y4>. . > 
 
 A44 
 
 1892 
 
THE GREAT FALLACY. 
 
 A SPEECH 
 
 BY THE 
 
 RigMRev.TheLordBisliopofDerry.D.D., 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE 
 
 Albert Hall, London, 
 
 ON 
 
 SATURDAY, 22nd APRIL, i8g2. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE IRISH UNIONIST ALLIANCE 
 
 DUBLIN:— 109 GRAFTON" STEEET. 
 
 BELFAST :-l LOMBARD STREET. 
 
 LONDON:— 26 PALACE CHAMBERS, WESTMINSTER. 
 
^57.7 
 
 O'NHLL LIBRARY 
 BOSTON COLLEGE 
 
 HUMPHREY AND ARMOUR, 
 
 PRINTERS, 
 
 CROW STREET, DUBLIN. 
 
THE 
 
 GREAT FALLACY 
 
 The [Jishop of Derry, who was received with loud cheers, 
 proposed the following resolution : — 
 
 " That this meeting records its conviction that the establishment of a 
 separate Parliament and Executive for Ireland, as proposed by the Home 
 Rule Bill now before the House of Commons, would destroy the safe- 
 guards of civil and religious liberty in Ireland, unsettle the conditions of 
 her manufactures and co mmerce, lead to financial confusion, and weaken 
 the influence of Great Britain throughout the world." 
 
 He said : — My Lord Duke, my Lords, Ladies and Gentlemen, — 
 I labour under many difficulties in speaking upon the present 
 occasion. Although I cannot say that I am unused to public 
 speaking, I am at least unused to speaking upon a political 
 platform, I am afraid that there is hardly any human voice that 
 can make itself very audible in this great hall, and I have a further 
 difficulty in this point, that, unused as I am to political subjects, 
 I can only attempt to do in a much poorer style what has been 
 done— so admirably done — by a number of Unionist members of 
 Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The splendid logic of freedom has 
 had added to it by many hands a new chapter of many paragraphs 
 which absolutely annihilates the fallacies of the logic of a sordid 
 
tyranny. " The many-sided iniquity " of which Mr. Balfour spoke 
 has indeed received a many-sided refutation, which has not left a 
 single shred of it remaining. (Cheers.) 
 
 THE LEADING FALLACY OF THE BILL. 
 
 In the remarks which I have to offer to you this afternoon I 
 shall endeavour to confine myself to one subject, upon which a 
 speaker like myself may be supposed to be more at home than 
 upon many others, which may be of deeper interest to those who 
 are skilled in the science of politics. Let me just bring before 
 you, as well as I may, this one single conception. It appears to 
 me that the leading fallacy of the whole case, that which colours 
 the whole of this vast argument, really turns upon that title of the 
 gentlemen who call themselves the nation of Ireland — the 
 Nationalists. (Groans.) They assert that they are, or, at all 
 events, that they represent exclusively, the Irish people and the 
 Irish nation. (" Oh.") That I say is the leading fallacy, and I will 
 try to direct your attention for a short time to what seems to be a 
 refutation of it. Let us look at it first, so to speak, theoretically, 
 and then as it is embodied in this Bill. (Hear, hear.) First of 
 all, then, theoretically, I say the fallacy is this — that Nationalism 
 represents the whole Irish nation. Now, what is the truth about 
 that ? Irish gentlemen who are here present will look upon what I 
 have to say as extremely elementary, but I do not think that our 
 English friends know it at all so well. (Hear, hear.) I am per- 
 fectly convinced that many members of Parliament who are fore- 
 most in the support of this measure, and some who perhaps formed 
 part of the majority of last night, have never fully realized it. 
 Every man who has lived in Ireland knows that in Ireland, in differ- 
 ent proportions in different parts of the country, there are two races 
 face to face touching each other, sometimes mingling and yet 
 clearly to be distinguished one from the other. The first is essen- 
 tialh- Celtic ; that, indeed, in a sense is not strictly accurate, but 
 roughly speaking it is so. One division is essentially Celtic, and 
 the other is essentially English or Scotch. 
 
5 
 THE CELTIC ELEMENT. 
 
 Now, then, first of all take the Celtic element. The Prime 
 Minister is nothing if not theological. I do not believe that, 
 as Mr. Gladstone puts it in his habitual theological language — 
 (laughter) — my Celtic fellow-countrymen have a double dose of 
 original sin. They are very human beings, and some of them are 
 very fine human beings. (Cheers.) They are as a general rule 
 affectionate in their homes and wonderfully pure in their lives. 
 AVhen their souls are turned to heaven they are capable of being 
 intensely devout. They are in many cases, according to their own 
 notion of it, very patriotic, and I should indeed rather be silent for 
 ever upon a platform of this kind than speak lightly of priests Hke 
 Father Burke, or of tribunes like Daniel O'Connell. (Cheers.) But 
 perhaps I may be allowed to say that it seems to me that they have 
 some corresponding defects. They are sequacious, by which I 
 mean that they are apt to follow leaders who are sometimes not 
 very trustworthy. (Laughter and cheers.) They are tenacious ; 
 not always tenacious of that which is good, but specially tenacious 
 of the communistic ideas which are inveterate in their race. How 
 tenacious they are you may be able to judge from an extract 
 which has long been familiar to me, and which, I think, possesses 
 a very real interest. There was a writer called Lalor, whose pro- 
 ductions appeared, rather appropriately from the name, in the 
 Irish Felon in the year 1848. This man Lalor gives us the leading 
 idea of the whole question. He states in one of his papers that 
 there were two simple propositions and two principles of action by 
 which the Celtic element might obtain what they wished. The 
 first was that the absolute ownership of the land is vested in the 
 Irish people, and the second is that all titles to land are invalid un- 
 less they are at least confirmed by the Irish people. (Cheers and 
 laughter.) The principles of the mode of action are two. First, 
 refuse the payment of rent ; and, secondly, resist all processes of 
 ejectment. Here you have the root of the whole matter. Here you 
 have the leading idea of the Land League, and the present Bill is 
 Lalorism legalized. (Cheers.) 
 
THE MINOlilTY. 
 
 Now I may be allowed to speak of the Scotch and the English 
 race. I suppose that we who belong to that element of the people 
 of Ireland have our share in their faults. A very interesting fonn 
 of confession has been lately adopted. In old times a man used 
 to confess his own sins, and we ha\-e most delightful volumes 
 which contain such confessions. But in more modern days a very 
 distinguished writer and speaker has taken to confessing, not his 
 own sins, but the sins of the Enghsh people. (Cheers ) He seems 
 to think that the sins of you English people need a little wholesome 
 discipline, and, as he has so often been Prime Minister, he is quite 
 capable of understanding the depth of your sinfulness — (laughter) 
 — and also the effective mode of administering the necessary 
 castigation. (Renewed laughter.) But our English and Scotch people 
 who live in Ireland are a hardy and industrious race. Many of 
 them have attained to the greatest eminence as men of science, 
 mihtary men, merchants, administrators in foreign colonies, and so 
 forth. In numbers they are no doubt greatly inferior to the other 
 element ; but I would have you observe that the balance of numbers 
 against us is being wonderfully redressed. (Hear, hear.) There 
 is an expression — it expresses a foul distinction — it is one of the 
 foulest pieces of English that can possibly be found — " the 
 propertied classes." The propertied classes, then, among 
 
 OUR ROMAN CATHOLIC riilENDS 
 
 are, as a general rule, entirely on our side. (Hear, hear.) 
 We have instances of it, I am thankful to say, ui)on this 
 very platform. (Cheers.) The farmers who have large farms 
 are in many cases coming forward. The}' have written letters in 
 the Irish papers, and have i)larcd their names at the bottom of 
 them. (Hear, hear.) I am perfectly convinced that if you take 
 into account the whole mass of the Protestant population — for 
 they are Unionists with about the same exception of numbers as 
 the lunatics in their body — (laughter) — if you take them into account 
 
ami take into account also the brave and true-hearted Roman 
 Cathohcs who stand with us — (loud cheers) — I believe that it is 
 greatly under the mark to say that we have a third part of the 
 population. I believe we have nearly 2,000,000 out of the 4^ 
 millions of people in Ireland. And so I say that the proposition 
 that one important section represents the whole people of Ireland 
 is not only incomplete, but is one of the most dangerous assertions 
 that can possibly be made. (Cheers. ) In the dreary and squalid 
 history — for so it is on both sides — of the Irish Rebellion, and of the 
 years which immediately folio wed it, one of the most touching inci- 
 dents is the death of Lord Kilwarden. Arthur Wolfe, Lord Kil- 
 warden, was dragged out of his carriage and brutally murdered by 
 Emmett's mob in 1 803. Just before he died four men were seized 
 who had been concerned in the murder. One of the officers 
 standing by Lord Kilwarden exclaimed :■ — •" Take the four rascals 
 and execute them." But the dying man feebly held up his hand 
 and said: — " No, Swan," that was the officer's name, "let the poor 
 wretches at least have a fair trial." Those words were worthy of a 
 great magistrate and a great Irishman. (Cheers.) Ask Irishmen 
 who are present — I ask every man here who has heard of this — if 
 they would say that Lord Kilwarden was not an Irishman, and one 
 of the Irish people, but that these wretched and ruffianly murder- 
 ers belonged to the Irish people — (applause) — and so I conclude 
 this portion of my address. Take the words " Nationalist," " the 
 Irish people," "the Irish nation." If tlie words are falsely used, 
 no matter by whom, nail them to the counter. Tell them 
 that one long experiment was tried in Ireland — namely, the 
 government of the majority by the minority under Protestant ascen- 
 dency. That experiment failed. The government of the local 
 majority by the local minority must fail also. Tell them that 
 both alike — the local majority and the local minority — 
 must be ruled firmly, justly, and wisely under the Imperial 
 Parharaent— (loud cheers) — and under the sway of our gracious 
 Queen. (Renewed cheers.) In days like this, when the heart 
 of a great people is stirred, there are expressions brief, 
 
8 
 
 pregnant, passionate, and picturesque that leap to the lips of genius. 
 Such an expression was that used by Lord R. Churchill — (loud 
 applause) — the great betrayal. (Applause). And I think you may 
 add that the " great betrayal " is the great fallacy. Let me ask you 
 for a short time to follow this leading fallacy into its practical appli- 
 cations in this extraordinary Bill. 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY llEPBESENTATION UNDER 
 THE BILL. 
 
 First of all there follows from it a fallacious system of Parlia- 
 mentary representation. You have only to look at the seventh 
 clause of the Bill, and the first and second schedules. The force 
 of this was brought out in Ireland, as many of you know, with 
 splendid power and fulness, by Mr. Atkinson, who is here on the 
 platform to-day. The members under that precious scheme can- 
 not possibly represent the various interests and various ideas of a 
 great community. In any just and fair system of representation 
 the preponderance of one class must always be more or less 
 balanced by the just rights of another. Is this a Bill for the represen- 
 tation of the Irish people ? Nothing of the kind. It is an agrarian 
 Bill for the representation of the small farmers and of the working 
 labourers, and it may almost be said that it is a Bill for the repre- 
 sentation of no one else. Gentlemen who call themselves " Na- 
 tionahsts " are fond of quoting Mr. Grattan. Well, what did he 
 say about Irish Parliamentary reform in his day ? This is what 
 he says — " Transfer the power of the State to those who have noth- 
 ing in the country, and they will afterwards transfer the property of 
 others and annex it once more to the power in their own persons. 
 (Laughter.) Give them your ])ower, and they will give themselves 
 your property." (Applause.) This legislating for Nationalists as 
 if they formed the whole of the nation impresses these two 
 characteristics upon the Jiill. The Bill has been dictated by the 
 small farmers, and is meant for them almost exclusively. We 
 have a saying in Ireland that a man Avho does not do well and 
 relapses into something like barbarism " goes back to bog." And 
 
so this Bill is a "Bill of the Bog." But it is also something 
 more. It has been manipulated by conspirators. (Loud cheers.) 
 Of course we make all due allowance for a little obscurity 
 here and there in drafting. (Laughter.) But besides being a Bill 
 of the Bog, it is so hard to make out its bearing upon such trifles 
 as our lives, our liberty, our property — (laughter and cheers) — that 
 it is also a " Bill of the Fog." (Cheers.) 
 
 THE BIGHT OF BESISTANCE. 
 
 Well, the second great fallacy which arises from the master 
 fallacy is this — that those who are responsible for this Bill have 
 formed an extremely fallacious estimate of the volume of resistance 
 to it which exists in Ireland. (Cheers.) I know how many words 
 have been spent upon metaphysical questions with reference to 
 resistance and its lawfulness, but I am inclined to think that the 
 matter practically comes pretty much to this — that after all there 
 are things which a strong race will hardly submit to — (loud cheers) 
 — unless they are compelled to it, and I am very much inclined to 
 think that practical slavery is just one of those things. (Cheers.) 
 Remember the antecedents of that other race in Ireland. A 
 great writer, Mr. Goldwin Smith, has said that " an atmos- 
 phere broods over slave States which is laden with fear from 
 the sense of a great wrong." It has been remarked, and 
 I would commend it to the meditation of the great master 
 of false historical analogies, that there never has been and 
 never was an armed insurrection of slaves in America ; but 
 Dr. Channing, in one pregnant and pithy sentence has told us why. 
 '' Rome," he said, " had servile wars, but then the slaves had once 
 been freemen." (Cheers.) Now, we are convinced — we are a 
 stupid people, you know, but we have got it into our heads and 
 we are actually wicked enough to be convinced that under the sys- 
 tem devised in this Bill we shall be nothing more than slaves. 
 (Hear, hear.) We are told, indeed, about guarantees, but we 
 hardly know how they will be enforced. We are told about " con- 
 fidence " and a great many other pieces of gush, but I tell you this 
 
£0 
 
 — that a strong race can no more be confiding about its liberty 
 than a pure women can be confiding about her honour. (Loud 
 cheers.) We are strange subjects — we, the objectionable portion 
 of the Irish race — indeed, for this new experiment. There was a 
 Liberal writer, his name was Macaulay, but I suppose he is ex- 
 ploded now ; but actually he had the boldness to speak about us as 
 
 ''THE UNCONQUEJRABLE COLONY" 
 
 in the times of James II. May we not say, without any 
 undue vaunting, that we have saved Ulster for you and with 
 Ulster a great deal more than Ulster in 1688. (Cheers.) And 
 remembering what 1 do about the times of the Indian Mutiny and 
 about the men — the Lawrences and the others — is it going too far 
 to say that, as we saved Ulster 1688, we helped potently to save 
 India in 1853 ? Let me observe that I do not feel that I am saying 
 anything unworthy of a minister of peace. To warn men of danger 
 is not to create danger. The physician is not guilty of producing 
 the disease whose germs he tells you are lurking in the imperfect 
 sewer. Besides, there is here no question of rebellion — rebel- 
 lion against Her Majesty, rebellion against the Imperial 
 Parliament. Those are sins no Irishman of the i)eople 
 to which we belong will ever commit. (Hear, hear.) But 
 I really do not know how the constitutional question stands 
 about the new and limited Legislature of 48 councillors 
 (laughter) — and 103 representatives of the people. Why, Grattan 
 spoke against a limited Legislature. He said it was an insult to- 
 Ireland, and he gave them another historical analogy which I 
 commend to some historical gentlemen. (Hear, hear.) He said 
 that they had a limited Legislature in the Isle of Man, and he 
 added, " What a Legislature that is. It is free from the influence 
 of opinion, free from the influence of duty, directed by prejudices, 
 and unencumbered by knowledge." (Laughter and cheers.) 
 Another great Irishman— Sheridan — spoke of a Parliament of that 
 kind, and he said, "Talk of a Parhament ! It is a national vestry 
 
for the parish of Ireland." The third fallacy is the strange and fright- 
 ful under-estimate of the moral repulsion to the projected Legisla- 
 ture. There is one fatal question which will be asked again and again, 
 if this Bill and subsequent legislation are forced upon us. Men will 
 ask why was this Bill given ? How was this Bill got? (Hear, hear). 
 Now, mark me, 1 am not going to try to fasten the guilt of murder 
 upon any individuals amongst my fellow-countrymen. I know that 
 among the members who represent the Nationalist party there are 
 many men who would shrink from anything of the kind as much 
 as I should, but 1 am obliged to say this. I have seen the dreary 
 record, I have followed it with my pencil page by page, and I know 
 this— that, between January, 1881, and August, 1888, there were 
 
 252 3IUBDEIIS, 
 
 either perpetrated or attempted in Ireland. (Groans.) I again say 
 that I do not charge any complicity upon particular individuals who 
 represent what is called the Irish party. Mr. Morley— (groans and 
 cries of " Traitor,") — said the other night — and I am sure he said it 
 honestly — that these acts were cruel and detestable, but he seemed 
 to imply that they occurred before the Land Act. Why, that 
 was in 1881, and in 1882 there were 42 persons actually murdered 
 — one a woman of 80, another a child of four. But when this 
 great gift comes to the people of Ireland, then we are told there 
 will be a moral miracle such as the world has never seen before, 
 and all the past sin will be washed away. Yes, but the world will 
 not forget the crime which won the power. Napoleon III. to 
 the last day of his reign as Emperor used to say that he always 
 dragged with him the ball, the log of the 3rd of December. Queen 
 Mary — whose memory is not loved in England — in her reign 
 of five years there were only 200 victims. But those two hundred 
 have left an impression which two hundred years have not effaced. 
 There is a story told with marvellous power in the poems of Victor 
 Hugo. The great poet tells us how a usurper committed a murder 
 through which he obtained a throne. At last death came and his. 
 
■spirit went forth through the darkness to the eternal light. Some- 
 thing in his soul prompted him to take his sword with him and to 
 cut for himself a mantle of snow that he might be allowed to pass 
 through the gate into the place where nothing red with guilt can 
 enter. As he moved onward he saw gathf^ring over him a cloud, 
 from which fell drops which seemed to him to be drops of rain. 
 But they were drops of blood, and when he came to the gates of 
 Paradise a voice forbade him to enter in. And so he went on week 
 after week and month after month, but still he was not allowed 
 to enter. So it will be with Governments that have profited by 
 " sombre acquiescence in crime." Even suppose them to repent, 
 the crimson drops pour down upon them from the cloud of their 
 irredeemable past. (Cheers.) 
 
 THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION. 
 
 Now— and it is the last word — there is the religious question. 
 Whether we like it or not, the two races mean two forms of religion. 
 It is hardly surprising that the religious question should manifest 
 itself from time to time in Ireland. The wars of Elizabeth were 
 religious wars, the great war of 1642 was a religious war, the war of 
 1 688 was a war of religion, and at the root of \ery much that 
 happened in 1798 there was a religious question. Now, surely, 
 the aim of all wise legislation should be to make men forget these 
 records of an unhappy past. It was the aim of Grattan — he said 
 it in his dying days — to join the two peoples into one and to soften 
 and efface these harsh old memories by blending together the 
 professors of the two creeds as far as could be done. We want 
 the quietude of statesmanship, (ientlemen, those of you who are 
 cricketers know what a demon bowler means. When we talk of a 
 demon bowler, we do not mean a monster in human form, bat 
 one who is a sensational bowler. He bowls as tast as a whirl- 
 wind ; he knocks over stumps and splits them in two ; he not 
 only hurts the man at the wicket but sometimes knocks down even 
 the umpire and some of the bystanders. He loses more by the 
 number of byes which arc run than he gains by the wickets which 
 
13 
 
 he takes. I think that a demon statesman — ^cheers) — you 
 will understand that I mean nothing personal — (laughter) — a 
 demon statesman is the fascinating desperado of politics. 
 (Cheers.) He always does things by the most violent means 
 conceiveable. Let me quote four lines of poetry, part of a sonnet — 
 as far as I know the only sonnet ever written by lienjamin Disraeli. 
 (Cheers.) Lord Beaconsfield addressed the Hnes to the memory 
 of Lord Wellington, and in speaking of his characteristics he 
 said : — 
 
 " No gusts of mind 
 
 Fitful and wild, but that continued state 
 
 Of ordered impulse mariners await 
 
 In some benignant and enriching wind." 
 
 Like that great statesman, the Earl of Derb}-, whose loss England 
 is deploring at the present moment. (Hear, hear.) And when we 
 are talking about the religious question and certain possibilities in 
 it, we are told that we are raising up a bogey, that we are 
 afraid of the thumbscrew and the stalce. No ; we are afraid of 
 nothing of the kind. But we have amongst us a few men a little 
 less stupid than the rest of us ; and they conceive that within the 
 four corners of this Bill is a surreptitious endowment of the 
 dominant church and much else. (Laughter.) There is one 
 distinguished man of science ; his name is Dr. Salmon, and he has 
 told us pretty plainly what the financial result of the adoiDtion of 
 Home Rule will be for the Church to which I belong. There are 
 men profoundly acquainted with the Church of Ireland who tell us 
 what the state of that Church will inevitably be. We have a few 
 lawyers, of whom the world knows something, and in reference to 
 the guarantees they think that the University of Dublin — perhaps 
 because it is the only constituency in Ireland which has not a single 
 illiterate voter — is seriously threatened. All other Protestant 
 institutions are threatened. Therefore it is that to-day from this 
 platform, and on every occasion, wherever we can, we, the Protes- 
 tants of Ireland, appeal to our Protestant brethren in Great 
 Britain. (Cheers.) We appeal to the Protestant Nonconformists. 
 
14 
 
 (Hear, hear.) We admire Mr. Gladstone's talents exceedingly, 
 but we tell him the Irish Protestants do not trust him. (Hear, hear" 
 and applause.) I do not believe our Roman Catholic friends really 
 put more trust in the author of " Vatican and Vaticanism " than we 
 do. They know very well when Home Rule was first in sight 
 
 CAB DIN AL CULLEN 
 
 passed upon it the most authoritative condemnation, and said it 
 was got up in the interest of an irreligious and revolutionary party- 
 (Cheers.) But let me say that out of all this evil there has come 
 to us one blessing — the blessing of unity. All the religions in 
 Ireland are represented on this platform. (Cheers.) Loyalty 
 has, thank God, ceased to be a sectarian word. (Loud cheers.) 
 Noble-minded Roman Catholics are as loyal to the Queen and 
 Constitution as we are. (Renewed cheers.) (Jentlemen, will you 
 allow me to say that, before I came here, I prayed to my Heavenly 
 Father that, for one moment at least, there might be given to me 
 one of those golden and pregnant moments when a spirit of peace 
 seems to move over a great assembly. You will pardon the egotism 
 of an old man if I tell you what happened to myself, many years 
 ago, when I was a clergyman in a country parish. There was in 
 that parish a true-hearted and worthy old priest. It was my 
 happiness to possess his intimate acquaintance, and when I left 
 that parish I paid him a farewell visit. The kind-hearted old 
 man put his strong arm round my neck and said: — "We are 
 bidding farewell to each other, but remember this, the one Heaven 
 is big enough to hold us both, and the one Saviour's heart is big 
 enough to love us both." It is in the spirit of that good old man's 
 words that I would speak to each and every one in Ireland- 
 (Cheers.) I wish the old religious dissensions and jealousies to 
 be obliterated. I wish all good men and true to be joined together 
 in affection. (Renewed cheering.) As I was passing a night 
 or two ago through the glens of Antrim, associated as they are with 
 stories of fierce fights and wild struggles in the olden times, as the 
 sunlight was dying away on the spring clad slopes, the words of the 
 
15 
 
 psalm came into my mind, " The mountains shall bring peace, and 
 the little hills righteousness unto the people." Do you not see how 
 the two things, righteousness and peace, stand together ? Without 
 righteousness there can be no true peace. There is no justice, no 
 righteousness in this Bill — (loud cheers) — none in its provisions 
 none in the clauses, none in the schedules, which jockey the poor 
 policeman and cheat the poor Civil servant, and ruin the landlord, 
 and break the widow's heart. (Renewed cheers.) It pours its 
 shoddy gifts and lavishes its shabby benedictions upon those who 
 are dishonest and untrustworthy — (hear, hear) — and it places those 
 men in power. And as it has no righteousness it can give no peace. 
 And so, in bidding farewell to this imbecile caricature of a Consti- 
 tution for Ireland — (loud and prolonged cheering) — I ask you to 
 carry away with you this brief summary : — Morally, it is the great 
 betrayal — (cheers) — logically, it is the great fallacy — (cheers) — 
 religiously, it is the great sectarianism — (cheers) — financially, it is 
 the great swindle — socially, it is the great break up — (cheers) — and, 
 Imperially, it is the great break down. (Vociferous cheering). 
 
iOV 1983 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE 
 
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