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THE 
 
 Life of Michael Dayitt. 
 
 WITH A HISTORY OP 
 
 THE RISE AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE 
 IRISH NATIONAL LAND LEAGUE. 
 
 BY D. B. CASHMAN. 
 
 " The nations hare fallen, and thou still art young, 
 Thy sun is but rising when others are set; 
 And, though slavery's cloud o'er thy morning hath hung, 
 
 Tlie full noon of freedom shall beam round thee yet. 
 Erin ! oh, Erin ! though long in the shade, 
 Thy star will shine out when the proudest shall fade.' 1 '' 
 
 — Moore. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 murphy & McCarthy, publishers, 
 
 548 Washington Street. 
 1881. 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LlBRARf 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS, 
 
Copyright, 1881, 
 By MURPHY & MCCARTHY. 
 
 ' 
 
 Printed by Dcffy, Cashman & Co. 
 603 Washington St., Boston. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Pagbs 
 A Brief History of British Tyranny in Ireland, from the Inva- 
 sion in 1 1 70 to the Act of Union in 1800, with an Account 
 of the Penal Enactments in the Different Reigns. - - iii-xiv 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Great Land Agitation. — Michael Davitt again in a 
 
 Convict's Garb. — Innisfail ------ i_ij 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Michael Davitt. — His Early Life. — Eviction from his Farm 
 
 Home in Mayo. — Emigration ----- 6-1 1 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Davitt as a Literary Man — His Arrest. — Trial, and Prison 
 
 Sufferings 12-28 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 From Millbank to Dartmoor, Six Years and Six Months of 
 
 Agony 29-48 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Released on Ticket-of- Leave. — Grand Reception in Dublin. 
 — Sergeant McCarthy's Death. — Davitt Visits Mayo. — 
 His First Lecture in England ----- 49-66 
 (3) 
 
IV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Pages 
 
 Davitt's First Visit to America. — Seed of the Land League 
 Sown by Advanced Nationalists. — The New Doctrine Ex- 
 pounded by Davitt. — A National Platform - - -67-93 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Why the Farmers were not Fenians. — Radical Revolution- 
 ists and the Land Question. —The New Departure Ex- 
 pounded and Defended by John Devoy. — The Abolition 
 of Landlordism ------- 94-114 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How Irish Tenant-Farmers are Ground Down by the,Land- 
 lords. — Why the Extremists should aid the Land Agita- 
 tion. — The Law of Primogeniture explained. — The 
 Ancient Irish Law of Gavel. — Statistics Relating to Land 
 and Landlords ------- 115-131 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Davitt's Return to Ireland. — The Agitation Begun in Mayo. 
 — Death of Isaac Butt.^— Pronouncements by the Catho- 
 lic Clergy. — Famine Clouds Appear on the Horizon. — 
 Archbishop MacHale Condemns the Leaders of the Agi- 
 tation. — Michael Davitt's Reply - - - - 132-154 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Landlords Refuse to Lower the Rents. — The Agitators 
 demand the Abolition of Landlordism. — Repeal of the 
 Irish Convention Act. — The First National Convention in 
 Mayo to Form a Land League. — Appeal to Irish- 
 Americans. — Manifesto from the Trustees of the Irish 
 National Fund ------- 154-178 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Page* 
 
 The Irish National Land League Formed in Dublin. — The 
 Distress Increasing. — Irish Members Invoke Government 
 Aid, — Davitt Arrested. — Lodged in Sligo Jail. — "On 
 to Balla." — Committed for Trial — Parnell to Chicago. — 
 Davitt's Lecture in England 178-199 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Parnell and Dillon in New York. — Great Meeting in Madi- 
 son Square Garden.— Parnell addresses Congress. — The 
 Famine in Ireland. — How the Landlords acted. — The 
 Relief Bill — Meeting on the Spot where Davitt was born, 200-214 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The National Land League started in America. — Davitt 
 again visits the United States. — First Land League Con- 
 vention in New York. — America's Aid during the Fam- 
 ine. — The Compensation for Disturbance Bill rejected. 
 — Evictions. — Davitt in San Francisco. — The Ladies' 
 Land League begun. — Davitt leaves for Ireland. — Boy- 
 cotting Boycott. — The State Trials. — The Coercion Act 
 in force -- 215-240 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Davitt Arrested. — Again in a Convict's Garb. — Portland 
 Prison Described. — The Ticket-of-Leave. — The News in 
 the House of Commons. — Expulsion of Thirty-four Mem- 
 bers. — The National Land League Convention. — No 
 Peace in Ireland while Davitt is in a Convict Cell - 241-256 
 
INTEODUOTIOK 
 
 A Brief History of British Tyranny in Ireland, from 
 the Invasion in 1170 to the Act of Union in 1800, 
 with an Account of the Penal Enactments in the 
 
 , Different Eeigns. 
 
 " Who remember the past — the days gone by, 
 
 Long wept in song and story ; 
 "When the hunted priest to a cave should fly, 
 
 Or some mountain hollow hoary ; 
 When your sires' blood was the gibbets' dye, 
 
 And their shame their tyrants' glory? 
 
 " Who remember the past — the fearful past — 
 
 Its deeds of blood and slaughter; 
 When the rush of the midnight's moaning blast 
 
 And sob of the surging water 
 But echoed the dirge of your land downcast 
 
 'Neath the wrongs the alien wrought her ? " 
 
 — Merva. 
 
 " Who remember the past — the fearful past ? " 
 asks the poet ! Who, being of Celtic birth or 
 blood, or of any race, that having read the dark 
 pages of Ireland's history — a history of blood 
 and tears — a history born of a monster from a 
 nation's travail — can ever forget the past, or fail to 
 discern the clank of the slave-chain which binds it 
 to the present? That sad history of oppression 
 is still being continued, unrepentecl of by the 
 oppressor, arid borne by the oppressed ; but not 
 
 (3) 
 
IV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 meekly borne — for the struggle for freedom by a 
 brave people is vigorously continued ; and, by brute 
 force alone, coupled with state-craft and treach- 
 ery, is England enabled to keep her knee upon 
 Ireland's breast. 
 
 Let us glance down the centuries, and for a 
 moment rest the eye of memory on a select few of 
 the notable events in this history, since the land- 
 ing of Robert Fitz-Stephen, Meyler Fitz-Henry, 
 and others, on the coast of Wexford, and of 
 Stiguel Strongbow at Waterford in 1170, and 
 we shall build up an arch of iniquity through 
 which we can picture the generations of Anglo- 
 Korman robbers passing on to eternity, to reap 
 the rewards in that life that such a monument 
 of their erection in this, justly entitle them. 
 
 We shall take for the two corner-stones of this 
 historic arch the following incidents from the six- 
 teenth and seventeenth centuries. They are solid 
 enough to bear the superstructure : In 1576, the 
 English governor of the province of Connaught 
 wrote as follows to her virgin majesty, Queen 
 Elizabeth : " At Christmas I headed a military 
 march through the country, and, finding that 
 leniency was of no use, I resolved to destroy 
 everything by fire and sword, sparing neither 
 young nor old. I burnt their crops and houses, 
 and put to the sword every human being that 
 could be found : amongst others we have slain 
 sixty of their most important leaders. Two of 
 
INTEODUCTION. V 
 
 those leaders had asked me to spare, if not their 
 own lives, at least those of the common people ; 
 but I easily saw that this was but a trick to gain 
 time, and I immediately gave orders to burn or 
 destroy men, cattle, houses, crops, and all. It 
 was done in a storm of rain and hail, which 
 is very convenient weather for such operations, 
 as these people are then more easy to manage/' 
 That is one of our corner-stones ; here is the 
 other : The successor of Elizabeth, James the 
 
 First — not Shamus A! , for he did not come 
 
 until after Charles the Second went to heaven in 
 1684. Well, James 2so. 1 continued the extir- 
 pating policy of his predecessor, and in 1607 the 
 Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland wrote to the King as 
 follows : " I have often said and written that 
 famine is the best means of getting rid of the 
 Irish ; our swords could never operate with such 
 speed as hunger. I have burned all the country 
 about Lake Neagh ; I have killed all the inhabi- 
 tants, sparing neither sex nor age — not to mention 
 the great number of women and children, horses 
 and cattle, that were burned with the houses." 
 That is our other corner-stone — solid also. And 
 now we shall add on in the construction of our 
 arch some of the other events so firmly embedded 
 in Ireland's history. 
 
 Strongbow practised " wiles and treachery " to 
 deceive and cheat the Irish ; he took Pope 
 Adrian's bull by the horns, and, with a pardon 
 
VI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 received from Henry II. in 1171, like a dutiful 
 subject he carried the bull, the pardon, and fire 
 and sword amongst the Irish chieftains. King 
 John came next ; he was a son of Henry's, and was 
 granted Ireland by his father ; he was "cruel and 
 profligate." During the reigns of Henry III., 
 Edwards I., II., and III., Richard II., Henrys IV., 
 V., and VI., Edwards IV. and V., and Richard 
 III., a succession of wars and spoliation occurred. 
 Henry VII. came to the throne in 1475, and ap- 
 pointed Sir Edward Poynings Lord-Lieutenant, 
 who had enacted the celebrated "Poynings' Act," 
 which provided, that, prior to the holding of any 
 Parliament in Ireland, the Lord-Lieutenant and 
 Privy Council should first certify to the King the 
 causes of assembling such Parliament, and specify 
 such acts as they deemed requisite to pass. 
 
 We now come to the "Defender of the Faith," 
 of blessed memory, — the man of eight wives. 
 He set himself up as Protestant Pope, transferred 
 the Abbey lands to laymen, and all the tithes to 
 the Protestants, and placed on the Catholics the 
 support of both churches. He died in 1537, after 
 having sent thousands before him on short notice, 
 who, no doubt, gave him a warm reception if he 
 happened to arrive in their location. Edward VI. 
 ravaged the churches and seized Irishmen's hinds, 
 which he gave to English adventurers. His sister, 
 Mary Tudor, who succeeded him, extirpated the 
 clans of Leix andOflalley ; her troops massacred the 
 
INTRODUCTION. Vll 
 
 inhabitants. Queen Elizabeth began her despotic 
 sway in 1558. This infamous monster inherited 
 all her father's brutality. She ordered the Catholic 
 religion to be forcibly prohibited in Ireland, the 
 rack to be employed, and directed her officers to 
 torture the suspected Irish. Her Deputy of Mini- 
 ster, — Carew, — carried out the orders so, that, at 
 the conclusion of his government, that province 
 was nearly depopulated. She executed the clergy, 
 slaughtered the people, and beggared the chiefs. 
 James I. succeeded Elizabeth in 1603 ; his reign 
 in Ireland was remarkable for the re-enactment of 
 the penal laws, the plundering of Ulster chiefs in 
 order to supplant the estates with English and 
 Scotch adventurers. His tool ; Sir William Par- 
 sons, roasted alive a man named Archer, on a 
 gridiron, to make him swear to suit the Commis- 
 sion on Titles. Charles I. followed in his father's 
 footsteps in bigoted hostility and treachery tow- 
 ards the Catholics. He took one hundred thou- 
 sand pounds from the Catholic nobility, as a price 
 for religious liberty, security of property, for the 
 abolition of private prisons kept by the Protes- 
 tant clergy, and free pardon for past political 
 offences. He pocketed the money, but broke his 
 word. His head was cut off January 30, 1649. 
 And now came the "curse of Cromwell." This 
 hero (Cromwell) butchered men, women, and 
 children. He massacred the inhabitants of Drogh- 
 eda in cold blood. The slaughter went on for 
 
Vlll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 throe clays ; after which, in a despatch to the Par- 
 liament, he thanked God "for that great mercy." 
 lie next massacred three hundred women who had 
 assembled around a cross in Wexford. He left 
 the most ensanguined trail on Irish histoiy. 
 
 Charles II. turned up in 1660. He confirmed 
 the Cromwellians in the estates which they plun- 
 dered from the Irish. An Act was passed in his 
 reign to prevent the importation of Irish cattle 
 into England. James II., of familiar fame, took 
 the throne for a while after Charles died, — through, 
 it was said, being poisoned. He offered the Irish 
 Catholics civil and religious liberty, to aid him 
 against William of Orange. They doubted him, 
 but nevertheless took up arms in his cause. He 
 was a coward, however, and ended his reign by 
 flight. 
 
 William III. was the next king. He violated 
 the treaty of Limerick, Avhich guaranteed relig- 
 ious liberty to the Catholics. He passed a law 
 disabling the Catholics from educating their chil- 
 dren, or being guardians of their own or other 
 persons' children ; disarming all Catholics, and ex- 
 pelling all Catholic prelates and priests from the 
 kingdom. He killed the Irish linen trade by 
 enactments. By the 7th of William III., no Prot- 
 estant in Ireland was allowed to instruct any 
 "Papist," and no "Papist" was allowed to be sent 
 out of Ireland to receive instructions. William 
 died in 1701, and was succeeded by his cousin 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 and sister-in-law, Anne Stuart. Queen Anne had 
 the celebrated and abominable penal code passed, 
 by which Catholics could not acquire landed prop- 
 erty in fee, or by lease for longer than thirty -one 
 years, and even then they could not possess an 
 interest greater than one-third the amount of the 
 rent. If a Catholic child became a Protestant, 
 the parent could not sell his property, but would 
 have to settle an annuity on the conforming child. 
 Catholics could not inherit the estates of Protes- 
 tant relations. A Catholic could not own a horse 
 of greater value than five pounds. Forty pounds 
 per annum were offered to Catholic priests who 
 became Protestants. By the 8th of Anne no 
 "Papist" was allowed to instruct any other "Pa- 
 pist." By the same Act, fifty pounds' reward 
 was offered for all informers against Catholic 
 archbishops and vicars-general. Anne was trans- 
 lated into Paradise A.D. 1714, and then came the 
 first of the Georges. In the sixth year of 
 George I.'s reign, a law was passed declaring 
 that the English Parliament had full power and 
 authority to make laws to bind the people of the 
 kingdom of Ireland, and the Irish House of Lords 
 was deprived of its final jurisdiction in cases of 
 appeal. A law was attempted to be passed by 
 the Irish Parliament inflicting a revoltingly inde- 
 cent penalty on Catholic ecclesiastics ; it was so 
 abominable that Sir Robert Walpole, the English 
 Prime Minister, secured its defeat. 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 George II. began his reign in 1727. A law 
 was passed in the 29th year of George II. that 
 barristers and attorneys were obliged to waive 
 their privilege, and betray their clients, if "Pa- 
 pists," and that "Papists" residing in Ireland 
 should make good to Protestants all losses sus- 
 tained by the privateers of any Catholic king 
 "ravaging the coasts of Ireland." Then came 
 George III. in 1760. In 1778 the Irish volun- 
 teers sprang up, and in 1782 they blew away with 
 their cannon a portion of the accursed laws which 
 for nearly 700 years had enslaved the country. 
 
 The commercial and constitutional liberty 
 gained for Ireland by the Protestant patriots of 
 '82, and which was enjoyed for the following 
 eighteen years, was to the nation what an oasis 
 in the desert is to the weary traveller. Froin that 
 year Ireland rose in wealth, in trade, and in man- 
 ufactures, and in every branch of industry that 
 could render her rich and prosperous. She had 
 won her seat among the nations of the world, and 
 advanced in prosperity and the happiness of her 
 people, to an extent unparalleled in the annals of 
 any other country within so short a period. But 
 the jealous eye of her old persecutor was on her. 
 England but waited an opportunity to destroy the 
 rising greatness of the Irish nation. This oppor- 
 tunity she made in 1797-8, by brutally goading 
 the people into premature insurrection. William 
 Pitt sent into the country an immense army com- 
 
INTRODUCTION. XI 
 
 posed of British and hired German mercenary 
 troops, who were aided by native Orange yeo- 
 manry. It is estimated that in those years, 137,- 
 000 soldiers were in Ireland. A persecution, 
 accompanied with all the circumstances of fero- 
 cious cruelty, was begun ; neither age, sex, nor 
 acknowledged innocence could excite pity. The 
 profession of the Catholic faith alone, was consid- 
 ered crime enough to justify the infliction of 
 untold torture. Lord Moira, in a speech in the 
 British House of Lords, Nov. 22, 1797, used 
 these words : "I have known a man, in order to 
 extort confession of a supposed crime, or of that 
 of some neighbor, picketed till he actually fainted ; 
 picketed a second time till he fainted again ; and 
 when he came to himself picketed a third time, 
 till he once more fainted, and all this upon mere 
 suspicion." He also says that "men had been 
 taken and hung up till they were half-dead, and 
 afterwards threatened with a repetition of this 
 treatment, unless they made a confession of their 
 imputed guilt." He adds, "These were not par- 
 ticular acts of cruelty, but formed jpart of the 
 new system. Tw T enty-eight men were brought out 
 and deliberately murdered by the Orange yeomen 
 and a party of the Antrim militia on May 25, 
 1798. Thirty-four men were shot without trial 
 at Dunlavin. The tortures . familiarly practised 
 by the soldiery and yeomanry against the peo- 
 ple were : Whipping, half-hanging, picketing. 
 
Xll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The hair of some of the victims was cut in the 
 form of a cross on the crowns of their heads, and 
 the hollow thus formed strewn with gunpowder 
 which was set fire to, and the process repeated till 
 the sufferers fainted. There was also the torture 
 of the pitch-cap, which consisted in applying a 
 cap smeared with hot pitch to the shorn head of 
 "a croppy," and dragging it forcibly off when the 
 pitch hardened. The flesh was thus torn from the 
 victim's head, and blinding was added to his other 
 sufferings, as the melted pitch streamed down his 
 forehead into his eyes. The cabins of the peas- 
 antry were burned, their sons tortured or mur- 
 dered, and their daughters, in many instances, 
 brutally violated by the armed demons. 
 
 The following incident will show what a relish 
 the yeomanry had for the work of slaughter they 
 were engaged in: Hunter Gowan, a yeomanry 
 officer, marched into Gore}', at the head of his 
 Orangemen, with a croppy finger on the point of 
 his sword, and afterwards in a carousal he and his 
 followers stirred their punch with it. Well, Pitt 
 forced the country into rebellion in May, 1798, 
 and on the 22d of the next January the union of 
 the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland was 
 proposed. Pitt, the British Minister, and Castle- 
 reagh, the Irish Chief Secretary, had now brought 
 things to maturity; and the next move — the one 
 all through aimed at, the destruction of the Irish 
 Parliament — was forced through by bribery, fraud, 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 and unparalleled rascality. The new law went 
 into operation January 1, 1881, and with it 
 departed from Ireland, happiness, trade, manu- 
 facture, and all that could give contentment to a 
 nation. Was it zeal for the Protestant religion, 
 or a hatred of Catholicism, that induced England 
 to rob and torture the Irish people? We think 
 not : Britain had her eye on the plunder to be 
 obtained from the sister Isle, and religion was 
 made a chief pretext to rob her. When the gor- 
 gon-face of British cupidity is turned in the direc- 
 tion of any land that she thinks she can with 
 impunity despoil, little does she scruple the means 
 used to attain her end. 
 
 In India England decorated the temples of the 
 Hindoo gods, and provided the dancing girls, to 
 engage the attention of the people while she pil- 
 fered their princes. Macaulay says : "She gilded 
 and painted the images of the Hindoo Pantheon, 
 and embellished the car under the wheels of which 
 crazy devotees flung themselves, to be crushed to 
 death, at every festival. She sent guards of honor 
 to escort pilgrims to places of worship, and actu- 
 ally made oblations at the shrines of idols, in 
 that country where human victims were offered 
 to the Ganges, where the widow was laid on the 
 pile with the corpse of her husband and burned 
 alive by her own children." In Ireland she set a 
 price on the priest's head, and hunted him like a 
 wolf. She tore down and desecrated the temples 
 
XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of the living God, and tortured and murdered the 
 people for practising the religion of Christ. She 
 legislated the people into ignorance by destroying 
 the schools and teaching. While she offered in- 
 cense to Buddha, she sought to destroy the relig- 
 ion of the true God. We have now completed 
 the monument of iniquity by these few fragments 
 gathered from her myriad acts of infamy to the 
 Irish race, and no doubt the reader will agree 
 with us that it is a sufficient legacy of hate to 
 nerve each succeeding generation of Irishmen in 
 a continuous struggle to throw off the foul mon- 
 ster that pressed down on the vitality of the Irish 
 nation, absorbing the blood and life of her people. 
 Here, then, are the sources in the past which, 
 coupled with the injustice and oppression of Brit- 
 ish rule in Ireland to-day, call forth the undying 
 patriotism of the Irish race the world over, 
 towards their country, and make possible such 
 splendid heroism and sacrifice as have been shown 
 by Ireland's matchless son, — Michael Davitt. 
 
Life of Michael Davitt. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Great Land Agitation. — Michael Davitt again 
 in a Convict's Garb. — Innisf ail. 
 
 " Far dearer the grave or the prison, 
 Illumed by one patriot name, 
 Than the trophies of all who have risen 
 On Liberty's ruins to fame." 
 
 — Moore. 
 
 Ieeland, to-day, is in the midst of a great strug- 
 gle for constitutional freedom. She stands a cen- 
 tral figure among 1 the nations, bravelv fisjhtinff 
 against immense odds with a powerful, crafty, 
 and merciless oppressor, for the right to give 
 bread and security to her people, — to protect 
 them against the extortion and eviction of a class 
 who inherit by primogeniture from alien adven- 
 turers the plundered property of the Irish people. 
 She has the sympathy and respect of the world, — 
 because she deserves it. Her agitation is based 
 on principles of right and justice, and her people 
 are united and earnest in their demands for meas- 
 ures which the civilization of the century in- 
 dorses, and which, had she the right of enacting 
 in a legislature of her own, she would grant to 
 the oppressed millions. How are these demands 
 treated by Ireland's ruler? The Irish prisons 
 
 (i) 
 
A LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 yawn to receive the promoters and leaders of con- 
 stitutional agitation, and they arc being rapidly 
 filled up. Thirty thousand troops, fourteen thou- 
 sand military police, and a hireling magistracy 
 are doing what they can to terrorize the people. 
 Coercion Acts have been passed to destroy the 
 right of individual freedom for two years. Arms 
 Acts have been made additional pretext for im- 
 prisonment. In fine, England is straining every 
 nerve in her strong body to break up this agita- 
 tion and continue the chapter of the centuries 
 sketched in our introductory remarks. 
 
 The Irish National Land League leads and 
 directs the agitation. Its objects are to emanci- 
 pate six hundred thousand Irish tenant farmers 
 from landlord rapacity and cruelty, by abolishing 
 the law of primogeniture and entail, and creating 
 a peasant proprietary. 
 
 Thus far, the Land League has achieved undy- 
 ing renown. It averted the awful consequences 
 attendant upon an Irish famine. It saved thou- 
 sands of lives which inevitably would have been 
 sacrificed but for its timely interference. It came 
 between the landlords and the people when the 
 former were flooding the country with ejectments 
 the year after the famine, and cried, Stop ! or 
 we will Boycott you and your lands ; and they 
 did stop. Here is the proof: After the great 
 famine of 1846-47, the landlords evicted three 
 hundred thousand families, or one and a half 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 3 
 
 millions of people. In the House of Commons, 
 during the session of 1879, Gladstone, speaking 
 on the Compensation for Disturbance Bill, which, 
 amongst other things, was to restrict ejectments 
 for two years until the effects caused by the fam- 
 ine would have disappeared, and which bill passed 
 the Commons, but was killed in the House of 
 Lords, said, that if the bill did not pass, fifteen 
 thousand individuals would be ejected in 1880 
 from their homes, without remedy and without 
 hope. Well, even this did not occur. The Land 
 League was more powerful than the Gladstone 
 Ministry. It brought the landlords to time, and 
 saved the people. 
 
 From what did this great organization, that has 
 the support of all sections of Irishmen — Extrem- 
 ists, Moderates, and even Orangemen — spring? 
 We shall discuss that later on, and will here point 
 to the central figure in the executive body, the in- 
 defatigable worker and great organizer, Michael 
 Davitt, of whom James Red path said, in one 
 of his letters when in Ireland, and wmile Davitt 
 was in the United States, "When Davitt is in 
 Ireland, he and not Parnell is the real leader of 
 the agitation." Mr. Parnell acknowledges the 
 same. Where to-day is this great leader, — this 
 man who was instrumental in saving the lives of 
 thousands of his famine-stricken country-people, 
 who has built up a constitutional agitation never 
 surpassed in any country, — a man who gave mild 
 
4 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 advice, and calmed the passion and desire for re- 
 venge of an outraged people, — a man who accom- 
 plished what the British Cabinet failed in, — where? 
 In the garb of an English convict, in the British 
 convict prison of Portland ! — in the prison where 
 heretofore he was tortuied for over seven weary 
 years. Such is ever England's reward to Irish- 
 men who try to raise up their fellow-countrymen. 
 But Davitt is enshrined in the heart of every 
 man, woman, and child of Irish extraction, and 
 in that of liberty-loying people of other national- 
 ities, who will remember his sufferings in his 
 country's cause; and, if in the providence of 
 God a day of reckoning for John Bull shall 
 come, it will be added to the already heavy 
 weight of iniquity to be atoned for. God send 
 it soon and sudden ! 
 
 In beginning a sketch of the life and labors, in 
 Ireland's cause, of Michael Davitt, w r e cannot open 
 in a more appropriate manner than by presenting 
 to the reader a bold and fervid poem, written 
 by Mr. Davitt while undergoing the horrors of 
 Dartmoor convict prison, some years since, and 
 never heretofore published. This emanation from 
 his great heart is as aj>roj>os to-day as when the 
 lines w T ere written ; for heroic Davitt is again 
 "in England's felon garb clad, and by her ven- 
 geance bound." May the cry of love, loyalty, and 
 daring, from the martyr's living tomb, breathed 
 through these verses, fan into flame a fire of 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 5 
 
 patriotism in the breasts of tens of thousands of 
 Irish men and women, and be productive of as 
 many sacrifices on the altar of Irish liberty : — 
 
 INNISFAIL. 
 
 In England's felon garb we're clad, 
 
 And by her vengeance bound ; 
 Her concentrated hate we've had — 
 
 Her justice, never found. 
 Her laws, accurs'd, have done their worst; 
 
 In vain they still assail 
 To crush the hearts that beat for thee, 
 
 Our own loved Innisfail. 
 
 Nor can the dungeon's deepest gloom, 
 
 But make us love thee more; 
 We'd brave the terrors of the tomb 
 
 To keep the oath we swore : 
 In chains, or free, to live for thee, 
 
 And never once to quail 
 Before the foe that wrought such woe 
 
 To our loved Innisfail. 
 
 From Irish mothers' hearts has flowed 
 
 This sacred love of thee ; 
 And Erin's daughters' cheeks have glowed 
 
 That love in deeds to see. 
 A coward-born fair lips will scorn, 
 
 Whilst joyously they hail 
 The hearts that beat for love of thee, 
 
 Our own loved Innisfail. 
 
 Then let our jailors scowl and roar 
 
 When cheerful looks we wear; 
 The Patriot's God that we adore 
 
 Will shield us from despair. 
 Fair bosoms rise with love-drawn sighs 
 
 By mountain, stream, and vale, 
 And day and night in prayers unite 
 
 For us and Innisfail. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Here, chained beneath the tyrant's hand, 
 
 By martyr's blood, we swear 
 To Freedom and to Fatherland 
 
 We still allegiance bear. 
 Nor felon's fate, nor England's hate, 
 
 Nor hellish-fashioned jail . 
 Shall stay this hand to wield a brand 
 
 One day for Innisfail. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Michael Davitt. — His Early Life. — Eviction from his 
 Farm Home in Mayo.— Emigration. 
 
 "Like the bright lamp that shone in Kildare's holy fane, 
 And burned through long ages of darkness and storm, 
 Is the heart that sorrows have frowned on in vain, 
 Whose spirit outlives them, unfading and warm. 
 Erin! oh Erin! thus bright, through the tears 
 Of a long night of bondage, thy spirit appears." 
 
 — Moore. 
 
 The story of the life of Michael Davitt is one 
 of unostentatious devotion to the cause of his 
 country and his fellow men, and is withal a life 
 of sacrifice and purity. He was born in 1846, of 
 respected parents of the farming class, residing 
 near Straide, County Mayo. The year was one 
 of trial and intense suffering to the Irish people ; 
 but, as the adage says, " Out of evil corneth good," 
 so, out of thai black famine year of evil, came 
 good to the people in the birth of a strong cham- 
 pion and fearless advocate of the same class that 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 7 
 
 was then dying of hunger on the roads' side, who 
 was destined to overturn the sytem that produced 
 the famine horrors which surrounded his birth. 
 While he was yet young, the little home in 
 which he first saw the light was torn down over 
 his head, by that ruthless institution which has 
 played so prominent a part in Ireland's history, — 
 the Crowbar Brigade, the executive of the land- 
 lord's will ; and he, with his parents and family, 
 were thrown upon the road-side to live or die, as 
 they might for all the reigning power cared. But 
 they didn't die, unluckily for Irish landlordism ; 
 and the evicted child lived to return to the site 
 of his desecrated home, and, in the presence of 
 fifteen thousand persons at one of the great land 
 meetings, denounce the law and blasphemy that 
 allowed such deeds to be perpetrated. The rec- 
 ollection of this crime has had its effect upon 
 Davitt's life ; for on the occasion referred to, Feb- 
 ruary 1, 1880, standing upon a platform erected 
 over the ruins of his family's homestead, he 
 said : — 
 
 " Does not the scene of domestic devastation now 
 spread before this vast meeting bear testimony to the 
 crimes with which landlordism stands charged before 
 God and man to-da}-? Can a more eloquent denuncia- 
 tion of an accursed land-code be found than what is 
 witnessed here in this depopulated district? In the 
 memory of many now listening to my words, that 
 peaceful little stream which meanders by the outskirts 
 
8 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAY ITT. 
 
 of this multitude sang back the merry voices of happy 
 children, and wended its way through a once populous 
 and prosperous village. Now, however, the merry 
 sounds are gone, the busy hum of hamlet life is hushed 
 in sad desolation ; for the hands of the house destroy- 
 ers have been here and performed their hellish work, 
 leaving Straide but a name to mark the place where 
 happy homesteads once stood, and whence an in- 
 offensive people were driven to the four corners of 
 the earth by the ruthless decree of Irish landlordism. 
 How often in a strange land has irry boyhood's ear 
 drunk in the tale of outrage and wrong and infamy 
 perpetrated here in the name of law and in the inter- 
 est of territorial greed ! in listening to the accounts 
 of famine and sorrow, of deaths by landlords, or cof- 
 finless graves, of scenes — 
 
 " ' On highway side, where oft was seen 
 The wild dog and the vulture keen 
 Tug for the limbs and gnaw the face 
 Of some starved child of our Irish race.' 
 
 "What wonder that such laws should become hate- 
 ful, and, when felt by personal experience of the tyr- 
 anny and injustice, that a life of irreconcilable enmit}' 
 to them should follow, and that, standing here on the 
 spot where I first drew breath, in sight of a levelled 
 home, with memories of privation and tortures crowd- 
 ing upon my mind, I should swear to devote the re- 
 mainder of that life to the destruction of what has 
 blasted my early years, pursued me with its vengeance 
 through manhood, and leaves mj family in exile to-day, 
 far from that Ireland which is itself wronged, robbed, 
 and humiliated through the agency of the same ac- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 9 
 
 cursed system ! It is no little consolation to know, 
 however, that we are here to-day doing battle against 
 a doomed monopoly ; and that the power which has 
 so long domineered over Ireland and its people is 
 brought to its knees at last, and on the point of being 
 crushed forever ; and, if I am standing to-day upon a 
 platform erected over the ruins of my levelled home, 
 I may } T et have the satisfaction of trampling on the 
 ruins of Irish landlordism." 
 
 After the eviction, the Davitt family left Ire- 
 land, a portion coming to America, but the par- 
 ents going to England. In the factory town of 
 Haslingden, near Manchester, in Lancashire, young 
 Davitt grew up, and, like most children of such 
 surroundings, he was early serving a master in 
 one of the factories. Here he learned the suffer- 
 ings of the factory slave, and suffered a mishap 
 which caused the loss of his right arm ; that limb 
 having been caught in the machinery and crushed, 
 it had to be amputated at the shoulder. For five 
 years afterwards, he attended the Weslej^an school 
 in Haslingden, and when 15 years old, got emplo} r - 
 ment as assistant letter-carrier, and book-keeper, 
 in the printing-office attached to the post-office 
 there. In 1868 he became a commercial travel- 
 ler, dealing extensively in fire-arms. This brought 
 him into contact with a gunsmith named John Wil- 
 son, from Birmingham, with whom he was after- 
 wards tried. 
 
 During the time of the Murphy anti-Catholic 
 
10 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 riots, when that firebrand worked up the English 
 fanatics to attack Catholic churches in Lancashire, 
 
 Davitt showed the temper of the metal that was 
 in him. He organized a hand of young men of 
 Irish parentage to protect the churches that were 
 to be attacked. On one occasion, he and another 
 young man, with revolvers in their hands, routed 
 a large party of those fanatics, who were about 
 attacking a Catholic church in Rochdale, by firing 
 over their heads. The mob thought that Davitt 
 and his companion w r ere but the advance-guard of 
 a large party, and fled for their lives ; by the 
 intrepid stand of these two young Irishmen — for 
 there were only the two defenders present — the 
 church was saved. 
 
 Whenever it became known that any of the Cath- 
 olic churches in Rochdale, Bacup, Haslingden, or 
 in any of the adjoining Lancashire towns, were to 
 be attacked by the fanatical mobs, there Michael 
 Davitt and his faithful and gallant band were to 
 be found, ready to prevent the desecration of the 
 House of God, or die in the attempt. He ren- 
 dered great service, and prevented the destruction 
 of many a temple erected by the religious fervor 
 of Irish Catholics in England. A strange event 
 occurred 'some years afterwards in this, at that 
 time, hot-bed of bigotry. When Davitt was 
 released from prison, in 1877, after having suffer- 
 ed seven years and seven months of untold agony, 
 he visited those very towns in Lancashire, and 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 11 
 
 was everywhere received by the same people with 
 a perfect ovation. They turned out without 
 regard to creed or party to receive him, and by 
 public manifestations recognized and approved the 
 great patriotism and sacrifices rendered to his 
 country by their once-uncompromising foe. 
 
 The English atmosphere which surrounded him, 
 — owing to his patriotic parents and his associa- 
 tion with the Irish exiles, who form a large por- 
 tion of the north of England population, — the 
 victims, like himself, of landlordism, — did not 
 affect his love for his native land, and we find him 
 at the inception of the Fenian movement an active, 
 but, as ever, an unpretending apostle of the new 
 hope for Ireland. He soon gathered round him 
 some of the staunchest stuff which that organiza- 
 tion brought out, and made the north of England 
 the very bulwark of the Irish cause. Davitt went 
 into the movement with all the sincerity of a man 
 who felt that a great wrong had been, and was be- 
 ing, done his country, and that it was his duty 
 to do all that he could to overthrow that wrong ; 
 and it was not clue to such men as Michael Davitt 
 that more in that direction was not accomplished. 
 When the call came from Ireland for men in '65, 
 Davitt was one of the first to respond, and was 
 not the least disheartened at the failure, as was 
 shown by his willingness to obey a second call in 
 leading a detachment of the 2,000 North of Eng- 
 land men who had gathered to attack Chester Cas- 
 
12 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Ho. "When those above him countermanded their 
 orders, Davitt led his men back to their homes, 
 disposing of his personal valuables to aid his less 
 fortunate comrades. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Davitt as a Liteeaey Man.— His Aeeest, Teial, and 
 Peison Suffeeings. 
 
 " O God ! why should so brave a man 
 
 His noble life thus yield? 
 A patriot would rather die 
 
 Upon the battle-field. 
 But England's judges doomed the man, — 
 
 Alas ! that it should be ; 
 Let others emulate him still, 
 
 And Ireland will be free." 
 
 As a literary man, Michael Davitt stands high. 
 He is a man of educated thought, and wide and 
 varied reading. Among his many accomplish- 
 ments is a thorough knowledge of the Irish, 
 French, and Italian languages, whilst the purest 
 English is to be found in his public utterances. 
 
 In the re-organization of the Irish movement, 
 which followed the attempt on Chester Castle, 
 and while the British Government w^ere doing to 
 death the martyrs, — Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien, — 
 Davitt threw into the movement his whole heart 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 13 
 
 and soul, and worked with grim energy to repair 
 the breaches made in the Irish national ranks, 
 selecting the most dangerous work of arming the 
 people. While thus engaged, he was arrested in 
 London on May 14, 1870, with a gunsmith named 
 John Wilson, from Birmingham; the latter being 
 in no way associated with the revolutionary move- 
 ment, and not being supposed to know the uses 
 intended for the arms which he sold. The follow- 
 ing particulars of his trial at Newgate are gleaned 
 from the London Central Criminal Court Petty 
 Sessions papers : — 
 
 He was indicted for feloniously conspiring to 
 depose the Queen, and to levy war against her. 
 The Attorney-General, the Solicitor-General, Mr. 
 Cole, Mr. Poland, and Mr. Archibald conducted 
 the prosecution. The first witness, Detective 
 Seal, of Birmingham, deposed to the despatch 
 (under Wilson's supervision, from Birmingham) 
 to Leeds of a box containing nineteen muzzle- 
 loading rifles, nineteen bayonets, and a Snider 
 breech-loader; also, a cask addressed to Glas- 
 gow, which contained thirty-six large-chamber re- 
 volvers, with packages of cartridges. A few days 
 later, Detective Seal swore, he saw Wilson and 
 Davitt together, and watched them despatch three 
 boxes to Newcastle-on-Tyne. These boxes were 
 ultimately opened, and were found to contain revol- 
 vers and ammunition. The case occupied a consid- 
 erable time, as it was necessary in each instance 
 
14 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 to prove that the consignment of arms had been 
 sent either by Davitt or by Wilson ; to prove its 
 despatch, its delivery, and its contents; that 
 there was no genuine business invoice, and 
 no genuine consignee in any way connected with 
 it; and to prove from a variety of small circum- 
 stances that Wilson and Davitt were acting in con- 
 cert. An important witness after Detective Seal 
 was John Bodley, head constable of the Irish Con- 
 stabulary, who gave evidence as to the opening of 
 a case containing ten rifles, six revolvers, five 
 sword bayonets, three bayonets, and three turn- 
 screws. The arms were all fit for use, but were 
 not finished as they .would have been had they 
 been intended for sale. Superintendent Dixon, 
 of the Newcastle police, proved that he impound- 
 ed three cases, each containing twenty-five revol- 
 vers. Detective Henderson, of Manchester, gave 
 evidence as to a box which contained 11,000 
 rounds of revolver cartridges and 400 rounds for 
 Snider rifles ; that the weapons were not in a fin- 
 ished state, and could not have been intended for 
 sale, as no gunmaker would have shown them in 
 his window ; that they were despatched in ficti- 
 tious names, and were addressed to fictitious con- 
 signees ; in each case they were ultimately traced 
 back to the possession of Wilson and Davitt. 
 
 The principal event in the course of the trial 
 was the examination of the infamous informer, 
 John Joseph Corydon. "I was at one time," he 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 15 
 
 swore, "an officer in the Federal Army in Amer- 
 ica. I left it in 1856. I became a member of the 
 Fenian Confederation in 1862. I remained so till 
 1865. An organization of the Fenian conspiracy 
 existed in New York, and in several parts of 
 America. Meetings were held at which I was 
 present. The object of the conspiracy was to 
 overthrow her Majesty's Government in Ireland, 
 and establish an Irish Republic. An oath was 
 administered to the members. I took it. It was 
 to be faithful to the Fenian organization, and to 
 take up arms when required for the establishment 
 of the Republic in Ireland. The organization was 
 very extensive in America. The headquarters 
 were in New York, and there were branches at 
 different cities throughout the United States, with 
 State centres at the head of them. I was sent to 
 Ireland in 1865 by John O'Mahony. He was then 
 the head of the Fenian organization in America, 
 The Fenian organization existed at that time in 
 Ireland. The head-centre of all — Stephens — was 
 in Dublin. The organization was ready to fight at 
 any time if he gave the word. We had frequent 
 meetings at Liverpool. Money was collected at 
 these to buy arms. Arms were procured at Leeds, 
 Birmingham, and all the manufacturing towns in 
 England. I know Colonel Burke. It was his 
 function to buy arms. A great quantity were 
 bought. In February, 1867, an attempt was made 
 to seize the arms in Chester Castle. The mail 
 
10 LIFK OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 traiu from London to Hothead was to be seized 
 as it w.ms passing Chester. The telegraph wires 
 were to be torn clown. The rails were to he taken up. 
 The arms taken at Chester Castle were to be put 
 in the train and taken to Holyhead, where the 
 mail boat was to be seized and taken to some port 
 in Ireland. That port was not Dublin. I gave 
 information, and the enterprise was disconcerted. 
 It was arranged that as many as 1,200 or 1,400 
 Fenians were to surprise Chester Castle. I did 
 not myself go to Chester. I only went as far as 
 Birkenhead. I saw as many as GOO going from 
 the Liverpool district. After the attempt on Ches- 
 ter Castle, Fenian meetings were held every day 
 in Mullan's house. These meetings consisted en- 
 tirety of Fenians. M'Afferty and Flood were 
 there. Captain Deasy and several others were 
 present. They were mostly American officers. 
 The subject of discussion at these meetings was 
 the loss of not having taken Chester Castle, and 
 the making of arrangements for the rising of the 
 5th of March in Ireland. Davitt was there the 
 whole time." 
 
 Cory don's evidence regarding meeting Davitt 
 before was as false as his dark heart was vile. 
 Michael Davitt solemnly declared that he never 
 saw the wretch until the latter came to the prison 
 to identify him, whilst awaiting trial. On that 
 occasion, the following contemptible dodge was 
 resorted to, by the prison officials, in order that 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 17 
 
 the informer might be enabled to identity, and 
 swear away the liberty of the prisoner. Corydon 
 and others being in the prison corridor, Davitt 
 was ordered to come out of his cell, and go into 
 another. Of course the informer saw him when 
 doing so, and was told it was Davitt. He then 
 came to the cell, and identified the prisoner. 
 When Davitt saw Corydon, he at once recognized 
 an informer, and said to him : "So you are one of 
 the reptiles that had to fly from Ireland to save 
 your life." Corydon replied, with a devilish leer, 
 "You will find that I will live long enough to 
 settle you." And so he did ; for it was mainly on 
 the evidence of the perjured rascal that Davitt 
 was found guilty and sentenced to fifteen years' 
 penal servitude. 
 
 During the trial, the following evidence of Dav- 
 itt's nobleness of nature showed itself: He made a 
 feeling appeal to the Judge in behalf of Wilson, 
 who was a man with a wife and family. He said 
 Wilson was totally unconnected in any manner 
 with the Irish movement ; " that he was entirely 
 innocent of the*charge on which he was indicted; 
 and that he (Davitt) would willingly take the sen- 
 tence intended for the Englishman, in addition 
 to his own." For this generous act, he was com- 
 plimented Irv the Court, and was told that the 
 matter would be considered. Wilson was subse- 
 quently sentenced to the lighter term of seven 
 years' and Davitt to fifteen years' penal servitude ; 
 
18 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 seven years and seven months of which he served 
 in different British bastiles. 
 
 The terrible sufferings endured in those weary 
 years were afterwards told by Michael Davitt, in a 
 pamphlet which he published soon after his re- 
 lease on ticket-of-leave, December 19, 1877. The 
 record is a heart-breaking one, and proves what 
 an overmastering devotion Mr. Davitt must have 
 had to his native land, when even the recollection 
 of his frightful sufferings, and the possibility — 
 which has since happened — of his being re-ar- 
 rested and sent back to the horrors of a convict 
 prison, by the cancellation of his ticket-of-leave, 
 never prevented him for one moment from labor- 
 ing for the emancipation of those of his fellow- 
 countrymen who are victims to a cruel, unjust 
 system of land tenure. We shall let him in his 
 own words give the heart-rending recital. He 
 says : — 
 
 " When arrested in London on the 14th of May, 1870, 
 I was taken to the Paddington Police Station, and un- 
 derwent the customary questioning, searching, and 
 other preliminaries to a ' lodgings in a lock-up/ From 
 Saturday night until Monda}' morning, I was confined 
 in an almost darkened cell, in which was a water-closet 
 with its inseparable offensiveness. I was allowed nei- 
 ther bed nor bedding, and had consequently no sleep 
 during the time I remained in the station, from Satur- 
 day till Monday. I was allowed but a little light, only 
 when eating my meals. On nry arrival in Clerkenwell 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 19 
 
 House of Detention, after the examination before the 
 Marylebone Police Court magistrate, I was immedi- 
 atel}' stripped naked, and compelled to undergo the 
 indignity of being searched in a manner almost too 
 disgusting to describe. Each article of dress was mi- 
 nutely examined by one warder ; while another was 
 employed in watching, lest I should resent the insult 
 to which I was subjected in being made to stand naked 
 in presence of the two warders ; one of whom was coolly 
 satisfying himself that I had nothing concealed upon 
 my person. After each of the five or six examina- 
 tions I underwent before the magistrates, previous to 
 being committed for trial, I had. to submit to the same 
 searching, in the state of nudity I have described, on 
 arriving in the House of Detention. 
 
 " The first time the Governor visited me in my cell, he 
 inquired what I was arrested for ; and on my answering 
 that I was taken on suspicion of being a Fenian, he 
 replied, ' I don't care what you are ; 3-011 must clean 
 those traps [pointing to water-closet taps and other 
 utensils in the cell] while you remain here ;' and during 
 my confinement there, I was compelled to do so, as 
 also to clean my cell floor and windows. I was only 
 allowed one hour each day for exercise, and, of course, 
 not permitted to speak to anyone. There were none 
 but religious books allowed me during my stay in that 
 prison. The bedding was the worst and scantiest I 
 have seen during my whole imprisonment, being noth- 
 ing but a dirty blanket and rug, and a bare, unmat- 
 tressed hammock. Having paid for my own keep 
 while awaiting rn} T trial, I cannot speak as to the quan- 
 tity or quality of the food supplied to prisoners in 
 Clerkenwell. 
 
20 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 " When the informer Coiydon was brought to identify 
 me, I was taken from the cell in which I was located, 
 and marched along the ward in sight of the informer 
 and detectives who accompanied him, and placed in a 
 cell for identification. The informer was then sup- 
 posed to look through the inspection hole of each cell 
 in the ward to find me ; and after being permitted to 
 see me taken out of one cell and put into another, it 
 was not a very brilliant achievement, even for John 
 Joseph Coiydon, to find me in the cell he saw me enter. 
 In addition to this, I may be pardoned for detailing 
 another incident that occurred ; and which I believe con- 
 tributed not a little to my conviction. A few days 
 previous to being committed for trial, I drew up in- 
 structions for my solicitor as to the mode of my 
 defence ; and this I had done in exact accordance with 
 the rules suspended in my cell, which rules also speci- 
 fied that such instructions could be handed by prison- 
 ers to their legal advisers, without previous inspection 
 by the Governor or other prison officials. When my 
 solicitor's clerk visited me for the purpose of receiving 
 those instructions, I handed him the envelope contain- 
 ing them, in the presence of the warder who presided 
 at the interview, and who had brought me from my 
 cell to the visitors' or solicitors' room. Two da}~s 
 afterwards, I was again visited by my solicitor's clerk, 
 and astounded to hear that the Governor had demanded 
 my letter after the previous visit, as the officer had 
 reported that he saw me draw a plan of the prison upon 
 a piece of paper and give the same to the clerk ! When 
 I saw the Governor on the following morning, I de- 
 manded an explanation of this strange proceeding, 
 and had to remain satisfied with being told that it was 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 21 
 
 the officer's fault, and that if I had no objection to his 
 (the Governor's) reading my letter, it would be given 
 to my solicitor. I replied that I had not the least ob- 
 jection, owing to what the officer had reported ; but 
 that I protested against the whole proceeding as unfair, 
 and directly opposed to the rules hung up in nry cell. 
 Now mark what transpired within those two da\-s. A 
 sensational paragraph had appeared in one of the Lon- 
 don dailies, announcing that another plot had been 
 discovered to blow up the House of Detention, and 
 that on this occasion it would be attempted from within 
 the prison. It is unnecessary to say what effect this 
 would have upon the public mind, and how small the 
 chance would be of my obtaining an unprejudiced jury 
 and an impartial trial in London after this. Two great 
 points had, b}~ this heartless canard, been made against 
 me ; the plan of my defense had been discovered, and 
 the public feeling directed adverse!}' towards me, owing 
 to the report that I had intended to effect another 
 explosion." 
 
 Mr. Davitt was then removed to Newgate, 
 where his treatment was not so severe, he says, as 
 it had been in Clerkenwell. His first experience 
 of the horrors of penal servitude he thus de- 
 scribes : — 
 
 "My trial commenced on the 5th of July, and at six 
 o'clock in the evening of the 18th I was sentenced to 
 fifteen years' penal servitude, and poor Wilson to seven. 
 Immediately after sentence, I was deprived of my 
 clothes and put in convict uniform ; my hair and beard 
 being cut close at the same time. I remained in New- 
 
22 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 gate but eleven days after receiving my sentence, and 
 in that short period I was being initiated into the 
 reality of penal servitude. 
 
 " My work, however, was not very heavy, nor other- 
 wise disagreeable ; but the classification with thieves 
 had already commenced, and the prospect of spending 
 perhaps fifteen years in such company made Newgate 
 then appear — what in comparison with other prisons 
 it is not — a veritable Inferno. 
 
 " On the 29th of July I was removed to Millbank, and 
 saw Wilson for the last time on that day. If my pray- 
 ers could have spared him the sufferings he has since 
 undergone, I would have left Newgate with a much 
 lighter heart. Chains were fastened round my ankles 
 in such a manner that I could only stride some twelve 
 or fifteen inches when walking ; and, to insure nry of- 
 fering no resistance, I was compelled to hold the end 
 of the chain with which mj T feet were bound. Thus 
 dressed and manacled, and guarded by a couple of 
 warders, I was driven from Newgate, along the Thames 
 Embankment, to Millbank penitentiary. Not quite 
 three months had yet elapsed since I had walked that 
 promenade free and unfettered, without airy foreboding 
 of what fate had in store for me ; and now I was only 
 allowed, by the necessity of my removal from one 
 prison to another, to look upon that scene for a few mo- 
 ments, and imprint upon my memoiy the libert}' it por- 
 trayed, and the life from which I was to be debarred for 
 years. To leave the broad and cheerful light of day, 
 and be immurred in a solitary cell, — to exchange 
 the social amenities of life, home, country, and friends, 
 for an existence undreamt of b} T those who know not 
 what a world of suffering is comprised in the meaning 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 23 
 
 of the words ' solitary confinement,' — is a feeling im- 
 possible to be expressed in words. John Mitchel has 
 attempted to record his own sensations when, after sen- 
 tence for treason-feloiry, he found himself in ' soli- 
 tary ' for the first time : — 
 
 " ' It came at last ; my door was shut, and for the first 
 time I was quite alone. And now I do confess that I 
 flung myself upon my bed and broke into a raging pas- 
 sion of tears, — tears bitter and salt, but not of base 
 lamentation for my own fate. The thoughts and feel- 
 ings that have so shaken me for this once, language 
 was never made to describe.' 
 
 " This is the testimony of one whose proud soul had 
 never acknowledged its susceptibility to the common 
 weakness of humanity ; bat solitary confinement wrung 
 tears from Mitchel. The vagrant sunbeam that finds 
 its way to the lonely occupant of a prison cell, but 
 speaks of the liberty which others enjoy, of the happi- 
 ness that falls to the lot of those whom misfortune has 
 not dragged from the pleasures of life. The cries, the 
 noise, and uproar of London which penetrate the 
 silent corridors, and re-echo in the cheerless cells of 
 Millbank, are so many mocking voices that come to 
 laugh at the misery their walls enclose, and arouse the 
 recollection of happier days to probe the wounds of 
 present sorrow. And if, despite all this, a prisoner 
 should try to raise himself above those depressing in- 
 fluences, and cheat despair of its prey, he will then 
 experience how. far man can go in his inhumanity to 
 man, by finding himself denied the onlv consolation 
 left him in his utter loneliness, — the solace of solacing 
 himself. He will find men who will watch for a smile, 
 or some other sign of a happy obliviousness, and then, 
 
24 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 by some of the many arts practised for the purpose, 
 end the momentaiy forgetfulness of imprisonment by 
 an exercise of the almost uncontrolled power they 
 wield over their unfortunate charges." 
 
 Speaking of his life in Millbank, Mr. Davitt 
 says : — 
 
 " To relate every incident of my ten months' incarcer- 
 ation in Millbank penitentiaiy would only be a tedious 
 repetition of each day's experience, so uniform is the 
 system of punishment in that prison. 
 
 " A description of the cells, together with an account 
 of the dairy routine and work that had to be done, will 
 suffice to form some idea of what punishment has to 
 be borne in what is termed ' probation class.' The 
 cells are some nine or ten feet long, by about eight 
 wide. Stone floor, bare, whitewashed walls, with nei- 
 ther table nor stool, and of course with no fire to 
 warm, by its cheerful glow, the oppressing chillness of 
 such a place. My bedstead was made of three planks, 
 laid parallel to each other at the end of the cell, and 
 raised from the stone floor but three inches at the foot, 
 and six at the head, of this truly low couch. The only 
 seat allowed me was a bucket, which contained the 
 water supplied me for washing purposes, — this bucket 
 having a cover so as to answer the double purpose of 
 water-holder and stool. The height of this sole arti- 
 cle of furniture allowed me was fourteen inches ex- 
 actly, including the lid, and on this 'repentance stool' 
 I was compelled to sit at work ten hours at least, each 
 da} T , for ten months. 
 
 " The punishment this entails upon a tall man can be 
 easily conceived. The recumbent posture and bent 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 25 
 
 chest necessary while picking oakum, with nothing to 
 lean one's back against to obtain a momentary relief, 
 is distressing in the extreme. The effect upon me, in 
 addition to inducing a weakness in my chest, was sin- 
 gular, but not surprising. 
 
 " On entering Milbank, my height was exactly six 
 feet, as measured by the prison standard for that pur- 
 pose ; but on my departure for Dartmoor, ten months 
 after, I had illustrated the saying that some people can 
 grow downwards, for I then measured but five feet ten 
 and a half inches. 
 
 " The bedding supplied was miserably insufficient dur- 
 ing the winter months ; and owing to this, and the 
 sitting posture during the day, with feet resting 
 upon cold flags, with no fire, and with a prohibition 
 against walking in the cell, many prisoners have lost 
 the use of their limbs from the effects of a Millbank 
 winter. But one hour's exercise in the prison yard 
 was allowed each cla} T , and that was forfeited if the 
 weather proved unfavorable. Owing to m} T health be- 
 ginning to break down, I was permitted an extra half- 
 hour's exercise, after I had been eight months in the 
 prison. This was granted by the doctor's order. 
 
 " I had to rise at six each morning, fold up my bed 
 very neatly, and afterwards wash and scrub mj r cell 
 floor quite clean with brush and stone used for that 
 purpose. This washing and scrubbing was, I need 
 scarcely remark, very distressing upon me, owing to 
 my physical infirmity ; but I was compelled to do it, 
 nevertheless, once each day during the whole term of 
 my imprisonment. After cells were cleaned in the 
 manner I have described, work was then commenced, 
 and continued until a quarter to nine at night ; allow- 
 
26 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 ing, of course, for meals, exercise, and prayers in 
 chapel each morning. 
 
 " The work I was put to in this prison was coir and 
 oakum picking. I was not tasked ; but I had to sit 
 working all da} r , and pick a reasonable share of my 
 coir or oakum, as the case might be. When I in- 
 quired, on being first ordered to this sort of work, how 
 I could possibly do it with but a limited number of 
 fingers at my cliposal, I was told by the warder that he 
 had known several ' blokes ' with but one hand who had 
 managed to pick oakum very well with their teeth. As 
 I declined to use my teeth to tear old ropes to pieces, 
 I had to do the work as best I could. 
 
 " During the whole of my stay in Millbank, my con- 
 versation with prisoners, — at the risk of being pun- 
 ished, of course, — as also with warders and chaplains, 
 would not occiqry me twenty minutes to repeat, could 
 I collect all the scattered words spoken by me in the 
 whole of that ten months. 
 
 " I recollect many weeks going b} r without nry ex- 
 changing a word with a single human being. 
 
 "The food- allowed me for daily rations was as fol- 
 lows : Breakfast, eight ounces of bread, and three- 
 quarters of a pint of cocoa. Dinner, four ounces of 
 meat (including bone), four da}-s a week, with six 
 ounces of bread and a pound of potatoes ; one day in 
 the week I was allowed a pint of shin-of-beef soup in 
 lieu of meat, and on another one pound of suet pud- 
 cling, ditto. Dinner on Sunday was twelve ounces of 
 bread, four ounces of cheese, and a pint of water. And 
 for supper each night I received six ounces of bread, 
 and a pint of 'skilly,' containing — or rather sup- 
 posed to contain — two ounces of oatmeal. 
 
1 HILL, MASS, 
 
 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 27 
 
 " This was the ordinary prison allowance. 
 
 "After subsisting for three months on this diet, I ap- 
 plied to the doctor for a little more food, on the ground 
 that I was losing weight, owing to the insufficienc}^ of 
 the quantity allowed ; but my application was of no 
 avail. 
 
 "The books supplied me while in Millbank were al- 
 most exclusively religious, and but one library book 
 was allowed to each prisoner in a fortnight. . 
 
 " I asked to have mine changed once a week, but was 
 promptly told I could not be favored beyond other 
 prisoners. The class of books supplied to the Cath- 
 olic prisoners was such as would be suitable to children, 
 or people ignorant of the truths of the Catholic faith. 
 
 "I had often no book to read but one that might an- 
 swer the requirements of a child ; such as the history 
 of ' Naughty Fanny,' or ' Grandmother Betty,' and 
 like productions, which, though doubtless good in their 
 wa} T , were not what could lessen the dreary monotony 
 of such an existence. 
 
 " A circumstance in connection with the situation of 
 Millbank may (taken with what I have alreacty said on 
 that prison) give some faint idea of what confinement 
 there really means. Westminster Tower clock is not 
 far distant from the penitentiary, so that its every 
 stroke is as distinctly heard in each cell as if it were 
 situated in one of the prison yards. At each quarter 
 of an hour, day and night, it chimes a bar of the ' Old 
 Hundredth,' and those solemn tones strike on the ears 
 of the lonely listeners like the voice of some monster 
 singing. the funeral dirge of time. 
 
 " Oft in the lonely watches of the night has it reminded 
 me of the number of strokes I was doomed to listen to, 
 
28 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 and of how slowly those minutes were creeping along ! 
 The weird chant of Westminster clock will ever haunt 
 my memory, and recall that period of my imprison- 
 ment when I first had to implore Divine Providence 
 to preserve m}^ reason and save me from the madness 
 which seemed inevitable, through mental and corporal 
 tortures combined. 
 
 "That human reason should give way under such ad- 
 verse influences is not, I think, to be wondered at ; and 
 many a still living wreck of manhood can refer to the 
 silent system of Mi-llbank and its pernicious surround- 
 ings as the cause of his debilitated mind. 
 
 " It was here that Edward Duffy died, and where 
 Richard Burke and Martin Hanly Carey were for a time 
 oblivious of their sufferings from temporary insanity, 
 and where Daniel Reddin was paralyzed. It was here 
 where Thomas Ahern first showed symptoms of mad- 
 ness, and was put in dark cells and strait-jacket for 
 a ' test' as to the reality of these symptoms. Ten years 
 have passed their long and silent courses since then ; 
 but that same Thomas Ahern is still a prisoner, and his 
 mincl is still tottering on the brink of insanit3 T . I 
 have anxiously watched him drifting towards this fate 
 for the past six years, unable to render him any assist- 
 ance, and I can predict that if he is not soon liber- 
 ated he will exchange Dartmoor for Broadmoor Lunatic 
 Prison, like so many other victims of penal servitude." 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 29 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 From MrLLBAJTK to Dartmoor. — Six Years and Sis 
 Months of Agony. 
 
 " O men who have passed through the furnace, 
 Assayed like the gold, and as pure! 
 By your strength can the weakest gain firmness, 
 
 The strongest may learn to end are; 
 When once they have chosen their part, 
 Though the sword may drive home to each heart." 
 
 — Anon. 
 
 " If the whole United Kingdom was searched through 
 for the purpose of discovering a place whereon to erect a 
 prison, with the view of utilizing the rigors of a severe 
 climate, damp fogs, more than average rainfall, and a 
 lengthened winter season, with all that was desolate 
 and uninviting in the aspect of nature to assist in the 
 punishment of prisoners, no more suitable place than 
 Dartmoor could be found if a Procrustean spirit guided 
 the search. Buried in the midst of barren and bowl- 
 der-strewn Devonshire moors, it is peculiarly adapted 
 for an abode of miseiy. It was here where the French 
 and American prisoners of war were incarcerated dur- 
 ing the wars with the first Napoleon and rebel America, 
 and many a gallant foe of England's there sank be- 
 neath the hardships of the climate and the treatment 
 he received. 
 
 " The chivalrous Lord Dundonald denounced the Gov- 
 ernment of the day, in the strongest terms, for confin- 
 ing brave and honorable enemies in such a place ; 
 'enveloped,' as he declared, from observation ' in al- 
 
30 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT; 
 
 most perpetual fog.' Well, governments were no 
 more indifferent in those days to the inhuman treat- 
 ment of their fallen foes than in more modern, and I 
 shall say more humane (?) times; but now, as then, 
 there are a few generous-hearted Englishmen to be 
 found courageous enough to saj T they do not gloiy in 
 this, the shame of England ; and that, whether cannons 
 are charged with foes in India, enemies tied to trees 
 and fired at for practice in Jamaica, or the youth of 
 Ireland done to death by penal servitude in England's 
 prisons, it is a disgrace to any country boasting of its 
 civilization, and repugnant to the generous instincts of 
 humanity. 
 
 " It would be impossible for me, in the limited time 
 at my disposal, to detail every circumstance connected 
 with my six j^ears and six months confinement in Dart- 
 moor : I can, therefore, only dwell upon the most prom- 
 inent incidents connected with nry treatment during 
 that period, b} T a simple statement of facts as to what 
 that treatment was. 
 
 "For the first week after my arrival from Millbank 
 I was located in the penal cells, and had to make appli- 
 cation for removal from same into some other part of 
 the prison. The penal cells, or rather some of them, 
 are much preferable to the ordinary or iron cells, being 
 somewhat larger and much better ventilated ; but ow- 
 ing to their being constructed and set apart for incor- 
 rigible prisoners, — men who are taught obedience by 
 means of starvation, and consequently maddened by 
 hunger and cold, — it is almost impossible to obtain 
 any sleep in such a place. I will have more to say 
 anent these cells by and b} T , as I was confined in them 
 from August, '76, until November, '77. The iron or or- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 31 
 
 dinary cell I was next located in, and remained an 
 inmate of for close on five years, I will now describe. 
 So much attention having been directed to these veri- 
 table iron cages by the exposure of poor M'Carthy's 
 treatment, and his confinement in such cells, I pur- 
 pose giving an accurate description of them, and re- 
 moving an}* doubts, if such exist, as to the account 
 already given of their size, construction, and ventila- 
 tion. The dimensions of one of them will answer for 
 that of the whole, as the} r are uniform in almost every 
 respect. Length, seven feet exactly ; width, four feet ; 
 and height, seven feet one or two inches. The sides 
 (or frames) of all are of corrugated iron, and the floor 
 is a slate one. These cells are ranged in tiers or wards 
 in the centre of a hall, the tiers being one above an- 
 other, to the height of four wards ; the floors of the 
 three upper tiers of cells forming the ceilings or tops 
 of those immediateh' beneath them. Each ward or 
 tier contains in length forty-two cells, giving a total of 
 one hundred and sixt) T -eiglit for one hall. The sole 
 provision made for ventilating these cells is an open- 
 ing of two and a half or three inches left at the bot- 
 tom of each door. There is no opening into the external 
 air from an}* of those cells in Dartmoor ; and the air 
 admitted into the hall has to traverse the width of the 
 same to enter the hole under the cell doors. In the 
 cells on the first three tiers, or wards, there are about 
 a dozen small perforations in the corner of each, for 
 the escape of vitiated air ; but in those on the top or 
 fourth ward — or, speaking more confident!}*, in those 
 on that ward in which I was located a portion of my 
 time — there were no such perforations, — no possible way 
 of escape for foul air except where most of it entered 
 
32 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 as ' pure/ — under the cell door. In the heat of sum- 
 mer it was almost impossible to breathe in these top 
 cells ; so close and foul would the air become from the 
 improper ventilation of the cells below, allowing the 
 breathed air in each cell to mix with that in the hall, 
 and thus ascend to the top. 
 
 "I, on one occasion, begged the Governor of Dart- 
 moor to remove me from such a situation, for the ad- 
 ditional reason to those I have given that I had not 
 sufficient light to read in the cell I was in ; but I begged 
 in vain. I was, however, soon after removed to a lower 
 tier, after foul eruptions began to break out upon my 
 body through the impure air I had been breathing. It 
 has been since denied by Chatham prison officials that 
 Charles McCartlry ever slept with his bed across the 
 inside of his cell door, in order to catch sufficient air to 
 breathe. From m} T own experience I can fully believe 
 the necessity of his doing so, as it was quite common 
 in Dartmoor for prisoners to sleep with their heads 
 towards the door for a similar reason ; and I have often, 
 in the summer season, clone this myself, and had, re- 
 peatedly, to go on my knees and put nry mouth to the 
 bottom of the door for a little air. 
 
 "The light admitted to those ordinary iron cells is 
 scarcely sufficient to read b}- in the daytime ; and, 
 should a fog prevail, it would be impossible to read in 
 half of them. The cells are fitted with a couple of 
 plates of thick, intransparent glass, about eighteen 
 inches long b}^ six inches wide each, and the light is 
 transmitted through this 'window' from the hall, and 
 not from the extern of the prison. I have often laid 
 the length of my body on the cell floor, and placed 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 33 
 
 my book under the door to catch sufficient light to 
 read it. 
 
 " The food in Dartmoor prison I found to be the very 
 worst in quality and the filthiest in cooking of any of 
 the other places I had been in. The quantity of daily 
 rations was the same as in Millbank, with the difference 
 of four ounces of bread more each day and one of meat 
 less in the week. The quality, as I have already re- 
 marked, is inferior to that of any other prison : but from 
 about November till May it is simply execrable ; the 
 potatoes being often unfit to eat, and rotten cow-carrots 
 occasionally substituted for other food. To find black 
 beetles in soup, ' skilly,' bread, and tea, was quite a 
 common occurrence ; and some idea can be formed of 
 how hunger will reconcile a man to look without dis- 
 gust upon the most filtlry objects in nature, when I 
 state as a fact that I have often discovered beetles in 
 nry food and have eaten it after throwing them aside, 
 without experiencing much revulsion of feeling at the 
 sight of such loathsome animals in my victuals. Still 
 I have often come in from work weak with fatigue and 
 hunger, and found it impossible to eat the putrid meat 
 or stinking soup supplied me for dinner, and had to re- 
 turn to labor again after ' dining ' on six ounces of bad 
 bread. 
 
 "It was quite a common occurrence in Dartmoor for 
 men to be reported and punished for eating candles, 
 boot oil, and other repulsive articles ; and, notwith- 
 standing that a highly offensive smell is purposely 
 given to prison candles to prevent their being eaten 
 instead of burned, men are driven by a s} r stem of half- 
 starvation into an animal-like voracit}', and anything 
 that a dog would eat is nowise repugnant to their 
 
34 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 taste. I have seen men eat old poultices found buried in 
 heaps of rubbish I was assisting in carting away, and 
 have seen bits of candle pulled out of the prison cess- 
 pool and eaten after the human soil was wiped off 
 them ! 
 
 "The labor I was first put to was stone-breaking, 
 that being considered suitable work for non-able-bod- 
 ied prisoners. I was put to this employment in a large 
 shed, along with some eighty or ninety more prisoners ; 
 but, 1113- hand becoming blistered by the action of the 
 hammer after I had broken stones for a week, I was 
 unable to continue at that work, and was consequents- 
 put to what is termed ' cart labor.' This sort of work 
 is very general in Dartmoor, and I ma}' as well give 
 some description of it. 
 
 " Eight men constitute a ' cart party,' and have an 
 officer over them, armed with a staff, if working within 
 the prison walls, and with a rifle and accompanied by 
 an armed guard, if employed outside. Each man in 
 the cart party is supplied with a collar, which is put 
 over the head and passes from the right or left shoul- 
 der under the opposite arm, and is then hooked to the 
 chain by means of which the cart is drawn about. The 
 cart party to which I was attached was employed in 
 carting stones, coals, manure, and rubbish of all de- 
 scriptions. In drawing the cart along, each prisoner 
 has to bend forward and pull with all his strength, or 
 the warder who is driving will threaten to ' run him 
 in,' or report him for idleness. It was our work to 
 supply all parts of the prison — workshops, officers' 
 mess-room, cook-house, etc. — with coals ; and I was 
 often drawing these about in rain and sleet, with no 
 fire to warm or dry myself after a wetting. I was only 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 35 
 
 a few months at this sort of work, as I met with a 
 slight accident b} T a collar hurting the remnant of my 
 right arm, and was in consequence of this excused 
 from cart labor by the doctor's order. I was again set 
 to breaking granite, and remained at that job during 
 the winter of 1870-71. 
 
 " I may remark that in June, when I was first put to 
 stone-breaking, I was employed in a shed ; but during 
 the winter I was compelled to work outside, in the cold 
 and damp, foggy weather. I was left at this work until 
 spring, and was then removed to a task from the effects 
 of which I believe I will never completely recover. 
 My health on entering prison was excellent, never hav- 
 ing had any sickness at any previous period of my 
 life. The close confinement and insufficient food in 
 Millbank had told, of course, on my constitution, 
 though not to an}' very alarming extent ; but the task 
 I was now put to laid the germs of the heart and lung 
 disease I have since been suffering from. This task 
 was putrid bone-breaking. 
 
 " On the brink of the prison cesspool, in which all 
 the soil of the whole establishment is accumulated for 
 manure, stands a small building, some twenty feet long 
 b}* about ten broad, known as the ' bone-shed.' The 
 floor of this shed is sunk some three feet lower than 
 the ground outside, and is on a level with the pool 
 which laves the wall of the building. All the bones 
 accruing from the meat supply of the prison were 
 pounded into dust in this shed, and during the summer 
 of 1872 (excepting five weeks spent in Portsmouth 
 prison) this was my employment. These bones have 
 often lain putrifying for weeks in the broiling heat of 
 the summer sun, ere they were brought into be broken. 
 
36 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 The stench arising from their decomposition, together 
 with the noxious exhalations from the action of the 
 sun's rays on the cesspool outside, no words could ade- 
 quately express : it was a veritable charnel-house. It 
 will be noted that I was at work outside the previ- 
 ous winter, and when the bright days and summer sea- 
 son came on I was put in a low shed to break putrifying 
 bones ! The number of prisoners at this work varied 
 from thirty to six, and I may remark that the majority 
 of these were what are termed ' doctor's men,' or pris- 
 oners unable to perform the ordinary prison labor. 
 When all the bones would be pounded, we would then 
 be employed in and around the cesspool, mixing and 
 carting manure, and at various other similar occupa- 
 tions. 
 
 " I made application to both Governor and doctor for 
 removal from this bone-breaking to some more congen- 
 ial task, but I would not be transferred to an}' other 
 labor. After completing a term of my imprisonment 
 which entitled me to a pint of tea in lieu of 'skilly* 
 for breakfast, I was then removed to a hard-labor 
 party, as, owing to m} r being an invalid, or ' doctor's 
 man,' I could not claim the privilege of this slight 
 change in diet without becoming attached to some hard- 
 labor party, — invalids, or ' light labor men,' not being 
 allowed tea at any stage of their imprisonment. I very 
 willing^ consented to a heavier task, in order to be re- 
 moved from the abominable bone-shed, in which I had 
 worked and sickened during the summer. 
 
 " My employment after this was various : drawing 
 carts, bogies laden with stone, slates, etc., delving and 
 shifting sand, at which work I was in the habit of 
 using a pick and shovel (though not, I must fairly 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 37 
 
 admit, compelled to do so) , as the extreme cold made it 
 necessary in order to keep myself from being con- 
 gealed. I was next employed in winding up stones at 
 an iron crank, during the building of an additional wing 
 to the prison ; and this was, beyond doubt, the heaviest 
 work to which they could have put me. A crank party 
 consisted of four men, and my being one of the four 
 compelled me to perform as much work as either of 
 the others, as the task would fall heavier upon them 
 otherwise. This employment was occasionally diversi- 
 fied with * spells ' at mortar-making, water-carrying 
 for same, sand-shifting, cement-making, and various 
 other jobs, among which carrying slates to the roof of 
 the new prison was one — not, of course, up a ladder, 
 but by a steep incline. 
 
 " I may remark in passing, that three prisoners lost 
 their lives while this building was going on, and, in my 
 opinion, those accidents were attributable to the igno- 
 rance of scaffolding arrangements shown b} T the ward- 
 ers appointed to superintend them. Inquests were 
 held, of course, inside the prison ; but I never learned 
 that any intelligent prisoner was called upon to give 
 evidence, nor what verdicts were given by what the 
 prisoners in Dartmoor called ' the standing jury.' I 
 may add also that my friend, Mr. Chambers, fell from 
 a scaffolding at the same building, and, on the principle 
 that ' a man who falls deserves to be kicked for falling,' 
 he was taken to the punishment cells instead of the in- 
 firmary, and turned out to work again the following 
 da}\ When my services as a mason's laborer were 
 no longer required, I was once more put to the old job 
 of stone-breaking, and remained thereat from about 
 the latter part of 1873 until August, 1876. 
 
38 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 "During the long winters of those j-ears I was thus 
 emplo3'cd in a part of the prison j T ard known to be the 
 coldest place within the walls, where the north-cast 
 wind — so prevalent during Dartmoor winters — blew 
 in uxy face, without my having the slightest shelter 
 from its cutting blast, or any means of keeping my 
 freezing blood in circulation except by plying of my 
 stone-breaking hammer. When snow had fallen dur- 
 ing the night, I would have to clear it away from the 
 heap of stones in the morning and smash away as 
 usual. So excessively cold and long are the Dart- 
 moor winters that during the past few }~ears the pris- 
 oners have had to be supplied with small bags made 
 of the same material as their clothing, by which to 
 shield their hands from the frost-bite and chilblains. 
 Without some such provision to protect them from the 
 effects of the severe cold, little or no outside work 
 could be done by the prisoners. 
 
 " I made application to the Governor for, some inside 
 labor in winter time ; but all requests of mine for 
 change of task were invariably refused, and I had to 
 await unforeseen circumstances to effect what would 
 not otherwise be granted me. An event of this nature 
 saved me from a fourth winter's campaign amidst 
 granite and snow ; but as a ' compensation ' for this 
 relief it entailed very much heavier work, and caused 
 me to be placed under special surveillance and located 
 in penal cells for the remainder of my imprisonment. 
 This event was what has been called ' the unconstitu- 
 tional amnesty ' of Western Australia. 
 
 "After this I was not considered sufficiently safe, as 
 I could have been seen at my stone-breaking in the 
 prison yard by any mischievous people who might 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 30 
 
 bold antMicket-of-leave notions on my account. I 
 was therefore removed to the prison wash-house, — a 
 place securel} T situated in the very centre of the prison, 
 and free from all apprehensions of a ' surprise.' A 
 wash-house is a place where it might be thought I 
 could not earn my ' skilly ;' but without boasting of 
 having distinguished nrvself in the capacity of a 
 ' washerwoman,' or built a reputation in the art of 
 bleaching, I can sa} T , without fear of contradiction from 
 the prison officials, that my work there was the heavi- 
 est of any prisoner emphyyed in the wash-house. An- 
 other prisoner and nryself were told off to the wringing 
 machine, in which linen, etc., for a thousand men, and 
 washings for officers' mess and rooms, etc., had to be 
 wrung each week, with flannels and sheets for same 
 number once a fortnight and month respectively, in 
 addition. My assistant on this machine was changed 
 every week, as men — able-bodied men — had been re- 
 ported for refusing to remain constantly at such heavy 
 labor ; but, as I was physically unable to wash the linen, 
 I was compelled to turn the machine as my principal 
 occupation. The machine being made with a couple 
 of handles, I had to turn as much as my assistant, and 
 very often more, if he proved an idle one. I was con- 
 siderably reduced in weight while at this emploj'ment 
 (which lasted until nry release on the 19th of Decem- 
 ber) , from the amount of sweating it entailed, especially 
 during the summer months, and the heavy nature of 
 the work. 
 
 " My weight a week after my liberation was but nine 
 stone four pounds, including 1113' clothes, or some eight 
 stone ten pounds without — not, I think, the proper 
 weight for a man six feet high, and at the age of thir- 
 
40 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYTTT. 
 
 ty-one. In addition to turning the wringer, I had to 
 sort my share of the dirt}' linen each Monday morn- 
 ing ; and singularly enough the infirmary portion was 
 part of my share, and I had consequent!}' to handle 
 the articles worn by prisoners suffering from all man- 
 ner of skin diseases and other disgusting afflictions. 
 This will finish the necessarily brief account of my 
 various employments in Dartmoor, and, with a descrip- 
 tion of the daily searchings I was subject to, will 
 conclude my narrative of ordinary treatment while a 
 prisoner. 
 
 " I will now briefly relate my exceptional punishment 
 as a political prisoner, and adduce proofs that this 
 treatment was more severe than that of ordinary male- 
 factors, unmerited by my conduct as a prisoner, and 
 therefore contrary to the prison rules I was compelled 
 to observe to the very letter. Each prisoner is searched 
 four times each da}' — Sunday excepted — by the officers 
 under whom he is employed, and liable, in addition to 
 this, to be stripped naked, and subjected to a minute 
 and disgusting examination, or, as it is more properly 
 termed in prison slang, ' turned over,' whenever an 
 officer wishes to do so. I was searched four times 
 each day in common with other prisoners, and had in 
 winter and summer alike to open my jacket and vest, 
 take off my cap, hold out my hand at arm's length, 
 and stand in this manner in the open air, and allow a 
 warder to run his hands from my neck downwards 
 over my body to satisfy himself I had nothing con- 
 cealed upon my person. 
 
 " I was also at regulated intervals taken with other 
 prisoners into a part of the prison where we had all 
 to strip in presence of each other and be minutel} r 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 41 
 
 searched, but not compelled to strip beyond the shirt. 
 This often occurred in the depth of winter, and I had 
 to stand in this plight while an officer was carefully 
 examining every article of nry dress, after having 
 rubbed his hands over my bod} r , and made me open 
 my mouth to assure himself I had nothing contraband 
 upon me. I was never exempt from any of these 
 searchings during the whole of my imprisonment. 
 
 " The charge has often been made against the Govern- 
 ment that the Irish political prisoners were treated with 
 greater severity, and subjected to more indignities, than 
 ordinary malefactors, and both Ministers and Govern- 
 ment organs have as often denied the truth of these 
 allegations. I will allow facts to substantiate the 
 charge so far as my own treatment is concerned, and 
 leave the public to draw the inference in the case of 
 those who are still in prison. 
 
 " From mj x arrival in Millbank, in 1870, until my dis- 
 charge from Dartmoor, I was classed and associated 
 with the ordinary prisoners, placed on the same foot- 
 ing with regard to diet and work, and had in every 
 particular to perform the daily task of penal servitude 
 as laid down b} r the prison rules. 
 
 " A strict compliance with the requirements of these 
 rules entitles a convict to certain privileges at stated 
 intervals during his imprisonment, as regulated by the 
 Penal Servitude Act, which came into force in July, 
 1864 ; and such privileges are accordingly allowed to 
 prisoners who strictly observe the conditions imposed 
 upon them. There was no provision made in that act 
 for the treatment of prisoners convicted for treason- 
 felony, or other offences arising out of insurrectionary 
 movements, and consequently there is no clause in the 
 
42 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 prison rules specifying the punishment to be awarded 
 to political prisoners, or the granting or curtailing of 
 privileges in such cases. A political prisoner, there- 
 fore, who is compelled to observe these rules in every 
 particular like other prisoners, and to undergo the 
 same penal discipline, is as clearly entitled to all the 
 privileges allowed by those rules as men who are con- 
 victed for non-political offences, such as murder, theft, 
 forgery, bigam3 T , etc. Such, however, has not been the 
 case in regard to m}*self, and I adduce proofs to con- 
 firm this statement. One of the most coveted rewards 
 of good conduct in prison is the privilege of receiving 
 visits from friends, at intervals of three, four, and six 
 months, according to the class and time served. A 
 prisoner who has not forfeited his claim to such a priv- 
 ilege by an} T breach of discipline is as justly- entitled to it 
 as to his dail} T rations of food. Well, during m}- seven 
 years and seven months' imprisonment, I have been, by 
 the admission of prison officials, a 'good conduct' pris- 
 oner, and had consequently a right to a visit whenever 
 I demanded one in accordance with the rules ; but from 
 the day after my sentence until the da} T of my dis- 
 charge, I was not allowed to see a friend or receive a 
 visit from any one. 
 
 " I made another effort while in Millbank to see 
 some friend, and thinking that no possible objection 
 could* be raised against ni} T seeing a lad}~, I tendered 
 the name of one whom I was anxious to see, as she 
 was a correspondent of my famity and a most intimate 
 friend of my own. This application was also refused 
 by an order purporting to come from the then Home 
 Secretaiy, Mr. Bruce (now Lord Aberdare), to the 
 effect that a visit from the lady I had named would 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 43 
 
 not be granted. I was now convinced that I would 
 not be allowed an interview with any of my friends 
 under any conditions, and made no further application 
 for the next few j^ears. I complied with the prison 
 rules in the mean time, notwithstanding my depriva- 
 tion of the privileges such compliance entitled me to. 
 Several of my friends had also made efforts to obtain 
 leave to see me, but to no purpose. I renewed my 
 application again in August or September, 1874, and 
 was again refused, and no explanation of such refusal 
 given. On the 24th of November, I once more en- 
 deavored to see a friend, but the order for the visit 
 was not forwarded, and I left prison on the 19th of 
 December, without being permitted to see a friendly 
 face during the whole term of my imprisonment. 
 
 " I may remark that one of nry objects in seeking an 
 interview with some of my friends was to have atten- 
 tion drawn to the case of John Wilson, who had been 
 sentenced with me. Perhaps this was one reason why 
 no visit would be granted. 
 
 " Another proof of exceptional treatment. Ordinary 
 convicts, when located according to class, were allowed 
 to select a companion from the same ward to exercise 
 with on Sunday. Mr. Chambers and nryself were 
 never allowed this privilege. We could select ' com- 
 panions ' from among thieves and murderers, but would 
 not be permitted to even speak to each other at any 
 time, Sundays or other occasions. We made repeated 
 applications to Governors and Directors to have this 
 small boon allowed us, as it was allowed to others ; but 
 to no avail. No explanation would be given us why 
 we were thus deprived of what others enjoyed. 
 
 " Another instance of unjust treatment is one which 
 
44 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVTTT. 
 
 I have already touched upon in the particulars of my 
 various employments. Applications for transfer from 
 party to party are of every -day occurrence in prison, 
 and are invariably granted by the Governor, as pris- 
 oners are entitled to change of labor when their employ- 
 ments may be either too heavy or injurious to their 
 health, or when they can show themselves more capable 
 of performing one class of work than another. Every 
 application made by me for more suitable employment 
 was refused, and I was invariably put either to labor 
 that would throw as much work upon me as if I were 
 able-bodied, or to some task — such as bone-breaking in 
 a low shed by the prison cesspool in summer, or stone- 
 breaking in the open air during the rigors of winter — 
 which would insure punishment the most injurious to 
 my health being inflicted upon me. No other conclu- 
 sion than this is possible from the singularly harsh 
 manner in which I was treated, while complying with 
 the rules in every particular. 
 
 "I have before remarked that in the labor of wash- 
 ing and scrubbing my cell, polishing utensils, etc., 
 there was no allowance made for nry being deprived of 
 an arm ; but I must admit that other prisoners simi- 
 larly afflicted were treated in that respect in a like 
 manner. This cell work, in addition to my ordinary 
 labor, would tell more upon me than upon an able- 
 bodied prisoner ; and, as it also subtracted consider- 
 ably from the short time at the disposal of prisoners 
 for repose from labor, reading, etc., it would necessarily 
 take more time from me, owing to the difficulties I had 
 to contend with. In order to squeeze the floor-cloth, 
 with which I washed my cell twice a-day, I would have 
 to sit on my stool, place my feet upon the rim of my 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 45 
 
 bucket, then put the cloth round the bucket-handle, and 
 twist it until the water was wrung out of it. As a gen- 
 eral rule, I had only a few minutes to spare for reading, 
 so much of my time being necessary to the keeping of 
 nry cell as clean as others. 
 
 "In June, 1872, I was sent to Portsmouth Prison, 
 along with twenty-nine other prisoners from Dartmoor. 
 In cases of transfer from prison to prison, convicts are 
 handcuffed, b} T one hand only, to a chain that runs the 
 whole length of the number of prisoners, and passes 
 through a ring in each man's handcuff. By this means, 
 each convict has one hand at liberty to eat his food, 
 attend to calls of nature, etc., if he is fortunate enough 
 to be possessed of two ; and, if not, it is customary to 
 substitute a body-belt for a handcuff, in order to give 
 him the use of one hand also. No such consideration 
 was shown to me. I was purposely placed between 
 two of the filthiest of the twenty-nine convicts, and had 
 my wrist handcuffed back to back with one of them. I 
 appealed against this ere I left Dartmoor, and requested 
 a belt in lieu of a handcuff, or at least to be put at the 
 end of the chain ; but neither would be granted. One 
 of the two between whom I was chained was afflicted 
 with mephitis, or stinking breath, and the other, I think, 
 with scrofula. During the journej r to Portsmouth, this 
 latter one, to whose hand mine was linked, had an 
 attack of diarrhoea, and I had to submit to the horrors 
 of such a situation, as my hand would not be unlocked 
 from his. All this, however, may have been through 
 the petty malice of the chief turnkey in Dartmoor, and 
 may not have been ordered by the then governor of 
 .that prison. 
 
 " In Portsmouth prison I was placed on reduced 
 
46 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 diet, because I was incapable of performing heavy 
 labor, such as barrow-wheeling and the like. Yet, at 
 the task I was put to — " skintling bricks" — I did as 
 much work as those who had two hands to labor with. 
 I explained this to the medical officer, as a plea in 
 favor of being allowed the ordinary prison rations, but 
 I was told that the Secretaiy of State had ordered that 
 ordinary diet should not be given to men employed at 
 light labor, and that an exception could not be made 
 in favor of me. 
 
 " I am bound to remark, however, that the quality of 
 the food in Portsmouth was far superior to that of 
 Dartmoor, and that I suffered very little from the re- 
 duction in diet during my five weeks' sta}' in the former 
 prison. While there, I was once reported for falling 
 out of the ranks to see the doctor, through an attack 
 of quinsy. I was not punished with bread and water, 
 but I had to work for a couple of days without any 
 food whatever, being unable to swallow airything, and 
 receiving neither treatment nor remedy for my indispo- 
 sition. 
 
 "I was ordered back to Dartmoor again on the 16th 
 of July, 1872, and on this return journey I was accom- 
 panied by a madman, or, as he would be termed in 
 prison slang, a " barmy bloke." I was handcuffed to 
 him, of course, and, while waiting for a train at Exeter, 
 he managed to divest himself of most of his clothing, 
 because he would not be allowed to ask people for 
 tobacco. My journey back was not much pleasanter 
 than the one coming awaj\ I have made this digres- 
 sion from nry exceptionally harsh treatment in Dart- 
 moor, in order to show that in whatever prison I might 
 be incarcerated the fact of my being a political prisoner 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 47 
 
 exposed me to, rather than saved me from, the most 
 inconsiderate treatment at the hands of the prison 
 officials. 
 
 " But to return to proofs of my exceptional punish- 
 ment in Dartmoor. 
 
 " On one occasion (I believe it was in the latter part 
 of 1871) I was ordered by a warder to assist another 
 prisoner in carrying a tub that answered the purpose 
 of a closet for eighty or ninet}' men. and, on my refus- 
 ing to do so, I was taken to the punishment cells and 
 kept there — though not on bread and water — for three 
 days, until the doctor had inspected the tub and found 
 that it was too heavy for me to carry. It was on that 
 occasion I was told by the Governor that I was just 
 like another prisoner, and that he could not ' make 
 fish of one and flesh of another.' 
 
 " During the whole of Easter week, 1876, I was con- 
 fined to punishment cells, and underwent four days' 
 bread and water, with deprivation of privileges of 
 writing and class for two months, for simply refusing 
 to substitute "sir" for "here" when answering my 
 name to the assistant-warder in charge of the party to 
 which I belonged. He had no other object in insisting 
 upon this than to satisfy his vanit} 7 , unless prompted 
 by some of his superiors to involve me in punishment 
 in this manner. I had always been respectful in my 
 language towards this fellow, though his ruffianly con- 
 duct,, ignorance, and dirty habits were bj'-worcls among 
 both officers and prisoners alike ; and, on the occasion 
 of his reporting me, my conduct had not changed 
 towards him in the least from what it had previously 
 been. The prison rules require prisoners to be respect- 
 ful at all times, but do not lay down specific terms to 
 
48 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT 
 
 be used in addressing warders. Hence my punishment 
 was nothing more than a gratuitous piece of petty 
 tyranny. 
 
 " It is a rule in prison that a convict's punishment, 
 over and above the ordinary penal discipline, is deter- 
 mined b}' his conduct as a prisoner, and not by the 
 nature of his offence. This rule is, general^ speaking, 
 followed by the Governor, if not by his subordinate 
 officers, in dealing with convicts. Both governors and 
 subordinates have reversed this rule in my case, I 
 think, as I have already shown. Several instances 
 more can be given. In addition to the same punish- 
 ment I underwent with the other prisoners, I was sub- 
 ject to closer watching and numberless other annoy- 
 ances, neither authorized b} T the rules nor merited by 
 my conduct. During the first winter I spent in Dart- 
 moor, I used to find my cell rummaged and bed-clothes 
 strewn about the damp floor several times a week, and 
 generally upon wet days. I have often come into my 
 seven-foot-by-four cell, dripping wet, after drawing a 
 cart about like a beast of burden in the winter's rain 
 or snow, and with saturated clothes upon nn T back had 
 to gather up m3 T bed and bedding and put to right what 
 had been disarranged for no other motive than to give 
 me work to do during nry dinner hour, and thus 
 deprive me of whatever little pleasure I might other- 
 wise enjo3 r . 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 49 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 • 
 
 Released on Ticket-of-Leave. — Grand Reception in 
 Dublin. — Sergeant McCarthy's Death. — Davitt 
 visits Mayo. — His first Lecture in England. 
 
 "And now with shouts and clapping, and noise of weeping 
 
 loud, 
 He enters through the river-gate, borne by the joyous crowd.'' 
 
 — Macaulay. 
 
 On Wednesday morning, December 19, 1877, 
 at 10.30 o'clock, as Davitt was turning the handle 
 of the wringing-machine in Dartmoor Prison wash- 
 house, a warder entered the room, and said, 
 "Davitt, put on your jacket, and come this way." 
 Mr. Davitt says : " At this time I was very busy, 
 sweating, in fact, at my work, and I thought Mr. 
 Ryan had come to visit me. I was taken to the 
 Governor's office. He said to me, 'Davitt, on 
 several occasions I have spoken to you about how 
 good conduct in prison is rewarded, and I am 
 very happy to say that the Secretary of State has 
 taken your case into consideration, and I have 
 now the pleasure of telling you that your good 
 conduct has met with its reward. I have received 
 a communication from the Secretary of State to 
 the effect that you are to be discharged on a 
 ticket-of-leave for the remaining portion of your 
 sentence.'" 
 
 It need hardly be said that the prisoner was 
 
50 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 rejoiced by this news. The Governor next turned 
 to the warders present, and said, ''Let him be 
 photographed, and send him otf at once." This 
 was done promptly. The prisoner had a suit of 
 clothes given him, =£3 put in his pocket, as well 
 as the ticket-of-leave. He was taken to the rail- 
 way station and sent off to London. "These," 
 says Mr. Davitt, " were the circumstances attend- 
 ing my release. I cannot pretend now to tell how 
 high-spirited I felt at regaining my liberty. I re- 
 joiced even in the muddy streets of London. I 
 had spent seven years and seven months in jail. 
 They had done their best during all these years 
 to injure my health and to break my spirit, but I 
 left prison as good an Irishman as I entered it." 
 
 On coming to London he was met by- his 
 friends, including the members of the Political 
 Prisoners' Visiting Committee. The Chairman, 
 Mr. O'Shanghnessy, M.P., heartily congratulated 
 Mr. Davitt on his release, and expressed the hope 
 that the other prisoners would soon be free. Mr. 
 Davitt thanked his friends and the committee for 
 the cordial reception given him, and the sympathy 
 so earnestly expressed by them at his regaining 
 his liberty. These were the first sincerely kind 
 words that had reached his ear for nearly seven 
 and a half dreary years ; they acted as a healing 
 balm, poured on his weary spirit. He again 
 breathed the pure air of freedom, and was sur- 
 rounded by sympathetic friends, the warmth of 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 51 
 
 whose welcome brought blushes to his attenuated 
 cheeks. 
 
 Davitt spent the Christmas in London ; and, in a 
 few days afterwards, on Saturday, January 5, 1878, 
 he was joined by Color-Sergeant McCarthy and 
 Private John P. O'Brien, both of whom were 
 sentenced in 1866 to penal servitude for life, and 
 were liberated on the day named. Corporal 
 Thomas Chambers, who was undergoing a like 
 sentence with McCarthy and O'Brien, was also 
 released the week following. The four released 
 prisoners set out at once to visit the land they 
 loved so well, and for which they had suffered so 
 much, and arrived in the city of Dublin, via the 
 Holyhead steamer, on Saturday night, January 
 12. A magnificent ovation awaited them at the 
 Westland Row Station of the Dublin and Kings- 
 town Railway. 
 
 The following account of the reception of the 
 patriots in Kingstown and Dublin is taken from 
 the Freeman's Journal: — 
 
 "The reception given by the patriotic citizens of 
 Dublin to the released prisoners was in every way 
 creditable to the Capital of Ireland. Such a scene as 
 that which was witnessed on the night of their arrival 
 Jiteralry defies description. From five o'clock, expect- 
 ant crowds had begun to gather on the Kingstown 
 Pier, and, as the time of the arrival neared, the masses 
 of people began to solidify, until from one end of the 
 Carlisle Pier to the other there was a dense crowd, 
 
52 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 which must have been composed of several thousands 
 of people. 
 
 " The following distinguished Irishmen were present 
 from the Reception Committee : Messrs. C. S. Parnell, 
 M.P. ; Major O'Gorman, M.P. ; John O'Connor Power, 
 M.P. ; Richard Power, M.P., and John Ferguson, of 
 Glasgow. 
 
 " Shortly before six, the lights of the steamer were 
 seen close to the pier ; and immediately the cheering, 
 which was continuous for several minutes, and deafen- 
 ing in its heartiness and intensit} r , commenced, and 
 was caught up from one to another, until it was sent 
 almost to the railwa}' terminus. A bonfire flashed out 
 on Howth, and a little later the signal was caught at 
 Bra} r Head and Dalkej- Hill, and blazes on those 
 heights acted as beacons of rejoicing to the country 
 round. On the Club-House Pier, green lime-lights 
 were shown, torches were lit on the Carlisle Pier, rock- 
 ets were let off, and, amid these illuminations, waving 
 of hats, cheering, and the crashing of bands, the 
 steamer came alongside. A rush was made on board 
 and a comparative silence followed, broken again by 
 cheers, which told that the four released men had been 
 found. In a few seconds later the}' came ashore, and 
 an enthusiastic hand-shaking followed. 
 
 " First came Sergeant McCarthy, a pale, worn-looking 
 old man, evidently in delicate health. He was most 
 warmly received, Major O'Gorman and several others 
 kissing his hand as they shook it. Then Michael Dav- 
 itt, a comparatively 3 r oung-looking man, with a heavy 
 black moustache, followed. He had lost his right arm. 
 After he had been greeted a dela}- occurred, and then 
 O'Brien and Chambers quietly joined their companions. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 53 
 
 and to the four men then assembled Mr. Brennan read 
 the following address, frequently interrupted by hearty 
 applause : — 
 
 " ' ADDRESS OF THE PEOPLE OF DUBLIN 
 
 " * To Messrs. Charles McCarthy, Thomas Chambers, John 
 Patrick O'Brien, and Michael Davitt, on their Release 
 from Imprisonment, suffered for Ireland : 
 
 '"Fellow-Countrymen, — We approach you, on 
 your release from the sufferings which you have for 
 many years so cheerfully and heroically borne for our 
 country in the prisons of England, to offer you our 
 warmest congratulations, to bid you, with all the fervor 
 and affection of our hearts, welcome home to Ireland, 
 and to thank } t ou for your courageous and uncompro- 
 mising devotion to the National Cause. 
 
 " ' Roman history reveres the tradition which tells 
 of the heroic self-sacrifice of the patriot Marcus Cur- 
 tius, who saved the city by casting himself into the 
 yawning abj^ss opened in the forum. With a self- 
 denying patriotism .equal to his 3-ou have made an 
 offering of life, fortune, and liberty, on the altar of 
 your country ; and if by such sacrifices as yours her 
 freedom has not been achieved, her honor has been 
 saved, the manhood of her sons vindicated, and a fund 
 of public virtue created amongst us which will }'et re- 
 deem and regenerate the land. 
 
 u ' Mindful of this, and of all the horrors of penal 
 servitude through which 3 t ou have been condemned to 
 pass, the capital of your country rejoices in 3-our lib- 
 eration to-da} T , and stretches forth its hand to receive 
 you with delight and gratitude. 
 
 " ' The pleasure which we feel, however, is dimin- 
 
54 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 ished by the recollection that some of your brave com- 
 panions are still held in captivity ; and we cannot 
 conclude without expressing the hope that the}', too, 
 ma}' soon be restored to liberty. 
 
 " ' Wishing } t ou every blessing and prosperity in the 
 future, and assuring } T ou of the gratitude of all your 
 countrymen, we again say to you from our inmost 
 hearts, Cead Mille Failthe. 
 
 "'Signed on behalf of Reception Committee — 
 Charles S. Parnell, M.P. ; J. G. Biggar, M.P. ; John 
 O'Sullivan, John Dillon, J. Taafe, Patrick Egan, 
 Treasurer, Uames Care}' 7) Hon. Secretary, Thomas 
 Brennan ; John Burns, Robert Woodward, R. J. Don- 
 nelly, Daniel Curley, Edmund Ha} r es, J. Brad}'.* 
 
 u The four released prisoners having got into arail- 
 way carriage with some of their friends, Mr. Davitt 
 read a reply on behalf of himself and fellow-prisoners. 
 
 " The demonstration of welcome was one of extraor- 
 dinary magnitude and enthusiasm. For a full hour 
 before the express was clue in Westland Row, the ele- 
 ments of a vast torchlight procession were gathering 
 from all the ends of the city in the surrounding streets. 
 Bands of music, with flags flying, and trades' bodies 
 marshalled behind, passed and repassed until they 
 were lost in one great living mass, which overspread 
 Westland Row and stretched out into Merrion Square 
 and be}'ond. The evening being fine, the crowd of 
 ordinary promenaders was increased tenfold ; and by 
 half-past six there was not an unoccupied square foot 
 of space in Westland Row. More remarkable even 
 than their numbers was the orderliness and good- 
 humor of the people. The rough element that is apt 
 to obtrude itself into popular assemblages after night- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 55 
 
 fall was almost entirel3 r absent. 'Women and young 
 children passed through the thick of the crowd without 
 anno3'ance ; and, even where men were packed together 
 in thousands within a space that should not have con- 
 tained hundreds, there was nothing but cheerful words 
 and a pleasant bantering during their long wait. 
 
 " A tremendous burst of cheering arose when the 
 prisoners were recognized, and it travelled outside, 
 until the street rang with cheers and welcoming music. 
 A United States flag was waved over the carriage, and 
 the enthusiasm of those who were nearest was posi- 
 tive^ dangerous to the prisoners themselves, who are 
 all of them in delicate health, and several of them 
 marked with signs of prolonged and terrible suffering. 
 So furious was the eagerness of the crowd to clasp 
 hands with them that it was found hopeless to attempt 
 a passage to the street on this side of the platform, 
 and the expedient was adopted of releasing the travel- 
 lers by the opposite door of their compartment, and 
 smuggling them across the rails to the Ladies' Waiting 
 Room, where they took refuge for nearly half-an-hour. 
 It is said that Sergeant-Major McCarthy fainted from 
 excitement ; and it is certain that during the whole 
 ordeal, the poor fellow showed signs of having passed 
 through 3*ears of dreadful suffering. It was sevo.i 
 o'clock before a way could at last be cleared to the 
 entrance-door, and then the rush was something 
 terrific. 
 
 M How the released men themselves managed to 
 reach 'the carriage in the street outside without being 
 crushed or trampled in the whirl, is amazing. It was 
 nobody's fault, for everybod}' did his best to make way 
 and keep order ; but the crowd was so densely packed 
 
56 I LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 that it was impossible for it to open or to move with- 
 out crush or confusion. The enthusiasm was very 
 great. Mr. Parnell, M. P., was recognized within 
 the station, and was heartily cheered. A stout body- 
 guard of young men managed at last, by almost 
 superhuman efforts, to cleave a passage through the 
 crowd by using their long wands horizontally as a kind 
 of battering-rams, and in this wa} T the released men 
 were brought to a wagonette and mounted amidst a 
 scene of terrific enthusiasm. The procession lay, all 
 this time, in irregular segments in all the surrounding 
 district, with hundreds of flambeaux flaming at their 
 heads, and bands playing the national battle-music. 
 An}' enumeration of the component parts of the line 
 was out of the question in the darkness, and with the 
 density of the crowd that surged around the proces- 
 sionists. Some eighteen brass and reed bands were 
 crashing away in the line. 
 
 " The trades' bodies mustered in great strength, and 
 the general bod}' of processionists was of vast extent ; 
 while every street they passed through was thronged 
 with thousands, who were literall}' innumerable. B}' 
 the time the demonstration had taken full shape, one 
 huge mass of human beings covered above a mile of 
 streets. Several thousand torches blazed in knots of 
 about a hundred here and there ; and what with the 
 movement of those enormous crowds, the deafening 
 sounds of cheers and martial music, and the glare of 
 all the torches, the scene was one Of extraordinary im- 
 pressiveness. At College Green the processionists 
 cheered as the}' passed the Grattan statue, and the 
 prisoners, as the}' went by in the wagonette, pointed 
 silently to the old Parliament House. At Cork Hill 
 
LIFE OF MFCHAEL DAVITT. 57 
 
 another vast section of processionists from the Thomas 
 Street district joined the line, and at this time the 
 entire of Dame Street, Parliament Street, and Capel 
 Street were covered over with people, illuminated by 
 thousands of torchlights. The procession took three 
 hours in its progress by Dame Street, Parliament 
 Street, the southern quays, Carlisle Bridge, Sackville 
 Street, Henry Street, Mary Street, and so hy Capel 
 Street to the European Hotel, Bolton Street. The 
 entire roadway in front of the hotel was densely 
 packed. In all the windows and elevated positions 
 around crowds assembled, and the enthusiasm and ex- 
 citement that prevailed were such as have seldom been 
 witnessed in Dublin. A perfect storm of acclamation 
 rent the air when it was known that the procession w?s 
 near, and when the carriage containing the released 
 prisoners crept through the narrow portion of the 
 street leading to the open carriage-wa} r facing the 
 European, the impatience of the crowd made it almost 
 a physical impossibility that a passage could be made 
 for the procession, the first portion of which arrived 
 shortly before nine o'clock. In one of the large rooms 
 Dr. Grattan, a well-known advocate for national inde- 
 pendence, was entertaining some friends at dinner, and 
 a motion was at once made to lift the released prison- 
 ers from the street into his apartment. O'Brien was 
 lifted up first. The scene inside the hotel was of a 
 most exciting character ; the wringing of hands, the 
 congratulations, and the cheers of welcome of which 
 the prisoners were the objects surpassed description ; 
 and when McCarth}^ was lifted from the street to the 
 window, the excitement of the moment, and the ex- 
 haustion of the day seemed to tell upon him very 
 
58 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 much. He was placed on a couch, in a fainting condi- 
 tion, and was quite unable to give utterance to his 
 acknowledgments. The other released prisoner was 
 also raised on the shoulders of the crowd, and passed 
 through the windows. Davitt was brought in b\ T the 
 chief entrance to the hotel. 
 
 " Mr. Leahy, a local Nationalist, addressed the 
 people from the windows, and was followed by some 
 other gentlemen. Loud cries were given for ' a speech 
 from the prisoners,' and ultimately Mr. O'Brien came 
 forward, and addressed a few words to the multitude. 
 Several members of Parliament called on the released 
 patriots during the evening. The immense crowd 
 remained outside the hotel for some hours, and dis- 
 persed in the most peaceable and orderl}' manner, little 
 thinking that in a couple of days one of the men, in 
 whose honor they had made such an imposing demon- 
 stration, would be alike be}-ond the thanks and con- 
 gratulations of the Irish people, and the torments of 
 the British Government." 
 
 A sad event, which threw a gloom over the joy 
 felt by the Irish people at the prisoners' re- 
 lease, and their arrival amongst them in Dublin, 
 occurred two days afterwards. The four ex- 
 prisoners had been invited by Mr. Charles 
 Stewart Parnell to breakfast with him in Mor- 
 risson's Hotel. On arriving at the hotel they 
 proceeded upstairs ; and, after a few minutes' con- 
 versation, McCarthy was observed to grow 7 deadly 
 pale and totter across the room. Davitt was the 
 first to notice him and rushed to his assistance ; 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 59 
 
 poor McCarthy was laid on a sofa, where Cham- 
 bers and O'Brien supported his head. Davitt, 
 with admirable presence of mind, did all he could 
 to .revive the sinking patriot, while Mr. Parnell, 
 Mr. John Dillon, and some other gentlemen stood 
 around, sad spectators, unable to give relief to the 
 dying man. All efforts proved unavailing ; in a 
 few moments the noble spirit of the martyred 
 soldier passed away beyond the reach of the 
 British tyrant who, for twelve weary years, had 
 tortured it by all the means that hate or devil- 
 ish ingenuity could devise, in an English convict 
 prison. Poor McCarthy was no more ! Worn 
 out by physical starvation and mental agony, the 
 sense of freedom was too strong for him, and he 
 succumbed. The scene around the remains was 
 one of intense sadness. O'Brien raved in his 
 grief; while Chambers, whose nervous system 
 had been shattered during his twelve years' im- 
 prisonment, had to be taken away ill. Davitt, 
 who felt the blow as keenly as the others, never 
 lost his strength of mind, which came to the aid 
 of all ; he assumed the management of affairs 
 connected with the mournful event until the ter- 
 mination of the obsequies. 
 
 On January 16, an inquest was held on the 
 body of Sergeant McCarthy, and his fellow- 
 prisoners were examined as witnesses. They 
 testified that he had been most severely treated 
 for years in Chatham Prison. He had com- 
 
60 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 plained of his heart, and stated that if he died 
 in prison the Governor would be his murderer. 
 The jury gave a verdict of death from heart 
 disease, accelerated by the treatment he received 
 in prison. The announcement of the verdict was 
 received with loud manifestations of concurrence 
 by those who were present. 
 
 On Sunday, January 20th, 1878, the funeral of 
 Charles McCarthy took place in Dublin. He was 
 buried in Glasnevin, and it is estimated that sixty 
 thousand persons followed the remains to the 
 cemetery in procession, while two hundred thou- 
 sand were in the streets to express a common 
 sorrow. There were forty bands in the proces- 
 sion, the largest seen since the burial of Daniel 
 O'Connell. The other released prisoners were 
 among the principal mourners. It was a wonder- 
 ful popular demonstration. 
 
 Davitt remained for nine or ten days in Dublin, 
 to rest after the fatigue* and excitement through 
 which he had just passed, and then went down to 
 Mayo to visit the scenes of his childhood's home. 
 When it became known that he was in the county, 
 turf bonfires blazed on the hills, to welcome him 
 back to the grass-grown spot where once stood 
 the happy home from which landlord tyranny had 
 driven him and his family, to seek a living among 
 strangers, in a strange land. Bonfires blazed, 
 processional torches were lit, and music floated 
 through the air to welcome back a man who had 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 61 
 
 clone a patriot's work for his country, and who 
 had suffered for having done it. 
 
 Little was it then thought that shortly after- 
 wards, on those same Mayo hills, Michael Davitt 
 was to kindle a blaze in the breasts of his country- 
 men, which was destined to destroy forever the 
 landlord power that had torn him, and thousands 
 like him, from peaceful homes in the land of their 
 love and hope, — the land which God had given 
 them, but of which man had robbed them. 
 
 Enthusiastic receptions were given the patriot in 
 Castlebar, Balla, Westport, and Ballina. Torch- 
 light processions illumined the streets, and the 
 entire people gave a grand and unanimous verdict 
 slightly at variance with that given nearly eight 
 years previously by the English "Twelve" and 
 the British Government. The verdict of the 
 former was that Michael Davitt was a patriot, a 
 martyr, a hero ; of the latter, that he was a con- 
 spirator, a traitor, and a felon. Well, we suppose 
 Davitt was satisfied with the verdict of his coun- 
 trymen, and cared little for the opinions of Ire- 
 land's enemies. His welcome from the warm- 
 hearted people of the West was such that the 
 "Irish Government" in Dublin Castle took note 
 of the event ; and when the fuel-famine visited 
 that section, a year later, on Chief Secretary 
 ff Jimmy" Lowther being appealed to for aid, he 
 replied that, — "They could find plenty of turf 
 not long since to give bonfire receptions to a 
 
62 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 released convict." After a brief stay in Ma} T o, 
 Mr. Davitt returned to Dublin, and from thence 
 went to London, accompanied by Chambers and 
 O'Brien. The three released prisoners were cor- 
 dially received, and shown over the House of 
 Parliament by Messrs. Parnell, Biggar, O'Connor 
 Power, Redmond, and Chevalier O'Clery. It was 
 a novel sight to see men who so recently wore 
 the broad arrow on their party-colored convict- 
 jackets received as honored visitors in the House 
 of Commons. The evidence given by Davitt and 
 his companions, at the, inquest held on Sergeant 
 McCarthy's remains, as to the cruel treatment 
 to which he and the other political prisoners had 
 been subjected in prison, awakened intense sym- 
 pathy for the released men and for those who 
 were still enduring its rigors, and great indigna- 
 tion was expressed against the inhuman system, 
 and the government that permitted it. Davitt 
 was not slow to take advantage of the oppor- 
 tunity presented, to turn the feeling in favor of 
 the release of the men still held in prison. 
 O'Connor Power conducted the ex-prisoners to 
 a private room in the Parliament House, where 
 they wrote out statements giving the details of 
 sufferings endured and the treatment to which 
 they had been for years subjected ; and showing 
 that such had broken down McCarthy's health and 
 caused his death. This was the record of prison 
 horrors so well told by Michael Davitt in a previ- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 63 
 
 ous chapter, and which was mainly instrumental 
 in procuring the release of Robert Kelly, O'Meara 
 Condon, and the .other three men some time after- 
 wards. O'Connor Power presented the statements 
 made by Davitt and his companions to the Home 
 Secretary, and asked to have them printed. This 
 was of course refused, as the Government did not 
 want to place on record against itself such a ter- 
 rible indictment. He and Davitt, therefore, had 
 them printed in pamphlet form and circulated. 
 
 During his long imprisonment, Davitt made a 
 careful study of the present condition of Ireland, 
 and her dreary past history, and in his solitary 
 hours of thinking he discovered the root of the 
 disease that was eating away the life of the nation 
 for hundreds of years, and the cure that should 
 be applied. The land question was the ulcer, 
 and the remedy is being adopted to-day by the 
 Irish National Land League. 
 
 After this, Mr. Davitt, accompanied by Corporal 
 Chambers delivered lectures hi the north of Eng- 
 land, in Scotland, and Ireland, on the treatment 
 of Irish Political Prisoners. He devoted himself 
 to the task of working for the release of the men 
 in prison, and was unremitting in his exertions 
 in their behalf. He enlisted the sympathies of the 
 English and Scotch people, and worked hard 
 until his efforts were crowned with success. His 
 first lecture was delivered in St. James's Hall, 
 Piccadilly. It being the first public appearance 
 
C4 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 on the lecture platform of a man who has since 
 become famous we give the announcement entire : 
 
 IRISHMEN!!! 
 
 A MEETING WILL BE HELD IN ST. JAMES'S HALL, 
 
 PICCADILLY, 
 On SATURDAY, the 9t7i MARCH next, 
 
 For the purpose of directing Public Opinion to the 
 subject of the treatment of the 
 
 IRISH POLITICAL PRISONERS. 
 
 Mr. Michael Davitt, one of the lately released 
 prisoners, will give 
 
 ^IST ADDRESS. 
 
 John O'Connor Power, Esq., M.P., will take the Chair 
 
 and the foUowing M.P.'s have promised to attend: 
 
 Lord Francis Conyngham, Mitchell Henry, C. S. Parnell, 
 J. G. Biggar, T. Earp, D. Davies, John Barron, J. W. Pease, 
 A. M. Sullivan, Dr. Ward, J. D. Hutchinson, E. Dwyer Gray, 
 G. H. Kirk, Keyes O'Clery, Joseph Cowen, Major O' Gorman, 
 Sir Joseph N. McKenna, Bart. ; also Messrs. Chambers and 
 O'Brien, late Political Prisoners. 
 
 The Chair will be taken at 7.30 o'Clock. 
 
 Robert Kelly was released in the following 
 August, in a dying condition. On Saturday 
 morning, August 3d, at about eleven o'clock, 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 65 
 
 Captain Barlow, the Governor, Mr. Hackett, and 
 Chief Warder Murphy, went to Kelly's bedside in 
 the prison "hospital," Mountjoy prison, Dublin. 
 Captain Barlow acted as spokesman, and said: 
 "Kelly, I have come to you with news that will 
 not be altogether unpleasant, and I hope you will 
 hear it without allowing your excitement to get 
 the better of you. I have brought you the free 
 pardon of His Grace, the Duke of Marlborough, 
 on the usual conditions of a ticket-of-leave." The 
 news came like a thunderbolt upon the prisoner, 
 who, after recovering himself, said that he would 
 not accept a pardon on such conditions. He 
 added, that, from what prisoners told him of a 
 ticket-of-leave, he would always feel as though 
 he dragged a Ions: chain about with him through 
 
 Co o o 
 
 life, which any policeman might trample on at 
 pleasure, to drag him back again to penal servi- 
 tude. 
 
 He was right ! It has proved so in Davitt's 
 case ; lie has been dragged back by the chain that 
 bound the ticket-of-leave to the convict prison. 
 The Freeman's Journal commenting on the condi- 
 tion of Kelly on his release, and examination by 
 Dr. Kenny, said : — 
 
 " The plain fact is, these revelations cannot be any 
 longer tolerated. No nation could maintain legitimate 
 prestige which systematically repressed crime b} T crime. 
 It matters not to what class of politicians a man imiy 
 belong ; politics do not make us savage ; and we be- 
 
66 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 lieve no one will read the story of this wretched man 
 without feeling that England is shamed and disgraced 
 before the world by permitting men to be done to death 
 by a cold-blooded and relentless discipline." 
 
 A notable event happened during the month of 
 August, which we cannot pass over without men- 
 tioning. It was the death, in raving madness, of a 
 miserable renegade — a wretch, the events in 
 whose political career are a blotch on his country's 
 history, who was hated and despised by all honest 
 Irishmen — the infamous Judge Keogh, one of the 
 surviving worthies of " the Pope s Brass Band." He 
 was staying near Brussels for his health, and went 
 mad ; he made an attempt on the life of his valet 
 with a razor, dangerously cutting him in several 
 places. He died raving ; and when the news of 
 the tragic event reached Ireland, his obituary w r as 
 chanted in curses by his outraged countrymen. 
 He who had sent so many into British dungeons, 
 with a string of vituperation tacked on to their 
 sentences — for a crime ( !) to which he himself 
 had sworn allegiance ; but, like Iscariot, perjured 
 himself, on receiving the "thirty pieces of silver" 
 as the price of the betrayal of his country — met 
 the reward he deserved, by a miserable death in a 
 strange land. He went down 
 
 o 
 
 " To the vile dust from whence lie sprang, 
 Unwept, unhonored, and un — " hung ! 
 
 as he deserved to be. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVTTT. 67 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Davitt's First Visit to America. — Seed of the Land 
 League Sown by Advanced Nationalists. — The 
 New Doctrine Expounded by D avitt. — A National 
 Platform Proposed. 
 
 " O lovely isle beyond the waves, 
 Ireland, our home! 
 Where shamrocks deck our fathers' graves, 
 
 Our childhood's home! 
 In far, far climes we kneel in prayer, 
 To Him who rules earth, sea, and air, 
 To end thy bondage and despair, 
 
 Ireland, our native home ! " 
 
 — R. D. Joyce. 
 
 About the beginning of August, 1878, Michael 
 Davitt made his first visit to the United States, 
 his object being to bring back to Ireland his 
 mother and sisters, then living in Manaynnk, Pa. 
 After his arrival, he wrote as follows to Eno-land, 
 to his friend, Thomas Chambers : — 
 
 "Manayunk, Philadelphia, August 15, 1878. 
 " My Dear Tom, — You will be glad to hear that I 
 found nry mother in much better health than I ex- 
 pected, after her long 3 T ears of trouble and anxiety. 
 She appears twenty' years younger since I promised to 
 take her back to Ireland. My voyage was a very 
 pleasant one ; and so far I like the country and the 
 people I met very much. Philadelphia is the handsom- 
 est city I ever saw. I only stayed a few hours in New 
 
C8 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 York, as John [Devoy] and myself were invited to a 
 picnic at a distance. ... I am to lecture in Philadel- 
 phia on the 16th of September; subject, 'The Ireland 
 of the present.' About the 20th, I am to give a 
 'prison' lecture in New York, and I am to devote 
 the proceeds to the relief of Daniel Reddin and John 
 Wilson, — he who was tried with me. Health capital. 
 Fear I won't get back as early as I expected, as I am 
 requested to go out West, as far as San Francisco, and 
 lecture. . . . Ever sincerely yours, 
 
 " Michael." 
 
 Invitations to lecture now came pouring in on 
 Mr. Davitt. The Irish-Americans everywhere 
 were anxious to see and hear him, so that he was 
 kept busy on the lecture platform. 
 
 Meanwhile Mr. Parnell, and the intrepid half- 
 dozen Irish members who acted with him, had 
 attracted much attention, and the admiration of 
 their countrymen, by the obstructive tactics so 
 successfully practised in the House of Commons. 
 They were only a few ; but they demonstrated to 
 the Irish people what even a few determined men 
 could do, by clogging the wheels of legislation, 
 and — as the champion of universal liberty, 
 Wendell Phillips, says — "forcing John Bull to 
 listen." The Home Pule organization, after 
 years of unsuccessful agitation was languishing. 
 Isaac Butt, the leader, and his immediate follow- 
 ers having on various questions supported the 
 Ministry, much dissatisfaction was caused, and 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 69 
 
 people were beginning to tire of the frequent 
 defeats in Parliament of the party, and to give up 
 all hope of obtaining their demands through agi- 
 tation. Parnell and his fellow-workers, however, 
 struck a chord that reverberated pleasingly on the 
 Irish ear ; he threw vigor and spirit into the fight, 
 and infused a new soul into the dying Home Rule 
 organization. He, and not Butt, was henceforth 
 the leader. Parnell was the people's choice. 
 The young Hercules, calm, determined, wise, and 
 energetic, revolutionized the old petitioning — 
 begging — method, and began to attack the en- 
 emy's weak point. He first compelled Parliament 
 to listen, then demanded, and now dictates the 
 measures that Ireland will accept as final, or 
 otherwise. 
 
 On October 21, 1878, a Convention of Home 
 Rulers met in the Rotundo, Dublin, and continued 
 their sitting for three days. Mr. Parnell presided. 
 A large number of delegates from England and 
 Scotland attended. In the course of his speech" 
 Mr. Parnell said : — 
 
 " I want the country to know its own mind above all 
 things, and when the country knows its own mind I 
 want it to be united in canying out that mind, what- 
 ever it is. Upon the question of policy and conduct, 
 let Ireland make up her mind upon what she is going 
 to do ; and when she has made up her mind, let her 
 show her mind, and it must be obeyed ; but if she hesi- 
 tates about her attitude, then I say you are lost, at all 
 
70 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 events for some years. I don't believe in any country, 
 
 or in any cause, much less Ireland and Ireland's cause, 
 being lost for an}- long time ; but you will lose it for 
 some time — for some years. Anything that has been 
 gained, has been got by good luck rather than by good 
 management. I said when I was last on this platform, 
 that I would not promise anything by parliamentary 
 action, nor any particular line of policy ; but I said we 
 could help you to punish the English, and I predicted 
 that the English would very soon get afraid of the 
 policy of punishment. Well, they did not stand that 
 process of punishment very long last session — they 
 stood it for about four months. They tried every plan 
 and every method to get over us, and we beat them. 
 They gave us the last two months of the session all to 
 ourselves, for Ireland. That was a thing they never 
 did before, but I venture to predict that they will do it 
 again." 
 
 He asked that help be sent the active party in 
 Parliament, as otherwise nothing could be got 
 from that body, and said, that if such did not re- 
 sult, he and his friends would retire into private 
 life as "that would be the only course open to an 
 honorable man." An active policy was agreed on ; 
 sixteen Irish members gave in their adhesion to 
 the new programme, and it was agreed to contest 
 all the seats occupied by Home Rulers who op- 
 posed obstruction, and to make an open issue with 
 Isaac Butt before the people. 
 
 While this change of front was taking place in 
 Ireland, new seed was being prepared in America 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 71 
 
 to cast into the field of Irish politics, which was 
 destined to take deep root in a soil ready to re- 
 ceive it ; to spring into life and spread its roots 
 and branches all through the land ; to blossom 
 into The Irish Nation al Land League, and ren- 
 der the fruit of Peasant Proprietorship. 
 
 Michael Davitt's busy brain was at work. He 
 was in frequent consultation with one of Ireland's 
 noblest and most daring sons, John Devoy ; with 
 one of her most successful revolutionary chiefs, 
 John J. Breslin — the man who accomplished the 
 two great actions, of liberating James Stephens 
 from his Dublin prison, and the military pris- 
 oners from the convict prison of Fremantle, in 
 Western Australia — and with others of ability 
 and keen foresight. The result was, that about 
 the end of October, immediately after the Home 
 Rule Conference had closed its session, the leaders 
 of the advanced Irish Nationalists in America 
 cabled from New York "to Mr. Parnell and his 
 political friends," the following proposal of co- 
 operation on the conditions mentioned. The 
 despatch, however, was to be submitted to a 
 number of representative Nationalists in Dublin 
 for their approval, before being presented to Mr. 
 Parnell. It was as follows : — 
 
 " The Nationalists here will support you on the 
 following conditions : — 
 
 1 First, Abandonment of the federal demand, and 
 
72 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 substitution of a general declaration in favor of self- 
 government. 
 
 1 Second, Vigorous agitation of the land question on 
 the basis of a peasantry proprietary, while accept- 
 ing concessions tending to abolish arbitrary eviction. 
 
 ' Third, Exclusion of all sectarian issues from the 
 platform. 
 
 4 Fourth, Irish members to vote together on all im- 
 perial and home questions, adopt an aggressive polic} T , 
 and energetically resist coercive legislation. 
 
 ' Fifth, Advocacy of all struggling nationalities in 
 the British Empire and elsewhere.' " 
 
 The seed was sown by electricity ; we see to-day 
 the blossom ; the fruit is ripening. 
 
 A new Irish national movement that could em- 
 brace on a common platform all organized bodies 
 and the whole Irish race — was born ; it has since 
 grown to immense proportions, and has the sup- 
 port of all classes of Nationalists. It has not yet, 
 however, grown to its full proportions, but it is 
 rapidly developing, and is to-day strong enough 
 to withstand the shock of British coercion without 
 being badly damaged by the encounter. 
 
 Davitt now began in earnest the task of spread- 
 ing the seed in America of the new Irish national 
 movement. His lectures opened new ideas to the 
 minds of the thousands who came to hear him. 
 His language was clear, liberal, and bold. He 
 reconciled the extremists everywhere he spoke to 
 the new policy, and laid the foundation of the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 73 
 
 great American organization. The following 
 masterly address on the " Future Policy of Irish 
 Nationalists," which he delivered in Mechanic's 
 Hall, Boston, on December 8, 1878, before his 
 departure for Ireland, being his first great effort 
 in oratory, and a clear exposition of the reasons 
 for unity of action amongst all classes of Irish- 
 men, we give in full : — 
 
 " It would be difficult to conceive a position more 
 unenviable than that in which an Irish Nationalist 
 places himself when he attempts to review the past of 
 his party in order to point out what he believes to have 
 been rash or impolitic in its career. A criticism of the 
 wisdom of an action that has failed or a line of con- 
 duct which has been injudicious, is at once construed 
 into dislo} T alty to the principles or party which ma} r 
 have prompted such action b} r a sincere but imprudent 
 resolve. But when he expresses himself dissatisfied 
 with the narrow sphere of a policy which tends to ex- 
 clude from National labor every one but a pronounced 
 Separatist, and adds his belief that a change of tactics 
 would turn the exertions of sincere Irishmen, though 
 now pronounced Separatists, into the National cause, 
 he is at once assumed to have ' forfeited his princi- 
 ples,' and to be on the high road to West-Britonism. 
 
 " In consequence of this proneness of the Irish mind 
 to hasty and uncharitable deductions, men (who think 
 while working in Ireland's cause) are deterred from 
 condemning what they know to be injudicious, lest 
 they should find themselves ostracized from its ranks 
 for their anxiety to see it directed the surest way to 
 
74 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 success. In m} T humble opinion, a want of moral 
 courage belittles a man far more than a deficiency in 
 the physical article, and that real cowardice com 
 in dreading the sentimental consequences of an up- 
 right, honest action. It has ever been the practice to 
 pander to the popular prejudices of our country, by 
 hyperbolical eulogies on everything Irish, and we have 
 thus become the spoiled children of struggling nation- 
 alities, and, as a necessary consequence, backward in 
 our political education as a people, as well as behind 
 the progressive march of the age. Holding these 
 opinions, I will endeavor to-night to show 3-ou how we 
 ourselves are to blame for past failures, and how 
 essential it is, that the causes which led" to such 
 failures be guarded against in the future. The 
 indestructibility of Irish nationalit}' is no more its 
 distinguishing characteristic, than is its past inappli- 
 cability to the working out of its own success, or the 
 winning of an advanced social and political position 
 for the people who profess it. We can boast that hun- 
 dreds of years of the worst rule that ever cursed a 
 country has failed to crush it ; but can we say that Ire- 
 land is to-day in a condition commensurate with the 
 struggles and sacrifices of her sons on her behalf 
 during the past seven centuries? I think not; aud 
 the " why and wherefore" of this fact is what should 
 focus upon it the thought and studies of practical 
 Nationalists of the present. That there has been an 
 unmethodical application of energies, or rather, a reck- 
 less waste of national strength in this long contest, is 
 but too patent from a comparison between the position, 
 social and political, of our country to-day, and that of 
 other peoples who have struggled successfully against 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 75 
 
 the same enem}-. The very strength of our purpose 
 and determination of our resolves were the means 
 which invited defeat. We grasped at liberty in the 
 intoxication of sincerity, and blindly discarded every 
 other practical consideration. We "resolved," and 
 " swore," and " determined " to avenge Ireland's 
 wrongs! but took no essential method to win her 
 libert} T . We were actuated as much by revenge as b} T 
 patriotism, and received the penalty which follows the 
 obeying of a passion instead of the [dictates of a 
 virtue. While recognizing that it was a war of races, 
 Saxon against Celtic, we refused to shelter ourselves 
 behind the ramparts of expediency or employ any of 
 the man} T justifiable means try which a weak people 
 might utilize their strength ; and we therefore marched 
 into the open plain inviting destruction. Instead of 
 watching our enemy from behind the Torres Vedias of 
 Ireland's imperishable national principles, and deter- 
 mining our action by his weakness or strength according 
 to the powers arrayed against him, we left our position 
 exposed in order to challenge him to single combat, 
 and w r e never marched to the Paris of the British Em- 
 pire to see him relinquish his spoils or surrender his 
 conquests. 
 
 " No greater mistake could be made bj' Fenianism 
 than the drawing of but a single line of distinction 
 between a West Briton and the Irishman who accepted 
 its programme of action as the safe, certain, and only 
 means of winning independence. The assumption that 
 all Irish Nationalists were included in the Fenian or- 
 ganization was a piece of disastrous folly, as it engen- 
 dered a bitter hostility to earnest Irishmen who only 
 refused to follow a leader whom they did not know in 
 
76 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 
 
 a movement which confined itself to a single class of 
 their countrymen. Thus, a host of enemies were cre- 
 ated where the reserve force of a real national move- 
 ment should find strength and support. 
 
 "Now, a fault-finder or critic has no claim to a fair 
 hearing, unless he has something reasonable to substi- 
 tute for or amend in what he condemns. I will, there- 
 fore, with your indulgence, attempt to point out what, 
 in m} T opinion, would place our national cause upon a 
 stronger footing, and multiply its chances of success 
 in the near future. 
 
 "As I have freel}- censured the past policy of my 
 own part}', it ma} r have created a suspicion in 3'our 
 minds that it was the party itself 'or its principles^ 
 w r hich I attacked under cover of a review of its past 
 histoiy. I trust it will not need my assurance to 
 convince you of 1x13' belief in and adherence to the doc- 
 trine of physical force, and that whatever other agen- 
 cies, expedient, moral, or diplomatic, which I may 
 desire to see added to the factors at work in the 
 national cause, I am convinced, that it is 011I3- the 
 manhood strength of Ireland which can give the coup- 
 de-grace to her enemy's rule over her. This belief 
 does not exclude the employment of an}- of the other 
 means I have just alluded to as an auxiliary to the 
 final dernier ressort as being unjustifiable or antagonistic 
 to the principles involved in the contest ; and it is on 
 this ground I rest a claim for the utilizing of every 
 safe and justifiable expedient in the working out of 
 our country's social and political redemption. It is 
 well, therefore, to look outside the National party in 
 Ireland, to reconnoitre our friends or enemies, and see 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 77 
 
 how far the one can be counted upon and how much 
 the other is to be dreaded. 
 
 " The Ireland of the present ma}' be divided into four 
 distinct sections of political strife, presumably in her 
 interest : the Nationalist or party of action, ' National ' 
 Constitutional, West British, and neutral, or rather 
 non-participant, Irishmen. 
 
 " Take the first of these parties, which, on account 
 of its being the custodian of Ireland's non-forfeited 
 right to independence, should necessarily be the most 
 powerful in numbers and influence ; } r et we must admit 
 that it is not so, when it is looked at either in the light 
 of its recent past endeavors or from its present hold 
 on the public mind of Ireland. But let it be disasso- 
 ciated from the consequences of sincere but injudicious 
 or premature action, and pitted against anti-national 
 feeling in Ireland, and it possesses at once the unques- 
 tioned representative sentiment of the Irish people, 
 and outnumbers in its adherents all the other parties 
 combined. The position which we occupy in the polit- 
 ical world is, therefore, a singularly anomalous one ; 
 for while our people are unquestionably national in 
 their inward convictions, they exhibit in their external 
 or public aspect a contradiction to that very fact. 
 Hence the world either misunderstands or discredits 
 our political aspirations. Now how is it that the 
 Nationalist part} T is numerically the strongest in senti- 
 ment and sympathy, while not so in action? And 
 why does external opinion remain sceptical as to Ire- 
 land's real desire for separation? 
 
 " To answer the first question, I will crave permis- 
 sion to place myself in the position of a tiller of the 
 soil in Ireland, — say one of Patten Bridge's victims, 
 
70 LITE OF MICJIAEL DAVITT. 
 
 • 
 
 on the barren slopes of the Galtees. I will assume I 
 have just reached the level of my mud-walled cabin, on 
 the mountain side, after carrying a load of manure on 
 m}' back from the plains below. I have seen the short- 
 horns, and black-faced sheep, from England and Scot- 
 land, grazing upon the rich land at the foot of the 
 mountains, — the land which formerh- belonged to my 
 ancestors, and the produce of which is now fattening 
 brute beasts while nry six children are starving with 
 hunger. I might be supposed to say, — ' How is it that 
 I, who have done no wrong to God, nry country, or 
 societ}-, should be doomed to a penal existence like 
 this? Who are the} T that stand b} T and see the beasts 
 of the field preferred before me and my family? I am 
 powerless to do an3 T thing but provide for the cravings 
 of those whom God has sent to nry care, and to relax 
 my labor for a daj^ might be a day's starvation to my 
 little ones. If I go down to the castle and avenge my 
 wrongs on the head of Patten Bridge, I am but injur- 
 ing him, and not the system which enables him to 
 plunder me. I must therefore refrain from an act 
 which would see one die on the scaffold, and my chil- 
 dren in the workhouse. If no one else will assist me, 
 I am condemned to this miserable existence for the 
 remainder of my life. Who are they that have time 
 and energy to take part in the political strife of the 
 da} r , and sa} r they are working for Ireland and me? 
 The Nationalist party tells me that when independence 
 is won, I will no longer be at the mercy of an English 
 landlord. That is like feeding my children with a 
 mind's-eye-view of the dinner that will be served in 
 Galtee Castle to-day. Yellow meal porridge is a more 
 substantial meal than visionary plenty, and if the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 79 
 
 Nationalists want me to believe in, and labor a little 
 for, independence, they must first show themselves de- 
 sirous and strong enough to stand between me and the 
 ' power which a single Englishman loields over me. If 
 they show they can do that, and thereby better nw con- 
 dition, they will convince me of their strength in Ire- 
 land, and earnestness in my behalf; and it is not in 
 Irish nature to refuse a helping hand to those who 
 assist another. Let them show that the social well- 
 being of our people is the motive of their actions, and 
 aim of their endeavors, while striving for the grand 
 object ahead, and then the farming classes in Ireland 
 will rally round them to assist in reaching that object. 
 They look upon a man's existence in an abstract light, 
 and think he should be moved in their cause without 
 consulting that selfishness which is invariably the main- 
 spring of human actions. God only knows how much 
 I would like to fight for Ireland to-morrow if I could 
 only see a chance of success, or had my wife and chil- 
 dren in a similar position to that in which I am told 
 the farmers of France and Belgium have theirs ; but 
 every former attempt at success has failed, me and 
 mine are still at the mercy of the landlord, and there- 
 fore I can only give the Nationalists my sympathy and 
 well-wishes, for my labor, time, and life, is necessary 
 to the feeding of little Nora and the other children. 
 The Parliamentarians promise to do more for me than 
 any other party, but the}' break their promises in 
 Westminster, and show as great an interest in Turkey 
 as in Ireland. They are also at war with the National- 
 ists, and consequently the government and the West 
 Britons have it all their own wa} T over the vast major- 
 ity of the Irish people. Me and the likes of me are 
 
80 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 told we have friends in all parties ; but we never are 
 made to feel anything but the power and influence of 
 our enemies, — the landlords. I must bring up another 
 creel of dung from the bottom of the mountain before 
 mid-day, and then share my bowl of stirabout with my 
 little ones. God's will be done, but it is a hard life to 
 lead in the Nineteenth century ! ' 
 
 " This is no exaggeration of the thoughts or attitude 
 of the people who are compelled to stand aloof from 
 political strife in Ireland ; and this vast class, recruited 
 alike from the one instanced as well as from all those 
 whose avocations and actions have their root in the 
 virtue of the honest, selfish cares of social life, are within 
 reach of the party of action, if the necessary steps 
 are taken to enlist their assistance and co-operation. 
 
 "Turning to the political aspect of Irish nationality 
 as it is viewed from abroad, it is easy to show how we 
 have been, and are still, discredited with practical 
 earnestness in our opposition to English rule. "We 
 have flattered ourselves too long with the belief that we 
 were assured of French and American sympatlry in our 
 contest with the enemy of our race, and.that these and 
 other countries would accept of our spasmodic struggles 
 against a dominant power as proving the disaffection 
 and determined opposition of a whole people, while 
 'representatives,' municipalities, religious and other 
 bodies, public men and public writers, were convincing 
 them to the direct contrary. 'Tis true that periodical 
 attempts at insurrection have shown that though our 
 country is subjugated it is not reconciled to alien gov- 
 ernment, willing to forfeit its national birthright ; but, 
 convincing as all this may be to Irishmen, others will 
 look upon our repeated risings in the light of past 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 81 
 
 events, and speak of them in proportion to their im- 
 portance as looked at from an external point of view, 
 while weighing us in the political balance of nationali- 
 ties in exact accordance with the public spirit and 
 political tendencies of our people of the present. The 
 collective opinions of foreign nations, in s}*mpathy 
 with or indifference towards the Irish question, will be 
 formed from its present phases, and not, as toe would 
 desire, from past occurrences ; and therefore the less our 
 national aspirations and convincing opposition to alien 
 rule are manifested to the world by the public tone 
 and attitude of our people, the less interest there will 
 be taken and sympathy felt by the world in our cause. 
 Our connection with the past of Ireland — the inspira- 
 tion we draw from its history, and the events therein 
 recorded — must influence, of course, our line of action 
 in the working out of the political destiny of our father- 
 land ; but our glorious past will not win for us one 
 iota of sympathy from outside the Irish race bej'ond 
 what is demanded by the consistencj' of such actions 
 with the object aimed at, and the practical manner in 
 which the national desire for the attainment of that 
 object is manifested. 
 
 " When we appeal to mankind for the justice of our 
 cause, we must assume the attitude of a united, because 
 an earnest, people, and show reason why we refuse to 
 accept of our political annihilation. "VVe can only do 
 this by the thoroughness of purpose which should 
 actuate, and the systematic exertions which alone can 
 justify, us in claiming the recognition due to a country 
 which has never once acquiesced in its subjugation, nor 
 abandoned its resolve to be free. Viewing that country 
 then, as she presents herself to-da} T , the problem of her 
 
82 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 redemption maybe put in thisformla: Given the pres- 
 ent social and political condition of Ireland, with the 
 spirit, national tendencies, physical and moral forces 
 of her people — together with the power, influence, and 
 policy arrayed against them — to indicate what should 
 be the plans pursued, and action adopted, whereby the 
 condition of our people could be materially improved, 
 in efforts tending to raise them to their rightful posi- 
 tion as a Nation. 
 
 " I confess to the difficulty of solving such a problem, 
 but not so much as to the putting it into practice if 
 theoreticall}- demonstrated ; but 
 
 " 'Eight endeavor's not in vain — 
 Its reward is in the doing; 
 And the rapture of pursuing, 
 Is the prize the vanquished gain.' 
 
 " Let us see if we can discover a key to the difficulty 
 of the Irish question. I will assume that there are cer- 
 tain matters or contingencies important to or affecting 
 the Irish race which are of equal interest to its people 
 (irrespective of what differences of opinion there may 
 be amongst them on various other concerns) , — such as 
 the preservation of the distinctive individuality of the 
 race itself among peoples ; the earning for it that 
 respect and prestige to which it is b}' right and in- 
 heritance entitled, by striving for its improvement, 
 physically and morally, and its intellectual and social 
 advancement, revival of its ancient language, etc ; 
 and that there are past occurrences and sectional ani- 
 mosities which all classes must reasonably desire to 
 prevent in future, for the honor and welfare of them- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 83 
 
 selves and countiy, — such as religious feuds and 
 provincial antipathies. I will also assume that the 
 raising of our peasant population from the depths of 
 social misery to which it has been sunk b} r an unjust 
 land system, would meet with the approval of most 
 classes in Ireland, and receive tliG moral co-operation 
 of Irishmen abroad, as would also the improvement of 
 the dwellings of our agricultural population ; which 
 project, I also assume, would be accepted and sup- 
 ported by all parties in Irish political life. Without 
 particularizing any further measures for the common 
 good of our people, for which political parties cannot 
 refuse to mutually co-operate, if consistent with their 
 raison d'etre as striving for their country's welfare, I 
 think it will be granted that Nationalists (pronounced 
 or quiescent) , Obstructionists, Home Rulers, Repealers, 
 and others, could unite in obtaining the reforms already 
 enumerated by concerted action on and by whatever 
 means the present existing state of affairs in Ireland 
 can place within their reach. Such concerted action 
 for the general good would necessitate a centripetal 
 platform, as representing that central principle or 
 motive which constitutes the hold and supplies the 
 influence that a country's government has upon the 
 people governed. 
 
 " A race of people, to preserve itself from destruction 
 hy an hostile race, or by partisan spirit and factious 
 strife internally,- or absorption by a people among 
 which it may be scattered, absolute^ requires some 
 central idea, principle, or platform of motives of action, 
 b3 r which to exercise its national, or race-individuality, 
 strength, with a view to its improvement and preserva- 
 tion. A people's own established government supplies 
 
84 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 this need, of course, but where, as in Ireland, there is 
 no government of or by the people, and the dominant 
 power is but a strong executive faction, the national 
 strength is wasted, — 1. By the divide et impera policy 
 of that dominant English faction ; 2. By desperate 
 attempts to overthrow that power ; and 3. B3- hitherto 
 fruitless agitation to win a just rule, or force remedial 
 legislation from an alien asseinbl}' b} T means repugnant 
 to the pride of the largest portion of our people ; while 
 here, in this great shelter-land of peoples, the Irish 
 race itself is fast disappearing in the composite Amer- 
 ican. If, therefore, a platform be put forth embodying 
 resistance to every hostile element pitted, or adverse 
 influence at work, against the individuality of Ireland 
 and its people, and a programme of national labor for 
 the general welfare of our countiy be adopted, resting 
 upon those wants and desires which have a first claim 
 upon the consideration of Irishmen, — such a platform, 
 if put forth, not to suit a particular part}', but to em- 
 brace all that is earnest and desirous among our people 
 for labor in the vineyard of Ireland's common good, a 
 great national desire would be gratified, and an im- 
 mense stride be taken towards the goal of each Irish- 
 man's hopes. 
 
 " Such a centre-composite platform would not neces- 
 sarily' require any control over the organization of its 
 respective party-adherents, nor need the resources of 
 the party of action except when the final appeal for 
 self-government should be made. All that it would 
 demand from its individual elements would be such 
 support as should make it superior in influence over 
 the public life of Ireland to that which the English fac- 
 tion wields to our disgrace and disadvantage to-day. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 85 
 
 Apart from the material good which would assuredly 
 follow from such a platform being adopted, how inesti- 
 mable would be the collateral advantages that would 
 accrue from Irishmen acting together at last for some 
 tangible common benefit to be conferred upon them- 
 selves and their country ! The gradual but certain 
 sweeping awa} T of West-British ideas before the ad- 
 vance of a united national Irish sentiment ; the har- 
 monizing of the hitherto conflicting elements in politi- 
 cal parties ; the developing of our people's political 
 education ; the creation of a health} 7 and vigorous 
 public spirit which would at once attract and challenge 
 the attention of foreign opinion, and concentrate upon 
 Ireland an international interest in Sirenaissant people, 
 who can exert a powerful influence over the destiny of 
 a declining empire, the prestige and power of which 
 are obnoxious to rival nations. Then the immense 
 impetus which would be given to the national cause by 
 the moral support of a Sj'inpathetic participation in it 
 by the vast Irish and Irish-American element in this 
 country, by far the greater part of which has hereto- 
 fore stood aloof from Ireland's struggles, in conse- 
 quence of having no feasible plan laid before it, 
 whereby its assistance and influence could be profit- 
 ably employed in the same. 
 
 " The difficulties in the way of such an united Irish 
 public movement are to be found in the unreasonable 
 prejudice and suicidal antagonism which exists between 
 the two parties who each assume to be Ireland's bene- 
 factor, — the Nationalist and the Irish-Constitutional 
 bodies. This mutual opposition has weakened both, 
 diffused bad blood among the " communit} 7 , increased 
 the number of non-participants in the political life of 
 
86 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 the country, and strengthened the position of the coer- 
 cive faction. Condemnation of Nationalist action by 
 Irish Constitutionals is permissible only within the 
 limits of a censure upon desperate, untimely resolves 
 on insurrection, as their opposition is unjustifiable 
 upon any other ground. 
 
 "The Nationalist party is the guardian of their 
 countiy's inalienable right to be mistress of her own 
 destinies ; its records are those which tell of a nation's 
 fight against the extermination of its people ; its mar- 
 t3Tolog}' is that of Ireland ; and all of which we can 
 justly be most proud of in her history — her seven 
 centuries' struggle against overwhelming odds for the 
 highest ambition of a nation (independence) — is the 
 platform of the party of action. Its veiy defeats have 
 won victories for the Constitutionalists ; and the inten- 
 sity of its earnestness has compelled remedial measures 
 to be conceded to Ireland. As the Irishman who be- 
 lieves that his country could not govern herself if 
 politically isolated is too contemptible to be noticed, 
 the objection against the Nationalist part}' b}* its Con- 
 stitutional opponent is belief in the improbability of 
 final success, — and not antagonism to the object 
 aimed at. 
 
 " On the other side, the prejudice existing among 
 Nationalists against Constitutional action is in propor- 
 tion to the anti-National complexion which it assumes ; 
 hence, Home Rule, from its being so much more on- 
 Irish in essence and scope, is looked upon with greater 
 antipatlrv than Repeal. Giving the Constitutionals 
 credit, as in charit} T bound, for the best intentions, we 
 must assume that they are actuated by the following 
 reasons and motives: — Believing in the impossibility 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 87 
 
 of separation, they rely upon moral force as a means 
 of advancing the interests of the countiy, and that 
 they emplo}^ this means in the conviction that it is the 
 safest and most efficient plan by which an improvement 
 of the people can be effected, and their countiy bene- 
 fited. When the acts of Constitutionals belie these 
 motives, they become reprehensible ; but in their hon- 
 esty of conduct within the lines of their good intents, 
 the}' are deserving of, and entitled to, recognition and 
 tolerance as laborers in behalf of Ireland and its 
 people. They are as prominent in the political arena 
 as the Nationalists, — more so, in fact, as they have a 
 public polic}' to catch the public ear and e} T e. They 
 have a following in Ireland which is at once powerful 
 and influential, and cannot, therefore, be ignored. 
 They have enlisted the support of the Catholic clergy, 
 and count the middle class of the country as belonging 
 to their party. Since the passing of the ballot-bill 
 the}' can appeal with more force to Irish voters, who 
 no longer run the risk of eviction for opposing landlord 
 nominees. This freedom from restraint in the exercise 
 of the franchise among a remedj'-seeking people must 
 logically impel them to look for redress, and men to 
 champion their cause, in the safest, and, to them, most 
 effectual means within their reach. 
 
 u To these facts must be added still stronger ones, 
 namely, that, whether we Nationalists like it or not, 
 Irish voters, as well as non-electors, will participate in 
 elections, and interest themselves in their results. So 
 long as the infamous Act of Union lasts, men will be 
 sent to Westminster to represent or betray their coun- 
 try, in exact proportions to the interest or indifference 
 with which the whole Irish people look upon Parlia- 
 
08 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 
 
 mentananisin. An indication of a national resolve 
 to minimize the disgrace of a traitor-representation 
 in an hostile assembly would curb the self-seeking 
 
 place-hunters in the auction of their ' patriotism,' 
 and themselves in St. Stephen's political mart. Hos- 
 tility towards, or complete isolation from, parliamen- 
 tary action by the Nationalist, will engender and 
 encourage West-Britonism in Irish representation, and 
 the world, which persists in looking at the Irish ques- 
 tion through the medium of the House of Commons, 
 will form its opinions on the wants and political ten- 
 dencies of Ireland from the conduct and utterances of 
 her ' representatives.' The amount of national senti- 
 ment and hostility to alien rule exhibited in Westmin- 
 ster Iry Irish members of Parliament will be to Russia, 
 France, and America the gauge of the same sentiment 
 and hostility in Ireland, where such members are 
 elected. With the public ear in Ireland, and the eye 
 and attention of the world in the world's most con- 
 spicuous assembl}', how are the Constitutionalists 
 handicapped in a contest for party influence with the 
 Nationalists, ivho have neither •? Suppose the, positions 
 and advantages reversed in the last respect, at least, 
 would the Nationalists be weaker and the cause of 
 Ireland worse situated? I think not. 
 
 u Having defined the relative positions and strength 
 of the two great parties in Irish politics, no other 
 conclusion can be come to but this : that until an 
 understanding, base of public union, or common public 
 platform, is established between them, the Executive 
 faction, alias-Castle government, will influence, direct, 
 and domineer the official and public life of Ireland, 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 89 
 
 and her people ' may whistle to the winds for self- 
 government, or escape from the Saxon's control.' 
 
 " Now let us put prejudices one side and honestly 
 look at facts, and we will find that parliamentary 
 action during the past few years has been trying to 
 clothe itself in the garb of honesty, notwithstanding 
 numerous instances of betra3 T al of trust. Mr. Isaac 
 Butt, in giving a Federal complexion to Ireland's con- 
 stitutional holiday garment for Westminster parade, 
 was endeavoring to make Imperial broadcloth out of 
 Irish frieze, and he has become politically bankrupt, in 
 consequence of failure. Abstract this disagreeable 
 feature, together with the un-Irish conduct and treach- 
 ery of some of Mr. Butt's supporters, from the action 
 of Irish members in the House of Commons during 
 the past few years, and we will find a more national 
 and determined stand taken for Ireland and against the 
 government than at any former period in that assem- 
 bly. Seeing this, finding large classes of our people 
 boasting of it, and recognizing the fact that the centre 
 figure of this stubborn attitude in an hostile assemblv, 
 has, in the small space of four 3'ears, become the most 
 popular and most trusted of Irishmen, is there not 
 something good can come out of Nazareth, after all? 
 If so, let us see how it can be increased. 
 
 "For the present good of Ireland, and as a policy of 
 expediency, I, as a Nationalist, could support the fol- 
 lowing programme consistently with my own principles 
 and Ireland's present wants : — 
 
 " ' 1st. The first and indispensable requisite in a repre- 
 sentative of Ireland in the Parliament of England to be a 
 public profession of his belief in the inalienable right of 
 the Irish people to self-government, and recognition of 
 
90 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 the fact that want of self-government is the chief want of 
 Ireland. 
 
 " ' 2d. An exclusive Irish representation, with the view 
 of exhibiting Ireland to the world in the light of her peo- 
 ple's opinions and national aspirations, together with an 
 uncompromising opposition to the government upon every 
 prejudiced or coercive policy. 
 
 " ' 3d. A demand for the immediate improvement of 
 the land system by such a thorough change as would pre- 
 vent the peasantry of Ireland from being its victims in 
 the future. This change to form the preamble of a sys- 
 tem of small proprietorships similar to what at present 
 obtains in France, Belgium, and Prussia. Such land to 
 be purchased or held directly from the State. To ground 
 this demand upon the reasonable fact that, as the land of 
 Ireland formerly belonged to the people (being but 
 nominally held in trust for them by chiefs or heads of 
 clans elected for that among other purposes), it is the 
 duty of the government to give compensation to the land- 
 lords for taking back that which was bestowed upon their 
 progenitors after being stolen from the people, in order 
 that the State can again become the custodian of the land 
 for the people-owners. 
 
 "'.4th. Legislation for the encouragement of Irish 
 industries, development of Ireland's natural resources; 
 substitution, a^s much as practicable, of cultivation for 
 grazing; reclamation of waste lands; protection of Irish 
 fisheries, and improvement of peasant dwellings. 
 
 " ' 5th. Assimilation of the county to the borough fran- 
 chise, and reform of the grand jury laws, as also those 
 affecting convention in Ireland. 
 
 " ' 6th. A national solicitude on the question of educa- 
 tion by vigorous efforts for improving and advancing the 
 same, together with every precaution to be taken against 
 it being made an anti-national one. 
 
 " ' 7th. The right of the Irish people to carry arms.' 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DATITT. 91 
 
 " It will be objected by some, that to meddle in par- 
 liamentaiy action, no matter bow honest, is contrary to 
 Nationalist principles, and therefore censurable. No 
 man likes to put his hands in pitch ; but if he is tarred 
 and feathered for no fault of his own, and against his 
 will, he must clean himself as best he can. The pitch 
 of English rule on Ireland will not be removed by kid- 
 gloved indifference and straight-laced, lofty patriotic 
 consistency ; it is better to commence scrubbing it off 
 wherever more can be otherwise added. It will be 
 again objected that if a strong National party were 
 sent to Parliament, and it succeeded in obtaining some 
 remedial measures, the people of Ireland would be con- 
 tented with what they would thus obtain, and cease to 
 strive for separation. Granted that a portion of our 
 people would ' rest and be thankful ' for a better con- 
 dition of affairs than the}' live under at present ; but 
 would the Nationalist party be so? If it would, it is 
 not the real representative of Ireland's past ; if it would 
 not, there is no earthly justification for an abstention 
 from endeavoring to benefit even those that would 
 accept the situation, when side by side with their 
 social and political advancement would be that of 
 those who would not take it as a final settlement of 
 the question. 
 
 " It is showing a strange want of knowledge of Eng- 
 land's hatred and jealousy of Ireland to suppose that 
 a government formed from any of the English parties 
 would ever concede all that could satisfy the desires of 
 the Irish people ; and to ground an apprehension upon 
 such an improbable contingenc}* is a mistake. 
 
 "Again, the supposition that the spirit of Irish 
 nationality, which has combated against destruction 
 
92 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 for seven centuries, onl}- awaits a few concessions from 
 its baffled enemy to be snuffed out thereb}', does not 
 speak highly for those who hold that opinion of its 
 frailt} T . In my opinion, we may expect to hear no 
 more of ' the cause ' when the genius of Tipperary 
 shall carve the Rock of Cashel into a statue of Judge 
 Keogh, and Croagh Patrick shall walk to London to 
 render homage to the Duke of Connaught. Every 
 chapter of our history, every ensanguined field upon 
 which our forefathers died in defence of that cause, 
 eveiy name in the martyrology of Ireland, from Fitz- 
 gerald to Charles McCarth} T , proclaim the truth of 
 Meagher's impassioned words : ' From the Irish mind 
 the inspiring thought that there once was an Irish 
 Nation self-chartered and self-ruled can never be 
 effaced ; the burning hope that there will be olie again 
 can never be extinguished/ 
 
 u With these convictions, and the consummation of 
 such hopes predestined by an indestructible cause and 
 imperishable national principles, Irish Nationalists 
 can, without fear of compromising such principles, 
 grapple with West-Britonism on its own ground, and 
 strangle its efforts to imperialize Ireland. The popular 
 part} r in Ireland has a right to participate in everything 
 concerning the social and political condition of the 
 country ; to compete with the constitutional and other 
 parties who cater for public support, and stamp in this 
 manner its Nationalist convictions and principles upon 
 everything Irish, from a local board of poor-law guar- 
 dians to a (by circumstances compulsory) representa- 
 tion in an alien parliament. 
 
 " No part}* has a right to call itself National, which 
 neglects resorting to all and every justifiable means to 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVTTT. 93 
 
 end the frightful nriseiy under which our land-crushed 
 people groan. It is exhibiting a callous indifference to 
 the state of social degradation to which the power of 
 the landlords of Ireland has sunk our peasantry to ask 
 them to ' plod on in sluggish misery from sire to son, 
 from age to age/ until we, b} T force of party and party 
 selfishness, shall free the country. It is playing the 
 part of the Levite who passed by the man plundered 
 by thieves. It is seeing a helpless creature struggling 
 against suffocation in a ditch, and making no immediate 
 effort to save him. If we refuse to plaj^ the part of the 
 Good Samaritan to those who have fallen among rob- 
 ber landlords, other Irishmen will not. The cry has 
 gone forth, ' Down with the land system that has 
 cursed and depopulated Ireland ' ; and this slogan cry 
 of war h*s come from the Constitutionalists. 
 
 " In the name of the common good of our countiy, its 
 honor, interests, social and political, let the two great 
 Irish parties agree to differ on party principles, while 
 emulating each other in service to our impoverished 
 people. Let each endeavor to find points upon which 
 the}' can agree, instead of trying to discover quibbles 
 whereon to differ. Let a centre-platform be adopted, 
 resting on a broad, generous, and comprehensive 
 Nationalism, which will invite every earnest Irishman 
 upon it. The manhood-strength of Ireland could then 
 become an irresistible power, standing reacty at its 
 post, while the whole Irish race, rallying to the support 
 of such a platform, would cry — 
 
 " ' We want the land that bore us ! 
 We'll make that want our chorus; 
 
 And we'll have it yet, tho' hard to get, 
 By the heavens bending o'er us.' " 
 
94 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Why the Farmers were not Fextaxs. — Radical Rev- 
 olutionists and the Land Question.— The "New 
 Departure " Expounded axd Defended by John 
 Devoy.— The Abolition of Landlordism. 
 
 " Wert thou all that I wish thee, — great, glorious and 
 free, 
 First flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea, — 
 I might hail thee with prouder, with happier hrow, 
 But, oh! could I love thee more deeply than now?" 
 
 — Moore. 
 
 Ireland had long wasted her national strength, 
 by division of her people into parties, eacli striv- 
 ing its own way to do the most good for their 
 common country, but each opposing the policy of 
 the other. In the beginning of Fenianism, James 
 Stephens refused co-operation from leading Irish- 
 men of Constitutional principles, such as George 
 Henry Moore, John Martin and P. J. Smyth ; and 
 later, the radical revolutionists refused to co-op- 
 erate with the Home Eulers. "That there has 
 been," says Mr. Davitt, in his lecture, "an un- 
 methodical application of energies, or rather a 
 reckless waste of Irish national strength in this 
 long contest, is but too patent. We grasped at 
 liberty," he says, "in the intoxication of sincer- 
 it} T , and blindly discarded every practical con- 
 sideration. >Ye ' resolved,' and c swore,' and 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 95 
 
 'determined,' to 'avenge Ireland's wrongs, but 
 took no essential method to win her liberty. . . 
 We refused to shelter ourselves behind the walls 
 of expediency, or to employ any of the justifia- 
 ble means by which a weak people might utilize 
 their strength, and we therefore marched into the 
 open plain inviting destruction." 
 
 The Irish farmers and land-holders, as a class, 
 were not engaged in the Fenian movement, and it 
 is well known that no Irish movement can succeed 
 without the co-operation of this body. Why were 
 not the farmers in the Fenian movement, or in the 
 revolutionary organization continued since that 
 time? Mr. Davitt shows that the Constitution- 
 alists promised more to the farmer than the Revo- 
 lutionists. The latter told him that when Ireland 
 is free, he would own his land ; this appeared 
 rather a far-off benefit and for which he would 
 have to risk life and property. The Constitu- 
 tionalists said they would compel England to 
 make land laws that would give him a right to his 
 farm, and a means to bring up his children in a 
 better manner ; this appeared a more immediate 
 benefit, and there was little risk in supporting an 
 open agitation. A national movement, therefore, 
 that would adopt a platform, broad, liberal, and 
 comprehensive, on which all shades of political 
 opinion could unite, and that would offer redress 
 and security to the farmers, was much needed, and 
 the Irish radical Revolutionists in America were 
 
96 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 the first to make the overtures which have been 
 siuce crowned with almost unhoped for success. 
 
 In the beginning, much opposition was given 
 to "the New Departure "as it was called. The 
 Dublin Irishman condemned the idea that patriots 
 should vote for members of Parliament, and ridi- 
 culed the presence of a Nationalist in Wesminster. 
 The "Executive of the I. R. B.," or a body call- 
 ing itself by that name — for most certainly it was 
 not the "Supreme Council" of the I. E. B. — 
 issued a manifesto condemning the " New Depart- 
 ure;" and James Stephens, who had recently 
 arrived from Paris, in an interview with a reporter 
 in New York in February, '79, on being asked 
 whether the " New Departure " would not take 
 the place of the Home Eule movement, and keep 
 the Irish people's minds in the groove of constitu- 
 tional agitation and action, replied : "Not at all ; 
 this New Departure has failed. It never could 
 succeed. The Home Rule movement sprung up 
 after the defeat of the Fenian physical force move- 
 ment at that time, and Nationalists joined it be- 
 cause, temporarily dispirited by this failure, they 
 hoped such a movement might accomplish some- 
 thing. In this they have been wofully disap- 
 pointed, and the foil of the Home Rule party rang 
 the death knell of constitutional agitation among 
 Irish Nationalists." Such has not proved to be the 
 case, as subsequent events have shown. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 97 
 
 When such men as Davitt, Devoy, and Breslin 
 engage in a project of this kind, they do not do 
 so to fail easily ; they promised the co-operation 
 of the revolutionary party on certain conditions. 
 We see how they have verified that promise. 
 While Davitt showed the revolutionists the solid 
 and sensible reasons why they should for once 
 join in a constitutional attempt by the whole 
 people, to achieve redress of wrongs which might 
 by this means be attained, that the whole farming 
 class of Ireland could be woke up to a proper 
 patriotic feeling, and won over to the national 
 cause, Devoy ably mapped out the plan of action 
 to be pursued, and defended the policy of the 
 "New Departure" in the following able and 
 comprehensive communication, published in the 
 Dublin Freeman's Journal, which circulates all 
 over Ireland. This was the first great impetus 
 given to the new movement. Such an emana- 
 tion from a man oi proved patriotism, of sin- 
 cerity, honor, and ability, had a wonderful effect 
 both in Ireland and in the United States, where 
 it was shortly afterwards re-published. It effected 
 the object for which it was written. We give 
 the letter in full as it appeared in the Freeman, 
 as the opening cleared by Mr. Devoy for the great 
 Land League movement, which speedily followed, 
 should never be forgotton by his fellow-country- 
 men : — 
 
98 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 " New York, Dec. 11, 1878. 
 
 "To the Editor of the Dublin Freeman. — Sir: 
 The frequent mention made of my name in the Irish 
 press in connection with the so-called ' New Departure ' 
 proposed by a portion of the Irish National party, and 
 the very serious errors which have been committed in 
 interpreting the scope and meaning of that proposition, 
 must be my excuse for obtruding myself on the atten- 
 tion ©f the Irish public. As the Freeman has pub- 
 lished so much in connection with thi controversy, I 
 hope 3'ou will enable me to state the case from the 
 standpoint of those responsible for the original propo- 
 sition. 
 
 "The question whether the advanced Irish National 
 party — the party of Separation — should continue the 
 policy of isolation from the public life of the country 
 which was inaugurated some twenty years ago b} r 
 James Stephens and his associates, or return to older 
 methods — methods as old, at least, as the days of the 
 United Irishmen — is agitating the minds of Irish 
 Nationalists on both sides of the Atlantic just now ; 
 and certainly no small incident has aroused such wide 
 discussion in Ireland for many a da} x , as the publica- 
 tion of the views of the exiled Nationalists resident in 
 New York on the subject. This shows conclusively 
 the importance of the action proposed. All intelligent 
 Irishmen feel that the entrance into the eveiy-day 
 political life of the countiy of a large class of men with 
 strong opinions and habits of organization, but who 
 have hitherto held aloof from it, or onlv acted on rare 
 occasions when a principle was considered at stake, 
 would be an event that would largely influence the future 
 of Ireland. The eagerness with which the subject has 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 99 
 
 been discussed by all parties would prove this if it were 
 not otherwise sufficiently evident ; but, as might be ex- 
 pected, much difference of opinion exists as to the 
 direction that future would take. Almost every news- 
 paper in Ireland which has written on the subject, 
 almost every man who has expressed his opinion, has 
 done so from a purely partisan standpoint. There 
 have, it is true, been notable exceptions, and on the 
 whole, the reception of the proposals has been encour- 
 aging to the proposers. 
 
 "As it is a question of public policy, to be carried 
 out, if adopted, within the limits of existing law, it can 
 bear the fullest discussion. In fact, the more it is 
 criticised the better, provided the criticisms be based 
 upon actual facts — the propositions made and the 
 views expressed by the proposers — not on data sup- 
 plied by the fanc}^ of the critics, or phantoms of sinister 
 motives conjured up by diseased imaginations. Fair 
 and free discussion of the public policy proposed for 
 the acceptance of the National party b\< men who cer- 
 tainly have a right to their opinions and some claim to 
 a voice in the decision, fair and free discussion of their 
 motives in proposing it, as one of those responsible* 
 I am prepared to meet in a frank and friendl}' way. 
 
 " To those who resort to misrepresentation and in- 
 sinuations of unworthy motives, I will only sa} T that 
 my motives are sufficiently known to my fellow-workers, 
 and I do not propose to defend them. The} T will bear 
 comparison w T ith those of some who have been rather 
 hasty in resorting to personalities. The policy pro- 
 posed must stand or fall on its own merits. I would 
 remind some of my ' Nationalist' critics, however, that 
 misrepresentation on the part of men who live by 
 
100 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 scribbling cheap treason, and who never stir a finger 
 to do-any real service to the cause for which they pro- 
 fess such zeal, ma}-, if persevered in, provoke a retalia- 
 tion that would be somewhat inconvenient to them, and 
 not at all edifying. This is all the notice I propose to 
 take just now of the ' consistent ' patriots who pen the 
 twaddle about ' Fenians in Parliament,' and the sill}' 
 impertinences about ' American babble,' 
 
 " That the discussion aroused on both sides of the 
 Atlantic by the proposal of a ' New Departure ' has 
 done good, I am prepared to admit ; but so many mis- 
 takes have been made on your side of the water, and 
 such an amount of misrepresentation indulged in, that 
 a clearer explanation of the objects sought to be at- 
 tained and the principles professed by the proposers is 
 necessary to enable the Irish people to form a correct 
 judgment on the question. I am convinced that on 
 the judgment formed on this question by the Irish 
 people, and on the action that judgment will dictate, 
 depends Ireland's political future for many years to 
 come. Even at the risk of having merely ambitious 
 motives attributed to me, I am determined that some 
 recent utterances of mine on the subject of Parliament- 
 ary and Municipal representation, and on the Land 
 Question, which have been rather freely commented 
 upon, shall be fully understood, at least by those who 
 care to understand them, so that they may not be 
 made the excuse for preventing action approved of in 
 theory by the majority of Irish Nationalists, but not 
 carried into effect through fear of affording help to a 
 certain class of trading politicians. These politicians, 
 it is feared, might succeed in turning the National 
 party into a mere machine for their own advancement 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 101 
 
 if the i New Departure ' were adopted, or if any other 
 public policy were determined upon. I am as much 
 opposed to allowing the National party to be used by 
 worthless aspirants for parliamentary honors as I am 
 to see it made an instrument for the circulation of the 
 nauseating cant about nationality served up by trad- 
 ing speculations calling themselves i National ' news- 
 papers, or that its only public appearances should be 
 when called to applaud the bunkum of ' orators ' who 
 keep their tongues and their hands rather quiet when 
 times of danger come. There is intelligence enough in 
 the National party to save it from the parliamentary 
 shams, just as it has intelligence enough to stamp as 
 quacks and charlatans those who talk of fighting and 
 sedulously avoid preparation for it. I am convinced 
 that these fears of the Parliamentarians, where they 
 are honestly entertained, are groundless now, while I 
 fully admit there was ample excuse for them in the 
 past. 
 
 " The object aimed at by the advanced National 
 party — the recovery of Ireland's national independ- 
 ence and the severance of all political connection with 
 England — is one that would require the utmost efforts 
 and the greatest sacrifices on the part of the whole 
 Irish people. Unless the whole Irish people, or the 
 great majority of them, undertake the task, and bend 
 their whole energies to its accomplishment — unless the 
 best intellect, the financial resources, and the iihysicai 
 strength of the nation be enlisted in the effort — it can 
 never be realized. Even with all these things in our 
 favor the difficulties in our way would be enormous ; 
 but if firmly united and ably led, we could overcome 
 them, and the result achieved would be worth the 
 
102 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVTTT. 
 
 sacrifice. I am not one of those who despair of Ire- 
 land's freedom, and am as much in favor of continuing 
 the struggle to-da}- as some of those who talk loudest 
 against constitutional agitation. 
 
 u I am convinced that the whole Irish people can be 
 enlisted in an effort to free their native land, and that 
 they have within themselves the power to overcome all 
 obstacles in their way. I feel satisfied that Ireland 
 could maintain her existence as an independent nation, 
 become a respectable power in Europe, provide com- 
 fortably for a large population within her borders, and 
 rival England in commerce and manufactures. I con- 
 tend she can never attain the development to which 
 her geographical position, her natural resources, and 
 the moral and intellectual gifts of her people entitle her 
 without becoming complete mistress of her own desti- 
 nies, and severing the connection with England. But 
 I am also convinced that one section of the people 
 alone can never win independence, and no political 
 party, no matter how devoted or determined, can ever 
 win the support of the whole people if they never 
 come before the public and take no part in the every- 
 doy life of the country. I have often said it before, 
 and I repeat it now again, that a mere conspiracy 
 will never free Ireland. I am not arguing against 
 conspiracy, but only pointing out the necessity of 
 Irish Nationalists taking whatever public action for 
 the advancement of the national cause they ma} T find 
 within their reach — such action as will place the aims 
 and objects of the National party in a more favorable 
 light before the world, and help to win the support of 
 the whole Irish people 
 
 11 Those who propose the ' New Departure ' merely 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 103 
 
 want to provide good, wholesome work for the Na- 
 tional part}', which will have the effect of bringing all 
 sections of Nationalists into closer relation by giving 
 them a common ground to work upon, a platform really 
 broad enough for all to stand upon, demanding' no sac- 
 rifice of principle, no abandonment of Ireland's rights. 
 The}' have long felt the necessity for some such action, 
 and imagine they can see in the present state of parties 
 in Ireland the best opportunity for proposing it which 
 has yet presented itself. 
 
 " Some of the arguments used in favor of the policy 
 of isolation are very plausible, some of them very 
 absurd ; but there is not one sufficiently strong to jus- 
 tify a continuance of it, under existing circumstances. 
 When used by men who are, and have been for years, 
 simply doing nothing, they do not deserve to be treated 
 with common respect, as in the case of earnest men who 
 practise what they preach. The proof that these argu- 
 ments do not convince the people — not even the rank 
 and file of the Nationalists — is to be found in the in- 
 controvertible fact that the great majority of those who 
 believe in independence, and who have the franchise, 
 vote at all elections. 
 
 " Even if there were a ' traditional policy,' a ' beaten 
 path,' some of us would take the liberty of going out- 
 side of one or. the other, if by doing so we thought we 
 could advance the national cause. For myself, I must 
 plead guilty to a strong disinclination to walk in the 
 'narrows,' 'paths,' or 'tracks,' or ' grooves," marked 
 out for my guidance by people whose ability for leader- 
 ship, whose earnestness and whose judgment, I have 
 the best reason to doubt. I yield to no man living in 
 the lengths I am prepared to go to get rid of foreign 
 
104 LIFE OF MICHAEL LAVITT. 
 
 domination in Ireland, but I refuse to be guided by 
 the narrow dogmatism, through the instrumentality of 
 which a few pigmies managed for a sad decade or so, 
 to retain a leadership for which neither nature nor 
 training ever fitted them. I want to see the national 
 will consulted through the only means at present avail- 
 able, and when the country speaks I am not afraid of 
 the result, for I am convinced that Ireland desires in- 
 dependence to-da}* as ardently as ever, and that noth- 
 ing less will ever satisfy her. But it is simply absurd 
 to ask the Irish people to follow a dangerous political 
 course with their eyes blindfolded, and trusting im- 
 plicitly in guides, of whom they know nothing. I am 
 willing to trust the people, and think the issue is safe 
 in their hands. When the country is convinced of the 
 necessity for vigorous and decided action, I am not 
 one of those who think the responsibility will be 
 shirked. It was not the people who failed in recent 
 National movements, but those who, without the capac- 
 ity, the judgment, or the courage necessaiy to lead the 
 people in times of trial and danger, assumed the re- 
 sponsibilit}' and broke down when the ordeal came. 
 The Irish people have had more than enough of this 
 kind of thing, and want no more self-appointed leaders 
 or men laboring under a hallucination that they were 
 born with a mission to regenerate them. . . 
 
 " The advanced National party in Ireland has never 
 had a clearly-defined polic}*, further than a declaration 
 in favor of independence, or, sometimes, an independ- 
 ent republic, to be obtained by force of arms. The 
 people have never been told the kind of an Ireland we 
 should have if the making of it depended on the 
 Nationalists, or how the Nationalists proposed to grap- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 105 
 
 pie with any of the burning social and political ques- 
 tions which would demand solution if the country were 
 freed to-morrow. The national sentiment of the peo- 
 ple alone was appealed to, especially in the Fenian 
 movement, while their judgment as to the capacity of 
 the men who proposed to regenerate them was left en- 
 tirely out of the question. Of course, the people had 
 man} 7 opportunities- of forming an opinion on these 
 points through public speeches and writings ; but in 
 this respect the constitutional agitators, honest or dis- 
 honest, had man} T advantages over the extreme 
 Nationalists, inasmuch as public profession of their 
 principles or intentions brought the latter into conflict 
 with the law. The lack of political training and of 
 practical acquaintance with public business — such 
 even as could be acquired b} r membership of a town 
 council — has alwa} T s told heavily against the National- 
 ists, while their absence from such bodies left the 
 whole country in the hands of the West Britons, who 
 are only a miserable minority. This enabled the min- 
 ority not alone to speak and act in the name of the 
 country, but gave its members the means of strengthen- 
 ing and consolidating their party and crushing out 
 their opponents. The more this is examined the more 
 ruinous this policy of isolation will appear, and the 
 more advantages to be derived from an organized, 
 stead}-, and persistent effort to get possession of those 
 local bodies will be seen. While I admit that National- 
 ists now vote at these elections, I deny that they act as 
 a body, or with any settled plan or purpose. 
 
 "With the majority of these bodies in our possession, 
 even without the parliamentary represention, we should 
 be in a position to do many things we can only dream 
 
106 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 of now. With the municipal bodies and men of spirit 
 and determination as parliamentary representatives, 
 backed by the country and by millions of the Irish race 
 scattered over the world, there would be no necessity 
 to go to London either to beg or to obstruct, and Irish 
 Nationalists would have no more Tallaghts or l cab- 
 bage-gardens ' flung in their faces. 
 
 "Can this be accomplished? I claim it can; but 
 only b} T a combination between all sections of Irish 
 Nationalists — between all those who are dissatisfied 
 with the existing order of things, and desire self-gov- 
 ernment in an}- form. The Home Rulers cannot do it, 
 for no one among the people realty believes in Mr. 
 Butt's so-called 'Federal' scheme. The Nationalists 
 cannot honestly support the scheme ; for it gives to the 
 English Parliament the prerogative, which belongs to 
 the Irish people, of calling the proposed local parlia- 
 ment into existence and defining its powers, there- 
 fore having the right to abolish it b} r a simple act. It 
 is a concession of England's right to rule Ireland. 
 
 " The Repealers can never again arouse the enthu- 
 siasm of the people ; because, though having a strong 
 historical point in their favor, simple Repeal would 
 restore the Irish House of Lords, which few in Ireland 
 would endure now. The Repealers, furthermore, are 
 not organized, and many of them, as well as many 
 weak-kneed Nationalists, support the Home Rulers for 
 want of something better. In fact, the whole rank and 
 file of the Home-Rule party is composed of men who 
 would prefer a larger measure of self-government if it 
 could be obtained. 
 
 "The Nationalists. could only obtain control of the 
 'local bodies and of the parliamentary representation 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 107 
 
 by the adoption of such a broad and comprehensive 
 public policy as would secure the support of that large 
 class of Irishmen who now hold aloof from all parties, 
 but are Nationalists in heart and feeling, and vote for 
 the man or the party that comes nearest to their ideas, 
 and which would further detach from the Home Rale 
 party all who are really in favor of a larger demand 
 than that of Mr. Butt, but who now give the Home 
 Rulers a conditional support. 
 
 " The object, however, could be reached much more 
 easily by an honorable compromise. This compromise 
 is only possible by leaving the form of self-government 
 undefined — putting off the definition until a really 
 representative body, with the country at its back, and 
 elected with that mandate, could be assembled and 
 speak in the name of the nation. When the nation 
 speaks, all parties must obey, and a united Irish nation 
 can shape its own destin3 r . There is no use defining 
 the form of self-government for the mere purpose of 
 bringing forward a motion in Parliament once a 3 T ear, 
 or once every session, only to be thrown out by a hos- 
 tile majorhVy ; and complete independence cannot be 
 demanded without coming into conflict with the law. 
 As the battle of Irish freedom must be fought outside 
 Parliament, and as Home Rulers, Repealers, and Na- 
 tionalists, all call the form of autonomy they desire 
 4 Self-Government ' — as, in addition to this, they agree 
 substantially as to the present needs of Ireland, there 
 should be nothing to prevent them agreeing on a com- 
 mon platform which would bind them together for the 
 common good of the country, till the country itself 
 should speak in such a manner as to command the 
 allegiance of all. 
 
108 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 41 Such a common platform was suggested in the 
 cable despatch from New York, which has been called 
 the ' New Departure' The talk about the ' folly ' of 
 publishing the substance of this telegram is almost too 
 silly to waste words upon. It is simply the height of 
 folly to imagine there was anything to be concealed in 
 it. There was nothing proposed which is not strictly 
 within the law, and no man in Ireland would have the 
 slightest reason to fear the consequences of avowing 
 his acceptance of the propositions. They would not 
 bind a member of Parliament to accept the revolution- 
 ary policy, nor could he be held responsible for threats 
 or speeches of the proposers in the United States. 
 The} T simply bind all who accept them to carry them 
 out ; and the carrying of them out breaks no British 
 law. It is not an ' alliance' between Home Rulers and 
 Revolutionists which is proposed, but the adoption of 
 a broad and comprehensive public policy, which Na- 
 tionalists and men of more moderate views could alike 
 support without sacrifice of principle. 
 
 " No part}-, or combination of parties, in Ireland 
 can ever hope to win the support of the majority of 
 the people, except it honestly proposes a radical re- 
 form of the land system. No matter what may be said 
 in favor of individual landlords, the whole system was 
 founded on robbery and fraud, and has been perpet- 
 uated b} T cruelt}-, injustice, extortion, and hatred of the 
 people. The men who got small farms in the times of 
 confiscation settled down in the countiy, and their 
 descendants, no matter what their political party, are 
 now 'bone of our bone' — have become Irish — and 
 perform a useful function in the land. No one thinks 
 of disturbing them. If the landlords had become 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 109 
 
 Irish, and treated the people with humanity, the orig- 
 inal robbery might be forgiven — though a radical 
 change in the tenure of land must come of itself some 
 day ; but when, as a class, they have simply done 
 England's work of rooting out the Irish people ; when 
 the history of landlordism is simply a dark story of 
 heartless cruelty, of artificial famines, of evictions, 
 of rags and squalid misery, there is no reason why 
 we should forget that the system was forced upon us by 
 England, and that the majority of the present landlords 
 are the inheritors of the robber horde sent over by 
 Elizabeth and James I., by Cromwell and William of 
 Orange, to garrison the country for England. It is the 
 interest of Ireland that the land should be owned by 
 those ivho till the soil, and this could be reached with- 
 out even inflicting hardship on those who deserve no 
 leniency at the hands of the Irish people. A solution 
 of the Land Question has been reached, to a large ex- 
 tent, in France, in Prussia, and in Belgium, by ena- 
 bling the occupiers to purchase their holdings. Let the 
 Irish landlords be given a last chance of settling the 
 Irish Land Question amicably in this manner, or wait 
 for a solution in which they shall have no part. Let a 
 beginning be made with the absentees, the English 
 lords, and the London companies who hold stolen land 
 in Ireland, and there will be enough of work for some 
 years to come. Let evictions be stopped at all hazards, 
 and the rooting-out process come to an end. But I 
 shall be told the English Parliament will never do any 
 of these things. Then, I say, these things must only 
 wait till an Irish Parliament can do them better ; but 
 in the mean time good work will have been done, sound 
 
110 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 
 
 principles inculcated, and the country aroused and 
 organized. 
 
 "To those who are alarmed at language like this, in 
 regard to the Land Question, I would say: Look at 
 France, at Prussia, and at Belgium, and 3-011 will find 
 that the secret of their prosperity lies in the number 
 of tillers of the soil who own their holdings. Listen 
 to the mutterings of the coming storm in England, 
 and ask yourselves what is going to become of the 
 land monopoly after a few more years of com- 
 mercial and manufacturing depression — a depression 
 sure to continue, because the causes of it are on the 
 increase. The English are a very practical and a very 
 selfish people, and will not let an} T fine sentiment stand 
 in the way when thej T think it is their interest to re- 
 distribute the land. What, may I ask, would become 
 of the Irish landlords — especially the rack-renting, 
 evicting ones — in case of a social convulsion in Eng- 
 land? It is a question which they themselves must 
 decide within the next few 3'ears. With them, or with- 
 out them, the question will be settled before long, and 
 many who now think the foregoing assertions extrava- 
 gant will consider them veiy moderate indeed, by and 
 by. The education question is only approached, at 
 present, from a purely religious stand-point. There is 
 no reason why it should not be treated also from a 
 utilitarian point of view, not to speak of a national 
 one. The curse of Ireland for several centuries past, 
 after foreign rule — indeed, as a direct result of foreign 
 rule — is sectarianism. It is the interest of the Irish 
 people that the rising generation of all creeds should 
 receive a sound, practical training, that will fit them 
 for the battle of life, and enable them to compete with 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. Ill 
 
 the 3'oung men of countries hitherto more favored in 
 that respect. The natural resources of Ireland will 
 never be developed by men trained as the majority of 
 the present generation have been. Why not insist on 
 the history of Ireland being taught in all our schools, 
 and on the nationalization of the schools where the 
 Protestants are trained? It cannot be expected that 
 men trained up in anti-Irish ideas will make good 
 Irishmen ; nor can it be expected that any large 
 number of Protestants will join any political party 
 which devotes its principal efforts to a purety Catholic 
 object. It is fear of the Catholic majority more than 
 love of England which makes anti-Irish Irishmen of so 
 many of our Protestant fellow-countrymen ; and, if 
 the}' are ever to be won over to the national side, some 
 sacrifice must be made. He must be a dull Irishman 
 indeed who will assert that their aid is not worth 
 having, and anything that is worth having is worth 
 paying for. The price in this case is the exclusion of 
 all sectarian issues from the national platform. This 
 would not produce any miraculous transformation. 
 "We must wait for results, but thej- are sure to come, 
 for the simple reason that it is for the material interest 
 of the Protestants, as well as the Catholics, that 
 Ireland should govern herself. 
 
 "If Ireland were free now, one of the first things, 
 after the Land Question, which would demand solution, 
 would be that of county government, and the principle 
 should be laid down in the national programme. The 
 whole people have an interest in the local as well as 
 the national administration, and should have the selec- 
 tion of a county council or board, having much the 
 same powers as the council-general of a French depart- 
 
112 IJFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 ment. The present abortion of county government, 
 called a grand jury, which enables the foreign garrison 
 to look after its own interests at the expense of the 
 people, will not, of course, be abolished by the Eng- 
 lish Parliament, though it ma} r be tinkered; but its 
 abolition should be demanded, and the principle of 
 the people's right to do their own business through 
 their elected representatives clearly enunciated. While 
 the right to the franchise of every man born on Irish 
 soil, who has not forfeited his rights of citizenship by 
 conviction of a crime against societ}-, should be af- 
 firmed, the very least that should be demanded, at 
 present, is the equalization of the Irish franchise with 
 that of England. 
 
 " If a programme, such as I have roughly sketched 
 above, were adopted and vigorous!}' carried out, its 
 acceptance made the test for election to all offices in 
 the gift of the electors, and the people thoroughly 
 organized for its support, the country would soon 
 throb with a vigorous and healtlry life from end to end, 
 and we should at last begin to see the dawn of our day 
 of liberation. It would give Ireland the materials out 
 of which a national government could be formed which 
 would command the confidence of the Irish people at 
 home and abroad, and the respect of foreign nations. 
 From the very outset it would seriously embarrass the 
 diplomacy of England abroad ; and. if carried out with 
 firmness, resolution, and judgment, it would make Ire- 
 land count for something in the world, even before she 
 won self-government. 
 
 "It has been objected by some very well meaning 
 people that the publication and explanation of this 
 programme is the avowal of designs that England will 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 113 
 
 take good care to provide against ; but a little reflec- 
 tion will convince any intelligent man, that the first 
 public step taken as a result of its adoption would 
 clearly indicate the ultimate object. It would be as 
 clear as the noon-day sun to English statesmen ; but 
 England has entered on a career in which she cannot 
 stop, and she can no longer treat us as in the past. 
 That vast agglomeration of hostile races and conflict- 
 ing interests scattered over the world, called the Brit- 
 ish Empire, has been held together up to the present 
 by favorable circumstances, which are disappearing 
 da}* b}* day. It is filled with inflammable material 
 within, and beset with powerful and watchful enemies 
 without. It was constructed for commercial purposes 
 alone, is conducted on merely commercial principles, 
 and cannot stand a great strain. It cannot last, and 
 the crash will come as sure as fate. It has passed the 
 summit of its glory and its infamy, and is now on the 
 descent which leads inevitably to ruin. It is our turn 
 now. Our watchwords should be : patience, prudence, 
 courage, and sleepless vigilance. Great events are 
 coming upon us, and on the way we demean ourselves 
 during the next few 3*ears, will depend whether we are 
 to play a considerable part in those events, and build 
 up a nation, or sink in the ruins of one of the broken 
 empires of the world. 
 
 " No one who looks at the present condition of the 
 East, who considers the inevitable effects of the policy 
 inaugurated by the present government of England, and 
 the settled polic}* of Russia — no one who has any 
 knowledge of the immense interests at stake — can 
 seriously think that war on one of the largest scales 
 ever witnessed can much longer be averted. In such a 
 
114 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 war the blood and treasure of Ireland would he poured 
 out like water for the interests of a power which has 
 robbed us of everything, and rooted out and exter- 
 minated our people. Ireland would gain nothing by it. 
 It is time to ask, Shall Ireland have something to say 
 about this expenditure of her vital necessaries, and, if 
 it is inevitable, can she find no better way to apply 
 them ? This is a question which Home-Rulers as well as 
 Nationalists will be called upon to answer some of these 
 daj-s, and now is the time to make up their minds. 
 
 " It was considerations like these which dictated the 
 proposition of the ' New Departure,' and this explana- 
 tion is given so that the Nationalists of Ireland .may 
 not be misled by the misrepresentations and the mis- 
 takes which have appeared in print in reference to it. 
 They have as } T et come to no decision ; and I hope 
 when thej T do, it will be a wise one. The}' must, how- 
 ever, beware of those ' friends ' of theirs who raise the 
 cry of ' Dictation from America/ No one in America 
 wants to dictate to them ; but these gentlemen must 
 pardon me if I respectfully decline the honor of being 
 classed as an ' American.' Respectfull}- yours, 
 
 "JOHN DEVOY." 
 
 Hitberto the demands of the Tenant- Righters 
 were mild and moderate. The Tenant League, 
 in 1852, would have been satisfied with a settle- 
 ment of the Land Question on a basis of fixity of 
 tenure and fair rents. Now, however, the people 
 were set thinking. The Nationalists, in their 
 "New Departure," advanced a bold demand, em- 
 bracing the abolition of landlordism, and the 
 establishment of a peasant proprietary system in 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 115 
 
 its place. Mr. Parnell, himself a landlord, pub- 
 licly expressed his conviction that such was the 
 only possible satisfactory settlement of the Land 
 Question, and Tenants' Defence Associations, Far- 
 mers' Clubs, and other bodies came forward with 
 similar pronouncements. The farming classes of 
 Ireland began to awake into new life ; they saw 
 something tangible and possible offered in the 
 new programme. The opinions expressed" in the 
 "New Departure" movement began to take deep 
 root and develop into a powerful .agitation, which 
 was begun under the able management of Michael 
 Davitt iii May, 1879, in the counties of Mayo, 
 Galway, and Eoscommon. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 How Irish Tenant-Faemees aee gbound down by the 
 Landlobds. — Why the Exteemists should aid the 
 Land Agitation. — The Law of Peimogenituee Ex- 
 plained. — The Ancient Ieish Law of Gavel. — 
 Statistics Relating to Land and Landlobds. 
 
 "Alas! though feudal terror cease, thy children suffer still, 
 And keener weapons than the sword are raised to waste and 
 
 kill; 
 In vain the care-worn peasant's fate appeals to lordly pride; 
 The humble hopes that toil inspired are ruthlessly denied!" 
 
 — Rev. Geo. Hill. 
 
 The fulcrum of Irish liberty is the Land Ques- 
 tion. It is the prop on which must rest the lever 
 
116 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 that is to overturn British dominion in Ireland ! 
 Two-thirds of the population live on the land, 
 and have no other means of existence. Ireland 
 is bereft of manufactures and all other sources 
 that might give employment to those who are 
 driven from cultivation of the farms ; therefore 
 the people must cling to their holdings, though 
 they may be rack-rented and subjected to a thou- 
 sand petty tyrannies by their feudal taskmasters, 
 — the landlords. If they throw up their farms, 
 nothing remains but the emigrant ship, the chance 
 of a laborer's precarious wages in the towns, or 
 possibly, as frequently happens, the poor-house 
 may be their doom ; there is no more land to be 
 hired, unless they happen to have plenty of 
 money, and pay an exorbitant "fine" to a land- 
 lord to get it "over other tenants' heads." 
 
 The projectors of the Land League acted wisely 
 in selecting this vital question as the issue for a 
 new trial of strength with England. It proved a 
 touchstone that at once called into action the en- 
 tire nation, and enlisted the sympathies of the 
 people ; and the dullest can see — if they want to — 
 that it is or can be made a means towards a great 
 end. The condition of the Irish tenant-farmer 
 since the substitution of an English feudal tenure 
 for the Brehon tribal usages has been one of great 
 suffering. They have been ground down to a 
 serfdom that left them no choice but to bear it or 
 starve. The Irish landlord has always exacted 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVLTT. 117 
 
 the last farthing which the land could yield after 
 giving a miserable sustenance to the tiller, whose 
 ssveat brought the acres into fertility. He rarely 
 ever considered or acknowledged that the tenant 
 had rights in the soil, — even when the latter by 
 unceasing and almost superhuman toil cultivated 
 the sterile waste, the mountain slope, or the bog 
 into a garden of productiveness. No ! the tenant 
 had no right, but the right to work and improve 
 the land, so that the rent might be raised, and 
 raised, until human or superhuman labor could 
 wring no more from the soil; then, and only 
 then, was the standard rent fixed by the Irish 
 landlord. Was this ghoul-like absorption of the 
 fruits of the toil of sweat and blood of the farmer 
 the only grievance he had to bear from his task- 
 master, — almost owner? By no means: the 
 landlord was the law ; for whatever there was of 
 it he administered ! He was the magistrate, 
 judge, and jury. He controlled the courts, the 
 prisons, the grand jury, the poor-law boards. 
 He was the watchful sentinel of hated British 
 power in a subject country. "His Honor" was 
 "the master," whom it would be a daring risk to 
 displease or offend. 
 
 The Irish landlord had less consideration for his 
 tenants than a Virginian planter had for his slaves. 
 If the rent was not forthcoming, no matter if the 
 crop failed or not ; if a member of the tenant's 
 family married contrary to the "rules of the 
 
118 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 estate;" if the tenant dared to vote for a member 
 of Parliament eontrary to his landlord's will ; if 
 a tenant killed game on the lands "preserved" for 
 the landlord's pleasure, or if another offered over 
 the tenant's head and paid a "fine," or a larger 
 rent, for the lands ; if, in fact, he acted in any 
 manner contrary to the pleasure of "His Honor," 
 the landlord, — out on the roadside went he and his 
 family, to starve or die ; and, if any other tenant 
 on the property offered shelter to the unfortunates, 
 out he went also. The farmers and their families 
 were reduced to absolute submission to the land- 
 owner's will : if they displeased him, the punish- 
 ment was a terrible one. 
 
 From 1793 to 1829, during the existence of the 
 Forty-shilling Freehold Act, which gave a voting 
 power to tenants of that rating, the landlords 
 granted leases for life of small patches of land to 
 large numbers of the people, in order to create a 
 voting power, — the tenant being expected, of 
 course, to vote at his landlord's beck ; but, after the 
 act was abolished, the votes being lost, they swept 
 the people and their families off the land ; and from 
 that time to the present the " Crowbar Brigade " 
 has been busy at work depopulating the country. 
 Why have we so many millions of our race scat- 
 tered through the United States, Canada, the South 
 American republics, Australia, Africa, in Eng- 
 land even, and over the entire habitable globe? 
 The Irish landlord can best answer the ques- 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 119 
 
 tion. He has been a vulture whose talons clutched 
 the throat of Irish industry, progressiveness, and 
 liberty, strangling every attempt to keep pace 
 with the progress of civilization. It is time to 
 shake off the foul parasite, and give humanity a 
 chance to enjoy the fruits of the soil, which are 
 produced by God's sunshine and man's sweat. 
 The Irish tenant-farmer has been blamed for not 
 being as read}* as those living in the towns to join 
 revolutionary movements. Who can blame him 
 when the facts we have mentioned are borne in 
 mind? The landlord was watching him, and for 
 his family's sake he kept aloof. 
 
 The first real step towards Irish liberty is the 
 destruction of the power that keeps the people 
 bound down, rendering them slaves to a class 
 that really is the British garrison of Ireland. 
 Loose the grip of Irish landlordism, destroy the 
 influence it exercises over the masses, give free- 
 dom of action to the farming serf, and Britain 
 will the sooner lose her hold on the entire nation. 
 
 The promoters of the Land League played for a 
 great stake, and they have won it. They showed 
 the tenants how to right their own wrongs, with- 
 out begging for legislation from a British Parlia- 
 ment, and, ere the crusade begun by Michael Dav- 
 itt on the Mayo Hills had had time fully to develop, 
 the British Ministry has been compelled to step in 
 and offer terms of settlement to the tenant farm- 
 ers. The tillers of the soil were thoroughly 
 
120 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 aroused : when once shown the way towards 
 emancipation, they sprang into life and action, 
 and they were never so near independence as they 
 are to-day. The words of Thomas Davis in his 
 admirable essay on Irish history, though written 
 thirty-five years ago, are applicable to Ireland's 
 position to-day. He says : — 
 
 " She is still a serf-nation ; but she is struggling 
 wisely and patiently, and is ready to struggle with all 
 the energy her advisers think politic, for liberty. She 
 has ceased to wail : she is beginning to make up a 
 record of English crime and Irish suffering, in order 
 to explain the past, to justify the present, and caution 
 the future. She begins to stud}* the past, — not to 
 acquire a beggar's eloquence in petition, but a hero's 
 wrath in strife. She no longer tears and parades lier 
 wounds, to win her smiter's mere}* ; and now she 
 should look upon her breast and say, ' That wound 
 makes me distrust, and this makes me guard, and they 
 all will make me steadier to resist, or, if all else fails, 
 fiercer to avenge.' Thus will Ireland do naturally and 
 honorabfy. Our spirit has increased, — cur liberty is 
 not far off." 
 
 Charles Gavan Duffy, in his recent admirable 
 book " Young Ireland," which should be read by 
 every man and woman of Irish blood, says of the 
 Irish landlord : — 
 
 " The condition of the two classes who live by agri- 
 culture furnished a singular contrast. The great pro- 
 prietors were two or three hundred, — the heirs of the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 121 
 
 undertakers, for the most part, and absentees ; the 
 mass of the country was owned by a couple of 
 thousand others, who lived in splendor, and even 
 profusion ; and for these the peasant ploughed, sowed, 
 tended, and reaped a harvest which he never shared. 
 Rent in other countries means the surplus after the 
 farmer has been liberally paid for his skill and labor ; 
 in Ireland it meant the whole produce of the soil ex- 
 cept a potato-pit. If the farmer strove for more, his 
 master knew how to bring him to speedy submission. 
 He could carry away his implements of trade by the 
 law of distress, or rob him of his sole pursuit in life by 
 the law of eviction. He could, and habitually did, 
 seize the stools and pots in his miserable cabin, the 
 blanket that sheltered his children, the cow that gave 
 them nourishment. . . . There was nowhere in 
 Europe a propertied class who did so little for the 
 people and took so much from them. The productive 
 power of an estate was often doubled and quadrupled 
 by the industry of the farmers ; and its rental rose 
 accordingly. . . . Rents impossible to be paid were 
 kept on the books of an estate, and arrears duly re- 
 corded to hold the tenant in perpetual subjection. For, 
 in addition to his labor, the landlord required his vote, 
 and various menial services. . . . The food of the 
 peasant was potatoes, with a little milk or salt ; flesh- 
 meat he rarely tasted, except when he went as a harvest 
 laborer to England ' to earn the rent.' " 
 
 Since the great Emancipation and Repeal agita- 
 tions carried on under the leadership of O'Connell, 
 the tenant-farmers as a class had taken no active 
 part in national affairs ; the memories of the 
 
122 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 wholesale evictions, famine horrors, and scatter- 
 ing of millions of their race all over the world, 
 seemed to produce a torpor from which it was 
 hard to awake them into national life. Fifty 
 years ago, when Ireland emerged from the dark 
 shadow of the penal laws, four millions of the 
 people could neither read nor write, and a million 
 and a half more who could read a little could not 
 write. England, by her atrociously vindictive and 
 inhuman laws, succeeded in legislating the people 
 into ignorance and wretchedness, the like of which 
 never was known in any civilized country ; but 
 she did not and she never ivill succeed in breaking 
 the spirit or pride of the race, or in destroying 
 their determination to struggle perpetually until 
 their complete national independence is won. 
 They have never yet cried peccavi, or relinquished 
 the fight for freedom. If beaten to-day, they will 
 try again to-morrow, always remembering that 
 
 '- Freedom's battle once begun. 
 Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, 
 Though baffled oft is ever won." 
 
 After the Emancipation Act was passed, the 
 schools were again opened ; and since then the 
 youth of Ireland have had some chance of opening 
 and enlightening their minds, through that half- 
 fledged svstem miscalled "national education." 
 The Irish farmers to-day are intelligent, and 
 quick to see, when pointed out to them, the best 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 123 
 
 means for advancing their own condition, and that 
 of the whole country. It was time, therefore, for 
 Davitt and those who began the land agitation with 
 him, to move. They did move, and soon swept 
 aside those who in the beginning opposed the 
 "New Departure." Yet there are many good and 
 sincere Irishmen who, in their detestation of all 
 parliamentary agitation, refuse to participate in or 
 countenance the Land League movement. Well, 
 we cannot all be of the same mind ; we should 
 respect the opinions of others, when honest, as 
 well as our own. Certainly, with the history 
 before them of the failures of so many Constitu- 
 tional attempts to redress Irish wrongs, and, con- 
 sidering that out of the six hundred and fifty 
 members which compose the House of Commons 
 Ireland has a representation of only one hundred 
 and five members, who can be, and always have 
 been, outvoted on questions relating to Ireland, 
 it is only surprising that the number of prominent 
 Irishmen who refuse aid to the present land move- 
 ment is so inconsiderable. There is that, how- 
 ever, in the issue raised by the National Land 
 League which appears potent enough to call for 
 the support of all shades of Irish political opin- 
 ion : and it is, that the question can be forced to a 
 proper settlement outside the legislature, if the 
 farmers are true to themselves and to the doctrine 
 preached to them by the leaders of the movement ; 
 and, further, the farming classes are being reached 
 
124 LIFE OF MICHAEL DA \ ITT. 
 
 and politically educated in a manner that could 
 not be otherwise accomplished than through an 
 open agitation ; so that, however the Land Question 
 may result, an immense amount of good will have 
 been done in the destruction of the baleful power 
 hitherto exercised by the landlord oligarchy, and 
 in preparing the great mass of the people foi- 
 st erne r work. 
 
 Why should Irish Revolutionists — not prepared 
 themselves to strike, and with their opportunity 
 possibly afar off — be satisfied to stand idly by 
 and witness famines decimating the countrv ; the 
 people leaving the shores in tens of thousands, 
 perhaps never to return ; in the year 1880 alone, 
 the official returns say that nearly one hundred 
 thousand persons emigrated, — while those who 
 remain are cowed and bowed down under a weight 
 of misery almost unendurable. Better agitate, or 
 do anything that will keep the people at home, 
 improve their condition, and infuse a healthy 
 national spirit into them, than look idly on, wait- 
 ing for the hour of "England's Difficulty," while 
 the life-blood of the nation is flowing away. This 
 is practical patriotism of the right sort ; the Rev- 
 olutionary party saw and adopted it. 
 
 That the time has come for the settlement of 
 the Irish land problem, we cannot doubt. TTe 
 have the expression of some of the greatest think- 
 ing minds of the age, including political econo- 
 mists and British statesmen, in favor of justice 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 125 
 
 being extended to the tiller of the soil — particu- 
 larly in Ireland — in a fair and equitable manner. 
 John Stuart Mill, in his "Political Economy," says : 
 "The surplus is what the farmer can afford to pay 
 as rent to the landlord ; the rent, therefore, which 
 any land will yield is the excess of the produce. 
 This ... is one of the cardinal doctrines of 
 1 political economy.'" And the following para- 
 graph in favor of a peasant proprietary occurs in 
 p. 201 of the same work : — 
 
 "The land of Ireland — the land of airy country — 
 belongs to the people of that country. The individuals 
 called land-owners have no right, in moralitj- and 
 justice, to anything but the rent or compensation for 
 its salable value. When the inhabitants of a country 
 quit the country en masse, because its government will 
 not make it a place fit for them to live in, the govern- 
 ment is judged and condemned. It is the duty of 
 Parliament to reform the land tenure in Ireland. There 
 is no necessity for depriving the landlords of one far- 
 thing of the pecuniary value of their legal rights ; but 
 justice requires that the actual cultivators should be 
 enabled to become in Ireland, what they will become in 
 America, proprietors of the soil which they cultivate." 
 
 He further says : — 
 
 " What has been epigrammaticalry said in the dis- 
 cussion on ' peculiar burdens' is literally true when 
 applied to them : that the greatest ' burden on land ' is 
 the landlords. Returning nothing to the soil, they 
 consume its whole produce, minus the potatoes, strictly 
 
12 G LIFE OF MICHAEL DAY ITT. 
 
 necessary to keep the inhabitants from dying of fam- 
 ine ; and, when they have any purpose of improvment, 
 the preparatory step usually consists in not leaving 
 even this pittance, but turning out the people to beg- 
 gary, if not to starvation. When landed properly has 
 placed itself on this footing, it ceases to be defensible ; 
 and the time has come for making some new arrange- 
 ment of the matter. When the ' sacredness of prop- 
 erty ' is talked of, it should always be remembered that 
 any such sacredness does not belong in the same degree 
 to landed property. No man made the land. It is 
 the original inheritance of the whole species. Its ap- 
 propriation is a question of general expediency. When 
 private property in land is not expedient, it is unjust." 
 
 England's greatest statesmen have from time 
 to time condemned the Irish land system, and 
 scholars and writers have a million times cried 
 shame ! on the country that alone, of all the Euro- 
 pean kingdoms, continues to enforce and perpet- 
 uate a barbarous feudal land code, in the interest 
 of a small minority that grind and rob the millions 
 of their God-given rights. Let us see what this 
 "insolent prerogative" of primogeniture — as the 
 historian Gibbon calls it — means, and contrast it 
 with the law of gavel, wdiich was the original law in 
 vogue amongst the Irish before they fell under the 
 blasting influence of British rule. Prior to the 
 English invasion, the Irish people knew nothing 
 of absolute ownership in land. The lands be- 
 longed to the clans : the chief merely held as 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 127 
 
 trustee, or manager, for the sept; and, if by any 
 act of his he became dispossessed, the rights of the 
 people were in no waj' affected. The law of gavel, 
 which emanated from the tribunal of Tara — an 
 assembly of the rulers and learned men of the 
 tribes throughout Ireland, which met triennially 
 in the Parliament of Tara — obliged a rich parent 
 at his death to divide his property, share and 
 share alike, amongst his children. This system 
 was the wisest and best that could be devised ; 
 for, as the population increased, each person had 
 an equal share provided for him, which placed him 
 above dependence on others. The subdivision of 
 property among the masses was a security to the 
 entire people. On the other hand, the tendency 
 of the celebrated baron law of primogeniture — 
 one of the curses that followed the English inva- 
 sion into Ireland — is to make beggars and 
 paupers of the masses of the people. This law 
 was instituted in England in the eleventh century 
 by William the Conquerer, and subsequently be- 
 came the governing law of the landed property in 
 Ireland acquired by the invaders through confis- 
 cation and plunder of the natives. The law of 
 primogeniture prohibits the owners of estates 
 from selling any portion of them, dividing them 
 amongst children, or in any way disposing of them, 
 except by the aristocracy-sustaining regulation 
 which it prescribes, of compelling the parent at his 
 death to bequeath the whole to his eldest son, to the 
 
128 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 exclusion of his other children. The canon of the 
 common law touching descents which pertains to 
 this subject is, that if a man dies seized of real 
 estate of which he had the absolute ownership, 
 without having made any disposition of it by his 
 last will, the whole descends to his heir at law ; 
 and this heir at law is that one of his representa- 
 tives who is the eldest male among those who are 
 in the same degree of kindred. The tendency of 
 primogeniture, therefore, is to keep the land in 
 the possession of a few, who are powerless to dis- 
 pose of it except as stipulated. They hold the 
 estates for life, and, as too frequently happens, 
 if the inheritor under this system becomes em- 
 barrassed through extravagance, dissipation, gam- 
 bling, or any of the hundred landlord vices, not 
 being able to sell any portion of the estate to 
 satisfy his creditors, he screws the last farthing of 
 rack-rent out of his unfortunate tenants. He will 
 make his life-interest as protitable as he possibly 
 can, — no matter who suffers. 
 
 As most of the great Irish estates are inherited 
 under the law of primogeniture and entail, it will 
 be readily seen what misery is produced by that 
 system, when the owners are unscrupulous and 
 unsympathetic with the masses of the people. 
 
 The entire of Ireland under land and water 
 
 contains a total in acres of .... 20,819.947 
 Of this there is under water .... 627, 7G1 
 
 Giving a total acreage in land of . . . 20,192,186 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 129 
 
 This acreage is distributed as follows : — 
 
 Under towns, waste, bog", mountain, etc., . 4,153,854 
 
 Under plantation 324,990 
 
 Under tillage . 5,642,057 
 
 Under pasture 10,071,285 
 
 
 
 
 
 20,192,186 
 
 Now 
 
 let us 
 
 see bow 
 
 tbe land of Ireland is 
 
 divided 
 
 among 
 
 tbe people 
 
 : — 
 
 
 Proprietors. 
 
 Acres 
 
 
 Acres. 
 
 110 
 
 holding 
 
 20,000 and 
 
 L over, own 4,151,142 
 
 192 
 
 a 
 
 20,000 to 
 
 10,000 < 
 
 1 2,607,719 
 
 440 
 
 ti 
 
 10,000 " 
 
 5,000 ' 
 
 1 3,071,471 
 
 1,246 
 
 a 
 
 5,000 " 
 
 2,000 « 
 
 1 3,872,611 
 
 1,773 
 
 u 
 
 2,000 " 
 
 1,000 < 
 
 « 2,474,756 
 
 2,633 
 
 it 
 
 1,000 " 
 
 500 < 
 
 i 1,871,171 
 
 2,271 
 
 u 
 
 500 " 
 
 300 < 
 
 c 884,493 
 
 1,916 
 
 a 
 
 300 " 
 
 200 * 
 
 ' 471,646 
 
 2,788 
 
 ti 
 
 200 " 
 
 100 « 
 
 < 408,699 
 
 2,082 
 
 tt 
 
 100 " 
 
 50 < 
 
 1 152,004 
 
 1,460 
 
 a 
 
 50 " 
 
 25 < 
 
 < 52,804 
 
 2,377 
 
 a 
 
 under 
 
 25 < 
 
 1 29,056 
 
 19,288 20,047,572 
 
 The total government yearly valuation of this 
 acreage for taxation purposes is £10,182,681. 
 Tbese 19,288 landed proprietors are classed as 
 follows in the official returns : — 
 
 Acres Represented. 
 
 Proprietors resident in Ireland 10,431 ; 14,095,813 
 
 Absentee proprietors . . 2,973 5,129,169 
 Public Companies in England, and 
 
 Proprietary Institutions . . 161 584,327 
 Proprietors of under 100 acres, 
 
 not classed .... 5.982 236,873 
 
 19,547 
 
130 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 The Census of 1871, which was the last taken — 
 that of 1881 not being yel published — gives the to- 
 tal population of Ireland at that time as 5,412,377. 
 
 The estimated population for 1879 is 5,299,209 ; a 
 steady decrease shows itself in the returns each 
 year. 
 
 It will be observed from the foregoing figures, 
 that although Ireland is almost exclusively an 
 agricultural country, in which about two-thirds of 
 the population depend on the land for a living, 
 yet only a little over one-fourth of the land is 
 under tillage. The reason for this is the tendency 
 of late by the landlords to create large grazing 
 farms, and their prohibition in leases and agree- 
 ments against tenants "breaking the land" for 
 agricultural purposes. In carrying out the pro- 
 gramme of the amalgamation of small farms into 
 lar^e stock-raising pastures, the landlords have 
 swept away in a wholesale manner tens of thou- 
 sands of families from the land, and depopulated 
 ■whole villages, t such an extent that in many 
 parts of the country it is difficult to get sufficient 
 help in the spring and autumn to work the portion 
 of the land which is under cultivation. The 
 object clearly was to get rid of the people, and 
 supply their places with cattle ; it being easier to 
 collect the rents from a few large stock-raisers 
 than from numerous tenants with large families de- 
 pending for support on the wretched pittance left 
 after paying rack-rent and taxes, The extreme 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 131 
 
 poverty and dependence of the masses can be 
 seen at a glance, through the figures giving the 
 number of landed monopolists : 110 persons own 
 one-fifth of the whole country, or over four mil- 
 lions of acres ; 192 persons own over two and a 
 half millions of acres ; 440 own over three millions 
 of acres ; 1,246 own nearly four millions of acres. 
 The total of these few figures shows that nearly 
 fourteen millions of acres are owned absolutely 
 by 1,878 individuals, while nearly four and a half 
 millions more are owned by 4,406 persons; this 
 gives an ownership of over eighteen millions of 
 acres to 6,284 landed proprietors. Of these large 
 land-owners 2,973 are absentees who hold over 
 one-fourth of the entire Island, or five million 
 one hundred and twenty-nine thousand one hun- 
 dred and sixty-seven acres, and who rarely — if 
 ever — visit their properties. For the millions of 
 pounds in rack-rents which they screw from the 
 farmers, not one cent ever goes back to be ex- 
 pended in Ireland. - % 
 
 From our analysis of these official figures it can 
 be seen that any hope of progress or prosperity 
 in Ireland depends entirely on the destruction of 
 the law of primogeniture and entail ; the taking 
 of the lands from the few aristocrats that hold 
 them by law, who have been a curse and a blight 
 for centuries on one of the fairest and most pro- 
 ductive countries on the globe ; and the creation 
 of a peasant proprietary. "No man made the 
 
132 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 land." It was made by God for the people, and 
 the people should own the soil they till and 
 enrich by their sweat and labor. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Davitt's EETUEiSr to Ikelaxd.— The Agitation begun in 
 Mayo. — Death of Isaac Butt. — Pronouncements by 
 the Catholic Clergy. — Famine Clouds appear on 
 the Horizon. — Archbishop MacHale condemns the 
 Leaders or the Agitation. — Michael Davitt's 
 Reply. 
 
 " The West's asleep, the West's asleep; 
 Alas! and well may Erin weep 
 That Connaught lies in slumber deep. 
 But hark ! some voice like thunder spake : 
 'The West 1 8 aivake ! the WesVs awake ! ' " 
 
 — Thomas Davis. 
 
 Michael Davitt returned to Ireland from the 
 United States in the latter part of December, 
 1879, and, ere many months had elapsed, the 
 Land League and anti-rent banner was flung to 
 the breeze in Mayo. He spent the first few 
 months after his arrival in arranging his plans*, 
 and organizing for the great meetings which imme- 
 diately followed. On Sunday, April 20, the first 
 monster meeting of the tenant-farmers of Mayo, 
 Galway, and Koscommon, was held on a plain 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 133 
 
 within a few miles of Claremorris. It numbered 
 from 15,000 to 20,000 people, and was considered 
 the greatest ever held in the province of Con- 
 naught. Five hundred horsemen wearing green 
 emblems were present. Mr. James Daly, P.L.Gr., 
 presided. The land and rent question was ably 
 discussed by J. O'Connor Power, M.P., John 
 Ferguson, of Glasgow, J. J. Louden, of Westport, 
 and other speakers of ability. The grievances 
 under which the tenant-farmers labored were 
 represented, and resolutions pledging those pres- 
 ent to the cause of land-law reform were adopted. 
 At this time the distress caused by three years of 
 bad harvests was beginning to make itself felt 
 among the small farmers, and the land-owning 
 cormorants were beginning to swoop down on their 
 prey. At the quarter sessions held in Swineford 
 in April, '79, fifty-four ejectment decrees were 
 granted for non-payment of rent, only one year's 
 rent in each case being due. 
 
 The Dublin Freeman's Journal, in the beafinninsr 
 of May, alluding to the distress then manifesting 
 itself throughout the country, said: " Scarcely a 
 day passes which does not .bring new proof of the 
 magnitude of the distress which has overtaken 
 the agricultural classes throughout the country. 
 At all the recent meetings of the Farmers' Clubs 
 this was the most absorbing topic of conversation, 
 and numerous private letters confirm the melan- 
 choly tale. At no period since the famine years 
 
134 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 has anything like the present collapse been felt. 
 The distress is not confined to a district or a 
 county : it is general and searching. It has al- 
 ready plunged countless families into difficulties 
 little short of ruin, — difficulties which, in many 
 cases, it will cost many years of prosperity to re- 
 cover. We have it on the most indisputable 
 authority that the farming classes throughout the 
 country have had in numberless cases to plunge 
 heavily into debt to keep themselves afloat, the 
 rent in many cases having been met by the ruin- 
 ous means of bills and loans." 
 
 The agitation, therefore, began just in time to 
 counteract the terrible effects of the famine, which 
 became general throughout the West the following 
 autumn and winter ; and also to interpose be- 
 tween the landlords and their intended victims. 
 How well each was done we know to-day. 
 
 An event of much importance, although not of 
 any considerable bearing on the future of the new 
 land movement, as the people had already decided 
 in its favor, occurred on May 5th. On that day 
 Isaac Butt, the leader of the Home-Rule party, 
 died in Dublin. Mr, Butt — according to his 
 lights — did noble work for his country, and his 
 memory will ever be revered, as it deserves to be, 
 by his fellow-countrymen. From being a stanch 
 supporter of Protestantism and British ascend- 
 ancy, and a vehement champion of ultra-Orange- 
 ism and Kentish fire, he became an earnest pleader 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 135 
 
 of the people's rights, and an exposer of the 
 grievances of his down-trodden country. He 
 subsequently was chosen leader of the popular 
 cause in Parliament, to which he honestly devoted 
 his great talents. Butt's conversion from rabid 
 pro-Britonism was sudden and singular. It came 
 to pass in this wise : At one time when " travel- 
 ling from Cork to Dublin, he met, at the Limerick 
 Junction, a large band of emigrants, and witness- 
 ing, until he was touched to tears, the agony with 
 which their hearts was thrilled at leaving the 
 land they loved so fondly, the thought came to 
 him that there must be something fatally wrong 
 in that Government which would thus compel a 
 people to leave a country rich in resources, lying 
 undeveloped and waste. Out of this thought 
 grew another, until he was covered with them as 
 with so many green boughs, under which sprang 
 up the national faith, and he took up the cause of 
 "Home Rule" and proclaimed it. With what 
 excellent judgment he directed that cause, and 
 with what zeal and sacrifice, and with, considering 
 the circumstances, what success he toiled and 
 worked and spoke for it, history will record." 
 
 As the movement in Mayo progressed — meet- 
 ings being held each Sunday in the various 
 parishes — the Catholic clergy were not long in 
 coming to the aid of the people, as the following 
 declarations will show. In May, at the monthly 
 conference of the clergy of the Deanery of Tra- 
 
136 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 lee, County Kerry, the following resolution was 
 adopted : — 
 
 " We, the Catholic clergy of the Tralee Deanery, in 
 this living season of agricultural distress, deem it our 
 duty before we separate to record our solemn and delib- 
 erate opinion, that the present year is the most disas- 
 trous the tenant-farmers of Kerry have seen since the 
 calamitous famine years of 1847 and 1848. The prevail- 
 ing distress we believe to be owing principally to the fol- 
 lowing causes : In the first place, to the excessive rents 
 for the last twenty years. There has been very gener- 
 ally a stead}- increase of rents, that were already high 
 enough, until the}' have been advanced to 50 or 100 
 per cent. ; in some cases, even much over the poor-law 
 valuation. These exorbitant rents the tenants have 
 struggled to pay as long as prices kept up and harvests 
 proved favorable. But now that the prices of all kinds 
 of agricultural produce have fallen 20 per cent, they 
 find it utterly impossible to meet the extravagant rents 
 they were heretofore obliged to pay, — rents which we 
 believe to be higher than in any other part of Ireland. 
 
 " Again, we have had several bad harvests. The 
 last harvest, particularly. was one of the worst we have 
 had for a long time. The potato crop all but failed, 
 and what remained was not fit for human food ; while 
 oats was the worst crop farmers had for years, being as 
 much, or more, chaff than grain. When we add to this 
 that the wages of farm servants and laborers and the 
 expense of their support have trebled for the last few 
 years, we can form a fair idea of the difficulties with 
 which agriculturists have to contend, while the extraor- 
 dinary severity of the last winter and spring, and 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 137 
 
 which is felt even in this first week of June, has re- 
 duced farming stock to a very low condition, and 
 leaves very little hope of the coming season proving a 
 prosperous one. But it may be said that the present 
 depression is only temporary, and that a good harvest 
 or two will restore matters to their former equilibrium. 
 We fear not ; because we apprehend that some, at least, 
 of the causes are of a permanent character. We may 
 hope, through God's mercy, for favorable seasons and 
 good harvests ; but we cannot hope that the competi- 
 tion of foreign producers on the Continents of both 
 Europe and America will cease or become less active. 
 On the contrary, we regard that competition as only in 
 its commencement. The English markets are as near 
 to French, Belgian, or Dutch products as to us, or 
 nearer ; while steam navigation has brought the vast 
 Continent of America, with its free lands and light 
 taxation, within eight da3 r s' sail of our shores. We, 
 therefore, ask how it will be possible for our tenant- 
 farmers, overburdened as the\' are with excessive rents, 
 heavy taxation, and high-farm wages, to compete suc- 
 cessfully with their more-favored foreign competitors? 
 Plain common sense will tell us that the thing is im- 
 possible, and, therefore, we may not expect to see 
 again the high prices that have been obtained for the 
 last few years. Now, if this state of things continue, 
 the tenant-farmers of Ireland must of necessit} T go to 
 the wall. Bankruptcy and ruin will speedily overtake 
 them, and the country will be reduced to as bad a con- 
 dition of things as that of the famine times. The land- 
 lords have the salvation of the country in their hands. 
 While times were prosperous, the tenants punctually 
 and satisfactorily paid their rents ; and now that the 
 
138 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 times are adverse, we, the clergy of the people, most 
 respectfully and earnestly implore the landlords to 
 come to the relief of their suffering tenantry, and 
 make such just and reasonable reductions in the rents 
 as will enable the people to hold their- ground, notwith- 
 standing bad harvests, heavy taxation, high wages, 
 and foreign competition." 
 
 This was followed by like declarations from 
 the Deaneries of Killaloe, Dungarvan, Cahirci- 
 veen, Achonry, and Ossory, and later from many 
 others. 
 
 During the early stages of the agitation, the Brit- 
 ish Parliament, as was usual with them, refused to 
 pay any attention to the appeals for justice of the 
 Irish members. So glaring was this, that, on the 
 night of June 2Q, 1879, John Bright caused quite 
 a scene in the House of Commons by a speech in 
 which he defended the conduct of the Irish mem- 
 bers in obstructing the business of the House in 
 order to compel attention to their demands. The 
 Irish members in Parliament, he said, formed 
 only an insignificant numerical minority in the 
 House, and there w 7 ere only two methods possible 
 for them to obtain what the majority w T as disposed 
 to refuse. One of these methods was to sell 
 themselves to one of the two English parties, and 
 thus give to the purchaser the balance of powder. 
 The other w T as to exercise their parliamentary 
 rights, and by the obstruction of business under 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 139 
 
 the forms of the House to compel the majority to 
 make concessions to them. 
 
 That the land movement, now well under 
 way, never for a moment lost sight of the main 
 question of Irish liberty, will he seen from the 
 following: On Sunday, June 15th, a great land 
 demonstration took place at Milltown, County 
 Galway, at which 14,000 people were present. 
 The first resolution, which was proposed by Mr. 
 Thomas Brennan, was : — 
 
 "That, as the people of Ireland have never ceased 
 to demand their right of self-government, we hereby 
 reiterate our resolution to labor for the same until our 
 country has secured its attainment." 
 
 In speaking to the resolution, Mr. Brennan 
 said : — 
 
 "The speech of the day — the most eloquent and 
 significant speech — was not anything that would be 
 said from that platform \ but it was the tramp of the 
 might}' multitude of earnest and determined men 
 whom they saw marching there that da}'. When he 
 saw that magnificent meeting, and saw their bold 
 brows and hopeful faces, he thanked God that they 
 were no longer slumbering slaves. Their presence 
 there, notwithstanding landlords' frowns and agents' 
 threats, proved that they knew their rights, and were 
 determined to insist upon them. They met that day 
 to declare the rights of their country to national inde- 
 pendence, and he believed that it was only in an Irish 
 
140 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Senate their right to the ownership in the land would 
 be recognized." 
 
 The farmer's clubs throughout the country also 
 fell into line, and by resolutions supported the 
 movement, until they were finally absorbed in the 
 local branches of the Land League. The farmers 
 of the West were now fairly roused to a sense of 
 their condition ; and their determination to resist 
 rack-rents and eviction was decided. At a meet- 
 ing of tenant-farmers held at Carnacon, Mayo, 
 June 29th" to consider their condition, and take 
 action against threatened evictions at Clougher- 
 linch, the meeting adopted these resolutions : — 
 
 "We, the tenant farmers of the Clougherlinch 
 estates, respectfully request that his Excellency the 
 Duke of Marlborough, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 and his Secretaiy, Mr. James Lowther, do appoint a 
 commission, who will visit and investigate our deplor- 
 able condition, now ejected for non-payment of rent by 
 far in excess of the actual value of our holdings. We 
 are determined to pay fair rent in proportion to the 
 present decreased value of agricultural produce ; but 
 will hold out, constitutionally and legally, against the 
 exaction of the rack-rents that have already reduced 
 us to actual starvation, thereby leaving us unfit to 
 emigrate, and onty fit subjects for the workhouse, after 
 the threatened evictions, which we are determined to 
 resist at the sacrifice of our lives. 
 
 "That we, the tenant farmers of the parishes of 
 Carnacon, Ballintubber, and surrounding parishes, 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 141 
 
 assembled, do indorse the resolutions in favor of fair 
 rents passed at the Irishtown, Westport, Milltown, 
 Crossbo3*ne, and Mayo Abbey meetings. We are 
 furthermore resolved to keep up this agitation, despite 
 of any opposition by Church or State, until the ten- 
 antry of this island are rooted in the soil by fair and 
 constitutional laws, which will protect them from ca- 
 pricious eviction or from rack-rents." 
 
 The language used in these resolutions is mod- 
 erate, yet at the same time bold and determined. 
 Six months previously they would not have dared 
 to use it. The land movement was only a few 
 months begun, and this was the sort of fruit it 
 was already bearing. The dark clouds of famine 
 were besrinninsj to be seen on the horizon in the 
 summer of 1879. The condition of the farming 
 districts was fast becoming alarming. A corre- 
 spondent of a leading American newspaper, who 
 had been through the country, raised the follow- 
 ing note of alarm in a communication from Ire- 
 laud to his paper, written in July. He said : — 
 
 " Those who can recall the fearful scenes of misery 
 and destitution which prevailed in this country during 
 the 3'ears 1847-48, rendered remarkable b}^ the failure 
 of the potato crop, are not unlikely to witness a period 
 almost as trying. A succession of bad seasons, ex- 
 travagant rents, which are not only demanded, but 
 wrenched from the unfortunate tenantry at the point 
 of the baj'onct, and lowering prices on account of the 
 vast increase in the importation of all edible com- 
 
142 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 modities, have reduced the condition of the farming 
 classes to a state bordering on bankruptcy, while the 
 depression felt by the agricultural community has 
 spread and continues to expand over all grades among 
 the industrial classes. 
 
 "Dark clouds, indeed, hover over the land ; and in 
 many places the}- have descended, bringing starvation 
 and positive ruin wherever the}' have fallen. Factories 
 are closing in toto, the banks refuse to advance money 
 except when unexceptionable security is forthcoming, 
 and, although some landlords are returning from ten to 
 twenty-five per cent, of the rents, the vast majority 
 must have their < pound of flesh ; ' and thus there is 
 every prospect of the country drifting into a state 
 worse than what decimated it in the famine years 
 already alluded to. Misery in its chrysalis condition 
 only has as } T et made its hideous appearance in Ulster 
 and Leinster ; but the western portion of Minister, and 
 the entire province of Con naught, have already bowed 
 down under the awful visitation. 
 
 "From inquiries which I have personally instituted 
 in Mayo and Sligo, I can assert that in these counties 
 the farming classes are on the threshold of the work- 
 house. Unprofitable seasons have, as I have said, led 
 to this ; but there is a contributaiy cause, and this is 
 the system of credit which traders allowed, and which 
 made the population anything but thrifty ; and now, 
 that dark days have arrived, their energies are para- 
 lyzed and efforts in any direction appear unavailing. 
 That districts not as yet included in the scope on which 
 desolation has come, must, in a short time, feel the ter- 
 rible depression, is certain, unless Providence interposes. 
 Within twelve months Leinster farmers have had their 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 143 
 
 rents increased by more than twent} r per cent., and with 
 full}" thirty per cent, of a decrease in the value of all 
 produce their position can be easil} T understood. Ire- 
 land's oldest duke, the head of the Geralclines, has led 
 the way ; and, just as the prospect of bad times had 
 become assured, his representatives set to work to 
 increase his rent-roll, the process being, in many cases, 
 repeated in the short space of a dozen } T ears. Agree- 
 ments, commonly called leases, were issued, only to 
 make the heel of oppression the more keenly felt, as 
 clauses, rendered legal by an abortive Land Act, were 
 introduced to cripple the tenantiy, and oust them from 
 an}* claims which the most stupid enactment in the 
 British statute-book contains. Rents are still forth- 
 coming on some places ; but in the counties which I 
 have named above, Sligo and Ma}-o, the landlords 
 have, in many instances, not a penny to receive. Their 
 own cruel misrule has turned on themselves, and, by 
 impoverishing those by whom they had to live, they at 
 last feel the biting of want. 
 
 " Not a week ago an agent informed me that on the 
 day he appointed for collection of rents he had not re- 
 ceived a cent, nor does he see any prospect of pa}\. 
 ment. Monster meetings occur weekly, at which the 
 people declare that they are willing and would have no 
 difficulty to pay fair terms for their holdings. Of 
 course, the landocracy hold aloof; but how long they 
 can afford to do so remains to be seen. In the course 
 of one 3'ear eight hundred ejectments have been served 
 in Mayo alone ; so that, taking the small average of 
 six to each family, we would have 4,800 persons in this 
 county, alone, houseless, — cast on the wide world, with 
 no other shelter in their own land save that afforded 
 
144 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 by the unions. On Sunday, the 20th of June, I at- 
 tended a public meeting at Castlebar, which was pro- 
 moted for the purpose of calling attention to the 
 threatened evictions on the estate of Miss Crean 
 Lynch ; and on that occasion, a Mr. Dal}', in speaking 
 of the state of the district, said he challenged any 
 commissioner from Dublin Castle, or elsewhere, to find 
 within the walls of many of the people who are to be 
 evicted * a second animal,' barring a cat, and in some 
 cases he was aware that there was not sufficient food 
 for the rat-watcher without pinching the suppby of 
 some member of the family. 
 
 "But it is useless to pursue this strain. It is patent 
 to every one that the owners of property must either 
 reduce their rents or take the land on their own hands. 
 They are not likely to adopt the latter course, and may 
 err in postponing the former until it becomes too late. 
 The importation of cattle and sheep weighs heavily on 
 prices of beef and mutton ; but at the same time, if it 
 were not for the supplies from America and Spain, 
 meat would be a luxury only within the reach of the 
 mone3'ed classes." 
 
 In addition to the foregoing communication, the 
 following spirited address, signed by the priests 
 and people of Connemara, and issued at Clifden, 
 County Galway, July 2, will give an insight into 
 the state of public feeling then existing : — 
 
 " No place has felt more than Clifden the neglect of 
 successive governments, and in general the rigorous 
 treatment by the landlords, of the poor, industrious 
 tenants. We are bound to explain to the public how it 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVTTT. 145 
 
 has happened that a monster meeting of the entire 
 population of Connemara has been deferred to another 
 day. The accident of the parade of military suggested 
 the prudence of contenting ourselves at present with* a 
 smaller medium of proclaiming to the world and to the 
 empire at large the wrongs and the wants of as pious, 
 as patriotic, and as peaceable a population as can be 
 found anywhere. A public meeting was fixed for this 
 day, and the streams of people entering by all the ap- 
 proaches to town gave abundant evidence that the 
 meeting would be a monster one ; but the Government 
 poured into our neighborhood and the town a posse of 
 police, who, it appears, were sent to fight a foe that 
 proved imaginary. 
 
 " We, the clergy and the people of Connemara, pro- 
 claim to the world, that, as long as landlord injustice 
 and ill-treatment from one class and utter neglect by 
 the governing classes shall continue, there will not 
 and ought not to be any chance of popular content- 
 ment nor of permanent peace. To heighten the bitter 
 results arising from the manifold sources of misery 
 here in Connemara, a new phase of anti-Catholic and 
 anti-Irish ascendancy is evidenced in the unquestion- 
 able partiality of what are called the upper classes and 
 their leaning to as vile and as detestable a system as 
 curses any district under the sun. We allude to the 
 troops of proselytizing vagabonds, who forfeit by their 
 blasphemies and misconduct anything like good neigh- 
 borhood from the inhabitants of any district cursed 
 by their presence. We do hereby in conclusion, and 
 without the parade of braggadocio, proclaim to all 
 whom it ma}' concern, we shall continue to agitate until 
 the order of death by starvation and the slow process 
 
146 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 of hunger shall have vanished, and until death by 
 eviction and extermination .shall be drawn from within 
 the right which landlords enjoy ; that is, of perpetu- 
 ating the hideous crime of murder by rack-rent and 
 extermination. 
 
 44 The Rev. Dean McManus, P. P., V. G., Clifden ; 
 the Rev. B. McAndrew, P. P., Ballinakill ; the Rev. 
 Joseph J. R. Moloney, P. P., Roundstone ; the Rev. 
 Patrick Grealy, P. P., Carna ; the Rev. Michael 
 O'Connell, C. C, Ballinakill; the Rev. W. Rhatigan, 
 C. C. Clifden ; the Rev. John J. Healy, C. A., Boffin ; 
 the Rev. J. Connolly, C. C, Roundstone ; the Rev. T. 
 Flannery, C. C, Clifden ; the Rev. P. Colgan, C. C, 
 Carna ; Messrs. Peter John King (Honorable Secre- 
 tary), John P. Darcy, Cornelius King, Joseph Gor- 
 ham, Kennedy O'Brien, John M. Lj'den, John J. Lyden, 
 Michael Lyden, William Case}*, James Case}', Penton 
 Kavanagh." 
 
 The Tory Government, up to this, affected to 
 ignore the reports of distress and impending fam- 
 ine, and sought, as pointed out in the address from 
 the Connemara clergy, to intimidate the land 
 meetings. 
 
 In the House of Commons, on the 2Gth of June, 
 Mr. O'Connor Power asked the Chief Secretary 
 for Ireland if he w r ould inform the House on what 
 authority he had formed his belief that the per- 
 sons who took part in a recent tenant-right meet- 
 ing, at Milltown, in the County of Gal way, " were 
 not tenant-farmers, and were unconnected with 
 the neighborhood ; " and whether he would lay 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVTTT. 147 
 
 upon the table of the House copies of the instruc- 
 tions given to Colonel Bruce, Deputy Inspector- 
 General of Constabulary, and the constabulary 
 authorities in the West of Ireland, in reference to the 
 land agitation going on in that part of the coun- 
 try, so as to enable the House to express an 
 opinion on the subject. Mr. Power said that 
 "The agitation in Ireland was a grave one, which 
 the Government were bound to notice ; but when 
 the people asked for bread, and the Government 
 answered their appeal with bullets, they would be 
 held responsible for the peace of the country. 
 The Government were willing to be guided by 
 the opinions of the clergy in reference to the 
 maintenance of order, but not with respect to the 
 grievances of Ireland. He hoped the Chief Sec- 
 retary would be warned to be more careful in the 
 future as to the sources of his information. If 
 the instructions asked for had reference to some- 
 thing being done in Zululand, the refusal to pro- 
 duce them would have been regarded as an arbi- 
 trary proceeding, which the House would not have 
 tolerated. The people of Ireland had never had 
 to deal with a more hateful power than that of the 
 Conservative party and Government. They pro- 
 posed to deal w T ith the land question by shooting 
 the people down. An extra police force, the 
 cost of which was levied on the district, was the 
 remedy of the Conservative party for the redress 
 
148 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 of Irish grievances. He moved the adjournment 
 of the House." 
 
 Mr. Parnell rose and seconded the motion, and 
 said "The circumstances of the people of Ireland 
 were so desperate that matters could not he al- 
 lowed to go further without the subject being 
 brought before the House. The Government 
 had quartered a large force of constabulary on a 
 people so distressed that they could not pay their 
 rents." 
 
 Mr. Mitchell Henry said "He could bear his 
 own testimony to the wretched condition of the 
 people in the West of Ireland, and the Minister 
 should think less of winning the cheers of his fol- 
 lowers, and more of the extreme misery existing 
 in the country with which he was officially con- 
 nected." 
 
 During the early part of the agitation, Davitt 
 had many obstacles to contend against and over- 
 come ; this he was enabled to do from the absolute 
 confidence which the masses of the people had in 
 his honor and tried patriotism. In July, '79, he 
 found it necessary to defend himself against an as- 
 persion from the great and good " Lion of the 
 Fold," the Archbishop of Tuam. The Archbishop 
 was suspicious of the leaders of the new move- 
 ment, and no wonder, having so often seen the 
 people and their cause betrayed by blatant poli- 
 ticians, who crept into government positions on 
 the shoulders of popular agitations. But the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 149 
 
 noble sentinel of Irish honor and freedom did not 
 then know the men who were leading the new land 
 movement. We believe no person would be 
 readier now to do them justice than John of 
 Tuam — if occasion demanded it. On June the 5th, 
 the following letter from the Archbishop appeared 
 in the Freeman's Journal : — 
 
 "Dear Sir, — In a telegraphic message, exhibited 
 towards the end of last week in a public room of this 
 town, an Irish member of Parliament has unwittingly 
 expressed his readiness to attend a meeting convened 
 in a mysterious and disorderly manner, which is to be 
 held, it seems, in Westport, on Sunday next. Of the 
 sj'mpathy of the Catholic clergy for the rack-rented 
 tenantry of Ireland, and of their willingness to co- 
 operate earnestly in redressing their grievances, abun- 
 dant evidence exists in historic Mayo, as elsewhere. 
 But night patrolling, acts and words of menace, with 
 arms in hand, the profanation of what is most sacred 
 in religion, — all the result of lawless and occult as- 
 sociation, — eminently merit the solemn condemnation 
 of the ministers of religion, as directly tending to im- 
 pietj' and disorder in church and in societ}\ Against 
 such combinations in this diocese, organized b} T a few 
 designing men, who, instead of the well-being of the 
 communit3 r , seek only to promote their personal in- 
 terests, the faithful clergy will not fail to raise their 
 warning voices, and to point out to the people that 
 unhallowed combinations lead invariably to disaster 
 and to the firmer riveting of the chains by which 
 we are unhappily bound as a subordinate people to a 
 dominant race. I remain, dear sir, faithfully yours, 
 
 JOHN, Archbishop of Tuam. 
 
150 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Again, in July 7, another letter, addressed to 
 Michael O'Donohue, C.C., M. J. Fitzgerald, P. 
 Flanagan, Martin Curran, and Thomas KelTy, 
 
 honorary secretaries of a large meeting of tenant- 
 farmers, held in Ballyhaunis, was printed in the 
 same newspaper ; it was as follows : — 
 
 "St. Jarlatii's, Tuam, Jul}' 7, 1879. 
 
 " Gentlemen, — I beg leave to return ni}' warmest 
 acknowledgment to jouv committee for their kind in- 
 vitation to attend the great meeting to be held in 
 Baltyhaunis on the 10th of August. 
 
 " The rooting of the people in the soil of their own 
 countiy, on equitable terms, is a question that must en- 
 gage the earliest and earnest attention of the legisla- 
 ture, as a measure essential to the peace and happiness 
 of Ireland. Next to a repeal of the disastrous Union 
 between Great Britain and Ireland, without which the 
 condition of this country will ever be that of a nation 
 trampled under foot for the welfare of a people of 
 another land, beneficent legislation, defining the just 
 rights of the landlords and tenants, is the measure 
 dearest to the hearts of the people, the solution of 
 which cannot be much longer deferred. 
 
 " Let the tenant-farmers of Mayo, as of all Ireland, 
 act judiciously : let them be guided, as of old, by their 
 faithful allies, the priests ; who, as a bod}', in good re- 
 port and in evil report, stood in the front ranks of the 
 combat, sacrificing time and personal interests to the 
 public welfare, with no other object in view but that of 
 shielding the weaker members of societ}" against the 
 violence of their inveterate foes. 
 
 "The patriotic spirit that at all times animated the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 151 
 
 breasts of both priests and people in Mayo is as vigor- 
 ous to-da}', and as free from baneful elements, as when 
 the}' fought constitutionally against the insignificant 
 shooneens and the powerful oligarchy of the country. 
 
 " Let no attempt at dissevering so sacred a union, 
 fraught with blessings to the people, be tolerated. 
 
 " In some parts of the country the people, in calmer 
 moments, will not fail to be astonished at the circum- 
 stance of finding themselves at the tail of a few un- 
 known, strolling men, who, with affected grief, deploring 
 the condition of the tenantry, seek only to mount to 
 place and preferment on the shoulders of the people ; 
 and, should they succeed in their ambitious designs, 
 they would not hesitate to shake aside at once the 
 instrument of their advancement as an unprofitable 
 incumbrance. 
 
 " I am glad to find, among the gentlemen invited to 
 the meeting, the names of the patriotic proprietor of 
 the Freeman' s Journal , of the two universally respected 
 members of the County Galwa}', and of the faithful 
 Mr. Biggar. I miss one name from the list — a name 
 that sheds lustre on a countiy no less famed for the 
 oratory than for the seasonable courage of her sons — 
 namely, Mr. A. M. Sullivan, M.P.* 
 
 " I remain, gentlemen, faithfully yours, 
 
 JOHN", Archbishop of Tuam. 
 
 To this letter Mr. Davitt found it necessary to 
 reply ; and published the following respectful but 
 manly answer : — 
 
 "Dublin, July 10, 1879. 
 
 11 To the Editor of the Dublin Freeman, — There are 
 few men to be found among our seemingly destiny- 
 
152 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 divided people who would not prefer to lie under an 
 unmerited rebuke, or remain silent to even uncalled-for 
 aspersions upon their motives or actions, rather than 
 utter a single word in defence, which might irritate or 
 offend the venerated Archbishop of Tuam. But cen- 
 sure from one who is looked upon as the patriarch of 
 his race is the more heavy from the certainty of its 
 acceptance from the millions who love to call him such, 
 as being deserved, and unbearable from a conscious- 
 ness of its not being earned, in face of assertions, 
 which, if left uncontradicted, would carry conviction to 
 the contrary to almost every Irishman's mind. Under 
 these circumstances, and with nothing but respect for 
 his personal worth and veneration for his j*ears, I feel 
 compelled to defend myself against the (to me) serious 
 imputations contained in the following portion of his 
 Grace's letter in this day's Freeman : — 
 
 " ' In some parts of the country the people, in calmer 
 moments, . will not fail to be astonished at the cir- 
 cumstance of finding themselves at the tail of a few 
 unknown, strolling men, who, with affected grief, deplor- 
 ing the condition of the tenantry, seek only to mount 
 to place and preferment on the shoulders of the people ; 
 and, should the}' succeed in their ambitious designs, 
 they would not hesitate to shake aside at once the in- 
 strument of their advancement as an unprofitable 
 incumbrance.' 
 
 " As one who has taken part in the meetings to 
 which his Grace refers, I beg respectfully to say that I 
 am neither a strolling nor an unknown man in the 
 West, but one who works for his daily bread, and who 
 is known in Mayo, m}' native count}', where nrv rela- 
 tives are now, in common with others, experiencing 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 153 
 
 the severity of the times, and a want of that assist- 
 ance in the struggle of life which a beneficial change 
 in the land-laws of Ireland would afford them. Some 
 twenty-five 3-ears ago my father was ejected from a 
 small holding near the parish of Straed, in Mayo, be- 
 cause unable to pay a rent which the crippled state of 
 his resources, after struggling through the famine 
 years, rendered impossible. Trials and sufferings in 
 exile for a quarter of a centuiy, in which I became 
 plvysically disabled for life, a father's grave dug be- 
 neath American soil, myself the only member of my 
 family ever destined to live or die in Ireland, and this 
 privilege existing only by virtue of ' ticket of leave,' 
 are the consequence which followed that eviction. If 
 all this but entitles me to an imputation of affected 
 grief at the condition of the families of nay kindred and 
 others who are threatened with a fate similar to mine, 
 I can only regret that fortune has not placed me in 
 such a position in life where the mere knowledge of the 
 miserable condition of the tenantry of Ireland, with- 
 out undergoing its bitter, heart-crushing experiences, 
 would entitle me to the credit of unaffected grief at the 
 mendicant existence which an inhuman government 
 and heartless land sj'stem inflicts upon our people. 
 Men who merit the additional imputations of seeking 
 only to mount to place or preferment upon the shoul- 
 ders of the people, invariably ambition either to en- 
 ter Parliament by their aid, or patriotically dispose 
 of themselves to the Government for anti-national 
 services. 
 
 " So far as the first of these ambitious designs is 
 concerned, I am not qualified for its perpetration, for 
 two reasons : one being that, as I have been a ' treason 
 
154 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 felon,' I could not, on that account, sit in the 'first 
 asscmbl} 7 of gentlemen in Europe ; ' and the second, lmt 
 most particular one, is that, even if the foregoing dis- 
 qualification were removed, I would never consent to 
 misrepresent the aspirations of the Irish people in an 
 English Parliament after representing my country's 
 right to independence in England's prisons. As for 
 aii} T other advancement on the people's shoulders, the 
 only one I am likely to obtain by their patronage will 
 be in the direction of oakum-picking in Millbank,.or 
 stone-breaking in Dartmoor convict prison ; prefer- 
 ments whieh, with their indignities and suffering, I am 
 in a fair wa}~ of being convinced, are more easily 
 borne than the imputations, insults, and injuries which 
 the participant in Irish politics receives for his en- 
 deavors. Yours, etc.,' "MICHAEL DAYiTT." 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Landlords Refuse to Lower the Rents. — The 
 Agitators Demand the Abolition of Landlordism. — 
 Repeal of the Irish Convention Act.— The First 
 National Convention held in Mayo to Form a Land 
 League. — Appeal to Irish-Americans. — Manifesto 
 of the Trustees of the Irish National Fund. 
 
 "Abject tears, and prayers submissive, — 
 Have they eyes and cannot see? 
 Never country gained her freedom 
 When she sued on bended knee." 
 
 — Lady Wilde. 
 
 Notwithstanding the public and private ap- 
 peals made to the landlords for reductions of the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 155 
 
 rack-rents exacted from the people, very few of 
 them responded ; instead of doing so, they cried 
 out for coercion and their full "pound of flesh." 
 Numbers of English and Scotch land-owners had 
 reduced their rents, owing to the low prices re- 
 ceived by the farmers for home produce, in con- 
 sequence of the great quantities of provisions 
 daily imported from America. Not so with the 
 Irish landlords : they met the popular cry for low 
 rents in a different manner. At the Summer As- 
 sizes in Mayo, held about the end of July, the 
 grand jury — all of whom are landlords — passed 
 the following resolution : — 
 
 " Resolved, That the judge of the assize having, in his 
 charge to us, spoken in the strongest terms of the 
 state of this count} T , we feel it our duty before sep- 
 arating to call the attention of the Government to the 
 unsettled state of the county, and to the serious agita- 
 tion against the payment of rents without regard to 
 the rate or time at which the lands were let, or to the 
 other circumstances connected therewith. This illegal 
 design is pursued by a system of wholesale intimida- 
 tion by words and acts of menace, and by violent 
 speeches, exciting the people to outrages against both 
 landlords and tenants. We think these evils cannot 
 be effectually removed without additional powers being 
 conferred on the executive by Parliament. Our fore- 
 man is requested to forward copies of this resolution 
 to the Chief Secretary for Ireland, and to the Lieuten- 
 ant for the county, the Earl of Lucan. Passed unan- 
 imously. — (Signed), J. T. Browne, Foreman" 
 
156 LITE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Such a response as this, and others like it, acted 
 as a spur to the agitation ; so that the demands 
 made from the public platforms at the great 
 meetings became sterner and more exacting. At 
 a meeting of the priests and people, held in Clare- 
 morris on July 13th, in response to a resolution 
 
 demanding that the weight of the agricultural de- 
 cs o e 
 
 pression should be borne equally by the landlords 
 and the tenants, Mr. Davitt said : — 
 
 " They were assembled to advocate every plank of 
 the platform laid down at the Irishtown, ^7estport,•and 
 Milltown meetings. Canon Bourke had given them 
 very excellent advice when he told them to deport 
 themselves as men who were entitled to their freedom. 
 He [the speaker], though he went further in Irish 
 politics than Canon Bourke, did not wish to add a word 
 to that. The}- had been told that inflammatory lan- 
 guage had been used at previous meetings ; but he 
 asked the Government to point to an}- outrages that 
 had resulted from it. They had been called ' Commun- 
 ists ' and 'Fenians' because they asked the right to live 
 in Ireland ; but they might retaliate, and ask what 
 right landlords have to the soil, and they would find 
 it very difficult to get convincing proofs from Lord 
 Sligo, Lord Lucan, Sir Roger Palmer, or Lord Oran- 
 more. They had been up to this too moderate. They 
 had simply asked for a reduction of rents which was 
 utterly impossible for them to pay. John Stuart Mill 
 said rent was the surplus of the profits that came from 
 the tenant's industry and outlay in tilling the soil. 
 Where was this surplus of profits in Ireland to-day ? 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 157 
 
 Iii face of the depreciation of produce and large impor- 
 tations from America, he did not say they were justi- 
 fied in pa3ing no rent at all ; but he did not say that a 
 time might not come when they would have to make a 
 protest as a nation against pa} T ing salary to a caste in 
 Ireland that were fulfilling the duties of a landlord 
 garrison. The old cry of 'Fixity of tenure at fair 
 rents ' would do no longer. They must tell the Eng- 
 lish Legislature that the concession they gave would 
 be taken as instalments only of their just demands, and 
 they must not be satisfied with their representatives 
 unless they supported the full demand, that the soil of 
 Ireland should be returned to the people of Ireland. 
 Mr. Lowther had tried to cast a stigma on his 
 character by describing him as a ' ticket-of-leave man ; * 
 but as long as chief secretaries had only insults 
 to offer to Irish demands, and as long as the juggling 
 legislation of Lord Beaconsfield could even make a sub- 
 ject of play of the hierarchy of Ireland a great question, 
 so long would ' ticket-of-leave men ' for political 
 offences be cherished in Irish hearts. The} T must or- 
 ganize their strength openly and above-board. There 
 was no necessity for occult meetings ; but there was a 
 necessity for determined organizations, and a double 
 necessity that organization should be utilized judicious- 
 ly and effectually in. order to break down the structure 
 of landlordism which had cursed and depopulated Ire- 
 land, until they bequeathed an emancipated soil to their 
 children and a regenerated Ireland to posterity." 
 
 And again, at a great land meeting held in 
 Shrule, Sunday, July 27, Mr. Davitt proposed the 
 following resolution : — 
 
158 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 " That, as our country lias never forfeited the right 
 to be mistress of her own destinies, nor abandoned her 
 resolve to struggle for the recovery of the proud pre- 
 rogative of a nation, we hereby declare self-government 
 to be the inalienable right and the chief want of Ire- 
 land.'' 
 
 In speaking in its support, he delivered a 
 spirited address, in which he said, — 
 
 " This successful expose of the inhuman land system, 
 hy which Ireland is cursed and her people impover- 
 ished, is both encouraging and hopeful, and must be 
 persevered in until the public opinion of the civilized 
 world shall seize landlordism b} T the throat and compel 
 it to disgorge the plundered heritage of a suffering peo- 
 ple. A reduction of rents may tide }*ou over the pres- 
 ent crisis, and procure jou. a little relief from an epi- 
 demic form of the land evil ; but what the prosperity of 
 your country and the social amelioration of j'ourselves 
 and children demand is a remedy for the evil itself, a 
 total eradication of a chronic malady which has eaten 
 to the very vitals of Ireland, paralyzed her energies, 
 and condemned her people to almost perpetual destitu- 
 tion. The principle of sacrificing private interests to 
 the good of the masses, and establishing government 
 on the basis of the people, is that which enlightened 
 statesmanship has always propounded as a preventive 
 to revolution, or even acted upon in obedience to the 
 growing necessities of an awakening civilization. Such 
 a principle has been acted upon in Ireland, to some ex- 
 tent at least. Such a change as making the tiller of 
 the soil the proprietor has been effected in most conti- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 159 
 
 nental countries, with results so satisfactory to the 
 people and government that there never will be a feudal 
 system again tolerated by or forced upon those who 
 have been freed from its accursed t3'rann} T . Name the 
 institution which the lords of the soil have raised in 
 this country for the moral and intellectual elevation of 
 the people. What encouragement is given to the social 
 progress of Ireland in return for the twenty millions 
 annual rental which landlordism extracts from its soil? 
 Landlords' mansions, prisons, workhouses, and con- 
 stabulary barracks occupy the place where laborers' 
 institutes, agricultural societies, hospitals, and gymna- 
 siums should stand, if landlordism were not robbing 
 the Irish nation of twenty million pounds every year. 
 These are some of the answers which apologists for 
 that s} T stem would have received if they ventured 
 to plead for its continued toleration. Your fight 
 is against a system which will be held to by the 
 landlords like grim death. Organize, unite, and 
 sap its foundation by intelligent and persevering opera- 
 tion. Expose its inhuman structure to the world. In 
 the words of the illustrious Mitchel, ' Act as if every 
 tillage farm in Ireland was a fortress to be held, not 
 for the occupant and the landlord only, but for the 
 country.' Whether Ireland is to become a free nation 
 or not, or her land emancipated, depends upon the way 
 in which the garrison of farmers acquit themselves, and 
 stand upon their right to the soil of the fatherland, and 
 to the fruits of the labor by which they cultivated it." 
 
 The agitation now rapidly spread through the 
 whole south of Ireland, causing alarm to the land- 
 lords and the British Government, and people be- 
 
160 LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 gan to inquire to what the national movement 
 would tend. At the great monster meetings held 
 each Sunday in the various counties, the reformers 
 demanded the abolition of the existing land code, 
 and the substitution in its place of such a system 
 as would establish the cultivator of the soil as its 
 proprietor ; they demanded the total abolition of 
 the landlord system. These demands were re- 
 echoed and indorsed by the priests and the press. 
 Amongst the resolutions passed at a meeting held 
 in Balla, Mayo, on Lady Day (August 15), was 
 one which reads thus : — 
 
 " That as the land laws of this country were con- 
 ceived in a spirit of hostility to the well-being of its 
 people, and are enforced with a total disregard to the 
 social right and necessities of the tiller of the soil, we 
 demand their abolition as an act of justice, as well as 
 an indispensable requisite to the contentment and pros- 
 perity of Ireland, and the substitution of a small pro- 
 prietary system, which will protect the fruits of the 
 farmer's industry by placing him in the undisputed 
 possession of the land he cultivates." 
 
 This is a sample of those adopted at the other 
 meetings. 
 
 A most important event occurred in the session 
 of Parliament just closed ; namely, the repeal of the 
 Convention Act. It was eighty-six years since 
 the people of Ireland held a convention for the 
 discussion of their national affairs ; in 1793 the 
 Irish Convention Act was passed for the purpose 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. ' 161 
 
 of preventing them from deliberating upon their 
 political affairs. This incident was speedily taken 
 advantage of by Michael Davitt to start the 
 National L(and League in Mayo ; and also at a 
 meeting of the Home Rule League in Dublin, 
 September 11, it was decided to hold a National 
 Convention the following February, before the 
 meeting of Parliament. Mr. Parnell, in his speech 
 at the meeting, said, — 
 
 " Unless we unite to a great extent all shades of 
 political opinion in the country, I fail to see how we 
 can expect ever to attain to national independence ; 
 and I think now, when we are considering what we are 
 to do for the future, when we are taking this very 
 important step, we should endeavor to bring along 
 with us as many men as possible of all shades of opin- 
 ion, — we should endeavor to close up our ranks, and 
 not create unnecessary stumbling-blocks in the wa}^ of 
 men joining the national movement, who otherwise 
 might be disposed to join it, but who are prevented by 
 one cause or another from taking part in the work." 
 
 The first Irish convention since the repeal of 
 the act was held on August 16 by the formers 
 of Mayo. Over fifty delegates attended, repre- 
 senting twenty-four districts in the county, the ob- 
 ject being to establish a National Land League. 
 Mr. Louden, barrister, of Westport, who presided, 
 said the object of their present movement was the 
 abolition of landlordism and the substitution for it 
 of a peasant proprietary. At the approaching 
 
162 ' LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 election they would vote for no candidate whose 
 cry would not be " the land for the people." The 
 rules for the proposed club, drawn up by Mr. 
 Michael Davitt, were adopted by the meeting. 
 In the manifesto, also adopted, it was stated that 
 the object of the club would be to expose landlord 
 injustice wherever it existed, and to act as a vigi- 
 lance committee on the Members of Parliament, 
 Grand Jurors, and representative bodies of the 
 County Mayo. It was decided to print and circu- 
 late returns of the number of landlords in the 
 county, the acreage each possessed, and how the 
 land was acquired by them ; the excess of rent 
 paid by the tenants over the government valua- 
 tion ; to publish, by placard, notices of contem- 
 plated evictions, and convene public meetings at 
 the scene and time of these evictions ; to publish 
 full particulars of all cases of eviction and rack- 
 rent, with the name of the landlord and agent ; 
 to publish the names of all persons who took land, 
 or bid for land, from which the tenants had been 
 evicted ; and, finally, to publish particulars of all 
 acts of kindness or justice on the part of landlords. 
 Mr. Davitt said that the soil by right and jus- 
 tice belonged to the people of Ireland who tilled 
 it ; yet twelve Irish landlords owned between them 
 one million three hundred acres, and five millions 
 of Irish tillers of the soil did not own a single 
 acre. The farmers of Ireland did not ask that the 
 landlords' interest in the land should be confis- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 163 
 
 cated, but simply asked that compensation should 
 be given the landlords for those rights when the 
 state, for the peace, benefit, and happiness of the 
 people, should decree the abolition of the present 
 landlords. The establishment of a peasant pro- 
 prietary was the only thing that would satisfy the 
 people of Ireland. 
 
 This was Davitt's first start of the Irish National 
 Land League in Ireland, in a concrete form ; and 
 the occasion was a fitting one, being the first con- 
 vention held in Ireland for nearly ninety years ! 
 It augured w r ell for the future success of the move- 
 ment. 
 
 The agitation in September and October, 1879, 
 became intense ; it had spread through the entire 
 South, and the North was beginning to wake up, 
 and demand low rents. The distress, now becom- 
 ing prevalent throughout the West, was attracting 
 great attention and sympathy from other coun- 
 tries ; and the Government, true to its routine rec- 
 ord in such emergencies, was pouring thousands 
 of troops into the country. The monster land 
 meetings were attended by vast multitudes, num- 
 bering from ten to forty thousand people at each 
 meeting. Davitt all the while was working un- 
 ceasingly, attending and speaking at all the meet- 
 ings he could reach, everywhere infusing vigor 
 and determination into the people. On October 
 5, at a meeting in Ballinrobe, Mayo, address- 
 ing twenty thousand people, defending himself 
 against landlord slanders, he said: — 
 
164 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 " That magnificent gathering was the answer which 
 the manhood of Mayo returned to the slanders heaped 
 on that county. He had the honor of attending most 
 of the meetings held in Mayo since the inauguration 
 of that movement ; and he hurled back with scorn and 
 contempt the charge that he had used words which 
 had, directly or indirectly, encouraged the commission 
 of acts of violence. He had always insisted that the 
 man who would commit offence in connection with 
 that movement would injure the cause he thought of 
 advocating. He deliberately charged the landlord 
 system with the murder of two millions of Irish 
 people, with the forced exile of two millions more, 
 and with the impoverishment and misery of two- 
 thirds of the people whom it had left alive ; and he 
 declared that such a system stood convicted before 
 high heaven as infamous and inhuman, and that it was 
 a duty incumbent on every one of its living victims to 
 work and labor unceasingly until that system was 
 abolished in Ireland." 
 
 Mr. Parnell and his associate Home Rulers is- 
 sued the following appeal for aid to the Irish in 
 America and elsewhere, October 8 : — 
 
 " The land and rent agitation which has originated 
 in the West of Ireland, and is rapidly spreading 
 throughout the country, has now assumed such national 
 proportions that it becomes a question of first impor- 
 tance, to all who S}'mpathize with its legitimate objects, 
 how best to guide the popular movement to the attain- 
 ment of those ends. Temporary abatements of exces- 
 sive rents are being, and may continue to be, obtained 
 through the various agencies of a sympathetic but un- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAV1TT. 165 
 
 organized advocacy, which the existing widespread and 
 alarming distress elicits from the press and bodies of 
 the communit}' ; but, without the creation of some con- 
 stituted guide or directing influence, the primary if 
 not the sole cause of the existing poverty of the agri- 
 cultural classes will not be removed. Independent of 
 the effect which the products of the vast free lands of 
 America and other favored countries must have in com- 
 petition with the produce created under rent-tied and 
 paralyzing conditions in Ireland, almost all the evils 
 under which her people suffer are referable to a land 
 system glaringly antagonistic to the first principles of 
 justice and fair government, which place the good of 
 the greatest number above the privileged gratification 
 of the few. Landlordism, founded as an institution of 
 systematic partiality, has proved itself but too true to 
 the spirit of its origin, by reducing all who are depen- 
 dent on, but unprotected Irv ownership of, the soil 
 to a degraded, semi-mendicant existence, and in ad- 
 dition induces the loss of that independent character 
 which arises from an independence of position. The 
 duties which feudal laws and customs exacted, in re- 
 turn from those in whom they recognized certain arbi- 
 trary rights, have been ignored by Irish landlordism 
 in its relations to the soil and those dependent upon 
 the fruits of its cultivation, thus adding to the other 
 indictments against the system a non-fulfilment of es- 
 sential obligations. Any land sj'stem which does not 
 tend to improve the value of land, and enable cultivation 
 to meet the exigencies of those dependent upon its 
 produce, stands self-condemned as barbarous, unjust, 
 and reprehensible. 
 
 " The diminished population of our country, the 
 
1GG LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 millions of our race who perished in, or fled from, a 
 land in which God intended they should not die by 
 hunger; the continued struggle with poverty which 
 those have to maintain who yet cling to their native 
 soil; and the periodic climaxation of the impoverish- 
 ing influences which landlordism exercises upon the 
 social life of Ireland, — demand at last, in face of yet 
 another impending national calamit\', the application 
 of a remedy which can no longer be denied the salva- 
 tion of a people. In contrast to the social wretched- 
 ness to which a barbarous land system has reduced our 
 countiy is the rapidly progressing prosperity of those 
 people at whose demand, or for whose benefit, such a 
 S3'stem has been swept awa} T , and the cultivator of the 
 soil has replaced the landlord as its proprietor. The 
 surplus produce of lands thus freed, with agricultural 
 industry thus relieved from its rent taxation, is now 
 placed, by eas} T transit over sea and land, in competi- 
 tion with what is produced under conditions of land 
 tenure the most unfavorable, and incentives to toil the 
 least encouraging that ever regulated the chief indus- 
 try of any civilized country. When to this is added 
 the adverse influences of successive bad seasons, on the 
 point of culminating in what threatens to be the worst 
 yet experienced since famine years, the position of the 
 Irish farmer and those depending upon the fruits of 
 his enterprise and labor assumes an aspect of menac- 
 ing ruin, which to consider as transient or accidental 
 would be a criminal disregard of the vital existence of 
 a people. Impelled by the desperate circumstances of 
 their situation, the farming and other classes concerned 
 have proclaimed their grievances in public meetings 
 and by the press, demanding the remedies which alone 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 167 
 
 can redress them. A consensus of opinion, apart from 
 immediate interestedness, has declared that the remedy 
 put forward by the present agitation is founded on 
 justice, reason, and expediency, and that its *applica- 
 tion is absolutely essential to meet the evils complained 
 of and insure the prosperit}" and contentment of Ireland. 
 In formulating a demand for ownership of the soil by 
 the occupiers in substitution for that of the landlords, 
 the people of Ireland neither contemplate nor ask for 
 the confiscation of those proprietorial rights which 
 existing laws must necessarily recognize and protect, 
 but that, for the transfer of those rights to an industrial 
 ownership, a fair compensation ma} T be given to those 
 who shall be called upon to agree to such transfer for 
 the settlement of the agrarian strife of the country 
 and the supreme good of its people. To carry out a 
 project as vast as that which we contemplate must re- 
 quire means in proportion to the difficulties that must 
 be encountered in the undertaking. Tenants' defence 
 associations must be organized in every county, and 
 assistance be rendered to farmers who maj T be called 
 upon to defend themselves against an unjust or ca- 
 pricious exercise of landlord power. The wealth of Ire- 
 land is almost entirely in the hands of that class which 
 we propose, for the good of the country, to deprive of 
 the absolute possession of the soil ; and it is but 
 natural to expect that strong and influential opposition 
 will be offered by those who will be called upon to sur- 
 render the privileges they have so long enj'03-ed, — even 
 in virtue of compensation and expediency. To meet 
 this opposition, and guide the national movement for 
 freeing the land of Ireland, assistance of two kinds 
 must be forthcoming ; the one, and most essential kind, 
 
1G8 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 is an organized development of earnestness, and a re- 
 solute attitude on the part of the 600,000 landless 
 farmers of Ireland, as well as those whose daily bread 
 depends upon the prosperity of their fatherland, in de- 
 manding their just rights as guaranteed in the settle- 
 ment we propose. The second aid required is mone}\ 
 Neither has ever been wanting when the national 
 spirit of our country and the patriotism of her exiled 
 sons have been appealed to in a patriotic cause; and we 
 are confident they will not be withheld now when the 
 very soil of Ireland is the object we desire to free, 
 and the land slavery of our people the thing we are 
 resolved shall be abolished forever. None of our 
 race have had such bitter experience of the wrongs of 
 landlordism as those who have been compelled to 
 seek abroad the food denied at home, and none should 
 more readily and generously sympathize with those 
 who are resolved to retain a firm grip of their Irish 
 homesteads than the exiled who were forced by in- 
 iquitous laws to leave them. 
 
 "In the great Shelter Land of Peoples 10,000,000 
 of the Irish race have found a home. The system we 
 aspire to abolish has banished them from Ireland. 
 Benefiting by laws which afford equal protection 
 and encouragement to all citizens of the great Re- 
 public of America, they can appreciate the efforts 
 which aim at affording equal incentives to progress 
 to their crushed and persecuted kindred here. Not 
 alone to our fellow-countrymen in America, but to all 
 whom evil laws have scattered the world over, as well 
 as to all other nationalities who sympathize with a 
 wronged and impoverished people who at last are re- 
 solved upon a remedy for the evils afflicting them, do 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 169 
 
 we call for an advocacy of our cause, and support in 
 our efforts to achieve success. In constituting our- 
 selves a committee for the purpose of carrying out 
 this work, we are animated with but one desire, — to 
 aid the tenant-farmers, and those depending upon the 
 soil of Ireland, to lift themselves from the misery and 
 social degradation in which they are plunged, into a 
 position where the notice to quit and the rack-rent 
 will not operate against their industry, security, and 
 contentment. We are influenced by no party-spirit 
 in making this appeal, nor do we in any way purpose 
 to place this committee in antagonism with existing 
 bodies or organizations employed in other depart- 
 ments of national labor. To free the land of Ireland 
 from the unwise and unjust restrictions which mili- 
 tate against its proper cultivation and prevent the 
 development of its full resources should be a labor 
 above the customary influences of party or sectional 
 strife, and be guided alone by motives of disinterested 
 effort for the benefit of our common country, and the 
 improvement, contentment, and prosperity of the 
 greatest number of our fellow-countrymen. The 
 grounds upon which we feel authorized to issue this 
 appeal are the fact of our being either directly or 
 indirectly connected with the agitation which has 
 sprung from the distress that has evoked a national 
 condemnation of the present land system. As this 
 land movement has won an indorsement from public 
 opinion of an occupier proprietary settlement of the 
 land question, those who have advocated such a rem- 
 edy prior to and in conjunction with the national 
 demand now made for it, feel themselves justified in 
 taking such steps as may be best calculated to insure 
 
170 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 its application to the existing land evils of our coun- 
 try. In pursuance of this intention, we issue this 
 appeal to Irishmen the world over, and to those who 
 sympathize with the object in view, to aid u> in our 
 efforts to obtain for our people the possession of an 
 unfettered soil, and for Ireland the benefits which 
 must result from an unrestricted development of its 
 products and resources." 
 
 The appeal was signed by Messrs. Parnell, 
 O'Connor Power, Finnegan, Biggar, and others. 
 It evoked much sympathy. New York at once 
 responded by guaranteeing $250,000 if an Irish 
 Member of Parliament of the advanced party 
 would visit the United States. Two days before 
 the appeal was issued in Ireland, a great meeting 
 of Irish-Americans was held in Faneuil Hall, 
 Boston, to express sympathy and tender aid to the 
 struggling tenant-farmers in Ireland, at which the 
 following resolution was adopted: — 
 
 "Whereas, News has reached us across the At- 
 lantic that the people of Ireland are working with 
 unexampled unanimity to obtain local self-government 
 and the abolishment of feudal landlordism, 
 
 " Resolved, That we, the citizens of Boston, native 
 and foreign-born, who enjoy these inestimable bless- 
 ings in this land, in Faneuil Hall assembled, send 
 back our sympathies and pledge ourselves to a sub- 
 stantial support of the tenant-farmers of Ireland in 
 their uoble and patriotic efforts." 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 171 
 
 The Chairman of the meeting read a letter 
 from Mr. Davitt, which said, — 
 
 " Tlris land agitation is destined to do more for 
 Ireland than all the movements since '98. The entire 
 country has accepted the proposal for abolishing land- 
 lordism. All the known and active Nationals will 
 combine. A convention is shortl} 7 to be summoned, 
 which will endeavor to weld the two sections of Na- 
 tional politicians into one." 
 
 It was decided in October that Mr. Parnell 
 should visit the United States, and personally 
 state the case of his countrymen then in the 
 midst of a gigantic struggle for bread, and free- 
 dom from landlord tyranny. The famine cloud 
 was beginning to cast its dark shadow on the 
 land, and there was no hope of saving the lives 
 of thousands of the small farmers and laborers, 
 except by outside aid, — nothing was expected 
 from the British Government, and next to nothing 
 was got. 
 
 The trustees of the "skirmishing" or Irish Na- 
 tional Fund issued an important manifesto on the 
 Irish question, in October, which did a great deal 
 towards arousing the Irish-American people into 
 active sympathy with the Irish struggle. The 
 document deserves to be remembered, as it is but 
 rarely we have an emanation of the kind from 
 such names as are appended to it. The mani- 
 festo is as follows : — 
 
172 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAY ITT. 
 
 "New York, Oct. 11th, 1879. 
 " To tiie Ieisii People of the United States. 
 
 " Fellow- Countrymen, — The threatening aspect of 
 affairs in Ireland calls for prompt and vigorous action 
 on the part of Nationalists in this country. It is no 
 time for idle talk, but for serious preparation for the 
 stern work that is before us. The National move- 
 ment is fast approaching a crisis when its members 
 must be prepared to make larger sacrifices, and work 
 with redoubled zeal, so that the hour of trial may not 
 find them unprepared. 
 
 " In view of the change in the situation, it has been 
 decided, with the concurrence of several trusted 
 friends in the National party, to enlarge the Board 
 of Trustees of the National Fund, and to appeal once 
 more to the Irish people here for their support. 
 
 "The National Fund was started with a view to 
 providing means to strike a telling blow against Eng- 
 land whenever an opportunity should present itself. 
 Its object was at first distinct from the general move- 
 ment for Irish independence, and not influenced by 
 any particular crisis in Ireland calling for immediate 
 action. Its originators never calculated that it should 
 perform more than a small portion of the work of 
 driving the foreigner from the soil of Ireland. It was 
 intended, in short, to hasten, if possible, the advent 
 of Ireland's opportunity, by inflicting injury on Eng- 
 land at vital points and at critical moments, while 
 showing the Irish people the immense power lying 
 unappreciated in their hands for the destruction of 
 that empire which has robbed them of land and 
 liberty, and driven them homeless over the earth. 
 
 " The call was responded to chiefly by that class of 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 173 
 
 the Irish people in America who can least afford 
 pecuniary sacrifices, and under the pressure of unpre- 
 cedentedly hard times. There was no apparent pros- 
 pect, except for a very brief period, of England 
 becoming involved in foreign war ; no evidence of 
 vigorous political life in Ireland ; no unusual danger 
 menacing our countrymen at home ; nothing, in short, 
 to stimulate Irish-Americans to unusual activity : and 
 yet, taking all the circumstances into account, the 
 amount subscribed was very creditable. It was 
 enough to show that, under more favorable conditions, 
 and with an object the proximate realization of which 
 could be made clear to the majority of our people, — 
 with, above ail, the evidence of vigor, determination, 
 and steadiness of purpose in the political life of Ire- 
 land— Irish-America would be prepared to do its whole 
 duty, and would sustain the struggle for the regener- 
 ation of the old land with its last dollar and its last 
 man. 
 
 "The amount contributed, however, though larger 
 than was anticipated, and sufficient to carry out some 
 of the minor things indicated by its founders, would 
 not warrant the undertaking of such enterprises as 
 would inflict real and lasting injury on our enemies or 
 be of real benefit to Ireland. It was determined that 
 when operations of this nature were commenced we 
 should be able to deliver blow after blow with crush- 
 ing effect ; and that, once begun, the work should go 
 on till the power of England should be so crippled 
 that our countrymen at home would not have the 
 same odds against them as at present. It was seen, 
 also, that the commencement of such work would 
 force on a crisis in Irish national affairs, and that the 
 
174 ■ LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 National party would be compelled by the circum- 
 stances thus created to take action for which they 
 were not prepared. After earnest consultation with 
 the trusted men of the National party, it was decided 
 that preparatory steps only should be taken, and that 
 all action likely to precipitate a crisis in Ireland 
 should be postponed to a more fitting opportunity. 
 It is only by the closest union and the most complete 
 concert of action that the Irish people can hope to 
 succeed in overthrowing English domination ; and all 
 the branches of the National party must act as the 
 divisions of an army, animated by a common purpose, 
 and guided by an authority whom all must recognize, 
 towards the point where the enemy is to be met. 
 
 "Such was -the position of the National Fund from 
 its foundation to a few short weeks ago. Since then 
 the whole situation of affairs has changed. New 
 duties are imposed on us, new sacrifices demanded. 
 Ireland is face to face with one of the greatest crises 
 in her history. Her people are menaced with exter- 
 mination, and appeal to their expatriated kindred for 
 help in this, their hour of sorest need. 
 
 " The foreign landlord system, which has cursed 
 the country since the final triumph of English rule, 
 and dwarfed the energies of a people endowed with 
 natural gifts fitting them for one of the highest 
 places among the races of the world, has at length 
 reached the climax of its infamous history, and re- 
 duced the people to the verge of beggary. 
 
 "Bad seasons and the competition of American 
 produce perform but a minor part in the desolation 
 which now overspreads Ireland. It is the foreign 
 landlords, the inheritors of the successive robberies of 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 175 
 
 Tudors, Stuarts, Cromwellians, and Williamites, — an 
 idle horde who perform no useful function' in the 
 land, — who drain the life-blood of the nation, and 
 render it incapable of resisting even the most tran- 
 sient depression of trade or the effects of one bad 
 season. Remove the blight of landlordism, make the 
 tiller of the soil independent of the caprices of a petty 
 autocrat, with no one to stand between him and a 
 government which shall be the expression of the will 
 of the whole people, and his quick intelligence and 
 strong arm will provide from the teeming soil of his 
 native land ample remedies against bad seasons and 
 foreign competition. 
 
 " Such a revolution the English Government and 
 the English landlords of Ireland will never consent 
 to. It can only be accomplished by the complete 
 overthrow of British power in Ireland. But it must 
 be plain to every thinking Irishman that the day of 
 our final deliverance from English rule and from Eng- 
 lish landlordism has not yet come. Our enemy must 
 be more beset by difficulties than at present, and 
 the whole Irish race the world over must be aroused 
 and thoroughly organized for the effort. Without 
 being too sanguine, we are satisfied that our oppor- 
 tunity is fast approaching, and that our duty is to 
 wait for its certain advent. The duty of preparing 
 for that event devolves on the organized Nationalists; 
 but the danger which menaces a large section of our 
 countrymen at home imposes a duty on us that it 
 would be cowardly to shirk. 
 
 " Troops are being hurried to Ireland, and a reign 
 of terror is about to be inaugurated. The impover- 
 ished people have no money to pay the exorbitant 
 
176 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 
 
 r 
 
 rent demanded of them, and preparations are being 
 made to drive them off the land at the point of the 
 bayonet, Day after day brings news of fresh bodies 
 of infantry and cavalry being drafted into the rural 
 districts. There has been no disorder among the 
 people, nothing to justify the resort to coercive 
 measures; but the Government expects that, driven 
 to extremity, the afflicted people may refuse to leave 
 their homes. A mere refusal to leave their homes 
 may be the signal for the slaughter of the people, and 
 the English Government expects thus to stifle the 
 voice of the country and. crush for a generation the 
 spirit of resistance to wrong. 
 
 "Irishmen of America, will you stand tamely by 
 while your countrymen at home are being butchered, 
 or will you come to their assistance and enable them 
 to stand by their households ? 
 
 "Victims of landlord tyranny ! look back to yonr 
 shattered roof-trees and desolated hearths ; remember 
 the horrors of the eviction which scattered your kin- 
 dred through foreign lands, and resolve to save those 
 you have left behind you from a similar fate. You 
 can at least supply them with the means of avenging 
 the murder of their friends and neighbors, and of be- 
 ginning a movement that will end in the destruction 
 of that landlord system which has blighted one of the 
 fairest lands on this earth, and inflicted centuries of 
 misery on your race. 
 
 " Survivors of '47, have 3'ou forgotten the countless 
 horrors of the famine, and the weaiy years of suffering 
 and soitow that followed it? Can you think of j'our 
 murdered kindred without a burning desire to avenge 
 them? Does the memory of the hunger pang, the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 177 
 
 pestilence, the reeking emigrant ship, and the ghastly 
 fever-shed arouse no righteous indignation in 3 T our 
 souls ; and can 3-011 calmly contemplate a repetition of 
 these horrible scenes in the persons of the generation 
 which has grown to manhood since then ? Remember 
 that English landlordism in Ireland was the chief cause 
 of that famine, and that to-day it is as cruel and re- 
 lentless a monster as ever. It menaces the very 
 existence of our people, and must be destroyed. You 
 who have suffered most from its blighting influence 
 should make yourselves missionaries of retribution, 
 and arouse 3 T our countrymen to the necessity of its 
 final extirpation. 
 
 " Irishmen of all creeds, this is no sectarian strife, 
 but a struggle for human rights, in which all have 
 equal interests to maintain, common dangers to face, 
 and common enemies to overcome. Those whose 
 fathers settled among us in the times of confiscation 
 have acquired a title to the land the3 T till Iry their labor, 
 have mixed with the people, and become as Irish as we. 
 To-day we recognize no distinction of religion, and 
 hope to see the feuds of the past forever buried. 
 
 " We do not wish to provoke a hopeless resistance ; 
 but wholesale evictions at the ba3'onet's point are sure 
 to end in bloodshed, and many will prefer to die like 
 men, defending their homes from the foreign robber, 
 than to live paupers in the workhouse, or starve by 
 the roadside. The action evidently contemplated by 
 the English Government may provoke such a conflict 
 between the people and the foreign soldiery as will 
 precipitate a general movement. This is a danger 
 which must be foreseen and provided for. 
 
 " In the event of such a conflict, the funds at our 
 
178 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 disposal shall be used to enable the people to stand by 
 their homes, to strike down the robber rule of the land- 
 lord, and to inflict speedy punishment for acts of 
 cruelt}' or murder. We know the consequences of the 
 steps it ma} r be necessar}' to take, and do not hesitate to 
 assume the responsibility. Will yon share that re- 
 sponsibility with us, and enable us to take really effec- 
 tive measures by sustaining the fund? 
 
 "William Carroll, 
 " Thomas Clarke Luby, 
 " John J. Breslin, 
 " Thomas F. Bourke. 
 " James Reynolds, 
 "John Devoy. 
 " Augustine Ford, Secretary." 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Irish National Land League formed in Dublin. 
 — The Distress increasing. — Irish Members Invoke 
 Government Aid. — Davitt arrested. — Lodged in 
 Sligo Jail. — "On to Balla." —Committed for 
 Trial.— Parnell to Chicago.— Davitt' s Lecture in 
 England. 
 
 " Pass the word that bands together, — 
 Word of mystic conjuration, — 
 And as fire consumes the heather, 
 So the young hearts of the nation 
 Fierce will blaze up, quick and scathing 'gainst the stranger 
 and the foe." — Lady Wilde. 
 
 The agitation having now assumed gigantic 
 proportions, the need of a central directing power 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 179 
 
 became apparent ; a thorough cohesion of the 
 various political sections that had embraced the 
 new platform was indispensable. While the new 
 doctrine, so ably and unceasingly preached by 
 Davitt and his co-workers, was received and 
 adopted by the masses, embracing Home Rulers, 
 Revolutionists, Repealers, and Conservatives, it 
 was necessary to weld the entire into a concrete 
 organization, in order that the agitation might be 
 properly sustained, and that its rapidly increasing 
 power might be judiciously exercised and directed. 
 Davitt, by his unceasing labors and logical elo- 
 quence, with the assistance of Brennan, Killen, 
 Loudon, Kettle, Daly, and the others who early 
 espoused the land programme, including the 
 patriotic clergy of Ireland, had educated the far- 
 mers on the Land Question, and showed them where 
 lay their remedy against landlord exactions and 
 oppression. He had already won over to the new 
 project Mr. Parnell, who, up to this was recog- 
 nized merely as the leader of the active section of 
 the Home Rulers in Parliament. The time had 
 arrived, therefore, for the establishment of an 
 executive body with its local branches to repre- 
 sent the country on the questions at issue. Dav- 
 itt accordingly had a meeting of the leading 
 agitators convened at the Imperial Hotel, Dublin, 
 on Tuesday, October 21, 1879, to establish the 
 Irish National Laud League. The meeting was 
 harmonious and unanimous in its proceed- 
 
180 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 ings, and adopted the following set of resolu- 
 tions, which created The Irish National Land 
 League : — 
 
 " That an association be hereby formed to be named 
 the ' Irish National Land League.' 
 
 " That the objects of the League are — first, to bring 
 out a reduction of rack-rents ; second, to facilitate the 
 obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers. 
 
 " That the objects of the League can be best attained 
 by promoting organization among the tenant-farmers ; 
 b}' defending those who may be threatened with evic- 
 tion for refusing to pay unjust rents ; by facilitating 
 the working of the Bright clauses of the Land Act 
 during the winter ; and b}' obtaining such reform in 
 the laws relating to land as will enable eveiy tenant 
 to become the owner of his holding b} T paying a fair 
 rent for a limited number of years. 
 
 "That Mr. Charles S. Parnell, M.P., be elected 
 President of this League. 
 
 " That Mr. A. J. Kettle, Mr. Michael Davitt, and 
 Mr. Thomas Brennan be appointed honoraiy secretaries 
 of the League. 
 
 "That Mr. J. G. Biggar, M.P., Mr. W. H. O'Sulli- 
 van, M.P., and Mr. Patrick Egan, be appointed treas- 
 urers. 
 
 " That the President of this League, Mr. Parnell, be 
 requested to proceed to America for the purpose of 
 obtaining assistance from our exiled countiymen, and 
 other sympathizers, for the objects for which this ap- 
 peal is issued. 
 
 " That none of the funds of this League shall be used 
 for the purchase of any landlord's interest in the land, 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 181 
 
 or for furthering the interests of any parliamentary 
 candidate." 
 
 The Land League barque, built by Michael 
 Davitt and other Revolutionists, was now fairly 
 launched, with Charles Stewart Parnell for captain, 
 John Dillon, first officer; J. Gr. Biggar, boats- 
 wain, and Davitt as pilot, and with a loyal and 
 experienced crew, competent to bring her safely 
 through all the storms that John Bull and the 
 Irish landlords might raise. 
 
 Davitt had now mustered his forces, and there 
 was no mistaking the directness of his frequent 
 assaults on the stronghold of landlordism. At a 
 land meeting held at Aughmore, County Mayo, 
 October 26, he delivered a speech replying to a 
 resolution in which were embodied two demands, 
 of which he said,— 
 
 " The first was an instant and adequate reduction of 
 rents ; and the second was the sweeping away, once and 
 forever, of the accursed system of landlordism. He did 
 not mince matters about landlordism. He did not 
 believe any phase of landlordism should be tolerated 
 in Ireland. He was not there to pronounce a laudation 
 of good landlords, who might be giving reductions 
 now, for they were only giving back the money they 
 had robbed the people of; at the same time he could 
 discriminate between a rack-renting landlord and a 
 just one : but he was there as the uncompromising 
 enemy of landlordism in any shape or form ; and until 
 the whole system was abolished, and the soil of Ireland 
 
182 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAYITT. 
 
 given to the people who tilled it, there never would be 
 peace or contentment. They were not there to talk 
 about fixity of tenure at fair rents, which meant fixity 
 of landlordism ; for that they were resolved never should 
 be fixed on Irish soil. When forty or fifty meetings 
 throughout Ireland had issued a demand for a peasant 
 proprietary, were they there, in the barony of Costelloe, 
 to talk about fixity of tenure ? These meetings were 
 not organized with the expectation that the English 
 Government would concede all their demands, but with 
 the intention of having a great truth circulated, and 
 that was, that God intended the land to be for the 
 people, and not for the landlords." 
 
 And again, at a meeting in Killala, October 31, 
 he said : — 
 
 " They were not there to confiscate, but to reform, 
 and the reform they demanded was abolition of land- 
 lordism and the substitution in its place of such a 
 system of laws as would establish the tillers of the 
 soil as the owners of the soil they tilled. If paying 
 the hanging gale, which would be due in November, 
 entailed hardships upon their wives or children or 
 sisters ; if it caused them to be pinched during the 
 coming winter, and threatened their family with desti- 
 tution and starvation in March, — they had no right to 
 pay that rent : not only that, they committed crime if 
 they made their children suffer in order that the terri- 
 torial avarice of the landlords should be satisfied at 
 their expense. They must not imagine that they 
 would be turned out by the roadside to die as in 1847. 
 There was a spirit abroad in Ireland that would not 
 stand that a second time in a century." 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 183 
 
 The distress throughout the West was now 
 making rapid strides, famine was staring tens of 
 thousands of people in the face. The Government, 
 though frequently appealed to, had affected to ig- 
 nore the seriousness of the situation : instead of 
 devising means of relief, it was sending spies and 
 special reporters to the public meetings to collect 
 evidence against the agitators ; and preparing t@ 
 make a swoop on the leaders, and endeavor to 
 break up the agitation. This policy turned out 
 a miserable failure. 
 
 On November 5, a declaration, signed by 
 seventy Irish Members of Parliament, was ad- 
 dressed to Lord Beacon sfielcl, the head of the 
 Tory Government, then in power. It pointed out 
 the serious necessity of taking immediate steps to 
 avert the consequences which must result from 
 several successive bad harvests, and the wide- 
 spread distress already prevailing, and which was 
 likely to result in famine. 
 
 The Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland, as- 
 sembled in Dublin, October 24, the Primate of 
 all Ireland in the chair, and made a similar appeal 
 to the British Government, to prevent the people 
 from dying of hunger. The appeals proved of 
 little avail. Repression of the agitators, who 
 were pleading for the lives of the people, was all 
 that the Government thought Ireland needed ; and 
 they speedily put their project into execution, by 
 
184 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 arresting Michael Davitt, James Daly, and James 
 Bryce Kill en. 
 
 This was the first direct blow dealt by the 
 Government at a peaceful and constitutional agi- 
 tation ; but it hurt the giver more than those it 
 was intended for. 
 
 On November 19, 1879, Michael Davitt and 
 James Bryce Killen were arrested in Dublin, and 
 James Daly, editor of the Connaught Telegraph, 
 was arrested in Castlebar, charged with having 
 used language in public speeches calculated to in- 
 cite a breach of the peace. The three prisoners 
 were conveyed to Sligo and lodged in jail there, 
 bail being refused. The speeches for which the 
 arrests were alleged to have been made were de- 
 livered at a monster laud meeting held at Gurteen, 
 County Sligo, on Sunday, November 2 ; Rev. 
 Eoger Breman, P. P., of Gurteen, being in the 
 chair. The following are the portions of the 
 speech of each on which the law officers of Dub- 
 lin Castle depended for convictions. Mr. Davitt, 
 in his address, said : — 
 
 "The papers stated that the Right Hon. James 
 Lowther (the Irish Chief Secretary) was now the guest 
 of their highly consistent and patriotic (?) Home Rule 
 member, Colonel King-Harman. The papers also 
 credited Mr. Lowther with an original discovery, that 
 the tenant-farmers of Ireland had £30,000,000 in the 
 Irish banks to their credit, and that money formed a 
 good security to the landlords to obtain their rent 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 185 
 
 during the winter. Supposing the discovery was a 
 true one, it only represented £16 or £18 to each of the 
 600,000 farmers of Ireland, and they were not, after 
 their } T ears of toil, going to hand that over to the land- 
 lords. They must first attend to the wants of their 
 homes and families ; and if after that the}' had a chari- 
 table disposition towards meeting the wants of the 
 landlords, they might give what they could spare. He 
 believed that rent for land under any circumstances, 
 in prosperous times or in bad times, was an unjust and 
 immoral tax upon the industry of the people. Land- 
 lordism was an open conspiracy against the well-being, 
 prosperity, and happiness of the people, which ought 
 to be crushed by those who suffered in consequence of 
 it. The three thousand Irish landlords received twenty 
 millions annually, or half the net earnings of the six 
 hundred thousand tenants, without putting hand to 
 work. That was not all : they spent nearly all that 
 money in licentious and voluptuous living in London, 
 Paris, and elsewhere, thus draining the country of her 
 resources. They were not there to listen to any 
 schemes of fixity of tenure at fair rents, with periodical 
 valuations. That was fixit} T of landlordism, of povert}', 
 and degradation. The} 7 must have the land owned by 
 the tillers. It had been hinted that the Government 
 would endeavor to send them out to colonize Zululand. 
 He did not believe that ; because England had been 
 taught that the Zulus could use the assegai about as 
 well as the men of '98 used the pikes, and the amal- 
 gamation would be dangerous. He called on the 
 people to hold by their land, to pay rent only when 
 they had a surplus after everything else, and could 
 afford it, and to labor on unceasingly for free land and 
 
186 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 liberty. Fixity of tenure was simply fixity of land- 
 lordism, fixity of poverty and degradation. Abolition 
 of landlordism was the only certain reined}'. The lime 
 had come when the manhood of Ireland must spring up 
 to its feet, and say it would tolerate this system no 
 longer." 
 
 Mr. James Daly, in replying to a resolution 
 pledging the meeting not to take a farm from 
 which a tenant had been unjustly evicted, said, — 
 
 " That was the 26th meeting of the kind he had had 
 the honor of addressing. He had been described as an 
 agitator. There were landlords and agents in his own 
 county who said they would prefer to be hanged, 
 drawn, and quartered, rather than yield to the demands 
 made at these assemblages. But he had compiled a 
 list of twenty such landlords in his count}* who, since 
 the first meeting (held at Irishtown) , had made abate- 
 ments of 25 per cent, on their rents. Canon John 
 McDermott, who is an enthusiastic, a good, and pious 
 priest, had stated last Sunda}* in Aughamore that the 
 people would not be satisfied with a peasant pro- 
 prietaiy, and he [the speaker] was delighted to see by 
 his words to-da} T that he had changed that opinion. 
 He advised the farmers not to allow themselves to be 
 evicted. If the sheriff came to an} r of them, it was 
 their duty to assemble in their thousands, and reinstate 
 the evicted person the next day. Above all, said he, 
 let there be no coward found to take his lands." 
 
 Mr. J. B. Killen said, — 
 
 " Since the time when the cursed feudal laws were 
 introduced by Norman savages the land of Ireland had 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 187 
 
 been three times confiscated, but always in favor of the 
 aristocracy. Thej' wanted a fourth confiscation, or 
 rather restitution, now in favor of the people. He left 
 it to them to say whether that was to be done by the 
 pen, the pencil, or the sword. In the North of Ireland, 
 where he came from, there was an old legend that 
 there were a thousand warriors resting on their swords 
 who would spring into existence when the spell of their 
 -enchantment was broken ; and when he saw this large 
 meeting before him he felt that the hour had arrived 
 when Ireland's liberty would be consummated. There 
 were amongst them reporters from London, who were 
 noting every single word said, for the purpose of, by a 
 little legal frippery, putting them in dungeons. As 
 in other countries, they should obtain their rights by 
 using the voice, the pen, — he was going to say the 
 sword, — but swords were not used in this country." 
 
 Yery Rev. Canon McDermott here said Mr. 
 Killen should not be advocating the use of physi- 
 cal force. 
 
 Mr. Killen denied that he did so ; but he "would 
 like to see every one there armed with a rifle, and 
 knowing how to use it. The days of namb}'- 
 pamby speaking were over." 
 
 A further incentive for Davitt's arrest was his 
 baffling of the Government spies and reporters by 
 making a speech in Irish, which they were unable 
 to report, at a meeting held at Corofin, County 
 Galway, on Sunday, November 9, at which 
 thirteen thousand people were present. In his 
 Irish speech Mr. Davitt alluded to the presence 
 
188 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 of Government reporters, and urged the people 
 not to be intimidated, bul to organize their strength 
 
 for the overthrow of landlord power. Davitt's 
 example was followed by other speakers. Father 
 "Tom" McDonongh, the patriotic parish priest 
 of Corofin, also addressed the people in the 
 mother tongue, and said that every one of his 
 auditors understood him. One of the tenant- 
 farmer speakers, who failed in the English, then 
 delivered in Irish a most impassioned speech on 
 the wrongs of his class, and a fierce invective 
 against persons who encouraged the landlords in 
 rack-renting by coveting their neighbors' land. 
 Indignation meetings denouncing the arrests were 
 
 C o o 
 
 held all over Ireland and in England. 
 
 The day after the arrests the following placard 
 was extensively posted throughout Mayo : — 
 
 " To the People of Mayo : Fellow-Countrymen, — 
 "The hour of trial has come. Your leaders are ar- 
 rested. Davitt and Dal} r are in prison. You know 
 your duty. Will you do it? Yes, you will. Balla is 
 the place of meeting, and Saturday is the day. Come 
 in your thousands, and show the Government and the 
 world that your rights you will maintain. To the 
 rescue, in the mightiness of your numbers, of the land 
 and liberty. God save the people. Balla, Balla, 
 Saturday next." 
 
 On the day announced, November 22d, a most 
 remarkable and critical scene in the land move- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 189 
 
 mcnt in Mayo was enacted close to Balla. A 
 small farmer, named Anthony Dempsey, holding 
 under Sir Robert Lynch Blossc, was under sen- 
 tence of eviction for non-payment of a year's rent. 
 The land was taken possession of a week pre- 
 viously. The man's father was lying on a bed of 
 fever, and his children were stricken with measles. 
 The sheriff did not, under the circumstances, in- 
 sist on completing the eviction at that time, and 
 Saturday, November 22, was fixed for the final 
 expulsion of the family from their home. It was 
 the first eviction in Mayo since the beginning of 
 the land movement, and the placards summoned 
 the people to assemble at the scene of the eviction. 
 The summons had hardly been issued, when tho 
 arrests were made, and the men lodged in prison. 
 Thereupon the proclamation, printed above, urged 
 the people to make a double protest against 
 the eviction and the arrests. It was felt to be 
 a crisis. All sorts of rumors began to circu- 
 late : that the meeting had been abandoned, — 
 that it would be suppressed by force, — that the 
 eviction would take place, — that the eviction 
 .would not take place, — that anything or every- 
 thing might happen. The leading London news- 
 papers and news agencies despatched special 
 correspondents to the spot as to a seat of war. 
 A military officer boasted in Castlebar that the 
 military would disperse any assemblage with bul- 
 lets, and that the leaders would be specially picked 
 
190 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 off. On the other hand, it began to leak out 
 towards the end of the week that certain com- 
 munications to the Castle had ended by the deter- 
 mination to defer or abandon the eviction ; but to 
 the last all remained in a state of painful uncer- 
 tainty. On the morning of the day of meeting the 
 following placard was extensively circulated : — 
 
 " Parnell and Davitt to the People of Mayo, — 
 Men of Mayo : We earnestly counsel such of }ou as 
 intend to be witnesses of the eviction scene, to be 
 dignified, orderl}-, and peaceful, in 3-our conduct. The 
 future of our movement depends upon your attitude 
 this day. Give no excuse for violence on the part of 
 the Government, and our great cause is won." 
 
 Thousands assembled to take part in the meet- 
 ing, which passed off quietly, as the sheriff agreed 
 to give Dempsey more time, so that the eviction 
 did not take place. An eye-witness gave the fol- 
 lowing description of a remarkable scene observed 
 from the place of meeting: "A 'Rath' within 
 fifty yards of Dempsey's house on the brow of 
 the hill was fixed as the place of meeting. The 
 whole road below for more than a mile was cov- 
 ered by this huge peasant procession. As the 
 head of the column reached the foot of the hill it 
 parted, two to either side, and climbed the hill in 
 an immense semicircle extending over the whole 
 face of the hill. The two horns of this vast cres- 
 cent advanced quickly and simultaneously, as if 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 191 
 
 with the intention of surrounding the house, and 
 -with it a large body of the police. The police 
 immediately prepared to retire ; but Mr. Parnell 
 exerted himself to stop the movement, and both 
 sides of the advancing procession, having halted, 
 came quietly together around the speakers. There 
 must have been quite eight thousand men in that 
 extraordinary array, and their self-possession, 
 orderliness, and enthusiasm were even more 
 remarkable than their numbers." 
 
 Messrs. Parnell, Louden, Dillon, Brennan, and 
 others delivered speeches. Mr. Brennan made 
 an ardent appeal to the patriotism of the police- 
 men, who were within hearing, not to join in the 
 inhuman work of the destroyers of their own race, 
 against the people. For this he was subsequently 
 arrested. 
 
 On November 25, Davitt and Killen were 
 brought up in the police court for examination. 
 The court was crowded with spectators. Messrs. 
 Killen and Davitt appeared perfectly cheerful and 
 fearless. Mr. Monroe, Queen's counsel, said if 
 he could prove the utterances of Mr. Davitt's 
 alleged words, that the manhood of Ireland should 
 spring to its feet and say it would tolerate land- 
 lords and landlordism no longer, the magistrates 
 would be bound to commit him. Police evidence 
 was called to prove their utterance. Davitt, who 
 had been occupied all the morning preparing a 
 written defence, before commencing to deliver it 
 
192 LIFE OF MICHxVEL DAVITT. 
 
 protested against Mr. Monroe's remark that he 
 had already experienced the clemency of the 
 Crown, and declared that he was innocent of the 
 charges on which he was convicted in 1870. Mr. 
 Monroe, in his remarks, said that Davitt was 
 probably the most dangerous of the Irish agitators, 
 and specially pointed to his language comparing 
 the Zulu assegai to the Irish pike. Davitt was 
 committed for trial ; but, bail being accepted, he 
 was discharged from custody. The town of Sligo 
 was on the verge of a riot that night ; the police 
 were stoned, and had to charge the people and 
 clear the streets. Mr. Davitt was serenaded by 
 two bands. 
 
 The attempt of the Government to intimidate 
 and put down the agitation by making the arrests 
 proved a signal failure. It was condemned by the 
 press and the people eveiywhere, and gave" re- 
 newed energy and strength to the agitation. 
 
 The agitation continued to gain strength under 
 the management of the Land League. The ten- 
 ants in several districts had now taken a positive 
 stand, and refused to pay any more rent unless 
 suitable reductions were made. The Government 
 had refused to take any adequate measures for 
 the relief of the distress, so that the people were 
 compelled to look to outside quarters for aid. 
 Parnell sent the following message to Chicago, 
 December 12th : — 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 193 
 
 "Dublin, December 12, 1879. 
 " To the Editor of the Chicago Daily News, — 
 " The arrest of Davitt was prompted b} r the desire 
 of the Government to get rid of him as the chief or- 
 ganizer of the land agitation, and also in hopes that 
 the people would be intimidated by this step of pros- 
 ecution, or driven to illegal and violent action. The 
 result, instead of arresting the movement, has power- 
 fully assisted it. Land clubs are being organized in 
 ever}* part of the kingdom, and subscriptions pour in. 
 The Nationalists, Repealers, and Home Rulers are 
 united, and have found a common platform and watch- 
 word, " The Land for the People." In its attempt to 
 crush the movement, it may resolve upon future illegal 
 and unconstitutional action, and the arrest of other 
 leaders ; but the landlords are cowed, and the Castle is 
 intimidated by the determined action of the people. 
 The threatened evictions are abandoned, as the result 
 of the success of Balla's anti-eviction ; there is no 
 bidding for estates at the sales ; in landed estates, the 
 courant tenants are allowed to become owners on easy 
 terms ; the leading English reformers are in strong 
 sympathy with our movement. The French press at 
 last is showing its appreciation of the true position of 
 affairs, and send special correspondents to watch the 
 progress of the campaign. The cause of the people is 
 maintained with redoubled vigor, notwithstanding the 
 snow on the ground, and that famine and cold already 
 pinch man}\ Great suffering is anticipated after 
 Christmas, and the Government trusts that in this way 
 the courage of the masses may be broken. Swarms of 
 paid spies are infesting the country ; additional troops 
 are despatched to stations in the South and West, and 
 
194 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 large levies of constabulary recruits are just ordered ; 
 all indicating the determination of the Government to 
 take advantage of the sufferings of the people, and 
 drive them to deeds of violence. No relief works 
 have vet been undertaken, nor is there any prospect of 
 State assistance ; but orders have been issued to pre- 
 pare additional workhouse accommodations. The atti- 
 tude of our people up to the present time is magnificent : 
 they are self-restrained and reliant, and resolved not 
 to be betrayed into any precipitate or illegal action. 
 
 "An important meeting of the executive committee 
 of the National Land League was held to-da} T , when, 
 among other important business, it was decided that I 
 should leave for New York with John Dillon, son of 
 the late John B. Dillon, as soon as possible. 
 
 (Signed) " Charles Stewart Parnell." 
 
 Great meetings were now organized through- 
 out England to protest against the arbitrary 
 action of the Government, and aid the Irish Land 
 League movement. On November 30th, one 
 hundred thousand people assembled in Hyde 
 Park, London, to sympathize with the agitation 
 in Ireland. Messrs. Parnell, Davitt, and Finigan 
 delivered addresses at meetings in various English 
 towns. 
 
 On Sunday, November 30th, Mr. Davitt ad- 
 dressed a crowded meeting of the Irishmen of the 
 Tyneside, in the Music Hall, Gateshead. A tre- 
 mendous crowd assembled in front of the Central 
 Station, Newcastle, and, preceded by a banner 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 195 
 
 and band, accompanied Mr. Davitt in procession 
 across the Tyne to the meeting-place in Gateshead. 
 The streets of the latter place were lined with 
 spectators, and the large Music Hall was crowded 
 to the doors. Mr. Councillor McAuulty occupied 
 the chair. 
 
 In his address Mr. Davitt said, — 
 
 " The definition of rent given by John Stuart Mill 
 was the surplus profit left to the tenant-farmer after 
 he had paid the wages of his laborers and provided for 
 his own and his children's wants. Now, in Ireland 
 this year there was not only no surplus profit, but there 
 was not a sufficiencjr to keep the people alive. There- 
 fore, according to John Stuart Mill's definition of rent, 
 there was no rent in the country, and therefore there 
 was no rent to pay. But, although he had adduced 
 that argument on many platforms, he had not told the 
 people to act up to its logical conclusion, and to pay 
 no rent. He had told them to see to their own and 
 their children's wants, and then to go to the landlord 
 and offer him what they had left ; and surely, under 
 the circumstances, no people could be asked to do 
 more. Regarding this solemn contract that they heard 
 so much about between the tenant-farmer and his land- 
 lord, he held that a compulsoiy contract was not as 
 binding as if it was a voluntary one ; and he said that 
 the contract between landlords and tenants in Ireland 
 was compulsory, — and why? Ireland was essentially 
 an agricultural country. They had no factories ; they 
 had no industries, such as were in England ; they had 
 no Manchesters, Liverpools, Tynesides, or Gatesheads. 
 
196 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 If the tenant-farmer in England found he had to pay 
 what he considered was a rack-rent, he could throw up 
 his farm and go into the next manufacturing town and 
 get employment for himself and his children. But 
 in Ireland he could not do that: if he gave up his 
 farm, he had onl}' one of two courses to take, — either to 
 walk into the workhouse, or to leave Ireland forever 
 and seek his bread in exile. Hence when a landlord 
 went to a tenant and said he would raise his rent from 
 £10 to £12, or from £12 to £15 a } r ear, what alternative 
 had he? Would the}' ask him to go to the workhouse, 
 would they ask him to take his family to England or 
 to America, while he had that love for his fatherland 
 which characterized all the Irish people, and which 
 he hoped would always characterize them ? Certainly 
 not. And that was the compulsion, and a contract 
 entered into under those circumstances was not a fair 
 contract, was not a just contract ; and was not as 
 binding as a contract would be here in England, where 
 the tenant had the alternative either of paying his 
 rent, or throwing up his farm and seeking emploj*- 
 ment in his own country, which employment the 
 Irishman could not find in Ireland. 
 
 "Having said so much upon this question of rent, 
 he oame to another demand that they had made in 
 Ireland, and that demand was that the four or five 
 millions of acres of waste land to be found in Ireland 
 should be reclaimed. Now, surely if there was any- 
 thing wicked in his having asked for assistance to 
 prevent the people from starvation, there was nothing 
 malicious, to quote the words of the warrant for his 
 arrest, in asking that the waste land of Ireland should 
 be reclaimed, in order to find employment for the 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 197 
 
 people, and in order to benefit the country. Surely 
 there was nothing revolutionary in that. There was 
 nothing to alarm even the Government of England, or 
 to frighten the landlords with the ghost of Communism 
 or Socialism. Travelling throughout Ireland, they 
 would see in all parts, in every county, splendid land 
 running to waste ; and the explanation they would get 
 from the car-driver, or from those with whom they 
 came in contact, was that those lands had been quitted 
 in the famine 3-ears. The people were driven from 
 them, and sent to the workhouse to die, and some 
 across to England. Since then this land had lain 
 fallow. Well, when that land was created by Almighty 
 God, it was not intended to lie fallow, it was not 
 intended to run waste : it was intended to produce 
 food to support the people whom God intended to be 
 the inhabitants of Ireland ; and if they now asked that 
 that land should be put to the use for which it was 
 created, — namely, that it should be reclaimed in order 
 to give employment to willing people, to keep capital 
 in the countiy, and to increase the value of cereal 
 produce, — surety there was nothing wicked or revolu- 
 tionary in that. That was one of the demands that 
 they had made from those 'violent and inflammatory' 
 platforms in Ireland during the last twelve months. 
 
 " The}* had asked that some of the church surplus 
 should be employed in reclaiming this waste land. 
 
 " Landlordism was a system which was responsible 
 for the deaths, he might almost say to the number of 
 two millions of their people, during the famine years of 
 .1847-48 ; and when he saw the hovels their people 
 were compelled to live in now on account of that system, 
 — when he saw the poverty and degradation which 
 
198 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 prevailed on a land made fruitful by the bounty of 
 God, — it was impossible for him to restrain his indig- 
 nation. Thissj'stem was responsible for the misery of 
 the Irish people ; and when he saw their forced exile to 
 England, often to spend a life of toil and miseiy, and 
 yet was asked to speak of it in buttered phrases, he 
 answered ' No.' He held that he had a double duty to 
 perform in denouncing it ; and so long as he had brain 
 to plan, hand to dare, or heart to feel for Ireland, so 
 long would he stand an uncompromising enemy to 
 landlordism. 
 
 " He had taken part in this agitation from a sense 
 of duty. He had felt that a crisis was coming to his 
 country, and that it was necessary to rouse the people 
 of Ireland in order that they should not be guilt}* of 
 the suicidal act, the guilty act, of lying down to die 
 as their kindred did in '48. That was a blot upon 
 their countiy. Although he could lay the blame on alien 
 misgovernment, still it did not redound to the credit 
 of the people of 1847-48 that they lay down on the road- 
 side and died. Mr. Parnell and others were deter- 
 mined that such a state of things would not be allowed 
 to come without the Government being forewarned of 
 it. In conclusion, he asked the support of the Irishmen 
 of Tyneside in'behalf of the Irish National Land League, 
 of which Mr. Parnell was the head. This league made 
 war against no political party in Ireland ; it was a 
 neutral platform, upon which the Nationalist, Home 
 Ruler, Repealer, and Non-participant could stand to- 
 gether, — upon which every Irishman worthy of the 
 name could join without compromising his particular 
 principles on these heads ; and its object was to root 
 the people on the soil, and make them prosperous, con- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 199 
 
 tented, and happy. Surety there was no man who 
 would stand on a quibble of principle, and refuse to 
 co-operate in this great labor. He was a Nationalist, 
 and not a Home Ruler ; but still on this platform he rec- 
 ognized no difference, for he believed that Home Ruler 
 and Repealer were anxious to have their people com- 
 fortable and happy. In this league the}' sunk political 
 differences, and grasped hands in order to rescue a 
 starving people, and to raise Ireland from that social 
 degradation in which landlordism had sunk it." 
 
 After speaking at some of the great English 
 meetings, Mr. Parnell, accompanied by Mr. Dil- 
 lon, sailed for America, where they arrived by the 
 steamer Scythia, on Friday, January 2. Kecep- 
 tions for the Land League delegates had mean- 
 while been arranged in many of the American 
 cities. 
 
200 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Parnell and Dillon in New York. —Great Meeting 
 in Madison Square Garden. — Parnell addri 
 Congress. — The Famine in Ireland. — How the 
 Landlords acted. — The Relief Bill.— Land Meet- 
 ing on the Spot where Davitt was born. 
 
 " A million a decade ! What does it mean? 
 A nation dying of inner decay; 
 A churchyard's silence where life has been; 
 The base of the pyramid crumbling away; 
 A drift of men gone over the sea, 
 A drift of the dead where men should be." 
 
 — Speranza. 
 
 The critical condition of affairs in Ireland, 
 coupled with the recent appeals for aid made to 
 the Irish race in America, produced great sjmipa- 
 thy in favor of the agitation, and a desire on the 
 part of Irish-Americans to render all the aid pos- 
 sible, both for the people who were on the verge 
 of starvation, and for the prosecution of the agi- 
 tation. Meetings were held in various cities 
 throughout the States to devise the best means 
 of meeting the emergency. From many of those 
 meetings delegates were sent to New York with 
 offers of aid, and invitations to Messrs. Parnell 
 and Dillon, who had just arrived, to visit the sev- 
 eral towns represented and address the people. 
 
 The first great meeting at which the Land 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 201 
 
 Lengue delegates — Messrs. Parnell and Dillon — 
 spoke, was held in Madison Square Garden, New 
 York, on Sunday evening, January 4th, 1880, 
 nine thousand persons being present. The re- 
 ception given the delegates by the vast multitude 
 was intensely enthusiastic. Mrs. Parnell and her 
 three daughters were present. Judge Alker, 
 Chairman of the Reception Committee, intro- 
 duced the Hon. Henry E. Gildersleeve — the 
 rifleman — as chairman of the meeting, who in- 
 troduced Mr. Parnell. After Messrs. Parnell 
 and Dillon had delivered speeches, the following 
 resolutions were adopted : — 
 
 11 Resolved,— 1. That Mr. Charles Stewart Parnell 
 and Mr. John Dillon are deserving of our earnest 
 gratitude and most unqualified confidence ; that the 
 sacrifices they have made and the perils they have en- 
 countered in coming to this prosperous land to plead 
 the cause of a suffering nation are entitled to a 
 generous and practical recognition and response ; and 
 that the promises made by us in our welcoming ad- 
 dress it should be our pride as well as our duty to 
 redeem. 
 
 " 2. That we give our suffering brothers in Ireland our 
 heart-whole sympathies in these the days of their deep 
 distress ; and, while giving sympathy, we would counsel 
 hope for the better clay which, in God's good time, will 
 assuredl}* come. 
 
 " 3. That while the relief of the immediate suffering 
 has a claim upon our immediate action, we cannot over- 
 look the fact that the system which produces this suf- 
 
202 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 fering needs change ; that money for the purchase of 
 food, fuel, and raiment for the afflicted poor is needed 
 at once, and that, beyond and besides this primary call, 
 funds are needed to strengthen the hands of the Irish 
 Land League in their struggle against landlord mon- 
 opoly ; and that, therefore, we suggest to the generous 
 public that, while remembering the pressing claims 
 now presented for relief, there is an obligation to aid 
 in the prevention of the recurrence of such claims ; 
 and this latter can only be effected by that readjust- 
 ment of the land tenure of Ireland contemplated by the 
 Irish Land League. 
 
 " 4. That subscription lists be at once opened, a 
 finance committee, secretaries, and treasurers appoint- 
 ed, and that a formal and earnest appeal be made to 
 aid in the grand achievement of giving an ancient 
 people a living in their own land ; realizing the idea 
 given utterance to by Mr. Parnell, on arrival, of giving 
 Ireland a place among the nations of the earth, — in 
 other words, ' Ireland for the Irish and the Irish for 
 Ireland.'" 
 
 The visiting delegates were now fairly before 
 the American people. They travelled continu- 
 ously, and spoke at meetings all over the United 
 States during January, February, and March. 
 Mr. Parnell said, before his departure, they had 
 travelled 10,000 miles and spoken in 62 cities. 
 They were everywhere accorded enthusiastic re- 
 ceptions by the American people, as well as by 
 the Irish-Americans. The object of their visit 
 proved eminently successful, both as regards sym- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 203 
 
 pathy and material aid, $200,000 having been 
 subscribed, according to Mr. Parnell's own words. 
 On Monday, the 2d of February, by vote of 
 Congress, Mr. Parnell addressed the House on 
 the state of Ireland. The action of Congress on 
 the matter was as follows : On the 29th January, 
 Mr. Young, of Ohio, submitted the following 
 resolution, which was read, considered, and 
 agreed to : — 
 
 " Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the 
 invitation extended to this bod} r to hear the address of 
 Hon. Mr. Parnell, a member of Parliament, to be de- 
 livered in this city on the evening of February 2, on 
 the distressed condition of Ireland, be accepted." 
 
 Mr. Cox, of New York, proposed the following 
 resolution, to follow that of Mr. Young : — 
 
 " In response to the invitation just presented and 
 accepted, requesting the House to agree to take part 
 in the ceremonies to be observed in the reception of 
 Mr. Charles Stewart Parnell, a representative of the 
 Irish people, for the delivery of an address on Irish 
 affairs, and because of the great interest which the 
 people of the United States take in the condition of 
 Ireland, with which this country is so closely allied by 
 many historic and kindred ties : Therefore, — 
 
 " Be it resolved, That the Hall of this House be 
 granted for the above purpose, on the 2d clay of February 
 next, and that the House meet on that day and time to 
 take part in the ceremonies." 
 
204 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 On the evening of the day named the House 
 was packed with Congressmen, Senators, ladies, 
 and visitors. At 7.30 o'clock, Speaker Randall 
 entered the Hall, accompanied by Parnell. The 
 Speaker read the resolution under which the ses- 
 sion of the evening was held. He then said, that, 
 in conformity with that resolution, he had the 
 honor and pleasure to introduce Charles Stewart 
 Parnell, M. P., who had come among them to 
 speak of the distress of his country. 
 
 Mr. Parnell was received with applause from 
 the floor and galleries. He commenced his speech 
 by thanking the House for the honor conferred 
 upon him, and entered at once upon an expla- 
 nation of the wrongs of the Irish people and the 
 causes of it, which he ascribed to the system of 
 land tenure. Every allusion that was made to 
 the help that America was giving to Ireland was 
 received with demonstrations of approval. In 
 the course of his speech, Mr. Parnell said it would 
 be a proud boast for America if it should aid in 
 reforming the land tenure of Ireland and solving 
 the question without the shedding of one drop of 
 blood, as it could do. He alluded to the fact 
 that he had American blood in his veins, and this 
 elicited a perfect storm of applause. He thanked 
 Americans for the generosity of their contribu- 
 tions, and hoped this would be the last Irish 
 famine they would have to aid. He concluded his 
 speech at 8.22 o'clock, and the House immediately 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 205 
 
 adjourned. At the close of the meeting Mr. Par- 
 nell held a levee in the hall, and was introduced 
 to members and others by Speaker Randall. 
 
 Parnell's speech was cabled to London by the 
 British minister at Washington, as soon as it was 
 delivered : it was a bitter pill for John Bull to 
 swallow ; but he had to swallow it, all the same. 
 
 While Messrs. Parnell and Dillon were pursu- 
 ing their patriotic mission in the United States, 
 most appalling accounts of the dreadful suffering 
 caused by the famine in Ireland were being pub- 
 lished daily in the press. In the beginning of 
 January, 1880, Mr. Davitt visited Connemara to 
 see for himself the state of affairs in that wild 
 region. On his return to Dublin he reported at 
 a meeting of the Irish National Land League, 
 January 13, that both priests and people with 
 whom he had conversed expressed the belief that 
 private charity would be insufficient to cope with 
 the distress between March and June, and that 
 Government aid would alone prevent starvation. 
 The people along the sea-coast from Spicldal to 
 Clifden were, he said, eating the potatoes that 
 should be kept for seed. He suggested that re- 
 lief committees should not overlook the necessity 
 of providing seed for districts where people had 
 been compelled to use as food what should be re- 
 served for the coming seed-time. No out-door 
 relief was given by unions along the Connemara 
 sea-coast. 
 
206 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 A few of the particular cases of distress re- 
 ported in January and February will give a fair 
 idea of what the general suffering must have been 
 iu those months. On January 14, sixty able- 
 bodied men with their families were admitted to 
 the Killarney workhouse. On the same day, a 
 woman with three children, one of whom was 
 dead in her arms from hunger and exposure, 
 applied for admission ; she had walked from 
 Cahirciveen, forty miles, seeking food for her 
 children. 
 
 On January 23, a letter from Clifden, County 
 Gal way, was published in Dublin, which said, — 
 
 " Last evening CliTden presented an appalling pic- 
 lure. Crowds of ragged, famished men and women 
 thronged around the doors of the meal-shops, clamor- 
 ing for food. Many had waited up all through the 
 night in the bitter frost, besieging the houses of the 
 relief committee. Several thousands nocked into 
 town during the da} r , demanding relief. Several men 
 seized members of the committee, ciying, ' We are 
 starving ; we must have food !' The police had to 
 be called in to clear the meal-shops of the mob. They 
 gathered threaten ingty around the house where the 
 relief committee were sitting. Knots of men and 
 women, who could not be reached that day by the relief 
 committee remained in the street until midnight, al- 
 though the air was intensely cold. Fever has broken 
 out at Carna ; four families are stricken down in one 
 village." 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 207 
 
 On February 13, a poor woman , named Mary Hur- 
 ley, whose sense of shame put begging and the work- 
 house out of the question, died of absolute want in 
 Fermoy, County Cork. Many Others in the same 
 town were reported to be approaching the last stage 
 of misery. On February 21, a case of insanity, 
 resulting from destitution, was reported from 
 Straloffath, near Letterkenny, County Donegal. 
 A man named Denis Martin lived with his sister 
 and a brother's child on a high mountain farm of 
 twenty-six acres, the rent of which was £4 3s. 
 8d., — an increase, it was stated, of 50 per cent, 
 over the rent paid some years ago. Three months 
 previously his cows were seized for arrears of 
 rent, and his horse, by which he was able to eke 
 out a living by carting turf to Letterkenny, died. 
 Their extreme povert}' was concealed until the 
 day named, when Martin's sister made an attempt 
 on the life of the child, whose screams attracted 
 the neighbors, and it was discovered that they 
 had had no food for four days. The sister was 
 put into an asylum, and Martin, who had likewise 
 exhibited symptoms of lunacy, was taken care of 
 by his brother, who was also in distress. 
 
 At a meeting of the Mansion House Committee 
 on January 31, Lord Mayor Gray referred to the 
 reports that three inquests had been held in the 
 neighborhood of Parsonstown, wherein verdicts 
 were rendered of death from destitution. 
 
 The Registrar General for Ireland stated, at a 
 
208 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 mooting of the Marlborough Relief Committee, 
 thai according to the best information in his pos- 
 session two-thirds of the potato crop, representing 
 
 five and three-quarter million of pounds ster- 
 ling, failed in 1879. This, coupled with the bad 
 harvests the two previous years, brought the 
 people to the verge of the famine-graves from 
 which they were rescued by the Land League ; 
 for, had it not been for the timely and energetic 
 action of that body, thousands of trenches would 
 have been filled with famine-corpses, as in 
 1846-47. 
 
 The landlords were by no means idle spectators 
 of what was transpiring around them. They 
 thought it high time to go for their "pound of 
 flesh," while a little yet remained on the bones of 
 their gaunt victims. Ejectments and processes 
 w 7 ere being showered in on the famine districts, so 
 that the price of the last loaf which was to save 
 the life of a hungry child might be captured before 
 it was devoured. The people resisted the writs 
 which would deprive them of their last hope, and 
 police bayonets were frequently reddened in the 
 blood of the starving peasants. Here are a few 
 instances worthy of being remembered and placed 
 to the debit side of the landlord account. 
 
 In the beginning of January a process-server, 
 named Langley, surrounded with police, went to 
 serve ejectments at Knockrickard, six miles from 
 Claremorris, County Mayo ; their way was barred 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 209 
 
 by. .about five hundred women and girls, who pre- 
 cipitated themselves on the constabulary to get 
 at Laugley and take the writs from him. The 
 report of the affair says : " A scene of terrible 
 confusion and dread ensued. The officers drew 
 their swords and rushed among the women, most 
 of whom were bareheaded and barefooted. One 
 young woman had her scalp cut by a sword ; 
 another had a bayonet thrust in her arm ; several 
 were knocked down, trampled on, and had their 
 dresses torn." 
 
 Again, in the same month, the Irish corre- 
 spondent of the New York Herald, who at that 
 time would not err in favor of the peasantry, 
 writing to his paper in reference to a similar 
 incident, said, — 
 
 " The actual scene of this business was the village 
 of Corraroe, which is on the coast, about twenty miles 
 from the town of Galwa\ T . The local police antici- 
 pating a popular movement, occupied the house before 
 the arrival of the crowd, and thus frustrated their inten- 
 tions. Messengers were dispatched to the station at 
 Spiddal, five miles distant, asking for re-enforcements. 
 These arrived during the evening, and the police re- 
 mained on the premises all night. Meanwhile the 
 telegraph wires had been in operation, and the next 
 morning an additional detachment of fifty constables 
 arrived on the scene. In the midst of this little arm}*, 
 Fenton, the process-server, issued from the house 
 to execute his legal mission. The first house visited 
 was that of William Faherty. Women surrounded the 
 
210 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 door, and, as Fcnton advanced to effect service, they 
 clutched the process and tore it to shreds. The police 
 then charged all round with their sword bayonets, 
 wounding several severely. The women were bayon- 
 eted right and left ; and one of them, Mrs. Connealty, 
 sustained such injuries that the last rites of the Church 
 had to be administered to her by the Rev. P. J. Newell, 
 the Catholic priest of the place, who Was an eye-wit- 
 ness of the scene. 
 
 " The police then proceeded to the cabin of a man 
 named Connealty, about three hundred yards distant. 
 They smashed open the door, which was closed, and 
 service was effected. James Mackle's house was next 
 visited. The women again surrounded the door, and 
 endeavored to wrest the process from Fenton. The 
 police charged a second time indiscriminately, knocked 
 some of the people down, and, it is stated, bayoneted 
 one man while on the ground, unmercifully. Up to 
 this the men had not interfered beyond crowding 
 round, and no missiles were thrown at the constabulary ; 
 but now sticks and stones were freely used, and a ter- 
 rible melee ensued. The police became much excited, 
 and at last fired some shots over the heads of their 
 assailants. Then the process-server attempted to deliver 
 the document. The women, as before, snatched it out 
 of his hand and destroyed it. Sub-Inspector Gibbons 
 rushed into the house, and, as he advanced to the 
 hearth, Mrs. Mackle lifted a blazing turf, and smashed 
 it on his neck. Smarting from the burning, the officer 
 rushed back to the door, and in the struggle his sword 
 was knocked out of his hand. The commanding offi- 
 cer considered that the situation was now too critical 
 to act without the presence of a magistrate, whose 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 211 
 
 orders would relieve the constables of the legal respon- 
 sibility of a conflict with the peasantry. Accordingly 
 the whole force was withdrawn, and concentrated at 
 the police barrack in the village, where the process- 
 server remained for protection.' , 
 
 On January 17, the police, escorting a party 
 of process-servers, at Kilmina, County of Mayo, 
 were severely maltreated, and obliged to retreat, 
 though they had their rifles loaded and bayonets 
 fixed. Several of the police were cut about the 
 head and face. The process-servers had their 
 clothing torn, and the processes were captured 
 by the mob. 
 
 Such w r as the state of Ireland when the Irish 
 National Land League, through its delegates, was 
 appealing to the American people to save the lives 
 of the Irish peasantry. 
 
 On January 23, Messrs. Davitt, Brennan, Daly, 
 and Killeu were served with writs calling on them, 
 in answer to their recognizances, to appear before 
 the Court of Queen's Bench, failing in which they 
 were to be again arrested. When they appeared 
 in court, further time to plead was granted. The 
 Government, however, saw they had bungled in 
 making the arrests, and allowed the case to drop. 
 
 At a meeting of the Irish National Land League 
 on January 26, it was resolved "that Mr. Michael 
 Davitt should be deputed to wait upon the editors 
 of the French and other continental newspapers, 
 
212 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 to enlist their support in efforts for the relief of 
 distress in Ireland." Accordingly Mr. Davitt, 
 accompanied by Mr. Killen, shortly afterwards vis- 
 ited France and Belgium to collect information re- 
 garding the land system in those countries, and 
 to carry out the mission delegated to them. 
 
 Parliament was opened on February 5, and a 
 relief bill was introduced shortly afterwards, which 
 disqualified from voting those who received aid 
 through its provisions, and which was afterwards 
 so tied up with red tape that it proved of little 
 value. The whole country might have starved 
 while the Board of Works were getting ready to 
 administer it. 
 
 Meanwhile the agitation was continued with 
 unabated energy. On February 1, 1880, over 
 15,000 people assembled on the spot where Mr. 
 Michael Davitt was born. The platform was 
 erected over the very ruins of the old homestead 
 from which the family had been evicted. It was 
 at this meeting Mr. Davitt delivered the speech, 
 a portion of which we quoted in our second chap- 
 ter. His vigorous denunciation of landlordism 
 was as follows : — 
 
 " The public mind of Ireland is at present occupied 
 with two absorbing questions, each of which has suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining prominence ; namely, through the 
 instrumentality of this agitation. The distress is, un- 
 fortunately, the agony cry of the hour, and urns'?, 
 therefore, be considered b} T all Irishmen as constitut- 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 213 
 
 ing the one supreme object round which the sympathy 
 and assistance of all parties must rally in vigorous 
 efforts to raise our people from starvation, and to 
 minimize the miseries which dog the footsteps of fam- 
 ine. While every nerve must be strained to stave off, 
 if possible, the horrible fate which befell our famine- 
 slaughtered kindred in 1847 and 1848, the attention of 
 our people must not for a moment be withdrawn from 
 the primary cause of these periodical calamities, nor 
 their exertions be relaxed in this great social struggle 
 for the overthrow of the odious system responsible for 
 them. 
 
 " Let landlordism be removed from our country, and 
 labor be allowed the wealth which it creates, in- 
 stead of being given to legalized idlers, and no more 
 famine will darken our land or hold Ireland up to the 
 gaze of the civilized world as a nation of paupers. 
 England deprives us annually of some seven millions 
 of money for Imperial taxation, and she allows an in- 
 famous land system to rob our countiy of fifteen or 
 twenty millions more each 3-ear to support some nine 
 or twelve thousand lazy landlords ; and then, when 
 famine extends its destroying wings over the land, and 
 the dread spectre of Death stands sentinel at our thresh- 
 olds, an appeal to English charity — a begging-box 
 outside the London Mansion House — is paraded be- 
 fore the world, and expected to atone for every wrong 
 inflicted upon Ireland bj" a heartless and hated Govern- 
 ment, and to blot out the records of the most monstrous 
 land code that ever cursed a countiy or robbed human- 
 ity of its birthright. It is humiliating to the last 
 degree that a few thousand land-sharks should have so 
 long and so successfully trod upon the necks of mil- 
 
214 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 lions of Irishmen, and defrauded them of the fruits of 
 their land, while at the same time robbing, insulting, 
 and dragooning our country with an inhumanity unsur- 
 passed by the titled plunderers of the Middle Ages. 
 An average landlord may be likened to a soeial vul- 
 ture hovering over the heads of the people, and swoop- 
 ing down upon the earnings and the food which that 
 industry produces, whenever his appetite or his avarice 
 prompts him. The tenantiy in the past have stood by 
 like a flock of frightened sheep, timid and terrified, un- 
 able to prevent this human bird of pre}' from devouring 
 their own and their children's substance. While rack- 
 rents were paid b}* the farmer, his family must live in 
 semi-starvation, in wretched hovels, amid squalor and 
 privations, barbed b} r the thought that the money 
 earned b}- labor and S'veat from day to da}* was being 
 spent b}' his own and his children's deadty enemy, in 
 another land, in voluptuous ease and sensual gratifica- 
 tion. If the rack-rent was not paid, and this black 
 mail levied upon labor in the shape of rent was not 
 forthcoming, to be squandered b}* one who never earned 
 a penny of it, out upon the roadside the earners would 
 be cast, to take their choice of death by exposure, 
 workhouse degradation, or banishment from home and 
 Ireland for ever." 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 215 
 
 CHAPTER XILT. 
 
 The National Land League started in America. — 
 Davitt again visits the United States. — First 
 Land League Convention in New York. — America's 
 Aid during the Famine. — The Compensation for 
 Disturbance Bill rejected. — Evictions. — Davitt in 
 San Francisco. — The Ladies' Land League begun. — 
 Davitt leaves for Ireland. — Boycotting Boycott. 
 — The State Trials. — The Coercion Act in Force. 
 
 " Beautiful Ireland ! who will preach to thee? 
 Souls are waiting for lips to vow; 
 And outstretched hands, that fain would reach thee, 
 Yearn to help, if they knew but how, 
 To lift the thorn-wreath off thy brow." 
 
 — Speranza. 
 
 Before his return to Ireland, Mr. Parnell an- 
 nounced that it was his intention to call a conven- 
 tion in Boston for the purpose of effecting a 
 permanent organization of Irish-Americans ; and, 
 in anticipation of that event, meetings were held 
 in a number of cities, so that delegates might be 
 chosen. This project was frustrated by the early 
 recall to Ireland of Mr. Parnell, in consequence 
 of the dissolution of Parliament. He sailed from 
 New York on the Baltic , on Thursday, March 11. 
 New York had previous to this taken the initiative 
 to form an organization in connection with the 
 Irish National Land League. On Sunday, March 
 
216 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 7, two important meetings were held in that city, 
 — one at the Astor House, the other at Military 
 Hall, 193 Bowery. 
 
 The Astor House meeting was composed princi- 
 pally of gentlemen who had taken an active part 
 in the reception of Mr. Parnell ; and among them 
 were prominent Nationalists, members of the 
 Ancient Order of Hibernians, the St. Patrick's 
 Mutual Alliance, the 'Longshoremen's Union, the 
 Temperance Societies, and the Catholic Young 
 Men's Society. Mr. John C. Hennessy presided, 
 and Mr. Wm. B. Clarke acted as Secretary. 
 Among those present were Walter M. O'Dwyer, 
 J. J. W. O'Donoghue, Dr. Wallace, Dr. Charles 
 S. Smith, Stephen J. Meany, T. R. Bannerman, 
 Dennis A. Spellissy, John J. Breslin, Charles A. 
 O'Rourke, John Henry McCarthy, James J. 
 Treacy, John Devoy, and Roger Burke. After 
 a very harmonious discussion, a resolution was 
 passed forming the meeting into the "Irish Na- 
 tional Land League and Relief Association of Xew 
 York." Sixteen sub-committees, appointed at a 
 meeting the previous Sunday, reported having suc- 
 ceeded in establishing a nucleus of an organization 
 in their respective wards, and gave encouraging 
 assurances of the good-will manifested towards 
 the movement. A committee consisting of John 
 Devoy, Thomas R. Bannerman, Dr. C. J. Smith, 
 John J. Breslin, Walter M. O'Dwyer, Wm. 
 Connolly, and John C. Hennessy, was appointed 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DA VITT. 217 
 
 to draw up a constitution and by-laws, and report 
 at the next meeting, and these, with Mr. O'Dwyer 
 as chairman, Drs. Donlin, Wallace, and McGuire, 
 and Colonel Michael Kirwin added, were ap- 
 pointed as a temporary Executive Committee. 
 
 At the Military Hall meeting, five delegates 
 each from twenty Irish National organizations 
 were present. Mr. Cornelius Roche was elected 
 chairman. After some discussion, it was unani- 
 mously resolved to organize an association to aid 
 the Irish National Land League, to be called the 
 Irish National Land League of New York. A 
 committee to draw up an address to the Irish peo- 
 ple of New York and a constitution and by-laws 
 was appointed. 
 
 In the evening an informal conference took 
 place between some of the officers elected at each 
 of those meetings, and arrangements were made 
 for a formal conference at the Astor House, with 
 a view to having a joint meeting on the following 
 Sunday, merging the two bodies, and uniting their 
 efforts to thoroughly organize New York City. 
 
 On the day of Mr. ParnelPs departure for Ire- 
 land, in response to an invitation issued by him to 
 the representatives of various Irish societies and 
 prominent Irishmen, a conference was held in the 
 New York Hotel. There were twenty-eight Irish 
 organizations represented ; after some discussion, 
 it was decided to form a National Irish Land 
 League in the United States, to be auxiliary to the 
 
218 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Irish National Land League in Dublin. Mr. 
 Parnell, in addressing the conference, said that 
 in his absence Mr. Dillon would fill his place. He 
 asked that the conference sustain him, and spread 
 the Land League organization all over the con- 
 tinent. The meeting adopted the following 
 resolutions : — 
 
 " 1. That in the opinion of this meeting it is 
 expedient that an auxiliary organization of the Irish 
 Land League be formed in America, in harmony with 
 the organization in Ireland, and to assist its objects. 
 
 " 2. That the Irish Land League in America be 
 organized by States, Territories (and District of 
 Columbia), with an Executive Council for each, the 
 members of which are to be elected by the several local 
 branches in the State ; each being entitled to a repre- 
 sentation in the council, in proportion to membership. 
 The President, Secretary, and Treasurer shall reside 
 in the same city. 
 
 4; 3. That there shall be a Central Council in the Union, 
 consisting of representatives from the several State 
 Councils, through whom official communications and 
 funds may be forwarded to the Dublin Executive of 
 the Irish National Land League. The Secretary, 
 Treasurer, and President to reside in the same city. 
 
 " 4. That a convention of local associations to elect 
 their State Council for the transaction of business 
 meet within their State at least once a year. 
 
 " 5. That a convention of representatives of State 
 Councils be held }*early to elect the Central Council in 
 the same wa}\ 
 
 " 6. That a Committee on Rules be hereby appointed 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 219 
 
 to draw up suggestions for the guidance of the 
 councils and the local associations, such rules being 
 held to be the rules of the councils and associations, 
 unless objected to by a majority of the branches and 
 councils after the lapse of one month after the notifi- 
 cation thereof. 
 
 "7. That an Executive Committee of this meeting, 
 consisting of one from each organization represented, 
 be appointed to select said committee." 
 
 Mr. Parnell deputed to the Committee itself the 
 work of appointing the Committee on Eules ; and 
 he suggested the adoption of the following resolu- 
 tion as defining said duty : — 
 
 " Resolved, — That a committee be appointed, with 
 power to acid to its number gentlemen from all parts 
 of the Union, to carry out the resolution adopted at 
 the full meeting ; this committee to have power to 
 consult with leading gentlemen in various parts of the 
 country, and to extend and promote the organization." 
 
 In accordance with the last resolution, the com- 
 mittee appointed issued the following circular, on 
 March 30, to one hundred and eight gentlemen in 
 all parts of the United States, whose names had 
 been approved of for a provisional Central Coun- 
 cil. Mr. Parnell had himself selected many of 
 the names before his departure : — 
 
 "Dear Sir, — A Conference of representatives of Irish 
 societies, and gentlemen friendly to the Irish Land 
 movement, was held, on Mr. Parnell's invitation, at the 
 
220 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 New York Hotel in this city, on Thursday, the 11th 
 March, inst., for the purpose of taking counsel as to 
 the best means of furthering the cause of land re- 
 form in Ireland. After a thorough discussion of the 
 subject, it was decided that an Irish Land League 
 should be formed in the United States, for the purpose 
 of rendering moral and financial aid to the Irish Na- 
 tional Land League of Ireland. The resolutions here- 
 with enclosed, and the statements of the objects of the 
 Irish Land League, will explain the action already 
 taken. 
 
 " Pending the complete organization of the American 
 branch of the League, and the election of a repre- 
 sentative Central Council, the Conference decided that 
 the supervision and direction of the movement should 
 be intrusted to a Provisional Central Council, to be 
 appointed b} T Mr. Parnell, aided in his choice b}~ the 
 advice of a committee appointed 03- the Conference. 
 On account of Mr. Parnell's hasty departure for Ire- 
 land, he found it necessaiy to depute the selection of 
 this Provisional Central Council to the committee 
 appointed by the Conference. That committee held 
 several meetings, and at its final gathering at Mott 
 Memorial Hall, in New York, on Sunday the 21st of 
 March, the names of the following gentlemen, many 
 of whom were suggested by Mr. Parnell, were unani- 
 mously selected as the Provisional Central Council of the 
 Irish Land League of the United States. [Here occur 
 the names selected.] 
 
 " After the appointment of a sub-committee of seven 
 for the purpose of notifying the gentlemen elected, and 
 arranging for a meeting of the Provisional Central 
 Council, the committee adjourned sine die. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 221 
 
 " We, the undersigned members of the sub-committee, 
 have, therefore, the honor to inform 3-ou that you have 
 been duly elected a member of the Provisional Central 
 Council of the Irish Land League of America, and to 
 request the favor, at your earliest convenience, of a 
 reply, stating your acceptance or declination of the 
 position, and the time and the place which you would 
 find most convenient for a meeting of the Council. 
 We enclose blank for that purpose. Very respectfully, 
 
 " T. J. Kearney, M. D., Chairman. 
 
 4 'David T. Lynch, Secretary. 
 
 " Thomas J. Byrne, Treasurer. 
 
 "James W. O'Brien. 
 
 " Stephen J. Meany. 
 
 " John Devoy. 
 
 " J. C. McGuire. 
 
 " Committee" 
 
 The other great cities were not far behind New 
 York. Meetings were held, and organizations on 
 the basis of the rules of the New York central 
 body were formed. In Boston, on April 15, a 
 great meeting was held in Faneuil Hall, at which 
 Mr. John Dillon spoke. After the meeting, some 
 hundreds of those preseut handed in their names 
 as Land Leaguers, and subsequently held a meet- 
 ing and appointed Hon. P. A. Collins, Chairman, 
 with P. J. Flatley and P. J. O'Daly as Secreta- 
 ries, and the following committee to perfect plans 
 for a permanent organization of the League : 
 Messrs. Patrick Donahoe, M. F. Lynch, Thos. 
 O'Flynn, John Tighe, Thos. E. Lambert, John J. 
 
222 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Hayes, and D. B. Cashman. The organization 
 was perfected at a meeting in John A. Andrew 
 Hall, April 23. 
 
 Michael Davitt left Ireland on Sunday, May 
 10, for the United States, as the representative 
 of the Irish National Land League, to assist, with 
 Mr. John Dillon, in the organization of the League 
 throughout the States. He arrived just in time 
 to attend the first National Convention of the Cen- 
 tral Provisional Council, which was held inTrenor 
 Hall, New York, on May 18, pursuant to a call 
 issued by the sub-committee of seven. The Con- 
 vention was opened by Mr. John C. McGuire, of 
 Brooklyn, N. Y., when Mr. John Boyle O'Reilly, 
 of Boston, was elected temporary chairman. On 
 taking the chair, Mr. O'Reilly delivered the fol- 
 lowing address : — 
 
 " He who should strike the true tone for the Land 
 League of America must be one who looked over the 
 whole field of Irish political, social, and industrial in- 
 terests, and who should speak a word to linger in the 
 mind and smelt into harmon}' every healthy element of 
 the race. This convention was essentially one of uni- 
 fication. To-day, with millions in America, Irish 
 nationality was only a sentiment. To-morrow it 
 should be a s}-stem. The duty of the Convention was 
 to reduce into operative form the best aspirations and 
 principles of the people. When this is done, a danger 
 is averted. It is wiser to follow organized principles 
 than to follow men, however excellent the}' be. When 
 the masses follow men, they may be dangerous to their 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 223 
 
 enemy ; when they follow principles, they become ter- 
 rible. Impotent action breeds contempt and pity. 
 Too much of Ireland's national action has been futile 
 and impotent. It is time to reduce the fight to reason 
 and science, and take advantage of every opportunit} 7 . 
 Ireland must plead her case and make her charges 
 against her powerful enemy, — not in the dark, where 
 she may be strangled and gagged, as heretofore, — but 
 in the market-place, before the world." 
 
 The Hon. P. A. Collins, of Boston, was 
 subsequently elected permanent President of the 
 Convention; Kev. S. Cronin, Buffalo, first Vice- 
 President ; Patrick Madden, of Peoria, Treasurer ; 
 and Dr. R. Shields, Westchester, N. Y., Secre- 
 tary. The Convention adopted the following 
 resolutions : — 
 
 " Whereas, A famine has been raging in Ireland for 
 the past six months, and at the present moment hun- 
 dreds of thousands of the people are being fed by the 
 charity of foreign nations ; and whereas, the terrible 
 national affliction is of periodical recurrence, we deem 
 it our duty to declare our conviction that these famines 
 do not arise from natural causes, but are the results of 
 bad laws enacted by the English Government and 
 maintained despite the Irish people. Therefore, be it 
 
 " Resolved, That it is the duty of every Irishman to 
 aid to the utmost of his abilit} T all honorable effort 
 made by the Irish people to free themselves from these 
 ruinous iaws. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard the present system of land 
 tenure in Ireland as one of the chief causes of famine, 
 
224 lite of Michael davitt. 
 
 and of the chronic poverty and oppression which pre- 
 vails in that country. 
 
 Resolved, That the National Land League of Ireland, 
 having appealed to the Irish of America to assist them 
 in removing the cause of poverty, we hereby pledge 
 the earnest co-operation of this organization to the 
 Irish Land League, in the work of abolishing the pres- 
 ent English land system, and establishing a peasant 
 proprietary in Ireland. 
 
 Resolved^ That, while prepared to aid the Irish Land 
 League to the utmost of our ability, we desire to place 
 on record our conviction that the kindred interests of 
 manufacturing, mining, fisheries, and commerce are also 
 being protracted hy deliberate and wickedly selfish re- 
 strictive legislation, and that poverty must remain the 
 normal condition of the Irish people until the}' recog- 
 nize the power to regulate and protect these interests." 
 
 The board of officers elected by the Conven- 
 tion for the National Organization were : Presi- 
 dent, James J. McCafferty, Lowell, Mass. ; Vice- 
 President, William Purcell, Rochester, N. Y. ; 
 Treasurer, Rev. Lawrence Walsh, Waterbury, 
 Conn. ; Recording Secretary, Michael Davitt ; 
 Council, — Thaddeus Flanagan, San Francisco; 
 Lawrence Harmon, Peoria, 111. ; Wm. Carroll, 
 Philadelphia ; Jas. Gibson, Paterson, N. J. ; J. O. 
 Reddjr, Richmond, Va. ; P. K. Walsh, Cincin- 
 nati, and M. E. Welsh, Providence, R. I. 
 
 The Central Council was instructed to meet, 
 regularly once in three months to pass on all 
 questions of discipline and adjust disturbances in 
 the branches of the League, and to fix the time 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 225 
 
 for general conventions. A general convention 
 was directed to be held once a year. To it each 
 branch having 300 members or under was entitled 
 to send a delegate, and each branch having over 
 300 delegates to send an additional delegate. The 
 initiation fee was fixed at $1, and the annual fees 
 not more than $1. 
 
 After Mr. John Dillon had delivered a speech, 
 in which he gave an account of his three months' 
 labors in America, Mr. Davitt was called for by 
 the Convention. In response, he delivered the 
 folio wing address : — 
 
 " My first duty is to thank this Convention for the 
 privilege of being present. I feel proud to find so 
 man}' able and intelligent men earnestly working to 
 help us in destroying landlordism. This movement 
 extends from Dublin to San Francisco. It is a good 
 omen that it will succeed when it reaches out so far 
 and interests so man}', and a sign that it will not fail 
 like other movements. I am happy to sav- that t»he 
 Land League movement in Ireland is in capital hands 
 and trim, after a series of successes during the past 
 six months. But these successes are only indicative 
 of what is to come. While satisfied with them, we 
 cannot still be content. We have succeeded all along 
 the line, and what we have already done is a guarantee 
 of what the future has in store. By }-our action to-day 
 you have widened the programme outlined by the Land 
 League in Ireland ; but, although we omitted the In- 
 dustrial question from the movement, it was not 
 because we were unaware of its importance, or of the 
 
226 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 evils which Ireland's commerce suffers through unjust 
 laws. 
 
 " I can assure } T ou now that the addition which you 
 have made to the platform to-day will be accepted by 
 the Irish people on the other side. As the movement for 
 the abolition of the Irish landlord system icas first start- 
 ed here, I am glad that this later addition to it is made 
 here also. I thank you warmly on behalf of the Irish 
 people and the Land League for the magnificent sup- 
 port you have given them in the past, and for 3*our 
 generous preparations for the future. With such 
 aid we will soon dispose of the greatest enemy to Ire- 
 land's welfare and progress. The organization of 
 land leagues is now going on rapidly in the four prov- 
 inces ; and I am happy to sa}' that the farmers in Ulster 
 are following the example of those of Leinster, Con- 
 naught, and Munster in the grand work. The plan 
 we work on is simple. "We resort to ever}' fair means 
 to pull down and destroy the tyrant landlordism, and 
 to trample it in the dust of its own rottenness. We 
 cannot do if b} 7 parliamentaiy action alone, and we 
 don't propose to confine ourselves to that means. 
 What we propose is that the action of our men in 
 Parliament shall be the reflex of the work going on in 
 Ireland. It is an action of no compromise, and no man 
 going to the House of Commons can say that our peo- 
 ple will be satisfied with fixitj- of tenure or other mild 
 reforms. 
 
 " There are two means which we pursue to accom- 
 plish our end. The first is a policy of destruction by 
 hammering against the landlords and landlordism, — 
 rack-rents. We are satisfied with nothing but their 
 total abolition. In the House of Commons we pursue 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 227 
 
 a constructive policy, so that you will be able to recon- 
 cile the speeches in Ireland against landlordism and 
 in favor of the abolition of rents, and the speeches in 
 the House which might not seem to be in keeping with 
 those delivered b} r members of the same party in Ire- 
 land. If a landlord evicts a tenant, then the Land 
 League takes action in the courts against him ; and in 
 every case, so far, we have won a victory. I don't 
 think, in the face of the feeling prevailing at present in 
 Ireland, that many wholesale evictions will take place, 
 and I don't think a Liberal Government could afford 
 to permit them. We aim to impress the farmers with 
 the necessity of refusing to take any farm from which 
 another tenant has been evicted, nor to bid for any 
 cattle sold for rent. As an instance, a farmer named 
 •Heddington had his cattle seized for rent ; but previous 
 to the seizure he branded their horns with the words, 
 ' rack-rent.' When the sale took place there were 
 few bidders, although man} 7 persons attended, and the 
 cattle were sold for one-third of their value. 
 
 "In conclusion, let me sa} r , gentlemen, that the 
 people of Ireland are full of confidence in you, and I 
 think from what I have seen here to-day that the} T will 
 not be mistaken. I can pledge to you their warmest 
 gratitude for the sinews of war which you have fur- 
 nished them to fight their great battle." 
 
 The Convention adjourned after having placed 
 the national movement in America on a solid foun- 
 dation, on which has since been built throughout 
 the Union over eleven hundred branches, that are 
 weekly sending to Ireland large amounts of money 
 
228 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 for the prosecution of the crusade against land- 
 lordism. 
 
 On Sunday, May 23, a reception was given to 
 Mr. Davitt, in Jones' Wood, New York, at which 
 Mrs. Parnell, the honored and patriotic mother of 
 Charles Stewart Parnell, and her daughter, Miss 
 Fanny Parnell, were present. The following is 
 an extract from the speech delivered on that occa- 
 sion by Mr. Davitt : — 
 
 " I speak to-day in the hearing of an illustrious 
 Irishwoman, the mother of an illustrious Irishman, and 
 cannot allow myself to be placed before him, the leader 
 and the guiding spirit to whom is due the series of suc- 
 cesses scored during the past year. The problem 
 before us when we organized was simple, and our plat- 
 form contains this single plank, — the destruction of 
 landlordism and the winning of the land for the people, 
 to whom it belongs. The Irish League includes all 
 parties, — Nationalists, Moderates, Home Rulers, Re- 
 pealers, and all sects, — Catholics and Protestants 
 meeting in council to work until Ireland's social rights 
 are won and her enemy struck down forever. We work 
 by teaching peasants and all people that the land was 
 made for them, and not for 10,000 lazy Englishmen ; 
 that, if they allow themselves to be trampled upon, they 
 are worthy of oppression, and that they are to rely on 
 themselves alone and not upon foreign or hostile legis- 
 lators. Together with this S3 T stem of instruction, we 
 warn them not to despise the honest efforts in their 
 behalf of Irishmen in Parliament, and that no principle 
 is sacrificed by recognizing the courageous fight of 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 229 
 
 Parnell. When the people of Ireland find that united 
 they can strike clown rack-rents and prevent evictions 
 while their friends labor in legislation, they can herald 
 the day when these abuses will be swept away forever. - 
 " We ask 3-our aid, moral and material. We mean 
 to attack this system openly and fairlv, unscrupulous 
 though our enemy be. We want you, too, to be united, 
 — you who hope to see Ireland a nation ; and 3-ou who 
 think she is too weak for that, but still desire her inde- 
 pendence." 
 
 Davitt now went to work to build up the League 
 throughout the States. His first official act as 
 Secretary of the Irish National Land and Industrial 
 League was to have issued to " the Irish race in 
 America" an address from the Council of the 
 League, which bore his signature as Central Secre- 
 tary, with those of the other officers. In this ad- 
 dress occurred the following paragraphs, showing 
 how the Land League expected its supporters in 
 America to aid the objects of the home organiza- 
 tion : — 
 
 "First. — By enlightening American public opinion 
 as to the working of the Landlord System, and by ex- 
 posing through the columns of the American press the 
 oppressions and outrages which are practised on the 
 tenant-farmers of Ireland. 
 
 " Second. — By the immense moral, influence which 
 their support exerts on the people at home, encouraging 
 them to be steadfast in the struggle, and not to give 
 way to despair. 
 
 " Third. — By contributing sufficient means to enable 
 
230 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVITT. 
 
 the League to cany on the movement in Ireland on 
 such a scale as is necessary to insure success." 
 
 And also the following purposes for which as- 
 sistance was asked in America : — 
 
 " Up to the present," said the document, " through 
 want of mone}', the League has been obliged to confine 
 its operations chiefly to a few counties. The purposes 
 for which funds are needed are : — 
 
 " First. — To enable the League to spread its organi- 
 zation throughout the thirty -two counties of Ireland. 
 
 "Second. — Pending the abolition of landlordism, to 
 aid local branches of the Land League to defend in the 
 courts such farmers as may be served with processes of 
 ejectment, and thus enable them to obstruct such land- 
 loids as avail themselves of the povert}" of the tenantry 
 and the machinery of the law to exterminate the 
 victims of the existing s} T stem. 
 
 u Third. — To enable the League to afford protection 
 to those who are unjustly evicted. Alreadj" the League 
 has been obliged to undertake the support of the 
 families of the men who were recentty sentenced to 
 imprisonment for resisting eviction in one of the fam- 
 ine districts, and it is now supporting evicted families. 
 
 "Fourth. — To oppose the supporters of landlordism 
 whenever and wherever they endeavor to obtain any 
 representative position in Ireland which would be the 
 means of aiding them in prolonging the existence of 
 the present land laws and perpetuating the social de- 
 gradation and miseiw of our people." 
 
 Mr. Davitt was now unceasing in his exertions 
 in establishing branches. He visited a great many 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 231 
 
 cities all through the country, leaving perfected 
 organizations after him wherever he went, and 
 arousing the people to greater exertions ; so that, 
 along with the large sums weekly sent from 
 America to aid the starving people, very consider- 
 able amounts began also to be sent for League 
 purposes ; the Irish National Laud League being 
 particular to expend for the relief of distress the 
 money sent for that purpose, not touching a cent 
 for League objects, except what was specifically 
 mentioned as being intended for such. 
 
 The noble conduct of America during this terrible 
 famine crisis in Ireland will ever be written on 
 the memory of the Irish race in letters of gold, 
 and in significant contrast to the callous and mean 
 conduct of the British Government in treating the 
 distress. The Constellation , which sailed on 
 March 28, laden with America's practical bounty 
 for the starving people, was met on her arrival in 
 Queenstown, April 20, by a Royal Duke, and a 
 British Admiral with his war ship. They became 
 so officious in helping the mode of distribution of 
 the cargo as to almost give the impression that 
 the relief ship and the food had come from Eng- 
 land, instead of from the United States ; and they 
 certainly did filch a great share of the credit of 
 that transaction. England is mean enough to rob 
 a beggarman, and refuse him an alms out of the 
 plunder. 
 
 An important event occurred some time after 
 
232 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 Mr. ParnelPs return to Ireland. The elections 
 bad resulted favorably to the supporters of the 
 Land League, and the active section in Parlia- 
 ment was considerably increased. At a conference 
 of the Irish parliamentary party, held in May, Mr. 
 Parnell was elected leader, instead of Mr. Shaw. 
 This position of prominence to Mr. Parnell was 
 of the utmost importance to the furtherance of 
 the objects of the League, which were placed in the 
 fore-front of all questions emanating from the 
 party. It also guaranteed that the people's fight 
 against the landlords would be vigorously prose- 
 cuted in the House, until suitable legislation on 
 the subject would have been obtained. 
 
 In the beginning of July, Mr. Forster, Chief 
 Secretary for Ireland, introduced a relief bill into 
 Parliament, entitled, "The Compensation for 
 Disturbance (Ireland) Bill." The bill met -with 
 great opposition, even from some members of 
 Gladstone's Cabinet, — one of whom, the Marquis 
 of Lansdowne, the owner of 135,500 acres in Ire- 
 land, resigned his position as under-secretary for 
 India, in consequence. In the debate on the bill, 
 July 5 s Mr. Gladstone said 3 — 
 
 " The greater part of the opposition to the bill was 
 a revival of smouldering hostility to the Land Act. 
 The bill must be judged from the standpoint of the 
 Land Act, which created for the tenant an interest in 
 the land, and improved the value, though it interfered 
 \vith, property. Evictions, he said, were lamentably 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 233 
 
 increasing ; and it was necessary to employ a large 
 number of police to enforce processes. Such a state of 
 things nearly approached danger of civil war, and it 
 was therefore necessary to take measures to prevent a 
 serious crisis. The best means to combat anti-rent 
 agitation was to remove justification for agitation." 
 
 The bill finally passed the Commons, but was 
 killed in the House of Lords by a vote of 282 to 
 51. The landlord influence was at work in the 
 aristocratic " Upper House," and succeeded in in- 
 ducing the "titled idlers" to strangle the bill. 
 
 For the portion of the year up to July 1, 1880, 
 1696 evictions were reported in Ireland, distri- 
 buted as follows : In Ulster, 552 ; in Minister, 
 495 ; in Leinster, 417 ; and in Connaught, 232. 
 This would represent about 5,000 people who 
 were thrown on the roadside by the landlords. 
 After that date, owinsr to the thoroughness of the 
 Land League organization, the ejectments con- 
 siderably decreased. 
 
 Davitt travelled much, and worked hard through 
 the summer months, in or^anizino: branches 
 throughout the West ; and in the early part of 
 September he was attacked with nervous fever, in 
 Omaha, Nebraska, brought on by overtaxing his 
 brain and physical powers. The gigantic work 
 which he accomplished within a year was suf- 
 ficient to break down a much stronger man. He 
 soon rallied, however, and continued his tour to 
 the Pacific coast, where he lectured in the chief 
 
234 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 towns. On September 21, an .address from "the 
 reformers of the West to Michael Davitt, the 
 persecuted agitator and heroic apostle of the new 
 civilization," was presented to him, in San 
 Francisco, by Denis Kearney. The address 
 abounded in the peculiar figures of speech for 
 which Kearney was celebrated. Davitt's satirical 
 reply was a hit which Denis should remember and 
 profit by. He said, — 
 
 "To ' agitator' I make no objection, as every re- 
 former must stir up and agitate the muss of his people 
 if the}- are to achieve the object for which the}' strug- 
 gle ; but as to the title of ' heroic apostle of the new- 
 civilization * I can lay no particle of claim, as I am too 
 irreverent for the dignity of an apostle, and too ig- 
 norant of what is to constitute the new civilization you 
 credit me with propagating. I am fond of old names, 
 about the meaning of which there can be no mistake, 
 and I am of opinion that there is no advantage gained 
 for the cause of reform by enveloping ideas or clothing 
 principles in ambiguous or new-fangled language. ,, 
 
 A new and novel feature in the agitation oc- 
 curred in October. On the 15th of that month, 
 Miss Fanny Parnell, assisted by other patriotic 
 ladies, called a meeting in the New York Hotel, 
 at which about fifty ladies were present. The 
 meeting organized the " Ladies' Land League of 
 New York," and appointed the following officers : 
 — President, Mrs. D. T. Stewart Parnell ; Vice- 
 President, Miss Ellen Ford ; Financial Secretary, 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 235 
 
 Miss Fanny Parnell ; Treasurer, Mrs. Andrew 
 Maguire ; Recording Secretary, Miss Mary E. 
 Magnire ; Corresponding Secretary, Miss Jane 
 Byrne. The Ladies' League has since been 
 wonderfully developed by the untiring energy of 
 Mrs. Parnell and Miss Ellen Ford. Its branches 
 are spreading out in all directions where exists 
 the National Land League, and Miss Anna Par- 
 nell has established a large number of branches 
 in several counties in Ireland. 
 
 The news from Ireland that the Government 
 was to indict Mr. Parnell and the other Land 
 League leaders brought Mr. Davitt again to the 
 East, determined to start at once for Ireland. 
 Mr. Parnell and the Executive of the League 
 requested Mr. Davitt to remain in the States, 
 where his services would have been invaluable ; 
 but this he positively refused to do, saying that 
 where there was danger there his post should be. 
 Just before his departure for Ireland an immense 
 meeting, organized by the Ladies' Land League, 
 was held in New York, and presided over by the 
 president, Mrs. Parnell. At this meeting Mr. 
 Davitt delivered his last address in America. 
 
 He arrived in Queenstown on Saturday, Nov- 
 ember 20, and two days afterwards spoke at a 
 Land League demonstration held at Mallow. In 
 his speech he gave the following temperate ad- 
 vice : He said he understood the temper of the 
 American people pretty well, and he believed 
 
236 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 that the late acts of agrarian violence in Ireland 
 had done the Land League cause much harm in 
 the United Stales. While he knew that the Land 
 League was not, and could not be, held responsi- 
 ble in any way for those outrages, he would urge 
 upon its members to use every effort to prevent 
 a recurrence of them, if they wished to retain 
 American sympathy. Such an organization as 
 the Land League was the only one that could re- 
 move the terrible incubus of landlordism. The 
 League, like the Government, desired the secu- 
 rity of life and property ; but, unlike the Govern- 
 ment, it desired it for millions instead of for a 
 few. 
 
 A great deal of excitement was caused all 
 through Ireland, early in November, by the war 
 on " Captain" Boycott, — an Englishman, agent for 
 Lord Erne. Boycott's residence was at Lough 
 Mask House, near Ballinrobe, County Mayo. He 
 was an agent of the worst type, and had had 
 difficulties with his workpeople, which showed 
 him to be a paltry, mean-souled fellow. The 
 culmination of the trouble arose out of his having 
 ejectment notices served on Lord Erne's tenants. 
 A body of police were protecting the process- 
 server when serving the writs. The people at- 
 tacked the party, who retreated and found refuge 
 in Lough Mask House. Xext day the whole side 
 of the country struck against Boycott, and re- 
 duced him and his family to a state of siege. His 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 237 
 
 servants were ordered to leave him, and they did 
 so. No person could be hired to do a hand's-turn 
 for the Englishman. A party of Orangemen were 
 then organized, which, protected by a large force 
 of military, proceeded to Lough Mask to save the 
 agent's crops, that were rotting in the ground for 
 want of harvesting. When the crops were ga- 
 thered, the Orangemen, with Boycott and his 
 family, surrounded by the small army of horse, 
 foot, and artillery sent to protect them, left that 
 part of the country, amid the groans and hootings 
 of the people. The " Captain " left Lough Mask 
 with a whole skin, owing to the advice of the 
 Land League to the people. It is not likely that 
 he will soon again visit that section. This was a 
 caution to other land agents in the West. Shortly 
 afterwards thirteen landlords, agents, and others 
 were "Boycotted" at Knockamorc, a village near 
 Walshtown, and from that time "Boycotting" has 
 become a wonderful power in the hands of the 
 people. It completely ostracizes a man from 
 communication with his neighbors. No one will 
 buy or sell to him, or perform his work. It was 
 just the weapon needed to scourge the enemies of 
 the people "inside the law," and it has proved 
 more effective than bullets. 
 
 The Gladstone Government had now deter- 
 mined on a vigorous crusade against the Land 
 League, which had become powerful enough to 
 shake the foundations of Irish landlordism. Its 
 
238 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 commands and decrees were religiously obcj'ed 
 by the people. When Mr. Parnell was in 
 
 America there were only thirty branches of the 
 League in Ireland, and they were very weak. 
 There were, in December, 1880, fully five hun- 
 dred, and in each branch about two hundred pay- 
 ing members were enrolled, making altogether one 
 hundred thousand paying recruits under its flag. 
 
 The Government began its skirmishing against 
 the League by arresting Messrs. Healy and Walsh, 
 who were tried for sedition at the Cork assizes, 
 December 15, and acquitted by the jury after one 
 hour's deliberation. More troops were being 
 daily drafted into Ireland, w ? ith immense quantities 
 of war material, including 20,000 rounds of buck- 
 shot from Woolwich, as landlord pills, to be given 
 the people with the ejectment writs ; in case the 
 latter was refused, the former were to be adminis- 
 tered. 
 
 On Tuesday evening, November 2, indict- 
 ments were lodged by the Government against 
 Messrs. Parnell, Dillon, Biggar, Timothy O'Sulli- 
 van, Sexton, Egan, Brennan, Malachy O'Sullivan, 
 Boyton, Gordon Harris, Nally, Welsh, and 
 Sheridan, for conspiracy. They comprised nine- 
 teen counts, including preventing payment of rent, 
 defeating legal process, and obstructing the letting 
 of farms and exciting hatred. 
 
 The trials began in Dublin on December 28. 
 The line of defence, which was sketched by 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 239 
 
 Michael Davitt, was to deny the League's re- 
 sponsibility for agrarian outrages, and to fortify 
 the denial by quoting press statements ; also, to 
 show that, notwithstanding the sufferings and 
 distress through which the country had passed, 
 the percentage of attacks on individuals was un- 
 usually small. The state trials lasted twenty-eight, 
 days ; and on January 25, 1881, when the jury came 
 into court, the foreman stated that it was impossible 
 for them to agree, whereupon they were dis- 
 charged ; a juror previously stated that ten stood 
 for acquittal, against two for conviction. 
 
 The Government, anticipating the failure to 
 suppress the agitation through the law courts, de- 
 termined to suspend the Constitution and strangle 
 the agitation by the brute force of coercion. 
 Accordingly, the day before the acquittal of the 
 traversers, — on January 24, 1881, — the Coer- 
 cion Bill now in force, entitled a "Bill for the 
 protection of life and property in Ireland," was in- 
 troduced in the House of Commons. Under 
 its provisions any person may be arrested and 
 thrown into prison, to remain there until the 
 30th of September, 1882, without trial or appeal, 
 on the mere suspicion of a policeman or magis- 
 trate. Under this infamous Act a large number 
 of the principal organizers of the Land League 
 have since been arrested and consigned to Kil- 
 mainham and Galway prisons. The active section 
 of the Irish party in Parliament gallantly fought 
 
240 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 the Coercion Bill, step by step, through all its 
 stages, and were so successful in obstructing its 
 passage through the House that the Government 
 had to resort to the cloture gag, and expel them 
 from the House of Commons before it was possible 
 for it to pass. The British Parliament destroyed, 
 by this act, its boasted independence, a member 
 being at present completely at the mercy of the 
 Speaker, who at any time may "name him," and 
 have him suspended during the sitting. 
 
 After Mr. Davitt's departure for Ireland, the 
 National Land League in America was left with- 
 out an executive head, by the disappearance, 
 rather suddenly and unexpectedly, of its Presi- 
 dent, James J. McCafferty, of Lowell. A con- 
 vention was therefore convened at Buffalo, N. Y., 
 on January 13, and the following Board of Offi- 
 cers elected: President, P. A. Collins, of Bos- 
 ton : Vice-presidents, Bev. P. Cronin, of Buffalo ; 
 Major T. P. Powdery, of Scranton, Penn. ; Treas- 
 urer, Rev. Lawrence Walsh, of Waterbury, Conn. ; 
 Secretary, Thomas Flatley, of Boston. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 241 
 
 CHAPTER XIV, 
 
 Davitt Arrested. — Again in a Convict's Garb. — Port- 
 land Prison described. — The Ticket-of-Leave. — The 
 News in the House op Commons. — Expulsion op 
 Thirty-four Members. — The National Land League 
 Convention. — No Peace in Ireland while Davitt is 
 in a Convict's Cell. 
 
 " Though the Saxon snake unfold 
 At thy feet his scales of gold, 
 And vow thee love untold, 
 
 Trust him not, Green Land! 
 Touch not with gloveless clasp 
 A coiled and deadly asp, 
 But with strong and guarded grasp 
 In your steel-clad hand! " 
 
 — R. D. Williams. 
 
 Michael Davitt areested ! was flashed through 
 the Atlantic wires, February 3, 1881. The mean 
 and vindictive Liberal ( ! ) Government, foiled by 
 Paruell and his colleagues in its purpose of rush- 
 ing through Parliament the Coercion Bill, had 
 pounced on the leader of a people struggling to 
 free themselves from an oppression condemned 
 by the same Government, and flung him back into 
 a convict cell, into the company of the scum of 
 British crime. Gladstone and Forster, while 
 pretending sympathy to the wronged and suffer- 
 ing millions in Ireland, were tying up their victim 
 with coercion cords, that they might the more 
 
242 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 easily vent their brutal malice on the agitators. 
 The Irish law courts refused to convict the Land 
 League leaders : therefore, the British Govern- 
 ment suspended the law, to punish the people who 
 were bold enough to demand their God-given 
 rights. Davitt, the noble-hearted, gifted, and 
 honored champion of his country's cause against 
 oppression, who had already suffered long years 
 of torture, dragged back to a British dungeon on 
 a contemptible pretext of having violated the 
 terms of his ticket-of-leave, — the civilized world 
 cried shame ! on the miserable tyrants who could 
 stoop to so paltry a trick of state policy to serve 
 an ignoble purpose. Mr. Davitt's arrest was 
 effected in the following manner: On Thursday, 
 February 3, Mr. Davitt had been working at the 
 League offices with the Ladies' Relief Committee, 
 who were busy getting out their addresses to the 
 Irish people. Between two and three o'clock he 
 left the offices to dine. With him were Mr. 
 Brennan, the Secretary of the League, and Mr. 
 Matthew Harris, of Ballinasloe, — both of them 
 defendants in the recent State trial. They walked 
 down Sackville Street, and were crossing O'Con- 
 nell Bridge, when a detective officer named Sherri- 
 dan approached Mr. Davitt and said, "Mr. 
 Davitt, you are wanted at the Castle." Mr. 
 Davitt said good-by to his friends, and walked to 
 the Castle with the officer. There he was taken 
 in charge by two English detectives, who told 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 243 
 
 him that they had orders for his arrest on the 
 ground of breach of the conditions of his ticket- 
 of-leave. He at once yielded to circumstance, 
 and handed over his revolver, requesting the chief 
 detective to give it to Mr. Brennan. About half 
 an hour afterward, Mr. Brennan went to the de- 
 tective office at the Castle, and asked Superinten- 
 dent Mallon, chief of the detective force, what 
 had become of Davitt. Mallon refused to give 
 information, and simply stated that English 
 detectives had taken him away in a cab a few 
 minutes previously. 
 
 The detectives — Chief Superintendent William- 
 son and detective officer Swanston — drove with 
 their prisoner in a cab to Kingstown, where they 
 went on board the mail steamer Connaught, and 
 sailed for England that evening. To Dr. Kenny, 
 who obtained an interview with him before the 
 boat sailed, Mr. Davitt said that the Government 
 had done a cowardly act and committed a gross 
 blunder. Mr. Michael Davitt arrived in London 
 on Friday morning, February 4, when passage 
 was taken from Kingstown to Euston. There 
 was a considerable assembly on the arrival plat- 
 form at Euston ; but, to avoid any demonstration, 
 Superintendent Williamson, who had eight or nine 
 officers with him, alighted at Willesden Junction 
 with Mr. Davitt, and proceeded to Broad Street, 
 whence they drove to Bow Street, where the 
 prisoner was lodged until his appearance before 
 
244 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 the sitting magistrate. A pilot engine preceded 
 the train which brought Mr. Davitt to London. 
 Upon reaching Bow Street, arrangements were 
 made that Mr. Davitt should be immediately 
 taken before the sitting magistrate. Sir James 
 Ingham was in attendance, and at once proceeded 
 to hear the case. The evidence consisted simply 
 of the production, by Superintendent William- 
 son, of the warrant, and the evidence of that 
 officer that the prisoner was the same Michael 
 Davitt who was convicted at the Central Criminal 
 Court on July 11, 1870. The prisoner wished 
 to put some questions regarding the reason of the 
 revoking of the license ; but he was informed that 
 that was no question for the magistrate, who had 
 simply to ascertain that he was the convict whose 
 license had been revoked. Sir J. Ingham there- 
 upon signed a warrant for the committal of the 
 prisoner to Millbank, to which prison he was at 
 once conveyed, escorted in -a similar way to that 
 on his arrival at the court. 
 
 Michael Davitt, in charge of a party of detec- 
 tives, left Millbank Prison on Saturday morning, 
 February 5, and proceeded by the quarter to six 
 train from Waterloo, which arrived at Weymouth 
 just before noon. They travelled in a special 
 first-class carriage, scarcely any one appearing to 
 know, at either the departure or arrival station, 
 who the occupants were. When the train arrived 
 at Weymouth, one of the platform porters, as 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 245 
 
 usual, was about to opeu the door, not knowing 
 who was in the carriage, when one of the officers 
 requested him to wait a few minutes, and then, 
 when most of the passengers had left, the party 
 emerged and proceeded to a carriage. Davitt 
 was not dressed in convict uniform, and walked 
 with a bold, defiant air to the carriage, which im- 
 mediately drove off; and before two o'clock he 
 was lodged in Portland Prison, not a dozen indi- 
 viduals being aware of it. A report said he 
 looked haggard and pale. The authorities at the 
 prison have received orders to use the greatest 
 vigilance and care, the sentries and guards being 
 considerably increased ; whilst the police and mili- 
 tary had full instructions how to act, should any 
 emergency arise. Strangers were closely scruti- 
 nized, and no one was allowed to loiter near the 
 prison without being challenged. 
 
 "Mr. Davitt's transfer to Portland," said a corre- 
 spondent, writing to an Irish newspaper, " removes him 
 to the spot as ' far from the busy haunts of men ' as 
 any which can possibly be conceived within the limits 
 of the British islands. It is not so inaccessible as 
 Dartmoor, where the convicts are lodged upon the 
 highest of the bleak tablelands of humid Devon ; but 
 the solitude is equally depressing, and to a man of 
 active temperament must be terrible in its intensity. 
 Upon a map of the British Isles, you may see," he 
 sa\-s, "off the county of Dorset, a place not much 
 bigger than a pin's head, which, if marked at all, is 
 described as the Isle of Portland This, however, is 
 
246 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 not correct ; it is not an island, but a peninsula, joined 
 to the mainland by an extraordinary formation known 
 as the Chisel Beach, — an enormous ridge of pebbles 
 which in the course of thousands of years has been 
 thrown up 03- the sea. Along the base of this natural 
 breakwater runs the railway connecting Portland with 
 Weymouth. It is a single narrow-gauge line ; the 
 accomplishment of the journey takes twenty minutes, 
 and there is a little station named Rodwell half-way 
 between the twain. Standing upon the parade at 
 Weymouth on a summer evening, and listening to the 
 music of the bands which never fail to enliven life at 
 a fashionable watering-place, it is difficult to believe 
 that, in yonder rocky islet, hundreds of desperadoes 
 are confined in what to them must be a living tomb ; 
 for upon the portals of that grim prison might appro- 
 priately enough be inscribed the words of Dante, 
 ''Abandon hope, all ye ivho enter here!* Leaving 
 Weymouth by the little railwa3 T , after passing Rod- 
 well, you seem suddenly to have lost sight of civiliza- 
 tion ; for scarcely a sound is to be heard beyond the 
 deep diapason of the sea. Landing at Portland, at a 
 primitive village called Castletown, 3-ou find yourself 
 at the base of a precipitous hill, at the top of which 
 stands the convict prison. On a hot da3' Bunyan's 
 Hill of Difficulty is nothing to this toilsome ascent. 
 There is not a tree or a shrub in the whole of the 
 peninsula ; so that shade amid the noontide heat is im- 
 possible. Standing upon the summit of that acclivit\ T 
 on a hot day, and looking down upon the West Ba3*, 
 solitaiy amid the activ^ which marks the great high- 
 way of the Channel, one is irresistibly reminded of 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAYITT. 247 
 
 Tennyson's description of Enoch Arclen's place of 
 exile — 
 
 " ' The blaze upon the waters to the east, 
 The blaze upon the island overhead, 
 The blaze upon the waters to the west, 
 Then the great stars that globed themselves in heaven, 
 The hollow-bellowing ocean, and again 
 The scarlet shafts of sunlight — but no sail" 
 
 Portland is one vast mass of stone, where the quarries 
 have been worked for centuries ; and, so far as convict 
 labor is applied to them, very hard work it is. Wher- 
 ever the eye turns, there is no relief from the white, 
 blinding aspect which meets the view. Houses, 
 hedges, garden walls, roads, hills, valleys, — all are of 
 stone. The free population of the peninsula subsists 
 in seven isolated and scattered villages, each lonely in 
 its desolation ; and close outside the prison walls is 
 the loneliest of these — the village of Reform. Pre- 
 viously to my day of toil over Portland, I had always 
 thought the Island of Sark was about the quietest 
 place in the creation ; but Sark possesses the advan- 
 tage of luxuriant vegetation, while Portland is a mere 
 arid rock. Even a free man gets away from it with a 
 feeling of relief, and with an idea that he would rather 
 dwell in the midst of alarms than live in that horrible 
 place." 
 
 Such is the present abode of Michael Davitt, 
 the life and soul of the Irish National Land 
 League, and the organizer of the greatest agi- 
 tation ever witnessed in Ireland. 
 
 The following is a copy of the ticket-of-leave 
 
248 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 that furnished (ho pretext for the arrest. Apropos 
 of this ticket-of-leave, the following were the 
 reasons why Mr. Davitt did not report monthly 
 at the nearest police-station, which was the regu- 
 lation not complied with : When Mr. Davitt, and 
 Messrs. Chambers, McCarthy, and O'Brien were 
 released, a compact was entered into between 
 them that the}' should observe the regulations so 
 long as any of the political prisoners were kept 
 in custody ; but, when the remaining prisoners 
 were amnestied, they did not feel themselves 
 longer obliged to comply with the rules, and 
 they acted accordingly. 
 
 MICHAEL DAVITT'S "TICKET-OF-LEAVE." 
 
 Order of Licence to a Convict made under the Stat- 
 utes 16 and 17 Vict., c. 99, s. 9, and 27 and 28 
 Vict., c. 47, s. 4. 
 
 Whitehall, 
 
 19th day of December, 1878. 
 HER MAJESTY is graciously pleased to grant to 
 Michael Davitt, who was convicted of Treason-Felony 
 at the Central Criminal Court, liolden in the City of 
 London on the 20th day of July, 1870, and was then 
 and there sentenced to be kept in Penal Servitude for 
 
LITE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 249 
 
 the term of fifteen years, and is now confined in Dart- 
 moor Prison, 
 
 Her Ro} T al Licence to be at. large from the da} T of his 
 liberation under this order, during the remaining 
 portion of his said term of Penal Servitude, unless the 
 said Michael Davitt shall, before the expiration of the 
 said term, be convicted of some indictable offence 
 within the United Kingdom, in which case such Licence 
 will be immediately forfeited by law, or unless it shall 
 please her Majesty sooner to revoke or alter such 
 Licence. 
 
 This Licence is given subject to the conditions en- 
 dorsed upon the same, upon the breach of any of which 
 it shall be liable to be revoked, whether such breach is 
 followed by a conviction or not. 
 
 And her Majesty hereby orders that the said Michael 
 Davitt be set at liberty within Thirty Days from the 
 date of this Order. 
 
 Given under my hand and seal. /7T?p // (Zt? 
 
 Signed, c%>. J^T £^kW. 
 
 } g. S. %t£am, 
 
 TRUE COPY. 
 Licence to be at Large. 
 
 Chairman of the Directors 
 of Convict Prisons. 
 
 This Licence will be Forfeited if the Holder does 
 not observe the following conditions. 
 
 The Holder shall preserve his Licence, and produce 
 it when called upon to do so by a Magistrate or Police 
 Officer. 
 
 He shall abstain from any violation of the law. 
 
 He shall not habitually associate with notoriously 
 bad characters, such as reputed thieves and prostitutes. 
 
250 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 He shall not lead an idle and dissolute life, without 
 visible means of obtaining an honest livelihood. 
 
 If his Licence is forfeited or revoked in consequence 
 of a conviction for any offence, he will be liable to 
 undergo a Term of Penal Servitude equal to the portion 
 of his term of fifteen } T ears which remained unexpired 
 when his licence was granted. 
 
 The attention of the Licence-holder is directed to the 
 
 following provisions of u The Prevention of Crimes 
 
 Act, 1871." 
 
 If it appear from the facts proved before a court of 
 summary jurisdiction that there are reasonable grounds 
 for believing that the convict so brought before it is 
 getting his livelihood by dishonest means, such convict 
 shall be deemed to be guilt}' of an offence against the Pre- 
 vention of Crimes Act, and his licence shall be forfeited. 
 
 Every holder of a licence granted under the Penal 
 Servitude Acts who is at large in Great Britain or 
 Ireland, shall notif}- the place of his residence to the 
 chief officer of police of the district in which his resi- 
 dence is situated, and shall, whenever he changes such 
 residence within the same police district, notify such 
 change to the chief officer of police of that district, and 
 whenever he changes his residence from one police dis- 
 trict to another, shall notify such change of residence 
 to the chief officer of police of the police district which 
 he is leaving, and to the chief officer of police of the 
 police district into w T hich he goes to reside ; moreover, 
 every male holder of such a licence as aforesaid shall, 
 once in each month, report himself at such time as may 
 be .prescribed by the chief officer of police of the dis- 
 trict in which such holder may be, either to such chief 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 251 
 
 officer himself or to such other person as that officer 
 may direct, and such report may, according as such 
 chief officer directs, be required to he made personally 
 or by letter. 
 
 If any holder of a licence who is at large in Great 
 Britain or Ireland, remains in any place for forty-eight 
 hours without notifying the place of his residence 
 to the chief officer of police of the district in which 
 such place is situated, or fails to comply with the 
 requisitions of this section on the occasion of any 
 change of residence, or with the requisitions of this 
 section as to reporting himself once in each month, he 
 shall in ever}* such case, unless he proves to the satisfac- 
 tion of the Court before whom he is tried that he did his 
 best to act in conformity with the law, be guilt} 7 of an 
 offence against the Prevention of Crimes Act, and, 
 upon conviction thereof, his licence may in the discre- 
 tion of the Court be forfeited ; or if the term of Penal 
 Servitude in respect of which his licence was granted 
 has expired, at the date of his conviction, it shall be 
 lawful for the court to sentence him to imprisonment, 
 with or without Hard Labor, for a term not exceeding 
 one year ; or if the said term of Penal Servitude has 
 not expired but the remainder unexpired thereof is a 
 lesser period than one year, then to sentence him to 
 imprisonment, with or without Hard Labor, to com- 
 mence at the expiration of the said term of Penal 
 .Servitude, for such a term as, together with the re- 
 mainder unexpired of his said term of Penal Servitude, 
 will not exceed one year. 
 
 Where any person is convicted on indictment of a 
 crime, and a previous conviction of a crime is proved 
 against him, he shall, at any time within seven years, 
 
252 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 immediately after the expiration of the sentence passed 
 on him for the last of such crimes, be guilt}' of an 
 offence against the Prevention of Crimes Act, and be 
 liable to imprisonment with or without hard labor, for 
 a term not exceeding one year, under the following 
 circumstances or any of them : — 
 
 First. If, on his being charged by a constable with 
 getting his livelihood by dishonest means, and 
 being brought before a court of summary jurisdic- 
 tion, it appears to such court that there are 
 reasonable grounds for believing that the person 
 so charged is getting his livelihood by dishonest 
 means ; or, 
 Secondly. If on being charged with any offence 
 punishable on indictment or summary conviction, 
 and on being required by a court of summaiy 
 jurisdiction to give his name and address he 
 refuses to do so, or gives a false name or a false 
 address ; or, 
 Thirdly. If he is found in an}' place, whether public 
 or private, under suCh circumstances as to satisfy 
 the court before whom he is brought, that he was 
 about to commit or to aid in the commission of 
 any offence punishable on indictment or summary 
 conviction, or was waiting for an opportunity to 
 commit or aid in the commission of any offence 
 punishable on indictment or summary conviction ; 
 or, 
 Fourthly. If he is found in or upon any dwelling- 
 house, or any building, yard, or premises, being 
 parcel of or attached to such dwelling-house, or in 
 or upon any shop, warehouse, counting-house, or 
 other place of business, or in any garden, orchard, 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 253 
 
 pleasure-ground, or nursety-ground, or in any 
 building or erection in any garden, orchard, 
 pleasure-ground, or nursery-ground, without being 
 able to account to the satisfaction of the Court 
 before whom he is brought for his being found on 
 such premises. 
 
 Mr. Davitt's arrest caused intense excitement 
 and indignation in Ireland, England, and Amer- 
 ica. When the news of the arrest was announced 
 in the House of Commons, it was received with 
 "howls, cheering, and signs of uproarious joy" 
 by "the first assembly of gentlemen in the world." 
 Then occurred, on February 3, the memorable 
 scene of the expulsion of thirty-four Irish mem- 
 bers for denouncing this infamous act of tyranny. 
 
 In reply to Mr. Parnell, Sir William Vernon 
 Harcourt, who signed the warrant of arrest, said 
 that Mr. Davitt had been arrested in consequence 
 of having violated one of the conditions of his 
 ticket-of-leave. 
 
 Mr. Parnell. — What conditions? 
 
 No reply being made, angry cries of "Answer, 
 answer, answer I " came from the Irish benches. 
 Mr. Gladstone then rose, and Mr. Dillon also 
 stood up simultaneously, amid the most terrible 
 din and cries of " Shame, shame ! " 
 
 Mr. Gladstone said, "I rise, sir, in conformity 
 with the notice I gave yesterday." 
 
 Mr. Dillon. — Mr. Speaker! Mr. Speaker! 
 
254 LIFE OF MICnAEL DAVTTT. 
 
 The Speaker. 7— The right honorable gentleman 
 is in possession of the House. 
 
 Mr. Dillon continued to stand with his arms 
 folded. 
 
 The Speaker. — I call upon the honorable mem- 
 ber to resume his seat. 
 
 Cries of " Name, name ! " 
 
 Mr. Dillon contiuued to stand, the Irish mem- 
 bers crying, " Point of order ! " Mr. Gladstone 
 then moved that the honorable member be sus- 
 pended during the remainder of this day's sitting. 
 The Speaker then put the motion from the chair, 
 amidst cries of " Privilege ! " and "Order ! " 
 
 Mr. A. M. Sullivan. — Mr. Dillon rose to a 
 point of order. I object to the division. 
 
 The House then divided. For the suspension 
 there were 395 ; against there were 33. Major- 
 ity, 362. 
 
 The Speaker. — Mr. Dillon will withdraw. 
 
 Mr. Dillon. — I beg — 
 
 The Speaker. — The honorable member must 
 withdraw. 
 
 Mr. Dillon. — I decline to withdraw. 
 
 The Speaker directed the Sergeant-at-Arms to 
 remove Mr. Dillon. 
 
 Mr. A. M. Sullivan rose to a point of order, 
 amid the greatest confusion, during which the 
 Sergeant-at-Arms approached Mr. Dillon, accom- 
 panied by five officers. 
 
 Mr. Dillon. — You are not going to use force, I 
 hope. 
 
LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 255 
 
 The honorable member then rose, and, amid 
 cries of " Shame," left the house. 
 
 And so the scene went on until the thirty-four 
 were expelled. 
 
 Great meetings were subsequently held all over 
 Ireland, in England, and the United States, at 
 which the arrest of Mr. Davitt was condemned 
 as arbitrary and tyrannical ; and on Thursday, 
 April 21, the voice of all Ireland declared, 
 through eleven hundred delegates, assembled at 
 the National Land League Convention held in 
 the Eoimd Eoom of the Rotunda, Dublin, that 
 there could be no peace in Ireland while Mr. 
 Davitt was a prisoner. 
 
 This great assembly of the Irish Nation, com- 
 prising delegates from all sections of the country, 
 including Catholics, Protestants, and Orangemen, 
 of all shades, was convened by the Irish national 
 Land League, to express the opinion of the coun- 
 try on the Land Bill introduced by Gladstone 
 into the House of Commons, and to decide 
 whether the bill should be opposed by the Irish 
 members or allowed to go to a second reading. 
 It was decided, after a two days' debate, to let it 
 go to a reading, the parliamentary party endeav- 
 oring to eliminate the objectionable clauses and 
 introduce beneficial ones. The first- act of the 
 convention after organizing, however, was to 
 pass the following resolution : — 
 
256 LIFE OF MICHAEL DAVITT. 
 
 " Whereas, The recommittal to a British prison of 
 Michael Davitt has been caused by his heroic defence, 
 in .1 time of distress, of the landlord-persecuted ten- 
 ant-farmers of Ireland. We, the delegates of those 
 tenant-farmers, in convention assembled, do hereby 
 declare it to be the duty of the Government to restore 
 him to freedom, and thus remove from the breasts of 
 Irishmen the irritation which his continued incarcera- 
 tion will perpetuate and intensify." 
 
 Mr. Thomas Brennan, in replying to the reso- 
 lution, said : — 
 
 " It is an act of public duty upon our part to show 
 our deep sympathy with the suffering and our admira- 
 tion of the brave soldier of liberty, the patriot of 
 humanity, who inhabits a cell in Portland Prison to- 
 day. It is well, too, I think, that from this convention 
 there should go forth the declaration that there can be 
 no peace in Ireland as long as Michael Davitt shall 
 remain in prison ; and no matter what may be the 
 merit of the bill which we are now about to consider, 
 or any other bill which we may be called upon here- 
 after to consider, there can be no message of peace as 
 long as the man who was mainly instrumental in forc- 
 ing such. measures remains in the convict's 0611." 
 
 Mr. Brennan echoed the voice of Ireland, — ay, 
 and of America, too. There can be no peace 
 with England while Michael Davitt remains 
 in a convict's cell. 
 
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