r C>isK/^V* V ^^v .vt^ IC^rturpH 0n Jnsl| I|tst0rg COPYRIGHT 1915 BY MESSENGER PRINTING AND PUBLISHING CO. WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS A COURSE OF LECTURES ON IRISH HISTORY ARKANGED BY THOMAS A. McAVOY STATE HISTORIAN ANCIENT ORDER HIBERNIANS FOR MASSACHUSETTS DELIVERED IN THE HALL OF THE ANCIENT ORDER HIBERNIANS WORCESTER, MASS. PUBLISHED BY THE MESSENGER PRINTING AND PUBLISHING CO. WORCESTER, MASS. 1915 BOSTON (JOLLKGK LI BRAKY CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. TO ALL AMERICANS OF IRISH DESCENT ^'^S'S»^ .ir2506 FOREWORD Publishing the following Lectures in book form needs no apology nor formal introduction. The An- cient Order of Hibernians have ever stood steadfast for the rights of the Irish people, and they have very zeal- ously labored in season and out of season in all parts of the world to make better known and appreciated Ire- land's proud chapter in the history of the world. As an important aid in this good work the Order, assem- bled in national convention, appointed a chairman on Irish history in every state in the union to further this good work — to urge the teaching of Irish history in the schools, the introduction of works upon Irish history into public libraries, to refute and rebuke vile slanders and malicious falsehoods in the public press, and to dis- seminate authentic information relative to Ireland and the Irish people by means of public lectures. The state historian for this state has been very active along these lines, and his efforts have been highly successful and productive of much good. As an important contribu- tion to this good work he planned and brought to suc- cessful issue an admirable course of lectures which were delivered in the A, 0. H. hall in the city of Wor- cester, Mass., during the winter of 1913-14. These lec- tures were largely attended and they received heartiest words of appreciation and praise from large audiences and from the thoughtful and discerning when they ap- peared in the public press of the city when delivered. Many people in the higher walks of intellectual life pro- nounced them too important and valuable not to be giv- en wider circulation in more permanent form, and yield- ing to their urgent appeals they are now launched upon the great book-world ocean where it is hoped that they will be as favorably received and with the same bene- ficial results as when they were delivered. Ancient Order of Hibernians in At NATIONAL OFnCEDS JAMES J REGAN. P.^ ■ Si P.uI M.oi. JOSEPH McLaughlin, v p,o Ph,i^. p. CHAS J. FOY. CM«ii.ii VPm..Pcnl..Oiu.Cu. P J SULLIVAN. S«,, . Tk«mp««..,Il,. Com, Hoo T H MALONEV. Tvat. Council Blu«.. U. NATIONAL DIRECTORS REV WM T McLaughlin, Un.on Hill. N.J PATRICK T MORAN Wuhmjio.. O C M F POWERS . • Ci.cid R^kU, M,ch WM J DOHERTY . Lk,c«b. HI MICHAEL J BARRY - Colunbo.. Oh» RIGHT REV JOHN P CARROLL. Bi^op . MooUOA. ChapUi ST. PAUL, MINTN., July ■'2, loH. C. J. Crahan, Janager, Catholic Messenger, .Vorchester, Maes. Decir tir. Crahan: I am pleased .to eajr that at a meetlnp of the National Cfficere and Board of Directors of the Ancient Order- of Hibemlans In America, held during the National Conventlor at Norfoia, firelnia. In July 1914, it was unanimouslv voted that the National President be authorized upon behaltf of the Board to endorse and commend the book to be published by the ilessenger Printing and Publishing Company, of -Voroester, JaEtachusetts, which will contain the series of lectures on Irish Hisitory and-kindred subjects which were delivered In the Irish History course of the, Worceoter Hibernians during the fall and winter of 1913-1914 at V/orceeter, UaBsachusetts. It Is there- fore with pleasure that I hereby unqualifiedly indorse and recoranend the said book to all the members of our glorious order and to all the lovers of our beloved motherland in America as a most excellent summary of I'-ish History for popular reading among our people. Frateannlly yours. OH. Ladles' iluxiiiarv. jfMcicBi (^titr of |)ibcrRian$ fN AMERICA NA TIONAL orricEKS MR3 eLLE-J RV*M JOLL WI6S S A UABONeY. VIC URS. AOCLIA OBRISTV. StcAKfAKI :*» Deckef Areooa Cles* MftS- MARy C CONNELLY. TatxSOi NATIONAL DIRECTOftS I. Sy. Fasrt-aoiret , R. I. Janoary 20, 1315. Uaaseager Printlag aod publishing Co. fforcsster, Meas, Gentleiaen:- It la with a great degree of pleasure that I offloially endorse your Irish Leotare Books I feel tr.at by eo doing I em dolig no more than this exoellect wors deaerves, I had the good fortana to attend se7eral of the leotcres and etiggeeted on more than one occasion that they ahojld be pat In book form In order chat all those of the true blood might have an opportunity to become faiiiliar trith the ccciderful lessona they tsaeh. The official endorsement given the Lectures at the Annual Convention of the Order at Baltimore, after the Committee on Irish Elstory had unqualifiedly endorsed them, la In itself the best tribute they oonld receive. I hope that every Hibernian sister in the Dnited States and Canada will purchase a copy of the book when It la placed on the market, and that you 5?111 be forced to print many editions of eo brilliant a work, I wish yoa sacoess in the enterprlaa you have 80 nobly displayed. Touxa in the oausa - national President Thomas A. McAvoy Thomas A. McAvoy was born in Worcester, Mass., son of .James McAvoy and Jane (Connolly) McAvoy. He was educated in the pnblic schools of his native city, graduating from the Worcester Classical High School. After graduation he was employed as a book- keeper. Thereafter he entered Yale University and was graduated from the College in 1902. While pur- suing his law studies he was admitted to the Massachu- setts Bar in August, 1904. After graduation from Harvard Law School in 1905 he opened his office in AVorcester, where he has since practiced. Mr. McAvoy has been a member of Division 34, A. 0. H., of Worcester, for several years. He served as chairman of the United A. 0. H. Societies of Worces- ter in 1909. In 1913, Mr. McAvoy was appointed Chair- man of the Massachusetts Committee of the A. 0. H. on Irish History. He arranged for the course of six- teen lectures on Irish History given in A. 0. H. Hall, Worcester. The first took place on September 14, 1913, and the closing lecture was given April 12, 1914. J^_.^^ "^^a^^^ John J. Rogers John J. Kogers was born in Ballyfarnon, County Eoscommon, Ireland, March 22, 1869, and was educat- ed in the schools of his native town. At the age of sev- enteen he emigrated to the United States. He obtained employment at the Crompton Loom Works, Worcester, Mass., and mastered the machinist trade, at which he worked for several years. In 1903 he became proprie- tor of the Waldo House, Worcester, and has remained in the hotel business. Mr. Rogers was married July 12, 1904, to Kathryn Theresa Morrilly, daughter of Thomas and Kathryn (Mulkeen) Morrilly of Fitehburg, Mass. Mr. Rogers has been a member of the A. O. H. for more than a quarter of a century, having held member- ship in Division 3 of Worcester since 1888. Has been Captain of Co. A, Hibernian Rifles of Worcester, for many years, and for six years was president of the Worcester County A. 0. H. August 29, 1906, he was elected president of the Massachusetts A. 0. H., and has been Adjutant General of the military branch of the A. 0. H. for several vears. John T. Flanagan John T. Flanagan is a native of Worcester, Mass. He was born May 25, 1869, son of Edward Flanagan and Hannah M. (Mahoney) Flanagan. Both parents are natives of Ireland. Mr. Flanagan was educated in the grammar schools and the Worcester Classical High School. For seventeen years he was connected with the T. H. Buckley Company. In 1909 he entered the nndertaking business. Mr. Flanagan has been a member of the Worcester Democratic City Committee and served as Representa- tive in the Massachusetts Legislature in 1911, 1912, 1913 and 1914, from the 16th AVorcester District. Mr. Flanagan became a member of Division 3, A. 0. H., of Worcester in 1897. He was president in 1911 and 1912. Was treasurer of the United Divisions, A. 0. H. of Worcester in 1910 and 1911, and was chosen president of the Worcester County A. 0. H. in 1912. On Julj^ 30, 1902, Mr. Flanagan was married to Eliza- beth Frances Tansey, daughter of Michael and Julia (Hanahan) Tansey. ^m^ -- •« '^ru^^ *^:z<^ Rev. Edward J. Fitzgerald Rev. Edward J. Fitzgerald, pastor of the Church of the Holy Rosary, Clinton, Mass., was born in Wor- cester, Mass., March 4, 1868, son of Michael R. and Anastatia (Cohen) Fitzgerald. He attended the gram- mar schools and completed his studies at the Worcester Classical High School in 1885. He graduated from Holy Cross College in 1888. His theological studies Vv'ere made at Brighton Seminary. He took a post- graduate course at the Catholic University, Washing- ton, 1892-1894. In 1892, Father Fitzgerald was ordained priest in St. Michael's Cathedral, Springfield, Mass., by Right Reverend Thomas D. Beaven, Bishop of Springfield. This was the first class Bishop Beaven ordained after liis consecration as head of the Springfield Diocese. Father Fitzgerald was stationed for seven years at the Church of the Holy Name, Chicopee, Mass., and ten j^ears at St. John's Church, Clinton, Mass., as assistant priest, and was appointed the first pastor of the Church of the Holy Rosary, Clinton, Oct., 1910. For sixteen years, Father Fitzgerald has been chaplain of Division 8, A. 0. H., of Clinton. He has been spiritual advisor of the Worcester County A. 0. H., and in 1912 was appointed chaplain o^ iho Massa- chusetts A. 0. H. ^r^-tf^ J^agan JrrlanJi B. C. TO 532-3 A. D. BY REV. EDWARD J. FITZGERALD No nation lias suffered so much from the ''conspiracv against truth," which is known as modern history a 5 the Irish nation. For centuries every writer has taken his shy at Ireland, reading into her history his own prejudices, presuming that be- cause of adverse political conditions and loyalty to a proscribed religion the Irish nation of today and yesterday has been the supply for the "huers of wood and the drawers of water" — that this nation and great ethnic family that it represents., !he Celtic, has in it no greatness and has always occupied the inferior po- sition it today is just emerging from. Learned college professors, in learned books, overladen with pseudo learning, will tell you that the Celt has not the pow- er to build politically an enduring national life, that lie can but serve others, he cannot, because of a certain lack in his national character, be a leader. Yet history tells us in the golden period of Ireland's life that she was a leader, and that for centuries she preserved and disseminated the learning that she rescued from the cataclysm of the tottering Eoman domination. School histories will dilate upon the great work of civilization that England and Scotland have done, but Ireland, if mentioned at all, is spoken of only as a place for exploitation by Cromwell, who so kindly brought to Ireland the blessings and benefits of civilization, or a field in which the robber Saxon king might stop the clamor of his hungry camp followers by awarding them lands he never owned or conquered. But our task tonight is to speak of the ancient j.agan Ire- land, so long neglected, and to try and reconstruct ber ancient pagan life so that we may see from what modern Ireland sprung 18 PAGAN IRELAND and find in her ancient pagan life an explanation of niach of her Christian and modern development, and also lack of develop- ment. We have plenty of data for onr inquiry which of late years have been made the subject of close scrutiny. The i?ianuscript remains of Ireland, more numerous than of any other European country, have given us not only a true picture of ancient Ireland but also of the great Celtic family of which Ireland is the most distinguished modern development. To be sure these manu- scripts are not earlier than the eighth century of onr era, l)at they record events and customs of pre-Christian times, and al- though, like documents of their kind, they need the discriminat- ing critic who can separate the truth from the chaff of mythical fancy, yet when this work has been done we have historical doc- uments that merit and have received the attention and credence of the scholar world. This work has been done and is being clone today not only by that race to whom it is a labor of love, but by the German and French scholars as well. Eugene 'Curry, in those epoch-making lectures which he delivered before the student body of the short-lived Irish uni- versity, presided over by the great English churchman, has given us ample historical data upon which to reconstruct the ancient Irish life, and the work ho so brilliantly began has been carried on till today and the A. 0. H. chair of Celtic in the Catholic University of AVashington will soon contribute to this great work by the publication of a critical edition of the Tain- Bo-Cuailnge, the great Irish Illiad. It will be upon such sources, properly weighed and critic- ally appreciated, as they are the only original and autiientic so-.irces, that we will base our remarks tonight. To be sure, to try and tell the story of a nation within the compass of a single hour's talk, would be futile. Asl that can be hoped is to give a sketch, the merest outline of the home, political, religious and intellectual life of a people. Ireland has had many names in her long history, some fanciful and po- etic, others merely geographical. Hibernia, Inisfail, the Isle of Destiny, Scotia and later Scotia Major, to distinguish it from Scotland, Banba and Erin are the best known . The name Sco- tia comes from the name of the Eg^qitian wife of one of the early Irish chieftans, Scota, and the name Miletians from a chief of the name ]\Iiledth. and from Graidel, another famous chief, the Irish people receive the appelation Gails. The An- nals of the four masters gives this origin for the Irish nation. The first colony of Ireland was planted by the Parthalon- ians, who, 2500 years before Christ, came from Greece. They REV. EDWARD J. FITZGERALD 19 Tvere followed by the Nemedians, who took possessioti after the island was depopulated by a terrible plague and had remained a solitude for thirty years. The Nemedians were harassed by the Formorians, a band of sea robbers and pirates from Africa, who eventually obtained the upper hand. The Firbolgs were the third colony, coming to Ireland from Northern Greece and were a recolonization, for thes' were the descendants of Simon Brec, a Nemedian chief, who had fled from Ireland to escape the cruelty of the Formorian invasion. Enslaved in Greece they were obliged to bring soil from the rich lowlands to enrich the rocky highlands of their adopted coun- try in leather bags, hence their name Fribolgs or bag men. Tir- ing of their servitude, they fled from Greece under the five sons of Dela and conquered Ireland and divided it into fi\ e provinc- es, one for each brother, a division that has perseveicd till to- day. They held sway for less than half a century, to be succeed- ed by the De Dannans, who likewise came from Greece as a re- colonization, being descended from the Nemedian Cliief Ibach, who, fleeing from the Formonian pirates, had settled about Athens. They returned to Ireland by way of Scandinavia and Scotland and by magic in which they were adepts, gained en- trance to the country and eventually conquered it. The Miletians followed. Coming from Scythia their first migration was to Eg^^^t. Then after many viccissHudes they came to Spain, where they dwelt many years, and finally under the eight sons of Miled they came to Ireland and eventually conquered the De Dannans, and from thenceforth Miletian king? ruled Ireland till Eoderick O'Connor. These accounts are of course largely mythical and fabulous, except the Firbolgs, who existed and were probably kindred to the warlike Belgae of Gaul, whom Caesar eucountere I in battle, and the ]\Iiletians, who are certainly historical; the rest of the peoples and their story belong to the realms of fancy The date of their coming to Ireland is uncertain. They wero Celts and probably ca4ne from Gaul to Britain and from Britain to Ire- land rather than directly from Spain, says D 'Alton. I give this account of the old analist because while much of it is fabulous it has formed the basis of so many of the tales and poems of Ireland that at least the nomenclature and origki is of some in- terest. Though the Irish were pagans they were spared Hie degra- dation that overtook cultured and refined Greece. The pagan Irish had not the debasing worship of impure love. The Irish worshipped the celestial bodies with minor gods, u:ount?ains, trees, etc. They offered sacrifice to their gods, but the charge 20 PAGAN IRELAND that they offered human sacrifice has never been established. Their temples were the oak groves oi which Ireland boasted in the pagan davs. They had a belief in a future life and in the immortality of the soul, and were not degraded by tijeir relig- ion to an extent that they could not appreciate the licauties of a higher code of belief and practice when it was exposed to them. The wholesome sweet worship of nature gave them a love for the world in which they lived and a great joy in the ''out of doors" which to them was their temple and their God. The progress upward from nature to nature's God then was no»; difficult when the message of tidings of great joy was delivered to them by the saintly Patrick. "Whether the pagan Irish were acquainted with the art of writing is a question that is now difficult or impossible to deter- mine," says Dr. Joyce, speaking of the manners, customs and ancient institutions of the Irish. The coming of St. Patrick found many circumstances that indicated literary activity. All authorities concur that there were in the country literary and professional men, druids, poets and antiquarians. It is certain that immediately after the establishment of Christianity in the fifth century the Irish committed to writing in their native lan- guage not only the laws, bardic or historical, and poems, etc., of their own times, but those which had been preserved from times preceding whether traditionally or otherwise, says Petrie. This general widespread use of writing would be hard to ac- count for were there not a previous knowledge of letters. D 'Alton indeed says without restriction that beside the Og- ham writings there was had a knowledge of letters. But the best opinion seems to be that precluding from the Ogham script the pagan Irish did not have writing. The Ogham writing was invented by the Irish themselves and founded with considerable skill upon the Latin and antedated any of the vellums or manu- script. It was used particularly for inscriptions on monuments and gravestones. It answered well for lapidary inscriptions, but was too cumbersome for the facile creation of a literature though the professional jDoets may have carried with them on the tablet-staves, as the manuscripts call them, the catch words of many j^oems, sagas and genealogies. More than 200 Ogham inscriptions exist today. Ogham was criptic also; intended only for the initiated, and to make it more unintelligible to the out- siders, inversion of syllables, introduction of extra letters, etc., was practiced. However, with the introduction of Christianity Roman letters were introduced and with the whole power and authority of the Church behind it, soon became universal in its use. REV. EDWARD J. FITZGERALD 21 Tlie law system of the Irish was complete and detailed at a very early age. Committed to writing as it was in the time of Patrick it was revised under his auspices and purged of the pagan features and Christianized. This work was done by three kings, three Bishops, of whom Patrick was one, and three poets and antiquarians. The original Brehon law was the law of na- ture and was set forth probably in verse. The Brehon or ex- pounder of the law was obliged to give long years of prepara- tion for his task, and the pleading of a case was an intricate and difficult matter; moreover the Brehon was liable for dam- ages for any unjust decision he might make. At first the legal profession was open to all who would give the required time to its study and acquirement, but in later times the profession became hereditary but never ceased to demand long and care- ful preparation on the part of the aspirant to judicial honors. The Brehons were a very influential class of men attached to the chief's retinue and receiving from him land which remain- ed in their family for generations. Some were not attached to any house and lived from their fees, and it is related that many Brehons waxed rich from their fees alone. Many quaint and interesting stories are told on the old Brehon lawyers who administered the law not according to justice. One was said to show mottled spots on his cheeks, and another of the first century used to wear a metal ring about his neck, and when he delivered an unjust decision the ring tight- ened until it all but choked him, while when he dealt justly with the case it relaxed and allowed him full freedom to breath and talk. The Brehon law was crude, of course, but was far above the law of retaliation which prevailed elsewhere, and whose dictum was ' ' an eye for an eye. ' ' As there was no central gov- ernment strong enough to enforce the law there was no offence against the State or crime as we know it today, but all offence was against the individual, torts, and had to be prosecuted by the individual or his friends, else the oft'ender got away scot- free. The houses of the ancient Irish were of wood, strong posts being set in the ground and the wall formed of interlaced wat- tles, some times of stout planks. The wickerwork sides were of- ten plastered and the plaster was whitened and some times tinted. The roofs were conical supported by a central pillar and thatched. The Irish had no knowledge of cement, and all their stone work was laid dry. They also, like the Greeks, did not know the principle of the arch, iDut in spite of these handi- caps they built many huge works in stone, some of which re- 22 PAGAN IRELAND main today to testify to their genius as builders. The houses were grouped together and were surrounded usually for pur- poses of defense with a clay wall thrown up from a deep circu- lar trench which was filled with water as an additional protec- tion when possible. The house consisted of one large room us- ually, for the men at least, and around the sides of the room were sleeping couches. This room was used for sleeping, eat- ing, and lounging. Seats were provided and the nicest and most exact etiquette was observed in seating the inmates, the rights of precedence being very rigidly enforced. Separate rooms for the women were had frequently in the most sheltered and sunny part of the abode and sometimes separate buildings were erected for the women alone. The remains of the old circum- vallations exist today, but the wooden houses have of course decayed. Often times, too, carefully constructed subterranean vaults lined with stone have been unearthed in these Duns, which were probably storehouses used while the place was be- sieged. The army was a prominent activity with the early Irish. The troops were of two sorts — heavy armed Gallowglasses and light armed Kerns — a division found also among the Greeks, as every schoolboy reader of Xenephon knows. The former were mighty men encased in armor sometimes, though not al- ways, for the old chroniclers tell us the Irish used to deem it more honorable to fight in a saffron colored jerkin than encased in bronze. Their special weapon was the battle axe, which they wielded with one hand, guiding the stroke with the finger ex- tended along the handle, and in later times no steel armor could resist the stroke of the Gallowglasses' axe. A thigh fully en- cased in steel armor has been sheered oif by a single blow of these dread weapons. The Kerns had their short swords and javelins. That the early Irish had bows and arrows and could use them with skill we know, for we have in our mu- seums flint arrow-heads and bronze arrow-heads, but very little mention, if any, is made of them in the early manuscripts. The early Irish had no cavalry division of their army, though the chiefs were mounted and were very discriminating in horseflesh. The chariot, however, was well known in early Irish warfare, sometimes scythe-bearing, sometimes not. The chief was attended by his charioteer when he went to battle and the general use of the chariot in warfare as well as in peaceful pursuits acquaints us with the fact that all over Ireland there were good roads, of course for the times. The Irish soldier in pagan times, as today, was of the highest valor and address. The political arrangement of the country, however, robbed him REV. EDWARD J. FITZGERALD 23 of much of the fruits of his valor. The clan and tribe system of the Celt kept the country in a constant turmoil and the inter- necine strife that was continued for centuries robbed Irish valor of its dearest right, a fatherland safe from invasion, and al- though oceans of the best and bravest blood was poured out it was for the aggrandizement of some ambitious, restless prince- ling, rather than the permanent advancement of the nation. Hostile critics, however, are at one in bearing testimony to the valor and address of the Irish soldiers and had Erin boasted a Philip of Macedon, an Alexander the Great, or a Caesar, as an Ard-ri and organizer, the exploits of Brennus or Breunan the Celt, who captured and sacked Kome with his unmatched sold iery, we might have had permanent results. The old chroniclers give us a description of an Irish king at a feis of Tara, and when we recall that there were 250 such with their retinue or tails, we may easily conclude that the sight of the Irish army assembled in union and concord was a sight for gods and men. The description referred to is in an old manuscript, quoted in the Book of Bally wote, 'Curry gives us a Bardic picture of an Ard-ri of Ireland, Cormac-mac-art, and although the bard's fancy has colored the picture some, still it remains substantial- ly true. The writer tells us that Cormac's hair was slightly curled and of golden color; he carried a scarlet shield with en- graved devices and golden hooks and clasps of silver; a wide folding purple cloak covered him, with a gem set gold brooch over his breast, a gold torque was around his neck, a white col- lared shirt embroidered with gold upon him; a girdle with gold- en buckles studded with precious stones encircled him; two spears with golden sockets, and many red bronze rivets were in his hands, while he stood in the full glow of beauty, without de- fect or blemish, you would think it was a shower of pearls that were set in his mouth; his lips were rubies; his symmetrical body was as white as snow, his cheeks were like the mountain ash-berry; his eyes were like the sloe; his brows and eye lashes were like the sheen of a blue-black lance. Another manuscript, Tam-Bo-Cooley, describes a King Conair Mor, as a "tall illustrious chief with cheeks dazzling white with a tinge like that of dawn upon stainless snow, sparkling black pupils in blue eyes glancing and curling yellow hair." It is historically certain that any bodily blemish unfit- ted a man for chief place among the Irish, and any one who has read the requirements of head, foot and body demanded for entrance to the Feena or national militia founded by Finn Mc- Cool, the strong man of Cormac-mac-art, need fear no contradic- tion when he says that on that Easter morning, 433, 8t. Patrick 24 PAGAN IRELAND stood ill the presence of as fine a body of men, glowing with every physical manly charm, as ever the, sun looked upon. The land question was always a crux for Ireland, and even hi pagan times the system of land tenure kept Ireland back from the development she should have reached. The land was held in commoUj for the most part, by the tribe, although cer- tain private grants were made to individuals and the king him- self had his private estates. Then there took place at uncertain intervals a redistribution of all the tribal lands which robbed the individual of all ambition and initiative and checked the progress of the nation in consequence. This communistic ex- l)erience of the ancient Irish, together with their tribal arrange- ment and the excessive and exaggerated loyalty to house and tribe, kept Ireland from being the strong power she might have become had she been blessed with a strong central government, and an Ard-ri in fact as in name, for while theoretically the subordinate kings paid deference and tribute to the high king, yet in practice they paid such deference only when the high king was strong enough to ''come and take it." The art of Ireland in pagan times was crude and meagre. k5ome skill in building, a rather high development in metal work, gold, silver and enamel, and a very remarkable skill in music are her chief claims to an artistic reputation. Her mar- velous skill in manuscript illumination was of Christian origin and of painting and sculpture we have no records. Her build- ings we have already described, noted for their solidity perhaps rather than for any special beauty. In metal work, however, even in pagan times, the Irish excelled, and splendid carved spear heads, sword hilts and blades, brooches, etc., testify to this. The later development in crosses, chalices, etc., which Isave aroused the admiration of the art loving world, do not be- long to our period, but found their germ no doubt in pagan times and are but the growth and development of this native ability. In music, however, the Irish native, pagan and Chris- tian has a special endowment from God. It is somewhat diffi- cult to distinguish between poetry and music in the old ac- counts, as the words are used interchangeably and the musician was most always the poet as well. The Irish poetry was the most melodious of all poetry. The meter and rhythm was most intricate, resembling the double acrostic. It was musical to a degree, but was so artificial in form that the sense was sacri- ficed to mere sound too often, and the poet was hampered and prevented from great flights of imagination. • Of course there were no long sustained musical pieces like the modern opera, oratorio or sonata. The tunes were short REV. EDWARD J. FITZGERALD 25 and while tliey boasted a harmony it was of a simple sort but very exquisite by reason of the perfect blending of sound. The favorite instrument was the harp, and from the very earliest dawn of historical record the harp is closely allied with the Irish national life. The harp was of 30 strings, played upon with the fingers or finger nails, and was of various sizes from the small hand harp to the bardic harp of six feet in height. The bagpipes were also well known in early times, but the pipes were rather the instrument of the poorer people, while the harp was the instrument of the nobility, and it was part of the ac- complishment .of every noble gentleman to be able to sing a sonnet to his lady's eyebrow to the accompaniment of the harp. While there was in the old Irish music a tendency to sad- ness, yet the great majority of Irish music and song was glad- some. It fell into three classes; the musical compositions to arouse merriment, dance music, etc., those to arouse sadness, the keens and death tunes, and the slumber songs and lulla- bies. The Irish had also occupational tunes which accompanied them at their work. The ploughman had his quaint, soothing whistle which gave peace and content to the plough horse, the milkmaid had her sweet, melancholy milking song, under whose ^•entling influence the cows submitted all the more willingly in the milking barns. The blacksmith had his song, which echo- ed and re-echoed with the clang of the hammer and the ster^ torous pufifing of the bellows, etc. This music was never writ- ten, of course, and much of it perished, but much of it remains, being set down in later days and put to new^ words, and many a popular song today masquerading in modern dress is but an old Irish motif developed according to the modern musical science of harmony. Public assemblages of the people for purposes of trade and pleasure and culture was a custom of the early Irish. These assemblages or fairs, called Aenach, were annual or triennial, as the case might be, and had their origin in the funeral games that were common in ancient Ireland, as also they were cus- tomary in Greece. At first they were held in ancient cemeteries in which were interred the bones or ashes of some noted king, <3hief or hero of history or legend. In pagan times the Druids conducted some sort of religious services, kindling the sacred fire and burning the sacrifices. Important affairs of various kinds, national or local, were transacted at these meetings. Laws were promulgated, councils and courts were held to con- sider various questions of right and privilege, disputes about property, taxes, etc., were settled. Acts of tyranny of the pow- erful over the weak were righted, the repair of the roads, the 26 PAGAN IRELAND levying of army enlistment, etc., all these and nnmerons other questions were considered and settled by these unofficial ple- becita. Athletic games also formed a part of the gatherings of the people, horse racing, contests in music and poetry being common. It was a great place to settle marriage also, bachelors and maidens being kept apart till the parents had bargained for the marriage settlement, the dot, and had arranged the details. The feis or convention at Tara triennially held, was of an- other sort. Originally it was connected with funeral rites and games, for there was a famous cemetery at Tara. Although it was supposed to be triennial in fact it was held only once in the reign of the Ard-ri, usually at his inauguration into office. The feis was a convention of the leading persons, as the aenacli was a convention of the common people. The provincial kings, the minor kings and chiefs, the distinguished representatives of the learned professions, the ollaves or doctors of history, law and poetry made up the gathering. For seven clays they convened and the formal matters of consideration were dis- cussed in the banquet hall. Elaborate precautions to prevent quarreling were taken. Anyone who struck another, wounded another, used insulting words even, or stole anything, was lia- ble to death. Besides the athletic games and contests in soldierly skill and adeptness, mention is made very early of the game of chess in many manuscripts, and a chess board and a finely carved set of men was a gift fit for a king or a popular poet who had sung the glories of a chief or his house to the satisfaction of the clan. The funeral rite which had so much to do with Irish life, being the occasion, as we have said, in the early times, of the aenachs and the consequent intercourse and recreation that the fairs were the occasion of, were of varied sorts. Three modes pre- vailed of disposing of the dead: inhumation as at present, the body being laid to rest recumbent, burial of a king or hero standing upright or astride a horse fully accoutred and armed, defying his enemies even in death, and incineration or crem.a- tion, the body being reduced to ashes and the ashes placed in an urn of baked clay. These urns were placed in rude ,stone cof- fins sometimes, or under huge burial chambers made by great stone slabs superimposed upon upright stones, the whole called cromlechs, which remain today scattered all over Ireland, and in which are found skeletons and burial urns containing burnt bones. Over the graves of many heroes great heaps of stones called cairns were reared, each friend, clansman or passerby furnishing a stone to the structure. "Let me write a couutrv's songs and I care not who writes. REV. EDWARD J. FITZGERALD 27 her laws," is the seutmient of a modern writer. Some such conviction seems to have been deep rooted in the ancient Irish, for the poet's office was held in the highest veneration among them, and the head bard ranked as high if not higher than the head Brehon, though the two offices were often combined, as the most ancient form of the Brehon law was versified. The office of bard was no sinecure. Eleven years of severe study was the preparation demanded for the bard. A comx~>lete knowl- edge of poetical form, thousands of verses committed to mem- ory, and the ability to improvise on the spur of the moment, made the iJards ever welcome to the chief's board, where he could entertain the chief's guests and flatter the family pride of his patron at the saiue time. Not the greatest hero but the best sung hero is the one the world crowns. Fontenoy outranks Cremona because a Davis took it for the theme of one of his most stirring poems; Balaklava, an insignificant engagement, outranks the charge of the Cuirassiers at Waterloo because a poet laureate chanted "Half a league, half a league, half a league onward." Who has not heard of Paul Eevere and his midnight ride because Longfellow sang his deed of daring, but who knows of William Dawes, who dared as much and more, because he followed a more diflicult and dangerous route, on the 18th of April in '75 f Many an old pagan chieftan is remembered today because some old saga or bardic remains has handed his name down to posterity. The bards were not unmixed blessings, however. While they could perpetuate the grand deeds of valor and cast a glamor about them even when somewhat commonplace, they were an irritable, touchy lot, and could satirize as well as praise when the mood was on them. They increased in numbers and arrogance and became a real incubus upon the land, demanding shelter, food and largess as a right, not a privilege. Many moves were made to put an end to the order, but they were never put into execution. During the Anglo-Norman invasion they were proscribed by the law, but the people sheltered them and they finally expired with Carolan, the last of the bards. We might consider some other institutions peculiar to the an- cient Irish, fosterage, right of sanctuary, etc., but perhaps we have seen enough to construct a picture fairly complete and historically correct. The ancient Irish, then, were a pastoral people of splendid physique, living close to nature, in which they found an an- swer to all the higher religious aspirations of their being, and trained in the hard school of adversity to a strength, persever- ance and courage that adversity alone can give. Of an un- Rev. Bernard S. Conaty Eev. Bernard S. Conaty, pastor of St. Joseph's Church, Pittsfield, Mass., was born in Taunton, Mass., October 14, 1855. His early education was received in tbe schools of his native city. For three years he was at Montreal College for his classics, then at Holy Cross College for a short period, but completed these studies in the College of Propaganda, Borne. For reasons of health. Father Conaty, in May, 1878, was obliged to go from Eome to Aix en Provence, France. His theolog- ical studies were finished in the Grand Seminar j^ of that place. April 11, 1882, Father Conaty was ordained priest by Archbishop Forcade. He served from November 4 of that year to March 3 of the next, as assistant priest at the Church of the Sacred Heart, Gardner, Mass. He was next assigned to St. Mary's Church, Spencer, Mass., and in 1888 was appointed rector of St. Mich- ael's Cathedral, Springfield, Mass. In January, 1897, he became pastor of the Church of the Sacred Heart, Worcester, Mass., remaining there until July, 1913, when he was transferred to the Pittsfield Church. For a number of years Father Conaty was Director of the Worcester Free Public Library. For more than a quarter of a century he has been a member of the Springfield Diocesan C. T. A. Union and was president in 1899, and again in 1907 and 1908. 3nt0 Jr^lani 433—597 BY REV. BERNARD S. CONATY When I was kindly asked some time ago by the gentleman who so graciously presides at this gathering if I would consent to prepare an evening's talk on some interesting period of Irish history, I must confess that my first strong natural impulse was to decline. I feel indeed how poorly equipped I am to speak intelli- gently and interestingly on a subject so seemingly foreign to my every day work. I could not, however, refuse whatever en- couragement my feeble voice and mj still more inexperienced pen may lend to so high and noble an educational plan as that so wisely outlined by those who have inaugurated this series of popular lectures. I console myself with the thought that in this forum of the people even an itinerant "soggarth" like my humble self may be vouchsafed a hearing. "The introduction of Christianity into Ireland and its marvelous development under St. Patrick" is the subject assigned to me. It is one that might easily af- fright a greater than I, so sublime is its character and so far- reaching its scope. I may be wrong, but I have a feeling that to paint a perfect morning scene requires more of the exquisite genius-like touch of the master artist than any other of Nature's myriad won- ders. To reproduce upon the canvas the dazzling splendor of that perfect King of day as slowly, yet majestically, he appears above his mountain or ocean couch, scattering, as he ascends 30 THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY INTO IRELAND along the heavenly highway with a wantonly lavish hand, liis nncoiintable wealth of warmth and light bedecking earth and sky with the most gorgeous robe of beauty, making instinct with life and joy the whole creation, has time and again baffled the best directed efforts of many a patron of palette and brush. But I ask you what think you of man 's efforts to faithfully picture not the glories of a dawning day, in which the physical world is alone portrayed, arrayed in the vari-colored tints of the material sun of earth, but that all divinely beauteous morn when over the restless crest of ocean and above the lofty moun- tains there rose upon that Western Isle of Erin the eternal Sun of Justice — Christ — with an effulgence borrowed from the very bosom of the Almighty? Eloquently and in the most becoming manner, Fr. Fitzgerald, a fortnight ago, described to you the singularly peaceful and advanced civilized condition of the Irish people prior to the time of which I am to speak, the fifth centur^^ of our era. He showed you how in a most admirable manner God was preparing the way for the coming of the great apostle of the Irish race, St. Patrick, unconquered by Eoman arms, the Irish, while sleeping in the dark night of paganism, yet held to certain teachings that helped them to welcome the dawning of the day of perfect light, belief in one God, in the immortality of the soul and in reward and punishment in an after life were safe beacon lights leading them on the haven of truth. The high sense of personal and civic honor and justice as displayed in their private lives and incorporated into their gov- erning codes formed a natural national character upon which the more easily the divine life and spirit of Christ could be en- grafted. It would be erroneous to suppose that the heaven born blessings of Christianity were totally unknown and unenjoyed in Ireland before the fifth century. IVhile it is true that the en- tire nation did not come under the beneficient sway of Christ and His church until that period, yet there were Christians found among the Irish from the very earliest Christian days, verifying the saying of Tertullian, that there were localities in the far off British Isles inaccessible to the Eoman arms where Christ found willing subjects. While we have ample historical evidences of Christianity in Ireland even in the early ages of the church, at least in indi- vidual cases, and while the number of Christ's true followers had considerably augmented by the beginning of the fifth cen- tury, yet the great body of the people were at that period pa- gans. In 431 we find Pope Celestine consecrating a Eoman-dea- REV. BERNARD S. CONATY 31 con, by name Palladiiis, and with a band of zealous missionaries sending him "to the Scots" (that is the Irish) "to be their first bishop. ' ' After effecting a landing and laboring for a short while in Wicklow such opposition arose that St. Palladius and his band were forced to seek refuge in the land of the Picts, where the holy bishoi3 soon afterwards died. Celestiue, nothing daunted, looked for another who might take up the glorious work of evangelizing the Irish nation and winning it to Christ. The new apostle chosen by the Vicar of Christ was St. Patrick. He was selected to be God's true light bearer to the Irish people. Through his blessed apostolic zeal Pagan Ireland under God's merciful grace soon became Christian Ireland ever to remain. It would carry us too far afield to even attempt to consider the details of the marvelous work wrought under God in a few short years by St. Patrick. There are characters in the world's history that have so impressed themselves upon their time as to elicit the admira- tion of all the people and of all times. Such is St. Patrick, yet whence came his power of conquest? He had been a lowly slave on the very hilltops of Erin. He gathered not about him the strength of multitudes. He commanded no invading army. He was simply God's annointed sent by the successor of the humble fisherman of Galilee bearing the uplifted cross of Christ and surrounded by a few lowly clerics. Boldly he kindled on one of the hill tops the Easter fire in honor of Christ's victory over sin and death. It was this bright light in whose glorious shining the apostle made his triumphal march as a captive of Christ to the very hall of the Kings and the sages there, like Paul at Athens, to win a hearing for his crucified Master. Would we pause here to inquire avIio this Envoy to the Irish nation might be and what were his antece- dents"? Like the apostle of England, Augustine, and the Apostle of Germany, Boniface, nothing absolutely definite is known as to the exact locality or even country where St. Patrick was born. The late Cardinal i\roran, a most learned Irish scholar, inclined strongly to the belief that he was born at Dumbarton, in Scot- land. Dr. Langigan, a renowned church historian, with many others, clings to the belief that the apostle saw the light of day in BoulogTie Sur-Mer, in sunny France. In his Confession — a document written by his own hand — we read the following: "I, Patrick, a sinner the most unlearned and the last of all the faithful, and held in contempt by very many, had Cal- phurnius, a deacon, for my father, the son of Potitus, who lived 32 THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY INTO IRELAND in Bennaven Taberniae. He had close by a small villa, where I was taken captive when I was nearly sixteen years of age." Just where Bennaven Taberniae was is a tangle in the skein that neither you nor I can unravel. His captivity was in An- trim in Ireland and lasted six years. These were years of ex- traordinary youthful piety and of consequent jDreparation of heart and mind for his future apostolate. With the burning- love for Christ consuming his very soul he besought the Lord to hasten the day of deliverance from the slavery of paganism of the Irish nation. Once freed he set himself to the task of fit- ting himself to become a missionary of the church of Jesu& Christ among those children of the Gael whose mysterious pleadings for his return among them he strangely heard. He received the most careful training under his kinsman, St. Martin of Tours, and in the great monastic schools of Lerius Marmoutier, as well as under the saintly guidance of St. Ger- manus of Auxerre. Such was the high esteem in which St. Ger- manus held the saintly learning and zeal of his beloved pupil, Succat, or Patrick, that he recommended him to Pope Celestine for the Irish missions. As he set out on his journey to Eome Probus tells us that St. Patrick prayed thus : ''0, Lord Jesus Christ, lead me, I beseech Thee, to the seat of the holy Eoman Church, that receiving authority to preach with confidence Thy truths, the Irish nation may through my ministry, be gathered to the fold of Christ." The four masters write : ' ' St. Patrick was ordained to the Episcopacy by the Holy Pope Celestine the First, who com- missioned him to come to Ireland and preach and give to the Irish the precepts of faith and religion." The period of pre- paration for this glorious missionary work covered a period of over thirty years so that the apostle, according to the best au- thorities, had reached at least sixty years of age when in the autumn of 431 he landed on Ireland. What marvels were wrought during the sixty years of extraordinary apostolate! Peruse the pages of the glorious history of the church and find if you can any parallel record. The north, the east, the west, the south, all the land visited by the intrepid apostle of Christ — clan after clan yields to the mastery of the cross, struggles there were beyond computing, while it is singularly true that the apostolic martyr's blood crimsoned the virgin soil of Erin's church, yet it would be folly to contend that the cause of Christ triumphed without encountering fierce storms. Yet what was the spectacle the great apostle beheld be- fore he closed his eyes to the things of earth on that blessed 17th of March, 493? When he landed on Ireland, the people,. REV. BERiNARD S. CONATY 33 with few exceptions, professing the Holy Koman Catholic faith dotted the fair land everywhere — bishops and priests ordained and settled among all the clans and striving after virtue in its very highest forms — the sowing in a year of a divinely product- ive seed when were germinating already Saints of the most ascetic type. Who can look upon Ireland in this marvelous apostolic period and not recall the early church when all were of one mind and one heart — praising God and giving thanks for the one great blessing of the faith of Jesus Christ? To speak of St. Patrick and not to mention St. Bridget (the Mary of Ireland) his spiritual daughter, would be not to complete the story of Ireland's glories in the fifth century. This Irish maid was inspired with burning love of Christ, re- ceiving a snow white habit as a nun. Together with a few other young virgins of Erin, she foimded the first Irish convent at Kildare, and thus began that remarkable religious woman apos- tolate of Ireland, that continues so marvelously the world over to this very day. But I must not weary you longer. One thought — It is bor- rowed from that historical incident related in St. Patrick's life. We are told that among the first converts of St. Patrick in Ire- land, was a handsome youth named Benignus. As St. Patrick journeyed to Tara he became exhausted and threw himself up- on the bare ground near the banks of a river. As he slept, Be- nignus, under an impulse of love for the saint, gathered all the fragrant flowers he could and placed them in the bosom of the sleeping saint. St. Patrick awoke, and caught by the innocence and guileless simplicity of the boy, foretold his future sanctity and greatness, and said, * ' He will be the heir of my kingdom. ' ' He did become the successor of St. Patrick in the see of Ar- magh. Again it is related that when St. Patrick visited the home of the parents of this boy, Benignus, as the child would rest no more but at the saint's feet, which he tenderly kissed, and how when morning came and the saint rose to depart, Benignus again embraced his feet and with many tears implored permis- sion to follow him, and from that hour he became the companion of the apostle in his labors and triumphs. May we in our honest, childlike simplicity of deei) intelli- gent faith, imitate Benignus; gathering flowers to place fre- quently with all our heart's warmest affections upon the bosom of the great saint to whom under God, we are indebted for the pearl without price, our Holy Roman Catholic faith, and may ever seek to sit at His holy feet and accompany Him through life that we may inherit His Kingdom above. — The Catholic Messenger, Worcester, Mass. 2II|^ ^atttta nnh ^rljnkra (IRELAiND IN HER GLORY) 600—800 BY REV. JOHN J. KEATING One bright summer day in the latter part of the eighth century, two learned Irish scholars, Clement and Albinus, land- ing in a great seaport city of France, went through the market- place, attracting the attention of the bartering crowd in a very novel way by calling out loudly, "Hear! hear! Whoever wants wisdom let him come to us; for 'tis we that have it to sell!" This questionably modest boast, which the great Emj^eror Charlemagne afterwards found to be borne out by the scholarly erudition of the travellers in this particular case, might well have been the advertising copy of all the great Irish schools in those days, had international advertising been so well establish- ed then as now, for the schools that flourished in Erin during the period from the sixth to the ninth centuries, which we are about to consider, have left a glorious record of golden gifts bestowed alike with open-hearted Irish generosity upon all classes of the Irish people and upon the learned world-weary strangers who sought the scholastic quiet of Ireland's saintly shore. Well might the poet sing the praises of those ancient schools : ' ' I would the great world grew like thee Who grewest not alone in power And knowledge, but by year and hour In reverence and in charity." Reverence for the laws of God and man, reverence for all rightly constituted authority; charity for friend and foe, — these have ever been the ideals in schools under Irish patronage. Rev. John J. Keating Rev. Joliu J. Keating was born December 4, 1879, in Worcester, Mass. A product of Worcester schools, he was graduated from the English High School as orator of the class of 1899. After receiving his degree at Holy Cross College in 1903, he went to Montreal for a year of study in French and philosophy at the Maison de Philosphie, an institution under the direction of the Sulpician Fathers, and affiliated with the Montreal (fraud Seminary. In 1904, Father Keating was sent to Belgium by Eight Eeverend Thomas D. Beaven, Bishop of Spring- field, for a three years' course in theology at the Ameri- can College, one of the many institutions of the Univer- sity of Louvain. In 1906, a Gaelic Class was organized with headquarters at the American College, and Father Keating was among those enrolled. Father Keating- was ordained a priest in Louvain, July 14, 1907. He is now assistant to the Eev. William H. Goggin, LL. D., in St. Paul's Parish, Worcester, Mass. REV. JOHN J. KEATING 35 Religion played a leading part in their origin and devel- opment, as nearly all the great schools of this period were ec- -clesiastical. Such, for example, were those founded even before the seventh century by St. Benignus at Kilbennan, St. Mel at Ardagh, St. Ciaran at Clonmacnoise, St. Ibar in Ulster, St. De- clan at Ardmore, St. Ida at Killeedy, and St. Bridgid in Kil- dare, where St. Finnen taught and preached before he founded Clonard. Many of the masters are numbered among the Irish saints, some of whom undoubtedly received popular rather than formal canonization. The most learned scholars of the day ap- plied themselv>es to the study and teaching of the Gospel and their auditors were both clergy and laymen. The curriculum of these early Christian schools did not, however, stop short with theology and scripture. While we may point with pride to the theological attainments of great Irish minds of this period like Sedulius and Donatus who taught in Italy, we must also remember that literature and the fine arts were not forgotten. Music was cultivated by scholars and peo- ple; psalmody in the schools and traditional tunes among the layfolk. The Irish scholars seem also to have been in demand as teachers of music. In the seventh century, Gertrude, the daughter of Pepin, engaged Saints Foillan and Ultan, brothers of Irish St. Fursa of Perrone, to teach psalmody to the religious of her convent at Nivelle in France. In Charlemagne 's time, the cloister schools of St. Gall with their Irish monks were famous for their teaching of Gregorian music. In the latter half of the ninth century, the same schools, under the direction of Maen- gal, an Irishman, acquired a high reputation for music studies and later produced Notker Balbulus, one of the most celebrated of mediaeval musicians. The classical languages were taught in most of the schools^ ■^ * The Renaissance, ' ' says Darmesteter, ' ' began in Ireland seven hundred years before it was known in Italy." At a period when so learned a man as Gregory the Great had little or no knowledge of the Greek classics, Ireland had such men as Col- umbanus, born in the year 543, of whom the great French phil- ologist, Arbois de Jubainville, says: ''It is sufficient to glance at his writings immediately to recognize his marvelous super- iority over Gregory of Tours and the Gallo-Romans of his time. He lived in close converse with the classical authors " Such was the passion of Irish students for Greek that they often transcribed the Latin of the Scriptures in Greek characters. It was the classical culture of the ninth century that made possible the scholarship of the Irishman, John Scotus Erigena, the most learned man of his day in Europe, and the only scholar in Paris 3€ THE SAINTS AND SCHOLARS who was able to translate the Greek writings of the pseudo- Dionysius. Geography and history were taught in Gaelic poetry. There is extant an interesting geographic poem in Irish written by one of the teachers of the school of Eoss in Northwest Munster in the tenth century. It was intended to be learned by heart,- and the poetry is probably better than the geography judged by present day standards. The ' ' Navigatio Brendani, ' ' a man- uscript which relates the adventures of St. Brendan during his seven years' voyage in the Atlantic, is a writing that attracted much attention on the part of the mediaeval scholars. Manu- script copies of the work are found in Paris, Leipzig and the Vatican Library dating variously from the ninth to the thir- teenth centur}^ Brendan was one of the "Twelve Apostles of Ireland." He founded the famous Irish School of Clonfert on the Shannon about 556, and is said to have made the seven years' voyage in three vessels, carrying one hundred twen- ty men, who set out to find the Beautiful Island of the Western Sea, spoken of in old pagan traditions. It has been claimed by some that he discovered America, but the claim must be ranked with other improbable geographic legends of pre-Columbian discoveries of our continent. The history of Ireland had been preserved for the Christ- ian schools by the bards, who, from the earliest days, had sung the name and fame of their kings or chieftans. The writings of the monks added to these records the lives of the Irish and foreign saints. Calligraphy, the art of making beautifully decorated man- uscripts, was highly cultivated in the Irish monasteries from the time of Columba. Hundreds of monks were occupied day by day in the work of transcribing the Holy Scriptures as well as the teachings of the Early Fathers of the Church and in writing the lives of the saints. Copies of these works were dispersed throughout Europe by monks who came from England and the Continent to borrow the priceless parchments or to make copies for their own monastic libraries. Nor were the Greek and Latin authors slighted by the calligraphers. Beautifully illuminated manuscripts of these classics were reproduced, sometimes with a commentary in Irish, like that priceless copy of Horace which modern research has discovered in the library of Berne. The greatest archeologists and philologists of modern times, like Zeuss, Keller and Beeves, have studied, admired and quoted the Irish manuscripts that are found in Continental and Anglo- Saxon libraries. Jubainville states that one thousand nine Gaelic manuscripts copied before the year 1600, are found iu REV. JOHN J. KEATING W' Continental and British libraries, not counting those in private collections nor those destroyed. The vastness of the destruction may be surmised from the fact that the School of Clonard alone was plundered and destroyed twelve times and burnt, either wholly or in part, fourteen times. What must have been the destruction of valuable documents in this case alone! Douglas Hyde quotes a German authority as estimating that the liter- ature of Irish production before the year 1600 would fill one thousand octavo volumes, — law, medicine and science being therein comprised. Shall we s^y that these schools had elective courses'? In the sense of "snap courses," they had none; but there were certain men who specialized in some particular branch. One of these was Dungal, the Astronomer, who elicited the admira- tion of Charlemagne in the early part of the ninth century, by addressing a treatise on the solar eclipse to that famous patron of learning who had already put our old friends Clement and Albinus in charge of two of his seminaries. Many of the early saints, like Bishop Fortchern, were skilled artificers in bronze and metal. In fact, so much is to be said of the arts of calli- graphy, carving, metallurgy and architecture, that a complete lecture on the subject has been arranged for in this series. The prime purpose of the monastic schools was to prepare men for the priesthood; consequently Holy Scripture and theol- ogy were the principal studies. As a foundation for deeper study, they had to learn all the psalms by heart. Reciting these, day by day in choir, and meditating upon their beauties as ex- pounded by the learned fathers of the monastery, the Irish monks came to a knowledge and understanding of the Sacred Scriptures that could not be attained by mere technical exe- gesis. Their eighth and ninth century manuscripts of the New Testament, "covered with Irish glosses, and Irish poems and Irish notes," says Prof. Stokes, "have engaged the attention of paleographers and students of the Greek texts for the last two centuries." They form the basis of Dr. Eeeves' assertion that the Irish school of this time ' ' was unquestionably the most advanced of its day in Sacred Literature. ' ' We cannot too strongly emphasize the fact that lessons were conducted in the Gaelic tongue during the sixth century, when in no other country of Europe had the vernacular been sufficiently cultivated to be a suitable medium for literary and scientific instruction. Remember that Ceadmon, the Anglo- Saxon poet whose name is associated with our earliest English literature, belonged to a monastery that was not founded till 657; Dante, the morning star of Italian literature, will not shine 3-8- THE SAINTS AND SCHOLARS forth till the end of the thirteenth century ; Chaucer is not born till 1340; yet, in the sixth century, Ireland is thronged with scholars who come to hear her learning poured forth in the Irish tongue. All the early saints and masters had been educat- ed from boyhood in the Gaelic, and the most distinguished teachers were at the same time poets who wrote in Gaelic. The scope of the great monastic schools of the sixth and especially of the seventh century was broad enough to meet the wants of the layman who desired to become an ollamh or master in literature, architecture, law, history or medicine. This fact explains the recorded accounts of the large number of lay students who joined with the clergy in seeking wisdom. Thus we have record of 3000 monks and students at one time in the sixth century, attending the School of Bangor in Ulster and living under the rule of St. Comgall; and in Cork, Eoss-Ailithir, *Hhe wood of the pigeons," received its name from the throng of students that flocked hither, while Emiligh under St. Ailbhi had so many students about the year 740, in the reign of Cathal (i. e. Cahill) McFinguine, that 'Hhey were forced to live in huts in the neighboring fields." Indeed it may be safely said that the students of many Irish schools in the sixth century and for some time after found lodging in individual tent-like houses or huts constructed somewhere in the vicinity of the master's cell or oratory. Even the great monastic schools of a much later date were not at all like the mediaeval monastic settlement, * ' a noble pile of buildings with stately church rising in the cen- ter surrounded by beautiful cloisters, doimitories and kitchen," — the cottages of the villagers clustered close to the protecting monastery walls. Some authorities say that stone buildings were not at all common in Ireland even in the seventh century, and that the majority of the churches were built of wood, al- though there are some few stone churches that date from the sixth century. But there was no need of college buildings such as libraries, laboratories and gymnasia. The instruction in the sixth century Irish school was chiefly oral. There were no books and the manuscripts were but few and highly prized. In- struction was often given in the open air, the preceptor taking his stand on the summit of a hill, his auditors seated round on its slopes — thus hundreds and even thousands could be accom- modated. Many of the students were transients, travelling from school to school, and getting their food and lodging from the country folk in return for entertainment. Many's the bit of his- tory and folk-lore was passed on from generation to generation through these travelling scholars. Those who stayed on at the REV. JOHN J. KEATING 39 school throughout the year built their own huts, planted, herd- ed the cattle or ground corn at the quern between study periods. Many a saint intending to spend his life in solitude soon found his cell in the wilderness surrounded by the huts of scholars brought hither through the fame of his learning to become his disciples. The sons of gentlemen were trained by their tutors in horse- manship, chess, swimming and the use of the spear. Football and polo were not yet developed, but there was plenty of athlet- ic exercise even in the comparatively peaceful days of the sev- enth and eighth centuries. Parties of noble youth would some- times leave the school and ride away into the neighboring countryside to chastize someone who had insulted or injured some member of the clan. Thus we read of Prince Cathal (Ca- hill), the second son of the king of Connacht, leaving Clonard in the year 645 at the head of a party of twenty-seven students of his own people to avenge the murder of his father. The monks themselves, when occasion demanded, could lay aside books for bucklers and were not at all averse to taking part with their students and clansmen in whatever battle was waging for the honor of the clan. So, peaceful as the seventh and eighth cen- turies were, no student or warrior need die of ennui if he pre- ferred to die of a spearwound. It was only in the year 697 that Adamnan, the tenth abbot of lona, secured the passage of the Law of the Innocents, forbidding women to enter battle. How tame and peurile are the college rivalries of modern days, when we read that in the eighth century two hundred men of the school of Darrow perished in a battle with the neighbor- ing scholars of Clonmacnoise; and the old annalists record that eight hundred monks took part in a battle that was fought in the year 816. A passage from the Brehon laws leads us to surmise that there may have been quite a few ''gayboys" among the college students even in those days. The law relates to the wearing of brooch-pins, and you members of the legislature will observe that there is nothing original in the new hatpin law which our gallant guardians of the peace permit to be ^'more honored in the breach than in the observance;" for what do we find the farsighted lawyers on ancient Erin setting forth in the sixth century law code but the following: ^'Men are guiltless of pins worn upon their shoulders, provided they do not project too far; but if they should, the case is to be adjudged by the crimin- al law. ' ' Now what sweet consolation to any twentieth century lady who has ever been informed by a hyper-observant member of the traffic squad that the Damascus blades of her headgear iOk THE SAINTS AND SCHOLiARS are unsheathed! We trust that the women of that day took exceptional care to see that the law was enforced — on the men. At the Feis of Drom Ceata in 575, the laws and the general system of education were revised so as to conform more closely to the Christian standards set forth by St. Columba (Colum- cille) and one hundred twenty of his monks whom King Aedh (i. e. Hugh) had called from the island monastery of lona to participate in the discussion. A feis in those days was a gen- eral council, and the great question of the Feis of Drom Ceata was the fate of the bards. The bardic schools were distinct from the monastic and far more ancient than Christianity itself in Ireland; but the bards had deteriorated and finally had be- come a crowd of educated vagabonds and a heart-scald to the country. So thought King Aedh and he had fully determined to suppress them and to revoke their ancient privileges; but the bards' cause was championed by St. Columba before whose im- passioned eloquence the king and his advisers were forced to retreat. The deliberations of the Feis resulted in the formation of a new system of schools intended to dit^use the learning of the bards throughout the kingdom. Twenty bishops, forty priests, besides Columba 's retinue, thirty deacons, a multitude of other clerics, a vast throng of bards and many nobles were at hand to be heard from and to offer suggestions. Not mine to picture that flow of eloquence! But, after some months, special oUamhs of teaching or doctors of literature were assigned to the mon- arch, the provincial kings, and to the chiefs and lords of terri- tory. To each ollamh they granted free lands and inviolability of person. The Royal Poet Eochaidh, who afterwards wrote the ''Elegy on the Death of Columba," was appointed head of the system; and, assigned to the different provinces as super- visors were Aedh or Hugh the Poet for Meath, Urmael for Munster, Seanchan (i. e. Slianahan) MacCuairfertaigh for Con- nacht and Ferfirb MacMuiredhaigh (Murray) for Ulster. En- dowments were also placed at the disposal of the ollamhs or masters to afford gratuitous education to those men of Erin who desired to become learned. Who says, then, that the Irish hadn't college scholarships in the sixth century? Moreover, at lay schools, where several pupils lodged at the master's house, the sons of the tenant class waited on the sons of the gentry, receiving tuition and maintenance. So, waiting on college ta- ble for tuition is a tradition of early Irish college days. ^ An extract from one of the law manuscripts in Trinity Col- lege, Dublin, will show the relations established by law between teacher and pupil. ''The union," says the legal writer, "which REV. JOHN J. KEATING 41 is recognized between the pupil and the tutor, or instructing father, as he is called, is this: the tutor bestowed instruction without reservation and correction without violence upon the pupil; and he supplied him with food and clothing as long as he continued to pursue his legitimate studies if he did not re- ceive them from anyone else." The pupil, on his part, was legally bound to assist or relieve his tutor in case he was needy in his old age. The tutor was entitled to the profits arising from literary or other work of the pupil during his time of schooling, and to the first fees of the ollamh's professional career. An interesting reference to these filial duties is found in a text of Aengus the Culdee, dating from the early part of the ninth century. As explained by a very ancient scholist, it gives a pleasing instance of kindly obedience to the law, bidding pu- pils cherish the old age of their instructors. Maelruan (Mul- rooney) of Tallaght near Dublin, had been the master of Aengus who thus alludes to the tender care lavished on the aged mas- ter by his former pupils: ^'Maelruan, after our nursing him, The shining sun of Meatli 's southern border, At his undefiled sepulchre The wounds of all hearts are healed. ' ' Here is an extract from the Brehon Law showing the in- demnity of the master for damage done by his charges: ''The poet commands his pupils. The man from whom education is received is free from the crimes of his pupils if they be children of natives, even though he feeds and clothes them and that they pay him for his learning. He is free, even though it be a stranger that he instructs, feeds and clothes, provided it is for God that he does it. If he feeds and instructs a stranger for pay, it is then that he is accountable for his crimes.'' That's what you may call a "law of hospitality!" This warm Irish hospitality was appreciated and accept- ed. ' ' For three centuries, Ireland was the asylum of the higher learning which took sanctuary there from the uncultured states of Europe. At one time, the religious capital of Christian Ire- land was the metropolis of civilization. ' ' The quotation is from Hyde's Literary History of Ireland. The Litany of Aengus the Culdee invokes the name of many a saintly and scholarly stranger who had come to Erin's classic shore to find such peace as Dante sought within the cloister of Era Hilario. Romans, *Gauls, Germans and Britons find mention in this document, and 42 THE SAINTS AiND SCHOLARS even Egyptian monks, of whom seven are listed. The greatest number of foreign students came from Great Britain. They came in '^ fleet-loads," according to a letter written about the year 705 by Aldhelm, Bishop of Sherborne to Eadfrid, Bishop of Lindisfarne. The Venerable Bede, himself an English priest, tells us that the scholars of his country went over to Ireland in great number in the year 664, the time of the great i^lague, and were warmly received by the Irish, who provided them with food and gratuitous education. In the ninth century we find Alcuin sending letters from the court of Charlemagne to his friends at the school of Clon- macnoise. Dagobert II, King of France, spent eighteen or twen- ty years of his youth in the School of Slane in Meath, near the residence of the high kings of Ireland. The English prince, Albert of Northumbria, was educated in Erin, and Aldhelm the Abbot of Malmesbury, expressed the sentiment of other English scholars when, in a Latin epistle, he congratulated the king on his good fortune in obtaining an Irish education. The same Aldhelm is also authority for the statement that the Eng- lish scholars were swarming like bees to the Irish schools, while the great school of Canterbury was far from overcrowded. King Aldfrid, when leaving Ireland, composed the following poem: ''I found in Inisfail the Fair In Ireland, while in exile there. Women of worth, both grave and gay men. Learned clerics, heroic laymen. I travelled its fruitful provinces round, And in every one of the five I found. Alike in church and palace hall Abundant apparel and food for all." St. Willibrord, a noble Saxon educated in Ireland, became the Archbishop of LTtrecht. Agilbert, a Frank by birth, became Bishop of Paris after his studies in Ireland. And now, just a little pedagogical touch before we come to speak of Columba. The Irish schoolmaster has always been a firm believer in the efficacy of corporal punishment as a balm to the feelings of both master and pupil. From the days when the saints them- selves were teachers down to the days of the hedge schoolmas- ter who made some of our more proximate ancestors smart, the sentiment of Irish instructors has been thoroughly in accord with the latest findings of a great pedagogical authority as re- cently made known to the teachers at their convention in Chi- REV. JOHN J. KEATING 43 cago. It might be given to the pedagogical world as the an- cient golden precept of Irish school discipline: Swat while your ire is hot! An application of said rule and an illustration of its bene- ficent results comes to hand in the story of St. Baothin. When this young scion of a noble race, — for in truth he was a nephew of St. Columba, — was studying in the school of St. Colman Ela, his voluntary dullness so tried the patience of the saint that one day the latter without word or warning suddenly smote the young blockhead hard upon the jowl and was endeavoring to make even more of an impression, when Baothin, taking the first blow for marching orders, quickly hied him to the neighboring woods. There he became interested in the work of a man who was building a house by weaving rods one after another between posts that had been set up in the ground. Baothin moralized on the manner in which the house was rising slowly but surely through the rods being woven in one by one, and thought how he, too, might have built the edifice of learn- ing had he but applied himself to the work. Came a rain storm, and the Desolate Baothin, standing in the shelter of an oak tree, observed the rain, falling drop by drop from one leaf upon a particular spot, and pressing his heel upon this spot he made a hollow which soon filled up by the constant dripping of the rain. Then he spoke this lay: ''Of drops a pond is filled, Of rods a house is built ; The house which is favored of God, More and more numerous will be its family. ''Had I attended to my own lessons At all times and in all places. Though small my progress at a time. Still I would acquire sufficient learning. "It is the single rod which the man cuts And which he weaves upon his house: The house rises pleasantly, Though singly he sets the rod. ' ' The hollow which my heel hath made, Be thanks to God and St. Colman, Is filled in every shower by the single drop; The single drop becomes the pool. 44- THE SAINTS AND SCHOLARS "I make a vow that while I live I will not henceforth my lessons abandon; Whatever the difficulty may be to me, It is cultivating learning I shall always be," We may well suppose that the poem, and especially the resolution, restored the youthful Baothin to the good graces of St. Colman; and we have convincing evidence that the resolu- tion was kept, for when the great abbot and founder of lona was laid to rest, it was Baothin who became head master of the school and abbot in his stead. The greatest man of this period, and probably the great- est Irishman known to history, is St. Columcille, or Columba. Unlike St. Patrick, he was an Irishman, born in Garten, County Donegal, Dec. 7, 521. He was of royal blood, being a descendant of Niall of the Nine Hostages, that restless warrior king of Ire- land who ravaged Britain in the fourth century. Columba was a poet, a statesman, a warrior and a great missionary saint. * ' His name, ' ' says Healey, ' ' is dear to every child of the Scotic race in Erin and in Alba, — and, what is stranger still, monk and priest though he was, his memory is cherished" by Catholic and Protestant alike. In his youth he was sent to the monastic school at Moville, for Ireland, since the death of Patrick some half century previous, had produced a large number of such small colleges. Here he stayed imtil ordained deacon; then went to study in Leinster under the bard Gemman, and hence to Clonard to St. Finnian, who had studied in Wales and who taught Columba the traditions of the Welsh church. Clonard was a famous school in Columba 's day. It had been founded by St. Finnian about 520, the fact being com- memorated in the breviary on St. Finnian 's feast by an old Lat- in hymn whose jingling metre would fit it perfectly to the tune of one of our popular patriotic songs, — "Reversus in Clonardiam Ad cathedram lecturae Apponit diligentiam Ad studium scripturae," Finnian is rightly called the ''Tutor of the Irish Saints." From his school came the Twelve Apostles of Ireland: Ciaran of Clonmacnoise and Ciarn of Saigher; Brendan of Birr, "the Prophet," and Brendan of Clonfert, "the Navigator;" Columba of the Churches, i. e. Colum-cille of whom we are speaking, and Columba of Tir-da-Glas; Mobhi of Glasnevin and Rodan of REV. JOHN J. KEATING 45 Lorrha; Senanus of Inniseatliy, Ninnidh of Lock Erne, Lasser- ian and finally St. Cainnech of Kilkenny, known in Scotland as St. Kenneth. It was men of this type that Columba met at Clon- ard, engaged in study, labor, prayer and fasting. It is related that one day Finnian said to his beloved disciple Senachus, * ' Go and see what each of my disciples is doing at this moment." Senachus went on his errand and found them all busy at their various tasks. ''Some were engaged in manual labor," says the ancient manuscript, ' ' some were studying the Sacred Scrip- tures, and others, especially Columba of Tir-da-Glas, he found engaged in prayer with his hands stretched out to heaven and the birds came and alighted on his shoulders. ''He it is," said Finnian, "who shall offer up the Holy Sacrifice for me at the hour of my death, "^ — for his, it seems, was pre-eminently the spirit of holy prayer and meekness. Leaving Clonard, Columba went to the school of Mobhi at Glasnevin near Dublin, where some fifty students were at work. Driven thence by the plague, he went northward to the home of his cousin, the Prince of Aileach, near Derry. The Prince of- fered him the so-called Island of Derry, a rising plot of ground of oval shape, covering some two hundred acres, along the- slopes of which flourished a splendid forest of oak trees, giving the place its name of Derry or the Oak Grove. This grove was a perpetual joy to Columba, who was a great lover of the beau- tiful in nature. He changed the intended position of his church when he found that some of the trees must be felled if the orig- inal plan of placement were carried out. He gave strict orders that his successor should spare the lovely grove and that if any of the trees should be blown down, part of the wood should be stored as fuel for their own guest-house and the rest be given to the poor. Years after, on the desolate island of lona, Columba re- called the peaceful, happy days spent at this, the first monas- tery of his founding, and wrote the poem on Derry: "That spot is the dearest on Erin's ground For the treasures that peace and that purity lend, For the hosts of bright angels that circle it round Protecting its border from end to end. "My Derry, my Derry, my little oak grove. My dwelling, my home and my own little cell, May God the Eternal in Heaven above Send death to thy foes and defend thee well. ' ' 4 6 THE SAINTS AND SCHOLARS Columba was only twenty-five when he founded Derry. Within the next seventeen years he established the still more celebrated schools of Durrow in King's County and Kells in JMeath. A description of him at this time is given by an an- <;ient writer who says he was "a man well formed with power- ful frame; his skin was white; his face was broad and fair and radiant, lit up with large, gray, luminous eyes; his large and well shaped head was crowned with close and curling hair, ex- cept where he wore his frontal tonsure. His voice was sweet with the sweetness of the bards, clear and resonant so that he could be heard at 1500 paces ' ' — what would be his record with a modern megaphone! In temijerament he was quick and passionate. His activity was wonderful. ' ' Not a single hour of the day, ' ' says Adamnan, * ' did he leave unoccupied without en- gaging in prayer or in reading or in writing or in some other work." He took jDart in the manual labor of the monastery, cooking or looking after his ploughmen. He was an unwearied scribe and poetry was his delight. His followers were ever oc- cupied in transcribing his literary works, and we read in his Irish life that he himself wrote "three hundred gifted, lasting, illuminated, noble books." Scotland became the home of Columba in 563. His motive in leaving his native Ireland is given by his ninth century suc- cessor and most noted biographer, Adamnan, as "the desire to carry the Gospel to a pagan nation and to win souls to God." Other authorities enter into more detail and declare with con- siderable probability that Columba was carrying out a severe penance imposed on him by his confessor, St. Molaise: to leave Ireland and preach the gospel so as to win for Christ as many souls as had perished in the battle of Cooldrevney, where Col- umba 's clansmen the NeilPs, supported by his prayers and in- cited by his counsels, had defeated the warriors of King Diar- mait in the year 561. With twelve companions Columba crossed the sea in a currach of wickerwork covered with hides, and land- ed on the barren, craggy island of lona on the eve of Pentecost, May 12, 563. For the next 600 years lona was virtually an Irish island occupied by Irish monks and scholars. As soon as Co- lumba and his followers had built their monastery, they went forth to preach Christianity to the Northern Picts. Many me- morials of their saintly work are found in Northern Scotland, the Great Glen and the country to the eastward into Aberdeen- shire. Montalembert 's "Monks of the West" furnishes a wealth of information on Columba 's missionary work. His feast is kept in Scotland on the ninth of June, for Holy Mother Church observes the feast day of a saint not on the date of his REV. JOHN J. KEATING 47 birth, which marks his entrance into "this vale of tears," but on the date of his death, which marks the triumphal ending of his time of probation. On the eve of his death, which occurred in 597, he was en- gaged in the work of transcription. Earlier in the day he had viewed the gardens and buildings of the monastery in com- pany with Diarmait, his attendant; he had blessed the work of his followers for the last time and was returning from the barn to the monastery when he was overcome with fatigue and sat down by the roadside to rest. And the chronicler tells us that " as he sat there resting his aged limbs, the old white horse that used to carry the milkpails from the byre to the monastery came up and put his head on the saint's shoulder as if the ani- mal knew that his master was to leave him. The saint, deeply moved, blessed the poor, faithful horse and said, 'It is God that has made known to him through instinct that he will see me no more. ' ' ' Entering the cloister he went directly to his cell and sat there copying the Psaltery. But as soon as he came to the eleventh verse of the thirty-third psalm in the Vulgate, where it is written : ' ' Inquirentes autem Dominum non deficient omni bono, ' ' he laid down the pen and said, * ' Here I must stop ; Boa- thin will write the rest. ' ' At the midnight hour, when the bell for matins summoned the monks to chapel, they found their dy- ing abbot prostrate in prayer before the altar; they raised him gently, and in a few moments he expired in the arms of his com- panion Diarmait, breathing blessings on lona and his disciples. The best history of Columba's life is the Latin one written by Adamnan, his ninth successor in the abbacy of lona. "It is, ' ' says Pinkerton, ' ' the most complete piece of such biography that all Europe can boast, not only at so early a period, but even through the whole Middle Ages." This admirable work has been preserved to us through the scholarship and research of Stephen White, a learned Irish Jesuit Father of the seventeenth century. lona became a celebrated shrine. Kings and princes come hither on pilgrimages as Columba has foretold. Niall Frassach gave up his crown, took the pilgrim's staff and died at lona in 778. Artgal, son of Cathal, King of Connaught, camo here to "make his soul" in 791; and many princes of the Picts and Saxons did the same in later years. The spiritual linage of Columba numbers one hundred twelve saints. Would that time permitted us to enter into an account of some of these great lives, — the martyr St. Blaith- mac, the exegesist Marianus Scotus, Flathbhertach O'Brol- chain of Derry, St. Comgall of Bangor, St. Columbanus, St. Mai- 48 THE SAINTS AND SCHOLARS achy, and Dungall, the theologian, astronomer and poet, would well repay our study. From the School of Cork we should take St. Finbar; St. Fintan and Aengus the Culdee, from the School of Clonenagh; St. Kevin and St. Moling from Glendalough; Sts. Colman and Gerald from the School of Mayo ; St. Jarlath from Tuam; St. Nessan from Mungret, St. Cronan from Koscrea and St. Coimin from the School of Inniscaltra. The Irish scholars abroad in this period would furnish an- other interesting and illuminating chapter, from Virgilius,. Archbishop of Salzburg, to Sedulius the theologian in Italy. For an account of these, we refer the student to Healy's valua- ble work, ** Ireland's Ancient Schools and Scholars." It would be unpardonable to close this sketch without sum- marizing the work of the great Irish missionaries of the period. Their highest compliment and the most unprejudiced estimate of their work comes from the populace of those nations to whom they devoted their lives. Let us present it on the authority of the scholarly Stephen White, S. J. *'The nations they con- verted, edified and civilized have placed upon the altars of the churches where they labored 150 of these saints, of whom 36 were martyrs, in Germany; 45, of whom 6 were martyrs, in Gaul ; 30 in Belgium ; 13 in Italy ; 8, all martyrs, in Norway and Iceland ; ' ' and Montalembert quotes an ancient writer enumerat- ing the monasteries founded by Irish monks on foreign soil as 13 in Scotland, 12 in England, 7 in France, 12 in America, 7 in Lorraine, 10 in Alsatia, 16 in Bavaria, 15 in Ehetia, Helvetia and Allemania; — there were many in Thuringia and the left bank of the lower Ehine, and finally 6 in Italy. For a profound study of this important period, scholars may be referred to 'Curry's Manuscript Material for Ireland's Ancient History, La Revue Celtique, and the recent articles of Morris in Irish periodicals; for the general reader there is a long list of interesting works to be had in our own excellent public library; and for all of us who are proud of our Irish blood, the i^resent very imperfect survey will amply vindicate the claim of Ireland to that title which she received centuries ago from the learned men of the world: *' Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum," — "Island of the Saints and Scholars." — The Catholic Messenger, Worcester, Mass. Thomas E. McEvoy, M. D. Dr. Thomas E. McEvoy is a native of Hopkinton, Mass., and was born July 27, 1859, son of Patrick Mc- Evoy and Mary (Daw) McEvoy. He attended the grammar schools and was prepared for college at Phil- i])s Exeter Academy, from which he was graduated in 1886. He entered Yale College, graduating in 1890, and was graduated from Yale Medical School in 1892. Dr. McEvoy is a member of the Massachusetts Medical Society. In 1896 he served as a member of the School Committee, Worcester, Mass. He joined Division 1, A. 0. H., of Worcester, in 1896, and for twelve years was physician for the Division. June 12, 1900, Dr. McEvoy was married to Mary Spencer 'Day, daughter of James and Margaret Spencer of Worces- ter. yC^-recedent of seizing the sovereign power by force. Nothing that was worthy in Irish life, the arts, sciences, industries, and religious life, escaped the blighting effect of the invaders. All that was near and dear in their social life suffered profound changes, leaving deep traces when Ireland was called upon to face the one struggle which she is still carrying on and which has so embittered the last seven centuries of Ireland's history. The record of our forefathers has been preserved in an al- most miraculous manner. It is to be found not only in Ireland in her relics and ruins, but also in very many thousands of man- uscripts scattered through the libraries of the world. We know but a fragment of this record, for manuscripts, covered with the dust of centuries, await the scholars to lay before us their hid- den secrets, and silence the slander to be found on the page of Hon. John H. S. Hunt John H. S. Hunt was born March 14, 1879, in Wor- cester, Mass., the son of Frederick P. Hunt and Bridget (Cosgrove) Hunt. He studied in the Worcester public schools and was graduated from the Worcester English High School, in 1898. Mr. Hunt received his legal edu- cation at the Boston University Law School and was admitted to the practice of his profession in 1904. He is a member of the American Bar Association and of the Massachusetts State Bar Association. Mr. Hunt represented the First Worcester District, ^rhich comprises the larger part of his native city, in the Massachusetts State Senate during 1911 and 1912. He has been a member of the Worcester Democratic City. Mr. Hunt has held membership in Division 3, A. 0. H., of Worcester, for several years. Qlnnt^at Utth tl|^ Nnrmana 1169—1367 BY » HON. JOHN H. S. HUNT The arrival of the Normans in Ireland was the introduction of the feudal system. A comparison of this system and the Irish tribal system will throw a light on the Norman invasion, an in- vasion which never reached the dignity of a conquest, an in- vasion which differed from the Norman conquest of England in one particular at least, in that the invaders were assimilated by the Irish people and in time drank in some of the aspiration of the Irish people, and came under the influence of its traditions so that they in turn fought for the perpetuation of Irish ideals. To understand the conflict between the Irish and the Anglo- Normans you mus-t search out the differences between the trib- al system as it existed in Ireland under the Brelion laws down to its subjugation and the feudal system. In Ireland land was owned in common by each clan or sept of the same name, and a chief or leader (the toparch) was elect- ed to ruie over them. He alloted the land among the different families according to the number of children they possessed. The state being dependent upon the perpetuation of the family life, it was recognized even then by the Irish race that race suicide was detrimental to the life of the tribe and nation, and so in this manner they furnished an incentive for large families. The land was held to be the foodstock of the whole people, a common heritage in which every household had the right of use in proportion to the number of its inmates. No man could own land save the man who cultivated it, and he only so much as his domestic responsibility entitled him to. A portion of the land was marked off as in common for grazing, and another portion with a large house built thereon, for the reception and care of every traveler, where he could be assured of food and shelter. The occupants of the land paid a fixed tax of tribute 64 CONTEST WITH THE NORMANS apart from service duty rendered the chief and a share of the farm might be sublet. Agriculture had always been the pride of the Irish people. It has been the fashion to regard the tribal system as the mark of a barbarous people. This was not true of the Celtic people. Their idea of a state or a nation may have been different from that of the mediaeval world of Europe, but it was not uncivilized. The law of the people was the law of the nation. How modern that sounds. Yes the people did rule. They never lost their faith in the law of the people and they never exalted a central authority, for their law did not need the sanction of a central authority. The administration of the law of the land was parceled out among different self-govern- ing communities. All through its history to this time the forc- es of union have not been material but spiritual, and the life of the people consisted not in its military cohesion but in its joint spiritual inheritance. Such an instinct of national life does not lose but rather gains by comparison with the much praised feudalism of the middle ages in Europe. It must at least be conceded that the Irish tribal scheme of government contained as much promise as the feudal scheme which became the politi- cal creed of England, but never of Ireland. Of a different age and different conditions, yet the make up of the political system of Ireland bears a similarity to the make up of the United States. Each tribe, as each state, was supreme within its own borders, and in those affairs of local application; it elected its own chief and could depose him if he acted against the law, thus giving us an early example of the method of impeachment and recall. The chief had no power over the soil save as the elected trustee of the people. The privileges of the various chiefs, judges, captains, historians, poets, and so on, were hand- ed down from one generation to another. The Ard-ri, or high king, was a representative of the whole national life, but his power rested on the consent of the tribes and the people. He could impose no new law; he could demand no service outside of the law. Separate and independent as the tribes were, yet all accept- ed the one code which had been fashioned in the course of ages^ by the genius of this great people. The same law was recited in every tribal assembly. The traditions and the learning of the nation were preserved by a class of learned men; the law was expounded by schools of law. Learning, it can be truly said^ was exalted by the Irish people, a people who were held to- gether loosely in a political union, but who, as all history has shown, were bound hard and fast in a spiritual union. The weak points of such a system are quite apparent. A country HON. JOHN H. 3. HUNT 65 divided in government in those times was weakened for pur- poses of oifence, or for joint action in military matters. Riots and forays there were, among a martial race and strong men of hot passions, bnt this was qnite common, throughout the med- iaeval world. Local feuds were no greater in Ireland than ex- isted in England, even long after the Norman Conquest. Starting in the latter part of the twelfth century, there came crashing into this country, the aggressive and highly or- ganized military force of the Anglo-Normans bent on conquest and spoliation, and bent on im])osing the feudal system on Ire- land. It is quite evident no two forms of social life could show more contrast than the tribal and the feudal systems. The Eoman Empire engraved on the minds of its subject races the notion of a state held together, defended, governed and policed by a central body or ruler. The sovereign was supreme in the domain of matters pertaining to force and the maintenance of order. The essential life of the nation and its directive force came m turn to be expressed in the will and power of its ruler. The feudal system was a complicated political and military or- ganization. In the feudal system the land belonged not to the tribe as a whole, but to the Crown absolutely. The Crown per- mitted certain individuals by virtue of a contract to possess the land in a limited ownership. The lord ruled his vassals by virtue of his ownership of the land, not as being of their kin or by their election. The vassals had no connection among them- selves, save the accident of standing in the same relation to one lord. They held their lands, not as their own, but upon the performance of military duties and other specified duties. The whole system formed a vast hierachy extending from the sov- ereign at its summit, to the lowest vassal at its base, each oc- cupying a definite position; the system possessing qualities of organization and compactness as a political and military force unknown to the tribal system. This, then, was the system launched by the English kings at the Irish people in the latter part of the twelfth century. ANGLO-NORMAN INVASION Roderic O'Connor at the beginning of this period was rec- ognized as the high king or Ard-ri of all Ireland. He was the last of the long line of Irish monarchs. This king had not been distinguished among his fellow chief tans by virtue of his courage or activity. .But in conmion with the princes and lead- ers of those days in all countries, he did possess at times qual- ities so ferocious as to have led him to commit acts of great 66 CONTEST WITH THE NORMANS cruelty. Upon tins monarch devolved a tremendous task of grappling with problems, the solution of which was to have a far-reaching effect upon the subsequent history of Ireland, and which was to determine largely the happiness or sorrow of the Irish people. He failed. And the history of mankind was pre- sented with the spectacle of a nation arrested in the develop- ment of her national genius, her national aspirations; prevent- ed from bringing to fruition the great latent powers and quali- ties of her civilization. A sad spectacle, 9 piteous one, yet one that, in the heart and soul of the man who has Irish blood in his veins, arouses, as he traces the hideous events of the suc- ceeding centuries, first, a feeling of sadness, then of despair, and finally of noble rage, as he sees a proud, learned, loving people driven to the verge of madness by wrongs, prosecu- tions and proscriptions. The reign of Roderic O'Connor began in an auspicious way. He governed with moderation and wisdom. Shortly after he became king he convened a sjTiod at Athboy.in Meatli, where there were gathered 1300 men. Laws and regulations were passed and the policing of the land was so effectively carried out that it might be said of the kingdom that a woman with a new-born infant might travel over the whole island from one sea to the other, without fear of insult. Mindful of the essen- tial part that amusements played in the life of a people^, the king in 1168 re-established the games at Tailton, and in 1169 he founded a professor's chair at Armagh. It was during his reign that an event occurred that brought in its train a series of events fatal to the natural development of the Irish people. Dermot MacMurrough was king of Leinster at the time Roderic O'Connor became high king of Ireland. A description of Der- mot at this time would not be out of place. He was a tall man and quite strongly built; a soldier whose valiant heart was in the fray, held valiant among his own nation. From often shouting his battle cry, his voice had become hoarse. He was a man who liked better to be feared by all than loved by any. One thing that could be said of him is that he was prone to oppress his greater vassals while he raised to high stations men of lowly birth. A tyrant to his own subjects he was hated by strangers; his hand was against every man, and every man's hand against him. He had become king of Leinster in 1135. There had always been more or less friction between him and Tiernan O'Ruarc, the lord of Breffney, in the eastern part of Connaught. This hostility between the two had been intensi- fied by the frequent collisions between their respective clans, and finally an event took place that raised the feeling of animos- HON. JOHN H. 3. HUNT 67 ity to its highest pitch and was a potent factor in bringing about a series of events fatal to Ireland. It seems that before her marriage to Prince O'Ruarc, the fair Dervorgilla, the wife of Prince O'Ruarc, had a sweet and kindly feeling for Prince Dermot. By a secret understanding between Dervorgilla and Prince Dermot, while Prince O'Ruarc was away on one of his military expeditions, the parties eloped. The wronged husband appealed to Tordelvach, who was then high king of Ireland. The Irish people have always taken great pride in the purity of their family relations, and this act stirred the nation to its depths. The king marched an army the fol- lowing year into Leinster and recaptured the fair Dervorgilla from her lover and sent her to her relatives in Meath. She sub- sequently retired to a monastery. Some historians place this event in 1166, but as a matter of fact, the affair happened in 1153. So long as King Tordelvach lived, O'Ruarc was sure of a powerful friend, but at his death and as soon as O'Lochlin succeeded to the headship of the Irish people, Dermot 's for- tunes took a leap upward, and he let no opportunity pass with- "out heaping some wrong or insult upon his rival. However, as soon as Roderic O'Connor became king in 1166 he extended his friendship to O'Ruarc. This read the downfall of Dermot. Here was a prince who had been a founder of religious houses and at Ferns, where he had his own resi- dence, he had built many large and richly endowed monaster- ies and abbys; yet, because of his cruelty and insolence, his munificence was forgotten, and many whom he had trodden on in his prosperity now took advantage of the turn of the wheel of his fortune. He was assailed and attacked from all quarters. Deserted even by his own vassals he retired to Ferns, there practically with his back to the wall, he took the desperate resolution to call to his aid foreigners to retrieve his fallen for- tune. He set fire to the town of Ferns, took flight privately, and embarked for England. He made his way to Aquitaine in France, to obtain the as- sistance of Henry the Second, of England. He was willing to make any promise or sacrifice to secure his restoration. Henry the Second at that time was not ready to enter personally, but the project pleased him. Here was an opportunity for which he had been looking and waiting. He had for some time looked longingly upon the kingdom of Ireland, and he did not desire to lose such an opportunity to invade Ireland. He gave letters to Dermot authorizing him to recruit adventurers within his jurisdiction. In return for this recommendation, Dermot swore fealty to Henry the Second. 68 CONTEST WITH THE NORMANS Armed with this letter, Dermot fixed himself in Bristol, England, endeavoring to raise recruits. Here he fell in with Eichard deClaire, known as * ' Strongbow, " whose fortunes were in a bad way, and who was ripe to enter upon any venture worth while to mend his fortunes. His name and unquestioned abilities enabled him to gather round him characters of like daring and high courage. It was finally agreed between the contracting parties, the king, Eichard and Dermot, that, in the ensuing Spring, Eichard should lend his aid for the recovery of Dermot 's kingdom, upon the condition of obtaining the hand of Dermot 's daughter and the succession to Dermot 's kingdom. About May 1st, 1170, Eobert Fitzstevens landed near Wex- ford, and on the next day Maurice DePrendergast, an independ- ent adventurer with a force of about six hundred men, marched on Wexford. This town, after a short resistance, submitted to Dermot and his allies. Dermot granted the town and the sur- rounding country to Fitzstevens and Maurice. He also granted to others land and possessions lying between Wexford and Waterford to hold to them and their heirs forever. Now arises a singular situation. Here was a tribal chief of the Celts of Leinster, who under the tribal laws of Ireland had no other rights in the land than those he held by consent of the people who had dethroned him, conferring upon two Normans a town and district then occupied by a Danish population as vassals to him and his heirs. The attention of King Eoderic O'Connor was drawn to these movements of Dermot and his allies. He called his chiefs together, and after counsel, resolved to make war upon Dermot. Dermot, alarmed, was eager to make peace. After a conference it was agreed that Leinster should be left under his dominion and rule, and that he in turn should submit to Eoderic as chief king, paying the usual homage and service. There was a secret agreement that no more foreigners should be brought over, and that those in Ireland should be sent back. That was easier said than done. The harm was done and the current of adventurers once set in motion could not be checked. Gradually a large force of Normans gathered in Ireland. Wa- terford was captured. Eichard deClare married Eva, the daugh- ter of Dermot. Here was a situation now confronting the na- tives; a Norman lord claimed succession to the crown of Lein- ster, by a right utterly repugnant to all Celtic law and tradi- tion, and which could only be established by an enforced change in the ideas and customs of the natives, their subjection to the condition of serfs, or their expulsion from the districts. As for Dermot, he thought to use the foreigners, but as time went on he became a mere puppet in their hands, and in the expedition HON. JOHN H. 3. HUNT 69 against Dublin, which was captured by a treacherous surprise, and other expeditions, he found himself merely accompanying, while his allies conducted the expeditions. The whole national mind was alarmed by these events, and the clergy gathered at Armagh to search into the sins of their people. As a result of this s\Tiod, it was resolved: "That it appeared to the S^iiod that the Divine vengeance had brought upon them this severe judgment for the sins of the people and especially for this, that they had long been wont to purchase natives of England, as well from traders as from robbers and pirates, and to reduce them to slavery, and that now they also, by reciprocal justice, were reduced to servitude by that very nation. It was, therefore, publicly decreed by the afore men- tioned Synod, and publicly proclaimed by universal accord, that all Englishmen throughout the island, who were in a state of bondage, should be restored to freedom." What was the trouble? Was the possession of English slaves the cause of this paralysis which seemed to seize upon the energies of the Irish people, making them incapable of stem- ming this invasion? Was it not rather the absence of unity of action, and the ever active presence of individual friction, jeal- ousy and hostility that constantly thwarted the attempt to or- ganize an efficient government along the lines of their national character, and which paralyzed their national action and re- duced the power of the chief king to insignificance. At this crisis of their faith and existence, the Celtic people did not seem to realize that the insubordination of the chiefs, the in- capacity or powerlessness of their kings, their perpetual civi' wars, and their utter political disorganization were strong cases which now rendered these foreigners so formidable. Mark you, it must not be held to their discredit, however, that because by virtue of their political structure they were in those times and under those conditions unable to forge an instrument of offence to meet the trained, mailed-clad military force of the Anglo-Norman. No, as the years rolled on, they were to over- come and disintegrate this military organization and defeat it in detail by the all powerful weapon of assimilation. It took years, but it succeeded. Personal force and attraction more than military or political force move the world. The Irish used that more persuasive and powerful force. In 1170 when Strongbow came and captured Waterford, matters were becoming more serious. The Ard-ri immediately gathered a large force and marched into Leinster. Dermot and his allies covered Dublin in a rapid march. He found the citizens prepared, and so proposed a parley. Led by the other patriotic 70 CONTEST WITH THE NORMANS clergy and willing to avoid bloodshed, the citizens met the lead- ers of the beseiging army in their camp. While there deliber- ating, a jDicked body of men from the enemy issued forth, made their way into the city and turned it over to pillage. By means of this treachery, Strongbow obtained a firm footing in the kingdom, and this footing ever remained the center of English activity. Instead of attacking Strongbow at once, King Eoderic drew off his forces for the purpose of supporting O'Ruarc in his possession and marched them into Meath. Dermot, actuat- ed by the desire to further humiliate his old enemy O'Ruarc, sent Strongbow with a large force into Meath, with the intention of following later with a large force. The course of these allies was marked with the destruction of churches and the ruthless killing of the Irish people. The Irish King was helpless to prevent the fiendish acts of the scourge. Strongbow 's progress was a series of successes. By this time Henry the Second had begun to grow jealous of the successes of his vassals in Ireland. Although two of the chief cities in Ireland had fallen, the Irish people had not abandoned the struggle. Ulster and most of Connaught remained within the Irish control, and even in Mun- ster and Leinster, there was a considerable resistance to the Anglo-Norman. In all the battles with the Anglo-Normans, the Irish warriors, clad in cloth, armed with a short sword, the javelin and battle axe, the last of which was a terrible weapon for close fighting, found it a hard task to oppose men clad in steel armor from head to foot, and armed with formidable wea- pons of office and destruction. But even this handicap would have been overcome had they been united against a common foe. Because of the fears of Henry the Second, Strongbow was ordered to return to England. Henry, seeing the pos- sibility of a rich prize slipping from his grasp, collected a pow- erful fleet and army and set sail from England in October, 1171. He landed in Waterford, toward the latter part of Octo- ber, where he was received by Strongbow, w^ho did homage as a vassal. This was the serious moment of the Irish life as a na- tion. From this moment dates Ireland's subjugation. Had these Norman invaders united with the Irish people then as they did later, and repelled Henry and his forces, and kept Ireland for themselves, they would, in the end, have become a factor in the uplift and growth of the nation, but the landing of Henry put an end to such a hope. He began immediately to make a royal progress to the partially subjugated parts of Munster and Leinster. Many of the princes gave Henry the ''kiss of peace." In his tour the king was wise enough to ex- HON. JOHN H. S. HUNT 71 hibit a papal bull, alleged to have been given by Adrian the Fourth, who, by the way, was the only Englishman ever elevat- ed to the head of the Holy See. This bull ceded to the English people the kingdom of Ireland. Now, whether this bull was genuine or not, and there is strong evidence that it was a for- gery, it is amusing that it is the only papal utterance for which the English people express any gratitude. This bull caused some of the clergy to take no decisive or resolute stand against Henry's claim. A desire for peace and a realization that Hen- ry's claim implied a mere recognition of his titular sovereignty and not in admission of his claim to the land, led them to advise King Eoderic to sign a treaty with King Henry, which was done. Henry the Second was a born politician, and while he was throwing flattery around among the clergy and talking about the ten commandments, he had in his train a number of needy and hungry barons, among whom he proceeded to parcel out the entire island in royal grants. He gave away to DeLacy the entire kingdom of Meath, comprising about 800,000 acres. When O'Euarc demanded that he be heard, he was invited to attend the conference, where he was murdered by a kinsman of DeLacy. While princes and clergy were waited on by this king, who was to bring law and order to this distracted country, there was at least one shining exception. The patriotic archbishop of Dublin, St. Lawrence 'Toole, who seemed to be alone in his comprehen- sion of what this Norman invasion meant to his people, by his advice and counsel, encouraged King Eoderic to resist. But to what avail ! One man could not make the princes of the people heal their feuds, but, had all the prelates preached a war of extermination, the people would have forced their princes to combine and Ireland would have thrown off its yoke. King Eoderick, despite his errors, yet merits honor for his patriotic spirit, for his intentions at least were good. Leaving his followers to seize on whatever portions of Leinster they could hold, where their work was to spread ruin and dissension for centuries, Henry returned to England. It does seem strange that a few thousand adventurers could ac- complish what they did. But bear in mind, under the makeup of the country and the nature of its social life, it was the fash- ion of every tribe to tight its own battles. When Eoderic made a treaty with Henry the Second it was only the Ard-ri who made the treaty, and when his authority was threatened it was the Ard-ri 's, and not the authority of the individual tribes; for what cared they? . 72 CONTEST WITH THE NORMANS Henry was no sooner out of the country than the barons began to live up to their true character. Fearless and martial as they were, yet they were nothing but reckless broilers and spoilers. In a short time they had the people up in arms and the tables were turned on them. Strongbow himself was locked up in Waterford and his co-workers were shut up in Dublin, Drogheda and Wexford, and affairs in general began to look bad. As a result of this, a commission was sent over to Eng- land to investigate, after which an Irish delegation went to London. A treaty was entered into between King Eoderic and King Henry by which the former acknowledged the sover- eignty of Henry, and Roderick was recognized as high king of Ireland, except those portions held by the Normans under Henry. This treaty was soon violated by Henry. A bitter and fierce re]»ellion on the part of the Southern and Western Irish was crushed. Now occurred one of those acts of an individual which, at all times, has aroused the indignation and condemna- tion of the Irish people. Prince ^lurrough O'Connor, thinking his father should be satisfied with the title of high king, rose in revolt, and endeavored to seize the crown of Connaught; but the old king was sustained by his people. Murrough was defeated and in his bitterness of defeat, he allied himself with the Norman DeCogan. King Roderic, his heart wrung with sorrow at the crime of his son, and depressed and disgusted with the hopeless condition of Irish affairs, retired to the mon- astery in Galway, and there, after twelve years, he died on the 29th day of November, 1198, in his 82nd year. He was a good man and a noble king, but the times demanded a man of brain, blood and iron, another Brian Boru. Meanwhile, every year a fresh swarm of greedy, land-hun- gry adventurers came to Ireland, carrying with them royal patents, granting them large slices of Irish territory for service rendered and to be rendered. The history of Ireland for the next two centuries is in no wise notable except to show the animus of the English throne toward the Irish people. The sword made good the fiction of titles to land. Kings carved out estates for their nobles. These in turn, had to conquer the territories granted them, and there was to be no trade with the Irish; no intercourse, no relation- ship, no use of their dress, speech or laws, no dealings save those of slaughter and conquest. Wherever there was a contest between native princes, the fire was fed. Often the Norman would take one side, and when the other was defeated would turn around and overwhelm the HON. JOHN H. S. HUNT 73 M"ctor. It came to pass that, in law, the Irish were aliens in their own land, and were refused the protection of English law. Shut out from tlie king's ])eace and court were the people who had carried the light and fire of a spiritual religion over Eng- land and Europe, who for four hundred years poured mission- aries through Europe, their monasteries forming rest-houses for the travelers of Europe. This people to which civilization was indebted, this people whose monks taught the Picts to com- pose hymns in their own tongue, who trained the first English poets; this people now saw a political church bearing the sword of the conquerbr planted among them. From Henry II on, the purpose and aim of the English government was consistently the same. The land of Ireland was a King's land according to English law, but not in fact. So long as the Irish claimed one foot, the war must go on. At no mo- ment was any peace possible for the Irish except by entire re- nunciation of their rights to the actual soil of their country. For the next 200 years, the country was shaken by civil wars, encouraged in a large part by the government officials who represented the English crown. Every Irish chief, surrounded by dangers, was bound to turn his court into a place of arms, thronged by men ready to meet any attack. No tribe dared to disarm, any more than the European countries of today. But there was a force working to defeat the purpose of the English Crown. This force or power was the great power of assimilation of the Irish people. The Norman Colonists and the English Colonists, after a little experience, found the coun- ts y delightful and the people anything but barbarians. They were attracted by the intelligence of its inhabitants. They took to Irish dress and language. They recognized Irish land ten- ures. They employed Irishmen in offices of trust. As the years rolled on, "English born in Ireland," degenerate English, be- came as much feared by the King as the ' ' mere Irish. ' ' Norman lords liacl married daughters of Irish chiefs all over the country, and had made treaties with every province. Many settlers changed their names to an Irish form, and tak- ing up the clan system melted into the Irish population. Grad- ually, Irish names entered into the town houses of the business men. Almost to the gate of Dublin, the center of pure English bigotry, the merchants went riding Irish fashion, in Irish dress, and making merry with their forbidden Irish clients. So, what has been called the Anglo-Norman Conquest of Ireland was not a conquest. The great strength that lay in the spiritual ideal of the life of the Irish peo])le was subjecting the minds of the in- vaders. So long as the Irish language preserved to the people 74 CONTEST WITH THE NORMANS their own culture, they never failed to absorb into their life every people that came among them. The fusing of the Irish and the Normans brought about and added impetus in Irish trade and commerce. Together they took a prominent part in the commerce that was broadening over the world. Besides ex- porting law materials, Irish made linen and cloth and cloaks and leather, were carried as far as Russia and Naples. Norman lords and Irish chieftans took in exchange, velvets, silks and satins, cloth of gold and embroidery. Irish goldsmiths made the rich vessels that adorn the tables of both Normans and of Irish, While the relations between the Irish and the invading Normans were becoming closer, the attitude of the English government became more cruel and unjust toward the Irish people. It had taken legal possession of the land, but it found Irish hands and Irish battle blades in the way, preventing the delivery of that property. In order to get possession, the Eng- lish government had to root out the Celtic race. It passed leg- islation prohibiting the marriage of English and Irish. If an Englishman was put in possession of land, he had the right to trespass upon his Irish neighbors. They passed a law declaring that the killing of an Irishman was no felony. Some specific instances on record will point out clearly the attitude of the English law towards the Irish people. At the assizes at Water- ford in the 29th year of Edward the first, a certain Thomas Butler brought an action against Robert de Alwain to recover goods that Robert had stolen from him. It was admitted that he was a thief. The defense put in was that Butler was an Irishman. The issue was submitted to the jury as to whether Thomas was an Irishman or an Englishman. The jury found that Thomas was an Englishman, and so Robert, the thief, was obliged to return the goods. Another case happened in Water- ford. A man named Robert Welch killed an Irishman, John McGilmore. He was tried for manslaughter. Welch admitted that he committed the act, saying, "Yes, I did kill him; you cannot try me for it, however, as he was only an Irishman." Instantly he was led out of the dock, on condition — since the dead Irishman had at the time of his death been in the employ of an English master — he should pay whatever he compelled him to pay for the loss of his services, and the confessed mur- derer might go free. The Irish were forbidden to buy land. If an Irishman made a will and left an acre of land to an Irishman, the moment it was proved he was an Irishman, the property was forfeited to the Crown of England. At one time, a Mrs. Catherine Dowdoll made a will and left some land for charita- HON. JOHN H. S. HUNT 75 ble purposes to her chaplain, and the land was forfeited because the priest was an Irishman. Further to keep the English in an atmosphere where they would not become affected by Irish charm, it was necessary to fence them up. A part of the land around Dublin consisting of one-half the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Meath, Louth, were set apart and all within that charmed place was called the "pale." Within this fence, no Irishman was allowed to enter; if found there he was killed, and a reward was offered for killing him. Now the culmina- tion of all thes^ restrictive measures came in 1367 when the in- famous and foolish statute of Kilkenny was passed. This stat- ute was directed against those English and Anglo-Normans who had adopted the laws and the costume of the natives, and it is .saturated with that penal spirit that has infected for centuries the legislation of the English. This statute provides that inter- marriages with natives, or any connection with them in the way of fostering should be considered and punished as high treason. Fostering was something that rankled in the minds of the Eng- lish as it tended to produce strong ties and relationship between the Irish and the English, It further stated that any man of English race, assuming an Irish name, or using the Irish language, apparel, or customs, should forfeit all his lands and tenements; that to adopt or sub- mit to the Brehon or Irish law was treason; that without per- mission of the government the English should not make war upon the natives. But of what avail were their statutes and their laws! The trend of events was too strong; again were the Celts the conquerors. For three hundred years they had fought Danes, they who had been unconquerable in every land they had invaded, fought them and disputed with them every inch of their land, filled every valley in the land with their dead bodies, and in the end drove them back into the sea and wrest- td their land from the dominion of the Danes. Now, confronted by a force with a vastly superior military and political organ- ization, the}' had exposed courageous bodies and dauntless hearts as a bulwark for the preservation of their land, their traditions and their patronomy, and by the nobleness of their character, by the lofty grandeur of their ideals, by the woman- liness of their women, tliey at first attacked and then conquered the hearts and the affections of the martial and fearless Nor- mans who, intended as a weapon for the destruction of the Irish race, became a part of the very woof and fibre of the Irish peo- ple. Truly the God who watches over the destiny of nations, the God of St. Patrick, Columbkille and Columbas, was mindful 76 CONTEST WITH THE NORMANS of the great service rendered humanity and in his honor and glorj^ by the Irish people. He moves in mysterious ways his wonders to perform. Wonderful indeed is the story writ large across the pages of the Irish nation. In tracing the rise and fall of the various nations of earth, the rise to splendor of the Gregian cities, the majestic march of Rome and her various institutions, while we view them with admiration, yet when we contemplate this little nation, handicapped by an imperfect po- litical equipment, giving to the world the finest example of a spiritual union that has annihilated time and space, that has drawn within its exalting influence men who have responded to the call of the blood; overcoming measures and methods that have reduced other people to the condition of serfs and slaves, this mighty spirit of the Irish race has breathed over many nations of the earth, and in its sons and daughters has been a valiant sword for the right and a fortress of rest in times of spiritual doubt and unrest, fulfilling even to the present day, the mission for which God intended her, a spiritual leaven for the human race. Thomas H. Sullivan Thomas H. Sullivan was born November 12, 1868, in Millbnry, Mass., son of Jeremiah T. Sullivan and Johanna (Horgan) Sullivan. He was educated in the Millbury High School, Holy Cross College, and Boston University Law School. He was graduated from Holy Cross in 1891 and was a Commencement speaker. He received the honor "Magna Cum Laude" at Boston iTniversity Law School. April 18, 1910, Mr. Sullivan married Mary A. Barrett, daughter of Thomas Barrett, of Worcester, Mass. Mr. Sullivan was the Democratic candidate for District Attorney for the Middle District of Massachu- j'etts, which includes Worcester County, in 1910 and 1913, and reduced the normal Eepublican majority of about 14,000 to 3,000 in 1910 and to 700 in 1913. Mem- ber of the School Committee in Millbury for sixteen years, and chairman for ten years. Mr. Sullivan is a member of Division 9, A. 0. H., of Millbury, and was president for two years. Has served as Chairman of the Massachusetts Committee of the A. 0. H. on Irish History, and is president of the Past Presidents ' Organization of the Worcester Coimty A. 0. H. ^■^^rfC^jg*^ ®1)? iFtgljt Itttn i^atlf 1367—1607 BY THOMAS H. SULLIVAN The subject which has been allotted to me for this evening's lecture seems at once easy and hard. It is easy because nothing ought to be more agreeable to the son of Irish parents than to speak of his ancient race when he is assured that his hearers are ever anxious to listen to the recital of the glorious deeds of bravery accredited to an illustrious people of which they are descendants. It is hard because it has been treated so often and by men of such brilliant parts that any attempt on the part of the speaker will fall far short of the high ideals and memorable speeches which have placed Irish eloquence in the enviable po- sition of being unsurpassed. No tongue can tell nor mind picture the brilliancy ^ of the achievement of the noble sons of Erin, who, generation after generation, stood firm against alluring promises of bribery and advancement if they would betray their countrjinen and re- ligion. They endured privations too cruel to enumerate, the ty- rant's dungeons and the enemy's steel that their country might be free that they might worship God. according to the dictates of their conscience. The period assigned for tonight is from 1367 to 1607 and includes the reigns of the following English monarchs: Ed- ward III, Richard II, Henrys IV,V,VI, Edward IV, Richard III, Henrys VII, VIII, Edward VI, Mary, Elizabeth and the beginning of that of James I. The last lecture brought us to the time of the enactment of the Statute of Kilkenny which re-enacted the prohibition of marriage and foster-nursing, rendered obligatory the adoption of the English language and customs, forbade the national 78 THE FIGHT UNTO DEATH games of ' ' Imrlings and quoitings, ' ' and the use of the ancient Gaelic code; a code by which the native brehons or judges, of the Irish septs had decided causes among them since the time of the conversion of the race to Christianity in the fifth century. It may assist us at the outset if we go back in our minds' eye and view Ireland is it was at the beginning of the period. Without going into detail as to the names of the chiefs and the localities over which they held sway, it will answer our pur- pose to state that at the beginning of the fifteenth century Ire- land was divided into two districts- — one known as the English Pale, which comprised the four shires, as they were called, of Dublin, Kildare, Meath and Louth — which was a narrow strip some fifty miles long and twenty miles broad; this was the only part that was in any sense English — the other, the rest of the island, was parcelled among about sixty independent chiefs, who acknowledged no sovereignty but that of strength ; beyond the borders of the Pale the common law of England was of no authority and the King's writ was but a strip of parchment. Under these conditions it is evident that unrest and upris- ings were the natural order and of frequent occurrence. While the various chiefs fought among themselves they often united against the ursupation of their rights by their common enemy of English government. Parliament enacted laws; the chiefs and their peoples re- fused to recognize the authority and resisted the execution of these laws by force. Hence, during this period there were many clashes of arms and many persecutions, under the pretense of due process of law, where death and plunder re- sulted. Time will permit but a cursory glance of some of the im- portant events that history has recorded. Art MacMurrogh Kavanagh was born A. D. 1377 and died A. D. 1417. He was King of Leinster while Richard II and Henry IV and Henry V sat on the English throne. When eighteen years of age he was elected King; he married the daughter of Maurice Fitzgerald, fourth earl of Kildare, and by this marriage violated the Stat- ute of Kilkenny. On this account shortly after the accession of Eichards, the black rents were stopped and the English author- ities seized his wife's estates. Art MacMurrogh resented this and at once set about devastating and burning many districts of Leinster. Things were going from bad to worse in Ireland: at length King Eichard resolved to visit Ireland in person and bring with him an army that would strike terror into the Irish outlaws and compel obedience to his laws by force. He landed at Waterford in the fall of 1394 with an armv of 34,000 men. THOMAS H, SULLIVAN 79 MacMiirrogh at once attacked and sacked New Eoss, an English settlement, and retreated to a place of safety. King Richard marched to Dublin, but was harassed and attacked all along the line, and lost great numbers of his men. MacMurrogh well knew guerilla warfare and with a handful of men played havoc with a greatly superior force. The Irish chief knew, however, that he could not resist successfully the King's great army. He made terms with the King, and with all the chiefs came for- ward and submitted. Eichard was glad to end the struggle and invited the chiefs to Dublin, where he banquetted them and knighted four »privincial Kings: O'Neill of Ulster, O'Connor of Connaught, MacMurrogh of Leinster, and O'Brien of Tho- mond. Eichard 's expedition was an expensive failure, for he left conditions in no wise improved when he embarked for England. He left Eoger Mortimer heir to the English throne as his deputy in Ireland. No sooner had Eichard sailed than the Irish chiefs at once proclaimed that their submission was a sham, that the King had no right to demand it, and that it was might, not right, that compelled them to acquiesce. The fighting was renewed at Kells in Kilkenny; the English were routed, Mortimer was slain and again MacMurrogh was supreme. When the King heard of the calamity that had befallen his cousin he was enraged at MacMurrogh and resolved at once to set out again for Ireland to avenge Mortimer's death and to overpower and humiliate the great Irish chief. A second time he landed at Waterford with an army as numerous as the pre- vious one. This time he determined to attack MacMurrogh without delay; but again unforeseen obstacles beset him. Bogs, forests, fallen trees, hidden gullies and quagmires in turn de- layed his march. MacMurrogh retreated skilfully, leaving ev- erything barren for the King's foraging parties. Bad weather, lack of supplies, and repeated reverses compelled Eichard to make forced marches to the Wicklow coast, where three vessels laden with supplies awaited him. All along the line of march MacMurrogh would dart in upon them, slaughter the King's men, taken unawares, and then before reinforcements arrived disappear as if by magic to his retreats in the mountains where nature protected him from the overwhelming forces of the ene- my. MacMurrogh then resolved to artifice and sent a messenger to the King with word that he would agree to meet and arrange for the future peace of his country. Eichard was pleased and at once sent the Earl of Gloucester to treat with MacMurrogh. They met. MacMurrogh and the Earl ''exchanged much dis- 80 THE FIGHT UNTO DEATH course ' ' but did not come to an agreement. MacMurrogh would only agree to "i^eace without reserve." The news aroused the King's anger; in a rage he offered a large reward for MacMurrogh "dead or alive',' and swore that he would never cease in his warfare till he had Art in his pow- er. Little did he dream that he was looking upon Ireland for the last time. When he returned to England he was stripped of all authority. His expeditions in Ireland had cost him his throne and eventually his life, MacMurrogh continued in his victorious course and afterwards crossed the plain which lies to the north of Dublin and encamped where Eoderic, when he besieged the city, and Brian before the battle of Clontarf, had pitched their tents of old. On this historic spot the Irish chief routed the English of the Pale in his last great battle. From the age of sixteen to his death, forty-four years, he resisted success- fully all attacks from foreign foes. Of him Dr. Joyce says, ^'He was the most heroic and persevering defender of his country from Brian Boru to Hugh O'Neill; and he maintained his in- dependence for nearly half a century just beside the Pale, in spite of every effort to reduce him to submission." Bagwell says: ''Art MacMurrogh, the great hero of the Leinster Celts, practically had the best of the contest. ' ' What hardships, privations and feats of arms could not effect, treach- ery accomplished. It is recorded that he died of poison at the age of sixty years. From the death of Art MacMurrogh in 1417 to the rebel- lion of Silken, Thomas, there was a lull in warfare. The Irish chiefs and even the ennobled Butlers and Fitzgeralds used the Irish language, dress and customs; Anglo-Irish lords were as turbulent as the worst native chiefs. The Statute of Kilken- ny became a dead letter. Barriers of race could not be main- tained and intermarrying of Irish and Anglo-Irish went on. The long war with France, followed by the War of the Roses, diverted the attention of England from Irish affairs; and the Viceroy, feebly supported from England, was too weak to chas- tise these powerful lords or put penal laws in force. The hos- tility of the native chiefs was bought off by the payment of ''black rents." The loyal colonists in the "Pale" shivered be- hind this encircling rampart, and when the sixteenth century dawned, the English power in Ireland had almost disappeared. The Irish Parliament was independent, yet its laws were totally disregarded by all outside the "Pale." It passed acts ordaining that every Irishman dwelling within the "Pale" was to dress and shave like the English and to take an English sur- name — ^from some town, as Trim, Sutton, Cork; or of some THOMAS H. SULLIVAN 81 color, as Black, Brown; or of some calling, as Smith, Carpenter, etc. — on pain of forfeiture of his goods. Another mischievous measure forbade ships from fishing in the sea of the Irish coun- ties outside the ''Pale;" another made it lawful to decapitate thieves found robbing or ''going or coming anywhere," unless they had Englishmen in their company. The legislators were attempting to discourage marauders, but they opened the way for malicious persons to kill an enemy and go unpunished by setting up the defense that the deceased was caught thieving. During this state of affairs, the King sent to Ireland as his Lord Deputy,, Sir Edward Poynings. After some military oper- ations which he found to be beset with treachery and difficul- ties — the new lord deputy held a parliament at Drogheda. This was perhaps the most memorable that was ever held in Ireland, as certainly no other Parliament in that country made laws which endured so long as the two which were enacted and were known for centuries afterwards as the Poynings Acts. By the first of these it was ordained that no Parliament should be held in Ireland in future, until the King and Council in England had approved not only of its being summoned, but also of the acts which the Lieutenant and Council of Ireland purposed to pass. By the second, the laws enacted before that time in England were extended to Ireland also. Thus the Irish Legislature was made entirely dependent upon England. The Irish Parliament had no power to originate anything, but was only free to accept or (if they were very bold) to reject measures drawn up by Irish Council and approved already by the King and his Coun- cil in England before they were submitted to discussion. Such was the state of subjection in which the Irish Parliament re- mained by virtue of these laws for nearly three centuries later. The general purposes of the Poynings legislature was to in- crease the power of the King and diminish that of the Nobles, who were the chief sources of danger to the crown. While at the time of their passage the effect of the Poynings' laws did not extend beyond the "Pale," yet at a later date, when English law was made to extend over the whole country, and the Irish Parliament made laws for all the people of Ireland, the Poyn- ings' law, which still remained in force, was felt by the people to be one of their greatest grievances. It was not until 1782 that these laws were repealed through the signal skill, energy, moderation and the splendid eloquence of the famous patriot, Henry Grattan. During the tremendous struggle between the Houses of York and Lancaster, the Geraldines sided with the House of York and the Butlers with the House of Lancaster. After the >-82 THE FIGHT UNTO DEATH civil war was over, one of the Geraldines was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland. In obedience to the King's mandate, he set out for England and left young Lord Thomas as deputy in his place. The son is known to history as ' ' Silken Thomas ' ' from the gorgeous trappings of himself and his retinue. He was scarcely twenty-one years of age, brave, open and generous, but enemies who hated his clan were plotting for his down-fall. They spread the report that his father, the Lord Deputy, had been beheaded in England, and that all his relations were going to be treated in the same way. This aroused the impetuous young Lord. He, with his retinue, at once rode to St. Mary's Abbey where the Council was in session, and openly renounced his allegiance, delivered up his sword of office and the robes of State. He collected a large force, led them to Dublin, and laid siege to the castle where the leading citizens, including Arch- bishop Allen, had sought refuge on the first appearance of dan- ger. The archbishop was captured and taken to Lord Thomas. He threw himself on his knees for mercy, and the young Lord, pitying him, ordered his attendants to take him away and keep him in custody. They wilfully placed a wrong construction up- on his words and murdered the archbishop upon the spot. Sir William Skeffington was appointed Deputy by the King to put down the rebellion. He laid siege to the castle of May- mooth, the strongest of the Fitzgerald fortresses. After nine days' siege the castle fell, battered by English artillery, which then for the first time was used in Ireland. The rebellion had brought the English "Pale" to a frightful state as it was sup- plemented by the plague which was raging over the whole country. Lord Gray took command with a vigorous hand and made short work of the rebellion. Lord Thomas and his friend O'Connor made offers of submission. O'Connor was ])ardoned and Lord Thomas was delivered up to Lord Gray on condition that his life be spared. The military commander determined to blot the Geraldines out of existence. He invited five of the uncles of Lord Thomas to a banquet. He knew that three of them had openly opposed the rebellion, nevertheless, the fact that the same red Geraldine blood coursed through their veins was sufficient excuse for their condemnation. Lord Thomas and his five uncles were executed at Tyburn in 1537. Thus ended the rebellion that originated in treachery and was culminated by the violation of the rules of hospitali-ty — making captive under your own roof the guest whom you have invited, and condemning him to death. Trouble next arose over a conflict between the feudal laws of England and the old Irish law of Tanistry. Under the form- THOlVfAS H. SULLIVAN 83 er titles descended to the eldest son; under the latter, to the chief selected by the clan. Con 'Neill, Earl of Tyrone, had taken his title from Henry VIII, subject to the English law of succession; but when Con died the clan O'Neill chose Shane O'Neill, the hero of his Sept to be The O'Neill. Shane at once put himself forward as the champion of Irish liberty, the supporter of the Irish right to rule themselves in their own way without the interference from England. Matthew, an adopted son, claimed the right to succeed to the earldom \mder the English law. The father repented his preference for Matthew and took Shane's part. The English authorities, favoring Matthew, allured Earl Con to Dublin un- der pretense of imjDortant business, and then kept him captive. Shane was immediately in arms, both to avenge his father's cap- ture and to maintain what he believed was his right against Matthew and the government. Sir James Croft joined Matthew and made several attempts to subdue the young chief, but was unsuccessful. In the year of Queen Elizabeth's accession, Matthew was assasinated under circumstances which implicated Shane, though he was not pres- ent. The father then died. Shane was elected in accordance with the old Irish custom, and in open defiance to the English law, his right to the earldom was contested. Shane defeated his rivals in turn and overcame the Earl of Sussex, who was sent to subdue him. Failing to subdue him by force, the Queen resorted to peaceful methods. She sent for Shane and invited him to Lon- don; with his retainers all clad in their strange native attire, Shane appeared in London; he made formal submission to the Queen, received full pardon and had all his expenses paid. Shane managed his affair very adroitly in England ; in the game of craft against craft, the London officials had met their match. But conditions were afterwards submitted to Shane for signa- ture which would compromise his Irish rights and privileges. To sign meant an opportunity to return to his native land; to refuse meant the tower and death. He signed but never kept the conditions; in fact he disregarded them entirely and re- newed the warfare. One of the conditions bound Shane to make war on the Scots and reduce them to obedience. He did make war upon them, but it is believed rather to rid himself of un- desirable and powerful neighbors who were hostile to his clan than to keep the pact he had signed. He was finally crushed, not by the government, but by the O'Donnells: in this last conflict he was utterly ruined and by 84 THE FIGHT UNTO DEATH some insane resolution sought refuge with the Scots, whose un- dying enmity he incurred two years before. They received him with apparent show of cordiality, but soon raised a dispute and put to death this valiant warrior, with the remnant of his fol- lowers. After Shane O'Neill's rebellion his lands were declared for- feited, and his vassals vassals of the crown. English soldiers of fortune were given grants from Shane's escheated territory, but when they attempted to settle they were killed bv the O'- Neill's. Others under Earl of Essex came and did their best to sim- plify the process of colonization by exterminating the O'Neills, men, women and children. Two years' trial proved unsuccess- ful. But other colonizers came ; some under Peter Carew, siezed on Cork, Limerick and Kerry and sought to hold them by exter- pating the hated natives. It was against these colonizers that the great Geraldine League was formed. In the reign of Mary, that boy of twelve, whom Henry VIII had not been able to include in the general doom of his house, had been allowed to return to Ireland and resume his ancestral honors. Once more the Geraldines were a great and powerful family in Ireland. With encouragement from Eome and prom- ises of assistance from Spain they rose again under the Earl of Desmond and Sir James Fitzmaurice Fitzgerald. They met with some successes at first : but as they had many wrongs to avenge,^ they followed up their victories. To prevent further uprising Sir Francis Crosby, the Queen's representative, invited the chiefs and their kinsmen to a great banquet at the fort of Mullaghmast, and there massacred them all. Out of 400 guests only one escaped the feast of blood. This inhuman act only served to inflame the minds . of the native tribes who rose in all directions to respond to the Desmond call. Elizabeth at once sent over troops under the new Lord Deputy, Sir William Pelliam. He had with him as an ally Ormond, the head of the house of Butler, hereditary foes of the Geraldines. The English army cut its way over Munster with unexampled ferocity. Ormond boasted that he had put to death nearly 6,000 disaffected persons. Spanish and Italian aid arrived too late. It was during this uprising that Sir Walter Raleigh and Edmund Spencer held commands. Here it was that Raleigh killed prisoners in cold blood to serve a sovereign and after- wards another rewarded him for his loyalty by having him be- headed. Munster was so vigorously laid waste that even Froude de- THOMAS H. SULLIVAN 8S clares that ''the lowing of a cow or the sound of a ploughboy's whistle was not to be heard from Valentia to the Eock of Cas- kel." Holinshed says that "a traveller would not meet any man, woman or child, saving in the towns and cities, and would not see any beast ; ' ' and Spencer gives a melancholy picture of the inhabitants ' ' as that any strong heart would rue the same. ' ' The estate of Desmond and his followers was forfeited to the crown, and thus ended another uprising. The next and last rebellion within the period to which we are giving our attention was that of Hugh 'Neill. Hugh '- Neill was borij about 1545; was educated among the English as his father had always been on the side of the government. He began his military life in the Queen's service as a commander of a troop of horse. The Irish parliament made him Earl of Tyrone in succession to his grandfather, Earl Con. O'Neill. In the brilliant Court of Elizabeth the young Irish chief was dis- tinguished for his gifts of mind and body. When of age he was allowed to return to his native land. Once within his own country he assumed the ancestral title of ''The O'Neill" and re- vived all the customs of the independent Irish chieftans. For a long time he took no part in the revolts or uprisings, but re- mained passively loyal to the government. At length the treach- erous capture of Hugh Eoe O'Donnell and his subsequent im- prisonment in Dublin Castle, the refusal of Sir Henry Bagenal, military commander of Ireland, to give Hugh his sister in mar- riage, the subsequent marriage against Sir Henry's will and the enmity it caused, and the ties of friendship and love for his countrymen overcame his loyalty and drove him into ihe rebel- lion which has taken his name. For a long time prior to the ac- tual break he had been drilling men and obtaining ammunition under varying pretenses. There were now alarming signs and rumors of the coming disturbance. Three thousand English soldiers were sent over under Sir John Norris. 'Neill regard- ed this as the first step toward the subjugation of the entire country, including his own province of Ulster. He seized and plundered Portmore, Cavan and Monaghan. Lord General Nor- ris marched against him, but without success. Failing to check him by arms, resort was made to negotiate for peace; but O'- Neill insisted that the Catholics should be free to practice their religion. This was refused and the war went on. There were numerous cl/ashes of arms, and Hugh was continuously success- ful. Then came the Battle of Yellow Ford in 1598, where O'- Neill and his followers gained the greatest victory ever won in Ireland over English arms. Two thousand of the English, in- 86 THE FIGHT UNTO DEATH eluding their commander and most of their officers, were killed. The Irish loss was less than 700. It was in this battle that Hugh sought out Sir Henry, who had refused him his sister in marriage, that he might slay him in single combat. But fate had otherwise decreed ; before 'Neill could reach him, another's bullet had dispatched him. Victory was now at high tide, but the tide was soon to ebb. The Span- ish allies, 3400 strong, entered the harbor of Kinsale on Septem- ber, 1601. The news of their arrival brought Mount joy and Carew, with 12,000 of Elizabeth's troops. O'Neill hastened to Kinsale with 4000 men. It was then mid- winter. The English were encamped outside Kinsale. They found themselves hemmed in between the Irish and the Spaniards. Lack of sup- plies and inability to get them were causing great hardship for the Queen's Army. A council of war was held. Del Aguila, commander of the Spanish, advised an immediate attack — O'Neill counseled delay. It was decided to give the English battle. Hugh drew close to the English lines. Del Aguila, for some unknown reason, failed to carry out his part. Mountjoy 's quick eye caught the situation at a glance; he charged with his cavalry and routed O'Neill completely. The revolution was at an end; but nevertheless Hugh continued the warfare and yielded, after the disaster his Spanish allies had brought on him at Kinsale, only upon condition of being guaranteed his titles and his lands: by this time Elizabeth, who hated him so much and so longed for his destruction, had breathed her last. No such able chief appeared since the days of Brian Boru. Cool, cautious, vigilant, he laid his plans with care, and knew how to wait patiently for results. Never impulsive, never boastful, wise in council and wary in speech from his long resi- dence in London, he learned dissimulation, and was as crafty as the craftiest English minister. What he might have done had he been loyally supported at Kinsale it is hard to say. It was during this uprising that Carew with 4000 men be- sieged Dunboy, which was defended by 143 men. The defend- ers fought to the last ditch. English cannon battered the castle but the Irish never yielded till the few survivors were overpow- ered and taken prisoners. Fifty-eight of these were executed on the same day. Taylor, the Irish commander, and fourteen men were reserved to tempt them to give information. They firmly refused to purchase their lives on this condition, and were all hanged. No one of the defenders escaped; they were all either slain, executed or buried in the ruins, so obstinate and resolved was their defense. After the capture of Dunboy, 'Sullivan Beare began his THOMAS H. SULLIVAN 87 famous retreat. He had kept up the struggle resolutely, but the odds were against him. On the last day of December. 1602, he set out from Glengarriif with 400 fighting men, and 600 women, children and servants. Through the mountains and glens, avoiding the main roads, midst hardship, sufferings and priva- tions, frequently attacked, sick in mind and heart at the scene which was ever before him, he made his way to Leitrim Castle. A fortnight before they set out from Glengarriff 1000 in number, but on that morning, only 35 survived to enter the castle. Such were the hardships and trials of our ancestors in the Emerald Isle. It was during these times that the Ancient Order of Hiber- nians was founded. This organization grew up gradually among the Catholics of Ireland, owing to the dreadful hardships and persecutions to which they were subjected. During the reign of Henry VIII and Elizabeth, Acts of Uniformity and Suprem- acy were passed. The Act of Supremacy invested the King with spiritual jurisdiction, and, in substitution for the Pope, pro- claimed him head of the church. The Act of Uniformity made Protestantism the state creed. In consequence of these and oth- er acts the bishops of the Irish were hunted like wolves, forced to steal in and out of their native land and to beg their bread from the King of Spain or the King of France. Their clergy had no better fate, and for many long decades were tracked pitilessly from glen to mountain, from forest to bog, as though they were a wretched vermin in the body politic. It is a tradi- tion in the Ancient Order that they first started as the body guard of their poor parish priest when he said mass in the open air. And many a rude print still exists representing these men at the mouth of a glen in conflict with the English soldiery. Within the priest finished his mass amid the falling snow, be- fore terrified women and children, while the eternal hills of holy Ireland looked down on a scene of martyrdom not sur- passed by any holocaust of the Collosseum. It is claimed that Rory 'Moore organized and founded Hibernianism in the year 1565 in the County of Kildare, in the Province of Leinster, and gave to his faithful followers the name of ''The Defenders." The necessity of defending the priest by force has rapidly passed away, but the organization still lives and flourishes under its motto, ''Friendship, Unity and True Christian Charity." Strife, disorder and discontent always interfere with the general pursuit of education and religion. During this period education was not entirely neglected, but did not flourish as in the earlier days when Ireland was the school house of Europe. Desmond's Irish councilors understood Latin, and Shane John J. Cummings, M. D. Dr. John J. Cummings was born in Worcester, Mass., March 16, 1870, the son of Thomas C. Cummings and Margaret (Hunt) Cummings, both natives of Coun- ty "VVaterford, Ireland. He was educated in the public schools and the Worcester Classical High School. He entered Columbia University Medical School, New York City, and was graduated in 1899. Dr. Cummings is a member of the Massachusetts Medical Society. For twelve years he has held mem- bership in Division 35, A. 0. H., of Worcester, and for a number of years served as physician for the Division. June 30, 1903, Dr. Cummings was married to Nellie G. Donovan, daughter of Jeremiah Donovan and Mary (Daly) Donovan of Worcester. A^*^'*^-t-^--.>^^*^^t^^ ^<^ i^strurtinn unh i^snlatinn 1608 — 1690 BY JOHN J. CUMMI'NGS, M. D. THE FLIGHT OF THE EAELS Upon the death of Elizabeth in 1603, James, the son of the xmfortunate Mary Stuart, Queen of the Scots, became King of England, and for the first time in their history the Irish people accepted English rule, and gave willing submission to an Eng- lish dynasty, supporting it afterward with their life blood. James began by a policy of conciliation and toleration, and it looked as if a new era of prosperity was dawning upon Ire- land, He accepted Tyrone's homage and created Kory O'Don- nell. Earl of Tyrconnell. The public worship of the national re- ligion, if not legalized, was at least tolerated. But a few short years and conditions changed. First a conspiracy developed which involved the two northern Earls, and, although guiltless even in the opinion of the English, they ^ere forced to flee for their lives, first to France, and thence to Home, where they eventually died in exile. Meanwhile the King in 1607, issued a proclamation, declar- ing forfeit to the crown, the lands and estates of the two Earls, and promising protection to the inhabitants of these counties. A rising, under Sir Caliir O'Doherty, which was limited to In- nishowen, a small portion of Tyrconnell, was made the excuse for the violation of these solemn pledges, — pledges which re- ferred to the Celts of six counties. Then began the movement to root out the natives of these estates and the first steps to- wards the plantations of Ulster had been taken. THE PLANTATIONS OF ULSTER James brought in with him from Scotland a host of greedy 90 DESTRUCTION AND DESOLATION followers, all of whom expected to rise with their king to a. position of wealth and power. England was not wide enough to hold them nor rich enough to satiate their appetites. The puzzled, but crafty king turned to Ireland. Taking over the forfeited lands of Tyrone and Tyrconnell,. he distributed them with a lavish hand. He did not limit the distribution to soldiers and officers of rank, as had been done in previous plantations, but gave it to English and Scotch adven- turers, and to London trade companies. He settled it on Protestant colonies whose first use of their power was to evict the former tenants or clansmen, thus effect- ing a complete change in the religious and social aspect of the north, and Ulster became then, and has since remained, a prov- ince occupied and controlled by a people, alien to the country. Then over into Ireland, James sent his Lord Deputy and his Surveyor General, and they became the heads of his cele- lirated *' Commission for the investigation of defective titles." Most Irish families held possession of their lands by tradition and their rights could not be proven by regular title deeds. A horde of spies was employed under the name of "Discoverers," and these over-ran the country, finding or inventing flaws in the titles by which these Irish families held their possessions. As a result of the work of the Discoverers, nearly half a million acres were found "by inquisition to be vested in the Crown," "inasmuch as the titles were not such as ought," in their judgment, "to stand in the way of his Majesty's designs.'^ These lands were divided among three classes, the under- takers, who were English and Scotch Protestants; the servitors, who were Protestant Irish; and the old natives. Large grants were also made to Protestant churches and educational institu- tions — Trinity College in Dublin receiving nearly ten thousand acres. All who had been under arms in Tyrone's war were to be- transplanted with their families and cattle to the waste places in Munster and Connaught. They were so numerous, however, that there was not room for them all there, and many remained as laborers for the new tenants, or became wanderers and fugi- tives near their old homes. FIRST NATIONAL PARLIAMENT After a lapse of twenty-seven years, during which no par- liament had been held in Ireland, James I issued writs for the attendance of both houses at Dublin. The work of confiscation and plantation had gone on for several years without the sane- JOHN J. CUMMINGS, M. D. 9t tion of the legislature. Normally, there would be a large ma- jority of Catholics in the House of Commons. To offset this majority, over forty fictitious boroughs, each returning twa members, were created by royal charter. The House of Commons, so constituted, contained two hundred and thirty-two members, of which the supporters of the government claimed one hundred twenty-five; the Catholic party one hundred one; and six absentees. The upper house consisted of fifty peers, of whom twentj^'-five were Protestant bishops. Thus James I gave to Ireland her so-called ' * first free parliament. ' ' Hence long before the death of James I, which occurred in 1625, all the hopes which his accession had raised in the hearts of the Irish had vanished. They were revived again on the coming to the throne of Charles, the husband of the Catholic princess, Henrietta of France. Charles and his ministers encouraged them in their expectations. In consideration of the payment of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds, in three yearly installments, he promised them certain concessions, known as the ''fifty-one graces. ' ' The Irish Lords had paid over two-thirds of the stipulated amount, and then discovered that the afore mentioned con- cessions had not materialized. Instead there were more brok en promises, more robbing of the natives through the working of the ' ' Court of Defective titles. ' ' Meanwhile, Charles was having his troubles both in Eng- land and Scotland. The Scotch were making their successful fight for the liberty to worship as they pleased. The Puritans in England were growing in power and at last obtained control of parliament and were in full opposition to the policies of the king. With a Protestant parliament in power, there was little hope in Ireland of any relief and a spirit of unrest began to make itself manifest. THE REBELLION OF 1641 At the head of this uprising were Roger 'Moore, the pop- ular leader, the famous Rory O 'Moore, of song and poetry, Sir Phelim O'Neil, Lord Maguire and others of the gentry. It was agreed that all the forts and arms should be seized, all the gen- try should be made prisoners, but that none should be killed. Many prejudiced historians have stated that this rebellion was characterized by massacre and the ruthless murder of the Eng- lish and Protestant inhabitants. In proof that such was not 92 DESTRUCTION AND DESOLATION the case, here is the oath subscribed to, by all who joined the rebels : — 1st. ' ' To maintain and defend the public and free exercise of the Catholic religion.'^ 2nd. ''To give allegiance to King Charles, his heirs and successors, and to support them against anyone who should attempt injury to their persons or estates." 3rd. ' ' To receive the power and privilege of parliament, the lawful rights and privileges of the subject." ''The remonstrance to the Lord Justices states that wo harbor not the least thoughts of hostility toward his Majesty or purpose any hurt to his Majesty's subjects, in their posses- sions, goods, or liberty." The remonstrance further deplores any acts of lawlessness, or of cruelty imposed upon the English or Protestant inhabitants, with promises to use their best en- deavors to make restitution and satisfaction for any that may have occurred. Thus we have an account of the aims and objects of the Irish lords in the beginning of this struggle against England's oppression. And so it came to pass, that on the 23rd of Octo- ber in 1641, Ireland, with the exception of Dublin, and a few other strongholds, severed itself from England. The failure in Dublin was due to the fact that the officials were warned in time by information given by the informer Owen 'Connelly, an Irish Protestant servant, who revealed to his master, the details of the plot. Out of the confusion and general upheaval in Ireland at this time there finally emerged four more or less well defined parties, each of which had attracted to itself a certain number of followers. 1st. There was the Old Irish which stood for total sepa- ration from England. These were the people who had suffered most from the plantations of Ulster and the subsequent re- ligious persecutions. They were under the command of Sir PhelimO'Neil. 2nd. The Anglo-Irish or Norman, who had suffered in the same way though not so severely. They stood for religious and civil liberty, but political Unity with England. They occu- pied the central and western parts of the country and were commanded by Lord Preston. These two parties were Catholic. 3rd. The Presbyterians and Puritans in Ulster under Monro. These were with the English Parliament and acted with the Scottish covenanters and were the most bitter enemies of the King. 4th. The royalists, the supporters of the King, who were JOHN J. CUMMINGS, M. D. 93 Protestants, and the oflScial representatives of the Crown. At their* head was Ormond with headquarters in Dublin. For nearly a year, fighting went on in Ulster with varying success. Sometimes the Old Irish were successful and in turn suffered defeat by the Puritan or Parliamentary army under Monro. Sir Phelim O'Neil, as general of the Ulster army of the north, had not the attributes of a successful commander. Be- tween himself and Lord Preston, commander of the Catholic army of the west, there was no union but rather a jealous rival- ry. At the suggestion of the Catholic bishops, a general assem- bly met on the 22nd of October, 1642, at Kilkenny. Eleven Bishops and fourteen lay lords represented the Irish peerage and 226 commoners represented the people. A celebrated lawyer, Patrick Darcy, a member of the Com- mons, was appointed Chancellor. A Supreme Council, chosen from among the members, was to be the executive branch of the new government. This, then, was the Confederation of Kilkenny, and it undertook to manage, and with some measure of success, the affairs of the Irish Nation. The Council appointed Gen. Preston in command of the ar- my in Leinster; Gen. Barry in Munster; Sir John Burke in Con- naught; and Owen Roe O'Neil in charge of the forces of the north. Of these four generals, Owen Roe O'Neil was the only one to achieve any signal success, and he won undying fame for himself in his management of his campaign. OWN ROE O'NEIL was the grandson of Art, brother of the great Hugh O'Neil, Earl of Tyrone. Educated abroad at the college of the Irish Franciscans in Louvain, he afterward went to Spain, where he was trained as soldier and scholar. He rose to the command of the Irish regiments in the Spanish army, during that country's, war with France. To the Irish he later became a popular idol, and well did he deserve their loyalty. As long as tradition lasts, so long will the children of the Irish be told and retold of the glories of "Owen Roe." At the breaking out of the Rebellion he was living in Brus- sels, but when after a year's fruitless fighting, his, countrymen sent out a call for his help, he left rank and station abroad, and taking up the sword of his great ancestor, which had been sent to him from Rome, he returned to his desolate Ireland, and bravely did he battle for his God and his country. He, together with about one hundred other Irish officers,. 94 DESTRUCTION AND DESOLATION g-ave up their places in the foreign service and sailed for home, landing at Donegal in Jnly, 16-1:2. He had in him all the qualities that constitute a leader of men, a clear sound judgment, chivalrous valour, bravery in the field, skill in profiting of every advantage offered by the' enemy, and a caution which left nothing to chance. For several years he kept together an army created by his own genius, without a government at his back, without regular supplies, enforcing discipline and obedience, gaining victories and maintaining a native power even in the very heart of the kingdom. Always intent on the welfare of his country, he rose high above the thousand and one petty jealousies and intrigues that surround- ed him. Loved and obeyed by his followers, he was respected and admired by his enemies, some of whom openly regretted that such a good man had become identified with such a bad cause. Upon assuming command of the Catholic army of the north, he assembled his followers at Dungannon, the hereditary stronghold of his clan, and here he and his men took the oath of obligation to the Catholic Confederation. Then followed four years of unceasing training of his undisciplined army. With the help of his experienced officers he taught the herdsmen and countrymen the use of the muskets and the pike, involving them only in small battles and skirmishes until they had gained the experience and confidence of an efficient fighting force. And then in 1646, on the 4th day of June, came the meeting of the army of the Parliament and 'Neil's force on the battle- field of Benburb. The battle of Benburb has been often and well described. There was a movement started to unite the Scottish forces and proceed southward to Limerick, there to at- tack the government of the Confederation. Gen. O'Neil with five thousand foot, and five hundred horse, all ' ' good and hope- ful men," to use his own expression, by a forced march reached the northern Blackwater, and pitched his camp on the north bank. Here he was, directly between the two Monroes, who could join their Scottish forces only after dislodging him. Rob- ert Monro, who reached his position first, saw it would be neces- sary to give battle to save the smaller forces of his brother, who were coming from the north. Consequently, he began to move on 'Neil's position at dawn on June 5th, 1646, and pres- ently reached the Blackwater, where he found himself face to face with 'Neil's army across the river. Here, then, is the spectacle presented by the two armies, marching in parallel lines, on either bank of the river. Coming to a hill, which he JOHN J. CUMMINGS, M. D. 95 liad previously selected as a strong position, O'Neil retreated, and Monro, fording the Blackwater, was in full pursuit. O 'Neil's stronghold had the center of his army protected by the hill, the right by a marsh, and the left by the Oona Water, and in the foreground flowed the Blackwater. While fighting was going on at the pass through which O'Neil had retreated and left guarded, he drew up his line of battle. And now the two armies have met beyond the hill and the battle is on. For four long hours in the heat and dust of that June day, O'Neil retreated and shifted, and the Scottish army threw itself time after time on the enemy, who disap- peared behind hedge and rock, and only came forth to repulse an attack. And still O'Neil held his men back. To the mutter - ings and complaints of some of his officers, who had hard work holding the men, he replied, ''Wait for the sun," and when to- wards evening the sun had fallen low enough in the sky to shed its brilliant rays full in the faces of the tired and exhausted Scotch troopers, 'Neil gave the long-delayed word to his army. On they came, in a sweeping movement from right to left, and before them the Scottish cavalry wavered and broke. Still on they came, and following the Irish cavalry came the pike- men. And now it was a hand to hand struggle, — a bayonet charge — and the Scotch forces hemmed in between the two streams, were in dire confusion. Finally, the Irish army reached and stormed the hill where Monro's guns were placed, and the victory was won. The defeat of the Scotch army was a complete rout, and when the sun had set more than three thousand of the Monro's men lay dead on the field. In addition Monro lost all his artillery, tents and baggage, fifteen hundred horses, twenty stands of colors, two months ' provisions, and numerous prison- ers of war. The Irish lost but seventy, incredible as it may seem, but such is the number given by their opponents. After this battle, Gen. Monro writing home says, "The Lord hath rubbed shame on our faces till we are humbled;" and the Irish people welcomed O'Neil with a unanimous joy and acclaim. "Owen Roe — our own O'Neil! He treads once more our land: The sword in his hand is Spanish steel. But the hand is an Irish hand." Meanwhile, the Confederation and Ormond, representing the King, Charles I, had been parleying for the restitution of the confiscated lands and the repeal of the penal laws. But the King, although anxious to keep the Irish with him as an aid 96 DESTRUCTION AND DESOLATION against the Parliament, did not dare concede all that was de- manded and held off with promises. Had the issue been forced by the Confederation after the decisive battle of Benburb, Ire- land's history might have been different, but there was delay and indecision, and as the Arab proverb puts it, ''There are three things which cannot be recalled, The sped arrow, The spoken word, The lost opportunity." The Irish had missed their chance. Later there was an attempt to attack Dublin, and force tlie- Royalists to terms, but dissensions broke out between O'NeiL and Preston, the other Catholic general, and O'Neil, disheart- ened and discouraged and almost betrayed by the Confedera- tion, turned first to Ormond — whom he disliked and distrusted — and then to the Parliament, whom he knew hated and opposed him. They both held out concessions, and finally O'Neil gave his consent against his better judgment to a peace, which a year before he had openly rejected, and on the 17th of January, 1649, a peace was signed between Ormond, acting for King Charles, and the Catholic Confederation. This Treaty repealed the penal acts, which had operated against the free practice of the Catholic religion, and re-opened to them their places of worship, the freedom of their own churches. In the meantime the Puritan Parliament, having defeated the forces of King Charles, and having taken him prisoner, tried and convicted him on a charge of treason. The King was beheaded Jan. 30, 1649, and England was completely in the power of parliament and Oliver Cromwell. CROMWELL IN IRELAND For some time after the execution of Charles I, the Parlia- mentarians lost ground in Ireland. Charles II, son of the mur- dered King, was proclaimed King by nearly all parties, includ- ing Ormond, the Confederation, and the Scotch Presbyterians. Ormond was placed at the head of the forces favorable to the- King, and he resolved to capture Dublin, which he had so easily surrendered two years before. Together with Lord Inchiquin, he laid seige to the city, though thev were but poorly equipped for the task. They were surprised and defeated at JRathmines, Aug. 2nd, 1649, by Col. Michael Jones, at the head of the Parliamentary army. They lost between 3000 and 5000 men. This closed Ormond 's mili- tary career, and before the end of 1649 he fled to France, to re- turn only with the restitution of the monarchy. In England, parliament was supreme. Ireland had de- JOHN J. CUMMINGS, M. D. 97 clared for Charles II, loyal as always to the Stuarts. Therefore, repudiating the terms of peace of '49, the parliament decided to subdue Ireland. England had already felt the weight of the strong hand and stern will of Oliver Cromwell, and accordingly, he it was, who was chosen for this task. With eight thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, sev- eral pieces of artillery, and twenty thousand pounds in money, he landed in Ireland Aug. 15, 1649, and then began a series of massacres for which there is no parallel in the history of civil- ized nations. This is an old story to many of you — this story of Crom- well 's reigTi of terror in Ireland. Many of you have heard it as children from your mother's lips, and many of you can go back, in memory, every foot of the way, as we follow this fanatical destroyer on his desolate, but triumphant, march through Ire- land. Cromwell's command in all, lasted nine months, and is remarkable for the number of sieges of walled towns, crowded into that brief period. There was during the whole time, no great field battle, like Marston Moor, or Benburb. It was only a campaign of seventeenth century cannon against mediaevel masonry. He landed at Dublin and there rested until Sept. 1, 1649. Leaving there, we see him with his army appearing Sept. 3rd outside the walls of Drogheda. The town was fortified and garrisoned by about 3000 men. Cromwell called on the com- mander. Sir Arthur Ashton, to deliver up the town to the ser- vice of the English parliament. Eeceiving no satisfactory re- ply, he proceeded September 9th, with his guns, to beat down the defenses. A breech in the wall having been made, an as- sault was ordered; it was repulsed. A second assault was like- wise unsuccessful, then Cromwell himself led his forces for the third time. Col. Wall, who commanded the regiment defend- ing the trenches, was killed, and his men, without a leader, be- came confused and were driven back. It was then that quarter was offered and accepted. The town was finally captured and by Cromwell's orders neither man, woman or child was to be spared. Numerous letters of Cromwell's still in existence, show where he ordered the inhab- itants to be put to the sword, though he had a way of giving to God credit for his own inhuman cruelties. In one letter he says, "I wish all honest hearts may give the glory to God alone, to whom indeed the praise of tins mercy belongs." Passing on from Drogheda, he went north to Dundalk, thence to Newry, and Carlingford, which places all surrendered without much resistance. The lesson of Drogheda had not been 98 DESTRUCTION^ AND DESOLATION in vain. Coleraine surrendered to Sir Charles Coote, who im- itated Cromwell's example at Drogheda by putting the garri- son to the sword. By the end of September, 1649, every important place in the north, Carrickfergus excepted, was in the hands of parlia- ment. Eeturning to Dublin, Cromwell planned his campaign to subdue the south. October 1, 1649, he appeared before Wexford, which had been fortified and garrisoned. He laid siege to the place, which made a stubborn resistance for ten days. Through the treach- ery of Captain James Stafford, one of the defenders* the army obtained admission to the town and drove the garrison and in- habitants to the market place. Crom-\i ell's letter to parliament says : — ''When they were come into the market place, making a stiff resistance, our forces broke them and then put all to the sword that came in their way. I believe, in all, not less than two thousand, and I believe not twenty of yours from first to last of the siege." Continuing, he relates other calamities, such as the drowning of three hundred more, who in trying to es- cape by boat, met their death in the harbor, and concludes by saying piously, "Thus it hath pleased God to give unto your hands this other mercy. — Drogheda was the first — for which, as for all, we pray God may have all the glory. Indeed your in- struments are poor and weak and can do nothing, but through believing, — and that is the gift of God also." There exists until this day in Wexford, the traditions of the awful proceedings on the day of this conquest. One states that three hundred women were put to death in the public square. They had flocked around the great cross which stood there, in the hopes that Christian soldiers would be so far softened by the sight of that emblem of mercy, as to spare the lives of unresisting women. But the victors, enraged at such superstition, and perhaps regarding their presence there as a proof that they were Catholics, — and therefore fit objects of their zeal, — rushed upon them and put them to death. The murder of Irish women was nothing new to the Puritan army. After the battle of Naseby, one hundred females, some of them of distinguished rank, were put to the sword. In one day eighty w^omen and children, some infants at the mother's breast, were precipitated over the bridge at Linlithgow, and if any struggled to the bank of the river, they were knocked on the head or thrust in again by the soldiery. Their crime was being the wives and children of Irish soldiers who had served under Montrose. JOHN J. CUMMINGS, M. D. 99 Thus, with the word of God on his lips, and his two-edged sword in his hands, did this ''plague of England" hew his way through Ireland. Everywhere, the people terror stricken and helpless, gave up their cities or sent word that they wished to treat with the parliament. In quick succession after Wexford, was the surrender of Eoss; an attempt on Waterford, after- wards abandoned in November, Dungarvan, Kinsale, Bandon and Cork in December. Fethard, Callan and Cashel in January and February. Carrick and Kilkenny in March, and Clonmel early in May. The last act of Cromwell's campaign was the siege of Clon- mell, where the Irish gathered for a last stand. Clonmell was defended by Hugh O'Neil, nephew of Owen Roe, with about fifteen hundred men. For about two months Cromwell laid siege to the place. He made several attempts to take it by storm, but was' repulsed each time with a heavy loss. After a final assault in the month of May, where he lost twenty-five hundred men, he withdrew, but O'Neil, having exhausted his ammunition, retired during the night with his army to Water- ford. The town surrendered next day, Cromwell being unaware of 'Neil's departure, granting favorable terms which, strange to relate, were not violated. Cromwell returned to England May 29, 1650, leaving his son-in-law. Sir Henry Ireton, in command of the parliamentary army. He was a worthy successor. The following August Ire- ton captured Waterford and Duncanno, and soon afterwards Athlone and Sligo, leaving only Limerick and Galway to the Confederates. Early in the summer of 1651, Ireton laid siege to Limerick, commanded by Hugh O'Neil and Gen, Purcell. The town was divided within itself by several factions. The plague was rag- ing and the inhabitants were dying in the streets. Through the treachery of some of them the town was compelled to surrender October 27th, 1651. Ireton died of the plague. The success of Cromwell 's campaign was assured to a great extent by the fact that the Catholic armies were left practically without a leader of their own. In the third month of Crom- well 's occupation came the report of the death of their great general, Owen Roe O'Neil. Wlien O'Neil heard of the news of the taking of Drogheda he swore a great oath that ''he would retake it if he had to storm hell to do it, ' ' and gaining the aid and support of the Royalist army under Ormond, was on his way south to meet the latter, when he wa struck down by a fatal illness. None of his biographers have given a detailed account of the disease which ended his life, but popular tradi- 100 DESTRUCTION AND DESOLATION tion has claimed that O'Neil met his death by poison, from a pair of boots presented to him by one of the Phmketts of Louth. It was of hngering operation and served to paralyze his ener- gies. For some time he battled against the disease, hoping he might so far recover as to be able to lead his army. From Deny, where he was first attacked in August, he advanced slowly and painfully southward, borne on a litter, and finally ''died in Our Lord the 6th of Nov., 1649, a true child of the Catholic religion. ' ' In the chancel of a Franciscan Abbey his body was interred. No greater calamity than the death of O'Neil could have come to the Irish Nation at this time. He was the only man, who by reason of native ability and training, was able to cope with Cromwell, and the consciousness of a great national loss never struck deeper, than amid the crash of the walled cities and towns of Leinster and Munster. Many of his clansmen did not believe that he could die at a time when he was so much needed, — some deeming that *'God in His Divine clemency, would not deal so strait with this poor nation, as to bereave them of this, their only champion." And all over Ireland the prayers and wailings of the peo- ple were offered up for the man who would have stood between them and their doom. Whoever could understand the deepest depth of Irish grief, the mingling of love, wrath and despair following the loss of a leader, will find it all compressed in the thirty odd lines of Davis' "Lament," with its closing wail: ''Your troubles are all over. You're at rest with God on high; But we're slaves and we're orphans, Owen! Why did you die? After a siege of nine months Galway fell May 12, 1652, and the war was practically over. Charles Fleetwood, Cromwell's son-in-law, was appointed Lord Deputy. He instituted a High Court of Justice to punish all concerned in the uprising of 161:1. About 200 were executed, among them Sir Phelini 'Neil. The war was now ended, but for a long time there had been a terrible pestilence raging over the country. Famine came to help the work of destruction, and for several years these two scourges spread death, desolation and misery everywhere. But the worst was yet to come. Parliament declared the whole of Ireland forfeited. The Irish troops were not only to be dis- armed, but were to be put out of the way. Hence, they were permitted to take service in foreign armies at peace with the JOHN J. CU'MMINGS, M. D. 101 commonwealth. Those who did not voluntarily take such ser- vice were forced into exile. Nor were these forced exiles restricted to the warrior class. ' ' The Lord Protector, ' ' says Prendergast, ' ' applied to the Lord Henry Cromwell — then Major-General of the forces in Ireland, to engage soldiers and to secure a thousand young Irish girls to be shipped to Jamaica. Henry Cromwell answered that there would be no difficulty, only that force must be used in taking them; and he suggested the addition of fifteen hundred or two thousand boys, of from twelve to fourteen years of age. The numbers finally fixed were one thousand boys and one thousand girls." The total number of children disposed of in this way from 1652 to 1655 has been variously estimated at from twenty thousand to one hundred thousand. The British government was at last compelled to interfere and put a stop to the infamous traffic, when the mere Irish, proving too scarce, the agents were not sufficiently discriminating in their choice, but shipped ofi^ English children also to the tobacco island. CROMWELLIAN SETTLEMENTS An act of settlement was passed which provided that all the Irish, except those of the laboring classes, were to be trans- planted to Connaught before May 1st, 1654. Any of those or- dered away — young or old — men or women, found in any of the three provinces after this date might be killed by whoever met them. Moreover, they were not permitted to live within four miles of the seas or of any town, or within two miles of the Shannon. Connaught is famed as being the wildest and most barren province of Ireland, and at this time it had been com- pletely devastated by the war. Hence, this act was intended to dispose of half a million human beings destined in the minds of its projectors to die off and leave the whole island in the pos- session of the ^' godly." Cromwell died Sept. 3, 1658, and twenty months after- wards Charles II returned to England and the monarchy was restored. THE RESTORATION The Irish expected much from the restored king, who was at heart a Catholic, and for whom they had fought and suffered. They expected at least the restitution of their lands, but Charles wholly neglected his friends, while providing for his enemies. He re-established the Anglican church. The act of uniformity 102 DESTRUCTION AND DESOLATION was enforced against the Presbyterians and they suffered a short, but severe persecution. At first Catholics were given some freedom, but later par- liament passed oppresive measures, and their condition became pitiful. James II, a Catholic, came to the throne in 1685 and de- termined to restore Catholicism. He was so arbitrary, however, that he aroused the whole Protestant population of England and Ireland against him. He appointed Richard Talbot, a zeal- ous Catholic, whom he had made Earl of Tyrconnell, Lord Lieutenant. Talbot dismissed Protestants from the army and civil offices and put Catholics in their places. The dismissed Protestants fled to Holland and enlisted in the service of Wil- liam, Prince of Orange. The oppressive measures to which James II resorted in England, and his encroachments on the liberty of his subjects, brought about in England, the revolution of 1688. William, Prince of Orange, the nephew and son-in-law of the King, was invited to take possession of the English throne. He accepted and landed in England Nov. 5, 1688. Six weeks later James IT fled to France. In England and among the Protestants in Ireland, William was hailed as a deliverer, but the Irish Catholics, in spite of all they had suffered from the Stuarts, took the side of James. Tyrconnell headed the adherents of the King, and then began the so-called "Jacobite" wars. Tyrconnell did all in his power to strengthen the position of his royal commander. He met with no opposition except in Ulster which, of course, was strongly Protestant. The people of Derry declared for William and Mary as sovereigns of Great Britain and Ireland. James had waited at the Court of Louis XIV of France until assured of the Catholic support of Ire- land. Then with a small French army and a number of Irish exiles, — chief among whom was Sarsfield, — he landed at Kin- sale in Cork, March 12, 1689. He proceeded to Dublin, then with his army to Derry, where he expected to be received with open arms. He was greatly surprised when the inhabitants began to fire upon him, and returned to Dublin, leaving the siege in the hands of two of his generals. April 18, 1689, the siege of Derry, one of the most famous in Irish or English history, began. Great bravery was dis- played on both sides and as starvation was about to compel the surrender of the town, the relief ships of William arrived and ran past the blockades, July 28, 1689. Three days later Hamil- JOHN J. CUMMINGS, M. D. 103 ton, commander of the Jacobite forces, seeing that all danger of famine was over, withdrew his army and the town was saved after a siege of one hundred and five days. The siege of Derry was but the beginning of the struggle between William of Orange and the rightful King, James II. William's position in England, being now secure, he sent the Duke of Schomberg to Ireland, with fifteen thousand men. He captured Carrickfergus after a siege of a week. June 1-lth, 1690, King William, as he had been proclaimed, came to Ireland, to lead his army in person. His troops were largely made up of continental veterans, excellent soldiers, from Holland, Denmark, Sweden and Prussia. James, at the head of twenty-six thousand men, poorly drilled and miserably armed, had taken a position at the village of Oldbridge, on the south bank of the Boyne, three miles above Drogheda. BATTLE OF THE BOYNE William, with an army of 50,000 men, 5,000 of whom were cavalry, arrived on the north bank of the Boyne, June 29th, 1690. The next day an artillery duel took place between the two armies, William losing greatly thereby. During the night, James, already certain of defeat, sent all but six of his cannon back to Dublin and made preparations for his own flight. The battle was resumed next day. Wil- liam commanded the cavalry on the left wing, the elder Schom- berg the center, and the younger Schomberg the right. William attempted to cross the Boyne at Slane, but was repeatedly re- pulsed by Arthur 'Neil's horse. His artillery finally cleared the way and the army crossed the river, under its protection. The Irish army was practically without cannon. So well did the Irish troops fight that Schomberg 's body- guard was cut to pieces and the commander killed. The center of William 's army was being beaten back, when crossing lower down with 18 squadrons of cavalry, he fiercely attacked the riglit flank of the Irish army and thus turned possible defeat into certain victory. The Irish troops outnumbered two to one and led by a coward, as the King proved himself to be, fought valiantly and retreated in good order to Dublin, and later to Limerick. James fled from the battlefield to Dublin, thence to Water- ford, where he embarked for France, bringing the first news of his own defeat. And, so, ends Ireland's story for eight-two Hon. Philip J. O'Connell Philip J. O'Connell was born in Worcester, Mass., December 18, 1870. He is the son of Philip O'Connell and Ellen (Skehan) O'Connell, both of whom were born in Ireland. After completing his studies in the Wor- cester public schools, Mr. O'Connell attended the Wor- cester Classical High School, and graduated in 1889. In 1895 he graduated from the Boston University Law School, receiving the degree LL.B., Magna Cum Laude. He was admitted to the Massachusetts Bar in 1895. Mr. O'Connell served as a member of the Worces- ter Common Council in 1896, 1897 and 1898. Was elect- ed a member of the Worcester Board of Aldermen for 1899 and 1900, and in 1901 was Mayor of Worcester. For the past five years he has been a Director of the Worcester Free Public Library. For nearly a score of years Mr. 'Connell has been identified with the A. 0. H. He became a member of Division 3, A. 0. H., of his native city in 1895, and has served as vice president and president. October 18, 1904, he was married to Katherine T. Power of Phila- delphia, daughter of Lawrence Power and Katherine (Magennis) Power, both former residents of Worces- ter. Jrnm tlj^ Ingn^ to tJj^ Art 0f tlj^ llninn 1690—1800 BY HON. PHILIP J. O'CONNELL The one hundred and ten years from the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, to the Act of the Union in 1800, was one of the most eventful and saddest periods in Ireland's mournful history. It witnessed the defeat and surrender of the army of King James, and the violation of the Treaty of Limerick. During this period the penal laws were enforced until Ire- land became almost a nation of paupers and slaves. It saw the rise and growth of the Volunteer movement, and the successful struggle for a free and independent Parliament, and before its close it witnessed the destruction of the Independence of Parlia- ment. In the limited time at my disposal tonight, it will be impos- sible to adequately treat of all these important events, and I Tieaux, one of the members of the University of Dublin in 1698, opposed the law and wrote a text book, in which he maintained that the Irish Parliament had supreme control over their own legislation. But, even in this text book, the author made it clear that the ascendancy was for him the Irish nation and that the majority of the Irish people had no place, in it. In 1703 there was a movement in Parliament for a closer union with England, but England would not have a Parliamen- tary union, and the Irish Parliament remained distinct but sub- ordinate, resembling its English parent but with none of its merits. It was a Parliament without power, without dignity, and self respect, a Parliament of pensioners and placemen, bigots and bullies. The English Parliament in 1719 passed an act expressly declaring that it had the power to legislate for Ireland. It had been doing this thing frequently in the past, but it was not un- til the year 1719 that they expressly declared that it had the right to do so. In 1722 the copper coinage in Ireland was very short. Vari- ous petitions of the Irish Parliament to have a mint at Dublin had been ignored. But, through the influence of the Duchess of Kendall, one of the favorites of George the First, who was then king, William Wood, an iron monger of Wolverhampton, was granted a patent to coin copper half-jDence and farthings to the 116 FROM THE BOYNE TO THE ACT OF THE UNION amount of one hundred and eight thousand pounds. Wood soon began to send his half-pence and farthings across the channel. The Irish Commissioner of Eevenue protested to the Viceroy and to the Treasury Commissioners against this, but neither protest received even the courtesy of a reply. Parliament took the matter into its own hands and resolved that Wood had been guilty of fraud; that the coin was greatly adulterated and would entail a great loss to the country. Jonathan Swift, the Protestant Dean of St. Patrick's in Dublin, then began a memorable fight. Swift was Irish by birth and education, yet he took little pride in being an Irish- man. He despised the Catholics and favored the penal code. He hated the Presbyterians, perhaps more than he did the Cath- olics, but, at the same time, he was disgusted with the corrup- tion, hypocrisy and servitude of his co-religionists. Under the assumed name of M. B. Drapier, he wrote a series of pamphlets denouncing Wood and his coin. In a short time all Ireland was in a blaze of excitement over the letters of Swift, and all classes of the people joined in their abhorrence of Woods' half-pence. In these letters Swift denied the right of England's Parliament to make laws for Ireland. To him it was government without the consent of the governed. He boldly asserted that the Irish were as free as the English by the laws of God, of nature and of nations. A price was set upon his head, and though every man in Ireland knew that Swift was the author of the letters, no one would betray him. England finally backed down and the pat- ent was cancelled and the angry passions of the people for a time subsided. During the years of the penal laws in Ulster, secret Pro- testant societies called ' ' Oak Boys ' ' and ' ' Steel Boys ' ' came into existence for the purpose of fighting excessive tithes and rents, which were levied by the Ascendancy on the people. They burnd houses and destroyed cattle, and compelled the landlord and the parson to moderate their demands. In 1741, a new Apostle of Reform and a champion of legis- lative independence appeared in the person of Doctor Lucas, who founded and edited a weekly paper called ''The Citizen's Journal." He originally began as a colonial patriot, but his denunciation of the whole system of government in Ireland made him popular with the native race and all classes of nation- alists among the Irish people began to read his paper. He insisted on the right of Ireland to make her own laws without the interference of England, and declared that, if Eng- land was to legislate for Ireland, there was no safety for her; that her linen industry would perish as did her woolen industry. HON. PHILIP J. O'CONNELL 117 But he soon was condemned by the Irish Parliament itself and was obliged to flee the country to the Isle of Man. The persecution of Lucas drew the attention of all Ireland to his writings. In the meanwhile an opposition party known as ' ' The Patriots ' ' had grown up in Parliament, who helped to keep the national sentiment alive, although their nationality was narrow and exclusive. In 1745 Lord Chesterfield became the Viceroy of Ireland. Under him the priest hunting was stopped; chapels were open- ed he was affable to the poor and rebuked many officers and magistrates for their over-zeal in persecution. Mass was again openly celebrated in Ireland. Though not a single enactment of the penal code was repealed, yet the government under Chester- field connived at the non-enforcement of the laws. He was soon recalled and the old policy of persecution was immediately re- sumed. This short respite, however, had the effect of infusing new spirit into the Catholics, and also introduced disturbing elements into the minds of Protestants as to the wisdom of the persecution. About this time in the south of Ireland most of the land formerly used as tillage land was thrown into pasturage and the farmers and laborers turned adrift and many who did not enlist for military service, left Ireland for America. This con- version of the land into pasturage meant starvation. Again the collection of tithes was looked upon as a great evil, both by Catholics and Presbyterians and to resist both of these great evils a secret society in the south of Ireland known as the ''White Boys," so-called from their wearing white shirts out- side of their clothes, was organized and went around levelling houses, destroying cattle and committing many outrages, and while they were in existence they kept the Southern Counties in terror, but they were pursued by the landlords with great vigor. The ascendancy denounced these uprisings as a papist conspiracy, yet made no attempt to remove the cause of them, and continued to pass laws for their punishment that were bar- barous in the extreme. During this period of crime and misery Parliamentary proceedings began to attract attention. The union between Scotland and England led to a similar suggestion of the union between Ireland and England. It seemed to be the only way of getting rid of the trade restric- tions, which were impoverishing the nation. It received little encouragement in England in the early part of the eighteenth century. The failure of the efforts of those who sought to bring about a union between England and Ireland convinced the ma- 118 FROM THE BOYNE TO THE ACT OF THE UNION jority of the colonists that the English Parliament was hostile to the growth of industry in Ireland and had sought to destroy its chief industry, and that it was never likely to lift Ireland to a position of equality with herself. This feeling and belief had much to do with the growth of the national spirit. The attempt to enforce the penal laws after Chesterfield 's period of conniv- ance, showed a deep stratum of intolerance, and it led to the foundation of the First Catholic Committee in 1757. This was the first movement in Ireland to obtain religious and political freedom and social reformation by a peaceful association. This Catholic Committee was supported almost entirely by the mid- dle class of Catholics. The aristocracy among the Catholics were afraid of giving any assistance. The clergy, though ready to brave death for religion's sake, were unprepared to join in the political agitation. The great mass of the people were un- educated and undisciplined and easily led by those in whom they reposed confidence, and were liable to be carried away by ungovernable impulses, under the persuasion of the barbarous tyranny and suffering then endured. The Catholic Committee awakened the energy of the rising generation and showed that peaceful acquiescence in their degradation was not the way to remedy their grievances. For years it was impossible to bring about any legislative reform. The Parliamentary pensioners and placemen prevent- ed any reforms in the pension list, or in the appointment of judges. Dr. Lucas, in his writings, said that no reform would come until Parliament would reform itself In 1765 an attempt was made to have a bill passed to limit the duration of Parliament, but this was unsuccessful. Be- tween 1771 and 1775 some minor concessions were made to the Catholics, including a new oath of allegiance to meet their re- ligious objections. At the beginning of the American Kevolution, the agita- tion for free trade commenced and as p]ngland's difficulties in- creased, the demands of the Irish Parliament grew louder and louder. The defeat of the English in the American War at Saratoga in 1777 filled the Irish people with hope. England began to make concessions to them and, as the Revolutionary War progressed, Ireland was gradually denuded of her troops and volunteer corps for purpose of self protection were formed throughout the country. The movement for the organization of the volunteers began in Belfast. The volunteers served with- out pay, carried arms and wore uniforms. Now, when England and the colonists stood face to face in the fight for free trade each side tried to conciliate the native Irish. In 1778, England HON. PHILIP J. O'CONNELL 113 conceded the right to the Catholics to hold landed property. The Catholic Irish, however, threw in their fortunes with their colonial fellow-countrymen and, as a result, a united Ireland confronted the English government. In 1779, the Irish Parlia- ment met. Henry Grattan, who had become a member four years earlier, was foremost among the leaders of the Patriot Party and a colonel in the volunteers. No one had striven more earnestly than he to end the feud between the colonists and Catholics. He was the champion of the Catholics in 1778, when important concessions were made to them, and he was now the champion of both the colonists and native Irish in the attempt to shake off the commercial fetters, which shackled both. De- monstrations of the volunteers, who had taken up the fight for the removal of trade restrictions, took place all through Ire- land, and especially in Dublin. England was terrified. In 1779 Ireland was granted free trade. Having obtained free trade, the volunteers resolved to obtain a free Parliament. In 1780 Grattan introduced a bill in the Irish Parliament, which de- clared that the king, by and with the consent of the Lords and Commons of Ireland, was the only power competent to legis- late for her. In 1782, the volunteers held a convention at Dungannon. It was attended by representatives of one hundred and forty- three corps of Ulster volunteers. This convention demanded legislative independence. It asserted, too, the right of private judgment in matters of religion, and expressed its gratitude and pleasure on the repeal of the penal laws. Religious' liberty began to advance step by step with poli- tical liberty. The support of the Catholics in favor of Irish lib- erty brought to their assistance the ablest men in both parties in Parliament, and a bill was passed which permitted the Cath- olics to take and dispose of land, and repealed the law against the celebration of Mass, and also destroyed many other penal laws. It contained provisions for the education of Catholics. Thus was a great breach made in the penal code. In 1782, the English Parliament, impressed with the neces- sity of curbing the excitement in Ireland, began to consider a final adjustment, that would bring satisfaction to both king- doms. Grattan in April secured the passage of his bill, embody- ing the resolutions of the Dungannon Convention by a unani- mous vote. Finally, in May, 1782, the English Parliament, un- der the leadership of Fox, recognized the right of the legislative independence of the Irish Parliament. Thus was ended the fight begun by Molyneux, carried on by Swift and Lucas, and 120 FROM THE BOYNE TO THE ACT OP THE UNION triumpliantly closed mider the leadership of Grattan. The great Irish patriot was well justified in saying as he does in one of his speeches : ' ' I found Ireland on her knees, I watched over her with a paternal solicitude; I have traced her progress from injuries to arms, from arms to liberty. Spirit of Swift! Spirit of Molyneux! Your genius has prevailed! Ireland is a nation. In that character I hail her, and bowing in her august presence, I say — 'esto perpetua!' But this hope and desire of Grattan's was not to succeed. In the Parliament of Grattan, which thus began, the Catholic was still excluded. He was also deprived even of the Parlia- mentary franchise, and the Parliament was consequently still unrepresentative. Grattan and Flood were its principal mem- bers. Flood was opposed to giving Catholics the right to sit in Parliament, although otherwise desirous of protecting them. Flood made an effort to reform the organization of Parliament, but was not successful. At this time, Fitzgibbon, a grandson of a peasant and a grandson of a Catholic, and whose name is still loathed in Ire- land, was attorney general. He hated the Catholics, and, when the ''White Boys" broke out in 1786, he met the outbreaks with a riot act of great severity, although he knew that this outbreak was due entirely to the tithe farmer and the rack- renting landlord. Under the riot act, if twelve or more people assembled together and were ordered by a magistrate to dis- perse and did not do so, they were all liable to be put to death. Grattan opposed this policy bitterly. In 1783 Flood left Ireland and became a member of the English Parliament, but never achieved any distinction there. John Philpot Curran took his ]:>laee beside Grattan. He was a friend and champion of the Catholics and a constant foe of the attorney general. He was .undoubtedly the greatest advocate of his time, and, as an orator, he was second only to Grattan. Little was done for the Catholics from 1782 to 1790. Grattan was always willing and anxious to aid them, but the opposition of Flood and others made it impossible. In the meanwhile, the Catholics made little effort themselves. The Catholic Commit- tee did very little during this period. At this time a Catholic petition would not be received in Parliament or in Dublin Castle. In 1790, the French Eevolution was in progress and its effect was greatly felt in Ireland. A new republic had arisen in France, which defied nature and reason and abolished all religious disabilities, declared tithes to be immoral and all men to have equal rights. The volunteers, who were still strong in HON. PHILIP J. O'CONNELL 121 TJlster, were greatly influenced by the Eevolution and began to demand Parliamentary reform and Catholic emancipation. " The Society of the United Irishmen was founded in 1791. This organization brought Catholic and Presbyterian together in a fight to bring about the reforms advocated earlier by the Volunteers. The British ministry at this time was anxious for the Irish Parliament to be more liberal. The English Parlia- ment had granted many important concessions to the Catholics in England. But the Irish Parliament would not do anything further in thi^ respect. Edmund Burke, though he hated the French Eevolution, was favorable to the Irish demands. He sent his son to Ireland to aid in the fight. In 1792, under great pressure from Eng- land, Catholics were first admitted to the bar and marriages between Catholics and Protestants legalized, and the Catholics were permitted to erect and support Catholic schools. These concessions did not satisfy the Catholics, however, as they were still in the position of a degi'aded sect. The force of the French Eevolution began to be more and more felt in Ireland. The TJnited Irishmen and the Catholic Committee joined forces and Wolf Tone, an Irish Protestant, became secretary to the Catho- lic Committee. A new Association known as the Friends of the Constitu- tion was founded by Henry Grattan in 1792, the purpose of which was to complete Catholic emancipation and Parliament- ary reform. Wolf Tone, born in Dublin, educated at Trinity, called to the bar in 1789, first made his appearance in Irish pol- itics in 1791. He was the founder of the United Irishmen, and by his pen and voice did much to bring the Catholics and Pro- testants together. He believed that Ireland would never be liappy while the influence of England was felt there, and he wanted absolute independence for his native land. His hope in accomplishing this lay principally in the dissenters of the north of Ireland and the Catholics. The society of the United Irishmen did not officially go as far as Tone wanted. It de- manded parliamentarv reform, manhood suffrage, the aboli- tion of property qualifications for a seat in Parliament and eoual rights for the Catholics. Grattan was not in sympathy with these advanced measures of reform. He opposed univer- sal suffrage, and, as a result, op]")osed the United Irishmen. Like Burke, he, too, hated the French Eevolution and wanted the Irish to support England in a war with France, which was then going on. In 1794, after a considerable struggle, May- nooth College was founded for the education of priests, as the French Eevolution made it impossible any longer for priests to 122 FROM THE BOYNE TO THE ACT OF THE UNION be educated in France. This college has since become one of the gi'eatest Catholic Colleges in the world. In 1794, Grattan renewed the fight for Catholic emancipa- tion in the Irish Parliament, but unsuccessfully. The Catholics, absolutely disgusted at the defeat of Grattan, gave up the fight, as they felt it was useless any longer to appeal to the Irish Parliament, and in vast numbers joined the United Irishmen and, through this society and with violence, sought the redress which constitutionally they ought to have obtained. Another secret society of Catholics, known as The Defenders, took up the fight, and began to intimidate magistrates. They were armed with pikes and spears and frequently fought the Irish soldiery. They were, of course, frequently punished and many of them imprisoned and killed. In Armagh the ''Peep of Day Boys," a Protestant Society, fought The Defenders and defeat- ed them. Afterwards the Peep of Day Boys founded a new as- sociation, known as the ' ' Orange Society, ' ' the name being tak- en from William of Orange. All of the bigots and fanatics of Ulster joined the society and continued to persecute the Catho- lics there in every way. The effect of the outrages was to in- crease the United Irishmen, as the Catholics joined them for protection, and the defenders all became United Irishmen and, as a result, before the Eebellion of 1798 broke out, more than five hundred thousand members were on the roll of the United Irish Society. The members of the Society soon came to un- derstand that the ultimate object was a revolution and a repub- lic. It had a civil and military system of organization. Its membership in 1796 included Arthur O'Connor, McNevin, Addis Emmet and Lord Edward Fitzgerald, the son of the Duke of Leinster. Wolf Tone had left Ireland in 1795. France had sent an emissary to Ireland to see if a French invasion would be welcomed. The emissary was found out. arrested and sentenced to death. Tone had met him and had been requested by this emissary to go to France on a mission for the United Irish So- siety. Tone soon became a marked man and determined to leave Ireland if possible and finally, through powerful efforts, left Ireland and came to Philadelphia. Addis Eaimet and others urged him, when leaving Ireland, to got aid from France. In 1796, Tone left the United States and went to Paris, where he made a great impression and finally, in December, 1796, a French fleet with many able officers and men, numbering fif- teen thousand, in forty-three vessels, set out for Ireland. Only thirty-five reached Bantry Bay. A great storm arose, which made it impossible for the soldiers to land. It lasted many days and the fleet finally became scattered and, to the rage and HON. PHILIP J. O'CONNELL 123 disgust of Tone, in twos and' threes they went back to France. England was thus saved by the winds. France, at this time, was a great power and had humbled all of Europe, excepting England, who was still invincible on the sea. Grattan again unsuccessfully urged upon Parliament that, if they expected to obtain the support of the Irish Catholios,, they must grant them Catholic emancipation. Camden, the Viceroy, and Fitzgibbon, were opposed to any concession. The latter had sworn to make Ireland "tame as cats" and he im- mediately started out to do it. Everywhere outrages were committed by the soldiers. Men and women were killed out- right and in a thousand ways the people were driven to des- peration. Grattan 's influence in Parliament steadily waned. Finally, when only seven men supported him, in May, 1797, he ceased to attend Parliament altogether. The United Irish Society confidently expected that French aid would be sent to them and in May. Arthur O'Connor was sent to France to hasten this aid. Lord Edward Fitzgerald was named as commander-in-chief of tbe rebel forces. He was then thirty-five years old, a Geraldine, and the son of Ireland's only duke. He threw rank and fortune to the winds to fight for his fellow-countrymen. He was a man of remarkable per- sonal courage and was the idol of the ])eople. The conduct of the Irish Army at this time in their treatment of the people was well described by General Abercrombie, who had been ap- pointed its chief military commander, who said that he found on investigation "that the army, in ilie year 1797, had com- mitted every cruelty and crime that could be committed by Cossack or Calmuck, with the approval of those high in office. "^ On April 3rd, 1798, a proclamation was issued by the Irish government, demanding the surrender of all arms in ten days. When arms were not surrendered, the soldiers made search and wantonly destroyed the property of those who were sus- pected of having arms. The United Irish leaders fixed on the 23rd of May for the insurrection. The French in the meantime changed its plan of making the descent on England, and Bona- parte was sent to Egypt with an army to defeat England there. On May 18th, 1798, Lord Edward Fitzgerald was captured a prisoner, while resting after dinner at the home of a friend in Dublin, only after he made a gallant resistance, in which he stabbed one of his captors and mortally wounded another. For two months the government had been on his track. A price had been set on his head. He died from wounds received in this struggle in Newgate Prison a couple of weeks afterwards. The day following his capture the Sheares brothers were cap- 124 FROM THE BOYNE TO THE ACT OF THE UNION tured. They were members of the directorate of the United Ir- ish Society. Most of the Society's leaders were obliged to leave the country, and the whole movemenc was soon left without any strong leadership. Many causes limited the area of the rebellion and it was only in portions of Wicklow, Kildare, Carlo \v, Dublin, Meath and Queen's County that any fighting of consequence took place. On the 24th of May, 1798, the insurrection broke out in many places in these counties, but the superior skill, discipline and arms of the military were almost invariably successful. In most of the counties, except Wexford, the rebellion was over in less than a week. In Wexford, howcA er, there was a strong spirit of rebellion. The Irish soldiers in Wexford were all Orangemen, and were constantly animated by religious preju- dices. As a result of cruelties committed by the soldiers, the people preferred to fight than to be massacred, and under the leadership of Father John Murphy of Booley vogue, the stand- ard of rebellion rose. Inside of a week after fighting com- menced, the County of Wexford was in control of Father John's forces. Unless aid came from the surrounding country, the ])atriot leaders knew that they must fail. The Irish government began to make every effort to suppress the rebellion. They feared that, if the French fleet landed in Wexford, the whole country would be lost. The untrained peasantry had shown remarkable bravery and gallantry and had won very many suc- cesses. Most of the rebel's strength finally gathered at Vine- gar Hill on the 21st of June of the same year, and the attack on them was begun. The government forces numbered fourteen thousand trained soldiers with experienced officers and an abundance of artillery, while the rebels liad little or no artillery. After a stubborn contest, lasting a few hours, the rebels were out-matched and fled towards Wexford, leaving six hundred dead on the field of battle. In this fight Father Michael Mur- phy at the head of his men, was killed. Father John was cap- tured and taken prisoner and later hung at TuUow. There were many other priests engaged in the rebellion, which was practically over in July, when a general amnesty was offered to all who would forsake their leaders and give up their arms. Most of the United Irish Directorate, who had been arrested, were being tried before a High Commission Court in Dublin. The Sheares brothers were sent to the scaffold, and many were sent to Botany Bay, and twenty of the principal leaders were sent to Fort George in Scotland and were kept there until 1802. Of these McNevin and Emmet came to the United States, where HON. PHILIP J, O'CONNELL 12& they attained great distinction, and Avtliur O'Connor left for France, where he became a general in tbe French Army. France had utterly failed the United Irish in this rebellion. A small force came over in Angnst under the leadership of General Humbert. It numbered less than a thousand. This force was captured by Cornwallis, and they were treated as soldiers of war and sent back to France, but theii' Irish allies, who were captured with them, were slaughtered. On September 20, 1798, another French fleet with Wolfe Tone aboard the Hoclie, set sail from France for the purpose of seizing Ireland. Once again the winds favored England. The vessels were again separated at sea. They were attacked and disabled by an English force under Wairen, and the Hoclie was captured. Tone was tried by a court marshal and sentenced to be hung. As a French officer he requested the right to be shot. This was denied him, and, when refused, he cut his throat in his cell. Before the end of the year the rebellion was at an end. When the rebellion of 1798 broke out, William Pitt, the English minister, seized the opportunity of bringing about a legislative union between England and Ireland, and secured the support of the British Cabinet to the plan. While as a result of the Jacobite War and the confiscations which followed, the Protestant minority held all the positions of power in Ireland, yet they had little desire for a legislative union for more than half a century. Many descendants of William and Cromwell were coming to regard Ireland as their own country. It was these men who formed the volunteer army and had made the Irish Parliament free. They realized that England's Parliament had destroyed their trade and that the Irish Parliament was their own. Since 1782, the prosperity of the country had advanced with great strides. When Cornwallis was sent to Ireland in 1798, he was instructed by Pitt to feel his way to see what sup- port he could secure for a union. The English government, anxious to obtain a majority, be- gan a campaign of education through pamphlets and in other ways, in favor of the union, showing benefits that would arise therefrom, and made argumentative appeals to both Protest- ants and Catholics, as well as to the business interests of the country. When the Irish Parliament in January, 1799, met, the ques- tion was immediately taken up under the leadership of Lord Castlereagh, who was then Chief Secretary for Ireland. While the king did not want this office held by an Irishman, yet an exception was made in the case of Castlereagh, because he was 126 FROM THE BOYNE TO THE ACT OF THE UNION SO unlike an Irishman. He was cold, callous, and heartless. He liad favored every severity of the government and employed as his instruments in the enforcement of law men without a shred of character. Love of country he did not understand, and pub- lic virtue he despised. Bribery and corruption he loved to employ. The support of the I^nion was to be made the test of loyalty and all opponents of it were dismissed from their of- fices. The opposition to the Union in Parliament had many able leaders, and the votes in the early part of the struggle were al- most even in the Irish House of Commons, while in the House of Lords, the union forces were overwhelmingly in the majority. Foster, the Irish secretary, was one of the principal oppon- ents of the union. He had been opposed to Parliamentary re- form and to Catholic emanci]^ation. During the Rebellion of '98 he supported every severity and cruelty of the government, yet to the chagrin of Pitt, he took the side of the opponents of the union. Those who supported Castle reagli in the early stag- es of the Parliamentary struggle were rewarded with offices, ]iensions and promotions to the peerage. Corruption and the purchase of seats immediately began. Outside of Parliament very effective means were taken to influence public opinion. Troops were hurried from England until the army in Ireland numbered one hundred and thirty- seven thousand men, although no rebellion was then feared. A Coercion Act in '99 was passed, placing all Ireland under mar- tial law. Meetings opposing the union were everywhere sup- pressed. Petitions favoring the union were circulated through- out Ireland, with small success. In the entire country only sev- en thousand petitioned for the union, while one hundred and ten thousand freeholders opposed it. Among the Catholics, a few bishops having lost all confi- dence in the Irish Parliament, and havmg been promised more liberal treatment if a union was brought about, favored it, but the priests throughout the nation were generally opposed to it, and the small number, who signed the petitions favoring the union, proved that the gr.eat bulk of the Catholic laity was thor- oughly opposed to it. Daniel O'Connell, who made his first public speech in Jan- uary, 1800, declared that he would rather trust his Protestant fellow-countrymen than to lay his country at the feet of for- eigners, and that, if a union was to be ihe alternative of the re- enactment of the penal laws, he preferred the re-enactment of the penal laws. In the House of Commons out of three hundred men, only one hundred and twenty-eight men were elected from cities and towns with an open franchise; one hundred and sev- HON. PHILIP J. O'CONNELL 127 •«iity-two were returned from the close boroughs, named by a crowd of private patrons, and consequently hound to vote as their patrons wanted. In such an assembly it was easy to get a majority, especially when bribery and corruption were used. The great event of the debate was the re-appearance of Grattan. With great reluctance he consented to re-enter Parliament. He was then in feeble health, but through a friend he secured a place in Parliament from a close borough. Dressed in uni- form of the Volunteers and with loaded pistols in his pockets, as he feared an attack on his way to the House of Commons, he made his reappearance. He made one of the greatest speeches of his career, but was unsuccessful, as one hundred and thirty- eight of the members supported Castlereagh, while only ninety- six voted with Grattan. Bribery and corruption had triumphed. The articles of the Union were finally carried by a vote of one hundred and fifty-eight to one hundred and fifteen. The articles were sent to England in March, 1800, and with slight altera- tions were passed there finally in May. They were then sent l)ack to the Irish Parliament, and the act as finally passed re- ceived the Royal assent in August, 1900. In the century and more that has elapsed since the Legisla- tive union between Ireland and England became effective, ev- ery promise that was made in its behalf has failed of accom- l)lishment and Ireland has fallen steadily backward. Disaster :and ruin have been its fruit and the nation has constantly lost in population, while almost every nation in the world has profit- ed in Ireland's loss. Within a year it is confidently hoped that as the result of almost a half century of agitation, a solid and united parlia- mentary delegation, led by wise and prudent leadership, with the backing of the democracy of England, will wipe out the corruj^tion, bribery and theft of 1800, and Ireland will once more have a Parliament of her own. Surely it is not too much to hope that in our own life time, with the aid of this independent parliamentary body constantly seeking the prosperity and happiness of the country, Ireland may take her proper place among the nations of the world. Rev. Michael J. McKenna Eev. Michael J. McKenna, assistant pastor of St. Francis Churcli, North Adams, Mass., is a native of Holyoke, Mass. His early education was received in the parochial and high schools of that city. He stud- ied at St. Charles College, Maryland, and later at the University of Ottawa, from which he was graduated in 1896. His theological studies were made at the Grand Seminary, Montreal. He was ordained to the priest- hood on Christmas Day, 1900. Father McKenna was first stationed at St. Fran- cis Church, North Adams. Following his service in the North Adams Church he was transfeiTed to St. Pat- rick's Church, Montreal. He was assistant priest at the Church of the Holy Family, Springfield, Mass., for eight years. He came to St. John's Church, Worces- ter, Mass., in April, 1911. In April, 1913, after two years' service, he was transferred to St. Francis Church, North Adams. AVhile in Worcester, Father McKenna was a mem- ber and chaplain of Division 24, A. 0. H. He has been connected with the Springfield Diocesan C. T. A. Union for several years. He served as president in 1910 and 1911. ®tj? (Eathnlir EmanrtiJattnu p^iini: 1801 — 1846 BY REV. MICHAEL J. McKENNA Toward the end of tlie 18tli century, Ireland was passing through the darkest era of her history. The prime minister of England at the time was that viiltnre statesman, William Pitt. This high-minded fellow manfully availed himself of the hopeless apathy into which the late rebellion had cast the Irish nation. As leader of the government, he grasped this dignified oc- casion to further his scheme for the legislative union of Ireland and Great Britain. Curran, Plunkett, Grattan, and other patri- otic Irishmen had long opposed the foul intrigue of the British minister, but all to no avail. The tears and entreaties of these gifted statesmen proved absolutely fruitless. Ladies and gentlemen, we are all familiar to some extent with the horrid excesses of which national parliaments have from time to time been guilty. But there is one excess recorded in the story of civil states, baser than which, history knows no record, and which will stand forever an unanswerable taunt to the name of England as an honest state. 'Tis'the imperial theft, the parliamentary sacrilege com- mitted by the ministry of England against our race, 100 years ago, on old historic College green. Would you gaze for a passing moment on that memorable scene, the bare thought of which turns almost to gall the Irish blood that courses through my veins ? The 3^ear was 1800. Par- liament had convened for the last reading of a bill on a union of our fatherland and Great Britain. Excitement among the people naturally was intense, and threats from every side were made against the aliens and the traitors. The awful time they feared had now arrived, when the light of Irish liberty would be extinguished. 130 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD Their fear was right. No more ^voulcl the sun rise over them as an independent people. Upon the floor of parliament sat 300 men. Irishmen? Yes, a few. Catholics? Before God in heaven, and 'tis history, not one solitary man. The penal code was as yet by no means dead. The mncli dreaded moment came at last. The prime supporter of the bill, a man, with the mention of whose namt I dislike to pollute my lips, a man who lived as Judas lived, and a man who died ,as Judas died, a traitor and a suicide, arose to address the house on the order of the day. He proposed a vote for the legislative union between Ire- land and Great Britain. The words seemed frozen as they is- sued from his lips. He coolly made his motion, and as coolly resumed his seat. There he sat, with the utmost composure and indifference, a man without a country, without a God, save base ambition; the once minister supreme of Ireland, cold-blooded, stony-heart- ed. Catholic hating, self-destroying. Lord Castlereagh. 0, what a glorious counterpart, this Judas, of that modern Herod of the Saxons, and with what immortal lustre shall not the name of each adorn forever the page of Irish history, the nation-selling Castlereagh, and the nation-slaying Cromwell' Among the spectatoi's in the gallery who watched the un- holy scene that was taking place, was a young Irishman, a law- yer, who would one day stir the world and absorb the attention of mankind. A melancholy picture of his country in disgrace loomed up before him. ''Poor Ireland,*' he thought, "with her fadeless past, will in a moment more be stripped of all her rights, her dignity, and her power." Her rank among the states of Europe lost, her constitution canceled, and old College green, with her gifted orators, now passing into story! At last the moment for decision came. The destiny of a nation was in the balance. Below sat the craven coitrts, lords and commoners, with a quota of British clerks and officers smuggled in to vote away the constitution of a country and the liberty of a people. An awful silence like that of doom came over all. There was no countenance to which the heart did not dispatch some messenger. The speaker rose slowly from his chair, alas, to occupy it never again as presiding oifficer in an Irish ]3arliament. Out (n^er the historic gathering he cast one last lingering glance. His eyes met the gaze of a faithful few, Grattan, Plunkett, and the rest. Their lonelv look betokened not the faintest ray of hope. REV. MICHAEL J, McKENNA 131 He held up the accursed bill in deathlike silence. No one moved, not a voice was heard, not even a whisper among the benches. He looked steadily about him on the last agony of the ex- IDiring parliament. But a moment more and another chapter would be written in the olden story of the wreck of states. Ire- land will be fallen and College green will stand like all the lone- ly ruins of the land to remind Irishmen of what they had been once and now to tell them what they are no more. With their eyes averted from the object that they hated, the spectators heard the speaker put the awful question. '^All in favor of this bill say 'Aye,' " and ayes to the num- ber of 200 echoed through the rafters of that classic hall. The final verdict had been spoken; the fatal climax had been reached. Screams and hisses rent the galleries; women fainted, strong men wept like new-made orphans. Betrayed, dispirit- ed, broken-hearted, they watched the speaker till he flung the cursed bill away. The tragic scene was ended and Ireland in- dependent was no more. Thus, friends, was the country of our fathers, in which four-fifths of the population had no voice, no vote, no say, de- graded to a province of the British empire. As Irishmen, through whose veins courses blood as pure as the purest in the world, now tempered by a soil which makes it the ])roudest and the best, as Irish Yankees; do not forget this fact. Repeat it often, tell it everywhere, that 'twas through Saxon gold and not the votes of Irishmen that the Union act of 1800 passed; that 'twas through landlordism and the treachery of Ulster Orange- men, and never by the consent of our Catholic fathers, that Ire- land as a nation was extinguished. Among the spectators in the gallery who watched the un- holy scene that had taken place below, was a young law^^er who would one day stir the world. He gazed out over the dead parliament of his country, tarried awhile beside its bier, fol- lowed its cortege to the Dublin streets, heard the bells in Irish steeples ring out a mournful tune for Ireland's degradation. Their sound and the gruesome tragedy just enacted so fren- zied him that his blood boiled, and he vowed that night, if God would help him, the foul dishonor would not last, and the libel- ous union would one day be repealed. ''The act just passed, amalgamating my country and Great Britain, is not," he said, "and never will be told in history as the work or the will of Irishmen. 'Tis an outrageous infamy. The world must know it. 13 2 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD 'Tis false as the blackest libel ever written on the records of the damned." That lawyer was the immortal emancipator of his race, the great O'Connell. And now began the memorable pait that God intended he shonld play in history. While yet in the tender years of man- hood he consecrated his gifted life entirely to the nation's great reforms, emancipation and repeal. Emancipation, the uncon- ditional freedom of his countrymen to worship God as oJden revelation and their conscience told them and not as English hicre or Saxon lash had failed to make them, and repeal, the absolute amendment of the execrable robbery- perpetrated against his people in the late parliament of Ireland. Catholic emancipation and the repeal of ihe union became what millions deemed as hopeless, the cherished life task of O'Connell. He choose the darkest penod in all the history of his country to sound the trumpet of her resurrection. Not with cruel arms, as marked all former struggles of his country with her foes, but with such weapons rather as God and nature had intended in all the great affairs of life and conscience would he face the enemy and fight the cause of Ireland. Xot as a soldier with a musket, buc as a man with an intel- lect, did he depart to battle, first for the God-born rights of Irishmen as Catholics, and next in turn, for the constitutional rights of Irishmeri now as subjects of lhe British crown. For nine and twenty years the first great struggle lasted. One by one, he met and mastered England's foremost states- men, among them Pitt and Peel and Wellington. O'Conuell's first official act as leader in the terrific struggle for the religious freedom of his people was to organize the Cath- olic board. He then went forth amongst the nation and en- deavored with all the power of his electric eloquence to rouse them from their stupor. He asked them for their manhood's sake, for the honor of their Melician ancestors, nay, for the glory of the Creator, in the -name of God to lift u]) their heads. As their heaven-appointed leader he would bring them out of the house of British bondage, would win for them religious freedom if they would but hear him and obey. But they feared him from the first, and would not listen. Ah, was it any wonder! They realized too well that they were Catholics, crushed for ages under the heel of brutal mas- ters. Was it any wonder they turned a deaf ear to his entreat- ies ? He was but an Irishman, a Catholic, like themselves, hold- ing out to them the promise of a bright something which upon this earth they no longer hoped to see. They heard his bold expressions, and more than ever feared REV. MICHAEL J. McKENNA 133 for the only treasure left them. God: The last relic of their nation's fadeless jDast, which tyranny never tarnished. The last fragment of the ancient pride and greatness of imperial Ire- land, their holy church. "O, Christ of the winepress and, Golgotha," cried the whipiDed and stricken Gael. "Put down this madman ere the Saxon wolves shall with renewed and still more savage fury turn upon us." So deeply had the iron of oppression entered the Irish soul that they made no complaint to sacrifice every- thing on earth, save God and virtue. Their homes, the lands that were theirs since the dawn of history, the products of the fields, and education, all such they cared not for. Yea, they would go, like cattle, dumb-driven, to the polls, and vote against their own best interests, what matter? The obligation to support an alien school, an alien minister, good God. Think of that, in civilized Europe, and in the 18tli cen- tury, did not seem cruel while the right was theirs to worship Christ and honor His virgin mother even in nature's temple, out on the lonely mountain, with their only friend through thick and thin, their only father in woe and weak about them, their Sogarth Aroon, poor and persecuted, oft ill-clad and hungry, leading them on to the hills of eternal peace and freedom with God in heaven. That was all they wanted now; all hope beside was smothered in the Irish breast. Said an eminent statesman who visited Ireland at the time, ^'I have seen the Indian in his wigwam and the negro in his chains; but the condition of the Irish peasant is worse than that of the savage or the slave. ' ' O, death forever to the cruel code, which starved and pauperized and did its diabolical best to brutalize the millions of my race. Yes; cursed eternally be the law which made it felony for my sires to lift a hand or freely breathe God 's air. And shame, everlasting shame, to the men who forced, in a single land and generation, nearly 5,000,000 of their fellows into base illiteracy. For less provocation did the Belgian bourgeoisie ignore their union; for less provocation far did the phlegmatic Hol- landers burst their dykes and let in the sea, and for less infinite- ly did the rebels of America grapple with the lion of British tyr- anny and win in the heraldry of nations an honored place for our stars and stripes forever. At the Sunday Mass the sogarth l)egan to whisper that in foreign lands the name of a brave Irishman was meeting with acclaim. In all the courts of Europe, off in free America, in distant 134 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD India and Anstralia, and parts elsewhere throngliout the globe, millions mnltiplied were sounding the praises of O'Connell, and speaking words of love and sjanpathy for his people. The civ- ilized world was behind the emancipator and his cause. The Irish peasantry awoke. They became convinced that their fears had hitherto concealed the transcendent genius of their valorous countryman, who, single-handed, braved the wrath and defied the power of mighty England. They arose and swore they would be free. They would follow their gallant chieftan whithersoever he might lead them. Then the liberator marshalled them about him, formed them into one vast myriad phalanx that elicited for him the admiration and plaudits of the civilized world. Throughout the land from the center to the sea, he called together aristo- crat and peasant, lay and cleric, priest and people. 'Twould be the nation's final dash, jjerhaps, for freedom. He called it the Catholic association. In it the country became a unit, and the allegiance shown its chief was grander far in all respects than ever was that of Saxon military to its king or Koman legion to its Caesar. A penny a month from every peasant and a pound from each among the gentry brought millions to propagate the cause. Ladies and gentlemen, consult the entire range of history, and on no page thereof will you read where armies ever dis- ciplined a nation as O'Connell disciplined Ireland, with no other weapon than the cross and no code save the law of divine relig- ion. We would gladly delineate the doctrine of O'Connell, even in detail to do it justice, but the time is not at our disposal. With the British constitution he, single handed, sought to make that historic document that governed millions serve the inter- ests of the millions, and not of Irish millions only, but of all the millions scattered throughout the vast empire of Great Britain. And the result ? Read the answer for yourselves. 'Tis the history of 100 years told in all the lands that belt the globe. No arms, no war, no misconduct of any kind," he said. ''Honor the crown, respect the ministers, be obedient to authority, act always within the limits of the law," and with the millions of his countrymen would O'Connell form a tremen- dous thunderbolt with which he'd shatter the omnipotence of that age-old sinecure, which the present discij^le of O'Connell, the gallant Redmond, is now dragging down to an inglorious defeat, the British House of Lords. And let me add right here, that the real enemy, the persist- ent adversary of the civil and religions freedom of the Irish people is today, and has been for centuries, the man who claims REV. MICHAEL J. McKENNA 135 to be clad in the Alniiglity's livery, and who sits, by virtue of his office, a state bishop in that August assembly. 0, history, what Christly charity is here. But 'tis the Sabbath, so, in gen- uine charity, let's pass this chapter and proceed. And lo! Look, looming in the distance, the first grand re- sults of the liberator 's preaching. By the act of 1795, 40- shil- ling men, generally day laborers, or at best small farmers, were given the right of franchise. Clare was open. Send me to parliament," said O'Connell. ''The liberator for parliament," cried the Irish. "\Miat ? They who till now had been prostrate and apparently forever slaves, depending on the omnipotent landlord for their bread, their Jiomes, nay, their very lives, they who for years had been driven to the polls like cattle, and voted just as ordered; they claiming a representa- tive in parliament, and he a Papist? Even so? Even so. The time for the fulfillment of the olden prophecy that emancipation would be won only when an Irish Catholic would be sent to parliament had arrived. The liberator avowed he'd stand for Clare. And the result ? The fetters of landlordism, the Irish peasantry broke asunder. The olden habit of servility they scorned, and man- fully cast away, and then like God's own freemen, couae what might, they elected O'Connell by a grand and unique majority. Ireland was wild with exultation, and from every altar a sin- cere thanksgiving hymn went soaring to the ear of God. All earthly lands were looking on in admiration. Peel and Wellington stood aghast. In all the years of struggle, O'Con- nell had outpointed them at every parry. He fought them not by night in the fastnesses of his Irish mountains, but in the open day within easy hearing of king and parliament. They found him an undaunted warrior with a warrior people at his beck. Ere it is all too late, thought the man whom accident had made the hero of Waterloo, justice must be shown these Irish. Through them in no small part, was America lost to the British crown forever. Through them were the hopes of England crushed at Fontenoy. Through them the history of the world was changed at "Waterloo. Their names are emblazoned high on all victorious battlements of the earth, and if driven on by tyranny to a last extreme, who knows but God what might en- sue? Wellington was right. The Iron Duke jiad clashed with the mighty forces of old France, had measured swords and crushed the hopes of Europe's foremost soldier. Napoleon Bon- aparte. But Arthur looked for no erring Grouchy, he looked for no blundering lieutenant here, the forces, their general, the 136 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD battleground, the cause, all were different now. He knew the history of the race with whom he dealt, and realized the tem- perament of their leader. He admitted, as did parliament, something must be done. The inevitable had arrived. Qualified emancipation? No, no; not qualified emancipation. That unrivaled galaxy of immortal genius, the noble hearted Protestants, Burke and Curran, Grat- tan and Plunkett, the best friends that Ireland ever had, were too long mocked with the promise of this which never saw ful- fillment. O'Connell spurned the offer. Nothing short of unconditional religious freedom would satisfy him and his Irish now. A bill for granting such was in- troduced and passed. AVellington sought the signature of the king, and Europe's crowned buffoon, George the Fourth, said "No." On bended knee Duke Arthur begged his royal mas- ter to sign the bill so necessary for the welfare of the realm. George persisted. "But, my liege, you must," cried Wellington. .The king again said "No." "For the peace of England and the safety of your sub- jects, sign, I ask. ' ' The royal George said ' ' Never. ' ' "Ah, you must; you must. Ireland is a unit, is on the verge of war. Millions are they listening to s leader who has become the idol of the nation. Yea, even the trusted soldiers of your army cheer and follow him through the streets. Sign, my liege, it can't be helped." His royal highness seized the pen besmearing the docu- ment with his filthy signature, and then burst into tears. Tears. 0, merciful Master! Thou who knowest infinitely well the worth of every tear! What tears were here! What a picture of repentance might religion claim foTcver if such tears were only shed in sorrow for a sinful past. "He did not weep," said a gifted oi-ator of that day, "when he broke the heart of his poor wife, and declared her before the world to be untrue. He did not weep ai the ruin of every form of innocence that ever came before him, destroyed and polluted by his unholy touch. "He did not weep when he left Richard Brinsley Sheridan, his own friend, to die of starvation in a London garret. No. He had not tears to weep for the blaclr criminalities of a low, lewd life. He had no heart to feel. He was never known to weep in his life, save on the day that he was forced to sign the bill which emancipated a stricken people, and then the bloated voluptuary wept the devil's tears." And so, on April 10, 1829, one of the most important meas- REV. MICHAEL J. McKENNA 137 ares that ever engaged the attention of an earthly parliament, the liberty of Catholic conscience throaghout the empire, was added forever to the civil statutes of Great Britain. Emanci- pation for Catholic Ireland had been won. 'Twas the greatest of O'Connell's bloodless triumphs in all his battling with an empire — a victory that will remain forever th'i glory of his na- tion, an example to all persecuted peoples, and a warning henceforth to the governments of the world. As an Irish Catholic, 'Council now claimed the right to occupy a seat in the British parliament. He was refused. He'd know the reason. Ah, the lonely graveyards of his age-whipped country, the pathetic story of her blood -soaked soil for centur- ies, might eloquently tell the reason. Yet he contested his claim, and with success, not as a Catholic, nor as an Irishman, but as an Irish Catholic subject of the crown. 'Midst the hilarious shouts of the sea-divided Gael, the liberator had wrested from the Saxon parliament an- other victory. The British lords and commoners humbly ac- knowledged O'Connell's claim. As a British subject would he occupy a seat in ])roud St. Stephens; as an Irish Catholic would he represent the constituency of Clare. Ladies and gentlemen, in the foremost epics of the world, poetic genius has immortalized scenes not a whit more valor- ous than the conduct of the liberator on the day he entered par- liament. As a boy at school I learned of the valorous Greek Leon- idas,who, with 300 men and the advantage of position, dared to fight 10,000 at Thermopylae, but never was I told, save at my mother's knee, of a weaponless young Irishman, with no ad- vantage in his favor, braving, single-handed, all the millions of an empire. Gaze upon the picture for yourselves. There sat the haughty speaker,willing to favor Ireland's liberator with every- thing save respect. There were the imperious gouty lords who despised O'Connell's nationality, and hated O'Connell's creed. There, too, were the commoners of the realm, who frowned on the mob orator of the Irish hills and lii,<:hways, whose presence, they said, would soon cast odium upon the name of the British house, all of them ready to greet him with hisses for hurrahs, and jibes and jeers as their only sign of welcome to the new member from rebel Ireland. The speaker motioned O'Connell to advance, and requested him to take the oath. The liberator hesitated, looked about him for a moment. Full well he knew that in every man, per- hai)s, of that vast assembly, Ireland and Catholicism could 138 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD count an enemy, and himself not a single friend. Was lie abont to deal a blow to Ireland and her church that would mean to both eternal death in the mind of every Englishman that day present. He called on God to guide him. Turning to the chief officer of the house, O'Connell asked for a copy of the oath. Not a word. Not a murmur even among the benches. Every eye was riveted fast upon him. For some moments he perused the document, then, looking the speaker full straight in the eye, O'Connell virtually told him that as an Irish Catholic, not all the bayonets' of the British Army would make him take that oath. Drawing himself erect and glaring back defiance at that most bigoted of assemblies, he said: "That portion of this oath which states that the sacrifices of the Mass, the invocation of the blessed virgin Mary and her saints, as practised in the church of Eome, are impious and idolatrous, is false." And as such, though he were refused a seat in parlaiment forever, he would not take such an oath. What! An alien and a Papist express himself like this, and of words that were as dear to every Saxon present as his mother's grave! Even so. "I will not take this oath," O'Con- nell said, " 'Tis false." God bless the Englishmen who heard the liberator's words that day. To a man, they rose and cheered hhn as he left the house. "He's a man," they said, "a hero, who represents the val- or of a race; a soldier, the incarnation of his people; a warrior, whom oppression cannot down." O'Connell sought a re-election, was returned a second time for Clare. The government wisely took the hint, and to avoid further friction and perhaps of a far more fatal nature,set out at once to correct the libelous portion of the oath. O'Connell kept his word. He would not take that oath, he said, and he never did, as originally written, till the insulting features of it were erased clear and clean and forever from the statutes of Great Britain. And now begins the most brilliant portion of our story. 'Tis the story of a life, which, everything considered, from a hu- man point of view, was perhaps the most pathetic life that man had ever lived. 'Tis a period of something less than 20 years of individual effort, yet such an epoch in tJie history of events that to treat it rightly is worthy of an effort mightier for than any of which I am capable, and would require much more time than you could afford tonight. Face to face with the triumphant emancipator of his race, we REV. MICHAEL J. McKENNA 13 9 stand once more to watch liim now in his nnrivalecl agitation for repeal. 'Tis a story long and glorious, as it is lonely and disheartening to every Irishman. Let us touch upon it briefly. At an age when most men begin to look for quiet and re- tirement, O'Connell undertook the mightiest mission of his life. At 54, with all the buoyancy of seeming youth, and in full pos- session of such gifts that no statesman of his day or since has equaled, he began his famous struggl? for repeal. Eepeal of the union had been his great ambition since that memorable night, back in College green, when he 'oeheld craven statesmen barter away for Saxon favor the hopes and independence of his country. He was then a youth unknown, scorned as an Irishman, persecuted as a papist, but now a man full grown — the foremost subject of the realm — an emancipated Catholic with a seat in the British parliament and enjoying a name that was on the lips of men in well nigh every hamlet in the world. From the mob orator, whose words and manners would disgrace the Brit- ish house, he became the first orator of his age, the banner statesman of the empire, the parliamentarian par excellence among the states of Europe. His maiden effort before the British housa was pronounced a masterpiece worthy to live as long as the tongue in which ty- ranny had forced him that day to speak. Blessed by nature with the brow of a Jupiter, the stature of an Apollo, and a voice like the thundering Tlior, deep, resonant, and unrivaled sweet- ness that rose with an easy and melodious swell, he swayed at will beyond the telling, all the passions of a multitude. O'Connell aped no great orator of any parliament. True, he possessed not the finished philosophical mind of his gifted countryman, Edmund Burke, nor claimed he the charming dic- tion of Lord McCaullay, but in each, when necessity demanded, O'Connell outshone them both. No man of his generation could reason more powerfully, nor state a case more clearly. His logic was perfection; his language simple, often vigor- ous, always unadorned, yet pleasing ever; while the power of declination, never overdone, was so wonderful in the man that to describe it, even severest critics say, would be a failure. Even our own silver-tongiied American, Wendell Phillips, who had heard all the great orators of his time, among them Webster, Calhoun and Clay, went into ecstasy over O'Connell's oratory, and made him the peer of the Eoman Cicero. A fa- mous character, who could not tolerate even the presence of an Irishman, heard the liberator once, and exclaimed in rapture: 140 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD ''I have heard the orator of the age. That is the man and those are the lips that speak English the best in my day." And this, friends, was the man whom the legislative gen- tlemen of St. Stephens feared wonld mar the dignity and high standing of their respected honse. The man whose life deeds for 20 years tell the wonderful gtory of ' ' Eepeal. ' ' Ah, but they had to hear him only once, and how altogether taken back they were. They marveled at the wonderful power and trans]Darent workings of his mind. Spellbound they watched him wield the chisel of his genius with all the grace and ease of a master hew- ing his thoughts into images of sublime aud colossal grandeur. But if so gifted, why have we so few of O'Connell's speeches? Because bigoted men would not report him. When he arose, the incarnation of the Irish soul, a man full of fury to open the flaming battery of his scorn, invective and vituperation upon some member who had assailed his cause, his religion or his people, they listened but would not write, and though they did, the British journals would not print O'Connell's efforts. And so his speeches that would now stand out among the finest specimens in forensic oratory, masterpieces of parliamen- tary eloquence, have been lost to literature forever. Not as a parliamentarian, however, not as a statesman, nor as an orator, but as a leader of a people in their mighty fight for civil and re- ligious freedom will O'Connell live and be remembered during all the future ages of humanity. * ' The greatest leader that the world has ever known, ' ' was the magnificent eulogium of O'Connell by that eminent states- man, the English Gladstone. ''The greatest leader that the world has ever known," words spoken before the British par- liament, of the immortal agitator, as Gladstone yet recalled him standing on the very pinnacle of his glory, when nations world- wide styled him the great King Dan of Ireland. Though in ^^ears grown old, a man past 68, he still retained all the vigor of mind and displayed all the physical strength that he possessed as a man of 40. He stood in the foremost rank of statesmen, a power dreaded and detested with the wliigs of England in one hand, the tories in the other, making and breaking ministries as a parliamentary pastime. For the first time in 200 years that any Catholic held the office, he had just been made lord mayor of Dublin, In city after city throughout the island, the Irish flocked in countless thousands to salute and hear their chieftan. Con- temperaneous with these monster gatherings for repeal, another movement, the most stupendous morai revolution in the his- tory of the world, was taking place. REV. MICHAEL J. McKENNA 141 The vast assemblies who listened iu wild enthnsiasm to the liberator responded equally to the bnrning appeal of an elo- qnent friar, the immortal advocate of temperance, Fr. Mathew. Marching- behind O'Connell and repeal. Irish millions prondly held aloft as the nation's badge, the banner of total abstinence. At last the climax came, 'twas lady day in Angnst, '-tS^ and the place imiDerial Tara. It was the crowning day, and alas for the hopes of Ireland, the conclnding trimnph of the liberator's life. Celebrated victories had O'Connell won be- fore, victories in the conrts, victories in the senate, bnt never was there victory to compare with this. Picture him as best you can, the great King Dan of Ire- land, standing on the summit of Eoyal Tara and before him one vast human ocean, 800,000 of the flower of his nation's man- hood, for an audience. England deigned to grace the occasion in her usual way; 40,000 redcoats were on hand to quell the unruly Irish. Had she sent one redcoat only, history tells us now, one redcoat would have been sufficient. There was no disorder. Ah! But there might have been. O'Connell had but to raise a finger to resent this latest in- sult, and that day would have marked the beginning of a long and horrid war that England might have rued forever. To goad them on, he need but remind them of the memorable hill on which they stood — Tara. 0, what a flood of ancient memor- ies, what a storm of national sentiment would not the mention of that hill awaken in the minds and hearts of that vast human ocean. Tara, that old assembly place, where met Milesian chiefs with their unbeaten clans of imperial Erin. Eomautic Tara, where sang the bai'ds. Royal Tara, where live the kings. Catholic Tara, Avliere the apostle of the nation, Patrick, 1600 years before, with the weapon of the cross, had stormed the citadel of paganism and won over to the religion of the crucified the Irish race forever. Immortal Tara, with its checkered story of -tOOO years. O what harm national sentiment could have worked that day, what havoc O'Connell could have wrought on that occasion among those countless thousands of repealers. But no, they held their peace and looked toward Clontarf, where the last great meeting would be held. There was meth- od in O'Connell 's movements. ''Tara and the kings, Clontarf and the Danes." There were volumes, countless volumes, in those words. But 'Connell and his followers never met on that historic field. Parliament would not have it; England was afraid. The 142 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD outcome of Ireland's struggle for repeal as yet remains uncer- tain. Competent hands, however, laid the foundation long ago, and with perfect finish. Perhaps even now, despite strike and strife and religious hatred, despite the rancor of Ulster Orangemen and the atti- tude of unfriendly lords, even now, under the honest and great- hearted George V, the second crowned head in seven centuries kindly disposed toward Ireland, and with the aid of the Asquith government, will O'Connell's gorgeous edifice to Ireland be completed. However, let the outcome be as it may, one thing at least is certain, the magnitude and the grandeur which the liberator threw into his colossal agitation for repeal will make it conspicuous in history forever. Next came the monster trial in which the gray-haired chief tan was charged with the crime of treason. For well nigh 50 years England had tried to shatter the ambition of O'Con- nell. To defeat him legislative opposition had proved fruitless. 'Twas his boast, and he kept his word, he'd drive a coach and four through any act of the British parliament. Even Destere with his pistol and Orangemen with his poison, had not succeeded. Parliament had broken his purse, but never his hopes, by foul injustice. And now came the foul- est, the crudest and most cowardly aci: of all. Into their courts of so-called justice they dragged a cham- pion of British liberty and charged him, an aged man, with the crime of treason. Oh, Lord. Infinitely knowing and all just, what a charge was here. A man who l3ut a few days ])revious had bowed in meek submission before a shameful legislation, a man who might have marshaled his Irish millions upon that old historic battlefield, where their ancestors in ages past had met the Danes and driven them into the nearby sea; a man who, maddened by tyranny to the last, might have met his country- ment at Clontarf and inflamed their passions to unprecedented fury, telling them that the intolerable pressure of hopeless wrong was upon the nation; and then displaying all the povrer of his electric eloquence, might have staggered humanity with the command: "Century-long ill-treated countryment, dis- perse, kill, burn, destroy every vestige of civilization in your land; leave the entire island black and desolate; then, with no country left you, no hope, no home, and life itself a weary bur- den, turn for vengeance upon the age-long enemies of your creed and race, and wreck their blasted empire. ' ' But no. Till now he had bravely suffered every phase and form of wrong, cruelty, injustice, oppression from the stranger, ingratitude, insult and calumny from his own. One only ill re- REV. MICHAEL J. McKENNA 143 mained that lie might suffer for his country — imprisonmeut — and O'Connell went to jail for Ireland. The English House of Lords regretted the shameful action of the courts, and after three months' detention, nuUitied the sentence. The liberator came forth exonerated, but not the dashing, valorous Dan of old. , Notwithstanding he was still ac- knowledged the leader, more than ever the idol of the people. As if by miracle, he became of a sudden young again, strong, earnest, the vigorous man of old. As a victorious revolutionist who had changed the destiny of a people without blood or crime, he had thus far led his nation out of the house of religi- ous bondage, ^had led them on through all the perils of the stormiest sea of civil strife that the world has even known ; and now, reanimated with the hope that conies of God, and which bears with it success, as the heaven-appointed Moses of the Irish, the liberator of Ireland's faith set out with his people toward the promised land of civil freedom. He stood on the topmost crest of hope's high mountain. With confidence in God, he'd make one final eifort to obtain the nation's long-sought boon, civil freedom. He looked below, and to his discouragement and disgust, beheld the people in the valley committing their old-time sin, disunion. 0, that olden fault that has been so fatal ever to the Jiopes of Ireland and the happiness of Irishmen. Eebel captains had risen up in opposition to the peaceful plan and methods of the aged chief tan. The gentry wanted war; the peasantry to a man cried no, and adhered strictly to the principles of the liberator as the only means of success for Ireland. The olden tale of centuries l7"»ld once more anew — dissension, division, disunion, defeat — decripit now, dispirited and broken in his hopes, the old, unbeaten hero resigned his commission as leader of the fight. Meagher was as brave a soldier as ever drew a sword or donned a uniform; Davis as true a bard as ever touched the hTe to tune a nation's songs; Duffy was a patriot, McGee a scholar, but in their opposition to O'Connell, young Ireland did their country a cruel and lasting wrong. Tonight history writes their names as the leaders of a lost and fatal cause. The good chieftan was weary and alone. His personal struggle for repeal was over. His life as a man in public ended. Never again would he appear in the British arena as the un- lieaten warrior of his people to battle for their freedom; no more, save once, would he face his olden adversaries upon that historic floor. Not as the religious or political gladiator, facing the British lion in his fight for Go(i and countrv, but as a men- 144 THE CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION PERIOD dicant, yes, as such, his country's beggar, asking ahns of Al- bion — which brings up to the final point of our evening's story, that awful famine which laid Irekmd desolate, almost a univer- sal wake, in '-17. Old, haggard, pale, emaciated, the broken tribune stood before the house, but a picture of his former self. A faint smile crossed his face as he referred in a feeble voice to the memor able scenes of other days. Parliament wept; even coursing down the cheeks of those who were once his inveterate enemies might be seen that day the manly tear of grief and pity. Ah ! They need not fear him now He was the great '- Connell no more. In tones scarcely audible he spoke of the valor and the magnanimity of his people. He spoke of Trafal- gar and Badajoes, told them how Irish courage and Irish prow- ess had stayed the mad ambition of Napoleon to wreck the em- pire, once by land and again by sea. "They fought and won the battles of your empire, sirs. Now, famine is upon them. Millions are they starving; yes, countless thousands of my peo- ple clamoring for bread, are dying in the ditches. ' ' With tears streaming from his eyes, he begged rich England to he]]) poor Ireland in her awful hunger. — The Catholic Messenger, Worces- ter, Mass. John F. O'Connor John Francis O'Connor is a native of Worcester, Mass., son of John J. O'Connor and Johanna (Daly) O'Connor. He was educated in the Worcester piibhc schools, graduating from the Classical High School in 1879. He graduated from Holy Cross College in 1882. He was then appointed diocesan student to the College of the Propaganda in Rome, Italy, by the late Bishop O'Reilly. In 1884, he received the degree of A. M. from Holy Cross College. Mr. 'Connor served as representative in the Mas- sachusetts Legislature during the years 1885, 1886, and 1887, and while a member introduced the bill which provided for the establishment of evening high schools in Massachusetts. Mr. O'Connor was admitted to the Massachusetts Bar in 1888. He served for six years as a member of the Board of the Directors of the Worces- ter Public Library. During the years 1890, 1891, 1892, he was principal of the High School in Blackstone, Mass. In 1898, the year of the Spanish War, he was chosen by Post 10, G. A. R., to deliver the Memorial Day address at the soldiers monument upon the com- mon. He has been a teacher of English literature in the Worcester English High School since its opening in September, 1892. ^^■i-^-'Z^-i-f''X-' « iHift iFamto tn IBm 1846 — 1870 BY JOHN F. O'CONNOR A famous French author avows his preference for absohit- ism under certain circumstances, declaring it better to be ruled by one lion at a distance than by a pack of wolves at your door. The illustration is defective, inasmuch as it overlooks the hun- gry jackals that always attend the footsteps of such "lions;" yet, borrowing the figure, we deliberately affirm that the people of Ireland would have more to rejoice at than regret, were the most rigid despotism of the Orient substituted tomorrow for the monstrous mockery of "Constitutionalism" under which they are now strangled. A bold assertion to make; ridiculous, some will call it; but its literal truth is capable of the clearest de- monstration. For with the exception of a few measures, nota- bly the Land Act of 1903, from its earliest act to its latest, Eng- land's legislation for Ireland, has been what the Abolitionists with stinging brevity described negro slavery to be — "the sum of all villanies. ' ' Let me give a few quotations from pens which can scarcely be accused of any blind partiality toward Ireland: "The uniform policy of England has been to deprive Ire- land of the use of her own resources, and make her subservient to the interests and the opulance of the English people. ' ' — Wil- liam Pitt. "Ireland has been uniformly plundered and oppressed." — ■ Junius, "This is not the slander of Junius nor the candor of Pitt; it is history." — Chief Justice Bushe. "A union was the only means of preventing Ireland becom- ing too great and powerful." — Cooke. "England first denied Irishmen the means of improve- ment, and then insulted them with the imputation of barbar- ism. ' ' — Paulding. 146 THE FAMINE TO 187 ''The poor people in Ireland are vised ^orse than negroes by their lords and masters. "^ — Lord Chesterfield. ''What from the rapaeionsness of their unfeeling land- lords, and the restrictions on their trade, the Irish are the most wretched people on earth." — Lord Townshend. "I must say from all accounts and from my own observa- tion that the state of the Irish people in the parts I have named is worse than that of any people in the world.' — General Gor- don (1880). ' ' The land of Ireland, like the land of every other country, belongs to the people who inhabit it; and when the inhabitants of a country quit it in tens of thousands because the govern- ment does not leave them room to live in it, that government is already judged and condemned. ' ' — John Stuart Mill. "England has held for seven centuries to the lips of her sister Ireland a poisoned chalice. Its ingredients were the deepest contempt, the most unmeasured oppression, injustice such as the world hardly saw before." — Wendell Phillips. "Ireland is the most deplorable instance of modern his- tory that a great and noble people may, for centuries altogeth- er, be involved in the same injustice and infatuation, and all the highly praised forms of the Constitution be paralyzed by the force of passion and prejudice. Kings, Lords, and Com- mons have, alternately or simultaneously, wronged Ireland." — Von Eaumer. "Before you refer the turbulence of the Irish to incurable defects in their character, tell me if you have treated theui as friends and as equals. Have you protected their commerce? Have you respected their religion? Have you been as anxious for their freedom as your own? Nothing of all this. What then? Why, you have confiscated the territorial surface of the country twice over; you have massacred and exported her in- habitants; you have deprived four-fifths of them of every civil privilege; you have made her commerce and manufactures slav- ishly subordinate to your own. ' ' — Sydney Smith. *"Tlie whole scheme of L^nion goes upon the false and abom- inable presumption that we could legislate better for the Irish than they could do for themselves — a principle founded upon the most arrogant despotism and tyranny. There is not a more clear axiom in the science of politics than that man is his own natural governor, and that he ought to legislate for himself. We ought not to presume to legislate for a nation in whose feel- ings and affections, wants and interests, opinions and prejudic- es^we have no sympathy." — Charles James Fox. "The landlord may become a direct oppressor. He may JOHN F. O'CONNOR 147 care nothing for the people, and have no object but to squeeze the most that he can out of them. The Eussian government has been called despotism tempered with assassination. In Ireland landlordism was tempered by assassination. Ever}' circum- stance combined in that country to exasperate the relations between landlord and tenant. The landlords were, for the most part, aliens in blood and in religion. They represented conquest and confiscation, and they had gone on from genera- tion to generation with an indifference for the welfare of the people which would not have been tolerated in England or Scot- land. ' ' — Froude. ''The bujk of the Irish people are tenants, extremely poor, living in the most sordid wretchedness, in! dirty hovels of mud and straw, and clothed only in rags. Had I never been in the American colonies, but were to form my judgment of civil so- ciety by what I have lately seen, I should never advise a nation of savages to admit of civilization, for I assure you that in the possession and enjoyment of the various comforts of life, com- pared to these people, every Indian is a gentleman, and the ef- fect of this kind of civilization seems to be the depressing mul- titudes below the savage state, that a few may be raised above it." — Benjamin Franklin. "When, therefore, we of Irish blood, declare England's mis- rule of Ireland to be so unspeakably and atrociously cruel as to be unparalleled in the world's history, we arraign England only as she has been arraigned by the most eminent economists, historians and statesmen of the world, including many of her own distinguished sons. We are saying of her only what Bea- consfield, Bright and Gladstone have said of her. In brief we are arraigning her only as history arraigns her. We are simply telling the truth. I have thus far spoken only in a general way of England's maltreatment of Ireland. Let me now be more specific. What has been the general result to Ireland of the enforcd partner- ship of 1801 — that is, of British imperialism? I can reply to this question best by the test of comparison with other coun- tries. W^ien the act of union was passed Ireland had one-half the population of Great Britain, three-and-a-quarter times that of Scotland, ten times that of Whales, and five times that of Lon- don. Today her population is about one-eighth of that of Great Britain, twenty thousand less than Scotland, two and a half times that of Wales, and about two millions less than that of greater London. Going beyond the bounds of the United Kingdom, we find a similar progress in population in all the small nations of Eu- 148 THE FAMINE TO 1870 rope, without a single exception. Holland, Belgium, Norway^ Sweden, Switzerland, Bavaria, Portugal, Greece, have added more than fifty per cent to their respective populations during the last fifty years. While these small states have thus in- creased their populations, through the guardian care of nation- al liberty, Ireland, under the evil influence of an alien rule, has lost a hundred per cent of her people. In this respect she stands in a unique position among civilized lands, there being, in fact, no parallel in the history of Christian nations for the steady and deadly drain of population away from a country blessed by nature with resources capable of sustaining three times the present number of the inhabitants of Belgium. This, however, is only half the indictment of the alien rule. As a direct result of this fatal weakening of Ireland's vital en- ergies, both the birth-rate and the marriage-rate of the country are now near the lowest of any nation in Europe. There is, likewise, an alarming increase of insanity among the diminish- ing numbers; a fact also due to the emigration of the more vir- ile of the people, leaving the physically impoverished behind to carry on the racial functions of human development. As a further comment upon all this decay and retrogression, a com- bined national and local taxation, which amounted to a total of $10,000,000 a year under an Irish parliament, with a population equal to that of today, is now, as a result of a hundred years of England's government, over $60,000,000 annually, an increase of six hundred per cent. On the top of all this, there is the fact that there is far more pauperism in the country today than there was thirty years ago, when Ireland had two more millions of people. Add to this the humiliating admission that her pop- ulation is the worst educated in the British Isles, and we have a brief summary of what Ireland owes to English rule. What is the remedy? This question Michael Davitt thus answers: ''There is no hope for Ireland under such govern- ment — absolutely none — any more than there is for a person into whose blood an insiduous poison has been infused and who is denied the effective remedy which would counteract the dead- ly fluid. We must, therefore, demand the remedy that can alone save our country from national death. Nationhood, and that only — the full, free, and unfettered right of our people to rule and govern themselves in everything concerning the do- mestic laws, peace, and welfare of Ireland — is what we must demand and work for henceforth, if England's callous selfish- ness is not to be allowed to carry out and to complete the ruin it has already but consummated." These clarion words of one of the greatest, noblest, and JOHN F. O'CONNOR 149 most beloved of Ireland's patriotic sons, it is needless to say, the entire Irish race enthusiastically endorses and passionately applauds. For what Irishman or son of an Irishman is there whose heart does not bleed when he reads these pathetic words of Lady Wilde, so gTaphically descriptive of the present tragic state of Ireland ? ''Ireland rests, 'mid the rush of progression, Like a frozen ship in a frozen sea. And the changeless stillness of life's stagnation Is worse than the wildest waves could be Eending the rocks eternally." ''When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then and not until then let my epitaph be written!" were the dying words of the martyred Eobert Emmet. Who of Irish blood so base that he does not ardently hope and fervent- ly pray that that epitaph shall one day be written? I am to tell you tonight a story of man's inhumanity to man so appalling that it seems incredible. For I am to tell you the frightful story of Irish tenant-slavery and of Irish landlord tyranny. Negro slavery was a terrible thing, but Irish tenant slavery was a still more terrible thing. Xo tyranny that the world has ever known surpassed in savagery the tyranny of Ir- ish landlordism: If this seems to anyone the language of exag- geration I ask him to suspend judgment until he hears my story. If then he say that I have exaggerated, I will not only recall my words, but will humbly apologize to him for having transcended the langiiage of truth. What is the explanation of this Satanic oppression, through- out seven long centuries, of the Irish people? Xo fair-minded person can reach any other conclusion than that what Mr. Froude terms a mission of civilization was simple a colossal scheme of spoliation and land-piracy. ''Eooting-out" is the quaint and suggestive name which James the First's Attorney- General gives it. The word briefly and happily expresses the animus of British rule in Ireland for seven hundred years. Xo doubt some will find it hard to believe that a professed- ly Christian nation set to work deliberately and systematically to extirpate the people of another. Xevertheless it is the liter- al, naked truth. How to secure the spoiler and exterminate the rightful occupant of the soil is the problem to which English statesmen have bent their energies from the time of Henry 11 to the time of Edward VII. Tlie "rooting-out" process has gone pitilessly on for centuries — at one time hastened by fire, 150 THE FAMINE TO 1870 sword, and gibbet, at another by the slower tortnre of savage laws, again by the crushing pressure of artificial famine — but an indestructible seed has always survived. Fix your gaze on any intermediate date from 1172 to 1903: you may note differences in the machinery employed, but the functions it performs are forever the same. It may be Henry II 's edicts of outlawry and cantonments, or the swords of bandit barons, or Henry VIII 's grim statutes, or Elizabeth's pacification of fire and steel, or the plantings of the Stuarts, or Cromwell's butcheries and transportings, or the hellish malice of the penal code, or the Hessian infamies of '98, or the famines, evictions, and coercion- acts of Victoria; — amid them all there is one constant element: the rooting-out process never halts or slacks. Most assuredly, then, the British government has had one fixed principle, one settled policy, in its treatment of Ireland; and that is — the extermination of the Irish race. And never did it more fiendishly pursue that policy than during the last half of the nineteenth century, as the steadily dwindling popu- lation of Ireland conclusively proves. The population of Ire- land was in 1841 about 8,200,000. Today it is only 4,375,000. It should be at least 16,000,000. These figures tell a story of op- pression more brutal than any other recorded in the world 's an- nals. Alluding to the incontrovertible fact that Ireland 's popula- tion has melted away at the rate of a million in every ten years since 1847, Lady Wilde cries out: A million a decade! What does it mean? A nation dying of inner decay; A churchyard's silence where life has been; The base of the pyramid crumbling away; A drift of men gone over the sea — A drift of the dead where men should be! Beholding the annual mournful exodus of the evicted Irish tenants, the London Times, in May, 1858, indignantly ex- claimed: ''For generations the proprietors of the land in Ire- land have been Spartans among a helot peasantry — almost planters among negro slaves." I shall treat of that period of Irish history which we have now reached under these topics: The Famine, the Young Ire- land Insurrection, the Great Evictions and Depopulation, Brit- ish Legislation, the Tenant Right League, and the Fenian In- surrection. JOHN F. O'CONNOR 151 THE FAMINE In ancient and mediaval times, such famines as those which occurred in the nineteenth century were unknown in Ireland. Meat and fish, corn and vegetables, fruit and honey supplied the rich. The mass of the people lived chiefly on porridge, or stirabout, a wholesome food made from oatmeal, and usually eaten with milk. The partial famines which arose during the Danish wars were caused by the Danes themselves, who plun- dered and spoiled and murdered, destroying the people as well as their food ; and it was war also which caused the famine dur- ing the invasion of Edward Bruce. When Munster was desolated during the Desmond war (1580-1583), and Ulster laid waste by Mountjoy in his cam- ]5aigns against Tyrone, crops were intentionally destroyed, for in each case the invader invoked the aid of hunger to subdue his opponents. In a similar spirit, the Cromwellian soldiers went forth with scythes and Bible, to cut down ripening Papist corn lest the resistance of the Papist might be prolonged. And the famines which desolated Ireland periodically from 1725 to 17-40, and with fearful consequences in the latter year, nearly a fifth of the population being swept away, naturally resulted from the movement to consolidate farms, involving, as it did, the eviction of thousands of persons from their homes. The famine of 1821-22 was caused by floods, which over large areas destroyed the growing crops. The partial famines of 1831, '35, '36, '37, and '42 were caused by evictions for rent. In not one of all these famines, did the calamity arise from the sudden and unexpected failure of a crop on which the people mainly relied, and which had been sown in sufficient quantity for their needs. In 1845, the landlords were still as grasping, the laws as unjust, the Government as unsympathetic, the skies as change- able as of old. But in that year, for the first time in Ireland, the potato was attacked by a mysterious disease, which, inde- pendently of landlordism or law or cai^ricious climate, was suf- ficient to precipitate a national calamity. Up to the famine of 1740, oatmeal continued for the masses to be the staple article of diet. But Sir Walter Raleigh, at the end of the sixteenth century, had introduced the potato from Virginia. It did not, however, become at once popular. It was not sown extensively throughout the seventeenth century, and even in the first quarter of the eighteenth century corn contin- ued to supply food to the nation. But the evictions and conse- quent famines of the second quarter of the eighteenth century 15 2 THE FAMINE TO 1870 • effected a change. The miserable patches of land on which so many of the people were now compelled to live, if planted with corn, could not produce sufficient food for a family, and the scanty and ill-paid labor of the occupiers would not enable them effectually to supplement their food-supply. But if potatoes were sown instead of com, hunger might be kept from the poor man's door. Except rice, the potato is the cheapest food for sustaining human life. The ordinary ])roduce of an Irish acre will feed a family of eight for a year, while at least two acres planted with corn would be required. The lat- ter, too, was subject to tithes, but the potato was not. Under these influences, it grew in favor, until in 1750 potato-culture had so completely supplanted corn, that for nine months of the year potatoes and milk were everywhere the food of the y>ooy. The multiplication of J:Os. freeholds, following the Catholic Re- lief Act of 1793, added enormously to the number of very small tenants, and in consequence enormously increased the number of those dependent on the potato; and when in 1845, their one resource failed, millions were face to face with hunger. The blight, as it came to be called, first showed itself in Germany, then in Belgium, in 1842; after which it appeared in Canada in 1844, and in the next year in Great Britain and Ire- land. In' the latter country, it was first seen about the middle of September in Wexford. Thence it marched with invisible tread all over the land, poisoning the peasant's potato fields with the fatal breath of the simoon. The stalks, till then green and healthy and loaded with blossoms, crumpled and withered beneath its touch ; the leaves looked as if acid had been sprink- led upon them; the burned spots grew larger until leaves and stalks were decayed; and the fields, lately vigorous with vege- table life, became a putrid mass of vegetable matter. When the potatoes were dug up, it was found that the fatal disease had penetrated beneath the soil and that a large part of the crop was rotten. AVorse than all, when the sound potatoes, having been separated from the unsound ones, were deposited in the pits and the pits after a time opened, it was seen that the blight had entered, and laying its awful hand on the sound potatoes, had rendered them unfit for human food. The ])eas- ant, with blanched face, saw his food thus disappear, and as he looked at his children, shivering with fear at what they saw, and as he thought of the many months before him during which the potato was his and their only resource, he was filled with terror and dismay. The extent of the damage varied according to the district. In some districts the potatoes were all but com])letely de- JOHN F. O'CONNOR 153 stroyed, in others but little affected; but taking the country as a whole, it was calculated that at least one-half of the crop was ruined, a loss which equalled $-15,000,000. By 1846, the threatened famine in Ireland had become an awful reality. In Clare, many people were starving; near Lim- erick, not even a rotton potato was left; in Kilkenny, three- fourths of the inhabitants had not three days' provisions; and ^11 this as early as April. In May, there was not a potato with- in twenty miles of Clonmel; provisions had reached famine prices; and in Galway, potatoes were selling at six-pence a stone, and even half of those sold were unfit for food. By the month of June, 51,000 were in the workhouses; and before that by the rustic beauty, with quivering lips and tearful eyes. The seed obtained with such difficulty and with such sacrifice was 'duly sown, and up to the end of July all promised well. But again the blight fell, and tlie potato crop all over the land be- came its victims. Not half the crop, as in 1815, but the whole crop was thus suddenly blotted out of existence. Gazing at his rotting potato fields, the afflicted peasant bowed his head in an- guish and looked to the future without hope. It would be a low estimate to put the loss at $100,000,000, and it has been put at twice that amount — a calamity to which even the chequered history of Ireland was unable to furnish a parallel. Women and children, half-naked and perishing with cold, swarmed over the turnip fields, devouring the turnips raw, while the little children looked on screaming with hunger. Starving and menacing crowds paraded the streets demanding work and food; deaths from starvation began and continued; the clergy and dispensary doctors were worn out attending the sick and dying; coroners' inquests became frequent with "died from starvation" as their verdicts; and Mitchel calculates that in 1816 "not less than 300,000 perished either of mere hunger or of typhus fever caused l)y hunger. ' ' The year of 1816 thus closed in darkness and gloom, but in the new vear the a'loom deepened and the horrors were greater still. The famine still marched in triumph over the land, and ev- 154 THE FAMINE TO 1S70 ery clay fresh victims were offered up to satisfy its insatiable demands. Peo]>le died in the cities and in the towns, even in Dublin and Belfast and Cork and Limerick, as well as in the country districts; they died in the fiekls, they died at the pub- lic works and on the way to the Government depots for food; they died at the workhouse door vainly seeking for admission; they died in the workhouses themselves, where fever and dysen- tery, following- on famine, did what famine was unable to do. In (Jork Workhouse, forty-five died in a single day; in the South Dublin Union, 700 were down with dysentery; in Westport Union, of thirty-three annointed in one day by the priest, only three were living on the following day. Weakened with hunger or sick with fever or dysentery, they lay down in their cabins, without a bed to lie on, without food or fire, often without clothes. In one house, seventeen persons were found lying together in fever. A young man was found lying in fever by the side of his brother, dead for three days, and of his sister, dead for five days. A mother putting her five children to bed at night found some of them dead with hunger in the morning; and often, when all but one of a family had died, the survivor barred up the doors and windows of his little cabin to kee]3 out the dogs and pigs, and then lay down dying amidst the dead. Car-drivers passing along saw corpses on the road and often drove over corpses at night. A father and son dying of hunger, the survivors of the family, unable to buy a candle, kept up a light during the night by pulling tlie thatch off' the house and setting it on fire. Funerals ceased to be attended. The afflicted father brought the dead bodies of his children to the graveyard alone; corpses were often tied up in straw and thus buried, or were not buried at all and were eaten by rats and dogs; coffins became a luxury, and in Skib- bereen and elsewhere hinged coffins were used, one body after another being brought to the grave in the same coffin. Coron- ers were unequal to the task of holding so many inquests, and often when inquests were held, the jury, enraged at what they saw, brought in a verdict of wilful murder against Lord John Eussell, the then prime minister of England. Thousands of others died in their homes or on the roads and not only of fever but also of dysentery, dropsy and small- pox; and Mitchel's estimate is that in 1847 half a million died of famine and disease. To foreign countries and the Colonies there had been from 1831 to 1841 a continuous stream of emigration, a yearly aver- age of 43,000; the numbers increased in the years that followed, until, in 1846, 106,000 left Ireland for foreign countries, besides. JOHN F. O'CONNOR 155 278,000 landed at Liverpool. But in 1847, all previous records were beaten. The crowds whom eviction and the Poor Law had made homeless, being unable to pay the passage across the At- lantic, crossed to England, All were poor, some nnable to work, many already in fever; and while the English workmen dis- liked to have the English labor market thus flooded by Irish exiles, the English ratepayers disliked having so many thrown on the rates and so many in the hospitals and elsewhere to spread disease. The Government took alarm, and an Order in Council was issued imposing stringent quarantine regulations; shipping companies were also induced to raise the rates for deck passages ;*and these measures all but closed Great Britain to Irish emigrants. Scraping together the little money they could gather, or helped by the landlords, who were delighted to get rid of them, thousands then turned their faces to the setting sun, and everj^ vessel which left Ireland for Canada and. the United States was filled with Irish, fleeing from famine and disease. Once em- barked fresh horrors were in store for them. The vessels were crowded, the ventilation defective, the food scant and un- healthy, the water impure, medical attendance wanting; and soon, generated by unsanitary conditions or perhaps carried on board by some passenger, fever broke out, and the ships be- came so many charnel-houses. Of 493 who sailed on the Erin Queen, 136 died on the voyage; on the Avon, 246 out of 552; on the Virginia, 267 out of 476; and on another vessel not named, out of 600 only 100 survived. And when the survivors landed on American soil they landed only to die. Along the banks of the St. Lawrence were to be found "one unbroken chain of graves where repose father and mother, sisters and brothers^ in a commingled heap, no stone marking the spot." In 1848, there was only a partial failure of the potato crop. But for many this availed little. Thousands, being barred from relief if they held more than a rood of land, voluntarily surrendered their farms. Many thousands more were ruthlessly evicted by their landlords. Such was the etfect of these co- operating causes, that within one year 70,000 occupiers with their families, that is 500,000 persons, were rooted out of the land. What the landlords wished was to consolidate farms, and while the number of holdings under thirty acres were thus di- minished, thosei over thirty acres were increased. These land- less and hopeless men, seeking admission to the workhouses, found them full. Wandering aimlessly about, they were im- prisoned under the Vagrancy Act.- Stricken with fever, they found the fever hospitals choked with patients to such an ex- 156 THE FAMINE TO 1870 tent that in 1847 alone 156,000 patients were admitted to the fever hospitals. In the midst of sncli horrors, the living began to envy the dead, for the dead had ceased to suffer while the living had their sufferings still to go through. Many lived on cabbage and a little meal; others on cabbage and seaweed; in Mayo men lived on turnips, and some on ass and horse flesh, even when diseased ; others on grass and turf, and in one case a woman ate her dead child. Men worked on the roads without shoes, wo- men were almost naked, children with nothing to cover them but an old shirt and ragged waistcoat; and this while the blasts of winter blew. On his journey to Donegal, Mr. Foster noted that pigs and poultry had disappeared; the dogs had been killed; the people had a sickly livid color; the children had ceased to play, and reduced to skeletons by hunger, they had lost the freshness of youth, and were like weazened old men. Some of the resident landlords were doing their best to re- lieve suffering, but the absentees, with a callousness which it would be luird to equal and impossible to surpass, remained unmoved, and to the relief funds not one penny did they sub- scribe. The law allowed them — and shame for Parliament that it did — to seize for rent; and in the midst of hunger and horror, bailiff's and agents supported by police, laid hands on every- thing. They seized the people's sheep and cattle and oats, or their scanty furniture, or the potatoes grown from seed given in charity. They turned the people out-of-doors, levelled their cabins or set them on fire, and sent their starving tenants adrift without money or clothes, with the result that in the Barony of Erris 6,000 died of famine in a single year. ''I have visited," said Mr. Tuke, "the wasted remains of the once noble Red Man on his reservation grounds in North America, and explored the 'Negro Quarter' of the degraded and enslaved Africans, but never have I seen misery so intense, or physical degradation so complete as among the dwellers in the bog holes of Erris." In 1848 occurred the Young Ireland Insurrection, but as 1 intend to speak of this event more fully hereafter, I shall only state here that it tragically failed, and that, as a result of it, all the prominent nationalist leaders were either in prison or in exile. In 1849, the sufferings of Ireland were greater than in any previous year except 1847. Within twelve months the landlords dispossessed half a million of persons, and with such heartless- ness and cruelty that except England, the whole world was hor- rified. Fever added its victims; in this year cholera first ap- peared, killing 36,000. The total deaths "from famine and dis- JOHN F. O'CONNOR 15T ease in tliis year reached 240,000. During all this time, the tide of emigration continued to flow. In 1847, 215,000 emigrated and almost the same number in 1818, '19, and '50. In 1851,, when the famine was over, 257,000 left Ireland. In the latter year, the population was brought down from 8,200,000 in 1811 to 6,500,000. According to official estimate, it should have been 9,000,000. Ireland had lost in ten years 2,500,000! A million had emigrated! A million and a half had perished from famine and fever! And O'Connell's prediction that a fourth of the population would be lost was fulfilled! Said John IMitchel : ' ' Now, that million and a half of men, women, and children were carefully, prudently, and peacefully slain by the English government. They died of hunger in the midst of abundance which their own hands created. In 1817 alone, food to the value of $216,790,000 was grown in Ireland^ according to the statistical returns for that year. For it was only the potato crop that had failed. It is on record that some of the food laden ships, speeding on their voyage of mercy to the Irish shores passed on their way other ships laden with Irish produce from the same shores to England, with the ex- ported fruits of Irish toil and land, to be turned into rent for the Irish landlords in the English market." Says Michael Davitt: "There is probably no chapter in the wide records of human suffering and wrong so full of shame — measureless, unadulterated shame — as that which tells us of a million and a half of people, lying down to die in a land out of which forty-five millions' worth of food was being ex]iorted in one year alone for rent, the product of their own toil, and making no effort, combined or otherwise, to assert even the animal's right of existence, the right to live by the necessities of its nature. It stands unparalleled in human history, with nothing approaching to it in the complete surrender of all the ordinary attributes of manhood by almost a whole nation in the face of an artificial famine. ' ' Said Archbishop Hughes: "I fear there is blasphemy in charging on the Almighty the result of human doings. The famine in Ireland, like the cholera in India, has been for many years indigenous. But in the present instance it has attracted the attention of the world, and they call it God's famine. Yet the soil has produced its usual tribute for the support of those for whom it was cultivated. But political economy, finding Ire- land too poor to buy the product of its own labor, exported that harvest to a 'better market,' and let the people die of famine or live by alms. "Still the rights of life are dearer and higher than the 158 THE FAMINE TO 1870 rights of property. There is no law of Heaven, no law of na- ture, that forbids a starving man to seize on bread wherever he can find it even though it should be the loaves of propiti- ation on the altar of God's temple. But I say to those who maintain 'the inviolable rights of property,' if they would have them respected, to be careful also and scrupulous in recogniz- ing the rights of humanity. Let us be careful, then, not to blas- j)heme Providence by calling this God's famine!" Said Isaac Butt: ''Let any man tell me the difference be- tween an expulsion of the whole population of the highland re- gions of Glenveigh by a squadron of Cromwell's troopers in 1650 and an expulsion of its population in 1850 by the man who has inherited or purchased Cromwell's patent. The very 'pomp and circumstance' are the same. Military force ejects the peo- IDle now as it would have done then. The bayonets of the sol- diery drive now as they did then the old population from their homes. Cruel men come now as they would have done then, and, ami-d the wailing of women and the cries of children, level the humble habitations that have given shelter to the simple dwellers in that glen. What, I ask, is the difference? By what mockery of all justice and truth can we call the one the act of inhuman conquest, the other the legitimate exercise of the sa- cred rights of property with which no one is to interfere F Where is the difference to the evicted family? Where is the difference to the mother that leads away her starving children from the home where her toil had found them bread? What is a 'clear- ance' such as this but the extermination of military conquest l^ut in force under the forms of law? Let us consider the effect of the evictions upon the evicted peoj^le. To what were they to turn? The sentence that drives them from the land, to what doom does it consign them? It is the deprivation of the means of life. To them, it is the sentence of death ! "Enough to say that if in those twenty years all the hor- rors of a real and actual war of conquest — all the worst horrors of a civil war and insurrection — had swept over Ireland, fewer hearths had been desolated and fewer families been brought to beggary and to ruin. An actual war would have brought with it its compensations. Deeds of daring would have left some memories to become traditions of the historic past. Deeds of generosity and charity would have tempered even the atroci- ties of fierce passion. Heroism and self-devotion would have redeemed the crimes and the bloodshed of the battle-field. Dis- ci]3line and self-denial would have purified and elevated the character of a nation. Ireland has endured all that constitutes the agony of the conflict and more, far more, than the degrada- JOHN F. O'CONNOR 159 tion and misery of defeat. These are the things which ahnost jnstify the reasoning- of those who argne that it were ])etter for the peasantry of Ireland to risk all in one wild and mad insur- rection than wait to be wasted away by the slow combustion of suppressed civil war; that all the misery which even an unsuc- cessful revolt could bring upon them were better and lighter than these which a tame submission to the present svstem en- tails." Says Clancy: ^'It is a matter of conspicuous record that Ireland lost more lives through the single agency of famine in 1846, '47, and '48, than America lost in the most desperate civil war of history; or that Europe lost during all the wars of Na- poleon ; but very few persons are aware that such visitations in Ireland are not merely occasional, nor even periodic, but liter- ally constant in greater or less degree, so that the people stand perennially on the verge of starvation. In 1832, Bishop Doyle, being asked what was the condition of the west of Ireland, re- plied: '' People are starving there as usual." In 1835 a royal commission estimated at three millions the number annually liable to suffer in Ireland from sheer hunger. Of every subse- quent year, down to the present, substantially similar testimony has been given by unimpeachable witnesses. English politicians and publicists have elaborated two in- genious theories to account for this unnatural condition. One party holds that it is due to ''surplus population," while the other shifts the blame to "a special visitation of Providence." The latter explanation is blasphemous, as both are false. Sir Eobert Kane has proven, beyond all chance of doubt or cavil, that the natural resources of the island are easily capable of supporting twenty million human beings in comfort. Other competent judges, including De Beaumont and Alison, place the figure far higher. Hence the theory of "surplus popula- tion" is mere cant and rubbish. In the next place, when English writers have the audacity to affirm that the famine of 1847 (or of any other year) was ''providential," they try to make the Almighty a scajDegoat for what was positively and directly the crime of England. In ev- ery other country, Perraud well observes, the word "famine" means absolute want of the necessaries of life; but in Ireland it signifies that when the cultivator has sold his corn and cattle to pay rents and taxes, then, should the potato-crop fail, he finds himself suddenly reduced to a fare of wild herbs and grass, which do not long ward oif the famine fever. In other lands self-preservation is the first law of nature. In Ireland there is a special law: First, and above all things, pay your 160 THE FAMINE TO 1870 rent, your cess, your rates, your taxes; if anything remain, live on't; if nothing remain, lie down and rot! Thus it was that with a teeming abundance of food around them — product of Nature's bounty and their own sweat — whole armies of the Irish race perished of starvation in the ''glorious reign" of Victoria. How many more hundred thousands would have perished, but for the generous charity of other lands, it is impossible to conjecture. The people of America, of France, the Pope, the Czar, the Sultan, the distant "despots" of Asia and Africa, the very negro slaves — all combined to do for Ire- land what her ''constitutional" rulers refused to do, namely, to keep her people alive. "YOUNG lEELAND" O'Connell founded the Repeal Association in 1840. But for a long time the Association made no progress. O'Connell spoke as a great orator and a great Irishman, but he spoke to a nation that would not heed and that was reluctant even to lis- ten. On every side there was doubt, hesitation, apathy, and in- difference. Yet this wonderful old man of sixty-six did not de- spair in the midst of so much depression and gloom. Patiently, perseveringly, and with grim tenacity, he continued his efforts. At last his patience was rewarded. In the autumn of 1842 three remarkable young men joined the Repeal Association and often attended its sparsely-attended meetings. These were Thomas Osborne Davis, John Blake Dillon and Charles Gavan Duffy. Davis and Dillon were barristers, but with little prac- tice. Duffy had been assistant editor of a Dublin paper, and still later editor of a paper in Belfast. Davis was the oldest, and was but twenty-eight years of iage, having been born in Mallow; Dillon was from Connaught; Duffy was an Ulsterman. The two latter were Catholics; Davis was a Protestant, and in intellect- ual power, in force of character, in capacity, for leadership, he was the ablest of the three. He was a poet, a philosopher, an historian, a man who read much and thought much, tolerant, kindly, forbearing, with broad human sympathies and a pas- sionate love for Ireland. Duffy had much of the practical good sense of his native Ulster — fine natural talents and a consider- able power of literary expression. In this latter respect Dillon, was his inferior, though his intellect was of a very high order. His motives were of the purest, his nature without guile, his ambition only to serve Ireland. The sufferings of his poorer countryment went to his heart, and he longed to strike down the power which oppressed them. No more lovable character, JOHN F. O'CONNOR 161 none more resi^ectecl, none more miselfisli or courageous ap- l^eared in the public life of his time than John Dillon. All three — Davis especially — had profound admiration for O'Connell. But they disapproved of some of his methods and some of his policy. Equally distrustful of both English, par- ties, these young men favored more toleration in Ireland, so that by conciliation and forbearance all Irishmen might act together in demanding their rights from England, and not in the whining language of a beggar but in the manlier accents of the freeman. They wanted Irishmen to cultivate self-respect and self-reliance, to take a pride in their past, to recall the far distant times T^ien Ireland was the School of the Yv est, to learn the lesson that by disunion they had lost and by union every- thing could be won. To give utterance to these thoughts a newspaper was nec- essary, and in the summer of 184-2 Davis, Dillon and Duffy, un- der the shelter of an elm tree in the Phoenix Park, determined to found a newspaper. Duft'y was named its editor, and the first number of the Nation was published in October, 18-12. Its motto was 'Ho create and foster public opinion in Ireland and make it racy of the soil." Its vigor and freshness of style, its thoughtfulness, its manly tone, were new in Irish journalism. From its pages thousands of Irishmen learned for the first time of Colnmbkille and Columbanus, of Duns Scotus and Erigena, of Bangor and Lismore. They were able to follow in the foot- steps of the Wild Geese, to see Sarsfield fall at Landen, Mahony hold Cremona, and Lally charge at Fontenoy; or again to sit with Colgan in his study at Louvain. They learned something of Irish music, of Irish eloquence, of Irish valor; they learned to interpret the rath and dun, the broken arch and the ivy-clad ruin. And learning so much, they lifted up their heads and were proud of the land in which they were born. To the young men especially the new ]iaper appealed, and in the University, in Maynooth, in the colleges and schools, it was welcomed with enthusiasm. In the country towns, in the farmers' homes it was read; and by the light of the village forge the smith paused from his anvil, and the villagers gath- ered round, while some one read out from the columns of the newly-arrived Nation its tales, its historical sketches, its stir- ring appeals. The Times and Quarterly Review recognized its literary ability. Irish exiles abroad sent their congratulations, foreign newspapers bade it welcome, and its articles were cop- ied into American newspapers all over the United States. Un- der its influence the Re]:>eal Association grew rapidly, its meet- ings full, its weekly rent coming in by hundreds of pounds, and 162 THE FAMINE TO 1870 thus did a newspaper succeed where even the great agitator so far had failed. To the young generation of political thinkers who sympa- thized with the doctrine of the Nation, the name ''Young Ire- land" was given. ''At the head of this party," says Savage, "blazed a galaxy of genius — poets, orators, scholars, writers, and organizers." The sun and center of the galaxy, for too brief a day, was Thomas Davis. Around him circled a brilliant constellation of young, ardent, gifted, and patriotic Irishmen. With the aid of "The Nation" and the Yoimg Irelanders, 0'- Connell aroused and united Ireland as she had never been aroused and united before. In proof of the truth of this state- ment, I need only mention the monster gatherings of Tara and Clontarf. But unfortunately this union was not destined to last. To the horror of the famine, another terrible woe was added, that of factional strife. TIIF. YOUNG lEELAND INSUREECTION To still further dishearten the afflicted people, the popular leaders were at war. At the death of Davis in 1845, the nominal leader of the Young Irelanders was Smith O'Brien, but the real leader had since become John Mitchel. He was a solicitor, and an Ulster Presbyterian, and like Wolfe Tone seems to have al- ways hated England. He had considerable literary capacity, took Carlyle as his model and imitated him with success, and was as bold, as blunt, and as outspoken as his master. He had little sympathy with O'Connell's peaceful agitation, and none at all with his constant preaching of the doctrine that in no case should there be spilling of blood; and he regarded the re- newed alliance of 'Connell and Lord John Eussell with undis- guised hatred and contempt. Absolutely fearless, he would have held the meeting at Clontarf in defiance of Government, would have broken down the bridges behind the troops as they left the city, and captured the city itself; and when the ])eople were dj'ing of famine in 1846, he would have seized the peo- ple's corn, which, to pay the landlord's rent, was borne from the Irish shores on every outward-flowing tide. By 'Connell these views were abhored. He wished to re- main on good terms with Lord John Eussell, wished the Eepeal Association to be in everything loyal and peaceful, and in July, 1846, he proposed a series of resolutions pledging the members against physical force not only in the present but for the fu- ture, no matter what contingency might arise. He was answer- ed in a speech of extraordinary eloquence by a young recruit JOHN F. O'CONNOR ,163 to the Young Ireland Party, Thomas Francis Meagher, and as neither side would give way, and there was no one like Davis strong enough to make peace, the Young Irelanders, headed by Smith O'Brien, left Conciliation Hall and set up the Irish Con- federation. Henceforth, says Mitchel, the Repeal Association was of no use except to obtain offices for the friends of O'Con- nelL Meanwhile, repelled from the workhouses, debarred from crossing to England, unable to reach America, made vagrants by evictions and punished as such by Act of Parliament, the homeless at home grew desperate, and through the autumn and winter outrages were common. Landlords, agents, bailiffs, magistrates and police fell victims to popular wrath, and rarely were the assailants brought to Justice. Parliament was sum- moned in November, but instead of the evictor's hand being stayed, the old specitic for Irish disaffection was again tried, and a Coercion Bill was soon passed into law. But disaffection continued and increased. Mitchel openly advocated violence, resolved to cross the path of the British car of conquest even though it should crush him to atoms. Unable to carry with him the Irish Confederation, he seceded from it ; unable to persuade the Nation newspaper, he established the United Irishman, and in its columns urged that the corn leaving the country to pay rents should be forcibly detained to feed the hun- gry. Under the influence of Mitchel 's teaching, Sarsfield Clubs were formed, arms were purchased, pikes manufactured, men were enrolled and drilled and studied the tactics of guerilla warfare. Before the new year had advanced far, his hands "^ere strengthened by the events which occurred in England and on the Continent. The English Chartists demanding man- hood suffrage, vote by ballot, annual Parliaments, pa^ineut of members and other things, and finding that Parliament per- sistently refused their demands, now menaced Parliament with force. In France, Louis Philippe was dethroned; the Austrians were driven from Italy; there were uprisings' in Rome and Vi- enna and Berlin; and the sounds that came to Ireland across the seas were the exultant shouts of the masses, the lamenta- tions of reactionary and discarded ministers and the crash of falling thrones. Mitchel 's adherents soon increased; the Con- federation adopted his views, and Smith O'Brien, Meagher, Dillon and the other leaders became as anxious as he was to try the fortune of war. Accordingly they resolved to rise in re- bellion in the autumn. The Government, however, anticipated them, and a Trea- 1&4 THE FAMINE TO IS 70 son Felony Act was passed, making the speaking, writing or printing anything revohitionary pnnishable by transportation; and nnder this new Act, Mitchel was arrested, and by means of a dniy packed jnry, was convicted and sent for fonrteen years to Van Dieman's Land. The United Irishman was snp- pressed; and so were its two snccessors, the Irish Tribnne and the Irish Felon, and in Jnly the Habeas Corpns Act was sns- pended. Had it not been, there wonld probably have been no attempt at insnrrection. Mitchel was the only nian of action among the leaders. Bnt when the Habeas Corpns Act had been snspended, O'Brien and his friends, knowing that they wonld be at once cast into prison, left Dublin to rouse the masses at Tipi^erary. The priests, however, had been there before them, and pointing out the futility of undisciplined masses waging war against a great empire, induced many to abandon the idea of a rebellion. Many others were disgusted with Smith O'Brien. He was honorable, upright, chivalrous and brave, but he was also weak and irresolute, and utterly incompetent to be a suc- cessful leader, either in peace or war. An abortive attack on a l)olice barrack at Ballingarry was his only exploit. The crowds then melted away from him, and he and Meagher and ]\I']\ranus were arrested, convicted and sentenced to death, the sentence in each case being commuted to transportation beyond the seas. Duffy was prosecuted but acquitted; Dillon escaped to Ameri- ca; others were thrown into prison, imder the Habeas Corpus Act, or were pardoned; the Government had triumphed, and the insurrection of 1848 was at an end, and alas! the party of Young Ireland was no more ! Thus fell that party whose genius won the admiration of the world, the purity of whose motives, the chivalry of whose actions, even their direst foes confessed. They were wrecked in a hurricane of popular enthusiasm, to which they fatally spread sail. It is easy for us now to discern and declare the huge error into which they were impelled — the error of medi- tating an insurrection — the error of judging that a famishing l^easantry, unarmed and undisciplined, could fight and conquer England at peace with all the world. But it is always easy to be wise after the fact. At the time — in the midst of that de- lirium of excitement, of passionate resolve and sanguine hope — it was not easy for generous natures to choose and determine otherwise than as they did. The verdict of public opinion — the judgment of their own country — the judgment of the world — had done them justice. It has proclaimed their unwise course, the error of noble, generous, and self-sacrificing men. JOHN F. O'CONNOR 165 THE GREAT EVICTIONS AND DEPOPULATION In ISil there were -191,000 Irish families or nearly four million persons living in mud-hovels with only one hearth, forty-three per cent of the entire agricnltnral tenantry living in one-roomed lionses. In 1817 the number of small holdings exceeded 1,300,000, about a million being less than five acres in extent, and nearly 700,000 under one acre. The operation of Mr. Gregory's land-clause compelling those who sought out- door relief to forfeit all but one quarter-acre of their land soon left many of these holdings unoccupied, and thousands of tlie mud-hovels were emptied or destroyed by fever and hunger. But these agents of depopulation were not enough to satisfy the impatience of the landlords. Tenants from whom the last farthing might be squeezed were tolerated, because they were more profitable on the land than cattle; but tenants who could pay no rent, who entered the workhouses or received outdoor relief, and as such were a burden upon the land, were deemed worse than the barren fig-tree, and deserving of a similar fate. And the great clearances were continued throughout the fam- ine, and long after the famine had passed away. Pity and kindness the vast majority of landlords had never shown where their tenantry were concerned, and they showed neither now. In the depths of winter as in summer, whole fam- ilies — the sick, the infirm, the aged — were ruthlessly cast out, and often when not a penny of rent was due. In one Union 6,000 families were evicted in a single year. On one small es- tate, one hundred and twenty houses were levelled; on another, twenty- three in a single day; in a fortnight, twelve hundred persons were made homeless; within a few months 1,000 cabins were thrown down; whole districts were cleared to make way for larger farms. Forbidden to use the ruined houses from which they had been driven, the evicted lived behind hedges and ditches until cold and hunger drove them to the work- house. In one case five families lived in a single room only twelve feet square; in a piggery five feet by four a widow and her three children lived for three weeks; a woman ill of dysen- tery lay down in a cow-shed, and the inspector coming to see her was ankle-deep in mud. Even such lodging as this the landlords grudged. They ordered the evicted to be cleared off their properties, and ])ro- hibited the tenants still remaining from taking them in. Any shelter put up was pulled down, and in one case a temporary hut of this kind was set on fire by the landlord's bailiff, while the evicted tenant was at the relief works and his wife and cliil- 166 THE FAMINE TO 1870 dren were gathering shell-fish on the neighboring strand to save themselves from starving. All this happened in the Kil- rush Union within the year ending May, 1849, and is taken from a Government inspector's unadorned and imemotional re- port. On a bleak hillside in Galway on New Year's Eve, in the midst of a violent storm, a whole family was thrown out. For the sake of their children who were sick, the parents begged even one night's shelter, but they begged in vain. And there were thousands of other cases rivalling these in barbarity. But still Parliament would do nothing. There was no re- dress of grievances, no staying of the evictor's hand. Sharman Crawford's Land Bills of 1848 and 1850, extending the Ulster custom to all Ireland, was rejected with scorn, and even the milder measures of the Irish Secretary, Lord Lincoln, were not passed. Mild as these latter were, they were looked at askance by Lord John Eussell ; and as for Sharman Crawford 's Bills, he declared them to be subversive of the rights of property, meas- ures which no Government with a sense of justice could pass. But he passed a Coercion Act in 1847 and another in 1848, and the latter was renewed in the two following years. The fact was that British statesmen of both parties viewed not only with complacency but with joy this thinning of the Irish peasantry. From 1849 to 1856 a million and a half had emigrated, one- fifth of whom had been actually evicted. The strong and healthy were thus leaving the shores of Ireland, and her popu- lation, which in 1841 was over 8,200,000, in 1851 stood at 6,500,- 000 and was reduced in 1861 to 5,760,000. The Times wrote exultingly that in another generation the Irish Celts would be as obsolete in Ireland as the Phoenicians in Cornwall, and the Catholic religion as forgotten as the worship of Astarte. When an Irish property was advertised for sale in the Landed Estates Courts, it was regularly mentioned as an in- ducement to purchasers that the tenants had no leases. It was assumed that the incoming landlord would care nothing for the tenants, and would raise the rents or evict as best suited his purpose. And all over the country tenants were being evicted for non-payment of an impossible rent, for voting against his landlord, for refusing to send his children to the Protestant schools, for getting his daughter married without the previous permission of his landlord, for giving a night's lodging to a stranger, for harboring an evicted tenant. Tenants were turned out who owed no rent, and turned out in all kinds of weather, and with their whole families — the sick, the aged, the father- less orphan, the mother with her new-born babe. And those not evicted had to submit to conditions which only slaves could JOHN F. O'CONNOR 167 have endured; to the exactions of the landlord, the insolence of the agent, the brutality of the bailiff, the insults of every menial whom the landlord or agent employed. It was not in human nature that these things could be patiently borne, and the harassed tenant, having no hope from Parliament, looked to the Ribbon lodges for vengeances, and he looked not in vain. The evicting landlord or his agent, the over-officious bailiff, the grabber who occupied an evicted hold- ing, had one and all need to tremble, and often fell beneath the assassin's hand and generally unpitied by the people. In Ar- magh a land-agent was stoned to death in open day, and his murderers, caught red-handed, were acquitted; in Monaghan an agent was beaten to death; in Cavan, a lady; in Westmeath a grabber was shot dead in the presence of three men, who re- fused to aid the murdered man as he fell mortally wounded; in Clare a landlord's house was set on tire, and house and occu- pant burned to ashes. A generous and kindly people, maddened by oppression, were being turned into ferocious savages. And yet Parliament would not interfere, would not give the slight- est help to the unfortunate tenants. BEITISH LEGISLATION But what was the British Government doing for the Irish tenants? We shall now see. The Irish peasant's history has been indeed sad and tragic. After the conquest, the Anglo-Norman lords extended to him the burdens but not the blessings of the feudal system. The re- ligious changes of the sixteenth century greatly embittered the relations between the ruling and the sulDJect classes. The confis- cations and plantations of the seventeenth century accentuated and perpetuated the antagonisms which prevailed; and when Protestants had been invested with lands and power, and Cath- olics had been deprived of both, the relations established be- tween landlord and tenant were almost impossible for the peas- ant to endure. In the Irish Protestant Parliament of the eighteenth cen- tury, the landlords' power was supreme. To the lands they held, confiscation was their common title. It was the Catholics around them who had been despoiled, and the main object of the Penal Code was to impoverish and degrade them, to leave them without power to rebel, the hope of improving their con- dition, or even the spirit to complain. And to this extent, the Penal Code succeeded. Native and English writers of the eighteenth century — Swift and Prior, Berkeley, Dobbs and 168 THE FAMINE TO 1870 Young — had pictured the condition of the peasants of their time as in the lowest scale of human misery. Newenham and Wake- field, who wrote in the early part of the next century, could only show that this condition was not improyed by the Act of Union; and Be Beaumont, a Frenchman, who studied the Irish cpiestion with the unprejudiced eyes of a foreigner, declared in 1837 that the miseries endured by the Irish peasant were worse than those of the Indian in his forests or those of the negro in his chains. The British Parliament had at no time been just where Irish Catholic tenants were concerned. Its sympathies had been with the Irish Parliament in its enactment of tbe Penal Code. Its reluctance to grant ciyil rights to Catholics was shown long after the era of ])enal legislation had passed away; and its obstinate resistance to emancijiation was especially dis- creditable in yiew of the promises made at the Union by Pitt and Castlereagh. The fact was that England had long con- tinued to regard the Irish Catholics as foes — and sought to exterminate them. Disdaining to conciliate them, she refused to allay their discontent, and preferred to liaye tliem helpless and poor. But the Irish landlords, on the contrary, she regarded with special affection. These men of her own race and religion she had planted on Irish soil in the midst of a hostile population. She ruled Ireland through them, loaded them with power and priyileges, gratified their eyery caprice, condoned their numer- ous misdeeds, protected them from the wrath of those whom they had treated as worse than slayes, and this with tlie whole force of a mighty empire. Eyery secret society which arose, from the Whiteboys to the Eibbonmen. owed its origin to op- pressiye landlordism; almost eyery outrage perpetrated might be traced to the same cause, and this eyery thoughtful writer and speaker was ready to acknowledge. But Parliament would not interfere. At the cost of a few shillings, the landlord could obtain an ejectment decree, wheth- er the rent had been paid or not: he could raise the rent at will; he could distrain the tenants' growing crops for rent and sell them when ripe, charging the expense of doing so on the ten- ant. He could make what arbitrary estate rules he pleased, could send the tenants' cattle to the ]wund, for this reason or that reason or for no reason at all ; and if the tenant summoned the offending landlord or bailiff", he knew what to ex])ect from a landlord magistrate on the Bench. If he merely complained, he might haye his rent raised; if he complained publicly, he was regarded as a disloyal subject; if he joined a secret so- JOHN F. O'CONNOR 169 cietv, he might be sent to ]nnson or to the scaffold; and if dis- tnrbances arose, the landlords cried ont for repressive laws, and Parliament promptly responded bv giving them a Coercion Act. Despairing of Parliament, O'Connell looked to Eepeal as the great remedy, and agitated the I^and qnestion bnt little. Bnt Mr. Brownlovr in IS'29 bronght in a bill for the reclamation of waste lands; Mr. Ponlett Scope, an old friend to Ireland, in- trodnced a Land Bill in 1834; and Mr. Sliarman Crawford bronght in bills in 1836 and 1837, merely giving the tenant compensation for distnrbance. Not one of these measnres passed into lav\^ Parliament wonld do nothing except pass Coercion Acts.* The landlords and tenants were left face to face; the former evicted; the latter, driven to desperation, had reconrse to secret societies and ontrage; and in the desultory agrarian warfare which went on, the landlord's writ was met by the peasant's gun. Sir Eobert Peel had no affection for Ireland and little for reform. He was Irish Secretary in 1811, when Judge Fletcher advised the Grand Jurors of Vricklow to give their tenants a property in their holdings, assuring them that such action on the part of the landlords would be more efficacious for the re- pression of outrages than the cord and the gibbet. But Peel shut his eyes and closed his ears, dined and feasted with Orangemen and landlords, and in 1817 passed a bill through Parliament cheapening and making easier the ]irocess of evic- tion. In the years that followed, whether in office or out of it, he was the steady advocate of coercion for Ireland, And when he died in 1850, the Irish people shed tears indeed, but they were tears not of grief but of ,ioy. Nor is their hatred of him to be wondered at. Had he done his duty, Ireland had been spared the awful horrors of the famine of '17. Had he had any compassion on Ireland, not a soul would have perished when the potato blight smote her! Sir Eobert Peel, the Tory, was succeeded in office by Lord John Eussell, the Whig. It is enough to say of him that if any man is to share with Peel the awful guilt of that frightful loss of life which took ])lace during the famine years, it is Lord John Eussell. For he, like Peel, refused obstinately and callously to do anything substantial to relieve the terrible distress of those years." The brutal treatment of the Irish ]:>eople by these two English statesmen seems beyond belief! History holds them guilty of as black a crime as was ever perpetrated — the death by famine and fever of a million and a half of human beings! Nor were their successors in office a whit more merciful 170 THE FAMINE TO 1870 towards Ireland. The Tories, Aberdeen and Derby, and the Whig, Palinerston, however they differed on other questions, were alike in this — their ntter callousness to the sufferings of the Irish people. Indeed of these three, Palmerston perhaps was the most heartless. A few weeks before his death in 1865, he threw off his mask of mock Whig-sympathy, and bluntly and brutally declared that he utterly repudiated tenant rights that in his opinion tenant right was nothing else but landlord- wrong. It was not imtil the uprising of the Fenians that English statesmen condescended to listen to the tragic cries of the Irish people. And even then, as Gladstone himself candidly con- fessed, it was not pity but fear that caused them to seek some other remedy than coercion for the woes of Ireland. Especially did they dread the use of the terrible dynamite bomb by the en- raged Irish patriots. The blowing up of Clerkenwell prison it was that caused Gladstone to disestablish the Irish Protestant Church and to pass the land act of 1870. Mercy was a word never found in the vocabulary of English statesmen whenever it was a question of Irish suffering they were asked to consider! Truly, ' ' Who would be free themselves must strike the blow ! ' ' Again I assert that no one who studies Irish history can for a moment doubt that almost down to the present day it has been the settled policy of the English Government to extermin- ate the Irish race. In the execution of that policy, even famine was a welcome agent. That is, I am aware, an awful statement to make, but I make it unhesitatingly — for it is the truth. Steadilv vear bv vear the depopulation of Ireland goes on. In 1841 Ireland's population was 8,200,000; today it is 4,375,000, If extermination has not been the one and only aim of English statesmen in their treatment of Ireland — then how can you explain these figures? How explain their heartless treatment of her during the awful famine years of '46, '47, '48 ? THE TENANT EIGHT LEAGUE When the year 1850 dawned, the outlook was dark. The famine had not yet quite spent itself, and more than 240,000 persons filled the workhouses. Rents were raised, even in Ul- ster, and in spite of the Ulster custom, the clearances went on. The tide of emigration rose higher and higher. The population was rapidly dwindling, and all over the country cattle and slieep were being substituted for men. From Lord John Rus- sell nothing could be got but coercion; and nothing could be eff'ected in Parliament by the corrupt and incapable men whom JOHN F. O'CONNOR 171 the Irish electors sent there. Driven to desperation, the peas- ants had recourse to secret societies. There had been a long succession of them — Whiteboys, Whitefeet, Terryalts, Eock- ites, Eibbonmen and others; bnt by this time the Ribbon So- ciety had distanced all its rivals — like Aaron's rod it had swal- lowed them all. With its lodges, its secret meetings, its oaths and passwords and signs, it had extended over the land. Re- cruited from the peasantry, it watched the peasant's interests and avenged its wrongs, and the landlord or agent who pulled down the peasant's cabin was laid low by the Ribbonman's avenging hand. These methods, however, were abhorrent to many of the tenants' best friends, and in 1850 a Tenant Defence Society was formed at Callan in Kilkenny, and within a few months similar societies were formed elsewhere, some of them in Ulster. Holding their meetings public and keeping within the law, they relied on mutual co-operation, on the pressure of public opinion, on having honest representatives in Parliament. If only these various associations would combine into one national organ- ization, if north and south would agree to sink their differences for the tenants' sake, much could be done; and in the hope of forming such an organization, a circular was sent broadcast, signed by men of different religions, and asking the tenants' friends to meet in Dublin. This Tenant Right Conference met in Dublin, on the 6th of August, and was a remarkable gathering. For the moment, the Bojaie was bridged, and north and south were brought to- gether. The chairman of the meeting was Dr. MacNight, the Presbyterian proprietor of the Banner of Ulster. Scattered around the room were tenants, a few liberal landlords, Presby- terian ministers and Catholic priests; Mr. Godkin, the editor of the Protestant Derry Standard; Mr. Maguire of the Catholic Cork Examiner; Mr. Greer, an Ulster Presbyterian lawyer; Dr. Gray of the Freeman, and Mr. Duffy of the Nation, both of whom had shared imprisonment with 'Council ; and Mr. Fred- erick Lucas, the Catholic editor of the Catholic Tablet. The last named was probably the ablest of them all. At this con- ference resolutions were passed demanding for the tenants fixity of tenure, fair rents and free sale, and an equitable ar- rangement regarding arrears which had accumulated during the famine, and that henceforth all Parliamentary candidates should pledge themselves to be independent and oppose any and every British party which refused to concede the tenauts' demands. During the next twelve months a vigorous propaganda was 172 THE FAMINE TO 1870 carried on both in the press and on the platform. The Tenant Eight movement made great strides, and in the General Elec- tion of 1852, forty members were retnrned pledged to Tenant Eights and Independent Opposition. Lncas was retnrned for Meatli, Gavan Dnffy for New Eoss, John Francis Maguire for Dnngarvan, George Henry Moore for ]\[ayo — all men of the liighest attainments, and all men of nnblemished honor. The General Election over, the new Irish party met in Dnblin, and a resolntion was carried, with only one dissentient, declaring it essential "that all members retnrned on Tenant Eight prinei- l^les should hold themselves perfectly independent, and in op- position to all Governments which do not make it part of their policy, and a Cabinet question, to give to the tenantry of Ireland a measure embodying the principles of lsh\ Sharman Craw- ford's Bill" Things once more looked bright for Ireland. The hopes of Irishmen rose high. A united Irish party was capable of ac- complishing almost anything. But these hopes were soon blighted. For alas! the Tenant Eight party was united only in name. It had among its members as rascally a band of self- seekers, as foul a band of traitors as ever betrayed a country. Of course, I refer to the infamous political freebooters — John Sadlier, William Keough and their followers, known as the Brass Band Brigade. When the list of the minor appointments in the new Whig government was published January 1, 1853. it was discovered that Keough was Irish Solicitor-General, John Sadlier a Lord of the Treasmy, Edmond 'Flaherty a Com- missioner of Income Tax, and Monsel, Clerk of the Ordinance. Contrary to their plighted word, they had taken office without consulting their colleagues and without obtaining any promise of Irish legislation from the Government. They had jiistified the suspicions of Lucas and Duffy, who disliked them from the beginning. The country wliich believed in them, they had shamefully betrayed ! Of course, such treachery could not go unpunished, and Lucas and Duffy did their utmost to defeat them when they came up for re-election. But British gold proved stronger than they. The union of the Orange north and the Catholic south so frightened the British Government that it left no stone unturned to disrupt the Tenant Eight League and to re-elect the Irish traitors. Such wholesale corruption was not seen in Ireland since the^ days of Pitt and Castlereagh. The result was only what was to be expected. Sadlier and Keough and their followers were re- JOHN F. O'CONNOR 173 turned to Parliameut, and the Tenant Eight League was wrecked. Yes, Ireland once more lay a writhing victim at the feet of her foe! In October, 1855, Lucas died like O'Connell of a broken heart. _ A few months later, Dufty, grieving for his dead friend and despairing of Ireland, resigned his seat in Parliament, and sailed for Australia. From that day until the Fenian Insurrection of ^66, Ireland was to British Tory and British AVliig alike an object of scorn and derision. ''Ireland now lies like a corpse on the dissecting table!" cried grief- stricken Gavan Duffy. "Yes, and thank God that she does!" exultingly shouted in reply the brutal land-oligarchy which at that time ruled >tlie British empire. FENIANISM In the evidence given before tlie Devon Commission in 1843, the state of Ireland, as affected by its land laws, stands completely revealed. Many of the landlords were too poor to be generous or even just to their tenants. Others, hampered by law of entail, and having nothing more than a life-interest in their property, were too reluctant to spend money on improve- ments. A good iu"oi)ortion were absentees, caring as little for ' their tenants as for the inhabitants of Timbuctoo. The rule of the agents of these absentees was that of tyranny and not in- frequently of corruption. They gave no leases, effected no im- provements, seized the buildings made by the tenants, raised the rent on land he had improved, and evicted him, often from mere caprice. In spite of their landlord prejudices, the Devon Commissioners declared that the uncertainty of tenure para- lyzed all exertion, and was a fatal bar to improvements. They found that where the Lister custom was allowed, and the ten- ants could sell the goodwill of their farms, agrarian outrages were rare; where it was not allowed, they were common; that nearly half the holdings in Ireland were less than five acres in extent, and a large proportion of them much less ; that in Kerry 66 per cent of the houses were mucLcabins with but one room, in Mayo the percentage was 62, in Cork and Clare 56, and in the rich county of Down it was 25; that the agricultural laborer everywhere was badly housed, badly fed, badly clothed, badly paid for his labor; his home was a mud-cabin, leaky and filled with smoke; his food potatoes and water; his bed the earthen floor, without a blanket to cover him; his property a pig and a heap of manure. They found that in every case of a renewal of a lease, the rent was raised; that bailiffs were corrupt and often accepted bribes; that growing crops were seized for rent, 174 THE FAMINE TO 1870 a practice which they strongly condemned. These evils were of long standing, and could not be cured at once by legislation. But Parliament could have interfered to give the tenant some sort of security of tenure; it could have stopped the common practice of subdividing holdings; it could have compelled the farmer to build better houses for his laborers; and in a country where there were nearly 4,000,000 acres of improvable waste lands, some employment might be given to redundant labor. What embittered the Irish farmers and laborers was that Par- liament did nothing but watch complacently the decimation of a whole people by famine, eviction and emigration; and this while the great English newspaper, the Times, gloated over the Irish exodus, and gleefully announced that in a short time a Celt would be as rare in Ireland as a Red Indian on the shores of Manhattan. As for the landlords, they were hopeless. There are few men who will not abuse unlimited power, and the Irish landlords had never adopted any self-denying ordinance in dealing with tenants. ]\Iany of these landlords had been overwhelmed in the famine, but their successors were not less ready than they to oppress and evict, and from 1850 to 1870 was the period of the great clearances. Thousands of the holdings were, it is true, utterly unable to decently support a family, and thousands of the houses levelled were utterly unfit for human habitation. And if the landlords had compensated the tenant and enabled him to emigrate, not altogether destitute and penniless, evic- tion would have been robbed of the worst of its terrors; and when the Irishman had attained to some measure of comfort in a foreign land, he might have looked back without regret to those days when he rejoiced only in misery and a mud-cabin. Instead of this, he had to remember that his landlord had driv- en him out without compensation, caring nothing about what might be his fate. The exile's heart was sore, and neither time nor distance nor the acquisition of wealth could make him for- get the day of his eviction with all its horrors. The worst cases were those — and they were many — where the tenant was sent adrift after having labored and toiled to improve his holding, after having built" and fenced and drained, after having won the bog and mountain to fertility. When all this was done, the landlord cast him out, seizing on all the improvements he had made. The Quarterly Review (in 1854) declared that ''the cabins of the peasantry were pulled down in such numbers as to give the api>earance throughout whole regions of the south, and still more of the west, of a country devastated and desolated by the JOHN F. O'CONNOR 175 passage of a hostile army." In Westmeath Dr. Nulty saw 700 persons evicted in a single day. In one house were patients de- lirious in t}i3hus fever, but even that house was pulled down; and as the shades of night fell, the evicted, young and old, cowered under the hedges, drenched with the heavy autumnal rains. In the county of Mayo a whole countryside was emptied of its inhabitants by Lord Lucan, and in the same county even a wider stretch of country was cleared by Lord Sligo. Mr. Pol- lock's clearances in Galway were equally thorough. In the lap of the Donegal Mountains, the peaceful valley of Glenveigh was (in 1861) cleared in a single day by Mr. Adair. Thus were thousands of Irish peasants banished to foreign lands, bearing in their hearts the bitter memory of wrong; cursing the land- lords who had dispossessed them, and the English Government by which these landlords were sustained. Not all of the landlords,, however, deserved these maledic- tions, for not all were of the type cT Mr. Adair. But those who neither evicted nor rack-rented were comparatively few, and in consequence the condition of the mass of the tenants was pitable. In a country where industries did not flourish, the competition for land was so keen that the landlord could make his own terms. Nor did he consider the tenant in any other light than as a rent-paying machine, to have his rent raised or to suffer eviction at his landlord 's good will. If he built a new house, then surely he could pay more rent, and his rent was raised; if he fenced or drained or reclaimed, the land was there- by enriched and its letting value was greater; if he or his chil- dren dressed decently, it was evident that they were comfort- able and could pay more rent if only the screws were put on. And there were estate rules which could be imposed only on slaves, and which only those long habituated to slavery could have endured. The tenant was compelled to vote for his land- lord's nominee at elections, to send his children to the Protes- tant school, to get his landlord's permission to marry or to have any of his children married; and he was prohibited from build- ing houses for his laborers, or giving shelter to strangers. On one small estate in Mayo, the Ormsby estate, the old tenants still tell, with blazing eyes, how they had to work even on holidays for the landlord at half wages ; and when the har- vest came, how they had to cut his oats during the day, and ■f ijen — for there was no other time available — how they had to cut their own oats by the light of the harvest moon. Even the bailitf on many estates compelled the tenants to give free la- bor, and thus were the bailiff's crops sown and saved. And the cases were not a few where the rent was not raised, the eject- 176 THE FAMINE TO IS 70 ment process withdrawn, or tlie eviction stayed, because the honor of a bhishing and beantifnl girl was sacrificed to a ty- rant's hist. It was these things above all which made weak men strong and cowards brave, which made landlordism an un- clean and an accursed thing, and nerved, the arm of the assas- sin. In spite of Lord Palmerston's landlord sjanpathies, such a system could not have lasted if there had been an honest and energetic body of Irish members in Parliament. But there was no such body. After 1857 Mr. G. H. Moore was without a seat until 1868. The most prominent of the popular representatives were ^Ir. J. F. Maguire, Mr. Martin and The O'Donoghue, and of these Mr. ]\Iaguire only was a man of much capacity, and even he was unable to carry a popular movement to success. To- wards the end of 186-1 Mr. Dillon, then returned from his Amer- ican exile, started the National Association of Ireland, aided and encouraged by Dr. Culleu. But Mr. Moore would have no connection with any movement controlled or influenced by Dr. Cullen. Mr. Duffy, who was home on a visit from Australia, having been asked to join, also held aloof, and for the same rea- son as Mr. j\Ioore; and Mr. Dillon died in 1866 before the Asso- ciation had gone far. There were, indeed, Irish members who posed as popular leaders and advocated popular measures. And the aspiring national member during those years, as he stood upon the hust- ings and asked the people's votes, was glib of tongue and prodi- gal of i^romises as man could be. He would vote an extension of the franchise, for land reform, for the disestablishment of the State Church; he would support no Government which fail- ed to favor these measures, for he believed in the i)olicy of In- dependent Opposition. He wanted neither place nor favor, and was satisfied if he could only serve Ireland. These promises and protestations were set off by vague talk about an oppressed people, a land of saints and heroes, and the glorious green flag. Some voters estimated this eloquence and vehemence at its worth, and taking the candidate's bribe, gave him their vote, knowing well that neither he nor his opponent was sincere. But there were others who had not yet sounded the depths of political depravity, and believing in the candidate voted in his favor. To their disgust they soon found how much they had been deceived. When the candidate entered Parliament, he at once forgot his promises, scoffed at Independent Opposi- tion, attached himself to the Government, and not a man in the party was more obedient to the crack of the party whip. His reward came in due course. A tide-waiter-ship or a position in JOHN F. O'CONNOR 177 tlie Excise for his illegitimate son, a stipendiary magistrate- ship for a son who was too stupid to succeed at a profession, a county court judgeship for a brother at the Bar, a fat place at home or a colonial governorship for himself — this was the price given for his Parliamentary support. And if some indignant supporter charged him with his pledge-breaking and treachery, he coolly admitted his offence, chuckled at having made so good a bargain with the Government, and even thanked God that he had a country to sell. Such men spoke with no authority in Parliament, and were heard with no j'espect. Nor could Palmerston and men like him be so much blamed if they had done nothing for Ireland, seeing that the Irish voters had sent such men to the House of Commons. It was indeed assumed by many English public men that Ireland was content and wanted no experiments in legislation. And a smooth-tongued Viceroy, Lord Carlisle, at Lord Mayor's banquets and cattle-shows, year after year reported, like the sentinel on the watch-tower, that all, was well. Crime had de- creased, religious animosities were disappearing, agricultural methods were improving, education spreading among the mass- es, churches and schools multiplied. In ten years the number of mud-cabins had fallen from -191,000 to 125,000, and this neces- sarily involved the emigration of many thousands, the most vigorous and energetic of the race. But, convinced that Nature intended Ireland to be "the mother of flocks and herds," Lord Carlisle was not alarmed at this exodus. It increased the rate of wages at home, and resulted in bettering the lot of those who remained; as if indeed a dwindling population were proof of national prosperity rather than of national deca3\ This shallow so})liistry was considered good enough for the alder- men and cattle-breeders who listened to him, but it did not im- pose on men of intelligence and patriotism, and was little wor- thy of a statesman or of an honest public man. Nor was the applause with which Lord CVirlisle was greeted able to silence the voice of disaffection, which at that very time turned from tlie platform and Parliament and sought an outlet through revolutionary channels. As far back as 1847, a general strike against rent was preached in the Nation and the Irish Felon by James Fintan Lalor, a man of great power of expression, Iwld, fearless and clear-sighted, of striking and original views and of indomitable will. In spite of the events of that and the following year, he was not discouraged, and in 1849 he organized in Munster an insurrection which was even a greater fiasco than Smith 0'- 178 THE FAMINE TO 1870 Brien's attempt of 1818. Next year Lalor died, and nothing was attempted till 1858, when some young men in Cork and Kerry established a revolntioiwiry society. Ostensibly for lit- erary purposes, and called the Phoenix Literary Society, it was really a secret and oath-bound organization, pledged to over- throw British rule in Ireland by force of arms, and believing that the time was opportune when England was fully occupied in ))utting down the Indian Mutiny. Its headquarters was at Skibbereen, its branches in West Cork and Kerry. The chief of its local leaders was Jeremiah O'Donavan Eossa. But its real founder was James Stephens, who had a share in the rising of 1818, since then had lived mostly at Paris and mixed much, with foreign revolutionists, and in 1858, having returned to Ireland was acting as jorivate tutor to a gentleman near Kil- larney. He was a man of good education, with a capacity for organization and secret conspiracy, believing that nothing could be done for Ireland in Parliament, but much by a strong revolutionary society watching England's difficulties and ally- ing itself with her foes. The Phoenix Society, however, soon collapsed. The priests denounced it from the altar. Smith O'Brien and the Nation, then under ]\[r. A. M. Sullivan, public- ly assailed it, and the Government arrested the leaders and had them, in 1859, tried by special commission. One prisoner, 0'- Sullivan, was convicted and sentenced to penal servitude; and then O'Donavan Eossa and the others pleaded guilty and were liberated, and an end had come to the Phoenix Society. Stephens was not among those arrested, or perhaps sus- pected, and returning to Paris, began to build up a new and far more formidable society than the Phoenix had even been. It was called the Irish Eepublican Brotherhood, or shortly the I. E. B.; but in America, to which it soon spread, it was called the Fenian Society, and its members the Fenians, the name borne by the famous militia of olden days, which were com- manded by Finn MacCumhael. Organized into circles, each under a centre, all authority converged through higher centres commanding many circles, towards the head centre, Stephens, who was now in su^oreme command. Thus, while the lesser of- ficers knew little of the organization, and had therefore little to tell if they were traitors, Stephens knew everything, and held the threads of the whole movement in his hands. John O'Mahoney was supreme in America; John O'Leary, Thomas Clarke Luby and Charles Kickham in Ireland; and there Avere agents also in England and Scotland. O'Mahoney was a grad- uate of Trinity College, a man given much to historical studies, and thoroughiv honest and sincere. O'Leary, Luby and Kick- JOHX F. O'CONNOR 179 liam were, like O'Malionev, all Munster-men, all well connected and educated, and all — Kickliam especially — men of literary capacity. Aiding tlieni at home was O'Donavan Eossa; aiding O'Malioney in America were Dolieny, Corcoran and many others. Assuming that an Irish republic was formed with the en- rolment of the first members, in the Fenian oath, allegiance was sworn to the new republic, which necessarily meant a repu- diation of English power. Xor was there any difficulty in fuid- ing thousands who were ready to take such an oath, Irish landlordism and English law, as administered in Ireland, had planted beyond the Atlantic a new Irish nation more fiercely opposed to England than even the old green island at home. Amid the rush and bustle of American cities, on American farms and railroads, in the lonely log-cabin in American woods, down in the depths of American mines were Irish exiles who thought of England only with a curse. Their fathers had told them of the horrors of the famine days, and they themselves had seen the crowbar brigade at work, the house levelled in which they were born, the fire quenched around which they had gathered to pray at their mother's knee. They knew the Eng- lish law only by its oppressions, and the Government only as an instrument of terror. Irish landlordism and English rule they had always seen linked together in injustice, and, as they thought of them, the light of battle was in their eyes. Nor would they have hesitated to join with the Hottentot to bring England to the dust. In a country where they were free to speak out, they used language of violence which would not be tolerated at home, and one newspaper in San Francisco openly advocated assassination, and even offered a reward for the murder of in- dividual Irish landlords whom it named. Xot all American Fenians were so bloodthirsty as this, but all hated England and loved Ireland, and gave expression both to their love and hatred in swearing allegiance to the Irish republic. In the American Civil War, thousands rushed to arms for one side or the other, and thousands of them fell gloriously on American battlefields. Others, however, passed unscathed through the fire and smoke of battle, and when the Civil War was over in 1865, 200,000 Ir- ish-American soldiers were set free to fight England. In Ireland, meanwhile, the Fenian circles in 1860 and 1861 were being slowly filled. But in the latter year an event oc- curred which had a stimulating effect. Terence Bellew M 'Man- ns, one of the 1818 men, had died in exile in San Francisco, and it was determined to bring his remains to Ireland. Across the American Continent was one long national demonstration, and 180 THE FAMINE TO 1870 in Dublin no such funeral procession had been seen since 0'- Connell's. Tens of thousands from city and country trudged through the streets for hours on that bleak November day, and while the torches blazed amid the fast-falling shades of gathering night, the faces of the spectators — mostly young men — wore a stern resolve to follow in the footsteps of the dead. Freely they joined the Fenian ranks, and when Steph- ens and Luby went through the country districts subsequently^ crowds had already taken or were ready to take the Fenian oath. Towards the end of 1863 sufficient funds were available to start the Irish People, which was the organ of the Fenians. O'Leary was editor, Luby, Kickham and Stephens were among the contributors. Its object was to promote Fenianism; to dis- credit Parliamentary agitation; to wean the Eibbonmen from agrarian national objects ; to attack all who opposed the Fenian movement, as unsafe political guides. Much hatred of England was thus stirred up; much opposition to Parliamentary action; and the Eibbonmen, turning from agrarian quarrels and the assassination of landlords, swore allegiance to the Irish repub- lic. And not only did recruits come from the country farmers' sons, from the artisans and shopmen, the students and journal- ists of the cities and towns, but from many Government offices, from the Dublin police, from the Irish in Great Britain; and thousands of the Irish soldiers in the British Army also joined. Fully aware that a Fenian Society existed in America and in Ireland, the Government waited, and the Times sneered at the young men who marched and drilled at night, predicting that* they would be good British soldiers. Suddenly, however, guided by two informers, Nagle and Power, the ''Irish People" in September, 1865, was raided by detectives, its printing-press, type and papers seized. O'Leary, Luby, Kickham and O'Don- avan Eossa were arrested, and so were many others through the country towns; and special commissions were set up both in Dublin "and C'ork for the trials. O'Donavan Eossa, having been already concerned with the Phoenix Society, was sen- tenced to penal servitude for life; O'Leary, Luby and Kickham to twentv vears, and others to shorter terms of imprisonment. Stephens evaded arrest until November, and a few nights after being lodged in Eichmond prison, he made good his escape. The fact was that some of the prison warders were Fenians, and it was these who opened the prison door for their chief. Dislocation of Fenian plans necessarily followed the arrest of the Fenian leaders. Stephens reached America only to find his followers suspicious and distrustful, and in 1866 a section JOHN F. O'CONNOR 181 of them, repudiating both him and O'Mahoney, crossed tlie frontier into Canada, and attacked England on American soil. During the war promises of help had been made to them by the United States, angry with England for her sympathy with the Southern States. But these promises were easily forgotten; the laws of neutrality were enforced, and the thousands of Fen- ians hurrying to the frontier were turned back by American arms. The small Fenian force which crossed were soon over- powered by superior numbers, and England rejoiced that all danger was passed. Not, yet, however, for Stephens announced that the blow would be struck in Ireland itself, and during the year 1866. . But Stephens never came, and his disgusted followers de- posed him and elected Colonel Kelley their chief, and under his directions the insurrection broke out in Ireland on the 5th of March, 1867. Some collisions with police and soldiers took place at Kilmallock, Tallaght and near Cork, but the rising had no chance of success, for the Government had been forewarned and were amply prepared. Corydon, a Fenian informer who knew much, told all he knew, and in consequence Chester Castle was saved from capture by the Irish in England; General Mas- sy, the military commander, was arrested at Limerick Junction, and the officers, who had come from America, in the steamer Jacknell, had no sooner landed than they were made prisoners. A terrific snowstorm which began on the 5th of March was also lielpful, and showed, not for the first time, that the very ele- ments were aiding England. Within the next few months, jails were filled and judges were busy trying prisoners and passing sentences on them. The conduct of the trials was much complained of, and special re- sentment was shown towards Judge Keogli, once a patriot, and then a renegade, and now lecturing prisoners on the iniquity of rebellion. In England there was one case which aroused bitter feelings in Ireland. Colonel Kelly and Captain Deasy, having escaped to England, were arrested at Manchester in September, but a crowd of Fenians attacked the prison van car- rying them, and set them free. In the attack a policeman. Ser- geant Brett, lost his life, and five men — Allen, Lark en, O'Brien, - 'Meagher, Condon and Maguire — were tried on the capital charge, convicted and sentenced to death. Maguire, however, was pardoned, not having been present at all at the attack; Condon, because he was an American citizen, had his sentence commuted to imprisonment for life; the other three were exe- cuted. Certainly they had attacked the prison van, and equally certain it was that thev had not committed murder. 182 THE FAMINE TO 1S70 But it availed nothing. England was enraged against the Fenians and wonld not be appeased withont blood, and thronghout the trial the animns of witnesses, jury and judges was apparent. As the prisoners stood in the dock, they were manacled; and as they stood on the scaffold, a huge crowd gathered to gloat over their execution. These things moved the whole Irish race to indignation. The Manchester martyrs were at once enrolled among the heroes who had bled for Ireland; their cry of ''God save Ireland" from the dock was taken up and repeated, and the few stirring lines of T. D. Sullivan, end- ing with the refrain, have since become the National Anthem. Undeterred by all that had happened, a Fenian in London named Barrett blew up a portion of Clerkenwell prison, killing twelve persons. This was in December, and in that month and in the following. Captain Mackay, with a few followers, made several daring and successful raids for arms in Cork. But he was captured, convicted and sentenced to a term of imprison- ment; and from that date no further efforts were made by the Fenians, and Fenianism ceased to agitate the public mind, which it had agitated so long. But I can not bring the story of the Fenian insurrection to a close before telling you of its one glorious episode — the Bat- tle of Eidgeway. By the month of May, 1866, General Roberts, the American Fenian commander, had established a line of depots along the Canadian frontier, and in great part tilled them with the arms and material of war sold to him by the United States government. Towards the close of the month the various "circles" throughout the Union received the com- mand to start their contingents for the frontier. Never, prob- ably, in Irish history, was a call to the field more enthusiastic- ally obeyed. From every State in the Union there was a sim- ultaneous movement northwards of bodies of Irishmen: the most intense excitement pervading the Irish population from Maine to Texas. At this moment, however, the Washington government flung off the mask. A vehement and bitterly- worded proclamation as shameful as it was treacherous in view of the promises made the Fenian organization, called for the instantaneous abandonment of the Irish projects. A powerful military force was marched to the northern frontier; United. States gimboats were posted on the lakes and on the St. Law- rence river; all the arms and war material of the Irish were sought out, seized, and confiscated, and all the arriving con- tingents, on mere suspicion of their destination, were arrested. This course of proceeding fell like a thunderbolt on the Irish! It seemed impossible to credit its reality! Despite all JOHN F. O'CONNOR 183 those obstacles, however — a British army on one shore, an American army on the other, and hostile cruisers, British and American, guarding the waters between — one small battalion of the Irish under Colonel John O'Neill succeeded in crossing to the Canadian side on the night of the 31st of May, 1866. They landed on British ground close to Fort Erie, whieli place they at once occupied, hauling down the royal ensign of Eng- land, and hoisting over Fort Erie in its stead, amidst a scene of boundless enthusiasm and joy, the Irish standard of green and gold. The news that the Irish were across the St. Lawrence — that once more, for the first time for half a century, the green flag waved in the broad sunlight over the serried lines of men in arms for ''the good old cause" — sent the Irish millions in the States into wild excitement. In twenty-four hours fifty thousand volunteers offered for service, ready to march at an hour's notice. But the Washington government stopped all action on the i)art of the Irish organization. Colonel Eoberts, his military chief officer, and other officials, were arrested, and it soon became plain the unexpected intervention of the Ameri- can executive had utterly destroyed, for the time, the Canadian project, and saved to Great Britain her North American col- onies. Meanwhile O'Neill and his small force were in the enemy's country — in the midst of their foes. From all parts of Canada troops were hurried forward by rail to crush at once by ovei- whelming force the now isolated Irish battalion. On the morn- ing of the 1st of June, 1866, Colonel Booker, at the head of the combined British force of regular infantry of the line and some volunteer regiments, marched against the invaders. At a place called Limestone Eidge, close by the village of Ridge- way, the advance guard of the British found O'Neill drawn up in position ready for battle. The action forthwith commenced. The Irish skirmishers appeared to fall back slowly before their assailants, a circumstance which caused the Canadian volunteer regiments to conclude hastily that the day was going very eas- ily in their favor. Suddenly, however, the Irish skirmishers halted, and the British, to their dismay, found themselves face to face with the main force of the Irish, posted in a position which evidenced consummate ability on the part of O'Neil. Booker ordered an assault in full force on the Irish position, which was, however, disastrously repulsed. While the British commander was hesitating as to whether he should renew the battle, or wait reinforcements reported to be coming up from Hamilton, his deliberations were cut short by a shout from the 184 THE FAMINE TO 1S70 Irish lines, and a cry of alarm from his own — the Irish were advancing to a charge. TheV came on with a wild rush and a ringing cheer, bursting through the British ranks. There was a short but desperate struggle, when some one of the Canadian officers, observing an Irish aid-de-camp galloping through a wood close by, thought it was a body of Irish horse, and raised the cry of '' cavalry! cavalry!" Some of the regular regiments made a vain effort to form a square— a fatal blunder, there be- ing no cavalry at hand; others, however, broke into confusion, and took to flight, the general, Booker, it is alleged, being the fleetest of the fugitives. The British rout soon became com- plete, the day was hopelessly lost, and the victorious Irish, with the captured British standards in their hands, stood on Ridge- way heights as proudly as their compeers at Fontenoy — "The field was fought and won." O'Neill, on the morrow of his victory, learned with poig- nant feelings that his supi^orts and supplies had been all cut off by the American gun-boats. In his front the enemy were con- centrating in thousands. Behind him rolled the St. Lawrence, cruised by United States war steamers. He was ready to fight the British, but he could not match the combined powers of Britain and America, He saw the enterprise was defeated hopelessly, for this time, by the action of the Washington ex- ecutive, and, feeling that he had truly "done enough for valor," he surrendered to the United State? naval commander. Judged by the forces engaged, Ridgeway was an inconsid- erable engagement. Yet the elfect produced by the news in Canada, in the States, in England, and of course, most of all in Ireland, could scarcely have been surpassed by the announce- ment of a second Fontenoy. Irish troops had met the levies of England in pitched battle and defeated them. English colors, trophies of victory, were in the hands of an Irish general. The green flag had come triumphant through the stonn of battle. At home and abroad the Irish saw only these facts, and these appeared to be all-sufficient for national pride. This brief epi- sode at Eidgeway was for the Fenian Irish the one gleam to brighten the page of their history. The Fenian Insurrection failed, but it did not fail utterly. Far from it ! For it left Ireland more thoroughly aroused, more thoroughly united, and more firmly determined than ever be- fore to achieve her national independence — by constitutional means if she can, by martial means if she must. And if Ire- land is now on the eve of Home Rule, that glorious achieve- ment is due to this one fact — that Ireland had in ^66 men so brave and so patriotic that for her they laughed to scorn the JOHN F. O'CONNOR 18 5 terrors of a British prison and a British gibbet ! For the mem- ory of their bravery, of their imprisonment and of their igno- minious death upon the scaffold has animated the Irish race from the year '66 to this year of our Lord 1914. ''God save Ireland!" prayed they. And from that day to this, ''God save Ireland!" has been the prayer of every Irish Gael and every descendant of an Irish Gael the world over! Never till the latest day Shall the memory pass away Of the gallant lives thus given for our land; But on the cause must go Through joy, or weal, or woe, Till we make our isle a nation free and grand. "God save Ireland!" say we proudly; "God save Ireland!" say we all: "Whether on the scaffold high "Or on the battle-field we die, "Oh, what matter, when for Erin dear we fall!" Edward J. McMahon Edward J. McMalion was born in Fitcliburg, Mass., August 25, 1861, the son of Edward McMahon and the late Bridget (O'Keefe) McMahon. With his parents he came to Worcester, Mass., in 1862. He attended the Worcester public scliools and was graduated at the AVorcester Classical High School in 1881. He studied Jaw in the office of Attys. Verry & Gaskill, and at the Boston University Law School, where he received the degree LL.B., upon his graduation in June, 1885. In The same month Mr. McMahon was admitted to the Massachusetts Bar, and has been engaged in the prac- tice of law in Worcester since that time. Mr. McMahon represented Ward Five in the Com- mon Council of the City of Worcester during 1889, 1890, 1891 and 1892. He was a member of the Board of Aldermen in 1901, 1902 and 1903, a member of the Board of Directors of the Worcester Free Public Library for six years, 1904-1909, and was president of the board in 1909. Mr. McMahon was married to Anastatia M. Power of Worcester, October 5, 1904. y(7U4-S. (y ^Ci^<>c/a^^ ®I|^ S^gj^wratirm nf 3iTlau& 1S70 — 1914 BY EDWARD J. McMAHOX 111 preceding lectures of this course, you considered the his- tory of Ireland from the earliest times to the year 1870. You heard, from the lips of learned and eloquent men, the storj' of the ancient glory of Ireland, of her acceptance of the faith from the glorious apostle, St, Patrick, and of the great part she took in the dissemination of Christianity in every part of the world. You heard of her famous schools and universities, and of their imperishable influence in the preservation of human knowledge. You heard the story of her great tragedy, of the wars, the per- secutions and confiscations, that during long centuries were in- flicted upon her, and of the destruction of her kingdoms, her literature and her prosperity. And you heard too that, in a struggle which has lasted more than seven hundred years, Ire- land has preserved her ancient faith untarnished and her ster- ling nationality unconquered and unconquerable. This evening we will turn back the pages of the past and will concern ourselves with the history of present day Ireland, A great revolution has taken place in Ireland since 1870, and by means of it, the Irish people have secured — and are now en- joying — greater economical, religious and political rights, than they have known, as a nation, for more than 300 years. The truth of this proposition is apparent when we consider the fol- lowing facts: In 1870 the people of Ireland neither owned the land upon which they lived, nor could they own it; now they own more than half of the land, and presently will own every foot of it. In 1870, and the years which followed, Ireland was the most poverty-stricken country in the world; now she is blessed with hope and prosperity. In 1870 the Catholic youth of Ireland were denied the 1S8 THE REGENERATION 01- IRELAND privilege of higher education; now they possess a university. In 1870 the people of Ireland were governed by laws made and administered by British officials; now they make a part of their own laws, and are looking forward, with hope and con- fidence, to the establishment of absolute home rule, in Ireland. In our discussion of this most important chapter of Irish history, we will divide the subject matter into these three parts: First, the deplorable condition of Ireland in 1870 and in the years which followed; Second, the forces employed in her strug- gle for existence; and Third, the great transformation that has been accomplished. Ireland is about as large in territory as the State of Indi- ana. Although comparatively small in area, she is blessed with an abundance and variety of natural resources. Her soil is most fertile. Her mountains and hills are rich in deposits of coal, iron, tin, lead, copper, building stone, slate and beautiful marbles. She possesses three of the safest and most commodi- ous harbors in Europe. The Shannon, 247 miles in length, is the largest river in the British Islands. The water power of her rivers is capable of unlimited development, and these riv- ers, and her lakes and coast lines, afford most valuable fishing grounds. Her climate is delightful, and the beauty and grand- eur of her scenery, Thackery says, "no pen can describe." And what of the men of Ireland? In Ireland you have a race of men proved, by the history of the world, to be brave and able. Go through tlie world and see the industry and ability of Irishmen. In every country, but their own, the Irish race have been industrially successful, have risen to the highest positions, and have shown themselves fitted for the arts of government and of industry. Possessing all these advantages, and beloved by her sons more than any other nation on earth was ever beloved, by every law of nature and mankind Ireland should be populous and prosperous, and her people happy and contented. Yet, sad to relate, we find that Ireland, during the early years of the period we are discussing, was the ])oorest and most distressful country in the world, and that her children were flying from her shores as though she had been stricken by a malignant plague. This deplorable condition was due solely to two causes; land- lordism and misgovernment. Let us briefly consider these twin evils which brought so much misery upon the Irish peo- ple. Years and years ago Ireland was an industrial and a com- mercial nation. When the time came, as it did, in the early part of the eighteenth century, that her manufactures and EDWARD J. McMAHON 189 commerce threatened to rival those of England, they were promptly and permanently destroyed by acts of the British parliament which may be found in the record. The destruc- tion of their industries and trade compelled the Irish to look to the land as their only means of support, and, from that day to the present time, they have remained substantially an agricul- tural people. It is estimated that the lands of Ireland could support in comfort a population of ten million people. Now all the land in the olden times, before the advent of the English, was owned and possessed absolutely by the people of Ireland. Under the old Brelion laws there was a tribal system of land ownership which not only guaranteed to the tiller of the soil, the right of possession, but also secured for him the fruits of his husbandry. With the imposition of English dominion all this was changed. During the terrible wars that were waged by Henry VIII, Eliz- abeth, James I, Cromwell and William of Orange, for the sub- jugation of Ireland, and the extermination of her people, all of the lands of Ireland were seized and confiscated and then distri- buted as rewards for serA^ice to the soldiers and favorites of the several invaders. The old tribal form of laud-ownership was displaced by the system of feudal tenure which England imposed upon the country. In plain words the Irish people were robbed of their lands and the Irish owners of the land were replaced by alien robbers who, in this unrighteous manner, became the progenitors of the race of landlords, whose- control of the lands of Ireland, for more than two hundred years, was one of the greatest evils that ever befel that unhappy country. The cruel exactions of these landlords and the appalling misery inflicted by them upon the prostrate people of Ireland during the two centuries preceding the year 1870, make some of the blackest pages of Irish history, but these are matters which are not within the sco])e of our present inquiry, and it will suffice in dismissing them to quote the unbiased testimony of two eminent authorities, one a Scotchman, and the other an Englishman. Mr. T. W. Russell, a Scotchman and a member of the Brit- ish Parliament, says: ** These years have been dominated b}^ a land system, which can only be described as systematized and legal robbery of the poor. The governed were, in the main helots and slaves; the governors were, to a large extent, callous and heartless tyrants. England had, unasked and unbidden, taken over the government of Ireland. Where the duty was not shamefully neglected, it was exercised in the interests of a class alone. 190 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND Until Mr. Gladstone arose, no subject people had ever been more basely treated or neglected by a conqueror." And Mr. Froude, the eminent historian, says : ''In Ireland the proprietor was an alien, with the fortunes of the residents upon his estates in his hands and at his mercy. He was divided from them in creed and language; he despised them, as of an inferior race, and he acknowledged no interest in common with them. Had he been allowed to trample on them, and make them his slaves, he would have cared for them, perhaps, as he cared for his horses. But their persons were free, while their farms and houses were his; and thus his only object was to wring out of them the last penu}* which they could pay, leaving them and their children to a life scarcely raised above the level of their own pigs." One of the awful consequences of this pernicious system, was the depopulation of Ireland which took lolace during the last half of the 19th century. The population of every other civilized country in the world, in that period, increased. In Ireland it declined. In 1845 Ireland had three times as many people as Scotland, and half as many as England; but in sixty years Ireland lost 4,500,000, and today she has less inhabitants than Scotland and hardly a tenth of the population of the Unit- ed Kingdom. As I have said, the people fled from the land as if it were stricken with a plague. Is there in the world a ]mY- allel to that awful tragedy? They have gone from Ireland in millions and with bitterness in their hearts; and liave carried a sense of their wrongs into every corner of the world. And what was the character of that emigration? Ninety per cent, of those who fled from Ireland were between the ages of ten and forty-five years — the very life blood of the nation. Famine and emigration had reduced the population of Ireland to about four and a half millions in 1870, the year which begins the peri- od we are now discussing. With this great loss of population came another and perhaps greater calamity to the Irish people. "We have seen that the destruction of their commerce and in- dustries obliged them to become an agricultural people; and it is well within the mark to say that, of the population of four and a half millions in 1870, three and a half millions, or seven ninths of the entire people, were dependent upon the land for their means of existence. Now in the old days, ]u-ior to 1830, the landlords permitted the people to occupy practically all of the fertile lands of Ireland upon the single condition that they paid the rent. If they did not, they were evicted; but, gener- ally speaking, in that time, if the ])oor Irish people were able in any way to pay the rent, and all other exactions and fines EDWARD J. McMAHON 191 imposed upon them by the landlords, they were permitted to re- main n23on their farms. In this way most of the farms in Ire- land were held by the same families for many generations. The only interest or sentiment, however, that moved the land- lord in his dealing with the land, or with the people, was the commercial one of profit: and so, when opportnnity came to in- crease his revenue, by transforming the farm lands into large grazing pastures, which he might lease to English speculators, he promptly and mercilessly evicted his old Irish tenants from their holdings. Away back in the early thirties the landlords began to get i;id of their tenants. The famine of '49 gave great impetus to the clearing out, and the enormous demand for cat- tle during the Crimean "War was another thing that turned the landlords toward grazing as more profitable than tenant farm- ing. A landlord, instead of having to collect rents from two hundred or three hundred tenants, found he could let the same land to half a dozen big English grazers. This plan rid him of a lot of trouble and saved him the annoyance of constant agi- tation about excessive rents. So the people were driven out, those who could pay their rents and those who could not. The houses and barns they had built, where their fathers had lived and their children liad been born, passed to the landlord abso- lutely, and there was no law under which the tenant could re- cover a penny for the home stolen from him. A man's father and grandfather, perhaps reclaimed the land years and years before, drained it, fenced it and built the house and barns. At the command of the landlord all the labor of those many years was swept away. Houses and barns were flung down, and the stones that had sheltered families for generations, were built into walls around the grazing fields. By means of these wholesale evictions, which continued, from time to time to the year 1870, not only the homes of the people were destroyed, but entire villages and districts were obliterated as effectually as though they never had existed. ATriting of this period and of the condition of Ireland in the seventies and eighties, T. P. O'Connor says: ''The traveller can pass for miles, and see a country on which not a single hu- man being remains: the frequent ruin speaks of a vanished pop- ulation as effectually scattered as the populations of those en- tombed cities in Italy, the ruins of which today, with such com- pelling silence, tell the tale of tumultuous life reduced to still- ness and death." As a result of these great clearances, 12,000,000 acres, or four-fifths of the lands of Ireland, and that the most fertile in 192 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND the country, were transformed into grazing pastures for horses and cattle, and the unfortunate people, who formerly occupied them, were compelled to find homes and sustenance upon the 3,000,000 acres of bog, mountain and waste land which the landlords could not otherwise dispose of to their advantage. The horrible inhumanity of this attempted extermination of a people is not paralleled in the history of any other civilized na- tion in the world. Think of it for a moment: 3,500,000, or sev- en-ninths of all the people of Ireland, in the closing half of the enlightened nineteenth century, were driven out from four- fifths of the land, which rightfully belonged to them, and obliged to support themselves, or perish, upon the remaining one-fifth. And that was the condition of the peasantry of Ire- land ,witli reference to land holding in 1870, and until the peri- od of land reform, to which presently we shall refer. Let us now briefly consider the situation of the tenants in their newly acquired holdings; and I am now speaking of their condition in 1870 and the years which immediately followed. The land- lord let the bare soil, perhaps a strip of bog, or a patch on a stony hillside. The tenant then took the bit of land and erected his little -cabin on it. Before he could raise a peck of potatoes he had to prepare the land. He had to clear out the stones, dig drains and build fences. It has been truly said that his first three crops were stones. In other words the Irish peasant had to take the raw materials and actually make his farm with his own hands, and with the most heart-breaking labor, meanwhile, and always, paying the rent. The tenant was never secure in his holding. There was always impending the dark, dread shadow of rackrenting and eviction before his vision. Each landlord employed an agent, whose duty it was to inspect the holdings from time to time, estimate the improvements made by the tenant, and then to raise the rents accordingly. If, for instance, the tenant had agreed to pay $10 a year for his three or four acres of stony land, he was told that, having cleared and drained it, and made the land tenantable, he would have to pay $20. The result was, of course, to discourage thrift. The man who tried to improve liis condition paid dearly for it. An- other form of extortion, employed by the landlords, was the imposition of fines upon the tenants, and in many cases these were levied either wantonly, or for reasons that would be called ridiculous, were it not for the misery which followed them. Tims, for example, certain tenants were obliged to perform a number of days ' ' ' duty work ' ' for the landlord — for nothing — during each year of their holding; a tenant, whose son was married, without consulting the landlord's agent, was given an EDWARD J. McMAHON 193 increase in his rent of $25; another tenant had two sons mar- ried and, because he allowed them to live in the onthonse at- tached to his home, his rent was raised $50 per year; in one town there is a record showing that twenty families in that place were fined in a similar manner by the landlord's agent for marriages taking place without his permission. And in Ire- land, in those days, the landlord had a power to enforce his ex- actions — the power of starvation. If the unfortunate tenant could not meet the demand of the agent, no matter how unjust that demand might be, his little home was surrounded by the constabulary, tl^e crow bar brigade did its work and the poor tenant, with his wife and little ones, were flung on the road- side to starve and to die. And even in those cases, where the tenant, with the assistance of occasional remittances froin rela- tives in America, was able to meet the hard demands of the agent, his lot was at best a miserable and most precarious one. Upon this point let me quote the language of the official report of the Department of Agriculture: ' ' The people paid a rent for their holding generally not be- cause of its agricultural value, but rather because it was nec- essary to have some home for their family. In a 'good year' many of the inhabitants were little more than free from the dread of hunger, whilst a bad year, arising from the complete or partial failure of their crops, produced a condition of semi- starvation." Such was the degree of serfdom to which the people of Ire- land were reduced, by the iniquitous system of land tenure maintained in that unhappy country by English laws, during the first ten years of the period we are now discussing. So much for the land qeustion. Another great evil that ^weighed heavily upon the people, during this period, was the* unjust and oppressive system of government that England imposed upon Ireland. You have heard the story of the destruction of the Irish parliament in 1800, and of the perfidious means employed by Pitt and his colleagues to accomplish that act of treachery, of which Glad- stone said: '*I know of no blacker or fouler transaction in the history of man than the making of the Union between England and Ireland." You remember, too, the assurances that were given to the Catholics of Ireland, by the British Ministry, that emancipation and perfect equality would be accorded them im- mediately upon the establishment of the Union; and 3'ou know how quickly these assurances were repudiated. Catholic eman- cipation did not come till 1829, and then it was granted only in the presence of a threatened revolution. 194 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND It was not until 40 years later, in 1869, that the Catholics, who numbered four-fifths of the population, were released from the burden of supporting the Protestant establishment in Ire- land. While it is true that, in form and name, the Catholics were granted emancipation in 1829, it is no less true that from the time of the Union until the enactment of the Local Gov- ernment Act in 1898 to which we shall refer later, the great majority of the people of Ireland — more than four-fifths of them — had no more effective influence in matters of Irish legis- lation than the citizens of Massachusetts have in the affairs of Australia. Think of it — the Irish people could not construct a road, build a bridge, erect a public building or engage in any town or municipal enterprise without the sanction of the Brit- ish pai'liament. And worse than that: in all the years of fam- ine, of eviction and of suffering, through which Ireland passed from 1830 to 1881, the British parliament failed to pass even one act for the substantial betterment of the peasantry of that unhappy country. During that period, forty-eight bills, for the relief of the suffering tenants, were introduced in the imperial parliament, and every one of them was rejected. In the same period of fifty years there were enacted forty-eight measures for the coercion and oppression of the people. If England has failed to provide good government for Ireland, she has not failed to exact from that poor country, by means of imjust tax- ation, an amount infuiitely larger than her proportionate share, of the imperial taxes. Some years ago the accusation was made that Ireland was greatly overtaxed, and that accusation became so insistent that, in May, 1894, a royal commission was appoint- ed by the imperial government to investigate the matter. And that' commission found and reported that Ireland was over- taxed to the extent of nearly $15,000,000 ^ year, and that that had gone on for half a century. In supi^ort of this statement let me quote from the Satur- day Eeview (Unionist) of July 25, 1896, as follows: "Ten out of the thirteen commissioners agree in that we have taken 2,750,000 pounds a year more from Ireland than Ireland ought to have paid. And this fleecing of England's weaker sister has been going on at this rate for something like half a century. According" to the finding of a commission, mainly composed of Englishmen, we owe Ireland considerably over 100,000,000 pounds (in our monev about $500,000,000). Had this sum been left in Ireland to fructify it is more than likely that Ireland would never have suffered as she did." Another example of English misgovernment in Ireland is found in the matter of education. In preceding lectures you EDWARD J. McMAHON 195 were told of the great schools and universities that made Ire- land the seat of learning and the home of the scholars of Eu- rope, during the glorious age of her independence; and you were told, too, that the suppression of her schools, her language and her literature followed closely upon the destruction of her liberty. It is recorded that Elizabeth appointed commissioners to abolish the Irish schools, destroy their books, scatter their masters and pupils, and to wipe away their remembrance. From that time the way of the Irish scholar was marked by outlawry, starvation and death. The education of the youth of Ireland was made a ^rime. No Irishman was allowed to open a public school or send his children over the sea to study. Irish Catho- lics, so far as the laws were concerned, were left for the next two centuries absolutely illiterate, or with only such teaching as the wandering hedge schoolmaster could bring them. Indeed it was not until 1833 that England provided any sort of a sys- tem of national education; and that system, with some modifi- cations, remained in force until a few years ago. Dr. Whately, the Protestant archbishop of Dublin, was the head of the board that established the present system of national schools in Ire- land, and his avowed policy was to Anglicize the children in the schools, to effect the "consolidation," as he called it, of Great Britain and Ireland. This right reverend, but unpatri- otic Irishman, undertook to revise the reading books used in the schools. In doing so he expunged such verses as Camp- bell's "Downfall of Poland," and Scott's poem containing the lines : "Breathes there a man with soul so dead Who never to himself hath said: — This is my own, my native land!" and, in their place, he inserted in the books this effusion from his own pen: "I thank the goodness and the grace That on my birth have smiled. And made me in these Christian days A happy English child. ' ' The tendency of the Board of Education was to denation- alize the little children of the Irish race. Irish history, Irish poetry, the Irish language, and indeed everything Irish were forbidden in the schools until a few years ago, and it was not 196 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND until 1908 that the Catholics of Ireland were accorded the priv- ilege of University training. Let me summarize what I have said with reference to the misgovernment of Ireland by England, from the time of the Union to the beginning of the great transformation, that is now taking place in Great Britain and in Ireland, in the words of Mr. Chamberlain, the eminent English statesman. Speaking at West Islington in England, on June 17, 1885, Mr. Chamber- lain, in referring to the existing system of government in Ire- land, said: '*I do not believe that the great majority of Englishmen have the slightest conception of the system under which this free nation attempts to rule a sister country. It is a system which is founded on the bayonets of 30,000 soldiers encamped permanently as in a hostile country. It is a system as com^ pletely centralized and bureaucratic as that with which Russia governs Poland, or as that which was common in Venice under Austrian rule. An Irishman at this moment cannot move a step, he cannot lift a finger, in any parochial, municipal or edu- cational work, without being confronted, interfered with, con- trolled by, an English official appointed by a foreign govern- ment, and without the shadow or shade of representative au- thority." It must appear conclusively, from the facts which I have stated, and the English authorities which I have cited, that the imjust and oppressive systems of land tenure and civil govern- ment, that were inflicted by England upon Ireland, during the early part of the present period, and for a long time prior to then, were directly responsible for the miserable condition of that unhappy country, and the prostration of her people. I have taken much of your time, this evening, in the considera- tion of those evils of landlordism and misgovernment, which prevailed, so recently in Ireland, in order to show in greater contrast the immeasurable improvements, that already have been accomplished in the matter of land tenure, and the great transformation that presently is to be effected by the estab- lishment of an Irish parliament, for the government of Ireland. The year 1879 marked a crisis in the history of Ireland. The potato crop, which may be described as the thin ]3artition which separated large masses of the people from starvation, was bad in the years 1877-78. In 1879 two-thirds of the crop had failed to come to maturity, and, in many parts of the country, had entirely disappeared Thus Ireland again stood face to face with famine. Everywhere there was distress^ and miseiw. Everywhere the landlords were demanding exorbitant EDWARD J. McMAKON 197 rent, and, failing to obtain it, were throwing the tenants upon the roadsides; and everywhere, in the minds of the people, loomed up the horrible spectre of '46 and the desolation and death that followed in its wake. Parliament was asked to stay the hand of the landlord, but parliament refused to interfere. Then began the greatest struggle in the history of Ireland. It was a struggle which involved the very existence of the Irish nation, and which finally was to determine whether Ireland was to remain the home of an ancient and distinguished race of men, or to be transformed into one vast grazing pasture for cattle. Standing upon a platform, erected upon the site of the cabin, in which he was born, and from which his father had been evicted ^thirty years bef oi'e, in the town of Straide, County Mayo, Michael Davitt, one of the purest Irish patriots that ever lived, denounced the oppression of his country by England as tyranny, and called upon the manhood of Ireland to enroll themselves under the standard of the Land League which he had organized for the defense of their homes and their liberties. Davitt 's sincerity and patriotism aroused the people from one end of Ireland to the other, and, before the close of the year 1879, Ireland was, for the fourth time in the century, in the throes of revolution. In all history there is no parallel to the struggle which followed, or to its outcome. The demands of the Irish people may be summed up in a single phrase, the abolition of landlordism and the establish- ment of home rule. Opposing these demands, and insisting upon the retention of their feudal rights, were the landlords of Ireland, and the most powerful empire on earth. In the presence of such fearful odds, well might the friends of Ireland tremble, when they considered the disastrous effect that was almost certain to follow that unequal combat. Cau- tious men reminded the people of the sad catastrophies of 180.3, 1848 and 1865, and implored them to be patient, to wait, and to hope for better conditions; but the time for patience and waiting and hoping was gone. An outraged and a determined people were patient, and waiting and hoping only for the com- ing of some man, of courage and ability, to direct their organ- ization and to lead them to victory. Then came the hour and the man. And that man was Charles Stewart Parnell, who was destined, in his own short life, to strike the blow that caused the downfall of feudalism in Ireland, and to lay the corner stone for the establishment of Irish self government. Parnell in assuming his leadership, in a great speech, at "Westport, said to the people of Ireland: 198 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND ''Hold your harvests — Hold your lauds, aud remember that God helps him who helps himself." Hitherto, wheu the laudlords had seut their process of evictiou, the teuaut had goue out with wife aud childreu though the wife aud childreu might be dyiug, aud the ditch be their only refuge. Here was a uew and a strauge aud a thrilliug gos- l^el; that the farmer should staud by his holdiug aud his houie aud refuse to perish at the bidding of his oppressor. This memorable phrase became the war-cry of the uew Irish revolu- tion, which, in a short time, spread over every part of Ireland. What were the forces available, aud the methods employed by Paruell, in this unprecedented caiiipaign he was about to enter in behalf of his countrymen? First, Paruell had at his back the united support of every man, woman aud child in Ireland, who gave to him their un- questioning and unswerving allegiance. To be sure they were without arms in their hands, but that did not matter. They were told by him to hold their lands, aud they knew how to hold them and how to refuse payment of the rent. In addition they had indomitable resolution in their hearts. That was enough. Second, Paruell had the sympathy, publicly and freely ex- pressed, of the civilized world. One instance of this took place in Washington, D. C, on February 2, 1880, when, by resolution of the House, he was accorded the unusual honor of addressing the representatives of the American i3eople, on the distress of his country. Third, Paruell had, in the Irish parliamentary party, an army made, disciplined aud led by an incomparable general. It was of this party that Gladstone said: "Paruell had a most efficient party, an extraordinary party. I do not say ex- traordinary as an opposition, but extraordinary as a govern- ment. The absolute obedience, the strict discipline, the military discipline, in which he held them was unlike anything I have ever seen. They were always there, they were always ready, they were always united, aud Paruell was supreme all the time. ' ' Now, keeping in mind that the object of this campaign was to abolish landlordism aud to secure self government, what were the methods employed by Paruell ? Physical force f No — ■ that door was closed and to open it meant the suicide of a na- tion. The methods used by Pamell were unicpie, and unparalleled in the history of political warfare, and may be stated in two words, Abste'ution and Obstruction. Paruell believed that if he could compel England to give her attention to Ireland, and EDWARD J. McMAHON 193 to nothing else, lie would succeed, and he proposed to do this by the forces of abstention and obstruction. Abstention meant passive resistance. It meant that the tenants should keep a firm grip on their holdings, and that landlords, who evicted them, and land-grabbers, who took their farms, should be let alone. And what an awful significance was attached in Par- nell's time, in those simple words, "let him alone.". Speaking at a mass meeting in Ennis, on September 19, 1880, Parnell said to the people: "When a man takes a farm from which another has been evicted, you must show him on the roadside when you meet him, you must show him in the streets of the town, you must show him at the shop counter, you must show him in the faif and in the market place, by leaving him severely alone, by isolating him from his kind as if he was a leper of old — you must show him your detestation of the crime he has com- mitted, and you may depend upon it that there will be no man so full of avarice,, so lost to shame, as to dare the public opinion of all right thinking men, and to transgress your unwritten code of laws." From this time the doctrine of boycotting, as it afterwards came to be called, from the name of a land agent, Captain Boycott, was accepted with popular enthusiasm, and measured out freely, by the people, to the offending landlord and land grabber. Without threat or violence, without doing the slightest injury to any of his legal rights, they left him in such absolute isolation that the fate of the leper was happiness, compared with his. He was "let alone." Social ostracism or boycotting, as it was called in land league days, did not originate in Ireland. It has been resorted to in divers forms and innumerable causes in all civilized coun- tries. As far back as the month of March, 1770, it was re- morselessly used by the people of the colony of Massachusetts, in the case of traders who persisted in importing tea from Eng- land, against the protest of the colonists. Various instances of this form of boycotting are reported in the "Boston Gazette and Country Journal" of Monday, March 12, 1770. In marked contrast with the passive character of absten- tion, Parnell's policy of obstruction was full of dramatic action. It was outlined in his declaration that, so long as England re- fused to allow Ireland to have a parliament of her own, Irish- men must see that parliamentary government was made im- practicable and impossible in England. By means of long speeches, questions and debates, he pro- posed to prevent parliament doing any work, until it consented to listen to the imperative needs of Ireland. English statesmen for a long time had turned a deaf ear to Ireland's claim for 200 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND justice, and lie would make them listen. The unwritten laws and traditions of the House of Commons were all opposed to this procedure, but Parnell speedily found, in the written rules and orders, of the House, ample authority which permitted him to obstruct public business and to bring the parliamentary ma- chine to a standstill. With this weapon at their command, Parnell and the Irish party began blocking every bill brought in by the government; nothing was too large or too small a question for discussion. Night after night they talked, and talked by the hour, upon ev- ery subject that arose. On one memorable night, Mr. Joseph Bigger, a member from Cavan, talked four hours. In describ- ing this event Mr. Redmond, the present leader of the Irish party, says: ''At first, members indulged in the usual inter- ruptions, and seeing that Mr. Bigger rather welcomed them as affording him a pleasant rest, they adopted another plan to discourage him and left the house in a body. Looking in an hour later, they found him still on his legs, reading long ex- tracts from blue books to em]3ty benches. An hour later he was still talking. x\fter a while the Speaker of the House at- tempted to cut him short. There is a rule that every member must make himself audible to the chair, and Mr. Bigger 's voice had grown weak and husky. 'The Honorable Member is not making himself audible to the chair,' said the Speaker. 'That is because I am too far away from you, sir,' said Mr. Bigger, who immediately gathered his books and papers, walked sol- emnly up the floor of the House and took a position within a yard of the chair. 'As you have not heard me, Mr. Speaker,' said Mr. Bigger, 'I will begin all over again,' " Time and time again, Mr. Parnell, Mr. Bigger and other members of the Irish party were suspended" and removed from the floor of the House. Their places were taken by others who talked and de- bated and questioned, till the night was gone, and no business could be done. In this way the dignified House of Commons soon became a place of unbroken turbulence and disorder. Dur- ing this period of obstruction, Parnell was the most hated man in England, ^^"lienever he arose to address the House he was greeted with howls and roars of execration from exasperated members. In the press and on the streets, he was denounced as a tyrant, a dictator and a traitor. And yet, only a few years were "to pass, and this same Parnell was to be proclaimed the most popular man in London, by those same Englishmen, in the press, upon the highways, and upon the floor of the House of Commons. Let us anticipate a little, at this point, to tell this story, in the words of Mr. Redmond : EDWARD J. McMAHON 201 ' ' It was on the first of March, 1889. The conspiracy of the London Times and Piggott, the Irish forger, to rnin Parnell by means of forged letters implicating him" in the Phoenix Park mm-der had just broken down. For many months this terrible accusation, made with all the autliority of the greatest news- paper in England, had hung over Mr. Parnell's head. The most skilled experts in handwriting had sworn positively that his was the hand which had penned the damning letters. Belief in his guilt was almost universal in England, and now suddenly the forger had the truth wrung from his li])s, in the witness chair, and had fled the country to find a few hours afterwards an end to his miserable life by suicide. The reaction in Mr. Parnell's favor was instantaneous and complete. On leaving the cramped and clammy room in the Law Courts, where the long hearings had been held, he was escorted through the streets of London by cheering thousands of Englishmen, and, on his arrival at the House of Commons, he was cheered and cheered again, in the lobb-y and upon the floor of the House, by Englishmen of every political persuasion." Time will not permit us to dwell further upon the story of the battles and clashes and conflicts that took place between the forces of constituted authority and the forces of Parnell, in Ire- land and upon the floor of the House of Commons, during the early years of this great revolutionary period. It is enough that in the year 1881, Gladstone, the prime minister of England, and the first statesman of the world in his time, generously acknowledged the justice of the demands of Ireland, and not only brought to the aid of the Irish cause the weight of his own magnificent ability, but also secured for it the enduring sympathy and support of the newly enlightened democracy of England. Neither have we the time this evening to pay ade- quate tribute to the sublime genius of that brilliant young lead- er of the Irish people, Charles Stewart Parnell, whose love for his country, whose sacrifices in her behalf and whose incom- parable leadership in her battles have secured for him the everlasting gratitude of liis countrymen and an imperishable place among the national heroes of his country. The regeneration of Ireland began with the enactment of Gladstone's celebrated land act of 1881, which completely revo- lutionized the system of land tenure upheld in Ireland for over two hundred years. But the land act of 1881 did not settle the Irish question. The struggle, for the reformation of the laud laws and the government of Ireland, was to go on for more than thirty years. Victory after victory was to be won. Parnell and Gladstone were to pass away, but Ireland's progress was not to 202 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND be halted. And now the master statesmen, who are leading, re- spectively, the forces of Ireland, and of England, to a trinmph- ant conchision of this most remarkable revolution, are John E. Redmond, the wise, eloquent and fearless chairman of the Irish parliamentary party, and Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister of England, who has staked his political career upon the question of the establishment of the nationhood of Ireland. Let us now survey the victories that have been won for Ireland, b}^ the Irish Parliamentary party, during the past thirty years, and the prospects for the future. In the first place, landlordism has been abolished forever in Ireland; rackrenting, eviction and extermination are gone, gone never to come back to Ireland; the evicted tenants, who have survived the battle, have been restored to their home- steads; by virtue of the various land purchase acts, England has loaned the imperial credit, to the amount of one billion dol- lars, to the farmers of Ireland, for the purchase by them of the lands of Ireland; more than half the soil of Ireland, formerly held by 750 Irish landlords, has already passed into the absolute ownership of more than 300,000 Irish peasant proprietors, and the purchase of the remaining part ha'^been made possible; tenants in towns and cities have been given the right by law to compensation for good will and betterment, a privilege not known in the United States; nearly 100,000 modern cottages, which rent for a shilling a week, have been erected for the use of agricultural laborers; three and one-half million dollars are distributed each year to the dependent old people of Ireland, in the form of old age pensions; great improvements have been made in the educational system, the Gaelic language and Irish history are now taught in the elementary schools, and there has been established a national university for the higher educa- tion of the Catholic youth of the country; and, since the Local Government Act of 1898, all the powers of local government, in district, urban, and county affairs, have been vested in the Irish people. This Act of 1898 has made home rule inevitable. In 1886, Gladstone introduced his first home rule bill, but it was defeated in the House of Commons. In 1893 he intro- duced another home rule bill, and carried it through the House of Commons. It was summarily rejected by the House of Lords. There was a general election in December, 1910, in which the one great issue was the question of home rule, and the ver- dict of the electorate of Great Britain and Ireland was over- whelmingly in favor of granting self government to Ireland. The liberal party was returned to power with a combined ma- EDWARD J. McMAHON 20 3- jority of 1:24. After this magnificent endorsement of Ireland's demand, there remained but one obstacle, in the British gov- ernment, to the granting of home rule. The House of Lords has opposed every measure of relief for the benefit of the people of Ireland, that has been introduced, in Parliament, during the past century. It killed the home rule bill in 1893 without the slightest consideration, and, so long as it retained its power of veto, the cause of home rule, in Ireland, was hopeless. The greatest achievement of the Irish party — and indeed of any political party in the history of England — was the amendment to the English constitution, which was effected by the ''Parlia- ment Act" of 1911. B}' that act the veto of the House of Lords has been abolished, and the power of hereditarj^ rule to over- ride the will of the people is gone forever. Now, under the law, any measure, which has passed the House of Commons three times, within two years after its first introduction becomes a law, notwithstanding the opposition of the Lords, providing it receives the royal assent. With the destruction of the power of the House of Lords, the way was cleared for action, and in 1912, Mr. Asquith introduced his now famous home rule bill, which is destined to give to Ireland the only real measure of national self-government she has possessed in more than 300 years. This fact is apparent when we contrast the jurisdiction conferred by it, upon an Irish parliament, with that possessed by the parliaments of Ireland, from the time of James I, 1603, when the English conquest of Ireland was completed, to the time of the LTnion in 1800, when the parliament of Ireland was destroyed. The only power possessed by the Irish parliaments, from 1603 to 1782, was to record the will of the reigning sover- eign, whose authority over every part of Ireland during that period, was substantially that of an absolute monarch. Grat- tan's parliament, which lasted from 1782 till the Union in 1800, is sometimes referred to as an independent parliament. It is true that Grattan's parliament did great things for Ireland, but it was independent only in theory. In fact and in practice it was dependent and impotent. Xo measure passed by that parliament could become a law until it had passed King and Council in England; and the executive of Grattan's parliament was responsible, not to the parliament of Ireland, but to the parliament of England. Indeed Grattan's parliament was in no sense of the word a representative Irish parliament, for the reason that the Catholics of Ireland, who then numbered four- fifths of the population, were not only excluded by law from membership in it, but also were denied the privilege of the fran- chise in parliamentary elections. 204 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND And now let us consider the measure of national self-gov- 'ernment conferred ui)on Ireland by the Asquitli home rule bill. In the first place it abolishes the government of Ireland by Dublin Castle, and substitutes for that the government of Ire- land by the Irish people. As Mr. Redmond said, at the national convention in Dublin two years ago: "Dublin Castle, with all its evil and blood-stained tradition, disappears. That horrible system — anti-Irish, unrepresentative, centralized, bureaucratic, which has misgoverned, tortured, and ruined Ireland, crumples instantly into dust, and a new Irish Executive will control every Irish board and every Irish department." The home rule bill removes all existing religious and polit- ical disabilities, and provides for absolute freedom and equal- ity in the matter of religious worship. It establishes, for the government of Ireland, an Irish parliament consisting of two houses, namely, the Irish Senate, composed of forty nominated senators, and an Irish House of Commons, comi)osed of one hundred and sixty-four elected members. The executive de- partment will consist of Irish ministers, dependent upon the confidence of the Irish House of Commons. The first senators will be nominated by the government in power in the British parliament, when the bill is enacted into law, presumably the ,\squitli government. Later, these senatorial nominations will <^ome from the Irish ministers. Senators will hold office for eight years. Members of the Irish House of Commons will be elected by the Irish people and may hold office for five years. This nominated senate will have no power either to amend or reject any money bill. It may reject an ordinary bill twice, but, after the second rejection of a bill, the two houses will meet to- gether and the bill will then pass if it has a majority in the joint convention. The Irish parliament will have jurisdiction, subject only to certain matters which are reserved with quali- fication, of every purely Irish matter and of all public service in connection with the administration of the civil government of Ireland. These departments will immediately come under the control of the Irish parliament ; public works and buildings, rates on government property, railways, roads and bridges, de- partment of agriculture, congested districts board, local govern- ment boards, valuation office, law and justice department, the supreme court, county courts, the Dublin metropolitan police, prisons, reformatory and industrial schools, education, univer- sities, colleges, charities, the Irish Postoffice, and finally, in the words of the bill, "the Irish parliament shall have power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of Ireland." There are certain services which are reserved for EDWARD J. McMAHON 20 o the Imperial Parliament. ^Most of them, however, will come under the control of the Irish parliament within a few years. Services that are temporarily reserved are: (a) The general subject matter of the acts relating to land purchase in Ireland, the old age pension acts, the national insurance act, and the labor exchange act. (b) The collection of taxes, (c) The royal Irish constabulary, (d) Postoffice savings banks. Trustee savings banks and Friendly Societies; and (e) Public loans made in Ireland before the passing of this act. Of these five reserved matters, the royal Irish constabulary will automatically become an Irish service and will be under the control of the Irish parliament at the end of six years, and each one of the others, will pass to the Irish parliament within a short time, in compliance with express provision for the transfer of jurisdiction, contained in the present bill. The only matters, reserved exclusively to the imperial parliament, are matters directly affecting the Crown, such as the making of war and peace, the army and navy, treaties and foreign rela- tions, dignities, coinage, trademarks, patents and naturaliza- tion. For a time the Imperial Government will collect all taxes in Ireland and also all the tenant purchasers annual ]:)ayments. This provision for the collection of the taxes is required for the reason that the Imperial Government has loaned its credit to the amount of nearly one billion dollars, to the tenant farmers of Ireland, for the purchase of their farm lands from the land- lords, under the various land purchase acts. If the tenant pur- chasers fail to make their annual payments, the loss will be met by deduction from the tax revenue, which otherwise would all be handed back to the Irish government. After these losses have been adjusted — and it is estimated that they will be small in number and in amount — every penny of Irish taxation, no matter from what source obtained, direct or indirect, customs or income tax, is to be transferred to the Irish exchequer to be expended on Ireland by the Irish govern- ment. When land purchase agreements are com])leted and when Irish revenue exceeds Irish expenditure, the bill provides a means whereby Ireland will collect her own taxes, and until that time comes Ireland will not be required to make any con- tribution to the imperial exchequer for imperial expenses. By far the most important financial clause in the new home rule bill is that which requires that England, in addition to the amount of Irish taxes collected by her, shall also pay over to Ireland annually, for an indefinite number of years, a sum near- ly equal to ten millions of dollars, in our money. And this pa}- 206 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND jnent is not to be a loan from England to Ireland, which, at some future time, will have to be repaid; neither is it a gift. It is an act of justice. It is a restitution of a small part of the one hundred and fifty million pounds which poor depressed Ire- land was overtaxed by her rich and prosperous sister England during the fifty years preceding 1894, as expressly found by the royal commission in 1895 to which we have already referred. Such in brief is a summary of the home rule bill. It does not provide, it is true, for the absolute separation of Ireland from England. No sane man will contend that Ireland today is in a position to demand and achieve her absolute independ- ence against the will of England. That being the case the ques- tion naturally arises, is the proposed home rule bill an accepta- ble measure? Well, the best judges of that are the people to l)e directly affected by it, not tlie Irish race in other portions of the world, but the Irish people at home in Ireland. And what do they say about itf The eighty-four men who represent the heart of national Ireland, in the Irish parliamentary party, voted unanimously for the acceptance of the bill. A convention assembled in Dublin, larger and more marvelous in its enthusi- asm and unanimity than any other assembly that ever came to- gether on Irish soil, having considered carefully and wisely the conditions and circumstances, in which Ireland is now situated, declared that "the home rule bill is acceptable" and directed its representatives to convex' that message to the British ])ar- liament. On the 19tli of July, 1912, Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister of England, public and officially visited Ireland. In Dublin he addressed the largest gathering of Irish men and women that has assembled in Ireland since the monster meet- ings of 'Connell at Tara. This immense mass of people, num- laering more than 100,000, filled 'Connell Street, the broadest street in Ireland, from Parnell statue to Nelson's Pillar. In that great assemblage were the official representatives of every town, city and county in Ireland, excepting only a very small part of the country to which we shall presently refer. In his -speech Mr. Asquith said, in plain and express words, that Ire- land is a nation and that as a nation, Ireland is entitled to the inalienable right of self-government, and believing this he solemnly and unreservedly pledged himself and the great de- mocracy of England, which he represented, to carry through to a successful end the home rule bill, for the government of Ireland, which he had presented to the British parliament. This pronouncement of the Prime Minister was received with the greatest enthusiasm. One hundred thousand hearty Irish welc^omes and 100,000 lusty Irish cheers proclaimed to him the EDWARD J. McMAHON 207 gratitude of the Irish people and the unanimity with which his proposition for the self-government of Ireland was accepted. Since the introduction of the home rule bill, and just subse- quent to the Asquith meeting in Dublin, I visited many parts of Ireland and talked with many people, with reference to this great absorbing topic of the hour in that country; and I can state, from personal observation, that, with the exception of a .small corner in the northeast portion of Ireland, every class, creed and section, of the Irish people, are absolutely united upon the acceptance now of the home rule bill. The only body of Irishmen, in any part of the country, that protests against the adoption of the bill, is a band of fan- atical Orangemen in the north of Ireland. These Orangemen say, "Ulster does not want, and will not have, home rule, and, if the nationalists succeed in obtaining it, we will fight. ' ' A consideration, however, of the situation in Ulster will prove that this manifesto of the Orangemen is essentially wrong in three very important particulars, for it' will appear that a majority of the people of Ulster do want home rule; that, when liome rule comes, the Orangemen must and will accept it, and that they will not fight. Now what are the facts about the senti- ment of the Province of Ulster on the home rule question? The population of Ulster is very nearly eventy divided between Catholics and Protestants. There are no Catholic Orangemen. All the Catholics, to a man, in Ulster, are home rulers. It is estimated by Protestant home rule members of parliament from Ulster — men who knew — that more than ten per cent of the Protestants of that Province are home rulers. There are nine counties in Ulster. In five of them — Cavan, Donegal, Ferman- agh, Monaghan and Tyrone — the Catholics are in a large ma- jority, and in the remaining four — Antrim, Armagh, Down and Londonderry— the Catholics constitute a substantial minority. Each one of the nine counties sends at least one home rule mem- T3er to parliament, and of the thirty-three members, to which Ulster is entitled, seventeen are now home rulers and sixteen are unionists. The most prosperous industry in Ulster— in fact in Ireland — and one of the largest em])loyers of labor in the whole United Kingdom, is the great shipbuilding firm of Har- land and Wollf. This firm employs 16,000 workmen in Belfast and pays to them $150,000 a week. The head of this great con- cern, which means so much to Belfast, is Lord Pirrie. And no man in Ulster knows better than Lord Pirrie the needs of Ire- land, and the effect that home rule would have u])on the social, economic and political condition of his country. There is no more ardent supporter of home rule in all of Ireland than this 208 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND same Lord Pirrie. Indeed, it may be said that the present home rule movement had its birth in Ulster, where it was brought into existence and nourished b}^ those two noble and patriotic Irish Ulster Protestants, Isaac Butt and Joseph Big- ger. And today the principal city in the Province, Belfast, is represented in parliament by that brilliant young leader of his people, Joseph Devlin. I submit, therefore, that the claim of the Orangement that Ulster is opposed to home rule, is abso- lutely wrong and without foundation. Now as to the other claim of the Orange forces, namely, that, in the; event of home rule Ulster will fight, we will find upon an inspection of the record that that claim is equally without foundation. "There is no terror," Ulster, "in 3^our threats." Ulster will bluster, but Ulster will not fight. The same old threats of civil war are the political stock-in-trade of the Orange lodges. There is nothing novel about them. On every occasion, in the past hun- dred years, when concession of any sort was to be given to the Catholics of Ireland, the record shows that the fearless Orange- men were threatening to sacrifice even their lives, if necessary, in defense of that noble principle, religious inequality, in Ire- land. Thus in 1829, when O'Connell won his great victory of Catholic emancipation, there were all sorts of declarations that "the blood of the papists would be shed like water, and that the Orangemen would die rather than consent to this compact with Satan," and one of the leading Orange lights of the time ex- pressed himself upon the subject, in the following choice quat- rain: "Surrender! — no, we never will While Brunswickers have blood to spill; Our cause is glorious, and for that we'll fight For George's title and for William's right." Again in 1868, when Gladstone was determined to ])ut an end to that iniquitous system of tithes, which reciuired the Cath- olics of Ireland to pay for the support of the Protestant minis- try, by the disestablishment of the Irish church, the watchful warriors were awake and were willing again to die, if needs be, to prevent their Catholic fellow countrymen from enjoying re- ligious freedom. Listen to this specimen of heroism from a speech delivered in Portadovru in May, 1868, by Thomas Ellis: "We will fight- hay, if needs be, we will die — die as our fathers died before us, as our sons will die who succeed us. Yes, we will die; and this will be our dving crv — echoed and re-echoed from earth to :BDWARD J. McMAHON 209 heaven aud from one end of Ulster to the other — No Popery! No Surrender. ' ' And in order not to be outdone by their brave ancestors of O'Connell's time, one of the patriots, a Mr. Ma^ ginnis, dropped into poetry to the extent of these inspiring lines : ''Our bosoms we'll bare to the glaring strife, Our vows are recorded on high; To prevail in the cause is dearer than life, Or crushed in its ruins to die." i AVell, Catholic emancipation became a law in 1829, and the disestablishment of the Irish church was completed forty years later, and there was no civil war, and it is recorded that all of these poor men, who were so anxious to bare their breasts and die in the last ditch as martyrs in the Orange cause, were hapiuly content, in the end, to forego that questionable priv- ilege. But it would seem that the fact that their brave words about fighting and dying, were spoken only in a Pickwickian sense, is not yet appreciated by some of the present day hard headed sons of Ulster, for we find one of them declaring only a few months ago his belief that his followers "would march from Belfast to Cork, and take the consequences, ' ' and another stating, at a public meeting, that the Orangemen ''would try and fight their corner, and die up against the wall if necessary." It is perfectly obvious that all this talk about fighting and dy- ing is the veriest nonsense. Your boasting Orangeman is not going to commit suicide. But there are others in Ulster who are now making a diifereut threat. They are saying that, in the event of the establishment of an Irish parliament, the Or- angemen will not recognize it, and will not pay taxes to, or for the new Irish government. A little serious reflection, however, on their part will forbid the execution of any such ridiculous threat. No doubt the Orangemen would joyfully hurl defiance at the Irish parliament, and would refuse to pay a penny into the Irish treasury, were it not for the simple reason that by doing so they would work the immediate destritction of Ulster pros- perity. See what would happen if those people were to refuse recognition of the established government in Ireland. Their ports would be closed to commerce. They could not use the mail service, for to buy postage stamps, from the Irish Post- office, would be not only to recognize that institution, but to contribute to the revenue of the Irish government; and the same would be true of the telegraph and telephone service, both 210 THE REGENERATION OF IRELAND of which will be under the control of the Irish Postoffice. No courts would be open to them for the adjustment of their legal affairs, and, in addition to many other sacritiees, they would have to cease drinking tea, coft'ee, beer and spirits, and even deny themselves the consolation of an occasional ])ipe of to- bacco, for all of these articles would be taxed by the Irish gov- ernment. No, there is no danger to be apprehended from that threat. The latest proposition for the settlement of the Orange question is that Ulster be set apart from the rest of Ireland, that there be a ]^artition of Ireland and that, instead of one na- tion, there shall be two nations in Ireland. This pro})osal clear- ly indicates the extreme of Orange bigotry and intolerance. It means that Orangemen would viciously destroy the entity, and even the very existence of Ireland, rather than fraternize with their Catholic fellow'-countrymen. But the nationhood of Ire- land, which has existed for more than 3,000 years, and which has survived the wars, the ])ersecutions, the famines and the devastations of seven centuries, is not now going to surrender its ancient birthright, and sink into disgraceful oblivion, mere- ly to propitiate the fanatical bigotry of the Orangemen of Ul- ster. The reply of the Irish party to all these unpatriotic pro- posals was made by Mr. John Redmond, in his great Limerick speech, in which he said, "This two nation theory is to us an abomination and a blasphemy. Ulster is as much a part of Ire- land as Munster. AVe know, in our idea of the Irish nation, no district, no county, no province, we know no race, no creed, no class. Ireland and all Ireland for the Irish. Ireland emancipated, Ireland united, Ireland indivisible — these are our unchanged and unchangeable ideals — and let me say, in reverence and seriousness, we ought reverently thank God that we have lived to see the day, when those ideals are about to be realized." And the reply of Mr. Asquith, the i>rime min- ister of England, was made in these words, spoken by him in December last: "The government is determined to give home rule to Ireland, and is not going to ])e frightened or stopped by menaces of civil war. The home rule bill shall go through as it now stands." With the exception of the act for the abolition of slavery in America, no legislative measure for the relief of an afflicted people, in modern history, has ever been hailed with such po}:)ular and universal satisfaction, as that accorded to the home rule bill, which Mr. Asquith, in obedience to the express mandate of the i:)eople of Ireland, England. Scotland and Wales, introduced in the British parliament two years ago. The bill was passed for the first time, in the House of Commons, EDWARD J. McMAHON 211 in January, 1913. It was rejected by the Lords. It was passed for the second time, in the House of Commons, in June of the same year, and was again rejected by the Lords. It will be passed a third time, in the House of Commons, early in the session, which convenes on the tenth day of this month; and before the expiration of the present year, despite the ravings of Orangemen and the opposition of Lords, an Irish parliament, for the government of Ireland, by Irishmen, will be established in the capital city of Ireland. A single word, and I am done. What effect, you may ask, have aU these land and govern- mental reforms produced in Ireland! My friends, I can assure you that already they have brought a greater degree of prosperity to Ireland than she has known in a century. Go where you will today in Ireland, make any sort of an investigation you desire, and everywhere you will find evidence of the great transformation that has taken place in the social, economic, and political condition of the people. Let me submit two citations from the latest official re- port, in support of this statement. For half a century the population of Ireland has been de- creasing at the terrible rate of 40,000 annually. Last year, for the first time in 60 years, this awful drain upon the life blood of the country was stopped, and the population showed an in- crease of 1102. In 1881 the number of depositors in Irish sav- ings banks was 150,097; last year the number was 698,452, an increase of nearly 550,000, In 1881 there was deposited in Irish savings banks $19,010,505; last year the amount was $78,000,000, an increase of nearly $60,000,000. Again, in the twelve months ending June 30, 1913, there was an increase of deposits in Irish joint stock banks of $11,960,000, and the total deposits, in the Irish banks, was the largest ever record- ed. Yes, my friends, the entire face of the country is being changed; the wrongs of centuries are being righted; and today, with her faith in God unshaken, and her spirit of nationality unbroken, Ireland turns to a future that promises to keep her children at home, and to bring to them and their mother- land the blessings of continued peace, prosperity and hap- piness. And in her hour of triumph, when, with her, the whole world rejoices, may not we, the sons and daughters of her ex- iled children, offer to the dear old motherland our earnest fe- licitations, and sav to her, in the words of our own immortal O'Reillv: John E. Lynch John E. Lynch was born in Worcester, Mass., Feb- luary 7, 1863. Both parents were born in Ireland, — his father, Thomas Lynch, in Navan, Comity Meath, and his motlier, Margaret (Murray) Lynch, in Dromin, County Louth. Mr. Lynch completed the public school course in Worcester, graduating from the Classical High School in 1881. He then entered the State Normal School in Worcester, from which he graduated in 1884. Shortly afterward, he began to teach in the public schools of his native city, a vocation which he has followed without interruption for thirty years. For the past thirteen years he has been principal of the Woodland-Street School, and for eleven years of the same period, a supervisor in the schools. He has travelled extensively in Europe. Mr. Lynch was a trustee of the Worcester Free Public Library for six years. He is one of the founders of the American Irish Historical Society, a life member of the Worcester Society of Antiquity, a former presi- dent of the Worcester County Teachers' Association, an active member and official of the Massachusetts Teachers' Federation, and a member of the Public School Art League. ..^t/lAA^U^ ®ij^ Jrislj tn ttj^ Arts -BY- JOHN E. LYNCH Art in Ireland may be considered as of two periods — Chris- tian and pre-Christian. The pre-Christian art, developed in Ireland before the ad- vent of St. Patrick in the fifth century, may be termed Celtic. This embraces the remarkably skillful and artistic work in bronze, gold and enamel practiced in Ireland, before the com- ing of the Christian influence, and in Great Britain before the Koman invasion and occupation. The first three steps of any civilization in the British Isles concerned with art, originated, first, from the Iberian aborig- ines in the late stone or early bronze period; second, from the first Celtic invaders, the Goidels, in their bronze age ; and third, from the second Celtic invaders, the Brj^thonic Celts, in their iron age. The Celtic invasion of Ireland began probably as earlv as 2000 B. C. The earliest monuments in the British Isles that show the least trace of artistic or aesthetic feeling is Stonehenge in Sal- isbury, England, during the late stone age. The polished stone age was succeeded bv that of bronze. In the British Isles it lasted from 1500 to about 300 B. C. Art in the British Isles during the bronze age can best be studied from the examples in Ireland, for in that country have been found very many of the best examples, so large a number that it was thought to be the birthplace of some of the most characteristic principles and designs. Celtic art in this age is illustrated by numerous beautiful forms of objects of utility that were capable of ornamentation and aesthetic embellishment. Among the articles exhibiting ornate motives were daggers, swords, hatchets, spears, shields, 214 THE IRISH IN THE ARTS bracelets, helmets, brooches, torques, neck-ornaments and the like whose decorations of lines and curves either engraved or beaten up from behind, are marvels of beauty. Relative to these it is said that ''many objects so ornamented are so exquis- ite in proportion and in the rhythm of their lines that they ex- emplify in their own system of decoration a point beyond which it could not go. " Exclusively linear was the decoration of these things in bronze. Summing up the decorative motives of Celtic art of the Bronze age it is found "that they may be grouped as follows: Diagonal lines, straight and curved lines, leading to various combinations of the chevron ; punched dots, the spiral, the loop, the swastika, the winding band, and concentric circles. These jDatterns, in combinations of dots, straight and curved lines and the like are found in the numberless carved stones and rocks, tomb furniture and debris from inhabited sites. Of sculptured stones Ireland has afforded the most im- portant examples, the most remarkable being those discovered in the tumuli of county Meath, at New Grange, near Drogheda, and at Sliath Na Calliaghe, near Oldcastle. The Iron age of Celtic art in Britain dates from the third century, B. C. The decorated articles of this period consist mainly of grave goods found in burial mounds and tombs; remains found in village or town sites, and of objects casually lost. Nothing that gold-workers have done surpasses the artistic beauty and skill of execution of the gold torque from Limavady, which is one of the highly prized pieces of the Dublin museum. During this Iron age of Celtic art, enamelling was practiced by the workers in metal. The art, a very ancient one, was high- ly developed among the Celts before the coming of the Romans to Britain, and carried to such a degree of excellence that noth- ing quite equal to its products has yet been found in continental Europe. The process was the fixing on metal by heat of vitre- ous matter, as glass colored with metallic oxides. Enamelling, being as it were the handmaid of the metal-workers, can best be treated in connection with the finest examples, which will be referred to later. It was long before Christianity, which supplanted Druid- ism, modified or enriched Irish art to such a degree as to im- press itself as a distinct form. So persistent were the motives and basic art principles of pagan Ireland that their continuity as an Irish style was not materially interrupted up to the 13th century. "The Christian art ideas wer^ engraved on the pa- JOHN E. LYNCH 215 gan ideals and motives; tliougli tliey modified the latter they did not supersede them." The arts in which the Celtic Christians of Ireland gained distinction were metal work, stone-cutting or sculpture, the writing and illumination of manuscripts, architecture, and that art of beauty, feeling, and expression, the art of music. In the Dublin Museum is to be seen an excellent representa- tive collection of the metal work, Eelative to this, Lovett says that it would be possible to fill many pages with descriptions of the beautiful objects contained here illustrative of the knowl- edge, skill, and perseverance put forth at a time when many persons fancy that Ireland was inhabited only by hordes of sav- ages, mainly occupied vritli the slaughter of each other. Among the most artistic, valuable, and interesting speci- mens in this museum are the Ardagh chalice, cross of Cong, Tara brooch, shrine of St. Patrick's bell, and the Devonshire crozier. The value of thesei objects in metal is not in any case due to the intrinsic value of the material employed, but rather to the high degree of artistic skill and exquisite taste indicated. Bronze, copper, gold, and silver were the materials employed. The gem of the whole collection and in many respects con- sidered by many authorities one of the most beautiful and note- worthy art objects in Europe is the Ardagh chalice. It belongs to a class of cups or chalices known as the ''calices ministrales" in use before the tenth century by the minor clergy and the laity before the latter was debarred by the church from communion of both kinds, bread and wine. Consisting as it does of 354 pieces of gold, silver, brass, bronze, copper, and lead, all put together with the most artistic ability, and showing a remarkable variety of Celtic ornamenta- tion, it forms a specimen of classic elegance, both in beauty of design and exquisiteness of skill, acknowledged to be one of the finest pieces of metal work Christian art has anywhere pro- duced. The cross of Cong is regarded by some as the supreme ex- pression of Christian Celtic metal workers. It was designed and executed for the church of Tuam in the 12th century by or- der of Turlough O'Connor, king of Connaught, to enshrine a portion of the true cross; later, it was transferred to the abbey of Cong. The Tara brooch was found near Drogheda, not far from the sea, in 1850. In its execution it was probably contempor- aneous with the Ardagh chalice, for they have a similar devel- opment of the spiral design ; the same kind of filigree work ; the 216 THE IRISH IN THE ARTS same tricliinopoli or silver chain work; similar circles of amber and translucent glass, and corresponding enamels, both Clois- onnes and Champleves. The Devonshire crozier, one of the finest examples of the goldsmith's art, was found early in the 19th century, in the cas- tle of the duke of Devonshire, Lismore county, Waterford. The iron bell of St. Patrick, quite crude in style and make, is interesting more on account of its association and antiquity than its workmanship. Having an unbroken traceable history for 1400 years, it is at once the most authentic and the dearest Irish relic of Christian metal-work that has descended to us. It was used by St. Columba only 60 years after Patrick's death. It is probably one of the many bells distributed by St. Pat- rick, throughout the numerous oratories. Smiths, skilled in shaping, were among those who accompanied him to Ireland, and the bell probably represents one of their productions. From the 10th to the 12tli century it was customary to en- shrine these rude iron bells, made centuries before, in many in- stances, in cases made beautiful with gold, silver, gems, and enamels, and further enriched by intricate interlaced patterns. Of this character is the shrine of St. Patrick's bell. On it is an Irish inscription, which reads: "A prayer for Donnell O'Lochlain, through whom this bell shrine was made; and for Donnell, the successor of Patrick, with whom it was made, and for Calahan 'Mulhollan, the keeper of the bell, and for Cudilig O'Immainen, with his sons, who covered it." The reverence of the Irish for things that elevate is shown not only by their care in preserving in shrines, bells of their patron saints, but also by the similar care for the precious books and manuscripts. Book-shrines or cumdachs are chiefly, if not entirely, pecu- liar to Ireland. The cumclach of Molaise's gospels, made in the 11th cen- tury, is the oldest one to be seen. The case or box has three covers, the first or inner one of yew wood, the second or middle one of copper ]:)lated with silver, and the third or outer one plated with gold. Relative to illuminated manuscripts, Marcus Ward says, ''To the middle ages — the fruitful mother of constructive and decorative art — we owe, if not the invention, at least the cul- ture and development of the art of illuminating manuscripts. The perfection to which it was carried in those times, which it was so long the fashion to misname the dark ages, excites the astonishment, not less than the admiration of every beholder, who is imbued with a moderate share of artistic feeling." JOHN E. LYNCH 217 "At a period," says Westwood, ''when the fine arts may Ibe said to have been almost extinct in Italy and other parts of the continent, from the fifth to the end of the eighth century, the art of ornamenting manuscripts had obtained a perfection almost miraculous in Ireland." The Irish monks in their cells exquisitely illuminating manuscri])ts are worthy prototypes of the German monk of whom Longfellow in the Golden Legend presents a touching picture laboriously and reverently copying in his Scriptorium the Gospel of St. John, and beautifully il- luminating it. ''It is growing dark. Yet one line more, And then my work for today is o'er. I come again to the name of the Lord, E're I that awful name record. That is spoken so lightly among men, Let me pause awhile, And wash my pen ; Pure from blemish and blot must it be. When I write the word of ]\Iystery. ******* Thot goodly folio standing yonder, Without a single blot or blunder, Would not bear away the palm from mine, If we should comi:)are them line for line. There now, is an initial letter, St. Ulrick himself never made a better, Finished down to the leaf and the snail, Down to the eyes on the peacock's tail; And now as I turn the volume over, And see what lies between cover and cover, What treasures of art these pages hold. All ablaze with crimson and gold, God forgive me, I seem to feel , A certain satisfaction steal Into my heart and into my brain. As if my talent had not lain Wrapped in a napkin, and all in vain. Yes, I might almost say to the Lord, Here is a copy of Thy word Written out with much toil and pain; Take it, O Lord, and let it be As something I have done for Thee." 218 THE IRISH IN THE ARTS ''In those early ages," Says Wilde, ''art had no existence save in nnion with religion. Hnmanity brought together all its most precions ointment to pour upon the feet of Jesus." "In Ireland, especially — the Island of Saints — whatever genius could devise or the hand of the artist execute was lav- ished upon some work that would recall the presence of God to the people, stimulate His worship, or make known His word: the crosses, the shrines, the jeweled cases for saints' relics, the golden covers for the holy books. But nothing of that period has come down to us that shows a luxury in domestic life. The Word of God was shrined in gold, made rich with gems and enamels, but the people lived their old simple lives in the old rude huts; and even kings gave their wealth, not to erect palaces, but to build churches, to endow abbeys, to help the cause of God, and speed holy men, who were His ministers, in their crusade against evil, ignorance and darkness. It is no idle boast to say that from the seventh to the tenth century, in art and religion, the Irish were the teachers of Europe. ' ' No illuminated manuscript of the Celtic school exists to which an earlier date than the sixth century can safely be as- signed, but its first beginnings must be put much earlier, for by this time we find already a fully developed and elaborate system of decoration, together with a very high degree of tech- nical skill. In Trinity College library, Dublin, numerous are the rare books, valuable relics, and priceless manuscripts "bespeaking the days when the students of all Europe flocked to the schools of Ireland for education. ' ' Its most precious book is the Book of Kells, regarded by many as the most beautiful of books. It is a product of the age which sent Columba to lona, Cuthbert to England, and Columbanus to Gaul. It is a copy of the Gospels and takes its name from the fact that it once be- longed to the monastery of Kells, in Meath. Written in the sixth or seventh century, it is an example of Irish illumination and writing without a rival. The work is a copy in Latin of the four Gospels with intro- ductions of St. Jerome, and is written on vellum, forming a volume twelve inches long and nine inches wide. It is said to be the most remarkable copy of the four Gospels that exists. Of the Book of Kells, Bradley asserts, that it is the most amazing specimen of penmanship ever seen. It is at once the most ancient, the most perfect, and the most precious example of Celtic art in existence. JOHN E. LYNCH 21» The Book of Durrow and the Book of Armagh keep dis- tinguished company with the Book of Kells in Trinity College, Dublin, as exemplifying the finest in Celtic illumination. The Book of Armagh is of special additional interest be- cause it is the only copy of the New Testament Scriptures which have come down to us from the ancient Irish church. In early times Ireland was resorted to as a safe, peaceable, and well- furnished field for students of religion. But the numerous destructive incursions of the Danes, and the ordinary ravages of time depleted the large stock of these valuable books and manuscripts to such an extreme that of all the Bibles produced not one entire copy of the Old Testament remained, ancT of the Xew Testament copies, the Book of Ar- magh alone remains. The Book of Durrow is said to have been written by St. Columba and is therefore of the sixth century. To this indus- trious monk is credited the production of more than 300 copies of the gospels. Among the books of the Irish school of illumination made elsewhere than in Ireland may be cited the famous Lindisfarne gospels now in the British museum. Columba 's zeal for spreading learning and his skill in copy- ing brought on a quarrel with St. Finnian, his teacher and friend. The latter had a very precious copy of the Psalms which St. Columba greatly wished to possess. This he secretly copied. His right of ownership of the copy was disputed by St. Finnian and the king decided in the latter 's favor. This brought on a battle in which many on both sides were killed. St. Columba was full of remorse for the misery he had brought on his dear land and as a punishment and penance exiled himself. As an exile from his beloved Erin, in his coracle he sailed the rough seas and established a monastery on the lonely Scot- tish isle, lona. It became the ''Mecca of monks" and the mon- astic capital of Scotland. From the sixth to the eighth century it was second to none in radiating civilizing influences throughout Europe. Of it, says Dr. Johnson, ' ' That man is little to be envied whose patri- otism would not gain fame upon the plain of Marathon, or whose piety would not grow warmer among the ruins of lona. ' ' Columba was the prototype of millions of exiles of after ages who brought blessings to the land of their adoption and reflected honor and glory on the green isle that gave them birth. Many kings were crowned here at lona on a stone which, some think, now forms a part of the British coronation chair in Westminster Abbey. 220 THE IRISH IN THE ARTS The influence of the British illuminators went side by side with religious education, not only to Scotland and England but to many places on the continent. In Irish sculpture the most important things are the cross- es. Those who copied and embellished the manuscripts were the originators of these beautiful designs of art in stone. The style of ornament corresponds exactly with the art of the il- luminators and the metal workers, modified, of course, by the difference in material. It is noticeable that the motives are '' essentially Celtic, depending always on line and a devoted search into all its possibilities." There are today in Ireland probably 45 high crosses, 32 of which are richly sculptured. It has been said that, ''Whether her monks reared lofty watchtowers, erected churches, fashioned jewelled chalices, or carved elaborate crosses no effort was too great and no device too intricate. Even when it was intended to be merely an orna- ment, the sculptors felt that it would stand within God 's temple, its arms outstretched beneath the dome of heaven, with the sun, moon, and stars for altar lights, and guarded by angelic hosts." Built between the lOtli and IStli centuries they may "be re- garded not only as memorials of the piety and munificence of the founders, but also as the finest works of sculptured art of their period." Undoubtedly they are a development of the pillar-stones, with their incised circle, the emblem of eternity, enclosing the cross, the symbol of Christianity. "The striking feature of these crosses," says O'Neil, "is the ornamental and pictorial work displayed in the carving. There is a profusion of spiral pattern, Celtic tracery, and zoo- morphic design. The whole body of Christian doctrine finds its expression in their sculpture, intended no doubt by means of symbolic representations to be great object lessons in the way of faith to every beholder. The central idea on the face of the cross is usually the crucifixion, and on the back the resur- rection, or Christ in glory — the remaining spaces on the panels and on the sides being filled with various sacred and other subjects. ' ' Among the most important of the high crosses are St. Martin's cross of lona, the cross of Drumcliffe, two at Monaster- boice, two at Clonmacnoise, and one each at Durrow and Tuam. In respect to outline and proportions, St. Martin's cross in lona is considered by some to be the most beautiful. Especially is the sculpture on the eastern face of a high Celtic order of art. A' visit to Monasterboice is most satisfactorv to all inter- JOHN E. LYNCH 221 ested in Irish art, for there can be studied in position the most superb ancient crosses that Ireland can show. Though nearly a thousand years have passed since the erection of the crosses, many of their carvings are clear and sharp, and so afford excellent subjects for study in detail. Immediately in front of the round tower is the highest of the crosses, its central shaft standing twenty-three feet high, and the cross arm over six feet long. '^In architecture," says Armstrong, '^the Irish Celt showed the same qualities as in the other arts. His structures are by no means ambitious, but his designs never fail to have that appropria'teness to material and purpose which betrays an essentially artistic race." *'Its special excellence does not lie, as some vainly claim, in antiquity of style superior to ancient architecture elsewhere, but rather to the fact that the ruins are so numerous and in such condition as to enable one to trace the development from a rude and crude beginning to a very beautiful result ; to follow the gradual change of one style into another until the Irish Romanesque almost reached perfection." The first steps in the development of Irish architecture can best be understood by a brief consideration of the work of the first builders, whose monuments still exist in witness of their work. Antedating the Christian influence by centuries they show by numerous huge burial monuments or sepulchral struc- tures called cromlechs and dolmens first efforts in stone build- ing. The dolmen and cromlech builders of this era attempted no ornament whatever. Sometimes the dolmens are surrounded by circles of upright stones 150 to 160 feet in diameter, thus re- sembling Stonehenge in England and similar structures in other parts of Great Britain and Scandinavia. Cinerary urns and calcined bones found beneath the pon- derous stones indicate their use as burial places, probably of pagan Celtic royalty. The Druids may have used them later as temples, or as al- tars for their sacred ceremonies. The tumuli or dome-roofed structures are much in advance of the dolmens and cromlechs, for they have incised decorative designs on walls and roof. This is evidenced by the carvings in the royal cemeteries of New Grange, Dowth, Teltown and Eathkenny. That at Xew Grange is a hill whose cairn of stones is esti- mated to weigh 18,000 tons. At one time thirty colossal stones circled it; now remain but twelve. 222 THE IRISH IN THE ARTS On tlie huge stone that guarded this old Celtic pagan tomb are spirals, coils and diamond shaped characters whose sig- nificance is unknown, but which remind one of many of the dec- orative lines on the metal art and illuminated manuscripts of later centuries. Ogham stones are found in pagan burial places and in sub- terranean treasure houses built long before the Christian period. The alphabet of the Ogham script consists of lines, short, straight, or slanting, drawn above, below or through a stem line, dots or -nicks representing vowels. On stone monuments the stem line is the sharp edge of adjacent faces. Their use continued somewhat on stones and in manuscripts even after the introduction of the Eoman letters, and were not wholly displaced' before the ninth century of '^nr era. Most of the Ogham stones are found in Ireland, a very few in England, and, according to Prof. Morley, they are in their in- scriptions the first representations of the earliest literary age in the British Isles. The rude pagan forts and dome roofed sepulchres may be regarded as the first examples of Irish architecture. They were built without cement and show the same ignor- ance of the principle of the arch common to all primitive build- ers. The stone forts or duns are found on the western shores of counties Kerry, Clare, Sligo, Mayo, Donegal, and Antrim. "They belong to the culminating period of the heroic legen- dary era immediately preceding the introduction of Christian- ity, and are associated with the adventures of Eengus and Conor and Muirbheck Mil, of Fergus and Cuchulain, heroes of the Fir- bolg race." Many of these pagan forts continued in use after the in- troduction of Christianity, but in numerous instances the con- verted kings and chieftains made to God an offering of their duns or fortresses that the missionaries might erect within the area their little cells and oratories. Thus were developed the first Irish ecclesiastical buildings, consisting of two or more oratories serving as churches, beelike huts of the monks with their walls, gardens, and burial grounds, and all surrounded by the .stone wall. To it was given the name cashel from the Irish 'Vaiseal," meaning round stone fort. They became community centers. All who professed the Christian faith were there welcomed, each new-comer building his own hut, partook of the life of the place, and received botli religious and secular instruction. And thus arose those great Celtic monasteries that were in realitv villages, schools and industrial establishments united in JOHN E. LYNCH 223 the worship of the Christian religion nnder the authority of some great saint or teacher like St. Columba, St. Finnian of Clonard, and St. Ciaran of Clonmacnoise. The most remarkable of the early Christian monasteries is that on Skellig Michael or the Great Skellig, one of the three rocky islets in the Atlantic off the coast of Kerry. On the north side of Dingle bay in Kerry is the best isolat- ■ed specimen of Irish oratory, that of Gallerns, in a fine condi- tion of preservation. Ancient oratories of this angular, oblong style, with walls without cement, either sloping in a curve towards tlie roof, like upturned boats, or built in steps, probably formed the begin- nings of later and more advanced style of ecclesiastical edifice. The next period of Irish architecture is marked by a de- cided advance, the noteworthy feature of which is the transi- tion from uncemented walls, as seen in buildings of the sixth to the eighth centuries. The archaic and mixed style of the masonry is character- istic of the structures of this era. ]\Iassive dovetailed stones with ashlar, and wide-jointed, irregular courses of stone, door- ways with a great horizontal lintel stone, inclined doorways, round-headed east windows, a pointed arch scooped out or formed by two stones of a triangle are features typical of these buildings. The transition to the true arch is seen in such buildings as the church on Friar's Island near Killaloe, St. Columba 's in Xells, and St. Kevin's in Glendalough. Of all places in county AYicklow, Glendalough of the Seven Churches is the most famous. Many vales and glens are as somber and weirdly beautiful, but they lack the historic interest and legendar;^ halo that make it dear to the archaelogist, the poet, and the dreamer. • St. Kevin founded Glendalough in the 10th century. Of its numerous small churches and buildings, scattered through- out the valley, the round-tower, St. Kevin's, the Lady chapel, and the cathedral are the most notable. The main cluster of buildings is enclosed by a wall or cash- el pierced by a fine old gateway. St. Kevin's kitchen was so called because of someone's ab- surd notion that the belfry was a chinmey originally. It once consisted of a nave and chancel, a sacristy in the east and a bel- fry in the west. AYith tlie introduction and development of the chancel came the use of the true arch with radiating points. Even after the use of the arch the doorway with horizontal lin- tel continued. 224 THE IRISH IN THE ARTS After King Brian, at Clontarf, liad won peace from the Danes, who had overritn the realm, great activity in building and especially in restoring monasteries took place. At this time and during the following two centuries may be credited the remarkable round towers, half belfries, and half fortifications. Ferguson in his history of architecture says: "The Irish built round towers and oratories of a beauty of a form and with an elegance of detail that charm even at the present day." "The pillar towers of Ireland, how wondrously they stand B}^ the lakes and rushing rivers, through the valleys of our land ; In mystic file, through the isle, they lift their heads sublime, Those gray old pillar temples, those conquerors of time." The round towers of Ireland are peculiar and most inter- esting national structures, and for 3'ears have been an attract- ive subject of antiquarian research. Some have attributed them "to the Vikings, others to ad- venturers from the orient, while others have looked upon them as penitential homes of ascetic monks." More than a hundred of these remarkable structures are to be seen at the present time, some of them in good condition. All of them resemble each other in plan and construction, local peculiarities or other conditions determining the position of the window. The door was usually about fifteen feet from the ground, and this lends color to the belief that they served as places of refuge in times of danger. After entering, and re- moving the ladder, the defenders were practically unassailable by any weapons the Northmen possessed. "iliese towers may be divided into four styles : First, those as that at Swords or Scattery built of rough field stone, un- touched by hammer or chisel, the mortar being of coarse, un- sifted sand; second, towers such as that of Donoughmore, Cash- el, or Monasterboice, with stones roughly hammer dressed, round to the curve of the wall. In these, mortar was freely used. Third, those in which the stones were laid in horizontal cours- es, as that at Glendalough or Devenish. The stones were well dressed and were cemented in strong plain mortar of lime and sand. Fourth, those made of strong, rough, but excellent ash- lar masonry, rather open jointed and so resembling closely the English-Xorman masonry of the early part of the twelfth cen- tury. The Aghadoe, Kells, and Ardmore towers are good exam- ples. JOHN E. LYNCH 225 The towers are divided into stories generally by floors of wood, but in some instances by masonry. Numerous and varied purposes have been advanced by different authorities as to their origin and use. ' ' First : That the Phoenicians erected them for fire temples. Second: That the Druids used them as places from which to proclaim the druidical festivals. Third: That they were for astronomical purposes. Fourth: That they were Phallic emblems or Buddhist tem- ples. Fifth: That they were for good people to shut themselves up in for meditation and prayer. Sixth: That they were for bad people to be. shut up in un- til they became good. Seventh: That they ^ were belfries. Eighth: That they were keeps or monastic castles for the safe keeping of the treasure of the monasteries. Ninth: That they were beacons or watch towers. Tenth: That they were used for defense against the Norse pirates. An additional reason has been given, namely, that they were built by the ancients to puzzle the moderns. ' ' In the opinion of most scholars, Dr. Petrie has settled once and for all this most controverted point in Irish archaeology as to the origin and use of the round towers. He maintains that they were watch towers, belfries, and places of refuge into which the monks and all connected with the monastery could retire with their valuables in times of dan- ger. The towers vary in height from sixty to one hundred feet, and in diameter at the base from nine to thirty feet. Especially graceful and pleasing in their outline, they give to the landscape a charm which is unique. In most examx)les the tower stands erect beside the ruins of an ancient, but deserted, church, and among the smoldering tombstones of a neglected or desecrated graveyard. The round tower period of building from 890 A. D. to 1238 was identical with the period of the three steps in the develop- ment of the Romanesque form. Two great systems of architecture show the growth of the Romanesque. The Greek and Roman based their principles of construction, the one on the column and the entablature, the other on the arch and the vault. Apparently it is the blending of the entablature of the Greeks with the rounded arch of the Romans that gave rise to the buildings in Ireland that typify the Irish Romanesque. 226 THE IRISH IX THE ARTS The early style of architecture characterizing such church- es as Maghera, Banagher and Temple Martin, had vigor enough to modify the incoming Romanesque, and to live on, perpet- uating in the latter buildings of the lltli and 12tli centuries enough basic Irish to distinguish the style from the Eomanesque of other countries. And so we see the lingering in rounded arch structures of horizontal lintels in windows and doorways; of inclined jambs of the primitive doorways; of the rich, ornamental designs of the Celtic period that were found there even before the Roman occupation of Britain. The beautiful incised moldings of the doorway of Killeshin suggest the charm of engraving, so delicate are they. Like a sentinel guarding The Golden Vale of Tipperary rises the far-famed rock of Cashel. Here in full strength at one time was found the combination so frequently to be seen in Ireland of the castle and abbey, of military and religious pow- er. Now the ecclesiastical remains dominate the situation. Towers and turrets and arches call attention to the chief struc- tures: the round tower, Cormac's chapel, and the ruined cath- edral. Cormac's chapel is the real architectural gem of the group. Begun by Cormac McCarthy, king of Munster, in 1127, it was consecrated in 1134. The building, fifty feet by eighteen feet,^ makes up in chaste desigTi, elaborate carving and solidity of structure what it lacks in size. The north doorway is very richly and artistically decorated, consisting of five concentric arches or moldings, supported by five columns and a double column. The interior, dignified and beautiful, with well pro- portioned Romanesque arches richly ornamented, is in keeping with the exterior. All combine to make an architectural achieve- ment worthy of any people in any age. The cathedral is of later date, belonging to a period short- ly after 1152, when Cashel became the seat of the archbishop of Munster, but more of the work now standing was built toward the end of the 14th century. Now it is a picturesque but melan- choly ruin. The most interesting ruin in Connaught is that of Cong abbey. Built in 1128 by the Augustinians during Turlough O'- Connor's reign, it was endowed by his son, Roderick O'Connor, the last independent king of Ireland. Like almost all of the old religious houses, monasteries and abbeys, its dilapidated condition reveals the work of sectarian, kingiy greed, animosity and vandalism. Ivy alone is beautifully JOHN E. LYNCH 227 binding up or hiding the cruel wounds. But enough of its structure remains to reveal its exquisite beauty. Many of its columns and "floral capitals carved in limestone are as fine specimens of the carver's art as can be found anywhere in the world, ' ' in the opinion of such authorities as Petrie and Wilde. A pleasant ride through the Boyne valley a few miles out- side Drogheda brings the traveler to the monastery, usually called Mellifont. With Monasterboice only three miles distant, County Louth is given an architectural interest not to be rivaled. At Mellifont stood the largest and most beautiful of Irish monasteries; but though its nakedness and desolation strike the heart there is still enough remaining to attest the grandeur and beauty it once possessed. It was founded in 1142 for the Cistercian order. In its style of architecture was little or nothing that was tjq^ical of the Irish, for St. Bernard of Clairvaux sent over a company of monks who laid the first foundation. Everything had a for- eign aspect. The structure known as the Baptistry is the finest part left. Octagonal in form, it stands on a series of splendidly built arches. Ferguson says that after the conquest, the Eng- lish introduced their own pointed architecture. But beyond the Pale their influence was hardly felt. Whatever was done was stamped with a character so distinctly Irish as to show how strong the feeling of the people was, how earnestlj^ and how successfully they would have labored in the field of art had circumstances been favorable to its development. A careful study of Irish buildings subsequent to the con- quest of the 12th century indicates the continuation of an Irish style, even though strongly influenced by English and continen- tal principles. The germ of Gothic architecture in Ireland was introduced by Richard de Clare, commonly known as "Strong- bow," soon after 1170 by the rebuilding of Christ church catli- edral in Dublin. Decidedly English are some of the structures of the tran- sitional period, but others show remarkable and unmistakable Irish characteristics. Especially is this true of the Cistercian churches of Boyle, abbey Knockmoy, Corcomroe, and Ballin- tober abbey of the early part of the 13th century. St. Doulough's church, near Dublin, is a curious instance of a return to the old Irish plan, as in St. Columba's at Kells, of the combination of a church and living rooms under a stone roof. The building is mainly early Gothic. Kildare cathedral on the site of St. Brigid's old church is 228 THE IRISH IN THE ARTS a very interesting fortified and battlemented cliurcli with dou- ble walls, wliicli are joined between the windows, making flat buttresses. The outer wall is carried over the lancet windows of Gothic arches, a slit being left over the window through which molted lead might be poured or arrows shot to drive off an enemy. Its round tower is an evidence of the persistency of the Irish idea found as far back as the time of St. Kevin, in Glen- dalough. Towards the close of the 14th century the influence archi- tecturally of England and the continent became stronger. Art is too tender a plant to thrive under the warlike conditions subsequent to the Anglo-Xorman invasion. The Irish were too busy defending their homes and attacking the invaders to con- tinue the artistic development that characterized the 150 years of quietude following Brian's victory at Clontarf. Holy Cross abbey, in its newer work, also bridges over the transition to late Irish Gothic. On Killarney's shores one sees the attractive ruins of this latter style in the Franciscan abbey of Muckross. The cloisters in Jerpoint abbey remind us of those in Cashel, built two centuries before. Much carving and many designs in relief enrich the recesses between the shafts. In Sligo abbey the quadrangle of cloisters presents beauti- fully designed and carved arches of stone with pillars, differing in their carved designs. This lack of uniformity, together with the grace and dignity of the whole, adds to the charm. The stone castles, fortresses, and fortified gates were an innovation of the Norman invaders. With these they held in check the Irish, and the latter soon learned to imitate them by building similar means of defense. Thus the Gaelic stockaded earthworks and the duns gave way to such structures as Blarn- ey castle, the great castle of the McCarthys. In Munster, the d 'Briens ; in Ulster, the 'Neil 's ; in Connaught, the 'Connors ; and elsewhere other Irish princes built similar strongholds, many of which stand like Blarney, eloquent memorials of war- like days. Such fortified gates as the St. Lawrence gate, in Drogheda, is Norman. It is one of the two gates remaining that gave en- trance to the walled city. Its two lofty towers, each of four stories, has stepped embattlements in the Irish style. In the 16th century under Henry VIII, began the confisca- tion of the religious houses and lands in both England and Ire- land. During the reigns of Elizabeth and James, the despoiling and destruction continued. To the monasteries, the universi- JOHN E. LYNCH 229 ties and the schools of the country, which through the middle ages "were as lamps in the darkness and as rivers in a thirsty land," came destruction dire and wicked. Ruin and desolation reigned. "How changed the scene, how lonely now appears The wasted aisle, wide arch, and lofty wall; The sculjDtured shape — the pride of other years. Now darkened, shaded, sunk, and broken, all; The hail, the rain, the" sea-blown gales have done Their worst to crown the wreck by impious man begun. ' ' Anarchy 'increased, religion, education, art, gave way to ignorance and poverty and wretchedness. England's arbitrary acts and brutal statutes together with the inter-marriage of the Norman and Celt made the former more Irish than the Irish. Thereafter Anglo-Norman and Irish Celt became as one nation united in perpetuating Irish nationality, Irish religion, and the traditions and learning of the Irish race. For the greater part of seven centuries has the contest waged. Through- out it all the Irishman smiled through his tears: he saw ever the silver lining to the cloud. The bard and minstrels from generation to generation down the ages kept alive in his heart the glory of the days that have been and pictured the glory of those to be. Any description of Irish art would be incomplete without reference, however brief, to that art of beauty and expression, of which the harp is the symbol — the art of music. Down through the years long antedating the Christian era, music and song formed an integral and organic part of Irish civilization and culture. "From the cradle to the grave, in all the activities of peace and war, the sweet, soothing lullabies; the joyous airs of love and the dance; the songs of bards and minstrels, singing of battles, fought and won; the peaceful mel- odies of the workers in cot and field; the weird and heartrend- ing keening; songs of wailing and lamentation, all bear witness to the place music had in the expression of every emotion of the Celtic temperament." Hecateus, the Egyptian, 500 B. C, referred to the Irish playing on the harp and chanting sacred h^inns in the temple; on the hills of Tara the musicians ' ' softened the pillow of Cor- mac McArt, high king of Erin;" before St. Patrick a harper exclaimed, ' ' Never again shall my harp sing the praises of any God save St. Patrick's God," at a famous feis at Tara in the 2^0 ' THE IRISH IN THE ARTS sixth century, 1000 bards coming together inspired the harp to shed sweet music through Tara's halls; on the field of Clontarf ; in the Orient vales of the Holy Land, in the first crusade; at the courts of Scotland, Wales, and on the continent; in the monas- teries of Eatisbon and St. Gall founded by Irishmen, and else- where in Europe the Irish, down through the ages, gained in the theory and practice of music preeminence and undying fame. The bards and minstrels and musicians were especially singled out for extra persecution from the 14th century. Under Edward III and Henry VIII their persecution was brutal ; Eliz- abeth ordered them hung and their instruments destroyed; James I continued the wicked work, and so throughout the Cromwellian period and the penal days down to the latter part of the 18th century, their sufferings were beyond description — their penalty like that of the priest and the teacher, for keep- ing alive the history and traditions of the race. It is said that ''Under God they have been the means of preserving Irish na- tionality and faith through centuries of disaster and persecu- tions such as a nation never before suffered and lived. ' ' While the race exists so will its music. The exquisite metal work, the priceless manuscripts,, the highly sculptured crosses, the dignified heaven-pointing round towers, the artistic chapels and churches may disintegrate, crumble, and become as dust, but the poetry and song of the Irish people will live on, inspir- ing the Irish at home and abroad, to keep alive all that is wor- thiest and best in the national character. This indestructible spirit has for nigh 800 years buoyed up the hearts of Erin's patriot's until at last we can sav with O'Reilly: "0, Erin, The night of thy grief is closing, and the sky in the east is red : Thy children watch from the mountain tops for the sun to kiss thy head. 0, mother of men that are fit to be free, from their rest for free- dom borne. Thy vacant place in the nation's race awaits but the coming morn ! ' ' To the descendants of the Irish in America has come a rich double legacy — that from the old and that from the new. By adhering to the best the old has given them, by rehearsing and cherishing it, they become more worthy of the freedom and op- portunity which they inherit in the new; and the harp of the JOHN E. LYNCH 231' old, no longer mute, will be then a source of inspiration to them for the highest kind of patriotism both in peace and in war, in the new land, in the free land, "where the air is full of sun- shine and the flag is full of stars. ' ' NOTE. — Grateful acknowledgement is made to the follow- ing authorities and to others whose writings have been of in- estimable help in the preparation of this lecture, both as sourc- es of reference and of libe,ral quotation: Petrie's Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland, O 'Neil's Fine Arts and Civilization of Ancient Ireland, Ferguson's History of Architecture, McGinty's Ancient Irish Art, Stokes's Early Christian Art in Ireland, Armstron2:'s Art in Great Britain and Ireland. George McAleer, M. D. Dr. George McAleer was born November 29, 1845, on a farm near Bedford in the Province of Quebec, on which his parents. Miles McAleer and Jane (McCon- nell) McAleer, settled soon after their arrival from County Tyrone, Ireland. He attended the public fechools of his native village, private schools of a high- er grade, and graduated from Stanbridge Academy, in v^liich he taught classes in Latin, Greek and higher mathematics. On attaining his majority. Dr. McAleer came to Worcester, Mass. He was employed as bookkeeper and accountant in a large folding chair factory. From his youth he had an ambition to fit himself for the medical profession, and for many years applied all his leisure time to mastering the preliminary studies. He made his medical course in Philadelphia. Dr. McAleer is one of the founders of the Bay State Savings Bank of Worcester and has served as Treasur- er for twenty years. He has been an extensive con- tributor to publications and is the author of several volumes. He is a member of Division 3, A. 0. H., of Worcester. Litigation over his patents in the Federal Courts extending over several years prevented him from engaging in the practice of medicine. For many years he has been associated with his brother in the Harness and Saddlery business. Dr. McAleer married Helen Frances Kendall, June 2, 1874. ^<^/^^^?^>^^ z<^.. ■■■■•. :aa,>,-; •vJs- ■:- lEurnp^an (UnnntvitB -BY- DR. GEORGE McALEER I am to address joxi upon the subject of Ireland's contribu- tions to the progress of other European countries. To ade- quately treat the subject assigned to me would require the pre- sentation and consideration of authentic and important matter bearing thereon sufficient to fill many extensive volumes. In the time at my disposal I can only hope to briefly and in a very general way touch uj^on a few of the more important contribu- tions that Ireland has made to the civilization and progress of the countries mentioned, and through them to the world at large, but which I hope may awaken anew a greater sense of admiration, appreciation and gratitude for the glorious pre- eminence attained in Christianity and civilization by our fore- fathers during the early centuries of the Christian era, and for what they so nobly did for the welfare of mankind under the most adverse conditions, and which it is hoped may stimulate renewed interest and desire for further investigation and study. To be just, the contributions of a nation and people to the welfare of other nations and peoples must be considered from the standpoint of the civilization and opportunities of the bene- factor, and century and period must be compared with a cor- responding century and period. The various events which go to form what is called the his- tory of a nation — its achievements and contributions to the welfare of the world — are its individual actions, the spontane- ous energy and manifestation of its life; and as individuals show what they are by their acts, so does a nation or a race by the facts of its history. To readily and more fully comprehend what Ireland contributed directly to the other European na- tions it may be well to very briefly recall how the spontaneous life of her people had manifested itself during the earlier cen- turies, with what results, and what gifts of transcendant value 234 IRELAND'S CONTRIBUTION TO EUROPEAN COUNTRIES she had in abundance to bestow upon less favored nations and peoples. An impartial investigation of the early history of Christian Ireland will prove her title to supremacy in enlightenment and civilization — in learning, arts, sciences, and in all other intel- lectual pursuits that dignify, ennoble and adorn the lives of highly cultured people — during a period of nearly a thousand years before the unparalelled and unpardonable brutal perse- cutions and devastations of later centuries. The people of no nation ever accepted the teaching of the Master so promptly, so generally, or with greater alacrity; the people of no nation have ever been more faithful to His com- mands or suffered greater or more cruel and persistent persecu- tions because of their fidelity and devotion thereto. During all the years of many centuries after the coming of Saint Patrick in A. D. 432, the light of Christianity and the triumphs of civil- ization reigned supreme throughout the land. Cathedrals and churches multiplied throughout the country; monasteries, ab- beys, and schools were built upon hilltop and plain; the refine- ments and amenities of highly civilized life were everywhere in evidence. Thoughtful and unprejudiced scholars and intellect- ual leaders in many lands pay the excellent tribute of justice, appreciation and gratitude to the many noble and distinguished Irish monks and scholars of the early centuries of the Christian era, who, having heeded the commands of the Master, brought the light of learning, the blessings of Christianity, and the amenities of Christian love and fellowship into the darkened places of the pagan and benighted world — men who gave the classics, sciences and refinements and higher aspirations of life to the unlettered and less responsive people of many lands — Irish monks and scholars who during all the years of seven centuries grew not weary of preparing and pouring the oil of learning and righteousness into the lamp of civilization, the af- terglow of the brilliant rays of which still gloriously illumine the nations of Western Europe and very materially aided in giving them commanding prominence and place in the affairs and councils of the nations of the world from distant ages to the present time. Their triumphs for God and right — and thus for the welfare of mankind — are an aureole of glory adorning the land of their nativity and ancestors. So much attention was bestowed upon education, and so highly was it appreciated, that, in the restricted territory of Ireland the celebrated and extensive institutions of Clonard, Clonfert, Bangor, Clonmacnois, Arran, Lismore, Grlendalough, and many others of lesser note, devoted to Christianity and DR. GEORGE McALEER 235 learning, were filled to overflowing in the sixth century with the youth of Ireland and students of rank from the nobility and leading families of Western Europe who came in great numbers to receive the benefits of such an education as could then be obtained nowhere else. AVlien they returned to their homes their advanced scholarship made them conspicuous and gave them great prestige and high standing with their fellowmen and distinguished i)rominence in the governments and daily life of the people. They so generally diffused such unbounded admiration for the scholarship, austerities, and al- truism of the monks, and of the intellectual attainments and re- finements of the^inhabitants, that the fame of Ireland during all the years of several centuries shone as a brilliant star of the first magnitude in the world of learning and civilization. In proof of the early Christianity and advanced civilization of the people of Ireland and the great benefits conferred by her missionaries and scholars upon foreign lands and through them upon the world at large, however alluring and agreeable the task, for lack of time I shall submit the testimony of but a few of the many that might be quoted, and these I shall select from among those who cannot be accused of being prompted by friendship or undue partiality. The learned German scholar, publicist, and antiquary, the late Heinrich Zimmer, Professor of Celtic in Berlin, and one of the very ablest Celtists that Germany ever produced, in the Preussich Jahrbucher thus testifies : ''Ireland can indeed lay claim to a great past; she can not only boast of having been the birthplace and abode of high cul- tivation in the fifth and sixth centuries at the time when the Roman Empire vras being undermined by the alliances and in- roads of the German tribes, which threatened to sink the whole continent into barbarism, but also to having made strenuous efforts in the seventh and up to the tenth century to spread her learning among the German and Eomance peoples, thus form- ing the actual foundation of our present continental civilization. At the beginning of the sixth century these Irish Christians were seized with an unconquerable impulse to wander afar and preach Christianity to the heathen. In 563, Columba, with twelve confederates, left Ireland and founded a monaster}^ on a small island off the coast of Scotland; in 590, Columbanus and twelve confederates established a missionary monastery at Anagratum in the Vosges mountains in France, and later another at Luxivium which became a most fruitful center of ecclesiastical and monastic life. In 610 he founded an- other at the foot of the Appenines between Genoa and Milan 236 IRELAND'S CONTRIBUTION TO EUROPEAN COUNTRIES which throughout the middle ages bore a high reputation as a seat of learning, "An offshoot of the monastery founded by St. Columba on the island of lona was founded in Lindisfarne; in 590, Colum- banus and companions established a monastery in France at Luxeuil, and later another at Bobbio in Italy; St. Gall another in Switzerland; St. Fridolin another upon the Ehine in Germany; St. Fiacre another in Brabant; St. Fursey another on the river Marne; St. Cataldus another in Italy. The great Charlemagne, founder of modern European civilization, surrounded himself with learned Irishmen, and at his celebrated Court they were accorded prominent station of responsibilitj^ and honor and where they were known as 'men incomparably skilled in hu- man learning.' " In reference to the standards of learning in the monasteries in Ireland he records: "The standard of learn- ing was much higher than with Gregory the Great and his fol- lowers. It was derived without interruption from the learning of the fourth century, from men such as Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine. Here also were to be found such specimens of clas- sical literature as Virgil's works among the ecclesiastical writ- ings, and an acquaintance with Greek authors as well, besides the opportunity of free access to the very first sources of Christ- ianity." it is recorded in Bede's Historia Qentis Anglorum that Ireland even shared in attempts to convert the Frieslanders and Saxons. The energetic English missionaries to these peo- ple at the end of the seventh century, Victberct, Hewald, and Wilibrord, although Anglo-Saxons by birth, all received their theological training in Ireland. Alcuin records of Wilibrord, the apostle to Friesland, that he spent twelve years in Ireland under the most distinguished teachers of theology, and that "Britain gave him birth but Ireland reared and educated him." Hieric, in his biography of St. Germanus, a bishop of Eom- an Gaul, a work finished in the year 876, records: "Need I re- mind Ireland that she sent troops of philosophers over land and seas to our distant shores, that her most learned sons offered their gifts of wisdom of their own free will to our learned King, our Solomon." Dr. Reeves gives extended notice to the achievements of the Irish missionaries. Saints Cataldus, Fiacre, Fridolin, Colman, and Killian, none of whom find place in English annals. St. Cataldus labored in Southern Italy; St. Fiacre, in France; St. Colman is the patron saint of lower Austria; St. Killian taught in Franconia; St. Fridolin at Glau\ms, where his figure finds DR. GEORGE McALEER 237 place in the cantonal arms and banner. And lie further records of Ireland: "We must deplore the merciless rule of barbarism in this country (England), whence was swept away all domes- tic evidence of advanced learning, leaving scarcely anything at home but legendary lore, and which has compelled us to draw from foreign depositories the materials on which to rest the proof that Ireland of old was really entitled to that literary eminence which national feeling lays claim to. Our real knowl- edge of the crowds of Irish teachers and scribes who migrated to the Continent and became founders of many monasteries abroad, is derived from foreign chronicles and their testimony is borne out by the evidence of numerous Irish manuscripts and other relics of the eighth to the tenth century, occuring in libraries throughout Europe. ' ' Alcuin, the great author and pride of the brilliant and dis- tinguished Court of Charlemagne, affirms the fact that in ear- lier times the most learned instructors of Britain, Gaul and Up- X)er Italy were from Ireland. At home her prelates and clergy were appreciated and re- spected, abroad her missionaries and the scholars of her schools were distinguished and highly honored. The overflow of Christianity, learning and zeal of the people of Ireland illumin- ed the darkened, less favored and less responsive nations of Western Europe and well earned for her the glorious title of "the Island of saints and scholars." Such were the glorious centuries of Ireland's history — such was the golden age of Ireland-^and such were the glorious fruits in which she rejoiced and which she so bountifully bestowed upon less favored nations and upon less fortunate peoples. But a sadder day dawned — the glorious sunshine of civilization was darkened by the clouds of war, devastation and pillage. During the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries, the persistent incur- sions and warfare of the Norsemen made serious inroads upon the prosperity and resources of Ireland. The flocks and herds with which the Island abounded and the richly endowed shrines and schools were the chief attractions for these piratical barbar- ians. The sacred places and their valuable treasures suffered most from their incursions and fury. In A. D. 838, they despoiled and burned down Clonard, a fa- mous school and See; and in the same expedition, Slane, the school of King Dagobert, and Durrow of Columbcille also suf- fered; four times in the same century Armagh was devastated and laid in ruins; Lismore, and even Clonmacnois, in the very heart of the country, were rifled. Three centuries of peace, in earlier times, had left the pious and studious Irish ill prepared 238 IRELAND'S CONTRIBUTION TO EUROPEAN COUNTRIES to resist these swarms of fierce invaders, but necessitj' aroused and restored the warlike spirit and valor of the race. In 863 they defeated the. Danes near Lough Foyle; in 902 near Dublin; at Dundalk in 920; at Eoscrea in 943; at Lough Foyle in 1002; and upon many other bloody battlefields until they were finally overthrown and driven out of Ireland by Brian Boroimhe, King of Munster, in the famous and decisive battle of Clontarf in 1014. This lengthened period of conflict and warfare was soon af- ter followed by the Norman invasion, and later by the more brutal, cruel and relentless wars and persecutions of the English which were begun in 1171 under Henry II and continued ever since, but with abated fury and lessened animosity during later years. From the time of the invasion of Ireland in 1171 the one great object of England was nothing less than robbery and the extermination of the Irish people. To effect this heinous pur- pose no cruelty was too severe, no method too barbarous. This fiendish undertaking having been unsuccessfully persisted in during several centuries without fully achieving the intended result, an embassy was sent to Ireland by Henry VI 11 to make extended observation and to report upon the wisdom or unwis- dom of continuing the unholy undertaking and to recommend the best means to adopt to prosecute the nefarious work, should the prospect of final success justify the continuance of the policy of extermination. Their report, now on file among the State pa- pers of England with others relating to the same subject, gives greater prominence to the practical difficulties that would follow extermination than to the barbarity of the undertaking or to the best method of accomplishing the long desired result. Among other things it is noted in the report that : ''The lande is very large — by estimation as large as Eng- lande — so that to inhabit the whole with new inhabitants the number would be so great that there is no prince christened that commodiously might spare so many subjects to depart out of his region But to enterprise the whole extir- pation and total destruction of all the Irishmen of the lande, it would be a marvelous and sumptuous charge and great difficul- ty, considering both the lack of enhabitors, and the great hard- iness and misery these Irishmen can endure, both of hunger, cold and thirst, and evil lodging, more than the inhabitants of any other lande. ' ' Cromwell, known in history as the friend and tool of Cran- mer, and by the people of Ireland as a fiend incarnate because of his atrocity and brutality, in continuation of the old-time policy of extermination, inquired of his English agents in Ire- DR. GEORGE McALEER 239 land what would be tlie best means to adopt to accomplish the same purpose and forever subjugate the country. Their re- port, which is still preserved among the many State papers of England of similar import, sets forth that the most efficient mode of proceeding was the old-time policy, to exterminate the people, and that the best means to ensure this result was starva- tion. The corn — a term then used to include all cereals used as food — was to be destroyed systematically and the cat- tle killed or driven away — and it was a special glory reserved for the * ' Protector ' ' to carry out this fiendish policy throughout almost the whole of the countr3\ "The very living of the Irishy," says»the report, "doth clearly consist in two things: take away the same from them and they are passed forever to recover, or get to annoy any subject in Ireland. Take first from them their corn, and as much as cannot be husbanded and had into the hands of such as shall dwell and inhabit their lands, to burn and destroy the same so that the Irisliy shall not live there- upon; and then to have their cattle and beasts, which shall be most hardest to come by, and yet, with guides and policy they may be oft had and taken." The report goes on to point out most ingeniously and elaborately every plan and artifice for carrying this diabolical policy into effect. "Irishmen are of opinion among themselves," said Justice Cusack to the King, "that Englishmen will one day banish them from their lands forever. ' ' Previous to the year 1600 the horrors of warfare had been the lot of the people of Ireland durng the preceding eight hun- dred years. They were robbed of their worldly possessions, their monasteries, abbeys, cathedrals, churches and schools were plundered and destroyed, and her extensive and priceless literary treasures were given to the devouring flames. People of rank and quality were impoverished and had only old rags and thatches of straw to cover and protect them in inclement weather; wives bitterly bemoaning the murders of their hus- bands; mothers forced to see their children butchered before Iheir faces or imj^aled as playthings upon the bayonets of de- graded and brutal soldiers; others overwhelmed with grief and distracted by their persecutions and losses. Desolate and starv- ing inothers and children, and the aged and infirm, sought se- curity and shelter in gloomy caverns, mountain fastnesses, hid- den ravines and other obscure places, where they wasted away and died of hunger, exposure, fear and apprehension, to gratify the inhumanity of a brutal soldiery and the insatiable cruelty and avarice of an intolerant, persecuting and relentless foe. The underlying records of the heart-rending details of the suf- 240 IRELAND'S CONTRIBUTION TO EUROPEAN COUNTRIES fering of the people of Ireland during so many centuries are burned deeply into the memory of her j^eople, and they eloquent- ly and forcefully plead in explanation and extenuation of the loss of intellectual sujiremacy and leadership of Ireland in later times. The unceasing warfare and violent persecutions of centuries, which for fiendish atrocity and brutality have, hap- pily for the credit of human nature, no paralell in the annals of Time, have tended to direct the interest and attention of the people away from intellectual pursuits and the refinements of life and to promote the growth and development of the warlike spirit for the defense of their homes and altars — to supplant the institutions of religion and learning with frowning fortresses and bloody battle-fields— to supplant the scholar with the war- rior. It was reserved for the base Tudors to inflict the effective and lasting blows that worked the sad and sorrowful transfor- mation. The robberies and destruction of cathedrals and mon- asteries, the treasure houses of religion and learning, and the butchery and dispersion of their incumbents by Henry VIII, the hideous penal laws of Elizabeth, and their more cruel enforce- ment by their mercenary and blood-thirsty representatives and successors, left no other choice but a soldier 's life for the people. We, the descendants of such noble ancestry — the successors of these glorious confessors and martyrs of old — may forgive, but can we ever forget?— we may forgive but the facts of his- tory remain to stir the blood within us, to arouse and to warn; we may forgive but we cannot forget that the relentless intoler- ance and injustice from which our worthy forbears so cruelly suffered, although now so cunningly ignored, disguised and apologized for, still remain, and that history repeats itself. We do not recall nor dwell upon the horrors of the past be- cause it is a pleasure to do so, but because it is our bounden duty to know and to gratefully remember the trials and vicissitudes of centuries that our ancestors sustained for their loyalty and devotion to principle; it is not muck-raking nor tearing open old sores to gratify a wanton spirit of vindictiveness but to kindle anew our love and veneration for the memory of those gone before who so loyally and manfully cherished and suffered in defense of lofty ideals and loyalty to conscience and the teaching of the Eedeemer of mankind and of His worthy di- sciple Saint Patrick and his loyal and devoted successors. * The year 1600 dawned in darkest gloom and sorrow — the inheritance of the past was insufferable — and yet their hope and valor remained, and these once again prompted them to or- ganize and seek justice by the sword. The confederation of Kilkenny followed — a movement, the outgrowth of the abhor- DR. GEORGE McALEER 241 rence of the outrages of the past and the intense patriotism and love of the people for liberty that promised a brighter and bet- ter fnture^^ — a movement that for breadth of comprehension and wisdom in formulation may well challenge comparison with the best and bravest efforts ever made to right the wrongs of a plundered and grievously oppressed people. The battles and massacres of Dungan Hill, Knocknanos, Athlone, Aughrim, Dro- heda, Wexford, and of others elsewhere, while valiantly main- tained ended disastrously. The final effort was made at the des- perate and memorable siege of Limerick which was bravely and fiercely contested but which was forced to capitulate to vastly superior num\)ers and armament, and to submit to the disper- sion of the flower of the officers and men of the Irish army to the other nations of Europe, where as they of old covered them- selves with glory and added new lustre to the land of their na- tivity. Thenceforward, the contributions of Ireland to other European countries were more along military lines upon bloody battle-fields than in churches and the halls of learning. As years went by and oppression increased in Ireland, the numbers of Irish soldiers on the continent grew larger and, therefore, we can scarcely name a battle of any importance in which they did not figure in a conspicuous manner. And it is worthy of note that the Irish regiment was always found with its face to the foe in the thick of the fight. The English his- torian, Macauley, in writing of the effect of the penal laws, tells his readers that "Irish Catholics rose to important military and civil positions in France, Italy and Spain, in the armies of Frederick the Great and Maria Theresa; Irish Catholics who, if they had remained at home, would have been looked down upon by all the ignorant and worthless squireens who had signed the declaration against transubstantiation. In his palace at Ma- drid he (Wall, minister of Ferdinand the Sixth) had the pleas- ure of being assiduously courted by the ambassador of George the Second, and of bidding defiance in high terms to the am- bassador of George the Third. Scattered all over Europe were to be found Irish counts, Irish barons, Irish knights of Saint Louis and of Saint Leopold, of the White Eagle and of the Gold- en Fleece, who, if they had remained in the house of bondage could not have been ensigns of marching regiments or freemen of petty corporations. ' ' Greater numbers of Irishmen have fought in the armies of France, long England's bitterest enemy, than under the flag of any other nation on the continent. After the siege and surren- der of Limerick, in 1691, almost the entire garrison embarked for France, on the advice of Sarsfield, and.Ainder the command 242 IRELAND'S COXTRIBUTIOX TO EUROPEAN COUNTRIES of Lieutenant-General Sheldon, and there formed the famous Second Brigade. What was known as the First Brigade consist- ed of the three regiments sent the year before to Loiiix XIV in exchange for help from France in the cause of James 11. But in this exchange the French did not keep faith for they sent over sev^eral very inferior regiments composed of young and inex- perienced men, while the soldiers returned from Ireland were picked regiments of old and disciplined men under Mount- cashel. Daniel O'Brien, eldest son of Lord Clare, and Arthur Dillon. This brigade served with Catinat in Italy, where they distinguished themselves in many fights on the old battle-fields of the world. The Second Brigade, under the command of Sarsfield, took part in the siege of Namur, which surrendered after seven days. Sarsfield, at its head, publicly received the thanks of the French for the great service rendered them, and in the following March was made a Field-Marshal. But he was not destined to enjoy his honors long, for in July of the same year, 1693, he met liis death at the battle of Landen fighting in the cause of a ])etty tyrant who refused to tolerate the Huguenots. Sarsfield 's death was made all the more sad and bitter by the realization that he i)ad not sacrificed his life in the service of his own country. As he lay mortally wounded on the battle-field he is said to have raised his hand wet with his own blood and to have ])athetically said to those about him: "Oh, that this had been d