 71 i (2). Similarly Bret, pep < *peup with *eu < -ä-. The Ir. cech is an analogical formation ; see Thurneysen ibid. ii. (1) Adj. yr noil [soft] 'all the',./y Jwll [soft], etc., 'all my'. Before a definite noun the article or its equivalent is omitted : lioll Gymry e.b.b. 340 ' all Wales ' ; holl lyssoeò y hayar w.m. 6 ' all the courts of the earth ' (lyssoeb being made definite by the dependent gen.). A wybyS yr noil seint a wnneuthum i yma il.a. 7 1 ' Will all the saints know what I have done here 1 ' a'r holl bethau hyn Matt, vi 33 ( and all these things'; dy holl ffyrdd Ps. xci n. A compound oîholl of the form hollre il.a. 166, holre do. 165, y rolre (= yr olre) b.b. 71 is used much in the same way, but is rare. The derivative hollol 'entire ' is an ordinary adj. following its noun, but is used chiefly with yn as an adverb : a hynny yn hoilawl il.a. 162 'and that wholly '; cf. Ps. cxix 8 ; Gen. xviii 21, etc. § 168 PRONOUNS 309 (2) oil. This is always used in an adverbial case (of measure), and generally follows the word or phrase which it limits, though in poetry it may precede it. Kemry oil a.l. i 2 'all Wales ', lit. ' Wales wholly ' ; y byd oil G. 294 ' the whole world ', lit. ' the world wholly ' ; gwadu oil y dadyl a.l. i 396 ' to deny wholly the plea ' ; Nyni oil Es. liii 6. It cannot he used in the nom. or ace. case, but is always adverbial, limiting the pronominal element which is subj. or obj., and which must be expressed ; thus aetkant oil ' they went wholly ' (not *aeth oil ' all went ') ; arnaSxmt oil e.m. 113 ' on them altogether', Mn. W. arnunt oil (not *ar oil), etc.; cf. fy hun § 167 i (3). Note. — In Recent written Welsh a neologism yr oil has arisen to express ' the whole ', instead of y cwbl which is the form used in the natural spoken language, yr oil is even substituted for oil in late editions of earlier works; thus Tí sy 'n trefnu oil dy hun Wms. 555 appears in recent hymn-books as Ti sy 'n trefnu 'r oil dy hun. (Of course yr + oil gives yr holl the adjectival phrase, see below.) (3) W. oil < Kelt. *oliod (limiting accus.) ; Ir. uile < Kelt. *oliios ; probably cognate with Eng. all, Germ, all, Goth, alls < *ol-no-s. The h- of holl is caused by the -r of the article before the accented vowel § 112 i (2), and was transferred to cases where the article was not used. But the adverbial oil remained, since the article never occurred before this. hollre seems to be compounded of holl and gre < *greg- : Lat. greg- ; as in camre § 127. iii. (1) Subst. cwbl ' the whole ', followed by ' of. Ef a Soy am dy benn cwbyl oV govut w.m. 80 ' all the retribution would have come upon thy head ' ; cwbyl a geveis i o'm hamherodraeth do. 190 ' I have recovered the whole of my empire ' ; Jcaeawh kwbyl o brysseu . . . y neuaS s.g. 5 c closed all the doors of the hall ' ; kwbyl oV wirioneS do. 161 ' the whole of the truth ' ; yn ôl cwbl o gyfraith 2 Bren. xxiii 25 ; cf. Nah. i 5. In Late Mn. W. the article came to be put before cwbl ; this appears already in the Bible : Gen. xiv 20 (1620) ; in late edns. in Ex. xxiii 22, 2 Chron. xxxii 31. (2) Adj. cwbl [soft] ' complete '. cwbyl waradwyh a geveis w.m. 42 ' [it is] a thorough insult that I have had ' ; cwbyl weithret, cwbyl sarhaet a.l. i 526 'the complete act, the full fine ' ; cwbl ddiwydrwydd 2 Pedr i 5. It is also used after its noun : kanny bu weithret cwbyl a.l. i 526 ' since there was not a complete act ' ; cymodlonedd cwbl m.a. i 348 1 complete reconciliation '. Adv. yn gwbl, gwbl * wholly ' : ac ereỳll en kubyl a ùỳleassant 310 ACCIDENCE § 169 a.l. i 2 ' and others they entirely abrogated ' ; y bySei eur o gwbyl r.m. 62 [where iron should be] 'there was gold throughout', cf. r.b.b. 280. In neg. sentences gwbl 'at all' is in common use in spoken W. (pron. ö gẃbwl). (3) W. cwbl, Corn. cowl,cowal probably represent *cwol § 111 vii (4) < *kom-(p)lu-(s) : Gk. tto\v e Zw- : W. llawer * many ', Gk. 7roAvç, see ii (3) above. ambell < *ambi-pell- 'mutually far'; for the prefix see § 156 i (4) (b) ; for the stem § 89 i. § 170. i. Subst. neb ' any one ', dim ' anything ', are used chiefly with negatives ; as ni welais neb ' I did not see anybody * ; § 170 PRONOUNS 313 lieb Ddtcw, heb claim, ' without God, without anything '. Also in conditional sentences, as ophecha neb I loan ii I 'if any man sin ' ; in questions ; in comparisons ; etc. A derivative nebawd occurs : nebaud b.b. 21,43 'any one', ny gwybyh nebawt b.t. 19 ' no one will know '. ii. Owing to constant association with negatives neb and dim came to be used in certain phrases for ' nobody ' and c nothing '. As a rule it is the verb that requires the negation ; thus ' he gave me nothing' is logically ' he did notgiveme anything ' ni roes efimi ddim, since there was no giving. But the verbal idea may be positive, as in ' it is given for nothing ' ; this has to be expressed by fe'i rhoddir am ddim, where dim has to stand for ' nothing '. dim is thus used as early as the 14th cent. ; see il.a. 60, 89. But there seem to be no Ml. examples of neb ' nobody '. iii. dim and neb are positive in positive sentences in the phrases — (1) pob dim ' everything' : Pob dim kywrein . . . goruc KelvyS B.D., e.p. 1251 ' every cunning thing the Artist made'. Duw, maddeu bob dim iddaw I.F. m 148/329 ' God forgive him everything'. Cf. 1 Cor. xiii 7; Deut. iv. 7, xxviii 47, 48 ; Col. i 16. (2) y neb ' the one, he ' before a relative § 162 vii (1) : twyllwr yw y neb a aSefvo kyfurinach arglwyS y'v nep a wypo ỳ vot yn elyn iSaw il.a. 26 'he who betrays a lord's secret to him whom he knows to be his enemy is a traitor'. Cf. il.a. 28, 32, 33, 34, etc. Y neb a atalio ei yd, y bobl a'i melldithia Diar. xi 26. (3) neb un § 165 iv (3), iv. (1) neb is used adjectivally, thus neb [rad.] 'any' : ni hi yma neb amarch f. 14 ' there has been no disrespect here '. It is rarely adjectival except in the follov ing phrases : (2) neb un above ; neb rhyw § 165 iv (8) ; neb fyw Sim 4 anything at all ', w.m. 64, 6$, it.M. 46, 47 ; neb dyn ' any man ' IL.A. 126. (3) neb cyfryw [soft] ' any at all ', cf. § 168 i (2). Kanyt oes neb kyfryw rym . . . y gallem ni vynet r.b.ij. 178 'for there is no power by which we might go '. (4) nemawr, némor (for *neb mawr), with a negative 'not much, not many, but little \ 314 ACCIDENCE § 170 ny iveleiste eto nemawr o boeneu uffernn il.a. 154 ' so far thou hast seen but little of the pains of hell'. Adjectival, with neg., nemor ddim ' hardly anything ', nemor un ' hardly any one \ yn emawr s.G. 27, yn ymor cm. 55, with prosthetic y § 21 iii. (5) népell (for * neb pell), with a neg. 'not far'. er nad yw efe yn ddiau neppell oddiwrth bob un honom Act. xvii 27 ; yn ejoell s.G. 219. v. (1) dim is probably never an adj. ; a noan following it is a dependent genitive, as — heb Sim UywenyS il.a. 147 'without anything of joy' i.e. without any joy; heb allel gwneuthur dim lies s.G. 37 ' without being able to do any good'; na wna ynddo ddim gwaith Ex. xx 10; cf. Ps. xxxiv 10. (2) But before a definite noun or pron. ' of ' is used after dim : ny wySant Sim ohonunt il.a. 8 ' they know nothing of them ' ; ac nyt oe8 dim ohonaw yno b.m. j 8 ' and there was nothing of him there' i.e. he was not there; ny warandawei Sim oV attep w.m. 53 ' he would not listen to anything of the reply ' i.e. to the reply. Sim o was of very frequent occurrence, and was reduced to mo in the spoken lang. (chiefly N.W.) as early as the 14th cent, if D.G. 496 is authentic. Cf. E.P. 271, Diar. xxii 22, 28, Job xxxvii 23, b.cw. 18 1. 1. Odid i Dduw, doed a ddel, Fyth ddewis mo vath Howel. — W.1L. 45. ' Scarcely will God, come what may, ever choose such a one as Howel.' (3) Used in an adverbial case him signifies ' at all ', etc. Nac ef Sim il.a. 48 c not at all ' ; cf. 1 Cor. xv 29, 1 Thes. v 3. This adverbial ddim is nearly as frequent in the spoken lang. as pas after a neg. in French. vi. (1) W. neb, Ir. nech 'any one' (gen. neich) < Kelt. *neq%os : Lith. nekas c something ', nekurs ' quidam '. It is believed that the *ne- is the neg. particle, so that the meaning was originally neg., and became positive by the use of another neg. in the sentence (cf. Fr. nut). But it is possible that this *ne- is positive, and is a form of the ^-demonstrative : Lai ego-ne, see Walde 2 255 (where Lith. ne-Mirs is so explained, though differently in 510). (2) W. dim : Ir. dim ' something', as in ni di nacca dim, acht is du dim ' it is not from no thing, but is from something '. — The W. dim is written with i in Ml. mss. which distinguish i and v ; and dim in <£ proest " with grym m.a. i 374 shows that its vowel was not v in the §171 PRONOUNS 315 early 13th cent. a The v.n. diddymu is a late 16th cent, word formed from diddim on the false assumption that it stands for diddym as dibin does for dibyn §77 iii, whence dibynnu; a more correct, and prob. older, form is diddimio M.K. [40]. In the laws dyn diSim means ' a man without assets ', see a.l. ii 36. Hence we may suppose W. dim < *di-smen 'share, part, fraction', Vdai- 'divide', R la *dai~, R 2 *di-, R 3 dl- § 63 vii (5) : Gk. Scuofixu, Saíç, Skr. day ate ' divides, allots, possesses', ditih * distribution ' (E. time < Pr. Germ. *tîman- 1 period ' < *dî-) ; heb ddim lit. ' without a fraction '. A dimin. (or obi. case) dimyn occurs in kymeint timmyn e.p. 582 ' every jot ' (cf. kymein hun § 106 iii (2)) ; whence perhaps Mn. bob tipyn (by dissim. mm > bb, which gives pp). VERBS § 171. i. (1) The Welsh verb has three moods, the indicative, the subjunctive and the imperative. (q) The indicative mood has four tenses, the present, the imper- fect, the past (aorist or perfect), and the pluperfect. (3) The subjunctive mood has two tenses, the present and imperfect. (4) The imperative mood has one tense, the present. ii. (1) The pres. ind. is often future in meaning. In the spoken language the future is the usual meaning ; the present sense is retained only in a few common verbs such as gwelaf i I see ', clywaf 1 ! hear ', medraf * I can ', tybwf 1 1 think '. (Ordinarily the present meaning is expressed periphrastically.) (%) The impf. indie, is seldom a mere impf. in meaning ; usually it expresses Eng. ' would ' or ' could '. The impf. is derived from the Ar. optative, and preserves its original meaning. It is used now in spoken W. as it is used in Homer and the Rig- Veda. Taking Meillet's examples (Intr. 2 193): Vedic Jcämáyeta râjä samrad bhdvitum 'a king would like to be a supreme ruler ' = W. carai brenin fod yn benadur, cf. Mi wn pie mynnwn fy mod D.G. 501 'I know where I should like to be', Mynnwn, pe nef ai mynnai do. 288 'I would, if heaven would, [that ...]'; -^p/jLaSiov . . . o ov Svo y oivSpe £ he saw ', as in ef a welei lannerch . . . ef a welei ca/rw etc. w.m. 1. The form oeS 'would be ' w.m. 17, 1. 29, has passed over entirely to the impf. sense, and forms periphrastic impfs. in the spoken lang., which does not use the impf. of other verbs in that sense. In speaking, we do not say fe safai V dref ar y bryn ' the town stood on the hill ' as the expression of a fact, but we do say fe safai Dafydd yn segur am oriau ' D. would stand idle for hours ' expressing a possibility ; we say fe welai rywbeth ' he saw something ' (could see), but not/e safai yno 'he stood there' (was standing). (3) The past is in the vast majority of cases aorist in meaning, as it is predominantly in derivation. It may however have a perfect meaning, as some verbs have perfect instead of aorist forms, as treuliais fy nglilod D.G. 138 'I have spent my reputation'. (4) The plup. ind. is very rarely plup. ind. in meaning ; it usually means ' would have', ' could have ', etc. ; see (2). (5) The pres. subj. in a principal sentence expresses a wish. In a dependent sentence it expresses a general, as opposed to a par- ticular, contingency ; thus doed a ddel { come what may come ', as opposed to y byd a ddaw ' the world which will come \ (6) The impf. subj. is used in dependent clauses only ; it either stands in the protasis before the impf. ind., or represents the past of the pres. subj. The uses of the tenses can only be dealt with fully in the Syntax. iii. (1) Each tense is inflected for the three persons of the sg. and pi. (7) Each tense has in addition an impersonal form, whose implied indefinite subject means ' some one, some, they ', Fr. c on ', •Germ. * man ' ; as dywedir s they say, there is a saying, on dit '. The impersonal form is generally spoken of as a " passive " ; but as it takes after it pronouns in the accusative case, it cannot be parsed as a passive. Thus/f * h ACCIDENCE § 172 Imperfect Tense. Mn. W. h sg. i carwn 2. carit pi. 1. car em 2. carech 3. carai 3. cerynt, Impers. cerid_ carent 318 Ml. W. sg. pi. 1. karwn 1. harem 2. karut 2. karewch 3. karei 3. kerynt Impers. /£dra, but not before changing a media to a tenuis as in bẃyta ' eats ' (: bwyd ' food '). ^ (2) The -$%!/ of the 3rd sg. is thus the unaffected : ,.stem-formiiig suffix^ but it came to be mistaken for a personal ending ; and as -ha- forms the stems of denominatives, -(h)a seemed to be a 3rd sg. ending of denominatives, and was used to form the 3rd sg. of denominatives generally. This may have originated in doublets like nesha-af, v.n. neshá-u and nés-af^y.n. nêrn^ * tojyaproach ' (: nes ' nearer '} ; the 3rd sg. of the first is regularly nes^Qi^a, which, being very naturally taken to be the 3rd sg. of the second, suggested a 3rd sg. ending -(h)a.^ For exactly the same reasons it became a 2nd sg. imperative ending, and is used as such in all verbs in which it appears in the 3rd sg. pres. ind. In older examples the form is -ha, the -h- hardening a media or remaining as an -h-; such examples survive in Ml. W. side by side with others in which the ending has come to be regarded as -a simply. Thus we find gwata e.p. 1382 'denies', oetta impv. e.p. 1254 ' delay ', gwaüa^ m.a. i 319a ' denies ', eheita do. 319Í ' flies ', tremycca_ il.a. 150 c despises', jjoenha do. 28 'punishes', dielwha do. 147 'ruins' (makes worthless), gvjyhwa do. 148 'withers', cer'Sha do. 168 'goes', gwehlta •• do. 165 ' beseems', side by side with gwada e.p. 1256 ' denies ', oeda impv. do. 1285 'stay '. lletty a do. 1254 ' lodges', ogana ib. 'satirizes 1 , a gylch yna m.a. i 3196 ' s urrounds ', a boena il.a. 147, kerd da d o. 165, kerha do. 167, gweSa e.p. 1272. In the last examples simple -a has become a 3rd sg. ending. 322 ACCIDENCE § 173 V / í»-*(3) It is added to nearly all denominative stems which represent a noun or adj. without a suffix; thus hwySa il.A. 148 (: hŵyS, chŵyS ' a swelling '), a ge[i)thiwa ib. (: keithiw ' captive '), argyweSc^ào. 166 (: argytveS 'harm'), saetha e.p. 1272 'shoots' (: saeth 'arrow'), amcana 1285 (: amcan 'design'), gwarchaea ib. (: gwarchae 'forti- fication'), dilyssa ib. dilyssa 1254 (: dilys 'certain'), llaessa 1254 (: llaes ' slack '), sum k.m. 123 (: sur ' sour,'), a gospa il.a. 30 (: cosp ' punishment '), gwassannaetha do. 28 (: gwasanaeth ' service '), Jcyfvyr- golla do. 35 (: cýfr-goll_§ 156 i (9)), breinia^m.k. i 318a (: braint 'privilege'), yssiga ib. (: ysig ' crushed'), diwedda do. 3186 (: diwedcT ' end '), cynnydda 319a (: oynnydd 'increase'), mynycha 319^ (: mynych 'frequent'), Iwydda ib. (: llwydd ' prosperity '), a #ocÁa e.b.b. 146 (: cogA ' red '), kyjlea e.p. 1286 (: c2//-?6 ' situation'), m^Aa 1253 (: meth l failure'). (4) It is also added to some stems not obviously denominative ; thus cerMqf'I walk, go' has 3rd sg. cerSa in Ml. W., see examples above, and in Mn. W., see Diar. iii 28, vi 3, but a gerS b.t. 15 ; so sathra il.a. 147 'tramples', but sathyr e.b.b. 144; damuna il.A. 148 ' wishes ' (the noun is damunet ' wish '), traetha b.b. 8 ' relates ' (noun traethawd ' treatise ' < Lat. tractdt-us). y* (5) It is added to stems in -i- mostly denominatives; as tykya w.m. 14, Mn. W. tỳcia ' avails' (: twg ' success ' < *tu-k-, Vteua- 'in- crease ') used only in the 3rd pers., § 196 v, llywỳa k.p. 1285' governs ', Mn. W. llywia 'steers' (: llyw ' rudder'), hwyMa m.a. i 318a, Mn. W. liwylia ' sails, governs ' (: hwyl ' sail ', cf. Lat. gubemäre ' steer, govern '), cilia do. 3196 ' recedes ' (: cil 'back '), rhodiaVs. i 1 (: rhawd ' course ' < * röt- ì L°-grade of ^7 ret- ' run '), Mn. Ŵ. preswylia ' resides ' Ml. W '. presswyla il.a. 169 (ipresswyl ' residence'), distrywia (: distryw ' destruction '). But some ^-sterns do not take it : daliaf, deil (not dalia), ceisiq£ ' I seek ', cqis_(riot ceisia), peidmf ' I cease ', paid (not peidia), meiddiaf, beiddiaf'I dare', maidd, b aid d, 'dares'. (6) It is added to denom. stems in -ych-; as gwledycha il.a. 169, m.a. i 318a ' governs \fflammycha do. 3186 ' flames ', except whennych e.m. 123, chwen(n)ych il.a. 73 ' desires ' (: chwant ' desire'). (7) Lastly, ifls added redundantly to -ha- itself, as rrvwyjihaq m.a. i 3176, Mn. "W. m wynha ' enjoys , k^t^wejihag, il.a. 72, Mn. W. Ilawenhq 'rejoices', dj/nessaa k.b.b. 148, Mn. W. neshä 'approaches', arwySockaa do. 144, Mn. W. arwy^oçg, 'signifies', Mn. W. glanha 'cleans', edifarhä 'repents', etc., etc. (8) A few verbs have two forms, one with and one without -(h)a ; as plycca impv. e.m. 97 ' fold ', filyc b.t. 18 ' bends ' {ptygajL ( I bend ', plyg'foTä'); tybiaD.IJD. tr. 98, tyb T.A. f. 16 'imagines' (tybiqf ' I imagine ', tyb ' thought, fancy ') ; a dwylla Jer. ix 5, a dwyll il.a. 147 'deceives' (twylla f ' I deceive T ~Twyll ' deceit ') ; gmeinySa e.p. 1254 'serves', gweinyh ido. 1238; barn iv 2, knw Ps. cxxxv 14. vi. (1) Sg. 3. -id, used where tKere was no pre verb, is found in Ml. W., and survived in proverbs, and rarely in verse ; like the fut. -(h)awd it became -(h)id; thus O.W. prinit (without -h-) ox. 226 1 ^ § 173 VERBS 323 ' buys ' ; Ml. "W. ottid b.b. 89 ' falls ' (of snow), meccid do. 90 * nourishes ' ; Trenghit golut, ny threingk molut e.b. 1082 ' wealth perishes, fame perishes not ' ; Tyfid maban, ny thyf i gadachan ' an infant grows, its swaddling cloth does not grow'; Dirmycid merch . . . wr ni wehJjr.Gr. p 77/194 'a woman despises^ a man whom she does not see \ -yd occurs in 'è-yt (rh. with byt 'world') e.p. 1055 'goes'. It seems to be confused with -id in megyt, meckyt e.p. 1029 'nourishes ', gwlychyt do. 1032 * wets '. (2) An ending -(h)awd of the 3rd sg. occurs in Early Ml. "W. with a future meaning : bithaud ( = byShawd) b.b. 7 ' will be ', reddaud (dd = tt for dh) do. 58 'will run', dirchavaud do. 61 'will arise', parahaud do. 100, parahawt b.t. 23 { will continue', gyrhawt b.t. 13 ' will drive '. These forms were survivals, and appear sometimes to be misused as passives under the influence of the -t impersonals : cluttaud b.b. 10 ' will be brought', briuhaud do. 58 'will be broken'. (3) There are traces of a 3rd sg. in -yS, as ny wneyS gwir ny ein ymro e.p. 1055 'he who does not do justice will not be suffered [lit. contained] in a country ' ; hyn noc y daw rwng ỳ Swylaw y gwesgeryS do. 1049 ' [it is] before it comes between his hands that he scatters it '. This is quite distinct from -yd above, and comes, as seen, after relatives. There is no sufficient ground for the assumption, Arch. Camb. 1873 150, of a 3rd sg. -haw; for chaff aw b.b. 8 = chaff af 1st sg., see ii above, gwnaw sk. 126 is an error for gwnaho b.t. 16 1. 2 ; a wnaO b.t. 30 1. 18 is prob. a sc. error for wnaaCt ; the other examples are from untrustworthy texts. (4) In the dialects an ending -iff, in Gwynedd -ith, is in common use. D. 85 regards it as falsely deduced from caff y " Vt Ceriffipro Car, Periff -pro Pair . . . Quae nunquam sine indignatione audio." (As -iff is not a syllable in caiff the suggested deduction is improbable.) vii. Beside the usual -wn of the 1st pi., we seem to have a 1st pi. pres. -en once in the O.W. cet iben juv. sk. ' we drink together \ viii. The affection of the stem vowel in the 2nd pi. cerwch shows that -wch must be for -ywch. § 26 vi (5). A trace of this form occurs in chedywch tl.a. 157 'ye keep' dissim. for *chedwywch; the usual form is cedwch for cedwwch : cadwaf ' I keep '. ix. (1) Corresponding to the 3rd sg. in -hawt, a 3rd pi. in -hawnt occurs rarely in the earlier periods : cuinhaunt juv. gl. defleb(unt), gwnahawnt b.t. 13 ' they will make '. (2) In O.W. a 3rd pi. pres. -int occurs, as limnint juv. gl. tondent, scamrihegint juv. gl. levant, nertheint juv. gl. armant. Some examples occur in the early poetry : diwrissint kedwyr . . . mi nyd aw b.b. 108 ' warriors hasten ... I go not' ; vyS . . . pan 8yorf(yS)yn b.t. 13 ' will be when they conquer ', discynnyn ib. ' they will descend '. x. m" The final -t of the 3rd pi. of this and of every other tense is often dropped in poetry, even in Early Ml. W., § 106 iii (2) : tirran ( = tyrran) b.b. 2 c they muster ', dygan ib. ' they bring ', darparan y2 324 ACCIDENCE § 174 do. 5 ' they prepare ', vidan ( = vySan) ib. c they will be ' ; other tenses : deuthan do. 2 ' they came ', wnaethan do. 4 ' they did ', darvuan do. 6 ' they perished ', cuitin ( = cwySyn) do. 95 ' they fell '. The -t is lost in the spoken language. xi. (1) Beside the impers. in -ir, a form in -(h)awr, corresponding to the 3rd sg. in -hawt, occurs in Early Ml. W. ; as talhaur b.b. 31 * there will be payment \ffohawr b.t. 16 ' there will be flight ', dialawr ib. 'there will be vengeance ^Hyrehawr do. 33 ' will be mustered', agorawr w.m. 456 ' will be opened ' ; Dygyn yw aSaw a garawr r.b. 1062 'it is hard to promise what is loved ' ; Heul yn Ionawr ny mat welawr, M(a)wrth a Whefrawr ae dialawr k.b. 970 ' Sun in January is not good to be seen, [in] March and February there will be retribu- tion for it '. (2) The ending -(h)er has a fut. ind. meaning in Early Ml. W., as moch guelher y niuer b.b. 2 ' soon will the host be seen ' ; nyth atter ti ỳ vaywn w.m. 457 ' thou shalt not be admitted '. . (3) In the early poetry an impersonal in -itor, -etor, -ator, -otor occurs : kenhittor hirm b.b. 52 ' horns will be sounded ', canhator b.t. 75 'will be sung ', megittor b.b. 62 'will be brought about', rewinetor b.t. 68 'will be ruined ', traethattor, mdlhator do. 23, brithottor b.b. 33 ' are variegated '. Forms in -etawr&lso occur : dygetawr b.t. 10 ' will be brought', galwettawr do. 41 'will be called' ; in these the ending has come under the influence of -hawr. § 174. Imperf. Ind.— i. The 2nd sg. ending in Ml. W. is -ud, as dianghut e.p. 1037 ' thou would st escape'. In Early Mn. W. this remains, as wyddud, atebud rhyming with mud in D.G. 460; but -uddi became -it ti § 111 ii, § 77 ix ; hence Late Mn. W. carit. The -i- not being original does not affect the -a- ; cerit is an artificial form : "secunda sing, fit etiam sine mutatione vocalis, & fortasse rectiùs, Carit " D. 89. In the dialects the vowel of the 2nd pi. is introduced, as caret ; and this debased form occurs in recent writings. ii. In the early poetry a 3rd sg. -i is found, affecting -a- in the stem (as well as the usual -ei, not affecting); thus efgelwi b.a. 22 'he called ', eflleBi ib. ' he slew ' (beside 'pan elei ib. ' when he went '), ny cheri do. 26 ' he loved not ' (beside ef carei ib. ' he loved '), eihuni do. 16 ' he desired ', klywi ib. ' he heard ', a weli b.b. 45 'whom he saw '. For the 3rd sg. in -iad see § 191 ii (3). iii. (1) The vowel of the pi. endings is -e-, which regularly becomes -y- before -nt, § 65 iii (1). The introduction of the -y- into the 1st and 2nd as in hqff'ym Gr.H. g. 98 (for hoffem) is rare, and doubtless arti- ficial. On the other hand the -y- of the 3rd has tended to be replaced by the -e- of the 1st and 2nd since the 15th cent., e.g. nis terfynerì L.G.C. 244 ' they would not end him ' (usually L.C.C. has -yn(t) : a berynt 186, am ceryri 206). In Late Mn. W. the re-formed -ent became the usual ending, though -ynt remained in use in poetry, e.g. E.F. 36,287, 316. (2) In Ml. W. a re-formed 3rd pi. -eint, with the vowel of the 3rd § 175 VERBS 325 sg., occurs ; as y wawt a ganeint il.a. 95 ' the song which they sang ', a Seueint ... a syrthỳeint do. 97 'which came, [tears] which fell ', achubeint w.m. 466 'they seized'. It is sometimes found in Early Mn. verse: anrhegaint D.G. 24 'they presented', oedaint, fyddaint, rhedaint do. 25 ; occasionally later: rhedeint b.cw. 23. § 175. Aor. and Plup. Ind. — i. The 3rd sg. aor. has a number of endings : (1) Ml. "W. -awS, Mn. W. -odd, is common in Ml. W., and almost supplanted all other endings in the Late Mn. period. Ml. W. examples : kerSauS w.m. 9 'walked' (beside a gerSwys do. 8), cymhellcmS do. 17 'incited', wharyawS do. 163 'played', parawS ib. ' caused ' see (4), gofynnawS do. 164 'asked', diskynnamS clo. 422 'descended', rwymawA ib. ' bound ', fnuynglymawS ib. ' fastened by the reins ', dechreuawh e.b.b. 117 ' began', dewissawS do. 319 'chose*. -08 already appears in Late Ml, W. : parhao§, arveroS, UaSoS cm. 92 ' lastecL used, killed/, brathoS do. 93 'stabbed'. "(2) -as, in cavas b.b. 66, w.m. 10 ' got^gwelas b.b. ioi, w.m. 13 ' saw '. It survived as the regular ending in these two verbs in Ml.W. ; in Early Ml. W. other verbs take it, bradas, twyllas b.b. 8 1 ' betrayed, deceived', creas G. m.a. i 196 'created', gallas B.V. do. 372 'could'. In cafas it survived in Early Mn. W. : Pwy mewn gaeaf a gafas Fis Mai yn dwyn lifrai las? — D.G. 265; cf. 116. ' Who in winter [ever] found a May-month wearing green livery ? ' (3) -es is added to stems having -ch or -oe- ; as dicone s juv. sk. A^V 11 " ' wrough t ', rotes (ts§) b.b. 42, roSes w.m. 9 'gave', tqrres, w.m. 94 ff* 4 ^ ' broke ', arhoës do. 47 ' w aited \ffoes e.m. 152 'J&ed', y mhoel es e.b.b. 'ì^JuÂ^ 199 ' r eturne d '. It is common in Mn. W., more especially in the earlier period: ffoës D.G. 61, siomes G.G1. c. i 196 'deceived', colles û*- -ew-) : treghis b.b. 2 1 ' perished ', cedwis do. 43 ' kept ', erchis il.a. 2 'bade', dienghis w.m. 56 'escaped', peris do. 57 'caused', ettellis (l-l, vb. ataliaf) e.b.b. 174 'withheld', cynhellis (l-l, vb. cynhaliaf) do. 257 'held', edewis e.m. 169 'left', ehewis e.b.b. 171 'promised'. Also dechreuis w.m. 27, e.m. 17 ' began ' (beside dechreuwys w.m. 413, e.m. 267). It is occasionally met with in Early Mn. W., as gadeivis D.G. 61. Ni ivn a fûm yn iawn Jis Heb hiraeth, — hi a'i peris. — I.D. 20. ' I do not know that I have been well for a month without longing, — [it is] she that caused it.' (5) -wys is perhaps the commonest ending in Ml.W. :pechuis b.b. 4 1 326 ACCIDENCE § 175 'sinned', guiscvis do. 43 'wore', treulwys w.m. 9 'spent', cyrchwys ib. ' made for ', meSylỳwys do. 10 ' thought ', diffygỳwys do. 1 2 ' failed ', trigỳwys b.m. 92 'resided', gallwys do. 108 'could', mynnwys b.b.b. 200 ' desired'. It was simplified early to -ws § 78 i (2), as bendigus b.b. 36 ' blessed ' ', ffruincluymus (read -clymus) do. 93 ; cerSws p 14/6 R. (mid- 1 3th cent.) 'walked', claSws p 14/14 b. 'buried', kemerrws p 29/31 R. 'took'. The form -wỳs disappeared, but -ws is sometimes met with in Mn. lit. W., and became the usual ending in parts of S.W. Hadlyd liw hudol dlws, Hudolion di hadeilws. — D.G. 447. ' Perished colour enchantingly beautiful, it is enchanters that built it.' (6) -t in i-aorists, see iii (1). ii. (1) The above are strictly stem-forming suffixes, with no personal ending, added to the pres. stem. The 1 st sg. has -as affected to -eis ; the 2nd sg. has the same with added -t ; the pi. has a similar suffix, which takes three forms, to which the personal endings -am, -awch, -ant are added. The forms of the suffix are Ml. W. -ass-, -yss- and -ss-, Mn. W. -as-, -s-. (2) -ass- and -yss- are not sharply distinguished : thus dywedassam b.m. 44 = dywedyssam w.m. 61 ' we mentioned', collassam b.m. 52 = colly ssam w.m. 72 'we have lost ', cilỳassant, torrassant b.m. 36- = cylyssant, torryssant w.m. 52 ' they retreated, they broke '. Both forms occur throughout the Ml. period, -ass- encroaching in later mss. as the examples show. Later -yss- disappeared, and in Late Mn.W. -as- alone is used. (3) -s(s)- is used after -I- and -r- and after the diphthongs -aw-, -yw-, -eu- : gwelsom w.m. 50, b.m. 35 'we saw', cymersant w.m. 169 (= cyrnerassant b.m. 235) 'they took', adcorssant b.b. 46 'they re- turned', ymadawssam h.m. ii 292, il.a. 148 'we left', clywssont w.m. 33 'they heard', dechreussant do. 41, 72 'they began', beside dechreuyssant 44. In Mn. W. it is regularly found in gwelsom, and always after -aw- as gwrandawsom; sometimes in other cases, as talsom, cymersom. In the dialects the -s- form became general. (4) Beside the usual -am, -awch, -ant in Ml. W., -om and -ont are often found, and are specially frequent in the w.m. ; -och is very rare : doethoch w.m. 161 (= doethawch b.m. 228) 'ye came '. In Mn. lit. W. -om, -och, -ant are the usual endings. In the spoken lang. mostly -on, -och, on. (5) In the old poetry there are traces of the 3rd sg. ending -id, as in the pres. § 173 vi (1), as delỳessit Ieuan . . . vab Duw . . . yn dwfyr echwyS b.p. 1184 ' John held the Son of God in the water of baptism' (the context shows that it is not impers. plup.), prinessit (read prynessit) ib. ; also -yd, as keressyt b.p. 1168, pregethyssit (/kyt) b.t. 54. iii. (1) A 3rd sg. ending -t added to the pres. stem is found in some verbs, as cant b.a. i, w.m. 120, b.m. 196 'sang' (not cânt as wrongly assumed by some recent copyists), gwant b.m. 81, w.m. iii' pierced ' ; *-er-t- regularly becomes -yrth § 65 iii (2), hence diffirth, hymirth b.b. 40 § 175 VERBS 327 ' saved, took', with a-affection differth e.b.b. 213, kymerth w.m. 9, see §181vii(i). (2) These 3rd sg. aor. forms had come to be regarded in Kelt, as .aor. stems, and other persons were formed from them, § 181 vii (1); thus keint b.t. 33 'I sang', keintum w. 18a 'I sang', ceuntost b.b, 21 'thou hast sung' ; gweint m.a. i 194a 'I charged' (in battle). iv. (1) The impersonal, like the 3rd sg., has various endings. Verbs which take -as, -es, -is, -wỳs in the 3rd sg. have -ad, -ed, -id, -wỳd respectively in the impersonal. (2) -ad in caffat b.m. 141 'was had', cahat w.m. 40, e.m. 27 'was had', contracted cat e.b.b. 396, Mn. W. cad D.G. 189, etc. ' was had', see § 188 i (6), and in gvjelat w.m. 51, e.m. 36 ' were (was) seen '. In the old poetry it is seen in other verbs, as artuad (t = 8) b.b. 23 ' was blackened ' se-suinad ib. ' was conjured (Ì) ' (redupl. perf. Ì) (3) -ed, after -0-, -oe- : anvonet w.m. 84 'were sent', collet do. 472 'was lost', dodet do. 32 'was put', roBet do. 33 'was given' Mn. W. rhodded f.n. 28, poened c.c. n, hoeliedv 49/546, etc. It is also found in ganet w.m. 28, Mn. W. ganed 'was born'; and in Early Mn. "W. gweled D.E. il 163/119 'was seen' for Ml. gwelat, like gweles for gwelas i (3) ; Ml. W. rived m.a. i 373, llaBed do. 220. (4) -id, after -a-, -aw- : y delit . . . acy carcharwyt e.b.b. 338 ' was caught and imprisoned', edewit w.m. 58 'were left', eBewit e.m. 162 ' was promised '. Only the context, as seen in the first example, shows that this is not the imperf., which ends in -id in all verbs. In Mn. W. -id aor. gave place to -wyd to avoid the ambiguity : daliwyd ' was caught ', gada{w)wyd ' was left '. (5) -wyd, as in magwyt w.m. 33 ' was reared ', gollyngm/t, ryBhawy t do. 25 'was released, was set fr ee ', cyweirwyt do. 26 'was prepared', treulwyt ib. ' wjis jspent ', gorrvmeBwyt ib. ' was r efus ed ', etcT/etcl This is the usual ending in Mn. W., and has superseded the others except in a few forms like ganed ( was born ', rhoed ' was put ', etc. — Reduced to -wt § 78 i (2), whence dial, cawd § 188 i (6). (6) The *-£- of this suffix came without an intervening vowel after some roots ending in -d-, early enough to give W. -s for the group -dt- § 87 ii. Thus lias w.m. 89 * was killed/, also in Early Mn. W. and later, beside UaSwyt H.D. p 67/277 e. ; Mas D.E. J 17/478 e. 'was buried', usually clctSwyt w.m. 89 ; gwŷs D.GT. 236 'is known'. Ef a'm lias i a'm nasiwn Yr awr ý lias yr iarll hwn. — G.G1., c. i 193. ' I was slain and my nation the hour that this earl was slain.' (7) Some verbs take -pwyd, which is generally added to the perf. or aor. stem; thus aethpwyt w.m. 59 'there was a going', deutlipivyt do. 141 or doeth ' pwift do. 96 'there was a coming', gwnaetlbjpivyt do. 32 ' was done '. In these three verbs the form persisted and is thcTstandard Mn. form, as used e. g. in the Bible ; but in Recent W., dial, and quasi- dial. forms aec^ deuwyd (dial, dowd), gwnaed are also found. Other examples are ducjywyt w.m. 28 'were brought' (perf. st. dug- 328 ACCIDENCE § 176 §194 iii), gorucpwyt w.m. 452 'was done', clywspwyt e.b.b. 178 'was heard', dechreuspwyt s.G. 291, canjpwyt § 182 iv (4). It is added to the present stem in dalpwyt e.b.b. 388 ' was caught ', Icynnicirwyt do. 398 'was offered ', gatpwyt do. 399 'was left ', dywetpwyt w.m. 52 beside dywespwyt do. 189 'was said'. v. (1) The pluperfect is formed by adding the personal endings of the imperfect to the aorist stem. The impers. -it and 3rd pi. -ynt affect -aw- in the penult, thus adewssj/nt e.b.b. 180 ' they had left ', edewssii e.m. 288 ' had been left '. But -ass- usually remains unaffected : buassynt w.m. 89 (beside b uessmt Ej.a. 19) 'they had been', anvonassit e.b.b. 306 'had been sent', myn- nassit e.m. i3 = mynyssit w.m. 20 'had been desired', collassynt e.m. 42 = colly ssynt w.m. 60. D.G. 279 has dygesynt (if weles before it is the correct reading ; if welas, it would be dygasynt) for tebygesynt ; the plup. of this verb is often syncopated, tygaswn etc. D. 134. (2) Some verbs have a plup. formed by adding oeSwn, oeSut etc. to the aor. stem : cawssoeSwn etc. § 188 i (7), roessoeS § 186 iii, as well as athoed etc. § 193 vi (5). (3) An impers. of the plup. formed by adding -adoeS, -ydoeB to the pies, stem occurs in some verbs : ganadoeS § 197 'had been born', aSawadoeS G.c. 122 'had been promised ', managadoeS m.a. ii 103 'had been mentioned', rnagadoet, defnytadoet (íb8) do. i 254. § 176. Pres. and Impf. Subj. — i. (1) The subj. stem is formed by a suffix -h- which is added to the pres. ind. stem and hardens a media to a tenuis; thus nottwyf w.m. 479 : nodaf ib. 'I specify'. After vowels and sonants the -h- disappears because it follows the accent § 48 ii, but it is often written in Early Ml. W. as gwnaho b.t. 16, gunelhont b.b. 60. In Early Mn. W. the tenuis generally remained, and survived later in a few expressions as gato in na ato Duw ' God forbid ' : gadaf 'I permit'. But from the 16th cent, the ind. stem has mostly been used, and the media restored, as in Dyn a godo Duw'n geidwad S.T. g.e. [375] 'A man whom God raises as a saviour \ (2) Some verbs have special subj. stems, as el- : af 'I go', etc. § 193 vii; b- : wyf * I am' § 189 ; Early Ml. W. duch, gwares § 183 iii(i). ii. The ending of the 3rd sg. pres. is -o : talo w.m. 9 (: talaf ' I pay '), adnappo do. 36 (adwaen § 191), dycco do. 465 (: dygaf'I bear '). This is a simplification of -oe, which survives in creddoe (dd = tt< dh) b.b. 53 (: credaf ' I believe '), see § 78 i (1). The form -wy is a variant of -oe § 183 ii (1), and the former not uncommonly occurs in Early Ml. W., as gwelhvy b.b. 74 'may see', achwpvy do. 75 (: achubaf 'I seize'), nottvy do. 76 (: nodaf 'I specify'), guledichuy do. 59 'may rule', canhwi do. 48 ' may sing '. iii. (1) The 1st sg. ends in -wyf: cattwyj w.m. 125 for *catwŵyf (: cadwaf ' I keep '), ymgaffwyf a ib. ' I may meet ', etc. This is the usual form in Ml. and Mn. W. The occurrence of -of is compara- 4 177 VERBS 329 tively rare : gwiscof w.m. 97 (= gwisgwyfuM. 71), cysgofn.M. ii 137, gofynnof do. 260. This is probably a re-formation from the 3rd sg. (2) The 3rd pi. ending is -ont; rarely in Ml. W. -ẃỳnt, as in elwynt b.a. 2, 3 (: af ' I go '), and -oent, as pan venoent a.l. i 22 * when they desire \ All are prob. formed from the 3rd sg. (3) The 1st and 2nd pi. end in -om, -och : diwyccom, digonhom b.b. 30, crettoch r.m. 131. (4) The impers. ends in -er; but there are examples of a form in -wyr : rothwyr b.t. i for the usual roSer ' may be given'. iv. The 2nd sg. ending is -ych : roSych w.m. 4 ' thou givest ' (mayest give), gwypych do. 14 ' thou knowest ', gellych do. 151 (: gallaf 'I can'). In Late W. a dialectal form -ech sometimes occurs, § 16 iv (2) (/?), as lletteuech Ruth i 16, gweddiech Matt, vi 6, poenech Marc v 7. In the present dialects the subj. is seldom used except in the 3rd sg. and pi. ; and some recent writers have used -ot for the 2nd sg. Even -ost has been written; in Wms.'s verse Marchog, lesu the last line Tyrd am hynny maes o law 849 appears in recent hymnbooks as Pan y byddost ti gerllaw. — gellyt ZE. 512 is a misreading of gellych r.m. 220. v. The impf. subj. is formed by adding the personal endings of the impf. to the subj. stem; thus (subj.) bei dywettut ti . . . (ind.) minheu a Bywedwn w.m. i i 8-9 ' if thou wouldst say ... I would say '. In Late W., owing to the levelling of the subj. with the ind. stem, the distinction between the moods is not preserved in the impf., except in af, gwnaf, dof, wyf, which have special subj. stems ; see i (2) above. § 177. Pres. Impv. — i. (1) The 2nd sg. is the bare stem of the pres. ind. It diifers from the 3rd sg. pres. ind. in never havi ng its J *7 vowel affected ; thus deil ' he holds V^aZ ' hold ! ' taw* • is silent ', tâw^ f * "HSesilent ! 'j^íç Zech. x 1 ' causes ', par Ps. xxv 4 ' cause ! ' L (2) Verbs which have -a in the 3rd sg. pres. ind. take it also in the 2nd sg. impv. : kerSa r w.m. 83, r.m. 60, ttunnya w.m. 25, r.m. 16, etc., see § 173 v. ii. (1) The 3rd sg. ends in -ed: kymeret w.m. 30, r.m. 19 'let her take ', aei,un w.m. 13, r.m. 9 ' let one go ', gadawed, dychweled Es. Iv 7. (2) A 3rd sg. in -id added to the subj. stem is also met with : elhid b.b. 101 (: a/' I go'), rothid do. 93 'may he give', gwrthleSit Duw il.a. 26 'may God ward off', Trowyr ( = try-wyr), getidẁwY ieuaf G.G1. M 146/185 'three men, God spare the youngest', gettid Mair D.N. G. 154, Telid Duw iddynt M.K. [viii] ' let God repay them'. iii. The 3rd pi. ending is -ent : diskyunent w.m. 22 'let them descend', katwent a.l. i 138 'let them keep', traethent il.a. 159 ' let them speak ', deuent (rh. with stent) L.G.C. 66 'let them conie \ This is obviously formed from the 3rd sg. in -ed (since orig. -ent would have become -ynt). There is also a 3rd pi. bint il.a. 81 'let them be ' formed from bid. In the Bible a 3rd pi. in -ant is used : gwybyddant Ps. lix 13 'let them know', dychwelant do. 14 'let them return'. This is a late re-formation following the analogy of the 1st and 2nd pi. which are taken over from the pres. ind. In spite of the use of 330 ACCIDENCE § 178 this form in the Bible, the older form persisted in the late period : Angylion doent . . . R-hoent eu coronau Wms. 320 ' Let angels come, let them put their crowns/ iv. The 1st and 2nd pi. have taken the forms of the pres. ind.; but an earlier 1st pi. in -em occurs rarely, § 184 ii (1). Origins of the Welsh Verb. The Aryan Verb. § 178. i. In order to trace the development of the Welsh verb, some account, though it be in the briefest outline, must be given of the Ar. verbal system. For a fuller, but still concise and most instruc- tive description, see Meillet, Intr. 2 pp. 165-219. ii. Stem form. — Two kinds of stem may be distinguished. Thematic forms were those ending in the thematic vowel -e- : -0- ; it was -0- in the 1st sg. and 1st and 3rd pi., and -e- in the 2nd and 3rd sg. and 2nd pi. Athematic forms were those ending in a consonant or long vowel. iii. Personal endings. — (1) The Ar. verb had personal endings for each of the three persons of the sg., dual and pi. These were either primary or secondary; and the primary endings differed to some extent for thematic and athematic stems. There were special endings for the perfect. In the following list I omit the dual ; and as the thematic vowel cannot be separated from the ending in some primary forms, I insert the vowel before the ending throughout, separating it by a hyphen, where possible, from the personal ending proper : all the persons of thematic stems are thus put on the same level. (2) Active voice. Primary. — Thematic : sg. 1. -ö, 2. -lis, 3. -ëit; pi. 1. -o-mesi,-o-mosi, •o-mes, -o-mos, 2. -e-the, 3. -o-nti. Athematic : sg. 1. -mi, 2. -si, 3. -ti; pi. 1. -mesi, -mosi, -mes, -mos, 2. -the, 3. after a consonant -enti, -nti, after a vowel -nti. Secondary. — Thematic: sg. 1. -o-m, 2. -e-s, 3. -e-t; pi. 1. -o-me, -o-mo, 2. -e-te, 3. -o-nt. Athematic: sg. 1. after a vowel -m, after a cons, -m, 2. -s, 3. -t; pi. 1. -me, -mo, 2. -te, 3. after cons, -ent, -nt, after vow. -nt. (3) Middle voice (medio-passive) ; 1st and 2nd pi. omitted. Primary. — Thematic : sg. 1. -o-mai, -öi, 2. -e-sai, 3. -e-tai, pi. 3. -o-ntai. Athematic : sg. 1. -mai, 2. -sai, 3. -tai, pi. 3. -ntai. Secondary. — Thematic : sg. 2.-es-o, 3.-e-to, pi. 3. -o-nto. Athematic : sg. 2. -so, -thës, 3. -to, pi. 3. -nto. (4) Perfect. The following endings only need be mentioned. Active: sg. 1. -a, 3. -e. § 179 VERBS 331 (5) The characteristic of the primary endings is final -i. The difference in the sg. between primary thematic and athematic forms may have arisen by phonetic change in the parent language ; thus we should expect themat. sg. 2. -est, but (though Skr. has bhdr-asi) the Ar. form seems to have been -Us ; possibly by metath. and compensatory lengthening, but this is quite uncertain. iv. Mood and Tense Stems. — (1) The present stem was rarely the simple root. In most cases it was either the reduplicated root, the root with thematic vowel, the root with stem-forming suffix, or the root with the infix -w- or -ne-. The present stem with primary endings formed the pres. ind.; as *di-dö~mi (Gk. 8í8 Gk. eAi7rov), Vleiq*-; this may be called the thematic aorist ; — secondly, F-grade of V (at least in sg.), athematic, as *é bheid-m ( > Skr. dbhedam), Vbheid- 'split'; this is called the root-aorist. v. The Augment was a separable accented preverb denoting past time. It was lost entirely except in Gk., Armenian and Indo-Iranian. The augment is always followed by forms with secondary endings. These forms were also used without the augment ; they are then called injunctive; thus Skr. Ved. bhárat 'bore', Gk. Horn. ipe 'bore'< Ar. *bhere-t beside impf. dbharat, e$epe < *e bhere-t. Injunctive forms are either past or pres. in meaning ; the augment makes them definitely past. The Welsh Verh. § 179. Pres. Ind. — i. In Ar. the verb was unaccented when it followed a preverb such as a negative particle, or a preposition later compounded with it. This was undoubtedly the rule in Kelt, (despite deviations in Ir.), as it was in Italic. In the pres. ind. in Kelt, in the 3rd sg. the accented verb had the primary ending, that is, the regular present ending, but the unaccented verb had the secondary suffix, that is, the injunctive form. Thus the W. proverb Trenghit golut, ny tkreingk molut § 173 yi (1) represents Kelt. *traioki-ti ud..., né ttrankl-t md... It has been suggested that this reflects the original use of the Ar. primary and secondary endings; and it 332 ACCIDENCE § 179 certainly accords with the fact that the augment, an accented preverb, is always followed by forms with secondary endings. ii. The Ar. athematic stems, excepting those of a few common verbs, ended mostly in the long vowels -ä-, -ë-, -Ö-. As medial -0- became -ä-, and -e- became -I- in Kelt., these characteristics were reduced to two, -ä- and -1-, The vowel had F-grade in the sg., R-grade in the pi., as in Gk. tor^/xi < *sí-sthä-mi, pi. 2. lo-rare < *si-sthd-ihe. The Kelt, forms of the 1st sg. pres. were therefore *-ä-mi, *-l-mi. As the form was mostly unaccented, and unaccented -ä- > Brit, -a- § 74, the prevailing Brit, forms were *-a-me, *-i-me. These give the W. -af -if the latter comparatively rare, § 173 ii, and now obsolete. Examples: (1) Ar. *dí-dö-mi 'I give' > Kelt. *(p)rô (di-)dä-mi > Brit. *rô-da-me > W. rhoàaf' 1 give '; — (2) Ar. *dhí-dhë-mi 'I put ' > Kelt. *(/;)ró (di-)dî-mi > Brit. *ró-dl-me, which would give W. *rho8if ' I put '. But the latter ending was rare, and was supplanted hy -«/; the result being, in this case, that two verbs became one : rhoSaf' I give, I put '. The reduplicating syllable was probably lost by haplology. Only the vowel of the syllable dropped in dodaf i l give, I put' < *dó-täme or *dô-tìme < *dó d(i)-dömi or *dó dh(i)-dhëmi : Gk. Síow/>u or rWrjfjn,. Usually dodaf is ' I put ' ; for dod ' give ' see Ps. lxxii 1, Gr.O. 87. iii. (1) The accented forms of the 3rd sg. *-«-&', *-í-ti give the W. strong forms -awd, -id. These are used at the head of the sentence, like accented verbs in Skr. The introduction of -h- before the ending in Ml. W., where not etymological as in trenghit (ngh < 70k), is analogical, and partly artificial. The second form tended to oust the first in this case, as seen in O.W. prinit * buys ' for *prinaut < Brit. *iyri , rwb-ti : Ir. cren(a)id; see § 201 i (4). The -id form with the initial of the affixed pron. /0, thus *-id-f, gave *-it-ff and then -iff, the dial, ending, by loss of the t as in the 2nd pi., see vii. The West Gwyn. -ith has recent th fovff. Ml. W. -yd in ëyt, § 173 vi (1), is from *-etî < *-e-tai the middle 3rd sg. ending : Gk. cfieperai; see § 3 93 x (1). (2) But the usual form of the 3rd sg. in W. is the stem without or with vowel affection; this comes from the unaccented injunctive form ; thus car loves < Brit. *kara-t ; rhydd ' puts ' < Brit. *ró-dí-t. The latter, being more distinctive, spread ; thus rhydd ' gives ' instead .of *rhodd < *ró-da-t. iv. (1) The Ar. thematic endings *-5, *-ëis, *-ëit would become *-ẅ, *-ls, *-ît in Kelt. ; and these in W. would all drop after affecting the vowel. The 1st and 2nd sg. so formed were lost because they were not distinctive ; but prob. the 3rd sg. added to the number of affected stems forming the W. 3rd sg. (2) The thematic injunctive ending -et of unaccented verbs dropped without affecting the vowel ; thus Ar. inj. *bher-e-t ' bears ' gives Kelt. *kom beret > W. cymer ' takes ', and Kelt. *áti beret > W. adfer 'restores', etc. It is found not only in compound, but in simple verbs, as eel 'conceals' < *kelet, rhed 'runs' < *retet, etc., because § 179 VERBS 333 the unaccented was, as in the case of athematic stems, the commoner form ; e. g. ni chel grudd gystudd colon prov. ' the cheek does not hide the sorrow of the heart \ (3) There is no *-ed, since the them. prim, ending was -ëit, not *-eti §179 iii (5). The strong form of the above verbs is taken over from the -Î- conjugation ; as rhedid car gain anwaered prov. ' a car will run down hill '. (So Ir. berid for *beri, with anal, -d.) v. The W. 3rd pi. -ant is from Kelt, -anti < Ar. *-9-nti which was common to the -ä- and -I- conjugations ; see ii above. There is no trace of the thematic *-o-nti, because -ont came to be associated with other tenses. The O.W. -int, Ml. W. -ynt y may represent the athem. *-enti or the middle *-ontai, more probably the latter ; -(h)awnt is certainly formed after -(h)awt. vi. The 2nd sg. -y8 (which is the oldest form of the ending -y, later -i) seems to come from accented forms of iteratives in -êie, or denomina- tives and deverbatives in '-ie- the commonest stem-suffix in the Ar. languages. In Kelt, from *karo-s c dear ' the ie-denom. would be *karê-iü, *karê-iîs, *karê-üt ; all these would give "W. keryS. But the 1st and 3rd sg. had more distinctive endings, and -yS survived in the 2nd only, though there are traces of it in the 3rd, see § 173 vi (3). The latter occur in relative sentences, where the verb was prob. accented, as in Skr. The accented 2nd sg. is frequently used, and answered by accented na and the unacc. 1st sg. vii. The 1st and 2nd pi. in W. are re-formations, and it is useless to attempt to derive them from Kelt, forms. The Kelt. 2nd pi. was, them. *-e-te, athem. *-a-te. The former would give W. *-ed (Ml. Bret. ~et) ; to this was added the initial of the affixed pron. chwi, thus *caret-chW > *carewch by loss of t, cf. iii (1) ; at this stage a 1st pi. *caren was formed on the analogy of the 2nd pi., with the initial of the aff. pron. ni ' we ' ; this form is attested in O.W. iben, and survives to this day in West Gwyn. in caran beside carwn ' we love ' (Gwyn. -an — -en). As the 2nd pi. clashed with the impf. it was re-formed with the vowels of the 2nd sg. thus *cerywch > cerwch 'ye love' ; subsequently the vowel of this ending intruded into the 1st pi., giving carwn ' we love \ A statement in the 2nd pers. is always answered in the 1st, hence the influence of the forms on one another in the less used pi. viii. (1) In Pr.Ar. an ending *-r- formed impel sonals. It survived only in Indo-Iranian and Italo-Keltic. In Skr. it takes the form -uh (before a vowel -ur) in the active, and -re, -ire in the middle ; -uh represents *-r or *-rs, Meillet Intr. 2 203. These endings in Skr. form the 3rd pi. ; this is natural enough when one considers that there is only a shade of distinction in meaning between the impers. dywedir 1 on dit ' and the 3rd pi. dywedant ' they say '. (2) In Italo-Kelt. it was used in two ways ; first, it might be added to the tense-stem, as Umbrian subj. ferar ' on portera ', pres. ind. ier ' on va ', Oscan subj. sakrafir (with últiumam for object) ' cysegrer '. Secondly it was added to the 3rd sg. or pi. middle, and then extended 334 ACCIDENCE § 179 to other persons in deponent verbs in Ir., and deponent or passive in Lat., as Lat. itur, Osc. vincter ' vincitur ', Umbr. emantur ' emantur '. On the impersonal use of the Lat. passive see Ernout MSL. xv 273-333- (3) In Kelt, the ending may be taken to have been *-re (also *-ro 1). The Brit, shorter forms of the -ä-, -1-, and thematic conjugations in the pres. were *-a-re, *-i-re and *-e-re respectively. These give the W. pres. impers. -awr, -ir and -er. The second survives to this day, see ix (2), and is in common colloquial use. The first was used in Early Ml. W., and the third occurs also, but was obsolescent owing to its clashing with the subj. form. The -h- sometimes seen before -awr and -er is an intrusion from the subj. (4) Longer forms, with *-re added to the 3rd sg. middle secondary endings would be *-a-to-re, *-l-to-re and *-e-to-re. These give the W. -ator or -otor, -itor and -etor. The dental should be -d-, which occurs in dygedawr b.t. 75 ; the -t- is partly due to the intrusion of subj. -h-, partly a mistranscription of O.W. -t-, as these forms were obsolete at the dates of our mss. — Since the above was written an O.W. example has come to light in cejofdtor cp., with one -t- as in retec ib., Ml. W. redee. ix. (1) The reason why the Welsh pres. has always had a fut. meaning is that it contains beside the pres. the Ar. -e- future, generally called subjunctive. This tense is formed by adding the thematic vowel e/o to the pres. stem. In the case of thematic stems the effect was to lengthen the thematic vowel throughout. In the sg. this would make no difference (Gk. subj. <£e/ow, ind. épw ; the subj. ỳépyçis are-forma- tion ; orig. *hlúreis would give *<£e/oeiç as in the ind.). In long- vowel stems the added thematic vowel simply converted them to thematic stems, as Gk. subj. SiSŵ beside ind. St'Sw/u ; this introduces no new element. The 3rd pi. fut. *-önti (Gk. Dor. ^epwvrt) would have its vowel shortened § 74 iv, and so would not differ from the pres. (2) In the impers. the fut. form for thematic stems would be *-ë-re >Kelt. *-i-re, beside the pres. *-e-re. All thematic stems therefore would have a fut. in -ir beside the pres. in -er. This shows why -ir became the prevailing pres.-fut. form. (3) In consonantal athematic verbs the distinction between pres. and fut. is much clearer; thus the pres. stem *es- 'be' has fut. stem *ese- ; the former gives the Ar. pres. *ês-mi, *ês-(s)i, *és-ti ( > Skr. ásmi, ási, ástí)\ the latter gives the Ar. fut. 1. *ês-ö (> Lat. ero), 2. *és-ëis, 3. *és-ëü, injunctive *es-et (> Skr. asat, Lat. erit). The W. pres. is a mixture of pres. and fut. forms. The Kelt. fut. *ésü, *êsîs, *ésît would give *oe for the three persons ; of this a trace survives in o<3-/b.b. 50 ' I am'. The pres. sg. 2. *êse (< Ar. *êsi) and 3. inj. *eset would give *wy, whence sg. 1. wy-f, 2. wy-t, 3. *wy metath. to yw § 78 iv ; in pi-eu ' whose is % ' it is weakened to -eu, § 78 iii, § 192. The Ar. 3rd sg. pres. *êsti survives in W. ys, which has become impersonal. The W. 3rd pi. ynt (for *hynt) comes from Ar. 3rd pi. pres. *s-enti (*s- is V-grade of Ves-). The W. 1st pi. ym (Ir. ammi) § 180 VERBS 335 implies a Kelt. **ésmesì, a confusion of pres. *smesi and fut. *êsomesi. The W. 2nd pi. ych is, as usual, a new form made to match. As bySafh used for the fut., wyf 'has lost its fut. meaning except in certain idioms, as yr wyf y no yfory ' I shall be there to-morrow '. § 180. The Imperfect. — i. As above intimated. § 171 ii (2), the W. impf. comes from the Ar. optative. This was formed by means of a suffix *-ŵ'ë-, *-ië- with secondary endings. ii. (1) In athematic verbs the suffix Mê- was F-grade and accented in the sg. ; the preceding vowel had R- or V-grade ; thus 3rd sg. Gk. tlOclt) < *dhi-dhe-iet (ei R le of ëi), Skr. dadhyät < *dhe-dh-iet, the Skr. preserving the original accentuation. (2) In Kelt, the e became I, so that the forms would be *-a-iít, *-e-iit; these were levelled as *-i-iît in Brit, and this gives -ai, §75 iv, v (2) ; thus Kelt. *kara-vit > W. carai ' would love '. This form would also result from the 1st and 2nd sg. forms *-a-iëm, *-a-ies; hence the endings for those persons were selected from thematic verbs. (3) The consonant stem *es- 'be' gave Ar. *s-(i)ie-t, which gives Skr. siyät or syat, O. Lat. siet ; in Kelt, it would be *siiít. Coming generally after a preverb, or after its complement, it was unaccented ; and *'süît gives regularly W. (h)oeS 'would be, was' § 75 iv (2); the h- is seen in yttoeS< *yd-hoe&< Hta siilt 'there would be' § 219 ii. The whole tense oeSwn etc. was built from the 3rd sg. iii. (1) In thematic verbs the suffix -iê- had its V-grade -i-, which formed a diphthong with the thematic vowel, which was always -0- ; thus the optative of *bhêrö 'I bear' was sg. 1. *bhêroi-m > Skr. bhdreyam (for *bharayam). In Kelt, it would be *bêroi-m > Brit. *béroi-an(n) > W. *cy-merwy-n > cymerwn. The only possible ex- planation of -wn is that it is for *-wyn, see § 78 i (2) ; on *oi > wỳ § 75 ii (2) ; on the retention of -n § 113 i (1). (2) The W. 2nd sg. -vd comes regularly from the 2nd sg. middle *-oi-thës. The ending *-thes (: Skr. -thäh) is represented in the -the-r of Ir. deponents ; and -ud spread from deponent to all verbs in W. because it was distinctive. iv. (1) In athematic verbs, in the middle voice where the ending was syllabic, the suff. became R-grade *-is- ; this coming before the accent remains as -ia- ; thus in the deponent verb gwnn ' I know ' the 3rd sg. impf. is gwySiad for *gwUad regularly representing the 3rd sg. opt. mid. *uid-Ì9-tó. (2) In long-vowel stems the reduced stem-ending and suffix would thus be *9-i9; by § 63 vii (5) this should give *ua > -1-, which is the usual form (though other reductions are possible), as in Skr. da-dl-td < *de-dî-tô, V dö-. Thus the 3rd sg. opt. mid. of Kelt. *karä-mi would be *7car-i-to, which gives regularly W. cerid, the impers. of the imperf. ind. This middle was undoubtedly a passive in Kelt., and was assimilated in its use to the impers. pres. in -r after the -r form for this tense, namely *-ir, had gone out of use owing to its clashing with the pres. 336 ACCIDENCE § 181 (3) The 3rd sg. mid. of thematic stems ended in *-oito. We should therefore expect -ud beside -id for the impers. in W. A trace of this actually occurs in ac y haruetud etc. b.b. 20, which should be *ac yth arwehud etc. c and thou wert borne', etc., where the scribe mistook the impers. for the 2nd sg., which makes no sense if it is active, and we can hardly assume the 2nd sg. to have retained a passive sense. v. (1) In the 1st and 2nd pi. of athematic stems the Ar. form was *-i?- : *-i-. We can probably assume for Kelt. *kár(a)-Ì9-me ; the m was doubled on the analogy of the aor. ; and post-tonic Ha >ie>e in W., § 65 vi (1); hence W. car em. Similarly 2nd pi. *caret + chw- > karewch, carech. (2) The 3rd pi. ending was *-iênt (for *-ieni). The form *-a-iént gives W. -i § 75 v (1); as tri ugeint canhwr a sevi b.t. 55 ' 6000 men stood ' ; hence the rare " 3rd sg." -i. The 3rd pi. -ynt seems to be a middle form < *-ento < *-i9-nto (or *-into < *-î-nto), which spread because it had the 3rd pi. sign -nt. vi. (1) The impf. subj. is the optative of the s-aorist, cf. Lat. viderlmus < *ueid-is-l-m-. Thus Kelt. *kara-siiít > Ml. W. karhei. (2) The plup. is an optative formed from the new Kelt, ss-aorist. Thus Brit. *karassiiít > carassai. The plup. is held to be a Brit, innovation. Strachan's examples of the impf. subj. being replaced by the plup. in later texts, quoted in b.b. 157, prove nothing as to the antiquity of the plup. ; its existence in Bret, shows that it goes back at least to Brit., so that the evidence of Ml. texts is irrelevant. We also find the plup. in early texts where we should expect to find the impf. subj. as ri-uelssud b.b. 20. The fact is that the two aorist s were not very sharply distinguished. § 181. The Aorist. — i. The Welsh aorist comes from a Keltic re- formation of the -s- aorist. The orig. Ar. formation seems to have been (1) L-grade of V + -s- (in Kelt. R-grade in the pi.), or (2) F-grade of V + -is-. The endings are secondary. ii. (1) With long-vowel stems the suffix is -s- ; thus Skr. á-prä-sam < *é plë-s-m, Vpele- ' fill ', Gk. lyik-q-o-a (intervocalic -a- restored from cons, stems -ýa, etc.). Thus Kelt. *kárâ-s-m £ I loved '. Bearing in mind that st > ss and that sm > mm the whole Kelt, tense may be restored thus: sg. 1. *káräsm, 2. *káräss, 3. *káräss, pi. 1. *ká- rammo, 2. *kdrasse, 3. *Mrasnt. (2) This tense was wholly reconstituted in Kelt., with stem sg. *káräss- } pi. *kdrass-. The 1st and 2nd sg. were made anew with thematic endings; thus 1. *Jcárâssü f 2. *kárässîs (inj. -es). The 1st pi. became *kdrassammo instead of *kdrammo; then followed 2. *kdrassate instead of *kdrasse. Unaccented ä was shortened in Brit, and Ir. and these formations gave regularly Ir. sg. 1. ro-charus (2. ro-charais), pi. 1. ro-charsam, 2. ro-charsaid, and W. sg. 1. Jcereis, 2. kereis+t, pi. 1. karassam, 2. *karassat + chw- > harassawch. The ending of the 3rd pi. was made primary ; thus *kdrassanti > Ir. carsait, W. karassant. As a variant the thematic vowel was brought into the §181 VERBS 337 pi. also ; thus Brit. *kárass-o-mmos, *kárass-o-nti giving W. karassom, Jcarassont; from these followed carasoch. iii. To the 3rd sg. two things happened. (1) It remained un- changed; thus *káräss>W. *kar, which was extended to karawS to distinguish it from the pies. ; for -awS see § 182 iii. The Ir. ro-char implies *karass with short a from the pi. (2) It was re-formed with the thematic vowel, following the 1st and 2nd sg. ; thus *kárässet ; or with -a- from the pi. as *kárässat. Either of these would give W. *karas (caf-as § 175 i (2)). The first gives Ir. carats. iv. The treatment of -I- stems was precisely similar. The stem-ending in the sg. was *-lss-; this survives in the W. 3rd sg. peris. In the 1st and 2nd sg. it was replaced by -eis of -ä- stems ; but in Gwyn. dial, -is survives in these, persons also. In the pi. the stem-ending was -ass-, as for -ä- stems, the -a- representing 9, the B-grade of the -e- from which the -I- is derived. v. (1) Consonant stems formed the aorist with *-is-, cf. Lat. vid-is- tis, which developed similarly, and gives W. -yss- in eisteSyssant, etc. In the 3rd sg. it appears in W. as ~es from *-iss-at. In the 1st and 2nd sg. it was replaced by -eis. (2) The *-iss- suffix seems to have intruded into the thematic con- jugation ; thus Brit. *kom bere-iss-at > W. kymerwys, kymerws. vi. The impersonal forms -ad, -id, -ed, -wyd seem to have been formed on the analogy of the impf. impersonal, with the vowels of the 3rd sg. aor. vii. (1) The root-aorist, § 178 iv (3), was treated similarly in Kelt. Thus for the root *qan- 'sing' the orig. Kelt. root-aor. would be sg. 1. *kan-m, 2. *kan-s, 3. *kan-t. The 3rd sg. became the stem, and the new tense formed from it was sg. 1. *kantü, 2. *kanüs, 3. *kantet or *kantat. These forms gave W. sg. 1. keint, 2. *keint, 3. hard. To the 1st and 2nd sg. the perfect endings -um, -ost, § 182 iv (1), were added, § 175 iii (2). — gwant 'wounded' from gwanaf< *gwonaf: Ir. gonim, Vg-hen-, is probably formed on the analogy of cant. The root *bher- has this aor., which survives only in the 3rd sg. in W. ; thus W. kymyrth < *kom bertet or kymerth < *kom bertat, § 1 75 iii (1). (2 ) Other examples that survived are from roots ending in gutturals: dyrreith b.t. 54 'returned' < *do-(p)ro-rek-t-et, Vreg- : W. dyre 'come!' § 193 x (8);— maeth b.t. 74 1. 1 ' nursed' <*makt-<*mäk- t-, */rnäk- : magaf 'I nourish'. The root *uereg- 'work' had sg. 1. *urek-t-ü, 3. *urek-t-et giving W. gwrith, gwreith ; the former occurs in ef gwrith b.t. 26 (? 3rd s^.) ; the latter seems to occur in gwnaeth [read giv(r)eith"\ gwynnỳeith gwreith e law b.a. 2 lit. 'work of vengeance wrought his hand ' ; but tins verb (gwnaf) being in the pres. conjugated like of, this tense was assimilated to the perf. of af, and became sg. 1. gwneuthum, 3. gwnaeth. The quotation shows that scribes changed old gwreith to gwnaeth, the wrong gwreith, viz. the noun, being changed here. In Bret, the old form survived : ML Bret. sg. 3. grez. 1402 Z 338 ACCIDENCE § 182 § 182. The Perfect. — i. In Pr. Ar. the vowel-grade of the root was F° in the ist sg., and L° in the 3rd sg., as Skr. cakara ' I made* < *qeqora, cakara ' he made ' < *qeqôre. — Ml. W. higleu ' I have heard, he has heard ', Ir. ro-chüala, ro-chüalae. The W. form implies the ist sg. Icû-ìclou-a : Skr. su-srava; for the long ü of the reduplicator cf. Skr. ta-tava, Vteu- 'be strong '. See § 194 v (4). ii. (1) The following old perfects are 3rd sg. only, and show L°-grade of the root : Vuereg- ' work ' gave *ue-uröge> Brit. *uo-urage >M1. "W. guoreu, goreu 'did' (u lost by dissim., äg > eu § 71 iii); — Vret- 'run' gives gwa-red-af ' I succour'; perf. sg. 3. *re-röt-e> Brit. *uo-(re)rate > Ml. "W. gwarawt 'succoured'; — Vuet/d- 'say* gives dy-wed-af l I say ' ; perf. sg. 3. Brit. *do-uat-e or *dó-uat-e >M1. W. dt/wawt or dywat, dywot ' said' (unacc. ä shortened § 74 ; wa : wo § 34 iv). (2) Vdeuk- had R-grade *duk- in the Brit, pres., giving W. dyg-af (: Lat. düco < O. Lat. douco, F°-grade); perf. sg. 1. *du-douk-a > W. *dy-8uc, 3. *du-döuke>W. dy-Suc b.t. 4, 52. The tense was re-formed with the perf. endings -um, -ost iv (1), § 194 iii (2). — The verb amygaf ' I defend ' has similarly a 3rd sg. perf. amuc § 194 iv (2). iii. In verbs like eisteSaf ' I sit ', gorweSaf ' I lie ', arweSaf ' I carry ', go(r)Siwe8af i I overtake', etc., the form of the above perf. is seen in goSiwawS w.m. 42 'overtook'; this being re-formed as gorUwehawh e.m. 29 (so eisteSawS w.m. 188, etc.), the -aw8 seemed to be a 3rd sg. past ending ; and was added to suffixless aorists like *kar § 181 iii (1) giving karawS, Mn. W. carodd ' loved '. iv. (1) Deponent verbs in Brit, had periphrastic perfects formed like those of Lat. deponents. Thus Vag- : perf. sg. 1. *aktos esmi> *aktoimmi> aethum, euthum ; 2. *aktos (e)si >*aktossi > *aethos + t = aethost ; 3. *aktos 'st > *aktosst > aeth ' went '. From these forms ist and 2nd sg. endings -um, -ost were deduced, and added to other formations, such as the root-aor. hunt and the perf. due. This perf. itself was completed in the pi. by the addition of the aor. endings -am, -awch, -ant. (2) The Ml. plup. is sg. 3. athoeS for *aethoe$, which represents *akto(s) siilt. The diphthong ae was simplified prob. by dissim. with the diphthong oe. The second perf. athwyf etc. seems to be a new creation formed on the analogy of the plup. (3) The impers. lias ' was slain ' is an example of this formation. It is not a root-aor. as it has R-grade of Vqolad-. It is probably a perf. passive ; thus *slad-tos (e)st >*slass-osst>llas' was slain'. This passive has a pi. llesseint b.b. 63 ' were slain ' which seems to be re- formed like impfs. in -ynt § 174 iii (2), for Hlessynt < *slassî senti ; lleSessynt b.a. 9 ' were slain ' seems to be another re-formate. (4) The impers. of the above perf. is formed by adding the impers. *bwyt of the verb 'to be ' to the stem ; thus aeth-pwyt, etc. This was extended to root-aorists, as *kant-pwyt > kanpwyt, perfects, as duc-pwyt, and presents ; § 175 iii (7). The form *bwyt does not occur elsewhere; prob. the whole formation is new. §§ 183, 184 VERBS 339 § 183. Pres. Subjunct. — i. The pres. subj. represents the Ar. fut. with suffix -se- (fut. in -e- of -s- aor.), which gives Italic subj. also : Lat. faxit. The W. forms are chiefly those of the -ä- conjugation. The accent in the sg. seems to have been on the ä. — In the b.b. it seems sometimes to be a mere fut., e.g. vvnahont 6i 11. 14-15. ii. (1) Stem *karä-se- gives sg. 1. *karasö >*karásü >*karan> W. *karwy; -/was added to distinguish it from the 3rd sg. ; the 3rd sg. *kara-sît>karwy, and the unacc. injunct. *karaset, the usual form > *karoe > karo, § 75 i (2), (3), § 78 i (1) ; pi. 1. *kara-so-rnos, with m doubled after the aorist pattern, gave kar-hom ; pi. 3. *kara-sonti gave kar-hont. (2) Impers. *kara-se-re > kar-her § 75 i (2). The form rothwyr § 176 iii (4) is most probably made from the 3rd sg. rothwy. (3) According to the above the -h- belongs to the pi. and impers. only ; in the sg., therefore, it is an intrusion. In Ml. Bret, it is not usual in the sg. but occurs regularly in the pi. iii. (1) In consonant stems the -s- came immediately after the cons. ; few examples survive because the conjugation had become vocalic in the indie. — Vuereg- ' work ' ; pres. ind. *urag-at > W. gwna 1 does ', subj. *urek-se-t > gunech l.l. 120 ' may do ', ny ofyn ỳ neb a wnech b.t. 64 ' he asks no one what he may do ' ; — Vdeuk- : pres. ind. *duk-at>W. dwg ' brings ', subj. *deuk-se-t>duch b.b. 40, later duwch b.t. 28; — Vret-: subj. *uo-ret-se-t > gwares § 194 ii. The vowel of the root is seen to be F-grade in this tense. (2) Corresponding to the 3rd sg. gwnech the 2nd sg. *urek-sîs would give *gwnych ; this being re-formed as *gwne-ych and gwnel-ych, the latter form would naturally spread to el-ych and del-ych ; and as these are three of the commonest verbs in the language, the ending -ych might spread from them to all verbs, as being the only distinctive form of the 2nd sg. pres. subj. § 184. The Imperative. — i. The 2nd sg. has always represented the bare pres. stem. Thus "W. car l love thou ' < Kelt. *karä ; W. kymer 1 take'<*&ora bere€pe. ii. (1) For the other persons the optative seems to have been once in use: ystyrỳem b.t. 33 'let us consider'. The 3rd sg. forms are difficult. In Ir. the endings are -at, -et ; the lost vowel cannot be the -ö of Lat. -to, or the -u of Skr. -tu (Thurneysen Gr. 351); it must be -0 or -a. The forms are the same in Ir. for active and deponent verbs ; this suggests that the ending was the middle secondary *-to. In Ir. also the forms are the same as those of the impf. ; the mid. forms of the 3rd sg. opt. *-p-to, *-l-to (W. gwySiad, cerid) would give -ed, -id if „ in the former the accent were shifted to the stem. The 3rd pi. may have been *-ynt (Corn, -yns beside -ens), the form in the impf. ; but it was re-formed with the vowel of -ed, rarely of -id as in bint§ 189 ü (5). (2) The 1st and 2nd pi. took the forms of the pres. ind. early; and in the late period the 3rd followed. z2 340 ACCIDENCE §185 Contracted Forms. § 185. i. (i) Verbs whose stems end in -o- or -a- (mostly from Brit, -og- or -od- and -ag-) have many contracted forms, more especially in the Mn. language. The following tables show all the possible contractions ; the accent is marked in each case, and the accented vowels which are long in the present pronunciation are so marked, all others being short. Forms that are never contracted are distinguished by a hyphen, as parhe-ais. Any other form may occur uncontracted ; thus tro-af as well as tröf occurs in Mn. W. Exx. trqffov tro-af ' I turn ' (paratof 'for parato-af ' I prepare '} parhaf for parha-af clean'). I continue * (glanhaf for glanha-af ' I Indicative Mood. Present Tense. sg. pi. 1. trof-dUZ~-> i. trówn r&*~~- 2. trói 2. tróẁch *SU»-~~Sk 3. try 3. tront ^j^r (3. parato-a) Impers. tróir f-SXjr**- sg. ^ pi. 1. parkäf=0^rT. parJiáwn 2. parhéi 2. parMwcli 3. pâra, péry 3. parhant (3. glanha) Impers. parhéir Imperfect Tense. 1. parháwn 1. parhäem 2. parìmut 2. jparhäech 3. parhäi 3. pärhâent Impers. parhéid aJU~*3. trout 2. troech tJ^**^ ^1 3. troi 3. troent rJ&v* 3 ^*" Impers. traid sSL*^~ Aorist Tense. JLr* T* tróis I. tróesom r**»*^~r 1. parhë-ais I. parhásom ^y 2. twist 2. tróesoch /^^^ta. parhe-aist 2. parhásoch iX**-*» 3' troes, trodd 3. troesant, -ont "^ 3. parka-odd 3. parhásant r ont ******- Impers. tro-wyd, troed Pluperfect Tense. Impers. parhâ-wyd ^jtAj^^i. tróeswn, etc. I. par/iáswn, etc. §185 VERBS 341 Subjunctive Mood. Present Tense. sg. pL sg. pi. I. tro-wyf i ^rö^ 1. parha-wyf 1. parha-om 2. troech 2. troch 2. parhe-ych 2. parha-ock 3- tro 3. trout 3. parka-o 3. parhä-ont Impers. tro-er Impers. parhä-er Impebative Mood. Present Tense. i. 1. trówn 1. 1. parháwn 2. Ŵ*0 2. tróweh ' 2. pára a. parhéwch (2 . parato-a) (2. glanha) 3- troed 3. troent 3. parhäed 3. parliäent Impers. tro-er Impers. parha-er Vebbal Nouns. ŵẃ' (paratói), para, parháu [glanMv) Vebbal Adjectives. tro-édig, tro-ádwy, tro (2) It is doubtful whether -er occurs contracted; the 3rd sg. impv. in -ed is mostly uncontracted. (3) The contracted forms -oi, -ai of the 3rd sg. impf. are often pronounced and written -oe, -ae, see § 52 iii (3). (4) The aor. stem -oes- is generally misspelt -ois- in Recent W. ; thus troesom Es. liii 6, paratoesant 1 Bren. xviii 26 (so in 1620) appear as troisom and parottoisant ! in recent bibles. (5) On the 3rd sg. pres. para, pery see § 173 v (1). / -3^/ ii. Stems ending in w-diphthongs have contracted forms when the endings -wn or - wch follow ; thus town for taw-wn 1 let us be silent ', téwchjor téw-wch ' be ye silent ' ; gwrandéwch for gwrandéw-wch ' listen ye ' ; clŷwn for clŷw-wn ' we hear ', £^^_(re-formed clt/wck) for clỳw-wch l ye hear ' or ' hear ye \ iii. Other vowels and diphthongs are not contracted ; e. g. gweddî-ir ' there will be prayer ', cáe-ent (cdy-ent) ' let them sKut , bei-id ' fault was found ', dilé-er * may be deleted ', cynorthwy-ynt ' they assisted '. Rut for -a-odd in the 3rd sg. aor. 342 ACCIDENCE § 186 we sometimes find -add in the Late Mn. period, e. g. cashddd E.P. 222 for caskaodd, gwellhadcl c.c. 338 ; cf. cadd § 188 i (6). § 186. i. The full form rhoddaf ' I give, put ', v^n. rkoddi, survives throughout as a literary form in Mn. W. ; but in the living language the -8- had already disappeared in the Ml. period, and the verb is also conjugated like tro-af^ trqf, in Ml. and Mn. W. ; as roet (1 syll.) e.p. 131 7 { was given ', roy a.l. i 6 'to give'; see § 110 iv (2) and § 33 iii (1). In the 3rd sg. pres. ind. rhydd the -b survives in the spoken lang. (and is sometimes wrongly transferred to try) ; but rhy i s used commonly in lit. W. as Duw a vyygwymp i'r drwg wr H.A. p. 10 ' God will give the evil man a fall'. For rhy however, the compound dj^ryjis often found ; and dỳ-rQ_ for the and sg. pres. impv. rho ; by assim. of y, dyro became doro w.m. 53, 478, which is the form used in Gwynedd. The bards use forms with and without -ô- indiíFerently : Rhoddi gwin yn rhwydd a gaid, Rhannu a rhoi i weiniaid. — D.I.D., g. 179. ' There was a generous giving away of wine, a distributing and giving to the weak.' ii. In the subj. mood, we have ro-ho a.l. i 6, contracted to ro w.m. 33 ; and *roh-ho giving rhoddo (roto, -t- = -Ô-, b.b. 29), or rhotho by the comparatively rare change of òh to th (=/) § 111 iii (2). A vo_gam i wraìg Iäl, Fo ry Duw rai a'i dial. — L. Môn, A 31059/78. 4 Whoever deals injustice to a woman of Yale, God will provide those who will avenge her/ Maer Rhuthun im a'i rhotho. — T.A., A 14976/169. 1 May the Mayor of Ruthin give it [the bow] to me.' iii. Beside the aor. 1st and 2nd sg. roòeis, roheist (roteist, ~t- = -b-, b.b. 20), a perfect was formed for these persons by adding -um, -ost to the aor. stem roes- ; see § 182 iv (1) ; thus roessum w.m. 63, il.a. 124 'I have given '. There is also a plup. 3rd sg. roessoeb, 3rd pi. roessoehynt; this survived in Early Mn. W. but seems to be used as a perf. : §§187,188 VERBS 343 Llaw Rys nid llai a roesoeB. — H.D., p 99/482. 'The hand of Rhys has given no less/ Other Late Ml. forms are roSassoeS, rossoeS, Cymmrodor ix 77. Gwent rysoeddyd h.g. 30. iv. On the origin of rhoddaf, see § 1 79 ii. § 187. i. arhoaf w.m. 17 'I wait', contr. arkof, is conjugated like tro-qf, trqf, except that the v.n. is arhos w.m. 17, Mn.W. aros; thus Mn. W. ind. pres. sg*. 1. arhof, 2. arÂói, 3. éry ; pi. 1. arhoimi, 2. ar/w wc/ i, 3. arhönt ; impv. sg. 2. áro 'stay!' Ml. W. arho w.m. 17, aro do. 125 ; etc. A gwaew Mr gwae a'i héry. — I.H.S. 26. f Woe to him who awaits him with a long spear/ Neidia goruwch hen adwy I'r maes, ac nac aro mwy. — D.G. 30. ' Jump over an old gap into the field, and stay no longer/ Nid arhon' liwy draean hyn. — I.F., m. 148/721. ' They will not remain one third of this [time]/ ii. The above conjugation persisted well into the Late Mn. period, e.g. arhoent B.cw. i^arhowcli do. 102; but in the late 15th cent, a new formation sprang up in which the v.n. aros is substituted for the stem aro-, giving arkosaf, etc. The earliest examples I have noted are in I.F. Od ymddengys Rhys arhosaf. — I.F., m 148/301. '■ If Rhys appears, T will stay/ So Arhoswch farn, rhoesoch fedd I.F. p 83/33, pan arhoser do. p 100/79. iii. The only possible original of the -s of aros is either -d-t- or -s-t- (the v.n. suffix being *-tu-). The latter would imply -os- for the orig. stem ; but where -s- came between vowels in Brit., the vowel before it was either lost, or contracted with the following vowel in Brit, itself, so that we could not have arho-af. We must therefore assume that -8- has disappeared in this word as in rho-of (the 8 of rhoSaf being more or less artificial) ; hence arho-af for *ar-ho$-af < *ari- sod-, Vsed- ' sit ' ; and aros < *ari-soss- < *p e ri-sod-tu- ' sit before ' ; § 63 ii, § 110 iv (2). § 188. i. (1) caffaf 'I shall get' has stem kaff-, kali- or ka- in Ml. W., and ca- in Mn. W. with -ff- in 3rd sg. pres. ind. and in subj. ; and is conjugated regularly, except in the aor. The forms that occur are as follows. 344 ACCIDENCE § 188 (2) Indie, pres. : Ml. W. haffaf w.m. 459, cahaf h.m. ii 126, caf w.m. 3 ; heffy w.m. 3, 23, 80, etc. (spelt hyffy 3, 460), kehy e.m. 120, key do. 293, 57, 118; ceif w.m. 25, 43 = ceiff b,m. 16, 30; caffwn w.m. 34, cawm do. 84, e.m. 61 ; ceffwch e.m. 19, cewcA w.m. 29 ; caffant w.m. 183 ; keffir w.m. 83, e.m. 60, Jceir w.m. 85, keffitor A 14869/56, O.W. ce/phitor cp. Mn. "W. cct/ ; cet, cat ; céffi ców^; çöfom ; cewc7t ; ccwtá ; effr, cáir, § 81 iii (!). (3) The impf. in Ml. W. has haff- or ha- in the indie. : cawn w.M. 394, e.m. 251, caffut w.m. 396, e.m. 253 ; subj. : gei caffw3 w.m. 18, r.m. 12. In Mn. W. cáwn, caut, cm^ etc., and sometimes caffwn etc. in the subj. (4) The pres. subj. seems to have Jcaff- chiefly : caffwyfw.M. 454 (twice) ; fyeffych do. 480 (4 times); kafont, hafoent (f =ff) b.ch. 4, etc.; but caho il.a. 150, eaont do. 48. Mn. W. has caff- only. (5) Impv. — The vb. implies an absolutely passive 'getting' or 'catching' (as 'catching' a cold), and so has never been used in the impv. except in the 3rd pers. (or impers.), in which case the command is not addressed to the subject, and its carrying out is independent of his will. The forms are Mn. W. 3£dj3g. caffed^ caedj 3rd pi. caffent, caent ; impers. coffer. (6) Aorist. — The Ml. W. forms (all of very frequent occurrence except the 2nd pi.) are, sg. 1. keveis, 2. heveist, 3. kavas; pi. 1. hawssom, -am, (2. hawssawch), 3. kawssant, -ont ; impers. haff at, hahat. (The apparent contraction a gets e.m. 253 is almost certainly a scribal error for a ge(ve)is, cf. w.m. 395.) The Mn. W. forms are sg. i.eefais, 2. cefaist, 3. cafas § 175 i (2), later m£od.d ', ph 1 . cawsom . 2. cawsoch, 3. cawsant. (In the 14th cent, the following contracted forms are found, sg. 1. ces D.G. 124, G.Gr. d.g. 254; sg. 3. cos D.G. 294; impers. ajiat e.p. 1299, cad D.G. 189, 409, 429, 430. Later are found ces_; cg§£; cas_ and cadd^ D. 130, cadd M.K. [61]; impers. mfacL B.Br. f. 6, cad ; coed (prob. orig. a false spelling of cad); cafwyd (cáwd c.c. 271, a dial, form used in late verse § 175 iv (5)). (7) Pluperf. — The forms are Ml. hawsswn, etc., Mn. cawswn, etc., <£ conjugated regularly. In Ml. W. is also found a plup. formed with c*J,^ -oe8 : sg. t. hawssoeSwn s.G. 278; sg. 2. cawssoeSut do. 247 ; sg. 3. * ; hawssoeS do. 303, cawssoeSei h.m. ii 170, cawssoeS-ŷat s.G. 30, -at* h.m. ii 224; pi. 3. hawssoeSynt s.G. 11. It is seen that the forms are found in Late Ml. mss. They are also used occasionally by Early ^"^ Mn. bards, e.g. cawsoedd L.G.C. 18. (8) Verbal Noun. — Ml. W. çaffael^ w.M. 12, haff el e.m. 8, 141, cael w.m. 13, e.m. 8 (once, caffu b.b. 53). Mn. W. caffael, caffel, cael. There is no *cavael ; the form cafael w.m. 60 = haffael e.m. 43. Nettlau's cauael does not exist; the word is gauael ( = gavael) e.m. 7, see below. ii. (1) gafâejaf 'I_ta ke hold ' is conjugated regularly in Ml. and Mn. W. with the v.n. g avael as stem. §188 VERBS 345 (2) The Ml. W. inflected forms are mostly those of the compound ym-afaelaf; e.g. 3rd sg. pres. ind. ymeveil w.m, 70, 71 ; 3rd sg. aor. ymavaelawS e.m. 50. (3) The verbal noun is gavael w.m. ii, e.m. 7, ymavael e.m. 142, ymavel ib. ; Mn. W gafael, gafel, ymafael, ymafel. (4) Other forms of the verb occur in Late Mn. W. : yrnaflaf 3rd sg. pres. ind. ymeifl, v.n. ymaflyd ; and ymaelaf, v.n. ymaelyd; and re- formations from the form gafel of the v.n. occur dialectally, as gafelaf 'etc. iii. dyrchafaf * I raise, lift up ' is conjugated regularly. It is also written drychafaf. The form derchafaf occurs in mss. which use e for y ; as m.a. ii 316. The v.n. is dyrchavael w.m. 39 or dyrchavel e.m. 271 ; in Late Mn. W. this is superseded by dyrchafu\ v. adj. dyrchafedig * exalted'. The 3rd sg. pres. ind. is Ml. W. djjrcfmf h.m. ii 274 or drychejf e.b.b. 144, Mn. ^'d^içhaif g. 138, there printed dj/rçhaif the usual form. There is also in Ml. W. dyrchevid b.b. 82 { raises '. The 2nd sg. impv. is. dyrchaf s.G. 23, L.G.C. 144, becoming dyrcha Ps. iv 6 by the loss of -/ § 110 iii (5). From this a 3rd sg. pres. ind. gj/rcha came into use in Late Mn. W., e.g. Ps. xxvii 6, Gr.O. 88; which some recent writers have improved to dyrch, with v.n. d yrchu ! U A list of the forms of the above three verbs occurring in e.m. and part of h.m. ii is given by Hax Nettlau in Cymmrodor ix 1 1 1 if., but is inaccurate in some details, e.g. i (8) above. iv. The facts in i show that the stem of caff af is caff- or cah-. The form cav- occurs in the aor. sg. only, and must have been deduced from the pi. at the stage between cawsant and *caffsant from the orig. caff-. In Bret, kaf- ( = kaff-) remains in forms ordinarily unvoiced, and kav- is extended to others ; but forms like kef (= W. ceiff), beside kav, survive to bear witness to the original stem kaf- in Bret. also. caffael and gavael seem to contain the doublet *qajp- : *ghabh- § 101 iii (2). The v.n. gavael has its exact equivalent in Ir. (ath-) gabäil from *gab-ag-U- formed with suff. -Ii- from a compound of *ghabh- and *ag- § 203 i (4). The vb. in Ir. is gabim, and the W. gafaelaf prob. replaces an old *gaf-af equivalent to the Ir. (Dialectal gafaf is no doubt new.) The W. stem caff- or cah- represents *qap-s-, § 96 iv (3); hence caffafivom. the fut. *qapsö, with the usual reconstruction which gives e.g. ad-feraf from *bherö. The pres. caffaf caf is always fut. in meaning ; and recent writers have used a fictitious 3rd sg. ca ' gets ' because caiff means ' will get '. (The pres. sense can only be expressed periphrastically : yr wyf yn cael 'I am getting'.) The v.n. caffael, cael is perhaps formed on the analogy of gafael. It may be objected that dyrchafaf ' I raise, lift up ' shows stem *cav-. But there is no reason whatever for the supposition that this 346 ACCIDENCE §189 verb has anything to do with the others. The prefix dyr- must represent *do-(p)ro~ § 156 i (13), which cannot give -ch- from k- or g-. The root seems to be *sqabh- ' fix, hang ' : Skr. skabhnati ' fixes, supports ', O.Bulg. skoba * fibula, clasp ', Lith. habit ' I hang '. *sqabh- gives -chaf- regularly, § 96 iii (4). The v.n. dyrchafael may be a similar formation to gavael, or, as is more likely, formed like gadael and gallael on its analogy, §203i(2). Irregular Verbs. The Verb 'To Be\ § 189. i. The following table shows the Ml. W. forms of the verb 'to be'. Nearly all are used in Mn. W., so that it is unnecessary to repeat them for that period. Forms that became obsolete in Mn. W. are marked f ; where the Mn. form or spelling differs it is given in ( ). Indicative Mood. Present Tense. sg. 1. wyf^wy] 2. wyt, ydwyt 3. yw, ydiw, yttiw (late ydyw), y mae t mae ) oes t ysiit 'there is', f ossit 'if there is ', -s in os ' if it is ' Relatival form : yssyh (y sydd), syb, yssy (y sy) f sy. Impersonal : ys, ydys, yttys. Conjunctive : y mae or mae (late mai), -f_panyw, (dial pi. 1. ym, ydym, yttym 2. ywch, ydywch (ycfy, ydych) 3. ynt, ydynt, yttynt y maent, maent f ysnydynt Consuetudinal Present and Future. 1. w>tW 1. byhwn 2. byhý\byttdi) 2. byhwcli 3. byÒ * 3. byhant Cons, bit (bid) f byhhawnt, f bint Fut. f bi, f byòàawt, f biawt J -J Impers. (byddys, byddir) §189 1. oeòwn, -\ yttoehwn 2. oehut (-lùî, -tt) 3. oeò, yttoeÒ (ydoéäd) VERBS Imperfect. pi. 1. 2. oehewch (oeddech) 3 . oehynt'f-\ yttoehynt Impers. oehit (oeddid) Consuetudinal Imperfect. Sg. 1. byhwn, etc. regular. Perfect. 1. buum, bum (bum) 2. buost *~ 3. bu V ■om 2. buawch (bûoch) 3. buant, buont Impers. buwyt (-wyd) Pluperfect. 347 Sg. 1. buasswn (buaswn, baswn), etc. regular; pi. 3. buyssynt ? beside buassynt, -essynt § 175 iv (1). Also sg. 3. f àuei, etc. sg. 1. bwyf, byhvyf 2. byck, byhych 3. bo, bybo, bytho Subjunctive Mood. Present Tense. rx J pi. ) / 1. 00m (bom) y byhom 2. bock, byhoch 3. bont (bo?it), byòont, bytkont, boent, f bwynt 1. fo#w (bawn), byhwn 2. Ì07í# (ba?M,-it),bybut (~ud,-it) 3. foî' (0««'), ^tó (-ai),pei (^e) Imperfect Tense. 1. beym (baem), byhem 2. (baecb, b vddech ) 3. %m£ (baent), Impers. byhit (-id), bythit (-id) 348 ACCIDENCE Imperative Mood. Present. eg. *• • 2. hj/b , 3. hit (bid), hoet (-d), poet (-d) (bydded) P 1 - 1. hybwfi 1. hylwcJi 3. by bent, bint Vekbal Noun. hot (bod) § 189 IT For a list of Ml. forms, with references, by Dr. J. G. Evans, see bb. 109 if. ii. Notes. — (1) Pres. ind. — Forms with ytt- (yt-) appear in poetry in Mn. W. but are comparatively rare. Trist fuW glêrHros dy fawr glwyf, Trist éto trosot ýtwyf. — G.GL, m 146/161. ( Sad have been the minstrels for thy sore sickness, sad still am I.' The 3rd sg. ydiw was so written up to the 1 6th cent. ; and rhymes with words in -iw, as friw/ŷdiw D.G. 35, cf. 119, 144, 193, etc, and G. 186, 193, 203, 206, 235, 247, also with yw ( = iw); see § 77 v. The Late Mn. ydyw is an etymological spelling, and is read ýdiw, except by a few affected persons. The N.W. dial, form is ỳdi (and, in answering questions only, ndi, a curious attempt to sound y with the tongue in the d position). S.W. dial., in questions and answers, odi. ydys is sounded ydifs; on ys see § 82 ii (1). In Mn. W. yd- and the rare yt- come only before monosyllabic forms, and always take the accent, fyssydynt w.M. 457 is formed from yssit § 162 vi (1). The Late Mn. spelling mai of the conj. form seems to come from mai e§219vi(i); elsewhere the pronunciation is mae = mail or ma' ; the form mai owes its adoption to the popular notion that a con- junction ' that ' must differ from a verb ' is '. The word means, not ' that ', but ' that it is ' ; as gwn mae Dafydd a'i gwnaeth ' I know that it is D. who made it \ (2) The consuetudinal pres. is in use in that sense in the spoken lang. (in N.W.), but the fut. is a commoner use. The form bit {bid) is mostly impv., see (5) ; but it is sometimes indie, even in Mn. W., owing doubtless to the survival of proverbs such as bid anwadal ehud * the fool is changeable ' ; thus ,«^- Bid gwaeth gwybodau a gair Beirdd gwedi bardd y gadair.-^-Gu.O., M 146/450 (m. D.E.) 1 The sciences and renown of bards are worse after the [death of] the bard of the chair/ Cf. bid sicr ' it is certain, to be sure, of course '. The forms fbi b.t. i2,~irby§haivt w.M. 456, etc. are fut. only. § 189 VERBS 349 (3) In the inipf. the consuet. ind. bySwn is distinguished from the subj. bewn (bavm) ; the latter is never ind., but the former is used in the subj., as pei bySut, etc. il.a. 67; also bythit w.m. 104, cf. (4). The form pei for *pei y, before a vowel pei yt, ' were it that ' is used in the sense of 'if with the impf. subj. or plup. With the 3rd pers. infixed pron. 's } it is bei ys w.m. 424, later pei ass w.m. 17. In Mn. W., the forms are pe, ped, pes ; also with b- : be G. 128, 238, etc. As the subj. stem seems to have been b- or p- the orig. form of sg. 1. 2. should be bum, *but like 3. bei; so in the pi. The phrase pei yt vwn, occurring as bei et-vwn w.m. 7 1 , was contracted early to pettwn ' if I were ', 2. pettut, 3. pettei ; pi. 1. pettem, etc. Thus bettut hynn decket ac Absalon il.a. 67 'if thou wert as fair as A.'; pettei do. 68 ; Mn. W. pettwn b.cw. 10 'if I were', petynt 'if they were'. But pei bySei il.a. 67-8, be bai H.D. p 99/494, etc., are also used. Traces occur of an old plup. with stem bu- : sg. 3. buei e.p. 1045, bwyat (read bu-ỳat) do. 1038, pi. 3. bOyn (read bu-yn) ib., buyint b.b. 96. (4) Besióe the pres. subj. proper bwyf, the form byS w yf with ind. stem is used ; also bytho T.A. c. i 342, bythont w.m. 47, with by8 + h-, a new subj. stem. — The impers. boer m.a. i 20 is doubtful ; the context suggests sg. 3. bo. But E.P. ps. xciv 13 uses boer. — 3rd pi. bwynt b.t. 5 ; boent a.l. i 106, L.Gr.C. 240. (5) As stated above (2), bit (bid) is usually impv. : Bit ỳ waet ef arnam ni s.G. 25, il.a. 83 'His blood be upon us'; na vit ofyn arnawch r.m. 147 'let there be no fear on you' i.e. fear not; bit w.m. 22, r.m. 14 'let there be '. The form bint il.a. 81 'let them be ' is formed from bid ; it is rare in Mn. W., L.G.C. 240. iii. (1) For the origin of wỳf, wyt, yw, ym, ych, ynt, see § 179 ix (3). yd- is the affirmative particle § 219 ii; yttynt < *yd hynt ; from this ytt- spread to other persons. (2) y mae, mae occurs at the beginning of a positive statement, or positive rel. clause ; it seems to have meant originally ' there is ' or rel. ' where is ', since mae at the beginning of a question means ' where is Ì ' Thus mae ymma Matholwch w.m. 39 ' there is here M.', y lie ymae Abel il.a. i 18 ' [in] the place where Abel is ', mae y mab ? w.m. 29 ' where is the boy?' The in- of mae is never mutated; this points to *mm (Corn, -mm-) < *sm. The y m- is prob. ym- (often so written in Ml. W.) representing the locative in -smi of the *e- demonstrative (nom. sg. *es § 159 iv (1)), as in Umbr. loc. esme 'in hoc ' < *esmi, Av. ahmi. Thus *esmi est, ' here is, there is ' pronounced *esmiiest > *ymoe8 § 75 iv (2), whence by loss of -8 and the change of oe to ae after a labial § 78 i (1) and ii (2) we have ymae. The rel. form similarly from *iosmi est. The interrogative form mae ' where is Ì ' appears to be a new development in W., with the y- dropped because it seemed to be affirmative ; it prob. comes from indirect questions in which mae is rel., as manac imi mae Arthur w.m. 123 ' tell me where Arthur is '. Corn, has pyma ? as if from *q%osmi est ? The pi. y maent ( s ymaynt) must be a new formation from y mae. — 350 ACCIDENCE § 189 The Bret, form is ema, ma, Corn, yrna, ymma, ma, pi. ymons ; the last form confirms the assumption of oe by preserving the o. (3) oes occurs after nyt {nid), nat (nad), the interr. part, a, and od * if, in each case when the subject is indefinite, nyt oes represents *nitaisii < *ri ita esti ' there is not '. The positive *esti ita * there is ' > *estlta > yssit. Similarly ossit 'if there is* < *ä 'stîta § 222 v (1). In Ml. W. yssit is only a survival, having been generally replaced by y mae. As nid oes means literally ' there is not ', it is natural that its subject should be indefinite. But early examples of a definite subject occur: cinnit hoys ir loc guac hinnuith in pag. reg. cp. ' though there is not that empty place in the regular page ' ; nat oes hi w.m. 470 'that there is not [such a one as] she'; in e.m. 113 this becomes nat ydiw y vorwyn ' that the maid is not \ (4) yssyS, syS, etc. < *estiio < *esti to § 162 vi (1). ys < *esti § 179 ix (ỳ—panyw ' that it is' § 222 x (2). (5) oeS see § 75 iv (2), § 180 ii (3), yttoeS § 180 ii (3), q.v. iv. (1) From Vbheua- 'be' there was an iterative derivative *bh(u)iiö which gives Ir. bîuu ' I am wont to be ', Lat. flo. The three persons of the sg. *bhuiìö, *bhuíiëis, *bhuíiëit would all give W. byS, which was afterwards inflected bySaf bySy, byh by analogy. In Kelt., Ital., Germ., there are also athematic forms of this verb ; thus there were sg. 2. *bhul-si > Lat. /as, 3. *bhui-ti > Lat. fit, W. bid. [Lat. flo takes its long I from these.] The Early Ml. W. fut. bi is a future of this form, representing *bhuî-sëit (or *bhui-eit1). The forms byShawt, biawt are of course formed by adding -(h)awt to by8, bi. (2) The opt. of *bh{u)iiö, sg. 1. *bh(u)iioi-m might give bySwn, but prob. the whole tense is a later formation from byS. (3) The perf. bu-um, etc. is obviously formed from the 3rd sg. by the addition of the perf. endings -urn, etc. § 182 iv (1). The 3rd sg. bu, Ir. böi, bäi represent Kelt. *(be-)bäue < Ar. *bhe-bhöue : Av. bavava ; § 76 iii (5). (4) The pres. subj. bwy(f) represents the -se- fut. of Vbheua- ; thus *bh(u)ä-sö > bwy etc. § 183 ii. The impf. subj. sg. 3. bei < *biiit < *baiit < *bh{u)d-siet. From bei was deduced burn as in bei et-vwn ii (3) ; but later bewn, as if bei were *be-ei ; in Mn. W. when bei had become bai, the 1st sg. became bawn; and in the late period bai itself came on the analogy of this to be treated as bâi and sometimes written bae, see § 185 i (3). The initial p- is for *b-h- with -h- from pi. forms; see § 183 ii (3). (5) The impv. sg. 2. byS is from *bh(u)tie the crude stem of *bh(u)nö. The 3rd sg. bid is from *bh(u)îtô the 3rd sg. opt. mid. of stem *bhuä-; see § 184 ii (1) and § 180 iv (2). The 3rd sg. boed or jpoed is a re-formation from the subj. stem. The pi. forms are obvious re-formations. (6) The v.n. bod implies Brit. *butä, which (as there is both in Ir. also) may be a Kelt, formation beside *bhu-t-is which gives Ir. buith : Gk. vo-i hand-id^ cf. § 110 iii (3); handyvyt m.a. i 358 makes the line too long. — ny handei w.m. 183, e.m. 85 §191 VERBS 353 makes no sense; a better reading seems to be ny hanBenei p 16/43 (w.m. p. 92) ' he could not rest' (hanSen, by dissim. > Mn. W. harnSen 1 leisure \ hamSenol ' leisurely, slowly ■ ; han- ' without ' + den, V dhen- : Skr. dadhan-ti l causes to run '). iii. The verb cyfarfyddaf a ' I meet ' is conjugated like the above verbs (v.n. kyvarvot w,m. 58, 125, perf. sg. 3. kyvarvu do. 170, plup. sg. 3. cyfarvuassei ib.), except that the old forms were obsolete in Late Ml. W. But D.B. has tyveryw a mi r.p. 1385 'has met me, happened to me ' ; and ry-gyveryw a occurs in w.m. 42, changed to ry-gynneryw a in r.m. 29, as if it were a compound of deryw, the form cyveryw being apparently unknown, and the u ( = v) mistaken for n. iv. In the dialects darfyddaf and cyfarfyddaf, the most commonly used of these verbs, are mostly conjugated as if they were regular verbs ; and such barbarisms as darfyddodd, cyfarfyddais, canfyddais occur in recent writings. The impf. hanoedd seems to have survived the other obsolete forms ; this was mistaken for an aor. hanodd, from which was inferred an imaginary v.n. hanu, common in recent bio- graphies. § 191. i. (1) The verbs gwnn {gwn) { I know ', v.n. )od), and adwaen ' I am acquainted with ', v.n. adnabot (adnalod), are conjugated as follows in Ml. (and Mn.) W. Indicative Mood. Present Tense. sg. 1 gwnn (gwn) ü ~ f • ' 2. gwbçgí (gwyddj)§£i^ 3. gwyr (gwy?) Impers. gwys {gwŷs, gwyhys) pi. 1. gwbam, -om, (gwyddom) 2. gwhawch, -och (gwyddqclt) 3. gwhant (gwyddant) 1. adwaen, adwen % atwen (ad- waen y adwen ) 2. atwaenost (adwaenost>aäweinì) 3. adwaen , adwen, atwen (ad- ^en^edwyu) 1. adwaenam, adwaenwii (ad- waenom, adwaenwn) 2. adwaenawck, atweynwch (ad- waenooh, adwaenwcfi ) 3. atwaenant (adwaenani) Impers. (adwaeiiir, adweinir) a a 354 sg. i. gwybyhaf (gwybyMú£) 2. gwybyhy {gw^idi) 3. gwybyh (gwybydÂ) ACCIDENCE Future Tense. § 191 pi. 1. gwybyhwn (gwybyddwn) 2. gwybyhwch (gwybyddwcJỳ 3. gwybyhant (gwybyddant) 1 . adnabyhaf (adnabyddaf) 2. adnabyhy {adnahyddi) 3. act Impers. gwybybir (gwybyddir) 1. adnabyhwn (adnabyddiorì^ abyddwck) 1. gwyòwn, gwyhỳwn (gwmdwn)_ 2. gwyòut, gwyhỳut g'ivyddiQ 3. gwydŷat, gwyhat, gwv c mi/ddiad. gwyddai) Impers. adnabyhir (adnabyddir) Imperfect Tense. 1. gwyòem, gwyhỳem (gjo^ddem) 2. gwyhewch (gwy ddecÂ) 3. gwyhynt ( gwyddynt, -en f)_ Impers. gwybit (gwyddid) %dwaenynt, -ent) 1. atwaenwn (adwaenwn) 2. atwaenut (adwaenud, 4t) 3. atwaenat {adwáeniad^ ad- waenai} Impers. etweinit Perfect Tense. S g. 1. gyyUunic^hm) K j^ ^ adnaouum (aanabumỳ) Impers. gwybuwyt, adnabuwyt {ÿwybùwyd, adnabüwyd) Pluperfect Tense. %VL*srS- Sg. I. uasswn {gwybuasvm) Ì ' idnabuaswn) J ' A/ °'' vt ' Subjunctive Mood. Present Tense. etc. adnapwyf (adná^im/f,adnabŷddwjjf) sg. 3. gwypwy, gwypo, adnapo (gẁj/pOj gwyò^ddo } adna£0, adnabŷddó) §191 VERBS 355 Imperfect Tense. sg. I . gwypwn, gwybybwn (gẃypwn^ gwybŷddwn) adnapwn, adnabyhwn [adnapwn, adnabỳddwrì) •etc. sg. Impekative Mood. Present Tense. pi. 1. gwybybwn {gwybydd 2. gwybybwch (gwybyddivck) 3. gwypent, gwybyddent (gi pent, gwybyddent, -ant) 3. gwypet, gwybybet {gwyped, gwybydded) Impers. gwyperjjwybyber {gwyper, gwybydder) %. ednebyb, adnebyb (adnebydd) 3. (adnabydd^) 1. adnabybwn (adnabyddwn) %. adnebybwch (adnabi/ddwcJi) 3. (adn abybent. -ant) (3) The verb cydnabyddaf ' I recognize ', v.n. cydnabod, has pres. ind. c jdnabŷddaf, impf. ind. c gdnabyd dwn, and the rest of the verb like adwaen. ii. (1) In the pres. indie, the endings of the 2nd sg. and the pi. are seen to be those of the perf. and aor. In the dialects the 3rd pi. has -on beside -an. But adwaen has also the pres. endings ; thus beside adwaenam il.a. 164 c we know' we find adwaenwn w.m. 25 'we know'; so atweynwch cm. i 2 ; Mn. W. adweini Es. lv 5 ' thou knowest '. (2) Both the 1st and 3rd sg. pres. ind. were adwaen or adwen; the Mn. W. 3rd sg. edwyn is a new formation from adwen (on the analogy of etyb ' answers ' § 173 iv (1)). Examples : 1st sg. adwaen b.b. 102, atwaen s.G. 72, atwen w.m. 390; 3rd sg. attwen h.m. ii 235, Atwen niab ae Mocha, ac nyt atwen ae kar b.b. 964 ' a child knows who fondles him, but does not know who loves him ' ; yawb adwaen 2 )Wi J I.G. G. 79 ' everybody knows who'. Yr ydwyf, hyd yr adwen, Yn dwyn haint ni'm gad yn hen. — D.G. 443. * I am, as far as I know, suffering from a disease that will not spare me to old age.' AW un sud, er has edwyn, Y mesur Duw amser dŷn. — B.Br., f. 15. 1 And in the same manner, though he knows it not, does God measure man's life.' A a 2 356 ACCIDENCE § 191 (3) The 3rd sg. impf. ind. has the ending -ỳat, -at, Mn. W. -iad. he ending -ei is rare in Ml. W. : gwySỳei b.a. 6, b.p. 1264. The -ỳ- ( = i) in gwySỳwn etc. doubtless spread from -ŷat ; it did not come into general use. In Mn. W. -iad survived in poetry, but gwyddai, adwaenai became the usual forms. See gwySŷat w.m. 183, e.m. 85, s.G. 11, atwaenat s.G. 72, w.m. 150. Yr oedd i rax a wyddiad Obaith dyn fab i'th dad. — T.A., A 14694/117. ' There was, to those who knew, hope of a man in a son of thy father.' See adwaeniad D.G. 430, T.A. a. 234. (4) On the -t- for -d- before w, see § 111 v (2). — (5) Note the accentuation of gwybum, adnabum, in which the last syllable has a late contraction, § 41 iii. TJncontracted gwybu-um occurs as late as the 15th cent. ; see § 33 iv. The 3rd sg. gihybu, adnabu has no contraction, and is accented regularly. O'r tad Hywel ap Cadell, Nid adnabúm dad neb well. — T.A., c 84/849. ' [Sprung] from his father, H. ap C, — I have not known a better father to anyone.' Cf. adnabum, so accented, b.cw. 105 ; so canfum do. 16, 91. Ml. W. gwybuum w.m. 389, adnabuum ib. iii. (1) gwnn probably comes from *uindo § 66 iii (1), or middle *uindoi : Skr. vinda-ti 'finds', Ir. ro-Jinnadar 'is wont to know', Vueid- with -n- infix. The 3rd sg. gwyr seems to be a deponent form made by adding the impers. *-re directly to the root § 179 viii (2) ; thus *ueid-re > *ueig-re (§ 104 iv (3)) > gŵyr. — The 2nd sg. gwhost represents a periphrastic form *uidós'sì, verbal adj. + verb ' to be ', the remnant of a tense like euthum, re-formed in the pi. with aor. endings § 182 iv (1). In Mn. W., and occasionally in Late Ml. W. gwS- becomes gtvyS- on the analogy of the other tenses. The impers. gioŷs prob. represents a passive *uid-tos ('st). The tense replaces the old perf. with pres. meaning, *uoida : Gk. o?8a. (2) The impf. 3rd sg. gwySiad may be for *gw$iad § 180 iv (1). The 2nd sg. gwySut may represent a thematic *ueidoithës, in which case its wy is original ; and the 3rd sg. may have taken wy from this. The wy is the falling diphthong : Fob meistrolrwjdd a wy&dud D.G. 460. (3) The rest of the verb comes from periphrastic tenses formed of a present participle of some such form as *ueidans and the verb ' to be '. iv. (1) adwaen corresponds to Ir. ad-gën, which comes from *ati-gegna, re-formed in Kelt, for *gegnou : Skr. jajridu, Lat. nov-i, Vgene- ; but W. adwaen, which is for *adwoen § 78 ii (1) (2), contains -uo- as pointed out by Rhys, RC. vi 22; it seems also to have the vowel of the reduplicator elided ; thus adwaen < *ati-uo-kn-a < *ati-uo-g'gn-a. It may however represent *ad-wo-ein < *ati-uo-gegn-a. The 3rd sg. had *-e for *-a and gives the same result in W. The rest § 192 VERBS 357 of the tense is formed from adwaen- as a stem on the analogy of gwSost etc., or with pres. endings. (2) The impf. ind. is a new formation from the same stem, except the 3rd sg., which may be old. The form atwaenat may however be for atweinat s.g. 36 which would represent regularly * ati-uo-gn-ia-to < * -gn-id-to 3rd sg. opt. mid. (3) The rest of the verb comes from periphrastic tenses formed with the prefix *ati- only, and a verbal adj. *gnauos < *gn9-uo-s (: cf. Lat. gnavus < *gn~uo-s), with the verb ' to be '. This implies that -nab- is for -nawb- (cf. clybot § 194 v (4)); the -aw- is attested in O.W. amgnaubot ox., which must be the same formation with a different prefix. (This -au- cannot be from -ä-, which would give -0- in the penult.) § 192. i. (1) pieu (Mn. W. JMz!™0 ' whose is ? ' contains the dative of the interrogative stem *qH- and -eu ' is ', a weak form of *«;y, which elsewhere became yw * is ' § 179 ix (3). The forms of the verb that occur in Ml. "W. are as follows ; most of them are re-formations from pieu, the -eu- generally unrounded to -ei~ before v or ff : Pres. ind. : sg. 2. piwyt see ii (1) below ; — 3. pieu\ — pi. 3. piewynt (for *pieu-ynt) w.m. 83. Impf. ind. : sg. 2. pieuoetud (t = 8) see ii (3) below ; — 3rd sg. pioeS w.m. 117, pieuoeS e.m. 196, piewoeS w.m. 121, pieweS do. 129, pioweh do. 178, pieoeS do. 135 ; — 3rd pi. pioeSynt s.g. 426. Fut. : sg. 3. pyeuvyS (ŷ = i) a.l. i 179 ms.b., pieivyS ib. ms.d., h.m. ii 81 ; — pi. 1 pieifyhwn cm. 42. Perf. : 3rd sg. pieivu w.m. 394, e.m. 252, plevu w.m. 394. Pres. subj. : 3rd sg. pỳeỳfo (ŷ = i, f=ff) a.l. i 196. Impf. subj. : 3rd sg. pieiffei s.g. 299, pieivy^ei do, 324. (2) In Mn. W., only the 3rd sg. is used. The forms are — Indie, pres. píau; — imperf. pioedd L.G.C. 168, I.ILaf. c.c. 352, accented p'ioedd by T.A., c 84/849 ; — fut. p'ieuvydd L.G.C. 291 ; — the other tenses rarely occur. In the dialects the pres. p'iau only is used, and other tenses are formed periphrastically by using tenses of the verb 'to be' with relatival piau ; thus oedd pia(u) ' was who owns ' for pioedd ' who owned '. ii. (1) The verb 'to be 1 in pieu generally means 'is' in the sense of * belongs ' ; but sometimes it has a complement, in which case the literal meaning of the compound is seen clearly ; thus — 358 ACCIDENCE §192 Hi a ovynnawS iBaw pioeS mab s.G. 12 ' she asked him to whom he was son ' (whose son he was). Pivjyt gwr di do. 222 'to whom art man thou ) ' (whose man art thou Î). (2) The interrogative meaning of the compound survived in Ml. W. and Early Mn. verse ; but the usual meaning is relative. Interrog. pieu in a question is often followed by rel. pieu in the answer ; and this may represent the transition stage, as in the case of pan ' whence ? ' § 163 i (6). Pieu yniver y llongeu hynn ? . . . ArglwyB, heb wynt, mae ymma Matholwch . . . ac ef bieu y llongeu w.m. 39 ' To whom belongs this fleet of ships Ì Lord, said they, M. is here, and [it is] he to whom the ships belong '. Piau rhent Gruff udd ajp Rhys Ì Hywel píau 'n nhâl Pówys. — T.A., j 17/217. * To whom belongs the rent of G. ap K. Ì [It is] Howel to whom it belongs on the border of Powys.' When the relative became the prevalent construction, pwy c who ? ' was used before the verb to ask a question, thus pwy b'iau 1 who [is it] to whom belongs ? ' This occurs in Ml. W. ; as Pwy biewynt wy w.m. 83 ' who [is it] to whom they belong ? ' Cf. § 163 v. Pwy biau gwaed jnbau gwin ? — T.A., A 14998/29. ' Who has the blood of pipes of wine ? ' (3) Relatival pieu sometimes introduces a dependent relative clause, as Dodi olew ar y gwrda bieu y gaer r.m. i 74 s adminis- tering extreme unction to the goodman who owns the castle '. But it is chiefly used to form the subject-clause after an emphatic predicative noun, § 162 vii (2), as in ef bieu y llongeu (2) above ' [it is] he who owns the ships' ; Meurye bevyr bieuoetud m.a. i 12$ ( [it was] bright Meurye to whom thou [sword] didst belong - ' ; a minneu bieu y bwy iarllaeth r.m. 239 ' and [it is] I to whom the two earldoms belong '. (4) As pi- is itself relative it is not preceded by the relative a, ZfCP. iv 118; see examples above. Cf. also mi bieivu r.m. 252, mi b'iau . . . a thithau b'iau I.Gr. 318, Dafydd bieuvydd L.G-.C. 291, etc. The initial of pi- is generally softened, as in most of the above examples, but it frequently remains un- changed, as E koc a'r dỳsteỳn pỳeu a.l. i 20 ' [it is] the cook and § 193 . VERBS 359 the steward to whom belong . . . ' ; e gur ( = y gŵr) pyeu do. 82 ; Hywelpiau (2) above; Mipiau cyngor . . . mipiau nerth Diar. viii 14 (1620). In the spoken lang. both p- and b- are heard; the former prevails in N.W. (5) As pirn seemed to be a verb meaning c owns ' though without a subjective rel., it is sometimes found so used with an accusative rel., as castéll Kaer VyrSin yr hwn a bie(u) y brenhin k.b.b. 297 'the castle of Carmarthen which the king owns' ; y castell fry a jpieu Bélial b.cw. 10 ; more rarely with subjective rel., ni ae pieifySwn cm. 42. Still rarer are re-formations like ti biy cm. 14. iii. pi- cannot come from *q%ü(i) < *q%öi the dat. of *q%o~, since q% became k in Kelt, before u ; it is probable therefore that pi- comes from *q%î < *qHl < *q%iiei : Oscan piei dative of the stem-form *qH- §163vi. Af, Gwnaf, Deuaf. § 193. i. af £ I go ' and gwnaf M make, do ' are conjugated alike in Mn. W . except in the impv. ; deuaf * I come ' is analo- gous, but has different and varying vowels in its stems. In the earlier periods each of the verbs has forms peculiar to itself. In the following tables Mn. W. forms are given in brackets, marked as in § 185. ii. af'Igo'. Indicative Mood. Present. 1. awn (àwn) 2. ewch (ewe ft) 3. ant (änt) Impers. eir (éir± áir) Imperfect. 1. aem (äem) 2. (aech) 3. eynt (dent) Impers. eit (éid, aid) 1. af(cjl 2. ey (£i f ai) 3. a, e-yt (a) 1. awn ( dwn\ %. aut (äut) 3. aei, aey, ai (aj^_ae) ùr~ ù^% 360 ACCIDENCE § 191 Perfect. sg. i. euthum (éuthum) /~ ! 2. aethost (áethost) 3. aeth (aeth) pi. 1. aetham (dethom, -am) 2. aethawch (dethoch) 3. aethant, -ont (dethant, -ont) Impers . aethjpwyt (dethpwyd) Second Perfect. 1. athwyf, ahwyf, ethwyf^ ehwyf (éthwyf) 2. athwyt t ahwyt (éddwyd) 3. ethyw, ehyw (éthyw ) éddy to) 1. ethỳm 2. 3. ethynty ehynt 1. athoehwn (dethwn) 2. (dethua\-if) 3. athoeb, aboeb (dethai) Phipe rfect. QJLU> 1. (dethem) 2. (d^thech) 3. athoehynt (dethynt> -ent) Subjunctive Mood. Present. 1. el{h)wyf (äwyf) 2. el(h)ych (élych) 3. el (el, élo) aho 1. el(h)om (elom) 2. el(h)och (éloçE) 3. el(h)ont y el(h)wynt (elonf) ahont Impers. el(h)er (eler) Imperfect. 1. el(h)wn (élwn) 2. el(h)ut (éludj -U) 3. el(h)ei (elaty 1. (^m) 2. (élech) 3. el(h)ynt (e^nt^ent) Impers. (Slid) Imperative Mood. Present. 2. dos (Ss) 3. aet, elhid (aed^ éled) 1. Ú!ftW (««££) 2. tfft^ (^££^) 3. «0#tf («£#£, ä»#) jlIUv t § 193 VERBS 361 Vekbal Noun. mmteijmjnedj m?/nd) c to go ' iii. gwnaf f I make, do '. Indicative Mood. Present. sg. i. gwnaf (gwnaf), etc. like af (af)j exc. strong 3rd sg. gwneyh. Imperfect. sg. 1. gwnawn (gwnáwn), etc. like #wŵ (áwn) ; pi. 2. gumaemk (gwnaech). Perfect. A. sg. 1. gwneuthum (gyvneutAum), etc. like euthum (euthwm). B. sg. 1. gorugum 2. gorugost 3. goruc, goreu pi. 1. gorugam 1, gorugawch 3. gorugant Impers. gorucpwyt Second Perfect, sg. 1. (gwnéddwyf), 2. (gwneddwyt), 3. gwneòyw (gwnéddyw) Pluperfect. pi. 1. gwnatkoehwn (gwnáet hwn) 2. gwnathoehut (gwnáethud, -it) 3. gwnaetÂoeò,gwnat/weò,gwnaò- oeò (gwnáe thai) 1. 1. (gwnáethech) 3. gwnathoehynt (gwnátthynt, -ent) Impers. gwnathoehit (gwná ethid ) Subjunctive Mood. Present. sg. 1. fiwnel(h)wyf (g wnélwyf ) etc. like el(h)wyf ( élwyf) through- out ; also sg. 3. gunech, gwnech. / Imperfect, sg. 1. gwnel(Ji)wn (g wnélwn) , etc. like el(h)wn ( élwn) . 362 ACCIDENCE § 193 Impeeative Mood. Present. 2. gwna (gwna) 3. gwnaet (gwnded\ pi. 1. gwnawn (gw nâwn) 2. gwnewcli (gwnewck^ 3. gwnaent (gwnäent, -dnt) er (gwneler^ Impers. Veebal Noun. gwneitliur, gwneuthur Veebal Adjectives. gwneithîirỳeäic (gwneuthiredig, gwneuthurách iv. deuaf 'I come' Indicative Mood. . H^ .* j Present or First Future. ?irst Ft I. deuaf) doaf {deuaf) dof) pi. 1. deuwn, down (deuwn, down) 2. deuwch, dowcli (deu wck, dówch) 3. deuant, doant (déuant^ dont), 2. deny, dewy, doy (déui } dot) 3. daw ( daw § 52 iii (1) ), dybaw } do, dyòo Impers. dyheuhawr (cléuìr, dóir) Second Future. -• \aj\ 3. dyvyh, dybyh, dybyhhawt, dyvi, dybi, deubyh, deubi, deupi ; pi. 3. dybybant. Imperfect. Bg. pi. i. deuwn, down (déuwn y dówiì^ 1. (deuem , doem ) 1. deuut, dout (déuut y dout, -i£) 2. (deuec/i y doee/i) 3. deuei, doei, doey, doi (deuai, 3. deuynt, doynt (deuyntj doent, doi Impers. deuit (deuid, dóid) Perfect. 9^ § 193 VERBS A. V* sg. i. deut/ium, doethum (dent/mm) 2. deuthost, doethost (déuthost) 3. deuth, doeth (daetk, doeth) 363 m Ŵ^o ib« *• 2 3« — O.W. gurthdo gl. obstitit. (4) The second future of deuaf is a survival, chiefly used in poetry: sg. 1. dybySaf b.t. 19; sg. 3. diwit ( = dyvy8) b.b. 51, dybit ( = dybyS) do. 55, dyfyS b.t. 10, dybyS e.p. 1190, dyhybyh b.t. 42, dybyhhawt e.p. 1437, dyvi b.t. 72, dybi b.b. 60, dypi w.m. 478, deubyS b.t. 17, deubi b.t. 3, deupi b.b. 61 ; pi. 3. dybySant b.t. 26. vi. Perf. and Plup. — {1) In late Mn. "W. euthum, gwneuthum, deuthum, are often misspelt aethum, gwnaethum, daethum. In the dialects the 1st ami 2nd sg. perf. are mostly replaced by new aorists ës, gwnes, dóis on the analogy of ces and rhois, also eis and gwneis (" balbutientium puerorum mera sunt barbaries" D. 117). (2) In Ml. W. the perf. stem of deuaf is deuth- or doeth- ; and the 3rd sg. is deuth or doeth. Ml. W. daeth is doubtful ; y \ daeth b.b. 3 is prob. yd aeth, cf. 97 marg. In the Early Mn. bards the form attested by the rhyme is doeth D.G. 259 (misprinted daeth), 287, as there is no rhyme to dauth the regular Mn. equivalent of Ml. deuth. Late Mn. W. daeth may be dauth h.g. 21 misspelt, as daethant is a mis- spelling of deuthant. The N.W. dial, form is doth, 3rd pi. deuthon' or doethon\ In S.W. dath is also heard. — Impers. § 175 iv (7). Dan i ddant erioed ni ddoeth At i enau air annoeth. — D.N., m 136/123. 1 Under his tooth there never came on his lips an unwise word.' (3) The second perf. of af and deuaf is of frequent occurrence in Ml. "W. poetry, as athwyf ethyw H.O.G. m.a. i 275, athwyd, ethynt P.M. do. 289, aSwyf C. do. 216, etiw (t = 8) do. do. 220; dothuif b.b. 79, dotyw (t = S) M. w. la, dotynt (sdoSynt) do. do. 3«, ethint b.b. 33. It is also met with fairly often in Ml. prose : eSyw w.m. 456, § 193 VERBS 365 ethyw r.m. 104, dothwyf w.M. 459, doSwyf do. 20, doSyw do. 457, do8ywch } doSym do. 475, ethynt e.b.b. 205, but tends in later mss. to be replaced by the first perf.; thus dothwyf w.M.. 459 appears as deuthum in r.m. 105 ; doSyw w.M. 473 as doeth in r.m. 105. D.G. and his contemporaries continued its use in poetry; afterwards it became obsolete : deddyw D.G. 4, ethyw (misspelt eithiw, euthyw) I.G. 312; Lliw dydd a ddaw a lie doddyw ; a Misprinted y daw. Llewych haul ar y lluwch yw. — D.G. 321. ' Daylight comes where she has come ; she is sunshine on the snow- drift.' It was at this period, when the form was already an artificial survival, that it first appears for gwnaf : gwneddwyf D.G. 115, gwneddwyd do. 102, gwneddyw do. 429, gwneSyw l.C. R.p. 1286. These imitations were shortlived. (4) Both the first perf. in -th-um and the second perf. in -wyf are probably original for af only. The older perfects of the other verbs are: gwnaf: sg. 1. gorugum w.M. 226-9; sg. 2. gorugost r.m. 192 ; pi. 1. gorugam, 3. gorugant w.M. 227, 226 ; sg. 3. goruc of extremely frequent occurrence, goreu surviving in poetry, b.b. 43, M. w. 2a, E.8. m.a. i 349a, guoreu b.a. 35, 38; impers. gorucpwyt w.M. 452 (= gwnaethpwyt r.m. 100), w.M. 454, r.m. ioi. deuaf: sg. 2. dyvuost w.M. 458 (= doethost r.m. 104); sg. 3. dyvu w.M. 457 (= doeth r.m. 104), dybu M. w. 16, 2a; pi. 3. dybuant b.t. 6, r.p. 1405, G.B. do. 1 192. (5) In Ml. W. the plup. of all three verbs was formed by means of -oeSwn; as doethoeS tl.a. 17 ' had come', athoeS w.M. 13, aSoeS do. 15 1 had gone ', gwnaethoeS do. 30, gvnathoeS do. 440, gwnathoeSwn s.g. 198, gwnathoeSut do. 274 ; dothoeS r.m. 200, dathoeS do. 197. These forms are rare in Mn. W. : rhy-wnaethoeS D.G. 509. The Mn. plup. is a new formation made, as in regular verbs, by adding impf. endings to the perf. stem : gwnaethwnlZzec.xxxi 9, daethwnM.att.xxv 27, aethai Luc viii 2, etc. D. also gives elswn etc. ; this formation is used for gwnaf in the Bible : gwnelswn 1 Chron. xxiii 5, gwnelsei 2 Chron. xxi 6. vii. Subjunct. — (1) The subjunct. stems are el-, gwnel- and del-; as elwyf w.M. 457, delwyf r.m. 131, elych, delych do. 237, gwnelych w.m. 456, delhich b.b. 84, gwneloch w.M. 475, elont r.m. 34, elwynt b.a. 2 ; elhut b.b. 56, delhei do. 96 ; elher do. 33. The peculiarity of the pres. subj. with these stems is that the 3rd sg. lacks the usual ending -o (or -wy) ; thus a phan el ef . . . yny el efwM. 22 ' and when he goes . . . until he goes ', vol nat el neb do. 49 ' so that no one may go ', Y kyn a el, hwnnw a orSir r.b. 1063 ' the chisel that will go, that [is the one] that is hammered', Guledic . . . a'n gunel in rit (i = y, t = $) b.b. 40 ' may the Lord make us free ', y dit y del paup do. 41 'the day when each will come'. So in Mn. Ẅ. ; thus, expressing a wish : Del i'th fryd dalu i'th frawd D.G. 34 'may it come to thy mind to repay thy brother', cf. 341 ; 366 ACCIDENCE § 193 / henaint yr êl honno L.G.C. 10 ' may she go [live] to old age ', cf. 476; Dêl amorth yn dâí imi Gr.O. 59 'may misfortune come as retribution to me ' ; in a dependent clause : Pan ddêl y Pasg cir glasgoed, Bun a ddaw beunydd i oed. — D.G. 199. ' When Easter comes, and the green trees, [my] lady will come daily to the tryst.' Sometimes in Late W. the ending is added ; as gwnelo § 162 i, doed a ddelo beside doed a ddêl 'come what may come\ (2) Other forms of the subjunctive occur as follows in Ml. W. : af: pres. sg. 3. aho e.m. 140; pi. 3. ahont b.t. 17. gwnaf : pres. sg. 3. gunaho b.b. 70, gwnaho b.t. 10, 11. 13, 27, gunech, gwnech § 183 iii (1); pi. 3. gvvnahont b.b. 61, gwnahon b.t. 34. deuaf: pres. sg. 1. dybwyf e.p. 1183; sg. 3. dybo ib., dyvo do. 584, dyffo b.t. 10, dyppo b.b. 90, dewpo B.a. 6, dySeuho, deSeuho b.t. 29 ; pi. 3. dyffont m.a. i 136, diffont b.b. 59, 60, deuhont b.t. 3; imperfect sg. 3. dyfei b.t. 3, dyffei do. 13, B.A. 2, dybei b.t. 6. viii. Impv. — (1) dos 'go!' e.g. dos ÿr llys w.m. 14 £ go to the court \ This is the usual meaning ; but the original meaning was doubtless, like that of the Corn, and Bret, forms, 'come\ This is preserved in some parts of Powys to this day ; and is sometimes met with in Ml. W. ; e.g. dos yma e.m. 176, s.G. 221 'come here '. (2) Ml. W. dyret w.m. 21, e.m. 173, il.a. 99, etc.; dabre b.b. 102, w.m. 17, e.b.b. 125, etc. — Mn. W. dyfydd D.G. 41, dyred do. 107, dabre (misprinted debre) D.G. 31, 134, 515, tyred, dyre I.G. 215, Gwna ddydd a dyrd, Gwenddydd dec W.IL. 83 ' make an appoint- ment and come, fair Gwenddydd ', Tyrd i'r bwlch, taro di'r bêl I.T. IL 133/213 'come to the breach, strike thou the ball', § 44 vi, Dere âW cafodydd hyfryd Wms. 273 'come with [i.e. bring] the gladsome showers '. (3) Sg. 3. : aet w.m. 13, 35, elhid b.b. ioi, gwnaet e.m. 261, gvnaed w.m. 406, deuet w.m. 186, deuhet e.m. 88, doet w.m. 122. (4) PI. 2. : dowch w.b. vi e., w.m. 407, 447, e.m. 261, 292, dewch il.a. 126. ix. Verbal noun. — (1) On myned, mynd, see § 44 vi. (2) The Ml. and Mn. v.n. of gwnaf is gwneuthur. D. 121 also gives gwneuthud, but this is rarely met with. It is printed in D.G. 107, but is not attested by the cynghanedd. In the dialects a new form gwneud arose ; this is in common use in the late period ; the earliest example I have noted is in eh.b.s. i. (In D.G. 409 gwneud makes a short line, and should be gwneuthur ; for it wr wneyd marnad arall c. i 200 read vwrw'n y dwr farwnad arall p 77/158 ; so wherever gwneud is attributed to an old author.) V.a. gwneithurỳedic G.c. 114. (3) The only v.n. of deuaf is dyfod ; but the / became w § 26 v, and wo interchanges with wa § 34 iv, hence dyivot jl.a. 80, dywod T.A. A 14976/101, dywad D.G. 306, spelt dowad c.c. 369 (see § 33 § 193 VERBS 367 iii), beside the original dyfod. The form dywad became dwad in the dialects, and this is the spoken form both in N. and S.W. But in part of Dyfed a form dod developed (apparently from *dowod < dywod) ; this was used by Wms., and has since been in common use, chiefly in verse in free metres. The noun dovot w.m. 33 ' a find' is a different word, being for do-ovot a.l. i. 94 (also dohovet [read -ot] ib.) < *dy-wo-vot. (4) All the forms given in dictionaries, containing the tense stems of these verbs, such as äu, athu, elu, eddu ' to go ', dawed, dawad, delyd, doddi ' to come ', gwnelyd ' to do ', are spurious. Silvan Evans misquotes D.G. 306 dywad as an example of dawad, s.v. ; but admits that the others do " not occur in the infinitive " ! see s.v. delyd. x. Origin of the forms. (1) of < *a%af: Ir. agaim 'I drive' Vag- : Lat. ago, Gk. ayo>, Skr. djati ' drives '. The verb had middle flexion in Brit., cf. ë-yt ' goes ' < *ag-e-tai ( c drives himself, goes ') § 179 iii (1). Hence the perf. euthum < *aktos esmi § 182 iv (1), and the plup. athoeS ib. (2). For the voicing of th to 8 in eSyw, aSoeS see § 108 iv (2). Stokes's reference of eSwyd ' ivisti ' to Vjped- Fick 4 ii 28 (still quoted, e.g. by Walde 2 s.v. pes) is made in ignorance of the facts. — On dos see (7); on mynet § 100 iv. (2) The subj. stem el- comes from the synonymous root *elä- : Ok. è\áo) ' I drive ' ; in the pres. ind. the stem was *ŵ, prob. for *el-?i-, Thurneysen Or. 314, as in Ir. ad-ella ' transit ', di-ella £ deviat ' ; in W. *ell-af was driven out by af but the subj. elwyf remained. W. delwyf is probably, like gwnelwyf an analogical formation. The reason why the 3rd sg. has no -0 may be that these forms superseded an old 3rd sg. middle *elhyt and 3rd sg. gwnech which had no -0. The view that gwnel is a re-forination is borne out by the actual survival of gwnech. (3) The stem of gwnaf is *urag-, Vuereg- e work ' § 100 i (2). In the pres. and impf. ind., therefore, the flexion was exactly the same as for af, stem *ag- ; this led to its being assimilated to af in other tenses. The old root-aor. sg. 1. gwrith, 3. gwreith became gwneuthum, gwnaeth like the perf. of af, § 181 vii (2). — The old perf. of Vuereg- is preserved in the 3rd sg. in Ml. W. guoreu, goreu § 182 ii (1), Ml. Bret, guereu, gueure, guerue. — It does not seem possible to derive goruc from the same root; this occurs as sg. 1. 3. in Corn, gwrûh (grug etc.) ; it probably represents a synonymous form associated with goreu on account of accidental similarity ; possibly < *uer-oik-, Vjpeik- : Skr. 2>{sdti ' carves, adorns, forms, prepares ', lúsah ' form ' (: Lat. pingo, with -k/g- altera.) ; cf. Duu an goruc b.b. 39 ' God made us '. (4) The v.n. gwneuthur is for gwneithur g.c. 112, 128, w.m. pp. 93, 94 (p 16), b.ch. 62 (cf. anghyfreith. wneutihur r.p. 1296, i.e. wneithur) § 77 viii. The original v.n. was *gwreith < *urek-tu-; by the loss of -r- after the initial this became gweilh, gwaith ' work '. The form *gwreith occurs, written guereit, in enuir ith elwir od guur guereit b.a. 37, which appears elsewhere as enwir yt elwir oth gywir weithret 368 ACCIDENCE § 193 do. 34, 1. 4, though the rhyming word is kyvyeith; but weithret is also a genuine variant rh. with kiwet ib. 1. 9. Possibly the -r- was first lost in the compound *gwreithret by dissim. The -ur added to *gwreith * work ' may have come from the synonymous llafur < Lat. labor em. The form *gwreithur might easily have become gwneithur by dissim. § 102 iii (2), as it was dissimilated to gwruthyl in Corn. The -n- might spread from this to the verb ; but as gwn- is slightly easier than gwr- the change may have taken place in the vb. itself owing to its frequent occurrence. The old v.n. gweith with lost -r- came to be dissociated from the vb., and gwneuthur remained the only v.n. Ultimately from gwaith ' work ' a new denom. gweithiaf ' I work' was formed, with gweithio ' to work ' as v.n. — gweith l battle ' < *uiktä (: Iv.fichim 'I fight', Lat. vinco) is a different word. (5) deuaf is a compound of the verb ' to be ', as seen in the v.n. dy-fod. The prefix is *do- which appears regularly as dy- before a cons. — The pres. is future in meaning, and comes from the fut. *esö ; thus *dó esö > *deu, which was made into deu-af § 75 ii (2), so the 2nd sg. ; the 3rd sg. *do eset gave daw or do see ib. The pres. deuaf would be in O.W. *douam; under the influence of 3rd sg. do this became *do-am > Ml. W. doaf; thus deu- and do- became the stems of the pres. and impf. ; and deu- was even substituted for dy- in some other tenses as deu-bi for dy-bi, v (4). [Later the 3rd sg. daw was made a stem in S.W. dialects, and dawaf dawai, etc. occur in late MSS.] (6) Other tenses contain the b- forms of the vb. £ to be ' ; the fut. dyvyS, dyvi, pres. subj. dyvo } dyffo are regular ; the perf. might be either dyvu < *do-(be-)bäue or dybu < *do-b , bäue; from the latter the -b- spread to other tenses. The perf. dyvu or dybu was supplanted, see vi (4), by a new perf. formed in imitation of aeth but with the vowels of the pres. stems deu-, do- ; thus deuth, doeth ; and by a new second perf. similarly modelled on eSyw, which like eSyw itself became obsolete in Ml. W. (7) The impv. of deuaf was dos, which was transferred to af see viii (1). The Corn, forms are dus, dues, des, the Bret, is deuz. It is clearly impossible to equate these forms either with one another or with dos. What has taken place is that the vowel of other forms, especially the 2nd pi., has been substituted for the original vowel ; thus "W. dos after do-wch, Corn, dues after duech, des after de-uch, Bret, deuz after deu-it ' come ye ' ; a late example is W. dial, (to a child) dows yma ' come here ' after dowch. This leaves Corn, dus as the unaltered form ; dus < *doistüd < *do estöd : Lat. estöd, estö, Gk. € *do-red-di > dyred. It is true that -dhi was added to E-grade of root ; but there are exceptions, as in the case of -töd (Lat. estö for *s-töd). dyre also occurs as 3rd sg. pres. ind., r.p. 1036, 1. 28. Verbs with old Perfects. §194. i. (1) dywedaf ( I say' has 3rd sg. pres. ind. Ml. W. dyweit il.a. 31, Early Mn. W. dywaid. In Late Mn, W. this form is replaced by dywed, which, is not so much a re-formate from the other persons as a dial. pron. of dywaid, § 6 iii. (In Gwyn. the dial, form is dyfyd re-formed with the regular affec- tion as in gweryd : gwaredaf.) The 3rd sg. dyvmt seems to contain the affected form of the R- grade *uat* (*%>) of the root § 201 i (3) ; cf. beirv b.b. 101 : berwaf (o) The aor. is dywedeis w.M. 10, dywedeist do. 63, assam, etc., which is regular, except that for the 3rd sg. the perf. is used : Ml. W. dywawt r.m. 5, 6, dywat do. 23, dywot w.m. 6, 7 ; Early Mn. W. dywawd R.G.E. d. 141, dywad, dywod, dyfod. For these in Late Mn. W. a new formation dywedodd is used; but in Gwyn. dial, dywad, dead may still be heard (Rhys, RC. vi 17). Ni ddyfod ond yn ddifalch; Ni bu na gorwag na balch, — D.N., m 136/123. ' He spoke only modestly : he was neither vain nor proud.' The impers. is the perf. dywespwyt e.m. 90, r.b.b. 10, dywtt- pwyt s.G. 17, Mn. W. dywetpwyd Matt, i %1 (1630). But the aor. dywedwyd is more usual in Mn. W., and also occurs in Ml. W. : dywedwyt il.a. 115. (3) The 2nd sg. impv. is, of course, dywet w.m. 121; Mn. W. dywed. But in Early Mn. verse we sometimes find dywaid, D.G. 355, G.Gr. do. 247, owing to the influence of the irregular 3rd sg. pres. ind. (4) The v.n. is Early Ml. W. dywedwyd > Ml. W. dywedut § 78 iv (i)j written in Mn. W. dywedyd. In the dialects S.W. gwtud (the vb. also gwedaf), N.W. (dwêud), dêud, dwyd, (ë = 9). (5) dywedaf : Vuet/d- ' say ' : Skr. vddati ' speaks ', W. gwawd 'song', Ir. faith 'poet', Gaul. (-Gk.) pi. owrctç (whence Lat. vates, Walde, s.v.) < Kelt. *uät- < L° *uöt-. Perf. dywawt, etc., § 182 ii (1).— V.n. dywedwyd §°203 iii (4), (8). 1402 B b 370 ACCIDENCE § 194 (6) The verb, with the root-form *uat- 3 see (i), was used with- out the prefix dy- before na 'that not 5 , thus gwadaf na ' I say- that not, I deny that '. Hence gwadaf came to mean * I deny ', v.n. gwadu, though an objective clause after it is still introduced by na. With neg. di- in Ml. W. diwat w.m.l. 92 c denies \ Oes a wad sywedydd, Lie del, nad hyfryd lliw dydd ? — Gr.O. 38. ' Is there an astronomer who will deny that the light of day, where it comes, is pleasant Ì ' ii. (1) gwaredaf ' I succour, relieve ' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. O. W. guorit juv. sk.. Ml. W. gweryt r.p. 1171, 1. 5, Mn. W. gweryd Diar. xiv 25, Gr.O. 113; — v.n. Ml. W. guaret w.M. 3, Mn. W. givared, gwaredu. The verb is quite regular. But in O. and Early Ml. W. the 3rd sg. past is the perf. guoraut juv. sk., guaraud b.b. 39, gwarawt r.p. 1159. There is also a 3rd sg. pres. subj. gwares seen in gwares Buw dy anghen k.p. 577 'may God relieve thy want ', § 183 iii (1). (2) gwared < *uo-ret- < *upo- 'under' + *ret- 'run': cf. Lat. suc-curro < sub ' under ' + curro ' I run ' ; — gwarawt § 182 ii (1). iii. (1) dygaf 'I bring* : 3rd sg. pres. ind. Ml. W. w.m. 398, Mn. W. dwg ( = dẅg)\ — v.n. Ml. and Mn. W. ( = dŵîin). Old 3rd sg. pres. subj. duch § 183 iii (1). (?) Perf. sg. 1. dugum w.m. 42 ; 2. dugost s.G. 246 ; 3. due w.M. 42 ; pi. 3. dugant cm. 107, s.G. 246, re-formed as ducsant cm. 59, dugassant s.G. 16. In Mn. W. the 3rd sg. dug (-Ẅ-) remained the standard form, though a new dygodd has tended to replace it in the recent period. But the other persons were re-formed as aorists in the 16th cent., though the older forms continued in use : Dy wg yn Mr y dugum ; dygais, di-fantais ftlm. — W.1L. ' Thy resentment have I long borne ; if I have borne it, I have been no gainer.' (3) The compound ymddygqf is similarly inflected : v.n., Mn. W '. ýmddwyn ' to behave ', ymddwyn ' to bear' § 41 i ; perf. sg. 3. ymddug Can. iii 4, in late bibles ymddug (and so pronounced). (4) dygaf, dug § 182 ii (2); dwyn § 203 iv (3). § 194 VERBS 371 iv. (i) Ml. W. amygaf 'I defend' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. amwc b.t. 29 ; v.n. am-wyn seems to mean literally ' fight for ', since it is followed by â ' with ' ; as amwyn y gorfiwch hum a mi w.m. 122 'to fight for this goblet with me' ; amvin ae elin terwin guinet b.b. 57 'to fight with his enemy for the border of Gwynedd \ (2) Perf. sg. 3. amuc b.b. 39, b. a. 12, neu-s amuc ae wayw b.a. 1 1 ' defended him with his speai '. There is also a form amwyth used intransitively, and therefore prob. a middle form like aeth ; as pan amwyth ae alon yn Llecli Wen b.t. 57 ' when he contended with his foes at LI. W.' — Plup. sg. 3. amucsei r.p. 1044. (3) am-wg < *mbi-(p)uk-, Vpeu%- : Lat. pugna, pugil, Gk. thjkt^c, TrvyfjLaxoSi O.JZ.feohtan, íj.jìght. — The perf. amuc with -uc < *-pôuke } like due § 181 ii (2). The form amwyth prob. represents *amb(i)uktos 'st ; as it has the R-grade of the root, it cannot be a root-aorist. The v.n. has -no- suffix § 203 iv (3). — See also § 54 i (1). The perf. has not been preserved in gorchfygaf ' I conquer ', Ml. W. gorchyfygaf r § 44 ii < *ujper-kom-pu%-. v. (1) clywaf ' I hear ' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. clyw w.m. 54 ; v.n. Ml. W. clyhot w.m. 474, clywet G.Y.C. (anno 1282) M, 141 7, Mn. W. clywed. (2) Perf. sg. 1. cigleu w.m. 36, 83 = e.m. 23, 60, r.m. 129, b.t. ^ ; ciglef r.m. 130, 168, w.m. 408, 423 = k.m. 262, 274, cm. 46, 48 ; sg. 3. cigleu w.m. 144 = r.m. 214, CM. 50, s.G. 10, ii, etc. The rest of the tense is made up of aor. forms : sg. 2. clyweist w.m. 230, r.m. 168 ; pi. 3. clywssont w.m. ^, b.m. 22 ; impers. clywyslwyt e,.a. 117, clywsjowyt s.G. 246. In Early Mn. W. the 1st sg. ciglef survived in poetry, see ex., and I.G. 338. But the ordinary Mn. form is clywais D.G. 81. Similarly the 3rd sg. cigleu is replaced by clywodd Luc xiv 15 ; thus the tense became a regular aor. There is also a Late Ml. and Mn. 3rd sg. clybu s.G. 362, Ex. ii 15, and impers. clylûwỳä Matt, ii 1 8 beside clywỳd Ps. lxxvii 1 8. Doe ym mherigl y ciglef Ynglyn aur angel nef. — D.G. 124. * Yesterday in danger I heard the golden englyn of an angel from heaven.' (3) In Early Mn. W. a 2nd sg. impv. degle is found, e.g. G.G1. B b 2 372 ACCIDENCE § 195 i. mss. 315 ; both form and meaning seem to have been influenced by dyre (dial, dere) { come ! ' Degle'w nes, dwg i liw nyf Ddeg annerch oddi gennyf. — D.G. 2i8 r ' Lend nearer ear ! bring to [her of] the colour of snow ten greetings from me/ (4) clywaf, see § 76 v (2). — cigleu § 182 i; the form ciglef is the result of adding 1st sg. -/to cigleu (euf > ef); it tends in late mss. to replace the latter; thus cigleu w.m. 144 = ciglef k.m. 214. The cynghanedd in the example shows that the vowel of the reduplicator is i (as it is generally written), and not y ; hence we must assume original *kü-. The 1st sg. was most used, and prob. gives the form cigleu. — clybot is probably for *clyw-bot, cf. adnabot § 191 iv (3). vi. goSiweSaf £ I overtake ' : v.n. gohiwes § 203 iii (7) so in Mn. W., sometimes re-formed in Late W. as goddiweddyd. — Perf. sg". 3. gohiwawh, see § 182 iii. Verbs with t-Aorists. § 195. i, (1) canaf e I sing ' : 3rd sg. pres, ind. can b,b. 13 = Mn. W. can ; v.n. canu. — Aor. sg. 1. keint y heintum^ 2. ceuntost, 3. cant § 175 iii, § 181 vii (1), impers. canpwyt § 182 iv (4) ; there are no corresponding forms in the pi. The £-aor. was already superseded in Late Ml. W. ; thus sg. 3. canawh jl.a. 117, Mn. W. canodd ; but cant survived in the phrase X, a[i cant i [it was] X. who sang it ', ascribing a poem to its author, and is often mis- written cant by late copyists § 175 iii (1). (2) gwanaf c I wound ' is similar. Aor. sg. 1. gweint } 3. gwant § 175 iii ; Mn. W. gwenai s, gwan odd. ii. (1) cymeraf ' I take ', differaf c I protect ' : 3rd sg. pres. ind. cymer, differ ; v.n. hymryt w.m. 8, 9, diffryt e.m. 132, 141. — - Aor. sg. 3. JcymertJi y differth, kemirth ( = kym?/rt/i) a.l. i 12,6, diffyrth r.m. 139, § 175 iii (1). Beside these, forms in -wys, -ws occur in Ml. W., as kemerrws § 175 i (5), differwys G.B. e.p. 1191. But cymerth survives in biblical W., e. g. Act. xvi ^ beside the usual Late Mn. W. cymerodd c.c. 318, Matt, xiii 31. (2) The v.n. cymryt, Mn. "W. cymryd c.c. 335, cam-gymryd M.K. [137], has been re-formed as cymeryd; but the prevailing form in the spoken lang. is cýmn[d Ceiriog o.h. 1 10 (or cym\d\ The translators of the bible adopted cymmeryd, evidently thinking that it was more § 196 VERBS 373 correct than the traditional form. — On the other hand, the verb is sometimes found re-formed after the v.n. ; thus kymreist k.g. 1128, cymrodd D.G. 356, cymrais E.P. ps. cxix in. (3) cymeraf < *kom-bher- § 90; — differaf < *de-e%s-jper-, Vfier- ' bring ' : Skr. pi-par-ti ' brings across, delivers, protects ' ; — cymryt < *hom~bhr-tu- § 203 iii (8). — cymerth, cymyrth § 181 vii (1). iii. Early Ml. W. dyrreith ' came, returned ' ; maeth ' nursed ' ; gwreith ' did ' ; § 181 vii (2). Defective Verbs. § 196. The following verbs are used in the 3rd sg. only. i. (1) Ml. W. dawr, tawr ' matters ', impf. dorei, torei, fut. dorbi ; also with di- : dibawr } diborei, v.n. diòarbot. (The -ô- is inferred from Early Mn. cynghanedd, as deuddyn / 'diddawr D.G. 3 J.) The verb is chiefly used with a negative particle and dative infixed pron. ; thus nym dawr r.p. 1240 'I do not care', literally ' it matters not to me \ It is generally stated to be impersonal ; but this is an error, for the subject — that which ' matters ' — is often expressed, and when not expressed is understood, like the implied subject of any other verb. Thus, Nym tawr i vynet w.M. 437 'I do not mind going ' ; i is the affixed pron. supplementing 'm, and the subject of tawr is vynet, thus c going matters not to me ' ; so, Ny'm dorei syrthyaw . . . nef e.p. 1208, lit. 'the falling of the sky would not matter to me'; odit am dibawr r.p. 1029 ' [there is] scarcely anything that interests me'. Paihawr (for pa Hh Sawr) w.m. 430 ' what does [that] matter to thee 1 ' Ny'm torei hyny bySwn w.m. 172 'I should not mind if I were not*. Nyt mawr y'm dawr b.t. 65 'it is not much that it matters to me' ; ni'm dorbi b.b. 60, 62 'it will not matter to me'. Without the dat. infixed pron. : ny SiSawr, ny hawr cwt vo e.p. 1055 * it matters not, it matters not where he may be '. (2) In Late Ml. W. the subject and remoter object came to be confused in the 3rd sg. ; thus nys dawr ' it matters not to him ' came to be regarded as, literally, c he does not mind it ', -s 'to him ' being taken for ' it '. Thus the verb seemed to mean ' to mind, to care ' ; as am y horff nys diborei ef s.g. 64 ' about the body he did not care ' ; 7ieb bibarhot py betli a bamweinei ibaw r.b.b. 225 ' without caring what happened to him '. In Late Ml. and Early Mn. W. this new verb ' to care ' came 374 ACCIDENCE § 196 to be inflected for all the persons ; as ny Uhorynt R.B.B. 216 ' they cared not ', ni ddoraf D.G. 529 { I do not care *, ni ddorwn i do. 296, ni ddawr hi, ni ddorwn do. 174. In spite of this 'per- version the phrase ni'm dawr persisted, e.g. D.G. 138, G.Gr. d.g. 248, Gr.O. 57 ; also om dawr ' if I care ', D.G. 246, G.Gr. ib. (3) The interchange of t- and d- suggests the prefix *to- : *do- ; the fut. dorbi and the v.n. show that the verb is a compound of the verb c to be ', the first element originally ending in a consonant, as in adnabod, gwybod. Hence we may infer dawr < *dâros'st < *dó-(p)aros est ; *paros : Gk. 71-ápoç, Skr. purdh, all from Ar. *p e ros ( before ' ; for the development of the meaning cf. Skr. purds kar- ' place in front, make the chief thing, regard, prefer ' ; with the verb ' to be ' instead of * to make ' we should have ' to be in front, to be important, to matter '. The impf. dorei must therefore have been made from the pres. dawr. The reason for dar- in the v.n. is a different accentuation : *do-áros- > dar- § 156 i (13). The form darbod survives as a v.n. without a verb, meaning ' to provide ', whence darbodus ' provident '. This may have been a separate word from the outset, with *p e ros meaning '■ before ' in point of time ; ' *to be before-hand ' > ' to provide for the future'. The verb darparaf 'I prepare' seems to have the same prefix compounded with *par- : peri ' to cause ' < *g^ e r-, Vq%er~ ' make ' influenced by Lat. jparo (parätus > W. parod ' ready '). From diSawr were formed the abstract noun diSordep m.a. ii 346 and the adj. diddorol only occurring in Late Mn. W. and generally misspelt dyddorol ' interesting \ ii. (1) Ml. W. dichawn, digawn * can ', Mn. W, die/ion, is rarely used except in this form, which is 3rd sg. pres. ind. ny hichawn efeu gwnneuthur id.a. 33 ' which He cannot do ', cf. 34, 35 ; llawer damwein a Sigawn bot w.m. 28, e.m. 18 ' many an accident may happen '. — Chwi ynfalch a ddichonfod T.A. A9817/184 ' you who may be proud '. Ni ddichon neb wasanaethu dau arglwydd Matt, vi 24. Llawer a ddichon taer-weddi y cyfiawn Iago v 16. A subjunct. 3rd sg. occurs in hyn ny Sigonho y gerS hon w.m. 488 'though he does not know this craft'. In G.c. 138 we find nas dichonaf vi ac nas dichonwn pei ' that I cannot [do] it, and could not if . . / The form dichyn M.K. [ix.] is an artificial re-formation which was in fashion for a time, and then disappeared. (2) dichon, dichawn < *di%'zawn < Brit. *dl-gegâne ; digawn < Brit. *dî-g'gäne ; < Ar. perf. sg. 3. *gegöne : Gk. yeywra ' I make known ' ; for meaning cf. Eng. can : Vgene- ■ know \ — W. gogoniant ' glory ' orig. ' *fame ' < *uo-g'gän-. § 196 VERBS 375 (3) A stem of the same form (usually with -#-) is inflected throughout in O. and Ml. W. in the sense of 'cause to be, do, make ', v.n. digoni m.a. i 359. Ind. pres. sg. 2. digonit b.b. 19 ( = digonyS) ; aor. sg. 1. digoneis m.a. i 271a, sg. 2., 3. dicones juv. sk. 3 3. digones b.t. 40, dichones M.A. i 273a, impers. digonet w.m. 477 ; plup. sg. 3. digonsei b.t. 24 ; subj. pres. sg. 1. dichonwyf m.a. i 271a. (4) This seems to come from Vgerie- ' cause to be, give birth to ', of which the pf. was sg. 1. *gegona, 3. *gegöne : Skr. i.jajána, ^.jajana, Gk. 1. yiyova. Whether the two roots are originally the same has not been decided. If the original meaning was something like ' to be efficient', it might have become 1. ' to produce, give birth to', 2. 'be master of, understand '. (5) M]. W. digawn, Mn. W. digon ' enough' may have originated in phrases such as digawn hynny * that will do ' understood as ' that [is] enough ' ; cf. digawn a Bodet yman r.m. i 4. From digon ' enough ' a new verb was made in Mn. W., digonaf, v.n. digoni ' to suffice '. iii. Ml. W. deryw, Mn. W. darfu § 190 i (2). iv. Ml. W. gweSa r.p. 1286 ' beseems ' § 173 v (2), impf. gwehei w.m. 178 ; Mn. W. gwedda p. 30, impf. gweddai Eph. v 3, v.n. gweddu 1 Tim. ii 10. Followed by i. Other persons are found : gweS-af, -wyfjL.A. 122, gweddynt Gr.O. 63. gwedda is a denom. from gwedd ' appearance ' < *uid-ä § 63 iv. v. Ml. W. tykya w.m. 14 ' avails ', impf. tygŷei ib., v.n. tygỳaw do. 16 ; Mn. W. tycia Diar. x 2, impf. tyciai, v.n. tycio Matt. xxvii 24. Followed by i. Ny thykya ỳ neb ymlit yr unbennes w.m. 14 'it avails no one to pursue the lady ' ; the subj. is ymlit ; thus ' pursuing avails not '. tycia is a denom. from twg : Vteua x -, see § 111 v (2); but the -c- in the pres. is caused by the -h- of -ha. vi. Ml. W. deiryt r.p. 1197 'pertains, is related 5 foil, by ỳ 'to' ; impf. deirydei s.G. 105. Mn. W. deiryd L.G.C. 272, Gr.O. 47. A V lludw gorff, lie daw ỳ gyt 7 Ỳr lludw arall lie deiryt. — G.V., R.p. 1299. ' And [I commend] the body of dust, where it will all come, to the other dust where it belongs.' The last syll. ~yt may be the 3rd sg. mid. ending § 179 iii (1) ; this would explain the limitation of the vb. to the 3rd sg. In that case deirydei is a re-formation, and the prefix and stem are deir-<*do-gr- ; the root may be *gher- ' hold ' (: Lat. co-hors) ; thus deiryt from *do-ghretai ' holds himself to '. 376 ACCIDENCE §§ 197, 198 vii. metha gan c fails *, synna ar ' is astonished ' : Pan fethodd gennV ddyfeisio B.C. 15 ' when I failed to guess*, lit. ' when guessing failed with me ' ; metha gany buan ddianc Amos ii 14 ; synnawdd arnaf D.G. 386 'I was astonished at', synnodd arnynt Matt, xiii 54. These verbs began to take the person for the subject in the Late Mn. period ; as synnodd pawb Marc ii 1 2. The transition stage is seen in synnodd arno wrth weled Act. viii 1 3, where weled is no longer, as it should be, the subject ; the next step is synnodd ef; then synnais, etc., in all persons. Other verbs are used in a similar way in the 3rd sg., but not exclusively ; hiraethodd arno ' he longed ' ; llawenkaodd arno l he was rejoiced'; lleshaodd iddo 'profited him'; gorfu arno or iddo c he was obliged ' ; perthyn iddo or arno ' belongs to him ' ; digwyddodd iddo ' it happened to him ', etc. The subject is usually a v.n. : digwyddodd iddo syrthio ( he happened to fall ' ; gorfu arno fyned ' he was obliged to go '. § 197. i. The verb genir ' is born ' is used in the impersonal only ; ind. pres. (and fut.) genir, impf. genid, aor. ganed, also Late Mn. W. ganwyd, plup. Ml. ganadoeh, ganydoeb, ganyssit, Mn. ganasid ; subj. pres. goner ; v.n. geni. Although the forms, except in the pres., are, as in other verbs, passive in origin, they take the impers. construction, being accom- panied by objective pronouns. The v.n. takes the obj. gen. : cyn fy ngeni l before my birth ', lit. ' before the bearing of me \ genir, ganer, ganet il.a. 37, genit, geni do. 11, ganadoeS h.m. ii 263, ganydoeS r.b.b. hi, ganyssit do. 286. A 3rd. sg. aor. genis l begat ' occurs in cm. 1 9, in a translation, and is prob. artificial. ii. genir < Brit. *garii-re < *g e rië- ì Vgerie- : Lat. gigno, Gk. yiyvo- /xat, etc. The ganad- in the plup. is the perf. pass. part. *ganatos < *g e nd-to-s ; prob. -yd- is due to the anal, of ydoedd. § 198. i. Ml. W. heb yr, /leby, or heb ( says, said' is used for all persons and numbers ; the yr or y is not the definite article, as it occurs not only before proper names, but before pronouns. The Mn. W. forms corresponding to the above are ebr, ebe, eb. In Recent W. the form ebe (with -e for Ml. y § 16 iv (2) ) is some- times wrongly written ebai, the -e being mistaken for a dialectal reduction of the impf. ending -ai § 6 iii. Oes, arglwyh, heb yr ynteu w.m. 386 ' Yes, lord, said he ' ; heb yr ef ib. '. said he ' ; heb yr wynt do. 185 ' said they ' ; heb yr Arthur do. 386 ' said A/ ; heb y mi do. 46 ' said I ' ; heb y yavib do. 36 { said every- § 198 VERBS 377 body ' ; heb y Pwyll do. 4 'said P.' ; heb efdo. 2 ' said he ' ; heb ynteu do. 3 'said he'; heb hi do. 10 'said she'; heb wynt do. 27 'said they ' ; etc. Its use without an expressed subject is rare, and occurs chiefly where it repeats a statement containing the subject : Ac yna y dywat Beuno, mi a welaf, heb il.a. 126 'And then Beuno said, " I see," said [he] ' ; A gofyn a oruc iSaw, arglwyh, heb e.m. 179' and he asked him, "lord," said [he] '; heb ef . . . heb e.m. 96. Mn. W. (N.W.) eb ni Ps. cxxxvii 4 (1588), eb ef b.cw. 8 ' said he ', eb yr angel ib. ' said the angel', ebr ef do. 10, ebr ynteu do. 15, eb e) M.K. [1 1], hebr efdo. [20] ; (S.W.) ebe Myrddin d.p.o. 4, eb un do. 97, ebe i.mss. 154 if. The N.W. dial, form ebr, e.g. ebr fi b.cw. 10, etc. is now re-formed as ebra. Yn ol Siôn ni welais haul, Eb Seren Bowys araul.-^-T.A., a 14975/107. ' Since [I have lost] Siôn I have not seen the sun, said the bright Star of Powys.' ii. C. used hébaf and hebu, see ex. ; P.M. imitating him (the two poems are addressed to father and son) wrote ny hebwn hebod m.a. i 294 'I would not speak without thee '. Ti hebofnyt hebu oe8 teu; Mi hebot ny hebaf inneu. — C, e.p. 1440. 1 Thou without me — it was not thy [wont] to speak ; I without thee — I will not speak either.' The compound atebaf ( < *ad-7ieb-af) ' I answer ' is inflected regularly throughout : 3rd sg. pres. ind. etyb, v.n. ateb. The rarer compounds gwrtkebaf 'I reiply' , gokebaf 'I say' (now ' I correspond') seem also to be regular : goliebych B.F. k.p. 1154 (Mn. W. 3rd sg. pres. ind. goheba, v.n. gokebu). iii. In O.W. only hepp m.c ( = heb § 18 i) occurs, before a consonant in each case. In Ml. W. heb yr and heb occur before vowels, and heb y before consonants. Assuming that the original form in W. was *hebr. this would become either *hebr or heb before a consonant; the former would naturally become hebyr, later heby ; this seems to be the sound meant by heb y, the y being written separately because sounded y as in the article. Before a vowel *hebr would remain, and is prob. represented by heb yr (the normal Ml. spelling would be hebyr = hebyr). In S.W. heb and heby survived, becoming eb, ebe ; in N.W. heb and hebr, becoming eb and ebr. If the above is correct, the original *hebr must be from a deponent form with suffix *-re added directly to the root ; thus *seq*-re, Vseq*- 'say '; cf. gŵyr § 191 iii (1). In the face of the compound ateb = Ir. aithesc, both from Kelt. *ati-seqK-, Strachan's statement, Intr. 97, that heb ' says ' is of adverbial origin seems perverse. A sufficient 378 ACCIDENCE § 199 explanation of its being uninfected is its deponent form. In com- pounds it was regularized, and C/s hebaf is deduced from these. iv. The verb amkawS ' answered ' is a survival which occurs frequently in the w.M. Kulhwch, and nowhere else ; the 3rd pi. is amkeuhant w.M. 486, -8, which the scribe at first wrote amkeuhaot do. 473, -7, -8, -9, mistaking* n for u and writing it 6. amk-awS, § 96 iii (4); if the explanation there given is correct, amkeuhant is a re-formation, possibly at first *amkeu$ynt with affec- tion of aw as in beunydd § 220 iv (2). § 199. i (1) meddaf c I say ' is inflected fully in the pres. and impf, ind. only : 3rd sg. pres. medd, impers, meddir 'it is said '. There is no v.n. Exx. 1. MeS seint Awstin il.a. 42 'St. Augustine says'; 2. me8 yr ystoria do. 129 ' says the account ' ; 3. Dioer, heb y kennadeu, Teg, meS Pryderi oeS ÿr gwr . . . w.m. 88 ' " By Heaven," said the messengers, " Pryderi says it would be fair for the man ..."'; 4. Edym vab Nu& yw, meS ef; nyt atwen inheu e/R.M. 259 'He says he is Edyrn son of Nudd ; but I don't know him ' ; 5. Blawt, meBei y GwySel w.M. 54 ' " Flour," said the Irishman ' ; 6. Broch, meSynt wynteu do. 24 ' " A badger," said they'. Mn. W. : meddaf I.F. i.mss. 319, Col. i 20; meddi loan viii 52 ; medd M.K. [20]; meddant 2 Cor. x 10. (2) In the recent period medd has tended to take the place of eb, and has almost ousted it in the dialects. But in Ml. W. the two are distinct : heb is used in reporting a conversation, and is therefore of extreme frequency in tales ; meS is used in citing authors, as in exx. 1., 2., or in quoting an expression of opinion as in ex. 3., or an answer not necessarily true, as in exx. 4., 5., 6. Hence we may infer that meS originally meant 'judges, thinks ', and is the original verb corresponding to meSwl ' thought ' : Ir. midiur 1 1 judge, think ', Lat. meditor, Vmed-, allied to Vme- ' measure '. — To express ' think ' a new verb meSylỳaf, a denom. from meBwl, was formed, § 201 iii (6). (3) The verb meddaf ' I possess ' is however conjugated regu- larly throughout : 3rd sg*. pres. ind. medd y 3rd sg, aor. meddodd W.IL. c.iL. 105, v.n. meddu. This verb is unconnected with the above, and probably comes from Vmed- ' enjoy ' : Skr. mddati ' rejoices ' (from the sense of ' refreshing ' comes 'healing' in Lat. medeor, medicus). W. meddaf is often intrans., followed by ar; meddu ar 'to rejoice in, be possessed of. A common saying is Mae hum yn well i feddu arno i this is better to give satisfaction ', lit. ' to have satisfaction on it '. § 200 VERBS 379 ii. (i) The verb dlyaf (% syll.), dylyaf (3 syll.) ' I am entitled to, obliged to ' is conjugated fully in Ml. W. : 3rd sg. pres. ind. dyly, 3rd sg. aor. dylyawh il.a. 15, v.n. dlyu, dleu, âylyu. But in Mn. W. the inflexion is restricted to the impf. and plup. ind. with the meaning ' I ought ', more rarely ( I deserve ', and the v.n. is not used. D.G. has dyly 28 ; elsewhere the impf. dylywn, dylyai (misprinted dyleuaf, dylai) 35 ' I deserve, she deserves '; Ni ddylýut ddilê-u (mis- printed Ond ni ddylit) 427 'thou oughtest not to destroy'. The 3rd sg. dylyai became dyläi § 82 ii (3), also without the intrusive y, dlâi. Hence sg. 1. dyldwn, 2. dylaut. These forms may still be heard from old speakers; but in the Late Mn. period a re-formed tense dỳlwn, etc. has come into use ; and the written form is dylwn 2 Cor. ii 3, dylit Es. xlviii 17, dylei loan xix 7, dylem, 1 loan ivn, etc. The plup. in any case would be dylaswn 2 Cor. xii n, etc/ — In the early 17th cent, an artificial sg. 3. dyl was sometimes used. Gwirion a ddlae a drugaredd ; a ms. ddylae, GwaeW ferch a'i gyrro i'wfedd. — D.E., c 49/33. ' The virtuous deserves mercy ; woe to the woman who sends him to his grave/ On -ae for -âi see § 52 iii (3). (2) The first y in dyly aý is intrusive, and comes from dyly < *dly% § 40 iii (3). Related forms are Ml. W. dylyet, dlyet * merit ; debt', Mn. W. dyledD.W. 80, died T.A. A 14967/29 'debt', § 82 ii ( 3) ; the latter is the Gwyn. dial, form ; late Mn. dỳled ; Bret, die ' debt ', dleout 1 devoir ', Ir. dligim ' I deserve ', dliged ' law, right ' ; all these may represent either *dleg- or *dlg- in Kelt. : Goth, dulgs ' debt ' < *dhlgh-, O.Bulg. dlügü ' debt ' ; the underlying meaning is ' to be due, or lawful ' either ' to ' (' merit') or ' from ' ( c debt ') ; hence *dhlegh- ' law '. There is nothing to prevent our referring to such a root O.E. lagu, E. law, and Latin lex (ilex, Sommer 293), if for the latter we assume -gh/g- § 101 iii (1). § 200. i. hwde, hwdy ' here ! take this ' and moes ' give me \ are used in the imperative only ; in Mn. W. hwde has pi. hwdiwch ; moes has Ml. pi. moesswch r.m. 182, Mn. moeswch Gr.O. 58. Hwde vodrwy w.m. 168, r.m. 234 'take a ring'; hwde di y votrwy honn r.m. 173 ' take thou this ring ' ; hwdy ditheu ef cm. 31 * do thou take it ' ; hwdiwch M.K. [78], b.cw. 38. Moes § 154 iii (2) ex.; moes vy march w.m. 17 'give me my horse ' ; moes imi y gorvlwch w.m. 164' give me the goblet ' ; Melys ; moes rnwy prov. ' [It is] sweet ; give me more ' ; moes i mi dy galon Diar. xxiii 26; moes, moes do. xxx 15; moesswch rhyngoch air Barn, xx 7. 380 ACCIDENCE § 201 ii. hwde is not used for Hake' generally, but is an exclamation accompanying an offer, cf. Gwell un hwde no deu ahaw b.b. 968 ' better one "take this" than two promises' ; hence possibly hw for *hwy § 78 ii < *s(u)oi 'for (thy) self the reflexive *sue- being used orig. for all persons. In that case -dy or -de is the ordinary affixed pron. (= b.b. -de, § 160 iv (3), used because hw was taken for a verb), or is perhaps voc. ; hwdy d% then is *hw dydí. The S."W. hwre is late, M.Bj. ii 108 (not by him, see do. 319). moes < *moi estö(d) § 75 ii (2) 'be it to me', i.e. ' let me have it ' ; cf. est mihi ' I have '. If so, i mi 'tome' after it is redundant ; but its frequent omission makes this probable. Verbal Stems. § 201. i. The pres. stem of the W. verb, from which in regular verbs the aor. and subj. stems can be regularly deduced, may be called the stem of the verb. It is found by dropping the -af of the 1st sg. pres. ind. The ending -a/, as we have seen, comes from Brit. *-ame for unaccented *-ami, which is sometimes original, and represents Ar. *-ä-mi or ^-o-itii ; but -«/"was often substituted fox -if < Brit. *-l-me < Ar. *-ép(o. So rhed-af 'I run', gwared-af 'I succour ', eh-ed-af ' I fly ', etc. (2) F°-grade of V , as in gwan-af i I wound' < *gwon-, Ir. gonim, Vg^hen- : Gk. ováo>. So jpob-af ' I bake ', a-gor-af ' I open ' § 99 vi, etc. (3) R-grade of V, as in dyg-af 'I bring' < *duk- § 182 ii (2); also V-grade, as in co-sp-af ' I punish ', Ir. co-sc-aim < *con-sq%- .(' talk with'), V seq%- ' say'. (Though in rho-dd-af 1 1 give ' the dd appears to beV-grade of Vdo-, in reality -ddaf represents Ar. * -dô-mi with F-grade, as in Gk. Si'Sw/u.) (4) R-grade of V with w-infix, as in gann-af ' I am contained ' < *ghnd- § 173 iv (1), Vghed- : E. get ; and in givnn 'I know ' < *uind-, Vueid- §191 iii (1). — W. prynaf ' I buy ' < *q^rinä-mi, V ' q%reiä- § 179 iii (1). The infix comes before the last cons, of the root, and is syllabic (-we-) before a sonant; the last cons, in *g#mâ- is a («==«£>), and before 9 the syllable is -na- § 63 v (2), hence *q%rinä- ; cf. Gk. Dor. Safxvajxi, V demä-. (5) R-grade of V + i, as in seini-af I sound '< *st e n-i-, Vsten-; sain ' a sound' is an old v.n., cf. dar stain 'to resound ' § 156 i (13). (6) V-grade of V + Hi > W. -y8-, as in b-y8-af§ 189 iv (1) ; and dnyS-af -R.F. 1244 'I serve', 3rd sg. gweinyh do. 1238, gweinySa § 201 VERBS 381 1254 < *uo-gn-íi-, Vgerie-, §196 ii (4); the v.n. is gweini <*uo- gnwi- § 203 vii (4), These represent Ar. iteratives and causatives in -êie- ( : -i- : -1-). (7) R-grade of V + *-isq->W. -ych-, as llewych-af (late corruption llewyrchaf) < *lug-isk-, Vleuq/g- : Gk. -i-otcw; — F-grade of V + *-sq- > W. -eh-, in Ml. W. pu-ch-af ' I wish ' < *quoi-sq-, Vquoi- : Lith. kveczu ' I invite ', O. Pruss. quoi 'he will ', Lat. vis, 0. Lat. vois 'thou wishest ', Lat. invltus, (^w>Lat. v), Gk. Kon-ai* ywaiKWz/ e-TnOvfiiaL Hes. — Ar. suff. *-5g r e-. (8) Other Ar. stem-forms, mostly deverbatives and denominatives, such as -d- or -dh- stems, as rhathaf, rhathu § 91 ii; -t- stems, as gadaf ' I leave ' < *ghd-t- ii (2) ; -u- stems, as (gwr)andawaf ' I listen ' § 76 iii (1) ; stems with -m-, as tyfaf ' I grow ' < * tu-m- : Lat. tumeo, Vteuä x - i increase ' ; etc. ii. (1) Many verbs are denominatives formed from the v.n. as stem. Old examples are gafaelaf c I take hold ' from v.n. gafael § 188 iv ; gwasanaethaf I serve ' from v.n. gwasanaetli ' to serve ' ; as the latter was also an abs. noun meaning ' service ', a new v.n. gwasanaethu was made from the verb, § 203 i (1) ; ymääìr{i)eäaf ' I trust ' from v.n. ymddir{i)ecl ; andawafixom. andaw i (8) ; cadwaf etc. § 202 v. For later examples see (3). (2) (a) The verb gadaf ' I leave, let, permit ', v.n. gadu } gadael, gadel has a doublet adawaf i I leave, leave behind ', v.n. adaw (in Late Ml. and Mn. W. gadawqf, v.n. gadaw, gado). The two verbs are conjugated regularly throughout ; thus — 1. gadaf: 3rd sg. pres. ind. gad, 2ndj3^imj>y. gad, 2nd pi. do. gedwch, 3rd sg. pres. subj. gato = gatto b.p. 1271; na at r.p. 1299 > not do. 1 216, Mn. W. mid ' letnot ', na ato > nato ' forbid • ; from these we have nadaf'I forbid', v.n. nadu c.c. 187, Card, nadel. Och arglwyS, heb y Gwálchmei, §at ỳ mi vynet . . . Ae adu a wnaeth Arthur e.m. 181 "' Alas lord," said G., " let me go." And A. let him.' Ny adei ef hun vyth ar legat dyn w.m. 465 'he never left sleep on eye of man.' Ym-ad a p.g.g. 22 'forego ' impv. Owedd ewyn, cyd gweddiwyf, Gadu ar Dduw rannu V wyf. — D.G. 17. ' [Maid of] the colour of foam, though I pray, I leave it to God to dispose/ Ac ato'dd awn bei'm getid. — G.G1. p 83/59. ' And to him would I go, if I were allowed/ Nad i ferch newidio foes. — D.G. 295. ' Let not a woman change my life ' (*? read niweidio ' mar '). 382 ACCIDENCE § 201 Nato Duw § 159 ii (2), E.P. 274 ' God forbid' ; nadodd D.G. 105 ' prevented '. Gedwch. i blant by chain ddyfod attafi Marc x 14. 2. adawaf : 3rd sg. pres. ind. edeu, Mn. W. gedy, 2nd sg. impv. adaw, 2nd pi. edewch, Mn. W. gadêwch, 3rd sg. pres. subj. adawo, etc. Adaw tiy lie hwnn tl.a. 105 ' leave thou this place '. Ac yn y llestyr yS ymolcho 3/8 edeu ỳ modrwyeu w.m. 475 ' and in the vessel in which she washes she leaves her rings '. hyt nat edewis efwr byw do. 54 'till he left no man alive'. A el ỳ chware adawet ỳ groen e.b. 965 ' whoso goes to play let him leave his skin behind \ gadaf is itself prob. an old denom., i (8), from *ghd-t~, Vghe- : Skr. jáhätì * leaves ', Lat. hë-rês, Gk. XVP 09 ' adawaf is a denom. from adaw, which may be an acZ-compound of the same root with u- verbal noun suffix § 202 v(i); thus *ati-ghd-u- >Brit. *ate-gau- >ad-aw. Initial g- begins to appear in adaw in the 14th cent. : gedewis il.a. 106. The verb gadaf is in common use in the spoken lang., but recent writers seem to think that it is a corruption of gadawaf and in late edns. of the Bible gêdwch I.e. has been changed by vandals to gadéwch. (b) cyfodaf { I rise, raise ', v.n. cyfodi, is generally reduced in Mn. W. to codaf, codi (cŷfod- > cŷwoä- > co-wod- > cod-). But in lit. W. the 3rd sg. pres. ind. cyfyd Matt, xvii 33, and 2nd sg. impv. cyfod Gen. xxxi 13, remained. In the recent period, how- ever, a dial, form cwỳd ( < * cw\t/d < cyw?/d) is sometimes used for the former, and even as impv., e.g. Ceiriog c.g. 94. In Gwyn. the dial, forms are cyfyd ' rises ', cw\ad ( rise ! ' the latter now being replaced by a new cod from the vb. stem. cyf-od-af < *kom-(p)ot- i Vpet- ' fly ' : Gk. 7toti}, irÍTo^ai, O. Pers. ud-a-patatä 'rises ' ; cyf-od- orig. ' rise ' (of birds, bees, etc.). The V also means 'to fall' Ẅalde 2 573, hence W. od-i 'to fall' (of snow), as Ottid eiry b.b. 89 ' snow falls ' ; hence öd ' snow '. (3) In Mn. W., especially in the late period, some verbs have been re-formed with the v.n. as stem ; thus arhoaf became arhosaf § 187 ii ; adeilqf became adeiladqf § 203 iii (1) ; olrhëaf i I trace ', v.n. olrhain § 203 iv (1), became olr/ieiniaf; and darllè'af'Iresià' became darllennqf, or darllenaf, formed from the dial. v.n. darllen, for the standard form darttein, darllain. As there is no early evidence of darllen it cannot be assumed to be from Hen < lleen < Lat. legend-, darllennaf instead of *darlleiniaf may be due to the influence of ysgrifennaf. But in S.W. it is sounded darllenaf with single -n-, as if influenced by lien. In the 1620 Bible the vb. is darllennaf Dan. v 17, but impv. darllain Es. xxix 1 1 , darllein Jer. xxxvi 6, v.n. darllein Act. viii 30. § 201 VERBS 383 iii. The stems of denominatives are formed in W. either without a suffix, or with the suffixes -ych-, -yg-, -ha-, -ho- or -i- ; thus — (i) Without a suffix: bwyd-af'I feed', v.n. bwyd-o, from bwyd ' food ' ; rneddiann-af ' I take possession ', v.n. -u, from meddiant J possession ' ; pur-qf*! purify ', v.n. -o, from pur ' pure ' ; arfog-af ' I arm ', v.n. -i, from arfog ' armed '. (o) Suff. -ych- as in brad-ych-af* I betray ', v.n. bradycku, from brad 'treason'; chwenychaf 'I desire', v.n. chwenychu il.a. 13, r.b.b. 89, cliwennycli D.G. 91, from cliwant 'desire'; •af ' I fatten ', v.n. -?/, from tew c fat ' ; on the suff. see i (7). The relation between this and the abstr. noun ending -wch §143 iii (23) is seen in pas 'cough' < *q%dst- ( : O.E. hwosta), pesychaf ( l cough ', pesychu ' to cough ', peswch ' coughing ' ; the last is a suffixless v.n., and is still used as a v.n. in S.W. dialects. Ar. *-isq->*-y%x > -wch § 96 iii (4), § 26 vi (5). diolwch ' to thank ' w.m. i i, ' thanks ' do. 34, became didlch ' to thank' r.b.b. 134, 'thanks' do. 10, and *diolychaf l I thank' became diolchaf w.m. 1 04 even earlier ; diolwch < *dë-iäl-isq- : W. iolaf ' I praise ', v.n., ioli, eiriolaf ' I entreat ', v.n. eiriawl < *ar-ial- ; Kelt. Hal- ' speak fervently ' < Ar. *jdl- ' fervent ' : Gk. ^Àoç, Dor. £5Aoç 'zeal'. (3) Suff. -yg-, as in gwaethyg-af 1 1 become worse ', v.n. -u 9 from * worse ' ; mawryg-af ' I extol ', v.n. -21, from mawr ' great ' . The suff. is prob. a variant of -ych- after th, 11, cf. -wg § 143 iii (23). The stem-form of Ml. W. gwéllygŷaw from gwall ' defect ' has been influenced by the synonymous diffygỳaw < Lat. dë-jtci-. (4) Suff. -ha- ; the -7i- unvoiced -b, -d, -g, and often -/, -b § 111 iii. It has various uses : (a) ' to seek ', added to nouns, forming v.n.'s without a v.n. ending : cardota ' to beg ' {cardod ' charity ') ; biota ' to beg meal ' (blawd ' meal ') ; cica ' to beg meat ' (cig ' meat ') ; fta ' to beg corn ' (ŷd ' corn ') ; pysgóta ' to fish ' (pysgod ' fish ') ; cnetia ' to gather nuts ' (cnau c nuts ') ; addra ' to go bird-catching ' (adar ' birds ') ; cynuta ' to gather fuel ' (cynnud ' fuel ') ; llygota ' to catch mice ' {llygod ' mice ') ; gwréica ' to seek a wife ' (gwraig ' wife ') ; lloffa 1 to glean ' (ttaw(f) ' hand '), etc. None of these has a corre- sponding verb, § 204 i ; but many have a nomen agentis in -Mi 9 as blótaiy cynútai § 143 iv (2). These forms are proper compounds of noun stems with *sag-<*s9g-, 384 ACCIDENCE § 201 Vsag- : Ir. saigim ' I seek ', Goth, sokjan, E. seek ; thus *mläto-sag- >*blod-ha-> biota. The noun suff. -hai< *sagiö ' seeker ' § 104 ii (2). (b) ' to go as, act as ', in Ml. W. marchockaaf ' I ride ', mar- chockaawh s.G. 34, marchocawn do. 35 ; v.n. marchogaeth do. r, %$. A variant of the verb is formed without a suff. : marchogaf, 3rd sg. pres. subj. marchoco a.l. i 34, imps, marckocer do. 264, also with. v.n. marchogayth ib. Brit. *markakos agäme ' I go as rider ', treated as one word, gave *marchogha%af > marchocdaf. But the v.n. was a proper compound *markako-aktä > *markakaktâ > marchogaeth * to ride '. In Dyfed a new v.n. was formed from the vb. stem : marchocdu, now corrupted to brochgdu. (-aaf implies active flexion, but the vb. was orig. middle.) (c) ' to become, be ' with adjectives ; as gwanhàf ' I become weak', v ;n. gwanháu ; cryfhaf^ I become strong ', v.n. cryfJidu^ dial, cryffáu ; triigarhäf 'I am merciful, have mercy', v.n. trugarAáu, from trugar ; etc. Brit. *uánnos agäme 'I go weak' > *uannos-agame>W . gwanháaf. Where a vowel drops before s, the latter remains as h, cf. § 183 ii (2). It is a common usage to stereotype the nom. sg. mas. in such phrases ; cf. Lat. potis sumus, not *potes surnus, and Skr. pi. 1. dätasmas instead of dätarah smas following the sg. dätasmi ' I shall give ' < data asmi 'lama giver.' — W. parhaf 1 1 continue ' (v.n. parháu, para)< Brit. *paros-agame ' I go on the same '< Lat. par. (d) ' to make ' with adjectives ; glaiihaf ' I clean ', v.n. glanháu ; gwastatäf 'I flatten, straighten', v.n. gwastatáu; cadarnhäf 'I strengthen ', v.n. cadarnháu. Brit. *glanosagäme > W. glanhdaf. The nom. sg. mas. was used because it had been stereotyped in this form of phrase in group (c). To this group should probably be referred difétha ' to mar, spoil* < *di-fe§-ha ' to make unusable, unenjoyable ', Vmed- ' enjoy ', § 199 i (3). The verb was difethdaf, see difetha-awS k.b.b. 394, diffethe-eist w.M. 29, diffetha-er w.m.l. 137 (old ff for / § 19 ii (2)); it is now re-formed as diféthaf, though the v.n. remains unchanged. (e) 4 to use ', etc., with nouns ; as dyfrÂaf 1 1 water ', v.n. dyfrMu ; co ff4f 6 I remember', v.n. coffáu or cóffa; bwytaf *I eat', v.n. bwyta. Gwyn. dial. bŷtaép€W < * €p€-(T€V. ii. (1) -ofain, Ml. W. -ovein, -ovant occurs beside -aw in wylofain, Ml. W. wylovein il.a. 117, 154, cwynovein s.G. 343, cvinowant b.b. 46. A similar formation is digofain G. 132 1 wrath ', later usually digqfaint, abstr. noun. (3) -fan(n), -fa, in cwỳnfan^ Ml. W. hwynvan il.a. 154, beside cwynaw, cwyno ; grihvan il.a. 154, Mn. W. griddfan whence vb. griddfannqf, gribva r.m. 132 ; ehedfan Ml. W. e/ietvan, beside ekedeg, vb. ekedaf ' I fly '. (3) -ain, Ml. -ein, in llefain, llevein k.m. 13a, vb. llefaf £ I cry ' ; llemain, late llamu i Ml. ttemein, vb. llamof ' I leap ' ; germain ' to cry', Ml. germein, no verb ; ochain, vb. ockqf; ubain, diasbedain with no verbs. With -t in dioheifeint il.a. 129 'suffering', Mn. W. dioddefaint, only occurring as an abstract noun. (4) cwynaw < Brit. loc. *kein-a-men, denom. from *qeino-, § 101 ii (2) ; cwynofain from the dat. of the same stem, *kein-a-m e n% < *-m e nai : Gk. 8o-/xevat, Skr. da-mane ' to give '. W. cymryd; so goglyt<*uo-icl-tu-, Vkel- 'hide'. The -y- tended to spread from these. — The v.n. dilit is a similar formation, < *dë-lí-tu-, where *-U- is R 2 -grade of Vleiä x -' to stick'; the vb. dilynaf< *dë-linä-mi, with 71-infix § 201 i (4). The verb *lynaf(: Ir. lenim) disappeared in W., and its compounds, as erlyn 392 ACCIDENCE § 203 (for *erllyn), show the influence of the synonymous glynaf. s (for -8) represents -d-t-, §187 iii. ud <-wyd is a different formation from the others ; the most probahle explanation of the wỳ seems to be that it comes from new äi § 75 i (3) ; thus dywedut< dywedwỳt<*do-uet- äitö<*do-uet-ätiö : Lat. abstr. suff. -ätio, see vii (3). iv. (1) -ain, Ml. -ein, for -e- in the stem, in olrein, darllem § 201 ii (3), dwyrein ' to rise ', the latter surviving only as a noun meaning* 'east*. Examples of the verbs: olrewys w.m. 469, darllewyt do. 49, dwyreawh m.a. i 300. The v.n. arwein has vb. arwehqfm Ml. W., later arweiniqf; so kywein icywehei w.m. 119. Gwell kadwnoc olfein r.b. 968 ' better keep than seek/ (2) -wyn, for -^7-, -wg in the stem : dwyn, verb dygaf § 194 iii; ymddwyn, vb. ymddygqfih. ; amwyn verb amygaf§194iiv ; adolwyn, beside adolwg, also atolwg in Mn. W., verb adolygaf 1 ! pray \ rác adolwyn ý mw t^ftéé b.m. 197 ' lest any should be asked to go ', Adolwg a wnaf G.Y.C. m.a. i 517 'I pray*. (3) The suffix is *-no- ; cf. O.E. -an< *-o-no-. — *-egno->-ein§ 104 ii (1). Medial -eg- before a vowel >-ig- > y or e. — *-uk-no- >-wyn § 104 iii (1). — ar-, cy-wain seem to come from Vuegh- § 65 ii (3), but the verbs imply Vuedh- § 149 i; as dn did not become gn (e.g. blyn-eS, not *6Zm- § 104 iv (1)), we cannot assume Vuedh- for the v.n.'s. v. -eg, Ml. -ee, in rliedeg ' to run ', vb. r/iedqf; ehedeg ' to fly ', vb. ehedaf. -eg<*-ikä abst. noun (orig. adj.) suffix, § 143 iii (14). vi. (1) -an, added to «-stems, borrowed from O. or Ml. E. ; as /wngian ' to hang ' (O.E. àangian), ystwyrian ' to stir * (O.E. styrian) ; hence added to others as troüỳan e.p. 1272, mwmlian ' to mumble '. Added to W. stems -ian forms a sort of pejorative v.n., as gorweddian 'to lie about lazily', ymlwybran ' to plod one's way', sefyllian ' to loaf. It is not much used in the lit. lang. — Without i it appears as an abstr. suff. : cumn^ Ml. W. cussan ' kiss ' < O.E. cyssan ' to kiss '. Eng. strong verbs generally become i-stems iii W. with v.n. -0 as gildio 'to yields O.E. gildan; cf. § 201 iii (6). (2) -al seems to be a variant of -an arising from dissimilation in nasal stems; thus Uncial beside tincian 'to tinkle', mewial beside mewian ' to mew ' ; cyfnewidial D.G. 145 for cyfnewidio ; uaddial for naddu, techial for tecliu ; sisial whence vb. sisialaf 1 1 whisper ' ; myngial ' to mumble ', no vb. § 203 VERBS 393 vii. Each of the following v.n.'s has a form peculiar to itself : (i) Uuddias G.G1. r. 14, Ml. W. lluddŷas il.a. 19 'to hinder', vb. Uitddiaf, 3rd sg. pres. ind. lludd D.G. 105, aor. sg. 3. lluhỳwys w.m. 103, Unddiodd D.G. 105. The suffix is prob. the same as the abstr. noun suff. -as § 143 iii (6). (2) aredig, Ml. W. eredio b.b. 44 'to plough', vb. arddaf § 100 iii (2). There is a v.n. erti (~erbi) in b.b. 55, and a recent artificial arddu ; but the v.n. in common use is aredig. Pwy bynnac a dorro tervyn oy eredyc, y brenhyn a Syly yr ychen ay harSo a.l. i 196 ' Whoever shall destroy a boundary by ploughing it, the king shall be entitled to the oxen that plough it.' The ending is similar in formation to that of the v.adj. -edig § 206 vii. (3) chwerthin 'to laugh', vb. chwarddaf, 3rd sg. pres. ind. chweirh or chwardd § 173 iv (2). chwerthin e.m. 185, 237, wherthin w.m. 171. chwerthin is also an abstr. noun meaning 'laughter/ Gweniaith brydferth a chwerthin Erioed a fu ar dy fin. — D.G. 108. * Pretty flattery and laughter have always been on thy lip.' chwar8af<*s-ua?*-d-ämi,d-stem i Vuerë(i)- : Lat. rldeo § 63 vii (5) ; — chwerthin f Bret, choarzin, < *s-uar-tìn-î < *s-u e r'-tîn-ai, dat. of *s-u e r'-tiìö ) abs. noun in *-íû'ô : Lat. -tio ; the oblique cases have *-tin- (<*-tii e n-) in Kelt, as in Osc.-Umbr., not -tiön-âs in Lat., Brugmann 2 II i 319. The dat. of this stem occurs as infinitive in Ir. also : do saigthin * to seek \ chwerthin seems the only survival in W. The use of -tiö as an abs. noun suffix is a feature of Italo-Kelt. (4) gweini ' to serve ', vb. gweinyddaf. The -i of gweini may represent the 1 which stands in ablaut with -eie- ; *uo-gnl-mu- > gweini : O.W. gnim, Ml. W. gnif, Ir. gnim, in- flexion. On the verb see § 201 i (6). (5) se fyM ' to stand ', vb. safaf. safaf is a denom. from a noun *sthd-mo-s, Vstha- ' stand ', like tyfaf 1 1 grow* from Humo-s, § 201 i (8); — sefyll<*sthdm-i-li-s, with the iterative and causative -i- ( : -eie), and the suffix *-li-, as in gafael i (4) ; I between i's gives W. U § 111 i (2). (6) gwneuthur ' to make, do ', vb. gwnqf§ 193 x (4). (7) There are one or two other anomalous forms such as 394 ACCIDENCE § 204 cliwiltath D.G. 319 (beside chwilota) ; annos 'to incite' (beside annoy); gwastrod-edd Gr.O. ij 8, 300 from gwastrawd 'groom ', stiff. § 143 iii (13). § 204. i. Many verbal nouns have no verbs, but are used exactly like other v.n.'s in construction. Most of them have been named : cardota, biota, etc. § 201 iii (4) (a), cyfeddach, etc. § 203 i (3), germain, etc. § 203 ii (3) ; godro ' to milk'; ym-ladd c to tire one's self " <*mbi-l9d-, Vied- : Gk. ÁrjSeîi/ ' to be tired', Lat. lassus § 156 i (2) ; but ým-laò ( to fight', V ' qolad- § 101 ii (3), is conjugated throughout ; § 41 i. ii. The most important v.n.'s without verbs are byw 'to live' and marw 'to die'. They are also abstract nouns, and adjectives. (1) They are v.n.'s after wedi, or yn with the radical, in periphrastic conjugation or forming participle equivalents : Os marw bun, oes mwy o'r byd ? Maer haf wedy marw hefyd. — T.A., c. ii 79. ' If the maiden is dead does the world any longer exist Ì Summer is dead too.' I fardd ydwyf, ar ddidol, Yn brudd yn byw ar i 61. — T.A., A 24980/166. ' His bard am I, in seclusion, living sadly after him/ Also when qualified by an adverbial expression consisting of yn and an adj., as byw'n gymwys W.1L. r. 32 ' to live justly '. Gwell bedd a gorwedd gwirion Na byw'n hir yn y boen hon. — D.G. 108. ' Better the grave and innocent rest than to live long in this pain.' {2) They are abstract nouns when qualified directly by adjec- tives, as marw mawr ' great mortality ', byw da ' good living ', or when they follow yn with the nasal mutation : Am ych dwyn ym myw'cA dynion Yr oerai'r sir, eryr Siôn. — T.A., q. 229. ' Because you were taken in the lifetime of your men the shire became cold, eagle[-son] of Siôn.' Also generally with prefixed pronouns : odihenghy a'th vyw gennyt w.m. 476 'if thou escapest with thy life ' : Mn. W. yn fy myw ' in my life ', meaning ' for the life of me '. § 205 VERBS 395 (3) They are adjectives when they qualify nouns expressed or implied : Y gŵr marw, e gâr morwyn Ddaear dy fedd er dy fwyn. — T.A., G. 229. ' Dead man, a maiden loves the dust of thy grave for thy sake.' Ar ol y marw yr wỳli, Ar ol y fywV wylaf fi. — D.E., p 112/840. 1 Thou weepest for him who is dead ; I weep for her who is alive ' ; lit. ' the dead ' mas. sg., ' the living ' fern. sg. When following yn with the soft mutation : Ni bu 'n fy w, cyd bo 'n i fedd, Ni ôw'n farw neb un fawredd. — H.K. ' There has not been alive, though he is [now] in his grave, there has not been dead any one so great/ Also when they are complements, without yn, of the verb ' to be', as byddfyw lit. c be alive' i.e. live ! hwnnw afydd marw Ezec. xviii 4. Fy Nuw, pei cawn fy newis, Ni byddai fyw o'm bodd fis. — D.G-. 174. ' My God, if I had my choice, he would not be alive a month with my consent/ Silvan Evans s.v. byw treats the word as a v.n. here ; but no v.n can stand in this position. We cannot say bydd rhodio for ' walk ! r but we say bydd da or bydd dda l be good ! ' (4) As adjs. they have pi. forms bywipn E.P. ps. xxvii 13, lvi 13, late and rarely used, and meirw, meirwon. In periphrastic conj. the pi. meirw is used for the v.n. when the subj. is pi., as y maeni wedi meirw, by a confusion of the v.n. and adj. ; cf. gwedy myhw m.a. i 228 iox gwedy mehwi pi. — Compared : marwed L.G.C. 218 ' as dead', yn gynvywyet s.G. 77 ' as alive '; marwac/i, S.Ph. cy. ix 34. (5) byw < *g i &i-uos § 63 vii (3), which may be an adj. like Lat. vlvus, or a noun like Gk. /3toç. — marw < *m e ruos ( e r, not r, before u, § 63 iii) similarly formed from Vmer-\ in Lat. mortuus<*mrtuos the t is intrusive according to Brugmann 2 II i 448. § 205. The v.n. is always mas. in construction. But many of the forms were originally fern., and some remain fern, when used as abstract nouns. Thus bod<*bhu-tä is f. in hafod § 189 iv (6); abstract nouns in -aeth are f. § 139 ii ; gqfael noun is f., gafael 396 ACCIDENCE § 206 %adam w.m. ii, Mn. W. yr afael 'the hold'; and cerbed in y gerhet honno k.m. 183; so adeilad f. 'building', cyfeddach f. as y gyfeddach. Doubtless rhedeg, ehedeg i etc. were originally f. ; O.W. trited retec cp. ' third (f.) course \ But since v.n.'s were made mas., abstract nouns of the same form have tended to follow them. Thus gwasanaeth ' service ' is mas. , because the same form continued in use as a v,n., § 203 i (1). Similarly hiraeth mas. ' longing ', see ib. Verbal Adjectives. § 206. i. Verbal adjectives are formed from the stem of the verb either without a suffix or with the suffixes -edig, -adwy and in Ml. W. -awt, -edizv. The last two suffixes are rare, even in ML W. ; only a few verbs have suffixless v.a.'s ; but all regular transitive verbs may have v.a.'s in -edig and -adwy. The former has usually the sense of a past pass, participle, the latter of a fut. pass. part, or gerundive. ii. Suffixless: plan E.P. ps. cxxxvii 2 ' planted ', vevbplamiaf * I plant ' ; pryn ' bought ' vb. prynaf ; cwsg ' sleeping ' in bardd cwsg, vb. cysgqf; ttosg in marwor Uosg 'burning embers', vb. llosgaf; tawh \ melting ' e.m. 169, Ps. lviii 8, ' molten ' Lev. xix 4. iii. Suff. -edig, Ml. W. -edic : darparedic w.m. 23 ' prepared', bendicetic l.l. 121 'blessed', emelldicetic ib. 'accursed', lladdedig 1 killed', gweledig 'seen ', car edic w.m. 37 'loved', Mn. W. oar edig ' kind ', crwydredig ' wandering '. iv. Suff. -awt : guit gvyrhaud (=gwqb gwi/rhawd) b.b. 89 ' trees [are] bent' ; At(wyn) lloer Uewychawt b.t. 9 'sweet [is the] moon shining '. v. Suff. -adwy : dywedadwy § 169 iv (1) * to be said' ; credadwy cm. 21 'to be believed, credible' ; moladwy ' b.t. 73 *to be praised, praiseworthy ' ; ofnadwy ' terrible ', vb. ofnaf ( \ fear' ; cyraeddadwy ■' attainable ', vb. cyrhaehaf ' I reach ' ; safadtvy ' stable ', vb. safaf ' I stand '. -ediw is a variant of -adwy : molediw § 169 v (4). vi. Suff. -ad in crwydrad ' wandering \ -aid in honnaid, as bit .honneit § 222 x (3), vb. honnaf ' I publish.' vii. The suffixless v.a. is prob. originally the pres. part. act. in *-a-nts i ' : -e-nts : Lat. -ans, -ens ; thus Uosg ' burning '< Brit. Hosk-ans. §§ 207, 208 VERBS 397 The suff. -awt is the past part. pass, in -to- oíâ-stems ; thus *-a-to-s >-awt. Cf. barvawt b.t. 21 * bearded '< Lat. barbätus ; edig is an extension in *-l-ko- of this ; thus, *-ä-tíko-s > -edig. aid § 153 (2). -adwy is the fut. pass. part, in *-teuiô- ; the -a- before it may be from unacc. ä or from 9 ; thus ofinadwy < *obna-touiós § 76 v (4) : Skr. kar-tavya-h ' faciendus ' ; ediio is a variant of this due to metath. § 78 iv (1). The rhyme (glyw) e.p. 1041 shows that the -iw is for -yw after the dental § 77 v. — The element *-teu- seems to have been used also with suff. -no- to form verbal adjs., which mostly became nouns in W. : credadun ' believing ' D.G. 54, ' credible ' m.a. i 563Ò, usually ' believer ' < Brit. *kreta-tou-no- ; — amheuthun ' unac- customed fare, treat', adj. unwonted', for *am-(w)heithun § 77viii <*mbi-suek-tou-no- : chweith ' taste' § 108 iv (2), pref. 'different' § 156 i (4) (d), hence ' change of diet' ; — yspárdun s.g. 2 4 spur* : yspar§ 96 iv (1). — Participles in -to- formed from cons, stems sur- vive as nouns: talaith 'frontlet, crown', Ml. W. talheith b.b. 106 <*talo-sektä 'forehead-attachment', Vseg*-: Skr. sdjati ' attaches', Lith. segu ' I fasten, attach ', saktls ' buckle '. Compound Verbs. § 207. i. The prefixes compounded with verbs are mostly the same as those compounded with nouns and adjectives ; see § 156. ii. A verb may also be compounded with a noun or adj.; as efe a lwyr-lanhâ ei laivr dymu Matt, iii 12; see § 45 iii. The verb forms the second element, and has its initial softened 3 like the second element of a noun-compound. The initial of the first element becomes that of the compound verb, and is softened after the rel. a, remains rad. after the rel. y, etc., like the initial of a verb. PREPOSITIONS § 208. i. Personal pronouns forming objects of prepositions in Brit, and Goidelic came to be agglutinated to the prepositions, and ultimately developed into mere inflexions. The " conjuga- tion " so formed was very similar in W. to that of the verb, and was influenced in its later development by verbal forms. ii. (1) Inflected prepositions have two forms, m. and f. of the 3rd sg., and one for each of the other persons sg. and pi. Many have in addition an adverbial form ; and all preserve their unin- 398 ACCIDENCE § 209 fleeted forms, which are used when the object is other than a personal pronoun. (2) The simple form of every conjugable prep, causes the soft mutation of the initial of a following noun ; except er s rhag and t!mm which cause the radical ; yn which causes the nasal, rad. or soft, according to its function ; and wwck, is which cause the rad. except in niochlaw, isláw, uwc/iben. iii. (1) The 2nd sg. ending is Ml. W. -t = -d, and often appears as -d in Early Mn. W., e.g. arnad D.G. 2, gennyd/byd do. 3, atad do. 42, hebod do. 513; hut like the ~d of the 2nd sg. impf. ind. it became -t in Late Mn. W., see § 174 i. (2) The 3rd pi. ending is in Early Ml. W. rarely -u, -wS, later and usually -unt formed after the 3rd pi. of verbs. In Late Mn. mss. and books this is misspelt -ynt, with rare exceptions, e.g. G.J. Hyfí'. Gynnwys (1749). The final -t is frequently dropped in poetry, as in verbs; and in the spoken lang. is always dropped; see § 106 iii (2). iv. There are three conjugations of prepositions, distinguished by the vowel of the 1st and 2nd pers. endings ; thus for the 1st sg., i- - S . . .8) would remain longer ; hence W. arnaSu(S)< *uórnadoibis< *uórnä do eibhis or some such form ; arnaSunt has the -nt of the verb added ; arnu, arnunt are probably later formations. — The modern equivalent i of the prep. *do performs the same function as that assumed above for *do ; it is added to an adverb to make it a prep. ; thus tu yma i 'this side of § 216 ii (4), heibio i 'past' §210 iii. (2) at is the stem of the personal forms substituted for *ad, which may be from *ato<*ad-do, a compound of *ad and *do both denoting ' to \ The personal forms seem to be derived from an adverb *ato-ta ; thus ataf<*ad-daf<*áio-ta-me] etc. as in (1). (3) o dán (adan, O.W. guotan) is formed from *uo- i under ' § 156 i (16) (o-/a-<*uo-/ua- § 65 v (1)) and *-tanä<*-t e nü as in Lat. pro-tinus<*pro-t e nos : Lat. tenus,Vten- 'stretch'; *uo-tanä-me >o danaf, etc., as arnaf above; adv. dano8<*uo-tana-de (stiff. *-dhi or *-dhe § 162 vi (2)). On the accent of oddn see § 47 i ; oddn >dan ; see also § 51 vi. § 210 PREPOSITIONS 401 (4) am<*m6Äz § 156 i (4); amdán- formed like odán- above. (5) o 'from° of, Corn, a, Bret, a < Brit. *ä < Ar. *apo : Gk. àtró, Lat. ab, abs, Skr. dpa. The Bret, and Corn, a imply Brit, unacc. *ä; the form a survived in Ml. W. in phrases of the form truan a beth lit. ' a wretched of a thing ', in which the ordinary is substituted for it in Mn. W. ; see § 71 i (2). Ml. W. oc, occurring only before eu, is due to the analogy of ac § 160 iv (2), § 213 iii (1) ; in Bret. Van. the analogy is carried a little further, Loth Voc. 28. — Bret, ac'h 'from' (ac'h Aire ounn ginidik 'je suis natif d'Auray', Troude), W. ach 'off, by' as in ach ỳ law w.m. 472 'beside him'< *aks < *aps : Lat. abs, Gk. âỳ. — W. ohan- for ahan-, Corn. ahan- t Bret, ahan-, ac'han-, from *ap-sanä 'away from'; *sanä<*s e nä : Lat. sine, Skr. sanitur § 156 ii (3). The 2nd sg. ohonawt implies an accent on the -ä : *ap-sana-te. The 3rd pi. onaSu (Bret, aneze, Corn. anedhe) seems to imply a simpler form, not a contraction of *ohona§- (of which there is no trace in W., Corn, or Bret.), possibly *po-nä : cf. O.H.G. fona<*pu-nä. The a- was generalized in Bret., Corn., and the 0- in W., where it intruded into the second syll., and even the third, causing a confusion of conjugations. § 210. Second Conjugation. — i. To this belong ' before ' ; heb * (past) by, without ' ; yu i in ' ; trwy ' through ' ; tros ' over ' ; er, Ml. W. yr ' for ' ; rhwng ' between ' ; uivch ' above ' ; u ' below '. ii. rhag ' before ', Ml. W. mc, is conjugated as follows : Ml. W. Mn. W. sg. pi. 1. rag of 1. ragom 2. ragot 2 ragoch 3. m. rachaw f racbu f. raebi ' \ rachunt adv. racko,raccw sg. pi. 1. rìiágof I. rliágom i. rMgod, ~t %, rMgocli 3. m. rhágddo (rhágddunt f. rhdgddi 1 -ddynt adv. rkdco, dew c yonder ' ragof w.m. 4, ragot ib., racdaw do. 9, racSi s.G. 63, recSi w.m. 423, rogSaw do. 444, rocSi a.l. i 452, 516, 522, ragom b.b. 29, ragoch b.m. 129, f«c8w w.m. 53, k.m. 37, cm. 37. il.a. iii, racSunt w.m. 86 ; racko w.m. 251, facco r.m. 8, raccw a.l. i 112 (ms.c. 13th cent.), Mn. W. ra^ p 54/269 r., r7iaco L.G.C. 32, usually acw do. 83 ; forms with -0-: Gwentian rÁogr (accented) h.g. 3, 70, fö^So I.F. p 83/66; S.AV. dial. óco. — O.W. sg. 3. m. racdam juv. gl. sibi. iii. heb ' (past) by ; without ' : sg. 1 hebqf, 3. m. liebhaw, Mn. hebddo, f. hebhi ; pi. 1. hebom, 3. hebhnnt ; adv. heibỳaw, heibaw, Mn. //ẅ'o ' past '. 1402 d d 402 ACCIDENCE § 210 A cherSet heb gorr s.G. 257 'and walked past a dwarf, hebof, hebot b.p. 1440, see § 198 ii, hebhaw e/ w.m. 17 ' past him ', hephaw ef do. 417 'without him', hebSi e.g. 1117; heibŷaw b.m. 10, heibaw w.m. 15 ; Mn. W. hebod D.G. 513, hebom 1 Cor iv 8 (1620), heboch Bhuf. xv 28 (1620, changed in late editions to heibioch !). ' Past ' as a prep, is in the late period generally expressed by heiUo i Job ix 11. iv. yn * in ' ym^ yng § 107, '», 'm, 'ng § 44 vii (1) : sg. 1 ynof, 3. m. yndaw, f.yndi, Mn. W. yndo ) yndi, re-formed later asynddo, U. ynof il.a. 80, ynot w.m. 29, b.m. 19, ?/nocA s.G. 94 ; Mn. W, ynof G.K. [127], D. 70, ynot (3 times) I)at. xviii 22. The form indi b.b. 45, as opposed to hebti ( = hebBi) do. 44, suggests d (yndi) rather than 8. So in Early Mn. W., as undyn/ynd&w H.D. p 99/474, randir/yndi L.G.C. r. 34; but L.G.C. 231 has ynddo/Wenddydd (? read Wendy dd ; the dial, forms are S.W. yndo, N.W. ynnofo). Llundain, ni chair lie yndi ; Liu Owain hen ai lleinw hi. — G.T., il 134/167 B. * London — there is no room in it ; the host of old Owain fills it.' v. trwy ' through ' : sg. 3 trwybaw, trwyhi, pi. 3 trwyhunt. The stem of the 1st and 2nd pers. is trw-, or trwyb- taken from the 3rd. Adv. trwob (trwab). In Mn. lit. W. the forms are trwof, trẅot t trwỳddo, trwyddi, trwom, etc. ; adv. trwodd (dial. trwab). drwyBqfi s.G. 9, 12, drwyBot il.a. 49, drwot do. 99, drwyBaw, drwyBi w.m. in, trwyBaw b.p. 1418, drwyBunt il.a. 171, wwo8 w.m. 51-2, b.m. 36, s.G. 68, ŵwaS b.m. 36. Mn. W. trwof-i 2 Tim. iv 17, trwot Philem. 7, trẁodd Mic. v 8. vi. tros ' over ' : sg. I. trossof, Mn. W. trosof, 3. trostaw, trosti, Mn. W. trosto, trosti ; adv. Mn. W. drosodd. drossof w.m. 88, drossot do. 25, drostaw ib., drosfo" A.L. i 536, drossom jl.K 155, trostut (-t = 8) m.A. i 258, drostunt il.a. 49. Mn. W. drosof-i Matt, xvii 27, trosom Eph. v 2, trosodd Matt, ix 1 ; etc. vii. er ' for ', Ml. W. yr : Mn. W. m/, erot, erbo, etc. ; Ml. sg. I. yrof s erof, 3. yrbaw, yrbi ; etc. No adv. ýro/B.p. 1264, yro/j ?/ro£ w.m. 9 'for me ', 'for thee', yrSaw do. 37 'for him', ýrom bTp. 1294 (/áreith), yrBunt b.m. 49. Mn. W. ero/-?' Ps. cix 21, erom Rhuf. xvi 6, erdofo Col. i 16, etc. viii. (1) rhwng ' between ', Ml. W. hvng, yhvng : Ml. W. sg. 1. yrof,rqf, 2. yrot,rof, yryfigkot, 3. m. yrybaw,(y)ryngt/iaw,(y)ry?igtaw, §210 PREPOSITIONS 403 f. yrydi, (y)ryngt/d, (y)ryngti\ pi. I. yrom, 2. yrock, 3. yrybunt, (j/)ryngtkunt, (y)ryngtunt\ Mn. W. sg. 1. rhof, rhyngof, 2. rhot, rhyngot, 3. rhyngtho, -i ; pi. 1. r/ẅm y r/iyngom, 2. rhoch, rhyngoch^ 3. rhyngthunt. In Late Mn. W. rhof, rhot, etc. are no longer used ; and -dd- is substituted for -th- in the 3rd pers., an artificial change, for in the spoken lang. the dental is still -th~ or 4- as in Ml. W. (2) yrof i a duw w.m. 2, 9, 10, etc. 'between me and God ', erof a duw do. 88, rofi a duw do. 18, yrynghot w.m. 109, y rom ni do. 10 'between us/, y roch cm. 41 'between you', yrySunt w.m. 64, cm. 30, 41, ryngthaww.M. 22, ryngtaw do. 19, yrygthi do. 176, y ryng- thunt, do. 6, 35, yrungthunt do. 6. The forms î/roíí il.a. 119, yrwng do. 75, 120, yrygtunt 75 with the form r as in yroBes ( = y rhoSes) do. 120, 2/m (eí/ r/iei) do. 75, show that the r is rA, as if initial (medial r after «/ is written z). (3) Strachan, Intr. 39, refers yrof to a simple ro, which is imaginary. Mn. W. rho in rho Duw D.G. 227 is a contraction of rho a < rhof a. Zeuss confused yrof ' for me ' with yrof ' between me 5 , ZE. 670; but the accentuation is different : Mn. W. êrof 'for me ', Ml. W. ýrof ýrom vii (accentuation attested by cynghanedd), but Mn. W. rhof ' between me' Ml. W. rof see above, Mn. W. y rhom D.G. 201, rhom 'between us', as — Amodau, rhwymau oedd rhôm, Eithr dngau a aeth rhýngom. — T.A., c ii 79. 4 Between us were covenants [and] bonds, but death went between us/ (4) The compound cyfrwng is similarly used : kywrug hrodorion b.b. 55 'between brothers'; kyfryngoch m.a. i 222, kyfryngthut (-tf = -S) do. 233. — cyfrwng is also a noun meaning 'interval' r.b.b. 11. — In Recent written W. a neologism cydrhwng (cyd-rhivng) is sometimes used. (5) Without initial yr- we find 1st and 2nd sg. forms used as adverbs : yngo D.G. 52, yngod do. 88, 280, G. 142 * hard by ', Ml. "W. yghot w.m. 118, yngot s.g. 304; cf. iso, isod. ix. uwch ' above ', is * below ', Ml. W. uch, is : Ml. W. sg. 3. m. uchtaWy istaw w.m. 455 ' above him ', ' beneath him ', pi. I. uchom b.b. 29 'above us'. The 1st and 2nd sg. are used as adverbs: uchof a.l. i 50, p 14/38 it. 'above', uchot il.a. 115 ' above ', Mn. W. ucho g. 234, ucliod ' above ', iso, isod ' below \ In Late Mn. W. uchod 'above', isod 'below' are used, but no other inflected forms. For uchof isof periphrastic forms are used, such as uwch fy mhen, is fy nhraed, or is fy Haw. i)d 2 404 ACCIDENCE § 210 x. (i) The -o- of the ist and 2nd pers. endings of this conjugation prob. represents the ending -o of the prep, in Brit. Although the thematic vowel -o was not a case ending in Ar. it was a common ending of adverbs and preps., e. g. *apo, *upo, *pro, and may have spread in Kelt. Hence perhaps *proko me > Brit. *rokome > W. (*rhogof), rhagof. For the 3rd pi. -hunt see §209 vii(i); 3rd sg. -Si< *'-do-sî § 75 ii (2), where *sl is the instr. sg. of *si ' she'. The 3rd sg. m. -Saw is difficult ; Ml. W. -Saw, and Bret, -zan, O.W. -dam ( = -Sav) seem to be two different reductions of *-Sauv, in which au (aw) must be from *-ou- not from -ä- (since äm > Bret, eun) ; both *-Sawfa,nà. Corn, -tho may be from *-do-emi § 75 ii (2); *e-mi, instr. in *-mi of *es • he \ (2) rhag < *prolcos : Lat. reci-procus, procul < *procolos, dim. of *prokos; unacc. ok > ah in Brit. § 65 ii (1) ; dialectal rhog, rhogSo, etc. < *prok-. The form before a noun seems to have ended in -s causing the rad. initial : Brit. *rokos unacc. ; personal forms as above (1). The adv. raccw, racco ; yonder ' has a suffix *-hw or *-A.o, prob. with loss of -nn (as yma ' here ' etc. § 110 v (2)), for *-hwnn or *honn<*som-de or *som-da ' there' suff. *-dhe or *-dha § 162 vi (2), cf. hwnt § 220 ii (5); thus Brit. *roko sonde 'in front there '> raccw. Initial r- was prob. first lost after consonants : y gwr racw > y gŵr acw, y brýn racw > y bryn acw, *dracw > dacw, etc. (3) heb ' (past) by, without ', Ir. seek id., Bret., Corn, heb * without ' : Av. haca l away from ', O.Pers. hacä id. : Lat. secus, Skr. sácä ' at, in the presence of \ These are believed to be all from Vseq%- 'follow ' ; e.g. Brugmann 2 II ii 894 ff. The development of the meaning in Kelt, and Iran, is not quite clear. In "W. heb with the vb. wyf means ' not having attained ' : yr wyf heb fy nghinio ' I have not had my dinner', perhaps <'*I am in pursuit of. This may explain the sense of ' lacking \ { Past ' and ' away from ' may be from ' proceed- ing \ The adv. heibiaw (Bret, ebiou) seems to be a cpv. of the adj. *seq%os ; it might represent a loc. *seqHosi § 75 ii (2). (4) yn { in'<*ew, *eni and * en-do : Lat. in, O.Lat. en, Gk. iv, ivi, etc. Although the last ends in -0, ynof, ynot, etc., cannot come directly from it, as they have only one -n- in lit. W. Ml. and Mn. They are prob. re-formations from yn on the analogy of rhagof, etc. The -d- in yndaw, etc. is due to provection of 8 after n, § 111 vii (2). (5) trwy ' through ', Ir. tri, Ire, Bret, tre, dre. It causes lenition in Ẅ., Bret, and Ir., except in Ir. before the article. For the form in the last case Brugmann 2 II ii 900 gives *tres, comparing *pres in Gk. 7rpeo--/3t>ç ; but as *pri f *prei existed beside *pres, so there were prob. *tri, *trei; these would account for the leniting forms. W. trtvy <*trei; trwySu(nt) <*trei do eibhis. The ist and 2nd pers. forms and the adv. are analogical formations. (6) tros 'over, across' is a weak form of traws § 71 i (2), as in ar draws ( across \ It comes from a participial form *träns = Lat. träns < *tränts. The 3rd pers. trostaw, trosti, trostunt<* trans do- ; the other persons and the adv. are analogical formations. §211 PREPOSITIONS 405 (7) er, Ml. W. yr, er. The meanings are ' for the sake of ; in spite of; in exchange for; since (a particular date)'; er ys, er's § 214 vii. The prep, represents more than one derivative of *per, prob. *per, *peri, *pero-s : Lat. per, Gk. vcpi, Skr. pari, Skr. pardh. The prep, takes the rad. ; this would be the initial after */;eros. The personal forms have the meaning of 'for the sake of, and may come from *pero-. (8) rhwng ' between ' has replaced O.W. ithr ' between ' ; Ml. W. yrwng <*per-ongo-, §65 iii (1) : cyf-wng 'interval', cyf-yng 'con- fined', e-ang ' wide ' < *eks-ang- : Gk. oiyxh ày^oíî 'near', Lat. angustus, Germ, eng, V agh-/ogh- 'narrow, strait'; the 0- is seen in Gaul. Octo-durus "arx in angustia sita". *(p)er-ongo-me by the usual loss of the second syll. would give *yrioof', the w seems to have been dropped, as before r, giving yrof, which kept its O.W. accentua- tion § 47 i, like yrwng ; if so, the in yrôm was originally short, and yron{n) occurs for it in b.b. ioi 1. 2; the x> seems to have been metathesized in O.W. igridu b.s.ch. 2 ' between them ' for *yrny$u < *(p)er-ongo-doibis. — The forms yrynghof, yryngthaw etc. are probably new formations from yrhwng, perhaps originally rytohof for *yrnof. The curious 2nd sg. gryghod w. 36 seems to be a scribal error for rynghod (m.A. i 192). (9) uwch, is, see § 148 i (14), (10). The 3rd pers. forms may be old, the adj. being used adverbially before do ; the other forms are prob. analogical. § 211. Third Conjugation. — i. To this belong* gan ' with, by ' and wrth ' over against ' : ii. (1) gan is conjugated as follows : Ml. W. Mn. W. sg. pi. 1. gennyf 1. gennym 2. gennyt 2. gennwch 3. m. gantliaw, (gantku(ò), •taw f. genthi, -ti .3- -unt -tint pi. 1. gennyf 1. 2. gennyt 2. gennych 3. m. gant/10, (ganthunt, -to 3 * I f. genthi, -ti Also in Ml. W. genhyf, etc. In Late Mn. W. sg. 3. m.ganddo, f. ganddi, pi. 3. ganddynt ; the dd is artificial. •• (2) O.W. cant ox. ' with ', Early Ml. W. Jean, as kan canyat e penteulu a.l. i 14 'with the permission of the chief of the house- hold \ The rad. is sometimes retained in Early Mn. verse : cennyd D.Gr. 329, cennym T.A. g. 252 (misspelt cenyd, cenym). Ml. W* ỳ gan * from with ', as ugeynt ykan pop gur a.l. i 14 '20 406 ACCIDENCE §211 from every man ', became gan already in Ml. W., as attep ny chavas ef gent hi hi w.m. io 'he got no reply from her' ; Mn. W. gan ' from '. (3) genhiw ( = genhyf) b.b. 101 ' with me', genhyf w.m. 55, gennyf do. 18, genhid b.b. 10, gennyt w.m. ii, ganihaw do. 9, genthi do. 10, 15, genti do. 28, y gennym do. 12 'from us', genhwch do. 57 'with you', gennwch ib., r.m. 40, s.G. 92, ganthut (-t = -8) m.a. i 258, gantu w.m. 57, ganthunt b.t. 65, w.m. 16, s.G. 1, gantunt il.a. 69. There is also in Early Ml. verse what appears to be a 3rd pi. genhyn b.t. 13 (twice), 15, 16 (twice), 17, 77, nyd ant ỳ kenhin b.b. 49 'they will not go back'; also a form y genhyS b.t. 75, in an obscure passage. (4) BM with the verb ' tojbe ' expresses ' have ' : y mae gennyf 'there is with me ', i.e. I have, y mae gennyt 'thou hast', etc. ; nid oes gennyf ( I have not ', etc. (5) On gennif, gennit, wrthif wrthit, see § 77 iv. iii. (1) wrth: sg 1. wrthyf w.m. 10; 2. wrthyt ib. ; 3. m. wrthaw do. 2 ; f. wrthi do. 10 ; pi. 1. wrthym il.a. 155 ; 2. wrthywch w.m. 39; 3. wrthu il.a. 11.3, wrthunt do. 119. (2) O.W. gurt paup ox. ' against everybody ', gl. consistes. gurthdo juv., gl. obstitit, seems to be a verb, § 193 v (3). Ml. W. ỳ wrth ' from beside ', as ywrthywch ac ywrth ych tei il.a. 157 ' from you and from your houses', Mn. W. oddi wrth, oddi wrthyf etc. ; Ml. W. y wrth also means - compared with ', w.m. 11, Mn. W. wrth b.cw. 5 ' compared with'. iv. (1) gan, O.W. cant (Corn, gans, Bret, gant, Ir. prefix oèt-, ceta-) has the meanings of *kom, of which it is a derivative. Thus cann < cant < Brit. *kanta < Ar. *km-ta == Gk. Kara < *km-ta. The pronoun suffixed affected the a ; it may have been abl. *mi(d) = Lat. me(d), or possibly a loc. *moi which as a mere suffix would become *-mî. So for the 2nd sg. The first and 2nd pi. are prob. analogical. The affection of a before a labial became i{, § 69 ii (4) ; hence gennyf, gennym, gennywch, which caused the sg. 2. to follow; thus the distinction kept in Corn, between genef and worthy/ (similarly in Bret.) is lost in W. Between vowels -nt- > -nnh- > •nn- regularly. In the 3rd pers. *do is used, as after other preposi- tions, taking of course the same case ; hence *cant-$aw > ganihaw or gantaw; so for f. and pi. The 3rd pi. genhyn, with verbal -n (addtd to the apparent stem genhy- ?). . (2) wrth, O.W. gurt(h), Corn, worth, orth, Bret, ouz, oz, implies some such form as *uertó § 66 iii (1); Ir. frith 'against* < *urt- : §212 PREPOSITIONS 407 Lat. red-, re- < Ital. *ured- < Ar. *uret- ; cf. Lat. versus ' against ', part, of verto : Vuer- ' turn \ wrthyf< *uertó-mî > etc. The 3rd sg. wrthaw < *wrth-8aw, the -8- merged in the -th-; so for the f. and pi. § 212. i. The prep, i 'to', Ml. W. y, O.W. di is inflected anomalously ; the 1st sg. is i{m } or with the affixed pron. ymi or ymi/ ; for ^-, i- is common in Ml. W., and became the usual form in Mn. W. The inflexion is as follows : pi. 1. ?/m, i/mi } 7/nn/, im 9 imi 2. ytt) yttì i[ttí[ ì itt, itti 3. m. ibaw, Mn. iddo f. ibi, Mn. iddi 1. i/nn, iinni j ynm/, Z7i ) mm 2. ì/wcà, ?/ckwij t/càwy, iwcà, iclmi 3. uhUj uhuh, ubimt, Late Mn. iddynt Examples: ym il.a. 98, 1. 4, ymi w.m. 20, 22, im do. 46 ; ytt il.a. 95, 2/«^ r.m. 5, yti w.m. 4, itt do. 3, 8, 9, it do. 20, iííi ib. ; yni do. 29, mm do. 139, ychwi r.m. 7, itoch chwi w.m. ii, í/wcä do. 50, utut ( = uBuS) b.b. 49-50, u8u b.t. 74; wStmtf § 77 viii; i&zw, ŵ' passim. The Late Mn. W. spelling iddynt is artificial; see § 17 viii. ii. Forms with y survive in Early Mn. verse, in which the rhymes show that the sound of the y is i[, Dafydd ap Gwilym, umq Y bu fraw am na bai fri[. — G.Gr. (m. D.G.) f.n. i. 'Dafydd ap Gwilym — to me there was dismay because he was no longer [alive] there/ Arglvjydd gwvnn, nid oes u,nni Tin tad oil onid tydi. — M.R., p 93/56. ' Holy Lord, there is to us no father at all but Thee/ Ni all angel penfelvn Na llu saint ddim lies tin. — G.I.IL., f. 8, m 130/470 r. ' No golden-haired angel or host of saints can [do] us any good/ iii. The affixed pron. is often accented ; in that case it is usually written separately, i mi, i ti, etc., Ml. W. y mi w.m. 8. As mni has undoubtedly a double n the form yni w.m. 20 must mean ipit (the double consonant being simplified before the accent § 27 ii). Gwell i mi golli 'mýwyd Na chan boen nychu 'n y byd. — T.A., A 14866/201. 1 It is better for me to lose my life than in pain to pine in the world/ Rarely in poetry i mýfi D.G. 53, i nyni H.S. 22, etc.; thus: 408 ACCIDENCE § 212 Mwya ofn yw i mýfi. Ofn y paid ar fanap i. — I.D., A 14997/28. ' The greatest fear to me is the fear that my trouble will end.' iv. When dydd da 'good day ' and nos da ' good night ' are followed by yd ' to thee ' and i[wch ' to you ', da i[d is contracted to däyd written daed (§ 29 ii (2) ) and da i[wgJi to ddi/wck, däewch, now reduced to ddwck § 30. "Nos daewch" i'r ferch nis dichon; " Nos daed ti " nis dywaid hon. — D.E., A 14967/18 (g. 118). ' [To say] " good night to you " to the maid avails not ; she will not say " good night to thee 'V Breiniawl wyt o'r barẃnwaed; Barwn Ystepltwn, nos daed. — L.G.C. 141; see 127, 480. ' Noble art thou of the blood of barons ; Baron of Stepleton, good night to thee/ O'r cyff hwn ar Cyffinwaed Y cawn was dewr. Can' nos daed ! — T.A., a 14975/102. ' Of this stock and the blood of Kyffin we have a brave youth. A hundred good nights to thee/ Dydd daed D.E. p 83/103, dyddiau daed G.Gh, m 146/203, D.G. 3 8l « ... JŸos dâwch is still in common use ; but daed is not now generally known. Silvan Evans quotes L.G.C. 141 (see above) and D.G. 381 under daed eqtv. of da. v. oe 4 to his, to her, to their' § 160 ii (1); yw, i'w e to his, to her, to their ' ib., § 160 iv (2). vi. y, i 'to ', O.W. di < Brit. *do is equivalent to the prefix dy- § 65 iv (2), § 156 i (13). It is strange that this prep, whose 1st sg. is the only one in Ir. which has certainly a single -m (= W. *-/) is the only one in W. with -m ( = -mm). The -m is due, like the usual -mm in Ir., to the Kelt, doubling of the initial of an unacc. word following an accented monosyll., § 217 iv(i); thus ym < *do-minl < *do moi. The corresponding form of the 2nd sg. would be *yth, cf. yih ' to thy ' ; but the form that survived was yd (id w.m. p. 279), as in daed ; by late analogical doubling this gave ytt (d-d > tt § 111 ii (1)). It may be conjectured that the 3rd pers. forms were orig. *daw, *di, *dw, as these were mere suffixes in the conjugation of other preps, it is probable that *Si{ was prefixed here to represent the prep. ; i{ would be assimilated to a following i or u, and perhaps ihaw takes its i from i8i, O.W. didi l.l. 120. But the prep. *dl § 156 i (11) may have been prefixed, with an intensive force, as before *do- in di-Sawr § 195 i. ^213 PREPOSITIONS 409 § 213. i. The prepositions a [spirant], ag, Ml. W. a, ac ' with ' and wedi [rad.], Early Mn. and Ml. W. (g)wedymsiy be followed by independent pronouns ; thus â mi ' with me \ â thi ' with thee ' ; d myfi, â m?fi, d thydi, a th'di § 159 ii (3) ; ag ef, ag efo 'with him'; etc.; gueti ef l.l. 120 'after him', gwycli ny b.b. 44 'after us/. Ac ni bydd oherwydd hyn Gwedy ef gwiw dy ofyn.—I.G. 312 (m. D.G.). ' And therefore it will be of no avail after him to ask for thee ' (i. e. for a cywydd). Y Deheu feirdd wedy fo Sydd wannach eu swydd yno. — Gut.O., m 146/398. ' The bards of the South after him are weaker in their performance there' (m. G.G1.). Da oedd cyffion Huw Conwy, A da yw Huw wedy hwy. — L.G.C. 463. 1 Good were the ancestors of H.C., and good is H. after them/ In Late Mn. W. the use of a pron. as above after wedi is rare. ii. (1) a is now generally circumflexed to distinguish it from a * and '. When it is accented it is of course long, but when un- accented it is short. The same is true of a ' and \ (2) wedi has late -i owing to the frequency of its use, cf. § 16 ii (3). In Early Ml. W. where it rhymes it has -v ; see e. g. L.G.C. 15, 66. In Ml. W. it has -y in mss. in which i and y are dis- tinguished. iii. (1) a, ag < *agg6s ; it has two distinct meanings, and may therefore have a double origin : (a) ' together with ' < *ad-g- : Ir* ac, oc, occ < * 'ad-go- s : Lat. ad, Goth, at, E. at, Brugmann 2 II ii 793 ; this is the prep, used after cyf- and ym-, as cyf-arfod â £ to meet with ' ; and is the same as â, ag ' as ' after the equative ;-~(b) ' by means of, as O.W. ha crip ox. ' with a comb', Mn. W. â jphyg Gen. vi 14 'with pitch' < *ab-g- : § 209 vii (5). For ag, a [spir.] in this sense [soft] is used in Gwent : taro ci o asgwrn ' to strike a dog with a bone' Seren Gomer, Mai 7 18 14; cf. kymynynt o 8ur b.p. 1042 for k. a dur b.b. 72 'they hewed down with steel' ; con- versely, after a spv. ag is used for before a relative, as yn oreu ac y gellynt cm. 54, gyntaf&c y gallavw s.g. 408, Y glanaf ag a luniwyd, A'r goreu oil o'r gwŷr wyd. — T.A., a 14971/53. ' The handsomest of [all] that have been created, and the very best of men art thou.' In Ml. W. this is o before the demonst. V, as goreu . . . o V a vu b.m. 82 ' best of those that were ' ; rarely a, as bop . . . aV a vei il.a. 141 ; Mn. W. a'r a. The common origin and 410 ACCIDENCE § 214 overlapping use of a 'by means of and o 'of, from' prob. con- duced to the formation of the analogical oc § 209 vii (5). — The last element in Brit. *ag-gos is the same as that of the orig. form of a 'and' § 222 1(3). (2) gwedy (: Bret, goude) 'after' is also an adv. 'afterwards' § 220 ii (9). As a prep, it is largely used before verbal nouns, and in periphrastic conjugation it forms the equivalent of a perfect. For its origin see I.e. ; it has the same final element as a, ag. iv. The above are the only prepositions which may govern personal pronouns, except mal, megys § 215 iv. § 214. The following prepositions are of more or less re- stricted use : i. ach is used only in ach law c near at hand ' ; ach fy Haw ' near me ', etc. § 209 vii (5). A trace of a wider use is seen in ym ach mur Kaer Loyw k.m. 131 ' beside the wall of Gloucester ' ; ym — am< *mbhi § 156 i (4). ii. ger [rad.] ' near ', Ml. Mr, ker, gyr, ger, geir, geyr, gar, is used chiefly in gerlldw, ger Haw ' at hand ', gerbron, ger Iron ' before ' [ger fy Haw l near me ', ger dy law di il.a. i 25 ' near thee ', gerfy mron i before me '), but may occur before any noun denoting a place. The radical initial is k-, as kir Haw b.b. io, her llaw k.p. 1246, m.a. i 230, cer Iron do. 206, her tir Tyssilỳaw do. 341, Mn. W. a cher bron Dat. iii 5. The origin of the word is uncertain ; it seems to form the prefix in cyr-haeddaf ' I reach ', Mn. v.n. cyrr-aedd : haeSaf 'I reach'; possibly allied to cwrr 'edge', V(s)qer- 'cut'; both -gl- and -y- may be affections of -a- or -0- before -rr-, and -e- may be a variant of y § 16 iv (2); gar w.m. p. 281 may have unaffected a. iii. tra is used only in draehéfn { backwards, again ' (cefn 1 back ') ; with infixed pronouns kilya drathgefyn cm. 41 ' with- draw!' 2nd sg. impv., draecheffn e.m. 177 'behind her'. In Late Ml. and Mn. W. by a wrong division of drachefn we have drach dy gevyn s.G. 275 'behind thee \ drach ÿ nghefn D.G. 274 ' behind me ', drach ei cliefn Gen. xix 26. Tra mor tra Brython b.t. 76 'beyond the sea, beyond [the borders of] the Britons' and tra run b.b. 49 'beyond Rhun' preserve the remains of a wider use. trachéfn for Harchéfn < *taros kebn- < Ar. *t e rôs : Ir. tar : Skr. tiráh < *t e rôs; allied to trwy § 210 x (5) ; see § 156 i (22). iv. pw (py) is used only in the phrase ptvy gilydd 'to its fellow \ as ben bwy gilydd ' from end to its fellow ' i. e. from end §214 PREPOSITIONS 411 to end. For examples see § 166 ii (3). A trace of a wider use survives in awrjpy awr r.b.b. 107 ' [from] hour to hour'. pw : Ir. co ' to '. Initial gemination after the latter is secondary, according to Thurneysen, Gr. 456, who compares O.Bulg. kit 'to' (< *qom : Skr. Team after the dative). The Kelt, form would be *q^o; this may be the pron.-stem *q%o-, seen in e-grade in *q%e 'and ■ (Lat. -que, Gk. tc, etc.) : Lat. us-que < *ud-s ' out ' + *q^e ' to '. v. eithr [rad.] c without, except \ § 99 v (4), is used before verbal _nouns, as eithyr hot yn well ky weir deb y bwyt w.m. 227 * except^ jhat the preparation of the food was better ' ; hence it came chiefly to be used as a conjunction. But it occurs also before nouns and pronominalia : eitJiy^r mob cm. 2 ' beyond measure' ; eithyr y rei a oehynt w.m. 227 { except the ones who were '. Eithr Morfudd ni'm dihudd dyn. — D.G. 51. 'Except Morfudd no one will appease me.' vi. O.W. ithr m.c. ' between ' seems to occur only once ; it was obsolete in Ml. W. ithr, Corn, inter, yntre, Bret, entre, Ir. etar, eter : Lat. inter, Skr. antár. vii. ys, es [rad.], Ml. W. ys { for . . . past ' is used before a noun denoting a period of time, er ys with a past verb : yr ys pell a amser r.m. 130 ' [I came] a long time ago ', cf. il.a. io6, 107 ;. er ys mis W.IL. g. 293 ' for a month past '.; contracted ers. Ys guers yh wyfyn keissaw a olchei vyg cleSyfw.M. 487 'for some time I have been seeking one who would burnish my sword.' Ofnus fyth fu'r fynwes fau Es deufis hyd nos Difiau. — G.G1. p 103/193. ' My heart was constantly afraid for two months till Thursday night.' ys ' for the space of, perhaps < *en-s : Gk. etc, § 215 iii (1). If oed w.m. 123 1. 2 (omitted in e.m. 197) is oe8 ' was ' for yr ys p 14/185 it shows ys taken for * is ', cf. Bret, zo, Fr. il y a; but yr ys is old, and implies ys prep. viii. Ml. W. annat [rad.] ' before, in preference to ' is used before neb, dim, and other expressions in which 'any' is expressed or implied. In Ml. W. yn began to be used before it ; and in Mn.W. it became yn anad, the nn being simplified owing to the word being unaccented, cf. canys § 222 iv (1) : yn anad neb. 412 ACCIDENCE § 215 Or clywy Siaspat dos wrthi, a diaspat gwreic annat diaspat o'r byt r.m. 195 'if thou nearest a cry go towards it, and a woman's cry before [airy] cry in the world'; w.m. 120 has anat, but other nria are simplified in the same col. ; heb ymgyfarvot ac ef yn annat neb s.G. 34 i without meeting him of all men ', lit. ' rather than anybody'; cf. s.G. 142 ; yn anad neb D.G. 35, 107 ; Mor llygredig oedd ei wedd yn anad neb, a'i bryd yn anad meibion dynion Es. Hi 14. It is also used adverbially : ac yn annat llawen oeS Arthur s.G. 10 'and A. was especially glad '. annat < *anta-tos an adv. formed from *anta ' before ' : Goth. anda-, Gk. arm, a doublet of *anti : Gk. àvr(, Lat. ante. ix. myn [rad.] ' by ' (in oaths) ; in N. "W. sounded mỳnn ; Ml. W. mynn, myn, myn Haw vyghyveillt w.m. 458 * by the hand of my friend ' ; so b.m. 105, mynn U. etc. do. 170 ; myn vy fyS cm. 57 'by my faith'; myn Duw b.m. 115, myn Dyw w.m. 473 'by God'; myn fenaid D.E. € 49/15 e. 'by my soul ' ; myn einioes Pharaoh Gen. xlii 15. Nid oes ym, myn Duw^ swydd a Printed dyn. Ond olrhain anwadalrhwydd. — D.G. 33. ' I have, by God, no task but studying fickleness.' Cf. w.m.l. 41. mynn : Gael, mionn ' oath ', Ir. mind ' oath ' : Vmendh- extension of Vmen- 'thought'; cf. W. adduned 'vow' < *ad-moni- § 100 v. Macbain connects Ir. mind ' oath ' with Ir. mind ' holy relic ' and this, with less probability, with Ir. mind ' diadem ', O.W. minn gl. sertum (: Lat. monile, see Ẁalde s.v.). x. ym [rad.] 'by' (in oaths). Gwell ym ym Padric! e.p. 1277 ' It is better for me, by Patrick ! ' Ym Sant Grigor! L.G.C. 183 'by Saint Gregory!'; ym Beunol G.G1. m 146/188 ; ym Iesu/ T.A., g. 229. The origin of the word is obscure (t ym ' to my '). § 215. Nominal Prepositions. — i. Some of the above pre- positions are of substantival or adjectival origin. Others are — from adjectives : (1) cyn (ci[n) [rad.] ' before ', in time : kin lleitli b.b. 22  before death ', kin myned do. 30 ' before going ', kin braud do. 41 ' before the judgement \ In Ml. W. it is followed by no ' than ' before pronouns pers. and demonst., and thus remains an ^dv. : kyn noc ef w.m. 178 'before him*, kynn no hynny do. 11 1 before that \ In Mn. W. it is no longer used before pers. pronouns, and has become a prep, before demonstratives : cyn hynny ' before that '. It is in common use before nouns. § 215 PREPOSITIONS 413 cyn is the adv. cynt ' sooner ', an obi. case of the cpv. adj. cynt § 148 i (3). (a) nes [rad.] ' until ', used before verbal nouns ; as, ny cliysgaf hun lonyb nes gwybot w.m. 167 s I shall not sleep comfortably until I know ' ; nes ei orfedd T.A. G. i$] ' until his lying (low) ', i.e. * until he lay (low) ' ; rarely before abstract nouns : nes henaint L.G.C. 445 { till old age \ Gaho am ddyfod diodydd, Gwyliaw tân nes gweled dydd. — L.Gr.C! 430. ' Calling for drinks to be brought, watching the fire till day is seen/ The construction survives in Late Mn. W. : nes i mi ddyfod Es. xxxvi 17 'until my coming', cf. b.cw. 83, 115; but a new construction, nes before a noun-clause beginning with y } arose, e. g. nes y del y dydd c.c. 211 (end of 17th cent.) ' until the day comes '. In the dialects the y is omitted and nes becomes a con- junction ; but nes with v.n. is still in common use. nes ( = nês, though now sounded nës § 51 vi) = nës ' nearer ', § 148 i (1); * nearer than' > 'this side of > 'until'; cf. nys caffaf-i efo yn nes dioSef llawer s.G. 291 £ I shall not get him before suffering much \ ii. Nominal preps, from nouns are used not only simply, as cylch ' about ', but with a preceding prep., as gylch ( about ' ; the latter forms may be called composite nominal prepositions. When a pers. pron. is required to be the object, it takes the form of an infixed pron. in the composite prep., as oth gylch ' about thee'; o'th achos D.G. 101 *on thy account, because of thee Y The simple nom. preps, are the following, all taking the [rad.] except hyd : (1) achos 'because of; compos. achos id. : noun acJios 6 cause '. o achaws w.m. 12 'on account of; o'th achaws di e.m. 233 ; joa achaws k.b.b. 112 'why?' achos gwenfim i.mss. 239. (2) cylch, amgylch 'abouf ; compos, ynghylch, gylch, am gylch, amgylch ógylch ' round about ' : cylch ' circle '. Yn bwhwrnan gan annwyd Cylch drws dy dŷ, Lleucu Llwyd. — 1L.G., bk. ii 171. 1 Shivering with cold about the door of thy house, LI. LI. ', i.e. around thy grave; (v.l. Ynghylch dy dŷ f.n. 29); cylch dolydd Dwylais 414 ACCIDENCE §215 L.G.C. 202, gylch y Ddôl g. 91 ; ygkylch y ty w.m. 47 'about the house \ cylch is believed to be derived from Lat. circulus ; but the latter gives O.W. circhl cp. * cycle ' regularly ; and cylch, Bret, kelch, may well be Kelt. < *qKu-q*lio- (by met.) : Gk. kvkXos, kvkXlos : E. etc. (3) eisiau { wanting, without ' ; compos. eisiau ' for want of, oHh eisiau, etc. : eisiau 'wantYprob. orig. an adj. < Lat. eoôiguus (noun eissywet < exiguitas). Mis haf oedd i ferch Bdafydd, Ac eisiau hwn gaea' sydd. — T.A., g. 245. * It was a summer month to the daughter of Dafydd, and without him [her dead husband] it is winter/ (4) erbyn ' by ' (a certain time or event), ' in readiness for ' ; compos, yn erbyn ' against ' (a person or thing) ; yn fy erbyn Matt, xii 30 ' against me ' ; also i'm herbyn Matt, xviii % 1 'against me'. Hid im pen un brin erbin eu barnu b.b. 42 ' to the summit of one hill to be judged ', lit. ' for the judging of them \ erbyn is itself originally a composite prep. < Kelt. *ari quennoi, made up of the prep. *ari § 156 i (6), and the dat. of *quennos 1 head ' : Corn, erbyn, Ir. ar chiund (in Ir. there is ar chend also, with chend ace). The orig. construction with a pron. was Corn, er dhe byn ' against thee ', Ir. ar do chiund ' in front of thee '. The improper compound erbyn was mistaken for a proper in W., whence yn erbyn etc. ; but it did not become an ordinary noun though treated as such in this construction. (5) herwyS 'according to, in the manner of, and 'by' (as in lead ' by ' the hand) ; gervyh in Late Ml. W. in the last sense, Mn. W. gerfydd ; compos. herwydd ' on account of ', (?m herwydd 'on my account', o'r herwydd * on that account', yn herwydd ' according to ', yn ol yr herwydd ' on the average ', pa herwydd 'why?' herwyS y dyyll [read dyall] ... a roBes Duw yW neb ae troes il.a. 160 'according to the understanding that God has given to him who translated it ' ; herwit guir in gueini b.b. 44 ' in the manner of men in service ' ; herwyS ỳ afwyneu w.m. 142 [lead the horse] ' by his reins ' ; gervyS ỳ avwyneu cm. 47 ' by his reins ' ; erwyS ỳ traet w.m. 55 [grasped the boy] 'by his feet'; oherwydd hyn § 213 i; o'i herwyS D.G. 498 'on her account'; yn herwyS gueledigaeth w.m. 34 ' as regards appearance ' ; (y)r iaith Gymraec yn ei herwydd §215 PREPOSITIONS 415 M.K. [vii] ' the Welsh language in general ' ; Ba herwydd na bai hiraeth T.A. 'why should there not be longing?' — O.W. heruid duiutit juv. ' according to divinity ' ; hihi erguid ox. ' in general ' (?). herwyS : Corn, herwydh ; Bret, hervez ; the h- though appearing in all (as opposed to W. and Corn, erbyn) can only be explained as accentual, cf. henw, Bret, hano, Corn, hanow ; the rest seems to be <*ari-uid- ' *appearance, manner', Vueid- 'see'; erwyS also occurs without h- in O. and Ml. W. ; and gervyh is a variant due to another treatment of e-, see § 112 ii (2). (6) hyd [soft] 'the length of, § 148 i (8), in two senses, (a) 'as far as', (b) 'along'; compos, ar hyd [rad.] 'along', ar dy hyd ' along thee ', also ' at thy full length ' (on the ground). lost irinis hit bronn ir alt l.l. 73 ' from Llost yr Ynys as far as the breast of the Allt ' ; hynny hyt trannoeth w.m. 6 ' from that [time] till the morrow'; hyt yr amser do. 19 'till the time'; often followed by yn § 216 ii (1); — ar hit taf l.l. 258 'along the TafF' ; ar-i-hit do. 159, ar-y-hit do. 143 'along it', n-i-hit do. 43, 78, etc., yn-y-hit do. 146 'along it'. In the dialects hyd developed an inflected 3rd sg. hýdSo, hýdU (the i(, instead of y, shows it to be late) ; this is sometimes met with in Late Mn. W. : ar hyd-ddi Gen. xxviii 1 2. O.W. bihit cp v Uchet ib., beheit ox., behii l.l. 73, behet do. 73, 122, bet juv., l.l. freq., e.g. 146 (7 times), 155 (11 times) 'as far as' ; cehit l.l. 73 ' along \ cihitan do. 122 bis ' along ', cihitun ox. 'along' ; Ml. W. vet (misprinted ver) r.m. 144 (see w.m. 201) ' as far as ' ; Gwentian ved h.g. 23, 52 ' till '. bi- < Ar. *bhi (: *obhi) ' on (to) ' : Goth, bi, Skr. abhî (Lat. ob may be from *obhi or *opi) ; -het may represent ace. *-sitm ; the uniquo form -heit may be due to heitham which follows it; bet is generally regarded as a contraction of behet, but such a contraction is doubtful so early ; cf. also Bret, bet, bete, beteg ; can it be an adv. direct from bi- Ì cehit = eqtv. cyhyd § 148 i (8) ; cihitan an adv. like guotan etc., from *ko-si-tan- ; -un error for -an 1 (7) llwrw ' in the track or direction of, after, with, as re- gards ' ; compos, yn llwrw id., ar llwrw id., adv. ' forward ' ; S.W. dial. Iwrw i ben ' head foremost ' ; also Ml. W. llwry. llwrw essiwet het r.p. 1351 'after dearth of largess', llwrw alaeth . . . digrawn . . . deigyr do. 1206 'with grief the tear flows'; yn llwrw llwyth elvyt dovyt a'n dyd yn llawr P.M. m.a. i 306 ' following earth's tribe the Lord will place us in the ground'; dos heb 416 ACCIDENCE §215 argysswrw ar llwrw yr lie do. do. 292 'go without fear forward to the place '. llwrw : Corn, lerch 'track', war lerch ' after', Bret, lerc'h 'track', Gael, lorg ' track ', Ir. lorg ; all < Kelt. *lorg- < *plorg- dissim. for *pro-rg-,Vreg- § 193 x (8) : Lat. per go, perrexi < *per-reg-; etc. (8) parth, parthed towards, as regards'; compos. barth, barthret g.c. 108 'as regards' ; imparthred b.b. 26 'in the region of ; parth is oftenest followed by â § 216 ii (3). parth espyt k. p. 1226 ' as regards strangers '. parth ' part ' < Lat. part- ; parthed is by dissim. for parthred with -red as in gweithred § 143 iii (22). (9) plith 'in the midst of; compos. ymhltth ' among ', yn en plith 'among them', blith 'out of the midst of, deli plith 'from your midst', i blith 'into the midst of, i'w plith 'into their midst ', plith dráphlith § 47 iii. plith from Lat. ; perhaps < Brit. *plikt- for Lat. plicit- : W plygu ' to fold ' < Lat. plic-o. iii. Many composite nominal prepositions have no correspond- ing simple form (i. e. the noun alone is not used as a prep.). All are followed by the [rad.]. The most important are — (1) rnewn, Ml. W. ŷ myion, mywn ' in ' (though apparently a simple form, mywn is a mere phonetic reduction of ỳmŷwn) ; fewn ' within ' ; with inf. pron. i'w mewn hi Num. v 24 ; och mewn Luc xvii 11 ; also in Mn. W. i fewn y llys Marc xv 16 ; adv. i mewn, oddimewn. (y)mywn ' in the middle of ' has come to be used for ' in ' before indefinite, yn being restricted to definite, objects ; thus ỳmywn ty w.M. 53 'in a house', yn y ty do. 54 'in the house'; in Ml. and Early Mn. W. mywn, mewn is sometimes used before the latter. i < *ens : Gk. etc < eVc < *en ( in ' + ~s as in *e%s. i mewn, ymywn = Ir. inmedön, immedön ; Ir. medön ' middle '. The W. form has lost 8 § 110 iv (2), and was therefore orig. disyllabic *my\wn < *myhwn, which most probably represents *myS-wyn § 78 i (2). Both this and Ir. medön would be regular from Kelt. *medioknö : Lat. mediocris, spv. medioximus. If this equation is right, mediocris can hardly be ' *middle-hill ' (: oeris, Sommer 488, Walde s.v.) but may be an adj. in -ri- (cf. äcri-, sacri-) from *medioque formed from medio- like prope (for *proque) from pro, as the spv. medioximus beside proximus suggests. The Kelt, would be a noun in -no- from the same (It.-Kelt.) extd. stem. — Orig. stem *medh(i)io- : Skr. mcidhya-k, Gk. /A€(TO-Ç. § 215 PREPOSITIONS 417 (2) er mwyn ' for the sake of, on account of, in order to ' ; er fy mwyn i for my sake ', etc. Er dy fwyn yr ydwyffi Mewn eira yma 'n aeri. — D.G. 107. 1 It is on thy account that I am shivering here in snow.' As a noun mwyn meant 'value, enjoyment', but except in the above phrase was generally replaced by mwynỳant in Ml. W. ; thus in e.b. 963, Ni wybySir mwyn (v.l. mwynŷant 107 6) fynnawn yny el yn yspih (SispyS 1076) 'the value of a well will not be known until it goes dry'. As an adj. mwyn means ' gentle, kind, dear ', and is still in use ; cf. E. dear ' costly ' and ' loved '. mwyn ' value ' < *mei-nc~, Vmei- ' exchange, barter ' : Lat. münus, münia, (3) ymysg (ymýsg) ' in the midst of ' ; yn eu mysg { in their midst' ; o'n mysg ' out of our midst'; i'ck mysg ' into your midst' ; emysc hynny w.m. 33 'in the midst of that' i.e. those hap- penings ; ofysg, ifysg. mysg : W. mysgu § 96 iii (5). The idea is 'mixed up with ' ; and there seems no need for Henry's attempt, s.v. emesk, to connect the word with *medhio-. (4) yn wỳsg ' in the track of, after ', Ml. W. yn eu hwysc see below, yn wysc ỳ henn w.m. 55 { after his head ', i. e. head fore- most. Mn. W. yn wysg fy mhen y yn wysg dy drwyn, yn wysg i gefn, etc. Mae yr aniveileit yS aethawch yn eu hwysc ? w.m. 86 ' Where are the animals which you went after Ì ' wysg c *track' implies *ei..sk-, and seems like a case of metath. of i § 100 v (Ì *ped-skio- : Gk. ireSá * fiera', Lat. pes 'foot', etc.). (5) yn ethryb 'because of, ethryh id. J.D.R. [xiv]. Pellynnic vyg khof yg kyntevin Yn ethrip cam Kaerwys vebin. — G., w. 76. 1 My mind is far away this Spring, on account of loving the maid of Caerwys/ ethryb 'causa, occasio' D.D. s.v. seems to contain *-9q*- affected § 69 ii (4) ; perhaps as a noun-suff. added to *nter- (* enter § 214 vi) ; ' circumstance ' (?). (6) yn ol ' after ', yn dy 61 ' after thee ' ; ar 61 ' after ', ar eu Ml or ar eu holau ' after them ' ; o'm Ml ' behind me ', iHh ol ' after thee'. All in common use òl § 149 i. U02 E e 418 ACCIDENCE § 215 (7) yngŵyS 'in the presence of, yn fy ngwydd 'in my presence', i'tk ŵyäd 'into thy presence', o'i gwydd 'from her presence ', etc. gwyS § 63 iv. (8) o blegid ' on account of, o'th blegid ' on thy account ' ; ym plegyd m.a. i 306 * on account of. plegid (i for y after g, § 11 ii) < Lat. placiturn. (9) ar gyfair (now misspelt ar gyfer) 'opposite', ar fy nghyfair ' opposite me ' ; y nghyfair ' opposite, against, instead of ; Ml. W. ar gyveir, yngkyveir, etc. ; y gyveir w.m. 449 ' the direction '. O.W. ar cyueyr l.l. 141, ar ciueir do. 196; Ml. W. ar gyfeir w.m. 250; yghyveir do. 449, ygkyveir e.m. 293 'opposite', yn ỳ gyveir e.m. 141 'in front of him, straight ahead', Mn. "W. ar gyfair D.G. 189 (rh. with leddf-air). The reason for the misspelling is partly the dialectal pronunc, § 6 iii ; and partly perhaps the form cyfer- in cyf-erbyn etc. All the derivatives, cyfeiriad ' direction ', cyfeirio ' to direct ', etc., are from cyfair. cyfair < *kom-ario-, a compound of *kom- and *ario- < *p e ri-o- t a noun formed from the prep. *p e ri : Lat. prae, etc. § 156 i (6). (10) o^flaen 'in front of , ymlaen id., dm blaen 'in front of me ', dos yn dy flaen ' go in front of thee ', i.e. go on, ymlaen llaw 4 beforehand '. dyvot ymlaen llu Ynys y Kedyrn w.m. 54 ' to come in front of the host of the Isle of the Mighty' ; yn ỳ vlaen ac yn ŷ 61 e.m. 149 'before him and after him ' ; kernel oe blaen do. 49, w.m. 68 'to walk before them \ blaen, O.W. blain : Corn, blyn ' tip ', Bret, blein, blin ' bout, extre- mité '. The meanings of the noun in W. are 1. ' source ' (of a river) frequent in l.l., and common later, 2. 'point' (of a needle, blade, spear, twig, etc.), 3. pi. blaenau in place-names ' outlying parts where valleys are hemmed in by mountains '. The orig. meaning seems to be therefore 'discharge, project' ; hence prob.V^Ze- : Gk. j3á\Xo) 'I throw ', fiXrjfjia, fioXrj, ftoXos ' a throw ', /?oÀíç ' arrow ', O.H.G. quellan ' to well, to gush ', O. Norse kelda ' source ', Gk. fteXovy} ' needle ', Lith. gelti 'to prick', gelonls 'needle', etc. The formation is not quite clear ; the Corn, and Bret, forms seem to imply Brit. *blani- ( < *gWd-ni- : cf. Lith. gelonls) ; and the W. may represent the same with met. of i, § 100 v; *ai > *oi > ae after the labial, blaenaf § 149 i. §215 PREPOSITIONS 419 (ii) heb amlaw r.m. 179 'besides, in addition to', hebláw or heb law Matt, xv 38, rarely amlaw gre. 327 id. Haw 'hand' in the sense of 'side'; heb law 'out-side', am law 'be-side'; heb i Haw D.G. 148 'beside her'. (12) q^ran 'on account of, e.g. W.IL. 173; o'm than i 'for my part', etc. ; o waith ' because of \ rhan l share, part ', § 63 vii (2). gwaith ' deed ' § 193 x (4). (13) ynghyfyl s.g. 35 < near ', ar gyfyl id. ; yn i chyfyl br. iv 427 ' near her '. is cil ' behind ' ; is ỳ gil e.m. 151 ' behind him '. cyf-yl : ym-yl ' edge ' § 101 iv (2). cil § 59 vi. (14) ach law § 214 i ; gerlláw, ger Haw do. ii ; gerbron, ger Iron ib. ; drachefn do. iii, trachefy-n y hor w.m.l. 32 ' behind the door ' ; ar draws § 210 x (6) ; ymrón c.c. 34 ' on the point of, nearly ', in Late Mn. W. hron. iv. (1) Ml. W. mal, ml, Mn. W. mal, fal, fel 'like', and Ml. W. megys, Mn. W. megys, megis ' like ', are followed by a noun, a verbal noun, or a noun-clause introduced by y. They generally stand in an oblique case, and are therefore prepositional. But sometimes they qualify nouns, as Pan el y gwallt hir-felyn Äi frig fal y cajmg gwyn. — D.G. 441. Lit. 'When the long yellow hair goes with its tips like white cambric '. Y ddyn fegis Gwen o'r Ddol, Kywiog araf ragoról. — D.G. 379. 1 The woman like Gwen of the Dale, gentle, patient, peerless.' (2) fel and megis may be followed by independent pers. pronouns, as mal ef r.p. 1403 ' like him ', fel myfi, etc., or by demonstratives as fel hyn. (e)fel hyn (Corn, evel henn) though still surviving by re- formation, became (e)fell hyn, whence efelly y felly, felly 'so', § 110 v (2). In Gwent fell hýn became llŷn, and subsequently yn llyn with adverbial yn, bar. i 376, 378. Ni fwriadwn fawr rodiaw A gwr fell hýn gar fy Haw. — T.A., c. i 338. ' I did not intend much to roam with a man like this near me.' ac evelly a.l. i 6 'and similarly'; Ay yvelly y gwnaethant wy ? w.M. 41 ' is it so that they did 1 ' (3) val, O.W. amal (: Ir. amal) is a weak form of hafal < *s e m e l- § 94 i ; Ml. W. mal may represent an early elision of the first Ee 2 420 ACCIDENCE § 216 syllable, thus *s' i m e l- ; the e in Mn. W. may come from forms like felly where the a is affected by the y ; but Bret, has evel also. Ir. amal governs the ace. case. megys seems to be a spv. (eqtv. 1) of the same word corresponding to comparatives in -aoh ( < *-äk-son) ; thus *s'm-äk-istó- > megys ; *$am-äk-istó- > Ml. W. yvegys g.c. fac. i. The use of megys as a noun, as.yn y megys hwnn cm. 39 'in this manner', does not prove it an orig. noun; cf. Mn. W. yr unfel ' in the same way ', § 216. Compound Prepositions. — This term may be used to denote expressions in which the last element is a preposition, to distinguish them from composite prepositions, in which the last element is a noun. They fall into two classes : i. prep. + prep. ; ii. noun, adv. or pron. + prep. i. (1) Ml. W. ý am ' from about ; besides ', § 209 v; ý ar ' from on ' ; ý gan ' from with ' ; ý wrth ' from by ' ; Mn. W. oddi am ' from about ' ; oddi ar e from on ' ; gan ' from ' § 211 ii (2), more rarely oddi gan, see oddi gennyf § 194 v (3); oddi wrth, now mostly oddiwrth ; Ml. W. oS is e.m. 151, 172. Inflected: oddi amdano Gu.O. G. 193, ohy nchtaw r.m. 141, etc. Ml. W. Si-eithyr s.G. 8 ' except ', o-U-eitliy-r il.a. 143 ' outside ' ; Mn. oddieitlir ' except ', dial, corruption oddigerth. oddi is itself a compound of + Bi ; in Ml. W. it is comparatively rare before vowels : oSyamati il.a. 159, but occurs before adverbial expressions as ohjyma s.G. 7, 40, in which, however, it is generally 08- before a vowel, as oSymma s.G. 4, oSyna w.m. 19 ; this is also the usual spoken form. The -i (mostly i before a vowel) is taken in Late Ml. and Early Mn. W. from forms in which a consonant follows, as oddi draw, Ml. W. ohydraw cm. 46. (oddieithr is for ddieithr.) In the Gwentian dial. oS was taken from these connexions, and used for before a vowel, and iS for i was made on its analogy. These forms occur in late Gwentian writings; and Pughe made a determined but unsuccessful attempt to substitute in the written language the new Gwentian 08 y ' from the ', etc., for the ancient oV, etc., in order to avoid the apostrophe ! (2) Mn. W. er ys, ers § 214 vii ; er cyn, as in er epi cof 1 from before memory ' i. e. from time immemorial. (3) gor-uweh, gor-is § 45 iv (2) ; eyf-rwng § 210 viii (4). (4) The forms odan, amdan, ohonof, § 209, are compound preposi- tions, and are often written dan, etc. ; § 209 vii. (5) The combinations a chart ' having ', heb gan ' without having ' are not compound prepositions, because each prep, has its own § 216 PEEPOSITIONS 421 object ; thus in heb ganddynt fag ail Matt, ix 36 the obj. of heb is bugail, and the obj. of gait is the suffix, so that the phrase may also take the form heb fugail ganddynt, ]it. ' without a shepherd with- them \ Similarly cyn i, wedii, er i, etc., before verbal nouns; the first prep, governs the v.n., as in cyn i mi ddyfod, which may also be expressed by cya dyfod ohonof lit. * before the coming of me ', i. e. before I come. ii. (1) hyd yn 3 hyd ar, hyd at ' as far as, up to, till, to '. hyt ym penn y vlwySyn w.m. 4 ' till the end of the year ' ; hid attad b.b. 3 'to thee '; diaspad . . . hid ar duu y dodir do. 106 ' the cry — to God is it raised/ hyd yn oed ' as far as, even '. In ML W. it has two meanings : (a) ' up to but not including* i. e. all except : a cafael cubel hyt enoet un heỳnỳauc a.l. i 100 'and all is had except one penny ' ; (b) ' up to and including ' : hyt ynn oet eu pechawt il.a. 34 ' even their sin \ The latter is the meaning in Mn. W. : hyd yn oed Marc ii 2 ' even '. The phrase is in common coll. use. The origin of oed or ynoed here is quite uncertain ; as no pref. or inf. pron. is used with it, it would seem to be an adv. ' even ' (Ì noet < *nai-t~, variant of neut 'indeed* § 219 i (1)). (2) tu a(g), tua{g) ' towards ', tuag at id., parth a(g) id., parth ag at id. ; Ml. W. ỳ gyt a(c), gyt a(c), Mn. W. gyd a(g), gycla(g), yngliyd a(g) f together with ', gyferhyn a(g) ' opposite ', gyfarwyneb a(g) id., ynglŷn a(g) ' in connexion with ', etc. tu ha l.l. 272 'towards'; tu aiA wlat il.a. 125 'towards thy country ' ; ytu ac attaw cm. 47 ' towards him ' ; tu ac at il.a. 158 ; parth a V berth w.m. 69 'towards the bush*; parth ac attunt do. 38 'towards them'; aros . . . hyt parth a diweS y dyS do. 70 'to wait till towards the end of the day ' ; ýgyt ac ef w.m. 7 ' together with him ' ; ý gyt ac wynt do. 5 ' with them * ; gyverbyn a hi r.m. 293 'opposite her', gyvarwyneb ac wynt w.m. 185 'opposite them ' ; tu-ag-at am M.K. [xi] ' with regard to '. tu 'on the side', like parth, is definite without the article — an old construction which survived in a few idioms ; the tendency to use y before tu, as y tu ac above, is shown by the early tu ha to be a Ml. W. neologism, which did not become general. (3) Ml. and Early Mn. W. vi a, ti a, ef a, efo a, hi a, before vowels vi ag, etc. * with, together with', literally ' I with ', ' thou w 7 ith ', etc. The pronoun had lost its pronominal force, and its antecedent was frequently a pronoun of the same person coming immediately before it. Thus : 422 ACCIDENCE § 217 A minheu vi aV morynỳon a wiscaf ymdanaf inheu w.M. 99 'and I with the maids will dress myself, kysgeist di ti a Lawnslot s.g. 302 { thou didst sleep with Lancelot.' bwyt a llynn . . . yth neithawr di ti a'm merch i e.m. 120 'food and drink for thy nuptials with my daughter'. Sef a wnaeth ynteu ef ae lu y nos honno b,b.b. 76 ' this is what he did with his host that night '. A rhif gwlith o fendithion A fo i Hww ef a hon. — L.G.C. 463 ; cf. 4, 308. ' And blessings numerous as the dew be to Huw with her/ Yr oedd Esyllt urddaswawr Draw hi aY mob Rhodri Mawr. — L.G.C, m 146/140. ' Esyllt the noble was there with her son Ehodri Mawr/ Y nef i hwn efo a hi. — T.A., a 14975/107. ' Heaven [be] to him with her/ efo a(c/) was contracted to efv(g), as the metre requires in the last example; see efo honn, efo hi S.V. c.c. 361. In Gwynedd efo(g) came to be used for ' with ' irrespective of the person of the ante- cedent ; this is noted by Simwnt Vychan as a grammatical fault, p.il. xcvi. His example is Mi efo Siôn ' I with Siôn ', literally ' I, he-with Siôn ', which should obviously be Mi vi a Siôn ' I, I- with Siôn', and may have been so written by the author of the line, as it yields equally good cynghanedd. [Ab Ithel, knowing efo only as a dial, word mean- ing ' with ', entirely misses the point in his translation, and italicizes Mi and Siôn, as if ' / with John ' could be ungrammatical in any language !] (4) tu . . . i forms a numerous class of prepositional expressions, as tu yma i ' this side of, tu draw i 'beyond', tu hwnt i id., tu cefn i ' behind ', tu uchaf i ' above ', etc. tu ' side ', Corn., Bret, tu, Ir. toil, Gael, taobh < Kelt. *toibo- ; origin uncertain; Macbain 2 359 gives Vsteibh/jp- 'stiff, erecf, which seems far-fetched from the point of view of meaning. ADVERBS § 217. Negative Particles. — i. The forms of negative particles are as follows : (1) Before verbs : in a direct sentence, Ml. W. ny, nyt, Mn. W. ni, nid ; in an indirect sentence, Ml. W. na, nat, Mn. W. na, nad ; in a relative sentence usually the first form, sometimes the second, see § 162 v (1) ; in commands, na, nac §217 ADVERBS 423 ( = nag) ; in answering a question, na, nac ( = nag). The forms nid, Ŷiad, nac are used before vowels only ; the forms ni, na before consonants, and a mutated g, as ny wnn . . .ny allaf w.m. 21 ' I do not know ... I cannot ', na at > nâd § 201 ii (2) 'let not ' (nid allay "is not in accordance with traditional usage). — With infixed pronouns : nim, na^m, nis, nyw etc. The initial mutation after ny na in Ml. W. is as follows : jp-, t-, c- spir. ; b- rad. ; m-, 11- rad. or soft ; d-, g- soft ; r- not shown (r- may- be r- or r-). But na (nac) takes the soft of b-, m-, II-. In Mn. W. II- is always softened ; b-, m- are generally softened, though the rad. remained also in the Early Mn. period, and persists in ni bu etc. beside nifu; p-, t-, c- spir. In Early- Ml. W. ny relative softens the tenues. Examples : — Ml. W. : p-, ny forthint b.b. 34 ' they cherished not' ; t-, ny thykya w.m. 14 'avails not'; c-, ny ciian b.b. 31 'he sings not ' ; b-, ny byS w.m. 4 ' he will not be ', ac na bo b.b. 54 ' and that there may not be ' ; m-, ny mynneis w.m. 18 ' I would not ', ny niynn IL. A. 148, na meh do. 147, but nyvynhei w.m. 58 'would not ' ; 11-, ny lluit reuuet (-t = -S) b.b. 8 ' wealth avails not ', ny llesseint do. 63 ' were not slain ', but ni laSaf i di W.m. 8 ' I will not kill thee ; g-, ny wnn, ny allaf above ; d-, ny tiuuc ( = ny Siw(y)g) b.b. 8 ' makes no amends'. Relative : corph ni glivit (-t = -$) b.b. 20 ' body that hear- est not'; ny bara e.p. 1175. — Mn. W. : ni mynnaf I.E. p 97/179 'I will not', ni feddodd W.1L. c.il. 105 'he possessed not'; ni bu T.A. g. 251, nifu T.A. § 37 iii (1). (2) Before a noun, adj., pron., adv. or prep. : Ml. W. nyt, Mn. W. nid [rad.] 'it is not', used before vowels and conso- nants ; indirect nat, nad [rad.]. Nyt gwaratwyS gwelldu b.b. 962 ' it is no disgrace to reform ' ; Nid cur llavur urth din [read dim] da b.b. 7 ' it is not pain to labour at any thing good '. ii. (1) The negative adverb na ' no ' may answer any question introduced by a or ai ; it may be used alone, but is generally followed^by a neg. part., as na, nid hynny ' no, not that '. (2) A question introduced by a is answered in the negative by na, nac ( = nag) with the verb ; as A ddaw ef? Na ddaw ' Will he come ? No ' ; but if the verb is in the aor. (or perf.) the answer is na ddo, sometimes written naddo, but wrongly, for the a is long, not medium as in a penult ; thus A aeth ef? Na ddo ' Did he go ? No '. Na ho w.m. 425. (3) A question introduced by ai is answered in the negative 424 ACCIDENCE § 218 by MI. W. nac ef, Mn. W. nág e (often written nage) 'not so', as Ai tydi cfi gwnaeth ? Näg e ' Is it thou that didst it ? No.' More rarely thus : Ae guell . . . ? Na well w.m. 85. iii. A negative part, is frequently supplemented by òim * at all' ; see § 170 v (3). iv. (1) Ml. W. ny < Kelt. *ne < Ar. *ne. — Ar. *ne was ordinarily accented, and the verb unacc. § 179 i. In Kelt, the initial of the unacc. word seems to have been doubled after the accented vowel ; in Ir. gemination occurs after nl ' not ' and the preverbs ro, no. Thus Brit. *ne kkarame gives Ml. W. ny charaf. Hence the spir. of tenues after ni. So *bb->b-, *mm->m-, *ll->ll-. The soft 8- may be due to late simplification of double d § 93 iii (1) ; lenition of g- may have spread from gw-<*u-, which even if doubled would prob. give w- after a vowel. From these and the relatival form, lenition spread to b-, m-, 11-, rh-. — The neg. rel. lenited because it was orig. unacc, and the verb accented, so that the regular softening took place after the vowel, § 162 vi (3). (2) Ml. W. nyt was orig. 'there . . . not* <*n[e) ita § 189 iii (3); and was used before consonants as well as before vowels, as 0. W. cen nit boi (prob. b- = v-) cp. * though there be not '. The difference in meaning between ny ' not ' and nyt ' there . . . not ' was lost, and both are used in the two senses, ny before consonants and nyt before vowels. (3) Ml. W. nyt * it is not ' before a noun, etc., may come from *ne tod 'it [is] not', where Hod 'it' is the neut. sg. nom. of *so, *sä, *tod >Gk. o, ^, to, § 159 iv (1). It is improbable that nyt contains the verb ' to be ' as Strachan assumes, Intr. 98. (4) Though the vb. was unacc. after *ne in direct sentences in Ar., it was accented in dependent clauses ; this may have led to a reduced unacc. *n e giving Kelt. *na, W. na. If so, the mutation after na and the form nat followed the analogy of ny, nyt) but this is probable in any case. (5) W. na, nac before the impv. may be referred to Kelt, unacc. na + a particle beginning with h-, possibly cognate with Lith. -hi, a particle suffixed to imperatives. (6) W. na, nac in answering questions. In na ddo (: Ir. na-tho) we have simple na ; in nac ef ' it [is] not so ' the -c may represent some form of the *ke- pronoun. §218. Interrogative Particles. — i. The interrogative par- ticles are : (1) before verbs, a [soft] ; before nouns, etc., Ml. W. ae, Mn. ai [rad.] ' is it ? ' (2) before verbs, O. W. anit, Ml. W. pony(t), pany(t) ; Mn. poni(d), pani(d), pond, panel, oni(d), ond '' nonne ? ' ; before nouns etc., Ml. ponyt [rad.], Mn. ponid, pond, pand, onid, ond ( is it not ? ' The initial mutation after pony etc. §218 ADVERBS 425 is the same as after ny ; so the use of -t before verbs. (3) Ma. W. ai ê ' is it so ? ', onid ê, onitê ' is it not so ? ' dial. N.W. ai e ? pit e ? S. W. ai ef e? % ef e? ont ef e ? Examples : (1) Ml. W. A wSost ti b.t. 27 ' Dost thou know 1 ' ae ti a eirch vy merch w.m. 479 'is it thou that seekest my daughter 1 ' — (2) O. W. anit arber bit juv. gl. num vescitur Ì Ml. Ẅ. Pony welwch chwi e.p. 1418 'do you not see? ' Pany chredwch chwi ib. ' do you not believe Ì ' Ponyt ydym ni yn kredu il.a. 83 i do we not believe Ì ' Ponyt llygoden a welaf i yth law di w.m. 78 'is it not a mouse that I see in thy hand ? ' Pand hir na welir ond nos ? Pe byr, hir yw pob aros. — I.F., m 148/59. 1 Is it not long that only night is seen 1 Though short, all waiting is long/ Ond hir yr wyd yn tario ? — W.IL., g. 293. 1 Is it not long that thou art tarrying Ì ' Onid oes dinistr i'r anwir ? Job xxxi 3. Ond rliaid i trâd fyw Ì B.C. 119' must not trade live % ' Preverbal a may be followed by an infixed pron. in Ml. "W. : a'm dywedyS il.a. 134 ' wilt thou tell me?' ae gwSost di s.g. 4 ' dost thou know it 1 ? ' In Late Mn. "W. the p- forms are obsolete ; the forms used are oni, onid, more rarely ond. Wm.S. has ani, anid, which may have been dial, forms in the 16th cent. ii. These particles originated in indirect questions : Áe amovyn a Pheredur a welsei y kyfryw varchawcwM. 138 ' and.inquiring of Pere- dur whether he had seen such a knight ' ; ny wnn a glyweist ywrthaw do. 166 'I know not whether thou hast heard about it' ; a gofyn a oruc Owein ae dyn bydawl k.m. 187 ' and Owein asked whether it was a living man '. The point of transition is represented by Dywet . . . a weleisti w.m. 118, which may be rendered 'say whether thou hast seen ' or ' say, hast thou seen 1 ' ae . . . ae ' whether . . . or ' : A wSosti jpeth wyt . . . ae corff ae eneit b.t. 27 ' dost thou know what thou art, whether body or soul 1 ' ỳ roU dewis uSunt ae gwrhau iSaw ae ymwan ac ef, see § 222 ii (2). iii. a [soft] ' whether ' may represent unacc. Brit. *ä ' if ' instr. sg. f. of the pron. *o- : cf. Gk. ^ ' if ' which however is from *ë, variant of *ö instr. sg. m. ; for the instr. f. as adv. cf. Lat. eâ, qua. See § 222 v (1). ae [rad.J is a contraction of a and a vocable *y, which orig. ended in a cons., and may be from *id ' it ', so that ae may be lit. ' whether it [is]'; ctnyt § 217 iv (3). ]>o-ny, pa-ny Gk. wpo § 210 x (1). — (b) Cases of noun, adj. and pron. stems, including the nom. sg., as Lat. versus § 211 iv (2) — (c) Stems with special adverbial suffixes ; see (3) below. (2) (a) A demonstrative or similar adj. forming with a noun in an oblique case the equivalent of an adverb was often compounded with it as Lat. ho-diê. — (b) A preposition with its § 220 ADVERBS 431 object generally forms an adverb equivalent, and many such expressions became improper compounds, as Gk. €k-7to8cûv. (3) The special adverbial suffixes were (a) forms with a dental, see § 162 vi (2); — (6) forms with gh- as Gk. Si-xa; - see § 222 i (3) ; — (c) forms with r, as Lat. cür, W. jpyr ' why Ì '—\d) forms with a nasal, as Lat. superne, see § 209 vii ; — {e) the suffix -s, as in Gk. oYç, Lat. bis. — See Brugmann 2 II ii 728-738. ii. The following W. adverbs represent old adverbial forms : (1) Early Ml. W. nu 'now', as Nu nym car-i Guendit b.b. 50 ' Now Gwenddydd loves me not \ The sound was doubtless nw (: Ir. nu), and the Late Ml. nu e.g. w.m. 413, instead of *nw, is a mechanical transcript of the earlier spelling, the word having become obsolete. nu < Ar. *nu bare stem, beside *nü : Gk. vv, O.H.G., O.E. nu, Skr. nu, nu. (2) Early Ml. W. moch ' soon, early, quickly ' e. g. b.b. 1. mock, Ir. mos ' soon' < *moks = Lat. mox, prob. nom. of a cons, stem like vix (: vinco) Brugmann 2 II ii 679 : Skr. maksu 'quickly, soon '. (3) doe ' yesterday '. doe = Lat. heri both from *ghffiesei : Gk. ^öeç § 75 vii (2), § 98 i (3). (4) yrháwg, rhawg c in future, for a long time to come', Ml. W. yrawc r.p. 1034. yrháwg < *pera-ko-(s) formed from *perä like *proTcos (> Lat. -jprocus, W. rhag) from *pro : Gk. irípä, *7rpäKo- in Ion. Trprjacroi (Brugmann 2 II i 481). (5) hwnt 'hence, yonder', as Ef hwnt, ef yma b.t. 37 'It (the wind) [is] there, it [is] here '. Saf hwnt Gen. xix 9 ' stand back'. Dos hwnt m.e. i 125 'go away \ hwnt, Bret, hont < *som-tos consisting of the demonst. stem *som- 'this', § 164 vi, and the suffix *-tos 'from' as in Lat. in-tus § 162 vi (2). (6) yno ' there, thither, then ', yna ' then, there (near you) ', Early Ml. W. ynoeth b.b. 66 ' thither ', inaeth do. 58 ' then ', oh-ynoeh b.t. 19 'then, thereafter', ob-ynaelh r.p. 581 id. yn ' there, thither ' before the rel. y, yb, yd ' where ', as yn-y tereu tonneu tir b.b. 6$ ' there where waves beat the shore ' ; en 432 ACCIDENCE § 220 e-bo dadeleu a.l. i 62 ' where there is a suit ' ; Är vorwyn a hoeth yn yò oeb Peredur w.m. i 48 ' and the maid came to where P. was '. Also, similarly used, myn, men, as myn-yd vo truin yd nit trev ( = vyb trew) b.b. 83 * where there is a nose there will be a sneeze ' ; of. 2,6 ; a bodes vy rèn men y maent ryb r.p. 1 $6j ' which my Lord has put where they are free ' ; cf. 1244. The older forms of yno, r yna are ynoeth, ynaeth ; the b.t. ynoeS represents the intermediate stage between ynoeth and yno § 78 i (1). ynaeth>yna has followed the analogy of ynoeth; Powys dial. ene shows the change of ae to e § 31. ynoeth and ynaeth imply Brit. *enokt-, *enakt-, the latter doubtless for *enäkt- § 74 iv. These are prob. derivatives of the pron. stem. *eno- ; but the formation is not quite clear. We may assume forms *eno-ko-s, *ena-ko-s formed like *pro-ko-s, *perä-ko-s, and adverbs with a i-suffix formed from these, on the analogy of *ek-tos ( : Ir. acht, Gk. çktó ynoeth. For the base cf. Skr. ana ' then ; ever ', Gk. evrj 1 the third [day] ' ( f that [day] '), TJmbr. inum-Jc, inum-ek, enom 1 turn '. — Ml. W. yn ' there ; thither ' may represent the loc. and ace. *eni and *enom of the pron. — MI. W. myn, men seems to be the same with initial (y)m- < *esmi, see (11). The rhyme r en /men shows that the -n is single, and that the vowel was long ; hence the word cannot be an oblique case of mann ' place', though so treated later, and written man. (7) eto 'again, yet', Ml. W. etwo, etwa, earlier edwaeth C. r.p. 1 1 73, etwaeth b.t. 29, M. w. 3«, eddwaeth (dd = d-d, not ô a ) b.b. 88. Also etton e.p. 1264, 1309, etonn do. 1321, etwan il.a. ^y, w.m. 61. The t is for d by provection before w§ 111 v (2), so that the older form was edwaeth, *edwoeth (wa : wo interchange), which implies Brit. *et..uokt-. This seems to be a formation like yno, see (6), from a base *eti-uo ; *eti : Gk. In, Skr. dti (which may represent *ati or *eti) ' over, beyond ' ; uo < *upo : Skr. úpa, as adv. ' moreover, further ', see (9). The form eton, etwan < *edwon < Brit. *eti-uo-nä, an adverb formed with an n-suffix, see i (3). For loss of w before see § 36 iii. — The existence of *eti as well as *ati in Kelt, is shown by Gaul, eti-c ' and '. It does not seem possible to explain the e- of eto except as original *e-. (8) hefyd ' also, besides ', Ml. W. hevyt. In Late Mn. W. it is used in positive statements only ; but in Ml. and Early Mn. W. its use is not so restricted ; see e. g. w.m. 8. ft Cf. ryddnant 68 for rydinant ; the d doubled because the syll. is closed; see § 54 i (3). § 220 ADVERBS 433 Ni threühir y gwir i gyd Yn llyfr nac urille hefyd. — G. Gl., p 114/458. { The whole truth is not stated in a book or anywhere else.' hefyd < Brit. *sami-ti; suff. of manner *-ti § 162 vi (2) added to *s e m~i-, with i-flexion following *s e m e li- (: Lat. simili-s) : Tr. samlith, same meaning, < *samali-ti < the fuller *s e mji- : cf. Lat. simîtü apparently formed with suff. -tüd from loc. *semei } "Walde 2 s.v. (9) wedi { afterwards ' e. g. Matt, xxvi 7% Act. iii 24, B.cw, 21 1. 10, gwecli 1. 22 ; Early Mn. W. and Ml. W. (g)wedy i O. W. guotig ox., guetig b.s.ch. 2 'afterwards'; na chynt na gwedy r.m. 168 ' neither before nor after', cynt na chwedy L.G.C. 66. The final -i is late § 213 ii (2). In the recent period wedi adv. has given place to wedyn, a dial, contraction of wedy kyn ' after this \ gwedy, O. W. guotig, Bret, goude < Brit. *uotig(os) which may be for *uo-te-gos {eg > ig § 65 ii (3)); *uo < *upo which as an adverb of time meant ' after ', cf. Skr. uipa adv. £ moreover, further ', and Lat. s-ub- in sub-sequor, succëdo; *-te suffix of time § 162 vi (2) ; to *uo-te seems to have been added the suff. *-ghos as in ac 'and* § 222 i (3). Its consonantal ending is proved by the rad. initial which follows it as a prep. (10) draw 'yonder' ; yma a thraw 'here and there'. draw is probably for *trawf § 110 iii (1) < *träm-, perhaps loc. *trämei of stem Hrämo- : cf. *prärno- in Lat. prandium. " From Vter- there are old nominal m-formations, which have become adverbial and prepositional " Brugmann 2 II ii 901. See § 156 i (22). (11) ýma 'here', poet. ỳman\ Ml. W. yma w.m. 22, ymma do. 32, 39, yman il.a. 30 ; hyt yman w.m. 186 s hither' ; draw aq ýman R.P, 1369.  chais un o'i chusanau a Misprinted yma. Yman a i'w ddwyn ym, neu ddau. — D.G. 186, cf. 264. ' And ask for one of her kisses to bring here to me — or two.' Chwilio yman (misprinted ym man) , . . Chwilio hwnt Gr.O. 32 ( Searching here, searching there '. W. yma, yman, Corn, yma, omma (0 = y Williams Lex. s.v.), -ma -man, Bret, ama, aman, -ma, -man, Van. ama, amann, amenn. On the loss of final -nn see § 110 v (2). The word is perhaps to be divided *ym-ann < *esmi loc.sg. of the pron. *e- § 189 iii (2) + *anda prob. < *an-dha ; *an- variant of *en- of the *eno- pron. (cf. Goth. anpar 'alius ' Brugmann 2 II ii 336) with suff. -dha § 162 vi (2) as in Skr. i-há * here ', Gk. tv-Ba ; *anda survives in Bret, ann ' here ', Ir. and ' there, in it \ 1402 F f 434 ACCIDENCE § 220 (ia) állan 'out, in the open', Ml. W. allann r.p. 1044, ^-A- 106, 167, usually written allan but rhyming with -ann in Early Ml. verse, thus cann / ttoergan{n) / attan(n) / lan(n) b.t. 27. The adj. allandl ' external ', so written and pronounced, is not older than the 17th cent., and so was formed long after the distinction between '-an and '-ann had been lost, § 56 iii. There was no deriva- tive of allan, and therefore nothing to show whether it had -n or -nn. allann < Brit. *alland(a), which represents *p e l-iäm-dha or a similar formation from Vpela- ' stretch out ' : Lat. jpalam ' openly ' : 0. Bulg. polje ' field ', O.TZ.feld, E. field ; cf. i maes ' *in field ' vi (2), which has ousted allan in S. W. dialects. Cf. also Mn. Ir. soin ale ' from that time forward ' O'Don. Gr. 263 : hynny allan w.m. 12 (soin Mn. W.) ' thenceforth \ (13) Ml. W. rwy 'too much', as rwy yt werthey Arthur w.m. 470 ' overmuch dost thou asperse Arthur ' ; see viii (1). (14) y, yh, yd adverbial rel. § 162 ; pyr ' why ? ' pan ' whence? ' cw, cwb, cwd ' where ? ' § 163 ; arnodd etc. § 209 ; heibio, acw, trwoh, drosodd, yngo, yngod, ucho, uckod, iso, isod § 210. iii. The following* adverbs are oblique cases of nouns and adjectives : (1) fry c up ', obi. case, prob. loc, of Ire ' hill ' § 103 ii (1). (2) orig 'for a little while' dim. of awr; ennyd 'for a little while' (also am orig, am ennyd) ; ennyd awr D.G. 102 id.; oil 'wholly' § 168 ii (2); lawer 'much' § 169 ii (1); beth 'to some extent' § 169 iv (1) ; ddim 'at all' § 170 v (3) ; syrn 'a great deal' obi. case of swrn 'cluster, crowd' § 129 ii (1) ex. 3 ( < *s-tur-no- : Lat. tur-ma, Vtuer-) ; gŷlch ogylck, etc. § 47 iii ; agos e nearly ' ; nemawr, fawr in neg. clauses ' much ' ; achlân c wholly '. achlân is used like oil, generally following the word or phrase which it limits, as aV byt achlân ' and the whole world ' m.a. i 376, Prydein achlan b.p. 1402, y UuoeS achlan e.m. 136 'all the hosts \ It is prob. an adj. which as an adv. retains its old accentuation like yrháwg, erioed § 47 i, ii. The most likely Brit, form is *amkladnos which may be for *n-qhd-no- 'un-broken', Vqolad- ' strike, break' : Lat. incolumis ' un-harmed, whole ' ; cf. E. whole in two senses ; cf. also AV. di-dwn ' unbroken, whole ', di-goll ' whole ', cdll<*qoVd-, Vqolad-. (3) After an adj. : iawn ' very ', as da iawn ' very good ' ; odiaeth 'very', Gen. xii 14 ( : odid) ; aruthr * amazingly, very ', as merch landeg aruthr b.cw. 9 ; ofnadwy ' terribly ', etc. § 220 ADVERBS 435 (4) Before an adj. with rad. initial : llawer before cpv., § 169 ii (1) ; mwy, mwyaf § 151 i ; similarly llai, lleiaf ; and in Mn. W. digon, as digon da ' good enough ' ; numeral with cpv. (with mutation peculiar to the numeral) § 154 iii (2). (5) gynt 'formerly'; eynt 'previously'; gynneu 'a short time (few hours) ago ' ; mwy, mwyaeh ' henceforth ' ; by th 'ever'; weithiau 'sometimes'; wiwaith, etc. § 154 iii (1) ; chwaith, y chwaith ' either ', which replaces lief yd in neg. clauses in the late period, as na Herod chwaith Luc xxiii 15 'nor H. either'. hythw the Ir. bith 'ever' borrowed, the etymological equivalent of "W. byd ' world '. W. byth is generally sounded with short 7, more rarely bi[th which follows the W. analogy of monosyllables in -th. As the word is always accented the short i[ can only be accounted for by the assumption of borrowing. The form a phyth r.p. 1028, L.G.C. 264 is due to the false analogy of a chynt in which the orig. rad. is c-. chweith in Late Ml. W. occurs chiefly before a noun, and means ' any ', as na chlywei arnaw chweith dolur s.G. 55 ' that he did not feel any pain ', chweith antur do. 34, chweith jpechawt do. 46 ; more rarely y chweith 1 at all' do. 62. In Mn.W. it is found with an adj., as rhag na chaphom aros chwaith Mr G.R. [95] ' lest we may not stay very long', Canys nid yw chwaith teg do. [124] 'for it is not very seemly ', chwaith hir b.cw. 40. These expressions seem to show that chwaith is orig. a noun ; perhaps gwaith ' occasion ' § 100 i (2), as in unwaith above (with pref. *eks- 1) : Bret, c'hoaz, Corn, whâth, whêth, 'yet, again ' (*-uokt- : *-uekt-). (6) mwy (no) ' more (than) ' ; well well, waethwaeth § 152 ii ; haeach in neg. clauses, meaning with the neg. ' not much, hardly at all ' ; oreu ' best ', gyntaf ' first ', etc. Nyt arhoes ef haeach s.G. 38 ' he did not stay long '. The word is often used as a noun, as heb wneuthur hayach Srwc s.G. 39 ' without doing much wrong ' ; cf. il.a. 122. hayachen k.m. 142, g. 234 has the sense of ' almost \ — haeach seems to be a cpv. of an adj. *hae < *$ag-io- or *sog-io-, Vsegh- : Gk. oxa ' much ' adv., Vsegh-, Boisacq s.v. c^w.— haeachen is perhaps the full stem, and so the true obi. form, § 147 iv (3). (7) Noun or adj. in an obi. case followed by the obi. rel. y, yò, yr, neg. na, nad, (loc.) ni, nid: — (a) in a dependent clause : modd y 'in the manner in which, so that', modd na 'so that . . . not' ; pryd y 'at the time when, when', pryd na 'when . . . not ' ; lie y, lie y8, lie yr, generally lie, lle'r ' in the place where, where ', Ml. W. lie ny, Mn. lie ni ■ where . . . not \ — Ff2 436 ACCIDENCE § 220 (ò) Predicatively at the head of a sentence, § 162 vii (2) : odid y ' [it is] a rarity that, [it is] improbable that ', odid na ' [it is] improbable that . . . not ', i. e. it is probable that ; hawdd y ' [it is] with ease that ' ; da y ' [it is] well that ' ; prin y ' [it is] scarcely [the case] that ', braidd y ' [it is] hardly [the case] that', as breiò y diengis e.b.b. 319 £ he hardly escaped ', braidd na ' [it is] hardly that . . . not ' i. e. ' [it is (was)] almost [the case] that', as braidd na hum bridd yn y bedd D.G. 296 ' I was almost dust in the grave \ braidd may represent the instr. *bradü of an adj. cognate with Gk. fipaSvs ' tardy ', Lat. gurdus. Except in the above construction it generally has a governing prep, in Ml. "W., vii (1), but later it is used as an adv. in any position. It is not used as an adj. An adj. preceding a vb. directly (without?/), as mad Sevthoste b.b. 87 'well hast thou come', forms a loose compound with it, § 207 ii, and takes pre- verbal ny (not nyt), as ny mad aeth b.b. 70, ny phell gwyS b.a. 26 'falls not far \ iv. The following* adverbs are formed of nouns in obi. cases with a demonstrative or similar adj., see i (2) (a). (1) hé-ddiw, Late Mn. W. héddyto § 37 iii ; heno § 78 i (1) ; e-léni ' this year ' for *he-fleni i Bret, hevlene. heUw for *he$yw § 77 v < *se-diues = Skr. sa-divah 'at once" beside sa-dyáh ' on the same day ' prob. loc. sg. of an s- stem, and so not formed directly from *diieus ' day ', but an old formation going back to Pr. Ar. The others are prob. formed in Brit, on its analogy : he-no < *se-nokti loc. of *nokts; e-leni for *he-lyni (owing to prefer- ence for e..i sequence, cf. § 65 iii (2)) < Ì *blidnti loc. of *bleidonl which gives blwyddyn ' year '. (2) beunydd e every day', beunoeth ' every night '. The noun in these was ace. But Brit. *jpapon díien (< *q%äq%om díiëm) should give W. *pawb ny$ ; it seems to have been made into an improper compound early, and the aw treated like ordinary pen- ultimate aw (which normally comes from *ou) and affected to eu § 76 iv (3), giving *]peubnyh >peunyS ; then by analogy inunoeth (and S. W. dial. beutu for lit. bojptu)-, Bret, bemdeiz, Treg. baonde. (3) yn awr 'now' § 114 iv ; yr áwron, weithion, etc., § 164 iii ; ymánnos ' the other night' r.p. 1264, D.G. 82, 158, 200. ymannos is probably to be placed here although the exact form of its Brit, original is doubtful. It stands for *ymannoeth which may represent loc. *esmi anda nokti lit. ' this here night ', see ii (1 1), § 220 ADVERBS 437 (4) pa le, pie ' where ? ' pa ddelw, pa fodd ' how ? ' pa bryd 1 when ? ' etc. § 163 ii. (5) rýwbryd ' some time ', rýwfodd ' somehow '. v. Adverbs formed of a noun or adj. preceded by a conjunction or neg. part. : (j) ond -f noun or pron. : ond odid B.cw. 31 'perhaps 5 (lit. ' except a rarity ') § 169 v (4) ; ond antur D.G. 266, G.Gr. d.g. 238 'almost', with neg. 'hardly' (lit. 'but by chance') ; ond hynny 'any more' il.m. 94, 96, T. ii 176. (2) nid + cpv. adj . : nid hwyrach 1 Cor. xvi 6 ' perhaps ' ; nid gwaeth 'even' e.g. D.N. c. i 161, D.G. 410; nid amgen ' namely ' (lit. ' not otherwise ') Ml. W. nyt amgen. It is curious that nid hwyrach is generally reduced to hwyrach in the recent period, though it survives as tw(y)rach in Gwyn. dial. vi. Adverbs formed of nouns governed by prepositions : (1) The prep, and noun compounded : éch-nos ' the night before last'; éch-doe 'the day before yesterday'; trán-noeth ' the following day ' ; trén-nydd ' the day after to-morrow ' ; trá-dwy ' the third day from to-day ' ; Ml. W. a-vory, w.m. 4, il a. no, Mn. W. y-fóry 'to-morrow'; yr-llýnedd, er-llýnedd 'last year ' ; o-bry ' down ' ; éisoes, éisioes ' already ', Ml. W. eissoes ' nevertheless ' ; gór-moS, Late Mn. W. gór-moä ' excessively ' ; adref il.a. 109 ' homewards ', so in Mn. W. ech-doe is an improper compound formed when *ecA < *eks was a living prep. ; ech-nos is formed on its analogy, or is changed for an older *ech-noeth. On trannoelh, trennyS see § 156 i (22); — tra-^dwy for *tar-dwy < *taros duuo ' beyond two [days] ' ; in such a phrase it is possible that the accent of *duu5 might be on the -5, the original position ( : Skr. duva) ; and *duuo > *duui would give -dwy not *-deu § 76 v (4) ; — a-vory for *a8-vory < *ad märig-i (prob. loc. ; *ad takes loc. in Germ, also) ' to-morrow ' ;—yr-llyne& < *per blidníiän ace. of *bleidonl ' year ' ;—eisoes < ? *es-i-oes * ever ' (: oes ' age ') formed like eiroet (4) ; cf. Fr. toujours ' nevertheless ' ; — adref } an old compound, §99v( 4 ). (2) The prep, and noun uncompounded, or forming improper compounds accented on the ultima : i fyny 'up', Ml. W.ŷ vyny(h) § 110 iv (3); i lawr 'down'; i waered 'down'j i mewn 'inside' § 215 iii (1); i maes 'out', Ml. W. ỳ maes cm. 58, k.m. 172, il.a. 122, J 66 ; vywn il.a. 166 ' inside ' ; vaes ib. ' outside ' ; 438 ACCIDENCE § 220 yn ôl 'back', ar ol ' behind' § 215 iii (6); ar hynt 'imme- diately ' s.g. 274 ; oddi fyny ' from above ', oddi lawr ' from below ', oddi mewn ' inside ' ; ymláen ' in front ' § 215 iii (10) ; ynghyd ' tog-ether', Ml. W. ygkyt w.m. 103, e.m. 75 (for which ỳ gyt is oftenest found, see ib.), i gyd f wholly ', Ml. W. ỳ gyt § 156 i (8) ; ar lied c abroad ', late ar led ; ar frys ( hastily ', rhag Haw 'henceforth', Mi. W. rac Haw e.p. 141 8, dra-chéfn 'backwards, over again' § 214 iii; ymaith 'away', Ml. W. for earlier e ymdeitli w.m. 2 ; i flwrdd id. i waered ; gwaered < *upo- , ped-ret- ' under-foot-run ' ; — i 2. The prep. * en-do like *do governed the dat. — 3. In Ir. co (Mn. Ir. go, W. pw § 214 iv), which is syno- nymous with *endo, was often substituted for it, and has superseded it in Mn. Ir. — 4. W. ymhell, etc., show that simple *en could be used as well as * en-do ; yn bêll ' far ' and ymhéll ' far ' are a doublet, both forms being in use ; ymhéll is the same construction as ymlden where the yn is a prep. — 5. In W. leniting yn is also used to introduce the indefinite complement of verbs of being, becoming, making, etc., which makes it difficult for a speaker of the language to believe that leniting yn is the definite article. — 6. The analogy not only of W. and Ir. but of other languages is all in favour of the prep., e.g. E. a-long, a-broad, etc. (3) Special cases of comparatives after yn : yn hytrach ' rather ', yn chwaethach w.m. 10 ' not to speak of, yghwaethach e.m. 85, ygkwaethach do. 150, aghwaethach do. 156, yg kyvoethach w.m. p. 91$, anoethach do. 182 ; also later chwaethach B.cw. 14. hytrach is cpv. of hydr ' strong, prevailing ' : O.Bret, hitr, Ir. sethar, of unknown origin. — chwaethach (misspelt chweithachhy Silvan Evans) is generally supposed to be from chwaith iii (5), e. g. D.D. s.v. ; if so it has F°-grade *-uok-t- ; -nchw- > -idhw- § 26 vi (3) ; gk = toh § 21 i ; itn- < *n-do- : * en-do- ; yg kyv- seems to have pref. kyv- ; anoethach, with no pref., but with w lost before o § 36 iii. (4) Superlatives with the art. : o'r goreu * very well ! ' o'r rhwyddaf Gr.O. 31 'most readily ' ; i'r eithaf ' extremely ' ; ar y cyntaf ' at first ' ; dial, ar y lleiaf £ rather too little ', ar y mwyaf i rather too much. \ viii. (1) The prefixes rhy-, go- and tra- by being accented separately before adjectives have come to be regarded as adverbs rhii, go, and tra ; thus rfa/ dda ' too good ', go dda ' rather good ', ira da 'very good' § 45 iv (2). See also § 156 i (16), (21), (22). In the late period rhy is used as a noun { excess ' for Ml. W. rwy, as in Nyt gwell rwy no digawn e.b. 963 ' too much is not better than enough ' ; this is prob. the adv., ii (13), used as a noun ; rhwy adv.< *prei (: *2>rai, Lat. prae) § 210 x (5). (2) lied and pur forming loose compounds with adjectives, § 155 iv, are to the present linguistic consciousness adverbs ; so prin in prin ddau Gr.O. 58 ' scarcely two ', etc. 440 ACCIDENCE §§ 221, 222 § 221. Many adverbs are improper compounds formed of sentences fused into words. The following may be noted in W. : i. (i) ysýwaeth 'the more the pity*, Ml. W. ysywaeth il.a. 157, s.G. 252, for ysy waeth ' which is worse'. (2) gwaethiroeS duw cm. 30 for gwaeth yr oeh duw (?) { woe worth the day' ; Gwentian gwaithiro dduw h.g. 106. (3) yswaethéroeS L.G.C. 38, seemingly a confusion of (1) and (2). ii. (1) agátfydd Gr.O. 262, J.D.R. 134 'perhaps', Ml. W. agatvyh s.G. 224, ac atvyh w.m. 2, k.m. 2, for ag a atvyh ' with what will be ' i. e. per-adventure ; cf, a advo b.b, 8 { what may happen '. (2) agattoeS h.m. ii 85 'it might be', ac attoeh b.m. 212, for ag a *ad-hoeh ; for *koeh see § 180 ii (3). (3) ysgátfydd ' perhaps ' 1 Cor. xv o,J for ys ag a atfydd. iii. ysgwír, 'sgwir L.G.C. 444 ' truly ', for ys gwir ( it is true ' ; malpei J.D.R. [xiv] ' as it were ; so to speak ' for mat pel ' as it were ' ; sef e this is 3 that is, namely ', for ys ef. iv. (1) llyma ' voiei ', llyna ' voila ', for syll yma ' see here ', syll yna ' see there ', cf. Bret, setu ' voici, voila ' prob. for sellet liu 1 see ye ' ; cf. syll dy raccv h.m. 133. (2) Mn. W. dyma ' voici ', more fully weldyma b.cw. 24, Late Ml. W. weldyma s.G. 221, for wel dy yma r.m. 58, wely dỳ yma w.m. 80 c seest thou here ? ' So Mn. W. dyna c voila ' for wel dy yna ? and Mn. W. dacw ' see yonder ' for wel dy raccw ? see §173 iii (3). Similarly ducho 'see up above', welducho for wel(y) dy ucho\ diso 'see below', weldiso D.G. 113, dial corr. dusw ; dyfry ' see up ', dobry ' see down ', dyngo ' see close by ' (yngo § 210 viii (5)). CONJUNCTIONS § 222. The Welsh conjunctions are the following : i. Annexive : a, ac 'and'. (1) The - i and, but ' < *et : Lat. at 'but', Goth. a)?-J?an 'but', Gk. âr-áp 'but' < *at. The suffix -ghos is also seen in ag ' with ' § 213 iii (1) ; and in agos 'near ', the base of which is probably *ad- ' to, near ' : Lat. ad, E. at ; thus *agos < Brit. *aggostos < *ad-g7ios-to-s. ii. Disjunctive : (1) neu [soft] ' or'. neu < *nóuî < *né-uë : Ir. no, no, nu < *ne-ue. The second ele- ment is Ar. ue ' or ' : Lat. -ve, Skr. va ' or'. Thurneysen takes the first to be the neg. *ne- so that the orig. meaning was ' or not ' : Skr. ná-vä ' or not '. But the development of the meaning is in that case not obvious. The *ne- may be the stein of the *eno-, *no- pronoun, as Gk. -ve in Thess. ro-ve ' ro'Se ', Skr. na ' as ', Lat. ego-ne etc., of which the loc. is the affirmative part, neu § 219 i (2); thus the original meaning would be 'or indeed, or rather'. (2) Ml. W. ae . . . ae ' whether ... or; either ... or' ; Mn. W. ai . . . ai ; strengthened, naill ai . . . ai yntau. 442 ACCIDENCE § 222 ae [rad.] comes before a verbal noun, noun, adj., adv., or their equivalents, but not before a verb, cf. § 218 i. A personal pron. after the second has the conjunctive form, minneu etc. ỳ roSi dewis uSunt ae gwrhau i$aw ae^ymwan ac ef w.m. 160 'to give them [their] choice whether to do homage to him or to fight with him'; dewis ti ae oth voS ae oth anvoS do. 124 'choose thou whether willingly or unwillingly ' ; ae tydi . . . ae titheu do. 162, 171, cf. § 159 iii. ae § 218 iii, yntan § 159 iii (2), iv (3). (3) na, nae ' nor ' ; na(e) . . . na(c) ( neither . . . nor ' ; na [spir.] before a consonant, including h and i ; nac before a vowel ; nac = nag ; exactly as for ae, see i above. Er i gig ni rôi'r gegin Nac er i groen garrai grin» — G.G1. M i/no. 43. ' The kitchen would not give for his flesh or for his skin a sear thong.' The ms. has actually nag, as is often the case; see i (1). nag < *naggôs < *n(e) at-ghós ' and not \ iii. Adversative : (j) Mn. W. onid, ond [rad.] § 44 vi 'but', Ml. W. onyt ; this is the form before a noun, etc., of ony ( if not \ v (1) below. (2) eithr [rad.] 'Jbut', e.g. Act. iv 4, 15, 17, 19, 21= prep. eithr § 214 v. (3) namyn [rad.] c but ', namn § 44 vi, Ml. W. nawyn, namen, namwyn, § 78 ii (1) ; O.W. honit nammui 'but only'. namyn os mivi a gâr yr amherawdyr, deuet liyt yman ỳ'm hoi w.m. 186, cf. 185 'but if it is I that the emperor loves, let him come hither for me.' Hael oedd, ac ni hawl iddi Nai main na'i haur, namyn hi. — D.G. 293. ' He is chivalrous, and asks of her neither her jewels nor her gold, but only herself.' namwyn, O. W. nammui, Ir. namäa ' not more \ It is sometimes found without n- } by false division, as amyn b.ch. i 6, amen a.l. i 288 1. 3. The example from D.G. shows how the meaning developed : ' not more [than] ' > ' only ' > ' but \ (4) Ml. W. hagen ' however ', coming after the opening word or words of the sentence, and prob. an enclitic. canis rywelsei ef; wynteu hagen ni wybuyssynt i eisseu ef w.m. 9 ' for he had not seen them ; they, however, had not missed him ' ; nyt § 222 CONJUNCTIONS 443 oeS nes hagen ihi no chynt do. 1 7 ' he was no nearer, however, to her than before'. hagen, O. W. hacen m.c. gl. at ' but ', Bret, hogen 'but ' (not enclitic). It has been suggested that the first part is identical with ac ' and ' (Loth. Voc. 150, Henry 165) ; as *at the base of ac also means ' but' i (3) this is not improbable, but it is not easy to account for the form. O. W. has ha, hac as well as a, ac, but the h- is not the aspirate, and is lost in Ml. W., § 112 i. If, however, we suppose a cpv. in *-isön of *aggós, its loc. *aggiseni would give *ag-hen, which by early metath. of h (§ 94 ii) might give hagen. For a similar cpv. cf. haeachen § 220 iii (6) ; amgen § 148 ii (2). iv. Causal : (1) canys [rad.] ' since ', cans § 44 vi ; Ml. W. can, kanys ì cans w.m. 487 { since ' ; kaìi{n)y ì han{n)yt ì ' since . . . not ' ; kan(n)ys, cams iii (4) * since . . . not . . . him (her, them) '. ergliv wi ( = erglyw fi) can dothuif b.b. 75 'hear me since I have come'; kann colles il.a. 147 'since he has lost ' ; A chan derw yt Sywedut y geir w.m. 2 1 ' and since thou hast said the word '. — canys priflys oeS do. 64 ' for it was the chief court ' ; eisteS di yn y lie hwnn kanys tydi bieu s.g. 6 ' sit thou in this place for it is thou to whom it belongs \ — Cany welas ef w.m. 16 ' since he did not see ' ; canyt oes vrenhin ar holl Annwvyn namyn ti do. 8 ' for there is no king over all A. but thee*. — canis, see iii (4); Kanys gwyhut r.m. 282 'since thou didst not know it \ Later Kanys ny s.g. 17. can is the same word as the prep, gan § 211 ii, iv (1) though possibly with a cons, ending, as it seems to take the rad. — canys 1 since ' = cann ys ' since it is ' and is often written kannys e.g. il.a. 9, 10, 13, etc.; the -nn- is simplified because; the word is generally unaccented; cf. anad for annat § 214 viii. It rarely comes directly before a verb : cans oeS w.m. 487 =kan oes r.m. 126. — The neg. kany is for can ny ; it was prob. accented on the last syll., hence the simplifi- cation of the -nn-. The accent would suffice to distinguish kanys 1 since . . not . . him ' from the positive kanys ' since '. (2) achos ' because ', Ml. W. achaws. Galw Gwrhyr Gwalltawt IeithoeS, achaws yr holl ieithoeS a tvySyat e.m. 114 'Gwrhyr Gwalstawt Ieithoedd was called, because he knew all languages'. — The conj. is omitted in w.m. 471. achos § 65 ii (1), § 215 ii (1). achos is used before v.n.'s and noun-clauses, and so remains prepositional : Deut. i 36, iv 37, vii 12, Num. xxx 5. (3) o ran 'for', § 215 iii(icj). Fob byw wrth i ryw yr aeth, O ran taer ywW naluriaeth. — W.IL., c.il. 73. ' Every living thing goes after its kind, for nature is insistent/ 444 ACCIDENCE § 222 (4) Other composite nominal prepositions are used as con- junctions in the Late Ma. period: o blegid Act. i 5> ü 34; o herwydd 1 Cor. xv 53; o waith, in S.W. dial, waith. v. Conditional: (1) o, od 'if, Ml. W. 0, ot, or; os 'if it is' ; ossit e if there is ' ; o'm £ if . . . me ' ; o'th ' if . . . thee ' ; os ' if . . . him (her, them) ' ; oni, onid c if. . . not, unless ', Ml. W. ony, onyt ; oni 'm ■' if . . , not ...me', onis l if . . . not . . . him (her, them) ', Ml. W. onym i onys, etc. As above indicated the -s of os is either ys ' is ', or else the 3rd sg. or pi. infixed pron. ; but in Late Mn. W. os came to be used instead of 0, od for ' if simply ; examples are common in the 1 6th cent. : os rlioed Haw W.1L. 60. — is followed by the spirant, also in Early Mn. W. by the rad., of j)-, t-, c- y and by the rad. of other mutables ; od is used before vowels. Before verbs : o chlywy Uaspat . . . o gwely tlwsw.M. 11 9-1 20 'if thou hearest a cry ... if thou seest a jewel ' ; o chai D.G. 30 ' if thou shalt get ' ; o caf do. 20 £ if I get ' ; od ey w.m. 446 ' if thou goest ' ; ot agory do. 457 'if thou openest'; — with infixed pronouns: o'm UeSi D.Gr. 59 'if thou killest me ' ; &th gaf do. 524 ( if I may have thee'; os canŷhatta w.m. 412 'if she allows him [to go]';- — with r(y) : or bu do. 1 7 2 ' if there has been ' ; or kaffaf vyghyvarws do. 459 'if I get my boon' ; or mynny il.a. 165 'if thou wilt '. Before nouns, etc., followed by the relative pron., os 'if (it) is' : Ac os wynteu &e me$ hi w.m. 190 'and if it is they who hold it'; os 08 (read o'th) voS y gwney ditheu do. 429 ' if it is of thy free will that thou dost ' ; or followed by a simple subject : os pechawt hynny il.a. 38 'if that is sin'. Ml. W. ossit before an indef. subject : ossit a Ugrifhao . . . cm. 27 ' if there is [any one] who enjoys . . .'— The neg. forms ony etc. follow the rules for ny; before verbs : ony by8 w.m. 95 'if there be not ' ; with infixed pron. : onys kaffaf do. 459 ' if I do not get it '. Before nouns etc. onyt ' if it [is] not' : onyt edivar il.a. 47 ' if not repentant'. This form became onyt, later onid, ond ' but ' ; ny Seuthum i yma onyt yr gwellau vy mucheS s.g. i 84 ' I have not come here but to amend my life ' ; ny mynnaf-i neb onyt Duw do. 1 78 ' I desire no one but God '. — Instead of os ' if it is ' we find before a past tense or bu 'if it was' in w.m. 458 (modernized to os in e.m. 104) : or bu ar dy gam y dyvuost ' if it was at a walk that thou earnest '. For oni a new os na is used in Recent W. o ' if '< Brit. *a ' if ' § 218 iii ; on the form see § 71 i (2). ot may represent *ä-ti or *ä-ta, see § 162 vi (2), which survives only before vowels. But an old ot before a cons., in which the -t is an infixed pron., survives in the stereotyped phrase ot gwnn w.m. 12 'if I know it '; this may well be *a tod ' if it '. os ' if it is ' < *ä 'sti ; ossit ' if there is ' < *a 'sftta < *â 'sti ita. The mutation after accented *a was the § 222 CONJUNCTIONS 445 same as after accented *né, but made more regular owing to the word being of less frequent occurrence ; the rad. c- etc. seems to be due to further levelling. (2) pei [rad.] 'if Late Mn. W. pe. — The form pei is short for pei y ' were it that ' ; see § 189 ii (3) ; the real conj. y, yt which follows pei is the citative conj. ; see x (1). Before a noun there is, of course, no conj. after pel, which is then simply ' were it' ; as pei mi rywascut vetty w.m. 474 ' were it I that thou hadst squeezed so '. pei ron s.G. 212 ' supposing that', cf. 256, 368, pei rhon D.Gr. 118, 271, 304, followed by a v.n. clause. The formation is not clear (? pei rhoent c if they granted '). vi. Temporal: (1) pan(n) [soft] 'when', § 162 iv (3), § 163 vi ; sometimes ban, especially in poetry. A phan Soeth yno w.m. 8 ' and when he came there ' ; a phan welas do. 1 3 ' and when he saw ' ; pan gly whont do. 2 2 c when they hear \ Pa le V oeddit ti pan sylfaenais i y ddaeat 1 Job xxxviii 4. — Ban elom ni il.a. 168 'when we go'. Syrthiais, llewygais iW llawr, Bann welais benn i elawr. — T.A., G-. 234. ' I fell, I fainted to the floor, when I saw the head of his bier/ pan being relative a prep, may govern the antecedent, expressed as the r in o'r pan agoroch y drws w.m. 5 7 í from the time when you open the door', but generally implied, as in erbyn pan do. 33 'by [the time] when ', hyt pan do. 470 'until', yr pando. 161, Mn. W. er pan ' since '. (2) tra ' whilst ' ; also hyd tra. It is usually followed by a soft initial ; tra parhao w.m. 26 is a rare exception in Ml. W. In Late Mn. W. the rad. is common (sometimes by confusion with, the prep, tra, the spir. e. g. Gr.O. 12). ny ommeSwyt neb tra barhauS (read barhaaóS) w.m. 26 'no one was refused while it [the feast] lasted ' ; tra geffit do. 65-6, 68, 72 'while one could have ' ; tra vynho Duw do. 7 1 * while God will ', tra welho Duw do. 7 2 id. ; tra gerSych "W.IL. 6 ' while thóu walkest ' ; tra fyddai Matt, xiv 22, tro, fyddwyf Marc xiv 32 ; tr&ýyddo haul Ps. lxxii 17. — hyt tra ym gatter yn vyw w.m. 479 ' whilst I am left alive ' ; hyt tra vei k.b.b. 79. tra allied to the prep, tra, but coming from a Brit, form ending in a vowel, possibly *tare<*t e ri cf. *are-<*p e ri ; if so it is for *tar, see § 214 iii. 446 ACCIDENCE § 222 (3) eyn [rad.] ' before ' § 215 i (1). It is used as a conj. proper, coming' immediately before a verb, see examples. In the recent period it is treated as the prep, by having y put after it. kin bu tav y dan mein b.b. 68 ' before he was silent under stones ' ; kyn bum b.t. 25 ' before I was ' ; gwr a roteigad kyn dybu ỳ dyt w. 2a ' a man who gave battle before his day came ' ; cyn elych s.G. 269. Dduw! cyn el i ddaear, A ddaw cof iddi ai car Ì — B.Br., p. 112/264. ' O God ! before he goes to earth will she remember [him] who loves her ? ' (4) Ml. "W. hyny, yny * until'; Early Mn. W. yni; Late Mn. W. oni, onid by confusion with oni v (1) ; and tauto- logically hyd oni. A hwnnw a Zyscawh Dewi hyny vu athro il.a. 107 ' And [it was] he who taught Dewi till he became a doctor ' ; A'r ynys a gerSassant hyny Soethant ỳ Eryri w.m. 185 'And they traversed the island till they came to Eryri'; Ac yny agoroch y drws do. 57 'and until you open the door'; ynyveiyn llawn do. 56 ' until it was full'. Ni ddof oddiwrth nai Ddafydd Yni ddel y nos yn ddydd. — L.G.C. 210. 1 1 will not come away from David's nephew till night becomes day.' — onid oedd yr haul ar gyrraedd ei gaereu b.cw. 5 ' until the sun was reaching his battlements' i.e. setting; hyd oni Matt, ii 9. hyny is for hyd ny, and appears in full in cp. : hit iii-ri-tarnher ir did hinnuith ' until that day is completed '. — hyd ny lit. ' while not ' ; the £ length ' {hyd) of time during which an event is ' not ' (ny) reached is the time ' until ' (hyny) it is reached. (5) gwedy y, hyd y, etc., see xi. vii. Concessive : (1) cyd [rad.] ' although ', Ml. W. hyt } ket^ kyn^ cen ; neg. kyn ny^ kyny, keny. kyt keffych hynny w.m. 480 ' though thou get that ' ; ket bei cann wr en vn ty b.a. 12 ' though there might be 100 men in one house ' ; Kyd carhwiv-e morva cassaav-e mor b.b. 100 ' though I love the strand I hate the sea '. Cyd byddai nifer meibion Israel fel tywod y môr Rhuf. ix 27 ; Cyd bai hirfaith taith o'r wlad hon yno Gr.O. 116 ' though a journey from this country thither would be long.' — A chyn bei drut hynny r.m. 169 ' And though that was a brave [fight]'; A chyn bo w.m. 62. — a chyn-nyt ymSialvjyf a thi w.m. 2 ' and though I may not avenge myself on thee ' ; kyn-ny bwyf arglwySes, mi a wnn beth yw hynny do. 5 1 f though I am not a lady, I know what § 222 CONJUNCTIONS 447 that is ' ; A chyny bei do. 62. — 0. W. cen nit boi . . . Cinnit hois CP. ' though there be not . . . though there is not '. cyd : Ir. ce, cia ' though ' ; cyny : Ir. ceni, cini, ceriî. The -d is to be compared with that of od 'if, see v (1) above ; as it is followed by the rad., cy-d may be for *ke tod ' if it ' a form which spread from kyt bo ' if it be ' etc. Before ny there was prob. no -d, and cyn ny is prob. a wrong deduction from cyny on the analogy of lean ny iv (1) ; cyn before a positive verb spread from this. — Traces of cy- without -d are found : ke-vei diffeith b.a. 7 ' though it were waste ' ; nyt arbedus "k.e-vei yr egluysseu g.c. 130 ' he spared not even the churches' ; hyffei b.b. 87. — Kelt. *ke may be the stem of the *ke- pronoun, as in Lat. ce-do ; loc. in Gk. i-nei, kcl-Oc. (2) er na, see xi. viii. Comparative : (1) cyn [soft] ' as ' before the equative ; see § 147 iv (4). (2) â [spir.], ag 'as' after the equative, Ml. W. a, ac; see i (2). This is the same word as a, ag 'with' ; see § 213 iii (1). It is often found before cyn * though',^ 'iî'^pan ' when'. A chyn dristet oe8 bop dyn yno a chyn bei agheu ym pop dyn onaSunt k.m. 188 ' And every man there was as sad as if death was in every man of them '. (3) Ml. and Early Mn. W. no [spir.], noe ' thau ' after the cpv. ; Late Mn. W. na, nay, see i {%), Also Ml. W. nogyt, noget, noc et * than '. no chyn c than if etc. no chynt iii (4) { than before ' ; ny wySwn i varch gynt ... no hwnnw w.m. 14 ' I knew no fleeter steed than that ' ; no hi do. 63 { [he had not seen a more beautiful woman] than her'; no hwnnw do. 67 'than that'; hyt na welsei Syn wenith tegach noc e/do. 73 £ so that no man had seen fairer wheat than it'. — Tegach yw honno no neb D.G. 440 'Fairer is she than any'. — perach ac arafach nogyt y rei ereill il.a. 101 ' sweeter and calmer than the others ' ; iawnach yw iSaw dy gynnhal nogyt ỳmi w.m. 37 ' it is juster for him to support thee than for me', cf. b.p. 1039, 11. 10, 30 ; Ny byS hyn, ny byB ieu, noget ỳ Sechreu b.t. 36 'it will not be older, it will not be younger, than at the beginning', cf. 28. The initial n- is the old ending of the cpv., see § 147 iv(3); cf. Bret, eget, Corn, ages corresponding to W. nogyt. The remaining -0, -oc ( = -og) has the same formation as a, ac ' and ', i (3), and the spirant after 0, as after a, implies the accent on the lost ult. Since unacc. ä, and unacc. before a guttural, both give a, we must refer our to u- § 66 v ; hence -oc < *uggós, which may be for *ud-ghos : Lith. uz- ' up ' < *ud-gh-, Ir. u- with gemination, Skr. ud- ' out, up ', Goth, üt, E. out ; for meaning cf. E. out-shine. Ir. occ ace seems to 448 ACCIDENCE § 222 be a mixture of *ud-g- and *ad-g- mostly with the meaning of the latter. — The affixed particle -yt, -et is prob. *eti ' beyond ' i (3). ix. Illative : yntau ' then, therefore ' in Late Mn. W. usually written ynte ; Ml. W. ynteu ; § 159 iii (2), iv (3). In this sense the word always comes after the opening word or words of the sentence. Gwnawn glot ynteu tfih draws gampeu k.p. 12 19 ' Let us fashion praise, then, of thy feats of arms '. x. Citative: (1) before verbs, y [rad.], yr 'that', Ml. W. y> {yd, yh). It is used to make a sentence into a noun equi- valent not only after verbs of saying, believing, etc., as gwn y daw ef ' I know that he will come ', but generally where a noun- clause is needed, thus diau y daw ef ' that he will come [is] certain '. The neg. form is na, nad, Ml. W. na, nat. ac a Sywedassant y gwneynt yn yr un hyffelyb s.G. 1 1 ' and they said that they would do likewise'; ac yn dywedut y'th leBir di do. 369 'and saying that thou shalt be killed'; ac a wnn y car Duw ynteu il.a. ii2* and I know that God loves him ' ; ef a wyddỳat y collet ef do. 58 ' he knew that he would lose \ Son i'th gylch, os hwn aHh gâi, Ni thygaswn i'th gowsai. — T.A.A~i4 86 6/2 29. e Saying about thee, if this man got thee, I should not have thought that he would have had thee.' On the spelling i see § 82 ii (1). The probable orig. meaning is 'how', so that yd may come from *iô-ti, *io- relative stem, *-ti suff. of manner § 162 vi (2) : Gk. on. The Skr. citative particle i-ti, coming generally after the quotation, is similarly formed from the demonstr. stem **-. The mutation after it follows that of the oblique rel. in its other uses. (2) Before nouns, etc. : Ml. W, panyw ' that it is ', rarely before the impf. pan oeh ; and ymae, mae Mn. W. mae ' that it is', in the late period written mai § 189 ii (1) ; also dial. (S.W.) taw. Neg. Ml. nat, Mn. nad, A hit honneit panyw bychydig a dal deSyf Duw ỳ mywn Cristawn onis cwplaa cm. 15 ' And be it known that it is little that the law of God avails in a Christian unless he performs it ' ; pann yw il.a. 152, 160. — Gwir yw ymae Duw a wnnaeth jpob peth il.a, 27 c It is true that it is God that made everything' ; cf. do. 21 1. 13 ; llyna vy attep i iti . . . ymae ti a Sewisswn w.m. 18 ' that is my answer to thee, that it is thou whom I would choose'; mae ti a Sewisswn e.m. 12. — ny § 222 CONJUNCTIONS 449 wySŷem pan oe8 ti a grogem b.t. i 2 c we knew not that it was Thou whom we crucified \ pan yw lit. ' when it is ' ; to know ' when ' it is may as easily as to know ' how ' it is become to know ' that ' it is. — ymae is doubtless relative = y mae 'where (it) is', hence from *iosmi est § 189 iii (2). The loc. *iósmi may mean ' how ' as well as ' where \ xi. (1) A preposition governing* the implied antecedent of an oblique rel. y (or neg. na) forms with the latter the equi- valent of a conjunction : gwedy y8 lit. ' after [the time] when ', gwedy yr, gweäy y, gwedy na ; gwedy y is usually contracted to gwedy ; Mn. W. wedy 'ddy wedy V, wedy. gwedy yr elont o'r byt hwnn cm. iio 'after they go from this world ' ; gwedy y gorffei ar ŷ alon k.b.b. 7 ' after he had conquered his enemies' ; A guedy byrŷer llawer yndi w.m. 21 * and after much has been thrown into it'; guedy na cheffit ganthunt wy do. 66 ' after it was not obtained from them \ — Wedy'dd el y drydedd oes L.G.C. 394 'After the third generation is gone'. — With inf. pron. gwedy as collont il.a. 167 ' after they have lost it \ byt yS, Tiyt y c as far as, as long as'; hyt na c as far as not ' > ' so that not ' ; Mn. W. hyd y(r), hyd na. hyt y sych gwynt, hyt y gwlych glaw w.m. 459 ' as far as wind dries, and rain wets' ; cf. D.G. 2 ; hyt na w.m. 4, hyt nat do. 71. gyt ac y * as soon as ' ; Mn. W. gyd ag y. Âr hynny gyt ae y kyvodes ef w.m. 52 ' Thereupon as soon as he rose \ Ac val y gyt ac y do. 88, e.m. 64 ' And as soon as \ am na ' because . . . not ' ; er na ' though ... not ' ; eithyr na ' except that . . . not' ; trwy y * so that ', lit. ' through [means] whereby ' ; Mn. W. am na, er na, and am y * because \ery i though'. am na wybuum pan aeth w.m. 389 ' because I knew not when he went ' ; eithyr na ellynt Sywedut do. 56 ' except that they could not speak'; trwy y coiletto il.a. 143 'so as to cause loss', trw yt w.m. 453. mal y(8) 'how, so that', mal na(t) 'as if, so that . . . not' ; megys y(8) ' as, so that ', megys na(t) ' as if, so that . . . not ' ; Mn. W. fal y(r), /el y(r), . . . na{d) ; megys y(r), megis y(r), . . . na{d). val y gallei w.m. 13 ' as he could ', val na wypwn do. 429 ' as if I knew not ', mal na wybuum do. 389 'so that I knew not ' ; megys y J402 G g 450 ACCIDENCE § 223 dyweit yr ystorỳa do. 165 'as the story says' ; megys na r.b.b. 186 1 as if . . . not '. (2) Similarly an adverb, or noun in an adverbial case, with, the obi. rel. and forming its antecedent, as pryd y ' at the time when', § 220 iii (7) (a). In the recent period, in imitation of these, y is sometimes written after conjunctions, as pan y delo or osy daw instead oî pan ddelo or o(s) daw. INTERJECTIONS § 223. i. (1) The following interjections proper occur in Ml. W. : a passim ; ha r.m. 235 ; oy a w.M. 57, oi a do. 147, wy a w. 1200 ; oian a b.b. 52 if., hoian a do. 61-2 ; och b.b. 50, 91, w.m. 20; och a do. 170; ub do. 473; gwae p.p. 1150 1. 31, generally followed by the dat. ; haha w.m. i 23 ; tprue ( = tprwỳ ?) k.p. 1277-8, Mn. W. trw (used in calling cattle). (2) Many others occur in Mn. W. : o ; ust ' hush ' ; ffi. ' fie ' (whence ff'iaidd ( loathsome'), later ffei, foil, by o, see ex.; wfifit ' fie ' ; hu, huw D.G. d. 148, used to lull a baby to sleep, later hwi (short proper diphth.), h?vi\an; dyt 'pooh', dyäŷt D.N. J 9/230 (the fs in the MS., and the accent implied in the cynghanedd). D. 148 gives, in addition, hÿs, ho, he, hai, ochan, w, wb, whan whob, waw, wew, ffw, whw> wi, haihow, haiwhw, hofto, bw, oio, wichwach. Other forms are ow, pw, wchw, hai wchw, hwt> heng ; also foot ' pshaw ! ' ach, ych * ugh ! ' and others. Ffei o ieuenctid am ffo ; Ni ffy henaint, fifei 'hono. — S.T. p 313/212. ( Fie upon youth for fleeing ; old age will not flee, fie upon it/ [The MS. has a ffei in line 1 and ohono in line 2.] (3) gwae § 78 ii (2). — öch § 51 iii exc. (3) ; *-h, rounded after 0- may have given the -ch, § 26 vi.~ The diphthong oi does not appear elsewhere in Ml. W., and may be a survival of O. W. oi < *ai; the doublet wy < *äi : Gk. at. — Interjections, like the forms of child- speech, are liable to continuous re-formation ; and â may be from original ä (: Lat. ä, etc.), which ought regularly to give *aw. ii. Some interjections are followed by nouns or pronouns, expressed, or implied, in the dat., as gwae vi p.m. 40 e vae mihi ' ; Guae agaur a graun maur verthet b.b. 31 £ woe to the miser who § 224 INTERJECTIONS 451 hoards great riches' ; Gwae a gohwy huw r.p. 1150 ' woe [to him] who offends God'. So, och fì D.G. 425 ; Och finnau f.n. 90 ; also Och imi ib., Och ym D.G. 21 ; Ochan fi. do. 38 ; dial, och a fi. Also, of course., by the vocative : Och Dduw G. 255, etc. iii. An interjection proper is sometimes preceded by a numeral, as naw-och IL.G. r.p. 1306 ; wyth w&ejinnau G. 229 ; can* och ; naw wfft. § 224. As in other languages, utterances of an interjectional character are made from other parts of speech, and from phrases and sentences, often mutilated. i. Nouns, with or without adjuncts : (1) Duw e.g. W.1L. 232 last line, Duw an(n)wyl Gr.O. 39 ; later by euphemism dyn and dyn annwyl. (2) dydd da e good day ', nos da ' good night ', etc. § 212 iv. (3) hawS amor r.p. 13 10 ' good luck ! \; gwynfyd i. . Gr.O. 88 'joy to . . !'; gwyn fyd na . . D.W. 71 'would to heaven that . . !' {na on the anal, of na § 171 ii (2)); diolch ' thanks ! ' hawS amor / iôr C. m.a. i 2056 shows that hawdd-amawr I.G. 624 is a false archaism, amor < *ad-smor-, Vsmer- 'part' (§ 156 i (13)), hence ' destiny, luck ' : Gk. pópos, fioipa ' lot, destiny ', Horn. Kara fXfxotpav {w < *sm-), Kao-fxopos ' 8vcrTrjvo 364-7 454 INDEX afiaith 33, -4 aflan 264 afles 125, 264 afon 203, 225 avorij 437 afrad 264 afraid 264 afryw 264 agog ag 'of 409 agalen 187 agarw 132, 263 agatfydd 440 agattoeò 440 ager 131, 151 agerw 53 agor 1 5 t, 388 agoraf 380 agori 388 agoriad 151 agoryd 388 agos 245, 434 agwrdd 240 agwySawr 97, 179, 189 an gall 64 angau 64, 170 angel 23, 91, 168, 215 angen64,70, 151, 170 angerdd 131,151, 168 Angharad 16 angharedig 264 anghenus 64, 187 angheuod 207 angheuol 169,187 anghred 63 angladd 268 aho 360, 366 ai (interr.) 424- 425 ai 'whether '441 Aifft 117 ail 90, 154, 258-9 aillt 117 ais 139, 219 alarch 91, 196, 216, 225 alaw 196 Albanwr 208 Albanyeit 93 all- 263 allan 70, 434 allfro 153, 263 allt 167, 188 alltrawon 108 alltud 185, 228, 263 allwedd 150, 160, 189 allwydd 151 am 89, 398-400 am- 263 amaeth 3 amarch 64 amau, see ameu ambell 262, 312 am can 160, 264 amcana 322 amJcaneu 73 amkawd 142, 264, 378 amdan 399, 420 amdanaf 399-400 amdanan 399 amdo 1 13, 165,263 amddifad 16 amddiffyn 11 1-2, 263 ameu 70, 264, 387 amgen 243, 250 amgenach 250 amgorn 263 amgyffred 265 amgylch 58, 263, 413 Amhadawc 184 amharod 264 amherawdr 16 amherodres 224 amheuthun 65, 397 Amhredudd 184 ami 262, 312 amlaw 419 amliwiog 264 amlwg 240 am na 449 amnaid 136, 160 amraint 264 amranneu 170 amrant 151, 198, 216 amrosgo 141 amryw 112, 262, 264, 303 amrywiaeth 226 amrywio 120 amserach 251 amuc 70, 338, 371 amwc 70, 371 amws 196-7 amwyn 371, 392 amwys 70 amwyth 371 amyd 264 amygaf 338, 371 136, 63- amynedd 188, 226 an l our ' 274-5, 281 an- (neg.) 264 anad 411-2 anadreò 25 anaml 58 an-aml 264 anawdd 58, 64 anaws 247 andaw 104, 160 andawaf 381 andwyo 106, 160 aneirS 64 anfad 149, 264 anfon 154, 269, 385, 388 antonassit 328 anvonet 327 anfonheddig 264 anfwyn 264 anffurvaw 23 an-hawdd 58, 247, 264 anhawsaf 270 anheddu 188 anhrefn 63 anhrugarog 264 anhydyn 241 anhyfryd 269 anian 269 anifail 209 anlan 264 anllad 149 anllygredig 264 anmyneS 136, 268 annat 411-2 annedwydd 264 annedd 78, 269 anner 151 annerch 269 annoeth 171 annog, -os 394 annwfn 160, 180 annwyd 45 annwyl 45, 71, 160, -4 annyn, 151 annyodeivyawdyr 256 anodd 94, 247 anoddun 13, 126 anoethach 439 anoew 64 anos 247 anrhaith 63, 187, 218, 269 181, anrheg 93, 149, 210, 269 anrhegaint 325 ansawdd, -odd 94 ânt 67, 359 anudon 98 anwariaid 238, 270 anwedig 187, 202 anwir 264 ap 184 apêl 50 ar 88, 398, 400 ar (dem.) 298-9 ar- 89, 124, 190, 264 aradr 126, 166 araith34,79, 127, 387 arall 300-1,304-5 araul 63 archaf 79 archen 161 arch fa 146 archoll 156, 264, 266 ar draws 419 ardreth 264 arddaf 153-4, 393 arddelw 51, 388 ardderchet 22 ardderchog- rwydd 118 artuad 327 arddwrn 227 aredig 393 areithio 387 aren 168, 220 arf 198, 216, 218 arfaethu 386 arfer 320 arveroS 325 arfod 226 arfog 256 arfogaf 383 arfogi 388 arfordir 264 ar frys 438 ar fyr 438 arffedog 226, 233 argae 264 arglwydd45,i86, 202 arglwyddes 224 arglwyddiaeth 230 arglwyddiaidd 256 ar gyfair 418 ar gyfyl 419 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 455 argyweSa 322 ar hir 438 arhoaf 180, 343, 382 arhoes 325 arhosaf 343, 382 arhosodd 64 arhwcteddont 176 ar hyd 415 ar hynt 438 arian 93, 129,167, 169,197,221-5 ariangar 257 ar iawn 438 ar led 438 arlwy 44, 387 arlwydd 186 ar lied 438 ar llwrw 414-5 armel 76 arrnerth 264 arnad 398 amabunt 398-400 arnaf 398-400 arnai 398 arnan 399 arnaw 188, 398 ff. arnei 98, 188, 398 ft arnodd 399 arnunt 13, 398 ff. aro 343, 452 arofun 13, 154, 266-7 aroglau 146, 199 ar ol 417 aros 64, 78, 343, 39 1 arswydo 387 artaith 264 arth 81, 146, 149 aruthr 434 ar waeth 438 arwain 86, 152, 39 2 arweSaf 392 arwehud 336 arweiniaf 392 arwestr 140 arwydd 45, 80, 122 arwyddocâ 322 ar y cyntaf 439 arynaig 115 asen 139, 217 4 she-ass ' 9 1 ; 224 asgell 226 asgloff 263 asgwrn 87, 138, 140, 196, 227 asseu 107-8, 114 assw 28, 107-8, "3 astrus 138 aswy 107-8, 1 13, 140, 156 asyn 197, 224 at 66, 398-400 atad 398 ataf 399-400 atai 398 atal 186 atbawr 183 atcoraf 159 ateb 30, 70-1, 182, 263, 377, 385-6 atebaf 377 atebud 324 atgas 183, 263 atgno 263 atnewybwys 183 atsein 184 attan 399 atwaen, -en, see adw- atwcinat 357 athech 132, 175 £^008338,360,-5, 367 athra-on, -won 40 athrawiaeth 226 athrawon 108, 118, 201, 211 athrist 58, 150, 175, 263 athrc>94, 108,211 athrugar 150, 264 aur 69, 106, 221, 225 awch 'your' 274- 275, 281 awdr 233 awdur 105, 118, 208, 233 awdurdod 226 autyl 17 awn 36 awr 95, 118, 199 awydd 45,-7, 104, 118 awyr 45, -7 ba 289-90 baban 207, 222 bach 156, 236 bachgen 224 bachgennes 224 bad 198 baedd 114 bai 157 baich 18 baidd 322 Balchnoe 107 balch 237 ban l high ' 236 ban 290, 445 Bangor 23, 225 baniar 203 bana 28, 108, 113 bara 225 barcut 222, -5 bardd 66, 103, 167, 195 barddoni 232 barddon'iaidd 256 barf 17, 18, 167, 227 barvawt 397 barfwyn 21 barn 157, 227 barn (v.) 320, -2 barna 322 barrug 113 barus 158 barwn 208 bath 163, 228 baw 69, 104, 157, 221 bawaf 251 bawd 69, 163 bawdd 321 bawhet 242, 251 bawn 347-50 bechan 120, 156, 241 bedyddio 27 bedyddir 40 bedd 22, 199, 203 beichiau 18 beiddgar 256-7 bei'id 341 beirdd 90, 117, 195 beirn 320 beirv 369 bendigedig 54, 396 Bend igeidf ran 57, 179 bendigus 326 bendith 160, 186, 189 benthyg 159 benyw 108, 112, 222-3 berw 53 berwch 40 berwi 80, 128, 387 beth ? 290, 294 beth (adv.) 311, 434 beudai 197 beudy 106 Beano 108 beunoeth 436 beunydd 436 bi, bid 346-50 bilaen 208 bint 329, 339,348 -350 biw, bu 130, 197 blaen, -af 250, 418 blaenllym 252 blaidd 199, 209 blawd * flour' 77, 148 blaiot 76 Blegywryt 180 blew 104, 157,213 blif 180 blinder 204, 226 blino 387 blith 76, 148 blith draphlith 24, 62 blodeuyn 215,222 bloesg 69 biota 383, 394 blotai 232, 383 brwng 238 blwydd 206, 238 blwyddyn 205, 212,-4, 220,-6, 227 blynedd 166, 205 blynyddoedd 187, 199, 204-5 blys 147 bo 347-50 bob ail 260 bob ddau 260 bob gannwr 260 bod = bob 308 bod 83, 90, 348, 350, 391,-5 Bod Feirig 72 bodlon 160, 185, 257 Bodorgan 179 Bodwrog 179 boddfa 231 bolwst 71 boly 177-8 bôn 89, 157, 166 456 INDEX bonedd 64, 166, 221-2 boneddigaidd 64 boneddigion 236 bonheddig 63-4, 187, 257 bônt 67, 347 bord 228 bore 8, 33, 71, 120, 163, -4 boreeu 199 Botffordd 184 bradas 325 bradw 53 bradychaf, -u 383 braenu 148, 165 braf 180 brag 147 braich 18, 229 braidd 436 braint 163, 229 braisg 117 braith 90, 241 brân 196, 225 branos 215 brat 72, 199 brathu 144 brau 155 brawd 'brother' 75, 128, 189, 209-10 brawd 'judge- ment ' 94, 157, 199, 210 brawdmaeth 59 bre 86, 163 bref 180 breichiau 18 breinia 322 brenhines 199, 224, 233 brenhinoedd 64, 114 brenin 15, 63-5, 163, 170, 171, 205, 227, 233 breniniaethau 64 bresych 222 breuan 88, 105 breuant 95, 158 breuddwyd 132 breyr 35 bri 165 briallu 216, 222 brig 157, 227 briger 158 v brith 90, 146,157, 175, 241 brithottor 324 brithred 232 Brithwyr 6 briw 42, 69 briuhaud 323 bro 85, 147, 163, 178, 203 broder 49, 75,-9, 94, 194, 209; -yr 216 brodiau 199, 210 brodorion 75, -9, 209 bron 136, 218, (adv.) 419 bronfraith 225 bronn, see bron brwd 84, 239 brwnt 238 brwydr 69 brwyn 43 brwynog 233 brych 146, 151, *57, 239 Brychan 165 Brycheiniog 92 Brydein 4 bryn 14, 226, -7 bryncyn 221 Bryngwyn 59 Brython'5, 175 Brythoneg 4 bu, see biw bu (v.) 105, 347, 350 buan 83,-8, no, 245 buarth 109 buassynt 328 buchedd 226 buches 231 budri8,i 57 ,234, 242 budrog 226 budron 41 buei 349 buelin 227, 233 bugail 103, 205, 212 bugeiles 39 bum 36, 67, 347, 350 bun 221 bustach 91, 196 bustl 140 buvvch 69, 210 bwbach 207, 226 bwcli 133 bwch gafr 225 bwlan 207 bwlch 238 bwrdd 226, -8 bwrw 145, 157, 178, 387 bwth 207 bwthyn 207, -14 bwy 289 bwyall 100 bwyd 157, 225 bwydaf 383 bwydo 383, -7 bwyf 347, 350 bwystfil 209 bwyta 3 8 4~5 bwyta 'eats '321 bwytâf 384 bwyty 321 by 289-90 bychan 156, 234, 241, 245 bychydic 31 1-2 byd 83, 204, 227 bydysawd 94 bydd 83, 346, 350 byddaf 335, 346, 350, 380 byddaint 325 biSan 324 byddar 234, -7, 256 byòhawt 323, 346, 348, 350 bydif 346 byddin 227 byUnawr 210 bynnag 293-4 byrr 87, 129, 156, 239 byrrach 70 byth 435 bytho 347-50 byw 69, 83, no, 112, 120, 130, 394-5 bywied (eqtv.) 395 bywiog 120 bywyd 72, 120, 232 cabl 186 cad 198, 227 cad (vb.) 327, 344 cadair 8, 166, 199 cadarn 91, 149, 234 cadarnhâf 384 cadau 104 cadeirfardd 56 cadeiriol 20 cadernid 232 Cadfan 189 cadfarch 261 cadr 160, 185, 234 cadw 52-3, 387-8 cadwaf 319, 381 Cadwallon 88 cadwn 40 cadvid (v.n.) 391 cadwyn 45-6 cadd 342, -4 cae 69, 165 caead 72, 116-7 caeënt 341 Utael 344, 389 caem 69 caentach 389 caer 203, 210, -6 Caer Dyf 91, 177 caeriwrch 157 Kaerllion 165 caeth 90, 125,175, 237 caethion 215 caethiwed 226 caf 344-5 cafas 325, 337 cafn 156 kafreiht 16 caff-ael, -el 157, 344, 389 caffaf 323, 343-5 caffat 327, 344 kagell 04 cangen 218, 229 canghellor 233 cahai 327, 344 caho 344 caiff32 3 , 344 cain 115 cainc 117, 158, 170, 200, 210, 216, -8 v cais (v.) 321-2 Calan3o, 71, 221, 225 caleh 17, j 8, 225 caled 126,235,242 caledi 231 kallonneu 73 calon 25, 30, 66, 71-2 call 236 callawr 167 callestr 137 cam ' step ' 157, 169, 202, 214 cam (adj ) 66, 168, 262 camel 209 camfa 179, 231 camlyeu 119, 202 camre 33, 214 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 457 can, see cann can 68 can (vb.) 320, 372 canaf 48, 372 cana-on, -won 40, 118, 211 canasant 30 candryll 112, 122 caneint 325 caneitio 184 canfed 259, -60 canfod 351-2 canfu 351 v^canfum 356 canfyddaf 351-2 canhator 324 canhebrwng 264 canhoeh 352 canhorthwy 16, 163, 264 canhwi 328 canhwyllau 187 canhwyllbren 203, 228,-9,270 caniad 30, 48, 226 caniadau 54 caniatáu 70 canlyn 264 canllaw 94, 264 canmwy 259 cann 68, 168 cann < with ' 65, 405 Jcann l since ' 443 cannaid 256 cannh- 190, 264 cannoedd 70, 258 cannu3i, 66, 71, 168 cannwyf 352 cannwyll 45-6, 182, 187, 199 can och 451 canodd 372 canon 218 canpunt 60 canpwyt 328, 338 cans 55-6, 443 cant ' 100' 66, 77, 123, 127, 169, 204 cant ' sang ' 67, 326, 337, 372 cant 67, 344 cantor 30, 201, 233 cantores 233 cantref 30 canu 30, 31, 66, 71, 122, 386 kany(t) 443 canys 55-6, 443 cap 199 car, see carr car 68, 209, 216 car (vb.) 317, 320, 339 Caradog 189 caradwy 319 caraf 127, 317-9 carai 100, 335 carasai 336 karassam 336 carawr 324 carbunck 20 cardota 383, 394 carech 336 caredig 252, 319, 396 caregos 215 carem 336 cares 224 Carfan 165 karhei 336 karher 339 karhont 189, 339 cariad 93, 208, 223-6, 232 carit 113, 324 earn 80 Carnedd Ddaf- ydd 225-6 caro 98, 339 carodd 337 carp 199 carr 68, 79, 137 carrai 87, 165 carreg 20, 137, 197 carr yr ên 136 cartref 184, 228 caru 105, 319 caruaidd 256 carw 80, 196 carwn 333 karwy 98, 339 carwyf 339 cas 127, 214, 236 caseion 214 cashâdd 342 cast 67 castell 91, 196, 216, 226 caswir 262 Cateyrn 182 catrawd 94 catwyf 328 cath 133, 207,222 cathil 17 cathl 150 catholig 53 cau 36, 69, 386 caul 69 cawad 38, 83, 126 cawd 327, 344 cawdd 127 cawell 226 cawg 118 Cawlwyd 114 cawn ' stalks ' 213, -8 ^ cawod 28, 38 cawr85, 105,191, 202, 210, -6 cawsant 344 cawssoeS 328, 344 cayu 36 cebySyaeth 16 cedwis 325 kedwy 45 cedyweh 323 cefais 344 kevei 447 cefn 18, 164 cefnder(w) 109, 216, 224 cefnderwed 114 keffy 344 ceffyl 197, 199 cegin92, 128,227, 233 ceidwad 41, 93, 233 ceifn 102, 109, 209 ceigheu 170 ceiliagwydd 97, 225 ceiliog 97, 199, 225 keimat 169 ceiniad 208 ceiniog39, 115 keint, -um 327, 337, 372 ceir i cars '117 ceir(v.) H7,344 ceirch 115 ceisio 387 ce(i)thiwa 322 keithiwet 93 eel 333 celaf 79 celain 210-2, 215 celfydd 148, 240 celfyddyd 213 celwrn 125 celwydd 47, 153 celwyddog 89 Kelynnawc 54 cellt 149 kemerrws 326, 372 cenadwri 226 cenau 106, 108, 211 cenedl 63-4, 87, 185, 226 cenedlaethau 17, 64,65 kenedloed 17, 64 cenfigen 16 kenhadeu 63, 188, 199 cenhedloedd 63, 187 kenhittor 324 kenhyn 406 ceni 319 cenif 319 cennad 188, 222 kennadeu 63 kennhyadu 28 cennyw 352 cenweh 93 ceny 319 ker 410 ceraint 209, 216 cerais 336 cerdd 196, 203 cerô (v.) 322 cerdda 321, -2, -9 kerdawo 325 cerdded 390, -6 cerdws 326 ceri 112 ceri (impf.) 324 cerid 335, -9 ceriff 323 cerir 316-7 cerit 324 cern 87, 136 cerrig 110-1 certh 236 cerweh 323, 333 cerwyn 46 cerydd 92 cesair 177 ket 446 ketyrndeith 16 ceulo95, 115, 165, 387 ceunant 115 ceuntost 327, 372 ceuri 106, 202 cewri 106, 202, 210 koyrydd 35, 93, 203, -10 ci 76, 96, 128, 156, 219, 224 458 INDEX cib 96 cica 383 cicai 227 cig 221, -5, -7 ciglef 371 cigleu 104, 338, 371-2 cil 39, 76,227,419 cilia 322 ciliaf 39 cilyassant 326 cilydd 1 1 1-2, 169, 306 cini-o, -aw 94, 99, 229 cist 227 ciwdod 42, 188-9, 194 ciwed 90, 188, 194, 231 claddedigaeth 226 claddu 156 claòws 326 claear 100 claer 100, 191, 385 claerwyn 237, 241, 252, 270 claf 234 clafdyeu 197 clai 225 clais 156, 266 clarcod 207 clas 327 cledion 54, 235 cledd 156 cleddau 109, 217 cleddyf 109, 156, 177, 217, 264 cleSyvawr 210 cleddyf od 177, 226, 230 clefyd 199 clêr 226 clindarddacli 389 clo 108, 113 cloch 215 clod 80, 89, 229 clodfawr 252 cloff 67, 263 clog 66 clonnau 54 clorian 229 clud 227 clun 227 clust 23, 80, 139, 198 clustog 226, 233 Clustyblaidd 59 cluttawd 323 clwyd 43 clybod 371-2 clybu 371 clyd 76, 79, 239 Clynnog 54 clyw 102, -7, U2, 120 clywaf 107, 315, 371-2 clywch 341 clywed 17, 28, 120, 371 Mywi 324 clywn 341 clywspwyt$2Q,%7i clywssont 326 clywysbwyt 371 cnawd 17 cnawdol 72 cneua 383 cneuen 213 cnewyll 105 cnoc 66 cnyw 108 coch 67, 234-5 cocha 322 cod 227 codaf 382 codes 325 codi 382 codo 328 coed 31, 32, 98 coeden 219 coedydd 203 coegddall 97 coeg-yn, -en 224, 228, -9 coel 182, 221 coelcerth 59 coel grefydd 57 coes 176, 228 Coetmor 94, 183, 208 cof 265 cofiwn 42 coffa, -u, -af 384 cog 225 côl 180 coloven 17 colofn 90, 180, 227 colomen 207, 222 colyn 25, 71-2, 177 coll 136, 216 coll ' loss ' 264 collassam 326 collassynt 328 colled 226, 231 colled (v.) 327 collen 213, -6, 226 colles 325 conffessorieit 208 Conwy 44, 87 conyn 213 côr 159 Corannyeit 208 cored 159 corff 23, 24, 87, 167 corn 87 Corneu 107, 114 Cornwy 107 corr 87, 137 corrach 207, 229 corsen 219 corun 120 cosb 67, 87, 142 cosba 322 cosbaf 380 cosbedigaeth 226 côt 66 crach 144, 156 crafangk 20 crafu 143, 156 crafwr 233 craff 143, 156, 236 cragen 197, 214 craidd 145, 157 craig 137, 216 craith 127 eramwyth 137 crane 207 crasu 137 creadigol 20 creadur 208, 232 creas 325 cred 221 credadun 13, 122, 220, 397 credadwy 396 credaf 133, 319 cred-doe 113, 328 crediniol 55, 220 credu 386 crefydd 229 cregin 11 1 creifion 222 creto 113 crettoch 329 creulyd 240, 257 crib 158, 227, -9 cribin 227, 233 cristion 214 crochanaid 226 croen 31, 165, 196 croes 196 croesawu 388 crogen 137, 197, 214 cromlech 120 cronfferf 241 cronni 95, 388 croth 67 croyw 32 crud 13, 14 crug 83 crwm 239 crwnn 90, 159 crwtli 151 crwydr 214 crwydrad4i, 396 crwydredig 396 crwydro 183 crwydryn 213 crych 144, 239 cryd 13, 14 crydd 49, 125, 200, 233 cryddionach 215 cryf 239 cryfdwr 226, 231 cryfhâf 384 cryg no, 156, 239 cry man 221 cryndod 226, 231 crynfa 231 crynho-af, -i 384 cu 179, 236, 265 cudd 103 cuddygl 96, 177 cul 234 cun 221 cun (adj.) 236 cur 227 euro 387 cusan 230, 392 cw, cwd, cwô 291, 294 cwbl 18, 186, 262, 309-10 eweh 207 cwd 227 kweirywyt 54 cwhwfan 159 cŵl 125 cwm 168 cwmwd 88 cwmwl 88 cŵn 75, 88, 219 cwningen2i3, -7 cwpan 229 cwrr 210, 410 cwrw 148, 225 cwrwgl 165 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 459 cwsg 396 cwyd 382 cuitin 324 cwymp 43, 69 cwyn 43, 44, 69, 156 cwyn ' supper ' 99 cwynfan 389 kuynhivv 319 cwyno 44, 89, 389 cwynofain 389 cvinovvant 389 cwyr 45, 99 cwys 127 cy- 244, 265 cybydd 88, 96, 115, 161 cybyddiaetli 16 cychwyn 46, 86, 141 cyd (eqtv.) 248 cyd (conj.) 279, 446 cyd- 264 cyd gynulliad 57 cydnabod 355 cydnabyddaf 355 cydnabyddiaeth 57 cydwybod 264 cydymaith 16, 220 cyfa 181 cyfair, cyfer 33, 418 cyfanheddu 188 cyfar 265 cyfarfod, -fu 353 cyfarws 113 cyfeddach 389, 394, -6 cyfeillach 226, 230 kyfeillt 167 cyfeiriad 418 kyveryw 353 cyf-iawn, -ion 94 cyfieith-io, -u 387 cyflawn 125, 244, 265 cynea 322 cyfled 248, 251 cyfliw 243, 251, 265 cyflog 229 cyflogi 388 cyflym 265 cyfnesaf 149 cyfnewidial 392 cyfnither(w) 207, 224 cyfodaf 319, 382 cyfoed 252 cyfoedion 238 cyfoeth 28 cyfoethog 21, 252 cyfoethogion 238 cyfr- 190, 265 cyfraith 148 cyfran 16, 125, 265 cyfred 252 cyfref 252 cyfrgain 265 cyfrgoll 265 cyfrgolla 322 cyfri 180 cyfrinach 230 cyfrwng 403, 420 cyfrwys 47, 265 cyfryw 112, 252, 262, 303-4 cyfurdd 251, 265 cyfuwch 249 cyfyd 238 cyfyng no cyfyl 159, 419 cyfyrder(w) 223 cyff24, 67, 175 cyffaith 34 v cyffelyb 91, 241 cyffredin 183, 265 cyffroi 36 cyffylog 233 cyngaws 106 cynghanedd 226, 265 cyngheussaeth 106 cynghorion 65 cynghrair 229 cyngor 65, 226 Cyngreawdyr 166, 168 cyhafal 265 cyhoedd 14,51,98 cyhuddo 141, 265 cyhyd 51, 248 S^Cylch 413-4 cylchyna 321 cyll 213, -6 cyll (v.) 68, 320 cyllell 91, 167, 196 cyllyll 112 cymaint 169, 249, 251 cymanfa 226 cymar 64, 210, 223 cymdeithas 39 cymedrawl 187 cymer 320, 332, 339 cymeraf 79, 281, 372-3, 380 cymered 329 cymerwn 335 cymersant 326 cymerth 87, 327, 372-3 kymerwys 337 cymerwn 189 cymharu 64 cymhedrawl 187 cymhellodd 187, 325 cymod 265 kymoneo 252 Cymraeg 4, 34-5, 50, 70, 226, 231 Cymraes 85, 224, 231 Cymro 85, 168, 196 Cymru 13, 221, 225 Cymry 4, 13, 196 cymryd 79, 151, 372-3, 391 cymydog 226 cymydoges 233 cymynnaf 86 kymyrlh 24, 87, 326, 372-3 cymysg 241, 265 cymysgu 142 cyn 'as' 87, 181, 243-5, 447 cyn (prep.) 412 cyn (conj.) 446 cyn 91, 103, 201 cynafon 211 cynawan, -on 38, 211 Cyndaf 161 cyndyn 237, 241 cynddail 265 cynddaredd 261 cynddelw 265 cynddrwg 244,-6 cyneddfau 187 cynefin 30 cyn faer 265 Cynfelyn 261 cynfigen 16 cynffon 246 cynhadledd 226 cynhaeaf 116-7, 265 cynhaliaeth 187 cynhaliwyd 63 kynhellis 187, 325 cynhesu 169 cynhorthwy 16 cynhyrchol 187 cyn i 421 cyni 168 Cynlas 181 cynllwst 139 cynna 246 cynnal 16, 58 cynnail 320 cynnar 115, 245, 256 cynne, -eu 168 cynnes 63 cynnh- 265 kynnic 387 kynnicpwyt 328 cynnig in kynnigywyt 111 cynnud 168 cynnull 113 kynnullyd 319 cynnwrf 265 cynnyrch 127 cynos 88, 215 cynt 245, 435 cyntaf 16, 21, 137, 170, 258-9 cyntaid 265 cyntedd 78, 170 cyntefig 109 cynulleidfa 226 cynuta 383 cynutai 232, 383 kynyit) 446 cynydda 322 cynysgaeddu 176 cyraeddadwy 39 6 cyrch (vb.) 321 cyrchfa 231 cyrchwys 326 cyrraedd 410 cyrraidd 320 kyscwyt (v.n.) 390 cysefin 137, 257 cysgadur 208 cysgof 329 cysgod 141 cysgu 185 cysseS 137 cystal 137, -9, 140, 246, 265 cystlwn 205 cystrawen 104 cysur 201, -8 cyttuun 36 460 INDEX cytûn36, 50, 119, 264 cythraul 208 cyvv 108, 112, 223 cy wain 392 cywedei 392 cywion 106 cywir 87, no, 265 cywiro 385 cywreindab 230 cywydd 36 'ch 276-81 chwaer 29, 102, 135, 189, 206, 212 chwaerfaeth 59 chwaethach 29, 439 chwaff 67 chwaith 435, -9 chwalu 141, 159 chwaneg 29 chwannen 83, ^3, 213 chwant 29, 22 t chwar-ae, -e 29, 32, 33, 100 cliwardd 84, 320 chwarddaf 393 chwarter 260 chwe 162, 175 cliwech 88, 135, I4 2 > 155, 191 chwechach 249 ehwechau 258 chweched 29, 259 chwedl 29, 141, 185, 229 Chwefrol 94, 160, 225 chweg 236, 249 chwegr, -wn 135, 166, 224 chweinllyd 257 chweird 320 chwennych 322, 383 chwenychaf 29, 30, 142, 383 chwenychu 383 chwerthin 84, 393 chwerw 29, 53, 234 chwerwder 52 chwerwi 387 chwi 29,135, 271, 273> 280 chwiban 230 chwibanat 390 chwidr 141 chwiliach 389 chwiltath 394 chwimwth 240 chwioredd 101, 206 chwith 29, 141, 156 chwithau 272-4 chwychwi 271-3 chwŷd 153 chwydu 143 chŵydd 43 chwydda 322 chwynn 143, 222 chwyrn 43, 87, 146, 149, 239 chwyrnu 44 chwŷs 135 chwŷth 43 chwythaf 29, 44, 144 chioyihat 29 d' 56, 274 da 81, 163, 178, 236, 246, 436, 451 dabre 363, -6, -8 dacw 404, 440 dad- 266 da di 451 dad-i-dad 62 dadleu 17 dadlwytho 266 da (d)da 254-5 daear 100, 116-7, x 47 daed (eqtv.) 246 daed = da yd 32, 408 daeerin 257 daeoni 165 daer 100 daerawl 100 daeth 364 daewch 408 dafad 129, 196 dafn 203, 218 dagrau 74, 104, 200, 210-2, -4, 215, -8 dagreuoeò 215 dahet 242, 246 daint (sg.) 203, 205, 210, -7 dal, -a, -y 66, 68, J 77> 3 2 9> 3 8 7 dalen 214, 218-9 daliaf 167 daliwyd 327 dalpwyt 328 dall 149, 152, 234? -5, -7 dallt 101, 119 dam- 266 damsang 266 damuna 322 damunet 266 damwain 229, 266 dan 69, 399-400 danai 398 danfon 154, 269 dangos 188, 269, 385,-8 danheddog 187 dannoedd 100, "3 danodd 399 dant 77, 79, 203, 217 dan wared 84, 390 dâr 203, 210, 226 dar- 266 darbod 267, 374 darfod 147, 266, 351-2 darfodedig 351 darfodedigaeth 147, 226 darfu 351 darvuan 324, 351 darfyddaf 351-2 darffo 351 darllain 382, 392 darllaw 94 darlleaf 382 darllenaf 382 darmerth 267 darn 79, 149 daroed 352 darogan 73 darostwng 266 darpar 267, 374 darparan 323 darparedig 396 darstain 267, 380 datgan 266 datgeiniad 233 datsein 184 dathoed 363, -5 dau 106, -8 dau cannoen 270 daw 210 daw (v.) 99, 362, 364, -8 dawn 82 dawr 373-4 daywch 32, 408 deall 101, 119 dealltwriaeth 65 deau 63 ; see deh- dechrau 117, 387 dechreuawS 325 dechreuis 325 dechreuspwyt 328 dechreussant 326 dechreuwys 327 dedryd 185 dedwydd 46, 153, 189, 266 deddf 166, 227 delyw 363-5 defaid 8, 196 defni 203, 388 defnydd 109 defnyiadoet 328 defnyn 214, -7, 229 deg 129, 161 degau 258 degfed 259 degle 371-2 dêng 67 dehau 63, 72, 142, 225 deheuig 257 deifio 131 deigr 90, 166, 200, 210-2, -5, 218 deigryn 214, -8 deii 117, 319, 322, -9 deilen 39, 213, 218, -9 deincryd 185 deiryd 375 del 68, 363, -5, -6 delir 71 delit (aor.) 327 del-li (v.n.) 388 delw 51-3 delwyf 363, -5 delych 339 delyessit 326 dengar 256-7 dengys in dernynnach 215 derw 53, 221, -4, 225 derwen 226 derwgoed 52 derwin 257 derwydd 224 deryw, -W352, 375 destl 140 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 461 deuaf 99, 359, 362-9 deubi 362, -4, -8 deubwys 60 deucant 195 deudroed 35 deueini 325 deuent 329 deuhont 363, -6 deun 119 deunaw 94, 258 deunydd 109 deuoedd 258 deuparth 260 deupen 195 deupo 363, -6 deurudd 194 deuth 363, -8 deuthan 324 deuthpwyd 327 deuthum 363 deuwell 259 deuwr 194 dewin 227, 233 dewindabaeth 230 dewissach 251 dewissawS 325 dewr 69 v di 'thou' 48,280 di- 265 diagyr 64 diagk 20 diail 320 dial (vb.) 320 dialawr 324 dialgar 256 diarhebion 64 diasbad 142 diasbedain 389 diau 'truly' 187 d'iau 'days', see dieu diawl 28, 37, 153, 167, 220 diben 265 diboen 265 dibrin 265 dibyn 111-2 dieter 183 dichell 266 dichlais 266 dichlyn 266 dichon 321, 374 dichyn 321, 374 didad 58 didol 186, 265-6 didoli 144 didreftadu 61 didrist 265 diddanu 386 diSarbot 373-4 diddawr 373 didordep 374 diddorol 374 didduw 265 dienghis 325 diengyt 391 dielwha 321 dieu 152, 215, 220 difancoll 185 divanw 53 diferyn 213 difetha 384 difethaaf 384 Difiau 59-60, 225 di frawd 58 difri 180 /diffaith 34, 387 diffeithio 387 differ a/ 372-3 differth 327, 372 differ wys 372 diffryt 372, 391 diffuis 23 diffyg 266 diffygio 386 diffygywys 326 diffyrth^ójS'] 2-s dig 236 digelk 20 digofaint 389 digon 375, 435 digones 375 digonhom 329 digoni 375 digwyddodd 376 dihafal 21 dihangei 187 dihangol 63, 187 dihareb 64 diheu l days ' 187 diheu (adj.) 187 dihysbydd 142 dileër 341 dileu 36, 118 dilit 391 dilyn in, 391 dilynaf 391 dilyssa 322 dilyw 107 dillados 215 dim 312-5 dimai 207 dimyn 315 din 96 dinas 96, 203, 229 Dingad 191 dinistr 387 dinistrio 387 dinoethi 265 dinusiraw 387 dinustyr 387 diod 99 dioddef 37 dioddefaint 230, 389 dioer 37, 452 diog 76, 265 diogi 231 diogyn 111 diolch 383, 451 diolwch 383 diosg 140 dir 224 dir- 266 dirboen 266 dirfawr 94, 266 dirgel 266 dirmycid 323 dirmyg 266 dirwest 266 dirwy 44 dis- 266 diskynnawS 325 diskynnent 329 discynnyn 323 diserch 139 disglair 34, 266, 385, -7 disgleirio 385, -7 disgwyl 46 disgyn 7, 185, 266 diso 440 distadl 140, 266 distaw 94, 266 distawu 388 distewi 388 distrych 266 distryw 107, 387 distrywia 322 distrywiaf 106, 120 distrywio 387 disyml 241-2 diwael 265 diwaethaf 251 diwair 58, 115 diwat 370 diwedydd 180 diwedd 42, 251 diwedda 322 diweddaf 251 diweddar 256 diweirdap 230 diwethaf 182, 251 diwrnod 42 diwyecom 329 diwyd 43 diwyllio 167 diwyr 43 di'ylch 320 diystyru 38 dlyaf, dlâi 379 dlyet, died 379 do 430 do ' comes ' 362, 364, -8 dobry 440 dodaf 332 doded 327 dodrefn 119, 180 dodwyf 363-5 doddyw 3 6 3~5 *~ doe 69, 102, 113, 146, 152, 431 doed 35, 363, -6 doedyd 54 doeth 175 doeth (v.) 363, 364, -8 doethinab 226, 230 doethion 188 doethoch 326 doethoeÒ 363, -5 doethpwyt 327 doent 330, 363 dof (adj.) 67, 109, 129, 180 dof (v.) 362, -4 dogn 166 dôl 203 dolurus 257 dôr 68, 129 doraf, -wn 374 dorbi 373-4 doro 342 dos 360, -6, -8 dosbarth 267 dothoed 363, -5 dothwyf 363-5 dowch 363, -6, -8 drachefn 61, 410, 419, 438 draen 90, 164 draenen 213 draenog 233 draig 2ii draw 433 dreiniach 215 dreiniog 93 drem 136, 186 drewiant 232 dringhedydd 233 drum 154, 186 drwg 199, 236, 239, 246 drwg drwg 255 drws 129 462 INDEX drycin 30, 182 drych 76-7, 88 drygioni 226, 261 drygwaith 57 dryw 112, 225 du 96, 179, 234-5 ducpwyt 183, 327, 338 duch 339 ducho 440 dug 80, 370 dugum 338, 370 du hun 275 dull 136 Dunawd 14, 94 duog 256 duon 41 duw 69, 80, 83, 112, 114, 129, v 220, 451 duwdab 230 duwgwyl 59 duwiau 199, 220 duw Iau 59 duwies 114 duwiol 114 Duwllun 59 Duwmawrth 59 Duw Ofydd 180 Duwsul 59-60 dwfn 96, 129, 156, 164 dwfr 92, 96, 129, 164, 179, 204, 221, -5, -7 dwg 80, 321, 370 dwrn 87, 227 dwthwn 88, 297 dwy 107 dwyawr 94 dwybunt 60 dwyfol 114 dwyfron 194 dwylo 94, 194 dwyn43, 80, 165, 370, 392 dwyrain225, 392 dwys 45 dwywes 114 dwyweu 199, 220 dwywaith 259 dy 56, 118, 274, 281 dy- 266, -7 dyall 97, 101 dyat 10 1 dybi 362, -4 dyblyg no dybryd 241, 267 dybu 363, -5, -8 dybyd 362, -4 dycco 328 dychan 267 dychlamu 266 dychleim 117 dychlud 266 dychryn 214, 266 dychwelaf 141, 159 dychweled, -ant 329 dydd 83, 129, 215, -8, 220, -5 dyddbarn 59 dyddbrawd 59, 228 dydd da 451 dyddfu 147 dyddhau 183 dySo 362, -4, -8 dyduc 338 Dyfed 109 dyveinw 53 Dyfi 225 dyvi 362, -4 Dyfnawal 190 dyfnder 204, 231 dyfo 363, -6 \dyfod38,364, -6 dyfod ' said ' 369 dyfrb.au 183, 384 dyfry 440 diwrissint 323 dyfu 363, -5, -8 dyfyn 266 dyffo 363, -6 dyffryn 169, 183 dygaf 80, 338, 370, 380 dygais 370 dygan 323 dygetawr 324 dygif 3^-9 dygn 166, 239 dygyfor 266 dygynuull 266 dyngo 440 dyhead 390 dyhiryn in, 207 dylêd 119, 163, 379 dyleiniv 53 dyly 49, 379 dylyaf 119, 379 dylyet 231, 379 dym- 266 dyma 440, 452 dymchwelaf 141 dymuniad 266 dymuno 154, 387 dŷn 14, 38, 91, 146, 154, 200, -4, 210, -6, 223 dyna 440 dynan 221, -3, 226, -9 dynedon 214 dynes 223 dyniaSon 214 dynion 27, 71, 95, 200, -4, 210 dynionach 215 dynol 38 dynyawl 38 dyor(fy)8yn 323 dyppo 363, -6 dyrchaf-ael, -el 267, 345-6, 389 dyrchafaf 345-6 dirchavaud 323 dyrchaif 345 dyrchevid 345 dyre 363, -6 dyred 266, 363, 366, -9 dyrehawr 324 dyrnod 226 dyro 124, 342 dyrreiih 373 dyry 342 dyrys 240 dysdlyt 257 dysgawdr 201, 232 dysgedigion 238 dysgeidiaeth 230 dyt 450 dyw 83, 218, 220 dy-wad,-od (v-n.) 38, 364, -6 dy wad ' said ' 338. 369 dywaid 91, 369 dywallaw 266 dywawi 338, 369 dywedaf 21, no, 319, 369 dy wedadwy 396 dywedassam 326 dywedir 316, 333 dywedud 13, 54, 114,369,390,-2 dywedwn 329 dywedwydat 114 dywedwydyat 114 dyweddi 266 dywespwyt 185, 328, 369 dywetpwyd 183, 328, 369 dywettut 329 dywod, see dy- wad Ueithyr, 420 ddim 424, 434 ddwrn tra-dwrn 62 e (aff.) 277 e 'to' 16 e, ed, see y, yd e-, ech-, eh- 142, 250, 267 eang 63, 237 eb, ebr, ebe 376-7 eb- 267 ebill 201 ebol 75, 128, 201 Ebrill 92, 164, 182, 221 ebrwydd 267 ech-, see e- eehdoe 267, 437 eclmos 267, 437 echrys 240 edau, edafedd 55, 109, 155, 205, 210, -1, -8 Edeirnion 93, 95 Edern 87 edeu (vb.) 382 edewis 325, 382 edeioii (aor.) 327 edewssit 328 edfryd 391 edifar 132 edifarhâ 322 edliw 42 edlym 241 edn 15, 79, 124, 164, 202 ednaint 202, -6 ednod 206 edrych 16, 385 edrychaf 88 edryd, -f 124 edrydd 321 edryt 391 edwaeth 432 edwyn 353, -5 eddestr 208 ehewis 325 eSewit (aor.) 327 ^'ebyw 176, 360, -4, 365, -7 ef 271, -3, 280 ef (aff.) 427 ef a (aff.) 428 ef a(g) 421-2 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 463 efe 271-2 efengyl in Efenechtyd 60 efo 271-4, 280 efo a(g) 421-2 effaith 71 effro 143 eglwys 7, 45, 202 egor 151 egwyddor 45 egyr n 1, 319 enghraifft 117 eh-, see e- eheda 321 ehedaf 380 ehedeg 392, -6 ehedfan 389 ehud 63 e hun 16, 275 ^ei3o, 274-5 eich 30, 56,274-5 eiddi 282-4 eiddil 161, 263 eiddo 39, 282-4 eiddo-f, -t, -m, -ch 283-4 eidduni 324 eiddunt 282-4 Eifionydd 177 eilun 112, 207 ein 56, 274-5 Einion 168 einwch 282-4 einym 282-4 eira 177, 225 eirif 166, 263 eirinen 220 eiriol 383 eirlaw 94 eirmoei, eir(y)oet 277, 438 eisiau 19, 414 eis(i)oes 437 eistedd 78, 181 eisteSawd 338 eisteddfa 203 eisteddfod 350 eisteZyssant 337 eithaf 21, 176, 250 eitliMfoedd 238 eithin 175 eithr 117, 150, 250, 411, 442 êl 360, -5, -7 elain 210-2 eleni 187, 436 elfen 86 Elffin 167 elhid 329 elor 188 elusendai 197 elusendy 228 elw, -ach 250 elwyf 360, -5, -7 elwynt 329, 365 elych 339 elltrewyn 108, 214, 226 ellyll 227 emelldicetic 396 enachaf 451 J/^naid 223-4 enbyd 269 enbydrwydd 226, 232 enderig 151 enillgar 256-7 ennic in ennill 16 ennyd 434 enw 52, 202 enwi 387 * eofn 17, 179, 267 eofndra 232 eog 72, 134 eon 179 epil 70, 128, 267 epilgar 256-7 er 398, 401-2, -5 er- 264 eraill 117,300-1, 304, -5 erbyd 320 erbyn 91, 414 er cyn 420 erch 146, 155-7 erchi 187, 388 erchis 325 erchwyn 46 erchyll 237 er Duw 451 erti (v.n.) 393 erddo 402-3 eredic 393 erfyn 218 ervynnyeit 390 ergyd 111, 229 erioed 37, 55, 61, 277, 438 erledigaeth 55, 230 erlid, -iaf 391 erlynaf 391 erllynedd 437 er Mair 451 ermoed 277, 438 er mwyn 417 ermyg 264 er na 449 erni 98, 398 erof 402-3 ers, er ys 55, 420 erthylod 207 ery 343 eryr 222, -5 eryrod 206 er ys 420 es 411 esgid 215 esgob 91,95» l62 > 196, 216 esgor 267 esgus 113, 201 esgussawd 185 esgyn 162 esgynnaf 86 Estrat 26 estron 70, 138, 162, 208, 267 estyn 16, 267 eteil 320 eto 41, 113, 183, 432 ettellis 325 etton, etwan 432 etwaeth 432 et-wo, -wa 41, 432 etyb 320 ethol 71, 144 ethryb 91, 417 ethyw 176, 360, 364-5 eu 114, 274-5, 281 eulun 112 euod 165 euog 188 euraid 256 eurde 256 eurlen 261 eurllin 261 euro 387 eurych 207 euthum 338, 360, 364, -7 ewig 207, 221 ewin 131, 157, 168, 227 ewyllys 105 ewyn 47 ewythr 18, 105, 205, -7 ewythredd 114 eyt 359» 364, -7 f « my ' 56, 274 f (aff.) 428 fal 69, 419 'fawr 434 fe (aff.) 277, 428 ved, vet 415 fel, 69, 419 velle l6 felly 13, 16, 181, 419-20 fel na, fel y 449 £280 ~- fi a(g) 421-2 u- fo 271-4 fo (aff.) 277, 428^ fry 434 fu 21 fy 56, 118, 171-5, 179, 191, 274- 275, 281 ffael-u, -io 385 ffau 69, 210 ffawydd 225 ffei 450 ffelaig 50 ffenestr 17,18,87, 189, 203, 227 ffêr 143, 220 fferru 136 ffi 450 ffieidd-dra 226 ffin 227 fflach 67 fflamycha 322 fflochen 143, 159 ffloring 207 fflwch 236, 239 ffo, -i 385 ffoadur 208 ffoes 35> 325 ffohawr 324 ffolcen 221, -8 ffolog 224, -6, 233 ffonn 24, 143 ffonnod 226 fforch 227 ffordd 23, 227 fforddolion 222 fforest 202 ffraeth 143, -6 Ffrangeg 231 Ffrancod 207 ffreu 156 ffridd 227 ffroen 146, 156 ffrwd 143, 156, 227 ffrwst 143 ffruincluymus 326 frwynglymawÒ 325 ffrwyth 175, 199 464 INDEX ffrwythlon 237, 257 ffrydio 156 ffun 143 ffurf 73, 103 ffurfafen 86, 8 9 ffust 227 ffwlcyn 228 ffyddlon 94, 238 ffyddlondeb 221 ffynhonnell 233 flynnon 87, 95 ffyrf 90, 239 ffyrling 207 gad 320, 381 .gad-ael, -u 346, 38r, -9 gadaf 328, 381- 382 gadawaf 381-2 gad awed 329 gadawyd 327 gadewis 325 gado 381 gaeaf 100, 116-7, 129, 225 gafael 130, 157, 344-345, 389, 395-6 gafaelaf 344~5> 381 gafl 166 gafr 157 gain 319-20 galon 213 galw 387-8 galwad 226 galwaf 39 galwetawr 324 gall 68, 320 gallael 346, 389 gallaf 153 gallas 325 gallu 70, 389 gallwys 326 gan 65, 169, 405- 406, 420 ganadoeh 328, 376 ganed 80, 327, 376 gannaf 319, 380 gantunt 405 gar, see ger gardd 203, 227 garm 136, 389 Garmon 87, 148 garr 83, 149, 153, 229 garth 'hill' 138 garth ' close' 151 garw 52-3, 132, 234-5 garw floeddiast 163, 269 gast 139, 158, 224 gato 328, 381 gatpwyt 328 gatter 324 gau 236, 262 gau broffwyd 57 gedwch 382 gedy 382 gefell 109, 208, 210, 223 geing 319 geilw 52 geilwad 233 geill 320 geir (prep.) 410 geirda 59 geiriau 38, 199 geirlon 261 geirwir 262 geirwon 41, 234, 235 gelwi (impf,) 324 gelwy 45 gelyn 213, -4, -7 gellych 329 geneth 133, 207 geni 129 ^ / geni r 376 genni 319 gennyd 398 gennyf 112, 405 ger, gyrgi, 410 gorbron 61, 419 gerfydd 188, 414 gerllaw 419 germain 389, 394 gerwin 252, -7 gesyd 92, 320 getid 329 geuawc 188, 256 geudab 230 gi'au 158 giewyn 213 gildio 392 gilydd 305-6 glaif 180 glân 236, 242 glanaf 171 glandeg 70-1 glanhâ 322 glanhâd 226 glanhâf 340-1, 384 glanhau 36, 65, 188, 341, 384 160, glanhawyd 47 glaniaf 385 glanio 71 glanwaith 70-1 glas 67, 83, 130, 234-5 glasfeinion 237 glastwr 83, 156, 185 glaw 214, 225 gledd 130 gleindit 115 gleisiad 208 glendid 115, 221 glew, -ion 41, 234 glin 83, 96, 160, 199, 227 glo 108, 221, -5 gloyw 32, 98, 130 gloywddn 237, 252, 270 gloywwyn 252 glwth 239 glynaf 130 glynfaes 35 glyw 152, 186 gnawd 76, 78 go 439 go- 267 gobaith 71 gobrynaf 164 gochel 141, 391 gochlyt 391 godidog 188 godre 33, 86 godreon 119 godro 394 goddaith 34 gohiwawh 338, 372 goddiweddaf 372 goddiwes372, 391 gof 160, 202 gofal 201 gofaniaeth 230 Gofannon 77 gofid 112, 199 gofuned 267 gofynnawS 325 gofynnof 329 gogana 321 gogledd 156, 225 gogr 164, 166 gogyfuwch 250 gogyhyd 250 gogymaint 250 gohebaf 377 golau 109, 117, 157 golch 127 golchi 41, 127, 153, 166 golchwraig 233 goleuni 40 goloi 75 golwg 228 gollyngwyd 327 gôr 130 gor- 88, 267 gorau 117, 246 gorchfygu54,37i gorchyfygu 54,^1 gordd 153, 188 gorSiweòawS 338 gorddiwes 391 goresgyn 185 goreu, see gorau goreu ' did ' 338, 361, -5, -7 goreuon 41, 238 gorfod268, 351-2 gorfu 351, 376 gorfyddaf 351-2 gorfynt 148 gorffen 23, 87, 268 gorffwysio2,i28, 167 102 gori 130 goris 58, 420 gorllanw 181 gorllewin 225,-7 gormoddi48,i86, 437 gorpo 351 gorsedd 78, 190 goruc 361, -5, -7 gorucpwyt 328 gorugum 361, -5 goruwch 58, 420 gorwedd 93 gorweddian 392 gorweiddiog 93 gorwydd 208 goryw 352 gosgordd 267 gosparth 267 gosper 88 gostwng 266 graean 116-7 gramadeg 90, 231 grât 66 grawn 77, 129 Grawys 128, 158, 225 gre 86 greddf 129, 160, 166 gridva 389 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 465 griddfan 77, 389 gwallt 28 gwawr dlosferch gwelwi 387 gro 108 gwalltfelyn 24 t 270 gwely 86, 130 grod, grôt, 66 gwan 237 gwayw 32, 102, gwelyau 119 Groeg 34-5, 231 gwanaf (n.) 130 114, 209 gwelyàyn 146 grofft 23-4 gwanaf (v.) 372, gwddf 145 /gwell 153,246 Gronwy 108, 113 380 gwdost 353 gwellau 109, 212 grudd 39, 199, gwanc 220 gwedy 92, 409- gwellhâdd 342 229 gwanhâf 384 410, 433 gwellt 87, 130. Gruffudd 40 gwanllyd 257 gwedy r' 429 225 grug 98, 152 gwant 326, 337, gwedy y 449 gwellwell 255 gryghod 405 372 gwedd 80, 90, gwellygyaw 383 grym 239 gwanu 130 152 gwên 12, 227 grymus 252 gwanwyn45, 101, gwedda 321, 375 gwendidi89,i99, grymuso257, 387 225 gweSdawt 51 226, 231 Guto 133, 156 gwar-, gwor- 267 gweddi 130 gwenhieithio 387 gwa-, gwo-, 267 gwaradwydd 84 gweddiech 329 gweniaith 34,93. gwacter 183 gwar-ae -e, 29, gweddiir 341 387 gwada 321 33, 84, 100 gweddiwr 42 Gwenllian-t 72, gwadaf 370 gwarandaw 54 gweddiwyf43 179 gwadn 186 gwarawt 79, 338, gweddw 234 gwenllys 261 gwaddol 266 370 gwegi 231 gwenn 12, 90 gwae 103,114,450 gwarch-adw, -od gweheirdd 51, gwennaf 120, 242 gwaed 31, 114, 51, 268 117, 320 gwennol 209 221, -5 gwarchaea 322 gwehydd 201 Gwennwys 46 gwaedlyd 257 gwaredaf 79,370, gweiddi 93, 122, Gwent 86 gwaedu 386 380 386 gwenu 12, 87 gwaedd 114 gwaredwr 3, 88 gweini 93, 381, gwenwyn 45-6 gwae fi 280, 450 gwares 339, 370 393 gwenyn 213 gwael 166 gwarr 125, 137 gweint 327, 372 gwerchyd 321 gwaelod 114 gwarth 84 gweinyò, -a 322, gwerendeu 320 gwaell 91, 196 gwarthaf 137, 380 gwerendewych 122 gwaeth 246-7 180 gweinyddaf 393 gwerin 226-7 gwaethaf 98, 243, gwarthafl 218 gweithdai 197 gwern 87 246, -7 gwarth eg 125-6, gweithdy 57 gwernemii 203 gwaethiroéò duw 222 gweithio 386 gwerthefin 257 440 guarvy 100 gweithiwr 41, gwerthfawr 252, gwaeth waeth 255 gwas 88, 139, 200 233 ' 256 gwaethygaf 383 gwas c abode ' 139 gweithiwyd 41 gweryd 370 gwaeivawr, -ar 2 10 gwasaidd 256 gweithred 229, gwesceryb 31Q, 323 gwag 67, 72, 184, gwasanaeth 139, 232 gwesgyr 320 234 226, 230, 388 gweithwyr 4T gwestai 200 gwaglaw 56 gwasanaetha 322 gwêl 320 gweun 69 gwagr 164 gwasanaethaf,-u, gwelaf 315, 390 gwewyr 209 gwahan 51 381, -8 gwelai 7, 33, 316 gwi'ail 216-7 gwahaniaeth 226 gwasarn 139 gwelas 325 gwiàl 101, 216-7 gwahardd 51 gwasgaraf 141 gwelat 327 gwialen 101,216- gwair 86, 225 gwasgod 141 gwelawr 324 217, -8. gwaith ' work ' gwastad 82, 139, gweld 55, 67 gwib 227 156, 228, 367-8 267 gweled 55, 390 gwiberod 206 gwaith < fois'i32, gwastavel 26 gweled (imps.) gwich 18, 227 152, 228, 259, gwastatâf 384 327 gwtôonot 207 435 gwastrawd 200 gweledig 30, 396 gwig 227 gwala 177 gwastrodedd 394 gweledigaeth 199 gwin 12, 96, 225, gwaladr 82 gwas ystavell 26 gweles 325 227 gwalch 196 gwatwar, -or 38 gwelher 324 gwindei 197 Gwalchmai 115 gwaudd 69 gwelhvy 328 gwindy 270 gwall, -us 148, gwaun 69, 95, gweli (impf.) 324 gwinllan 56, 96, 2 165, 203, 210 gwelsom 326 181, 228, 261. gwallgofrwydd gwawd 37 gwelw 130, 158, gwinoedd 12 232 gwawr 136 234 gwinwydd-en 89 Hh 466 INDEX gwir 75, 152, 236, 262 gwirio 385 gwirionedd 229 gfWtt'sco/329 guiscvis 326 gwisg 140, 204, 227 gwith 29 gwlad 28, 82, ioo, 152, 203, 225 gwladaidd 256 gwladgar 257 gwlân 82 gwlanog 256 gwledig 227, 233 gwledycha 322 guledichuy 328 gwledd 204 gwlith 127 gwlithyn n 1 gwlyb 75, 127, 152, 239, 242 gwlybaniaeth 230 gwlyeh 127 gwylychyt 323 gwlypaf 182 gwn, see gwnn gumaSoed 361 gwnaed 35 gwnaeth 337 gumaethan 324 gwnaethoed 361,-5 gwnaethpwyd 185, 327 gwnaf 28, 152, 359, 361-362, 364-8 gumahaumt 323 gwnaho 323, 328 gwnâi 36, 69, 70, "5, 364 gwnaid 364 gwnaw 323 gwnawn 36 gwnech 339, 361 gwneddyw 361, 365 gwneif^ig gwneir 117 gunelhont 328 gwnelwyf 361 gwnelych 339 gwneud 366 gwneuthum 337, 36r, -7 gwneuthur 362, 366-8, 393 gumeyS 319, 323 gwniadyddes 233 gwniadur 208, 226, -9, 233 gwnio 152 gwnn 89, 353-6, 380 gwobr 267 0^0^338,365,-7 gŵr 12, 89, 196, 224 gwrachiod 207 gwrageddos 215 gẃraidd 89 gwraidd 129, 152, 198 gwraig 28, 210- 212, 224 gwrandaw, -af, 54, 118,381,-8 gwrandawiad 106 gwrand-awsom 326 ; -ewch 319, 341 gwrcath 225 gwrda59, 61, 196 gwrdaaeth 61 gwrdd 239 gwreica 383 gwreichion 222 gwreiddyn 1 1 1-2 gwreigan 226, 230 gwreigdda 59 gwreith 152, 337, 367, 373 gwrendy 320 gwres 130, -7 gwresog 256 gwrhavv 242, 251 gwrid 84, 227 gwrido 387 gwith 337, 367 gwrm 239 gwrol 12, 89 gwrtaijbh 160 gwrth- 89, 268 gwrthebaf 377 Gwrtheyrn 50 gwrthglawdd 268 gwrthleòit 329 gwrthrych 183 gwrthun 268 gwrthuni 232 guru 28, 108, 113 gwrysg 83, 142 gwryw 108, 112, 222-3 Gwy 43 gwyar 45, 101 -4 gwybed 180 gwybod 353-7 gwybûm 36, 356 gwybydd 354 gwybyddant 329 gwych 239 gwychr 239 gwydn 239, 242 gwydr 225 gwŷdd 43 gŵydd ' goose ' 43, 45, 89, 132, 188, 225 gŵydd l pre- sence' 43, 80, 99 gwyddau 44, 89 Gwyddel 207 Gwyddeleg 231 Gwyddeles 231 gwyddiad 88, 335, -9, 354, -6 Guitneu 108, 114 Gwyddno 108 gwyddost 353 gwyddud 324, 356 gwŷl 91, 320 gŵyl 'vigil' 43, 225 gŵyl'modest'43 gwylafc 390 gwylch 41 gŵyll 43 gwyllt 47, 131, 239-40 gwymp 236, -9 gwyn, see gwynn Gwyndodeg 231 Gwyndyd 46 Gwynedd46, 120 gwynfa 3 gwyn fyd 451 gwynn 38, 43-4, 90, 188, 235, -9 gwynnach 89 gwynnoeS 170 gwynnu 44 gwynt 89, 97, 225 gwyntyll 112 gwypwyf 354 gwypych 329 gwŷr 13, 38, 43, 89, 196 gŵyr * bend ' 43 gŵyr ' knows ' 13, 43, 353, -6 gwyrdroi 70 gwyrdd 22, 43, 90, 239 gwyrddlas 21, 261 gvyrhaud 396 gwyrth, -iau 89 gwyry 120, 178, 217 gwŷs 75, 80, -9, 127, 152 gwystviled 206 gwystl 43, -5 gŵyth 43, 144 gwyw89, 100,-2, 112 gwywa 321 gyda(g) 14, 421 gyd ag y 449 gyfarwyneb a(g) 421 gyferbyn a(g) 421 gylch 41 gylfin 21, 167 gynneu 435 gynt 435 gyntaf 435 gyr 410 gyrhawt 323 gyrr 87, 137 ha 450 had 75, 82, 134 hadl 78, 185 hadyd 122 haeach, -en 243, 435 haearn 32, 90, 100,-1, 1 16-7, 134, 149, J 96, 225 hael 129 haelioni 232 haelon 234 haer 129 haf 147, 225 hafal 80, 134, 236 hafddydd 122, 261 Hafren 134 hagen 442-3 hagr 81, 236 haha 450 haidd 145 halen 74, 147 hallt 67 haribych 351 hand-wyf, -id, -oe5 352 hanereg 231 hanes 226, -9 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 467 hanfod2Ó9, 351- 35a hanfyddaf 351-2 hanffo 351 hanner 260 hanoedd 352 hanpych 351 hanwyf 352 hap 66 hardd 187, 234-5 harddwch 70 Harlech 181, -7 hatling 207 haul 69, 106, -8, 191, 229 hawdd 135, 236, 247» 436 hawdd amor 451 hawddfyd 247, 261 hawddgar 247, 256-7 hawl (v.) 321 haws 247 hayarn, see hae- arn heb (prep.) 69, 401-2, -4 heb (v.) 20, 127, 271, 376-7 hebaf 377-8 heb amlaw 419 heb gan 420-1 heblaw 419 hebod 398 hebof 401 hebog 199 hebrwng 151, 269 hebryngyat 233 hebu 377 hedydd 225 hedyn 122 heddiw 42, 112, 187, 436 heddwch 78, 232 heddychlon 257 hefyd 432-3 hegl 141 heibaw 401-2, -4 heibio 401-2, -4 heini 93 heinyeu 170 hel 66, 387 hela 387 help-io, -u 385 helw 53, 250 hely 177-8, 387 helyc 321 helynt 232 hên 68, 134, 236, 247-8, 261 henadur 232 henaint 117,226, 230 henddyn 261 henffych 351 henffych well 452 Henllan 181 Henllys 181 heno 1 13, 140, 176, 436 henuriaid 208 henw 187 henwr 57, 261 henyw 352 heol 203 hepgor 183 herwydd 188, 414-5 hesb-in, -wrn 224 hesg 142, 222 hestawr 134 het 66, 199 heuldes 57 heulo 387 heulog 72 heulwen 59, 229 heyernin 257 heyrn 35-6, 90, 101, 221 hi 271, -3, 280 hi a(g) 421-2 hil 82, 227 hilyynt 40 hin 227 hindda 59 hir 84, 96, 134, 248 hiraeth 226, 388 hiraethodd 376 hir feinwyn 269 hiriell 226 hirllaes 181 hithau 272-4 hoed 153 hoedl 84, 98, 185 hoelied 327 hoelio 386 hoff 23, 236 hoffym 324 hogi 187 hongian 392 hoian a 450 holl 68, 262, 308-9 hollre 308-9 hollt 141, -3 197 175, 16, hollti 159, 167 hon 295-9 honnaid 396 honno 295-9 \S hoyw 32, 234 hoy won 41 hu, huw 450 hual no huan, 191, 221 huawdl 119 huddygl 78, 154 hued 206 hug 227 hun ' sleep ' 13 84, 126, 134 hun ' self ' 275 306-7 hunan 306-7 hundyeu 119. hwch 133, 227 hwd-e, -y 379-80 Hwlcyn 230 hwn 294-9 hwn acw 295 hwnnw 28, 113. 181, 294-9 hwnt 86, 431 hwn yma 295 hwrdd 143, -6, 153 hwy(pron.) 271, 273 hwy, -af 84, 248 hwyad 101 hwylbren 270 hwylia 322 hwynt 43 271, -3 hwyntau 272-4 hwynt-hwy 271- 273 hwyr 69, 84 hwythau 272-4 hy 86, 178, 239 hy- 268 hyd 84, 248, 415, 446 hydab 230 hyd ar, at 421 hydr 239 hydred 232 Hydref 179, 185, 225 hyd tra 445 hyd y 449 hyd yn 421 hydyn 268 h2 203, 69, hyd yn oed 421 hyddod 206 hyfryd 241-2, 268 hygar 268 hyglod 237 hyglyw 112, 237 hyhi 271-3 hylaw 124 hyll 239 hyn 193, 295-9 hŷn 13, 247-8 hynaf 87, 247-8 hynafiaeth 230 hynafiaid 238 hynaif 109, 238 hynn, see hyn hynny 113,295-9 hynt 86 CJiyny 446 hysb 239 hysbys 240 hyt yman 433 Hywel 268 i< to '37, 87, 180, 267, 407-8 i « I ' 48, 280, -2 i * his, her' 37, 274, 281 'i 276-81 iaith 37, 152, 204, 226 ias 147 Iau 104 iau (cpv.) 248 iau 'yoke' 104, 109, 147 nawn 434 i blith 416 Iddew 40, 201 iddi 407 iddo 112, 407 ie 430 iechyd 226 iefanc 104-5 ieithoedd 39 Iesu 26, 27, 70 Ieuan 27, 104 ieuanc 104-5, 151, -8, 169 234, 248 ieuenctid 185 ifanc 104-5, 248 i fyny 13, 180-1, 437 i fysg 417 i ffwrdd 228, 438 igam ogam 62 i gilydd 305-6 468 INDEX i gyd 61, 264, 438 ing no i lawr 437 ill 275 im, imi 407 i maes 437 vi mewn 437 iolaf 383 ioli 147 Iolo 25, 71, 133 iôn, iôr 89, 152, 221 Ionawr 94, -7 Iork 20 i T r eithaf 439 irlwyn 261 is, -af 248 is (prep.) 398, 4oi, -3, -5 is cil 419 v isel 248 islaw 398 iso, -d 403 istaw 403 Ithel 32, 40 "i'w 277, 408 i waered 437 iwch 29 Iwei-ddon77, 153 ivvrch 42, 87, 147, 196 iwt 42, 147 iyrchell 37, 230 lach 67 law dra-llaw 62 lawer 434 law yn-llaw 62 lin o-lin 62 llac 66 Uachar 144 lladron 198, 200, 211 lladrones 224 vlladd 156 lladded 327 lladdedig 396 lladdfa 231 UadoS 325 llaes 176 llaesa 322 llaeth 221 llavnawr 210 HafuT2i,i6i, 221 llafurus 257 llafuryaw 39 Hafvuryus 40 llai 165, 245, 435 llaid 69 Hall 299-301, 304-5 1 Ian (11) 199 Llanbadarn 225 llanc 199 Uanciau 170 Llandecwyn 184 Llanecil 59 llanw 53> 3 8 8 llariaidd 177 lias 327, 338 llatai 223, -7 Hath 227 llathr 234 llathraid 256 llathrwyn 252 Haw 82-3, 178 Uaw5 105 llawen 236 llawenhâ 322 llawenhaodd 376 llawer 310-1,435 llawhir 64 llawir 64 llawn 77, 124 llawr 83, 124 llawwag 56 lie 67, 86, 178, 277, 288, 435 lleban 207, 221 llecyn 221, -6 llech 18 lied 248, 439 lied- 262-3 lledfryd 263 lledfyw 112, -263 lledffer 262 llediaith 183 lledled 255 lledr 225 lledred 232 lledu 386 lledwag 262 lledessynt 338 lledi (impf.) 324 lief 180, 389 llefain 33, 389 llefaru 122 lleferydd 122 llefrith 160 lleiaf 72, 245, 435 Heidr9o,i98, 211 lleiddiad 208, 233 lleilai 255 lleill 299-300, -4 lleithig in llemain 389 llemhidyS 233 262 llenwi 388 lleot, llewod 40 llesg 142, 236 lleshaodd 376 llessach 251 llesseint 338 llestr 203 lletaf248 lletrin 257 lletteuech 329 llettyeu 197 lletya 321 Hew 69, 102 llewes 224 llewni 388 llewod 40, 72, 206 llewych 32, 109 llewychaf 381 llewychawt 396 Lleyn 16, 35-6 Hi 180 lliain 225 lliaws 94, 97, 99, 203, 262, 311 Hid 227 llidiog 256 llif ' saw ' 227-8 llif 'flood* 214, 227-8 llifo 'dye '28 llifo 387 llin 227 llinat 64 llinyn n 1-2 llipryn 207 llith 'masn' 227 -228 llith 91, 227-8 llithro 125 lliw 28, no lliwio 28 lliwydd 43 llo 197, 223 lloehes 231 lloergan 168 lloerig 257 llofrudd 57, 178 llofyn 178 Hoffai78,i82,383 llong 23, 66, 86, 168, 198 lion 236 llonaid, llond 55 llonni 388 llosg 396 llosgfa23i llosgwrn 140 Host 126, 138-9, 147 llu 109, 135, 204 lluchio 118 lludded 226 lluddedic 20 lluddias 393 Hug 157 Human 159 Llun 221 llun 39 lluniaeth 226 llunio 39 llunnya 329 lluosog 97, 99, no, 311 lluosogrwydd 3" UuossyS 203 llusgo 139, 142 lluwch, -io 118 llw 113, 165, 202 llwdn 206 llwfr 239 llwgr 239 11 wm 234, -9 llwnc 220 llwrw 415-6 Llwtlaw 183 llwyaid 226, 230 llwybr 18, 43, 69, 127 llwybrau 72 llwyd 235 Llwydiarth 163 llwydda 322 llwyn 203 llwynog 207, 233 llwyr 236 llwyth 25,218 llychlyd 257 llydan 84, 126, 155, 234, 248 llyfn 135, 239 llyfr 18, 199 Hyfu 131 llygaid 8, 196 llygeitu 186 ■ llygod 206 llygota 383 Hygru 166 llynges 226, 231 llyngyr 131, 168 llym 234, -9 llyina 440, 452 llyn 229 llyna 440 llys 84, 140, 229 llysfrawd 94 UysseuoeS 215 Uyssewyn 213 llysywen 135 llythrennau 54 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 469 llythyr 120 llythyren 226 llyw 107, 112, 120 llywia 322 Uywiaf 106 llywiawdr 232 llywy 44 llywych 32 llywychedic 32 llywydd 120 Llyyn 16 'm 276-81 mab 20, 67, 72, 128,200, 210,-5 maban 226 mabmaeth 59 maccwy 208 mach 216 machlud 55, 160, 186 Machno 108 mad 236, 436 Madrun 97 madws 113 maddeu 387 s mae 346-50, 448 mae ef 430 Maelan 165 Maelgwn 6, 189, 261 maen 196, 203, 225 V maent 69, 346, -9 maer 202, 210 maes 31, 32, 35, 203, 210 Maesyfed 186 maeth 373 magadoet 328 magwyd 327 maharen 114, 214, 226 Mai 102 mai 271, 448 maidd 145 maidd (v.) 322 mai ê 430 main (adj.) 39, 234 main (pi.) 115, 196 maint 117, 249 maith 39 • mai 69, 288, 419 malaf 79 maleisddrwg 252 mai na 449 malpei 441 mai y 449 mam 12, 199 mamaeth 59, 179 man 228 man 236 manach 'monk' 16, 196 managadoed 328 managaf 388 man serliw 270 march 18, 196 marchockaaf 384 marchog 201,226, 233, 256 marchogaeth 384, -8 marchogaf 384 marchoges 224 Maredud 40 maroryn 41 marsiand'iaeth 230 marw 51-2, 80, 234-5, 387-8, 394-5 marwach 395 marwar, -or 38 marwddwr 52 marwed 395 marwnad 51-2 marworyn 41 math 163, 228 mauio3, XI 4> 282 -284 Mawddwy 114 mawl 69, 95 mawnog 226, 233 mawr 249 mawrion 94, 234 Mawrth 188 mawrygaf 383 mebyd 232 meccid, -yt 323 mechni 232 meehniaeth 230 medi 386 medraf 315 medd 75 meddaf ' I say ' 378 meddaf l I own ' 378 meddal 161, 234 meddawt 51 meddiannaf 383 meddiant 93, 232 meddig 110-1, see -yg meddu 378 meddw 51, 75 meddiveint 209 meddwl 199, 201, 387 meddwyn 213 meddyg 198, 201 meddyliaf 385 meddyliaid 390 meddylio27, 386 -387 meddyliwyd 37 meSylyut 40 meòylyioys 326 megin 227, 233 megis in, 250, 288, 419-20 megis y, na 449 megyt 323 meib 90 meichiau 199,216 meidrol 41 meidrolion 238 meinaf 39 meindroed 35 meinin 257 meinoeth 93 meinyd 93 meireh 17 Meirion, -(n)ydd 92, 95 meirw 117, 121, 395 meistr 208 meistraid 41 meistres 224 meistrolgar 256 meitin 93, 97, 112, 189 meith-edd, -af 39 meithrin 168 mêl 221 melfoch 76 melin 92, 227, 233 melinydd 233 melodi, -aidd 53 melyn 240 melynwallt 57 melys 127, 140, 236, 240, 257 melyslais 237 melysu 257, 386 mellt 87, 216 melltith 186 men 432 men[n\oent 329 mentro 41 menwyd 149 mêr 135 merch, -ed87,2o6 Mercher 16 merchetos 215 209, Merchyr 16, 91 Merddin 16 merthyr 202 merwi 388 mesur 70-1, 208 meth 129 metha 322, 376 meueò 284 meudwy 207 Meuruc 106, 112 mewia-1, -n 392 mewn 16, 180, 416 meysydd 122 mi 271, 273 mi, mi a (aff.) 427-8 miaren 101, 213 mieri 101, 213 mil ' 1000 ' 204, 227-8 mil 'beast' 227-8 milfed 259 miliast 163 miloedd 258 min 227 Minffordd 59 minnau 64,272-4 mis 137, 147, 199, 204, 225, -7 mo 314 moch (adv.) 191, 431 Moch- no, -nwy 108 mochyn 133, 213 modrwy 163 modryb 75, 79, 91,97,166,205 modd 288, 435 moe 98, 249 Moelyci 59, 226 moes (v.) 99,379- 380 moladwy 396 molawd 230 molediw 396 molhator 324 moli 180 Môn 225 mono-f, -t 400 Monwys 221 mor 94, 252-4 môr 88-9, 196, 203, 216, 227 Mordei 197 mordwy 99 morddwyd 153 Morgannwg 171 470 INDEX Morien 163 moroedd 100 morthwyl 113 morwyal ioi morwyn 46, 88, 212 mud 96, 234 mudan 221, -3 mudifs i 9 mu hun 275 munud 13, 120, 229 mur 103, 204 murmur 208 mursen 207, 214 mwll 68, 239 mwrthwl 113 mws 239 mwy, -ach, -af 64, 69, 72, 98, 249, 252-4, 435 mwyalch 101,225 mwyar 45, 101, 135 mwyfwy 255 | mwyha/6^, 242 mwyn38,43,i2o, 2 35, 417 mwynder 199 mwynhâ 322 mwynhau 44 mwyniant 226, 417 mydr ddoethlef 270 Myfanwy 44 myfi 271-3 myfyr 38, 87, 91 myfyriaf 38 myg 2 39 myngial 392 mymryn 136 myn (prep.) 118, 412 myn (adv.) 432 mynach 16, 91, 196, 207 myn di 319 myned 80,87,88, 154) 160, 361, 390 mynegai 232 mynegi 388 myneich 117, 196 mynnassit 328 mynnwys 326 myn went 86-7 mynycha 322 mynydd 48, 204, 226 Mynyddmawr 59, 226 mynyglwyn 241 mŷr 91, 195-6, 203, 216 Myrddin 16, 189 myrddiwn 42, 258 mysgu 142 mywn 16, 416 'n ' our, us ' 276- 281 na, nac (adv.) 423-4 na, nac (conj.) 276, 442 na, nad 277, 287, 422-4, 448 na(g) ' than ', see no nac 20, 66, 69, 442 nac ef 424 nachaf 45 1 nad 67, 69 nàd 67 nad-af, -u 381 Nadolig 221, -5 naddial 392 n a ddo 423 nag e 424 nai 100, -2, 124, 209, 224 naill 193, 262, 299-301, 304-5 namen 442 namn 55-6 namwyn 442 namyn 55-6, 114, 189/442 nant 203, 227 nato 381 natur 226 naw 104, 147 nawdd Duw 180 nawf 135 nawfed 259 nawn95, 105, 118 naw-och 451 nawradd 168 naw wfft 451 neb 312-4 nebawd 313 neb cyfryw 313 neb dyn 313 neb rhyw 303 nebun 302 nedd 83 nedd-yf, -eu 109, 217 nef 22, 155, 229 neges 215 neidr 210 neillbarth 185 neilltu 301 neitiwr 183 neithiwyr 37-8, 43, 102, 113, 146 nemawr 313-4, 434 nepell 314 nerth 87, 204 nes, -af 69, 190, 245 nes (prep.) 69,413 neshâ 322 nesnes 255 Nest 72 neu 'or' 22, 441 neu(t) 114, 277, 426 neuadd 88, 188 neur 426 newydd 16, 105, 240 ni 'we' 271, -3, 277, 280, -2 ni, nid 277, 287- 8, 422-4 nid 69 nid amgen 437 nid gwaeth 437 nid hwyrach 437 nifer 21, 96, 204 ninnau 272-4 nis 278 nith 91, 125, 224 niwed 72, 106, "4, 387 niweidi-o, -af 42, 385 niwl 42, 128, 167 niwliog 42, 120 niwloedd 120 no, nog 141, 189, 447 nodwydd 78, 135 v nodded 231, noe 108, 113 noeth 127 noethi 231 noethni 226, 232 nofiedydd 233 nog-et, -yt 447 nos 138, 140, 191 nos da 451 noson 297 nottwyf 328 nu 431 nuy 278 nwyfre 155 ny, nyt 15, 287-8, 422-4 nycha 451 nydd-af, -u 135, 386 nyf 130, -5 ny hun 275 nyni 271-3 nyrth 87 nyth78, 144, 182, 207 nyw 114, 279 o l oh ' 450 o, od 'if 94, 444 o ' from ' 94, 398- 401 o ' of ' 241 o ' with ' 409 o achos 413, 443 o barth 416 o blegid 418, 444 o blith 416 obry 437 och 67, 450 och a 450 ochain 389 ochan fi 451 och fi, etc. 451 ochr 150, 165-6 o-dan 61, 398- 400, 420 odfa 1 14-5 odiaeth 434 odid 104,312,436 odidog 188 odyn 187, 226 oddf 145 oddi am 420 oddi ar 61, 420 ^ oddieithr 420 oddi fyny, etc. 438 oddi gan 420 oddigerth 420 oddi-wrth6i,42o oddi-yno 61 odyna 420 odyn-aeth, -oe5 431 oe 277, 408 oed 153 oeda 321 oedfa 115 oedi 388 oedd22, 100, 335, 347> 350 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 471 4 6, oeddwn 347, 350 oen 69, 86, 91, 157, 164 oenig22i, -7, 230 oer 164 oeraidd 256 oerdrangk 20 oeri 388 oerllyd 257 oes ' age ' 204 oes ' is ' 346, 350 o ethryb 417 of 180 o faes 437 o fewn 416 flaen 418 ofn 17-8 ofnadwy 396-7, 434 ofnadwyaeth 230 fraidd 438 fysg 417 vywn 437 offeiriad 208 offeryn 226 ogylch 413 ohanei 400 o-herwydd 414, 444 ohonai 398 ohonof, -af 399- 400, 420 oi a, oian a 450 ôl, olaf 250 o law i-law 62 olew 103 olewydd 53 olrhain 63, 382, 392 olrheaf 382 olwyn 159 o lwyn i-lwyn 62 ol-yn-ol 62 oil 68, 309, 434 omega 53 onaddun(t) 398, 400-1 ond 55-6, 169, 424-5, 442 ond antur 437 ond hynny 437 ondodid3i2, 437 onest 188 oni(d) 277, 444 oni(d) « until ' 446 onid ' nonne ? ' 434-5 onid ' but ' 442 onn 22i 86, onnen 136, 213, 216-7 o ran 419, 443 orau 435 o'r blaen 438 o'r bron 438 o'r gorau 439 o'r herwydd 438 orig 434 origin 111 oriog 118 o'r neilltu 438 o'r rhwyddaf 439 os 444, 450 osgo 141 ossit 346, 350, 444 ottid 323 o waith 419, 444 Owein 102 o ŵydd 418 pa 289-90, -4 pa awr 292 pa beth 290, -4 pa bryd 292, 437 Padarn 87 padeil 233 pa du 291-2 pa ddelw 292,437 pa8iw 293-4 pa faint 249, 292 pa fodd 292, 437 pa ifurf 292 pa gyfry w 292 paham 63, 70, 187, 293-4 pahar 63, 293 pa hyd 292 pair (n.) 128 pair (v.) 91, 319, 329 pais 176 paladr 91, 196 paladur 54 pa le, pie 291, 437 palf 148 pallu 386 pam 63, 293 pan 279, 286, 290, 294, 445, 450 pand, panid 424- 425 pany(t) 424-5 panyw 271, 448 papur 120, 208 par (n.) 203, 210 par (v.) 329 pa r' 292 para 'lasts' 321 para (v.n.) 341 parabl 186 pa rac 63, 293 paradwys 46, 96 parahaud 323 pa rai 291, 302 paratoaf 340-1, 385 paratoesant 341 paratoi 50, 54, 97, 341 parawd 325 parchell 87 parchu 122 pared 218, 220, -6 parhâd 50 parhâf 340-1 parhânt 70 parhaoÒ 325 parhau 65, 70, 118, 188, 341 parod 97 parth 416 parth a(g) 421 parthed 416 pa ryw 292 pas 139 pa sawl 292 Pasg 225 pasgadur 185 pasiaf 385 pa sut 292 pau 69, 95 paun 69 pa un 291, 302 pawb 307-8 pa wedd 292 Pawl 105 pe, see pei pebyll 92, 182, i97> -9 pechadur 61, 97, 208, 230 pechod 71, 97, 118, 175 325 pedair 101, 162 pedol 160, 186 pedry- 84 pedwar 38, 84, 127, 164 pedwaran 260 pedwerydd 259 pedwor 38, 88 pei 277, 347-50, 445 peidiaf 385 peidynt 40 peintyaw 385 peirch 320 peithynen 10 pell 127, 137 pellafoedd 238 pellbell 255 pellennig 16, 77 pen, see penn penadur 232 penaig 50, 70 pencerdd 59, 93, 210, 228 pendefig 201, 227, 233 pendro 228 Penebertli 59 Penegoes 16, 59 pengam 261 pengrych 240 pengrychlon 269 pengryniaid 238 Peniarth 163 penigamp 53 penllâd 60, 70 Penmon Mawr 59 penn 68, 128, 198, 227, 251 pennaduryaf 251 pennaeth 208 pennaf 251 pennhaw 242 pennog 41, 196 penrhaith 60, "5 penrhyn 181, 261 pen saerwawd 270 pentan 59 Pentir 59 pentref 59, 71, 184, 228 Pentyrch 60 penuchel 252 penwaig 41, 196 penwyn 3 Penyberth 59, 61 peraidd 252, -6 perchi 388 pereiddiaf 39 perffeiûyaw 24, 176, 385 perífeithiaf 39 perffeithio 24, 385 pererin 233 pererindod 199 peri 388 perigli7, 18, ur, 189 periglor 53 periglus in 472 INDEX pens 325 perlwyn 261 perllan 261 person 229 personau 218 personiaid 208, 218 personnyeit 93 perth 87, 149, 203 perthnasau 54 perthyn 87, 376 perthynas 223 pery 321 pes 278 peswch 29, 383 pesychaf 383 pet 290, -4 petai 349-50 petwn 349-50 peth 129, 215, 223, 290, -4, 3" pethau 8, 311 peullawr 109 pi 227 p'iau 114, 286, 334, 357-9 pi bell 233 pieifu 357 piff 67 pig 227 pinywn 54-5 pioedd 357-8 piwyt 357-8 pladur 54, 208, 226, 233 plan 396 planhigion 187 planhigyn 201. 213 plannhedeu 63, 187 plantos 215 plâu 36, 69 plentyn 31, 70, 170, 213, 222 plisg 227 plith 416 plu 179 pluen 213 plwyf 99, 202 plycca 322 plyg no, 322 pob 94, 307-8 pobaf 380 pob cyfryw 308 pob dim 313 pobi 125 pobl 17-8, 164, 226 226, 87, pob rhai 302 pob rhyw 302 pob un 302 poen 99, 199 poena 321 poenech 329 poened 327 poenedigaeth 230 poeth 125-6, -7 poethi 388 pon(i)d 424-5 pont 86 pontbren 228 pony(t) 424-5 popeth 183 poptai 197 porchell 87 porfa 203, 231 porth 66, 167, 196 pot 66 Powys 47 praff 24, 143, 236 praw(f) 95, 178 pregeth 132 pregethwr 196, 233 pren 225 pres 225 preswylfa 203 preswylfod 350 preswylia 322 prid 75 pridd 6, 225, -7 prif 180, 250, 261 prifardd 182 prif ddinas 261 prif lys 261 pringhaf 168 prin 12, 68, 436 priodas 199 proffuid 23 proffwyd 202 pryd l form ' 6, 126 pryd 'time' 218, 288, 435, 450 Prydain 5, 6, 88, 225 Pridein 4 Pry den 5, 201 prydferthio n 222, 238 prydlon 257 prydydd 233 prydyddes 233 prydyddu 386 pryf 76 pryfed 206 pryfetaeh 215 pryn 396 prynaf 127, 380 prinessit 326 prynhawn 60-1, 184-5 prynhawn ol 61, 118 prys 128 prystellach 389 puchaf 381 pump 86, 112, 125, 169 punt 227 pur 73, 96, 236, 263, 439 puraf 383 puraidd 256 purddu 263 purion 263, 451 purwyn 263 pw 4 10- 1 pwdr 239 pŵl 239 pwnn 86 pwy 44, 103, 289, 294 pwy gilydd 306, 410 pwy 11 45, 136 pwyllog 256 pwynt 69 pwys 218, 229 pwysig 252 pwyth 150 py, see pa pybyr 240 pydew 103 pydiw 293-4 pymhet 259 pymp 16, 86, 112 pymwnt 258 pyr 290, -4 pysg 197-8 pysgod, -yn 207 pysgota 383 pythefnos 149 198, philosophi 53 racko 28, 70, 401, 404 raccw 401, -4 rhad 236, 251 rhaeadr 17,82, 90, 100, 101, 1 io- ii 7, 196 rhag 48, 69, 398, 401, -4 rhag- 268 rhagddo 401, -4 rhagddor 268 rhagfarn 268 rhagfur 268 rhaglaw 94, 208 rhagluniaeth 268 rhaglyddu 17 rhag Haw 438 rhagof 401, -4 rhai 100, 300-2, 305 rhaib 90 rhaid 250 rhain 296 rhan, see rhann rhandir 122 rhann 82, 136, 157 rannwt 113 rhathaf 381 rhathu 129 rhaw 178, 210 rhawd 79 rhawg 431 rhedaf 79, 380 rhedaint 325 red-daud 323 rhedeg 392, -6 rhedid 333 rhedy 319 rheg 214, 269 rhegofydd 180 rheidusion 238 reidyach 242 reingk 320 rhein-i, -y 296 rheitied 250 reolawdyr 256 reudus 112 reueò 283 rhew 103 rhewin 105 rewinetor 324 rhewyn 135, 156 reydyr 90, 101 rhi 75 rhiain 210-2 rhianedd 210-1 rhieni 221 rhif 76, 227 rhifed 327 rhifo 387 rhin 76, 227 rhiw 42 Rhiwabon 179 rho (subj.) 342 rhoch (n.) 135, 146, 151 rhod 73, 79 *4 . ^ I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 473 rhodia 322 rhodiad 232 rhodiaf 319, 385 rhodio 386 rhodiwch 42 rhodiwyf 43 rhodres 119 rhodd 67, 87 rhôdd 67 rhoddaf 180, 332, 342, 380 rhoddant 82 rodassoeS 343 rhodded 327 rhoddes 325 rhoddi 342, 386 rhoddo 342 rodych 329 ro5y8 319 rhoed 35, 327 rhoent 330 rhoes 35, 325 roessoeS, 328, 342 roessum 342 roet 342 rhof (v.) 342 rhof (prep.) 403, 405 rhog 401, -4 rohi 187 rhoi, rhois 36, 342 rhôm 403, -5 rhônt 67 Rhos 72 rhos 139 rhosyn 222 rhotho 182, 342 rothwyr 329, 339 rhudd 103, 129 rhuo 146 rhuthr 150, 166 rhwd 75, 135, 156 rhwng 398, 401- 403, -5 rhwth 239 rwy (=ry y) 279 rwt/434, -9 rhwyd 45, 99 rhwydau 72 rhwyf25, 99, 180 rhwyfo 387 rhwym 69, 136, 147, 163, 202 rtoymawS 325 rhwysg 69 rhwystr 69, 140 rhy 87, 439 ry 277, 429-30 rhy ' gives ' 342 rhy- 124, 268 rhybudd2oi, 269 rhych 77, 157 rhyd 76, 124 rhydid 229, 232 rhydlyd 257 Khydychen 201 rhydd 99, 124, 239 rhydd (v.) 332, 342 rhyddhawyd 327 rhyddiaith 34 rhyfawr 87 rhyglyddu 17 rhy gnu 166 rhygyng 268 rhygyngu 157 rhyhir 115 1 hynn 239 rhyw 56, 100, 112, 262, 300, 302, -5 rhywiog 242 rhywun 302 rhywynt no rhywyr 58, 268 rywbryd 437 rywfodd 437 's 277-282 sach 73, 229 sad 67 Sadwrn 221 saer 93, 134, 202 saerniaeth 230 Saesneg 53, 189, 231 Saesnes 53, 224 Saeson 26, 90, 176, 211-2 saeth 32, 132, 161-2 saetha 322 saethu 386 saf 82 safadwy 396 safaf 393 safn 109, 138, 149 saif 319 sail 91, 210 sain 380 Sais 90, 176, 2i 1 saith 125, 134, 175 salm 148, 196 salw 53 sant 215 santes 224 sarff 23, 87, 227 sarn 80, 138, 149 sathra 322 sawdl 18, 82, 138 sawdd 78, 154 sawl 262, 310 sechgoeg 241 sef 21, 180, 440 sevi (impf.) 336 sefyll 112, 393 sefyllian 392 segur 71 sengi 388 seilio 386 seimlyd 257 seiniaf 380 seinnyeu 170, 215 Seint 163 seiri 122 seithfed 259 seithug 176 sêl, selog 19 Selyf 91, 109 sennu 386 serch 138, 214 seren 138, 216-7, 226 serfyll 148, 236, 240 serr 125, 134 serth 236 sesuinad 327 sgrifen 26 sgrin 26 sidan 225 siomes 325 sisial 392 siŵr 42 siwrnai 42 slebog 226 sobr 236 soddaf 154 soddi 78 sôn 73, 3 8 7 soniaf 319, 385 sonio 387 ssillit 26 stavell 26 sud, sut 67, 292 suddaf 154 sugnaf 134 sugno 166 Sul 221 Sulgwyn 225 sura 322 swllt 87, 167 swmbwl 88, 138 swrth 236, -9 swydd 78 swyddog 226, 233, 256 346, swyddogol 97 swyn 45, 96, 165 swyno 38 syberw 51, 53, 96, 160, -7 sych 239 syched 221, -6, 231 sydd 180, 350 sygnau 183 sylfaen 93 sylw 120 sylwi 387 sylli 26 sym 320 synn 239 synna 376 synnwyr 45-6, 64, 71, 96, 171 syrn 434 syrr 320 syrfhyeint 325 syth 78, 144, 182, 239 tad, 12, 67, 72, 123, 199, 219 tadmaeth59,i83, 207 tadol 12 taeog 226 fcaeru 386 Taf 180 tafarn 87 tafod 131, 145, 157, 168, 267 tafod tew 19 tangnefedd 229 tai 102, 165, 197 taid 219 tail 39, 86, 164, 225 tair 91, 101, 160, 162 tâl ' front ' 68, 73 tâl ' pay ' 68 tâl ' pays ' 320 talaith 34, 397 talch 126, 156 talgryf 237 talhawr 324 talo 328 talsom 326 Tâl-y-bolion 16 Tal-y-bont 68 Talybryn 59 tân 124, -6 tanc 125 tande 256 474 INDEX taniaf 385 tanio 70-1 tanllyd 122, 240, 257 tannau 63 tant 161, 219 tanwydd 30, 45 taradr 82 taran 160 taraw 49, 386, -8 tarfu 386 tarth 138 tarw 104, 126 tau ' thy ' 103, 114, 282-4 tau (v.) 106, 320, 329 taw 145, 329 tawdd (v.) 321 tawdd (v. a.) 396 tawel 72 tawn 341 tawr 373-4 Tawy 45 tebig 110-1, 242 tecaf 189 teced 243 techial 392 techu 132 teg 125, 236, 242 teifl 117 fceilo 39 teilwng 240 teimlo 160 ieimlyawdyr 256 teirawr 94 teirgwaith 259 teithiaf 38 teithiau 37 teithio 386 telid 329 telm 136 telyn 161, 214, 226-7 telynor 233 temestl 16 teneu 80, 106, 234 tennyn 219 tereu 49, 107, 121, 320, 386 terfyn 88, 148 terwyn 46 tery 121, 320 tes 126, 140 testun 87, 120, 179 teulu 112 tew 69, 86, no, r 3r, 165 tewbanog 233 tewch 341 tewdwr 72 tew goedallt 269 tewi 72, 388 tewychaf 383 teyrn 16, 35, 162, 205 teyrnaidd 256 teyrnas 204, 225- 226, 230 teyrnasoedd 31 teyrnedd 114 ti 76, 271, -3 tid 227 tin 165, 227 tincia-1, -n 392 tipyn 315 tir 15, 39, 204, 225, -7 tirio 39 tiriog 39 tir ion (pi.) 27, 204 tithau 272-4 tlawd 234, 242 tlodaidd 256 tlodi 226, 231, 244 tlodion 222 tlosaf 242 tlosdeg 241 tloted 244 tlws 198, 239 to 75, 130, 155, 165, 228 tomlyd 257 ton 12 tonau 12 tonn 12, 168, 227 tonnau 12, 87, 199 top 66 torf 66, 137, 226-7 toriad 71 torlan 181 torr 137 torrassant 326 torres 325 torri 87, 137, 388 torrog 137-8 torth 138 tosturio 113 tprue 450 tra (prep.) 410 tra (adv.) 439 tra (conj.) 445 tra- 268 trachas 268 trachul 268 trachwant 268 trachwres 268 tra da 58 tradoeth 58 tradwy 437 traean 100, 116- 117, 260 traed32, 69, 85-6 traetha 322 traethattor 324 traethawd 94, 226, 230 traethent 329 traf- 268 traflyncu 268 traffertli 201 tragwyddol, -deb 54 trangaf 388 trais 142 tramawr 58 tramor 70, 268 tramwy 268, 387 trannoeth 140, 268, 437 traserch 268 traul 69 trawaf 49, 109, 146, 386 trawiad 386 traws- 268 trawsfeddiant 268 trawsgwydd 268 trech, -af 249 tref 82, 202, 216, 225 trefdyn 146 trefi. 100 trefnu 386 Trefor 59, 94 treftad 59, 228 treftadaeth 61 trefydd 99 treghis 325 trenghit 323,331-2 trengi 388 treiglo 41 treingk 323, 331 treisdwyn 186 tremycca 321 tremyg 266 tremynt 232 trenn 249 trennydd 268, 437 Tre'r Ceiri 106 treuliais 316 treulio 386 treulwys 326 tri__. tridiau trigfi treulwyt 327 trew 104, 140 trewis 386 treythych 35 " 100, 126, 162 152 __ fa 231 trigias 230 trigywys 326 trin 227 trindod 94, 169, 226 trioedd 258 trist 67 tristwch 221 tristyd 232 tro (v. a.) 341 troadwy 341 troaf 340-1 tro-ais, -i 36 trochi 149 troed 32, 35, 85, 197, 229 troedig 34 r troedlydan 252 troelli 388 troent 32, 69 troes 325 troesom 341 trof 340-1 troi 67, 73, 341 trôi 69 trois 70 tromaf 120 tros 401-2, -4 trosedd 199 trosodd 402 trosof 402 trosol 201 trosto 402 trottyan 392 truan 109, 234, 237, 451 trugar 256-7 trugaredd 226, 231 trugarhâf 384 trugarog 256 trwadd 402 trwch 137, 239 trwmi2,90,234- 235, 239 trwne 86, 149 trwodd 402 trwof 402 trwsgl 239 trwst 139 trwy 268, 401-2, 404 trwy deg 438 I. MODERN AND MEDIEVAL WELSH 475 trwyddo 402 trwySof 402 trwy iawn 438 trwyn 156 trwynllym 241 Trwyn-y-tâl 68 trwyth 149 trwy y 449 try- 268 trydwll 268 trydydd 99, 259 tryfer 268 tryloyw 268 trymled 240 trystfawr 94 trywydd 156 tua(g) 421 tu-ag-at am 421 tud 103, 227 Tudawal 191 Tudno 108 tu ... i 422 turio 154, 157 tuth 126 tw 179 twb 67 twddf 145 twf 96, 109 twng 86 twll 126, 136, 239 twnn 168, 239 tŵr 204 twrch 87, 125, 157 twrf 227 twrneiod 207 twrr 137 twyll 182 twyll (v.) 322 twylla 322 twyllas 325 twyllo 387 twym(n) 69, 102, 124, -6 twymyn 124,136, 226 twysog, -es 54 tŷ 67, 86, 130, l6 3, 197 tyb (v.) 322 tybia 322 tybiaf 70, 315 tybiaid 390 tybiwyd 43 tycia, 322, 375 tycio 183 tydi 271-2 tydwet 146 tyddyn 146 207, 214 180, tyf 21, 323 tyfaf 381 tyfid 323 tyfu 96, 109, 168 tygesynt 328 tygyaw 375, 386 tynghedfen 183 tyngwt 113 tyle 33 tymestl 16, 189 tymor 86, 87, 95, 225 tymp 86 tynn 239 tyno 108 tyr(r) 320 tyrd, tyred 55, 266, 363, -6 tyrfa 203, 226 tirran 323 tyst 87, 223 tywallt 266 tywarchen 91, 213 tywydd 109, 125, 221 tywyll 47, 109, 182, 236, 240 tywyllu 387 tywyllwch 226, 232 ty wynnu 38 tywysog54, no, 233, 266 tywysoges 224, 233 >th 276-81 'u 277 w WÔ450 ubain 389 uch, uchaf 249 ucharnau 143, 220 uchel 126, 143, 234, 249 Uchelgrist 57 uchelion 237 ucher 89, 143 ucho, -d 403 uch-of, -taw 403 udd 40, 89, 152 uòu, -nt 112, 407 ufyll 96, 240 uffarnau 143, 220 uffern 87, 96 ugain 89, 90, 169 ugeinfed 259 ugeiniau 258 ulw 154 un 98, 300-2 unben 60, 93 unbeynyaeth 93 un-dab, -deb 226, 230 un fodd 252 unglust 23 unig2o, 113, 257, 262 union 94, 1 13 unlliw 252 uno 14 unon 180 unpeth 60 unrhy w 262, 304 unwaith 259 unwedd 252 Urddedigrys 57 Urien 154, 163 ust 450 utgorn 183 uwch 113, 143, 249 uwch (prep.) 398, 401, -3, -5 uwchben 61, 398 uwchlaw 61, 398 uwd 42, 147 waethwaeth 435 wed-i, -y 409-10, 433 "wedi i 421 weithiau 435 weithion 436 weldiso 440 wel dy 319 weldyma 440 wele 16, 452 wely 16 wely dy 319 wellwell 435 wfft 450 wharyawd 325 wir 20 wrth 89, 405-7 wrtho 406 wrth wir 438 wrthyf 89, 112, 406-7 wy 'egg '44, 107 toy ' they ' 103, 271, -3 wy a 450 wybr,-en44, 151, 154, 192 Wyddfa, yr, 192, 225 Wyddgrug, yr, 192 wy-f, -t 102, 334, ^ 346-8 ŵyl ' weeps ' 44 wylo 44 wylofain 389 'wyllys 55, 89 'wyllysgar 54 wynab- 88 wyneb 44, 88, 154, 192, 230 wynepryd 182 wynt 'they' 271, 273 wyr 200, 223 wyth 44, 75, 91 wythfed 187, 259-60 wythnos 44, 199 wyth wae 451 V ' to ' 15, 37, 87, 180, 267 y ' his, her ' 15, 37, 102, 162 y ' him ' 279 y, yà, yd, yr 48, 56, 118, 180, 277, 284-9, 448 y, e, yd, eS, ydd, yr (aff.) 426-7 y, yr 'the' 48, 56, 118, 192-4 y am 399, 420 ych 'your' 56, 118, 274-5 ych ' ye are ' 335 ych, -en 91-2, 142, 147, 194, 201, 211 ychwaith 435 ych wan eg 29 ychydig 179,262, 31 1-2 yd, y5, see y yd 157, 221, 219, 225 ydan 399-400 ydiw 112, 114, 346, -8 ydwyf 346 yfaf 124 yfed 390, -1 yfelly 187 yfory 437 y gann 61, 405, 420 y gyt ac 421 yngder iro 476 INDEX yngham 175, 438 Yngharad 16 yngholl 175 ynghuddi75, 43 8 yghwaethach 29 ynghyd 61, 175, 438 ynghyd a(g) 421 ynghyfyl 419 ynghylch 175, 413-4 ynghynt 175,438 ynglŷn 175 ynglŷn a(g) 421 yngo, -d 403 yngŵydd 418 yll 275 ŷm 67, 136, 334- 335, 346, -9 ym (prep.) 118, 412 ym ' me ' 279 ym ' to me ' 407 ym- 263 yma 181, 433 ymachludd 55, 186 ymâd 49, 381 ymadawssam 326 y mae (conj.)44 8 ymafael 345 ymaith 438, 451 yman 433 ymannos 436 ymarhous 36 yvribilio 27 ymchoelut 391 ymchwelut 391 ymdaith 49 ymdesach 389 ymdrech 263 ymddifad 16 ymddifedi 231 ymddiried 390 ymddiriedaf 381 ymddug 370 ymddwyn 22, 370 ymddygaf37o ymeveil 345 ymennydd 269 ymenyn 131, 221 ymgaffwyf 328 ymgudd 49 ymgynnull 263 yngynullaw 30 ymhell 175, 438 ymhellach 175 ymhen 175 ymherawdr 16, 169, 189, 200, 232-3 ymhlegid 418 ymhlith 175, 416 ymhoeles 325 ymladd 50, 263, 394 ymlâdd 50, 161, 394 ymlaen 61, 175, 418, 438-9 ymlid 391 ymlwybran 392 ymochel 141 ymogelut 391 ymoglyt 391 ymolchi 263 ymor-alw, -ol 51, 53 imparthred 416 ymron 175, 419 ymwan 73 ymwaredit 319 ymwêl 49 ymy 407 ymyl 159 ymysg 175, 4*7 ymysgaroedd 222 y mywn 416 yn 'in' 56, 118, I 7i-5> I 9 I >398, 401-2, -4 yn ' our' 56, 118, 274-5 yn (adv.) 431 yna 113, 176, 431-2 ynachaf 451 ynad 78, 177 ynaeth 431-2 yn anad 41 1-2 yn awr 193, 436 yn bell 439 yn chwaethach 29» 439 yndo 402, -4 yn dda 438 ynddo 402 yn ddrwg 438 y neb 288, 313 yn erbyn 414 yn ethryb 417 yn herwydd 414 yn hytrach 439 yn iach 451 yniver 25 yn 11a wen 451 yn llwrw 415 ynnill 16 yno 277, 431-2 ynoeth 431-2 yn ol 417, 438 yn rhodd 451 ŷnt 67, 334, 346, 349 yntau 188, 272-4 yntau (conj.) 273, 448 yn well 438 yn wysg 417 yny 446 ynyd 16 ynys 225 yr, see y yr (prep.) 401-2, 405 yr awr- on, -an 297? 436 yrch 40, 196 y rhai 288, 300-1 yrhawg 61, 431 yrwng 61, 402-3 yr hwn 288, 297- 298 yrydaw 402-3 y rhy w 303-4 yr llynedd 179, 181, 437 yr owan 297 yr un 288, 300-1 ys 'is' 87, 119, 271, 334 ys (prep.) 411 ŷs ' eats ' 79, 87 y sawl 288, 310 ysbaid 90 ysbail 91, 103, 162 ysbardun 397 ysbeiliaf 38, 39 ysbeilio 27 ysbryd 49, 185, 218 ysbwng 86 ysbydclad 99, 143 yscawl 95 Iscolan 26 yscrid 266 ysgafn no, 159, 180 ysgafnllef 261 ysgall 218, 228 ysgar 141, 159 ysgaraf 155 ysgatfydd 184, 440 ysgaw 94 isgaud 141 ysgelerder 53 ysg'ien 141 ysglyfaeth 141, 159 ysglyfio 159 ysglyfyeit 390 ysgoewan 141 ysgogi 141 ysgogyn 229 ysgol 26, 49, 95, 201. 215 ysgol ' ladder ' 95) 201 ysgolhaig 50, 188 ysgrafell 141 ysgrech 49, 156 yrgrifen 27, 86 ysgrifennwyd 71 ysgrifenwyr 71 ysgrîn 26, 49 ysgrubliaid 209 ysgrythur 13, 120, 132 ysgubor 14, 20, 27 ysgw'ier 208 ysgwîr 440, 452 ysgwyd 49, 390 ysgwyd l shield ' 141 ysgwydawr 210 ysgy faint 159, 202 ysgyfarnog 207, 222 ysgyg in ysgytw-aw, -eit 390 ysiga 322 ysp-, see ysb- yspar 143 Yspayn 31 yssit 346, 350 yssydynt 348 yssyd 346, 350 ystarn 138 ystlys 140 ystopyawö 385 ystôr 49 ystorm 203 Istrat 26 ystrad 49, 82, 140 y strew 140 ystryd 49 ystryw 112 ystudyaio 39 ystwyrian 392 ystyn 16 ystyr, -iaf 38, 91, 162 ystyriaid 33, 390 ystyryem 339 ystyryych 40 II. OLD WELSH 477 yswaetheroedd 440 ysywaeth 440, 452 yta 383 ytwyf 346, yth 279 yw ' to his' 114, 277 yw 'is' 112, 112, i88, 334, 346, 349 lorth 61, 420 II. OLD WELSH In the order of the Latin alphabet. ^TINET BRONN- BREITHET 20Ó AMCIBRET 148 ANIT 424 ANTERMETETIC 1 87 ANIT 8l, 149, 160, 187, 202 ANUTON-AU, -OU 32 ATAR 74 Bancor 23, 191 BE-HET, -HEIT, -HIT 415 BET 415 BICHAN 24, 74, 156 BICHET 415 BIHIT 415 BIT 157 Bledcuurit 180 Bricheniauc 92 brouannou 95, I70 Carlegion 191 CARRECC 20 CATTEIRAUL 20 CEHIT 415 ceintiru io9 cenitolaidou 1 7 centh(i)liat 17 cephitor 334, 344 CIHIT-AN, -UN 415 CIMADAS l6 CTPHILLION 23 CISEMIC 257 CLORIOU 27, 199 CREATICAUL 20 CRUITR 17 CRUNN- 170 CUINHAUNT 323 DAIR IOO DAMCIRCHINNUOU 27 DATL 17 DI 87, 267, 407 DICONES 325, 375 DIFICIUOU 27, I99 DIGUOLOUICHETIC 32 DlNOOT 14, 94, I 9 I DIR 192 DISCL 17 DLUITHRUIM 25 DOU 258 DOUDEC 258 DRISSI 26 DUMNAGITAL 190 DuMNGUAL I90 EINEPP 154 ENMEITUOU 136, I99 FINN 23 27, GAEM IOO GILBIN 21 grephiou 23 Griphiud 23, 40 GrRIP(p)lUD 23 GWEITHGNO IO7 GUETIG 433 GUINLANN 73-4 GUIRDGLAS 21 GuipNO 107 GUOILAUT II4 GUOLLEUNI 40 GUOLLUNG 25 GUORAUT 37O GUORIT 370 GUOTAN 399 GUOTIG 92, 433 GUOUN 69, 95 GURT 24, 406 GUTAN 399 HA, HAC 187 H ANTHER 170 HEITHAM 21, 1 87 HELCHA 387 HELGHATI 387 HENOID I40 HEPP 20, 377 HESTORIOU 27, I99 HINHAM 247 HONIT 442 HUI 29 IAR 27 IBEN 323, 333 IGRIDU 405 ir 'the' 192 ITHR 150, 4II IlTDHAIL 32, 40 Itjdnoe 107 lUDNOU I08, II4 IURGCHELL 24 LEILL 25 LENN 25 MMNINT 323 LITAN 73 LOGGOU I98 MAUT 163 MELLHIONOU 27 MEPION 92 Meriaun 92 MOLIM l8o MORGEN 27 MORGETIUD 40 MORLIAUS 254 MORTRTJ 253 NAMMUI 442 NERTHEINT 163, 323 NERTHITI 319 NI CHOILAM 319 NIMER 21 NOU I92, 284 NOUNI 284 oisou 204 OR I92 ORD 152 PADIU 293 PAPEDPINNAC 24, 290 PAPEj) 24, 290 PETGUAR 28, 188 petguared 258 pimp 86, 112,125, 258 PIMPHET 170, 258 POULLORAUR I09 PRIMTER 77 PRINIT 322, 332 RACDAM 40I REATIR 17 RETEC 334 RIT 76 SCAMNHEGINT 1 63, 323 SCIPAUR 14, 20,26 SCRIBENN 26, 74, I70 SCRIBL 17 Strat 26 STROTUR 26 tantou 170 TONNOU 199 uncenetticion 23 Urbgen 27, 154 OXFORD : HORACE HART M.A. PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY up- I fau (^ $s, C^A. ^^^ u^^^ r r ûT/C (&sC£ 4*j\aj~*^ ^xaJLa. -faJLâUL* 4*Ay- i **^ Jt w * QaJU) r a- ■ to %AjJUZ&~- •h&êüi iJUt ~4 &Z-.