f73.:i^&l Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/orationamericansOOgall HON. DANIEL J. GALLAGHER. ORATOR OF THE DAY. ORATION Americans Welded by War BY HON. DANIEL J. GALLAGHER DELIVERED BEFORE THE CITY GOVERNMENT AND CITIZENS OF BOSTON IN FANEUIL HALL, ON THE ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY-FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE OF THESE UNITED STATES, JULY 4, 191? CITY OF BOSTON PRINTING DEPARTMENT ^^^^-^ AMEEICANS WELDED BY WAR. FOURTH OF July Oration, 1917. By Hon. Daniel J. Gallagher. Mr. Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen: One hundred and forty-one years ago today the Con- tinental Congress, by unanimous vote, adopted the Declaration of Independence. The patriots who signed that immortal document described themselves as ''the Representatives of the United States of America" and solemnly declared that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved. It is to commemorate this momentous event, and to contemplate the results which it has produced, that we assemble here today in accordance with time-honored custom. In other days the triumph of our Nation's experi- ment, the wondrous benefits it has wrought, and the still more glorious altitudes of civic excellence to which it was destined to ascend, have been the buoyant theme of the day's oration. Today the sombre side of the silver-lined cloud is exposed. Our exultant anthem carries an undertone. Our cheers for the radiant symbol of our liberty are all 4 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. but drowned in the agonizing shrieks of a world at war. While we celebrate the total dissolution of all political connection with Great Britain, we are her ally and she is ours. Blessing the day in which we were delivered from her dominion, we find ourselves fighting by her side to save her from destruction. Thus has romance been transmuted into history. Thus has the gospel of Ameri- canism, read to us by this ardent patriot-boy, ennobled the people in whose name and for whose guidance it was penned by the "Representatives of the United States of America." For we are fighting, not for empire, nor booty, nor spoils, but for a cause which finds its sanction in the hearts of free men everywhere — yea, in the law of God himself, who commanded "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." Our cause has been aptly epitomized by that pure patriot who, in the providence of the Most High, now administers this republic, when he declared our sole purpose "to make the world safe for democracy." The stupendous sacrifice of blood and gold and life itself, which we have undertaken, intoxicates the imagination to the verge of madness. So terrible is the gruesome prospect that some are shocked into violent vocal antag- onism to our participation in the great world war. These good people would persuade us of what they are pleased to call the folly of our engagement in a quarrel not our own for the benefit of alien peoples. The weakness of their protest is that it ignores the debt our country owes to alien peoples. In the establishment of our government, and the development of our civiliza- tion, we have been from the beginning alien all. FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 5 For three hundred years before the Declaration of Independence there were elements of population upon American soil which on this day of days it will prove interesting to review. French, Spanish and English occupied the eastern sea coast. The Spaniards had Florida, Louisiana and what was called California. The western country was opened up by the great French Jesuits, Father Marquette and Father Joliet, who discovered the Mississippi, La Salle and his successors. The Spaniards founded St. Augustine, Fla., in 1565. Walter Raleigh established an English settlement in Virginia in 1607, and a few years later a party consisting of thirty Dutch families from Holland settled in New York. Thirteen years later, in 1620, the Puritan Pilgrims came to Plymouth. In 1638 came a Swedish colony which settled in New Castle, Del. In 1643 the Jesuit martyr, Father Jogues, reported that he found eighteen languages spoken in the streets of New York. Emigrants from Alsace, Switzerland and other prin- cipaUties came at the rate of 12,000 yearly. Twenty- five years before the Revolution there were 100,000 Frenchmen and their descendants between the St. Lawrence and New Orleans, not including a very large number of French scattered through the thirteen colonies. New Hampshire and southern Pennsylvania had thousands of emigrants from the north of Ireland. They were the pioneers in West Virginia and the Carolinas. 6 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. In early colonial times Irishmen by the shipload were exiled to Virginia and Bermuda. There was also the Welsh, a Gaelic strain, the parent stock of seventeen signers of the Declaration of Independ- ence. Scotchmen were found in every English colony and the Jews from Portugal had their settlement in Rhode Island. It was this blended population which for three centuries prepared American soil for the seed of human liberty — Frenchmen, Englishmen, Welsh- men, Irishmen, Spaniards, Swedes, Italians, Dutchmen, Jew and Gentile. Now that lust of empire is assailing the kindred of our pioneers and threatening slaughter, rape and ruin where they have not yet been accomplished, of course America rushes to the aid of these afflicted nations, and, by anticipating, prevents attack upon her own hberties, which in the logic of events is bound to be attempted. Let no one despair of the republic because we are at war. Despite its horrors, even war has its compensa- tions. War quickens into eager action that amor patrice, that love of country which is so often forgotten, if it is not violated in times of peace. War, or rather that sense of duty which war alone evokes, exalts the man and woman to heights of virtue for which humanity is slow to strive when peace, with its resultant indolence, reigns in the land. The armored patriot faces death with a courage which nothing can dismay when his comrades are dying all around him in defence of his country. War in a holy cause facilitates the sacrifice of all that life holds precious. The bride of a day speeds the parting of her soldier husband when his country FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 7 calls him, perhaps never to return. The mother with trembling fingers buckles on the armor of her beloved boy and bids him go. What though her heart should break? Country calls. Duty answers. If the wife only could go with her man, if the mother only could go with her boy! Ah! then would her lot be easier to bear! The seed of patriotism is in the heart of woman. Love of country is the offshoot of mother love, and both have their roots in love of God. Nothing but war can so exalt the father of a family that he will turn his back on wife and children to court the peril of death. War, despite its savage horror, yet lifts mankind above itself; and though on the one hand it debases and brutalizes, it yet elicits self-denial, humility and other virtues, to which humanity must needs be compelled occasionally for its own good. Our national life had its beginning in the throes of a bitter struggle. We have encountered and survived six wars and find ourselves now in a war which in point of refined barbarity exceeds everything in the experi- ence of mankind. Whether we or our allies by our misconduct have invited this dreadful holocaust which threatens to destroy the world, no man dare say. But wise men here and there are making suggestions, some of which we may profitably consider, after the manner of the ancient Romans, who were wont to take counsel together lest any harm should come to the republic. One of these, by name Rabindranath Tagore, an Indian poet, has been visiting the western world since the war began. A few years ago he was awarded the 8 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. Nobel prize for literature. In a recent number of the ''Atlantic Monthly" this Oriental poet contributed an article, giving his impressions of the awful cataclysm. He argues that this war proves to the world that Europe owes all her greatness in humanity to that period of discipline, the discipline of the man in his human integrity, which was as Doctor Walsh points out, in an April number of ''America," an important feature of life during the time so often contemp- tuously referred to as the Middle Ages. Tagore says: In your medieval age in Europe the simple and the natural man, with all his violent passions and desires, was engaged in trying to find a reconciliation in the conflict between the flesh and the spirit. All through the turbulent career of her vigorous youth, the temporal and the spiritual forces both acted strongly upon her nature, and were molding it into completeness of moral personality. He deprecates unsparingly the barbaric theory on which small defenceless nations have been oppressed by larger nations. He asks why a nation must organize and mobilize all its resources to make ready to meet the aggression of a stronger yet civilized nation. He writes: But you say: "That does not matter. The unfit must go to the wall, — they shall die; and this is science." Now, for the sake of your own salvation I say, they shall live; and this is truth. It is extremely bold of me to say so, but I assert that FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 9 man's world is a moral world, not because we blindly agree to believe it, but because it is so in truth, which would be dangerous for us to ignore. And this moral nature of man cannot be divided into convenient compartments for its preservation. You cannot accept it for home consumption and ignore it abroad. Without mentioning Christianity, he makes it clear that the present crisis was caused by neglect of moral forces which in the last analysis depend upon Chris- tianity. He condemns the hoarding of wealth which is now feeding the furnace of war. He has something quite disconcerting to say to those who have affected to see in great wealth a special blessing of Providence, and who are prone to gauge the greatness of a nation by its material possessions. Here it is: Has not this truth already come home to you now, when this cruel war has driven its claws into the vitals of Europe, when her hoard of wealth is bursting into smoke, and her humanity is shattered into bits on her battlefields? You ask in amazement what she has done to deserve this? The answer is that the West has been systematically petrifying her moral nature in order to lay a solid foundation for her gigantic abstractions of efficiency. She has all along been starving the life of the personal man into that of the professional. Of the disharmony between man's body and soul, he writes as follows: Of this present disharmony in man's nature, the West seems to have been blissfully unconscious. The enormity of its material success has diverted all its attention toward self-con- 10 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. gratulation on its bulk. The optimism of its logic goes on, basing the calculations of its good fortune upon the indefinite prolongation of its railway lines toward eternity. It is super- ficial enough to think that all tomorrows are merely todays with the repeated additions of twenty-four hours. It has no fear of the chasm which is opening wider every day between man's overgrowing storehouses and the emptiness of his hungry humanity. Do not these observations of the Oriental scholar make clear the age-old raaxim 'Hhat man does not live by bread alone." Our own Lincoln, whose habit of meditation se- questered him from the chicane of his contemporaries, said during the Civil War: Perhaps in the order of Providence this great war will not end until for every drop of negro blood shed by the lash a drop of free white blood shall be shed in compensation. Our American society had for generations not only tolerated but maintained a vicious industrial system which in the mind of the great Emancipator had to be atoned for that justice might be vindicated. Does outraged morality the world over now require another vindication; and is this war the means by which that vindication is^to be procured? Does the world need precisely the rigorous discipline of this war to bring it once more body and soul and intellect under due sub- jection to its Maker? In proclaiming a National Fast Day in 1863, Lincoln rebuked the nation in a vein very similar to that in which the Oriental, Tagore, has criticised European FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. H civilization. After suggesting that the awful calamity of Civil War then desolating the land might be but a punishment inflicted upon us for our pre- sumptuous sins, to the needful end of our national reformation as a whole people, he proceeds as follows: "We have been the recipients of the choicest bounties of heaven. We have been preserved these many years in peace and prosperity. We have grown in numbers, wealth and power as no other nation has ever grown; but we have for- gotten God. We have forgotten the gracious hand which preserved us in peace and multiplied and enriched and strength- ened us; and we have vainly imagined in the deceitfulness of our hearts that all these blessings were produced by some superior wisdom and virtue of our own. Intoxicated with unbroken success, we have become too self-sufficient to feel the necessity of redeeming and preserving grace, too proud to pray to the God that made us." These are the words of a statesman, not a preacher. They were written by a temporal ruler in an effort to awaken the conscience of his fellow-citizens to a sense of their spiritual duty. Have we in our day, like our fathers, come to believe that the blessings of the last half-century were produced by "some superior wisdom or virtue of our own"? We have abolished the holiday which Lincoln pro- claimed in that stirring message, and in its stead we have established another which we devote chiefly to games, sport and play. Have we, like our European cousins, made the facilis 12 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. descensus to gross materialism and utilitarianism? Whatever be the cause of this war, the lesson of the day — this Independence Day — is plain and our duty as Americans equally so. Let me in stating that duty substitute for my own poor words those of a distin- guished Boston citizen, whose wisdom and patriotism no one questions, his Eminence Cardinal O'Connell: "The civil authority of our nation by a perfectly legitimate act of authority declared us at war — that means that every citizen of America, bowing to that sense of obligation which he assumes as a citizen, must do his fullest conscientious duty toward his country and for her defence. "The manner and place by which that duty is to be accom- plished is for our legitimate government to decide. Our simple and sacred duty is obedience to that authority. The one thing now that is necessary and the only thing that will stand firmly through all the varying vicissitudes now before us will be this principle — our country is at war — and we are bound before God to render it our fullest service. Hate no one. Despise no one. The nation that enters war for hatred's sake has already lost even before she fights her first battle." The obstacles which stand between us and victory are no greater or graver than those which beset the colonies. There were in the colonial days those who did not sympathize with the colonial cause, who pre- ferred peace to independence. Twelve hundred such persons departed with General Gage when his troops evacuated this city. They took up their home in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Loyalists to the number of twelve thousand left New York about the same time for the same reason. We are told that now there are FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 13 some who find themselves unable to concur with our government; in fact they oppose the policy of our government in its crisis as openly as they dare. To such persons I would make a suggestion in keep- ing with their pacific proclivities. The time has come for another evacuation of Boston. There is no room here for anyone who is not willing to give the fullest measure of his support to the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, to the navy, and the army of which he is the commander-in-chief, and to the flag of our country wherever it flies. The patriots of the Revolu- tion met all the discouragements and difficulties which confront us now. And their victories were achieved in spite of hindrances and obstacles in nowise different from those with which our country is now contending. Have we organizations of business men contriving to inflate the price of the necessaries of life? If so, history is merely repeating itself. For Washington often com- plained of those citizens who combined to corner food- stuffs and demand high prices. Men became wealthy on the supply contracts of a single campaign. More than one huge American fortune had its foundation in this detestable species of plunder. Provisions were charged for time after time, and in many instances never delivered. Many times the goods supplied were inferior to those for which the contract called. Counter- feit money and forged documents were frequently the implements by which designing men imposed upon the colonies. Washington wrote to Joseph Reed that ''Speculation, peculation and insatiable thirst for riches seem to have 14 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. gotten the better of every other consideration, and almost every order of men and party disputes and personal quarrels are the greatest business of the day." Do we hear now that exemption boards and surgeons are being approached by agents of those who would evade their military duty? If so, there is nothing new in the scheme. For Washington had occasion also to complain that army surgeons entertained sham com- plaints, taking bribes from the men for procuring their release from different kinds of service. Many privates served only for the bounty; many demanded double bounties; some deserted to re-enlist, and thus secure a second bounty. These instances may be recalled, not to disparage the men who won our liberties for us, but rather for the purpose of more adequately appraising the service of the Revolutionary heroes who, in spite of these ebullitions of greed, selfishness and depravity which surrounded them, were able, nevertheless, to maintain the standard of honor which must have pre- dominated in the colonies. It will be helpful for us also to realize that noble, generous service to the country, the part of true patri- otism, is no more difficult than in the days of the Revolution, when Frankhn, Robert Morris, Joseph Reed, the Adamses and the CarroUs, although not on the firing line, won and deserved renown equal to that of the bravest soldiers. Although in all human affairs defections from honor and rectitude are inevitable, it is nevertheless the duty of the hour to aim at eradicating every influence which tends to weaken Americanism as a principle. FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 15 In recent years we have seen the baneful power of sectarianism and religious bigotry asserting itself in legislatures, at the polls, in industry and commerce, in the schools, in the courts, in the Press, in the jury box, and sometimes — God save the mark — in pulpits. Nothing could be more repugnant to the spirit of Americanism than this antagonism which springs from racial and religious prejudice. Nothing so embitters life, both public and private, as the consciousness that our neighbors distrust or despise us because of our race or religion. Nothing can be more subversive of the American ideal of equality than to consider at all the religion of our neighbor in our intercourse with him as a citizen. The bigot is a public nuisance and should be treated as such. The man who for political gain stirs up religious prejudice is a traitor to his country and deserves the penalty of treason. What we want in these United States, now more than ever, is a united people, mutually respectful of one another's rights, liberties and beliefs. An enlightened, upright citizenship will be quick to crush any sentiment or propaganda which tends to divide us. We never should disagree on personal rights, and now particularly, when we are drawing the line of battle to defend the principle of equality of all men, which is at once the distinctive feature of our government and the basic principle of true religion. We need today more than ever to take a new inven- tory of our national stock, to direct our daily lives in broader, deeper channels of association. We sorely 16 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. need to learn that regardless of where we first saw the light, or what blood runs in our veins, whether our ancestors were of Puritan stock, or Spanish, or French, or Teuton, or Slav, or Kelt, we must wherever we meet recognize and salute one another frankly and cordially as straight, unqualified fellow Americans. When we have done with our silly notions of racial superiority, we shall have heard the last of the hyphens and the accursed caste which it has been used to denote. It is significant of the extent to which we have, as a people, deviated from the ideal of our political system to find among foreigners, as we sometimes do, a livelier, purer concept of our institutions than exists in our own intercourse with one another. Rabbi Wise of New York used to tell a wonderful story of a group of political prisoners held in dungeon cells in St. Petersburg awaiting transport to Siberia. There were among them men of culture and scholarship who had studied civics, pohtical history and constitu- tional government. It was the morning of July 4, 1876, and someone remembered that it was the centennial anniversary of the American Declaration of Independ- ence. Quickly the shirts of the men were torn up and other articles of clothing also, and the women of the band crudely but fondly stitched together these shreds and strips, thus devising as best they might a replica of that beauteous emblem of liberty which at that very hour floated over the exposition grounds of Phila- delphia. And from the barred window of their dungeon they flung it out boldly to salute the breezes of St. Petersburg. FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. 17 No one in that band of Russian exiles ever saw the United States, nor could hope ever to come within the protection of that flag, the meaning of which they knew so well. But never did Old Glory fly in more sublime defiance of tyranny — never did it more nobly express the spirit of true Americanism than did that rude banner, fashioned by the hands of these unhappy convicts in their Russian dungeon. Yet there can be found here today many Americans who hold aloof from the kindred of these exiles, and some who would by law exclude from our shores the race from which they sprang. The roster of our conscript army, when finally made up, will silence decisively the agitation for restricted emigration. "To the making of heroes like these, perforce. Humanity's federate blood strains have gone; But, Keltic, or Saxon, Teuton or Norse, Latin or Slav, they are Yankees of course, For freedom has fused them in one," It is written that Hannibal, while yet a lad, was brought by his father, Hamilcar, to the temple of the gods, and there in the solemn presence of the deities was sworn to vengeance on the enemies of his race. It was a pagan lesson in patriotism; but in essence and effect it was a father's appeal to his boy to so live that his posterity might be stronger and better. Such is the admonition that every father would burn into the con- science of his offspring. 18 FOURTH OF JULY ORATION. "With malice for none," but with charity for all, let us at this hallowed shrine of human liberty consecrate ourselves and our sons to deathless devotion to our beloved country, and, if necessary, to eternal warfare for its defence and preservation. A LIST BOSTON MUNICIPAL ORATORS. By C. W. ERNST. BOSTON ORATORS Appointed by the Municipal Authorities. For the Anniversary of the Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770. Note. — The Fifth of March orations were published in handsome quarto editions, now very scarce; also collected in book form in 1785 and again in 1807. The oration of 1776 was delivered in Watertown. 1771. — Lovell, James, 1772. — Warren, Joseph.^ 1773. — Church, Benjamin.^ 1774. — Hancock, John.*^ 1775. — Warren, Joseph. 1776. — Thacher, Peter. 1777. — HiCHBORN, Benjamin. 1778. — Austin, Jonathan Williams. 1779. — Tudor, William. 1780. — Mason, Jonathan, Jun. 1781. — Dawes, Thomas, Jun. 1782. — Minot, George Richards. 1783. — Welsh, Thomas. For the Anniversary of National Independence, July 4} 1776. Note. — A collected edition, or a full collection, of these orations has not been made. For the names of the orators, as officially printed on the title pages of the orations, see the Municipal Register of 1890. 1783. — Warren, John.^ 1784. — HiCHBORN, Benjamin. 1785. — Gardner, John. a Reprinted in Newport, R. I., 1774, 8vo., 19 pp. b A third edition was pubUshed in 1773. 1 Reprinted in Warren's Life. The orations of 1783 to 1786 were published in large quarto; the oration of 1787 appeared in octavo; the oration of 1788 was printed in small quarto ; all succeeding orations appeared in octavo, with the exceptions stated under 1863 and 1876. 22 APPENDIX. 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 Austin, Jonathan Loeing. Dawes, Thomas, Jun. Otis, Harrison Gray. Stillman, Samuel. Gray, Edward. Crafts, Thomas, Jun. Blake, Joseph, Jun.^ Adams, John Quincy.^ Phillips, John. Blake, George. Lathrop, John, Jun. Callender, John, quincy, josiah.2'3 Lowell, John, Jun.^ Hall, Joseph. Paine, Charles. Emerson, William. Sullivan, William. Danforth, Thomas.2 Button, Warren. Channing, Francis Dana.^ Thacher, Peter.2' 5 Ritchie, Andrew, Jun.^ Tudor, William, Jun.^ Townsend, Alexander. Savage, James.^ Pollard, Benjamin.^ Livermore, Edward St. Loe. 2 Passed to a second edition. 3 Delivered another oration in 1826. Quincy's oration of 1798 was reprinted, also, in Philadelphia. « Not printed. B On'February 26, 1811, Peter Thacher's name was changed to Peter Oxenbridge Thacher. (List of Persons whose Names have been Changed in Massachusetts, 1780-1892, p. 21.) APPENDIX. 23 1814. — Whitwell, Benjamin. 1815. — Shaw, Lemuel. 1816. — Sullivan, George.^ 1817. — Channing, Edward Tyrrel. 1818. — Gray, Francis Galley. 1819. — Dexter, Franklin. 1820. — Lyman, Theodore, Jun. 1821. — LoRiNG, Charles Greely.^ 1822. — Gray, John Chipman. 1823. — Curtis, Charles Pelham.^ 1824. — Bassett, Francis. 1825. — Sprague, Charles.^ 1826. — quincy, josiah.^ 1827. — Mason, William Powell. 1828. — Sumner, Bradford. 1829. — Austin, James Trecothick. 1830. — Everett, Alexander Hill. 1831. — Palfrey, John Gorham. 1832. — QuiNCY, Josiah, Jun. 1833. — Prescott, Edward Goldsborough. 1834. — Fay, Richard Sullivan. 1835. — HiLLARD, George Stillman. 1836. — Kinsman, Henry Willis. 1837. — Chapman, Jonathan. 1838. — Winslow, Hubbard. " The Means of the Per- petuity and Prosperity of our Republic." 1839. — Austin, Ivers James. 1840. — Power, Thomas. 1841. — Curtis, George Ticknor.^ "The True Uses of American Revolutionary History."^ 1842. — Mann, Horace.^ 8 Six editions up to 1831. Reprinted also in his Life and Letters. ' Reprinted in his Municipal History of Boston. See 1798. 8 Delivered another oration in 1862. 9 There are five or more editions; only one by the City. 24 APPENDIX. 1843. — Adams, Charles Francis. 1844. — Chandler, Peleg Whitman. "The Morals of Freedom." 1845. — Sumner, Charles.^" "The True Grandeur of Nations." 1846. — Webster, Fletcher. 1847. — Cary, Thomas Greaves. 1848. — Giles, Joel. "Practical Liberty." 1849. — Greenough, William Whitwell. " The Con- quering Republic." 1850. — Whipple, Edwin Percy.^^ "Washington and the Principles of the Revolution." 1851. — Russell, Charles Theodore. 1852. — King, Thomas Starr.^ "The Organization of Liberty on the Western Continent. "^^ 1853. — Bigelow, Timothy.^3 1854. — Stone, Andrew Leete.^ " The Struggles of American History." 1855. — Miner, Alonzo Ames. 1856. — Parker, Edward Griffin. "The Lesson of 76 to the Men of '56." 1857. — Alger, William Rounseville.^* " The Genius and Posture of America." 1858. — Holmes, John Somers.^ 1859. — Sumner, Georgb.^^ 1860. — Everett, Edward. 1861. — Parsons, Theophilus. 1862. — Curtis, George Ticknor.^ 1863. — Holmes, Oliver Wendell. ^^ 1864. — Russell, Thomas. 10 Passed tlirough three editions in Boston and one in London, and was answered in a pamphlet, Remarks upon an Oration delivered by Charles Sumner .... July 4th, 1845. By a Citizen of Boston. See Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, by Edward L. Pierce, vol. ii. 337-384. 11 There is a second edition. (Boston: Ticknor, Reed & Fields. 1850. 49 pp. 12°.) 12 First published by the City in 1892. 1' This and a number of the succeeding orations, up to 1861, contain the speeches, toasts, etc., of the City dinner usually given in Faneuil Hall on the Fourth of July. APPENDIX. 25 1865. — Manning, Jacob Merrill. "Peace under Liberty. "2 1866. — LoTHROP, Samuel Kirkland. 1867. — Hepworth, George Hughes. 1868. — Eliot, Samuel. ''The Functions of a City." 1869. — Morton, Ellis Wesley. 1870. — Everett, William. 1871. — Sargent, Horace Binney. 1872. — Adams, Charles Francis, Jun. 1873. — Ware, John Fothergill Waterhouse. 1874. — Frothingham, Richard. 1875. — Clarke, James Freeman. "Worth of Repub- lican Institutions." 1876. — Winthrop, Robert Charles. ^^ 1877. — Warren, William Wirt. 1878. — Healy, Joseph. 1879. — Lodge, Henry Cabot. 1880. — Smith, Robert Dickson.^^ 1881. — Warren, George Washington. "Our Re- pubhc — Liberty and Equahty Founded on Law." 1882. — Long, John Davis. 1883. — Carpenter, Henry Bernard. "American Character and Influence." 1884. — Shepard, Harvey Newton. 1885. — Gargan, Thomas John. w Probably four editions were printed in 1857. (Boston: Office Boston Daily Bee, 60 pp.) Not until November 22, 1864, was Mr. Alger asked by the City to furnish a copy for publication. He granted the request, and the first official edition (J. E. Far- well & Co., 1864, 53 pp.) was then issued. It lacks the interesting preface and appendix of the early editions. IB There is another edition. (Boston: Ticknor & Fields, 1859, 69 pp.) A third (Boston: Rockwell & Churchill, 1882, 46 pp.) omits the dinner at Faneml Hall, the correspondence and events of the celebration. 16 There is a preliminary edition of twelve copies. (J. E. Farwell & Co., 1863. (7); 71 pp.) It is "the first draft of the author's address, turned into larger, legible type, for the sole purpose of rendering easier its public delivery." It was done by "the liberality of the City Authorities," and is, typographically, the handsomest of these orations. This resulted in the large-paper 75-page edition, printed from the same type as the 71-page edition, but modified by the author. It is printed "by order of the Common Council." The regular edition is in 60 pp., octavo size. 26 APPENDIX. 1886. — Williams, George Frederick. 1887. — Fitzgerald, John Edward, 1888. — DiLLAWAY, William Edward Lovell. 1889. — Swift, John Lindsay.^^ "The American Citi- zen." 1890. — PiLLSBURY, Albert Enoch. "Public Spirit." 1891. — QuiNCY, JosiAH.20 " The Coming Peace." 1892. — Murphy, John Robert. 1893. — Putnam, Henry Ware. "The Mission of Our People." 1894. — O'Neil, Joseph Henry. 1895. — Berle, Adolph Augustus. "The Constitu- tion and the Citizens." 1896. — Fitzgerald, John Francis. 1897. — Hale, Edward Everett, "The Contribu- tion of Boston to American Independence." 1898. — O'Callaghan, Rev, Denis, 1899. — Matthews, Nathan, Jr. "Be Not Afraid of Greatness." 1900. — O'Meara, Stephen, "Progress Through Con- flict," 1901. — Guild, Curtis, Jr, "Supremacy and its Con- ditions." 1902. — CoNRY, Joseph A. 1903, — Mead, Edwin D, "The Principles of the Founders." 1904. — Sullivan, John A, "Boston's Past and Pres- ent. What Will Its Future Be?" 1' There is a large paper edition of fifty copies printed from this type, and also an edition from the press of John Wilson & Son, 1876. 55 pp. 8°. 18 On Samuel Adams, a statue of whom, by Miss Anne Whitney, had just been completed for the City. A photograph of the statue is added. w Contains a bibliography of Boston Fourth of July orations, from 1783 to 1889, inclusive, compiled by Lindsay Swift, of the Boston Public Library. 20 Reprinted by the American Peace Society. APPENDIX. 27 1905. — Colt, Le Baron Bradford. "America's Solution of the Problem of Government." 1906. — CoAKLEY, Timothy Wilfred. "The American Race: Its Origin, the Fusion of Peoples; Its Aim, Fraternity." 1907. — HoRTON, Rev. Edward A. "Patriotism and the Republic." 1908. — Hill, Arthur Dehon. "The Revolution and a Problem of the Present." 1909. — Spring, Arthur Langdon. "The Growth of Patriotism." 1910. — Wolff, James Harris. "The Building of the Republic." 1911. — Eliot, Charles W. "The Independence of 1776 and the Dependence of 1911." 1912. — Pelletier, Joseph C. " Respect for the Law." 1913. — MacFarland, Grenville S. "A New Decla- ration of Independence." 1914. — Supple, Rev. James A. "Religion: The Hope of the Nation." 1915. — Brandeis, Louis D. "True Americanism." 1916. — Chapple, Joe Mitchell. "The New Ameri- canism." 1917. — Gallagher, Daniel J. "Americans Welded by War." BOSTON COLLEGE nil 3 9031 01118012 2 '^iili*-^ mmm ^)^i^.-'M^ m