EXERCISES FOR TRANSLATION INTO LATIN FIFTH REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION BY JAMES A. KOCKLIFF, S.J. OAMI81US COLLEGE, BUFFALO, N. T. COLLEGE LI BRA RE oelsout il ITT T » QQ . tr\ 3Frrbfrirk fJuatet & do. Printers to the Holy Apostolic See and the Sacred Congregation of Rites RATISBON ROME NEW YORK CINCINNATI Copyright 1897 by E. Steinback, of the firm Fr. Pustet & Co. J O'NEILL LIBRARY BOSTON COLLEGE PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. The present edition of the Exercises was planned and partially prepared by the editor of the first edition, Rev. P. J. Miiller, S.J., before his lamented death, August 24, 1895. Whilst substantially identical with the first edition, it has been improved by various additions and corrections. To extend the usefulness of the work, collateral references to Yenni’s Latin Grammar (Y. Gr.) have been added. These references will be found side by side with those to Schultz’s Grammar (S. Gr.), the general references under the headings of each Section, the special references in the foot-notes. To facilitate the use, a table of contents and a complete index of proper names have been added. It is hoped that in their present shape the Exercises will prove a valuable aid to the study of the Latin language. The editor takes this occasion to acknowledge his indebted¬ ness for valuable suggestions, of which he has endeavored to avail himself to the utmost of his power. James A. Rockliff, S.J. Canibius College, Buffalo, N. Y., August 15, 1897 1 r* , Fut. Perf. 7 rhetorum scholae. 8 constituere. 9 1,000 sestertii = 1 sestertium, hence 100,000 sestertii = 100 sestertia. For 100 use Distribut. Num. 10 fiscus (= “imper . treas.”). ^salarium, or merces annua. u Fut. Perf. 134 Part I. 126. What the Heathens 1 Asked of their Gods, and How They Asked. The question has been proposed whether the Greeks and Romans and other nations prayed to their gods only for health and riches or for virtue, piety, and sanctity; whether they demanded blessings only for themselves or also for others. We learn from Herodotus what the Persians were allowed by law to ask for during their sacrifices. Tie relates 2 that they were forbidden to pray for their own personal wel¬ fare ; they could only ask for the welfare of all Persians, since therein 3 the welfare of each individual was included. It is likewise known how the Lacedaemonians besought the gods to grant them whatever was good and beautiful and to give them strength ( facultas ) to sutler injuries. What shall I say of Socrates ? The sophist Maximus, who lived 4 at the time of the emperor Commodus, tells us what Socrates continually asked of the gods, with how many prayers he begged them for virtue, for tranquillity of soul, for inno¬ cence of life, the happiness of a good death. Nor can we doubt as to Plato’s views, for he admonishes all men to be¬ seech the gods by sacrifices, by prayers and vows, to be al¬ lowed to live in continual communication 5 with them. From ancient writers we also learn how the Greeks began and ended their daily work, even their meals. It cannot be doubtful whether they were right or wrong in believing in many gods, as this is against reason, but the question can be justly asked whether we are worthy of the Christian name if we do not imitate them in praying 6 morning and evening before and after 7 meals. Many Romans believed that the gods knew best what is useful to us. u Leave it to the gods,’’ says Juvenal, “to decide what is most fitting and most useful for us in all our affairs.” And do you wish to know what qualities of prayer the ancients required in order to be heard by the gods? “The gods do not consider,” says Pliny, “ how studied 8 the prayers of their worshippers are, but of how great innocence and sanctity their life is.” The ancients were convinced that by the motion and attitude of Section XI. 135 his body a man who prays should manifest what was going on in his soul. 9 That was the reason why they lifted np their hands to heaven, why they fell on their knees, 10 why they kissed the images of the gods. This was also the reason why when after his fourfold triumph Julius Caesar was on the point of offering up his thanksgivings 11 to the Capitoline Jupiter he ascended, as Dio Cassius relates, 2 on his knees 12 the single steps to the Capitol. Can, then, any doubt re¬ main whether it is a disgrace or an honor for a Christian to bend his knees before Him 13 who is the only true God \ No, we must consider him a fool who deliberates whether he should do so much honor to God or not. No. 126. 1 qui verae religionis erant ignari, Transl. “ What and how,” etc., “ asked” (Per/. Subj.). 2 memoriae prodidit ( with Acc. c. Inf.). 3 by quippe qui. 4 florere. 5 communitas. Constr. after S. Gr. § 207. 1, and § 270. 1.— Y. Gr. §162. 2. ( see also §207. 1). 6 Deum precari. 1 either ante cenas et post cenas, or ante cenas et post eas ( less elegant ante et post cenas). See S. Gr. § 305. 3. Note. 8 accuratus. 9 animo agi- tari. 10 genibus niti. 11 gratiarum actionem adhibere alicui. 12 Ablat. instrum. 13 genua ponere alicui. SECTION XI. Use of the Imperative. (S. Gr. § 264-265.—Y. Gr. § 202-203.) % 127. A Father to His Son. 1 How we are 2 and what has occurred here you learn from your mother’s letter. Consider her admonitions carefully and follow them conscientiously. 3 The precepts of a good mother are generally more efficacious than the sayings of wise men. For you see that your mother confirms all her precepts by her own example, and, having been accustomed by her to obey, you have learned by experience not only 136 Part I. how sweet, but also how advantageous obedience 4 is. It is to be regretted 6 that the life of the so-called wise men con¬ trasts 6 too often with their own doctrines, so that one or the other could be advised, “ Do yourself what you deem to be so honest before you bid others do it.” But do not, there¬ fore, think that their precepts are esteemed little by me. You know, indeed, that I often use them both to encourage 7 myself and to instruct others. Believe me in this, also, that very many and the best of those wise men either owed the pith 8 of their wisdom to a mother, or at least wished to have received it through a mother’s instruction. 9 Therefore, do not scorn 10 the precepts of these men. I myself have added some precepts of this kind for your benefit. Listen to them and make good use of them. First of all 11 honor God and refer whatever happens to Him. This 13 has always been your mother’s first precept. About to begin 13 any difficult work, implore God’s help, in the firm conviction 14 that with¬ out it you can achieve nothing at all, and then proceed to your work. But as soon as you have commenced, persevere in the work with such zeal and confidence 16 as if you had to accomplish everything by yourself. No. 127. 1 ^ 86. 1. 2 valere. 3 religiosus. 4 obsequium, oboedien- tia. 5 dolendum est quod. 6 pugnare. 7 corroborare, confirmare. 8 by summus. 9 institutio. 10 se subtrahere alicui rei (“from”). n oruDium priraum, also ante omnia. 12 by ipse. 13 Periphr. Conjug. 14 itasen- tiens atque intelligens. 15 fiducia. 128. Chapter II. Whatever you consider of such importance as to feel obliged to do it, you must always deem important enough to be done well. Hence if you are about to pray, 1 pray well; if you read or write, read and write well; and act likewise in all other things. Be convinced that thus the single actions 3 will not only be performed in the best man¬ ner, but the mind strengthened 3 unto a manly firmness. Prepare 4 yourself to be more efficient 6 than others, but live as if all could do the same. Despise riches, but do not Section XI. 137 despise him who uses his riches well; for he is worthy of true honor. Take pains to acquire riches by honest labor in order to have the means of doing good. My son, do not despise little things; lie who has proved himself faithful and careful in small things will advance 6 to greater. Do not quarrel 7 with an irritable man ; for you will provoke his anger, but not arrive at the truth. Rejoice if your friend prospers, but do not rejoice if your enemy goes to ruin. 8 Do not wish to be considered mightier than others. Do not laugh at one who errs in his speech, for not even 9 you are master of your tongue 10 ; hence rather excuse him as much as you can, and say that he has only erred in speech, but had the truth in his mind. Have the truth always before your eyes. To be silent is often both useful and honest; but to depart from the truth is never honest, and therefore not useful. Associate with 11 wiser men, if they will permit you, and avoid fools. Do not irritate one who is more powerful; nor hurt one who is weaker, but protect him if he be hurt by others. Shun the wicked, for the familiarity 12 with them easily makes you worse ; but guard against offending the good. Know, my son, that the e-round 13 and foundation of all virtue is reverence towards o God and His commandments. These counsels, then, keep, and you will be happy. No. 128. 1 orare, with and without Deum. 2 singula quaeque. 3 corroborare. 4 comparare, instruere. 5 plus valere, or posse. 6 evehi. 7 disputare, certare. 8 occidere. 9 ne—quidem. 10 os. 11 applicare se, adjungere se. 12 consuetudo. 13 caput. 129. The Oldest Treaties and Written Laws of the Romans. Although Latin writers relate that before the first Punic war the Romans were very unskilled in naval affairs, yet it cannot be doubted that they had previously visited 1 many and distant seas. This becomes evident 2 chiefly from two treaties, made 3 by the Carthaginians with the Romans, for the sake of commerce, one about the year 509, the other about the year 348 before Christ. Amongst other things 138 Part I. the following had been stipulated 4 in these treaties : The Romans shall not sail beyond cape 6 Hermaeum, unless they are forced by storm or an enemy. If, however, a Roman vessel has been compelled to come so far, they shall neither sell nor buy except what is needed for their return or for sacrifices. For the sake of commerce, the Romans shall not sail to Sardinia or Libya, nor found there cities or trading places. 6 They shall not bring their ships into the harbors of those regions, except to repair them or to purchase food. 7 But in Sicily, as far at least as it is subject to the Cartha¬ ginians, and in Carthage itself, they shall buy and sell any¬ thing under the same laws which govern the citizens; and the Carthaginians shall also enjoy the same rights at Rome. —The oldest written laws were those of the Twelve Tables. They were drawn up 8 in the years 451 and 450 before Christ. Several of these laws are excellent, some, however, must be considered disgraceful. Among other things we read in them: If any one has committed theft by night, and has been killed by another, he shall be considered to have been justly slain. If he has stolen by day and has been caught in the act he shall be flogged. He who has been convicted of arson 9 shall be burnt. False witnesses shall be thrown from the Tarpejan rock. If a slave has committed theft, he shall be handed over for punishment. If any one has composed a poem which brings disgrace on another, he shall be cudgelled. 10 If a father has sold his son three times, the latter shall be free from his father’s care. No. 129. 1 pervenire in, or ad, frequentare. 2 by intelligere. 3 foedus facere (. Relative clause). 4 sancire. 5 promuntorium. 6 em¬ porium. 1 cibaria, alimenta. 8 conficere, conscribere, componere. 9 incendii dolo a se excitati (or facti) convinci. 10 fusti (or -e) ferire. 130. Some Sayings 1 of the Seven Wise Men. Some excellent sayings and precepts are ascribed to each of the seven wise men of Greece, all of whom, except Thales, governed the state and deserved well of their fellow- citizens by wise legislation 5 and the administration of public Section XI. 139 affairs. “ Observe measure 3 in all tilings,” said Cleobulus, born at Lind us, a city in the isle of Rhodes. Another of his sayings was: “ Bestow benefits 4 on enemies as well as on friends; on the former to gain them, on the latter to keep them.” Moreover he is recorded to have said : “ Leav¬ ing the house think on 5 what you have to do, coming home reflect upon what you have done; in fortune be not haughty, in misfortune do not lose courage.” Periander, king of Corinth, said: “ Meditate before you act,” and, “ Crimes that have been committed shall be punished, but prevent people from committing them; be always constant 6 in your love of friends whether they are in good luck or in difficulties.” Yet in a fit of anger he killed his own wife, and is justly accused 7 of having oppressed (Infinity his subjects. 8 Pittacus of Mitylene said: “ Make use of the right moment; pardon is better than vengeance; do not speak ill even of an enemy; do as much good as oppor¬ tunity allows.” When his fellow-citizens were willing to present him with many thousand acres of land 9 he refused them, saying: “ Pray, 10 do not give me what many people begrudge, what very many eagerly covet.” Bias of Priene in Ionia" said: “Whatever good you do, ascribe it to the gods; advancing 12 from boyhood to old age, make 13 wisdom your companion, it will last longer 14 than any other good ! ” When he was once on the same vessel with several impious people, and his fellow-passengers invoked the gods when a sudden squall arose, he said: “Be silent, lest the gods per¬ ceive that you are in danger.” In a similar manner a Roman law, which is mentioned in Cicero, says: “ The im¬ pious shall not dare to propitiate the anger of the gods by presents.” No. 130. 1 nonnulla dicta. 2 by leges dare. Likewise the following by rem publicam administrare. 3 modum retinere alicujus rei. 4 bene facere alicui, beneficia conferre in ( Ace .) 5 meditari. 6 sibi constare in amore erga. 1 argui. 8 civis. 9 jugerum (= “ an acre of land”). 10 rogo vos, or quaeso. 11 oriundus a Pr. ex I. 12 proficisci. 13 sumere. 14 Transl. “will be longer (diuturnus). ” 140 Part I. 131. Chapter II. When, on the approach 1 of the enemy which was about to besiege his native city, Bias saw his fellow-citizens endeav¬ oring to carry away their property in haste, he departed slowly without taking anything. 2 When some one asked him why he alone did not save his property, he replied: “I carry all my property with me.” As if he would say : “ Do not long for goods that are 3 beyond you and can be torn from you by misfortune, but acquire such goods as lie 3 within your souls.” More prudent than loving 4 is the pre¬ cept of Thales of Miletus : “ Do not go bail for anybody.” Still we know 5 that he was not void of love; for he contin¬ ually gave poor people so much of his property that he always remained poor, though he could have been 6 very rich. He was also accustomed to say that nothing was easier than to admonish another, nothing more difficult than to know oneself. Excellent is the following precept: “ Avoid yourself what you blame in another.” 7 Chilon of Lacedaemon, one of the Ephors, said: “ Keep secrets; use your time w^ell; bear offences with an even mind; these three things are very difficult, but necessary.” He is also recorded to have said : “ Pay attention to yourself; honor old age; do not speak ill either of the dead or 8 of the liv¬ ing ; restrain your tongue: prefer loss to unjust gain.” “ Gold,” said he, “ is tested by a stone, the inclinations of men by gold.” u Follow reason as a guide,” is a saying ascribed to Solon, the well-known lawgiver of the Athenians. He also said: “Wish nothing too eagerly; obey, before you wish to rule; flee the company of the bad ; be not hasty 9 in choosing a friend, but do not abandon 10 him who is your friend.” The saying, “Know thyself,” is attrib¬ uted 11 both to Chilon and Solon. The same precept was written in golden letters on the temple of Apollo at Delphi. No. 131. 1 Verb (Ablat. absol.). 9 only sine ullis rebus. 3 positum esse. 4 8. Gr. §237. 5.— Y. Gr. §139. 3. 5 constat alone, or with inter omnes. 6 Transl. “ though he could ( was able to) be” 7 alter. 8 “ not— either—or” ne—neve. 9 festinare. 10 dimittere. 11 “ the baying is at¬ tributed” by dixisse dicitur, or ferunt dixisse. Section XII. 141 SECTION XII. Use of the Infinitive. (S. Gr. § 266-277.—Y. Gr. § 204-213, with § 191.192.199.) 132. To Die for one’s Country is Honorable. 1 “ It is sweet and honorable to die for one’s country.” By their actions the best men of all ages have approved 2 of this saying of the old poet. Did not Codrus, the last king of the Athenians, spontaneously 3 wish to be cut down by the hands of the enemy in order to save his country ? In Sparta the boys learned to despise pain and even death in order to be prepared as men, willingly to suffer anything for their country. To die while fighting bravely was considered the highest praise; to return from battle without a shield was the greatest disgrace. 4 We read that, when no more able to repulse the Persians, Leonidas with his 300 preferred to obey the laws of their country and rather encounter death 6 than save their lives. Epaminondas of Thebes wished to live until it was announced that his soldiers 6 had gained the victory; then he ordered the dart to be drawn from his wound, and he gladly died. Instances of such courage can be gleaned not only from the Greeks, but also from the Romans. Three Decii are said to have devoted themselves to a voluntary death for their country. The first of them is recorded 7 to have commanded 8 the left wing of the Roman army in the battle near Mount Vesuvius in the year 340 before Christ. When his soldiers began to be pressed back, 9 Decius dared to rush 10 into the midst of the enemy, and there he did not cease 11 to fight until he sank to the ground 12 covered 13 with wounds. The son followed the example of his father in the battle at Sentinum in the year 295 before Christ. As he was not able to sustain the attack of the Samnites, and nevertheless wished to secure 14 the 142 Part I. victory for the Romans, he determined to throw himself 10 into the lines of the enemy. Thus the Romans were so encouraged 13 that they began to resist wdth greater bravery and gained the victory. In the battle at Ascnlum, which was fought 16 against Pyrrhus in the year 279, the grandson of the first Decius is said to have sacrificed himself 17 in the same manner. Another illustrious example is that of the Fabii—306 men, all of that same family, determined alone to oppose the enemy, and they did not cease to fight until all of them 18 had fallen. No. 132. 1 decorus. 2 comprobare. 3 ultro. 4 dedecus, turpitudo. 5 oppetere mortem. 6 only suus. 7 ferre. 8 praeesse. 9 urgere, repri- mere. 8. Gr. § 146. Note. — Y\ Gr. § 204. 2. 10 se injicere, immittere. 11 desistere. 12 corruere. 13 cooperire. 14 in tuto collocare. 15 by ani- mum addere (or facere) alicui. 16 facere, or edere, 17 vitam profundere. 18 ad unum omnes. 133. The Taking 1 of Babylon by Cyrus. % The prophets Isaias and Jeremias had foretold that Babylon would be taken. If we compare the details 8 which these prophets give of the coming event with those which Herodotus, Xenophon, and others have recorded of the tak¬ ing of the city, we shall find that both 3 wonderfully 4 agree. It is known that Cyrus, king of the Persians, first vanquished Croesus and destroyed the kingdom of Lydia. Then he marched against Babylon, after he had made an alliance with the Medes; for no one can deny that a kingdom of the Medes existed when Babylon was taken, as the prophet Daniel clearly says so. When the Babylonians had heard that Cyrus was approaching with an army, they believed that it would be best to engage him in battle; but it is known that they were beaten and put to flight. Then Cyrus ordered the city to be besieged. 5 As the Babylonians had suspected that Cyrus would adopt this course, they had provided 6 the necessaries of life for ten years. But in the belief that the city was so strongly forti¬ fied that it could not be taken by force, they despised 7 the Section XII. 143 siege and gave themselves up to business (. Plur .) and pleasure. For a long time Cyrus was not able to effect anything, and recognized the necessity of using a new kind of warfare. He therefore placed one division of his army there where the Euphrates enters the city, another where it leaves it, and ordered both to penetrate into the city as soon as they perceived that the river was fordable. 8 Thereupon he withdrew from the city with the weaker 9 part of his army, and turned 10 the course of the Euphrates above Babylon into a neighboring lake. Thus the water of the river fell," and the army of the Persians rushed in from two sides and fell upon 12 the inhabitants unawares. 13 Those who lived in the middle of the city did not even know that the suburbs had been taken, for they were just 14 celebrating a feast. Thus most of them were cut down 15 without resist¬ ance. The prophet Isaias had foretold that Babylon would be taken whilst the inhabitants were banqueting 16 and drink¬ ing, that at the storming of the city soldiers would ride 17 upon camels and asses, and we learn from other writers that all this actually occurred. 18 No. 133. 1 expugnare. 8. Or. §282. 3.— Y. Or. §215. 5. 2 singula. 3 utraque. 4 miro modo ( not miro quodam modo). 5 obsidione claudere. 6 procurare, providere. 7 neglegere. 8 vado transiri posse. 9 debilis. 10 deducere. 11 minui, cadere. 12 opprimere. 13 inopinans. 14 forte. 15 occidere, trucidare. 16 epulari, convivari. 17 vehi. 18 evenire. 134. On the Discovery 1 of the Art of Writing. We know that the art of writing was not altogether un¬ known in the most ancient times, but it is not less evident that it was originally very defective. 2 Certain signs and images were used to assist the memory, and probably 3 from these the sacred books of the Egyptians or the so-called hier¬ oglyphics 4 originated. Still we are aware that they were not real 5 letters, but images of things. The first letters, as is believed, were invented by the Phoenicians; at least Cad¬ mus, who is reported to have introduced them into Greece, came from Phoenicia. Some learned men have ventured to 144 Part I. deny this. Though the existence of Cadmus may be doubtful, there is no reason to distrust Herodotus, who not only affirms that Phoenicians came to Greece and brought their alphabet with them, but also that Phoenician letters, which he maintains to have seen and read, were still extant 6 in his days in the temple of Apollo at Thebes. Ephorus of Cyme, a pupil of Isocrates, who, as Polybius and Cicero say, was one of the most careful searchers of antiquity, 7 maintains the same. Aristotle agrees with Herodotus and Ephorus, and likewise affirms that the discovery of letters must be attributed to the Phoenicians. Diodorus writes that Diony¬ sius was of the same opinion; and this Dionysius is, without doubt, the Milesian who lived in the days of Darius Hystas- pes, though some believe that he was from Mytilene, and a contemporary of Cicero. Thus, we must admit that the dis¬ covery of the art of writing is not without reason ascribed to the Phoenicians. The names of the single letters, too, are said to be of Phoenician origin. However this may be, it appears from many notices 8 that even several centuries after Cadmus the art of writing was not in use with the Greeks. In the poems of Homer, which, as we know, were composed about 500 years after Cadmus, the art of writing is not men¬ tioned. Only in one passage some one is said to have in¬ scribed on a tablet a^paza Xuypd, sad signs, which evidently were no real letters. Much less can we believe 9 that Ajax, who according to Homer carved 10 a sign upon a pebble, 11 knew and practiced the art of writing. No. 134. Hnventio. 2 imperfectus, rudis. 3 S. Gr. § 268.3.—F. Gr. § 206.1—litterae sacrae = “ sacred b. ” 4 by hieroglyphicus (Adject.). 5 verus, Justus. 6 exstare. 7 diligentissimus investigator antiquitatis. 8 indicium. 9 “ can believe,” by the Future. 10 insculpere. 11 calculus. 135. Chapter II. But there is still another account of the first inventor of letters, to which I would not, indeed, attribute 1 greater cer¬ tainty, but which I hope will be more entertaining. In the works of Plato, Socrates narrates the following: “I have Section XII. 145 heard that in the neighborhood of Naucratis, a city in Egypt, there lived an admirable and almost divine man, to whom also Ibis, a certain bird, was sacred. This man was called, I think, Theuth or Thotli. People say that he first discovered numbers and the art of calculating, 2 geometry and astrono¬ my, the games of chess and dice, 3 finally also letters. Thamus was then, as is recorded, king of all Egypt. The seat of government was at Thebes, a large city of Upper Egypt, which, according to the oldest poets, had a hundred gates. To this Thamus, then, Theuth is said to have betaken himself and shown him his arts one by one. He doubtless hoped to receive much praise and a great reward from the king. Thamus, however, asked what would be the advan¬ tage of each art. And when it seemed to him that Theuth spoke the truth he praised him, but blamed him when 4 he thought his assertions false. Thus they are said to have dis¬ puted for and against 5 each art, a detailed 6 narrative of which would occupy too much time. Finally they came to the invention of letters, which Theuth declared to be the foremost of all arts. “This art, 7 oh king,” said he, “is most extraordinary 8 ; for I promise you, that if they have acquired it, the Egyptians will become wiser and obtain a more unerring memory; for herein evidently a wonderful aid 9 to ( Genit .) memory and wisdom has been discovered.” To which Thamus answered thus: “ Oh most ingenious 10 Theuth ! One is fit to discover hidden 11 arts, but another must needs pass judgment of what advantage or disadvan¬ tage they are to those who use them. You, too, out of pa¬ ternal benevolence towards } T our letters, have said that they could do more than they really can, and you have even main¬ tained what is contrary to the truth. For it is plain that, trusting to the letters, those who acquire this art will neglect their memory in the hope of being able to recollect things at any time by means of their writing. Thus you have evidently discovered a means of recalling things to mind, 12 but not the art of memory. To your scholars you present a certain ap¬ pearance of wisdom, not true wisdom. For if they have 146 Part I. read much without instruction, 13 they will imagine 14 them¬ selves to be wise, whereas they are unwise, and it will be difficult 15 to endure their company.” No. 135. 1 Perfect Subj. 2 ratiocinari. 3 calculorum alearumque ludus. 4 “but when” = sin. See S. Gr. §171, esp. Note 1 ( Y.Gr. §102). 6 in utramque partem. 6 quae omnia. 7 here doctrina, or dis- ciplina. 8 singularis. 9 mirificum quoddam adjumentum. 10 artifici- osus. 11 arcanus. 12 reminisci. 13 institutio, disciplina. 14 opinari. 15 molestus. 136. Arion, the Player on the Cithern. 1 You remember, perhaps, that in early boyhood you were told the story 2 of Arion, the player on the cithern; still I hope that you will not regret to hear it again. Well, 3 Arion of Methymne was one of the most distinguished cithern players of his time, and according to Herodotus he was moreover the inventor of the Dithyrambus, a new kind of poetry. 4 He was a friend of Periander of Corinth, at whose court he spent a great part of his life. Once he made up his mind to go to Italy and Sicily, hoping by his art to acquire riches and renown amongst the Italians. Periander, who seemed as it were to forbode 5 that a misfortune would befall 6 his friend, besought him to remain at Corinth; but in vain. With a fair wind Arion reached Italy and shortly gained 7 the hearts of all; all were astonished that there was such power 8 in the sound of the cithern and in the human voice, and honored the minstrel 0 with rich 10 gifts and presents. But the remembrance of his friend made him long for Greece. In the belief that for Periander’s friendship Corinthian sailors, above all others, would care 11 for his welfare, he hired 12 a Corinthian ship and left Tarentum to return to Periander. But when the ship had reached the open sea the sailors resolved to kill Arion and to take possession of his treasures. 13 Noticing 14 their plan, Arion besought them to spare 15 his life, adding that he was willing to give them his riches in ransom for it. No. 136. 1 citharoedus (= “a player on the cithern”). 2 fabula. 3 igitur. S. Gr. §168. 1.— T. Gr. §100. 1. 4 poesis. 6 praesentire. Section XU 147 e accidere. 7 sibi conciliare. 8 vis. 9 vates. 10 largus. 11 studere. 12 con- ducere. 13 opes, divitiae. 14 animadvertere. 15 eoncedere. 137. Chapter II. The sailors, however, thought it probable that if they granted him his life Arion would betray them to Periander, and therefore 1 all the entreaties of the minstrel were in vain. 2 They consequently demanded that if he wished to be buried on the land he should at once take his own life, or that he should otherwise throw 3 himself into the sea. Seeing that he must die, Arion asked for permission to sing once more 4 on the stern of the ship in the full attire 5 of a minstrel, and promised to make away with himself 6 immediately after¬ wards. Anticipating the greatest pleasure in listening to the song of the best of all players on the cithern, the sailors retired to the middle of the ship, that the minstrel might not be disturbed 7 by the crowd of bystanders. After Arion had donned his full attire he came forth, holding the cithern in his left hand, and standing upon the stern he sang in clear- sounding melodies 8 his most beautiful song, as if he hoped (. Plujperf .) that the gods themselves would save 9 him from the hands of these barbarians. And when he had finished 10 his song he threw himself, attired as he was and with the cithern in his hand, from the stern of the vessel into the bil¬ lows. Thus the sailors were, indeed, disappointed in their hope 11 that Arion would take his life with the sword, but doubted not that he would perish in the waves, and continued without solicitude 12 their voyage to Corinth. But a dolphin, allured by the sweetness of the melody, is said to have offered its aid 13 to Arion and to have borne 14 him safely to the prom¬ ontory of Taenarum in Laconia. No. 137. 1 Relative Connect. 2 inanis, irritus. 3 dejicere. 4 hoculti- mum. 5 ornatus. 6 manns sibi inferre. 7 turbare, impedire. 8 acuti modi. 9 eripere, servare. 10 ad finem perducere, or finire. 11 spes me fal’it. 12 securus. 13 tergum. 14 deferre. 148 Part I. 138. Chapter III. Thence Arion betook himself, in the same attire, to Cor¬ inth and told Periander all that had happened. But the lat¬ ter could not convince himself that such wicked 1 men existed in his state, or that Arion had been saved in so miraculous a manner. He therefore ordered his friend to be watched most carefullv that he might not be able to communicate his adventure to any one. However, servants despatched by him kept watch 2 in the harbor whether 3 sailors arrived from Tarentum. As soon as the sailors had disembarked 4 they were summoned to Periander. When the tyrant asked them whether they had heard nothing of Arion, one of them said : “ I remember to have heard at Tarentum that Arion was well 5 and highly praised by all; but himself we have neither seen nor heard.” Then suddenly the folding-doors 6 of the nearest hall 7 were opened, and with the cithern in his left hand, Arion came forth, clad in the same attire in which they had seen him throw himself into the sea. Seeing him the sailors fell panic- stricken to the ground. Although they knew that their crime would be most severely 8 punished by Periander, they did not dare to deny it, but confessed everything in the same words with which Arion had related it to Periander. Prevailed upon by the entreaties of the minstrel, the tyrant, indeed, spared their lives, but they were commanded to go into exile to the barbarians, whom they had surpassed in cruelty and in inhumanity. But, as is recorded, a monument of brass, though not a large one, was erected to Arion on the promontory of Taenarum—a man sitting on a dolphin—which, as Herodotus notices, 9 was still extant 10 in his days. No. 138. ^celeratus. 2 speculari. 3 si. 4 navem appellere. 5 sospes atque integer. 6 valvae. 7 conclave. 8 literally, or by gravissimo sup- plicio aftlcere. 9 significare. 10 exstare {Present). 139. Brevity and Obscurity of Speech. Brevity and obscurity of speech has something command¬ ing, 1 and this is the reason why those who threaten other* Section XII. 149 very frequently adopt it. For as men are more easily fright¬ ened in the dark, 3 it usually happens that a certain 3 ob¬ scurity of speech seems to be more powerful. The Lacedae¬ monians, I believe, often employed 4 this manner of speech. Thus they wrote to Philip, king of Macedonia: “ The Lace¬ daemonians to Philip. Dionysius at Corinth.” Such brevity was far stronger and more efficacious than if they had writ¬ ten : “ Know that Dionysius, too, was formerly a very power¬ ful tyrant, as you now are, and yet you see that, expelled from his kingdom, he now lives as a private person at Cor¬ inth. Let this example convince you that it can also fall to your lot to be turned out & of power.” The former was evi¬ dently the speech of those who wished to threaten; if they had used the latter words one would have believed that they had only desired to warn the king not to think himself too secure, confiding in his power. And not long after, when Alexander the Great took it ill that the Lacedaemonians had sent him only one ambassador, they answered: “ One to one.” They would have hardly been able more effectually 6 to humble 7 the king’s pride by a long form of speech. No. 139. 1 iraperiosus. 3 obscurum, tenebrae. 3 quasi quidam. 4 sequi. * dejicere. 6 gravis, vehemens. 1 refutare, repudiare. 140. Chapter II. The Lacedaemonians, indeed, 1 are known to have fre¬ quently used such brevity of address. But we find that others, even barbarians, were not unskilled in the same art. Dionysius wrote to the Locrians: “ I shall cause the cicadae to sing in your country, not on trees or shrubs, but on the ground,” signifying that their whole territory would be laid waste by him. A certain king of the Scythians is said to have sent the following letter to the Byzantines: “ Do not lessen my revenues, 3 lest my horses come to be watered 8 among you.” Still this speech, though of an expressive 4 shortness, could be easily understood. But obscure was the answer which Idanthyrsus, the Scythian, is said to have (riven to Darius, king of the Persians. For when Darius, 150 Part 1. through his ambassadors, required that he should surrender 5 himself and his property, Idanthyrsus is said to have sent him a mouse, a frog, a bird, and five arrows instead of 6 an answer. Darius, indeed, considered this as a sign 7 that the Scythians were willing to surrender land and water and air and their arms to the Persians. But one of the nobles maintained 8 that the following was the true meaning: “ If you do not retire 9 like mice under the ground, or like frogs under the water, or like birds into the air, you will not es¬ cape our arrows.” But Darius could not be persuaded to adopt this explanation, 10 and thus he was repulsed by the Scythians with great loss No. 140. 1 quidem; also quamquam (placed at the beginning of the sentence). See S. Gr. § 172. Note. 2 vectigal. 3 aquari {Supine). 4 gravis, fortis, efficax. 5 subjicere. 6 pro. '’indicium. *dicere, cen- sere. 8 abire. 10 interpretatio. 141. Darius and Idanthyrsus. We have related above that Idanthyrsus, the king of the Scythians, sent some obscure signs instead of an answer to Darius, wherein we have followed Pherecydes of Syros, who is said to have recorded the fact. The same thing, however, is very differently related by Herodotus in the following manner : As the Scythians always withdrew at the approach 1 of Darius and thus prevented a battle, Darius sent a horse¬ man as ambassador to king Idanthyrsus and asked him why he fled. For if he considered himself 2 strong enough to engage in battle 3 with the army of the Persians, he should desist from his perpetual wanderings 4 and contend with him for the sovereignty in real 5 warfare. Then it would soon become manifest from the outcome to which of them the sovereignty of the country was due. But if he knew that he was weaker than Darius, he should consider that by his con¬ tinual flight the war, indeed, would be protracted, 0 but that far greater damage would be done to the country. There¬ fore, it would be the best to submit to the king of the Per¬ sians. He should then send him as 7 his lord water and earth Section XII. 151 as presents, and should come himself to arrange the affairs of Scythia in a conference. 8 No. 141. 1 appropinquare, Ablal. absoh 3 sibivideri. 3 confligere. 4 error. 5 verus, justus. 6 trahere, ducere. 7 ut. 8 colloquium habere, Ablat. absol. 142. Chapter II. Whereupon Idanthyrsus answered Darius somewhat as follows: He had never before fled for fear of anybody, nor did he now fear him. If he had retired 1 before the army of the Persians, Darius should not believe that it was through fear. For he had done nothing but what was usual in time of peace. The Scythians had no cities nor crops to make them afraid of devastation 2 by the enemy. Yet they had one thing in a definite place, the tombs of their ancestors. Da¬ rius should search for 3 them and destroy them, then he would soon see whether or not they would struggle with him for 4 the tombs of their forefathers. But otherwise they would fight when it seemed good to them, and not when Darius wished it. That Darius had called himself his master seemed very foolish to him, for the king of the Scyth¬ ians acknowledged no master except 5 Jupiter and Histia, the queen of the Sythians. Instead of water and earth he would send him such presents as seemed to be becoming for a haughty 6 man. He announced 7 to Darius that he would shed tears of regret for 8 having called himself king of the Scythians. Which of the two stories we have related is more genuine 8 no one will be able to decide. 10 No. 142. 1 se recipere ab aliquo. 2 vastare, diripere. 3 requirere. 4 de. 5 praeter, nisi. 6 insolens, superbus. 7 denuntiare. B by a clause with quod. U verus. 10 dijudicare. 143. Necessity of a Good Education. 1 Socrates was of the opinion that a good education was very useful to all young men, but most necessary to these who excelled others 2 in talent. 3 For he said that even horses, 152 Part I. naturally of the best race and possessed of courage 4 and swiftness, were only 5 then of great use when they had been trained at an early age. 6 If that were not done no one could ever be pleased with them. Thus also hunting 7 dogs, even if naturally excellent, ought to be artificially trained 6 before hunters used them for the chase. The same happened * to the most talented men. For youths endowed with mental gifts, if well instructed and diligent in inquiring into what and how everything ought to be done, usually became the best and most useful citizens; but without education and in¬ struction 10 the same could easily become 11 the worst and most pernicious men. For through ignorance of their duties they were often impelled by the desire of evil deeds, and as they were likewise 12 proud and fierce, it was difficult to restrain them from their undertakings. 13 Hence it came to pass that such men caused themselves, their fellow-citizens, and even the state the greatest sufferings. No. 143. 1 institutio. 2 excellere. For construction, see B. Or. § 195. Note 2. — T. Or. §166. 2 end. 3 ingenii facultates, or eximium ingeni- um, or ingenium alone. 4 ferocitas. 5 demum. 6 mature. 7 venaticus. 8 condocefacere. 9 mihi accidit. 10 doctrina, disciplina. 11 exsistere, evadere. 12 idem. 13 coeptum, inceptum. 144. Chapter II. There were others who prided themselves 1 in their riches and believed that it was not necessary 3 for them to learn anything ; their money alone being sufficient to furnish what¬ ever they desired. Honor amongst men would not be want¬ ing to them on account of their riches. But it was doubtless very foolish to think that he who is ignorant and inexperi¬ enced in all things should be able to discern 3 what is useful or hurtful to himself, for such discrimination (inf.) is gener¬ ally the business of a learned 4 and wise man. Thus it happened that those who were rich, indeed, but unlearned, acquired just & those things with their money which were most hurtful to them. Still much less could it be hoped that such men had a right appreciation of other things, of Section XII. 153 justice, virtue, of the state. In all such matters they could ad vise neither themselves nor their friends, and would generally do what would injure rather than what would benefit them. Thus the very 6 richest could not even acquire what is neces¬ sary for an honest livelihood, much less 7 could he obtain the true respect of his fellow-citizens. Therefore all men, and particularly youths, ought to be convinced that true honor will never be paid 8 to them unless they distinguish them¬ selves by virtue and learning. No. 144. 1 superbire. 2 opus esse, necesse esse, debere. 3 discernere, distinguere, dijudicare. 4 docere, or bene instituere. 5 ipse. 6 vel. 1 nedum. 8 only esse. 145. Hannibal and Antiochus. When Hannibal had been expelled from Carthage and came to Antiochus, king of Syria, he tried by many means to prevail upon the latter to wage war against the Romans. There were, however, at the court 1 some adversaries of Hannibal, who excited the king’s suspicion against him. This disgrace 2 he bore at first silently; but afterwards he deemed it better 3 to free himself before the king from all suspicion, and addressed him somewhat in the following manner: “ When once sacrificing, his father, Hamilcar, had taken him, when still a small boy, to the altar, and had bound 4 him by an oath never to be 6 a friend of the Roman people. Under 8 this obligation 7 he had been a soldier 8 for thirty-six years; the same obligation had driven him from his country in time of peace and led 9 him as an exile to the king of Syria. Obedient to this obligation, he would, if Antiochus disappointed his hope, travel over 10 the whole earth, searching where he might find forces, where arms, where enemies of the Roman people. He hated the Romans, and was an object of hatred to them. Therefore, if war were made against the Romans, he might reckon 11 Hannibal among his first friends; but if he preferred peace with the Romans, he should seek some one else with whom 154 Pakt I. he could discuss 12 the affair. This speech moved the king, and reconciled him to Hannibal. No. 145. 1 aula regia. 2 contumelia. 3 satius, melius. 4 obligare. 6 S. Gr. § 268. 2.— T. Gr. § 206. 2. 6 sub. 1 sacrameutum. 8 militare. 9 adducere. 10 peragrare, obire. 11 habere. 12 deliberare. 146. The Messiah Expected 1 by the Ancients. That at the time of Christ the Jews believed the Messiah would soon arrive and bring them help is a known fact. 2 Zachary, Elizabeth, Simeon, Anna, and many others with whom Anna conversed in the temple, expected that Christ would soon bring deliverance 3 to mankind. The Pharisees sent messengers to John to ask him whether he was the Messiah who was to be sent; and Andrew said to his brother Simon : “ We have found the Messiah.” Especially on the Easter festivals 4 the Jews of that time earnestly implored 5 God to send the Savior. 6 With what longing and confi¬ dence 7 the learned, who shortly before and after the birth of Christ translated and explained the Holy Scriptures, 8 expected the Messiah follows from this, that they referred to him all the passages which they possibly could. We have also spurious 8 psalms which are attributed to Solomon, but were composed in the first century before Christ. From the seventeenth of these psalms we see that people then most ardently implored 10 God to send the son of David, that he might bring salvation. We learn the same from the book of Henoch, which, as it seems, must also be attributed 11 to the above-mentioned time. Nay, many learned Jews, who did not embrace 12 the Christian doctrine, believed that the Messiah had really been born in the Jewish country at the time when the Jewish kingdom perished; but that on account of the sins of the people he kept himself hidden. 13 The Samaritan woman with whom Christ conversed tells us that the Samaritans were convinced that the Messiah would also come to them and instruct them in the most important affairs of eternal salvation. After she had asked whether God ought to be adored in the temple at Jerusalem, or in Section XII. 155 that which stood on Mount Garizim, she continued: she knew that the Messiah would come; should he come, he would teach them (se) everything. It seems she still hoped that during her lifetime 14 the age of the Messiah would arrive. No. 148. 1 desiderare. 2 inter omnes constat. 3 salutem alicui ferre, afferre ; saluti alicui esse. 4 dies pasclialis, dies festus Paschae'-atis). 5 obsecrare obtestarique, implorare atque obtestari. 6 salvator, salutis bumanae auctor. 7 tides. 8 libros divinos (sacros) convertere et inter- pretari. 9 subdititius. 10 supplicibus verbis orare. 11 ponere. 12 am- plexari. 13 delitescere (= “ to keep oneself hidden”). 14 Ablat. absol. with vivus. 147. Chapter II. It cannot be denied that also in the East 1 among those who did not profess the Jewish creed, 2 there existed a desire for a Redeemer and Savior. 3 Witnesses are the Magi, who came to Jerusalem and asked where was the new-born king of the Jews. They therefore believed for certain that salva¬ tion would come from the Jews. Flavius Josephus, Tacitus, and Suetonius relate that in the East an old and constant opin¬ ion, which was founded on ancient books of the priests, was generally spread, 4 that at that time some one, who was to come from Judaea, would obtain supreme power. 6 Certain it is that the religion of the Romans and Greeks had fallen to decay,* that divine services were neglected 7 or performed without reverence of heart. Cicero praised that old saying of Cato, 8 who had expressed his astonishment that a soothsayer “ did not laugh when he saw a fellow-soothsayer. For how many 10 things that they foretold really happened? Or if they happened, might it not have been through chance? At Rome they endeavored to introduce foreign sacred rites 11 ; as the heart had a longing for divine and heavenly things. Even those who denied the existence of the gods practiced the magic arts. The Platonists and Stoics thought that with the coming of the great year, which the mathematicians had so called, innocence and happiness would return. Virgil sang that the happy age foretold by the Cumean Sibyl was 156 Part I. approaching, and that the expected author of salvation, whom he thought to be the son of his friend Pollio, would take away the traces of crime, and free the nations from perpetual fear. Also in Caesar’s time they brought forward Sibylline verses, which asserted that if they wished to be saved, they ought to call him king who was their king, and many maintained that Caesar was designated by these verses. The Egyptian Hermes had predicted, as St. Augustine writes, that a time would come when the folly of the Egyptians in worshipping their gods so devoutly and so long would be apparent, and when all their worship would be ridiculed and abolished. 12 No. 147. 1 terrae, regiones orientis (solis). 2 doctrinam Judaeorum amplecti. 3 liberator et sal valor. 4 percrebrescere (Perf.). 5 rerum po- tiri. 6 corruere. 7 sacra intermittere. 8 only vetus illud Catonis. 9 haruspex. 10 quotusquisque (Sing.). 11 peregrina sacra suscipere. 12 exstinguere. AS. Man Needs Divine Instruction. 1 Epicharmus, a pupil of Pythagoras and d comic poet, 1 who was born in the isle of Cos and died at Svracuse, maintained that man’s reason had come 3 from the divine reason; that the body was earth, the spirit fire, taken 3 from the sun; that if man died, both parts went whence they had come, the body to the earth, the spirit upwards. In his third book on the state, Cicero maintains that in man the divine fire of intellect and reason is, as it were, concealed. 4 The philosopher Xenophanes from Colophon, who lived about the year 540 before Christ, complained that no one knew anything certain about the gods and the world; and that whatever good one said about them, he did not know, but merely guessed 6 it. Parmenides from Elea believed that all men were similar to the blind and deaf, a race of fools. Heraclides of Ephesus maintained that the human mind had no understanding, 6 only the divine mind had it; that the opinions of men were similar to the playthings of boys, that even the wisest man was as a monkey in comparison with ’ Section XII. 157 the gods. Anaxagoras declared that, on account of the weakness of our senses, it was not possible for us to recog¬ nize what is near, and Democritus even said that either nothing was true, or it was hidden from us. The Stoic Cleanthes asked the gods to free mankind from ignorance and to grant them a knowledge of the truth. 8 Even Aris¬ totle writes that full certainty about the gods cannot be ob¬ tained, 9 and in his last will he orders big stone animals, four yards high, which he had vowed for the recovery of his son Nicanor, to be sent to Stagira for the protector Jupiter and the protectress Minerva. So far, then, was this most saga¬ cious man from the knowledge of the true God! 10 Of Socrates we know that when dying he ordered a cock to be sacrificed to Aesculapius. Plato, or whoever wrote the dia¬ logue that is inscribed “ the second Alcibiades,” is of opin¬ ion that God alone can, in truth, be the teacher of virtue; that the truth must, indeed, be sought for, but that certainty can only be obtained if man is enlightened by a clearer light, if he is instructed by a divine voice; and he adds that Socrates entertained the same opinion. Euripides begs Jupiter to teach him whence mankind had its origin, what was the source of evil, and to which of the immortal gods sacrifices ought to be offered in order to be free from evil. Plutarch, finally, is convinced that man must pray for all good things, but in particular to become acquainted with the gods as far as he is able. No. 148. 1 doctrina. 2 poeta comicus. 3 profectum esse, ortum esse a. 4 obrui. 5 opinari. 6 intelligentsia. 7 prae diis (== “ in compar. with the g .”). 8. Or. § 164. 9. 8 vera. 9 nihil omnino certi de aliqua re scire. 10 8. Or. § 272, and § 275. 2. 2.— Y. Or. § 119. 3., and § 191. 5. 158 Fart I. SECTION XIII. Use of the Participles. (S. Gr. §278-284.—Y. Gr. §214-219.) 149. Fear of Punishment. The just and upright man, who fears nobody and injures none, will always be highly esteemed by all good men. In the mere affirmation of such a man, whose virtue we know and have tested, we shall have greater confidence, 1 than in an impious man, even if he takes an oath (per/.) and calls 2 on God as witness to the truth. Those, however, are not to be considered just who abstain from wrong for fear of pun- ishment; but those who will not even then do wrong when it can be done with impunity. 3 For even wild beasts abstain from prey 4 for fear of the dogs that watch the flock. Nevertheless fear of punishment often contributes in some way 5 to make a man finally good. For this fear, whilst de¬ terring him from crime, by and by accustoms him to obey the laws and keep his passions 6 in check. 7 When he has thus often tasted the peace of soul, which is acquired by innocence, he will be easily led by the force of habit to 8 abstain from wrong, willingly and of his own accord. Therefore the wisest lawgivers deemed punishments neces¬ sary, not only to expiate the wrong that had been done, but still much more to prevent evil doing. No. 149. 1 fidem habere. 2 invocare. 3 impune. 4 rapina, raptus. 5 normihil conferre, aliquid valere. 6 libido. 7 domare, coercere. 8. Gr. § 278. 5. — T. Gr. § 214. 4. 8 by a clause with ut. 150. A Faithful Slave. M. Anthony, the most renowned Roman orator before the times of Cicero, had been summoned before a court for a great crime, and it seemed that he was not free 1 from Section XIII. 159 guilt. His accusers most obstinately 2 demanded that a slave be summoned for the investigation 3 who, they main¬ tained, had been a witness of the crime which had been committed by his master. However, the slave could not be examined 4 against the will 5 of his owner. He was, at that time, still a beardless youth; and though he saw that the affair would lead 6 to torture , 7 he was not in the least ter¬ rified. Hay , 8 he exhorted Anthony, who was troubled with fear of the investigation, to surrender him to the judges to be tortured , 9 assuring him that no word would escape his lips by which his cause might be injured. Although Anthony was moved by such a disposition of his slave, he nevertheless delivered him up to the judges. The slave, however, kept his word with an incredible perseverance . 10 For though he was lacerated by strokes and placed on the rack ,. 11 and burnt with red-hot coals, yet he guarded his master’s safety and destroyed 12 the whole force of the accu¬ sation. After Anthony had thus been freed from the charge, he is said to have granted liberty 13 to the slave who had deserved so highly of his master. No. 150. 1 abesse, vacare. 2 pertiDax. 3 in quaestionem. 4 quae* rere de. 5 S. Or. § 284. 3.— Y. Or. § 218. 2. 6 pertinere. 7 cruciatuS' 8 immo vero. 9 torquere, cruciare. 10 constantia. 11 eculeus. 12 dis¬ solves, evertere. 13 manumittere. 151. Effects of Omens. Many instances are related in ancient writers by which they endeavor to prove that omens must not be neglected. C. Marius had to flee from Home for fear of Sylla. Being forced by a storm to disembark 1 at Circeji, he himself and his companions were in the greatest distress . 2 When the latter despaired 3 of safety Marius encouraged them, saying that the gods had promised him protection. For when as a youth he was living in the country an omen had been given to him in the following manner: One day the nest of an eagle with seven eaglets 4 had fallen into his lap. The harus- pices, being asked by his parents, had answered that one day 160 Part I. he would become the most renowned man among mortals, and that he would seven times attain the highest power. Now, as yet, he had only had the supreme power six times. Therefore, since the promises of the gods must be true, he and for that very same reason they also would escape that danger. And so it happened. When the same Marius had reached Minturnae he was recognized and carefully watched in the house of a certain Fannia. Doubting whether he should conceal himself there or seek safety on board a ship, he observed that an ass, neglecting the food 6 that had been thrown before it, hastened towards the water. Believing , 8 therefore, that this was an omen which had been given him by the gods, he at once embarked and reached Africa in safety. This man, then, was saved by omens. After Pom- pey the Great had been beaten by Caesar and had taken to flight he directed his fleet towards the island of Cyprus to collect new forces . 7 Whilst disembarking near the city of Paphos he beheld a magnificent building on the seashore. He therefore asked the pilot, who was sitting near him, what was the name of that building, and the latter replied that its name was “the fated castle.” Pompey, who was greatly moved 8 by this omen, hastily continued his flight, but soon met with a miserable death . 9 No. 151. 1 appellere, with and without navem. 9 in summas angustias adduci. 3 S. Or. § 194. 4.— Y. Or. § 165 (desperare). 4 pullus. 6 pabu¬ lum. 6 reri. 7 vis(P£ur.). 8 percellere, commovere. 9 misere occumbere. 152. The Poet Philoxenus. When one day the poet Philoxenus had been invited to dinner 1 by the tyrant Dionysius, and saw that a very large mullet 2 had been placed before 3 Dionysius, but a much smaller one before himself, he lifted his own from the plate 4 and held 6 it to his ear, feigning to 6 ask it something. When Dionysius inquired into the reason, Philoxenus said to him: “ Oh king, I am writing a poem on Galatea; therefore I asked this fish something about the Nereids wherewith to adorn my poems. But it tells me that it has been caught too Section XIII. 161 young and can relate nothing to me about the Nereids on account of 7 its youth. If I asked that larger one which has been placed before you, I believe it would easily explain all that I wish.” Dionysius laughed, and sent the fish placed before him to Philoxenus. In a similar manner Philoxenus very often used great freedom of speech without fearing the anger of the tyrant. And at that time, indeed, he came off without suffering any harm. But not long afterwards a heavy punishment was inflicted on him by Dionysius for offending the king’s vanity. The tyrant himself also made poems, and though they were inelegant and rude , 8 yet he wished them to be considered 9 excellent. Having written a tragedy, he gave it to the poet Philoxenus for correction , 10 if anything displeased him in it. But the reading 11 of the tragedy excited so great a disgust in Philoxenus that he can¬ celled the whole poem, from beginning to end, by a single stroke , 12 without thinking how much he would thereby hurt the vanity of the tyrant. Dionysius was very angry and ordered the poet to be made prisoner and thrown into the stone-quarries 13 of Syracuse. Those quarries were a very strong prison, which the Sicilian tyrants had caused to be cut 14 into the rocks. However, Philoxenus seems not to have been imprisoned for a long time, and after his deliverance lft he was again very often with Dionysius. But when, one day at dinner, he heard the latter read his poems, Philoxenus rose from his seat, whilst the rest were flattering and applauding the tyrant, and said : “ Send me again into the quarries; for it is much more tolerable for a cultured man to spend 1S his life in prison than to hear such miserable poems.” No. 152. 1 cenae (coenae) adhibere. 2 mullus. 3 apponere. 4 patina. 5 admovere. 6 by a clause with quasi. 1 per. 8 inconcinnus et illepidus. * videri. 10 emendare. For constr. see S. Or. §281. 3, and Note. — Y. Gr. §219. 3. 11 legere. S. Gr. §282. 3.— Y. Gr. §215. 5. 12 litura. 13 lautumiae. 14 excidere. 15 liberare. 16 agere, either Infinitive , or Attribu tive Participle (“ more tolerable is. . . . life spent. . . . than such. . . poems heard ”)• See S. Gr. § 282. 3. 162 Part I. 153. The Story of the Horatii and Curiatii. After the death of Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, who as ancient writers relate was even fiercer than Romulus, was chosen king. Under the reign of Tullus many wars were waged by the Romans, especially a war against Alba Longa, which in some way can be called the mother of the city of Rome; for by the help 1 of the Albans Rome is said to have been founded. After the war had broken out armies took the field on both sides. But when all expected the signal for the beginning 2 of the battle, Mettus Fuffetius, the leader of the Albans, stepped' forth and proposed to Tullus that the war should be decided 3 by the contest of a few, not by an engagement of the armies. Tullus consented . 4 When, then, the generals were advising 6 whom they might best choose for this contest, there were perchance in both armies three brothers of one birth 6 who were neither unequal in age nor in strength. They were called Horatii and Curiatii. The former are said to have been Romans, the latter Albans. After time and place had been agreed upon a treaty was made between the Romans and Albans under this condition , 7 that that people should have the sovereignty whose citizens would gain the victory. Both armies were drawn up in bat¬ tle-array in front of 8 the camp and awaited the engagement in suspense . 9 In the middle a large plain was left where the contest should take place. From the one side the Horatii, from the other the Curiatii came forth, armed, whilst their countrymen encouraged them not to forget that the safety of the country depended 10 on their bravery. The signal being given, the attack commences . 11 The contest was very vio¬ lent , 12 both parties fighting with the greatest bravery. The victory was for a long time doubtful. Blood and wounds were already seen , 13 when on a sudden two Romans broke down, pierced with many wounds, amid the shouting 14 of the whole Alban army. An overpowering fright seized 16 the Roman legions; for after two of theirs had been cut down, it seemed scarcely possible that one should hold out against three enemies. Section XIII. 163 No. 153. 1 adjuvare. 2 committere. 3 dirimere. 4 res placet. 5 cir- cumspicere. 6 trigemini. 7 lex. 8 pro. 9 by animum (-os) suspend ere. 10 positum esse. 11 “the att. com.” by Pass, of concurrere. ]i acer. 13 spectare. 14 conclamare. 15 occupare, invadere. 154. Chapter II. But whilst the three Curiatii were already wounded, Horatius was unhurt and full of courage. Seeing that he could not withstand them together , 1 he took to flight 2 in order to separate them, and to be able to attack them one by one. The Curiatii pursued him on his flight with unequal swift¬ ness, as each one's wounds allowed him. Horatius was not disappointed in his hope . 3 When he had fled a while , 4 he looked back and saw the enemies following at great intervals. At once he turns round , 6 and making a most vehement attack, he prostrates the first to the ground. Whilst the army of the Albans cried out 6 to the two to help their brother, Horatius already hastens to his second victory. For the second of the Curiatii, too, separated from his brother, was cut down by the Roman, as his strength was exhausted . 7 Thus the chances of war 8 were equal, as only one on either side remained, and the Romans exulted and encouraged 9 their warrior by applause and acclamation. He, however, uninjured in body, and encouraged 10 by gaining 11 two victories, beheld his adversary worn out by his wounds and despairing of the victory after the fall 12 of his two brothers. The Roman exultingly exclaims: “Two have I given to the shades 13 of my brothers; the third I will give for the sake 14 of this war, that the Romans may rule over the Albans,” and having lodged 16 his sword in the body of the third of the Curiatii, he prostrates him to the ground. Thus was Alba subjected to the sovereignty of the Romans. Amidst the congratulations 16 of his fellow-soldiers, Horatius, adorned with the conquered arms 17 of three foes, returned in triumph to Rome. Before the Capenian gate he was met i by his sister, who had been betrothed 18 to one of the Curiatii. And as she recognizes on the shoulders of her 164 Part I, brother the military cloak 19 which she herself had made , 30 and which she had presented to her betrothed, she loosens her hair, and in a plaintive 31 voice utters the name of 33 her slaughtered lover. No. 154. 1 uni versus. *fugam capessere. 3 spes me non fallit. 4 aliquamdiu. 5 se convertere. 6 inclamare alicui. 7 afficere. 8 Mars, or fortima belli, "juvare. 10 excitari, ferociorem fieri. 11 reportare. 12 by caedere. 13 manes. 14 in causam. 15 defigere. 16 congratulari. I7 spolia. 18 despondere, spondere. 19 paludamentum (= “ mil. cloak”). 20 conficere. 21 flebilis. 22 appellare aliquem nomine. 155. Chapter III. The lamentation 1 of his sister amidst such public rejoicing aroused the anger of the fiery youth; he draws 3 his sword and transpierces the girl, reproaching 3 her at the same time: “ Go 4 to your betrothed,” said he, “ with your untimely 5 love. The same shall happen to every Roman (woman) who bewails ( Fut .) an enemy.” The deed was truly shocking . 8 King and senate were of the opinion that, though the country had been saved by him, Horatius should be delivered to the judges, and after having examined 7 the case, the latter con¬ demned him to death. But at the advice 8 of the king him¬ self, the youth exclaimed: “ I appeal 9 to the people.” Thus the right of appeal 10 originated and the highest judg¬ ment was transferred to the citizens. While they were in doubt what step to take in so important an affair, the father of Horatius hastily entered the court. At the sight of the old man the multitude was much moved. He said that his daughter had been justly killed for neglecting the glory of her relatives and her country, and only bewailing her private grief. If he judged otherwise , 11 he himself according to his right as father would have punished 13 his son with his own hand. They should not deprive him of all his children, whom they had shortly before seen blessed with a glorious 13 offspring . 14 Having said this, the old man embraced the youth, and cried with a loud 16 voice: “ Could you be capable 18 of leading him to death whom but a little while Section XIII. 165 a go 1T you honored 18 as conquerer after he had overcome the enemy and saved his country? Go, lictor; will you afford a more pleasing spectacle to the Roman people by binding those hands which shortly before, whilst armed, acquired 19 the sovereignty for Rome? Do you believe that satisfaction will be given to the country by convicting its champion? Give him to (his) father, give him to (his) country ! ” Moved by these entreaties, the people acquitted the criminal 20 and returned him to his father. No. 155. 1 comploratio. 2 stringere. 3 verbis increpare. 4 abire. 5 iatewipestivus, immaturus. 6 atrox. 7 causam cognoscere. 8 suadere. 9 provocare ad. 10 provocatio (= “ right of app”). 11 aliter. 12 animad- vertere in aliquem. 13 egregius. 14 stirps. 15 magnus. u S. Or. § 272. — Y. Or. § 119. 3. 17 modo. 18 decorare. 19 parere. 20 sons. 156. Two Dreams. Under the leadership of Hamilcar, the Carthaginians had besieged the city of Syracuse for a considerable time. One night the general thought that he heard a voice in a dream 1 announcing that on the following day he would enter the city in the company of some friends, and take his dinner there. Full of joy, as if the victory had been promised him from on high , 2 he believed that, on the advice 3 of the gods, he should attack the city at once. But when the line of battle had been formed , 4 a tumult arose in his army. The Syracusans made a sudden sally , 5 overpowered the enemy, and led Hamilcar with several friends in fetters into the city. Thus, more disappointed by his hope than by the dream, he dined as a captive at Syracuse. When Eudemus of Cyprus, a friend of Aristotle, was taking a trip, he fell sick 8 at Pherae, a city which was 7 then under the cruel dominion 8 of Alexander. All the physicians despaired of his recovery. Suddenly a youth appeared to him in a dream and said that within a few days Alexander would die, but that he would soon recover 8 and, after five years, return to his native coun¬ try. Alexander was soon afterwards assassinated at the instigation 10 of his relatives, and Eudemus recovered. But 166 Part I. when five years afterwards he was on his way to Cyprus and hoped, with the favor 11 of the gods, to return home, he was killed on the voyage. Thus he did not return to the country which he had hoped for, but to his true home. This is said to have happened in the lifetime 12 of Aristotle. No. 156. 1 in somnis, or per somnum. 2 divinitus. 3 auctor. 4 aciem instruere. 5 eruptio, excursio. c aegrotare, with coepisse, in morbum incidere. 7 teneri, with Ablat. (“ under ”). 8 dormnatus. 9 convalescere. 10 auctor. 11 favere, propitius. 12 vivere, vivus. 157. The Oldest Roman Poets. Livius Andronicus is said to have been the oldest Roman poet and the first who produced a play 1 at Rome under the consulship of Sempronius Tuditanus in the year 240 before Christ. It seems that he also translated 2 Homer’s poems into the Latin tongue. Uext to him in time is C. Uaevius, who wrote an epic poem on the first Punic war, which was received with great praise. But by chastizing 3 the manners of many noble Romans on the stage he caused great distress to himself. At the instigation of the Metelli he was ban¬ ished from Rome and died at Utica under the consulate of Cornelius Cethegus in the year 204 before Christ. When Livius Andronicus was still living and Naevius a youth Q. Ennius was born, who equalled, or rather far surpassed, the glory of the former two. His birth-place was Rudiae in Ca¬ labria, whence he was led to Rome bv Cato the Elder in the / «j same year in which Uaevius died. He enjoyed the intimate friendship 4 of the noblest Romans; of Scipio, under whose leadership the second Punic war was finished; of Laelius, Cato, and others. The Consul M. Fulvius Nobilior marched with his army to Aetolia accompanied by Ennius. 5 The poet’s most renowned poem is the Annals, in which the sec¬ ond Punic war is celebrated. He died, seventy years old, at Rome under the consulship of Q. Marcius and Servilius Cae- pio in the year 169 before Christ. When Ennius was still a youth M. Pacuvius was born, whose plays 8 are praised by Cicero on account of their well-elaborated verses. He is Section XIII. 167 said to have died at the age of ninety years under the con¬ sulship of C. Claudius and M. Perperna in the year 130 be¬ fore Christ. L. Attius and Caecilius Statius are also men¬ tioned, not without praise, among the oldest dramatists. 7 All of them, however, are surpassed by T. Maccius Plautus, an Umbrian, who died about eighty years before the birth of Cicero, but it is uncertain under whose consulship it oc¬ curred. He is said to have composed more than 100 come¬ dies, of which, however, even in the time of Cicero, only twenty-one were considered as really belonging to Plautus, 8 almost all of which are still extant. More elegant than Plautus is Terence, who came as a slave from Carthage to Rome, and is therefore called Afer. He was set at liberty 9 by his master. From Terence we have six plays, which are very elegantly written, (and) which he is said to have pol¬ ished with the assistance 10 of Scipio and Laelius. Renowned was also C. Lucilius, a Roman knight, the inventor of the satire, which Horace afterwards perfected. He died when Marius was consul for the third time, in the year 103 before Christ. Lucretius Carus can also be reckoned among the older poets on account of (his) old-fashioned 11 manner of writing, though he was a contemporary of Cicero. No. 157. 1 fabulam docere, or dare. 2 convertere, vertere, transferre. fc exagitare, perstringere. 4 familiaritas, acc. to S. Gr. § 207. 1.— Y. Gr. § 162. 2, or with uti. 5 S. Gr. § 284. 1.— Y. Gr. § 218. 2. 6 fabula. 7 poeta scenicus. 8 ‘'belonging to Plautus” by the Adj. Plautinus. 9 manumittere. 10 adjuvare. 11 priscus. 158. Roman Laws Hostile to the Christians. Though the Romans granted 1 defeated nations the liberty to worship the gods of their country, yet they did not wish foreign gods to be venerated by Roman citizens. During 2 the second Punic war so much foreign worship had crept into the state that either men or the gods seemed on a sud den to have changed. 3 But when this had become known the senate ordered the praetor to free the people from these religious ceremonies. Then a decree was passed by the sen- 168 Part I. ate that no one should sacrifice in a public or sacred place after a new and foreign manner. When in the year 186 be¬ fore Christ the abominable secret worship of Bacchus had been introduced a consul said in the assembled 4 senate: “ How often in the days of our fathers and grandfathers have orders been given to the magistrates to forbid 5 foreign worship, to keep such as offer sacrifice and soothsayers away 6 from the market, from the circus, and from the city, to gather and burn books that tell fortunes, to abolish any method of offering sacrifices besides the Roman. For men most experienced in all divine and human laws were of opinion that nothing would tend more to the destruction 7 of religion than if sacrifices were offered, not after the cus¬ tom of the country, but according to foreign rites.” In Cicero’s books on the laws we likewise read : “No one shall have separate gods nor 8 new ones; foreign ones shall not be venerated unless they have been adopted 9 by the state.” No. 158. 1 concedere, dare. 2 by a clause with dum geritur. 3 alium fieri. 4 convocare (Ablat. absol.). 5 a republica prohibere. 6 propulsare. 1 destruere. 8 ne quis—neve (“ no one—nor ”). 9 adsciscere. 159. Chapter II. Maecenas, who in Dio Cassius gives advice to Augustus on the administration of the commonwealth, says: “Always and everywhere honor the deity according to ancestral laws and institutions, and compel all to do the same. Despise and punish those who wish to introduce 1 foreign divine worship. Such innovators seduce many citizens to change the customs of their country, 2 and that {Relat.) is the occasion of conspir¬ acies, dangerous plots and societies.” Domitius Ulpianus still collected the decrees of the emperors in order to show what punishments ought to be inflicted upon those men who loved 3 the true God. Those old laws issued for the pres¬ ervation 4 of the religion of the state threatened the Chris¬ tians with ruin. Moreover, it was forbidden to form asso¬ ciations 5 without the permission of the state, and this law was also an obstacle to the Christians. It is known that in the Section XIII. 169 year 313 Constantine and Licinius issued that famous edict 8 by which they allowed the Christians to perform their wor¬ ship publicly and to profess their religion freely. In the year 341 Constantius and Constans, the sons of the great Con¬ stantine, forbade under punishment 7 the sacrificial worship of the gods, and in the year 353 Constantius ordered, under pain of death, that in all cities and everywhere else their temples should be closed. Those laws were, indeed, little observed at Home and Alexandria, but in other cities the gods ceased to be worshipped. 8 In the country, too, many persevered in the old superstition, wherefore the worshippers of the false gods were called “ country people.” 9 A law issued in the year 399 says: “ If temples are in the country, they shall be destroyed without din and noise, for when they have been pulled down and removed all inducement 10 to superstition will be destroyed.” Yet Theodosius most strictly prohibited the annoyance of those Jews and heathens who kept quiet and did not commit any seditious actions. Whoever robbed them of anything and was convicted should be compelled to return it three or four fold. No. 159. 1 See 158, 9. 2 by the Adj. patrius. 3 Par tic. Gonstr. 4 tueri. 5 sodalitates esse. 6 edictum proponere. 7 poena proposita. 8 S. Gr. § 146. Note. — Y. Gr. § 204. 2. 9 paganus. 10 incitamentum. 160. Take up and 1 Read. With great sorrow had St. Monica seen h$r son Augustine, whom she had brought up 2 with motherly love, plunge him¬ self into licentiousness and vice. 3 At last God had pity with the misery of the unfortunate youth, and led him back to Himself. Once, as St. Augustine himself tells us in his “ Confessions,” 4 he was sitting in a little garden near the house together with his friend Alypius. Oppressed with grief at his sins, he made the resolution to free himself from them, and he shed abundant tears. 5 And he said to himself 6 : “ Be it done! I must get out of the fetters of vice.” As the ; presence of (his) friend prevented the stream of tears he betook himself to a remote part of the garden and begged assistance 170 Part I. of God. There he heard, as it were, a boy or a girl singing: “ Take up and 1 read ! Take up and read ! 55 He reflected whether those words occurred in some child’s play, 7 but he could not remember ever to have heard them. Believing 8 that this was a divine voice, he seized the Bible 9 and opened it; for he had the Epistles of St. Paul with him in the garden. And he found, in the Epistle to the Romans, the words with which the apostle gives the advice to walk honestly as in the day, to avoid impurities, banquetings, and every kind of intemperance, and to imitate Christ our Lord. This admo¬ nition vehemently struck his soul, which had been given to such vices, and he told his friend Alypius what had happened. The latter took the book and continued reading in the place which has just been mentioned: “ Him that is weak in faith 10 take unto you,” and he deemed himself to be pointed out by these words. Thus God in His goodness drew both young men near to Himself. What joy did St. Augustine, who thus became a faithful servant of God, afterwards cause 11 to his pious mother, at whose death 12 he was present! 13 No. 160. 1 “and” is not to be translated. 2 Pass. Partic. Constr. S. Or. §283. 2. 2., “by her” which appears in the English sentence when changed into the Passive , is not to be translated. 3 intemperantiae et flagitiis se dedere. 4 in confessionibus. 5 vim lacrimarum profundere, lacrimas tenere non posse, se dare lacrimis. 6 secum loqui. 7 lusio puerorum. 8 reri. 9 divinae litterae, libri divini (sacri). 10 infirmus fide. 11 gaudio afflcere aliquem. 12 by the Partic. 13 adesse. SECTION XIY. Use of the Gerund. (S. Gr. § 285-289.—Y. Gr. § 220-224.) 161. On Settling Quarrels. 1 There are two ways of quarrelling, 2 the one by * discussion, 4 the other by force; of which the former is more peculiar to men, the latter to animals. In a discussion one must take Section XIY. m care not to be more desirous of gaining a victory than of stating 6 the truth. For nothing is more obliging, nothing more useful for the maintenance 6 of peace than the effort to acknowledge 7 truth and justice also in an adversary. But if one abuses the art of speaking for the oppression of his adver¬ sary, enmity and not concord will result 8 from the discussion. Therefore no one is fitter for the settling 9 of quarrels than he who strives without anger and passion to vindicate 10 the right of both parties. How distinguished, in this matter, do we find Menenius Agrippa, who used so great a mildness 11 of speaking that he easily reconciled 12 the most quarrelsome 13 people to the fathers. For all perceived that he had spoken only to consolidate the common weal without any desire to prefer the opposite party. But that other kind of quarrelling, too, which is carried on by force, cannot always be avoided amongst men ; one must have recourse 14 to the latter, as Cicero says, if it is not possible to make use of the former. Therefore wars must, indeed, be waged, not, however, from the desire 16 of oppressing others, but to be able to live in peace without injury. Yet after gaining the victory one must spare those who have been conquered, if they did not make themselves worthy of a heavier punishment by their cruelty in waging the war. Thus the ancient Homans acted towards the Sabines, Aequi, and Volsci. Though they had the power of oppressing them, yet they used the milder way of forbearance, 16 and even admitted them to citizenship 17 with equal rights. Carthage, on the contrary, which had conducted the war from a desire of ruling and by fraudulent actions, was entirely destroyed. Likewise they were not able to spare Numantia, as the Numantines suffered no oppor¬ tunity to pass of renewing hostilities. Thus by sparing the conquered and crushing the proud the Homans obtained pos¬ session of the world. No. 161. 1 controversias componere. 2 contendere, certare. 3 per. 4 disceptatio. 5 confirmare, stabilire, or in venire. 6 tueri. 7 conservare. 8 etfici. 9 dirimere, componere. *°vindicare. 11 lenitas. 13 reconciliare aliquem alicui, also placare. 13 contention^ cupidus. 14 confugere. 16 libido, or cupiditas. 16 by parcere. 11 aliquem in civitatem recipere. 172 Part I. 162. On the Desire of Learning. As by its very nature the bird is impelled to fly and the fish to swim, 1 so is the mind of man impelled to think. By thinking the mind is nourished and strengthened, 2 so that in all things it is able to perceive what is true, what false; moreover, we are enabled 3 by the exercise of this faculty to comprehend and understand all that we see or hear. But as there exists an immense multitude of subjects to the knowl¬ edge 4 of which man’s mind feels itself strongly attracted, one occupies himself 5 with the investigation* of these, another of those things; and what each one has acquired he communicates to others. Thus one becomes the scholar of the other; for to learn is to think under another’s guidance. 7 But this faculty of learning, if we investigate the truth, 8 is found in man alone; animals can by force and practice 9 only be brought 10 so far that a certain appearance of learning is recognized in them. But for men there is not only the noblest joy but also the greatest advantage contained 11 in learning. Boys and young men ought, therefore, not only to learn much by exercising their faculties, but also to make themselves fitter 12 for learning. For one must learn as long as there is anything which one does not know; that is, as long as one lives. There are many examples of the most renowned men, who, throughout their whole life, preserved 13 the desire of learning. Of Pythagoras, Solon, and Plato it is known that they undertook the greatest and most trouble¬ some journeys out of love for the investigation of truth. How desirous of learning Solon was may be judged 14 from that Pentameter which ancient writers have often quoted 19 for the encouragement of young people: yr^aaxco S ahi TioHa dcdaaxofievo^. “ I am getting an old man,” says he, “continually learning 1 * many things.” The philosopher Democritus is said to have made a present of his paternal in¬ heritance 17 to his native city that he might not be drawn away 18 from his studies by the administration of his property. That inheritance, however, was so large that the father of Democritus, as is related, was able to give, without difficulty, 11 Section XIV. 173 ft dinner to Xerxes and his whole army. Very well known in this regard—to add hut one instance—is Archimedes. After the taking of Syracuse a soldier, in order to plunder, 20 had made his way into the house of Archimedes, and asked him with his sword drawn who he was. But the latter was so deeply engaged 21 in his investigation that he gave only this answer: “Do not disturb my circles.’’ Thus he was slain by the soldier. No. 162. 1 natare. 2 corroborare. 3 Steffici. 4 cognoscere. 5 intentum esse. 6 investigare, indagare. 1 ducere, dux. 8 verum quaerere. 9 assue- facere. 10 perducere, adducere. 11 contineri (“for men” Oenit.). 12 para- tus, promptus. 13 tenere, retinere. 14 existimare, cognoscere. 15 laudare. 16 addiscere. 11 patrimonium (= “ pat. inh”). 18 abducere, avocare, ab- strahere. 19 molestia. 20 praedari, or praedam facere. 21 intentus. 163. On the Improvement 1 of the Soul and the Body. It is, no doubt, deserving of great praise to spend much labor 2 on exercising the body and developing 3 its strength, but it is certainly more praiseworthy to bestow pains 4 on the cultivation 5 of the soul. This was well understood even by the wisest men of antiquity. Therefore they often blamed * those who were more eager to show the strength of their body than (that) of their mind. Thus, in Cicero’s book on old age, Cato justly censures 7 a certain Milo of Croton, who wept when he saw some young people exercising themselves in running, leaping, and wrestling, and could no more take part in such exercises on account of his old age. For that man seems to have believed that true dignity consisted not so much in perfecting the soul as in acquiring greater strength and nimbleness 8 of the body. Something similar is related of Plato. A certain Anniceris from Cyrene had occupied himself 9 most zealously for several years with the taming and managing 10 of horses, and possessed the greatest skill 11 in riding. Desirous of showing 12 his skill in the presence of many distinguished men, he gave one day a proof 13 of it in the academy where Plato and a great multitude had assem¬ bled to see him. At full speed 14 he drove his horses several 174 Part I. times around in a great circle, 16 and whilst driving 18 he directed his chariot so accurately that, in returning, the wheels never deviated from the track 17 which had been marked out before. When, therefore, the crowd, inclined 18 to admiration, applauded 19 him with great acclamation, Plato blamed that man, who had spent so much labor on learning a thing of so little value. For he said that it w T as not possible that he who had employed 20 his life in practicing such an art was not entirely drawn away from study. Besides virtue, nothing was deserving of admiration but what was the result 21 of earnest thought. Thus the hope of being praised 22 by Plato disappointed Anniceris. No. 163. 1 excolere. 2 multum laboris impertire. 3 perficere. 4 ope- ram collocare, ponere in. 5 See 1. 6 vituperare. 7 reprehendere. 8 agi- litas. 9 occupatum esse in aliqua re. ,0 regere. 11 peritia. 12 ostentare. 13 specimen edere. 14 cursu incitato, concitato. 15 in orbem agitare. 16 vehere. 17 orbita. 18 pronus, propensus. 19 plaudere. 20 consumere in aliqua re. 21 by gignere, efficere. 22 laudem sibi par&re (comparare) a. 164. Solemnities 1 of a Roman Triumph. The custom of celebrating triumphs was especially a Roman custom. Such a triumph was a solemn procession 2 which a commander, who had endeavored 3 to secure a most important victory to the commonwealth, was given the permis¬ sion 4 of holding 6 through the city to the Capitol. Romulus himself is said to have had the first opportunity of celebrat¬ ing such a triumph, when he returned victorious to the city, after having slain Acron, the king of the Caeninenses, who, wishing to avenge the Sabine virgins, had made war against the Romans. After the expulsion 8 of the kings, when the people to some extent took part 7 in the administration of public affairs, 8 the permission to hold a triumphal procession generally depended 9 on the senate, sometimes on the people, and was only given to him who had conquered a foreign nation, slain at least 5,000 enemies in battle, and extended the Roman dominion. The Campus Martius was always considered as the fittest place for beginning the triumphal Section XIY. 175 procession. Thence it moved by the triumphal road across the Circus Flaminius, then through the triumphal gate to the Capitol, those places being most convenient for display and for watching 10 such a pageant. 11 For the sake of adding- more brilliancy to it, all the streets were strewn with flowers, and altars w T ere erected to burn 12 incense. The procession was headed 13 by flute-players and singers, who sang triumphal hymns. 14 After them followed the oxen, by the sacrificing of which thanks should be given to the gods. Then all the booty taken from the enemy, statues, paintings, precious vessels, arms and other things, besides all the presents sent by the allied nations, were carried on many wagons. To give the people an opportunity of learning what nations and cities had been conquered, wooden tablets, on which the names were inscribed, were carried here and there in the procession. Then followed the captured princes and generals with their children and relatives, the lictors, and a long train of dancers, singers, censer-bearers, 16 and others. No. 164. 1 sollemnia. 2 pompa. 3 operam dare. 4 facultas, potes- tas. 5 agere. 6 expellere. 7 participem esse. 8 rem publicam adminis- trare. 9 proficisci a. 10 explicare et spectare. 11 See 2. 12 S. Gr. § 288. 1. — T. Gr. § 223. 13 aperire, or initium facere. 14 carmen. 15 suffitor. 165. Chapter II. At some distance 1 followed the general himself, clad in pur¬ ple garments, that is to say, in an embroidered 2 toga and the tunica palmata, with a garland of laurel around his head, a laurel-branch 3 in the right hand, in the left an ivory sceptre, on the top of which was a golden eagle. He stood on a gilt 4 chariot which was adapted 6 to carry also the general’s chil¬ dren. To 6 prevent every opportunity of pride and self- sufficiency, 7 a slave stood behind the general, who continually whispered * the following words into his ear : “ Remember that you are a man ! ” The chariot, at the side of which were the general’s legates and tribunes of war, was drawn by four white horses, sometimes by elephants. From the time of Augustus, the consuls and senators, who formerly used to 176 Part I. walk before the triumphal chariot, always followed it on foot. 9 The army, which under the general’s command had done 10 so much to gain the victory and achieve great things, closed the procession. But a large multitude of citizens, very eager to see such splendor, followed without any order. The soldiers were crowned with garlands and sang songs for the glorification 11 both of their general’s deeds and their own. Now and then the words “ Io Triumphe! ” were in¬ serted, 12 in the repetition 13 of which the whole crowd most enthusiastically 14 joined. 15 When the general had nearly reached the Capitol, he ordered the captured princes and generals of the enemy to be thrown into prison and after¬ wards to be put to death. Yery seldom was a general in¬ clined 16 to spare the life of the captives. After thanks had been rendered to the gods for the victory, the general gave his friends and the noblest citizens a most splendid banquet at the Capitol, whence he was then conducted home by the people with music 17 and torch-lights. 18 Yery often all this could not be carried out in one day, but several days were necessary 19 to finish a triumphal procession. No. 165. 1 spatium intermittere {Ablat. absol.). 2 pictus. 3 only laiirus. 4 auratus. 6 accommodatus ad. 6 ad. 8. Gr. § 288. 1. — V Gr. § 223. 7 superbire et sibi placere. 8 insusurrare. 9 pedes, itis. 10 valere, adjuvare ad. 11 celebrare 12 interponere. 13 repetere. 14 summo stu¬ dio. 15 participem fieri. 16 propensus ad, also by impellere ad. 17 can- tus. 18 funale, is. n. 19 necessarius ad. SECTION XY. Use of the Supine. (S. Gr. § 290-291.—Y. Gr. § 226. 227.) 166. C. Marius Conquers the Cimbri and Teutons. When C. Marius had finished the Jugurthine war, he was, in the year 104 before Christ, elected consul a second time, and sent as general against the Cimbri and Teutons. These Section XY. 177 nations 1 had come from the farthest 2 Horth, and had al¬ ready cut to pieces four Roman armies, so that a great terror seized the minds of all. It is astonishing to hear how Marius prepared his soldiers for the conquest of these ter¬ rible foes. For a long time he kept them in a well-fortified camp which the enemy did not dare to attack. By very hard labor and strict military discipline he roused 3 the courage of the soldiers and their desire for fighting. At the same time he now and then despatched horsemen to reconnoitre 4 what the enemy were doing. Yet the bar¬ barians did not move from their position. Soon forage 5 and water were wanting in the camp, and the soldiers be¬ came indignant 6 that they were kept so long enclosed, and were in want of 7 the most necessary things. Marius en¬ couraged them to quit the camp and to go to the Rhone to fetch water. 8 This was easy to say, but very difficult to do; but the orders of the commander had to be obeyed. As often, then, as the soldiers went to forage 9 they met 10 with some of the enemy and engaged in combat 11 ; the same happened to those who were sent to fetch water; and not rarely were the Roman soldiers victorious. 12 Marius had thought this the best means to accustom his men to the sight of the terrible 13 barbarians, and that they would thus cease to fear them. Soon the courage 14 of the Romans in¬ creased ; in the camp utterances were heard that it was a pity to see how much Roman bravery was despised by the enemy. The general should lead them to battle; that it was better to fall while fighting than to be killed while being sent out like servants 16 to fetch water. No. 166. ’gens. 2 ultimus. 3 acuere, stimulare. 4 speculari, ex- plorare. 5 pabulum. 6 indignari. 7 carere. 8 aquari. 9 pabulari. ,0 congredi. 11 manus conserere (= “ to eng. in c.”). 12 superiorem discedere. 13 atrox. 14 animus (Plur.). 15 calo. 167. Chapter II. All this was pleasing to Marius. He prepared with the greatest care whatever he thought necessary. As soon as 178 Part I. he found 1 a favorable opportunity for the combat, lie cour¬ ageously attacked the Teutons, who had pitched their camp nearer to him. The battle was fought at Aquae Sextiae in the year 102 before Christ. By the strategetical skill 2 of Marius and the military science of the Homans the barbari¬ ans were put to flight and their camp taken by storm. 3 Yet only a few were captured alive. These were of such a size of body that people hurried together from all sides to look at those fearful 4 men, whose name had shortly before filled every one with terror. It is incredible to say how great a joy the news of this victory produced 5 at Home. But the commander believed that he ought not to delay, 6 and im¬ mediately marched with his victorious army into Upper Italy, where the other consul, Catulus, was hard pressed 7 by the Cimbri. Marius sent faithful men in advance to an¬ nounce his plans. Thus the two consular armies were soon united to attack the Cimbri with combined forces. In the Raudian fields, not far from Yerona, in the year 101 before Christ, that battle was fought, in which the Cimbri were beaten and, wonderful to say, cut down nearly to the last man. 8 Thus Marius had, within four years, finished the war, in which Rome seemed to be destined to perish. 9 The senate sent prominent 10 men to congratulate him; the people hastened to all the temples to thank 11 the gods; the praises of Marius were endless. He returned triumphantly to the city, bringing with him the prisoners, who though fettered were still terrible to behold ; and although he had, against the law, discharged 12 the consulship for four years in succession, 13 he was again elected consul for the following year. This was his sixth and last consulship; for the seventh, on which he entered in the year 86 before Christ, he held but a fortnight, as he died on the Ides of January. No. 167. 1 nancisci. 2 virtus imperatoria. 3 impetu facto expug- nare. Mmmams. 6 efficere, excitare. 6 cunctari, morari. 7 gravissime urgere. 8 ad unum omnes. 9 “ to be destined to perish ” Periphr. Conjug. in — urus. ,0 priaceps, or Superl. of nobilis. 11 by salutare. 12 gerere. 13 deinceps. Section XY. 179 168. The Grateful Lion. It is easy to understand that gratitude 1 is praiseworthy, but it is difficult to say why many are so far from showing 2 it towards their benefactors 3 that they even return injuries for benefits. Such can even learn from animals ( bestia ), since it is astonishing to see that they are not altogether void of gratitude. 4 It is on the one hand 5 very pleasant to read, on the other very difficult to believe, what Gellius relates 8 of a certain lion. One day the people had assem¬ bled to view the (scenic) hunting 7 which was exhibited in the Circus at Home. Many wild beasts of unusual size and fierceness had been brought from different countries to delight the spectators, among which animals was a lion, ter- tible to behold 8 and remarkable for its fierce roaring 9 and extraordinary strength. A slave, Androclus by name, who had been condemned to death, was conducted into the Circus to fight with the ferocious beast. As soon as the lion had seen the slave, it gazed at 10 him for a while, and (it is al¬ most incredible to say) having approached him in the man¬ ner of a fawning dog, prostrated itself at his feet and licked his hands. It was easy to see that there was something unusual in the event. The people, therefore, asked An¬ droclus, after he had been removed from the Circus, how h came to pass that the lion had not dared to touch him And Androclus told them he had been so cruelly treated by his master that he had taken refuge in a desert. 11 It was impossible to describe what hardships he had suffered there for several days, as he was without food and shelter. 12 Finally he had found a cave, which he had hardly entered when a lion of enormous size followed him, limping 13 and groaning, 14 with the blood flowing from one of its feet. Frightened at first at the sight of the approaching animal, he had, however, soon recovered courage when the animal had raised its foot asking, as it were, for help. He had then plucked out 15 a thorn sticking fast in the foot, pressed out the matter, 18 and thus freed it from pain. For this act of kindness (though it is hard to believe) the lion had been 180 Part I. so grateful, that it remained with him in the cave for three years, and had constantly brought him the best portions of its prey to sustain his life. One day, in the absence of the lion, he had left that hiding-place, 17 had been captured by soldiers, brought back to his former master, and condemned to death. Now, Androclus added, on entering the Circus, I meet with that same lion, and still mindful, as it were, of the benefit it shows its gratitude 18 towards me. The people believed it unlawful to punish the slave. Androclus was set at liberty; the lion was given him as a present, and the people so highly esteemed the grateful animal that, when Androclus conducted it through the city, they adorned it with flowers and presented money to its leader. No. 168. Animus beneficiorum memor. 2 8. Gr. § 275. 2. 2.— Y. Gr. § 191. 5. z by a clause “ those who” etc. 4 beneficiorum immemor (= “ without grat.”). 6 “on the one hand — on the other” by ut — ita. 6 memoriae prod ere (Perf.). 7 venatio. 8 aspicere. 9 fremitus. 10 con- templari. n loca deserta. 12 deversorium. 13 claudicare. 14 gemitus edere. 16 evellere. 16 sanies. 11 latibulum. 18 gratiam referre alicui. PART II. Exercises Based on Latin Authors. SECTION XVI. Aesopian Fables from Phaedrus. t 169. A Few Preliminary Remarks 1 on the Fable and its Inventor. The fable is a kind of poetic narrative which does not teach by proofs, but shows by fictitious examples what is good or bad, 2 what useful or hurtful. These examples are mostly taken from the lives of animals, of which some are very similar to men in this respect, 3 others in that. For by examples men are taught the easiest. However, not only the matter, but also the style 4 of the fable is very simple, so that even without any learning it can be understood by every¬ body. But one who has learned what is good and useful from the example of others will try to imitate it in his life, and one who has understood what is bad and hurtful will avoid it. Thus the fable does not only teach, but is also ad¬ vantageous and useful. Now 5 this species of narrative is commonly called the Aesopian fable, because it is said to have been invented by Aesop. Others doubtless have also made use of this kind of teaching in ancient times, but Aesop is the earliest whose name has been handed down to us, and who by his fables has acquired 6 the reputation of great wisdom. Herodotus, the most ancient historian 7 of the Greeks, mentions him as a renowned writer of fables. He also says that Aesop was the slave of a certain Jadmon of Samos, that he was wickedly 8 assassinated, and that the oracle itself had called upon the friends of Aesop to avenge his murder.® Finally, from what Herodotus relates we learn that Aesop flourished about the year 560 before Christ, (183) 184 Part II. Whatever else is related of his life is uncertain. However, Phaedrus says that he was a Phrygian by birth ; that he was very ugly 10 and deformed, and many other things of the same kind have been invented by later writers. 11 No. 169. 1 pauca praeponuntur. 2 by honestus and turpis. 3 res. 8. Gr. § 238. 7. c. 3.— Y. Gr. § 153. 4 sermo. Mgitur. 6 sibi parare, parfire. 7 reruin scriptor. 8 nefarie. 9 ad ulciscendam caedem excitare. 10 foedus. 11 only posterior. 170. Chapter II. But we have no mind to pass over in silence 1 what Plu¬ tarch of Chaeronea, a distinguished Greek writer of the first century after Christ, has related of Aesop. For if we believe 2 him, Aesop was for his eminent wisdom invited 3 by Croesus, king of Lydia, and came to Sardes, where great honors were bestowed 4 upon him. At the same time Solon came also to Sardes. When the latter failed to admire the power 6 and riches of Croesus, and deemed certain private men of Greece, who were already dead, happier than the most powerful king, Aesop took his recklessness 6 ill and made reproaches 7 to him. “ Oh, Solon,” said he, “ to kings one must speak either as little as possible or in the most sub¬ missive manner.” 8 To which Solon replied.: “By no means, 9 but to kings we must speak either as little or as well as possible.” That the fables of Aesop enjoyed 10 great authority in the remotest time can be proved from many passages of ancient writers. However, those fables seem not to have been consigned to writing by the author, but circu¬ lated 11 by oral tradition, 12 and they were composed not in verse, but in the language of common life. Remarkable is what Socrates relates of himself in Plato. For 13 he says that whilst in prison he had put into verse 14 several fa¬ bles of Aesop which he retained in his memory. The same was afterwards done by other Greeks, especially by a certain Babrius, who, in the time of Augustus, collected a great many Aesopian fables. No. 170. 1 tacere (== “ to pass over in sil”). 2 fidem habere, ere dere. 3 Participle. 8. Gr. §282 1.— Y. Gr. §215. 3, and § 216 end. Section XVI. 185 4 tribuere, habere. 5 opes. 6 insolentia, immodestia. 1 alicui aliquid crimini vertere. 8 quam mitissime. 9 minime vero. 10 by esse. 11 di vulgare. 12 sermo hominum. 13 enim. 14 redigere. 171. The Poet Phaedrus. The oldest fable (circulated) among the Romans is that delightful story of Menenius Agrippa on the discord which arose 1 between the members of the body and the stomach , 3 which fable was not only highly entertaining, but also very useful to the Roman people. However, among the Romans Phaedrus must be considered the first writer of fables. As he himself relates, he was born in Thrace, which is said to have been a very renowned abode of the Muses and the na¬ tive country of the most ancient poets Linus and Orpheus. Having by an unfortunate incident 3 been led into slavery , 4 he came as a youth into the family of Augustus, and there he displayed 5 such great learning and so great a fondness 6 for the liberal 7 arts that Augustus granted him freedom. For this reason he is usually called Phaedrus, a freedman 8 of Augustus. In most cases Phaedrus has made use of the materials which Aesop had invented and has put 9 them into verses of six feet . 10 It seems, however, that in some fables he too sarcastically 11 censured 13 and hurt certain distin¬ guished 13 men, among these Sejanus, the most powerful flatterer of the emperor Tiberius. The poet, therefore, was obnoxious 14 to Sejanus and was falsely accused by him and, as it seems, thrown into prison 16 by Tiberius. It was only 16 under the reign of Claudius, when he was a very old man , 17 that he recovered his liberty. The Fables of Phaedrus are divided into five books. It seems that the two first were published 18 under the reign of Tiberius; the three last the poet published 19 after that emperor’s death, as we see from the prologue to ( Gen.) the third book. No. 171. 1 by esse. 2 venter. 3 ad versus casus. 4 in servitutem ab- ducere. 6 ostendere. 6 studium. 1 bonus, or optimus. 8 libertus. 9 polire. 10 versus senarius. 11 nimis dicaciter. 12 notare. 13 princeps. 14 invisus. 15 in carcerem, or in vincula conjicere. 16 demum. 17 ad- modum senex. 18 edere. 19 in publicum emittere. 186 Part II. 172. How one Fox Deceived a Raven, and another took Revenge on an Eagle. (Phaedr. Fab. I. 13 and I. 28.) One day a raven had stolen some cheese, and holding it in his beak he flew 1 towards a wood. There he alighted on a lofty tree to eat the cheese. A fox saw him and began to praise him with deceitful words. “ How bright is thy plumage, oh raven!” said he, “how charming the graceful¬ ness of thy body and the beauty of thy countenance! If thou were not without 2 voice I would indeed call thee the king of birds.” Deceived by this praise the raven opened his mouth to show the power of his voice. The cheese fell to the ground and, smiling, the fox seized and greedily de¬ voured it. Another fox came home and found that her off¬ spring had been taken away by an eagle. The latter had flown to the top of a high tree to feed his own young ones with the prey . 3 The poor mother besought the eagle with many tears not to make her miserable by killing her young. But on account of the height of the tree the eagle considered himself safe from 4 all danger and despised the entreaties of the fox. Overpowered 5 by grief, the latter snatched some firebrands 6 from a nearby altar and placed 7 them around the tree so that it was soon on fire. Too late 8 did the eagle see his disadvantage, but neither was he able to preserve his own young ones from death nor did the fox save her off¬ spring. The former fable teaches us that fools are deceived by flatterers if they listen to them; the latter that we must never despise an enemy of howsoever low a rank he may be, for revenge easily finds an opportunity of doing harm.* No. 172. ’avolare. 2 deesse. 3 aliquid carpendum apponere. 4 ab. * capere. 6 fax ardens. 7 congerere. 6 sero (-= “ too late ”). 9 nocere. Section XVI. 187 173. How one Fox Got out of a Well, 1 and how another was Repaid 2 by a Stork. (Pkaedr. Fab. IV. 9 and I. 26.) A fox had fallen into a well. Leaping upwards with all his might he endeavored to escape; but the brink was too high, and the poor 3 animal was kept inclosed as 4 in a prison. By chance a he-goat came there to drink. On seeing the fox he asked whether the water was good. u Yery sweet, my friend,” said the fox; “ thou wilt hardly be able to satisfy thy desire by drinking.” Impelled 5 by thirst and at the same time enticed by the praise of the water, the goat descended into the well. At once the fox leaped on the goat’s horns, escaped, and left the latter imprisoned. One day a stork was invited to dinner by a fox. The latter served everything and especially a delicious 8 broth’ on plates , 8 so that the hungry stork was hardly able to take anything. When the stork had returned home without complaint , 9 he in turn 10 invited the fox to dinner, but served 11 all his delicacies 19 in bottles . 13 The stork very easily partook of everything, but the fox tried in vain, and had to go away hungry. From the latter fable we learn that no one must be aston¬ ished at being treated 14 as he treats others; from the former, that we should beware of the shrewdness of those who try to profit by the disadvantages of their neighbors. No. 173. 1 puteus. 11 by parem gratiam alicui referre. 3 miser. 4 tanquam, velut. 5 allicere. 6 suavis (or grati) saporis, or only suavis. 'sorbitio. 8 patina. 9 queri. S. Or. § 282. 2.— T. Or. §216.4. 10 re vocare. n apponere- 12 cibi delicatiores, or cuppedia, orum. 13 lagoena. ,4 tractare. 174. Two Faithful Dogs. (Phaedr. Fab. I. 23 and V. 10.) A thief went towards midnight 1 to a country-house to steal , 2 if it were possible. He feared, however, the old 3 dog who used to watch the house. Therefore he threw some bread to the dog in order to win 4 him by a show of kindness. 188 Part II. But experienced in such things, the animal said: “ Thou art greatly mistaken, if thou believe that this food will restrain my tongue; for I am not so inexperienced and foolish as to be deceived by thy unexpected liberality.” And at once the dog began to bark loudly , 5 so that the frightened thief took to flight.® By his courage and swift¬ ness another dog had always done great service 7 to a hunter for many years; but at length,® when old age pressed heavily on him , 9 he grew languid. Nevertheless the old dog still went out hunting 1(1 with his master. One day he caught a bristly boar 11 by the ear, but on account of his decayed 12 teeth was unable to hold him fast. When the boar had escaped and the hunter’s hope was disappointed, the latter became angry and reproached the dog. But the old animal said : “ I have not forsaken thee purposely , 13 but my strength has been diminished by old age.” Do not condemn him who satisfies you in all things as long as it is his duty 14 to please you, and as long as he is able to do so. This the latter fable teaches; the former tells us that snares are laid in vain for experienced people. No. 174. 1 media nox. 2 furari. Supine, or by a clause with lit. 3 vetus. 4 placare, conciliare. 5 magna voce. 6 aufugere. ’multa officia praestare. 8 postremo. 9 aliquem urgere. 10 Supine. H setosus aper. 12 cariosus. 13 by consilium, here also dolus. 14 oportet. 175. How Mockery 1 was Punished, and a Rash Plan Aban¬ doned. (Phaedr. Fab. I. 9 and Append. I. 2.) Nothing can be more foolish than that he who is not him¬ self on his guard gives good advice to others. This we shall show by the example of a sparrow and a hare. An eagle surprised 2 a hare by a sudden attack. The captured animal burst out into loud cries of distress. In this calamity reproaches were made to the hare by a sparrow, who mock¬ ingly 3 asked him: “Why didst thou delay? Why didst thou not make use of thy known swiftness of foot?” But hardly had he thus spoken when he himself was seized by a Section XVII. 189 hawk, and whilst crying aloud was torn to pieces . 4 Thus the sparrow perished by the same fate for which he had just before ridiculed the hare with his foolish advice. From the following fable we learn how useful it is for those who believe their misfortune too great to be borne to have regard to others; for he who does so in the right manner 5 will soon find that he is not the only one who suffers, and hence he will learn patience in misfortune. Owing to the noise of dogs and hunters the hares had been seized with so great a terror 8 that thev wished to die rather than to live thus in con- €/ tinual fear. Therefore the plan was formed that all should throw themselves into a lake. When the whole train arrived in great haste on the shore, a large multitude of frogs sitting in the grass threw themselves, frightened 7 by the approaching 8 throng of hares, without delay into the lake. Then an old hare said: “Behold, my friends, also others have their fears. Let us, then, as the other animals, stick to that life which has been granted us by nature.” No. 175. 1 irrisio. 2 opprimere. 3 irridere. 4 laniare, lacerare. 6 only recte. 6 by terror alicui injicitur. 7 exterrere. 8 adventare. SECTION XVII. Greek Generals from Nepos. 176. A Few Preliminary Remarks 1 on the Life and Writings of Cornelius Nepos. Cornelius Nepos was born in Northern Italy, which was called Gallia Cisalpina, of the illustrious family 3 of the Cornelii. His birthplace is said to have been Hostilia, a vil¬ lage 3 near Verona; this, at least, is certain, that in the Mid¬ dle Ages 4 the Veronese erected a statue to Cornelius Nepos as 5 their distinguished townsman 6 among the other Veronese in the city hall . 7 The year in which he was born cannot be 190 Part II. accurately determined 8 ; however , 9 his life doubtlessly falls within the period of time 10 between the years 100 and 30 before Christ. Even as a boy Nepos seems to have been taken 11 by his father to Rome; and it is probable that he spent 12 his whole life in the city or in neighboring villas. From his very boyhood 13 he likewise seems to have entirely devoted himself to the study of letters, and especially of those which pertain to history. In his youth as 'well as in his manhood 14 this love of arts and letters was so great that he never sought 16 nor discharged 16 any public office, but spent 17 all his time in those studies. He 18 was a man of the highest integrity and sweetness of manners, and enjoyed the intimate friendship 19 of the noblest Romans, especially of M. Tullius Cicero and T. Pomponius Atticus. Q. Valerius Catullus of Verona, by no means an obscure 20 Latin poet, has dedicated his poems to Cornelius Repos, either 21 because they were fellow-countrymen or because Nepos, as Catullus himself says, had already highly esteemed those lyric 22 poems. JVo. 176. 1 See 169, 1. 2 gens. 3 vicus. 4 media aetas (Singul.). 5 ut. 6 civis, or popularis. 7 curia. 8 definire. 9 verumtamen. 10 in id tempus, quod est. n deducere. 12 degere. 13 jamapuero. 14 by adolescens, and vir. 15 petere. 16 administrare. 17 tempus consumere in aliqua re. 18 idem. 19 uti familiaritate et amicitia. 20 ignobilis. S1 “ either— or” sive—sive 22 lyricus, melicus. 177. Chapter II. Of 1 all his writings Repos seems to have edited first the three books of Chronicles , 2 in which he had collected 3 the memorable events 4 of all peoples, especially of the Greeks aud Romans. The poet Catullus admiringly calls these books learned and laborious ones. A second work of Repos was the three books of examples, in which he described the cus¬ toms and institutions of ancient peoples. But the most ex¬ tensive 9 and the most celebrated work of Repos was that on illustrious men. This work is said to have been distributed into sixteen books and to have treated 6 of renowned kings and generals, lawyers 7 and orators, poets and historians,* Section XVTI. 191 philosophers and grammarians , 9 both of the Greeks and the Romans. Of these works of Nepos none is 10 complete . 11 But of the books on illustrious men five-and-twenty biogra¬ phies 12 have been preserved to us which are usually inscribed “ vitae excellentium imperatorum,” although not all of them treat of generals. Many learned men, however, believe that those biographies, except 13 the biography of Atticus, have been abridged 14 by a certain Aemilius Probus, who lived at the close 16 of the fourth century after Christ, under the reign of Theodosius the Great; others even maintain that they have been written, for the greater part , 16 by this man. But neither of these two opinions can be established 17 by sure proofs. It is rather probable that Cornelius himself, and no 18 other, is the writer of that famous little book. No. 177. 1 ex. 2 chronica, orum. 3 complecti. 4 res. 5 amplus. 5 agere. ’'juris consultus. 8 historicus. 9 grammaticus. 10 exstare, superesse. 11 integer. 12 only vita. 13 praeter. 14 contrahere. 15 sub finem. 16 maximam partem. 17 confirmare, stabilire. 18 8. Or. § 165. NoteS.—Y. Or. §108. 2. 178. Chapter III. It cannot, indeed, be denied that in the biographies of Nepos some errors are found. For the writer has sometimes confounded 1 men of the same name . 2 To 3 give one example, in the first two chapters of the life of Miltiades, he has re¬ ported of this conqueror of Marathon what, for the greater part, pertains to his uncle Miltiades, the son of Cypselus. In other things, too, both historical and geographical , 4 he has some¬ times erred. But the whole style 5 is so far from the man¬ ner 6 of the Theodosian time, that at least at this age, without doubt, no one has attained a like 7 simplicity and sweetness 8 of language. The writer describes the most important 9 things with the greatest conciseness and clearness 10 ; his language, without affected beauty, is so charming and pleasant that a certain natural grace 11 everywhere appears. Nepos has not aimed at the refined elegance 12 of the Ciceronian language, but he desired to use the familiar and almost common 13 kind 192 Part II. of expression; and in this he is so excellent that he has always greatly 14 delighted the minds of his readers. Xepos himself tells us whence he has taken 15 the materials 16 for the composition of his biographies. Foremost of all is Thucy¬ dides, who is, without doubt, one of the greatest historians 17 not only of the Greeks but of all ancient nations. Besides Thucydides, Xepos made use of a panegyric 18 of Agesilaus, which was formerly believed to have been composed by Xenophon. But it is very probable that it has not been writ¬ ten by him. Among other authors from whose writings 19 Nepos has taken many things, the most worthy of mention are Theopompus, who was born in the year 405 before Christ, and wrote a history 20 of the Greeks; Dinon, who lived a little later and wrote a Persian history; Timaeus, who wrote a history of Sicily and Italy ; and Polybius, the friend of the younger Scipio, of whose great work only the first five books are extant. No. 178. 1 commutare. a ejusdem nominis, or Adject, cognominis. 3 lit. 4 historicus,—geographicus. 5 scribendi genus. 6 ratio. 1 par. 8 suavitas. 9 gravis. 10 perspicuitas. 11 nativa venustas. 12 exculta ele- gantia. 13 quotidianus. 14 maximopere. 15 sumere, or sibi comparare. 16 rerum copia. 17 rerum scriptor. 18 laudatio. 19 scriptum, also liber. 20 res gestas scribere. also historiam scribere. 179. Miltiades and Histiaeus. (Nep. Milt. Ch. 1—3.) Miltiades of Athens, Cimon’s son, has by his own virtues increased the glory inherited from his forefathers. Elected general by his fellow-citizens to organize 1 the Thracian Chersonese, he, on the journey itself, reduced Lemnos and other islands under the power of the Athenians. By justice, bravery, and good fortune he obtained in the Chersonese, within a short time, an almost royal authority. But when the Persian king Darius came there 2 to make war upon the Scythians, he gave Miltiades the perpetual sovereignty over* those regions. After a bridge had been built on the river Hister, the king led the army across 4 and left as garrison of Section XVII. 193 the bridge Miltiades and other Greeks whom he had made princes in the cities of Ionia and Aeolia. For by this con¬ trivance 5 he hoped to effect that the princes would believe their own welfare to be identical 6 with that of the king, and would keep Asia under his power. Darius was unfortu¬ nate 7 against the Scythians. Messengers after messengers brought the news 8 that the army was in the greatest danger, 9 that the king had taken to flight. Then Miltiades believed that by fortune itself an opportunity had been given them of freeing Greece. He called upon the princes to break down the bridge, and showed 1# that if it were done the whole army with the king himself would perish within a short time; the Greeks in Europe would be safe, those in Asia would be free from all fear of the Persians. Not a few of the princes acceded to this plan; but Histiaeus of Miletus opposed it. “ On the dominion of Darius,” said he, “ our power, too, rests. If the king perishes, what hope will you have ? Which of you prefers to be punished by his fellow- citizens to ruling under 11 Darius?” Histiaeus prevailed. 15 But though Miltiades was conscious that he had been more a friend of common freedom than of his own sovereignty, he did not believe himself any more 13 safe in the Chersonese, and returned to Athens. No. 179. 1 constituere. 2 illuc. 3 Gen. 4 trajicere, traducere. 5 ars, artificium. 6 ponere. 7 adversa fortuna uti. 8 only afferre. 9 discrimen, also periculum. 10 docere, demonstrare. 11 sub. 12 vincere. 13 “ not — any more,” non amplius. 180. The Battle at Marathon. (Nep. Milt. Ch. 4-5.) Under the leadership 1 of Datis and Artaphernes, Darius had despatched an army of 200,000 foot and 10,000 horse with a fleet of 500 ships to subdue 2 Greece. After Euboea had been conquered 3 the immense army marched into At¬ tica, and pitched 4 camp in the plain of Marathon. The Athenians, terrified by the nearness of so great a danger, at once* sent a courier to Sparta, and asked the Lacedaemo- 194 Fart IT. nians to come most speedily to their help. At home ten generals were chosen to lead the army and defend the city, among them Miltiades. And since, by his valor and expe¬ rience in military affairs, he 6 had the greatest influence 7 with all, it was determined by his advice 8 to attack the ene¬ my in the open plain. Miltiades knew the minds of the Persians ; he hoped that if he could begin the battle at once 0 his own soldiers would be superior to them. The army of the Greeks consisted of 9,000 Athenians and 1,000 Plateans; of the other states none had come to the help of the Athe¬ nians. Miltiades had chosen 10 a suitable place for fighting at the foot of a mountain ; by hills and trees the hostile cavalry was hindered from surrounding the small body 11 of the Greeks. But the leaders of the Persians also, trusting in the number of their army, were very eager to fight, 12 and led their troops to battle. In this engagement it was perceived how much more was effected 13 by the bravery of the Greeks than by the vast number of the barbarians. The Persians were completely defeated and so much frightened that, aban¬ doning 14 their camp, they hastened in sudden flight to their ships and returned to Asia. What victory has ever been more illustrious 15 than this ? With a small body Miltiades had overthrown the tenfold number of Persians and liberated Ath¬ ens and the whole of Greece from the danger of servitude. So much more power has 16 the love of country and freedom than the desire of sovereignty. No. 180. 1 8. Gr. §284.1. — Y. Gr. § 218. 2. ’ opprimere. 8. Gr. §288. 1.— Y Gr. § 223. 3 Ablat. dbsol. 4 ponere. 5 statim. 6 “And since . . . . he” = Qui quum. See S. Gr. § 238. 6, esp. Note. 7 valere (= “ to haveinfl.”). 8 8. Gr. §284. 1.— Y. Gr. §218. 2. 9 quam pri- mum. 10 by capere. 11 manus. 12 8. Gr. § 286. — Y. Gr. § 221, and § 132, esp. 1. 13 Subjunctive. 14 omittere. Ablat. absol. 15 praeclarus. 16 “to have power ” posse, or valere. 181. Death of Miltiades. (Nep. Milt. Ch. 7-8.) Most of the islands of the Aegean sea had surrendered themselves and their property to the Persians, and supported Section XVII. 195 them in the war against the Athenians. Therefore Milti- ades was sent with a fleet of 70 ships to bring them back 1 under the dominion of the Athenians. Many returned of their own accord to their duty, others were conquered by force. The island of Paros resisted most vigorously. Its city was already surrounded by a blockade and cut off from all supplies, the sheds and pent-houses were already erected, and the besiegers 2 seemed to be on the point of taking pos¬ session of the city, when on a sudden at night a mighty fire was seen far off, which both armies believed to be a signal given by the fleet of the Persians. Miltiades feared to be sur¬ rounded by them, and, raising the siege, 3 returned with all his ships to Athens. The Athenians were much offended by the return of Miltiades. Therefore they accused him of treason, since, bribed by the money of the Persians, he had abandoned 4 the siege of Paros without bringing the affair to an issue. He himself was prevented 5 by the wounds re¬ ceived in that war from pleading his cause 6 before the judges; but still his brother Stesagoras effected so much by his speech that, on inquiry into the matter, Miltiades was acquitted of the capital charge. Nevertheless they deemed him deserving of punishment, and condemned him to a fine of 50 talents; and as this 7 sum was so great that he could not pay it, they threw him into the state prison, where not long afterwards the conqueror of Marathon died. But all agree 6 in this, that he was not condemned on account of the crime at Paros. He had frequently filled 9 the high¬ est offices, had held in the Chersonese the sovereignty and title of tyrant, and seemed to have obtained 10 too great a power to be content 11 with the position of a private citizen. Therefore, from fear of the tyrannis, they condemned that man who, according to the testimony of all, w r as possessed of no less gentleness and kindness 12 than of the valor and vir¬ tue of a general. 13 No. 181. 1 reducere. 2 Transl. “ and it seemed to be on the point (in eo), that the besiegers (here by hostis) took p.” etc. 3 obsidionem omittere. Ablat. absol. 4 discedere ab. 6 impedire. S. Gr. § 253.— T. Gr. % 196. 196 Part II. 6 causam dicere, also se defendere, or verba facere. 7 either quae pecunia quum, etc., or quae summa {with, or without pecuniae) quum, etc. See S. Gr. §238. 6., esp. Note. 8 consentire. Acc. with Inf. 9 versari. 10 adi- pisci. 11 by quam ut, and posse. 12 comitas atque humanitas. 13 by the Adj. imperatorius. 182. Themistocles and the Battle at Salamis. (Nep. Them. Ch. 1-5.) Themistocles had, in early youth, so much estranged 1 his parents from himself by too independent a life that they disinherited him. But his courage was not broken but raised by this 2 disgrace. He began, with the greatest activity, to devote himself to state affairs, and by his pru¬ dence and eloquence proved himself so very dexterous 3 both in the assembly of the people and in the discharge of busi¬ ness, that in a short time no one was preferred to him. The first public office which he discharged 4 w’as that of a general in the Corcyrean war. At that time he persuaded the people to increase the fleet by 100 ships. And when these had been built with the greatest rapidity, he conquered the Cor cyreans, crushed 6 the pirates, and brought 6 great riches to Athens. It was, however, to the greatest advantage of the Athenians that 7 they had become, by the advice of Themis¬ tocles, very skilled in naval affairs. For Xerxes, king of the Persians, had already set out with innumerable forces and a fleet of 1,200 men-of-war 8 against Greece to make good 9 the disgrace of the defeat at Marathon. Not unjustly did the Athenians fear that they especially were aimed at. 10 Moved by this fear, they sent messengers to Apollo to con¬ sult the oracle as to what was to be done. The answer of Pythia, that the Athenians would be safest 11 behind wooden walls, was obscure. Themistocles alone understood what 12 those wooden walls meant, 13 and he convinced his fellow- citizens that the fleet was pointed out by Apollo. There¬ fore they betook themselves with 14 all their property on board the ships and abandoned the city, after handing over the castle to the priests and a few aged 15 men. Meanwhile Leonidas with 300 Spartans had perished at Thermopylae Section XVII. 197 fighting most bravely. Thus 18 it happened that, on the ad¬ vice of Themistocles, the war was waged on board the ships. As the common fleet of the Greeks numbered 17 but 300 ships, of which 200 belonged to the Athenians, Themistocles kept himself in the straits of the sea, that the multitude of the enemy might not be able to surround him. No. 182. 1 abalienare. 2 Relative. 3 promptus. 4 (munere) fungi, (munus) capessere. 5 delere, opprimere. 6 conferre. 1 quod. 8 navis longa. 9 sarcire. 10 petere. 11 tutus. 12 quo. u by valere. u by que (See Nepos). 15 Comparative. 16 Transl. “ by which.” 11 habere. 183. Chapter II. The first naval battle was fought near Artemisium. Neither of the two parties obtained the victory. Never¬ theless Themistocles believed it necessary to retire 1 from Artemisium, that the enemy, after doubling 2 Euboea, might not endanger the fleet of the Greeks from two sides. There¬ fore, after abandoning 3 Artemisium, the ships were drawn up opposite Athens near Salamis. In the meantime the land-forces of the Persians had arrived at Athens. By order 4 of Xerxes the city and castle were at once destroyed by fire. By its blaze the Greek sea-forces were so much frightened that all except 6 the Athenians wished to go home and to defend themselves behind their walls. The¬ mistocles alone convinced the generals that, united, the Greeks would be a match 6 for the Persians, but disunited would have no hope of safety. But all this was insufficient to move 7 Eurybiades, the general of the Spartans ; therefore Themistocles used a stratagem to force the united fleet of the Greeks to fight. Through the most faithful of his slaves he informed 8 the king of the Persians that the Greeks intended 9 to depart in various directions. They could all be simultaneously crushed, if it pleased the king to attack them at once; but if he allowed 10 them to go home one by one, the war would become greater and of longer duration. When Xerxes heard these things, he resolved 11 at once to fight on the following day. But on the one hand the place 198 Fart II. was so favorable to the Greeks, and on the other so unfavor¬ able to the Persians, that Theinistocles with a small number of vessels completely defeated the largest fleet within 12 the recollection of men. But, as even after this defeat Xerxes had still such large forces that it was to be feared he might even 13 with these be able to oppress Greece, Themistocles, through a second messenger, inspired 14 him with the fear that his return to Asia might be cut off, 15 as the Greeks had determined to destroy the bridge across the Hellespont. Thus it happened that Xerxes returned to Asia as quickly as possible. No. 183. 1 discedere. Periphr. Conjug. 2 superare Ablat. absol. 3 relinquere. Ablat. absol. 4 8. Or. § 221. 2. 1., or § 47. II. 1.— T. Or. §28 . init. 5 praeter. 6 parem esse alicui. 7 minus movere. 8 nuntiare, 07' certiorem facere. 9 id agere ut. 10 pati. Acc. with Inf. 11 consti- tuere. 12 post. 13 vel. 14 injicere alicui aliquid. 15 aliquem reditu excludere. 184. Life and Fate of Themistocles after the Battle at Salamis. (Nep. Them. Ch. 6-10.) The victory at Salamis, which was won 1 less by the arms of the Greeks than by the prudence of Themistocles, is not unjustly compared with the trophies of Marathon. But not less great did Themistocles show himself in peace. The Athenians possessed then only the Phalerian harbor, which Themistocles deemed neither large nor good enough. He, therefore, persuaded them to build the triple harbor of Piraeus, and surround it with walls. He also caused 2 the walls of the city to be restored. But the Lacedaemonians, who tried to prevent the execution of his plan, he deceived 3 by a stratagem, and thus succeeded in enclosing 4 the city with the strongest walls before the Lacedaemonians were able to hinder it. For, on his advice, the Athenians prose¬ cuted 5 (Pluperf.) the work with so much ardor that they spared neither sanctuaries nor tombs; but for the construc¬ tion 0 of the walls brought 7 everything that seemed fit for Section XYII. 199 the fortification. Thus Athens was far better fortified than formerly. By these achievements 8 the authority of The- mistocles had grown so much that he could 9 as little escape the envy of his fellow-citizens as Miltiades. Therefore they sent him by ostracism into exile. But as he enjoyed 10 great honor even as an exile while living at Argos, he was, during his absence, accused of treason by the Lacedaemonians, be¬ cause he had given advice to the king of the Persians about 11 the overthrow 12 of the freedom of Greece. This being done, the Athenians condemned him to death. Fearing that he might not be able to live safely at Argos, Themistocles fled 13 first to Coreyra, then to Admetus, king of the Molossians, who, after offering his right hand as a pledge, 14 received him under his protection. The king performed what he had promised; for when in the name of the state the Athenians demanded the surrender 15 of Themistocles, he secretly 16 sent him with a guard on board a vessel to Pydna. No. 184. 1 parere Perf. 2 curare. 8. Or. §281. 3. and Note. — V Or. §219. 3. 3 fa!lere, frustrari. 4 saepire, also cingere. 6 facere (opus). 6 exstruere. 8. Or. § 288. 1.— Y. Or. § 223. 7 congerere. 8 by res gerere. 9 See 84, 9. 10 5?y esse in honore. 11 de. I2 opprimere. 13 confugere. 14 only dextram dare. 15 aliquem exposcere (— “ to dem. the 8urr. of somebody ”). 16 clam. 185. Chapter II. On this journey a great storm arose and drove 1 the ship towards the island of Naxos, which was at that time being besieged 2 by the Athenians. It was evident that Themis¬ tocles was doomed to perish if recognized by them. There¬ fore, by many promises he prevailed 3 on the ship-master to keep the vessel at anchor at a distance from the island. A few days afterwards they arrived at Ephesus, where Themis¬ tocles disembarked. Thus he came to Asia under the reign 4 of Artaxerxes and at once sent a letter to that king, in which he asked 5 for his friendship. He said he had indeed fought against king Xerxes in the battle at Salamis in order to de¬ fend his country, but after saving 6 his country he had ef- 200 Part II. fected by his advice that the king, too, had been freed from a great danger. For by a letter from him the king had been informed of the plan of the Greeks to destroy 7 the bridge. Should, therefore, Artaxerxes receive him, who had been expelled from all Grecian territory under his protection, 8 he would be no less a good friend to him than his father had experienced in him a brave enemy. Artaxerxes, who ad¬ mired the great virtues of Themistocles, was easily persuaded to promise his friendship to such a man. After Themis¬ tocles, then, had spent 9 the space of two years in learning the language of the Persians, he himself went to the king and is said to have conversed with him with not less facility than even the most accomplished 10 of the Persians. Most agreeable to Artaxerxes was the advice which Themistocles offered him about the subjugation 11 of the Greeks. Having been munificently rewarded he returned to Asia Minor and fixed his abode at Magnesia, where, as Thucydides, the best authority 12 in these things, has handed down to posterity, he died of sickness. In the market-place at Magnesia a statue was erected to him. His tomb is not far distant from the city, but his bones are said to have been brought 13 to Attica and there secretly interred by his friends. No. 185. 1 ferre, agere. 2 obsidere, obsessum tenere 3 commovere, adducere. 4 regnare, Ablat. absol. 5 petere. 6 servare, Ablat. absol. 7 dissolvere, rescindere, S. Gr. § 286.— Y. Or. § 221, esp. 1, and § 220. 8 in fidem recipere. 9 consumere aliquid in aliqua re. 10 eruditissiinus quisque. 11 subjicere, 8. Gr. §289.2.— Y. Gr. §224.2. 12 5yauctor alicujus rei. 13 deferre, deportare. 186. A Brief Notice 1 of Aristides. (Nep. Arist. Ch. 1-3.) Aristides, a contemporary of Miltiades, with whom he had been general in the battle at Marathon, distinguished himself so much above 2 all the rest by his justice that for that very reason he was exiled from the state by the Athenians. How¬ ever, this was brought about more by the eloquence of The¬ mistocles, who was his rival, 3 than because 4 Aristides seemed Section XYII. 201 worthy of any punishment. Even as an exile the latter tried to benefit his country as much as 5 he could. After the naval victory near Salamis he was recalled by the people and fought together 6 with Pausanias, the general of the Lace¬ daemonians, at Platea against the army of the Persians. Un¬ der their leadership, 7 then, Mardonius was defeated 8 and slain, and this is the most illustrious achievement of Aris¬ tides in military affairs. But how great his innocence and justice were can be learned from many examples. The Lacedaemonians had up to this time been the leaders of the Greeks not only on land, but had also maintained 9 the su¬ premacy at sea. Aristides, who was the commander 10 of the ships of the Athenians, won 11 by his moderation the hearts of all the Greeks, whereas Pausanias, the leader of the common fleet, estranged them 12 by his haughtiness; whereby it happened that most of the states transferred 13 fne chief command of the common fleet of Greece to the Athenians, the more easily to repel the barbarians if war were renewed. Aristides, whose justice was known to all, was chosen to determine the amount of money 14 which was to be paid by each state into the common treasury. The surest sign, however, that he was a man of the greatest mod¬ eration is this, that, 16 though he had often held 16 the chief command, he hardly left enough means when dying where¬ with to be buried. He died, however, in the fourth year after the expulsion 17 of Themistocles. No. 186. 1 ftyquidam only ; “of” de. 2 inter, or Dative. 3 obtrecta- tor, aemulus. 4 quod {Subjunct. ). 5 utcumque. 6 simul. 7 S. Or. § 284. 1.— Y Or. §218. 2. 8 profligare, fugare. 9 obtinere. 10 praeesse, prae- fectum esse. 11 sibi conciliare. 12 abalienare a se. 13 deferre. Ai only constituere pecuniam. 8. Or. § 288. 1.— Y. Or. § 223. 16 quod. 16 fungi, or by praeesse. 17 by post, and expellere. 187. Cimon’s Prudence and Merit as a General. 1 , • (Nep. Cira. Ch. 1-2.) Cimon, the son of Miltiades, bore many hardships in youth. For after his father’s death the son was kept in the 202 Part II. public prison until 2 be paid the prescribed fine. That be might be able to do so Cimon gave bis sister Elpinice in marriage to Callias, a very rich citizen, who promised to pay the money for him. Being thus restored to liberty, Cimon succeeded 3 in soon attaining to the highest station. 4 For he was distinguished not only for his eloquence, but also for his great liberality, and was no less skilled in civil law than in military affairs. From his boyhood he had lived much with his father in the camp and among soldiers, whence it hap¬ pened that his authority with the army was always held very high. II is first achievements 6 as general he accomplished on the river Strymon against the Thracians, and after hav¬ ing put these 6 to flight he founded, as Nepos relates, the city of Amphipolis, which he assigned 7 to Athenian colo¬ nists. But Thucydides says that that city was founded by another general of the Athenians. The most illustrious deed of Cimon was the conflict near the river Eurymedon, in which on one day he obtained 8 a double victory. For after having at daybreak attacked the fleet of the Persians and taken possession of almost all their ships, he at once dis¬ embarked his troops to attack the land-forces of the enemy, and, having routed 9 them, he took on the same day their camp and returned home laden 10 with immense booty. On this journey he brought those islands, which had attempted to fall off from the dominion of the Athenians, back to their duty, the well-disposed he confirmed in their allegiance. On coming to Scyrus he expelled by force of arms the Dolopi- ans, who were disaffected towards 11 the Athenians, from the city and island. The Thracians who, trusting in their strength, had fallen off willingly submitted 12 to him on his arrival. Of the booty a great part was spent 13 on embellish¬ ing and fortifying the citadel of Athens. No. 187. 1 virtus imperatoria (= “ merit as a general”). 2 dum. 3 contingit, 8. Or. § 275. 2.— T. Or. § 191. 4 summum locum assequi, also by pervenire ad principatum. 5 only res. 6 Relative. 7 tradere, with incolere ( also habitare). 8. Gr. § 281. 3. Note. — T. Or. § 219. 3. 8 reportare, potiri. * devincere. Ablat. absol. 10 onustus. 11 abalienatus ab. 13 se subjicere. 13 conferre ad aliquid, consumere in aliqua re. Section XVII. 203 188. Banishment,' Death and Character 2 of Cimon. (Nep. Cim. Ch. 3-4.) But abhorring too great a power 3 in one man, the Athe¬ nians could not endure that Cimon was alone distinguished in the state; wherefore they sent him for ten years into exile by ostracism. But they quickly repented of this in¬ justice, and after five years, when about to wage 4 war with the Lacedaemonians, they recalled him to Athens. But as Cimon deemed it best to reconcile the two most powerful states of Greece to each other, 5 he, of his own accord, went to Sparta, and, by his prudence, restored peace. Hot long afterwards he was elected 6 chief commander by the Athe¬ nians and 6 sailed, with a fleet of 200 ships, to Cyprus; but after he had conquered a great part of the island, he was wounded and died at the siege 7 of the city of Cittium. The Athenians are said to have deeply felt the loss of 8 Cimon for a long time even after his death. 9 Ho one equalled him in liberality. Wherever he betook himself, he ordered servants to follow him with money, 10 that, should anybody ask his help, the means might not be wanting 11 of assisting the needy (Sing.). In his gardens and estates no one was hindered from using the fruit and the other things according to his own good pleasure. 13 He daily invited many to dinner, and scarcely a day was suffered to pass on which those who were in the market-place uninvited were not invited 13 by him. And he is said to have been even so kindly disposed, 14 that, when he saw a poor man not well dressed, he often gave him his own cloak. He refused nothing to any one 15 ; many became rich through him ; poor people were not unfrequently buried at his expense. Therefore it is not at all to be wondered at that by such con¬ duct 18 he won for himself the hearts of his fellow-citizens. No. 188. 1 exsilium. 2 mores. 3 nimia, or nimis magna potentia. 4 Periphr. Conjug. 5 inter se. 6 S. Gr. § 282. 1.— T. Gr. § 215. 3, and §216 end. 7 by oppugn are S. Gr. §289. 2.— Y. Gr. §224 2. 8 cum dolore, or vehementer desiderare. 9 by mortuus. See S Gr. § 236. 1. 10 nummus ( Plur.). 11 deesse. 12 by a Relative cla.use with velle 13 devo- care. 14 benignitas. 15 8. Gr. § 68, Note 3.— Y. Gr. § 44. 8. 16 se gerere. 204 Part II. 189. Military Talent 1 of Iphicrates. (Nep. Ipliicr. Ch. 1-3.) Iphicrates of Athens was a man of a large bodily frame 9 and a commanding 3 appearance. But most of all did his military talent shine forth, whereby he effected so much that, through his fault, nothing ever came to a bad end. In military affairs he invented many things, others he im¬ proved ; he 4 was the first to make the arrangement that the foot-soldiers should use longer spears and swords ; the shields and corselets he made lighter, and yet took care that they none the less & covered the body. By this arrangement the soldiers became more nimble for action. 6 As general he exercised 7 the greatest severity of discipline. His 8 soldiers were not only the best drilled ( Superlat .), but also the best in obeying their general’s command; as soon as the signal was given for battle, all stood, without any trouble, arrayed in their place, so that the most skilled general seemed to have drawn them up one by one. After the army had thus been drilled 9 by this discipline, he gained 10 for himself great glory in that war which the Athenians then waged against the Lacedaemonians. Several times he put their troops to flight; one division of the Lacedaemonians he intercepted, a thing which 11 caused the greatest admiration among all the Greeks. Having been placed, with the per¬ mission 12 of the Athenians, by Artaxerxes over the merce¬ naries, whom the king used in a war against the Egyptians, he trained them with such great success that in Greece the Iphicratian soldiers were no less praised 13 than afterwards the Fabians among the Romans. After he had returned to Greece, he was sent to the help of the Lacedaemonians, and by his speedy arrival prevented Sparta from being destroyed by Epaminondas. Hence it cannot be doubted that Iphi¬ crates is either to be preferred or to be believed equal 14 to the first generals of the Greeks. He was also 15 a good citizen and dear to his friends; therefore he contrived to live to an advanced age without any punishment, a lot that befell few Athenian nobles. 16 Section XYII. 205 No. 189. Ungenium. 2 corpus (= “bodily fr.”). 3 imperatorius. 4 hie. b literally, or by aeque. 6 res gerere. S. Gr. §288. 1.— T. Or. §223. 1 uti. *by ipse. 9 erudire. 10 comparare, par&re. 11 8. Gr. §238. 5 .— Y. Gr. §152. 1 12 permissu. S. Gr. § 221. 2. 1.—Y. Gr. § 28 init. 13 in laude esse. ,4 parem putare, or only comparare, conferre. 15 “ he — also” idem. 16 princeps. 190. Person and Character of Epaminondas. (Nep. Epam. Ch. 1-7, Beg.) In presenting 1 a picture of Epaminondas nothing must be passed over which, after the manner of the Greeks, ought not to be wanting in the person of the first man in the state, though it be considered more trifling 2 among other nations. He was born, indeed, of poor parents, though his ancestors were noble, and was taught by the most illustrious teachers all the arts in which the best youths were usually instructed. On the arts of dancing, singing, and playing on the cithern he spent so much labor 3 that he surpassed 4 all his contem¬ poraries in the knowledge 5 of these arts. The greatest ap¬ plication, however, he bestowed 6 upon the study of philos¬ ophy, in which he had Lysis of Tarentum, a Pythagorean, for his teacher. With him 7 he exercised himself so long and with such diligence that he was not only most dear to his teacher, but, according to the agreement 8 of all, by far the most distinguished of his schoolmates. As a youth he proved himself, in wrestling and running, a match for the most practiced 9 ; in the use of arms he was very skilful. These endowments 10 of the body were surpassed by many virtues of the heart. For he distinguished himself no less by modesty and prudence than by patience and greatness of mind 11 ; he was temperate, gentle, and, even in manhood, very desirous of learning; when in company the subject of discourse 12 was philosophy or the administration of the com¬ monwealth, he never repented of the time spent in listening to such conversations. He himself, indeed, was poor, but he bore the want 13 of riches with ease. Nevertheless he frequently supported others with money. For if any of his fellow-citizens needed help, Epaminondas conducted himself 206 Paht II. so, 14 that he seemed to have all things in common with his friends. For he himself prescribed 15 how much of his property each of his friends should contribute to support 16 the needy {Sing.). But he always contrived that he who received knew by whom each thing in particular had been given. No. 190. 1 exprimere. 2 levis. 3 operam conferre ad, or in aliquid, operam navare alicui rei. 4 superare, antecedere. 6 peritia, scientia. b See 3, or studium consumere in aliqua re. 7 Relative. 8 consensus. S. Gr. § 221. 2. 1.— Y. Gr. §28 init. 9 exercitare. 10 bonum. 11 literally , or magnus animus. 12 sermonem habere, disputare, disserere. 13 facile carere (= “to bear the want of - easily ”). 14 sic se gerere, or talem se praestare. 15 imperare, praecipere. 16 S. Gr. § 288.1.— Y. Gr. § 223. 191. Chapter II. Of his disinterestedness Epaminondas gave an illustrious example when King Artaxerxes attempted to bribe him with gold through a certain Diomedon. Diomedon had brought with him an immense amount of gold to Thebes, and he hoped that Epaminondas could be won over to his side 2 by the aid of a youth, Micythus, whom he 3 loved exceedingly. 4 And Micythus, indeed, was easily won 5 by Diomedon. But as Epaminondas heard of the affair he summoned both before him, 6 and ordered Micythus at once to give back the money which he had received. Diomedon, indeed, he forgave for 7 having held him on a level with himself, and for believing that he would prefer gold to the love of his country ; still he quickly expelled him from the city lest he might also tempt 8 others with his riches. He even caused Diomedon to be conducted by a guard to Athens. And he said that he did this not on account of Diomedon, but for his own sake; for if that gold were taken away from him 9 it could easily be said that Epaminondas himself had taken the stolen money which, when offered, he had refused to accept. Epaminondas, moreover, merits the greatest praise for his love of truth, which was so great in him that not even for the sake of a joke did he ever utter a lie. In suffering 10 offenses he was Section XVII. 207 very patient, and he deemed it unlawful to be angry either with one’s friends or country. Although the Thebans were inferior to the rest of the Greeks in eloquence, Epaminondas proved himself so terse 11 in his answers and so elegant 12 in speech that he was considered equal 13 to the most renowned orators of his time. He gave the most brilliant specimen of eloquence as ambassador of the Thebans at Sparta, before the battle at Leuctra. For by that speech, which he delivered in the presence of the embassies of most of the Grecian states, he effected that many of them soon afterwards detached themselves 14 from the alliance with the Lacedaemonians, and thus impaired their power almost as much as by the very victory at Leuctra. With (AMat.) this character, therefore, it is not to be wxmdered at that Epaminondas, in the time of peace, was considered the first man in the state. No. 191- 1 afferre. 2 ad voluntatem perducere. 3 ille. 4 maxime. 5 capere. 6 ad se vocare. 1 by a clause with quod and Subjunct. 8 temp- tare (tentare). 9 ille. 10 ferre, perferre. JS. Gr. § 289. 2.— T. Gr. § 224. 2. 11 concinnus, promptus. 12 ornatus. 13 parem putare. 14 discedere, se separare. 192. Military Exploits 1 and Death of Epaminondas (Nep. Epam. Ch. 7-10.) When, expelled from Thebes by Pelopidas, the Lacedae¬ monians invaded Boeotia with a select 2 body of troops, Epa¬ minondas was sent as commander-in-chief with an army to repel them. He then fought that famous battle at Leuctra, by which the power of the Lacedaemonians was overthrown, 3 and not only was Thebes saved from ruin, but the freedom of the other states of Greece was also restored. Not long afterwards the Thebans, from envy, chose another leader, who was very inexperienced in war. Epaminondas was in the army as a common soldier. 4 Under 6 that leader, how¬ ever, such great mistakes were made that the army of the Thebans w r as shut up in a very narrow defile and besieged by the enemy. Almost all despaired 6 of safety; Epami¬ nondas alone, it was thought, could save them. Unmindful 208 Pakt II. of the insult he had received, he conducted the army with such great care 7 that he freed it from the greatest danger and restored 8 it unimpaired to his country. Very famous is that capital trial 9 which, through the envy of his adversaries, Epaminondas had to undergo. 10 As chief commander he had, with two colleagues, one of whom was Pelopidas, marched the army of the Thebans into Peloponnesus. But his adver¬ saries at home persuaded the people to give 11 the manage¬ ment 12 of that war to other generals. Epaminondas, who had perceived their inexperience in warfare, believed that he should not obey 13 the decree of the people, lest the whole army might perish. Therefore, both he himself and his col¬ leagues retained the chief command four months longer than they had been commanded by the people. Then, after the war which he had undertaken had been successfully finished, 14 he, with his colleagues, led the army back from Peloponnesus, and having arrived at Thebes he laid down 15 the chief command in the assembly of the people. No. 192. 1 “ Military exploits,” by res bellogerere. 2 deligere. 3 pro- sternere. 4 gregarius miles, or privatus numero militis. 5 Only Ablat. 6 desperare aliquid, or de aliqua re. 7 diligentia. 8 reducere. 9 causa capitis. 10 subire. Periphr. Conjug. 11 trad ere, committere. 12 gerere. 8. Or. §281. 3. Note .— Y. Or. §219. 3. 13 parere. Periphr. Conjug. 14 fdiciter gerere. 15 se abdicare. 8. Or. §232. 2. 1.— Y. Gr. §177. 1. 193. Chapter II. By a law of the Thebans capital punishment was resorted to if any one kept the chief command longer than a decree of the people allowed. 1 According to 9 this law, then, the adversaries of Epaminondas, omitting 3 him, accused his col¬ leagues. But the whole blame was thrown 4 by the latter upon Epaminondas, as he himself had ordered them to do. Therefore, they indeed were acquitted, but he 6 was sum¬ moned before the court. 6 Here he frankly 7 said that he must confess to whatever had been charged as a crime against him ; there was, then, no doubt that according to 8 the law he oould be punished with death. But one thing he would ask Section XVII. 209 of the judges that they might grant him an inscription to this effect: “ Theban judges have condemned Epaminondae to death because he has freed Thebes and all Greece from the tyranny of the Spartans; because he has overthrown by that one battle at Leuctra the most powerful 0 enemies of the common liberty and invested their city; because by his chief command he has so much increased 10 the glory and power of the state that the Thebans have obtained 11 the supremacy of all Greece.” After these words he was dismissed from the court amid 12 the laughter of all and with the greatest glory, as not one of the judges was willing to sentence him. Towards the end 13 of his life Epaminondas led, as chief com¬ mander, for the fourth time, an army of the Thebans into Peloponnesus. The battle was fought with the Lacedaemo¬ nians near Mantinea. After having drawn up the line of bat¬ tle Epaminondas was recognized by the enemy whilst fighting bravely in the front rank. As they believed that the The¬ bans’ entire hope of victory rested 11 solely on Epaminondas, they rushed 15 upon him alone with so violent an attack that on both sides a vast slaughter was made and many were killed. Epaminondas himself fell , 16 pierced vith a deadly weapon. The iron point of the spear remained in his body. He could not doubt that he was sure to die 17 as soon as it was extracted. Therefore he kept it in as long as the fight continued. But after the victory of the Thebans had been announced, he said: “ I have lived long enough; for I die unvanquished.” Then he ordered the iron to be drawn out, and so he died. And with 18 him sank the splendor 19 of Thebes, which, having been made by him the head of all Greece, neither before his birth nor after his death was at any time free from foreign dominion. No. 193. 1 per populi scitum licet. 2 only Ablat. 3 praetermittere. 4 transferre. 5 hie. 6 in judicium vocare. 7 libere, ingenue. 8 secundum. 9 potens. 10 amplidcare. 11 adipisci, or pervenire ad. 12 cum. 13 8 Or. §237. 3.— Y Or. §137. 5. 14 positum esse, also situm esse. I5 irruere in aliquem, petere aliquem. 16 concidere. 17 Periphr. Gonjug. 18 simul cum. 19 majestas. 210 Part II. SECTION XYIIL Stories from Ovid. 194. The Poet P„ Ovidius Naso. Publius Ovidius Naso is one of the most distinguished poets of the age of Augustus. Of his life he himself relates the following: He was born at Sulmo, in the country of the Paelignians, in the year 43 before Christ, under the consul¬ ship of Hirtius and Pansa, one of whom was killed in the battle of Mutina against M. Antonius, the other was wounded and died later. He belonged 1 from the time of his fore¬ fathers to the equestrian order. His brother was one year older than himself, but was born on the same day, so that this day, as Ovid himself relates, was celebrated with two cakes. 2 It is also mentioned by the poet that his birthday was on a certain festival 3 of Minerva, which feast day 4 was called Quinquatrus by the Homans, whence w r e learn that he was born on the 20th of March. 5 The two brothers were, as boys, first instructed at Sulmo ; but the father, a wealthy 6 and prudent man, soon brought 7 them to Rome, and entrusted them for further culture 8 to the most renowned teachers. At Rome the elder brother devoted himself 9 with the greatest eagerness to eloquence, and exercised himself much and diligently in the schools of the rhetoricians, 10 that he might become, according to 11 the fathers wish, a useful orator and pleader of causes. 12 But Publius found no delight 13 in these occupations, and gave himself up entirely to poetry, which he had loved 14 from his boyhood. This was displeasing to his father. “ Why do you practice 16 this useless occupation,” said he, “ from which you will have no profit ? Homer himself left no wealth behind him.” Moved by such admonitions, he resolved 16 to give up 17 his poetical exercises and devote himself to eloquence. But his speech Section XYIII. 211 turned 18 of itself into rytlim. 19 “Whatever I attempted to say was a verse,” says he himself; and therefore he perse- vered 20 in the same pursuit to which nature impelled him, even when, together with his brother, he had taken the gown of manhood. No. 194. 1 esse, with Genii. 2 libum. 3 dies festus. 4 here Plur dies festi. 5 See S. Gr. § 347.— Y. Gr. § 279, and§ 280. 1. G locuples. 7 deducere. 8 excolere. S. Gr. §281. 3. with Note .— 7. Gr. §219. 3. 9 incumbere ad, or in aliquid. 10 rhetor. n ex. ,2 patronus causarum. 13 non delectari. 14 adamare. 15 tractare. 1U constituere. 17 omittere, relinquere. 18 venire. 19 numerus. 20 permanere. 195. Chapter II. The brother of the poet died at the age of twenty years, and Publius, to obey his father, again betook himself to the study of eloquence. He listened to the lectures 1 of the most renowned rhetoricians of his time, of Porcius Latro and Arellius Fuscus, and exercised himself with 2 them in speaking. 3 The rhetorician M. Annaeus Seneca, who was an intimate friend of Latro, relates the following of Ovid: “ I remember to have heard 4 Naso declaim 6 with the rheto¬ rician Arellius Fuscus, whose hearer he was. lie was also 8 an admirer of Latro, though he pursued a different kind of speaking. His speech then could not be considered anything else but a poem without metre. 7 But he so eagerly listened to Latro that he transferred many of his maxims 8 into his own verses. He was, however, considered a good orator, and, as it seemed to me, he delivered that controversial dis¬ course 9 far more ingeniously 10 than Arellius Fuscus, with the one exception that 11 he went through the single points 12 without a certain order.” A little later Seneca thus con¬ tinues: “But Naso very seldom delivered controversial dis¬ courses ; he rather liked to pronounce hortatory speeches 13 ; all argumentation was annoying to him. He used the words by no means without restraint, 14 except in poems, in which he did not ignore his faults, but he loved them. Once his friends requested him to blot out 16 from his poems 212 Part II. three verses which displeased them. He in return 16 requested them to accept three verses against which nothing should be objected by them. The condition 17 seemed fair. The former secretly wrote down the three verses which they wished to be blotted out, 18 the latter those which he wished to remain intact. After the papers had been opened, 19 on both sides the very same verses were found written.” Seneca adds: “ Hence it follows that to this eminently gifted man, not the judgment, but the will 20 was wanting to restrain his freedom 21 of language. Sometimes he said that that face was handsomer 22 on which there was some blem¬ ish. ” 23 How, after we have inserted 24 what Seneca has recorded, let us return to the narration of the poet himself. After finishing 25 his studies he began to discharge certain little offices; but soon he was so much disgusted with all business that he abandoned 26 it altogether, and again devoted himself entirely to poetry. He was a familiar friend of the most illustrious poets of that time, especially of Propertius, Aemilius Macer, Cornelius Bassus. “ Melodious 27 Horace fascinated 28 also our ears,” says he. He only saw Virgil, who was much 29 older; “ a sad fate ” 30 kept him away from the poet Tibullus. His first poems acquired for Ovid the greatest renown in all Pome; but they were for the most part, as the life of the poet itself, full of frivolity 31 and lasciviousness, 32 and he threw many of them w T ith his own hand into the fire. No. 195. 1 declamatio. 2 apud. 3 declamare. 4 8. Gr. §274. 2 — V Gr. §206. 3. 5 S. Gr. § 281. 4. 2.— Y. Gr. § 206. 4 end. 6 idem. 7 so- lutus (== “ without m.”). 8 sententia. 9 controversia. 10 ingeniosus. 11 excepto eo, quod. 12 per locos discurrere. 13 suasoria. 14 licenter. 15 tollere. 16 contra. 17 lex. 18 8. Gr. § 274. 3 —Y. Gr. § 206. 5 end. 19 codicillos aperire. 20 animus. 2! compescere licentiam. S. Gr. § 288. 1.— Y. Gr. § 223. 22 decens. 23 naevus. 24 interponere. 25 ab- solvere. 26 abjicere. 21 numerosus. 28 tenere. 29 aliquanto. 30 “amara fata.” 31 le vitas. 32 lascivia. 196. Chapter III. When Ovid was about fifty years old a serious calamity befell him. 1 By some misconduct, 2 the nature of which 3 is Section XVTIL 213 entirely unknown, he aroused the most violent anger of Au¬ gustus and was sent aw 7 ay 4 by him as an exile to Tomi, a city which is situated in Moesia on the Euxine Sea. Rome and the pleasures of the great city had always rendered the poet most happy. 5 The more violently, then, was he cast down by this banishment, in which, excluded from all inter¬ course 6 with friends and learned men, he was forced almost exclusively to live among barbarians. Ovid’s father, an old man of ninety years, likewise his mother, had died shortly before, and the son consoled himself somewhat 7 in the grief of his exile by the thought that 8 his parents had not partici¬ pated in that grief. But he had to leave his wife and his daughter at Rome. All entreaties and lamentations of the poet, all intercession 9 of his friends were ineffectual and use¬ less. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius allowed him to return to Rome, nor even 10 to choose another abode. And thus he died after an exile of ten years in the year 17 after Christ at Tomi and was buried in the same place. From his early youth Ovid wrote very many poems, the earliest of which chiefly treated 11 of love affairs. 12 When about thirty years old he published a tragedy, Medea, of which Quintilian says that it showed how much that man might have been able to accomplish if he had preferred 13 to restrain 14 his talent in¬ stead of 15 indulging it. 18 The most celebrated of all the poems of Ovid are the fifteen books of Metamorphoses, in which the poet sets forth 17 selected fables of the ancients on the changes 18 of things from the origin of the world to the time when Julius Caesar is said to have been changed into a star. In this poem Ovid used the heroic metre, whereas he preferred the elegiac metre in his other poems. When the Metamorphoses had hardly been finished and the poet was occupied with the composition of another great poem, which is entitled Fasti, that misfortune happened whereby lie was sent into exile. Thus it came to pass that of the Fasti, in which the origin of the festivals and religious rites 19 of the Romans is described, only six books have been finished 20 which refer 21 to the first six months of the year. During 214 Part II. his exile Ovid wrote two large collections 22 of poems, viz.: five books of Tristia and four books of Epistolae ex Ponto. In these poems are partly described the dangers and suffer¬ ings of the voyage and the sad life at Tomi; partly his friends are entreated to ask 23 of Augustus a more tolerable situation 24 for the poet. Many of the letters, especially those which he wrote to his wife, are of exquisite tender¬ ness 26 and beauty, 26 but from each 27 shine forth the greatest sorrow and ardent yearning for his native country. All the poems of Ovid were the product 28 of the richest talent and were written with so much facility and charm 29 that hardly anything similar can be found. But especially the Metamorphoses have at all times been much read, 30 and must always be most particularly 31 recommended 32 to boys and young men. No. 196. 1 affligere. 2 facinus. 3 quod quale fuerit. 4 relegare. 5 beatus. 6 consuetudo et usus. 7 aiiquantulum 8 eonsolari aliquid eo quod. 9 deprecatio ( Plur .). 10 aut saltern. 11 versari in aliqua re. 12 amores. 13 malle. I4 temperare. 15 here quam. 16 indulgere alicui. n explicare. 18 commutare. 19 caerimonia (= “ relig. rite”). 20 absol- vere, ad finem perducere. 21 pertinere. 22 voluraen, corpus. 23 impe- trare. 24 sors. 25 suavita3. 26 venustas. 27 singuli. 28 proficisci. 29 gratia. 30 lectitare. 31 maximopere. 32 corumendare. 197. The Four Ages of the World. (Ovid. Metam. I. 89-130.) Under the reign of Saturn, who was the oldest of the gods, the Golden Age is said to have been on earth. Men prac¬ ticed virtue and righteousness and abstained from all evil deeds out of love of rectitude, not for fear of punishment. There was no need 1 of laws and judges ; without them peo¬ ple lived in safety. Contented with that food which the earth produced 2 of its own accord, they passed through 3 life without trouble and labor. Navigation to become acquainted with foreign shores was unknown ; unknown were helmet and sword ; no soldiers were required ; no war was feared; all enjoyed tranquillity free from care. There was a per- Section XYIII. 215 petual spring on earth, so that men were not in need 4 of houses. The fields were not ploughed, and jet they produced fruits; no seed 5 was sown, and jet the fields were covered with the most beautiful flowers. The earth was flowing 6 with milk and honey, and without compulsion it yielded what everybody wished. When, after the expulsion 7 of Saturn, Jupiter had taken possession of the dominion of the world, the golden times at once ceased, 8 in their stead came 9 the Silver Age. Many things soon became worse. Jupiter made four seasons of the year, the heat 10 of summer followed the short spring, and, after unsteady autumns, cold winters returned. Then for the first time did men long 11 for houses, and they lived partly in caverns, partly in huts 12 made of twigs. The fields now began to be ploughed and seed to be sown ; labor and exertion were necessary to obtain what 13 to live on. But crimes were unknown and virtue was honored ; concord and peace united 14 men with one another. In the Brazen Age weapons were already used and wars were waged, but without cruelty and perfidy. But in the fourth, or the Iron Age, all wickedness broke out 15 among men; virtue took to flight, fraud and artifice succeeded in its place, and the whole of human life was changed. 18 This Iron Age seems still to exist 17 in our own time. No. 197. 1 opus est. 2 ferre. 3 degere. 4 indigere egere. 5 semen ( Plur .). 6 affluere. 7 expellere, exigere. 8 desinere. 9 subire in. 10 ardor (Plur.). 11 quaerere, petere. 12 casa, tugurium. n Ablat., or unde ( with Verb, finit.). 14 conjungere, or conciliare inter se. 15 erum- pere inter, or irrumpere in. 16 commutare. 17 vigere. 198. The Flood of Deucalion. 1 (Ovid. Metam. I. 260-347.) By their crimes 3 and impiety men had aroused the anger of the gods, so that Jupiter resolved to destroy the whole race by a vast flood. After he had therefore locked up the other winds that they might not drive away the clouds from 3 the sky, he despatched Notus and ordered him to fill the whole air with dark clouds and to pour out a dense shower 216 Part II. on the earth. The latter obeyed with so great alacrity that in a short time the crops lay 4 prostrate and the husbandman saw and lamented the long labors of a whole year ruined, but in his anger Jupiter prepared 5 still greater sufferings 6 for men. He called his brother Neptune, the god of the seas and riv¬ ers, to his aid. In a short time the whole 7 earth was flooded 8 and every thing seemed to be one immense sea. Then sad won¬ ders happened. Wherever a tower or hill projected it was taken possession of by men, others were sitting on trunks of trees 9 or in boats sailing without hope on the surface of the waters. Fishes were seen to hang on the trees, stags to swim through the waves, wolves were carried along with sheep, tigers with lambs, cities and groves were buried beneath the waters, and on 10 the highest mountains sea-calves and dol¬ phins pastured. Frightened 11 birds were flying about, and after they had long sought for a place where they might be able to alight 12 one after 13 the other dropped with wearied 14 wings into the waters. Men and beasts were buried in the waves; the destruction spared no one; he who seemed to escape death in the waves succumbed to hunger and cold; all life on earth perished. Only on one man out of lo many thousands and on one woman Jupiter had mercy and resolved to save them. None had been better on earth than these two. In a small boat 15 Deucalion, the son of Prometheus, with Pyrrha his wife, was borne 16 uninjured 17 over the sur¬ face of the waters and carried 18 by the will of Jupiter to the highest peak of Parnassus. Then Jupiter sent the north wind to scatter the clouds and open the serene sky; he also restrained the anger of the sea and rivers and ordered the waters to subside. Soon the mountains and hills and forests came forth 19 from the waters, the earth itself appeared, and the old order of things seemed to return. No. 108. 1 diluvium Deucalioneum, or Deucalionis. 2 scelus, flagit- ium. 3 de. 4 jacere. 5 parare, meditari. 6 malum, calamitas. ’uni versus. 8 inundare. 9 only truneus. 10 per, or super, or in. 11 anxius, pavidus, trepidus. 12 considere. 13 super. 14 lassare, defatigare. l5 cymba. ttt velii. n incolumis. 18 deferre. 19 exire, prodire. Section XYIII. 217 199. Origin of the New Human Race. (Ovid. Metam I. 349-415.) The whole earth was covered 1 with deep silence, and bore but two living beings. 2 Not even these had a sure confU dence in their lives, and the dangers through which they had passed 3 terrified their minds. They saw that in both of them the whole human race remained ; and what could console the survivor if the one were taken away from the other by death ? “ Oh, that I might also be able,” said Deucalion, “ as my father Prometheus, to form men from clay 4 and put souls into them ! ” While they thus were weeping in their sad¬ ness they asked the gods for help. It pleased them to consult the oracle which Themis, the oldest goddess, possessed at the foot 5 of Mount Parnassus. The goddess suffered herself to be moved by their piety and prayers, and answered them thus: “ Depart from this temple and, with covered heads, throw the bones of the great mother behind your backs, 6 and to you will be given what you have desired.” They were amazed 7 at this answer, and it seemed to them a sin to do what the goddess had advised ; Pyrrha believed that she must fear to outrage the shade of her mother in scattering her bones. But Deucalion frequently 8 repeated the ob¬ scure words of the goddess, and finally seemed to understand their meaning. “ Oracles are not impious,” said he to his wife; “ the great mother is the earth, but her bones are the rocks, and we have been commanded by the goddess to throw stones behind our backs.” Doubtful, indeed, of what would happen, 9 they resolved to make the attempt. 10 And they saw a new miracle come to pass. For the stones which were cast by the hand of Deucalion were changed into men, but those which Pyrrha threw became women. And from this origin all have sprung who have lived afterwards. What wonder, then, if men are a hardy race, and in their hearts too often similar to stones ! No. 199. 1 obtinere. 2 animans (= “ living being”). 3 defungi (=» “ to pass through — 4 limus. 5 radices. 6 post tergum, or terga. 218 Part II. 7 obstupefieri, obstupescere. 8 identidem, frequenter. 9 fieri ; but for Fut. Subj. see 8. Or. § 144. 1 ,end. — Y. Gr. §78, end. 10 periculum facere. 200. Origin of the City of Thebes. (Ovid. Metam. III. 1-130.) Europa, the daughter of Agenor, king of the Phoenicians, had been ravished 1 and carried away 3 by Jupiter to another part of the world. From a yearning for his lost daughter, the father ordered his son Cadmus to search the whole earth until 3 he found his sister; and if he did not find her 4 Agenor imposed on him the punishment of exile. After Cadmus had in vain wandered through all countries, he went to Delphi to the oracle of Apollo, to consult the god as to the country in which he should 6 remain and live. And Apollo answered him : “ Follow the cow which you will see 6 coming to meet you. Under her guidance you will find the land where the walls of a new city must be built by you. But the country itself shall 7 be called Boeotia after the cow.” On this answer of the oracle Cadmus descended from Mount Parnassus, and determined to do what had been commanded him by the god. Scarcely had he reached the valley when the cow announced 8 by the oracle presented herself 9 to his eyes. Unguarded she went along, 10 and seemed never to have borne a yoke. He joyfully followed her foot-prints, and thanked Apollo, who had sent him this way-leader. After they had left Phocis and come to an unknown region, the cow stood still and filled the air with her loud bellowing, and looking around 11 at those who followed her, she lay down upon the ground. Then Cadmus perceived that this land had been given him by the gods. He thanked them, kissed the strange land, and saluted the unknown grounds and fields. But when he was about to offer sacrifices to Jupiter his servants, who had been ordered to fetch 12 water, were killed by a huge serpent. Cadmus himself, however, pierced the serpent with a spear, and, at the advice of Minerva, he sowed 13 its teeth in long furrows, 14 out of which at once armed Section XVIII. 219 men grew up. 16 But these made war 16 upon one an¬ other, and the one fell by the other’s sword. Only five survived, and these Cadmus took 17 as companions when he built the castle of Thebes. No. 2^0. 1 rapere. 2 deducere. 3 dum. 4 Relative, 8. Or. § 238. 6. — Y. Or. §152. 6 Pcriphr. Gonjug. 6 8. Or. §281. 4. 2.— Y. Or. § 206. 4, end. 1 Future. 51 indicare, promittere. 9 se offerre, apparere. 10 in- cedere. 11 circumspicere aliquem. 12 petere. 13 spargere. 14 sulcus. l0 procreari, gigni. I6 oppugnare, bello persequi. n uti, sumere. 201. Haughtiness and Fall of Niobe. (Ovid. Metam. VI. 146-312.) Niobe, the daughter of Tantalus, king of Phrygia, had married Amphion, king of Thebes. The renown of her husband, the nobility of her family, her power and beauty, and, above 1 all this, a progeny of seven sons and seven daughters, might 2 have rendered her the happiest of moth¬ ers. But this, indeed, puffed her up 3 with so much pride that she was unwilling to yield 4 even to the gods. Once when the prophetess 5 Manto, the daughter of Tiresias, urged by a divine impulse, exhorted the Theban women to offer sacrifices to Latona and her two children and to celebrate a festive day, all obeyed, adorned the temples with foliage and garlands, and while praying 6 burned frankincense on all the altars. But this piety aroused the pride of Niobe. With a large attendance she came into the assembly 7 most bril¬ liantly attired in gold ; but her anger hindered her from appearing beautiful. Haughtily casting her eyes around, 8 she stood in the midst of the crowd, and by her very look she seemed to demand 9 for herself divine honors. “ What madness,” said she, “has taken hold of your minds? Why do you worship gods that you have only heard of 10 and neglect those whom you see ? Why is frankincense burned to Latona rather than to my godhead ? I am the daughter of Tantalus, who alone of the mortals was allowed to dine 11 with the gods ; the handsomest of the Pleiades is my mother, and Atlas and most high Jupiter are my grandsires. Me 220 Pakt II. all Phrygia worships; me the palace of Cadmus acknowl¬ edges as mistress; by me and my husband the people of Thebes are governed. I have immense riches; in beauty I yield to none of the goddesses. To this add my seven sons and as many daughters, and the daughters-in-law and the sons-in-laws, who will soon be added, 12 and I ask wheth¬ er 13 I cannot justly be proud? Who will, therefore, dare to place me after Latona, the mother of fourteen children after the mother of two ? I am too happy to 14 fear fate, and though it 15 takes from me some of the children, yet I shall never be as desolate as Latona. Therefore lay down the garlands and depart to your homes.” No. 201. 1 super. 2 posse. 8. Or. §247. II. 2.— Y Or. §187. 2. 3 inflare. 4 cedere, inferiorem esse. 5 vates. 6 precari. 7 contio. 8 cir- cumferre. 9 efflagitare, exposcere. 10 audire de aliquo. 11 cenare (coe- nare), accumbere. 12 by accedere. 13 “ whether — not” = nonue (with Subj). See S. Or. §176. 1. 14 S. Gr. §257, end.— Y. Or. §201.1.2. n Relative. 202. Chapter II. Without performing 1 the sacrifices the women left the temples, and having returned home they worshipped the goddess in silent prayers. But Latona grew indignant 2 at the haughtiness of Niobe, and on the top of Cynthus she thus addressed her children: “ I have always considered 3 myself the happiest of mothers because you are my children. But now I, who am inferior in dignity only to Juno, have been despised by a mortal woman, and if you do not come to my aid I shall, for the future, 4 be without the sacrifices and the honors of the gods. Nor is that enough ; the daughter of Tantalus added abusive words, preferred her children to you, and called me childless. Oh, that this 6 calamity may fall back on her own head! ” When Latona was going to add entreaties to these complaints Phoebus and Diana unan¬ imously 6 said : “ Cease, mother, to say more. The punish¬ ment of haughtiness shall not be delayed.” And gliding down through the air in swift flight 7 they seated themselves, 8 armed with bow and arrows, on the top of the castle of Section XYIII. 221 Tliebes. Near the castle there was an extensive plain, where the noble youths of the Thebans were wont to amuse them¬ selves with riding 9 and driving. 10 The sons of Niobe were also there, given up to toil and play. Suddenly out of the cheerful crowd of the players a melancholy 11 cry was heard. “ Woe to me,” the poor (victim) said, and pierced by the arrow of Phoebus, the oldest of the sons of Niobe, dying, fell from his horse. The second immediately followed him. The third and fourth had gone 12 to the exercises of the palaestra, and, wrestling, had embraced each other; one arrow of the god pierced them both. And the fifth and the sixth had also fallen, when Ilioneus, the youngest of the whole crowd, sup- pliantly lifted his hands towards heaven and exclaimed : “ Oh all ye gods, spare me, wretched being.” But the arrow of Phoebus had already been despatched, 13 and though moved by compassion, the god was no more 14 able to recall it. No. 202. without perf.” by infectus. Ablat. absol. 2 indignaride aJiqua re. 3 putare, existimare, or sibi videri. 4 in posterum. 5 Relative. 6 uno ore. 1 volatus. 8 considere. 9 equitare. ,0 vehi. 11 maestus. 12 se conferre, also transire. 13 emittere. 14 non amplius, non jam. 203. Chapter III. When Niobe was informed of this terrible calamity she was not heart-broken, but became enraged 1 that the gods had dared to commit so great an atrocity. While she was thus using insulting language 2 the news was brought that Am- phion, her husband, had thrust his sword through his own breast, and ended his grief together with his life. Alas for miserable Niobe! But a little while before she believed that she was envied by the goddesses themselves, and now she was to be pitied 3 by her very enemies. But her pride was not yet vanquished. “ Glut yourself, cruel Latona, with my sorrow ; I shall, however, not acknowledge you as conqueror. Even in my misery, after so many of mine have been killed, more children remain to me than to you.” Lamenting, 4 attired 6 in black garments, the sisters stood, weeping, before their brothers. Then a noise 6 was heard from the bow of 222 Part IL Diana, and the first of the maidens sank 7 dying upon the bodies of her brothers. All but Niobe were struck with ter¬ ror. And a second time the arrow of the goddess sounded, and a second time, pierced through the middle of her breast, the second maiden sank dead 8 to the ground. Already Niobe saw six daughters prostrated by the arrows of the goddesses, and only the last and youngest still remained. But then the courage 9 of the proud woman failed. Wrapping her little daughter in her garments and shielding her with her whole body, overwhelmed 10 with grief, she besought 11 Latona. “ Leave me this one at least,” said she; “ one out of the whole number, and that the smallest, do I ask.” But whilst she was thus entreating the last one fell lifeless, and the child¬ less mother sank back 12 among the bodies of her sons and daughters. The blood fled from her face, her eyes stood un¬ moved in their sockets. 13 dSTo sign of life could be perceived; neither neck nor arms nor feet could be moved; the tongue itself was stiffened and the blood in her veins had, as it were, 14 congealed; the whole body of Niobe had been changed into stone; however, tears streamed 15 from her eyes. Then Jupiter sent mighty winds to carry her to her native land; and on the top of Sipylus the marble Niobe is still seen 18 shedding 17 abundant tears. No. 203. 1 incendi ira, irasci. 2 maledicere, impia verba jactare. Partic. Constr. 3 misericordia dignus, miserandus. 4 maestus. 5 induere, velare. 6 sonitus. 1 concidere, collabi, corruere. * Partic. of ex animare. 9 animus. 10 opprimere. 11 supplicare. 12 rigidus ; also “became lifeless (obrigescer e) and sank back ” 13 cavum. 14 tamquam. 15 man are, pro- fluere. 16 conspicere. 17 profundere. i Section XIX^ 223 SECTION XIX. Historical Sketches from Julius Caesar. 204. C. Julius Caesar. Through the glory of his achievements and his great talent, Cajus Julius Caesar is so conspicuous among the most illus¬ trious men of all antiquity, that it seems neither necessary nor convenient in this place to give a full description 1 of his life. But in order that those who first enter 2 upon the perusal of his writings may not be ignorant how great a man he was, it will not be unreasonable to put some few items together at least to characterize the man. 3 Caesar was born at Rome of an old and noble family under the consulship of the orator M. Antonius and A. Postumius Albinus, in the year 99 before Christ, on the 12th of Quintilis, which month was afterwards called July. But he was assassinated in the senate house by conspirators, of whom Brutus and Cassius were the leaders, 4 and, pierced 5 with twenty-three wounds, he fell lifeless before the statue of Pompey, in the year 44 before Christ, on the 15th of March. When a boy, Caesar was educated with great care by his mother Aurelia, a very judicious 8 woman, and instructed in the sciences, and prac¬ ticed in eloquence by M. Antonius Gnipho, a distinguished 7 rhetorician. On account of the enmity of the dictator Sylla, to whose will Caesar as a youth did not wish to submit, he left the city for some time, 8 made several journeys, and went also to Rhodes, where, with great eagerness and advantage, as did Cicero shortly before, he heard Apollonius Molo, who at that time was considered the most distinguished orator and teacher of eloquence. After the death of Sylla he returned to Rome, and soon obtained 9 the highest honors. When in the year 59 before Christ he filled 10 the consulship, he had, by his authority, by far the greatest influence at Rome. But the extraordinary 11 greatness of this man began 224 Part II. especially to sliine forth when, his consulship having expired, 1 * he was sent as proconsul to the province of Gaul. No. 204. 1 copiose describere. 2 accedere. 3 describere personam. 4 princeps. 5 conl'odere. 6 prudens. 7 non ignobilis. 8 in aliquod tem- pus relinquere, or aliquamdiu abesse. 9 pervenire ad. 10 gerere, fungi. 11 ingens. 12 finire. 205. Chapter II. From the time of his entering 1 into this province down to that of his death the whole life of Caesar is an almost uninterrupted 2 series of wars and victories. If we are allowed to follow the authority of Pliny, Caesar fought fifty pitched battles, 3 and came out victorious in almost all en¬ gagements. During eight years he stayed 4 among the many and very fierce tribes of Gaul, until he had subjected all of them to the Roman dominion ; and at the same time he completely defeated the Helvetians, Ariovistus, the Usipetes, and Tencteri; he crossed the Rhine twice and penetrated into Germany, crossed the ocean twice and penetrated into Britain, and performed achievements which no one would have deemed possible. 5 After these years full of glory the civil wars followed, in which Caesar proved himself, indeed, no less great, but less affectionate 6 and respectful 7 towards his country, whose magistrates and laws he subjected to his will and bis caprice. 8 After Caesar had crossed the Rubicon and made war upon his country, Pompey, the head of the opposite party, 9 fled with his partisans to Greece. Rome and Italy submitted to Caesar. After he had made 10 the most necessary arrangements 11 as speedily as possible, he immedi¬ ately crossed with a small army into Greece to pursue Pom¬ pey, although the sea was very boisterous. 12 “ Fear nothing! You carry Caesar and his fortunes.” With these words he encouraged 13 the terrified 14 boatman. At Pharsalus, then, he defeats, with an army of 22,000 soldiers, Pompey, who had 45,000 armed men, pursues the fugitive to Egypt, takes Alexandria, re-establishes the kingdom of Cleopatra, marches into Asia, and defeats and pursues Pharnaces, king of Section XIX. 225 Pontus, appoints and dethrones kings, and settles 15 the affairs of Asia after his own judgment 16 and will. Mean¬ while at Rome unheard-of honors are decreed for Caesar— the consulship for five years, the tribunitial power for ever, 17 the dictatorship for a whole year. No. 205. 1 ab introitu. 2 continuatus. 3 by collatis signis, or acie instructa pugnare. 4 versari. 6 by arbitrari {or putare, or existimare), and fieri posse; for Tense and Mood see S. Gr. § 247. II. 2.— Y. Gr. §187. 2. 6 pius. 7 verecundus. 8 arbitrium, libido. 9 altera factio, fa (311) 312 Index of Proper Names. Amphion, Amphlon, bnis (m). Amphipolis , Amphip61is, is (/). Amphissa, Amphissa, ae (/). Anacha/rsis, Anacharsis, is, and Idis ( m ). Anapus, Anapus, i, and Anapis, is (m). Anaxagoras, Anaxagbras, ae (m). Anchises, Anchlses, ae (■ m ). Ancus, Ancus, i (m). Andes, Andes, ium (f). Andrew, Andreas, ae ( m ). Androclus, Andrbclus, i ( m ). Aridronicus, Andronlcus, i (m). Anna, Anna, ae (/). Annaeus, Annaeus, i (m). Anniceris, AnnicSris, is (m). Antenor, Antenor, 6ris (m). Anthony, Antonius, i (m). Antigonus, Antigonus, i ( m ). Antioch , Antiochla, ae (/). Antiochus (the Great), Antiochus (Magnus), i (m). Antipater, Antip&ter, tri (m). Antiphilus, Antiphilus, i (m). Antisthenes, Antisth&nes, is (ra). Antium, Antiura, i (n). Antoninus, Antoninus, i (m). Antonius, or, f Antoniu3i j (ro) . Antony, ) Anubis, Anubis, is, and Idis ( m ). Apelles , Apelles, is (m). Apollinaris, Apollinaris, is (w). Apollo, Apollo, Inis ( m ). Apollodorus, Apollodorus, i (w). Apollonius , Apollonius, i (m). Appius, Appius, i (m), Appian, Appius, a, um. Apulia, Apulia, ae (/); in Ap., Apulus, a, um. Aquae Sextiae, Aquae Sextiae, arum (/). Arabians (the), «r, I A rabes,um(m). Arabs (the), ) Arar, Arar, Sris (m). Aratus, Aratus, i (m). Arcadia, Arcadia, ae (/); an Area dian, Areas, Sdis (m). Arcadius, Arcadius, i ( m ). Arcesilas, Arcesllas, ae (m). Archias, Archias, ae (m). Archimedes , Archimedes, is (m), Archytas, Archytas, ae (m). Arellius, Arellius, i ( m). Areopagus, Areopagus, i (m)\ an Areopagite, Areopagltes, ae (m). Ares, Ares, is (m). Argolis, ArgSlis, Idis (/); Argolic, Argollcus, a, um. Argos, Argi, orum (m); Nom. and Acc., also Argos (n). Arion, Arlon, Snis (m). Ariovistus, Ariovistus ( m ). Aristides, Aristides, is (?ri). Aristippus, Aristippus ( m ). Aristobulus, Aristobulus, i (ra). Aristodemus, Aristodemus, i (m). Aristomenes, AristomSnes, is (m). Aristonicus, Aristonlcus, i (m). Aristotle, Aristotgles, is (m)\ Aris- totelic, Aristoteleus (-lus), a, um. Arles (of), Arelatensis, e. Arpinum, Arplnum, i (n), of Arp., Arplnas, atis. Artaphernes, Artaphernes, is (m). Artaxerxes, Artaxerxes, is (m). Artemisium, Artemisium, i (n). Ascanius, Ascanius, i (rri). Asculum, Asculum, i (n). Asia, Asia, ae (/); A. Minor, A. Minor, oris (/); Asiatic, Asiatl- cus, a, um. Asiaticus, Asiatlcus, i (m). Asinius, Asinius, i ( m ). Asopus, Asopus, i (m). Assarhaddon, Assarhaddon, Onis (m). Assyria, Assyria, ae (/); Assyrian ( Adj .), Assyrius, a, um ; an As¬ syrian, Assyrius, i (m). Athene, Minerva, ae (/). Athens, Athgnae, arum (f); Athe■ Index of Proper Names. 313 nian {Adj.), or, of Athens, Atheni- ensis,e; an Athenian, Atheniensis, is ( m). Athos, AthOs, Atho, and AthOn (m)\ Gen. AthOnis ; Bat. Atho ; Acc. Atho, Athon, and AtliOnem; Abl. Atho, and Athene. Atlas , Atlas, antis (m). Atridae {the), Atrldae, arum {m). Attica, Attica, ae (/); Attic, Attl- cus, a, uin. Atticus, AttTcus, i (in). Attius, Attius, i (wi). Augustine {St.), (Sanctus) Augus¬ tinus, i (m). Augustus, Augustus, i {m). Aurelia, Aurelia, ae (/). Aurelian, AureiiUnus, i (m). Aurelius, Aurelius, i {m). Ausonius, Ausonius, i {m). Austin {St.), (Sanctus) Augus¬ tinus, i (m). Aventine, Aventlnus, i (m). B. Baal, indecl., or, Gen. Baalis, etc. {m). Babrius, Babrius, i (m). Babylon, Babylon, Onis (/); of Bab., or, a Babylonian, Babylon- ius, i {m). Bacchus, Bacchus, i {m). Bacchylides, Bacchylldes, is ( m )„ Baibas, Balbus, i (, m ). Balearic, Balearis, e. Basil {St. — the Great), (Sanctus) Basilius (Magnus), i {m). Bassus, Bassus, i (m). Beneventum, Beneventum, i {n). Bias, Bias, antis {m). Bibracte, Bibracte, is {n). Bibulus, Bibulus, i {m). Bithynia, Bithynia, ae (/). Biton , Bito, Onis (m). Boeotia, Boeotia, ae (/). Boji {the), Boji, oruni (m). Bordeaux {of), Burdigalensis, e. Brennus, Brennus, i {m). Britain, Britannia, ae (/). Britons {the), Britanni, orum(m). Brundisium, Brundisium, i {n). Brutus, Brutus, i {m). Byzantium, Byzantium, i {n)\ a By zantine, Byzantius, i {m). C. (7. = Cajus (Gajus), i (m); page 59, l. 6=Curius, i (m). Gadmea, Cadmea, ae (/). Cadmus, Cadmus, i (m). Gaecilius, Caecilius, i (m). Gaecus, Caecus, i {m). Gaelius, Caelius, i {m). Caeninenses {the), Caeninenses, ium, {m). Caepio, Caepio, Onis (m). Caesar, Caesar, aris {m); Caesarian, Caesarianus, a, um. Caesarea {of), Caesariensis, e. Caesarius{St.), (Sanctus) Caesarius, i {m). Gaeso, Caeso, Onis {m). Gajus, Cajus, i {m). Calabria, Calabria, ae (/); a Caloy brian, Calaber, bri {m). Calchas, Calchas, antis {m). Caligula, Caligula, ae {m). Callias, Cal lias, ae (m). Gallidius, Callidius, i {m). Callimachus, CallimSchus, i (m). Callisthenes, Callistlignes, is {m). Calvus, Calvus, i {m). Calypso, Calypso, us (/). Campania, Campania, ae (/). Campus Martins, Campus Martius, i (m). Canaanites {the), Chananaei, orum ( m). Capena, (porta) Capena, ae (/); Capenian, Capenus, a, um. Capitol, Capitolium, i {n); Capitol - ine {Adj.), Capitolinus, a, um; 314 Index of Proper Names. the Capitoline, or, Mount C. (mons) Capitolinus, i (m). Cappadocian (a), Cappadox, ocis (m). Carbo, Carbo, onis ( m). Ccvria, Caria, ae (/). Carmentalis, (porta) Carmentalis, is (/). Carneadas, Carne&des, is (m). Carthage, Carthago, Inis (/); Carthaginian (Adj.), Carthagirfr- ensis, e; a Carthaginian, Cartha- giniensis, is (m). Cams, Carus, i ( m ). Casca, Casca, ae ( m ). Cassius, Cassius, i (m). Casialia, Castalia, ae (/). Catana, Catana, and Catlna, ae (/). Catherine (St.), (Sancta) Catharlna, ae (/). Catiline, Catillna, ae (m); Catili- narian (Adj.), Catilinarius, a, um; the Catilinarians, (orationes) Catilinariae, arum (/). Cato, Cato, onis (m); C. the Elder, C. Major, oris(m); C. the Younger, C. Minor, oris (m)\ Catonian, Catonianus, a, um. Catullus, Catullus, i (m). Catulus, Catulus, i (m). Cea (of), Ceus, a, um. Cecvopia, Cecropia, ae (/). Cecrops, Cecrops, opis (m). Ceos, Ceos, i (/), or, Cea, ae (/). Cephalenia, Cephalenia, ae (/). Cephissus, Cephissus, and Cephlsus, i (m). Cercina, Cerclna, ae (/). Ceres, Ceres, 8ris (/). Cethegus, CSthegus, i (m). Chaeronea, Chaeronea, ae (/); of Chaer., Chaeroneensis, e. Ghalcis, Chalcis, fdis (/). Chersonese, Chersonesus, i (/). Chilon, Chilo, Onis (m). Christ, Christus, i (m); Christian (Adj.), Christianus, a, um; a Christian, Christianus, i (m). Chrysippus, Chrysippus, i (m). Chrysogonus, Chrysogonus, i (m). Cicero, Cicero, onis (m); Cicero¬ nian (Adj.), Ciceronian us, a, um. Cilicia, Cilicia, ae (/). Cimbri (the), Cimbri, orum (m). Cimon, Cimon, onis (m). Cincinnatus, Cincinnatus, i (m). Cineas, CinSas, ae (m). Cingetorix, CingetSrix, Igis (m). Cinna, Cinna, ae (m). Circeji, Circeji, orum (m). Circus Flaminius, Circus Flami- nius, i (m). Circus Maximus, Circus Maximus, i (m). Cithaeron, Cithaeron, onis (m). Cittium, Cittium, i (n). Claudianus, Claudianus, i (m). Claudius, Claudius, i (m). Cleanthes, Cleanthes, is (m). Cleobis, Clebbis, is (m). Cleobulus, Cleobulus, i (m). Cleopatra, Cleopatra, ae (f). Clodia, Clodia, ae (/). Clodius, Clodius, i (m). Cluentius, Cluentius, i (m). Cluilian, Cluilius, a, um. Cfo.:=Cneius, i (m). Codrus, Codrus, i (m). Coelius, Coelius, i (m). Colophon (from), Colophonius, a; um. Commodus, Commodus, i (m). Constans, Constans, antis (m). Constantine (the Great), Constam tlnus (Magnus), i (m). Constantinople, Constantinopblis, is (/)• Constantins, Constantius, i (m). Copais, Copais, Idis (/). Corcyra, Corcyra, ae(/); Corcyrean (Adj.), Corcyraeus, a, um; a Cor¬ cyrean, Corcyraeus i (m). Index of Proper Names. 315 Corinth, Corinthus, i (/); of Cor., or, Corinthian {Adj .), Corinthius, a, um ; a Corinthian, Corinthius, i (m). Coriolanus, Coriolanus, i (m). Corioli, Cori6Ii, orum (m). Cornelia, Cornelia, ae (/). Cornelii {the), Cornelii, orum ( m ). Cornelius, Cornelius, i {m). Cornificius, Cornificius, i {m). Corvinus, Corvinus, i {m). Cos, COus, i (/). Cotta, Cotta, ae (m). Crassus, Crassus, i ( m ). Cratinus, Cratlnus, i ( m ). Cremona, CremOna, ae (/). Crete, Creta, ae (/); from Crete, Cretensis, e; a Cretan, Cres, Cretis, and Cretensis, is ( m ). Greusa, CrOusa, ae (/). Crispus, Crispus, i (m). Critolaus, Critolaus, i {m). Criton, Crito, Onis {m). Croesus, Croesus, i {m). Croton, Croton, and Croto, Onis (m); of Croton, Crotoniates, ae (m). Cumae, Cumae, arum (/); of C., or, Cumean, Cumanus, a, um ; the Cuman villa {of Cicero), Cuma- num, i {n). Cunctator, Cunctator, Oris (m). Curiatii {the), Curiatii, orum {m). Curio, Curio, Onis (m). Curius, Curius, i {m). Curtius , Curtius, i {m). Cyclades {the), Cycl&des, um (/). Cydonia, Cydonia, ae (/); Cydo- nian, Cydoneus, a, um. Cylon, Cylon, Onis (m). Cyme {of), Cymaeus, a, um. Cynic, Cyntcus, a, um. Cynthus, Cynthus, i {m)\ Cynthian, Cynthius, a, um. Cyprus, Cyprus, i (/); from Cy¬ prus, Cyprius, a, um. Cypselus, Cypsglus, i {m). Cyrene, Cyrene, es, and Cyrenae, arum (/); from Cyrene, Cyrenaf- cus, a, um, or, Cyrenensis, e. Cyrus, Cyrus, i {m). Cythera, Cythera, orum {n). D. Daedalus, DaedSlus, i {m). Damon, Damon, Onis {m). Danes {the), Dani, orum {m). Daniel, Daniel, elis {m). Dardanian, Dard^nus, a, um. Darius, Darius, i {m). Datis, Datis, is {m). David, David, Idis {m). Decelea, Decelea, ae (/). Decii {the), Decii, orum {m). Decius, Decius, i {m). Delion, Delium, i {n). Delos, Delos, or, Delus, i (/); De¬ lian, Delius, a, um. Delphi, Delphi, orum {m ); Del¬ phian, Delphlcus, a, um. Demades, Demades, is {m). Demetrius, Demetrius, i {m). Democritus , Democritus, i {m). Demosthenes, Demosthenes, is (m). Dentatus, Dentatus, i (m). Deucalion, Deucalion, Onis {m). Diagoras, DiagOras, ae {m). Diana, Diana, ae (/). Dinon, Dinon, Onis {m). Dio , Dio, Onis {m). Diodorus, DiodOrus, i {m). Diodotus, DiodOtus, i {m). Diogenes, Diogenes, is {m). Diomedes, Diomedes, is {m). Diomedon, Diomedon, ontis {m). Dion, Dion, and Dio, Onis ( m ). Dionysius, Dionysius, i {m). Divitiacus, DivitiScus, i {m). Dodona, DodOna, ae (/). Dolabella, Dolabella, ae (m). Dolopians {the), DolOpes, um {m). Domitian, Domitianus, i {m). 316 Index of Proper Names. Domitius, Domitius, i (m). Boris, Doris, Ydis (/); Dorian, Dorius, a, um ; the D. Tetrapolis, Tetrapolis Doriae, is, ae (/); the Doric Dialect, dialectos Doris, i, Mis (/). Druids {the), DruYdae, arum, and DruYdes, um {m). Duilius, Duilius, i (m). Dumnorix, Dumnorix, Ygis {m). E. Ebro, Iberus, i {m). Egypt, Aegyptus, i (/); Egyptian {Adj.), Aegyptius, a, um; an Egyptian, Aegyptius, i {m); Up¬ per Egypt, Aegyptus superior, i, Oris (/). Elatea , Elatea, ae (/). Elea , E18a, ae (/) ; from Elea, Eleates, ae ( m ). Eleusis, Eleusis, Inis (/); Eleusi- nian, Eleusinius, a, um. Elis, Elis, Ydis (/); an Elean, Eleus, i (m). Elizabeth, Elisabeth {indecl.), or, Elisabetha, ae (/). Elpinice, Elpinlce, es (/). Empedocles, Empedocles, is {m). English, BritannYcus, a, um. Ennius, Ennius, i (m). Epaminondas, Epaminondas, ae (m). Ephesus, Ephgsus, i (/); of Ephe¬ sus, Ephesius, a, um. Ephorus, EphOrus, i (m). Epicharmus, Epicharmus, i (m). Epicurus, Epicurus, i {m)\ Epicu¬ rean ( Adj .), Epicureus, a, um ; an Epicurean , Epicureus, i (m). Epimenides, EpimenYdes, is (m). Epirus, Epirus, i (/). Eretria, Eretria, ae (/). Erymanthus, Ery man thus, i (m); Erymanthian , Erymanthius, a, um. Esquiline, (mons) Esquillnus, i (m); (porta) Esquillna, ae (/). Ethiopians {the), AethiSpes, um {m). Etruria, Etruria, ae (/). Euboea, Euboea, ae (/). Euclid, Euclldes, ae {m). Eudemus, Eudemus, i {m). Eudoxia, Eudoxia, ae (/). Eumenids {the) f EumenYdes, um (/)• Eumenius, Eumenius, i {m). Euphrates, Euphrates, is {m). Eupompus, Eupompus, i (m). Euripides, EuripYdes, is {m). Euripus, Eurlpus, i (m). Europa, Europa, ae (/). Europe, Europa, ae (/). Eurotas, EurOtas, ae (m). Eurybiades, Eurybi&des, is {m). Eurymedon, Eurymgdon, ontis(m). Euxine Sea, Pontus Euxlnus, i {m). F. Fabians (the), or, ) Fabii> orum (m) Fabii {the), ) Fabius {the Lingerer), Fabius (Cunctator), i (oris) (m). Fabricius. Fabricius, i (m). Fannia, Fannia, ae (/). Fannius, Fannins, i {m). Faustina, Faustina, ae (/). Ferdinand, Ferdinandus, i {m). Flaccus, Flaccus, i {m): Flavius, Flavius, i {m). Fonteja, Fonteja, ae (/). Francis, Franciscus, i {m). Frederic, Friderlcus, i {m). Fuffetius, Fuffetius, i {m). Fulvius, Fulvius, i {m). Fuscus, Fuscus, i (m). G. Oabinian, Gablnus, a, um. Gabinius, Gabinius, i {m). Gades {of), Gaditanus, i {m). Galatea, Galatea, ae (/). Index of Proper Names. 317 Gallia Cisalpina, Gallia Cisalplna, ae (/). Gallio, Gallio, Onis (wi). Gallus, Gallus, i ( m). Garizim, Garizlmus, i (m). Gaul, Gallia, ae (/); a Gaul, or, from Gaul, Gallus, i (m ); fern. Galla, ae; Gallic, Gallicus, a, um. Gavius, Gavius, i (m). Gellius, Gellius, i (m). Gelo, Gelo, Onis (m) Gendva, Genava, ae (/); the Lake of Geneva, lacus Lemanus, us, i (m). Genseric, Genserlcus, i (m). Germany, Germania, ae (/); a Ger¬ man, Germanus, i {m). Gertrude (St.), (Sancta) Gertrudis, is (/)• Getae (the), Getae, arum (m). Giardini, Giardinius, i (m). Gisla, Gisla, ae (/). Glabrio, Glabrio, Onis (m). Glaucus, Glaucus, i (m). Gnipho, Gnipho, onis (m). Gno8sus, Cnosus, i (/); Gnossian, Cnosius, a, um. Gonatas, Gonatas, ae (m). Gordium, Gordium, i ( n). Gordius , Gordius, i (m)\ Gordian =of Gordius. Gorgias, Gorgias. ae (m). Gracchus, Gracchus, i (m); Plur. —the Gracchi. Granikus, Granlcus, i (m). Greece, Graecia, ae (/); Great Gh'eece, Magna Graecia, ae (/); Grecian, Greek (Adj.), Graecus, a, um (poet. Grajus, a, um ; a Greek, Graecus, i (m) ; fern. Graeca, ae. Gregory (the Great), Gregorius (Magnus), i (m). Gythium, Gythlum, i, or,Gytheum, i (7i). H. Hadrian, or, ) n , . _ , . * M- Hadnanus, 1 ( m). Hadmanu8, ) Halicarnassus, Halicarnassus, i (/). Halcyone, HalcySne, or, Alcydne, es (/). Hamilcar , Hamilcar, Sris (m). Hannibal, Hannibal, &lis (m). Hector, Hector, 6ris (m). Helena, HelSna, ae (/). Helicon, Helicon, onis(m). Heliopolis, Heliopdlis, is (/). Hellanikos, Hellanlcus, i (m). Hellas, Hellas, Sdis (/). Hellespont, Hellespontus, i (m). Helvetians {the), Helvetii, orum (m)\ Helvetian , Helveticus, a, um. Henoch, Henoch, or, Enoch (in- decl.), or, Henochus, i (m). Henry (I.), Henrlcus (Primus), i (m). Hephaestio, Hephaestio, Onis (m). Heraclea, Heraclea, ae (/). Heraclides, Heraclldes, is (m). Hercules, Hercules, is ( m ). Hermaeum, Hermaeum, i (ti). Hermagoras, Hermagoras, ae (m). Hermes, Hermes, ae, or, Herma, ae (m). Hermodorus, HermodOrus, i (m). Hermolaus, Hermolaus, i (m). Herodotus, Heroddtus, i (m). Herostratus, HerostrStus, i (m). Heruli (the), Heruli, orum (m). Hesiod, Hesiod us, i (m). Hiero, HiSro, onis (m). Hilarius, Hilarius, i (m). Hildegarde (St.), (Sancta) Hilde- gardis, is (/). Himera, HimSra, ae (/). Hipparchus, Hipparchus, i (m). Hippias, Hippias, ae (m). Hippo, Hippo, onis (m). Hippocrates, Hippocrates, i (m). Hippolyius, Hippolytus, i (m). Hirtius, Hirtius, i (m). 318 Index of Proper Names. Hister, Ister, tri (m). Histia, Histia, ae (f). Histiaeus, Histiaeus, i ( m). Homer , Homerus, i (m); Homeric, Homerlcus, a, um. Honorius, Honorius, i (m). Horace, Horatius, i (m). Horatii (the), Horatii, orum (m); Sing. Horatius, i (m). Hortensius, Hortensius, i (m). Hostilia, Hostilia, ae (/). Hostilius, Hostilius, i (m). Hunneric, Hunnerlcus, i (m). Hydaspes, Hydaspes, is (m). Hymettus, Hymettus, i (m'l Hystaspes, Hystaspes, i (m). I. (J.) J. = Julius, i (m). Jadmon, Jadmon, bnis (m). Janiculum, Janiculum, i (n). Ibis, Ibis, is, or, Idis (/). lbycus, Ibycus, i (m). lcaria, Icaria, ae (/). Icarus, Ic&rus, i (m). Ida, Ida, ae (/). Idanthyrsus, Idanthyrsus, i (m). Idomeneus, IdomSneus, 8i (m). Jeremiah, Jeremlas, or, Hieremlas, ae (m). Jerusalem, Hierosolyma, orum (n)\ of Jerusalem, Hierosolymitanus, a, um. Jesus, Jesus, Acc. Jesum, Gen., Hat., Voc., Abl. Jesu (m). Jew (a), Judaeus, i (m)\ Jewish, Judaeus, a, um. Iliad, Ilias, Mis (/). llioneus, IliSneus, 6i (m). Ilissu8, Ilissus, i (m). Illyria, Illyrlcum, i (n). Tmbros, Imbrus, i (m). India, India, ae (/). Indus, Indus, i (m). Indutiomarus, IndutiomSrus, i (m). John (St.), (Sanctus) Joannes, is (m). Jonas, Jonas, ae (m). Jonathan, Jon&thas, ae (m). Ionia, Ionia, ae (f) ; Ionian, Ionius, and Ionlcus, a, um. Josephus, Josephus, i (m). Iphicrates, Iphicrates, is (m); Iphi- cratian , Iphicratensis, e. Ira, Ira, ae (/). Isaias, Isaias, ae (m). Ismenus, Ismenus, i ( m ). Isocrates, Isocrates, is (m)\ Isocrar tean, Isocrateus, (-Ius), a, um. Israel, Israel, elis (or, indecl., m). Issus, Issus, i (/). Isthmus, Isthmus, i (m); Isthmian, Isthmius, a, um. Italy, Italia, ae (/); Lower Italy, Italia inferior, ae, 5ris (/); Northern Italy, Italia septemtri- onalis, ae, Oris (/); Upper Italy, Italia superior, ae, oris (/); Ital¬ ian (Adj.), Itallcus, a, um ; an Italian, It&lus, i (m). Ithaca, IthSca, ae (/); from, or, of Ithaca, Ithacensis, is. Ithome, IthCme, es (/). Juba, Juba, ae (m). Judaea, Judaea, ae (/). Jugurthine (Adj.), Jugurthlnus, a, um. Julian (Adj.), Julius, a, um. Julius, Julius, i (?n). lulus, Ihlus, i (m). Junius, Junius, i (m). Juno, Juno, Onis (/). Jupiter,. Jupplter, Jovis (m); Jupi¬ ter Ammon, Juppiter Ammon, onis (m); Jupiter Latiaris, Jup¬ piter Latiaris, is (m). Jura, Jura, ae (m). Juvenal, Juvenalis, is (m). L. L.~ Lucius, i (m). Index of Proper ^ames. 319 Labienus, LabiSnus, i (m). Lacedaemon, Lacedaemon, bnis (/); of Lacedaemon, Lacedae- monius, a um ; a Lacedaemon¬ ian, Lacedaemonius, i (m). Laconia, or, ) Laconica (rarely La- Laconica, ) conia), ae (/); La¬ conian, Laeonlcus, a, um. Laelius, Laelius, i ( m). Laocoon, LaocOon, ontis (m ). Laodicea, Laodicea, ae (/). Larissa, Larissa, ae (/). Lartius, Lartius, i (m). Latiaris, see Jupiter. Latium, Latium, i (n ) ; Latin (.Adj .), Latlnus, a, um ; a Latin , Latinus, i ( m). Latona, LatOna, ae (/). Latro, Latro, Onis (m). Laurium, Laurium, i (n). Lemnos, Lemnus, i (/). Leon , Leon, ontis (m). Leonidas, Leonidas, ae (m), Lesbos, Lesbus, i (/). Leucas, Leucas, Mis (/). Leuctra, Leuctra, orum (n); at Leuctra, Leuctrlcus, a, um. Libya, Libya, ae (/). Licinius, Licinius, i (m) Ligarius, Ligarius, i (m). Limon, Limo, Onis (m). Lindus, Lindus, or, Lindos, i (/). Lingones {the), LingOnes, um (m). Linus , Linus, i (m). Liscus, Liscus, i (m). Livius, and ) Livius> j Livy, ) Locri {town), Locri, orum (m). Locris, Locris, Idis (/); the Locri- ans. or, the Locri, Locri, orum (m). Loreto, see Mary. Lucania, Lucania, ae (/). Lucilius, Lucilius, i (m). Lucius, Lucius, i {m). Lucretius, Lucretius, i (m). Lucullus, Lucullus, i (m). Lupus, Lupus, i (wi). Luscinus, Lusclnus, i {m). Lycaean, Lycaeus, a, um. Lycian {a), Lycius, i (m). Lydia, Lydia, ae (f). Lycurgus , Lycurgus, i {m). Lyons, Lugdunun, i (n); at Lyons, also by Adj., Lugdunensis, e. Lysander, Lysander, dri (m). Lysis, Lysis, Idis {m). Lyttelton, Lyttelton, onis, or, Lyt- teltonius, i {m). Itt. ilf.=Marcus, i (w); M’.=Manius, i {m). Maccius, Maccius, i (m). Macedonia, Macedonia, ae (/); Macedonian {Adj.), Macedonlcus, a, um; a Macedonian, or, of Macedonia, MacSdo, onis {m). Macer, Macer, cri {m). Machaon, Machaon, onis {m). Maecenas, Maecenas, atis {m). Magi {the), Magi, orum {m). Magius, Magius, i {m). Magnesia, Magnesia, ae (/). Mahomet, Muhamedes, is (m); the Mahometans, Muhamedani, orum (m). Mai, Mai (m). Malian, Mali&cus, a, um. Mamurra, Mamurra, ae (m). Manasses, Manasses, is {m). Manilius, Manilius, i (m); Manil - ian, Manilius, a, um. Manius, Manius, i {m). Mantinea, Mantinea, ae (/). Manto, Manto, us (/). Mantua, Mantua, ae (/); of Man¬ tua, Mantuanus, a, um. Marathon, Marathon, Onis (m. and /.); of Marathon, or, Marathon- ian , Marathonius, a, um. Marcellus, Marcellus, i (m). 320 Index of Proper Names. Marcius, Marcius, i (m). Marcus, Marcus, i {in). Mardonius, Mardonius, i {m). Marius, Marius, i {m), Maro, Maro, Onis ( m). Mars, Mars, Martis (m); the Plain of Mars, Campus Martius, i ( m ). Mary: The Blessed Virgin Mary of Loreto, Beatissima Virgo Maria Lauretana, ae, Inis, ae, ae (/). Massilia, Massilia, ae (/). Mathilde, Mathildis, is (/). Maximus, Maximus, i (m). Medea, Medea, ae (/). Media, Media, ae (/); the Medes, Medi, orum (m). Megacles, Megficles, is {m). Megalopolis, Megalopolis, is (/). Megara, Megfira, ae (/); or, Me- g&ra, orum {n)\ a Megarian, Me- garensis, is {m). Megaris, Megaris, Tdis (/). Memnon, Memnon, onis ( m ). Memphis, Memphis, is (/). Menenius, Menenius, i {m). Mesopotamia, Mesopotamia, ae (f). Messana, Messana, ae (/); the Mes- sanians, Messanii, orum {m). Messene, Messene, es, or, Messena, ae (/). Messenia, Messenia, ae (/); Messe- nian {Adj.), Messenius, a, um ; a Messenian, Messenius, i {m). Messiah {the), Messlas, ae (m). Metapontum, Metapontum, i {n). Metellus, Metellus, i {m)\ Plur. the Metelli. Methymna {of), Methymnaeus, a, um. Mettus, Mettus, i {m). Mexicans {the), Mexicani, orum, {m). Micythus, Micythus, i {m). Midas, Midas, ae {m). Middleton, Middleton, Onis, or, Middletonius, i (w). Milan, Mediolanum {also -anium), i {n). Miletus, Miletus, i (/); of Miletus, or, from Miletus, Milesius, a, um; a Milesian , Milesius, i {m). Milo, Milo, Onis {m). Miltiades, MiltiSdes, is {m). Milvius, (pons) Milvius, i {m ). Minerva, Minerva, ae (/). Minos, Minos, Onis {m). Minotaurus, Minotaurus, i {m). Minturnae, Minturnae, arum (/). Mithras, Mithras, or, Mithres, ae (m). Mithridates, Mithrid&tes, is {m)\ Mithridatic, Mithridatlcus, a, um. Mitylene {of, or, from), Mityle- naeus, a, um. Moabites {the), Moabltae, arum {m). Moesia, Moesia, ae (/). Molo, Molo, Onis {m\ Molossians {the), Molossi, orum {m). Monica {St.), (Sancta) Monica, ae (/)• Moses, Moses, or, Moyses, is {Acc. -en, m). Mucian, Mucianus, i (m). Mucius, Mucius, i (m). Munda, Munda, ae (/). Munychia, Munycliia, ae (/). Muraena, Murena {also Muraena), ae {m). Muretus, Muretus, i {m). Musa, Musa, ae (m). Muse, Musa, ae (/). Mutina, Mutlna, ae (/); of Mutina, Mutinensis, e. Mycenae, Mycenae, arum (/). My con, Mycon, Onis {m). Mylae, Mylae, arum (/). N. Naevius, Naevius, i {m). Nahum, Nahum, indecl., or, Na- humus, i (m). Index of Proper Names. 321 Naples , NeapOlis, is (/). Naso, Naso, Onis (m). Naucratis, Naucr&tis, is (/). Naupactus, Naupactus, i (/). Naxos , Naxus, i (/). Nazianzus (of), Nazianzenus, a, um. Nearchus, Nearchus, i (m). Nemea, NemOa, ae (/); Nernean, Nemeaeus, a, um. Neoptolemus, NeoptolSmus, i (m). Nepos, Nepos, Otis (m). Neptune, Neptunus, i (m). Nereids (the). Nereides, um (/). Nero, Nero, Onis (m). Nestor, Nestor, Oris, (m). Nicanor, Nicanor, oris (m). Nicias, Nicias, ae (m). Nicomedes, Nicomedes, is (m). Ninive, Ninus (-os), i (/'• later, Ninive, es (/). Ninus, NiDus, i (m). Niobe, NiOba, ae, and NiObe, es