PRIVATE LIBRARY. 
 
 JOSEPH K. NEWELL, 
 
 SPRINGFIELD, MASS. 
 
 V Samuel Bowles & Co 
 
 0 BOOKBINDERS, 
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HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
FROM JULY, 1775, 
 
 WHEN GENERAI. WASHINGTON TOOK COMMAND 
 
 OF THE 
 
 AMERICAN ARMY, AT CAMBRIDGE, 
 
 TO THE YEAR 1789, (INCLUSIVE,) 
 
 k 
 
 WHEN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT WAS ESTABLISHED 
 UNDER 
 
 THE PRESENT CONSTITUTION. 
 
 By ALDEN BRADFORD, 
 
 AUTHOR OF THE VOLUME OF HISTORY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 PUBLISHED IN 1822. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY WELLS AND LILLY. 
 
 1825 . 
 
 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY 
 CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. 
 
 jt 
 
 I 
 
 - ' -■£ 
 
DISTRICT OP MASSACHUSETTS, TO WIT; 
 
 District Clerk's Office. 
 
 _ BE it remembered, 'that on the eighteenth day of February A. D. 1825, in the forty 
 ninth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Wells and Lilly, of the 
 said District, have deposited in this Office the title of a Book, the Right whereol they claim 
 as Proprietors, in the Words following, to wit 
 
 History of Massachusetts from July, 1775, when General Washington took command 
 of the American Army at Cambridge, to the Year 1789, (inclusive,) when the Federal Go- 
 vernment was established under the Present Constitution. By Alden Bradford, Author of 
 the volume of History of Massachusetts published in 1822. 
 
 In Conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled. “ An Act for 
 the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Boolu, to 
 the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the times therein mentioned and 
 also to an Act entitled, “ An Act supplementary to an Act, entitled. An Act for the 
 Eucourasement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the 
 Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the times therein mentioned : and extend- 
 ing the benefits thereof to the Arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching Historical and 
 «ther Prints.” 
 
 JNO. W. DAVIS, 
 
 Clerk of the District of Massachusetts. 
 
To JOHN ADAMS, 
 
 David Sewall, William Baylies, 
 
 George Partridge, Timothy Pickering, 
 Samuel Freeman, Thomas Melville, David Cobb, 
 Peleg Wadsworth, John Brooks, 
 
 Perez Morton, Judah Alden, Benjamin Pierce, 
 John Popkin, Nathan Rice, 
 
 WHO WERE IN CIVIL OR MILITARY OFFICE 
 
 IN MASSACHUSETTS IN 1775; 
 
 AND WHO, 
 
 AFTER A LAPSE OF FIFTY YEARS, STILL SURVIVE ; 
 
 THE PATRIOTIC ASSERTERS, AND INTREPID DEFENDERS, 
 
 OF 
 
 AMERICAN FREEDOM, 
 
 IN THE CABINET AND IN THE FIELD ; WITH GRATITUDE FOR 
 THEIR INVALUABLE SERVICES, AND ADMIRATION 
 OF THEIR UNDAUNTED HEROISM ; 
 
 THIS VOI.Via£ 
 
 IS VERY RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED, 
 
 BY 
 
 THE WRITER. 
 

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PREFACE 
 
 In a volume, published in 1822, tlie record of 
 events in Massachusetts was brought down to July 
 1775. The period embraced by that volume was 
 one of uncommon political interest. It was from 
 1765 to 1775, that the controversy between the 
 government of England and the people in the thir- 
 teen American colonies, then a part of the British 
 empire, which issued in their independence, took 
 place and was continued : and, as the dispute was 
 more particularly and uniformly maintained by the 
 Assembly of Massachusetts, than in any other co- 
 lony, previously to a resort to arms in defence of 
 constitutional rights, when petitions, remonstrances 
 and arguments had failed, it was considered pro- 
 per to give a full statement of it. Soon after the 
 affair of Lexington and Concord, when it appeared 
 that the British resolved to support their arbitrary 
 measures by the sword, the Continental Congress 
 concluded to make a common cause with Massa- 
 
8 
 
 chusetts ; provided for an army to be raised by 
 all the colonies unitedly; and appointed General 
 Washington to take the command of it. 
 
 After this event, the contest having assumed a 
 more military character, and being supported by 
 the united strength of all the provinces, the history 
 of Massachusetts becomes more connected with 
 the general proceedings of the whole : and as the 
 theatre of the war for many months after the 
 epoch above mentioned, was in that province, a 
 record of events which there occurred will include 
 the important transactions of all the colonies in 
 opposition to British usurpation. A principal part 
 of the force opposed to the ministerial troops was 
 also furnished by Massachusetts, for some time 
 after the organization of the continental army. 
 
 In the subsequent periods of the revolutionary 
 war, though the leading events which took place 
 in the United States have been preserved by able 
 writers, the particular efforts of Massachusetts 
 have not been fully recorded. A faithful narra- 
 tive will show, that her citizens did not relax in 
 their exertions after the seat of war was removed 
 to other parts of the continent ; but that the same 
 zeal was exhibited and support given, through the 
 whole contest^ which appeared in its early stages. 
 
9 
 
 The writer of this volume has been sensible of 
 the difficulty of doing full justice to Massachusetts, 
 without referring to events of a general nature, 
 in which all the states were concerned. It has 
 been his endeavour, to give only a concise and ra- 
 pid statement of transactions in other parts of the 
 United States. A general and connected view 
 seemed to be proper, in stating the particular ef- 
 forts and services of Massachusetts ; as these were 
 rendered, in most cases, in compliance with the 
 requisitions of the continental Congress, and com- 
 posed a part of the united exertions of America 
 for freedom and independence. He hopes he has 
 not dwelt too much upon transactions, in which all 
 the states were engaged ; nor omitted to notice 
 such as particularly regarded the state of Massa- 
 chusetts. 
 
 It was asserted by some members of the con- 
 vention in Massachusetts, January 1788, which 
 adopted the federal constitution, that, for several 
 years of the war, this state furnished nearly one 
 third of the continental army. It wiW be seen in 
 this volume, that the portion of troops required of 
 Massachusetts, was very great, and that the num- 
 ber requested was usually raised. It will be re- 
 collected also, that general Washington acknowl- 
 2 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
It) 
 
 edged, on several occasions, that, but for the Mas- 
 sachusetts regiments, the regular army would have 
 been insufficient for attack or defence. Although 
 it had an extensive sea coast, of upwards of five 
 hundred miles, to protect by its own militia, the 
 most prompt measures were taken to procure the 
 troops called for to join the continental army in 
 distant parts of America. The state also advanc- 
 ed large sums to these troops, to induce them to 
 engage in the public service ; and when the ac- 
 counts of the several states were adjusted, at the 
 close of the war, it was found that Massachusetts 
 had borne more than her just portion of the pub- 
 lic burdens. 
 
 The history of Massachusetts, after the peace of 
 1783, during several succeeding years, is very im- 
 portant. The immense debt, for which it had to 
 provide payment, and the embarrassments on trade, 
 occasioned a general discontent and complaint 
 among the people, which impeded the regular 
 course of law and threatened to destroy all social 
 order. It was a period of great public distress 
 and alarm ; and nothing but uncommon wisdom 
 and firmness in the rulers saved the Common- 
 wealth from the evils of anarchy. 
 
11 
 
 The establishment of the federal government 
 over the whole United States, which took place 
 soon after the period just mentioned, was also an 
 event of great interest in the country ; and the 
 proceedings in Massachusetts, relative to it, merit 
 particular notice. 
 
 With a deep sense of the importance of accu- 
 racy, fidelity, and impartiality in those who profess 
 to give a correct record of events, or a just cha- 
 racter of public men, it is unnecessary, perhaps, to 
 add, that it has been the constant endeavour of the 
 writer, in this as in the former volume, to have 
 the statements given strictly conformable to truth ; 
 and that he has been anxious not to advance any 
 thing as fact, upon conjecture, or to give party 
 representations as a substitute for prevalent public 
 opinion. 
 
 Boston, \2th February^ 1825. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 ^Number and condition of troops at Cambridge, July 1775 . . . Reasons for 
 not attacking the British in Boston . . . Character of W ashingtoa . . . Gene- 
 als in the army . . . Supply of men and powder by Massachusetts . . . The af- 
 fair of Machias . . . Expedition to Lake Champlain . . . Defensive war only 
 yet intended . . . Character of Hancock, T. Cushing, Samuel Adams, J. 
 Adams, R. T. Paine James Warren - -- -- -- -- -1 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 House of Representatives chosen . . . Conformity to ancient charter . . . De- 
 lay of judicial establishments.. . Choice of Counsellors . .. Measures of 
 defence . . . Finances . . . Paper money . . . Debts increase . . . Requisitions 
 of General Congress . . . Army organised . . . Small pox , . . Privateers . . . 
 Forts built at Winter Hill, &c. . . . Sea coast guarded . . .Committee of 
 Continental Congress visit Cambridge ... Troops ordered for 1776... 
 Views of Congress on Separation from Britain . . . Agents to treat with 
 Indians . .. Affair at Cape Ann . . . Falmouth burnt and Bristol attacked 
 . ..Judges and Justices appointed . . . Gun powder imported from West 
 Indies . . . Debts -38 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 
 
 V’^iews of the Colonies September 1775 ... Expedition to Quebec by wa^ 
 of Kennebec . . . Unsuccessful . . . Armed Vessels . . , British ships cap- 
 tured , . . Captain Manly . . . Treachery of Dr. Church . . . Militia called 
 out . . . Colonel Knox brings cannon from Tyconderoga . . . Resolve of 
 Representatives justifying a resort to arms . . . Meditated attack on Bos- 
 ton . . . Dorchester heights fortilied . . , Conduct of Washington ap- 
 proved by Congress . . . Militia organized . . . Nantucket . .. Suspension 
 of civil suits . . . Refugees . . . Regiment raised for Quebec . - - - 68 
 
11 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 British troops leave Boston ... Public Funeral of General Warren... 
 Washington’s entrance into Boston . . . Northern Expedition . . . Death of 
 General Thomas . . . Independence proposed . . . Troops raised for de- 
 fence of the Province . . . Captain Mugford . . . British ships driven frotp 
 Boston harbour . . . Militia to reinforce regular army .. . Spirit of Mas- 
 sachusetts’ Legislature . . . Great efforts and sacrifices . . . Independence 
 declared , . . Proposition for new Constitution , . . New levies of Militia . . . 
 Paper money depreciated. - 92 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Continental army for 1777 . . . Slavery forbidden .. . Several calls for mili- 
 tia.. . Invasion of Rhode Island under general Lincoln . . . Military stores 
 from France . , . Monopolies and depreciation . . .Additional State troops, 
 and drafts of militia - -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 122 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 General Court 1777 . . . Expedition to Nova Scotia . . . Constitution pre- 
 pared bj’' General Court, and rejected by the people ._. 4th of July 
 , . . Militia to reinforce northern army , . . Secret expedition to Rhode 
 Island . . . Bourgoyne checked and captured . . . Affairs at the south . . . 
 Capture of captain Manly - -- -- -- -- -- -- 139 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Taxes . . . Men raised for defence of the state, and for the continental 
 army . . . Addresses to the people . . . Confederation . . . Judges . . . General 
 Court sit in Roxbury ... Constitution disapproved in 1778 ... British 
 at Newport ... French Fleet ... Americans retreat ... Lafayette ., . 
 Fort Alden taken. . .British commissioners offer terms of peace . . . Gene- 
 ral Gates commands in Boston Opinion of British statesmen - 152 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Refugees . . . Taxes . . . Law against Extortion , . . Scarcity . . . Various 
 measures of defence . . . Depreciation . . . New calls for militia . . . Con- 
 vention for new Constitution . . , Large sums called for by Congress . . . 
 Penobscot Expedition . . . Conventions to prevent extortion . . . Addi- 
 tional troops, both for state and continental service ... Public Fast.., 
 GenerJil Lincoln in Georgia and South Carolina. . . Constitution formed 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 15 
 
 •and accepted . . . Order of Congress to call in paper money . , . Debt of the 
 state . . . Complaints of the people . . . Troops in Maine . . . Academy of 
 Arts and Sciences ... Dark day - - - - - - - - - . - 171 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 State of the country ... More militia ordered ... Treachery of Arnold... 
 General Court under new constitution ... Governor’s speech ... Bur- 
 dens and complaints of people ... Loans ... Militia at northward... 
 Recruits for army . . . Large bounties . . . Committee to revise laws . , , 
 Further discontents ... Great taxes... New calls of Congress ... Ex- 
 cise acts . . . And impost proposed . . . Militia marched to Rhode Island, 
 and to New York . . . Capture of Cornwallis . . . renewed military pre- 
 parations ... Complaints ... Riot in Hampshire ------ 194 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Prospect of peace . . . Massachusetts urge security of fisheries . . . Minis- 
 ters so instructed . . . National bank . . . Supreme court . . . Illicit trade 
 forbidden . . . Distresses of soldiers on their discharge . . . Alarming com- 
 bination among part of the oflicers . . . Great taxes . . . Relief for debtm-s 
 i .. Impost and continental taxes ... Refugees ... General Court for 
 1783 . . . Members of Congress . . . Peace . . . Governor urges attention to 
 public credit . . . Slavery wholly condemned . . . Census . . . Requisitions 
 of Congress , . . British debts . . . Eastern boundary , . . Governor Han- 
 cock resigns. . . New excise . . . Complaints of British importations 213 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Mr. Bowdoin governor . . . His opinions and Speech . . . Proposes more 
 power to Congress ... Embarrassments on commerce ... Plan to pay 
 debt . . . British captain’s insolence . . . Old taxes not collected . . . New 
 ones assessed . . . Criminals confined to labour . . . Convention in Maine 
 a . . Proposal to authorise Congress to regulate commerce . . . Convention 
 proposed for revising confederation . . . Mr. Bowdoin governor 1786 . . . 
 Urges payment of debt - -- -- -- -- -- -- - 236 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Convention in Hampshire county . . . Also in other countries . . . Complaints 
 of taxes and courts . . . Courts interrupted . . . Militia called out to sup- 
 port government . . . Extra session of the General Court . . . Approve of 
 the conduct of the governor. . . And endeavour to provide relief for the 
 
16 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 people . . . Middlesex militia . . .County conventions renewed and forci- 
 ble opposition to government ... Settlement of dispute with New York 
 . . . Courts again obstructed . . . Insurgents embodied . . . And militia 
 called out 260 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Measures adopted to quell the Insurrection . , . General Lincoln commands 
 the Militia , . . Marches to Worcester . . . Insurgents retire, but collect at 
 Springfield . . . Fired upon by General Shepard . . . Pursued by Lincoln . , . 
 Posted at Pelham . . . General Court meet and approve of the conduct of 
 the governor . . . Rebellion declared . . . Shays marches to Petersham . , . 
 Surprised and dispersed by general Lincoln . . . His conduct approved . . . 
 Insurgents in Berkshire subdued . . . Commissioners appointed to grant 
 pardons . . , Several convicted of treason by Supreme Court - - 286 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Mr. Hancock chosen governor . . . Great part of General Court new mem- 
 bers . . . Policy not materially changed . , , Insurgents still dangerous in 
 western counties . , . Resident in Vermont , . . Governor authorised to 
 continue troops in the public service . . . Salaries . . . Insurgents pardon- 
 ed. . . State of the Commonwealth . . . High taxes . , . Federal Constitu- 
 tion . . . Approved in Massachusetts by a small majority . . . Objections 
 to it . . . Arguments for it . . . Amendments. . . Rejoicing on its adoption . . . 
 Subsequent prosperity . . . Amount of claims on the United States . . . Mint 
 ... Manufactures ... Slave trade prohibited ------- 311 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Mr. Hancock governor , . . His popularity .. . Dispute respecting the Cap- 
 taincy of the Castle and of the salary of the lieutenant governor... 
 Representatives to Congress. . .Number and mode of chosing Electors 
 of President and Vice-President ... Address to the President ... Two 
 brass field pieces. . . Mr. Hancock governor, May 1789. . . His speech . . . 
 Law for Public Schools ... Finances ... New Counties in Maine... 
 Washington’s visit ... Effects of Federal Government - - - - 331 
 
 Appendix 
 
 349 
 
MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 CHAPTER 1. 
 
 Number and condition of troops at Cambridge, July 1775 . .. Reasons for 
 not attacking the British in Boston . . . Character of Washington . . . Gene- 
 als in the army . . . Supply of men and powder by Massachusetts . . . The af- 
 fair of Machias . . . Expedition to Lake Champlain . . . Defensive war only 
 yet intended— Character of Hancock, T. Cushing, Samuel Adams, J. 
 Adams, R. T. Paine, J. Warren. 
 
 When General Washington, by appointment of the 
 Continental Congress, took command of the Ame- 
 rican troops in the vicinity of Boston, the third of 
 July, 1775, they were estimated at about 15,000. 
 Of these, more than 9,000 belonged to Massachu- 
 setts ; Connecticut, New Hampshire and Rhode 
 Island furnished the residue. They had assem-. 
 bled at Cambridge and Roxbury, soon after the 
 attack, by a detachment of the British army in 
 Boston on the defenceless citizens of the province 
 
 VOL. II. 3 
 
18 
 
 at Lexington and Concord. These troops, collect- 
 ed to oppose a large and disciplined army, were 
 none other than the yeomanry of the country, with 
 such arms as could be suddenly procured ; though 
 a small portion of them, denominated “ minute 
 men,” had been occasionally trained to military 
 duty, for a few months before. The whole colo- 
 nial force had been under the command of gene- 
 ral Ward, whose head-quarters were in Cam- 
 bridge; general Thomas commanding the right 
 wing at Roxbury, and general Putnam of Connec- 
 ticut the left wing, on Prospect Hill, in the west- 
 erly part of Charlestown. On the arrival of Wash- 
 ington at Cambridge, as commander in chief. Ward 
 was placed over the right wing in Roxbury; and 
 Lee, then lately appointed a major general by 
 Congress, had the command of the left, on Pros- 
 pect Hill. 
 
 The American army did not consist of so many 
 men, as had been represented to general Wash- 
 ington ; or, as a short period before his arrival, 
 were assembled in arms, in the neighbourhood of 
 the metropolis. Several companies, which were 
 marched at the moment of alarm, had returned to 
 their respective homes. At one time, they had 
 been estimated at 1 8,000. If it was in the design 
 of Washington immediately to commence offensive 
 operations against the British troops, and to drive 
 thfem from the capital of Massachusetts, his plan 
 must have been disconcerted on finding the Ame- 
 ricans less numerous than he had expected ; and 
 his resolution for the attempt yet more shaken, by 
 witnessing the deficiency of arms and the great 
 want of discipline and subordination among the 
 troops he was appointed to command. 
 
19 
 
 To organize and discipline an army of such ma- 
 terials, of men who had seen little actual service 
 and who were unacquainted with military tactics ; 
 and to render them formidable to regular troops ; 
 was a work requiring time, intelligence and pru- 
 dence. The yeomanry of Massachusetts and of the 
 other New England Colonies Avere, indeed, brave, re- 
 solute, and ready for any enterprize however ha- 
 zardous. But they were the lords of the soil, and 
 they acknowledged no higher and lower grades 
 among them, in Avhich some were entitled to com- 
 mand, and others bound to obey. To civil au- 
 thority, they were certainly most obedient. But 
 happily they knew nothing of standing armies ; and 
 officers of the militia, being chosen from the great 
 body of citizens, and usually retaining their com- 
 mission only for a few years, acquired no peculiar 
 respect, by which their commands would be 
 promptly and uniformly obeyed. The first great 
 object of the commander in chief, therefore, was 
 to produce a spirit of subordination ; and to per- 
 suade the people, both in and out of the American 
 camp, of the absolute necessity of military disci- 
 pline and of strict obedience to superior officers. 
 With all his prudence and address, and enthusias- 
 tic as they were in the cause of freedom and. of 
 their country, his wishes were but partially accom- 
 plished, until some time after the commencement 
 of the war. The subaltern officers frequently de- ^ 
 parted from the camp for several days, without 
 leave of absence : and whole companies, claiming 
 to have come as volunteers, left the army, con- 
 trary to the desires of the commander in chief. 
 At a subsequent period, though their term of en- 
 listment had expired, but against the urgent re- 
 
20 
 
 quest of Washington, as the army had become 
 much reduced, the whole Connecticut line was dis- 
 banded and returned to their homes. 
 
 Another very serious difficulty prevented the 
 plan of offensive warfare at this early period of 
 the contest. The troops were deficient in good 
 fire arms, for many which they brought with them 
 were almost unfit for use. Nor was it possible en- 
 tirely to remedy the deficiency, though great ex- 
 ertions were immediately made for that purpose. 
 Of the necessary article of gun-powder, there was 
 also a most alarming deficiency. And there were 
 at this time, very few cannon in the American 
 army, so essential in storming a fortified town. 
 To the want of an efficient artillery corps may 
 justly be attributed the defeat of the Provincial 
 troops at Bunker’s Hill, on the 17th of June.* 
 
 It was evidently, then, the dictate of sound dis- 
 cretion in the commander in chief, to refrain from 
 an immediate attack on the British troops in Bos- 
 ton, who would probably have been provoked to 
 retaliate upon the besiegers; and these would not 
 have been able, in their unprepared condition, to 
 repel the assault. It is matter of surprise, how- 
 ever, that the British general, with a regular 
 army, so amply prepared for the contest, did not 
 attempt to force the American lines, and disperse 
 the provincial troops, who were so deficient in dis- 
 cipline and in military stores. These considera- 
 tions are sufficient to justify general Washington, 
 in not acting more decidedly on the offensive at this 
 period. To which may be added, the reluctance 
 of the opulent citizens of Boston to an attempt to 
 
 * There were only four brass field pieces in the whole 
 American armv at this time*) 
 
21 
 
 drive the British by force from the town, as a 
 great destruction of property would probably be 
 the consequence : and the system of opposition, 
 deliberately adopted by the colonists, being then 
 merely defensive, would not well consist with a 
 more vigorous hostility, than preparations to pre- 
 vent the ministerial army from marching into the 
 country for plunder, and to meet it with a good 
 face, at a future day, if a reconciliation should not 
 be effected with the parent state. For even at 
 this period, and for several months later, though 
 the sword had been drawn, and the blood of 
 Americans, wantonly spilt, called on the people for 
 vengeance, there was still a hope that administra- 
 tion would recede from its despotic measures, and 
 that the rights of Americans would be acknow- 
 ledged without further hostilities. Many intelli- 
 gent citizens also who were warmly opposed to 
 the conduct of the British cabinet, were averse 
 from the idea of Independence. And the lan- 
 guage of the Continental Congress was in favour 
 of reconciliation, upon the recognition of the civil 
 authority of the Colonial Assemblies, as had 
 been formerly exercised. When, nearly twelve 
 months after this, the question of Independence 
 was discussed, it was not without great reluctance, 
 that several eminent patriots consented to the 
 measure.* 
 
 The appointment of general Washington to 
 command the American army was a most fortu- 
 nate selection. Perhaps, no other individual in 
 the colonies would have been competent to the 
 place and the occasion. He possessed, in an emi- 
 
 * Mr. Dickinson, the celebrated author of the Farmer’s 
 T^etters, was one of these. 
 
22 
 
 nent degree, all the qualities necessary to a great 
 general; particularly, to form and direct an army 
 composed of men like the Americans. He came 
 to the office with a high reputation for patriotism, 
 intelligence and experience. In a former war 
 between England and France, he had seen some- 
 thing of military plans and movements. And he 
 had given proofs of great prudence and judgment, 
 as well as of personal courage. Had he been im- 
 petuous like Putnam, or rashly bold like Arnold, 
 the colonial army had probably been exposed to 
 total defeat. But with great decision and energy 
 of character, sufficient for the most daring enter- 
 prize, he united all the prudence and caution so 
 important in the commander of a feeble and in- 
 cipient army. His disposition and manners were 
 such also as to win the affections of all ingenuous 
 minds : and yet the disobedient and refractory 
 were certain to receive that prompt infliction 
 of punishment so requisite to military order and 
 submission. He never exposed the lives of the 
 soldiers unnecessarily; nor hazarded an attack on 
 his enemy, where the prospect of success was 
 very doubtful, except in cases where public opin- 
 ion seemed loudly to call for action. If he was 
 ever compelled to an act of apparent severity, it 
 was a sacrifice of feeling to imperious duty; when 
 the good of the country demanded it, and the 
 rules of war rendered it justifiable.* Unprepared 
 
 * Extracts from his orders to general Arnold, who com- 
 manded the expedition to Quebec by the way of Kennebec, 
 Sept, 1775, “ You will observe the strictest discipline and 
 order, by no means suffering any inhabitant to be abused, 
 or in any manner injured, either in his person property, 
 punishing with exemplary severity every person who shall 
 transgress, and making ample compensation to the party in- 
 
as the colonists were at first to meet the regular 
 troops cf Britain in the open field, he was re- 
 markably fitted to direct their military move- 
 ments ; to restrain the resolute, to inspirit the 
 timid, and to create an army, adequate to the re- 
 pulsion of British mercenaries, and to the estab- 
 lishment of American freedom. His love of liber- 
 ty was ardent and unextinguishable. In him, it 
 was a most elevated and holy sentiment, unalloy- 
 ed by selfishness or ambition. Had the British 
 troops been too powerful for the American army ; 
 had they taken possession of the Atlantic settle- 
 ments and planted the standard of despotism on 
 the cultivated lands of Anglo-Americans; he had 
 resolved to retire to the western mountains, with 
 the chosen sons of liberty who should adhere to 
 him ; and there build up another empire of civil 
 freedom. 
 
 Charles Lee, Esq. then recently appointed major 
 general, by the Continental Congress, joined the 
 army at Cambridge at this time. He had been 
 several years in the English service, in which he 
 acquired a high reputation for courage, and dis- 
 played considerable military talents. But it was 
 supposed he cherished some feelings of rivalship 
 toward general Washington, and even aspired to 
 the chief command of the American army. At a 
 subsequent period, his conduct fully jutified this 
 
 jured. If Lord Chatham’s son should be in Canada, and, by 
 any means, fall into your power, you are enjoined to treat 
 him with all possible deference and respect ; you cannot err 
 in paying too much honour to the son of such an illustrious 
 character, and so true a friend to America. Any other pri- 
 soners who may fall into your hands, you will treat with as 
 much humanity and kindness as may be consistent with your 
 own safety and the public interest.” 
 
24 
 
 opinion. The citizens belonging to Massachusetts, 
 who received commissions from the General Con- 
 gress, at this time, were Artemas Ward, major 
 general, Seth Pomeroy, John Thomas and William 
 Heath, as brigadiers.* 
 
 The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts was 
 in session, at this time, in Watertown, and on the 
 arrival of general Washington at head-quarters 
 in Cambridge, they appointed a committee to 
 wait on him, with assurances of perfect respect 
 and confidence, and of readiness to render him all 
 the aid, which the resources of the province would 
 admit. He had been instructed by the Continen- 
 tal Congress to consult the civil authority of Mas- 
 sachusetts ; and, in his military operations, to con- 
 form, as far as possible, to its direction and advice. 
 The most perfect harmony was maintained be- 
 tween them, while the American army continued 
 within the province. 
 
 He had been at Cambridge but a few days, be- 
 fore he made a request for a reinforcement of the 
 army of 3,000 men, to be raised immediately, with- 
 in the province of Massachusetts, which already 
 furnished about three fourths of the troops then 
 collected. An order was promptly passed by the 
 Provincial Congress for enlisting this number, and 
 the several towns in Middlesex and the adjoining 
 counties were required to raise their respective 
 quotas, though, a few days after, a counter order 
 was issued, at the suggestion of the commander 
 in chief. The call was made when the move- 
 ments of the British in Boston indicated an attack 
 upon the American lines, and on finding that the 
 
 * Putnam of Connecticut and Schuyler of New York were 
 appointed Major Generals in the continental army. 
 
25 
 
 troops at Cambridge and Roxbury were not so 
 numerous as had been represented. Some re- 
 cruits arrived from the southern colonies in the 
 mean time, even as far as Virginia and the fear 
 of a sortie from the besieged in Boston subsiding, 
 it was concluded to suspend the execution of the 
 order, as to two thousand. 
 
 At the same time, a request was made by ge- 
 neral Washington for gun-powder ; an order was 
 sent out, by the Provincial Congress, to all the 
 towns within forty miles, to furnish a quantity 
 from their regular stock, and a large amount was 
 immediately collected. 
 
 Early in June, two large coasting vessels and a 
 British tender went from Boston to Machias, a 
 small settlement in the eastern part of Maine, to 
 obtain lumber for the benefit of the enemy. The 
 Provincial Congress of Massachusetts had forbid- 
 den the people to supply the British with provi- 
 sions or lumber of any kind. The citizens of 
 Machias were therefore determined to defeat the 
 plan which the owners of the vessels had in view. 
 They took possession of one of the coasters, and 
 secured her at the wharf. The commander of the 
 tender, with the other in his custody, moved down 
 to the mouth of the river, intending there to load 
 with lumber and return to Boston. A number of 
 the people embarked on board a small vessel and 
 dropped down to the entrance of the harbour, to 
 prevent the British in their enterprize. A skir- 
 mish ensued. After a severe engagement of an 
 hour, the tender was captured. The captain re- 
 
 * Eight companies of riflemen from Pennsylvania, Mary- 
 land and Virginia, consisting of 100 each : and were only- 
 twenty days on their march. 
 
 VOL. II. 4 
 
ceived a riiortai wound, of which he died the next 
 day, and two of his men were killed, and several 
 severely wounded Six of the Americans also 
 were wounded, and one was killed in this affray. 
 Captain Jeremiah O’Brien, who commanded in 
 the affair, conducted with great bravery. 
 
 In June, a committee* of the Provincial Congress 
 of Massachusetts had been sent to lake Cham- 
 plain for the purpose of causing such of the can- 
 non and military stores, just before taken in the 
 forts at Crown Point and Ticonderoga, as was 
 practicable, to be transported to Cambridge for the 
 use of the army there, and for concerting suitable 
 measures for further military operations in that 
 quarter and in Canada. > It w^as early perceived, 
 that it would be highly important to take posses- 
 sion of the fortresses on the lake, and thus pre- 
 vent the British from penetrating into the western 
 parts of the colonies, and also to engage the feel- 
 ings of the Canadians in support of civil liberty, for 
 which the colonies were contending. 
 
 The patriots of Connecticut, New York, Massa- 
 chusetts and New Hampshire were early sensible 
 of the great advantages of securing the north- 
 western passes from Canada to the frontier settle- 
 ments. Soon after the affair at Lexington, when 
 it was generally believed that the colonies must 
 resort to force to maintain their rights, an expedi- 
 tion was planned in Connecticutf to seize the Bri- 
 tish forts on lake Champlain. A few resolute 
 men immediately proceeded to the county of 
 Berkshire in Massachusetts, where they were 
 
 ^ W. Spooner, J. Foster, and J. Sullivan. 
 
 t Mr. Hancock and S. Adams, then on their way to Phila* 
 delphia, were present at the consultation. 
 
27 
 
 joined by Colonel James Easton, Major Brown 
 and others,"^ in the bold and arduous enterprize. 
 On the New Hampshire Grants, so called, (now 
 Vermont) the party was still further augmented 
 by a number of men collected by Ethan Allen, Esq., 
 and Colonel Seth Warner. Benedict Arnold of 
 Rhode Island, who offered his services to the con- 
 gress of Massachusetts for this purpose, was also 
 dispatched, in the early part of May, to that quar- 
 ter, to assist in the undertaking. He was au- 
 thorised to enlist 200 men for the service ; but he 
 proceeded without raising any, and arrived at the 
 lake soon after the others had reached it, and 
 was engaged with them in the capture of Ticon- 
 deroga and Crown Point. Immediately after, he 
 proceeded to St. John’s, situated at the northern 
 extremity of the lake, where he surprized and 
 took the fortress occupied by the British. 
 
 Arnold was a brave and resolute officer, but of 
 violent passions and unwilling to submit to the 
 command of others. A dispute soon arose respect- 
 ing the chief command of the troops in that quar- 
 ter ; Arnold assuming the right, while Easton and 
 Allen were opposed to his pretensions. When the 
 committee from the Congress of Massachusetts 
 arrived, they gave an opinion unfavourable to the 
 claims of Arnold, in consequence of which he re- 
 signed his commission for that department. The 
 committee continued at the lakes several weeks, 
 for the purpose of organizing a military force suffi- 
 cient to keep possession of the captured forts. 
 They provided for the reinforcement of the Ame- 
 rican troops by several companies from the county 
 
 * About 220 in the whole, Major Brown was a brave offi- 
 cer, and of great service in this expedition. 
 
28 
 
 of Berkshire; and appointed agents to furnish them 
 with necessary provisions, and such military stores 
 as could be procured there. These troops were 
 soon after augmented by a party from the pro- 
 vince of New York, amounting to about three 
 hundred. 
 
 Without this seasonable precaution, the British 
 regular troops, assisted by the Canadians and In- 
 dians, would have harassed the western settle- 
 ments in the New England Colonies; and so well 
 secured themselves in the forts on lake Cham- 
 plain, as to facilitate any future plan of a for- 
 midable invasion from that quarter. This seems 
 to have been foreseen by men of intelligence in 
 Massachusetts, as well as in New York, Connecti- 
 cut, and New Hampshire. Joseph Hawley, Esq. 
 of Hampshire county was most decided and zeal- 
 ous in favour of this expedition. He addressed a 
 letter (June 4th,) to general Joseph Warren, then 
 President of the Provincial Congress, and chair- 
 man of the committee of safety, urging immediate 
 attention to the subject, and stating the great im- 
 portance of maintaining a military force on the 
 lake for the security of the country. He was 
 then an influential member of the Provincial Con- 
 gress, but was with his family at Northampton, 
 In his opinion, it was equally important to prevent 
 the British from regaining the forts on the lake, 
 as to check them in their attempts to penetrate 
 the province on the sea board. This letter, it is 
 believed, induced the Congress of Massachusetts to 
 appoint a committee to proceed to the lake and 
 to take measures for strengthening the force of 
 the Colonies in that region. This committee ad^ 
 vised the Continental Congress of the great im- 
 
' 29 
 
 portance of holding the forts on the lake. It 
 will also be seen, that, a few months after this 
 period, Massachusetts raised a large number of 
 men for the military service in Canada, although 
 the capital of the Province was in possession of 
 the British, and much more than half of the Ame- 
 rican army at Cambridge was composed^ of her 
 brave citizens. 
 
 The public documents of the Continental and 
 Provincial Congresses, at this time, afford evi- 
 dence, that a defensive war only was yet waged 
 against the British government ; and that some 
 hope was cherished of reconciliation on terms con- 
 sistent with ancient charter rights and privileges. 
 After referring to the arbitrary measures of the 
 ministry towards the Colonies for ten years, the 
 claims of Parliament to impose taxes on the people 
 of America, who were not represented in that bo- 
 dy, and the employment of military power to com- 
 pel submission to oppressive and unconstitutional 
 laws, they declared their resolution to stand in de- 
 fence of their liberty, and to repel force by force. 
 “ Our fathers,” they said, in an address to the 
 people, “ left their native land to seek, on these 
 shores, a residence for civil and religious freedom ; 
 at the expense of their blood, at the hazard of 
 their fortunes, and without the least charge to the 
 parent state, by an unconquerable spirit and great 
 enterprize, they effected settlements in the dis- 
 tant, inhospitable wilds of America, then filled 
 with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. 
 Societies, or governments were formed, vested 
 with perfect legislatures, under charters from the 
 crown.” They then stated the various claims and 
 statutes of Parliament, which militated with their 
 
30 
 
 charter rights, and were subversive of constitu- 
 tional freedom, as subjects and citizens of the Bri- 
 tish government ; the transporting and stationing 
 of an army in the Colonies to enslave the people; 
 and the attacks already made by the military upon 
 the innocent and defenceless inhabitants. ‘‘ We 
 are thus reduced,” they added, “to the alternative 
 of choosing an unconditional submission to tyranni- 
 cal ministers, or resistance by force. The latter 
 is our choice. We have counted the cost, and find 
 nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, 
 justice and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender 
 that freedom which we received from our gallant 
 ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a 
 right to receive from us. — We however, assure 
 our fellow subjects in every part of the Empire, 
 that we mean not to dissolve that union which has 
 so long subsisted between us, and which we sincerely 
 ivish to be restored. We have not raised armies 
 with ambitious designs of separating from Great 
 Britain and establishing independent States, We 
 fight not for glory or conquest. In our native land, 
 in defence of that freedom which is our birth right, 
 and which we ever enjoyed until the late violations, 
 for the protection of our property acquired solely by 
 the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves, 
 against violence actually offered us, we have taken 
 up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities 
 shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all 
 danger of their being renewed shall be removed ; and 
 not before.’’’^ 
 
 There were several members of the Continen- 
 tal Congress, at this period, who were totally 
 averse from the idea of Independence ; believing 
 that the Colonies were not equal to a successful 
 
resistance of the British government ; and many 
 were not even desirous of separation, if they could 
 be restored to their former rights and authority. 
 
 The patriots of Massachusetts were not profes- 
 sedly aiming at Independence ; nor was such tlielr 
 real ultimate object, at this period ; and yet 
 most of them were of opinion, thus early even, 
 that a separation would be the result, as the Bri- 
 tish ministry were resolved to compel submission 
 to their arbitrary and oppressive measures. They 
 perceived the alienation which would arise from 
 the contest; and believing, that the parent go- 
 vernment would not recede, they came to the con- 
 clusion, that they must willingly submit to surren- 
 der up their liberty, or prepare to take their stand 
 as an independent nation. • The conduct of the 
 British administration justified such an opinion. It 
 declared its determination to prosecute the war it 
 had begun until the colonies should acknowledge the 
 entire and* absolute supremacy of the British Par- 
 liament over them, though they had no voice in the 
 laws they were required to obey. With a singu- 
 lar unanimity Massachusetts resolved to draw upon 
 its resources to the utmost, to annoy the British 
 troops and to strengthen the American army, col- 
 lected within its territory. For several months 
 after the Continental army was formed, this Pro- 
 vince bore the chief burden of the contest. 
 
 The General Congress met again this year in 
 May ; the delegates to which from Massachusetts, 
 were John Hancock, Thomas Cushing, S. Adams, 
 J. Adams and R. T. Paine ; the same persons who 
 were appointed the year before, with the excep- 
 tion of Mr. Hancock in the place of Mr. Bowdoln, 
 who declined. Mr. Hancock was early chosen 
 
32 
 
 president of that body in the absence of Peyton 
 Randolph of Virginia ; and on the death of Mr. 
 Randolph, in October, he was again elected to that 
 office, which he held as long as his health per- 
 mitted. 
 
 Mr. Hancock was a man of great wealth, and 
 possessed of showy and popular talents. On many 
 occasions, he had given strong evidence of disin- 
 terested patriotism ; and was aware of the desti- 
 ny which awaited him, if the struggle should be 
 unsuccessful. His conduct was so decided, and so 
 obnoxious to the British ministry, that if the Co- 
 lonists had been subdued, his opposition would have 
 been followed by the forfeit of his life. Long be- 
 fore the British troops began hostilities upon the 
 people in Massachusetts, he had taken his stand 
 on the side of liberty and his country. For seve- 
 ral years, he had been chosen one of the repre- 
 sentatives of the patriotic town of Boston ; and 
 more than once a counsellor, but received the ne- 
 gative of the royal governor. When he pronoun- 
 ced the oration, before the inhabitants of that de- 
 voted place in 1774, on the anniversary of the 
 massacre of March 1770, though the streets were 
 full of British soldiers and some collected to hear 
 the address, he denounced the conduct of the ad- 
 ministration, in its various oppressive acts, and es- 
 pecially in sending an armed force to be stationed 
 in the capital, in time of peace, with a boldness and 
 an eloquence, which excited the astonishment 
 alike of his friends and foes. He was president 
 of the first and second Provincial Congress of Mas- 
 sachusetts, which set at Concord in October 1774, 
 and at Cambridge in February 1775. He was 
 also a member of the committee of safety for the 
 
33 
 
 Province, which, after October 1774 exercised the 
 powers of the Supreme Executive. And he was 
 one of the first board of the Executive Council, 
 in July 1775. Mr. Hancock was successively elect- 
 ed a delegate to the Continental Congress for Mas- 
 sachusetts till the year 1779. He was constant- 
 ly devoted to the public service ; and was ever 
 ready to sacrifice property, as well as ease, to the 
 good of the country. When the present constitu- 
 tion and frame of civil government of Massachu- 
 setts was adopted in 1780, he was chosen Gover- 
 nor, by a great majority of votes ; and continued 
 in the place, till his death in 1793, with the excep- 
 tion of two years 1785 and ’86, when Hon. James 
 Bowdoin was elected. 
 
 Thomas Cushing had long and justly sustained 
 the character of a patriot, and had filled important 
 public offices to the satisfaction of the people. 
 He was elected Speaker of the House of Assem- 
 bly for about twelve years; and he had the entire 
 confidence of the friends of liberty. He was also 
 one of the delegates to the General Congress from 
 Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775. In 1775, 1776 
 and 1777, he was placed in the Supreme Execu- 
 tive Council; and in 1780 was chosen lieutenant 
 governor of the Commonwealth. 
 
 In that band of firm and intelligent statesmen in 
 Massachusetts, who so ably and resolutely opposed 
 the plan of the parent government to infringe the 
 liberties of the colonies, none was more uniform, 
 and none more distinguished than Samuel Adams. 
 James Otis was in the legislative assembly several 
 years before him, and was more ardent and more 
 eloquent ; but Mr. Adams was not inferior to him 
 in decision or in devotion to the sacred cause of 
 
 VOL. II. 5 
 
civil liberty. He received his education at the 
 university in Cambridge : and afterwards became 
 well acquainted with history and politics. And 
 the spirit of eminent English patriots as well as of 
 the founders of New England animated his whole 
 public conduct. Deliberation and judgment were 
 predominant traits in his character. He was never 
 rash or precipitate ; but most decided and perse- 
 vering. And he was always careful to appeal to 
 the constitution of England either to justify the 
 conduct of the colonies, or to show the injustice of 
 the British ministry. He possessed the happy ta- 
 lent of convincing the great body of the people, 
 that the opposition was just and reasonable. He 
 and Otis are believed to have been jointly concern- 
 ed in preparing several publications, which have 
 usually been attributed entirely to the latter. The 
 British government marked him out with a few 
 others,^ for signal punishment. While a delegate 
 to the Continental Congress, he was chosen a rep- 
 resentative for Boston to the Massachusetts House 
 of Assembly, July 177.5; and in August following, 
 was appointed secretary. At this time he was elect- 
 ed into the executive council. F or several years fol- 
 lowing, he was chosen a delegate to the General 
 Congress ; and was there distinguished, among 
 other eminent statesmen, for his industry, resolu- 
 tion and firmness. Upon the adoption of the con- 
 stitution of Massachusetts, Mr. Adams was elected 
 president of the Senate ; over which he presided 
 for several years with much ability and dignity. 
 He was four years lieutenant governor : and in 
 1794, was elected governor of the state; in which 
 
 * Hancock, Bowdoin, Quincy, T. Cushing;, VV. Cooper, and 
 H,ev. Drs. Cooper and Chaancey. 
 
office be remained, until admonished by old age 
 and bodily infirmity to retire from the cares and 
 duties of public life. 
 
 John Adams, one of the Massachusetts delegates 
 to the General Congress, in 1774 , 1775 , 1776 and 
 1777 , became distinguished, at an early age, for 
 his ardent patriotism, and his decided opposition 
 to the arbitrary policy of the British ministry. 
 His public, political career was long and brilliant. 
 No one of the colonies could ever justly boast a 
 character more profound as a civilian, or more re- 
 solute and zealous as a patriot. In 1770 , he was 
 returned a representative from Boston to the 
 General Assembly, at a time when governor 
 Hutchinson was claiming the exercise of arbitrary 
 power, under the colour of prerogative. In the 
 disputes between the Governor and the Assembly, 
 Mr. Adams took an active part ; and some able re- 
 plies of the House were attributed to his pen. The 
 following year he was chosen to the Council Board, 
 but received the Governor’s negative. In the Gene- 
 ral Congress, no member was more distinguished 
 for legal talents and ardent patriotism. He was 
 among the earliest advocates for Independence : 
 and contributed by his ability and zeal as much 
 as any other statesman in America, to vindicate 
 that measure, and to raise the reputation of the 
 country in foreign nations. He w^as appointed 
 Envoy to France in 1778 , and afterwards to Holland 
 where he rendered essential service to his country, 
 by shewing the resources and zeal of the United 
 States, and procuring loans, so necessary at that 
 period, to maintain the cause of liberty and the cre- 
 dit of the American Congress afterwards. He was 
 afterwards minister at Paris, and had great influence 
 
36 
 
 in forming the treaty of peace in 1783. He then 
 received the appointment of Envoy extraordinary 
 to the English court ; where he was distinguished 
 as an able and faithful agent for the United States. 
 In 1788, he returned to America, and was elected 
 the first Vice President of the Union ; and after- 
 wards, on the retirement of Washington in 1797, he 
 was chosen president. Decision and energy were his 
 great characteristics. He was ardent and without 
 disguise in his conduct, which sometimes subjected 
 him to the charge of precipitancy; and his acquire- 
 ments, as a statesman, were equalled by very few 
 of his contemporaries. 
 
 Robert T. Paine held a high place in the public 
 estimation, for intelligence, firmness and zeal. He 
 took an early and active part in support of the 
 rights of the colonies, when the claims of royal 
 prerogative and of the supremacy of the British 
 parliament were urged with great ability by Hut- 
 chinson and others ; and the plan was laid to de- 
 prive Americans of the privileges secured to them 
 by their charter. As a lawyer, he was consider- 
 ed among the most eminent in the province. On 
 the failure of Mr. Sewall, the king’s attorney, he 
 conducted the prosecution on the part of govern- 
 ment, in the memorable case of Captain Preston 
 and his soldiers, for the massacre of several citi- 
 zens of Boston, on the night of the fifth of March 
 1770. To this important duty, he was recom- 
 mended by the selectmen and people of Boston. 
 He was also chairman of the committee for the 
 impeachment of Chief Justice, Oliver, by the 
 House of Representatives in January 1773, on the 
 charge of receiving his salary from England, con- 
 trary to the charter and the invariable practice in 
 
37 
 
 the colony. He was an active member of the 
 House of Representatives in June 1774, when a 
 decided posture was assumed, in opposition to the 
 arbitrary measures of the British ministry, and to 
 the requisitions of governor Gage, who had, a 
 short time before, succeeded Mr. Hutchinson, as 
 chief magistrate of the province. While he 
 was a delegate from Massachusetts to the Con- 
 tinental Congress, which was four years, he was 
 also a great part of that time a member of the 
 House of Representatives, speaker, a member of 
 the executive council, and attorney general."*" He 
 possessed great decision of character, and few 
 men contributed more than he did, to the support 
 of civil liberty in the country. 
 
 James Warren may justly be ranked among the 
 leading patriots of Massachusetts. His early edu- 
 cation was the best the country afforded. His 
 talents were respectable ; his decision and zeal 
 equal to those distinguished men already mention- 
 ed. Soon after the death of major general Joseph 
 Warren, he was chosen president of the Provin- 
 cial Congress; and, in July, when a General As- 
 sembly was convened, he was elected speaker. 
 In the year 1776, Mr. Warren was appointed a 
 judge of the Superior Court, and in 1780, he was 
 chosen lieutenant governor by the legislature, on 
 the adoption of the constitution ; but he declined 
 both these offices. 
 
 * This being before the present constitution, there were 
 no incompatibilites of office. All the delegates to the Gene- 
 ral Congress, from Massachusetts, for several years were also 
 members of the Assembly or Council. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 House of Representatives chosen . . . Conformity to ancient charter . . . De- 
 lay of judicial establishments , . . Choice of Counsellors . . . Measures of 
 defence . . . Finances’. . . Paper money . . . Debts increase . . . Requisitions 
 of General Congress . . . Army organized . . . Small pox . . . Privateers . . . 
 Forts built at Winter Hill &c. ... Sea coast guarded .. .Committee of 
 Continental Congress visit Cambridge . . . Troops ordered for 1776 . . . 
 Views of Congress on Separation from Britain , . .Agents to treat with 
 Indians . . . Affair at Cape Ann . . . Falmouth burnt and Bristol attacked 
 , . . Judges and Justices appointed . . . Gun powder imported from West 
 Indies . . .Debts. 
 
 / 
 
 On the 19th of July, the representatives from 
 the several towns in the province, who had been 
 chosen in pursuance of writs issued by the Provin- 
 cial Congress in June, met at Watertown, where 
 the latter body had been lately sitting ; and pro- 
 ceeded to organize themselves, by the choice of a 
 speaker and clerk, in conformity to former usage 
 and the provisions of the charter, under which 
 the legislature of the province had acted from 
 1692. Although the 'Provincial Congress did not 
 materially differ from the House of Representa- 
 tives, being chosen in like manner and by the same 
 persons, yet it was an assembly not recognized in 
 the charter, and had been substituted in the place 
 of the latter, when governer Gage omitted to 
 issue precepts for a regular General Court. As no 
 new form of Government^was prepared, and as a 
 formal separation from Britain had not then taken 
 place, nor any resolution been adopted to become 
 Independent, it was the opinion of the intelligent 
 
39 
 
 civilians in Massachusetts, that it would be proper 
 still to conform to the charter of 1692, which had 
 hitherto been their constitutional political guide. 
 They felt the difficulty of the situation, in which 
 the people and the government they had assum- 
 ed, were placed. They were too wise and too 
 patriotic, to think of maintaining regular civil au- 
 thority, necessary to the due administration of 
 justice and to the support of good order, without 
 a legislature, legitimately called and organized, an 
 executive distinct, in some degree at least, from 
 the legislative power, and a judiciary independent 
 of both. 
 
 After the commencement of hostilities, when 
 the authority of Gage, the royal govornor, and 
 the counsellors appointed by the crown, contrary 
 to the charter, was renounced, the anxiety in- 
 creased in reference to the novel and dangerous 
 state, in which the province was thus left, and the 
 enquiry was often made, what remedy could be 
 provided to prevent the evils which would proba- 
 bly ensue. It was true, that the Provincial Con- 
 gress was composed of persons chosen by the peo- 
 ple to legislate for them ; or rather to advise to 
 measures for their immediate protection. And 
 this Congress or assembly had appointed a Com- 
 mittee of Safety from their number, who were to 
 perform the executive duties of the government, ex- 
 cept the appointment to office. But there were 
 no courts of justice ; for the commissions of the 
 judges had been declared unconstitutional, and they 
 forbidden to act under them. County conventions 
 subsequently recommended to the people to sus- 
 pend all demands and disputes of a private nature ; 
 and in public concerns, to submit to the directions 
 
40 
 
 of the Provincial Congress. A deep feeling of 
 patriotism, and an anxiety for the freedom and 
 welfare of the country absorbed all selfish consi- 
 derations ; and very few indeed were found to take 
 advantage of the peculiar state of the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 With this impression of the want of a regular go- 
 vernment, the Provincial Congress of Massachu- 
 setts in May repeatedly applied to the Continental 
 Congress for advice. They stated, that they were 
 without a governor or deputy governor, without 
 counsellors and judges, inasmuch as these, having 
 refused to govern the Province agreeably to the 
 charter, had been declared no longer fit, in their 
 opinion, to hold and exercise their several offices ; 
 which, therefore, they considered vacant. In ad- 
 dition to the general reasons offered, which arose 
 from the very necessity of the case, as all autho- 
 rity and government ought to be founded on cer- 
 tain principles, which had the approbation of the 
 people, the source of all just power; they urged 
 the danger which might soon arise from having a 
 military force, and no civil power competent to 
 direct and control it. In June, the Continental 
 Congress recommended, that representatives be 
 chosen, as formerly, who should elect counsellors, 
 according to the provisions of their charter ; and 
 that this body act in concert with the House, as a 
 part of the legislature ; and separately, as the ex- 
 ecutive part of government. In giving this advice, 
 it was assumed, that the places of governor, de- 
 puty governor and counsellors were vacated. 
 
 Agreeably to the recommendation of the gene- 
 ral Congress, as well as to their own views, which 
 bad been given in their address to that body. 
 
41 
 
 on desiring its advice, when the representativeB 
 met, they proceeded to elect the same number 
 of counsellors as had been appointed in years 
 past, who were to have the powers given to that 
 body in their charter, and also to exercise execu- 
 tive authority, in the absence of the governor. 
 But a sufficient number to form a quorum \vere 
 not present until the 27th of the month. The 
 views of the x\ssembly on this subject will appear 
 from the preamble to a resolve, which was passed 
 the following day, in justification of their proceed- 
 ings. “ Whereas it is provided by the royal char- 
 ter, that, when the governor and deputy govern- 
 or of this province happen to die, be displaced, or 
 be absent from the province, the council or assist- 
 ants, or the major part of them, shall have full 
 power and authority to do and execute all and 
 every such acts, matters and things, Avhich the said 
 governor or deputy governor could lawfully do 
 or exercise. — And whereas the late governor and 
 deputy governor of the province have absented 
 themselves and have refused to govern the pro- 
 vince according to the charter : It is therefore re- 
 solved that, until the said governor or deputy go- 
 vernor shall be appointed to govern the province 
 according to the charter, this House will consider 
 the constitutional council of the province, or the 
 major part of them, as governor of the province ; 
 and will acquiesce in whatever said council, or the 
 major part of them, shall constitutionally do in said 
 capacity.”* 
 
 * Those counsellors, who immediately accepted and w'ere 
 present when the board was first formed, were Sever, Pres- 
 cott, Lincoln, Gerrish, Fisher, Spooner, Foster, Taylor, Gill, 
 Palmer, Holten, Otis, Winthrop, C. Cushing’, Whitcomb. — 
 
 VOL, Ji. G 
 
The legislative and executive departments of 
 government, were thus established agreeably to 
 the ancient charter, which still seemed to be ac- 
 knowledged as the civil constitution of the pro- 
 vince ; and the consent and approbation of the 
 people gave a sanction to the procedure. It was 
 several months after this that the judicial courts 
 were organized : and the attention, both of the 
 legislature and of the people, was so occupied in 
 providing for the general defence of the province, 
 that no complaints were heard on account of this 
 omission. The necessity for a more perfect con- 
 stitution, however, was soon felt by the people of 
 Massachusetts; and it will be seen, that efforts 
 were early made to prepare one, although the 
 perturbed state of society, which war occasioned, 
 was not very favourable to such an undertaking. 
 
 Notwithstanding the previous measures of the 
 Provincial Congress, it will b© readily perceived, 
 that the General Court had arduous and pressing 
 duties to perform. To provide for the augmenta- 
 tion and continuance of the troops ; to furnish 
 arms and other military stores ; to support the 
 public credit, in a season of such uncommon ex- 
 pense — in a word, to call forth the resources of 
 the province, in defence of the freedom and wel- 
 fare of the people, demanded all the wisdom and 
 zeal of this patriotic assembly. An emission of 
 paper bills was ordered, on the credit of the pro- 
 vince, amounting to 100,000/. ; which had been 
 previously recommended by the committee of 
 safety. A tax of 40,000/. was voted ; and the 
 
 Adams and J. Adams, soon after returned from Congress and 
 took tl)eir seats at the Coencil Board. 
 
Treasurer,* whose appointment w^as then contirm- 
 ed by the General Court, though he had already 
 acted in that capacity by request of the Provincial 
 Congress, obtained a large amount by loans of pa- 
 triotic individuals. It was but a short time after, 
 that the Continental Congress called for 3,000,000 
 dollars, 500,000, of which was raised by Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 ' The public expenses were already great, and 
 still constantly increasing, while the former usual 
 sources of wealth were denied the people. A 
 great portion of the yeomanry from all {)arts of 
 the province had been in military service for 
 about three months, thus lessening the common 
 amount of productive labour in agriculture. In 
 some parts of the Province, particularly in Maine, 
 much distress prevailed among the people, and 
 appropriations were made, from the public treasu- 
 ry, for their relief.f On the request of general 
 Washington, who wished to annoy or check the 
 British in their probable plan of an attack, at this 
 period, the towns were again required to furnish 
 powder for the use of the American army ; and 
 considerable quantities were accordingly collected. 
 Several fortifications ^vere also built, at this time, 
 and soon after, in Charlestown, Cambridge and 
 Roxbury. 
 
 The powers of the General Congress were not 
 such as to authorize them to compel a compliance 
 with their requisitions. No such full power had 
 yet been given them ; they could only recommend 
 
 * Henry Gardner, Esq. 
 
 t 1200/., were granted for their relief in the month of 
 August. 
 
44 
 
 and advise ; but their advice was generally follow- 
 ed with great promptitude. They recommended 
 to the several colonies to raise men and money, to 
 collect provisions and provide fire arms and muni- 
 tions of war ; and in most cases these were fully 
 complied with. They requested the legislature of 
 Massachusetts to call out such number of men as 
 general Washington might need, and to furnish all 
 articles of food and clothing, as well as military 
 stores, for the army at Cambridge. In August, the 
 troops there assembled were organized into a con- 
 tinental army, and received into the pay of the 
 whole united colonies. Many of the Massachu- 
 setts men had enlisted for eight months, and their 
 term of service would not expire till the first of 
 December. About three months of their service 
 therefore were to be compensated by Massachu- 
 setts alone. 
 
 At the request of general Washington, the le- 
 gislature of Massachusetts provided whale boats 
 and experienced seamen to man them, for the pur- 
 pose of bringing flour from Cape Cod for the use 
 of the troops ; which had been forwarded to that 
 place from the southern parts of the continent. 
 These were very useful ; and large quantities were 
 conveyed to the army at Cambridge, by way of 
 the southern waters of Boston bay ; but at great 
 risk and danger. It was landed at Weymouth and 
 Braintree ; and conveyed thence by land.* Pro- 
 vision was made at the expense of the colony for 
 erecting two powder mills, one at Stoughton, and 
 one at Andover; and establishments encouraged 
 
 * Captain Davis of Boston and captain Drew of Duxbury 
 were the commanders of this little fleet, which was of great 
 pse to the American army. 
 
for the manufacture of fire arms and cannon in se- 
 veral places. The people were also instructed as 
 to the method of procuring saltpetre, and required 
 to furnish it at an early period. Wood and hay 
 were likewise provided for the whole army at 
 Cambridge and vicinity, by the people of Massa- 
 chusetts, on a requisition of the General Assembly. 
 The people on the islands and sea coasts, including 
 the district of Maine, were all prohibited from 
 selling provisions or fuel to the British army in 
 Boston. The militia from Braintree, and a detach- 
 ment of men from Roxbury, landed on several 
 islands in the harbour of Boston, in the night sea- 
 son, and took off the stock and hay to prevent 
 them from falling into the hands of the English 
 troops. Individual citizens of enterprize were per- 
 mitted to fit out privateers ; private voyages had 
 been interdicted, except in cases of a special li- 
 cense ; and several ships were purchased and sent 
 to sea by the colony, to intercept the British 
 transports on their voyage to Boston harbour. 
 These were very successful ; and contributed much 
 to the welfare and strength of the American army; 
 and to a supply for the people of many necessary 
 articles of living. 
 
 The inhabitants of Boston, who remained in the 
 town, were exposed to much sulferlng and gross in- 
 sults. Provisions of all kinds were extremely 
 scarce ; and the little to be purchased was at very 
 high prices. Numbers left the town occasionally, 
 during the summer and autumn, as they could ob- 
 tain permission of general Gage ; but often they 
 Avere denied the favour ; and when granted, it was 
 with the sacrifice of a large part of their movea- 
 ble property. Through the influence of some ma- 
 
46 
 
 lignant adherents to the British government, the 
 
 a le were treated with great severity. The 
 pox also raged among them ; and added 
 greatly to their distresses. Some of them, when 
 they had this alarming disease, left Boston, and 
 went into the country and in the vicinity of the 
 American troops, who Avere thus exposed to its 
 dreadful ravages. It Avas believed by many of the 
 citizens, that there Avas a design in the British ge- 
 neral to communicate this destructive malady to 
 the Americans : but there Avas no direct proof of 
 the fact.* The troops at Cambridge and Rox- 
 bury were justly alarmed by this disorder ; and 
 many made this an excuse for returning to their 
 homes. The greatest vigilance and attention Avere 
 necessary both in the commander in chief and in 
 the House of Representatives to prevent the dis- 
 persion of a large part of the army, and to engage 
 others to enlist, in the place of those Avho left it. 
 
 With all these difficulties, hoAvever, general 
 Washington Avas able, by the prompt assistance of 
 the Assembly of Massachusetts, to keep up some- 
 thing like a respectable army as to numbers, 
 though greatly deficient in cannon, and in many 
 military articles, Avhich would justify any offensive 
 operations. Several forts Avere also erected dur- 
 ing the season, in advance of head quarters at 
 Cambridge, for the purpose of preventing the 
 enemy from executing any plan of attack on the 
 provincial troops, as Avell as of annoying the enemy 
 in Boston.t 
 
 * In one of general Washington’s letters to Congress, at 
 this time, he refers to several circumstances and reports which 
 rendered such an intention in the British something more than 
 conjecture. 
 
 t In a letter to Congress, Nov. 1775, he says, “ The trouble 
 
47 
 
 Prospect Hill, lying north west from Boston, 
 about two miles, but a less distance from Bunker’s 
 hill, then possessed by the British troops, was early 
 fortified. Soon after, works were erected on 
 Winter hill, situated north from the former place, 
 and at a short distance ; and easterly of the latter 
 place, towards Mystic river, redoubts were thrown 
 up, to prevent the passage of the enemy up that 
 river, in their rear, or their landing opposite the 
 fort. On a less elevated eminence, called Plough- 
 ed hill, but much in advance of Prospect hill, and 
 within about half a mile, on a direct line of Bun- 
 ker’s hill, a breast-work was thrown up, while the 
 
 I have in the arrangement of the army is really inconceivable. 
 Many of the officers sent in their names to serve in expecta- 
 tion of promotion, and some who had declined have sent in 
 their names to serve. So great has been the confusion arising 
 from these and other perplexing circumstances, that I found 
 it absolutely impossible to fix this interesting business exactly 
 on the plan agreed in conference with the committee of 
 Congress, though 1 have kept to the spirit, as near as the 
 nature and necessity of the case would admit. The difficulty 
 with the soldiers is as great, and indeed more so, if possible, 
 than with the officers. They will not enlist until they know 
 their Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel, Major, Captain, kc. You 
 can much more easily judge than I can express, the anxiety 
 of mind I labour under on this occasion ; especially at this 
 time, when we may expect that the enemy will begin to 
 act on the arrival of their reinforcements. 1 have other dis- 
 tresses of a very alarming nature. The arms of our soldiers 
 are so exceedingly bad, that I assure you. Sir, I cannot place 
 a proper confidence in them ; and our powder is wasting fast, 
 though the strictest care, attention and economy are paid to 
 it.” “ I fear I shall be under the necessity of calling in the 
 militia and minute men of the country to my assistance. I say, 
 I fear it ; because, by what I can learn from the officers in the 
 army belonging to this colony, it will be next to an impossi- 
 bility to keep them under any degree ot discipline, and that il 
 will be very diflicult to prevail on them to remain a moment 
 longer than they choose themselves.” 
 
48 
 
 enemy were constantly cannonading the provincial 
 troops. But they completed the work, and after- 
 wards extended the fortifications, so as to render 
 the spot perfectly secure. At a later period, and 
 sometime in November, general Putnam was order- 
 ed to erect fortifications on Cobble hill,* about the 
 same distance from the British works on Charles- 
 town heights, as Ploughed hill, but nearer to the 
 town of Boston. When the Americans were per- 
 ceived, to be fortifying this place, the British ships 
 of war, then lying in Charles river, between West 
 Boston and Charlestown, as well as the forts on 
 Bunker hill, opened a severe fire upon them, but 
 without checking the enterprize. The fort was 
 soon built. Putnam bestowed much time and 
 labour upon it ; and it was called “ Putnam’s im- 
 pregnable fortress.” 
 
 Soon after, strong fortifications were erected on 
 Lechmere’s point, a little south of Cobble hill, and 
 near the margin of Charles river, where it was 
 considered the British would probably land, if 
 they meditated an attack on the American army* 
 They had indeed, a short time before, landed 300 
 troops at this place, but they were soon driven 
 back to their boats by the Americans. These 
 also were planned and completed in an able and 
 judicious manner; and the remains are now (1824) 
 as little injured, as to the form and appearances of 
 the ground, as any works erected by the Ameri- 
 can troops in the vicinity of Boston. The high 
 land in Roxbury was also fortified, and made a 
 place of considerable strength; and some works 
 were thrown up on the peninsula which connects 
 
 * The Asylum for the Insane is now standing on the spot. 
 
49 
 
 that town with Boston, near the boundary line of 
 these places, being the advanced post of the 
 American troops, stationed there under general 
 Ward. 
 
 In addition to the troops furnished by Massa- 
 chusetts to the Continental army at this time, 
 which amounted to about 9,000, many towns in 
 the province bordering on the sea, and exposed 
 to visits from the British ships, were required to 
 guard their respective harbours, for the safety of 
 the people. At Plymouth, a company was order- 
 ed out for the defence of that town, and of the 
 Gurnet^ so called, a promontory at the northern 
 entrance of the harbour. At Weymouth, Hing- 
 ham and Braintree, towns lying on the southerly 
 part of the bay of Boston, four companies were 
 constantly in service for many months, to prevent 
 depredations threatened by the British whose 
 fleet was in the harbour. The inhabitants of 
 Marblehead, Salem, and Gloucester, by direction 
 of the Provincial legislature of Massachusetts, 
 and at their own urgent request, had a portion of 
 the citizens employed in military service from 
 June 1775 to April 1776. In several instances, 
 requests were made from these towns for some 
 companies of the Continental army at Cambridge, 
 for protection; but general Washington did not 
 think it consistent with his duty to weaken the 
 main army by granting the request. Some works 
 were thrown up at Cape Ann, however, at the 
 expense of the colony. 
 
 In September, the legislative assembly were so 
 desirous of the frequent and early advice of the 
 Continental Congress, that they requested that 
 body to hold its meetings in the vicinity of Cam- 
 
 VOL. II. 7 
 
50 
 
 bridge, \Vhere the American army was then sta- 
 tioned. General Washington, in his great pru- 
 dence and from regard to the civil power, was un- 
 willing to engage in any hazardous enterprize 
 without the immediate consent and knowledge of 
 Congress ; and he was frequently calling for aid 
 and advice from the general assembly of Massa- 
 chusetts. New troops were also to be raised; and 
 the army provided with clothes, provisions and 
 money. Many injudicious people were impatient 
 for Washington to make an attack upon the Bri- 
 tish in Boston. The legislative assembly of Mas- 
 sachusetts was unwilling to take all the responsi- 
 bility attending the crisis ; and it was suggested to 
 the Congress at Philadelphia, through their mem- 
 bers, that it might be of great * advantage to the 
 cause, if it could hold its meetings near the seat 
 of war. 
 
 This request was not complied with ; but a 
 committee was sent from the General Congress 
 to Cambridge to confer with the commander in 
 chief, and with the Provincial Assembly of Mas- 
 sachusetts, which were desirous of advice, and be- 
 lieved also, that the other colonies should be 
 called upon to contribute more equally to the sup- 
 port of the Continental army. The celebrated 
 Dr. Franklin was one of this committee. And an 
 arrangement was made, by which Congress should 
 provide for raising an army of 24,000, for the next 
 year; and for calling upon the several colonies for 
 their respective portions of the amount necessary 
 to meet the expenses ; instead of requiring each 
 province to 'raise its own quota of troops. These 
 men were not raised without much difficulty and 
 delay ; and the militia of Massachusetts were 
 
 I 
 
51 
 
 called out in the mean time to recruit the conti- 
 nental army under general Washington. The 
 provincial troops assembled at Cambridge in the 
 spring and summer of 1775, were engaged only 
 for a few months ; and none for a longer term than 
 to the last of December. It was necessary there- 
 fore to provide for raising more troops by the lirst 
 of January 1776. 
 
 The assembly of Massachusetts appointed a 
 committee* to confer with the members of the 
 Continental Congress and the commander in chief; 
 and the governors of Connecticut and Rhode 
 Island, and the president of New Hampshire, 
 were also present at the convention. During this 
 visit of Franklin at Cambridge on public business, 
 the legislature of Massachusetts ordered payment 
 to be made him for his faithful services to the in- 
 terests of the province, while their agent for seve- 
 ral years in England, which amounted to about 800/. 
 sterling. A large portion of this sum he immediate- 
 ly appropriated for the relief of those unfortunate 
 persons who had suffered at the battles of Lexing- 
 ton and Charlestown. The constitutional society, 
 and some individuals in England also contributed to 
 their support. 
 
 Specie, as the common medium of business, dis- 
 appeared at this period ; and paper bills, both pro- 
 vincial and continental, came into general circula- 
 tion. Congress said, “ they had very little mo- 
 ney, to support and pay an army ; that there was 
 no regular government to levy and collect taxes ; 
 that they could not borrow of any nation, and that 
 they had no other resource but the natural value 
 
 * Bowdoin, Sever, J. Otis and W. Spooner. 
 
52 
 
 and worth of this fertile country — That on the credit 
 oj^ such a hank^ they had emitted bills, and the faith 
 of the continent was pledged for their redemp- 
 tion.” 
 
 The legislature of Massachusetts, as well as the 
 general officers of the American army, addressed 
 both the people and the soldiers then in the camp 
 at Cambridge, urging them to engage in the mili- 
 tary service. “ Happy will be the man,” they say, 
 “ who shall be able to boast, that he was one of 
 those, who assisted in this arduous but noble work ! 
 In serenity shall he pass his future days ; and 
 when satisfied with life, he will have the proud 
 satisfaction of bequeathing the inestimable patri- 
 mony to his grateful children.” Washington also 
 addressed the country in the following style. “We 
 have taken up arms in defence of our liberty, 
 our property, our wives and our children ; and 
 we are determined to preserve them, or die. We 
 look forward to the day, we hope not far remote, 
 when the inhabitants of America, will have but 
 one sentiment, and the full enjoyment of the bless- 
 ings of a free government.” Committees were ap- 
 pointed in each county in the province, and the 
 field officers of militia were required to forward 
 the enlistment of men for the continental service 
 for the coming year, by the time for which those 
 then engaged should expire. 
 
 Although Congress were resolved on vigorous 
 measures of defence, they had not yet determined 
 to separate from the parent country. The ioiiow- 
 ing is part of their address to the king, in August 
 1775 . 
 
 “ Attached to your majesty’s person, family and 
 government, with all the devotion which principle 
 
53 
 
 and affection can inspire, connected with Great 
 Britain by the strongest ties which can unite so- 
 cieties and deploring every event which tends in 
 any degree to weaken them — we solemnly assure 
 your majesty, that we not only most ardently de- 
 sire the former harmony between her and these 
 colonies may be restored; but that a concord may 
 be established between them, upon so firm a basis 
 as to perpetuate its blessings uninterrupted by any 
 future dissensions, to succeeding generations in both 
 countries ; and to transmit your majesty’s name to 
 posterity, adorned with that signal and lasting 
 glory, which has attended the memory of those il- 
 lustrious personages whose virtues and abilities 
 have extricated states from dangerous convulsions, 
 and, by securing happiness to others, have erected 
 the most noble and durable monuments to their 
 own fame. We beg further to assure your majes- 
 ty, that, notwithstanding the sufferings of your loy- 
 al colonists, during the course of the present con- 
 troversy, our breasts retain too tender a regard for 
 the kingdom from which we derive our origin, to 
 request such a reconciliation, as might in any man- 
 ner be inconsistent with her dignity or her welfare. 
 These, related as we are to her, honour and duty 
 as well as inclination induce us to support and ad- 
 vance : and the apprehensions, which now oppress 
 our heart® with unsp**a'<;ab1e grief, being once re- 
 moved, your majesty wul find ymr b ir’nfu! sub- 
 jects on this continent ready and willing at ail 
 times, as they have ever been, with their lives and 
 fortunes, to assert and maintain the rights and in- 
 terests of your majesty, and of our parent country.” 
 General Gage continued to treat the people of 
 Boston, and particularly some persons of distinc- 
 
54 
 
 tion,* who were favourable to the liberties of the 
 
 * James Lovell, Esq. was among them. He was kept in 
 close confinement till March following, and then carried to 
 Halifax. 
 
 Letter of James Lovell to general Washington^ dated 
 
 Boston, Provost’s Prison, Nov. 19, 1775. 
 
 “May it please your Excellency, I wish, at this time, to 
 waive the expression of my veneration of your character, in 
 a still lively hope, that Providence will bless me with an op- 
 portunity of attempting it by the united sincere language of 
 my eyes and lips, though even that too must prove inadequate. 
 
 “ Personally a stranger to you, my sufferings have yet af- 
 fected your benevolent mind, and your exertions in my fa- 
 vour have made so deep an impression upon my grateful 
 heart, as will remain to the period of my latest breath. 
 
 “ Y our excellency is already informed that the powers of the 
 military government established in this town have been wan- 
 tonly and cruelly exercised against me from the 29th of June 
 last. I have, in vain, repeatedly solicited to be brought to 
 some kind of trial for my pretended crimes. In answer to a 
 petition of that sort presented on the 16th of October, I am 
 directed by captain Belfour, aid-de-camp to general Howe, to 
 seek the release of colonel Skeene and his son, as the sole 
 means of my own enlargement. 
 
 “ This proposition appears to me extremely disgraceful to 
 the party from which it comes, and a compliance with it preg- 
 nant with dangerous consequences to my fellow citizens. 
 But while my own spirit prompts me to reject it directly with 
 the keenest disdain, the importunity of my distressed wife 
 and the advice of some whom I esteem have checked me 
 down to a consent to give your excellency this information. 
 
 I have the fullest confidence in your wisdom ; and I shall be 
 perfectly resigned to your determination, whatever it may be. 
 
 I must not, however, omit to say, that should you condescend 
 to stigmatize this proceeding of my enemies by letter, the cor- 
 rection might work some change in favour of myself, or at least 
 of my family, which must, I think, perish through want of fuel 
 and provisions in the approaching winter, if they continue to 
 be deprived of my assistance. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 James Lovell.” 
 
 After this, general Washington requested the exchange of 
 Mr. Lovell, but without effect. 
 
country, with great cruelty. Several were con* 
 fined in the common jail, in company with the most 
 vile and abandoned characters. General Wash- 
 ington wrote him on the subject, and assured him, 
 that he should feel himself obliged to subject some 
 prisoners in his custody to similar treatment, unless 
 the American citizens in confinement in Boston 
 should be released. Gage was not easily dissuad- 
 ed from this dishonourable conduct : but finding 
 that Washington was decided in his purpose, after 
 some time, he treated his prisoners with less se- 
 verity.* 
 
 * Extract from a letter of general Washington to governor 
 Gage, dated head-quarters^ 
 
 Cambridge, August 11 , 1775. 
 
 “ I understand that the officers engaged in the cause of liber- 
 ty and their country, who by the fortune of war have fallen 
 into your hands, have been thrown indiscriminately, into a 
 common jail, appropriated for felons ; that no consideration 
 has been had for those of the most respectable rank, when 
 languishing with wounds and sickness ; and that some of them 
 have been amputated in this situation. 
 
 Let your opinion, sir, of the principle which actuates them 
 be what it may, they suppose they act from the noblest of all 
 principles, a love of freedom and their country. But politi- 
 cal opinions, I conceive, are foreign to this point. The ob- 
 ligations arising from humanity and claims of rank are uni- 
 versally binding and extensive, except in case of retaliation. 
 These, 1 should have hoped, would have dictated a more 
 tender treatment of those individuals, whom chance or war 
 had put in your power.' Nor can I forbear suggesting its fatal 
 tendency, to render that unhappy breach, which you and 
 those ministers under whom you act, have repeatedly declar- 
 ed you wish to see forever closed. 
 
 My duty now makes it necessary to apprize you, that for 
 the future I shall regulate my conduct towards those gentle- 
 men, who are or may be in our possession, exactly by the 
 rule you shall observe towards those of ours now in your 
 custody. 
 
 If severity and hardship mark the line of your conduct, 
 
56 
 
 In October, general Gage embarked for En- 
 gland; and sir William Howe succeeded to the 
 
 painful as it will be to me, your prisoners will feel its effects ; 
 but if kindness and humanity are shewn to ours, 1 shall, with 
 pleasure, consider those in our hands only as unfortunate, 
 and they shall receive from me that treatment to which the 
 unfortunate are ever entitled. 
 
 I beg to be favoured with an answer as soon as possible ; 
 and am, sir, your very humble servant, 
 
 George Washington. 
 
 His Excellency General Gage.” 
 
 The following is the answer of general Gage^ 
 
 Boston, August 13. 
 
 Sir, — To the glory of civilized nations, humanity and war 
 have ever been compatible : and compassion to the subdued is 
 come almost a general system. 
 
 Britons, ever preeminent in mercy, have outgone common 
 examples, and overlooked the criminal in the captive. Upon 
 these principles, your prisoners, whose lives by the laws of 
 the land are destined to the corrf, have hitherto been treated 
 with care and kindness, and more comfortably lodged than the 
 king’s troops in the hospitals ; indiscriminately, it is true ; 
 for I acknowledge no rank that is not derived from the king. 
 
 My intelligence from your army would justify severe re- 
 crimination. I understand there are of the king’s faithful 
 subjects, taken sometime since by the rebels^ labouring like 
 negro slaves to gain their daily subsistence, or reduced to the 
 wretched alternative to perish by famine, or take arms against 
 their king. Those who have made the treatment of the 
 prisoners in my hands, or of your other friends in Boston a 
 pretence for such measures, found barbarity upon falsehood. 
 
 I would willingly hope, sir, that the sentiments of liberali- 
 ty, which I have always believed you to possess, will be ex- 
 erted to correct these misdoings. Be temperate in political 
 discussion, give free operation to truth, and punish those who 
 deceive and misrepresent ; and not only the effects, but the 
 causes of this unhappy conflict will be removed. 
 
 Should those, under whose usurped authority you act, con- 
 troul such a disposition and dare to call severity retaliation, 
 to God who knows all hearts be the appeal for the dreadful 
 consequences. I trust, that British soldiers, asserting the 
 
57 
 
 chief command of the British troops in Bos- 
 ton. In his conduct towards the citizens of Bos- 
 ton, he was as arbitrary and severe as his prede- 
 rights of the state, and the laws of the constitution, will meet 
 all events with becoming fortitude. They will court victory 
 with the spirit their cause inspires ; and from the same mo- 
 tive, will find the patience of martyrs under misfortune. 
 
 Till I read your insinuations in regard to ministers, I con- 
 ceived that I had acted under the king, whose wishes, it is 
 true, as well as those of his ministers, and of every honest 
 man, have been to see this unhappy breach forever closed : 
 but unfortunately for both countries, those who* long since 
 projected the present crisis, and influence the councils of 
 America, have views very distant from accommodation. 
 
 I am, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 Thomas Gage. 
 
 George Washington, Esq.” 
 
 On the \^th general Washington addressed a second note 
 to general Gage, which follows — 
 
 Head quarters, Cambridge, August \9th. 
 
 “ Sir, — I addressed you on the lUh instant, in terms which 
 gave the fairest scope for the exercise of that humanity and 
 politeness, which were supposed to form a part of your char- 
 acter. I remonstrated against the unworthy treatment shewn 
 to the oflicers and citizens of America, whom the fortune of 
 war, chance or a mistaken confidence, had thrown into your 
 hands. 
 
 Whether British or American mercy, fortitude and patience 
 are the most preeminent ; whether our virtuous citizens, 
 whom the hand of tyranny has forced into arms, to defend 
 their wives, children and property, or the mercenary instru- 
 ments of lawless domination, avarice and revenge, best deserve 
 the appellation of rebels^ and the punishment of the cord, 
 which your afl'ected clemency has forborne to inflict ; wheth- 
 er the authority under which I act is usurped, or founded 
 upon the genuine principles of liberty, were altogether for- 
 eign to the subject. I purposely avoided all political disquisi- 
 tion ; nor shall I now avail myself of those advantages, which 
 the sacred cause of my country, of liberty and human nature 
 give me over you ; much less shall I stoop to retort an invec- 
 
 VOL. II. 8 
 
5a 
 
 cessor had been. He refused them the liberty of 
 leaving Boston ; and obliged them to form into 
 companies and to procure arms, for the purpose of 
 
 tive. But the intelligence you say you have received from 
 our army requires a reply. I have taken time to make a 
 short inquiry, and find it has not the least foundation in truth. 
 Not only your officers and soldiers have been treated with a 
 tenderness due to fellow citizens and brethren, but even those 
 execrable parricides^ whose councils and aid have deluged their 
 country with blood, have been protected from the fury of a 
 justly enraged people. You advise me to give free operation 
 to truth, to punish misrepresentation and falsehood. If ex- 
 perience stamps value upon council, yours must have a 
 weight which few can claim. You best can tell how far the 
 convulsion, which has brought such ruin upon both countries 
 and shaken the mighty empire of Britain to its foundations, 
 may be traced to these malignant causes. 
 
 You affect, sir, to despise all rank not derived from the 
 same source with your own. I cannot conceive one more 
 honourable than that which flows from the uncorrupted 
 choice of a brave and free people, the purest source and ori- 
 ginal fountain of all power. Far from making it a plea for 
 cruelty, a mind of true magnanimity and enlarged views would 
 comprehend and respect it. 
 
 What may have been the ministerial views, which have 
 precipitated the present crisis, Lexington, Concord and 
 Charlestown can best declare. May that God, to whom you 
 there appealed, judge between America and you. Under his 
 providence, those who influence the councils of America and 
 all the other inhabitants of the united colonies, at the hazard 
 of their lives are determined to hand down to posterity those 
 just and invaluable privileges which they received from their 
 ancestors. 
 
 I shall now, sir, close my correspondence with you, per- 
 haps forever. If your officers, our prisoners, receive a treat- 
 ment from me different from what I wished to shew them, 
 they and you will remember the occasion of it. 
 
 I am, sir, your very humble servant. 
 
 George Washington.” 
 
59 
 
 assisting the British in opposing the American 
 troops, if they should make an attack on Bos- 
 ton. 
 
 * Letter of general Washington to general How. 
 
 Cambridge, December 18M, 1775. 
 
 Sir, — We have just been informed of a circumstance, 
 which, were it not so well authenticated, I should scarcely 
 think credible. It is, that colonel Allen, who, wdth his small 
 party, was defeated and taken prisoner near Montreal, has 
 been treated without regard to decency, humanity or the 
 rules of war. That he has been thrown into irons and suf- 
 fers all the hardships inflicted upon common felons. 1 think 
 it my duty to demand, and do expect from you an eclaircisse- 
 ment on this subject. At the same time, I flatter myself, 
 from the character which Mr. How bears, as a man of hon- 
 our, a gentleman and a soldier, that my demand will meet 
 with his approbation. I must take the liberty also of inform- 
 ing you, that I shall consider your silence as a confirmation 
 of the truth of the report; and further assuring you, that, 
 whatever treatment colonel Allen receives, whatever fate 
 he undergoes, such exactly shall be the treatment and fate of 
 brigadier general Prescott, now in our hands. 
 
 The law of retaliation is not only justifiable in the sight of 
 God and man, but absolutely a duty, which, in our present 
 circumstances, we owe to our relations, friends and fellow 
 citizens. 
 
 Permit me to add, sir, that we have all the highest re- 
 gard for your great personal qualities and attainments, and 
 that the Americans in general esteem it not as the least of 
 their misfortunes, that the name of How., a name so dear to 
 them, should appear at the head of the catalogue of the in- 
 struments employed by a wicked ministry for their destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 ’ With due respect, kc. 
 
 George Washington.” 
 
 The following is the answer of general How, to the foregoing. 
 
 Boston, December 21, 1775. 
 
 “ Sir, — In answer to your letter of the I8ih instant, I am 
 to acquaint you, that my command does not extend to Canada, 
 nor, having received no accounts wherein the name of Allen 
 is mentioned, can I give you the smallest satisfaction on the 
 
60 
 
 It was considered an object of importance, by 
 the legislature of Massachusetts, as well as of New 
 York and Connecticut, that a treaty should be at- 
 tempted with the Mohawk and the other Six na- 
 tions of Indians. An agent for this purpose was 
 appointed in Massachusetts, Joseph Hawley, Esq. 
 who was to join with those designated from the 
 other two colonies. They met at Albany, and suc- 
 ceeded in conciliating the friendship of many of 
 these savages of the Avilderness, who, if united to 
 the British, would be able to do much injury to 
 the Americans in the western settlements. Some 
 of them continued friendly. But many afterwards 
 proved treacherous ; and, instigated by the British 
 generals, and by individuals disaffected to the cause 
 of liberty, they often fell upon our defenceless 
 borders and murdered the people in cold blood. 
 
 In the month of August, a large American ship, 
 with a valuable cargo, arrived off the harbour of 
 Gloucester, and several of the inhabitants went to 
 her in boats, to assist in bringing her into the port, 
 as a British frigate was known to be in the bay, 
 at no great distance ; and it was apprehended she 
 might take possession of the merchant vessel and 
 carry her to Boston. On perceiving the Ameri- 
 
 subject of your letter. But trusting major general Carletou’s 
 conduct will never incur censure upon any occasion, I am to 
 conclude, in the instance of your inquiry, that he has not 
 forfeited his past pretensions to decency and humanity. 
 
 It is with regret, considering the character you have al- 
 ways maintained among your friends, as a gentleman of the 
 strictest honour and delicacy, that I find cause to resent a 
 sentence in the conclusion of your letter, big with invective 
 against my superiors and insulting to myself, which should 
 obstruct any further intercourse between us. 
 
 I arp, sir, with due respect, &c. 
 
 WiLiiAM How.” 
 
-« 
 
 61 
 
 can ship going for the harbour of Gloucester, the 
 captain of the frigate sent his boats with thirty 
 men and took her. But the merchant ship was 
 grounded near the entrance of the port, where the 
 frigate could not safely approach. The inhabi- 
 tants made a vigorous attack upon her, and soon 
 obliged the enemy to surrender. The vessel was 
 then conducted safely into port, and the British 
 marines lodged in Ipswich jail. The captain of 
 the British frigate was greatly mortified and en- 
 raged ; and bombarded the town of Gloucester for 
 several hours, but without effecting any material 
 injury to the place. 
 
 Although no affair of great moment took place 
 between the American and British troops during 
 the autumn of 1775, constant vigilance was neces- 
 sary in each ; and several slight skirmishes hap- 
 pened near the lines and in the vicinity of the two 
 armies. Soon after the works were erected at 
 Ploughed hill, a small advanced party of the pro- 
 vincials were attacked by the British near Charles- 
 town neck ; several of the enemy were killed and 
 taken ; and one of the Americans was shot by a 
 cannon ball from Bunker’s hill, from which place 
 the British fired on the occasion. Some time in 
 the month of August, a party from the Roxbury 
 division also advanced to the extreme southern 
 fort of the enemy on the peninsula leading from 
 Boston to the former place, drove the guard with- 
 in the lines and burnt their guard house.* When 
 the American troops were discovered, a heavy fire 
 commenced against them ; but none were killed or 
 wounded. About the same period, some armed 
 men went down the harbour of Boston, under 
 
 * Formerly the house of Mr. Brown. 
 
62 
 
 command of major, afterwards colonel, Vose; who 
 cut and carried off all the barley and grain at Nan- 
 tasket, amounting to upwards of a thousand bush- 
 els. They proceeded to the lighthouse near Nan- 
 tasket, placed at the entrance of Boston harbour, 
 and destroyed the lanterns. Those of Plymouth 
 and Cape Ann were taken away or destroyed, 
 about the same time, in pursuance of orders from 
 the legislature of Massachusetts. The British at- 
 tempted to repair the Boston lighthouse and lan- 
 terns soon after ; when a party of the Americans, 
 of about two hundred, from the army at Rox- 
 bury, under major Tupper, were ordered to dis- 
 possess them. They went down the harbour in 
 light boats, in the evening ; and after a short re- 
 sistance from the men employed in making repairs, 
 they overpowered them and brought them to the 
 camp at Roxbury. Several of the British were 
 wounded and killed in this affair, before the party 
 surrendered. 
 
 In the month of October, two floating batteries 
 were prepared at Cambridge, and dropped down 
 Charles river, whence they fired on the town of 
 Boston; which occasioned great alarm, and injured 
 several buildings. Liberty tree, so called, growing 
 in the southerly part of Boston, was cut down, 
 about this period, by the British, or some of the 
 tory inhabitants, with great parade and exultation. 
 But it was observed by some of the patriotic citi- 
 zens, ‘‘ that the American tree of liberty was too 
 strongly rooted in our soil to be destroyed by all 
 the power of Great Britain.” 
 
 A British frigate and several transports with 
 troops, were dispatched from Boston, in the month 
 of October, to compel the inhabitants of Falmouth, 
 
in Maine,* to furnish spars for the fleet at the 
 former place, and other articles which could be 
 obtained in that quarter, if desired by the Bri- 
 tish ; with directions, on a refusal, to destroy the 
 town. The captain of the frigate, on arriving in 
 that harbour, sent word to the inhabitants to fur- 
 nish the articles, and to submit quietly to all his 
 requisitions, or to expect an immediate cannonade 
 from his ship, and the landing of marines from the 
 transports, for the threatened work of destruction. 
 A meeting of the people was called forthwith, 
 who requested leave to remove their families and 
 furniture, and desired the suspension of the intend- 
 ed attack until the following morning. They re- 
 solved not to comply with the requisition, and 
 only desired a few hours to save their families 
 from ruin. The haughty Briton so far yielded, as 
 to allow them until the next morning to retire 
 from the town. A heavy bombardment immedi- 
 ately after took place, and almost the whole of 
 this flourishing seaport was destroyed by the Bri- 
 tish troops. About 140 dwelling houses and 250 
 stores were burnt ; besides much wanton destruc- 
 tion of other property. 
 
 About this time, Bristol, in the State of Rhode 
 Island, but formerly within the colony of Plymouth, 
 was invaded by a British naval force from New- 
 port, consisting of three large ships of war, and 
 several tenders and transports. Some of the prin- 
 cipal citizens were ordered to come on board the 
 commodore’s ship; but they declined, and a heavy 
 cannonade immediately ensued against the town. 
 The meeting house, court house, and many dwell- 
 
 Since called Portland. 
 
64 
 
 ing houses were much injured. The people were 
 in great jeopardy and attempted to make some 
 terms with the British. Sheep and cattle were 
 offered, which were supposed to be their object ; 
 these were accepted, and other articles of provi- 
 sions taken away by force. The conduct of the 
 British commodore was severely censured ; and it 
 was certainly a deviation from that of an honour- 
 able enemy. 
 
 The inhabitants of Boston, who had left the 
 town, were authorised by the legislature to meet 
 at Watertown, in. September of this year, and 
 chose a representative in the place of S. Adams,* 
 who was then attending the continental Congress 
 at Philadelphia. The other delegates from Mas- 
 sachusetts this year, were John Hancock, John 
 Adams, and Robert T. Paine. Congress was in 
 session the greater part of the year, after April. 
 The last of July they adjourned for a few weeks, 
 but assembled again the first of September. Mr. 
 Hancock was elected president of that patriotic 
 and truly respectable assembly, in October, in the 
 room of Peyton Randolph of Virginia, who died 
 suddenly in Philadelphia, while attending on the 
 public service. 
 
 The general congress provided for the establish- 
 ment of a continental Post Office at this period, 
 and placed Dr. Franklin at the head of the de- 
 partment. The plan was soon put into operation 
 from Georgia to Maine, and greatly facilitated the 
 early communication of important intelligence from 
 one end of the colonies to the other. 
 
 The legislative assembly of Massachusetts, 
 
 * Mr. Adams was chosen Secretary of Massachusetts in 
 .Tidy, and Perez Morton deputy Secretary. 
 
65 
 
 which met and organized on the I9th of July, had 
 various important duties to perform, and many- 
 serious difficulties to meet, in establishing civil 
 authority through the Province, and drawing forth 
 its resources for the protection of the country. 
 They had to provide for the regular administra- 
 tion of the laws, for paying a large body of troops, 
 who were in the service of the colony nearly four 
 months, previously to the day they were taken 
 into the pay of the continent. New recruits were 
 to be collected in a few months, and clothing and 
 fire arms would be necessary for immediate use. 
 The persons selected for the Executive Council 
 were justly entitled to the confidence of their 
 fellow citizens. They were known to be patriotic, 
 intelligent, firm and*" prudent. Great harmony 
 subsisted between the Council and the House of 
 Representatives. One instance only is mentioned 
 of the contrary. The Council supposed they had 
 the sole right to appoint to civil and military 
 office ; but the House claimed a voice in the selec- 
 tion. The Council yielded to the wishes of the 
 Representatives, “for the sake of peace and it 
 was possible, that, in some cases, the members of 
 the House had a knowledge of characters, which 
 the Council did not possess. But it clearly belong- 
 ed to the executive part of government to make 
 the appointment of civil and judicial officers. The 
 military officers were at this time generally de- 
 signated by a committee of the Assembly, though 
 the council signed their commissions. Afterward 
 the officers of the army were appointed by the 
 commander in chief. All the commissions of per- 
 sons who had been appointed by the Governor 
 and former council, were by law declared to be 
 VOL. II. 9 
 
66 
 
 Vacated and null. New judges of courts of com- 
 mon pleas and justices of the peace were now 
 appointed ; the oath formerly taken by public 
 officers was dispensed with, and another provided 
 and required, which expressed allegiance only to 
 the existing authority of the Province. Judges 
 were appointed for the Superior Court of Judica- 
 ture in November, being John Adams, William 
 Cushing, N. P. Sargent, William Reed, and Ro- 
 bert T. Paine. Sargent, Reed and Paine de- 
 clined ; and Jedldiah Foster and James Sullivan, 
 were appointed in their stead, a few months after. 
 
 Vessels were sent during the autumn to the West 
 Indies by individual adventurers, with the en- 
 couragement of the legislature, for the purpose of 
 obtaining a supply of gun-powder. The American 
 army was long deficient in this necessary article, to 
 a most alarming degree. It was not to be obtained 
 to any large amount in any part of the United Co- 
 lonies. The people were prohibited by the Ge- 
 neral Court, from firing at birds, or other game, 
 or at marks, and for sport, under a heavy penalty. 
 As yet, the plan projected sometime before of 
 having powder mills, had not been completed- 
 The object was not relinquished ; but it required 
 time to obtain the desired fruits of their labours. 
 
 The General Assembly of Massachusetts appli- 
 ed to the Continental Congress, in October, for a 
 reimbursement of a part of the great expenses in- 
 curred by the province for the common welfare, 
 after the battle of Lexington. The colony had 
 paid 10,000/. for provisions and necessary military 
 articles for its troops, during the period which 
 elapsed from April 19th, to the first of August. 
 The wages due to the Massachusetts troops for 
 
67 
 
 the same period, being from 9,000 to 12,000 the 
 greater part of that time, amounted to upwards 
 of 65,000/. Their clothing, to 16,000/; and one 
 hundred and seventy barrels of powder had been 
 purchased and distributed through the towns on 
 the sea coast exposed to the enemy, and who had 
 requested the means of self defence. The colo- 
 ny had 2,000 men in their service, the greater 
 part of the season, at different stations on the At- 
 lantic shores, as the people were constantly ex- 
 posed to plunder, and it was wished to prevent 
 the British from collecting supplies for the army 
 in Boston. A large amount w^as advanced for 
 these purposes : and the public treasury of the 
 colony was also frequently drawn upon, to supply 
 the wants of the unfortunate inhabitants of Bos- 
 ton, who were obliged to leave their homes and 
 all their property, and to depend upon the contri- 
 butions of the country for immediate support. 
 Their services and zeal in the cause of liberty 
 were justly appreciated ; and their distressed con- 
 dition deeply commiserated. The Continental 
 Congress advanced to Massachusetts, at this lime, 
 the sum of 133,000/. 
 
fiS 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Views of the Colonies September 1775 . . . Expedition to Quebec by way 
 of Kennebec. . . Unsuccessful . , . Armed Vessels. . . British ships cap- 
 tured . . . Captain Manly . . . Treachery . . . Church . , , Militia called 
 out . , . Colonel Knox brings cannon from Tyconderoga . . . Resolve of 
 Representatives justifying a resort to arms , . . Meditated attack on Bos- 
 ton . . . Dorchester heights fortified . . . Conduct of Washington ap- 
 proved by Congress . . . Militia organized , . . Nantucket . . . Suspension 
 of civil suits . . . Refugees . . . Regiment raised for Quebec. 
 
 Although the people of Massachusetts and of 
 the other colonies had now become exasperated 
 by the arbitrary plans of the British ministry, and 
 the resort to force, to carry their plans of oppres- 
 sion into execution ; and although they were de- 
 termined to defend, to the utmost, the constitu- 
 tional liberties of the country, they had not yet 
 given up all hope of reconciliation with the pa- 
 rent state : They had not yet absolutely resolved 
 upon Independence. They had some belief that 
 administration would retract of its despotic pur- 
 poses of coercion ; that public opinion in England 
 would be in their favour ; and that the determi- 
 nation already manifested to defend themselves by 
 force, would induce the British government to 
 change its infatuated councils, and to listen to the 
 claims of justice and humanity. It was not their pur- 
 pose to yield, or to relax in their efforts ; but they 
 were still willing to supplicate. for redress, and to de- 
 sist from all opposition upon sufficient assurance of 
 
69 
 
 the restoration of their ancient charter rights. They 
 were not desirous of separation ; nor could they 
 but foresee the possible and not improbable fail- 
 ure of success in their resistance, and anticipate 
 the punishment which awaits defeat in a civil con- 
 test. They had indeed, resolved, deliberately 
 resolved, never to abandon their liberties ; but 
 they were not so desirous of independence, as to 
 refuse all offers of reconciliation, if consistent with 
 the enjoyment of the privileges which they claim- 
 ed as their birth-right. Public addresses and re- 
 solutions both of the General Assembly of Massa- 
 chusetts of the Continental Congress fully justify 
 these remarks. They still professed to be acting 
 on the defensive, and called themselves subjects of 
 the crown of Great Britain. Had the plan of Pitt, 
 and other friends of civil liberty in Parliament 
 been adopted, of recalling the ministerial army, and 
 repealing the late arbitrary laws, the colonies 
 would not have urged a separation. — But the con- 
 duct of the British government gave little hope of a 
 reunion, indeed, upon conditions compatible with the 
 liberties of America. It seemed to have been the 
 opinion of the ministry for several years, that the 
 people in the colonies were subjects of the British 
 Empire, for the purposes of obedience, and of sub- 
 mission under any burdens it might impose ; but 
 not entitled to all the rights and privileges of 
 Englishmen. The colonists were too wise and too 
 much attached to civil freedom to admit, that there 
 existed a right to govern, without the consent of 
 the people by tlieir representatives, and according 
 to the principles of the constitution. It was true, 
 . that many eminent statesmen in England, were op- 
 posed to the claims set up by administration of an 
 
70 
 
 absolute authority over the Americans, without 
 their being represented in parliament; and who 
 contended that the colonial legislatures had power 
 to a great extent, for all the purposes of self go- 
 vernment, so their laws were not repugnant to the 
 constitution and laws of Great Britain. But men 
 of such just sentiments were comparatively few in 
 the parent state; and their voice was scarcely 
 heard in the councils of the nation. The men then 
 in power, and in favour with the king, were re- 
 solved that the colonies should submit ‘‘ in all cases 
 whatever,” to the requisitions and laws of the Bri- 
 tish parliament.* They had not indeed expected 
 such a formidable opposition to their measures as 
 appeared ; for they supposed the colonies without 
 resources for a serious resistance to the govern- 
 ment ; and they had been deceived by the repre- 
 sentation, that it was only a few ambitious men 
 who were opposed to the conduct of administra- 
 tion. 
 
 The affair at Concord, and still more, the des- 
 perate resolution manifested by the provincials at 
 Charlestown to resist force by force ; and the for- 
 mation of a continental army at Cambridge ; must 
 have convinced the British administration, that the 
 Americans would not yield, while they had ability 
 to resist ; and that an immense physical force was 
 necessary to subdue them. The measures of the 
 rhinisters were now, more than ever, condemned 
 by the friends of constitutional liberty. And a few, 
 who had not expected so much union among the 
 colonists nor so much courage in opposition to go- 
 
 * A Petition from the General Congress of July 1775, pre^ 
 sented to the king in September, he refused even to hear. 
 
7i 
 
 vernment, were in favour of allowing some of the 
 claims preferred bj them. The ministry were 
 not prepared to yield, in any part, the authority 
 they had assumed over the people of America ; 
 and it was determined to augment their forces, in 
 the hope that the colonies would be discouraged, 
 and that some, under apprehensions of defeat and 
 subjugation, would return to their allegiance to the 
 parent state. Aware of this determination of the 
 British cabinet, the colonies had no alternative 
 presented to their choice, but servile submission, 
 or resolute resistance. 
 
 An expedition was projected by the northern 
 colonies in the summer of 1775, with the approba- 
 tion of the Continental Congress, to invade Cana- 
 da, in the expectation of meeting with the general 
 support of the inhabitants of that province, of 
 making an easy conquest of Montreal and Quebec, 
 of securing the military stores in that quarter, and 
 of guarding the settlements in the northwestern 
 parts of New England from the ravages both of 
 the English and Indians. This was considered an 
 important object, at an early period. Soon after 
 the affair at Lexington and Concord, when it was 
 found the British would attempt to bring the co- 
 lonies to submission by an armed force, the Pro- 
 vincial Congress of Massachusetts adopted mea- 
 sures to take possession of the forts on Lake 
 Champlain, and to prevent the incursion of the Bri- 
 tish in that quarter. The people of Connecticut, 
 of New York, and those on the New Hampshire 
 grants, so called, (now Vermont) agreed in tlie im- 
 portance of the measure ; and united, with Arnold, 
 Easton and Brown from Massachusetts, in an at- 
 tack upon the British posts in that quarter. The 
 
72 
 
 success which attended the enterprize has been 
 already mentioned. At a later period, and some 
 time in the month of August, the Continental Con- 
 gress was impressed with a conviction of the policy 
 of taking possession of Canada, or of sending a 
 force to the lake sufficient to awe the British. Ge- 
 neral Schuyler was appointed commander in chief 
 in that region ; and the brave Montgomery was 
 made second in command. Massachusetts furnish- 
 ed a number of troops for the department ; and 
 colonels Easton and major Brown from Berkshire 
 county were among the chief officers. They had 
 acquired a high reputation for military skill and 
 bravery in the first expedition, in May ; and it 
 was not forfeited by any neglect or inattention, at 
 a later season, when the American forces were in- 
 creased and put under the command of the heroic 
 Montgomery.* Fort Chamblee was taken by a 
 detachment under major Brown, in October ; and 
 a large quantity of military stores was found in 
 the place, which w^as a great acquisition to the 
 American army. Soon after this, the fortress of 
 St. John’s was captured by Montgomery; and the 
 city of Montreal also surrendered to his victorious 
 arms. A committee of Congress was sent to in- 
 quire into the state of the northern army at this 
 time ; one of whom was R. T. Paine of Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 Massachusetts assisted in this expedition against 
 Canada, not only by furnishing a portion of the 
 troops under Montgomery and Schuyler in Sep- 
 tember and October, on lake Champlain ; but a 
 
 * Montgomery was really the chief in command ; general 
 Schuyler was sick the greater part of the campaign. 
 
 I 
 
73 
 
 party of 1200 men was sent from the camp at 
 Cambridge in the month of September, by the 
 Avay of Kennebec river, to co-operate with those 
 already at Montreal, in an attack upon Quebec, the 
 capital of the province. These men belonged 
 chiefly to Massachusetts. Some, indeed, were from 
 New Hampshire and some from Connecticut. Ar- 
 nold of Rhode Island, lately appointed a general, 
 who five months before, had been sent to lake 
 Champlain by the Provincial Congress of Massa- 
 chusetts, to act in concert with some troops from 
 the county of Berkshire and from Connecticut, was 
 selected to command them. They embarked at 
 Newbury, and sailed up the Kennebec river, about 
 fifty miles. Their baggage was conveyed in boats 
 still higher on the river; when they forced their 
 way through an untrodden wilderness one hundred 
 and twenty miles farther, to the British settle- 
 ments in the vicinity of St. Lawrence. About 
 three hundred of the men returned from Kenne- 
 bec, on account of the difficulty of the passage, 
 and the scarcity of provisions. Nine hundred per- 
 severed, amidst severe sufferings and appalling ob^ 
 stacles. Montgomery had notice of this detach- 
 ment from Cambridge, and pushed on to Quebec, 
 with only a few troops, expecting more would soon 
 follow, and hoping that the inhabitants of Quebec 
 would not make a formidable resistance to the 
 Americans, who went to them rather as friends 
 than as enemies. He was too brave and too san- 
 guine of success to suffer any delay, by such prepa- 
 rations as prudence might have dictated. Being 
 joined by the party under Arnold, though the men 
 were much fatigued, and the whole American force 
 insufficient to justify an attack upon a place sc 
 voL> n. 10 
 
74 
 
 strongly fortified as Quebec, he hesitated not to 
 make an assault upon the city. The attempt was 
 unsuccessful. He fell soon after the attack began ; 
 Arnold also was wounded ; and the Americans 
 were obliged to retire from the siege as the only 
 means of saving any part of the American troops. 
 The only fault which could attach to the conduct of 
 Montgomery in this unfortunate affair, was a degree 
 of imprudence, in not waiting for a reinforcement 
 and making more efficient preparations for the as- 
 sault. He died gloriously in the cause of Ameri- 
 ca, and her citizens will never forget to honour 
 his memory with their warmest admiration. The 
 troops from Massachusetts suffered severely in 
 this defeat. A series of misfortunes followed in 
 Canada ; and in the spring following the British 
 regained most of the places which had been taken 
 from them by the colonial army. 
 
 The citizens of Massachusetts soon perceived 
 the advantages which would probably arise in em- 
 ploying armed vessels on the coasts, to prevent 
 the British in Boston from, collecting provisions at 
 any places accessible by them, and to capture the 
 enemy’s ships loaded with military articles. As 
 the besieged army in Boston could not obtain pro- 
 visions from the country by land, they were ob- 
 liged to fit out small vessels, which committed 
 depredations on the people in several towns on 
 the coast. Transports were also frequently ar- 
 riving from England with provisions, men and mili- 
 tary stores. The General Court voted to build 
 or purchase ten vessels, and appropriated 50,000/, 
 for the purpose. Some enterprizing individuals 
 also, with the consent of the civil authority of the 
 province, fitted vessels, at their own charges, to 
 
75 
 
 engage the enemy’s ships. And in the following 
 year, the Continental Congress ordered several 
 frigates to be built for the service of the country. 
 Some of the armed vessels belonging to Massa- 
 chusetts were very successful in their first cruises. 
 During the months of November and December, 
 (1775) several large and valuable ships were cap- 
 tured within a short distance of the harbour of 
 Boston: and some smaller vessels which had sailed 
 from that port to collect articles of provision, 
 were taken, as they were returning with the fruits 
 of their depredations. Captain Manly, in a pro- 
 vincial brig, took three very valuable vessels 
 bound into Boston harbour, in the course of a few 
 weeks : one of which had a full cargo of ord- 
 nance, fire arms, and other military stores, of 
 which the American troops were in great need : 
 and one loaded with various kinds of provisions, 
 which were at once acceptable to the provincials, 
 and a severe loss to the British. This enterpriz- 
 ing and patriotic naval hero, with some others 
 who engaged in similar pursuits of almost equal 
 intrepidity, rendered important service to the 
 colony, and to the continent. During the resi- 
 dence of the British troops in Boston, these nauti- 
 cal adventurers were very vigilant, and captured 
 a great number of vessels bound to that place, 
 which occasioned much distress to the besieged 
 army. In several instances they discovered un- 
 common spirit and courage ; and, on meeting a 
 vessel of equal force, Avere always victorious. 
 Captain Manly was so much dreaded by the Bri- 
 tisn, that an armed vessel of superior force was 
 sent out from Boston to seize him. On coming 
 out of the harbour of Plymouth, in .January 1776, 
 
he was watched and pursued bj the British ship ; 
 and he ran his vessel, ashore near the mouth of 
 north river in Scituate, to avoid capture. The 
 British tired upwards of 300 guns, after he was on 
 shore ; and sent two boats filled with men to burn 
 the American brig. But the crew and the people 
 in the vicinity defended her. She was removed 
 the next day, without receiving much injury ; and 
 w^as soon fitted for useful service. 
 
 In October of this year, an act of treacherous in- 
 tercourse was discovered, in Dr. Benjamin Church, 
 v/ho was a member of the General Court, one of 
 the committee of safety, and who had long been 
 esteemed as a most zealous friend of the liberties 
 of America; which excited much surprise and in- 
 dignation. He was a representative from the 
 town of Boston : and the treasonable conduct, of 
 which he was accused, and finally convicted, was 
 holding correspondence with a British officer in 
 Boston, and communicating information by letters 
 written in characters known only to each other, 
 respecting the weakness of the American army 
 and its deficiency in military stores. There was, 
 indeed, no direct attempt or promise, on his part, 
 to betray the army or to introduce spies into the 
 American camp; but the correspondence was alto- 
 gether unjustifiable. The manner in which it was 
 conducted afforded proof, that his views were 
 friendly to the British; and there was no doubt, 
 that, had he not been detected, he would have 
 proceeded to real acts of treason. A short time 
 before his letter was intercepted, which gave evi- 
 dence of his improper intercourse with the enemy, 
 he had been into Boston, on pretence of some ur- 
 gent family concerns ; and it was known that he 
 
77 
 
 had a private interview with general Gage."^ Dr. 
 Church was arrested by order of general Wash- 
 ington, and kept in confinement for several weeks, 
 until the General Court should again meet. After 
 some time, the letter which had been intercepted, 
 but which no one could interpret to whom it was 
 first shown, was decyphered by the learned and 
 reverend Dr. West of Dartmouth. A court of 
 enquiry, instituted by general Washington, found 
 him guilty of a criminal correspondence with the 
 enemy ; but inflicled no punishment upon him. 
 When the assembly was in session, he was brought 
 before the House of Representatives ; was accus- 
 ed and convicted of improper conduct, inconsistent 
 with the character both of a patriot and of a 
 member of the House; and was thereupon de- 
 prived of his seat. He was kept in confinement 
 for some time, but was afterwards released by ad- 
 vice of the Continental Congress : when he went 
 to the enemy at Newport, and thence to some 
 part of the West Indies. 
 
 The general Court of Massachusetts was in 
 session the greater part of the year, after it was 
 organized in July. There was an adjournment of 
 a few weeks in September, and another for a short 
 time in November. The Executive Council was 
 sitting the whole season, with the intermission of a 
 
 * Soon after Lexington battle, when the committee of 
 safety were sitting in Cambridge at the house of J. Hastings, 
 Dr. Church said he was determined to go into Boston the 
 next day, the president, Dr. Warren, interrogated ‘‘ are you 
 serious ? they will certainly hang you, if they catch you.” 
 Church replied, “ I am serious ; I am determined to go, let 
 the consequence be what it may.” He was to pretend to 
 be after medicine for the wounded men. He went into Bos- 
 ton, accordingly ; and visited general Gage, without restraint. 
 
78 
 
 very few days. General Washington, in his letters 
 to the Continental Congress, bore testimony to 
 their zeal and activity in complying with all his 
 requests. Particularly, when calling for the militia 
 of Massachusetts, as he had occasion to do several 
 times in the course of December 1775, and Janu- 
 ary and February 1776, he said, he had many 
 proofs of the patriotism and promptitude of the 
 assembly, and of the alacrity of the people, in ful- 
 filling his requisitions. On one occasion, general 
 Lee accused the Council of want of promptness 
 in furnishing some men which had been called 
 for ; but there appeared to be no reason for the 
 charge. When the term for which the American 
 troops had engaged was about to expire, in the 
 month of December, most of which at this time 
 belonged to Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New 
 Hampshire, and little progress was made in re- 
 cruiting for the ensuing year, general Washington 
 applied to the civil authority of Massachusetts for 
 5000 of the militia ; and the number was called in, 
 at very short notice."^ Afterwards, they were 
 retained beyond the time for which they were first 
 required, as a considerable number of men from 
 New Hampshire had gone home, and the new 
 recruits were but comparatively few. In the 
 month of January, six other regiments of militia 
 in Massachusetts were raised, to strengthen the 
 army at Cambridge, under general Washington; 
 
 * The critical situation of the American army at this time, 
 will appear, by an extract from a letter of general Washing- 
 ton to Congress. “ It is not in the pages of history, perhaps, 
 to furnish a case like this — To maintain a post for six months 
 within musket shot of the enemy, without ammunition, and 
 at the same time to disband an army and to recruit another, 
 within that distance of 12,000 regular disciplined troops.” 
 
79 
 
 for he was at this time meditating an attack upon 
 the British in Boston, and the regular troops for 
 the year’s service amounted to scarcely 9,000. 
 These were enlisted for the term of three months; 
 and without them he would have had little confi- 
 dence either for offensive or defensive operations. 
 The companies in the particular service of the 
 colony, stationed at various places on the sea 
 coast, were also marched to the camp at Cam- 
 bridge or Roxbury, by the special request of the 
 commander in chief. Fortifications were likewise 
 built at Cape Ann, at the expense of the province. 
 During a great part of the winter, Massachusetts 
 had nearly 10,000 men in military service, either 
 as a part of the continental army, or as provincial 
 troops, to guard and protect the sea coast. 
 
 A small party of the Americans, under major 
 Knowlton of Connecticut, passed from Cobble 
 Hill, across the mill dam, to Charlestown, in the 
 month of January, and attacked the advanced 
 guard near the western base of Bunker Hill. They 
 made prisoners of several of the British, and set 
 fire to the guard house ; and retired without re- 
 ceiving any injury from the enemy. 
 
 In January ’76, the Council and House of As- 
 sembly of Massachusetts issued a proclamation, 
 referring to the oppressive acts of the British 
 parliament and ministry for several years before, 
 and to the petitions and remonstrances of the 
 people and representatives of that and of the 
 other colonies ; in which they observe, “ that in 
 every government there must exist a supreme and 
 sovereign power, and that such power was justly 
 vested in the great body of the people ; that 
 when rulers became oppressive, and attempted to 
 
impose unconstitutional burdens upon the people, 
 they had a right to resist, and the rulers forfeited 
 all just claim to exercise authority : that they had 
 adopted all peaceable measures in the constitu- 
 tion to obtain justice, which had been denied, and 
 that a resort was at last had by the British go- 
 vernment to compel submission by force, to unjust 
 and oppressive measures, which they had felt to 
 be their duty to themselves and to posterity to 
 resist” “It was the will of Providence,” they 
 said,” “ for wise and righteous ends, that this co- 
 lony should be singled out, by the enemies of 
 America, as the first object, both of their envy 
 and their revenge ; and after having been made 
 the subject of several merciless and vindictive 
 statutes, one of which was intended to subvert our 
 constitution by charter, it is^made the seat of war. 
 No effectual resistance to the system of tyranny 
 prepared for us could be made without either 
 instant recourse to arms, or a temporary suspension 
 of the ordinary poAvers of government. To the 
 i last of these evils, in hope of a speedy reconcilia- 
 tion with Great Britain upon equitable terms, the 
 General Congress advised us to submit. And we 
 have seen a large and populous colony subsisting, 
 for more than a year, in great harmony and order, 
 under such suspension of the powers of govern- 
 ment.” They then referred to the measures 
 adopted to establish and maintain the civil autho- 
 rity, and urge the people to obedience, order, 
 industry, patriotism, and piety. “An army, they 
 said, was raised for the protection of the liberties 
 of the country ; but civil power was essential to 
 the maintenance of regulated freedom, and should 
 always be paramount to all military force.” 
 
. 81 
 
 Colonel, afterwards General Knox, the princi- 
 pal officer in the artillery, belonging to Massachu- 
 setts, with the spirit and enterprise for which he 
 was justly characterised through the whole war, 
 engaged in an expedition of great labour and fa- 
 tigue : but which was of important service to the 
 American army. By order of general Washington* 
 he went to Lake Champlain, in the month of No- 
 vember, and conveyed to Cambridge the cannon 
 and other military articles and stores, to a large 
 amount, which had been taken at Tyconderoga 
 and Crown point, the summer before, by a small 
 party of Americans under Arnold, Allen, Easton, 
 and Brown. The two latter officers were from 
 the county of Berkshire in Massachusetts, and the 
 former was employed and commissioned by the 
 
 * Instructions from general Washington^ to H. Knox, Esq. 
 JYOV. 16 , 1775 . HEAD QUARTERS, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 “You are immediately to examine into the state of the ar- 
 tillery of the army, and take an account of the cannon, mor- 
 tars, shells, lead, and ammunition that are wanting. You 
 will then proceed in the most expeditious manner to New- 
 York ; and there apply to the President of the Provincial 
 Congress and learn of him, whether Colonel R. left any 
 orders respecting these articles, and procure such of them as 
 can possibly be had. If the President cannot provide imme- 
 diately for sending them on here, you must put them in a pro- 
 per channel to be transported with the greatest dispatch, be- 
 fore you leave there. After you have procured as many of 
 these necessaries as you can, you must go on to general 
 Schuyler and get the remainder from Tyconderoga, Crown- 
 point, St. Johns — and if it should be necessary, from Quebec, 
 qf in our hands. The want of them is so great, that no trouble 
 or expense must be spared to obtain them. I have written to 
 general Schuyler ; and he will give every necessary assist- 
 ance that they may be had and forwarded to this place with 
 the utmost dispatch. I have given you a warrant upon the 
 paymaster general for a thousand dollars, &c.” 
 
 VOL. II. 11 
 
82 
 
 Provincial Congress, then sitting at Watertown. 
 Colonel Knox did not return with these heavy 
 stores till the first of February, and it was a mat- 
 ter of surprise that he should have accomplished 
 his purpose, even so soon ; as the way, for a great 
 distance, was new and extremely diificult for teams 
 and sleds to pass. When, at Albany, on his route 
 to the lake, he received a letter from tlie Conti- 
 nental Congress, requesting him to examine the 
 grounds near the Hudson, between those places, 
 with a view to the erection of a line of forts, to 
 prevent the access of the British at any future 
 time. 
 
 The ordnance and military stores furnished for 
 the American army by this arduous enterprize of 
 colonel Knox, and by the capture of some British 
 store ships by captain Manly, a short time before, 
 encouraged general Washington in his long medi- 
 tated plan of an attack upon the ministerial troops 
 in Boston. He had been desirous of offensive ope- 
 rations against the besieged army in that place for 
 some months. He wished to drive them from the 
 capital of Massachusetts, and hoped so to weaken 
 them, if he could not succeed in the capture of the 
 whole army, as to convince them of the desperate 
 nature of the enterprize in which they were en- 
 gaged, of subjugating the colonies ; and to prevent 
 their falling upon any other part of America with 
 a sufficient force to cause danger or alarm. But 
 he had too much prudence to engage in an enter- 
 prize, glorious as its issue promised to his ardent 
 and patriotic mind to be, when there was so much 
 hazard, which might be highly injurious to the 
 country, and when the general opinion was against 
 such an attempt. Some, indeed, were of opinion. 
 
83 
 
 that he ought to have made an attack upon the 
 British in Boston. And there was a time, when 
 many members of the Continental Congress ex- 
 pressed a hope that he would storm the town of 
 Boston, where the English troops were quartered, 
 at every hazard. Aware of tliese expectations, 
 and sensible of his great responsibility, Washing- 
 ton was resolved to make the attack; but the offi- 
 cers of the army, to whom he submitted his plan, 
 convened as a council of war, solemnly decided 
 against the expediency of the measure. He too, 
 it appears, had some doubts as to the prudence of 
 the attempt. The most of the troops under his 
 command, after December, wmre new recruits: in 
 reality they were mere militia, and without proper 
 discipline. And he was long destitute of the can- 
 non necessary for such an attack, as well as of the 
 article of powder, without which the infantry could 
 not be expected to maintain the onset, except for 
 a few hours. The hope of success must have 
 been founded upon a calculation of miracles, or of 
 utter weakness and despondence in the British. 
 The regular troops in the American army were 
 not so numerous as those of the British in Boston: 
 and most of these, though forming part of the Con- 
 tinental army, had engaged in the service within. a 
 very short period ; and the residue of his force 
 were militia-men called out in the exigenej^, and not 
 to be relied on for a formidable attack on regular 
 and disciplined troops. But with all his prudence 
 and caution, Washington sometimes thought it pro- 
 per to yield to public expectation. And in this 
 case, sensible of the general feeling through the 
 continent, he tvas resolved to make an attack upon 
 the strong hold of the enemy, if circumstances 
 
84 
 
 should favour such an enterprizc. After the arri- 
 val of Knox from lake Champlain, with the cannon 
 and military stores, he became more fixed in this 
 purpose. The militia were called in from the dis- 
 tance of twelve miles, at his request, an order 
 of the legislature of Massachusetts, of the last of 
 February ; although there was then nearly five 
 thousand with the army at Cambridge and Rox- 
 bury, besides a large portion of the continental 
 troops then lately enlisted for the year. Fire 
 arms and powder had also been collected by the 
 Provincial Assembly, a short time before, for the 
 American army, at the urgent call of the comman- 
 der in chief. 
 
 The execution of the plan depended upon the 
 severity of the weather, in the event of which the 
 attack was to be made by the American troops 
 passing over on the ice from Cambridge and Se- 
 wall’s point in Brooklyne, across Charles river 
 and landing west of the Common. The cold was 
 not sufficiently severe after the month of January, 
 to make a safe way for the passage of the troops : 
 and there was no other avenue to the capital, 
 which was believed to be practicable. A small 
 part of the British troops in Boston could have 
 easily prevented the entrance of the Americans 
 by the way of the peninsula through Roxbury. 
 The plan w^as matured, had the season favoured its 
 execution, for the Americans to make an attack 
 upon Boston in two divisions under generals Sulli- 
 van and Greene, the whole to be commanded by 
 major general Putnam. This intended expedition 
 failing, it was determined to take possession of the 
 highlands in the northeasterly part of Dorchester, 
 opposite to the south side of Boston, and distant, 
 
 / 
 
85 
 
 in a direct course, not more than one mile. This 
 was accordingly done, in the night of the fourth of 
 March, being Monday ; after a heavy cannonade 
 against Boston for three days, successively, proba- 
 bly with the design to divert the attention of the 
 enemy. 
 
 Major general Thomas had the command of the 
 troops detached for this arduous service. They 
 passed from the camp at Roxbury to the high- 
 lands in Dorchester with great caution, under cover 
 of the night ; and when the light of day exposed 
 them to the view of the British in Boston, they liad 
 thrown up a sufficient breast work for protection 
 and security in prosecuting the object of their en- 
 terprize. The enemy were surprised at the spec- 
 tacle : and there seems to have been some infatu- 
 .ation in their councils, that they had not previous- 
 ly taken possession of such an important post. For 
 general Bourgoyne and the British admiral had often 
 observed, ‘‘ that, if the rebels should possess them- 
 selves of those heights, the British must leave the 
 port and harbour of Boston.” 
 
 Immediately after this event, the British general 
 resolved to quit his situation in the metropolis of 
 Massachusetts. He had been shut up within very 
 narrow limits for about ten months. He had ac- 
 quired no glory; he had been kept in fear by the 
 undisciplined troops of the colonies, which he and 
 his colleagues had affected to despise ; and his men 
 had smTered all the evils of a protracted siege. 
 General Clinton left Boston some time before ; and 
 proceeded to New York, where governor Tryon, an 
 advocate for the British ministry, resided and retain- 
 ed a degree of civil authority ; and thence he sailed 
 to Carolina, where he hoped to be joined by those 
 
86 
 
 who were friendly to the cause of royalty. Bour- 
 goyne returned to England in November preced- 
 ing, to state the disasters of the ministerial army 
 in Massachusetts, and to form the plan of attack 
 in some other part of America. 
 
 The conduct of general Washington during his 
 command near Boston, was fully approved by the 
 Continental Congress, in a letter which was ad- 
 dressed to him after the British evacuated that 
 place, and by a resolution which they ordered to 
 be published. They commended his caution and 
 prudence, and his great attention to the organiza- 
 tion of the army ; and expressed their entire satis- 
 faction, that he Had not hazarded the welfare of 
 the country, by attacking a large and disciplined 
 army, with a body of men, however brave, who 
 had seen little military service, and were in a great* 
 measure destitute of arms and ammunition. There 
 was a period, however, during the siege, after he 
 was furnished with additional means which justi- 
 fied an attack, and Washington was resolved to 
 strike a blow on the enemy, powerful as they 
 were, if circumstances had favoured the plan. 
 While he meditated an attack, every facility was 
 afforded him by the legislature of Massachusetts, 
 which their resources would supply. They grant- 
 ed him a loan of 50,000/., when he was without 
 continental funds in his hands, to enable him to pay 
 the troops, who would otherwise have left the 
 service. They ordered large bodies of the mili- 
 tia at three distinct periods between December 
 1775 and February 1776, to strengthen the Ame- 
 rican army, before the new recruits were engaged 
 for the ensuing campaign. For a part of the win- 
 ter, a full moiety of the men in the continental 
 
87 
 
 army belonged to Massachusetts. The sea coasts 
 in many places being exposed, the General Court 
 raised several companies, also, for their protection. 
 Marblehead was furnished with military stores, and 
 with one hundred men, at the expense of the pro- 
 vince. The people of that town had early thrown 
 up batteries for their defence, as the harbour was 
 accessible by the ships of the enemy; but their 
 great losses and privations, occasioned by the war, 
 left them without the ability t^ furnish and man 
 their forts. In February the General Court order- 
 ed that twenty field pieces be procured, and a large 
 quantity of powder and fire arms should be pur- 
 chased for the use of their troops, wherever they 
 could be obtained. Some of these articles were 
 procured soon after from Connecticut and Rhode 
 Island. 
 
 The militia of the province were arranged anew 
 by order of the general assembly at their winter 
 session ; and Massachusetts proper parcelled into 
 three divisions. John Hancock, James Warren"^ 
 and Azer Orne were appointed major generals. 
 Officers of brigade, and field officers also, were 
 commissioned through the colony. A new emission 
 of paper bills was ordered, to a large amount, to 
 meet the expenses of the province, with a promise 
 of being redeemed by the taxes for 1777, 1778 
 and 1779. V’^arious sums were allowed and paid 
 to persons who suffered losses at Lexington, Con- 
 cord and Charlestown ; and grants were made to 
 such as were wounded, as well as to the vvidows 
 and children of those who were slain in the battles 
 at those places. A proposition was made during 
 
 * General Warren declined, — B. Lincoln was appointed in 
 his place. 
 
88 
 
 this session of the assembly for the payment of 
 the representatives out of the public treasury of 
 the province ; but it did not meet the support of 
 the majority of the House. They considered it 
 most proper, that each town should pay for the 
 attendance of its deputies. It was also recom- 
 mended to every town to choose a committee of 
 correspondence, inspection and safety, distinct from 
 the selectmen, for the purpose of attending exclu- 
 sively to political concerns; to consult for the wel- 
 fare of the province, to watch the conduct of 
 those who were disaffected to the cause of liber- 
 ty ; and to be ready to act in concert, in great exi- 
 gencies, for the defence of the country. A law 
 passed in February, not however without some 
 discussion and alterations of the bill first report- 
 ed, prohibiting the commencement of civil suits for 
 the space of three months ; and ordering the jus- 
 tices of the county courts to continue actions of 
 that kind, to a distant day. La^vs of this nature are 
 often indeed in prevention of justice ; but if ever 
 they were proper, it was at the period, when the 
 statute of Massachusetts was adopted in February 
 1776; for there had been no commercial enter- 
 prise for a year ; the demands upon the people for 
 public purposes had been most extraordinary, and 
 many were entirely unable to meet the payment 
 of their just debts. 
 
 Complaint was made to the General Court, 
 about this time, that some of the inhabitants of 
 Nantucket were in the practice of furnishing the 
 enemy with provisions from that island. Most of 
 the people undoubtedly were innocent of such 
 criminal conduct; but some of them were proved 
 to be guilty. They had abused the license given 
 
89 
 
 # 
 
 them to carry provisions from the main to that 
 island for the necessary supply of its own popula- 
 tion ; and had furnished the British army in Bos- 
 ton with many vessel loads. One Dr. G was 
 
 confined at Cambridge, by order of the general 
 assembly, for assisting the enemy in this manner. 
 Their location was such, that it was proper for 
 them to decline all directly hostile movements 
 against the British ; but those who aided the 
 enemies of the country, from motives of gain, or 
 from attachment to the ministerial cause, were 
 justly deserving of censure and punishment. 
 
 It was at the same session of the legislative as- 
 sembly of the province, that a law was made for 
 confiscating the estates of those citizens who had 
 put themselves under the protection of the minis- 
 terial party, and whose conduct gave evidence of 
 their hostility to measures adopted for the defence 
 of American liberty. The law suffered some altera- 
 tions at a subsequent period, but was continued 
 substantially the same ; and all who remained with 
 the British army, or retired from America to 
 England, forfeited their estates to the province. 
 
 After the unfortunate affair at Quebec, though 
 the Americans remained in the country, they were 
 not in a situation to act on the offensive against 
 the British. And there was an apprehension, that 
 the governor of Canada would avail of the occa- 
 sion to collect a powerful force of Canadians and 
 Indians and make a descent upon the northern 
 frontiers of New England. It was the opinion of 
 general Washington, as well as of many intelligent 
 public men in Massachusetts, that a reinforcement 
 of the American troops in that department should 
 Immediately be made. It was therefore voted by 
 ' VOL. II. 12 
 
90 
 
 the general assembly to raise a regiment for that 
 s[)eci(ic purpose, from the counties of Hampshire 
 and Berkshire for the term of one year. This 
 was in addition to the men already enlisted for 
 the continental army, in pursuance of resolves of 
 Congress of Novenjber J77r). And the expense 
 incurred by the colony in raising this regiment, 
 Avas very great, on account of clothing and the 
 means of convevance at such a severe season of 
 the year. Specie Avas borrowed by individuals for 
 the purpose, as they Avere going into the province 
 of Canada, Avhere paper Avould not pass. Elisha 
 Porter Esq.* Avas appointed to the command of 
 this regiment : all possible dispatch was given to 
 enlist and organize them ; and early in March they 
 proceeded to join the American forces under 
 general Arnold near Quebec. The Continental 
 Congress acknowledged the zeal and promptness 
 of Massachusetts, in furnishing these troops for 
 such an important expedition. 
 
 The Intelligence received from England at this 
 time respecting the policy and purposes of admin- 
 istration towards America, was not of a nature to 
 justify any hope of reconciliation, but upon terms 
 of submission, to which the patriots of Massachu- 
 setts and of the other colonies could never accede. 
 The king, in a speech from the throne to the two 
 houses of Parliament, had declared “ his subjects 
 in America to be in a state of rebellion,” and re- 
 commended measures “ to reduce them to uncon- 
 ditional obedience.” A large majority of the 
 members approved of the recommendation of his 
 
 * Alner Morgan. Esq. major of the regiment is now living, 
 1825 . 
 
91 
 
 majesty. A respectable minority, indeed, protest- 
 ed against the system adopted by ministers and 
 sanctioned by the crown; and the people of Lon- 
 don, Bristol and of some other places in England 
 petitioned the king to recal his troops from Mas- 
 sachusetts, and to consent to the claim of the 
 colonists to their ancient charter rights and privi- 
 leges. But it was evident, that administration 
 would not restore America to the enjoyment of 
 civil liberty formerly exercised, but would pursue 
 the policy already begun of forcing the people in 
 the colonies to abject submission. The king and 
 his ministers supposed the Americans were resolv- 
 ed on independence. And, although many truly 
 patriotic statesmen were averse from such a mea- 
 sure, in the hope that a reconciliation would be 
 effected, yet more imbibed the opinion, that the 
 arbitrary conduct of the parent state would oblige 
 them to adopt it. An arduous struggle was there- 
 fore to be expected ; and all the resolution and 
 effort of the country they perceived would be de- 
 manded for the crisis. In no other colony, were 
 there so many of the Intelligent and influential 
 citizens, as in Massachusetts, who were early and 
 decided in favour of this important step. 
 
92 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 British troops leave Boston ... Public Funeral of General Warren... 
 Washington’s entrance into Boston . . . Northern Expedition . . . Death of 
 General Thomas ... Independence proposed ... Troops raised for de- 
 fence of the Province . . .Captain Mugford . . .British ships driven from 
 Boston harbour . . . Militia to reinforce regular army . . . Spirit of Mas- 
 sachusetts’ Legislature . . . Great efforts and sacrifices . , . Independence 
 declared , . . Proposition for new Constitution ... New levies of Militia . . 
 Paper money depreciated. 
 
 If the British had not previously determined to 
 leave Boston, where they had suffered so much, 
 and where they had little hope of success in their 
 object of subduing the Americans, they were soon 
 convinced of their critical situation, after the for- 
 tifications were thrown up at Dorchester neck ; 
 and in a few days they accordingly prepared for em- 
 barking on board their fleet. The British admiral 
 gave it as his opinion to general Howe, that his 
 ships could no longer remain in safety, in the upper 
 part of the harbour; and that all vessels pass- 
 ing to or from the town would be greatly exposed. 
 Howe was not many days in coming to a resolution 
 to convey his troops to some other part of Ame- 
 rica: and he prevailed on the selectmen of Boston, 
 who were in the town, to request general Wash- 
 ington to suspend the cannonade, which had been 
 kept up for several days, with an assurance that 
 the British army was preparing for their depart- 
 ure, A threat was more than intimated, also, that 
 
93 
 
 if the cannonade continued, acts of retaliation might 
 be expected, by destroying the property of the in- 
 habitants. But neither the request nor the threat 
 was regarded ; and the British general was con- 
 vinced, that his safety depended on a speedy de- 
 parture. He formed a plan, however, to dislodge 
 the provincials from the heights of Dorcliester,' 
 but was not successful in the attempt. A large 
 body of British troops left Boston in boats, the day 
 after the Americans began their fortifications, with 
 the intention to land at the easterly point of Dor- 
 chester and attack the works newly erected. But 
 a heavy storm ensued and the plan was relinquish- 
 ed. Such a project had been expected by Wash- 
 ington ; and he had made arrangements to invade 
 Boston from Cambridge in the event. He had se- 
 lected four thousand troops for the purpose, which 
 were to land on the westerly side of the town, 
 when a part of the British was engaged in the 
 meditated assault upon Dorchester. His plan was 
 so well matured, and promised so glorious an issue, 
 that many regretted the storm which interrupted 
 the British troops in their project of surprising the 
 forts on Dorchester neck. 
 
 The day after the Americans took possession of 
 the heights of Dorchester, and when an attack 
 from the British was apprehended, general Wash- 
 ington visited the fortifications, for the purpose of 
 inspecting the Avorks and giving directions in per- 
 son. To inspire the troops, he observed to them, 
 ‘‘that they should remember that it was the fifth 
 of March.”"^ The remark w^as quickly circulated 
 
 * The anniversary of the Boston massacre on the 5th of 
 March, 1770, was observed this year at Watertown, by a 
 
94 
 
 through the whole detachment, Avho appeared 
 eager for the expected encounter. 
 
 The American troops now at Cambridge and 
 Roxbury, including five thousand militia, were es- 
 timated at about fifteen thousand. The British 
 were supposed to be less than ten thousand. On 
 the 13th of March, it was perceived that active 
 preparations were making by the ministerial troops 
 for embarking on board their fleet in the harbour 
 of Boston; and on Sunday, the 17th they left the 
 town, to the great joy of the inhabitants of that 
 place and of the whole province. The evening 
 preceding, a party from Dorchester heights, had 
 entrenched themselves on Nook-hill, an eminence 
 still nearer to Boston ; wdfich probably hastened 
 their departure. A detachment from the Ameri- 
 can army, under major general Putnam, took pos- 
 session of the metropolis the same day.* 
 
 The joy of the occasion, however, was mingled 
 with much grief and regret, to witness such de- 
 struction of buildings and property, in that former- 
 ly flourishing capital. Some of the churches were 
 essentially injured, having been used as stables for 
 the British cavalry ; and many houses and stores 
 
 great number of the inhabitants of Boston and other patriotic 
 citizens. The Rev. Peter Thacher delivered an oration on 
 llie occasion. 
 
 * When Boston was evacuated by the British, a large quan- 
 tity of medicine was found in their hospital ; and on inspec- 
 tion by Dr. John Warren, it appeared that arsenic was mixed 
 with it. At the request of the General Court, he gave bis af- 
 fidavit to the fact. It excited great horror and indignation in 
 those who believed it was intended to poison the sick among 
 the Americans. Many however, were inclined to the more 
 candid supposition, that the design was to injure the whole 
 stock of medicine and render it unfit for use. 
 
95 
 
 were razed to the foundations, 'and the materials 
 used for fuel : ornamental, and fruit trees were cut 
 down for the same purpose. The streets were 
 filled with dirt and filth, which had been accumu- 
 lating for nine or ten months ; and the small pox 
 was raging in various parts of the town. This 
 gloomy scene formed a most striking contrast to 
 the appearance of the place twelve months be- 
 fore.* The British embarked in such haste that 
 
 * Extract of a letter from a citizen of Boston, of March 
 23d, 1776, who left that town just before the siege, and re- 
 turned a few days after the British troops left it. 
 
 Yesterday I returned from my exile after an agreeable 
 journey, and arrived in this once flourishing but now solitary 
 town. Once more I tread the streets of Boston, and with a sad 
 and pensive feeling, view the havoc of civil war. Were I to 
 give you a particular detail of its situation last winter and its 
 present state, it would exceed the limits of my time and pa- 
 per. You will excuse me, therefore, if I only give you a 
 hasty view of some occurrences which the little time I have 
 been here has furnished. 
 
 The face of the town is, indeed, very little altered ; ex- 
 cepting that the shops are shut and many old wooden build- 
 ings have been demolished. When we enter the houses there 
 are seen the marks of violence and outrage — scarcely any that 
 are not robbed and plundered by the merciless bandit. Nor 
 have public buildings and houses devoted to the worship of 
 God escaped the outrage. The old south meeting house pre- 
 sents a melancholy spectacle. The pulpit and galleries were 
 taken down ; the door strewed with dirt and made the recep- 
 table of beasts. The old north, that venerable edifice, fell a 
 sacrifice to the importunity of the tories, and was appropriated 
 to their use, though the olhcer who ordered it taken dowm, is 
 said to have done it with reluctance. The steeple of the 
 west meeting house is taken down and otherwise damaged. 
 
 After the tories had embarked, the soldiers and sailors vied 
 w'ith eacli other who should commit the greatest violence ; 
 and I am told, whig and tory suffered indiscriminately. — The 
 small arms belonging to the town, which had been delivered 
 up, they have left behind, but they are entirely useless. 
 
94 
 
 through the whole detachment, who appeared 
 eager for tlic expected encounter. 
 
 The American troops now at Cambridge and 
 lloxbury, Including live thousand militia, were es- 
 timated at about fifteen thousand. The British 
 were supposed to be less than ten thousand. On 
 the 13th of March, it was perceived that active 
 |)re])aratlons Avere making by the ministerial troojis 
 for embarking on board their fleet in the harbour 
 of Boston; and on Sunday, the J7th they left the 
 town, to the great joy of the inhabitants of that 
 place and of the whole province. The evening 
 preceding, a party from Dorchester heights, had 
 entrenched themselves on Nook-hill, an eminence 
 still nearer to Boston ; which |)robably hastened 
 their departure. A detachment from the Ameri- 
 can anny, under major general Putnam, took pos- 
 session of the metropolis the same day.* 
 
 The joy of the occasion, however, Avas mingled 
 Avith much grief and regret, to witness such de- 
 struction of buildings and property, in that former- 
 ly flourishing capital. Some of the churches were 
 essentially Injured, having been used as stables for 
 the British cavaliy ; and many houses and stores 
 
 great number of the inhabitants of Boston and other patriotic 
 citizens. The llev. Peter Thacher delivered an oration on 
 tlie occasion. 
 
 ^ When Boston was evacuated by the British, a large quan- 
 tity of medicine was found in their hospital ; and on ins[)ec- 
 tion by Dr. John Warren, it a|)peared that arsenic was mixed 
 with it. At the request of the General Court, he gave his af- 
 fidavit to the fact. It excited great horror and indignation in 
 those who believed it was intended to poison the sick among 
 the Americans. Many however, were inclined to the more 
 candid supposition, that the design was to injure the whole 
 stock of medicine and render it unfit for use. 
 
95 
 
 were razed to the foundations, and the materials 
 used for fuel : ornamental, and fruit trees were cut 
 down for the same purpose. The streets were 
 filled with dirt and filth, which had been accumu- 
 lating for nine or ten months ; and the small pox 
 was raging in various parts of the town. This 
 gloomy scene formed a most striking contrast to 
 the appearance of the place twelve months be- 
 fore."^ The British embarked in such haste that 
 
 * Extract of a letter from a citizen of Boston, of March 
 23(3, 1776, who left that town just before the siege, and re- 
 turned a few days after the British troops left it. 
 
 “ Yesterday I returned from my exile after an agreeable 
 journey, and arrived in this once flourishing but now solitary 
 town. Once more I tread the streets of Boston, and with a sad 
 and pensive feeling, view the havoc of civil war. Were I to 
 give you a particular detail of its situation last winter and its 
 present state, it would exceed the limits of my time and pa- 
 per. You will excuse me, therefore, if I only give you a 
 hasty view of some occurrences which the little time I have 
 been here has furnished. 
 
 The face of the town is, indeed, very little altered ; ex- 
 cepting that the shops are shut and many old wooden build- 
 ings have been demolished. When we enter the houses there 
 are seen the marks of violence and outrage — scarcely any that 
 are not robbed and plundered by the merciless bandit. Nor 
 have public buildings and houses devoted to the worship of 
 God escaped the outrage. The old south meeting house pre- 
 sents a melancholy spectacle. The pulpit and galleries were 
 taken down ; the floor strewed with dirt and made the recep- 
 table of beasts. The old north, that venerable edifice, fell a 
 sacrifice to the importunity of the tories, and was appropriated 
 to their use, though the officer who ordered it taken down, is 
 said to have done it with reluctance. The steeple of the 
 \vest meeting house is taken down and otherwise damaged. 
 
 After the tories bad embarked, the soldiers and sailors vied 
 w'ith each other who should commit the greatest violence ; 
 and I am told, whig and tory suffered indiscriminately. — The 
 small arms belonging to the town, which had been delivered 
 up, they have left behind, but they are entirely useless. 
 
96 
 
 they were obliged to leave behind them several 
 large cannon ; but the most of these they render- 
 ed unfit for immediate use. They also dismantled 
 the fort at Castle island ; and it required much 
 time and expense afterwards to put it in a state 
 sufficient to afford protection to the town. The 
 enemy’s fleet only proceeded to the lower harbour 
 of Boston, at this time : and a considerable part of 
 it remained till the month of June. A number of 
 their ships proceeded first to Halifax, and there 
 taking some new recruits, sailed for New York, 
 and landed at Staten island in June following. 
 
 At an early day, after the British army left Bos- 
 ton and Charlestown, the body of general Joseph 
 W arren was discovered near, the fort on Breed’s 
 hill, where it had been buried, the day following 
 the memorable battle of 17th of June 1775. The 
 legislature gave directions for a public funeral to 
 be attended in Boston.* An immense concourse of 
 the inhabitants were present, on the solemn occa- 
 
 They have demolished most of the pictures in the Court 
 house and Faneuil hall. The latter place hath undergone a 
 strange metamorphosis, was changed into a play-house, and 
 is now in a very disordered state. The distresses of the in- 
 habitants last winter were very great, being without fuel, and 
 provisions very scarce and dear. 
 
 The tories were sanguine that the British troops would 
 beat the rebels, until they returned from their design against 
 Dorchester hills. Their countenances then gathered pale- 
 ness ; in their distress they applied to those whom they had 
 just before affected to despise. Their distractions and distor- 
 tions could be described only by the pencil of Hogarth. The}’^ 
 are charged with being the instigators of all the mischiefs 
 which happened.” 
 
 * Perez Morton, Esq. pronounced an eulogy on his charac- 
 ter, on the occasion. 
 
97 
 
 slon, as well as a committee of the council and re- 
 presentatives then in session at Watertown, and 
 many other public characters, both civil and mili- 
 tary. His memory was cherished with great re- 
 spect and gratitude : for he was one of the most 
 illustrious patriots of Massachusetts, as well as 
 one of the earliest victims which were offered on 
 the altar of freedom. 
 
 A few days after the British troops left Boston, 
 general Washington, having dispatched several 
 regiments of the continental forces for New York, 
 for which place he supposed general Howe was 
 destined, visited the metropolis, and there remain- 
 ed for a few days, giving directions respecting the 
 military stores left by the enemy and making ar- 
 rangements for the defence of the town, when he 
 should leave the colony for New York.* A commit- 
 tee of the inhabitants delivered him an address, con- 
 gratulating him on the departure of the British 
 army from the province, and expressive of their 
 high sense of his patriotic and judicious conduct 
 while commanding the American army in the vi- 
 cinity. An address was also made to him by the 
 General Assembly of Massachusetts, at this time ; 
 which was as follows. 
 
 “ When the liberties of America were attacked 
 by the violent hand of oppression, when troops 
 hostile to the right of humanity invaded this colo- 
 
 * On the 28th, the public Thursday lecture was again at- 
 tended in Boston and Dr. Eliot preached from Isaiah xxxiii, 20. 
 General Washington and several other military officers of 
 high rank were present on the occasion, with the members 
 of the council, committee of the House of representatives, se- 
 lectmen of Boston and others. A public dinner was also 
 given to the commander in chief, this day, in the Capital. 
 
 VOL. n. 1.3 
 
98 
 
 ny, seized our capital, and spread havoc and de- 
 struction around it ; when our virtuous sons were 
 murdered and our houses destroyed by the troops 
 of Britain ; the inhabitants of this and of the 
 other American colonies, impelled by self-preser- 
 vation and the love of freedom, forgetting their 
 domestic concerns, determined resolutely and unit- 
 edly to oppose the agents of tyranny. Convinced 
 of the vast importance of having a gentleman of 
 great military accomplishments to discipline, to 
 lead and conduct the forces of the colonies, it gave 
 us the greatest satisfaction to hear that the Con- 
 gress of the United Colonies had made choice of 
 one thus qualified ; who, leaving the pleasures of 
 domestic and rural life, was ready to undertake the 
 arduous task. And your nobly declining to accept 
 the pecuniary emoluments annexed to this high of- 
 fice fully satisfied us, that a warm regard to the 
 sacred rights of humanity and sincere love to your 
 country solely influenced you in the acceptance of 
 this important-trust. 
 
 “ From your acknowledged abilities as a soldier, 
 and }^our virtues in public and private life, we had 
 the most pleasing hope ; but the fortitude and 
 equanimity so conspicuous in your conduct ; the 
 wisdom of your councils ; the mild yet strict go- 
 vernment of the army ; your attention to the civil 
 constitution of this colony ; the regard you have 
 at all times shewn for the lives and health of those 
 under your command ; the fatigues you have with 
 cheerfulness endured ; the regard you have mani- 
 fested for the preservation of our metropolis ; and 
 the great address with which our military opera- 
 tions have been conducted ; have exceeded our 
 most sanguine expectations, and demand the warm- 
 est returns of gratitude. 
 
99 
 
 ‘‘ The Supreme ruler of the Universe having 
 smiled on our arms and crowned jour labours with 
 remarkable success, we are now, without that effu- 
 sion of blood we so much wished to avoid, again 
 in quiet possession of our capital : the wdsdom and 
 prudence of those movements, wdiicli have obliged 
 the enemy to abandon our metropolis will ever be 
 remembered by the inhabitants of tliis colony. 
 
 “ May you still go on approved of heaven, re- 
 vered by all good men, and dreaded by those ty- 
 rants wdio claim their fellow men as their property. 
 May the United Colonies be defended from slavery 
 by your victorious arms. May they still see their 
 enemies flying before you. And the deliverance 
 of your country being effected, may you, in retire- 
 ment, enjoy that [)eace and satisfaction of mind, 
 Avhich always attend the great and good. And 
 may future generations, in the peaceable enjoy- 
 ment of that freedom, the exercise of which your 
 sword shall have established, raise the highest and 
 most lasting monument to the name of Washing- 
 ton.”"^ 
 
 To this address, general Washington made the 
 following reply — “ Gentlemen, I return you my 
 most sincere and hearty thanks for your polite ad- 
 dress; and feel myself called upon by every prin- 
 ciple of gratitude, to acknowledge the honour you 
 have done me in this testimonial of your approba- 
 tion of my appointment to the exalted station I 
 now fill, and what is moie pleasing, of my conduct 
 in discharging its important duties. 
 
 * Sever, Hawley, Spooner, Cushing and Sullivan, were the 
 committee of the Council and Mouse of Representatives, to 
 prepare and present the address to general Washington on 
 this occasion. 
 
100 
 
 “ When the councils of the British nation had 
 formed a plan for enslaving America and depriving 
 her sons of their most sacred and invaluable privile- 
 ges, against the clearest provisions of the constitu- 
 tion, against justice and truth ; and, to execute their 
 schemes, had appealed to the sword, I esteemed it 
 my duty to take a part in the contest; and espe- 
 cially when called thereto by the unsolicited suf- 
 frages of the representatives of a free people; 
 wishing for no other reward, than that arising from 
 the conscientious discharge of the important trust, 
 and that my services might contribute to the es- 
 tablishment of freedom and peace upon a perma- 
 nent foundation, and merit the applause of my 
 countrymen and of every virtuous citizen. 
 
 “ Your acknowledgments of my attention to the 
 civil constitution of this colony, while acting in the 
 line of my department, also demand my grateful 
 notice. A regard to every provincial institution, 
 when not incompatible with the common interest, 
 I hold a principle of duty and of policy, and shall 
 ever form a part of my conduct. Had I not learned 
 this before, the happy experience of the advanta- 
 ges resulting from a friendly intercourse with your 
 honourable body, their ready concurrence to aid 
 and counsel whenever called upon in cases of diffi- 
 culty and danger, w^ould have taught me the use- 
 ful lesson. 
 
 “ That the metropolis of your colony is now re- 
 lieved from the cruel and oppressive invasion of 
 those who were sent to erect the standard of law- 
 less domination and to trample on the sacred rights 
 of humanity, and is again open and free for its 
 rightful possessions, must give pleasure to every 
 virtuous and sympathetic heart ; and being effect- 
 
101 
 
 ed without the blood of our fellow citizens, must 
 be ascribed to the interposition of that Providence, 
 which has manifestly appeared in our behalf 
 through the whole of this important struggle, as 
 well as to the measures pursued for bringing about 
 the happy event. 
 
 “ May that Being who is powerful to save, and in 
 whose hands is the fate of nations, look down with 
 an eye of compassion upon the wdiole of these 
 united colonies ; may he continue to smile upon 
 their councils and arms, and crowm them with suc- 
 cess, while employed in the cause of virtue and of 
 mankind. May this distressed colony and its capi- 
 tal and every part of this wide extended continent, 
 through his divine favour, be restored to more 
 than their former lustre and once happy state, and 
 have peace, liberty and safety secured upon a 
 solid, permanent and lasting foundation.” 
 
 The corporation and overseers of Harvard Col- 
 lege conferred on general Washington, the third 
 of April, when he was preparing to leave the co- 
 lony and to join the army near New York, the ho- 
 norary degree of Doctor of Laws, not only on ac- 
 count of his great intelligence and sound judgment, 
 but in consideration also of his civic virtues, and his 
 patriotic, disinterested services in the cause of liber- 
 ty. During the w hole period of nine months, which 
 he passed in the colony, at the head of the conti- 
 nental forces, arduous and difficult as were the va- 
 rious duties wffiich devolved on him, his conduct 
 received the applause and admiration of all classes 
 of people. 
 
 General Washington left Massachusetts for New" 
 York, where it was believed the British intended 
 to make an attack, early in the month of April. 
 
102 
 
 The greater portion of the continental troops who 
 had com[)osed the army al Cambridge and vicinity, 
 were sent on to that colony, at the time the British 
 embarked from Boston, under the command of gene- 
 rals Sullivan and Heath; and major general Putnam 
 followed, in a few days after, to resume the chief 
 command, until Washington should arrive. Three 
 regiments were left at Boston, under major general 
 Ward, for the protection of that place and vicinity; 
 to whom Washington gave particular instructions to 
 -Consult the civil authority of the colony in all his 
 movements within their territory. The General 
 Assembly requested that six of the continental 
 regiments might be permitted to remain for some 
 time ; as a part of the British fleet was still in the 
 lower harbour, and they feared an attack, unless 
 they could command a formidable force. And it 
 was found necessary, soon after, to raise three 
 additional regiments for the protection of the 
 coast, at the expense of the province. 
 
 A part of the American troops at Cambridge 
 and Roxbury were also ordered to Canada, imme- 
 diately on the departure of the British from the 
 metropolis of Massachusetts. Though general 
 Arnold remained in the neighbourhood of Quebec 
 through the winter, and some fresh troops from 
 Massachusetts and New York had been sent on to 
 reinforce him, the Americans were not sufficiently 
 strong to effect any great object: but it was still 
 considered highly important, if not to take posses- 
 sion of that whole province, to prevent-the British 
 from recovering the forts on lake Champlain, by 
 which any future plans of attack on the western 
 and northern parts of New England would be 
 more easily accomplished. Major general Tho- 
 
103 
 
 mas, of Massachusetts, was entrusted with the 
 command in that department; and many of the 
 continental forces which marched into that quar- 
 ter belonged to the province. These troops en- 
 dured great privations and sufferings in travelling 
 through a new country, partly covered with snow, 
 and almost destitute of provisions. The Bri- 
 tish were reinforced by fresh troops from Eng- 
 land early in May, and the Americans near Que- 
 bec were obliged to retreat soon after general 
 Th omas arrived there. The men were so worn 
 down by sickness and fatigue, that no offensive 
 operations were attempted. A council of war 
 gave an opinion for retiring from that place. The 
 whole number of American troops w'as less than 
 2000 ; and not more than 300 were hi for active 
 service. The time for which a large part of them 
 had enlisted, had then also expired. Indeed, it 
 was not without great judgment and unremitting 
 effort, that the Americans were prevented from 
 falling into the hands of the British, who opened 
 the campaign with great force, consisting of re- 
 gulars, Canadians and Indians. 
 
 On their return to Montreal and Crown Point, 
 the Americans were subjected to the severest suf- 
 ferings, from sickness and a want of suitable pro- 
 visions. At the latter place they made a stand; 
 but general Thomas died before they reached 
 that station. His conduct was approved as able 
 and judicious, under the many difficulties he had 
 to encounter. He was attacked by the small pox, 
 which prevailed among his troops, and survived 
 only a few days; and general Sullivan succeeded 
 him for a short time in the command of the troops 
 in that quarter, when general Schuyler of New 
 York was ordered to that department. 
 
104 
 
 The death of general Thomas was deplored as 
 a great public calamity. He was distinguished by 
 great prudence and judgment, as well as resolution 
 and intrepidity. He was appointed a major gene- 
 ral on the continental establishment in March ; 
 but had been second in command in the provincial 
 army in the summer of 1775, till general Washing- 
 ton arrived at Cambridge. He had also served 
 with reputation as a field officer, in the war of 
 1756, between England and France, and was de- 
 scended from one of the most ancient and respect- 
 able families in the county of Plymouth. 
 
 While the General Assembly was in session, on 
 the lOth of May, they passed an order, which was 
 published, by which the people of the several 
 towns in the province were advised to give in- 
 structions to their respective representatives, to 
 be chosen for the following political year, com- 
 mencing the last of the month, on the subject of 
 Independence; which, at that time, was more, 
 generally contemplated, than it had been at any 
 former period. A reconciliation with Great Britain 
 was now expected by very few of the intelligent 
 patriots of America. The British ministry had 
 not moderated their claims, nor relaxed in their 
 measures of coercion. On the contrary, they breath- 
 ed a more threatening spirit, and had resolved to 
 prosecute the war with new vigour. The people 
 of Massachusetts had now also experienced too 
 much of the vindictive disposition of the ministerial 
 party, to expect any thing at their hands but cruel 
 oppression and utter subjugation. Even the re- 
 cent pretended conciliatory plan of lord North 
 was too flimsy to deceive the most ignorant. It 
 required absolute submission, upon a specious pro- 
 
105 
 
 vince of mercy, to be shewn in such way as the 
 crown might see fit to grant. They spurned the 
 proposed pardon, when they had committed no 
 fault, unless it was one to defend their charter 
 rights ; and they rejected the offer of peace, upon 
 terms degrading to them as freemen, and dishon- 
 ourable to them as patriots. It was the prudent 
 suggestion of the assembly, however, that the 
 people, in their primary meetings should give their 
 opinions upon this most important subject. The 
 citizens of Boston and of some other towns express- 
 ed themselves in favour of such a measure ; de- 
 claring, however, their perfect confidence in the 
 patriotism and wisdom of Congress, in whose de- 
 cision they were determined to acquiesce. 
 
 Some of those citizens of Massachusetts, who 
 disapproved of the opposition made to the mea- 
 sures of the British ministry, and who had repair- 
 ed to governor Gage for protection after the bat- 
 tle at Lexington, remained in Boston wdien the 
 English troops left that place in March ; and 
 some, who went to Halifax with the fleet, were 
 dissatisfied with their reception there ; and, re- 
 turning to the province soon after, threw them- 
 selves upon the mercy of the government. They 
 were immediately taken into custody ; and most 
 of them were kept in confinement several months. 
 Those w^ho had rendered themselves most obnoxi- 
 ous did not return. The conduct of the others, 
 after they came back, was closely w^atched ; and 
 it was a long time before they gained the confi- 
 dence of the people. 
 
 In April, the General Court voted to erect a pow- 
 der mill at Sutton. There were already two in 
 the province, built under the patronage of the 
 
 VOL. II. 14 
 
J06 
 
 legislatui’e. A bounty was offered for manufac- 
 turing salt-petre and a committee appointed to 
 superintend the casting of cannon and making of 
 fire arms. Beacons were ordered to be erected 
 in Boston, Cape Ann, Marblehead, and on the 
 Blue-hills in Milton; for the purpose of giving an 
 alarm to the people whenever the British should 
 attempt to land near those places. An additional 
 number of armed vessels, in the service of the 
 province, were fitted out ; and an offer was made 
 to aid in completing a continental frigate, then 
 building at Portsmouth, as a British ship of war 
 was making havock near the coast. Hulks were 
 also ordered to be sunk in the harbour of Boston : 
 and two vessels were employed to keep a watch 
 in the bay and give seasonable notice of the ap- 
 proach of the enemy. The assembly of Massa- 
 chusetts, at the request of general Knox, provided 
 for conveying a large quantity of cannon and mili- 
 tary stores to New York by land ; where the main 
 body of the American army was now stationed. 
 
 It was during the session in April, that they 
 passed a resolve to alter the style of writs and 
 other legal processes; substituting ‘‘the people 
 and government of Massachusetts” for George 
 the Third : and, in dating official papers, the par- 
 ticular year of the king was omitted, and only the 
 year of our Lord mentioned. 
 
 The General Court, at this session, ordered the 
 militia to make use of a system of exercise pre- 
 pared by Timothy Pickering, Jr. Esq. This was 
 an improved edition of a book published by him 
 
 * In one week, in the month of May, 37,000 pounds were 
 deposited with the public agent, at Watertown ; and large 
 quantities besides carried directly to the powder mills. 
 
I 
 
 107 
 
 in May 1775, and then recommended, by the Pro- 
 vincial Congress, to be observed by the minute 
 companies and others. 
 
 The new General Assembly for 1776 was or- 
 ganized at Watertown, on the last Wednesday in 
 May ; and the same gentlemen were elected to 
 compose the executive council, who were mem- 
 bers the preceding year, with the exception of 
 six, who declined the trust. ^ That body then 
 consisted of twenty eight members. The town of 
 Boston elected twelve representatives for this year. 
 The year before, the number was only five. The 
 small pox, then raging in Boston, probably pre- 
 vented the court from sitting there, at this time. 
 
 Although the enemy had quitted the town of 
 Boston, and the greater portion of them had left 
 the province of Massachusetts, neither the citizens 
 nor the General Court could promise themselves 
 much intermission in arduous service for the public 
 welfare. They had not only much to restore and 
 to repair, after a siege of more than ten months, 
 when their constant attention had been given to 
 measures for preventing the utter conquest and 
 desolation of the province ; but some of the enemy 
 were still within the harbour of the metropolis, 
 intercepting the scanty commerce which remained 
 to them. There was also reason to fear, that the 
 British might soon return with additional force; 
 and New York at the south, and the settlements 
 at the north west were so much exposed as to in- 
 duce Congress to call on Massachusetts, struggling 
 
 * Mr. Bovvdoin was again president of the council. Those 
 who declined, were J. Otis, the elder, John Adams, Jedidiah 
 Foster, &c. Mr. Adams was a member of Congress, and Mr. 
 Foster a judge of the Superior Court. 
 
108 
 
 as she was with her own wants and dangers, for 
 aid in the common cause. General Washington 
 thought it consistent with his duty, as commander 
 of the continental army, to leave but few regular 
 troops for the defence of Boston. Before he left 
 the province, he gave directions for repairing the 
 works on fort hill, so called, in Boston; and soon 
 after his departure, the General Assembly order- 
 ed fortifications to be erected on Noddle’s island, 
 and the cannon left by the British in an injured 
 state on Castle island, to be fitted for use. They 
 also made immediate provision for raising two 
 regiments, to be stationed Avithin and near the 
 harbour of Boston ; and, in May, another was 
 called for, together with six companies of artille- 
 ry ; all at the immediate expense of the province. 
 
 These were soon organized, and placed some of 
 them at the castle, some at Nantasket, and some at 
 Noddle’s Island. General Lincoln was chairman of 
 the committee appointed to direct in the accom- 
 plishment of these objects : and, under his judici- 
 ous management, the forts were built, and the 
 vessels of the enemy driven from their position at 
 the mouth of the harbour. The General Court, 
 at this time also, provided for fortifications at 
 Salem, Marblehead, Cape Ann, Plymouth, and 
 ♦ Falmouth on Casco bay. Cannon and other mili- 
 tary stores were furnished, and men were station- 
 ed at these places, for the greater part of the 
 summer following. These towns were exposed 
 to the British ships, which were hovering on the 
 coasts for a great distance. Some of these were 
 large sloops of war and frigates, which rendered 
 the coasting business extremely hazardous. The 
 private armed vessels and those in commission of 
 
109 
 
 the province and of the continent, were of essen- 
 tial benefit to the country at this period. They 
 were numerous, and constantly on the watch for ^ 
 the enemy. Scarcely a week past, but they cap- 
 tured a valuable prize ; while only one of them 
 was taken by the British for a long period. This 
 was an armed brig called the Yankee Hero, be- 
 longing to N. Tracy of New bury port. She was 
 captured near the coast by an English sloop of 
 w'ar, which had greatly annoyed the commerce 
 and coasting trade of the province. But the 
 American brig did not surrender, until she had 
 made an obstinate resistance of nearly two hours 
 and lost about half her men. 
 
 Captain Mugford of Marblehead, in a continen- 
 tal schooner, called the Franklin, achieved a bril- 
 liant exploit (April 17lh,) but eventually became 
 a victim of British vengeance. The Franklin had 
 twenty men, and she engaged a large ship from 
 Ireland with eighteen men, mounting six guns, and 
 loaded with provisions, cannon and other valuable 
 military articles. This was just at the entrance 
 of Boston harbour, and in full view of the British 
 ships then lying in Nantasket roads : and he car- 
 ried her up to the town of Boston, through the 
 northern passage. Three days after, captain Mug- 
 ford went down the harbour, intending to put 
 to sea on a cruise. His vessel run aground in the 
 gut. The British were informed of his situation, 
 and they sent ten boats filled with men, in number 
 about two hundred, to attack him. The) ap- 
 proached the Franklin in the evening, and when 
 they were hailed, pretended to be from Boston. 
 But he suspected they were enemies, and ordered 
 them to keep off. They did not regard him; and 
 
no 
 
 perceiving them pulling for his vessel, he fired into 
 the boats with great spirit. Two boats were sunk, 
 and the others were soon obliged to sheer off. 
 But the brave commander was shot dead in the 
 contest. Several of the enemy were slain in the 
 boats ; among whom was the first lieutenant of the 
 British ship of war. About this period three large 
 transport ships from England and Scotland were 
 captured by privateers from Marblehead; each 
 having about one hundred highlanders and thirty 
 marines for the British fleet. One of these ships 
 engaged the privateers some hours before she sur- 
 rendered, and lost seventeen men, besides major 
 M. an officer in the British service. A colonel 
 Campbell was on board one of the captured ves- 
 sels. 
 
 There were frequent alarms in the months of 
 May and June, and fears were entertained of ano- 
 ther visit from the British, which gave much un- 
 easiness to the inhabitants ; although there were 
 some continental troops at Boston, and several re- 
 giments had been called into the colonial service in 
 the vicinity. It was not believed, that the British 
 fleet would remain long at Halifax; and whether 
 Massachusetts or some southern colony would be 
 attacked, was very uncertain. It was, therefore, 
 determined by the General Court, early in June, 
 to throw up fortifications at Nantasket, and on se- 
 veral islands in the harbour of Boston, and, if possi- 
 ble, to drive all the enemy’s vessels from its waters. 
 There was already some provincial troops at Nan- 
 tasket, at the Castle, and at Noddle’s island ; but 
 they had hitherto acted only on the defensive. 
 On the 14th of June, two years from the time of 
 the odious “Boston port bill,” a large party of 
 
Ill 
 
 men went down the harbour, consisting of two 
 provincial regiments, a battalion of artillery and 
 some continental troops ; and took post, at Nan- 
 tasket, Long island, Pettick’s and Moon Islands, 
 where they threw up entrenchments, and immedi- 
 ately began a heavy cannonade upon the British 
 vessels lying in the channel. These were then 
 about twenty in number. Their situation was 
 found to be too hazardous to remain ; and they 
 soon got under way and left the harbour, except- 
 ing two or three which were taken by the Ameri- 
 cans. They suffered some from the forts before 
 they departed ; and on leaving the outer harbour, 
 they blew up the lighthouse, the only injury which 
 was in their power to commit. 
 
 It was considered prudent to retain the two re- 
 giments and the battalion of artillery in the ser- 
 vice of the province through the season : and to 
 keep guards at the fortifications, which had been 
 erected in various parts of the harbour. Several 
 other companies were also retained, at populous 
 places on the coast, which were most liable to be 
 approached by the enemy’s ships. But there were 
 still greater demands upon Massachusetts in June 
 and July for men to recruit the army at New York, 
 and at the northward, on lake Champlain, where 
 attacks were threatened by formidable forces of 
 the British, who had lately been victorious, in that 
 quarter, over the Americans. 
 
 On the arrival of the British at New York in 
 June, general Washington called upon Congress 
 for an additional force, to enable him to prevent 
 their landing, or to check them in any plans of ra- 
 vaging the country. The regular troops under his 
 command were but few, compared to the numbers 
 
112 
 
 with which it was expected the British would open 
 the campaign in that quarter.* Many of the con- 
 tinental regiments belonging to Massachusetts were 
 in the northern department, where a large force 
 was also deemed necessary. General Bourgoyne 
 had arrived in Canada with fresh troops, and was 
 driving before him the Americans, who were worn 
 down with fatigue and sickness. Congress address- 
 ed the legislature of Massachusetts, as well as of 
 some other colonies, and urged them to send on 
 the militia with the greatest possible dispatch. 
 On the 25th of June, the general assembly resolv- 
 ed to raise five thousand militia for six months, to re- 
 inforce the continental army. This must have been a 
 great effort and have required great sacrifices, when 
 it is recollected, that the province had already fur- 
 nished more than its portion of regular troops for 
 the year’s service, and had also a great number of 
 men doing duty at Boston and other places on the 
 
 * On the 20th of June, an attack was made upon some Bri- 
 tish soldiers at Sandy Hook near New York, by a party of 
 Americans of about 300, commanded by colonel Tupper, with 
 major Brooks as second in command, all belonging to Massa- 
 chusetts. The British retreated to the light house, which 
 served them as a shelter ; and two ships of war, lying in the 
 offing kept up a fire upon the Americans for nearly two hours, 
 which prevented them in the pursuit of the English soldiers. 
 But the party under colonel Tupper received no injury. Ma- 
 jor Henly, aid to general Heath, a brave and meritorious offi- 
 cer, was killed soon after, in an engagement with some Bri- 
 tish troops at Harlem, near New.Y^ork. Heath had then re- 
 cently been appointed a major general in the continental 
 army. In October, a party of the Americans chiefly from 
 Massachusetts, under colonel Shepherd, attacked some Bri- 
 tish at New Rochelle, near New York, and a severe skirmish 
 ensued, when the enemy fell back to the main army. It was 
 said by one of the officers, “ that the Massachusetts boys 
 fought the regulars bravely for some time in the open field.” 
 
113 
 
 sea coasts. The preamble to the resolve for rais- 
 ing these men is indicative alike of the sense they 
 had of the danger to which the country was ex- 
 posed, and of their resolute purpose to sacrifice 
 every thing for the preservation of their liberties. 
 It is as follows : 
 
 ‘‘As the unrelenting spirit, which possesses the 
 king and Parliament of Great Britain, has pushed 
 them on to leave no measures unessayed to accom- 
 plish our destruction, and with infinite disgrace to 
 themselves are about to pour in uj)on us a number 
 of foreign troops, with intent this year to decide 
 the contest and to enslave us forever; and as such 
 a manly and brave resistance, as with the smiles of 
 heaven we are able to make, will, we trust, utterly 
 defeat their haughty and unrighteous designs, and 
 establish our liberty ; the American Congress have 
 called upon this colony for five thousand of its mi- 
 litia to co-operate with the continental troops at 
 Canada and New York, and it is absolutely neces- 
 sary that a proper number of men should be re- 
 served for the defence of the sea coasts against 
 the attacks which may be made upon them, it ren- 
 ders it unavoidable that the levies should be made 
 on the towns least exposed to invasion from the 
 sea ; and although the numbers are large, yet the 
 exertions now called for are not to be regarded 
 when compared to the great and noble objects for 
 which we are contending; this court, therefore, 
 have the fullest assurance that their brethren, on 
 this occasion, idll not confer with jlcsh and blood, 
 but being convinced of the necessity of the mea- 
 sure, will without hesitation and with the utmost 
 alacrity and despatch, fill up the numbers propor- 
 tioned on the several towns, in wdiich case we shall 
 
 vor.. II. ] r> 
 
114 
 
 have the highest prospect of defeating the bloody 
 designs of our unjust and cruel adversaries. We 
 derive the greatest confidence from the spirited 
 and distinguished part our constituents have taken 
 upon all important occasions, and we flatter our- 
 selves that a noble defence this campaign will put 
 an end to the contest. Every thing, therefore, 
 calls for our united exertions; not only the safety 
 of our property, children and families, but the se- 
 curity of the rights of the present and future gene- 
 rations.” 
 
 These men were raised at great expense to the 
 province ; and committees were employed in every 
 county to assist and encourage the enlistments. A 
 bounty and a month’s pay in advance were allow^ed 
 as an inducement to the people to engage in the 
 public service. The sum of 50,000/. was appro- 
 priated for the purpose. Three thousand of these 
 militia were ordered to the northern department, 
 and two thousand for New York. Before the 
 whole were enlisted, the legislature proposed to 
 general Washington to take two regiments of the 
 continental troops stationed at Boston, for the de- 
 fence of that place, and offered to call out the in- 
 habitants in the vicinity as a guard, till they 
 should be able to relieve them by others which 
 should be enlisted. 
 
 The first of July several additional regiments 
 W'ere ordered to be marched to New York; to- 
 gether with a large number of light-horse, and se- 
 veral companies of artillery. The British had 
 landed a great force, and threatened to subdue the 
 whole country. Two more regiments were required 
 to be forwarded to Canada, the tenth of July ; and 
 the legislature ordered a levy of every 25th man 
 
115 
 
 for the purpose. These were raised principallj 
 in the western parts of the province, and in Mid- 
 dlesex and Essex ; while those which marched for 
 New York were from Suffolk, Plymouth and Bris- 
 tol. For although several of the continental regi- 
 ments were hurried off immediately from the Bos- 
 ton station, and some of the militia repaired thither 
 to take their place, others of them hastened di- 
 rectly from the towns where they were mustered 
 to the southern and northern departments. 
 
 Such exertions as these could not have been 
 made without great patriotism and zeal, both in 
 the General Court and in the people of Massachu- 
 setts. To those who live in peaceful times and 
 pass their days in ease and quiet, it appears al- 
 most incredible, what sufferings were endured and 
 hazards met by the brave men of that eventful 
 period. Few persons in any age have made great- 
 er efforts for the enjoyment of any earthly bless- 
 ing. In communicating the resolves of Congress 
 at this time, Hancock urged the General Court 
 and people, by every consideration which could in- 
 fluence honourable men and freemen, to assist in 
 the great work of saving the country from tyranny 
 and oppression. Many others were equally de- 
 cided and zealous: and without such characters to 
 animate and rouse the people, brave and attached 
 to liberty as they were, they would have been dis- 
 couraged, and liave sunk under the increasing diffi- 
 culties which surrounded them. 
 
 Under all these difficulties and threatened as 
 they were wdth ministerial vengeance, the dele- 
 gates of the several North American colonies, 
 in General Congress assembled, after much de- 
 liberation and mutual consultation, on the fourth 
 
116 
 
 of July (1776) declared themselves Independent 
 of the crown and government of Great Britain. 
 But it was not without some opj)osition, that 
 this declaration was adopted and publickly made. 
 Some highly patriotic citizens were not then pre- 
 pared for such a serious measure ; nor were they 
 willing to relinquish entirely the hope of a recon- 
 ciliation with the parent country. But a large 
 majority of the members were decidedly of opin- 
 ion, that no reconciliation could be effected, and 
 that the period had arrived, when it Avas necessa- 
 ry to declare the colonies a separate government 
 from England. The British ministry might be in- 
 censed. But their vengeance was already in ex- 
 ercise, to its utmost extent ; and by becoming an 
 independent nation, the governments of Europe 
 might be induced to assist them against an unnatural 
 foe. The resolution of Congress was zealously 
 advocated by all the delegates from Massachu- 
 setts ; and was approved by a vast majority of the 
 people, in this and the other twelve colonies; 
 which, from this memorable period, were called 
 and known as the thirteen United States of Ame- 
 rica. On the eighteenth of July, this Declaration 
 of Independence was publickly read from the 
 balcony of the State House in Boston, in presence 
 of a vast concourse of the citizens, of several mili- 
 tary companies, of the officers of the militia and 
 of the continental army on the station, of the 
 selectmen and other municipal officers of the 
 town, and of many members of the executive 
 council and General Assembly of Massachusetts. 
 There was great parade and exultation. The king’s 
 arms were taken doAvn, and a public dinner given 
 on the occasion. And afterwards, the declaration 
 
il7 
 
 was read in the churches on the Lord’s day, 
 after the religious service had closed. 
 
 The several states were now considered sove- 
 reign, as well as Independent. The supreme civil 
 authority resided in the legislature in each state ; 
 and each claimed the right to exercise sovereign 
 power, within its own jurisdiction, yielding due re- 
 spect to the advice and recommendations of the 
 General Congress. It soon became an imjiortant 
 question in Massachusetts, what should be the 
 particular form of civil gover nment. Some gave 
 an opinion in favour of one branch for the legisla- 
 ture, others prefered two branches, as in the Bri- 
 tish parliament. There was indeed no necessity 
 for an immediate decision on the subject. For 
 the government was then such as had long existed 
 in the colony, except a vacancy of the office of 
 governor, the duties of which were performed by 
 the executive council. It was proposed however, 
 at this session of the General Court, to appoint a 
 committee of their own body, to prepare a form 
 of government ; but they did not proceed to the 
 business, as the opinion was generally expressed, 
 that the subject ought to originate with the peo- 
 ple, and that they should elect delegates for that 
 specific purpose : and accordingly, it was only re- 
 commended by the House of Representatives to 
 their constituents, to choose their deputies to the 
 next General Court, with power to adopt a form 
 of government for the state. This advice was 
 first given in September 1776: and afterwards 
 more formally, in April 1777. Between these 
 dates, the committees of safety from a majority 
 of the towns in Worcester county assembled, and 
 voted that it would not be proper for the (then) 
 
118 
 
 General Court to form a constitution ; but that a 
 convention of delegates from all the towns in the 
 state should be called for the express purpose. 
 
 In the month of August, a day was set apart by 
 the General Court of Massachusetts for public 
 humiliation and prayer. The situation of the 
 state and of the country was very critical. The 
 enemy had two large armies, commanded by able 
 generals, resolved, if possible, to overrun the con- 
 tinent. The one at New York consisted of nearly 
 20,000 men ; and that on Lake Champlain at 
 the northward, was estimated at 12, or 14,000. 
 Many of the American troops, though probably ' 
 almost as numerous as the British, were militia 
 called out for only a few months. And the re- 
 sources of the country were too limited to furnish 
 all needful means of defence against such a for- 
 midable enemy. But no efforts were spared to 
 oppose a sufhcient force to the invaders, for de- 
 fending the United States ; and no part of the 
 country' afforded more ready assistance® than Mas- 
 sachusetts. 
 
 Another requisition for men was made on Mas- 
 sachusetts in September by Congress, who had 
 been solicited by general Washington to furnish 
 a fresh supply of troops; and the legislature or- 
 dered every ffth man to march to the neighbour- 
 hood of New York, the quarters of the com- 
 mander in chief. The towns on the sea coast 
 were excepted, in this order of the General Court, 
 as their service would probably be required for 
 the defence of the state. Major General Lincoln 
 was appointed to command this detachment ; and 
 they marched immediately to Fairfield in Connec- 
 ticut, with directions to report themselves to gene- 
 
119 
 
 ral Washington. They were raised to remain in 
 service until such time as the General Court should 
 determine, though an assurance was given, that 
 they would probably be discharged within three 
 months. In the terms of enlistment, it was also 
 stated that they were to serve in the New En- 
 gland States, or in New York and New Jersey. 
 Before the whole of these were ready to march, 
 two regiments were ordered to Rhode Island, 
 which was now attacked by a British squadron, 
 and whale boats were furnished to convey them 
 from Falmouth, Dartmouth and Buzzard’s bay. 
 The residue were discharged in two months, as 
 the British near New York discovered no disposi- 
 tion to penetrate into the country, and part of their 
 fleet sailed to Newport. General Lincoln soon after 
 took command of the troops raised for the de- 
 fence of Rhode Island. The General Court of 
 Massachusetts, in the same month, employed a 
 large number of ship carpenters to repair to the 
 army on Lake Champlain, where it Avas consider- 
 ed important to have a fleet of small vessels to 
 check the enemy ; and, at the request of general 
 Schuyler, they furnished him Avith powder, nails, 
 &c. in that quarter. Misfortunes still attended 
 the American army in the northern department. 
 The British took several important posts there in 
 August and September; and Avere also victorious 
 in a naval engagement on the lake. 
 
 With very short intervals, the General Assem- 
 bly Avas in session the Avhole of this year. The 
 one formed in July 1775, Avas together until the 
 middle of May 1770: and afterwards, there Avere 
 only three adjournments of the court for a feAv 
 Aveeks for the residue of the year; in November 
 
122 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Continental army for 1777 . . . Slavery forbidden . . . Several calls for mill* 
 tia . . . Invasion of Rhode Island under general Lincoln . . . Military stores 
 from France . . , Monopolies and depreciation . . . Additional State troops, 
 and drafts of militia. 
 
 In the month of September of this year, (1776)* 
 in order to prepare seasonably for a powerful 
 army for the next campaign, Congress recommend- 
 ed that 70,000 men be raised by the States for 
 the term of three years, or during the war ; and 
 apportioned to the several States their respective 
 quotas. Massachusetts was first required to raise 
 fifteen battalions ; and soon after there was a 
 requisition for two additional regiments, and a 
 battalion of artillery ; being in the whole about 
 thirteen thousand, and nearly one fifth of the 
 whole continental establishment. The term for 
 which those then in service had engaged would 
 - expire with the present year, and they had been 
 enlisted directly by continental agents and officers, 
 Avithout the special intervention of the individual 
 States. It Avas now concluded to have each State 
 raise a certain number of troops, but Avhen enlisted, 
 to form, as before, a continental army. The time 
 for which they Avere to enlist, was to be so long 
 
 ^ Members of Congress for 177G, from Massachusetts, 
 S. Adams, J. Adams, J. Hancock, R. T. Paine, and E. Gerry. 
 
123 
 
 as the war might continue ; or at least for the 
 period of three years. This was certainly a wise 
 and judicious plan ; but some of the States were 
 averse to it, as the people objected to an engage- 
 ment in the service for more than a year. Nor 
 will this appear strange, when it is recollected 
 that most of the soldiers were the yeomanry and 
 citizens of the country, who were unwilling to 
 devote themselves to a military life. 
 
 A committee of the Legislature of Massachu- 
 setts was chosen in October, to go on to the head 
 quarters of general Washington, and if necessary, 
 to Philadelphia, to consult with Congress upon 
 the subject of bounty and wages for the soldiers. 
 They waited on the commander in chief, and hav- 
 ing made known the object of their mission, desir- 
 ed to learn if an enlistment for one year would 
 not meet his approbation. He was very decided,* 
 that during the war, or three years, should be the 
 term of the enlistment ; and expressed a strong 
 apprehension of the final success of the British, 
 unless the States would consent to raise an army 
 for a long period, so that the men could be taught 
 the military discipline. He had already suffered 
 much for want of regular troops, on whom he 
 could rely for a long period of service. Many of his 
 men were militia at that time ; he saw that he must 
 depend upon the militia also at the close of the 
 
 * Hon. Mr. Partridge, one of the committee, related after- 
 wards, that he never saw Washington discover any thing but 
 perfect self-command, except on that occasion. When a year 
 was mentioned for the time of service, he started from his 
 chair, and exclaimed, ‘‘ Good God, gentlemen, our cause is 
 ruined, if you engage men only for a year. You must not 
 think of it. If we ever hope for success, we must have men 
 enlisted for the whole term of the war.’' 
 
124 
 
 year, while a new army should be forming ; and 
 he was determined to guard against such an evil 
 at any future period. 
 
 During this month, an estimate was made of the 
 sums expended and advanced by Massachusetts, 
 for the service of the continent, in addition to the 
 amount for various services in the State, and was 
 found to be 150,000/., after a former calculation, 
 towards the close of the preceding year. Appli- 
 cation was soon after made to Congress for a reim- 
 bursement of that sum, or the greater part of it. 
 100,000/. was ordered to be paid, and was accor- 
 dingly sent on to the treasurer of the Common- 
 wealth, the beginning of 1777. 
 
 On several occasions, before this period, the 
 General Court of Massachusetts had expressed a 
 disapprobation of the slave trade, and a disposition 
 to put an end to the practice of retaining the 
 Africans in the degrading condition, in which they 
 were held in many parts of the country. Several 
 of these unfortunate persons were brought into 
 Salem, at this time, who were found on board a 
 British prize ship from Jamaica, and they were 
 publicly advertised to be sold ; but the Legisla- 
 ture forbid the sale, and ordered them to be set 
 at liberty. 
 
 A board of w^ar was appointed in October, for 
 the purpose of providing military stores, cannon 
 and fire arms, for the men stationed within the 
 State, as w^ell as for those to be enlisted for the 
 service of the continent. Several detachments 
 of the militia were called for, at this time, to 
 strengthen the army near New York, and on the 
 lake ; and in December many were marched to 
 Rhode Island, for the defence of Newport. • All 
 
125 
 
 these were to be furnished with arms and ammu- 
 nition; and though there were some of these in 
 the public stores, many were to be collected to 
 meet the great demand made for them. Some 
 military articles were also loaned to the governor 
 of Connecticut for the militia of that State, a 
 great number of whom were in service at Rhode 
 Island, with general Washington, or in the north- 
 ern department. 
 
 During^the months of November and December, 
 large detachments of the militia were ordered out 
 to reinforce the continental armies, and to assist in 
 protecting Rhode Island, which was attacked, in 
 the latter of these months, by a |)artj of the Bri- 
 tish from New York, estimated at 6000, with a 
 large fleet. Within the same period, committees 
 of the legislature were sent on, both to the head 
 quarters of Washington at the south, and of Gates 
 at the north, to urge the men belonging to Massa- 
 chusetts, whose term of service would soon expire, 
 to enlist, on the new establishment, for three 
 years, or during the war ; and to prevail with 
 those who chose not to engage for that time, to 
 remain in service till the new recruits should join 
 the army. A few consented to remain; but many 
 returned home as soon as their time was out. 
 At this time, likewise, arms were furnished to all 
 the militia in the county of Berkshire, who were 
 destitute ; as it was believed thej^ might be called 
 out cn masse, to strengthen the army on the lake. 
 In November, the two regiments stationed at 
 Boston, and around the harbour, whose time 
 would soon expire, were engaged to continue in 
 service several months beyond their former enlist- 
 ment; and some additional regiments were march- 
 
12(i 
 
 ed to New Jersey to join the army under genera! 
 Washington, who was pursued by a powerful 
 enemy, and whose already scanty forces were 
 daily diminishing.* Towards the close of the 
 same month, the militia of Plymouth and Barn- 
 stable counties, were ordered to Rhode Island ; 
 and a part of them were transported by whale 
 boats from Dartmouth, Falmouth, and from some 
 other places on Buzzards Bay. Two regiments 
 from Worcester county were also marched to 
 Providence for the protection of Rhode Island ; 
 and the militia lately ordered to be raised in 
 Berkshire and Hampshire counties were directed 
 to proceed to Albany, to act as the public service 
 might require. The latter were permitted soon 
 to return home ; for the British retired into Ca- 
 nada, and it was concluded by the American ge- 
 neral only to maintain his station at Ticonderoga 
 for the winter. 
 
 The detachment of British troops from the main 
 army at New York ordered to Newport, at this 
 time, was estimated to be nearly 6000 ; and were 
 commanded by several distinguished officers ; gene- 
 ral Clinton, lord Piercy, major general Prescott, 
 and others. A large number of the militia from 
 Connecticut and Massachusetts were immediately 
 collected there, to act with those of Rhode Island, 
 and some few continental troops, for the defence 
 of the country. Besides those already ordered 
 from Plymouth and Barnstable, an additional num- 
 ber w^as sent in from the former county, and from 
 
 * Two regiments from Worcester were among them ; and 
 a large company of volunteers of respectable citizens march- 
 ed from Salem, though the people of that town, being on the 
 sea board, were not required to furnish men at this time. 
 
127 
 
 Bristol, Suffolk, and the southern parts of Wor- 
 cester county. Major general Lincoln, who had 
 been sent on some time before with the militia of 
 Massachusetts to reinforce the continental army 
 near New York, Avas ordered to take command of 
 the troops at Rhode Island and Providence. A 
 part of those ordered for Rhode Island, Avere di- 
 rected to proceed to New Jersey, and join gene- 
 ral Washington, whose situation was noAV become 
 very critical, being pursued by a British army 
 of regular troops estimated at 15,000, Avhile he 
 had scarcely one third of that number, some of 
 Avhich Avere temporary recruits. Boston being thus 
 left unprotected, two regiments Avere immediately 
 raised in the vicinity for its defence. All these va- 
 rious establishments amounted to more than one 
 half of the militia in the counties above mentioned, 
 besides a oreat number from all the other counties 
 in the state. 
 
 The aspect of public affairs was, at this period, 
 most gloomy and alarming ; and but for the reso- 
 lute efforts and brilliant successes of general Wash- 
 ington at Trenton and Princeton, the country 
 Avould have sunk into a state of despondence. With 
 a handful of men, whom the British general 
 thought scarcely Avorth immediate pursuit, as he 
 concluded they could not again become formidable, 
 Washington fell upon a detached division of the 
 enemy at each of these places Avithin a short pe- 
 riod; and destroyed and captured almost the 
 Avhole, to the utter astonishment of the Bi'itish, 
 and carrying conviction to their fears, that they 
 Avere opposed by a man whom difficulties could not 
 appal, nor numbers overpoAver. Many Massachu- 
 setts troops Avere Avith the commander in chief in 
 
128 
 
 these important attacks ; for, though their term of 
 enlistment was about to expire, they had been pre- 
 vailed upon to remain till some fresh troops should 
 arrive for the ensuing year.* 
 
 Among the officers of high rank, then with gene- 
 ral Washington, were Green and Knox, who urged 
 the pursuit of the enemy immediately after the 
 affair at Trenton ; which probably would have 
 been attended with the happiest effects to the 
 American arms. General Washington was in fa- 
 vour of the plan ; but the majority of the officers 
 were opposed to it. 
 
 In January (1777) a plan was laid to re-take 
 fort Independence, near King’s bridge in the vi- 
 cinity of Hudson’s river ; which was to be execut- 
 ed by the militia from Massachusetts and Connec- 
 ticut, to the number of about 4000. Major general 
 Heath had the command, and Lincoln, Wooster, 
 and Parsons, were brigadiers in the detachment. 
 But nothing important was effected; and it was 
 believed that the general in chief did not discover 
 all that energy and promptness which some others 
 might have exhibited ; and which could not have 
 failed of success. 
 
 The call for aid upon Massachusetts by the 
 governor of Rhode Island in December, was sa 
 urgent, that almost the whole of the militia in the 
 southern counties, and many from Worcester, Mid- 
 
 * Extract of a letter from general Washington, January 
 1777. “ It is painful for me to hear such illiberal reflections 
 
 upon the eastern troops, as you say prevails in N . I al- 
 
 ways have, and always shall say, that I do not believe any of 
 the states produce better men. Equal injustice is done them 
 in other respects : for no people fly to arms more promptly, or 
 come better equipped, or with more regularity into the field.” 
 
129 
 
 * dlesex, and Suffolk, were ordered for the defence 
 of that state. It was believed also to be the plan 
 of the enemy to march through the country to 
 Boston. The two continental regiments stationed 
 in the capital of Massachusetts were ordered to 
 Providence. The corps of artillery, and an inde- 
 pendent company soon followed ;* and several field 
 pieces and military stores were sent on to Rhode 
 Island at the same time. 
 
 The troops required of Massachusetts for the 
 continental service, for the whole period of the 
 war, or three years, to be enlisted the beginning 
 of this year, (1777,) were raised with great diffi- 
 culty. A similar delay, indeed, attended the ef- 
 forts to engage them in all the other States. In 
 the preceding campaign, the Americans had been 
 generally unfortunate. Many were desirous of re- 
 maining at home to provide for their families. 
 They had sutfered much for want of sufficient 
 clothing; and the bills by which their wages were 
 paid had depreciated nearly one half. The Ge- 
 neral Assembly of Massachusetts proposed to of- 
 fer an additional bounty; but Congress disapproved 
 of the plan, as it would render it necessary for 
 other states to do the same, and it was believed 
 that some of them would not consent. Indeed, 
 twenty dollars and land were [)romised by Con- 
 gress ; but this was a very distant good, and not 
 valued as it ought to have been. Tlie enlistment 
 Avas so slow, that Massachusetts engaged to pay 
 the men raised for her regiments, in addition to 
 the offer by Congress, 20/. to be paid in two equal 
 
 * One of these was commanded by Thomas Melvill, and 
 one by Henry Jackson. 
 
 VOL. IT. 
 
 17 
 
130 
 
 instalments, and promised that the depreciation of 
 paper, received in payment of their wages from 
 the continent, should be made up to them by the 
 state. In many cases, also, they were furnished 
 with clothing at a fixed price, by which they were 
 saved from the loss to which they would have been 
 subjected, if they had received their whole com- 
 pensation in the bills of the continent. 
 
 Four of the fifteen regiments were raised with 
 all possible dispatch and ordered to the northward, 
 in January, where the British movements now in- 
 dicated the renewal of offensive operations.* The 
 American army in that department, which in Oc- 
 tober preceding was estimated at 13,000, including 
 militia, had been reduced to a number so low as 
 to be scarcely adequate to the maintenance of the 
 fort of Tyconderoga. The regular troops had 
 gone home, as their term of service expired with 
 the year just past ; excepting the few who had 
 been induced to engage upon the new establish- 
 ment. The militia, also, who had been forwarded 
 at different times during the summer and autumn 
 of 1776, for reinforcing the army in that quarter, 
 had been dismissed. The above number of regi- 
 ments had been requested by the commanding offi- 
 cer in that department ; and great efforts were 
 made by the General Court to raise this portion at 
 an early day. All the other regiments were not 
 filled until the months of May and June ; although 
 the people were frequently urged to enlist, by all 
 the powerful considerations, which could operate 
 with free and patriotic citizens. The General 
 
 * These were commanded by Brewer, Francis, Bradford, 
 and Marshall. 
 
131 
 
 Court prepared an address to be read In the 
 churches and at the head of the militia companies, 
 soliciting the enlistment of soldiers for three years 
 or during the war. “ We entreat you,” this was 
 their language, “ for the sake of religion, for the 
 enjoyment of which our ancestors fled to a wilder- 
 ness, for the sake of freedom and social happiness, 
 ^ to act vigorously in this critical stale of our coun- 
 try ; and we doubt not that your exertions will be 
 crowned with that success which is due to the 
 brave, the wise and patriotic.” There was a pub- 
 lic Fast this year in January, by advice of the Ge- 
 neral Court. Officers of militia and selectmen of 
 the several towns in the state were enjoined to 
 make constant exertions for raising the men re- 
 quired. The proportion for each town was de- 
 termined, and a resolve passed, that they should 
 provide the number fixed. In some places, the 
 citizens were taken by lot or drafted ; and all such 
 were obliged to enter the service or to engage sol- 
 diers in their stead.* 
 
 In January, as the new levies came in very slow- 
 ly, general Washington called again upon several 
 states for the militia, for a short period. Massa- 
 chusetts furnished 2000, which joined the conti- 
 nental army in New Jersey in the month of Feb- 
 ruary. They were forwarded under command of 
 general Lincoln, who was succeeded as the chief 
 officer at Providence, by major general Arnold. 
 But general Spencer of Connecticut soon after had 
 the command on that station. On this occasion, 
 as well as many others, the militia were of great 
 
 * Every seventh man was called for at this period ; and 
 the towns w'ere also required to furnish 5000 blnrd^ets, 
 
132 
 
 service in the war of the revolution. Lincoln 
 was created a major general in the continental ar- 
 my, in 1777, and he possessed in a peculiar degree 
 the esteem and confidence of the commander in 
 chief.* 
 
 A greater part of the British left Newport in 
 March, without effecting the object of their expe- 
 dition, except it was merely to find winter quar- 
 ters for a large portion of their troops, who could 
 not procure support at New York. They excited 
 great apprehensions, indeed among the inhabitants 
 of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut ; 
 and the exertions made to collect a military force 
 to prevent any scheme of conquest or plunder, oc- 
 casioned much distress to the citizens of these 
 states, already nearly exhausted by other and pre- 
 vious sacrifices for the public welfare. General 
 Clinton, left Newport for England at an earlier 
 day ; and it was supposed that there was a serious 
 misunderstanding between him and Lord Piercy, 
 who was second in command in this expedition. 
 When it was known, that the British fleet was 
 preparing to sail from Newport, there was an ap- 
 prehension that they were destined for Boston. 
 This circumstance induced the General Court to 
 order the forts in the harbour of Boston to be 
 repaired and manned, and to call in the militia 
 to aid in the defence of the capital. As the 
 enemy did not proceed to Boston from Newport, 
 the militia were soon dismissed. But two regi-. 
 ments were ordered to be raised for that place, 
 and several companies in the service of the state 
 
 ^ Glover, Patterson, Learned and Nixon of Massachusetts, 
 were this year appointed brigadiers, and Knox, general of 
 artillery. 
 
133 
 
 were stationed in many towns on the sea board, 
 during the year. In the spring of 1777, general 
 Ward resigned his military commission, and was 
 elected one of the council. He was succeeded 
 on the Boston station by general Heath. 
 
 The private and public armed vessels belonging 
 to Massachusetts, as well as the larger ships com- 
 missioned by the continent, were still successful in 
 their cruises near the coast, and even in the lati- 
 tudes of the West Indies. Richly laden English 
 ships bound from those islands to Europe, and 
 others on their voyage from Great Britain to New 
 York, to furnish the enemy with military stores, 
 provisions and clothing, were captured by the 
 Americans; and thus the continental troops were ‘ 
 supplied with necessary articles, which it would 
 have been impossible, perhaps, to collect else- 
 where. A calculation was made in England, that 
 in eighteen months, from July 1775, to January 
 1777, the Americans had captured English mer- 
 chant ships to the amount of J, 500,000/. sterling; 
 besides a great number of transports, and provi- 
 sion vessels destined for the British troops. 
 
 Early this season, in the months of March and 
 April, several ships arrived from France with 
 woollen and linen goods, hardware, and large quan- 
 tities of fire arms and military stores. This was 
 supposed to be in consequence of the applications 
 of the American agents, Franklin and Dean, then 
 at Paris. One of these vessels, which arrived at* 
 Portsmouth, had about 5000 stands of arms, and 
 various other articles for the American army. 
 The General Court of Massachusetts applied for 
 the fire arms to equip their troops just then pre- 
 paring to march to Ticondcroga. Aware of the 
 
134 
 
 necessity of the case, the continental agent fur- 
 nished them; and the new recruits were therefore 
 able to join the northern army immediately ; many 
 of whom had been delayed for want of this neces- 
 sary article. Further efforts were required, in- 
 deed, to complete the battalions alloted to Massa- 
 chusetts for the continental establishment. The 
 towns from which the requisite number had not 
 been furnished were again addressed ; and an or- 
 der of the General Court was issued for drafting 
 them, if they could not be persuaded voluntarily 
 to enlist. The regiments were not entirely filled 
 after all these efforts.* But the militia were 
 frequently employed, at different times, and for 
 different periods, during the season, by which the 
 regular army was greatly strengthened. 
 
 The General Court ordered a new emission of 
 paper in February (1777) to the amount of 
 125,000/. ; and a tax of 100,000/. At the same 
 session, they consented that general Ward should 
 order a part of the continental troops to Provi- 
 dence, who were stationed at or near Boston ; and 
 the citizens of the metropolis, to the number of 
 350, were embodied for its defence. At this time, 
 400 additional militia were sent on to the former 
 place, to complete the quota of 2000, which had 
 been before required from Massachusetts. The 
 inhabitants of Boston had a large meeting, during 
 
 *The commanders of the Massachusetts regiments were 
 Vose, Bailey, Greaton, Shephard, Putnam, Nixon, Francis, 
 Brewer, Alden, M. Jackson, Wesson, Marshall, Bradford, Smith, 
 Bigelow, H. Jackson, and Crane, of artillery. Francis was 
 killed early this year, and Sproat had command of the regi- 
 ment. Brewer left the service, and Topper took command 
 of his regiment. Brooks was lieutenant colonel commandant 
 of M. Jackson’s. 
 
135 
 
 this month, to take into consideration the com- 
 plaints of the poorer classes, respecting monopo- 
 lies, and the high prices on articles in common use. 
 The conduct of some individuals was censured for 
 extortion, and more public spirit was recommend- 
 ed ; and it was voted that the names of all who 
 should offend in this way, in future, should be made 
 public. There were a few persons in the state, 
 also, who refused to take the bills issued either by 
 the General Court or by Congress, which tended 
 to lessen their value in the estimation of the com- 
 mon people. This w^as severely condemned, as 
 injurious to the public Avelfare and credit ; and 
 many patriotic citizens of distinction made great 
 personal sacrifices and efforts for the good of the 
 community. But the debt of the state was so 
 great, and the resources so inadequate to provide 
 for immediate payment, that public paper of all 
 kinds continued to depreciate, which was the occa- 
 sion of great distress to many of the people. 
 
 Lead and flints to a considerable amount, were 
 again furnished the state of Connecticut, for the 
 supply of their troops. Nor was this done because 
 of a great quantity in Massachusetts ; for at this 
 time the people Avere requested to take the weights 
 from their windows for the public use. 
 
 In March, companies Avere ordered to be raised 
 at the expense of the state, and stationed at Fal- 
 mouth, Cape Elizabeth, Kittery, NcAvburyport, 
 Gloucester, Salem, Marblehead, Plymouth, and 
 Dartmouth. There Avere already several compa- 
 nies raised by the state at different places round 
 the harbour of Boston, besides the tAvo continental 
 regiments, generally on this station, Avhen not or- 
 dered aAvay to head quarters on some sudden 
 
136 
 
 emergency. They were so ordered to Rhode 
 Island, on two occasions; once to the head quar- 
 ters of W ashlngton, and once to the northern de- 
 partment. And in all these instances, the militia 
 were embodied for the public service, until the 
 troops enlisted by the order of Congress could re- 
 lieve them. In the same month, when there was 
 an alarm at Boston, after the continental regiments 
 had marched, by consent of the legislature, to 
 strengthen the main army, and general Washington 
 was requested to furnish some regular troops, he 
 could not prudently comply with the request, and 
 the state was obliged to call out the militia for its 
 own protection. 
 
 In April, 1500 of the militia from the counties 
 of Hampshire and Berkshire were ordered to 
 Tyconderoga. The regular regiments of Massa- 
 chusetts were not yet even entirely full ; and the 
 British had commenced hostilities with a force 
 much superior to that emjdoyed by them in that 
 quarter, the preceding year. A regiment of 
 artillery, in addition to the one raised for the con- 
 tinental service, was ordered to be enlisted for 
 the particular defence of the state ; but liable, 
 however, by direction of the General Court, to 
 do duty in any part of the Continent. And upon 
 an urgent request of the governor of Rhode Isl- 
 and, an additional number of the militia of Suffolk 
 and Bristol were marched to Providence. At this 
 period, there still remained a large body of the 
 enemy at Newport, and several ships of war were 
 in the waters in that vicinity; by which the peo- 
 ple were kept in a constant state of alarm; and 
 the principal force which could be had to oppose 
 them was the militia of that state and of Massachu- 
 
137 
 
 setts and Connecticut. Each of these, especially 
 the two last, had several regiments of this descrip- 
 tion of troops employed in other places. General 
 Spencer of Connecticut commanded on that sta- 
 tion ; and the great object was to defend the coun- 
 try and to prevent all attempts at further invasion. 
 The British were too powerful, especially as 
 they had command of the bay and river, to justi- 
 fy the Americans in an attack ; though at a sub- 
 sequent period, it was supposed they might have 
 acted with more effect and with success, if the 
 commander had been more resolute and energetic. 
 It was important in the opinion of judicious in- 
 dividuals, that the enemy should be driven from 
 their station on Rhode Island, and that an attempt 
 should be made for that purpose. The General 
 Court of Massachusetts sent a committee to Pro- 
 vidence, to consult with the governor of Rhode 
 Island, for such an expedition, as well as for the 
 defence of that state; and they were authorised 
 to promise 5000 men, in addition to 2000 already 
 there from Massachusetts. But no plan was set- 
 tled for the purpose at that time ; though a con- 
 siderable force was kept up through the season. 
 The militia of Massachusetts, who had been on 
 that station for two months and some even for a 
 longer time, were relieved by 1500 others, early 
 in June. And these again, after a short period, 
 were permitted to return home, two regiments 
 being raised for six months, to take their place. 
 At this session of the legislature, a resolve was 
 passed, requiring all the militia of the state to be 
 equipped, and ready to march at the shortest 
 notice. 
 
 VOL, 11 . 10 
 
138 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 General Court 1777 . . . Expedition to JS'ova Scotia . . . Constitution pre- 
 pared by General Court, and rejected by the people . . , 4th of July 
 , . . Militia to reinforce northern army . . , Secret expedition to Rhode 
 Island . . , Bourgoyne checked and captured . . . Affairs at the south . , , 
 Capture of captain Manly. 
 
 When the General Court was organized in 
 May, this year (1777) it assembled in Boston. 
 The representatives from that ancient town were 
 not so numerous as the preceding year ; there 
 being only six returned, when for the former year 
 there were twelve. The members of the supreme 
 executive council, with the exception of a small 
 part, who declined a re-election, were the same 
 as the year before. A board of war- was again 
 chosen, to attend to the pressing demands for 
 military stores ; and committees appointed, for fur- 
 nishing clothing and provisions for the great body 
 of troops, which the state had to support. They 
 were estimated at about 12,000, besides militia, 
 and those engaged on the sea coasts within its own 
 jurisdiction. 
 
 The state incurred considerable expense in the 
 month of June by projecting an expedition for the 
 defence and relief of the people of St. Johns and 
 other places on the bay of F undy, who were friendly 
 to the United States and called for assistance, as 
 they were harassed and oppressed by the British 
 
139 
 
 in Nova Scotia. The expedition was proposed 
 with the consent of Congress; but it was prepar- 
 ed by the government and people of Massachu- 
 setts. A regiment was raised in Maine, and a 
 naval force, such as was supposed would be neces- 
 sary, was procured for the purpose. But unex- 
 pected difficulties arose in the prosecution of the 
 plan ; and after much delay, it was abandoned, in 
 the form first intended. Some months after, how- 
 ever, a single company from Maine without excit- 
 ing alarm in the British at Halifax, proceeded up 
 to the head of the bay of Fundy, took a small 
 fort there situated, and brought off several fami- 
 lies, who were attached to the cause of American 
 liberty, and obnoxious to the English government. 
 It had long been meditated to afford assistance to 
 the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, many of whom 
 were supposed to be friendly to the rights of 
 America. When general Washington was at 
 Cambridge, and during the winter of 1770, it was 
 represented to him, that an expedition to that 
 province would afford relief to some well disposed 
 citizens, and be of advantage to the other colonies. 
 He sent two gentlemen at that time to learn the 
 views and situation of the people in Nova Scotia. 
 But they proceeded only to the lines of the pro- 
 vince ; and found it would be very hazardous to 
 go further, as the British authority there was sus- 
 picious of all intercourse between the people of 
 that province and Massachusetts. The Ii^ians 
 in that quarter manifested a friendly disposition. 
 Some of them were taken into the pay of the 
 state, and served with a battalion raised in the 
 course of this year, for the defence of the settle- 
 ments in the eastern part of Maine. 
 
140 
 
 During the session in June, the House of Repre* 
 sentatives and the Council formed themselves into 
 a convention for the purpose of preparing a con- 
 stitution, or frame of civil government for the 
 state ; and a committee of twelve was chosen to 
 consider the important subject. The former Gene- 
 ral Court had advised the people to elect their 
 next representatives for such an object. The 
 majority of towns in the state, it would seem,* 
 chose their representatives with this view, and 
 gave, at least, an implied assent to this mode of 
 forming a constitution ; although Boston and seve- 
 ral other towns were opposed to such a proceed- 
 ing, and expressed an opinion, that a Convention 
 ought to be called, to be composed of delegates 
 for the express and sole purpose of preparing a 
 form of civil government. This committee report- 
 ed a draft of a constitution in January 1778, which 
 the General Assembly submitted to the people ; 
 but which they did not approve.t 
 
 The fourth of July 1777, being the first anni- 
 versary of the declaration of the independence of 
 the United States, was publicly celebrated in Bos- 
 ton, by order of the General Court, which was sit- 
 ting at that time. A sermon was delivered by the 
 chaplain before the representatives, councillors, 
 
 * It is presumed the representatives would not have pro- 
 ceeded to prepare a constitution, unless the greater part of 
 the towns in the state had authorised the measure. No docur 
 ment can be found in the secretar}^’s office, to determine how 
 many towns voted for it. The committee was composed of the 
 following gentlemen: — I. Powell, T. Cushing, D. Davis, I. 
 Taylor, of the council ; and J. Warren, R. T. Paine, A. Orne, 
 J. Bliss, J. Prescott, .1. Pickering, G. Partridge, J. Simpson, 
 representatives. 
 
 t See Appendix. 
 
land other public characters, military and civiL 
 I There was also a military parade on the occasional 
 a public dinner, and other demonstrations of grati- 
 I tude and joy. 
 
 At this session, the legislature ordered specie, to 
 I a considerable amount, to be sent to persons in 
 j prison at New York, belonging to the state, whose 
 j privations and sufferings were represented to be 
 I very severe. It was forwarded to general Wash- 
 j ington, with a request that he would send it into 
 j New York by a flag of truce, and take suitable 
 I precaution, that is should be safely delivered. 
 
 At this period, more of the militia were ordered 
 ^ from Hampshire and Berkshire counties, to rein- 
 force the northern army. And a few weeks sub- 
 i. sequently, the enemy having taken Ticonderoga, 
 an additional number was required to proceed to 
 i that quarter, not only from those two counties, but 
 i from Worcester, Middlesex, York, and also from 
 ! Suffolk and Essex, except from Boston and the 
 : regiments in Essex on the sea coast. This was an 
 urgent call ; and every seventh man was ordered 
 to be marched off with the greatest dispatch."^ 
 
 I General Heath was specially desired by the House 
 ' of Representatives to ascertain what deficiencies 
 I there were in the regular regiments ordered to be 
 raised by the state, and to use every effort to com- 
 plete the battalions which were not already full. 
 Large sums were also appropriated for purchasing 
 provisions and clothes for the troops on the lake ; 
 and for rendering the road passable through the 
 
 * In the address of the General Court to the people, on this 
 occasion, they said, “ we rely upon that public virtue, and 
 that unbounded love of freedom and of their country, with 
 which the militia of this state have always been inspired.” 
 
142 
 
 the western part of the state, and over the green 
 mountains in Vermont. In this month (August) a 
 day was observed for fasting and praying, on ac- 
 count of the distresses of the people and the 
 alarming prospects of the country. 
 
 The repeated successes of the British in the 
 northern department, under general Bourgoyne, 
 had justly excited great apprehensions, that he 
 would make his way to Albany, unless soon check- 
 ed by a strong reinforcement from the militia of 
 the New England states. Should he succeed in 
 such a plan, he would be joined, it was believed, 
 by the British forces near New York, a part of 
 which was then already endeavouring to ascend 
 the Hudson, for the purpose of a junction with 
 the troops under Bourgoyne. The southern and 
 northern states thus separated, it would be com- 
 paratively easy to subdue them. No time, there- 
 fore, was to be lost, in preparing to prevent the 
 execution of such a project. It was seen, that all 
 possible effort w^as demanded to save the country, 
 and to defeat the bold schemes of the enemy. 
 Although there had then been a large portion of 
 the militia of the state, not in service at Providence 
 and on the sea coast, ordered to reinforce the army 
 under general Gates, who had then recently been 
 appointed to the command in that quarter, it was 
 immediately resolved to send on an additional num- 
 ber ; and one half the residue in all the western 
 counties, (excepting the south part of Worcester, 
 from which large drafts had then lately been made 
 for Rhode Island,) and in Middlesex and Essex. 
 In the absence of the continental troops from 
 Boston, v/ho had also been ordered to join the 
 army under general Gates, several companies of 
 
the militia from SufFolk and Middlesex were called 
 out to protect the capital, and to guard the mili- 
 tary stores in that place, in Cambridge and Wa- 
 tertown. 
 
 An expedition was planned in September, by the 
 General Assembly, with the knowledge and at the 
 request of the governors of Rhode Island and 
 Connecticut ; the object of which, though not pub- 
 iiciy knowii the time, (for it was called a secret 
 expedition,) vvas to make an attack upon the ene- 
 my at Newport, in the hope of forcing them to re- 
 tire from that place. It was ordered that 3000 
 troops be raised, immediately, from Bristol, Ply- 
 mouth and Barnstable, and the southern parts of 
 Suffolk, Middlesex and Worcester. The state re- 
 giment of artillery, under colonel Crafts, was also 
 to make a part of the detachment. Two briga- 
 diers were to be in the command; and the whole 
 of the Massachusetts militia to be under major 
 general Hancock, who was then absent from Con- 
 gress, and resident in Boston. General Spencer of 
 Connecticut commanded the whole force. After 
 great exertions, the most of the men called for 
 Avere raised, and marched to Providence and vicini- 
 ty. But the British troops on Rhode Island, at 
 this period, were numerous, and no attack was 
 made upon them. Much blame was attached to 
 the brigadier generals, and to Spencer, the com- 
 mander in chief, and there was probably some 
 foundation for the complaints against them. But 
 the expedition was projected at a time when there 
 were great demands upon the state for troops to 
 reinforce general Gates, and it was impossible, per- 
 haps, to furnish a force sufficient to liave justified 
 a descent upon Rhode Island. It Avas of great 
 
144 
 
 service to the country, at that critical period, to 
 have prevented the enemy on the Island, from ex- 
 tending their conquest to other places in the vicini- 
 ty. There was a court of inquiry soon after; but 
 both Spencer and Palmer, a brigadier of Massa- 
 chusetts militia, who had been censured, were ac- 
 quitted. There was evidence of some want of 
 promptness on the part of Palmer ; but it was ex- 
 cused, because of the difficulty of collecting the 
 militia at the time appointed. 
 
 The affairs in the north, where the attention of 
 the New England states was particularly directed, 
 at this time, were now fast approaching to a crisis. 
 Bourgoyne, who had been driving the American 
 army before him for months, and capturing post 
 after post, had penetrated so far into the country 
 from Canada, that he could not retreat, without 
 subjecting himself to disgrace, and his army to 
 great loss, if not to total defeat. His hazardous 
 situation was seen by the American general, and he 
 meditated the capture of the conquering enemy. 
 The militia were called for, and they marched 
 with great spirit and dispatch. Those from New 
 Hampshire and the grants, (afterwards Vermont,) 
 were early assembled, and first taught the British 
 regular troops, that the hardy yeomanry of the 
 soil could oppose formidable obstacles to their 
 progress. A detachment of the enemy, of about 
 1000 men, sent by general Bourgoyne to scour 
 the country, to collect provisions, and to prepare 
 for the reception of the whole British army, which, 
 in the moment of success, was supposed could sub- 
 due the country, wherever it might choose to pro- 
 ceed, was attacked near Bennington by a party of 
 the militia, under the brave and intrepid general 
 
Stark, and totally defeated. He took 300 pri- 
 soners and two valuable field pieces, in the first 
 attack. The enemy retreated, and were pursued 
 by the Americans ; and, though reinforced by 1000 
 fresh troops. Stark, with a small additional num- 
 ber who joined him, again gave them battle, and 
 obliged them to retreat with great slaughter. Se- 
 veral other field pieces fell into the hands of the 
 Americans, and upwards of 300 more of the Bri- 
 tish party were taken ; making in the whole 650, 
 besides nearly 300 killed and wounded. The total 
 loss of the enemy was 930. This brilliant affair, 
 while it convinced general Bourgoyne that the 
 country would not be so easily subdued as he had 
 imagined, gave great encouragement and confidence 
 to the American troops. 
 
 The British army continued, indeed, to advance 
 still further into the country, in the direction of 
 Albany, in pursuance, probably, of an understand- 
 ing with general Clinton, who was in the neigh- 
 bourhood of New York, that he would pass up 
 the Hudson and join Bourgoyne in that quarter. 
 But the progress was slow, and every day’s 
 march manifested to the wary chief, the necessity 
 of caution and circumspection. When he had ad- 
 vanced some distance south of lake Champlain, 
 the Americans, under general Lincoln of Massa- 
 chusetts, who had then lately joined the northern 
 army,* made a diversion in his rear, and cut off all 
 communication between the British camp and the 
 fortresses which they had left. It remained now, 
 that the British general must press forward, op- 
 
 * Lincoln was first selected by general Washington for this 
 department, when Schuyler had the command there ; “ be- 
 cause of his great decision and energy of character.” 
 
 VOL. II. 19 
 
U6 
 
 posed as he was by a very powerful force under 
 general Gates, or attempt to return to his forts on 
 the lake, which would be almost equally hazardous. 
 Leaving a number of men at fort Independence, on 
 the southern border of the lake, Lincoln joined 
 the main army under Gates, to act in concert 
 against the enemy. On the l9th of September, 
 a severe and almost general action took place be- 
 tween the two armies, near Saratoga. The ad- 
 vanced guards of the Americans were attacked by 
 three regiments of the British, about a mile in 
 front of their main body, when, after an obstinate 
 resistance, the latter were obliged to retire with 
 considerable loss. But they were soon reinforced, 
 and resumed the attack. The advanced party of 
 the continental troops received support from Ar- 
 nold’s division ; and thus united, they were able to 
 check the enemy, the greater part of whose whole 
 force was soon brought into action, for the safety 
 of the party first engaged. The Americans main- 
 tained their position, although not more than half 
 the troops under general Gates was on the field. 
 The loss of the British was reported to be about 
 1000, in killed, wounded and taken; and the Ame- 
 ricans did not exceed 320. 
 
 Another attack took place on the 7th of Octo- 
 ber, by the right wing of the British attempting 
 to take post on the right of the Americans. The 
 scouts of the latter were driven in, and the former 
 advanced rapidly. Three regiments of the Ame- 
 ricans were ordered to receive them, who met 
 them when they had approached within a mile of 
 their lines. Each party pushed for an eminence, 
 which was situated between them ; and the Ame- 
 ricans had the good fortune to gain it. Theven- 
 
147 
 
 gagement continued through the afternoon without 
 intermission. The enemy soon fell back, and were 
 closely pursued a distance of nearly two miles. 
 The continental troops entered one of the British 
 entrenchments sword in hand. The evening being 
 very dark, they could not with prudence attack 
 any other posts. They halted for the night within 
 half a mile of the main body of the enemy. Bour- 
 goyne moved off silently during the night to a dis- 
 tant position, which was more strongly fortified. 
 On the following day, there were frequent skir- 
 mishes, between the advanced parties of the two 
 hostile armies ; many were wounded on both sides, 
 and some of the British were made prisoners. In 
 reconnoitering the enemy’s movements, general 
 Lincoln was wounded in the leg *, which obliged 
 him to retire from the public service for several 
 months. It was supposed he must have submitted 
 to the amputation of his limb ; but he recovered 
 without so great a loss ; and soon after joined the 
 continental army in the southern department. 
 
 Among the many American officers who were 
 distinguished in these several engagements, were 
 colonel Brooks of Massachusetts and major Dear- 
 born of New Hampshire. On the \9th of Sep- 
 tember and the 7th of October, they conducted 
 with great spirit and bravery : and Brooks was 
 the last who left the ground on the evening of 
 the }9th after the enemy retired. Colonel Col- 
 burn of the Massachusetts line, who was killed in 
 the battle of that day, was much lamented. 
 Colonel Francis, a highly meritorious officer of the 
 Massachusetts line, was killed at an earlier period 
 of this campaign. He had command of the rear 
 of the American troops on the retreat from Ty- 
 
, conderago in August, when St. Clair was general 
 in chief in that quarter. He was overpowered 
 by a superior force of the pursuing enemies; and 
 received a mortal wound, while bravely attempt- 
 ing to protect his men from their avenging arm. 
 The British lost many officers of high rank and 
 great merit. General Frazer, who was killed on 
 the occasion, was considered one of the first mili- 
 tary characters in their army. And he was also 
 beloved for his accomplishments and virtues as a 
 man. 
 
 General Bourgoyne, receiving no reinforcements, 
 and surrounded by a numerous army, found him- 
 self obliged on the \9th of October to surrender 
 his troops as prisoners of war to the Americans. 
 They were marched to the vicinity of Boston ; 
 and barracks were provided for their reception, 
 on Prospect and Winter Hills. The greater part 
 of the continental army, after the capture of Bour- 
 goyne, was ordered from Saratoga to join general 
 Washington near Philadelphia; and soon after 
 went into winter quarters at Valley Forge. 
 
 General Stark of New Hampshire, who com- 
 manded the militia in the brilliant affair of Ben- 
 nington, presented to the legislature of Massachu- 
 setts several military articles taken from the Bri- 
 tish on that occasion. A letter of thanks was 
 written to general Stajk by order of the assem- 
 bly ; and it was voted ‘‘ that the trophies should 
 be preserved in the archieves of the state.” 
 They have a conspicuous place in the spacious 
 room occupied by the Senate.* 
 
 * A present was ordered by the legislature to general 
 Stark, of a suit of clothes and a piece of linen. At the pre- 
 sent time, it may appear an insignificant gift ; but it should 
 
149 
 
 The greatest portion of the British troops in 
 America were, during this year, in the vicinity of 
 New York, in New Jersey and on the Delaware 
 near Philadelphia, under general Howe, the com- 
 mander in chief of all the English forces on the 
 continent.* To watch his motions, and to protect 
 that part of the country from depredations, w^as 
 the arduous and responsible duly of general 
 Washington. He had not a sufficient force, at 
 any time, to justify him in seeking a general en- 
 gagement with the British ; and one unfortunate 
 battle, on his part, would have put the country in 
 imminent danger of an entire and speedy conquest, 
 by the enemy. In his situation, it was the dictate 
 of patriotism as well as of prudence, to act chiefly 
 on the defensive. Yet there were'occasions, when 
 Washington thought it necessary, as in the affairs 
 of Trenton and Princeton the pi’eceding year, to 
 engage in more decisive operations. Towards the 
 close of August, lord Howe landed a large force 
 from New York, near the mouth of Elk river, of 
 about 25,000. General Washington marched from 
 the vicinity of Philadelphia where he then was, 
 to Wilmington, a few miles from the position 
 which the enemy occupied. Congress called upon 
 the militia of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, who 
 collected under generals Cadwallader and Dickin- 
 son ; and general Sullivai^ with his division was 
 
 rather be considered as proof of their poverty, than as want 
 of gratitude or of a just appreciation of his great merits. 
 
 * The whole number of British troops in America, before 
 the capture of Bourgoyne, was estimated at 50,000. From 
 the beginning of 1775 to October 1777, inclusive, their loss 
 was said to be as follows, 9,000 killed 11,000 wounded, 
 (0,000, prisoners ; making about 30,000 in the whole. 
 
150 
 
 directed to join the main army under Washington. 
 The British approached the Americans within 
 two miles ; but soon filed off, with a view to pos- 
 sess themselves of a fort on the heights of Brandy- 
 wine. Washington, aware of their intention, de- 
 tached general lord Sterling with a division to 
 anticipate them. The following morning, Sep- 
 tember 1 H/i, a general action commenced, which 
 continued, with different degrees of intenseness 
 through the day. The British were greatly supe- 
 rior to the Americans in number. But through 
 the skill and activity of general Washington, and 
 the gallantry of the officers and men under his 
 command, the Americans maintained their position 
 during the whole day ; and in the night, retired 
 in good order, without being pursued by the ene- 
 my. General Washington had almost 1000 men 
 killed and wounded ; and the loss of the British 
 was reported to be double that number. The 
 marquis de Lafayette, a French nobleman of great 
 merit, who had a short time before joined the 
 American army, and was acting as a volunteer, 
 received a severe wound in this action. Captain 
 Bryant, a brave officer in the Massachusetts line, 
 from Boston, was slain in this battle : and in No- 
 vember, a captain Treat of Boston was killed in 
 the attack upon Fort Mifflin on Mud Island, who 
 was highly esteemed for his intrepidity and cour- 
 age. On the fourth of October another action 
 took place between the continental troops and 
 general Howe, at Germantown, within eight miles 
 of Philadelphia. The enemy were then station- 
 ed in that city, of which they took possession a 
 few days after the affair at Brandywine. The 
 British general, having detached a part of his 
 
troops, with a view to reduce some posts on the 
 Delaware possessed by the Americans, general 
 Washington, with advice of his officers concluded 
 to make an attack upon the British force station- 
 ed at Germantown. In the first attack, the Ame- 
 ricans were successful ; but the morning was very 
 foggy, and the plans of Washington were interrupt- 
 ed ; so that the result was not such as w’ as promised 
 by the good fortune of the morning. Two sepa- 
 rate divisions of the continental troops mistook 
 each other for the enemy, which was the occasion 
 of much embarrassment and misfortune. The Bri- 
 tish gained nothing in this affair; and the Ameri- 
 cans lost neither reputation nor stores. Their loss 
 of men was not great, though several brave officers 
 fell in the battle ; among whom was brigadier 
 general Nash of Carolina. Sullivan and Greene 
 distinguished themselves on this occasion ; and 
 were particularly applauded by the commander in 
 chief, who was in the field through the whole en- 
 gagement. 
 
 In the summer of 1777, captain Manly in the 
 Hancock, a public ship of thirty two guns, was 
 taken by a British forty gun ship, commanded by 
 sir George Collier. A few days before this un- 
 fortunate affair. Manly captured a sloop of war 
 of twenty eight guns. He was exchanged the 
 next year, and appointed to the command of a 
 larger frigate. 
 
152 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Taxes . . . Men raised for defence of the state, and for the continental 
 army . . . Addresses to the people . . . Confederation . . . Judges . . . General 
 Court sit in Roxbury ... Constitution disapproved in 1778 ... British 
 at Newport ... French Fleet ... Americans retreat ... Lafayette . 
 Fort Alden taken . . . British commissioners offer terms of peace . . . Gene- 
 ral Gates commands in Boston . . . Opinion of British statesmen. 
 
 After a short recess the first of November, 
 (1777) the General Court met in the latter part 
 of that month and found several important sub- 
 jects demanded attention. Congress had then re- 
 cently recommended to the states to raise by tax, 
 five millions of dollars ; and the amount required 
 of Massachusetts was 820,000, a quarter more 
 than any other state. The legislature, soon after, 
 resolved to raise 75,000/. immediately by loans, 
 and laid a tax also of 240,000/. Massachusetts 
 was, at this time, much in advance to the United 
 States, and appointed agents to request an adjust- 
 ment of its claims. The period, for which the 
 militia at Rhode Island and the companies on the 
 sea coast had engaged was about to expire ; and 
 it became necessary to provide for the enlistment 
 of others to supply their places. It was accord- 
 ingly ordered, that two regiments be raised for a 
 year, to serve in Rhode Island or in any of the 
 New England states. Some of the militia were 
 also called out for the defence of the sea coast, at 
 
I 
 
 the same places as had been guarded the year 
 past; but in some towns, a less number was pro- 
 vided. Detachments were ordered, likewise, on 
 the request of general Heath, still commanding 
 on the Boston station, from the militia nearest to 
 the metropolis, amounting to about a regiment in 
 the whole, to serve as guards for the public stores, 
 and for the defence of that place and harbour. 
 The court loaned general Heath, at this time, 
 $30,000, for the continental service : and to do 
 this, they were obliged to borrow it of individuals. 
 
 In February 1778, a committee was sent by 
 the legislature of Massachusetts to confer with 
 general Washington upon the expediency of rais- 
 ing more men than the quota before required, and 
 to consult him as to the time, for which it would 
 be necessary to engage them. This committee 
 were particularly instructed “ to assure him that 
 this state, in testimony of their peculiar affection 
 and respect for him, which he had so highly 
 merited by his incessant and unwearied exertions 
 in behalf of the country, as w'ell as from what 
 they ow^e to the common cause, wdll cheerfully co- 
 operate with him, as far their ability will admit, in 
 endeavours to expel the enemy, and to free Ame- 
 rica from thraldom and slavery.” Soon after, the 
 assembly voted to furnish, gratis, a full suit of 
 clothes to every soldier from Massachusetts in the 
 continental army. The field and other officers 
 who had been some time in the service, and 
 engaged still to continue, had an additional sum 
 granted them ; the former 150 dollars, and the lat- 
 ter 120. Many of the officers had then recently 
 resigned their commissions and returned to their 
 families; which were in such destitute circumstan- 
 voL. ir. 20 
 
J54 
 
 CCS, as to induce even those who were truly pat- 
 riotic to return home. 
 
 Soon after the return of the committee from 
 their visit to general Washington, the legislature 
 of Massachusetts issued fresh orders to those towns 
 which were still delinquent in raising their re- 
 spective quotas of men for the three years’ service, 
 and subjected such as did not immediately comply, 
 to a heavy fine ; and the attorney-general was 
 directed to prosecute them. As it was difficult to 
 prevail on men to engage for so long a period, it was 
 resolved by the General Court, a few weeks after, 
 to raise 2000 men for eight or nine months, to fill 
 up their sixteen regiments in the continental esta- 
 blishment. For this purpose, a particular number 
 was required of each town in the state; and com- 
 mittees were also appointed in every county to 
 hasten the enlistment, and to send on the men to 
 the army under general Washington. All those 
 towns which should have their respective numbers 
 raised by the first of May, were promised a bounty. 
 The board of war in Massachusetts was also re- 
 quired to furnish arms, and such other accoutre- 
 ments as should be necessary for their equipment. 
 The same week that this order issued, the Assem- 
 bly resolved to raise IfiOO ; 1300 of which were 
 to be stationed on the northern frontier, for eight 
 months, and 200 for the defence of Rhode Island. 
 These men were called out by particular and urgent 
 request of Congress. The force of the enemy 
 was still great at that place ; and it was thought 
 necessary to keep a number of troops in that 
 quarter, to prevent their predatory incursions into 
 the surrounding country. 
 
 To animate the people to patriotic exertions at 
 
this critical period, Avhen the country was as much 
 exposed as in any former season, and when extra- 
 ordinary efforts were necessary to justify any hope 
 of success, addresses were prepared and published 
 by Congress, and by the legislatures of several of the 
 States, as well as by many individuals, who were 
 deeply impressed with the danger which impend- 
 ed. Language such as this was used: — “Act like 
 yourselves. Arouse at the call of Washington and 
 of your country, and you will soon be crowned 
 with glory, independence, and peace. Present ease 
 and interest we must part with for a time ; and 
 let us rejoice at the sacrifice.” — “ What words 
 can paint the solid joys, the delightful recollec- 
 tions, which wfill fill the patriotic mind hereafter. 
 He who wishes for permanent happiness, let him 
 now put forth all his strength for the immediate 
 salvation of his country, and he shall reap immor- 
 tal pleasure and renown. It is good for us to 
 anticipate the joy that will fill our minds, Avhen 
 we shall receive the reward of our labours; when 
 we shall see our country flourish in peace ; wdien 
 grateful millions shall hail us the protectors of our 
 country, and an approving conscience shall light 
 up eternal sunshine in our souls.” — “ Considering 
 the noble ardour which has been heretofore mani- 
 fested in the common cause, we feel confident that 
 the virtuous yeomanry will take particular pleasure 
 in complying with the call of Washington and of 
 Congress. It is hoped that the ensuing campaign 
 will make the enemy repent their execrable pur- 
 pose of enslaving a free people. For the sake of 
 liberty, let not our expectations be disappointed 
 for want of men and means, which we are still 
 able to furnish. We are convinced you will exert 
 
I5G 
 
 yourselves. Your country calls : and to the call 
 of your country you were never deaf.” 
 
 The authority of Congress had hitherto been 
 only advisory, though the legislatures of the seve- 
 ral States had such confidence in the wisdom and 
 patriotism of that respectable body, as almost 
 invariably to comply with its requisitions. The 
 importance of a general and consistent course of 
 policy for the whole country was, indeed, very 
 evident to every intelligent citizen; and the advice 
 of Congress was accordingly received with a regard, 
 little less than could be given to the most perfect 
 authority. This was particularly the case for the 
 two first years of the revolutionary war. But 
 difficulties arose in this unsettled state of the pow- 
 ers of Congress ; and the country suffered from its 
 want of authority to enforce obedience to orders 
 calculated for the common welfare. In Decem- 
 ber, 1777, a plan was proposed by that body, 
 of confederation and perpetual union between 
 the thirteen United States,” embracing a number 
 of articles, defining the power to be exercised in 
 future by the delegates from the several States, 
 in Cono:ress assembled. These articles were sub- 
 mitted to the legislatures of the respective States 
 in the Union. Boston, and some other towns in 
 Massachusetts, expressed an opinion in favour of 
 the adoption of this plan of confederation. The 
 General Assembly, at a session in the following 
 year, declared its approbation of the articles sub- 
 mitted by Congress, and authorized their delegates 
 to ratify them on the part of the State. Mary- 
 land did not consent to the plan till 1781. 
 
 In February, 1778, the Hon. John Adams was 
 appointed by Congress an envoy to the court of 
 
157 
 
 Versailles; and soon after embarked at Boston in 
 a continental frigate, which was prepared to con- 
 vey him to France. Mr. Adams remained some- 
 time at Paris, and afterwards resided in Holland, 
 as minister to the United Provinces. He w^as an 
 able negociator, and rendered essential services to 
 his country while in Europe. The delegates to 
 Congress from Massachusetts for this year, were 
 Samuel Adams, Elbridge Gerry, Francis Dana, 
 James Lovell, and Samuel Holten. William 
 Cushing, Foster, Sargeant, Sullivan, and Sewal 
 were Justices of the Superior Court of Judicature 
 at this time, and R. T. Paine, attorney-general of 
 the State. The General Court was prorogued, 
 early in March, to the month of April ; and it was 
 ordered then to be convened in the town of Rox- 
 bury.* The small-pox was then raging in Boston : 
 many of the representatives were alarmed on 
 this account, and a vote was therefore passed for 
 meeting at the former place. Before the adjourn- 
 ment, pov»^er was given to the Council to provide 
 for the defence of the State, should the exigency 
 demand any particular expense. They were also 
 authorized to call out the militia, to any number, 
 not exceeding 3000, should they be required by 
 general Washington. He did not call for any; but 
 two large detachments were ordered to be enlisted 
 soon after, during the months of April and May. 
 
 The committee of the General Court reported 
 
 * When the General Court was in session in April, their 
 chaplain, Rev. Dr. Gordon, was dismissed, for some free re- 
 marks written by him, and published in the new'spapers, in 
 in which the court was charged with intrigue, in their con- 
 duct respecting the newly proposed constitution. Gordon 
 was a zealous whig, and an active politician. He was the 
 author of the history of the American tvar. 
 
158 
 
 a draft of a Constitution, in December, 1777, but 
 it was not considered bj the whole Court till 
 February following ; it was then approved by the 
 legislature, and in March, ordered to be submit- 
 ted to the people. Two thirds of the votes given 
 in were to decide in favour of its adoption : all 
 free males of the age of twenty-one were allowed 
 to vote ; and for any alteration, it required two 
 thirds of the inhabitants. It did not receive the 
 approbation of the citizens ;* and a very general 
 opinion prevailed, that a convention should be 
 called, consisting of persons to be chosen for that 
 particular purpose.f There were many objections 
 to the constitution prepared by the General Court. 
 That it contained no declaration of rights which 
 belonged naturally to the people, was considered 
 an essential defect. The principle of representa- 
 tion was said to be unequal, because the smallest 
 towns were allowed to have one deputy; and others, 
 if not containing more than 300 polls, to be confined 
 to that number. But a rule not very different 
 from this was admitted in the Constitution after- 
 wards adopted. The governor and lieutenant- 
 governor were to be members of the Senate ; the 
 former to preside over the deliberations of that 
 body. The senate was to consist of twenty-eight 
 members ; Suffolk, Essex, and Middlesex were to 
 elect ten ; Plymouth, Bristol, Barnstable, &c., six ; 
 
 * There were 10,000 votes against it, and only 2000 for 
 it : and 120 towns made no returns. 
 
 t The citizens of Boston voted unanimously against this 
 constitution. They were also for a convention for the sole 
 purpose of preparing a new one : and they were further of 
 opinion, that a thing of so much importance should not be 
 hastily decided, but be postponed to a period of more tran- 
 quillity. 
 
159 
 
 Worcester, Hampshire, and Berkshire, eight ; 
 York and Cumberland, three ; and Lincoln, one. 
 The Judges, Secretary, and Treasurer, to be cho- 
 sen annually, by the General Court ; and other 
 officers, civil and military, by the governor and 
 senate. The Protestant religion to be professed 
 by all officers and legislators; but full toleration to 
 be enjoyed by all religious denominations. The 
 powers and duties of the legislators and of rulers, 
 it was also objected, were not accurately defined.* 
 
 The British troops evacuated Philadelphia in 
 June, after having 'been in possession of that city 
 for six months, and began their march through 
 New Jersey, for New York. General Washington 
 immediately resolved to pursue them, and if a 
 favourable occasion should present, to attack the 
 rear of the army. The march of the enemy was 
 unusually rapid, for they had the precaution to 
 send on most of their heavy baggage before they 
 left Philadelphia. By great efforts, however, an 
 advanced party of the American troops came up 
 with a division of the British, near Monmouth 
 court house, and immediately attacked them. 
 In the mean time, other troops, detached for 
 the purpose by Washington, arrived, and the ac- 
 tion soon became very general between the two 
 armies. The judicious plans of the commander in 
 chief were defeated, through the criminal neglect 
 or the mistaken judgment of general Lee, who 
 had been early sent on to take command of the 
 advanced troops. A great portion of the men 
 engaged in this battle were from Massachusetts. 
 General Knox, who commanded the artillery, re- 
 ceived the particular approbation of Washington; 
 
 * The constitution prepared in 1778, and rejected by the 
 majority of the people, is printed at the close of this volume. 
 
J60 
 
 General Wajne, of Pennsylvania, greatly distin- 
 guished himself in this affair. The enemy suffered 
 severe loss. The killed, wounded, and missing, 
 were upwards of 2,000; while those of the Ameri- 
 cans did not exceed 350 ; many of whom perished 
 through fatigue, on account of the intense heat of 
 the weather. 
 
 A large British force remaining at Newport 
 through the spring and summer of 1778, and their 
 fleet having command of the waters in the neigh- 
 bourhood, the people of Massachusetts, especially 
 in the southern parts of it, bordering on the State 
 of Rhode Island, were kept in continual alarm; and 
 the General Court had a great duty to perform in 
 furnishing men for the protection of that part of 
 the country. There were but few continental 
 troops on that station, and the militia were in 
 service there, in greater or less numbers, for the 
 w’hole of this, as they had been most of the pre- 
 ceding year. The enemy landed about 600 men, 
 in the month of May, at the town of Warren in 
 that State, and burnt vessels, dwelling houses, and 
 public buildings, insulted and abused the inhabi- 
 tants, and took away much personal property. 
 Colonel Barton, of that State, was ordered by 
 General Sullivan, then in command at Providence, 
 to meet them. Before he reached the place, 
 the British were retreating ; but he pursued them, 
 and did them much injury before they reached 
 their boats. A considerable number of the enemy 
 were killed and wounded in this affair. During 
 the same month, they landed at the southerly part 
 of Freetown, at a place called Fall river, and 
 burnt a mill, and some other buildings ; but the 
 militia soon collected, and obliged them to take to 
 their boats, and retire. 
 
161 
 
 General Bourgoyne had left Prospect hill, and 
 major general Phillips was the first officer of the 
 British troops then prisoners of war, quartered at 
 that place. He was represented as a conceited 
 and irritable character, and seemed to suppose 
 that he and his troops, though captives, might com- 
 mit any irregularities with impunity.* One ol his 
 officers, returning from Boston, in the month of 
 
 * The moment general Phillips heard of this unfortunate 
 event, he wrote general Heath the following note — 
 
 Cambridge, June 17, 1778. 
 
 “ Murder and death have at length taken place ; an officer 
 riding out from the barracks on Prospect hill, has been shot 
 by an American sentinel. 1 leave the horrors of that bloody 
 disposition, which has joined itself to rebellion in these colo- 
 nies, to the feelings of all Europe. I do not ask for justice ; 
 for I believe every principle of it has fled from this province. 
 I demand liberty to send an officer to general sir Henry Clin- 
 ton, by way of the head quarters of general Washington. 
 
 W^M. Phillips, major general.” 
 
 General Heath had previously written to general Phillips, 
 on hearing the unhappy affair; but Phillips had not received 
 it, when he wrote his note. If he had, perhaps be would 
 have used different language. Heath’s letter is here given — 
 
 Head quarters, Boston, June 17, 1778, 8 o’clock p. m. 
 
 “ Sir, — I am this moment informed that an officer of the 
 convention has been shot by one of our sentries. I have or- 
 dered the man into close confinement, and have directed the 
 town major to desire the coroner of the county of Middle- 
 sex to summon a jury of inquest to sit on the body ; and I de- 
 sire that it may not be moved until that step be taken. I can 
 only say, that you may be assured, I will take every measure 
 in my power, which honour and justice require. 
 
 1 am. Sir, &c. 
 
 W. Heath.” 
 
 General Heath answered the note of Phillips in a very spi- 
 rited manner, and ordered him to be kept within very narrow 
 limits. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 21 
 
162 
 
 June, to the British barracks, in company with 
 two females, was hailed by the sentinel ; and re- 
 fusing to answer, though the call w'as repeated, 
 was shot dead on the spot. Phillips and his offi- 
 cers were greatly enraged ; and pretended it was 
 barbarous conduct, and not less criminal than 
 murder. He demanded of general Heath, who 
 had command of the continental troops employed 
 as guards of the British prisoners, that the sentinel 
 be immediately punished as a murderer. He also 
 demanded a messenger to convey a note of complaint 
 on the subject to general Clinton at New York. 
 But neither of his demands was granted. And 
 the proud British officer had to submit to this neg- 
 lect of his rec]uests; and to resign himself to a de- 
 cision, which the impartial considered fully justified 
 by the circumstances of the case. 
 
 In the month of August, the plan was renewed 
 of preparing a powerful force against the enemy 
 at Newport; and if possible, to dispossess them of 
 that place, where they were giving constant alarm 
 to all the New England states. General Sullivan, 
 with a considerable number of continental troops, 
 was now on .that station; but it was believed that 
 the aid of tne militia, to a large amount, was ne- 
 cessary to give any hope of success to the under- 
 taking. There were already some of the militia 
 of Massachusetts doing service in that quarter. 
 But others were ordered out, and several volun- 
 teer companies marched there, at this period, from 
 Boston, Salem, Beverly, Gloucester, Newburyport, 
 and some from towns in the province of Maine. 
 The wdiole constituted a respectable force. But 
 the British were equally numerous, being estimat- 
 ed at 7 or 8000 ; and they were strongly fortified 
 
 f 
 
163 
 
 in the town of Newport. A large French fleet, 
 then recently arrived on the American coast at 
 the south, directed their course for Rhode Island. 
 The plan was for the Americans to attack the 
 British at Newport, whenever the French fleet 
 should arrive to co-operate with them. The Ame- 
 ricans passed over to the island, and advanced by 
 degrees, to a short distance from Newport, and 
 began to throw up fortifications for defence. In 
 this situation they remained several days, waiting 
 the return of the French fleet, which had gone 
 out to look after a large scjuadron of the enemy, 
 then recently sailed from New York, with the in- 
 tention of relieving the detachment at Newport. 
 The French fleet encountered a severe storm, at 
 a little distance from Newport, in which they re- 
 ceived much damage ; and a part- of them had a 
 short engagement with the fleet of the enemy.* 
 
 The British made an assault upon the American 
 troops, who were posted at their entrenchments, 
 then lately thrown up in the neighbourhood of 
 Newport ; and were received with great spirit 
 and bravery. They were engaged the most of 
 the day ; and many men w'ere lost on each side. 
 The Americans maintained their ground, but had 
 little reason to boast. A few days after, the ene- 
 my received reinforcements from New York; and 
 general Sullivan, by advice of a council of war, 
 concluded to leave the island. The retreat was 
 conducted with great order, and without any loss 
 on the part of the American troops. This was 
 just matter of satisfaction, as the British forces 
 
 * When it was known that the French would not aid in this 
 expedition, most of the volunteers, and a part of the militia, 
 left the island. 
 
164 
 
 were then greatly superior, and they also had a 
 large fleet in the harbour and vicinity of Newport. 
 And yet the issue was not such as had been, at one 
 period, confidently anticipated. Great hope had 
 been indulged from the assistance of the French. 
 The want of success in this expedition was the 
 more mortifying, as it was the third attempt made, 
 within eigh een months, to drive the British from 
 this part of New England. 
 
 The Massachusetts militia were commanded on 
 this occasion by major general Hancock, who hap- 
 pened to be on a visit to Boston, during a recess 
 of Congress. He readily undertook this expedi- 
 tion, which engaged the particular attention of the 
 General Court, and of the individual citizens of all 
 classes. General Greene and the Marquis de la 
 Fayette also joined this expedition as volunteers, 
 a short time before the Americans returned from 
 Rhode Island ; and rendered great service in con- 
 ducting the retreat of the troops under general 
 Sullivan. General Lovell, who had the immediate 
 command of the militia from Massachusetts in the 
 action, and his officers and men behaved with great 
 intrepidity. Colonel H. Jackson commanded a re- 
 giment of infantry, and colonel Crane of artillery, 
 both of Massachusetts ; and received the particu- 
 lar approbation of general Sullivan for their activi- 
 ty and courage. About two hundred men were 
 killed and wmunded in this engagement ; among 
 the latter was one field officer ; and of the former, 
 two lieutenants belonging to Boston and in Jack- 
 son’s regiment. 
 
 The French fleet repaired to the harbour of 
 Boston, after the disasters of the storm, where 
 they remained some time to refit and to obtain 
 
165 
 
 provisions. They sailed for the West Indies in the 
 month of November. La Fayette visited the cap- 
 ital of Massachusetts, for the purpose of confer- 
 ring with the French admiral."^ He had then been 
 in America about eighteen months; and the zeal, 
 which he manifested, at the first moment he de- 
 clared himself friendly to the cause of American 
 liberty, had not abated. Having for some months 
 served as a volunteer and without any commission, 
 he was afterwards appointed a major general by 
 Congress ; and enjoyed in a peculiar degree the 
 confidence and esteem of Washington. He was 
 extremely anxious that the French admiral should 
 afford all possible aid to the Americans ; and his 
 short visit to Boston, at this time, was to prevail on 
 count D’Estalng, to return to Newport immediate- 
 ly, and to remain on the coasts of the United States 
 for the purpose of co-operating with the army 
 under general Washington against the British; and 
 not to depart to the West Indies, where he medi- 
 tated passing the winter. It was also believed 
 that the marquis had great influence in persuading 
 the French court to form a treaty with the United 
 States, and to send out a formidable fleet for their 
 assistance. Soon after this period, the marquis 
 again visited Boston and took passage for France. 
 ‘•Congress had given him leave to visit his family,” 
 as he was pleased to call it : for though he could 
 have visited France at his owm pleasure, he chose 
 to ask the consent of Congress and of Washington, 
 
 * He'was in Boston but a single day, at this time ; he has- 
 tened back to Rhode Jsland with the greatest speed, and ar- 
 - rived in season to assist in conducting the retreat of the Ame- 
 rican troops. 
 
166 
 
 and to obtain a furlough for the purpose, being de- 
 sirous of retaining his commission and rank in the 
 American army."^ 
 
 The French fleet had not been in the harbour 
 of Boston many days, before the British squadron 
 appeared in the bay, within Cape Cod, and it was 
 believed that they meditated an attack upon the 
 ships under command of count D’Estaing. This 
 caused great alarm to the people in the vicinity ; 
 and nine regiments of militia were marched into 
 the capital. They were soon discharged, as the 
 British fleet disappeared from the coast without 
 making any attack upon the French. Several of 
 the enemy’s ships sailed from Newport harbour, 
 the first of September, and landed a number of 
 troops at Bedford village in Dartmouth. They 
 did much injury to the town, by burning the ves- 
 sels lying at the wharves, about seventy in number, 
 and the greater part of the houses in the settle- 
 ment. The troops marched up the country, near 
 the river, four or five miles; and returning on the 
 opposite side, embarked before the inhabitants 
 were able to collect in sufficient force to oppose 
 
 * After a period of forty-six years, this highly distinguished 
 person, who in his youth devoted himself, with a singu- 
 lar ardour and disinterestedness, to the cause of America, and 
 who in his native country had made great exertions and sa- 
 crifices in the cause of liberty, visited the United States. In 
 August 1824, he landed at New York, where he was received 
 with every mark of respect and affection ; thence he visited 
 Boston and other large towns and cities through the nation ; 
 in all which he was greeted with a joy and enthusiasm, which 
 no individual but Washington ever received in this country. 
 Every one bid him welcome with most lively gratitude ; and 
 public functionaries united in presenting their tribute of es- 
 teem and admiration, such as the most celebrated heroes of an- 
 tiquity could scarcely boast. 
 
167 
 
 them. From Dartmouth the enemy proceeded to 
 Martha’s Vineyard, and made a requisition upon 
 the inhabitants of fire arms, money, cattle and 
 sheep ; and of the latter, they took oft' nearly ten 
 thousand. 
 
 In November, a party of continental troops of 
 about two hundred and fifty, under command of 
 colonel Alden of Massachusetts, were suddenly at- 
 tacked by about seven hundred British soldiers, 
 royalists and Indians, at Cherry Valley, seventy 
 miles west of Albany; and the greater number 
 were killed or taken.^ .They had been stationed 
 in that place for the protection of the inhabitants 
 in that thinly settled country, who were exposed 
 to incursions from the Indians and Canadian royal- 
 ists. They had erected a fort, and given it the 
 name of their commander. Colonel Alden had 
 some intimation of the approach of the savage ene- 
 my the evening before, and placed sentinels at the 
 two only roads by which it was supposed they could 
 come, to give the alarm. But they approached 
 by an old Indian path, not generally known or tra- 
 velled. The fort was surprised at an early hour 
 in the morning. The colonel and some other offi- 
 cers were at their lodgings in a house, a very short 
 distance from the fort. When the alarm was 
 given, colonel Alden directed the others immedi- 
 ately to repair to the fort; he delayed only a 
 moment to throw his clothes about him, but in 
 following them was shot down and scalped. The 
 fort was defended by the brave major Whiting of 
 Dedham and adjutant Hickling of Boston, who 
 were the chief in command, after the death of 
 
 * Thirty were killed, and forty taken prisoners. 
 
168 
 
 their colonel and the capture of lieutenant colonel 
 Tracey. A party of militia arrived for their sup- 
 port, towards the close of the day. The officers 
 and men who were taken were treated with great 
 indignity and cruelty. Many of the inhabitants 
 were taken and carried off by the Indians ; and 
 those who escaped, were left destitute of shelter 
 and of support. Their humble dwellings were 
 burnt, and their property taken or destroyed. The 
 settlement contained about two hundred inhabi- 
 tants. Colonel Alden was an intelligent and brave 
 officer : and commanded the 7th regular Massa- 
 chusetts regiment. He was a lieutenant colonel of 
 a regiment of minute men, raised in Plymouth county 
 early in 1775, and marched to Roxbury, on the 
 alarm of the 19th of April. 
 
 In the summer of 1778, three British commis- 
 sioners arrived at New York, especially authorised 
 by their government to make propositions for a 
 suspension of hostilities, with an ultimate view to 
 reconciliation and peace with America. They ad- 
 dressed Congress on the subject ; but they were 
 also instructed to treat with any individual state. 
 It was considered an artful plan to gain time to re- 
 inforce their army, to detach the United States 
 from all connexion with France, with whom they 
 had then recently made a treaty ; or, if possible, 
 to distract and divide the councils of America. 
 For they believed that some of the people in the 
 country were wearied with the expense and trou- 
 ble of war, and would be ready to return to their 
 allegiance to the crown of England, upon a proba- 
 • bility of pardon. Congress rejected these offers. 
 They d isapproved the terms proposed ; for they 
 had little faith in the mere promises of the minis- 
 
169 
 
 ters ; and they were now determined to insist upon 
 independence. The people and their representa- 
 tives in the several states applauded the tirmness 
 of Congress. They were not disposed to give up 
 their rights to self government, or to throw them- 
 selves upon the clemency of the king and his min- 
 isters, who would grant such favours merely as it 
 might seem fitting to their views of government to 
 allow. 
 
 The conduct of the British ministers, in sending 
 commissioners to America with such [jropositions 
 as they were directed to make, was not less cen- 
 sured by many statesmen in England, when they 
 learned what terms had been proposed, than they 
 were by Congress. A noble lord in the House of 
 peers, speaking of the proclamation issued by the 
 commissioners, when they found their proposals 
 were rejected, which threatened future vengeance 
 to the Americans, said, “ it was a proclamation 
 contrary to humanity, to Christianity and to every 
 idea of virtuous policy.” A reverend bishop ob- 
 served, “ he saw in the account of extraordinaries, 
 that charges were made for the tomahawk and 
 scalping knife; and that he supposed, from the 
 proclamation, such expense would be continued. 
 It is our duty,” he added, to soften the horrors 
 of war and to act as Christians.” Lord Camden 
 said the proclamation held forth a war of re- 
 venge, such as Moloch in Pandemonium advised; 
 that it would fix an inveterate hatred in the peo- 
 ple of America against the very name of English- 
 men, which would be left as a legacy from father 
 to son to the latest posterity.” He said “they 
 should consider that they were Christians, and that 
 their enemies were the same.” In the House of 
 
 22 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
170 
 
 Commons, Mr. Burke asked — “ against whom arc 
 these dreadful menaces pronounced? Not against 
 the guilty; but against those, who, conscious of 
 rectitude, have acted to the best of their ability in 
 a good cause, and stood up to fight for freedom and 
 their country.” 
 
 Major general Gates arrived at Boston in No- 
 vember 1778, to take command on that station. 
 There was great reason to apprehend an attack 
 from the enemy, at the time, upon some part of 
 the state. He remained at Boston and Providence 
 through the winter ; and when he left Massachu- 
 setts in April 1779, he publicly expressed his ap- 
 probation of the conduct of the people and of the 
 legislature; and particularly ^eulogised the battal- 
 ion of state troops, at one time commanded by col- 
 onel Crafts, but then under command of lieutenant 
 colonel Revere. 
 
171 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Refugees . . . Taxes . . . Law against E.xtortion . . . Scarcity . . , Various 
 measures of defence . . . Depreciation . . . New calls for militia . . . Con- 
 vention for new Constitution . . . Large sums called for by Congress . . . 
 Penobscot Expedition . . . Conventions to prevent extortion . . . Addi- 
 tional troops, both for state and continental service ... Public Fast... 
 General Lincoln in Georgia and South Carolina . . . Constitution formed 
 and accepted . . . Order of Congress to call in paper money . . . Debt of the 
 state ... Complaint of tbe people ... Troops in Maine ... Academy of 
 Arts and Sciences . . . Dark day. 
 
 At the session of the General Court in October, 
 1778, an act was passed, forbidding certain indivi- 
 duals, formerly citizens of the state, who had 
 left the state and joined the enemy, to return ; 
 and requiring them, if they came into the state, im- 
 mediately to depart out of the country ; and mak- 
 ing it a capital crime, if they should presume, a 
 second time, to come within their jurisdiction, un- 
 less special permission was first obtained. There 
 were nearly three hundred persons named in this 
 prohibitory statute. There were, however, some 
 among them, who had never taken an active part 
 against the country; and were not, therefore, really 
 deserving the severe punishment which others 
 justly merited. Some of those named in the act 
 had leave afterwards to return into the state, and 
 to remain. But the greater part never discovered 
 a disposition to return ; and they had proved them- 
 
172 
 
 selves too decidedly hostile to the liberties of the 
 country, to be indulged with the privilege, had 
 they desired it. 
 
 In January 1779, Congress called upon the seve- 
 ral states to raise ^ 15,000,000. The sum appor- 
 tioned to Massachusetts was 82,000,000; and the 
 amount was to be passed to the credit of the Unit- 
 ed States, to be accounted for on an adjustment 
 between the state and the continent at a future 
 day. The sum required of Massachusetts was to 
 be expended by the state, but for the purposes of 
 general concern and utility. 
 
 The complaints of the people in most of the 
 states had become so loud and so general, on ac- 
 count of the prevalence of extortion and monopo- 
 ly, that in January 1779, Congress was led to in- 
 quire, whether it were not practicable to provide 
 a preventive. They were of opinion that regu- 
 lating statutes were necessary ; and divided the 
 thirteen states into two districts ; advising that a 
 convention in each be holden, to fix and regulate 
 the prices of the common articles of living.* A 
 convention of delegates from the northern dis- 
 trict was held at New Haven, who formed a plan 
 for regulating prices, and preventing extortion. 
 The plan was adopted and carried into effect by 
 most of the states com[)oslng the district. It was 
 approved also by the legislature of Massachusetts, 
 and a law passed on the subject ; but there were 
 many of her citizens, who considered it their inte- 
 rest to disregard the law ; and there was remissness 
 
 * Some gentlemen in Congress, however, were of opinion 
 that trade should be left to regulate itself. Many citizens of 
 Massachusetts entertained similar sentiments. 
 
173 
 
 in the officers, whose duty it was to see it observed, 
 which favoured the violations of a salutary law with 
 impunity."^ The General Assembly, however, 
 were very desirous to prevent the evil, and to save 
 the poorer classes of people from oppression. They 
 directed the law to be published, and to be read 
 at the annual town meetings. 
 
 , Another subject engaged the attention of the 
 General Assembly at their session in January, 
 which related to the support and comfort of the 
 people. The preceding season had been uncom- 
 monly dry; which, together with a severe blight 
 of the grain, cut off nearly one lialf of the usual 
 crops. A great number of men, usually employed 
 in cultivating the soil, was engaged in the milita- 
 ry service through the spring and summer. This, 
 also, had served to lessen the customary fruits of 
 harvest : and several thousand prisoners, taken 
 with Bourgoyne had been kept in the state. The 
 scarcity was such as to give great alarm. Added 
 to all other difficulties, there was an embargo laid 
 on all vessels bound from one state to another. 
 The General Court addressed letters to Connec- 
 ticut, New Jersey, and New York, requesting flour 
 and grain for the inhabitants. They voted 
 g>200,000,t and appointed a committee to visit 
 those states to procure provisions. They also re- 
 quested Congress to grant permission for trans- 
 
 * Nothing bnt a strict regard to facts could make it neces- 
 sary to notice the above. Asa state, Massachusetts nas most 
 patriotic, and made great exertions for the public welfare. 
 But there were some, who sought their own without regard 
 to the general interest. “The Recusants prevented the exe- 
 cution of the law.” 
 
 t The paper had then greatly depreciated. 
 
174 
 
 porting flour and corn from the southern states. 
 The towns, particularly those on the sea coast, 
 which suffered most severely for the want of grain, 
 were furnished from the public stock purchased 
 by the state, and in such proportions as their seve- 
 ral necessities demanded. 
 
 Such was still the situation of the state and of 
 the country, that great exertions were requisite on 
 the part of the General Court to provide for the 
 protection of the one, and to furnish its proportion 
 of aid for the defence of the other. In Februa- 
 ry, a resolve was passed, as in the two preceding 
 years, providing foi- men to be stationed at the 
 towns' on the sea coasts, liable to be approached 
 by the enemy’s ships; with the addition of Fal- 
 mouth in the county of Barnstable, which had 
 SLiifered from their depredations. Clothing was 
 furnished for the soldiers composing the seven- 
 teen regiments of the Massachusetts line. Their 
 families were provided for, by the selectmen of 
 towns in which they resided, by virtue of particu- 
 lar orders of the leo^islature. To the officers on 
 the continental establishment, large sums were 
 also paid, or advanced on the credit of the United 
 States; .300/. to the field officers; and to captains 
 and others, 200/. The treasury of the state did 
 not indeed permit of the immediate payment of 
 the whole sum : and a part was to be paid in 
 three and six months. The assembly wrote to their 
 delegates in Congress, and also to the president, to 
 be laid before that body, informing them of their 
 proceedings to quiet the minds of the soldiers, 
 and praying them to provide some remedy for the 
 evils of depreciation on the public paper, and to 
 do justice to those who were engaged in the mili- 
 
175 
 
 tary service of the country. The soldiers receiv- 
 ed wages from the continent; but tlie bills in which 
 they were paid were so greatly depreciated below' 
 the nominal value, that they received not, in fact, 
 one tenth or one twentieth of the amount promis- 
 ed ; and the state of Massachusetts had engaged 
 to them a bonafide compensation. The state 
 omitted no possible means of doing justice to the 
 officers and soldiers in the regiments it had raised; 
 but still these brave men and their families suffer- 
 ed extremely, by devoting a long period to the 
 public service. The wants of their families oblig- 
 ed them to part with their notes from the conti- 
 nent and from the state, for the tenth part of the 
 amount due them ; and individuals, wdio were ne- 
 ver exposed to danger or losses, eventually receiv^- 
 cd the fruit of their toils. 
 
 In February, the legislature was requested by 
 general Gates, then commanding, on the Boston 
 station, to call out the militia to assist in fortifying 
 the harbour, and to collect stores and provisions. 
 As a reason for his request, general Gates stated 
 that he feared an attack from the British. The 
 legislature addressed Congress on the subject, de- 
 siring their advice, and solicting aid from the con- 
 tinental army, if the enemy should invade the 
 state. They had then but recently raised 400 of 
 the militia to serve as a guard at Boston and 
 neighbourhood, in addition to the state battalion 
 which had been sometime in service ; and had re- 
 quired a detachment from Plymouth and Bristol 
 counties to be ready to march for the defence of 
 Rhode Island, at the shortest notice from the com- 
 manding officer in that state. 
 
 The General Court adjourned for a few weeks. 
 
176 
 
 the last of February, after giving authority to the 
 council to call out the militia and provide military 
 stores, if the public welfare should require it; and 
 assembled again the first of April, when they had 
 a request from general Washington to furnish an 
 additional number of men to reinforce the conti- 
 nental army. His inquiry at this time was how 
 many they could enlist for the campaign, instead 
 of requesting a particular number, as he had usual- 
 ly done. It was voted, after some discussion, that 
 2,000 could be raised in the state, if the public 
 service should require it, in addition to those al- 
 ready in the continental army, those at Rhode 
 Island, and those at Boston and other towns on 
 the sea coasts. Soon after, it was ordered, that 
 1500 be raised, for nine months, to fill up the 
 Massachusetts regiments, which at that time were 
 not complete. These were enlisted, in June and 
 July, by calling upon the several towns through 
 the state to furnish their respective quotas^ and by 
 offering a large sum as a bounty.f Shortly after, 
 500 militia were ordered to Rhode Island ; and a 
 regiment of light infantry was raised for one year 
 to serve in Massachusetts or in any state in New 
 England. A large quantity of military stores was 
 conveyed from Boston and vicinity to Springfield, 
 in April; to be deposited in the arsenal which had 
 then been just established in that place ; and one 
 liundred teams were employed in transporting 
 them. 
 
 * Those towns which furnished the number required by 
 the first of June, were allowed £i20. 
 
 t By a law of Congress, these men have received the 
 same pension, for several years, as those who engaged at an 
 earlier day for the whole term of the war, and had no bounty. 
 
177 
 
 In February 1779, the General Court again 
 proposed to the people to form a constitution of 
 civil government, by recommending to them to ex- 
 press their opinion on the subject and to make re- 
 turn to the legislature in June following. The 
 proposition was, that, if the majority of the votes 
 given in and returned to the court in June was in 
 favour of the measure, precepts were to be issued 
 for the people to choose delegates for the conven- 
 tion, to meet in September then next : and such 
 persons were to vote on the subject as were en- 
 titled to elect representatives. By the returns 
 made in June, it appeared that a majority of votes 
 given were in favour of having a convention ; but 
 there was nearly one third of the towns in the 
 state that did not vote or which neglected to re- 
 turn them. Precepts were accordingly issued by 
 the General Court in June, to all the towns for the 
 choice of delegates to meet at Cambridge in Sep- 
 tember. They met at the day appointed, and 
 chose Hon. James Bowdoin for their president. 
 A large committee was appointed to j)repare a 
 draft for a constitution; and after a session of 
 several weeks, the convention was adjourned, to 
 meet again in January 1780. 
 
 In June, the legislature called out 800 of the 
 militia for six months, for the defence of Rhode 
 Island, agreeably to an agreement made sometime 
 before at Springfield, with committees from the 
 other New England states. The British still had 
 a considerable force at Newport; and at this par- 
 ticular time, there was again an apprehension of 
 their intending to invade the neighbouring country. 
 
 Congress resolved to raise forty-five millions of 
 dollars; to be paid, however, in bills which they 
 
 VOL. n. 23 
 
178 
 
 had previously emitted, and which liad become 
 greatly depreciated below the nominal value : and 
 of this Massachusetts was to pay six millions. The 
 General Court soon after requested and obtained 
 a loan of Congress, for 800,000/., on condition of 
 repaying 500,000 into the continental loan office, 
 then established in Boston, within three months. 
 But so great were the demands upon the treasury 
 of the state during the summer, partly owing to 
 the expense of the expedition to Penobscot, that 
 the sum of 300,000 was retained beyond that time. 
 A few weeks after this, the assembly of Massa- 
 chusetts made a request to Congress, that they 
 might retain the six millions, which they had been 
 required to raise, for their own use ; but tlie calls 
 upon Congress were so pressing, that the request 
 was not granted, although that body acknowledg- 
 ed “ the great zeal and exertions of the state of 
 Massachusetts in the common cause.” At this pe- 
 riod, Massachusetts had made advances of money 
 for public purposes, it was supposed, much beyond 
 its just proportion. The taxes were very great, 
 though there had been several emissions of paper 
 money, and large sums had been received from the 
 sales of refugees’ estates. 
 
 An expedition was prepared, in July 1779, by 
 the state, though with the knowledge of Congress, 
 against the British troops at Penobscot, which had 
 not long before fallen into their hands. The force 
 of the enemy was not very great, supposed to be 
 about 1000 : and it was concluded, that no addi- 
 tional troops could be sent there from New York 
 or Newport. This was a popular undertaking ; 
 
179 
 
 and there was a sanguine hope of success. Some 
 of the first merchants in Newbury port were in fa- 
 vour of the plan ; and offered to provide several 
 vessels to the state. Fifteen hundred men were 
 ordered to be raised for the purpose, in addition 
 to those on board of the public ships : but only 
 about nine hundred* engaged in the expedition. 
 The whole fleet consisted of ten ships, several of 
 them sloops of war, from 16 to 28 guns, one of 
 .32 guns, seven armed brigs, and twenty-four other 
 vessels which served as transports. Some of the 
 militia marched from the lower counties of Maine. 
 Commodore Saltonstal was appointed commander 
 of the fleet ; and generals Lovell and Wadsworth 
 had command of the land forces. The expedition 
 was too much hastened ; and when the troops ar- 
 rived in the vicinity of Penobscot, there was not a 
 perfect agreement between the naval commander 
 and general Lovell, in taking measures for the at- 
 tack. It was determined, however, to make an 
 assault, upon the fort occupied by the enemy, at 
 every hazard. The American troops landed, and 
 had to climb up a cliff almost perpendicular, and of 
 great height ; this they effected, amidst a heavy 
 fire from the British, who had every advantage of 
 position ; and drove the advanced troops of the 
 enemy into their entrenchment. They lost many 
 men in this onset ; and not being reinforced by ma- 
 rines from the fleet, as was expected, they were 
 obliged to retire to a distance from the fort. In 
 the mean time, a large naval reinforcement was re- 
 ceived by the British, which rendered further at- 
 
 And some of those were pressed into the service. 
 
180 
 
 tempts against the place altogether desperate.* 
 The Americans destroyed many of their own ves- 
 sels, and others fell into the hands of the enemy. 
 They endured great sufferings, in returning through 
 a large tract of unsettled country : and the affair 
 reflected no honour upon the state, or the indivi- 
 duals who planned and conducted it. A comanttee 
 of the General Court was appointed to examine 
 into the causes of its failure; who reported that 
 much blame attached to the naval commander, for 
 want of decision and energy; but that Lovell and 
 Wadsworth had shown great activity, intrepidity 
 and courage. 
 
 The people continued to complain of the evils 
 arising from depreciation of paper money, the com- 
 mon circulating medium of business, and the prac- 
 tice of monopolizing which still prevailed. A con- 
 vention was held at Concord in July, attended by 
 deputies from more than three fourths of the 
 towns in the state, except Maine and the county 
 of Berkshire. It was a very respectable assembly. 
 Certain prices were fixed for all the products of 
 the country, and a recommendation published for 
 a general effort to prevent the greater deprecia- 
 tion of the public paper. It was also voted to re- 
 quest the citizens in Boston and other sea-ports, 
 who had articles of foreign growth or manufacture 
 to dispose of, to have reasonable prices stated for 
 all such commodities. A meeting was soon after 
 held in Boston, and regulations were adopted con- 
 formably to the advice of the convention. In the 
 
 * A regiment of continental troops under colonel H. Jackson, 
 embarked from Boston to aid general Lovell ; but they had 
 intelligence of his defeat and returned. 
 
181 
 
 month of October following, on the suggestion of 
 the legislature of Massachusetts, there was a con- 
 vention at Hartford in Connecticut, attended by 
 delegates from the New England states, to devise 
 a general plan of checking the mischiefs of extor- 
 tion and speculation. Some partial and temporary 
 relief was afforded to the people, by these repeat- 
 ed efforts of the patriotic citizens, who were desi- 
 rous of alleviating the public distresses. But no 
 permanent or general good was effected. The re- 
 spective legislatures of the states and Congress 
 were obliged to allow greater sums to the soldiers 
 and to others engaged in the public service ; and 
 those still suffered ; for when they received their 
 wages or their salaries, the paper had become 
 much less valuable, than when their services com- 
 menced. The clergy, also, suffered exceedingly, 
 on this account for several years. But in several 
 towns, the people discovered a generous disposi- 
 tion towards their ministers, and provided for their 
 relief. Congress, afterwards, negotiated foreign 
 loans and received specie, which was put in circu- 
 lation ; and the legislature of Massachusetts con- 
 cluded rather to raise money by taxes, than to 
 issue more bills, which only increased the depre- 
 ciation. Some of the paper, at this time, was of 
 so little value, as that thirty and even forty dollars 
 were exchanged for one in specie. 
 
 The enemy at New York made no attempts to 
 penetrate the country in that quarter, as the Ame- 
 ricans w^ere ready to oppose them with a power- 
 ful force. Reports were often circulated, that 
 they Intended to attack the capital of Massachu- 
 setts. It w’as necessary, therefore, to guard the 
 coast at several points, and to keep a number of 
 
182 
 
 troops stationed in Boston. From the spring of 
 1770, when the British left that place, there had 
 constantly been a regular state regiment, and one 
 or more continental battalions, (besides detach- 
 ments of militia for short periods) except when 
 called away, as already stated, on some sudden 
 emergency. In September, though there was then 
 the usual number employed in guarding the metro- 
 polis, 400 of the militia were ordered out, to re- 
 pair and man the forts; and the regiment, com- 
 manded by colonel H. Jackson, who had lately 
 been detached to assist in the expedition at Pe- 
 nobscot, was placed at Castle Island in the har- 
 bour of Boston. The board of war was directed 
 to purchase provisions and military stores, as well 
 as some large ships, to be armed for the service 
 of the state, to supply the place of those destroy- 
 ed at Penobscot. They were allowed 600 , 000 /. 
 for these objects : but this was in the paper cur- 
 rency of the state, at its depreciated value. Mas- 
 sachusetts sustained a great immediate loss in that 
 undertaking. Besides the destruction of several 
 valuable armed ships, it was obliged to pay for a 
 number of vessels, which were the property of in- 
 dividuals. 
 
 In the course of this year, taxes were laid bj 
 the legislature of Massachusetts to the amount of 
 two millions, in addition to the sums raised agreea- 
 bly to the requisitions of Congress. The payment 
 of their part of the continental army, of the mi- 
 litia called out for the defence of Rhode Island, 
 for Boston and other towns on the sea-coast with- 
 in the state, and the appropriations necessary for 
 military stores of various kinds and in large quanti- 
 ties, and for clothing the men employed in the pub- 
 
183 
 
 lie service ; all these required immense sums, which 
 the treasury, with many old demands upon it, was 
 not adequate to meet. Nor was this the whole of 
 the expense, fo which the state was necessarily sub- 
 jected. . The term for which those soldiers en- 
 gaged, who had enlisted for three years, would 
 soon expire. And a great portion in the Massa- 
 chusetts’ regiments were engaged for that period ; 
 only a few had enlisted to serve till the close of 
 the war. It was necessary therefore to provide 
 for their reinlistment, or to engage others in their 
 place. The former was desired, as they were ac- 
 customed to martial discipline, and the commander 
 in chief was anxious that the most of them should 
 be retained in the service. A committee was sent 
 on by the General Court, to visit the army, and to 
 prevail with the soldiers to enlist for a further 
 time. They were furnished with 8*200,000 to en- 
 able them to fulfil the object of their mission: and 
 8300 were to be allowed as a bounty to each man 
 who would again enlist. Shortly after, 500,000 
 dollars were remitted to general Heath, for a sim- 
 ilar purpose. The same sum was also promised to 
 the officers, as had been offered in February pre- 
 ceding; and the several towns in the state were 
 again required to furnish clothing for the army, ac- 
 cording to their respective wealth and popula- 
 tion. 
 
 While efforts were making for the accomplish- 
 ment of these objects, Congress, at the instance of 
 general Washington, called upon Massachusetts for 
 2,000 men to reinforce the continental army, until 
 others could be engaged for a longer period. An 
 order was issued to raise them in the counties of 
 Suffolk, Essex, Middlesex, Worcester, Hampshire 
 
184 
 
 and Berkshire. The General Court engaged to 
 pay a sum in addition to that promised by Con- 
 gress ; and the towns were required to advance 
 30/. to every man who should enlist. The board 
 of war was voted 200,000/. besides the sum appro- 
 priated to that department, a short time before; 
 to be taken from the receipts on sales of the es- 
 tates of refugees. 
 
 The General Court had an adjournment in Oc- 
 tober; having been in session more than six months 
 from the first of January, and having given autho- 
 rity to the Council to call the assembly together 
 whenever the public service should render it pro- 
 per; and to order out the militia, not exceeding 
 4000, if any exigency should occur to require it. 
 They also appointed a public fast, which was 
 unusual at that season of the year. This was evi- 
 dence of the great distresses of the people, and of 
 the apprehension of public calamities. In such 
 circumstances, the pious rulers of Massachusetts 
 had always appointed a day for humiliation and 
 prayer; and the people were ready to ackno\v- 
 ledge the overruling providence of God, and to 
 unite in seeking his guidance and blessing. 
 
 The southern part of the United States was the ' 
 principal scene of hostilities at this period. Major 
 general Lincoln of Massachusetts had been sent to 
 take the command in South Carolina and Georgia. 
 The enemy had a powerful force in that vicinity, 
 while the continental troops were but few. Lin- 
 coln was obliged to depend much upon the aid of 
 the militia and volunteers. The French fleet 
 arrived from the West Indies, and landed a consi- 
 derable number of men, to cooperate with the 
 Americans. They besieged the city of Savannah 
 

 without success. The French commander would 
 not consent to remain a sufficient time for carrying 
 on the siege in a regular manner. In an unsuc- 
 cessful assault upon the place,' the Americans were 
 repulsed, with considerable loss.- Among the slain, 
 was the^brave Count Polaski, d-Polish nobleman. 
 Count d’Estaing also was wounded in this unfortu- 
 nate affair. If he was deficient in judgment, in 
 urging the attack, unprepared as they were, he 
 discovered great personal courage ; and was justly 
 esteemed as an ardent friend to America. General 
 Lincoln retired from before Savannah, and march- 
 ed to Charleston, in South Carolina. The enemy 
 in that quarter were soon after reinforced by a 
 large number of troops from New York, and set 
 down before that city. After a siege of nearly five 
 months, Lincoln was obliged to capitulate. His 
 force was comparatively small, and he was unable 
 longer to hold out against a powerful enemy, dis- 
 tant as he was from all succour that could be 
 afforded by general Washington. He was anxious, 
 also, to save, as far as possible, the lives and pro- 
 perty of the citizens of Charleston.* Lincoln was 
 an intelligent and brave officer ; but his love of 
 glory never overcame his feelings of humanity. 
 
 The convention for forming a constitution met 
 again in January, 1780, when they agreed upon 
 one ; and in March, ordered it published and sent 
 to the several towns in the State. The votes of 
 the people on this subject Avere directed to be 
 returned in June following; Avhen it appeared that 
 more than two thirds of the votes given, Avere in 
 
 * The inhabitants of that city repeatedly and earnestly re- 
 quested general Lincoln to surrender the place to the British, 
 before he was induced to do it. 
 
 VOL. n. 24 
 
186 
 
 1‘av'our of adopting it. The convention had assem- 
 bled^ at that time, to receive and examine the 
 votes of the people. The vote in Boston was in 
 favour of the constitution as submitted ; but they 
 expressed a desire for several alterations, and in- 
 structed their delegates accordingly. They pro- 
 posed an alteration in the third article of the bill 
 of rights, which provides for religious instruction. 
 They were satisfied of the importance of religious 
 teachers to the welfare of society and the morals 
 of the people ; but they wished also for perfect 
 toleration, and for no degree of compulsion in 
 religious sentiments or worship. They appre- 
 hended that liberty of conscience might be in- 
 fringed ; and they suggested that all should be 
 required to pay ; but that the amount assessed 
 upon such as attended no place of worship should 
 be appropriated to the poor, or to some other 
 useful public purpose. They wished the provi- 
 sion respecting the privilege of habeas corpus to 
 be more accurately defined, and more liberally 
 granted, so that the citizens should not be subject 
 to confinement on suspicion. And they were in 
 favour of a power in the governor, without leave 
 of the legislature, to order the militia to an ad- 
 joining State, in time of danger. But their accept- 
 ance of the Constitution did not depend upon the 
 adoption of these amendments. Nor was it in the 
 power of the Convention to incorporate them into 
 the instrument, without another appeal to the 
 people, which would not have been judicious. 
 
 There were also objections made by writers in 
 the public papers, to some parts of the constitu- 
 tion ; chiefly to the third article, which required 
 all classes of people to contribute to the support 
 
187 
 
 of religious teachers. It was intended by the 
 framers of the constitution, that every citizen 
 should enjoy perfect liberty of conscience ; and it 
 was believed that all really religious persons would 
 acquiesce in that article ; for every one was to 
 worship according to such form or mode as his con- 
 science should dictate, and to pay to such teacher 
 as he might attend. It was also provided that no 
 one should be molested on account of his religious 
 opinions; and that no denomination of Christians 
 should have any exclusive or peculiar privileges. 
 The Baptists were the most inclined to complain, 
 for the teachers of religion were generally of the 
 Congregational order ; and although every one had 
 the liberty, as was his right, to worship with the 
 Baptists, and to join their societies, yet those who 
 had belonged to other churches, and were desirous 
 of becoming members of these, were subjected to 
 the inconveniences (which they considered oppres- 
 sive, and inconsistent with their rights) of applying 
 for license so to do. By impartial men, in other 
 States and countries, that part of the Constitution 
 was, however, generally acknowledged to be wise 
 and liberal. Some writers insisted that the instru- 
 ment should provide absolutely for a convention, 
 in fifteen years, to revise the Constitution, instead 
 of barely allowing for such a revision at the end 
 of that period. But this objection had little 
 weight ; for if a general desire should be manifest- 
 ed to have a convention to alter the constitution, 
 it would certainly be called ; and, without such 
 desire or conviction, it would be very unwise to 
 make such a meeting necessary. In 1795, when 
 the question was submitted to the people, they 
 declared against calling a convention. Notice was 
 
18 a 
 
 officially given to the General Court, that the 
 Constitution was accepted by the people, and that 
 the convention had fixed, as authorised by the 
 people in their returns of votes, on the last 
 Wednesday of October, for the organization of 
 the government, agreeably to its provisions. The 
 election of governor, lieutenant-governor, and se- 
 nators, took place on the first of September; and 
 the representatives were chosen in the month of 
 October, and ten days previously to the last 
 Wednesday. 
 
 In pursuance of a plan of Congress to prevent 
 the depreciation of paper money, and to remedy 
 the evils and sufferings it produced, that body, 
 early in the year 1780 , resolved, that 15 , 000,000 
 dollars should be called in monthly, for the term 
 of one year ; and the several states were required 
 to provide for collecting their respective quotas. 
 The whole amount of paper which Congress had 
 issued was about 160 , 000,000 dollars. The por- 
 tion to Massachusetts of the 15 , 000 , 000 , to be paid 
 or called in monthly, was 2,000,000. But the bills 
 had become so much depreciated, that, at the rate 
 of exchange of paper for specie, which was now 
 one for forty, the sum was really but 50,000 per 
 month. This even was a large amount, and the 
 state was not able to raise it. A part of the plan 
 of Congress, therefore, was that each state should 
 either become debtors to those who brought in the 
 old continental paper, and become answerable to 
 pay them at a future period, or periods, and charge 
 the same to the continent ; or should have a new 
 emission of bills, amounting to one twentieth of 
 the sum called in from circulation and destroyed. 
 The new bills were to be considered equal to spe- 
 
189 
 
 cie ; and to keep up their value, Congress also 
 engaged to be responsible for their payment, and 
 to pledge the faith and credit of the continent; 
 and advised the several states to provide for their 
 redemption and payment, by annual instalments, 
 within the period of six years. A great quantity 
 of depreciated paper was thus taken out of cir- 
 culation; and a new emission substituted, of far 
 less amount indeed, but which retained its nominal 
 value only a short period. This was a necessary 
 consequence of the heavy debt, which the state 
 was then owing, and of an apprehension that it 
 would not be able to redeem the bills at the nomi- 
 nal value, or within the time promised. It was at- 
 tempted also to borrow specie ; but for the rea- 
 sons here suggested, the attempt was attended with 
 very little success. 
 
 The debt of Massachusetts, exclusive of the 
 amount which the state had to provide, as its quo- 
 ta of continental arrears, at this time, was nomi- 
 nally two hundred millions of dollars ; though, (on 
 the calculation before mentioned, of forty for one,) 
 the difference between the bills to be paid and 
 specie, or the new bills to be issued, was so great, 
 that the debt was really but five millions.'^ And 
 it is also to be considered, that if the state was 
 liable for this amount, it had large claims on Con- 
 gress; as much of the expenses incurred for seve- 
 ral years, were for continental purposes, and a re- 
 imbursement would be required. The amount, 
 for which the state would be solely and eventually 
 
 * The valuation returns at this time gave but 11 millions as 
 the property of the state ; but it was supposed to be double 
 that amount. 
 
190 
 
 liable, therefore, would be less than the debt 
 standing against it. 
 
 In March and April of 1780, two tax bills were 
 voted, amounting in the whole to nearly a million 
 of dollars, in specie value, or if paid in the new 
 bills then ordered to be issued ; by which 36 mil- 
 lions of depreciated paper, which were then forty 
 for one, would be called in. And these were or- 
 dered to be defaced or destroyed, and bills of the 
 new emission to be put in circulation. One third 
 of the amount of the new emission was ordered to 
 be retained for the use of the state, and the re- 
 sidue appropriated to purposes of the continent, 
 as Congress might direct. It was also resolved by 
 the legislature, that an annual tax of 240,000 dol- 
 lars should be laid for seven years, to enable the 
 state to fulfil its promises to the public creditors, 
 including the officers and soldiers of the army. And 
 it was provided, that if the Court should not pass a 
 tax bill to that amount in any of these years, the 
 treasurer should issue his warrants for it. 
 
 The heavy debt of the state was the occasion 
 of much complaint among the people ; and the 
 General Court was charged with inattention and 
 want of economy. But the expenses were great 
 beyond all former times ; and it is rather wonder- 
 ful, that the credit of the state was not wholly 
 lost, when it is recollected what public services 
 were performed, and what numbers of men were 
 employed in the army at different times. Most 
 public purchases were made under disadvantages, 
 and it was well known by those who served the 
 state, or furnished articles at the request of its 
 agents, that the day of payment was far distant. 
 Perhaps, in no country, under such pressing cir- 
 
191 
 
 cumstances, were there ever fewer defaulters, or 
 less loss to the public interests. The expenses of 
 the British government for supporting troops in 
 America for five years, then past were 37 1-2 
 millions sterling. 
 
 Large sums were put into the hands of the 
 board of war, who had the care of furnishing mi- 
 litary stores for various places, and of supplying 
 the officers and soldiers with necessary clothing. 
 Those who continuecLin the army were provided 
 with clothes out of the treasury of the state, in 
 addition to their regular wages, or by way of boun- 
 ty : and such as enlisted for the first time, to fill 
 up the regiments of the state, on the continental 
 establishment, received large bounties, as well as 
 many articles for the comfort of their families. 
 Most of the clothing for the army was furnished 
 from the cargoes of prizes taken from the enemy. 
 But these were not at all times sufficient : and dur- 
 ing this year, (1780) an agent was employed by 
 Massachusetts to procure goods in Europe, on the 
 credit of the state ; or by loans taken up on its 
 behalf. 
 
 Though the public mind was chiefly engaged 
 in political concerns, the interests of science were 
 not wholly neglected. The academy of arts and 
 sciences was this year formed, consisting of about 
 fifty members, who were distinguished for their 
 literary researches and attainments. James Bow- 
 doin was its first president ; a gentleman celebrat- 
 ed as well for his patriotism and virtue as for his 
 philosophic pursuits.* 
 
 * An academy was also established at Andover in 1780, 
 for the instruction of youth in the higher branches of litera- 
 
192 
 
 A singular phenomena occurred on the 19^/^ 
 day of May, this year, which was the occasion of 
 great alarm to the common people, and of much 
 speculation among the learned. The morning was 
 cloudy, and in some places a little rain fell. By 
 the middle of the day there was an unusual dark- 
 ness; which increased till two or three o’clock, so 
 that it was as necessary to have artificial lights, as 
 at one hour after the setting of the sun. The 
 birds and beasts repaired to their places of 
 nightly rest. The darkness did not extend be- 
 yond Connecticut, nor very far at sea. It was at- 
 tributed to a thick smoke, (united with the 
 heavy clouds,) which had been accumulating for 
 several days, occasioned by extensive fires which 
 then raged in the northern parts of New Hamp- 
 shire, where the people were making new settle- 
 ments. 
 
 The inhabitants in the eastern parts of Maine 
 were exposed to depredations from the enemy at 
 Penobscot, and from their armed ships which 
 were hovering on the coast. Besides the two 
 companies at Machias, one of infantry and one of 
 artillery, for the protection of that place and 
 vicinity, it was ordered that 750 men should be 
 stationed on the western shores of Penobscot bay 
 to check the incursions of the enemy from that 
 place. These were raised chiefly in that part of 
 the state ; and were put under command of gene- 
 ral Wadsworth, who had been second in command 
 in the expedition to Penobscot, the preceding 
 year. The state of New Hampshire was also re- 
 
 ture than were attended to in common schools. It has prov- 
 ed a nursery of useful learning. 
 
J93 
 
 quested to furnish a number of men for that sta- 
 tion; and a French frigate, in company with a 
 sloop of war belonging to Massachusetts, cruised 
 sometime on that coast, for the security of the 
 inhabitants. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 State of the country . . . More militia ordered. . .Treachery of Arnold . < . 
 General Court under new constitution ... Governor’s speech ... Bur- 
 dens and complaints of people . , . Loans . . . Militia at northward . . . 
 Recruits for army . . . Large bounties . . . Committee to revise laws . . . 
 Further discontents ... Great taxes.. .New calls of Congress ... Ex- 
 cise acts . . . And impost proposed . . . Militia marched to Rhode Island, 
 and to New York . . . Capture of Cornwallis . . . renewed military pre- 
 parations . . . Complaints . . . Riot in Hampshire. 
 
 It was now five years since the war commenc* 
 ed : and general Washington seemed to be desir- 
 ous of more efficient and decisive operations against 
 the enemy. The British forces indeed were for- 
 midable ; and recruits were necessary to act mere- 
 ly on the defensive, with the hope of affording 
 protection to the country. The enemy had a 
 great number of regular troops in the southern 
 states, and were committing depredations without 
 much check. General Gates, who commanded in 
 that quarter after the capture of Lincoln in 
 Charleston, was not fortunate in his efforts 
 against the British. They were victorious in all 
 places, till general Greene was sent into that de- 
 partment : and though his numbers were com- 
 paratively small, and insufficient wholly to arrest 
 their progress, he was able, by great efforts and 
 skill, to put some limits to their destructive march. 
 The enemy at and near INew York, under general 
 
X 
 
 195 
 
 Clinton, were also very numerous ; and, at times, 
 meditated an attack upon the American lines. 
 His navy was of great advantage to his plans and 
 movements in that quarter. But Washington was 
 not satisfied with preparations to receive an attack 
 from the British commander ; though this, per- 
 haps, required all his vigilance and all the force 
 he could calculate upon with certainty. French 
 troops were expected this season; and he was de- 
 sirous, on their arrival, to strike a decisive blow ; 
 and if possible, to induce the enemy to quit the 
 country. The marquis de Lafayette had then re- 
 cently arrived from France, where he had been 
 for about a year on a visit to his family, and to 
 prevail upon the king to take a more active part 
 in favour of the United States. The intelligence 
 by the marquis was, that another fleet and seve- 
 ral thousand troops were destined for America, to 
 act in concert with the army under general Wash- 
 ington. He had represented to the French court, 
 that the Americans would make a great effort the 
 ensuing campaign ; and, with the assistance of some 
 troops from France, would probably be able to 
 conquer the enemy within a short period. On his 
 arrival, he made this statement to Washington, to 
 Congress and to some leading men in Massachu- 
 setts and urged them to raise an additional num- 
 ber of men to be able to act with effect, when the 
 French troops should arrive. General Washing- 
 ton had already made an urgent request upon the 
 state for 4000 men for six months, to reinforce 
 the continental army; a great part of which were 
 
 * Particularly to Hon. S. Adams, then both a member of 
 Congress and of the legislature of Massachusetts. 
 
19G 
 
 needed to fill up the regular regiments belonging 
 to the Massachusetts line. The General Court 
 immediately issued orders to the several towns in 
 the state to enlist or draft their respective portions 
 of the number required ; and great exertions were 
 made to induce the men to engage. Within a 
 month after the former requisition, there was a 
 call for 4,700 of the militia, for three months, to 
 be marched to Head quarters, with all possible 
 dispatch. The towns were also required to raise 
 these men in a similar manner. By request of 
 general Washington, a few weeks subsequently, 
 one thousand horses were furnished the army from 
 Massachusetts ; and two thousand head of cattle 
 for beef. 
 
 In consequence of the difficulty of raising men 
 for the cont inental army, wffien required, and of 
 the complaints of the people against the General 
 Court, as it it might have prevented in some mea- 
 sure the great embarrassments which existed, it 
 was proposed by Massachusetts to some of the 
 other states, to invest Congress wnth greater 
 power, so that it might provide all necessary sup- 
 plies for the army, Vv^ithout calling upon the 
 states in their separate capacity. Several of the 
 states favoured the plan; but it was never matur- 
 ed. The difficulty which was complained of, did not 
 arise from the want of authority in each indivi- 
 dual State, but from the circumstances of the 
 times, which under any government would -have 
 imposed a 'heavy burden upon the people. About 
 the same time there was a second meeting, at 
 Hartford in Connecticut, of committees from the 
 New England states, to consult ©n some uniform 
 mode of raising troops for the next year. 
 
197 
 
 In September of this year (1780,) general Ar- 
 nold, who commanded the continental post at 
 West Point, on Hudson’s river, a very strong for- 
 tress, and the key to that part of the country, 
 treacherously concerted with the enemy to deliver 
 that place into their hands. Had he not been 
 discovered and defeated in this most iniquitous 
 plan, the British, in possession of that fortress and 
 with a large fleet in the river, would have cut ofl* 
 all communication between the New England 
 states and the more southern parts of the conti- 
 nent. And such an event might have been most 
 disastrous. General Washington was at Hartford, 
 at this time, where he had gone to meet the com- 
 mander of French troops then lately arrived at 
 Newport. The plot was seasonably discovered, 
 hut the traitor escaped. Arnold had many troops 
 from i\ln<?sarhusetts and the other eastern states 
 under his command : out not one of his officers or 
 men was implicated in the nefarious design.* This 
 man had been a brave and active officer in the 
 American army for five years : and at one period 
 enjoyed the confidence of the commander in chief, 
 and of his companions in the army. Some time 
 before this affair, however, he had discovered a 
 most avaricious spirit ; and was charged with very 
 dishonourable and iniquitous conduct, in appro- 
 priating the public monies to his own private use. 
 
 On the last Wednesday of October, (1780) the 
 civil government of Massachusetts was organized, 
 under the constitution then recently adopted by 
 the people of the state. John Hancock was elect- 
 ed governor; but no person was chosen lieutenant 
 governor by the votes of the people. The Gene- 
 ral Court elected James Bowdoin to that office ; 
 
198 
 
 but he declined it. James Warren was then chosen, 
 and he also declined the trust. Afterwards, Tho- 
 mas Cushing was chosen, who accepted the ap- 
 pointment. Jeremiah Powell was elected Presi- 
 dent of the Senate; and Caleb Davis, speaker of 
 the House of Representatives. The House con- 
 sisted of two hundred members. In his public 
 speech, a few days after his election was declared, 
 the governor recommended to the legislature to 
 provide for completing the state’s quota of men 
 for the continental army, and for the payment of 
 wages to the officers and soldiers. He urged them 
 to cause the men to enlist for the time the war 
 should continue, as it was the particular desire of 
 general Washington, that they should so engage. He 
 also entreated them to make every effort to main- 
 tain the credit of the state ; to see that the taxes 
 assessed were collected with greater punctuality ; 
 to cherish the interests of education; to consider the 
 sufferings of the clergy ; and to patronize sabbati- 
 cal institutions, which in the time of war were apt 
 to be disregarded. 
 
 At this period, there were loud complaints among 
 all classes of people, as well those who remained 
 at their homes as those who were in the army. 
 The former were subject to almost constant calls 
 to enlist men for the military service, and to pay 
 their portion of the heavy and repeated taxes, 
 which w^ere assessed. Of this class too, many 
 were creditors to the state ; but were unable to 
 obtain payment ; the others had suffered exceed- 
 ingly by the depreciation of money, in which they 
 received their wages ; and the state was greatly 
 in debt to them, which it could not discharge for 
 njany years. Many also of those who had loaned 
 
199 
 
 money, or furnished goods to the public, had bcea 
 subjected to loss by receiving depreciated paper. 
 The officers and soldiers were importunate for 
 their wages ; the public creditors were anxious 
 for their dues ; those who had articles to supply 
 the wants of the state were unwilling to dispose 
 of them ; and all who had taxes to pay complain- 
 ed of their inability to contribute so largely as re- 
 quired. 
 
 But the patriotic efforts of the legislature were 
 in some measure proportionate to the difficulties 
 they had to encounter ; and with all the com- 
 plaints and wants of the people, they generally 
 had confidence in the integrity and ability of their 
 rulers. A great part of the depreciated paper 
 had been taken out of circulation, and new bills 
 substituted, which for some time retained nearly 
 their nominal value. Much specie was also cir- 
 culated ; for large quantities had been brought 
 into the country by the French, and by the prizes 
 taken in the West Indies by the American armed 
 vessels. 
 
 The legislature determined to raise by direct 
 taxes all that was practicable, to force the sales 
 of Refugees’ estates, and to collect such sums as 
 public spirited individuals would loan to the' com- 
 monwealth.* The state had already borrowed 
 large sums, which it had not been able to pay, as 
 promised ; and it had also, within six months, at- 
 tempted to raise more by loans, but without much 
 success. But necessity urged them once more to 
 
 * At this time, the General Court ordered the sale of the 
 manufacturing house in Boston and the valuable lot of land 
 adjoining to it. 
 
200 
 
 make the effort. Committees were chosen bj the 
 General Court, of the most patriotic and respecta- 
 ble citizens,* in each county, and in the large and 
 populous towns, to solicit loans. The sum of 400 ,- 
 000/. was voted to be raised; but there is no evi- 
 dence that the whole was obtained ; though con- 
 siderable sums were collected by the committees 
 appointed for that purpose. 
 
 In an address to the people, at this time, with 
 particular reference to the great amount of taxes, 
 of which many complained, the General Court 
 said — “ We conjure you by all the ties of honour 
 and patriotism, to give up every consideration of 
 ‘private advantage ; and that, without delay, you 
 assist in supplying the treasury, as it is impossible 
 to support an army, if the people withhold their 
 taxes. Let it be evident, on the contrary, that 
 the people of Massachusetts are animated with 
 the same principles which inspired them in the 
 early stages of the contest, and that the salvation 
 of the country absorbs every other object. Thus 
 shall we dash the last hope of the enemy, founded 
 as it is upon the inattention and avarice of any 
 part of the community.” 
 
 The Canadians and Indians gave an alarm to 
 the inhabitants of the northern parts of the State 
 of New York, in the Autumn of 1780 , and in- 
 vaded some of the frontier settlements. As there 
 was no large regular force in that quarter, they 
 had been emboldened to attack several towns, and 
 threatened to commit more extensive depredations. 
 
 * In Boston, W. Phillips, E. Payne, S. Higginson, J. Rowe : 
 In Beverly G. Cabot : In Salem E. H. Derby and J. Ashton : 
 In Marblehead, E. Gerry, J. Glover: In Newburyport, J. 
 Jackson and N. Tracy. 
 
201 
 
 The militia of Berkshire were ordered out, in 
 considerable numbers, under general Fellows, and 
 marched to north river and the lakes, to prevent 
 the further incursions of the enemy. 
 
 A large number of the soldiers in the con- 
 tinental army, belonging to Massachusetts, had 
 now completed their time of enlistment, and were 
 resolved to return to their homes. It was neces- 
 sary to engage them for a longer period, or to 
 enlist others in their room. As an inducement to 
 them to re-enlist, a bounty of sixty dollars in 
 specie was offered to each man. £60,000 were 
 appropriated for this object, and a great part sent 
 on to the army, by agents employed to engage the 
 soldiers to remain in the service. To those who 
 had wages for a long time due, both officers and 
 soldiers, and were still belonging to the army, 
 several months’ pay was also forwarded in specie, 
 or the new emission of paper. The payment of 
 wages was then chiefly in specie, so far as it was 
 made at all. The officers had still large demands 
 upon the State or Continent for compensation. 
 
 In the course of this year, (1780) a new ar- 
 rangement of the army took place. The regi- 
 ments were reduced to 29 of infantry, 4 of artillery, 
 and 4 of cavalry. Massachusetts was required to 
 have only ten regiments of infantry, and one of 
 artillery ; which, however, was nearly one third 
 of the whole establishment. The oldest officers 
 had the choice of retiring from immediate service, 
 on half pay ; liable to be called out at any future 
 time, and entitled to all bounties of land, and other 
 gratuities, promised to those who served during 
 the war. 
 
 The number of men required of Massachusetts, 
 VOL. II. 26 
 
202 
 
 to complete its proportion of the continental army, 
 calculating that all the soldiers would retire whose 
 term of service was about to expire, was 4200. 
 Under the circumstances of the times, it was very 
 difficult to engage such a number. Some, however, 
 were induced to enlist again; for the terms offered 
 by the General Court were more favourable than 
 had been proposed at any former period. Several 
 towns in the Commonwealth were still delinquent, 
 though they had been often required to furnish 
 a certain number of soldiers. These were now 
 enjoined immediately to enlist the number which 
 had been allotted them ; and authorized to give a 
 bounty of fifty dollars, which should be allowed 
 on the settlement of their taxes. All who would 
 enlist were to be excused from a tax on their 
 polls and personal estate. General Washington 
 was urgent in his request, that this number of men 
 should be furnished early in the ensuing year, 
 (1781); and he was equally desirous they should be 
 engaged for the time the war should continue ; 
 for he had suffered for want of regular troops, 
 who vrere accustomed to military discipline ; and 
 the militia, besides, were not always furnished at 
 the time required. 
 
 The General Court was adjourned, in the month 
 of December, after an active and useful session, to 
 meet again in January ; having appointed a com- 
 mittee* “to revise the laws in use in the Common- 
 wealth, to select, abridge, alter, and digest , them, 
 
 * This committee consisted of the Judges of the Superior 
 Court, the Attorney General, James Bowdoin, and John Pick- 
 ering. This committee was also requested to prepare bills 
 for the due observation of the Sabbath, and for the prevention 
 of drunkenness and profanity. 
 
203 
 
 so as they should be accommodated to the present 
 government.” 
 
 In the winter of 1781, a spirit of discontent and 
 complaint prevailed, as much as in the preceding 
 year ; particularly in the western counties of tlie 
 Commonwealth. This was owing, principally, to 
 the heavy taxes, and to objections to the new 
 form of government. There was some evidence 
 that persons inimical to American independence 
 were the authors of this uneasiness ; for there 
 were then a few secret enemies of liberty remain- 
 ing in the country, whose object it was to render 
 the people dissatisfied Avith their government. It 
 is always easy for artful men to poison the minds 
 of the common people, and to misrepresent the 
 conduct and designs of rulers. A committee of 
 the General Court was appointed to institute en- 
 quiries ; and if there should be evidence of insi- 
 dious attempts to interrupt the regular course of 
 government, to take the authors of them into cus- 
 tody, for trial. 
 
 To quiet the minds of their constituents, the 
 General Court published an address, in which they 
 stated the debt of the Commonwealth, the amount 
 of taxes necessary to be assessed, and the means 
 for paying the expences of the State. They re- 
 minded the people that the arduous contest in 
 which -the country was engaged, necessarily de- 
 manded great efforts and sacrifices ; and intreated 
 them to consider, that the blessings of freedom 
 were too valuable and precious to be hazarded 
 by any Avant of pecuniary contributions. They 
 declared, also, that all possible economy should 
 be practised, Avhich Avas consistent Avith a due 
 regard to the public Avelfare. The sums ne- 
 
204 
 
 cessary during the year, they stated, would be 
 950,000/. Some ol‘ the items were these : for 
 the civil list, 30,000/. ; interest on public notes, 
 and on wages due officers, 213,000/. ; for Congress, 
 b(),000/. ; instalment of public debt to be paid, 
 .'300,000/.; clothing for the army, two years, 50,000/.; 
 with others of a less amount. This was to be dis- 
 charged by the tax to be collected, of 320,000/. ; 
 by loans of 400,000/. ; by a specie tax then due, 
 and assessed some time previously, of 72,000/.; from 
 sales of absentees’ estates, 40,000/.; &c. By the 
 measures adopted, and exertions made this year, 
 the debt was lessened, without increasing the taxes 
 beyond the amount required the preceding year. 
 Loans, however, were resorted to ; and considera- 
 ble sums were raised in this manner, by the solici- 
 tations of the agents of the State, and the friends of 
 government. It was found, that it would be utterly 
 impracticable to raise sufficient by direct taxes, to 
 meet all the extraordinary demands of the State, 
 and of Congress, to pay old debts, and defray the 
 necessary expences which would arise in the year. 
 And it was considered just, that those who would 
 enjoy the great benefits expected from the revo- 
 lutionary war, should be liable to pay a part of 
 the price at which they were purchased. 
 
 The disposition of the House of Representatives 
 to maintain its peculiar rights and power, was 
 manifested, at this session, in a manner which 
 shewed that they would contend for their autho- 
 rity in an unimportant and doubtful case. The 
 Senate chose a committee to enquire, whether 
 the late returns of valuation were correct from 
 all the towns. The House objected to the Senate 
 in having originated the enquiry ; and contended 
 
205 
 
 that it was a subject relating to money, and, ac- 
 cording to the constitution, therefore, must origi- 
 nate in the House. The dispute was referred to 
 the Judges of the Superior Court, who decided that 
 it would be proper to have a joint committee on the 
 subject, and that it could be of no importance in 
 which branch of the legislature the enquiry or the 
 appointment of a committee originated. In compli- 
 ance with a recommendation of Congress, a tax of 
 eleven millions of dollars was laid by Massachusetts 
 this year, (1781) for the purpose of calling in the 
 old bills, then greatly depreciated ; the real value 
 of which was estimated at 27.5,000 dollars. That 
 part of the debt of the State which was for 
 monies loaned, amounted to a million of dollars ; 
 and to pay the interest, (30,000 in specie were 
 appropriated. This year, the bills of the new 
 emission of paper, which in 1780, had by statute 
 been made a tender in all payments, would not 
 the nominal value, and the law was re- 
 
 5 course of this year. Congress proposed to 
 the states to lay an impost duty ; but Massachu- 
 setts objected to the plan, because it was supposed 
 it would operate unequally. They had much more 
 commerce than any other state, and their products 
 from the soil were less. They said, that by such 
 a tax they should be liable to pay much more than 
 their portion of the public revenue. And they 
 suggested, that if an impost act should pass, they 
 ought to reserve for the use of the state a certain 
 part of the monies thus raised. This reason- 
 ing was more specious or more selfish than 
 correct. But it might have had some influence ; 
 for the plan of raising money by impost was not 
 
 pass ai 
 pealed. 
 In iV 
 
206 
 
 then adopted by all the states as proposed by 
 Congress. In the following year (1782) however, 
 the legislature of Massachusetts passed a law for 
 raising money by an impost, which was to be whol- 
 ly appropriated to the use of Congress, for the 
 purpose of discharging the public debt; or to be 
 expended in the state, but for meeting the expen- 
 ses incurred by order of Congress for the welfare 
 of the continent. There were conditions annexed 
 to the statute; one of which was, that all the other 
 states should adopt a similar law ; and the other, 
 that Congress should annually state the amount of 
 the public expenses and the sum collected from the 
 impost act. Some of the states neglected to pass 
 such a law, and nothing was' collected in this way 
 till 1783. Massachusetts then enacted another 
 law in favour of the measure. An excise act was 
 passed by the legislature laying a duty on wine and 
 several other articles of luxury sold in the state ; 
 and upon carriages which were used solely for 
 pleasure.* A tax was also laid on auctions, at the 
 rate of one per cent, on all goods sold. 
 
 In the month of February 1781, twelve hun- 
 dred of the militia were ordered for Rhode Island, 
 for forty days, under command of general Lincoln. 
 They were called out by the particular desire of 
 the French general, who was then apprehensive 
 of an attack from the British at New York. 
 These men were marched from the southern parts 
 of the state ; and the rest of the militia were di- 
 rected to be in readiness to proceed to that place 
 at the shortest notice. 
 
 The General Court had a recess of a few weeks 
 
 * The monies thus collected were particularly designed to 
 pay interest on the debt of the state. 
 
207 
 
 in March, and met again in April. But during this 
 time, they gave power to the Executive to order 
 out the militia, if there should be a requisition for 
 them ; and to furnish such military stores to gene- 
 ral Washington as he might request, if they could 
 be procured in the state. The board of war had 
 then been discontinued ; and the service formerly 
 allotted to them now devolved upon the governor 
 and council ; and the quarter-master or commissa- 
 ry general, under their directions. Soon after this, 
 general Washington called for men, both militia 
 and others to till up the regular regiments of the 
 permanent army. For with all the exertions which 
 had been made, the state was still deficient in en- 
 listing the full number of soldiers for the term of 
 the war, which had been required. The General 
 Court repeated its call upon those towns, which 
 were delinquent ; and while it held out great en- 
 couragement to the men to enlist, it imposed a 
 heavy penalty upon the towns that should not 
 forthwith procure the number of soldiers, which it 
 Avas their duty before that time to have furnished. 
 And in consequence of a requisition from general 
 Washington the state procured again this season, 
 for the use of the continental army, large quanti- 
 ties of clothing and provisions.* This was an ex- 
 pensive method of providing for the array ; but it 
 was not in the power of Congress to make provis- 
 ions otherwise than by calling upon the respec- 
 tive states. 
 
 At no period of the war, w^as there greater ef- 
 fort necessary to maintain an army sufficient for 
 
 * Two thousand head of cattle, 4,000 blankets and 8,000 
 pair of shoes and hose. 
 
any decisive purposes, which the commander in 
 chief might have in view ; or a greater demand 
 upon the resources of the country. Washington 
 was resolved to attack the enemy in New York, or 
 to bring all his forces against those, who were com- 
 mitting depredations in the southern states. Gen- 
 eral Greene was in that quarter; but his force 
 was not sufficient to enable him to make a success- 
 ful stand against the British. General La Fayette 
 had been sent on with the light troops* of the 
 American army to oppose lord Cornwallis in Vir- 
 ginia ; general Wayne was also ordered to rein- 
 force the latter, with some continental troops and 
 the militia of Pennsylvania. Still Washington kept 
 up a formidable force in the vicinity of New York: 
 and probably, at one time, seriously intended to 
 make an attack upon the island, then in possession 
 of the British. He called for large portions of 
 the militia from the New England states. Massa- 
 chusetts was required to furnish 6,000 for three 
 months. But 500 which had just before been 
 marched to Newport were to constitute a part of 
 the number. An additional quantity of provisions 
 was furnished by Massachusetts, at this time, and 
 "some ordnance and a supply of powder was sent on 
 to head-quarters, at the urgent desire of general 
 W ashington. He collected a large army near New 
 York, and the enemy expected an assault. This 
 had the effect intended. No reinforcements were 
 sent by the British general in New York to Corn- 
 wallis ; and Washington, by forced marches, pro- 
 ceeded with a part of his army to assist in an at- 
 tack upon the enemy at the south. The French 
 
 * Many of these were from Massachusetts. 
 
209 
 
 naval and land forces assisted in the capture of the 
 British army in Virginia. Several thousand French 
 troops under count Rocharabeau joined the Ame- 
 ricans in that quarter, in the month of September; 
 and the fleet was so formidable as to deter the 
 British admiral from approaching the coast. In- 
 deed, it was not until it was too late for the Bri- 
 tish commander at New York to aflbrd succour to 
 Cornwallis, that he was fully sensible of the ob- 
 ject of general Washington. The British troops 
 in Virginia under Cornwallis surrendered to the al- 
 lied army under general Washington, on the 19th 
 of October 178J. The French troops were of 
 great importance in this affair ; and both oflicers 
 and men behaved with singular bravery. Count 
 Viomenel, as well as Rochambeau, was distin- 
 guished by the approbation of general Washing- 
 ton ; and among the American general oflicers 
 who received his particular commendation, were 
 Lincoln,* La Fayette,f Knox, and Wayne. Colo- 
 nel Scammel of Massachusetts received a mortal 
 wound during the siege, which he survived but a 
 few days. His death was greatly regretted. He 
 was a brave and Judicious oflicer ; and possessed 
 in a high degree the esteem and regard of the 
 whole army. For some time, he acted as adju- 
 tant general, and shared largely in the confidence 
 of the commander in chief. He took an early and 
 active part in the revolution. 
 
 * General Lincoln was soon after appointed secretary at 
 war, by Congress. 
 
 t The marquis La Fayette was a major general in the Ame- 
 rican line (not in the French) and had command of the light 
 infantry. 
 
 VOL. Fr. 
 
 27 
 
210 
 
 This successful event induced the British court 
 to think of peace with the United States. But 
 they were not then even, prepared to offer such 
 terms as America could consistently accept. Con- 
 gress had determined not to negotiate, without an 
 acknowledgment of the independence of the Uni- 
 ted States ; and the assent also, on the part of 
 France, to the conditions of peace. The British 
 ministry discovered no disposition to propose or to 
 agree to such terms. They had publicly declared 
 their intention to prosecute the war, notwithstanding 
 their recent heavy loss, in the surrender of Corn- 
 wallis ; and it was known in the course of the win- 
 tver J782, that great preparations were mak- 
 ing in England for another campaign. It became 
 necessary, therefore, for Congress, desirous as they 
 sincerely were for peace, to adopt measures for 
 the defence of the country. As a great portion of 
 the troops employed, during the year 1781, were 
 militia, and had been discharged at the close of 
 the year, they called upon the several states to 
 enlist men to complete the permanent regiments, 
 or to furnish militia again to reinforce the conti- 
 nental army. They negotiated loans in France 
 again to a large amount ; and in the course of this 
 year, the American envoy in Holland obtained 
 loans ; but a great part of these sums was ap- 
 propriated to discharge debts previously incurred 
 in France for goods and military stores, which had 
 been taken up there on the credit of the United 
 States. The requisitions upon the states were 
 still great. Massachusetts was required to furnish 
 the sum of 1,300,000 dollars, as her portion of 
 8,000,000, the whole amount to be raised by all 
 the states. Fifteen hundred men were also order- 
 
211 
 
 ed to be raised to complete the regiments in the 
 continental line.* 
 
 Under all these requisitions, the burdens of the 
 people must have been exceedingly heavy. The 
 voice of complaint was heard through the state : 
 but it was loudest in the country towns. A part 
 of the old taxes was still unpaid ; and within a 
 short period 1,650,000 dollars were required in ad- 
 dition. Depreciated paper was no longer current ; 
 and it was necessary to collect a part of the taxes in 
 specie or in bills of the new emission, so called, 
 which were not easily procured, as this emission 
 was comparatively small. The fanners had little 
 of surplus produce to spare, and they had no other 
 resources. Besides, the taxes had been high for 
 six years ; and the bounties they had given to in- 
 duce men to serve in the army amounted to large 
 sums. Some designing and selfish individuals took 
 advantage of these difficulties, and inflamed the 
 minds of the people to such a degree, that, in 
 the western part of the state, a number collected 
 to prevent the regular course of justice. They 
 endeavoured to interrupt the business of the Su- 
 preme Court in the county of Hampshire. One 
 Ely who had been an ordained clergyman in the 
 state of Connecticut, and who, perhaps, was as de- 
 ficient in judgment as in principle, Avas the chief 
 agent in producing this alarming excitement. He 
 was taken into custody : but the people, thinking 
 he was the sincere advocate of their rights, at- 
 tempted ito rescue him. They were soon induced, 
 
 * The towns were classed, and each class was to furnish a 
 man, or to pay the sum necessary to eng^age one for the mili- 
 tary service. 
 
212 
 
 however, to give up their favourite, and to retire 
 quietly to their several homes. A committee of 
 the General Court was sent into that county, who 
 satisfied the citizens, that their rulers were ready 
 to afford all possible relief to them, and that the 
 great amount of taxes was entirely owing to the 
 expenses of the war.* The greater number of 
 the inhabitants in that part of the state, however, 
 were the firm supporters of government, and con- 
 demned the proceedings of the deluded or design- 
 ing men who were the authors of the riot. The 
 legislature, soon after, ordered the treasurer of the 
 Commonwealth to suspend executions against collec- 
 tors for taxes, for several months ; a proof of the 
 great distress which prevailed through the state. 
 
 ^ In the fall of 1780, 400,000/. ; in 1781, 675,000/,, and in 
 1782, 400,000/. ; but these taxes were payable in part in de- 
 preciated paper. 
 
 > 
 
213 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Prospect of peace . . . Massachusetts urge security of fisheries . . . Minis 
 ters so instructed ... National bank ... Supreme court ... Illicit trade 
 forbidden . . . Distresses of soldiers on their discharge . . . Alarming com- 
 bination among part of the officers . . . Great taxes . . . Relief for debtors 
 . . . Impost and continental taxes . . . Refugees . . . General Court for 
 1783 . . . Members of Congress . . . Peace . . . Governor urges attention to 
 public credit . . . Slavery wholly condemned . . . Census . . . Requisitions 
 of Congress ... British debts ... Eastern boundary ... Governor Han- 
 cock resigns. . . New excise . . . Complaints of British importations. 
 
 In the early part of 1782, the war with Ame- 
 rica becoming more unpopular in England, on ac- 
 count of the great expenses and the misfortunes 
 which had attended it, the ministers were obliged 
 to resign their places ; and others, more favoura- 
 ble to peace with the United States, were called 
 to advise his Majesty. In anticipation of such an 
 event. Congress had already given authority to 
 their ambassadors in France and Holland, for 
 forming a treaty of peace. Some general instruc- 
 tions had been forwarded them, to guide their 
 negotiations. The acknowledgment of Indepen- 
 dence, was the only absolute ultimatum, upon 
 which they were to insist : except that they were 
 not to make a treaty, without the king of France 
 was a party to it. They were, indeed, further 
 instructed to contend strenuously for certain boun- 
 
214 
 
 darles of the United States, which were such as 
 the treaty afterwards made, recognized ; and for 
 the common use of the fishing grounds, to which 
 the inhabitants formerly had access. 
 
 The legislature of Massachusetts, in which the 
 people were more generally engaged in the fishe- 
 ries than in any other state, knowing that Congress 
 were considering the terms of peace, and giving 
 directions to their envoys in Europe on the sub- 
 ject, wrote their delegates to that body, and ex- 
 pressed their sense of the importance of securing 
 these ancient privileges. This letter, which was 
 WTitten in October 1781, was referred to a com- 
 mittee of Congress, who did not report on the 
 subject until January 1782. In the report, they 
 did not confine themselves,' however, to the sub- 
 ject of the letter from the Massachusetts’ legisla- 
 ture ; but gave an opinion as to the general instruc- 
 tions, which would be proper to forward to the 
 ambassadors in Europe, who were authorized to 
 negotiate a treaty of peace. This was, in sub- 
 stance, such as had been given them the year be- 
 fore. No treaty should be made, they reported, 
 'which did not, in the very outset, recognize the 
 Independence of America, and in which the French 
 government was not included : for the treaty of 
 alliance between France and the United States 
 provided, that neither power would make a sepa- 
 rate peace with Great Britain. The report in- 
 deed, went farther, and recommended, that no 
 other terms, than such as the court of France 
 might approve, should be required by the Ame- 
 rican envoy; and that the king of France be re- 
 quested to secure for the United States the most 
 favourable conditions he could obtain : thus ac- 
 
knowledging, in effect, the foundation for a future 
 claim upon their gratitude. 
 
 As to the boundaries of the United States, they 
 were to contend, though not as an ultimatum^ for 
 those by which they had been known when colo- 
 nies of Great Britain. The ambassadors were 
 also to be instructed, according to this report, “ to 
 contend for a right to the fisheries on the banks 
 of Newfoundland, and in the North American seas.” 
 But this was not to be insisted on as an ultimatum. 
 Nor did the report even propose, that a right 
 should be claimed to fish on the coast of the Bri- 
 tish territory, or within three leagues, the dis- 
 tance, to which all nations claimed the exclusive 
 jurisdiction, according to international law. It 
 went into the enquiry, what that distance was, as 
 recognized by the general consent of the civilized 
 nations of Europe : by which it appeared, that in 
 some cases it was considered to be three leagues, 
 and in others, fourteen miles: and that it depend- 
 ed upon particular provisions of a treaty, if any 
 greater privilege was allowed. This report was 
 also committed, and in August 1782, it was offer- 
 ed again and accepted, with some verbal altera- 
 tions. 
 
 By the statement made and the reasoning used 
 in this report, it does not appear, that Congress 
 considered the claim to tiie fisheries, even on the 
 high seas, of so indisputable and rightful a charac- 
 ter, as that of Independence. The arguments used, 
 how^ever, and the usage of nations, as to a com- 
 mon right on the ocean, justified them in contend- 
 ing most strenuously for it ; and in instructing their 
 ambassadors not to consent to an abandonment of 
 such right or claim, except that peace could not 
 
216 
 
 otherwise be obtained. There was, probably, no 
 necessity for such particular instructions respect- 
 ing a right to fish “ on the banks of Newfoundland 
 and in the North American seas.” For the Bri- 
 tish, monopolizing and exclusive as their spirit was, 
 did not, from any thing Avhich appeared, ever medi- 
 tate to exclude the people of the United States 
 from fishing, any more than sailing, upon the high 
 seas. This claim, or this right, then, was secured 
 by our envoys, without much difficulty. But the 
 privilege of taking and curing fish near and on 
 some of the British coasts, which they obtained 
 by the treaty of 1783, was an important one, 
 especially to Massachusetts; and was proof of 
 great ability and of devotion to the interests of 
 the country, in the American ambassadors. 
 
 In May 1781, Congress authorised the establish- 
 ment of a national bank at Philadelphia, agreea- 
 bly to a plan proposed by Mr. Morris, who was 
 then superintendant of finance. The legislature 
 of Massachusetts passed a law in March 1782, 
 for the purpose of giving currency to the bills is- 
 sued by that bank within the state, authorizing 
 the treasurer and others to receive them for pay- 
 ment of the debt of the state, and subjecting 
 those to severe punishment who should counter- 
 feit them. The first bank in Massachusetts was 
 established in 1784. The charter had no limita- 
 tion, as to the period of its continuance. For 
 several years it was the only banking company in the 
 state; and the profits which it yielded to the pro- 
 prietors were very great. 
 
 The constitution of Massachusetts adopted in 
 October 1780, provided that the highest judicial 
 tribunal in the state should be denominated the 
 
217 
 
 Supreme Judicial Court. In July 1782, a court 
 with this title was established by law. The legis- 
 lature had sometime before enacted, that the 
 judges of the superior court of judicature, the 
 name formerly given to the highest judicial court 
 in the Commonwealth, should exercise the powers 
 given by the constitution to the supreme judicial 
 court.* 
 
 From a disposition hostile to the Independence 
 of America, or, more probably, from the hope of 
 gain, many citizens of the United States engaged 
 in illicit trade to the territories of the enemy. 
 Those whose ruling passion was the love of gain 
 were tempted to this intercourse, as the profits 
 were then very great, on account of the scarcity 
 of British goods in the country. Congress con- 
 sidered this conduct highly unjustifiable, in the ex- 
 isting state of the two countries ; and they object- 
 ed to it, also, because it drained the United States 
 of specie, which was the only article given in ex- 
 change for English goods. The legislatures of 
 the several states were desired to prohibit all such 
 intercourse. The general assembly of Massachu- 
 setts readily co-operated in this object, by passing 
 a law to prevent all trade to the British colonies 
 or with British subjects : and the citizens of Bos- 
 ton entered into an agreement to prosecute all 
 who should be discovered engaged in such illicit 
 intercourse. The General Court, also, responding 
 to the public declaration of Congress, expressed 
 its disapprobation of the insidious designs of the 
 British ministry, in its attempts to negotiate with 
 
 * The judges, at this time, were Cushing, Sargeant, Sulli- 
 van, Sewall : and R. T. Payne was attorney-general. 
 
 VOL. IL 28 
 
2J8 
 
 the United States separately from France : and 
 gave a decided opinion, that peace should not be 
 made, desirous as they were of such an event, 
 without a recognition of American Independence^ 
 and on such terms as should be acceptable also to 
 the court of France. Propositions had then re- 
 cently been made to Congress for peace, by sir 
 Guy Carleton, the British commander at New 
 York, in which no notice was taken of the exist- 
 ing treaty between France and America. This 
 Avas justly considered as inadmissible by Congress 
 and by the people of the United States. And it 
 appeared afterwards, that an attempt was made 
 by the British to form a separate treaty with the 
 French government. 
 
 Though Massachusetts was not again required 
 to furnish men for the army, it had a great debt 
 to discharge, and many of the soldiers were re- 
 turning to their families and their homes, wholly 
 destitute of the means of subsistence, for whom 
 the state was bound, both by justice and gratitude, 
 to provide. The amount owing to the officers 
 and men belonging to Massachusetts was such as 
 Avould require many years to discharge. The 
 greatest efforts were made by the legislature to pay 
 them a small part of their wages. For the greater 
 part, they were paid in notes, which, on account 
 of the immense debt of the state, soon became 
 so depreciated as to be sold for an eighth of the 
 nominal value. The war worn soldier, who had 
 devoted many years to the cause of liberty and 
 independence, was obliged to part with his re- 
 ward, which should have cheered the residue of 
 his years, for immediate support. But it was be- 
 lieved, that the defenders of the country Avould 
 
never be neglected by a grateful and generous 
 people. , 
 
 In the beginning of 1783, when peace was an- 
 nounced, and the army was about to be disbanded, 
 an alarming spirit of discontent was manifested, 
 which, for a short time, threatened both the tran- 
 quillity and liberty of the nation. There appear- 
 ed an indisposition in some members of Congress 
 to fulfil all the promises which had been made 
 to the officers and soldiers, . to the full extent, to 
 which the latter were ready to interpret them. 
 The half pay for life, which, at one period, was 
 promised, was afterwards declined by Congress, 
 because some of the states objected to such a 
 compensation.* This difficulty was finally adjust- 
 ed, by engaging to pay them the amount of full 
 wages for five years. The officers assented to 
 the alteration; for they had learned that the 
 establishment of half pay for life was very ob- 
 noxious to a great portion of their fellow citizens. 
 And they were too patriotic to insist even on a 
 just claim, at the hazard of the public tranquillity. 
 
 Congress was able to pay only a very small part 
 of the wages due, which were so much needed ; 
 and the officers and soldiers were expecting to be 
 dismissed from the service of the country, entirely 
 destitute ; and to be thrown upon the justice or 
 pity, as some of them said, of the several legisla- 
 tures ; the measure of which they also were to 
 decide. All professed to be desirous of having 
 
 * Many in Massachusetts even opposed both to the half pay 
 and to five years full pay to the officers. They said it would 
 render the officers rich and insolent ; that the taxes were al- 
 ready very oppressive, and that the people were generally 
 dissatisfied with it. 
 
220 
 
 justice done, or guaranteed them by Congress ; 
 but many were aware of the present inability of 
 government, and considered it a solemn duty to 
 acquiesce in its decisions. Others were less con- 
 siderate, or more selfish ; and endeavoured to pre- 
 vail with their companions to adopt a resolution, 
 not to separate or lay down their arms, until their 
 demands and wishes were fully complied with. 
 A combination was projected, of a very dangerous 
 character, which threatened to subject the country 
 to a military despotism. The principal authors of 
 this nefarious project were unknown ; but they 
 were justly obnoxious to the censure and indigna- 
 tion of a virtuous people. General Washington, 
 and other officers of high rank,* expressed strong 
 disapprobation of this daring plan; and gave them- 
 selves no rest until it was wholly abandoned. But 
 the spirit had taken such deep hold of the army, 
 that it required all their influence and exertions to 
 suppress the combination. 
 
 In the course of the year, (1783) the troops 
 were disbanded, and retired quietly to their re- 
 spective homes. General Washington previously 
 addressed them in a solemn and affectionate man- 
 ner ; and while he acknowledged their past ser- 
 vices, he exhorted them to demean themselves as 
 obedient and useful citizens. When he took his 
 final leave of the officers, he was much affected ; 
 and they also were deeply penetrated by mingled 
 sentiments of regret and esteem ; which render- 
 ed the parting interview most pathetic and in- 
 teresting. 
 
 ^ General Knox, and colonel Brooks of Massachusetts were 
 among those who exerted themselves to suppress this dan- 
 gerous conspiracy. 
 
221 
 
 The taxes had been so great for several years, 
 and the public demands so urgent, that many indivi- 
 dual debts had been neglected. Great indulgence 
 had been generally granted ; but creditors at length 
 began to call in earnest for their dues. Where 
 small sums were to be collected, the costs amount- 
 ed almost to the original debt. This became a 
 subject of great complaint among the common 
 people : and a law was made for the purpose of 
 affording them relief, by authorizing justices of 
 the peace to take acknowledgment of debts; and 
 if the same were not paid within a stated period, 
 to compel payment by execution. The usual costs 
 of Court were thus avoided ; but in some instances 
 there was cause of complaint on the part of the 
 creditor, that too much indulgence was granted 
 by the magistrates, or that he suffered through 
 their ignorance of the common forms and principles 
 of law. 
 
 A tax of 200,000/. was laid early in the year 
 (1782) but the collection was long delayed, and 
 the wants of the army being very pressing, the 
 legislature was obliged to borrow large sums, and 
 to pledge the tax for the payment. In addition 
 to the pay of the militia who were employed 
 during the preceding year, and the interest due to 
 those who had loaned their money to the public, 
 the General Court had to provide for paying 
 balance^, to a lari^e amount, to the continental 
 soldiers belonging to the State. It was bound to 
 pay them the real value of their wages ; and for 
 two or three years, the depreciation of continental 
 paper, in which they were paid, was very great: 
 for the whole of their wages also, at one period, 
 the State had to provide ; though the sum thus 
 
222 
 
 advanced was to be passed to its credit, in a final 
 adjustment with the continent. For 1783, the 
 public tax was the same as the preceding year ; 
 and new loans were obtained, by prevailing on 
 those public creditors who were entitled to a part 
 of the principal due them by the State, to receive 
 new paper instead of specie. Had the creditors 
 of the Commonwealth insisted upon payment when 
 it was due, it would have been possible to comply 
 with their demands, only by resorting to new loans 
 to a great amount. Even the soldiers, destitute 
 as they were, could only obtain a small part of 
 their wages in cash ; and notes were given them, 
 payable at different periods. Those who retained 
 their certificates for several years, were fully 
 paid ; but many were necessitated to throw them 
 into the market, by which they suffered extreme- 
 ly. During this year, the act was passed for 
 raising money by impost, and it afforded great 
 facility in discharging the demands upon the public 
 treasury. The amount collected through the Unit- 
 ed States was little short of a million annually, for 
 several years. In compliance with a requisition 
 of Congress, in the month of May, the General 
 Court caused large sums to be remitted to the 
 continental Financier, to enable him to pay the 
 officers and soldiers then about to be disbanded, 
 a part of their wages, which had been expressly 
 promised them. 
 
 Some of those native Americans, who had joined 
 the enemy when the war began, or afterwards, 
 when the British army was most successful, pro- 
 posed to return to the State at this time. The 
 return of such characters was prohibited by a law 
 of the General Court in 1778. There appeared 
 
223 
 
 a disposition to disregard or to evade the law of 
 the State ; and some individuals of this description, 
 perhaps,’ might have been permitted to return 
 and reside in the United States, without any dan- 
 ger to the public tranquillity. But it was found 
 difficult to discriminate. At a subsequent period, 
 however, some of those who had not been active 
 against America were granted liberty to come 
 into the State ; and were justly esteemed as honest 
 and useful citizens. The families of even those 
 Avho were justly obnoxious to the patriots of 
 Massachusetts, if they remained in the country, 
 were treated with great indulgence, and allowed 
 a reasonable part of the estate which belonged to 
 their absent head. 
 
 It was stated by Congress, that the necessary 
 expenses for 1783, including interest and instal- 
 ments on the public debt, would amount to six 
 millions of dollars ; four of which were to be bor- 
 rowed in Europe, and two to be I’aised by the 
 States. The proportion required of Massachusetts 
 was 320,000. This sum was to be paid quarterly, 
 and charged to the account of the United States. 
 In the course of this year. Congress also recom- 
 mended to the several States, to provide for raising 
 their respective quotas of a million and half of dol- 
 lars annually, for twenty-five years ; the part as- 
 signed for Massachusetts, amounted to 224,000. 
 
 Mr. Hancock was elected governor, and Mr. 
 Cushing lieutenant-governor, (1783) for the fourth 
 time, with great unanimity. Mr. S. Adams was 
 again chosen president of the Senate, and Mr. T. 
 Dalton, speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 The delegates in Congress from Massachusetts, 
 Avere Mr. Gerry, Holten, Partridge, Higglnson, 
 
224 
 
 Gorham, and Osgood, Two of the ministers of 
 the United States at f<;)reign courts, at this period, 
 were citizens of Massachusetts. John Adams had 
 been five years in that capacity ; and with Frank- 
 lin, Jay, and Laurens, was specially empowered to 
 make peace with Great Britain, agreeably to 
 instructions given by Congress. Francis Dana was 
 appointed minister to Russia in 1779, and returned 
 to America towards the close of 1783. The next 
 year, he was chosen one of the delegates to Con- 
 gress, with Messrs. Gerry, Partridge, and Osgood ; 
 and in 1785, appointed a Judge of the Supreme 
 Judicial Court. 
 
 The intelligence of peace was received with the 
 greatest joy by all classes of people. The preli- 
 minaries were agreed to early in 1783; but the 
 definitive treaty was not signed till the 3d of Sep- 
 -tember. It secured to the United States the rich 
 blessings of liberty and independence, for which 
 they had maintained an arduous struggle during 
 eight years. A great debt, indeed, was accumu- 
 lated by the war; but, by the truly patriotic citi- 
 zens, this was considered a price for civil freedom, 
 which they were most willing to pay. The short- 
 sighted complained, because of the immediate sa- 
 crifices it required of them : but the more intelli- 
 gent were satisfied of the abundant resources of 
 the country, and perceived the high destiny which 
 awraited it. The great majority of people, even 
 in the United States, where the means of educa- 
 tion are provided for all, are generally governed 
 by their feelings rather than by reason ; and are 
 influenced in their opinions, by immediate calamity 
 or prosperity, more than by the prospect of great 
 but distant good. The burden of taxes was too 
 
225 
 
 heavy to be endured without complaint, except by 
 the virtuous and considerate part of the communi- 
 ty : and envy had some influence in adding to the 
 general discontent. It was pretended, that the 
 officers of the army, especially if they should re- 
 ceive half pay for life, or full wages for five years, 
 after they had left the public service, would have 
 a greater allowance than they could justly claim ; 
 and that they would therefore probably consider 
 themselves of a higher grade in society than their 
 fellow citizens. It was also said, that if the offi- 
 cers of the army had ably served the country and 
 suffered much in its defence, the people who re- 
 mained at home had been obliged to make great 
 efforts to procure and pay men at various periods 
 of the war. The argument w^as more specious 
 than solid. For most of the officers had left their 
 regular occupations in life ; and it was difficult to 
 resume them. And they, more than any other 
 class of people, suffered by the depreciation of the 
 public paper. 
 
 The governor, in his public address to the Ge- 
 neral Court, in October, the first session after the 
 peace, felicitated the members on the auspicious 
 event, and reminded them of the great obligations 
 the country was under to provide for a just and 
 full compensation to those who had been engaged 
 in the war of the revolution. Their meritorious 
 services, he said, should never be forgotten. He 
 also advised to immediate and effectual measures 
 to maintain the public credit and to satisfy the de- 
 mands upon the state. A tax of 140,000/. was 
 soon after assessed upon the Inhabitants of Massa- 
 chusetts, for the sole purpose of paying that part 
 of the notes formerly given to the officers and sol- 
 
 voL. II. 29 
 
226 
 
 diers of the revolutionary army,* which were then 
 due. 
 
 The legislature, at a succeeding session instruct- 
 ed their delegates to obtain a resolve of Congress 
 for settling the accounts of the state, for expenses 
 incurred during the war. It was confidently be- 
 lieved, that Massachusetts had made greater ad- 
 vances towards the general expenses than its just 
 share : and, at a later day, when an adjustment was 
 made, it appeared that the opinion was not unfound- 
 ed. The General Court of Massachusetts also pro- 
 ' posed, that Congress should have power granted 
 to it by the several states, to make laws for the gene- 
 ral regulation of foreign commerce. Some of the 
 states still omitted to pass a law for raising a reve- 
 nue by duties on goods imported into the countrv 
 as recommended. This led to an evasion of the 
 laws for that purpose, in the states adjoining. Du- 
 ring this political year a resolution was adopted by 
 the legislature expressing an opinion of the impro- 
 priety of the appointment by Congress, of any of 
 its members to lucrative offices ; several instances 
 had occured, and was considered contrary to the 
 principles of a republican government. 
 
 A judgment of the Supreme Judicial Court in 
 the course of this year, given in the county of 
 Worcester, was a final decision unfavourable to the 
 existence of slavery in Massachusetts. The case 
 originated some time before, and was occasioned 
 by a citizen beating and imprisoning his negro ser- 
 vant, whom he considered a slave. Public opinion 
 had, indeed, been long decidedly against the prac- 
 
 ^ The pay of the representatives for sessions amounted 
 only to 11,000/. 
 
227 
 
 lice of holding any human being in involuntary sla- 
 very. The odious and highly criminal tralific of 
 human beings was never allowed in Massachusetts. 
 A few years after the first settlement of New En- 
 gland, the court ordered two Africans brought into 
 the colony by the captain of a vessel, with the in- 
 tention of being sold for slaves, and supposed to 
 liave been kidnapped on the coast of Africa, to be 
 sent back to their own country. Many however 
 were holden in bondage within the province, till 
 the revolution. The inconsistency of such a prac- 
 tice with the theory and the claims of tlie Ameri- 
 cans was very apparent ; and generally those ne- 
 groes who wished for freedom were granted the 
 indulgence by their masters. The first article in 
 the declaration of rights, which is a jiart of the 
 constitution of the state, adopted in 1780, acknow- 
 ledges “ that all men are born free and equal.” 
 This was inserted, no doubt, as a general axiom, 
 But it was also said, at the time, that thei e was a 
 reference to the condition of the Africans, which 
 had been held in slavery in Massachusetts, and was 
 still advocated in some other parts of the country, 
 by the plea of necessity. The man who claimed 
 to own the slave and pleaded a right to beat and 
 imprison him, was adjudged guilty of an assault, 
 and sentenced to pay a fine of forty shillings. 
 
 In the spring of 1784, the General court order- 
 ed that the number of people should be ascertain- 
 ed ; and the return gave only 358,000. When a 
 census was taken eight years before, it appeared 
 there were 349,000. But there was a great ob- 
 jection to the measure at the latter period, and 
 many omissions in the returns at the former: an 
 opinion prevailed that the number was much great- 
 
228 
 
 er at both periods."^ The small increase for these 
 elpjht years may be accounted for by the fact, that 
 some removed from the state during that period, 
 to Vermont and New York; and that great num- 
 bers perished in the field, in camp and in pri- 
 sons. Eight or nine thousand were lost to the state 
 in these different ways. A great portion of these 
 died in confinement when prisoners of war. The 
 charge was repeatedly made, and probably with 
 some truth, that the American soldiers and sea- 
 men, when taken by the British, were not treated 
 with that attention and humanity, which might 
 have been expected from a civilized and Christian 
 nation. In the prison ships at New York, great 
 numbers died through gross inattention. 
 
 In April 1784, Congress called upon the states 
 to furnish five millions and an half of dollars, to 
 meet demands against the continent, and necessary 
 to be discharged in the course of the year: but a 
 great part of this sum would be furnished by pay- 
 ment of the arrears of three preceding years. Its 
 requisitions for the three years were twelve millions 
 of dollars; and the amount required of Massachu- 
 setts was 1,800,000. The state was still in arrears 
 for this sum, 730,500 dollars. No additional di- 
 rect tax for the continent, therefore, was required 
 this year ; but the amount of what was already 
 due, besides the impostt and an appropriation by 
 the state for the payment of a part of the wages, 
 which had been before promised the soldiers, con- 
 stituted a large sum, which it w^as exceedingly diffi- 
 
 * It was supposed the whole number was at least 400,000. 
 
 t The imposts collected for Suffolk for the year 1784, was 
 ^27,000 : for the whole state ^57,000. 
 
229 
 
 cult to raise. Many of the soldiers, discharged the 
 preceding year, received notes payable in a few 
 months, as there were no funds to pay them at the 
 time, which now become due ; Congress was un- 
 able to obtain any new loans in Europe, this year, 
 (indeed, the French minister informed Dr. Frank- 
 lin that the interest and a part of the principal of 
 the debt due to his nation would be expected) and 
 a new requisition was confidentially made to the 
 several states for the sum of 636,000 dollars to 
 satisfy immediate demands, the share of which for 
 Massachusetts to furnish was 95,000. There was 
 an unwillingness to have the great necessities of 
 the country publicly known. 
 
 The General Court appointed a committee to 
 state the accounts of the Commonwealth for ex- 
 penses incurred in defence of the country during 
 the war, and to prepare for a settlement with 
 agents to be chosen by Congress. An application 
 was made to that body for such an adjustment. 
 They requested an allowance also for the expenses 
 attending the expedition against the British at Pe- 
 nobscot ; which, though projected by Massachu- 
 setts, was designed for the general welfare, and 
 was undertaken with the knowledge of Congress. 
 At the same time, the delegates were instructed 
 to have provision made for an allowance to the 
 state, on account of the bounties it had given men 
 to enlist in the continental army ; and for an in- 
 demnification to those citizens of M issachusetts 
 who held the depreciated paper of the continent, 
 and by which they must suffer, except Congress 
 should allow them some compensation. When a 
 recommendation was made to the states two years 
 before, to call in their respective quotas of the 
 
230 
 
 bills of the old emission, Massachusetts collected 
 its full portion. It could not receive any more, 
 but at its own loss, as there was no resolve of Con- 
 gress to redeem them. Those individuals, there- 
 fore, who were in possession of such bills, were 
 believed to have a fair claim upon the continental 
 government. 
 
 At a subsequent session of this political year, 
 while Congress were considering the subject of a 
 permanent military* establishment, the two houses 
 ordered letters to be written to their delegates, to 
 oppose any plan which should provide for main- 
 taining a large force. They were opposed, from 
 principle, to a standing army in time of peace; and 
 the consideration of the expense furnished a pow- 
 erful objection. But Congress did not consider it 
 proper to disband all the troops ; for the British 
 had not given up the posts on the northern and 
 western frontiers ; and the Indians in some places, 
 still discovered a hostile disposition. 
 
 The legislature likewise passed a resolve, in 
 which they expressed an opinion, that interest 
 ought not to be recovered on British debts, the 
 validity of which the treaty had acknowledged, 
 during the period of the war. They considered 
 it unreasonable that interest should be required 
 while the two countries were engaged in hostili- 
 ties : and their feelings, probably, had some in- 
 fluence in the opinion they formed on the subject, 
 as many demands were made by those who had de- 
 serted the countrv, when their aid and their services 
 were necessary for its Avelfare. The property of 
 
 * The number proposed was four regiments of infantry, 
 one of artillery, and one of engineers. 
 
231 
 
 such persons had been declared forfeited to the 
 state ; and their credits were justly liable to the 
 same disposition. There was less objection to 
 paying the debts due to British merchants, con- 
 tracted before the revolution; but it was contend- 
 ed that these even should not receive the usual 
 interest during the time, when all connexion was 
 suspended between the two countries. 
 
 The treaty of peace with Great Britain provid- 
 ed, ‘‘ that there should be no further confiscation 
 of the estates of those Americans who adhered to 
 the English government in the revolution : — that 
 creditors on both sides shouljd recover their bona 
 fide debts — and that Congress recommend to the 
 respective states to restore the property of all 
 British subjects, living in the other provinces of 
 Britain, or who had not borne arms against the 
 United States. The legislature of Massachusetts 
 did not immediately comply with all these pro- 
 positions. A law was passed in 1784, in which, 
 assuming and declaring its rights as a sovereign 
 state, and consequently its authority to forbid the 
 residence of aliens, and to decide what conduct 
 would be proper for the state to pursue towards 
 all such, it was enacted that those who had fled 
 to the British for protection in the revolution 
 were to be considered and treated as aliens, and 
 not intltled to claim and receive any estate or pro- 
 perty left within the state; that no property 
 confiscated would be restored ; that the credits, 
 as well as the real estate of the absentees, belong- 
 ed to the Commonwealth ; and that they would 
 not be permitted to return to the country. They 
 also provided by law for the judicial court to sus- 
 pend judgment on actions brought by anv British 
 
232 
 
 subjects until further directions from the legisla- 
 ture, as they were of opinion the interest during 
 the time of the war ought not to be recovered. 
 This, perhaps, was an improper interference, on 
 the part of the legislature, with the powers and 
 duty of the judiciary. Congress afterwards de- 
 clared, that the treaty ratified by that body, was 
 binding in all its parts upon the several states, and 
 enjoined a repeal of any laws repugnant to its 
 stipulations. Massachusetts soon after passed a 
 bill repealing all laws of the state which were 
 contrary to, and inconsistent with, the articles of 
 the treaty with England. The legislature had 
 before ordered, that no further confiscations should 
 be made, and allowed absentees of a certain des- 
 cription, and who had not actually aided the Bri- 
 tish in the war, to return and reside for a limited 
 time, with the particular consent of the supreme 
 executive of the state. 
 
 The General Court also passed a law in 1784, 
 to excuse a debtor from paying interest on money, 
 of which he had tendered payment before the 
 first of January 1777. Many persons refused to 
 receive the paper in circulation, at an early day, 
 even before it had depreciated ; and it was deem- 
 ed just by the legislature, that they should lose 
 the interest afterwards. But many supposed the 
 law was not sanctioned by the constitution. 
 
 Towards the close of this year, a representa- 
 tion was made to the governor, that the British 
 were making encroachments on the eastern part 
 of the state adjoining to Nova Scotia. This might 
 have been done without a design to trespass upon 
 the American territory ; for it was a question, 
 which was the true river St. Croix, intended in 
 
233 
 
 the triBaty, as the boundary between the British 
 tjerritory, and the United States, there being two, 
 to which that name had been formerly applied. A 
 committee was appointed to enquire as to the 
 facts, both of the encroachments and of the true 
 boundary; and application was made to Congress 
 for their advice oh the subject. The next year, 
 a report was made by the committee stating the 
 un.certainty of the boundary line, and the proba- 
 bility that the encroachments were not made from 
 a hostile disposition. Commissioners were soon 
 after appointed by Congress, and the bounds were 
 amicably fixed. 
 
 During the winter session of the legislature in 
 1785, governor Hancock resigned the office of 
 chief magistrate, giving as the reason the very in- 
 firm state of his health. His constitution was 
 never apparently very firm ; and ten years of un- 
 remitting public service, under circumstances of 
 great anxiety and responsibility, had rendered him 
 extremely feeble. He needed repose from politi- 
 cal .duties and cares, and there were some of his 
 fellow citizens who complained of his administra- 
 tion. It was a period of great discontent among 
 the people of Massachusetts, on account of the 
 extreme burden of the public taxes. Many were 
 of opinion, the evil might have been lessened by 
 more efficient measures for collecting the taxes 
 within the year in which they were laid. But 
 they had been suffered to accumulate for several 
 years ; and the successor of Mr. Hancock was 
 subjected to more than ordinary difficulties in his 
 administration on this account. 
 
 The patriotism of Mr. Hancock was never 
 doubted;, nor were his talents or fidelity even 
 
 VOL. II. 30 
 
234 
 
 called in question : but he was deficient, perhaps, 
 in that uniformity and firmness, which are highly 
 important in a chief magistrate. In a public 
 officer, however, popularity is no certain proof of 
 ability or honesty of purpose : and opposition is 
 sometimes made to the most upright administra- 
 tion. In their address to Mr. Hancock, in reply 
 to his communication resigning his office, the 
 General Court regretted both the event and the 
 occasion of it ; and expressed a high sense of his 
 patriotic and useful services to the country.* 
 Lieutenant governor Cushing filled the chair the 
 residue of the political year. 
 
 At this session, an additional excise act was 
 passed, “ on paper, parchment and vellum,” on 
 which a fee was required for deeds, writs, policies 
 of insurance, &c. to be paid over to a public officer 
 for the use of the Commonwealth. A great quan- 
 tity of British goods was imported this year into 
 the state, and was the occasion of much uneasiness 
 among the people. For the manufactures of the 
 country were thereby checked, and the amount of 
 specie in circulation was rapidly diminishing. The 
 intelligent patriots lamented this eager desire for 
 articles of foreign production ; and were anxious 
 to restrain it by regulations on foreign commerce 
 and on the importation of goods from other coun- 
 tries. Blit they believed Congress could more ef- 
 fectually provide against the evil by negotiation 
 with foreign nations. The common people com- 
 
 * Mr. Hancock was chosen a representative for Boston in 
 May following. The legislature appointed him a delegate to 
 Congress the same year ; when he was again chosen to pre- 
 side over the deliberations of that body. 
 
plained more loudly.* They saw British mer- 
 chants and British agents crowding their goods 
 into the state, many of which they considered as 
 mere luxuries, for which nothing but gold and sil- 
 ver was given in exchange: and yet many, who 
 perceived and complained of the detriment which 
 was afflicting the country, gave their sanction to 
 these speculations, by purchasing the articles im- 
 ported. But it is more common to detect and to 
 censure a mischievous policy, than to practise that 
 self denial which would prevent its deleterious ef- 
 fects. 
 
 * Some of the importers of English goods were insulted 
 hy the populace. 
 
236 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Ml'. Bowdoin governor . , . His opinions and Speech . . . Proposes more 
 power to Congress... Embarrassments on commerce ... Plan to pay- 
 debt . , , British captain’s insolence . . . Old taxes not collected . . . New 
 ones assessed . . . Criininals confined to labour . . , Convention in Maine 
 , . . Proposal to authorise Congress to regulate commerce . . . Convention 
 proposed for revising corporation ... Mr. Bowdoin governor 1786.*. 
 Urges payment of debt. 
 
 At the election in 1785, Mr. Bowdoin was chosen 
 governor, by the Senate and House of Represen- 
 tatives, the people not having given him a majori- 
 ty of votes. By those who were ignorant of his 
 true character, or who had selfish purposes to 
 promote in opposing him, he was represented as 
 unduly attached to the British government ; so 
 early was this accusation made against some of 
 the purest patriots of the country. There was 
 not in truth, any foundation for such a charge. 
 He had early and uniformly opposed the oppres- 
 sive measures of the British ministry. He was 
 repeatedly debarred from a seat in the council, by 
 Hutchinson, when elected to that body by the 
 patriotic assembly of Massachusetts. He was one 
 of the first delegates to the Continental Congress 
 in 1774; and president of the Supreme Execu- 
 tive Council in 1775 and ’76 : and his conduct had 
 been that of a decided, consistent advocate of 
 
237 
 
 the liberties of America.* But he was less ar- 
 dent in his disposition, and less desirous of con- 
 forming to merely popular sentiments than many 
 others ; who became, therefore, the greater fa- 
 vourites of the common people. He was distin- 
 guished for correctness of judgment and for great 
 moderation in action ; but was possessed also of 
 that firmness and decision of character which pro- 
 cure respectability, and qualify a man for the 
 duties of a public station. The favour and ap- 
 plause of the people were not his chief object ; he 
 sought rather their true and permanent welfare, 
 by reminding them of their obligations, and giving 
 them an example of all the social and moral vir- 
 tues.! 
 
 Mr. Bowdoin came into the chair at a critical 
 period. There was a very great debt standing 
 against the State, and the public credit was not 
 yet placed upon such a foundation as to satisfy 
 those who had demands upon it. Many were in 
 immediate necessity for their dues, and others 
 had not entire confidence in the disposition of the 
 legislature to do them perfect justice. The peo- 
 ple were still complaining of the allowance of five 
 years’ wages to the officers of the late army, and 
 of the high salaries given to some public officers. 
 Some were dissatisfied with the Impost, and some 
 with the excise. The commercial intercourse 
 
 * One of Mr. Bovvdoin’s sons in law was an English gen- 
 tleman. But he was a man of most excellent character, and 
 a friend of America. This circumstance served as a pretext 
 for the charge of British partiality. 
 
 t Messrs. Gerry, Holten, Partridge, and King were dele- 
 gates to Congress for 1785, and Mr. Hancock part of the 
 year. 
 
238 
 
 with other nations was not beneficial to America, 
 nor was there any practical reciprocity in the 
 trade of the United States and foreign countries. 
 Many of those who adhered to the British go- 
 vernment during the revolution, were now return- 
 ing to the State ; and if a great portion of the 
 people were opposed to their residence in the coun- 
 try, others were of opinion that a discrimination 
 might justly be made, by which some of that de- 
 scription should be allowed to return, with the 
 expectation of their demeaning themselves as good 
 citizens. 
 
 In such circumstances, it would have been im- 
 possible for the governor to relieve all the wants, 
 and remove all the complaints of the people ; or 
 even to avoid the censures of some particular 
 class or party of citizens. It was too great a task 
 for any individual, or any legislative body to per- 
 form at once. Nothing but the resolute efforts of 
 the whole community could remedy the distress 
 and evils which prevailed. The citizens, general- 
 ly, were so well principled, that they would have 
 endured any privations for the liberty of the 
 country, as they had often done in the period of 
 the war ; but it was their unhappiness to have 
 lost a just confidence in some of the most upright 
 statesmen, and to have imbibed mistaken views of 
 the course and the means necessary to the per- 
 manent welfare of the country. 
 
 Mr. Bowdoin had a deep sense of the responsi- 
 bility of his station, and of the necessity of great 
 exertions, both in the legislature and the people, 
 to provide a remedy for the difficulties which 
 existed. The following extracts from his speech, 
 when the General Court informed him they were 
 
239 
 
 ready to proceed upon the public business, will 
 shew his views on commerce and public credit. 
 After declaring his determination to make the 
 constitution his guide, he observed : — 
 
 ‘‘ The state of our foreign trade, which has 
 given such general uneasiness, and the operation 
 of which, through the extravagant importations, 
 and use of foreign manufactures, has occasion- 
 ed a large balance against us, demands serious 
 consideration. To satisfy that balance, our money 
 is exported, which, w^ith all the remittances now 
 in our power, falls far short of a sufficiency. 
 Those means, which have been greatly lessened 
 by the war, are gradually enlarging ; but they 
 cannot increase to their former amplitude, so long 
 as Great Britain and other nations continue the 
 commercial systems they have lately adopted. 
 They have an undoubted right to regulate their 
 trade with us, and to admit into their ports, on 
 their own terms, the vessels and cargoes which 
 go from the United States, or to refuse an admit- 
 tance ; their own interest, or their sense of it, 
 being the only principle to dictate those regula- 
 tions, when no treaty of commerce is subsisting. 
 The United States have the same right, and ought 
 to regulate their foreign trade on the same princi- 
 ple. And it is a misfortune that Congress has not 
 yet been authorized for that purpose by all the 
 States. If there be any thing wanting on the 
 part of this State to complete that authority, it 
 lies with you, gentlemen, to mature it ; and until 
 Congress shall ordain the necessary regulations, 
 you will please to consider what further is needful 
 to be done on our part, to remedy the evils, of 
 which the merchant, tradesman, and manufac- 
 
242 
 
 to settle and define them, you will take the neces- 
 sary measures for obtaining such a convention, or 
 Congress, whose agreement, when confirmed by 
 the States, would ascertain those powers.” 
 
 The two houses united in reply to the speech 
 of the governor, in which they expressed the 
 highest respect for his character ; and said — 
 
 “ It shall be our earnest endeavour, at all times, 
 to contribute to the establishment of the federal 
 government of these States on a firm basis, and on 
 such principles as may best tend to procure a just 
 distribution of power, perfect the Union, preserve 
 and secure the rights and liberties of individuals, 
 and promote public, private, and social happiness.” 
 They also declared their resolution to provide for 
 the support of the public credit, and the payment 
 of the debts of the State.* 
 
 The General Court passed the following re- 
 solves, on the subject of the inefficiency of the 
 powers of Congress, and of the expediency of 
 having a convention to revise the articles of Con- 
 federation. * 
 
 “ As the prosperity and happiness of a nation 
 cannot be secured without a due proportion of 
 power in the rulers of the State, the present 
 embarrassed situation of our public affairs must 
 lead the mind of the most inattentive observer to 
 realize the necessity of a revision of the powers 
 vested in Congress by the articles of confedera- 
 tion ; and as we conceive it to be equally the duty 
 and privilege of every State in the Union freely 
 
 * The merchants and tradesmen of Boston presented an 
 address to the governor, congratulating him on his election, 
 and declaring their confidence in his integrity and patriotism. 
 
243 
 
 to communicate their sentiments to the rest, on 
 everj subject relating to their common interest, 
 and to solicit their concurrence in such measures 
 as the exigency of their public affairs may require, 
 therefore, Resolved^ that, in the opinion of this 
 Court, the present powers of Congress, as contain- 
 ed in the articles of confederation, are not fully 
 adequate to the great purposes they were origi- 
 nally designed to effect. 
 
 Resolved^ that, in the opinion of this Court, it is 
 highly expedient, if not indispensably necessary, 
 that there should be a convention of delegates, 
 from all the States in the Union, at some conve- 
 nient place, as soon as may be, for the sole pur- 
 pose of revising the Confederation, and reporting 
 to Congress how far it may be necessary to alter 
 or enlarge the same. 
 
 Resolved^ that Congress be requested to recom- 
 mend a convention of delegates from all the States, 
 at such time and place as they may think conve- 
 nient, to revise the Confederation, and report to 
 Congress how far it may be necessary, in their opi- 
 nion, to alter or enlarge the same, in order to secure 
 and perpetuate the primary objects of the Union.” 
 
 A letter was written to the President of Con- 
 gress, by desire of the legislature, and signed by 
 the governor, requesting that these resolutions 
 might be laid before that body; and the delegates 
 from Massachusetts were instructed to the sut- 
 ject. 
 
 A few days after he took the chair, the govern- 
 or issued a proclamation, exhorting the people of 
 the State to cherish the interests of learning, and 
 to provide for the education of youth ; and urging 
 the importance of industry, frugality, and sobriety. 
 
244 
 
 By request of the General Court, the governor 
 wrote also to the executives of the other States, 
 proposing to them to pass laws regulating com- 
 merce and navigation, for the purpose of prevent- 
 ing the contracted and monopolizing policy of 
 England ; and suggesting the propriety of giving 
 more power to Congress on the subject, by which 
 a uniformity of proceedings, in relation to com- 
 merce with foreign countries, might take place ; 
 the result of which, it was believed, would be 
 beneficial to the United States, and induce Great 
 Britain to a more liberal conduct in the concerns 
 of trade. Such a law was passed by the legisla- 
 ture of Massachusetts, in June, (1785), by which 
 British vessels were forbidden to carry the pro- 
 ducts of the United States ; they were also pro- 
 hibited entering and unloading their cargoes, if 
 brought from ports and places from which Ame- 
 rican vessels were excluded ; and confined to Bos- 
 ton, Falmouth, (Maine), and Dartmouth, as ports of 
 entry. The object of the acts, then recently 
 passed by the British government, was to prevent 
 vessels- of the United States transporting their 
 own produce, or importing such goods as they 
 wanted for their own consumption ; and to engross 
 the whole business of navigation, especially the 
 carrying trade to themselves, which was a very 
 serious and alarming evil to the people in the 
 New-England States. The impost law was also 
 revised, and higher duties charged to all articles 
 imported, which were considered superfluous, or 
 which might interfere with the manufactures of 
 the country, which it was then the policy of the go- 
 vernment to encourage. This was a wise provi- 
 sion; for the people indulged in much extrava- 
 
245 
 
 gance in the use of foreign goods, and the country 
 was greatly impoverished. 
 
 The plan of government for raising a revenue to 
 the state by the manufacture of pot and pearl 
 ashes was not carried into effect. The design was 
 that the people should be encouraged to manufac- 
 ture and deposit it with some public agent, and 
 that it be sold for the state, the individual to be 
 credited on his tax to the amount for which it 
 sold, and thus prevent the purchase of foreign and 
 superfluous goods, which was usually taken in ex- 
 change for ashes. Such a plan would have put 
 some limits to extravagance and increased a valu- 
 able manufacture. A law was made, however, for 
 the survey and inspection of ashes, which had a 
 salutary effect. The article exported from Mas- 
 sachusetts has always been considered more pure, 
 and has commanded a higher price than from any 
 other state. The governor also advised to the 
 manufacture of gun powder, and to the raising of 
 sheep, for the purpose of gradually lessening the 
 amount of imposts, and exciting people to provide 
 more generally the necessary articles of life. The 
 importation of common woollen cloths were very 
 great at this period. 
 
 The legislature, at this session, authorised their 
 delegates in Congress to agree to an alteration of 
 the eighth article of the confederation of the 
 thirteen states. As it originally was, it provided 
 that the quota of each state’s tax to the continent 
 should be fixed according to the value of lands and 
 buildings. The amendment provided, that it should 
 thenceforth be according to the number of white 
 and other free citizens, and of three-fifths of all 
 other persons. As an inducement to the people 
 
246 
 
 to pay their taxes, at an early day after they were 
 assessed, the governor proposed that a premium 
 should be offered for prompt payment, and the in- 
 terest be required of such as did not pay at the 
 time fixed by the statute. 
 
 Soon after governor Bowdoin came into office, 
 his firmness was subjected to a severe trial by the 
 insolent behaviour of a British naval officer, whose 
 ship was then lying in the harbour of Boston. In 
 consequence of the monopolizing policy of the Bri- 
 tish government, relative to trade and commerce, 
 and of the arbitrary conduct, both of its individu- 
 al subjects and public agents in several instances, 
 the prejudices of the people were very strong, at 
 this period, against all British officers ; and in this 
 particular case, some insults were offered to the 
 captain and a party belonging to the English frig- 
 ate. The captain, exaggerating the affair and pre- 
 tending to be in fear of further insult, applied to 
 the governor, who assured him, that he should be 
 protected. It afterwards appeared, that the cap- 
 tain claimed a certain man as his servant, who was 
 formerly in his service, and attempted to seize and 
 convey him on board his ship by force ; and that 
 he had received the insult, of which he complained, 
 on account of his own violent and illegal conduct. 
 When, therefore, he complained a second time, the 
 governor informed him, that the laws afforded pro- 
 tection to strangers as well as to native citizens. But 
 the officer was offended, that the governor did not 
 adopt some special measures tp gratify his pride, 
 and accused Mr. Bowdoin of prevarication; still 
 claiming of him particular interference in his be- 
 half. The governor repelled the insolent sugges- 
 tions in the captain’s letters with great dignity and 
 
247 
 
 firmness. Finding his situation unpleasant, and 
 probably sensible of the impropriety of his conduct, 
 which was universally condemned, he soon left the 
 harbour. As this behaviour was an insult to the 
 country, as well as to the governor of Massachu- 
 setts, Mr. Bowdoin gave information of the affair 
 to Congress; and a resolution was passed to repre- 
 sent the affair, through the American envoy, to 
 the British government. The conduct of the offi- 
 cer was justly censured in his own country. 
 
 The governor gave particular attention to the 
 finances of the state ; and in October, at the second 
 session of the General Court, he made a full state- 
 ment of the debt of the Commonwealth, and sug- 
 gested the means of providing for the payment, in 
 such manner as he believed would be satisfactory 
 to the public creditors. The amount of the debt 
 was 5,000,000 dollars.* The receipts on excise 
 and imposts for the year past was 190,000, and on 
 auctions 3,600. An additional sum was expected 
 to accrue from the revised impost act ; which, with 
 100,000/. tax for fifteen years, would discharge the 
 whole debt, both principal and interest. 
 
 A great part of the debt consisted of army 
 notes, and consolidated notest so called; but 
 these, it was proposed to renew, as many of 
 the public creditors would be willing to wait 
 a longer time, on assurance, of receiving their 
 interest with punctuality. There were, besides, 
 large sums still to be collected, on account of 
 taxes laid for some years before, both for the 
 
 * This WHS the state debt ; the proportion of the continen- 
 tal debt was estimated at nearly the same amount. 
 
 t Those were so denominated, which had been given to the 
 public creditors, when the state was unable to pay their de- 
 mands, and paper money was called in. 
 
248 
 
 state and continent. But, though this would lessen 
 the amount of a new tax, to be assessed for the 
 current year, it would, in fact, afford no relief to 
 the people, who, by being called upon for all ar- 
 rears, were required to pay large sums into the 
 public treasury. For want of prompt and uniform 
 measures through the states to regulate commerce, 
 and to put a stop to large importations of foreign 
 goods, and that in foreign vessels, with little in re- 
 turn but specie, the embarrassments of the coum 
 try continued, the people of all classes complained, 
 and it was extremely difficult, in many cases im- 
 possible, for them to pay the taxes which were as- 
 sessed upon them. The governor was very ur- 
 gent with the General Court, to provide for the 
 debt of the Commonwealth, and for the payment 
 of the sums required of the state by Congress. 
 He acknowledged that the burden of taxes was 
 very great : but he reminded them also, that it 
 was the price of their independence; and that ex- 
 traordinary efforts w'ere necessary to maintain the 
 public credit, and to save the country from ruin. 
 His advice and recommendations were considered 
 most judicious and seasonable, by all intelligent cit- 
 izens : and had the legislature pursued the course 
 he pointed out, with unwavering steps, it would 
 probably have saved the state from the disgrace 
 and expense of an insurrection, which took place 
 at the close of the following year. But many of 
 the General Court were wanting in sufficient reso- 
 lution to lay the taxes, or to order the collection 
 of them, which the exigency required. There 
 was, indeed, some apology for their remissness, 
 arising from the sacrifices, which it would be ne- 
 cessary for the people to make, in order to pay 
 
249 
 
 the amount of taxes, in addition to those before 
 assessed and unpaid, which the full support of pub- 
 lic credit required. But the public burdens should 
 have been timely met by corresponding exertions. 
 Delay served only to increase the difficulty, with- 
 out affording any real satisfaction to the people. 
 If the General Court had firmly supported the 
 views of the governor, the creditors of the state 
 would have had confidence in the government, 
 and willingly renewed their loans to the Common- 
 wealth; while, so long as the state was supposed 
 to be unable, or was unwilling, to pay its just 
 debts, its creditors would be earnest in their de- 
 mands for immediate payment. It was well known, 
 that the distresses of the people were great, and 
 there was a sincere disposition to relieve them : 
 but it was also seen, that the only remedy was in 
 extraordinary efforts, and in frugality and econo- 
 my. 
 
 The governor referred, in his speech to the le- 
 gislature, in October, to a convention then recently 
 held in Portland for the purpose of forming the 
 district of Maine into a separate state. There 
 were several persons, in that part of the Common- 
 wealth, desirous of a separation; and they had pre- 
 vailed with others, from various parts of that dis- 
 trict, to convene, and consider the expediency of 
 such a measure. The proceedings, as those be- 
 lieved, who assembled, were very regular, and con- 
 sistent with good order; for it was their intention 
 to ascertain the opinion of the people generally, 
 and if agreeable to them, to petition the General 
 Court for a separation. But the governor spoke 
 of their conduct, as “ of bad tendency ;” and there 
 were many in Massachusetts who believed it was 
 
 VOL. II. :^2 
 
not the proper and regular mode of proceeding to 
 hold conventions in the manner that was called ; 
 but to obtain the consent of the General Court to 
 refer the subject, in the first place, to the people 
 for their opinion. Before the General Court was 
 prorogued, a joint address was presented to the 
 governor from the senate and representatives, 
 thanking him for his attention and fidelity in the 
 concerns of the state,^ admitting the importance of 
 providing for the support of public credit, and pro- 
 mising to attend particularly to the subject, at the 
 next session. One excuse for declininof to vote a 
 
 O 
 
 tax, at that time was, that a valuation had been 
 ordered to be taken of the property of the Com- 
 monwealth, which, when received would enable 
 them to apf)ortlon it more equitably upon the re- 
 spective towns. 
 
 The governor had other reasons, besides his own 
 conviction of the propriety and rectitude of the 
 measure, to urge the General Court to take im- 
 mediate order for collecting the taxes already as- 
 sessed, and to make provision for still further sums, 
 with all possible despatch. In the course of three 
 or four months, he had received several letters 
 from the continental commissioners of finance, re- 
 questing immediate remittance of a p-trt of the ar- 
 rears, which had been long due from Massachu- 
 setts, and stating the necessity of receiving the re- 
 mainder within a short period. They also gave 
 information, that a new requisition would be made 
 on several states for a large sum, which would 
 
 * They referred, especially, to his statement of the public 
 debt, and the plan for reducing it; and expressed an earnest 
 desire, that he would continue to give his attention to the 
 important subject.” 
 
251 
 
 be expected to be paid early in the year 1786. 
 Belbre the legislature assembled again, which was 
 in January, the governor had additional communi- 
 cations from Congress, pressing the payment of the 
 former quotas, and requiring the I’urther sum of 
 448,000 dollars to be provided at an early period, 
 as their faith was pledged for a large amount. All 
 these papers were laid before the two houses, by 
 the governor, who again expressed his deep sense 
 of the necessity of their immediate attention to the 
 requisitions of Congress, and his anxiety at the em- 
 barrassed condition of the Commonwealth. The 
 whole sum called for by Congress, being the amount 
 of arrears and new apportionment, was 981,000 
 dollars ; only one third of this however, was to be 
 paid in specie, the other two-thirds might be provid- 
 ed for by new loans, at the option of the state. A 
 continental loan olhce in the capital of the state fa- 
 cilitated such a measure, so long as the credit of 
 the Commonwealth was maintained, by paying the 
 demands of those who held notes payable at the 
 office, or by a prompt payment of interest, and a 
 renewal of such loans as the creditor was willing 
 to grant. The whole amount to be collecied by 
 direct tax, on account of the state, was 333,000 
 dollars: and the sum of 300,000 was calculated 
 Avould be raised by the Impost and excise laws. 
 
 A law was enacted in 1785 for the confinement 
 of certain convicts to hard labour on Castle island. 
 Public opinion was opposed to corporal punish- 
 ments ; and it was believed, that imprisonment, 
 united to laborious service, would be likely to re- 
 form the criminal. The laws already required con- 
 finement to houses of correction in the different 
 counties for some offences; but there were few 
 
252 
 
 such buildings erected in the state ; and it was 
 only for the lesser crimes, that such punishment 
 was provided. It was now ordered by the General 
 Court, that a large workshop should be erected on 
 the island, and the barracks fitted for the reception 
 of those sentenced to hard labour and confinement 
 for a longer term than a year. Afterward, when 
 that island was ceded to the United States, a build- 
 ing was provided at Charlestown, for the recep- 
 tion and employment of convicts, with the view of 
 effecting their reformation, as well as of preventing 
 the further commission of crimes. The great be- 
 nefit expected in reforming those confined has not 
 been fully realized. But it is difficult to decide, 
 whether this be owing to a defect in the system, 
 as there is no real solitary confinement, or to its 
 insufficiency to reform the very depraved persons 
 who are the subjects of its discipline. 
 
 The General Court of Massachusetts early per- 
 ceived the advantages which would attend a uni- 
 form system of commercial regulation, and had, 
 by a particular resolve, given power to their dele- 
 gates to Congress 'to agree to such a plan: but it 
 was on condition, that all the other states should 
 conform to the system. They were also desirous 
 of having the revenue, thence arising, collected 
 by their own officers, and of retaining a part of 
 the amount received for the payment of the debts 
 of the state. The system, which Congress would 
 approve, required the collectorsto be by continental 
 officers, and the whole revenue to be at the dis- 
 posal of that bodv, to discharge the debts of the 
 United States. The sums collected by the impost 
 duty were, indeed, greatly wanted by Massachu- 
 setts, to pay its own particular debts : and it was 
 
253 
 
 also confidently believed by many intelligent citi- 
 zens, that the state was paying, from year to year, 
 much more than its proportion of the continental 
 debt, as on a settlement, it would be found that 
 she had advanced more than her share of the ex- 
 pences of the war. Congress urged Massachu- 
 setts and the other states, which had not then 
 given such power, to authorise their delegates to 
 consent to it. The governor also in October 1785, 
 and January 1788, endeavoured to prevail on the 
 legislature to pass a new act giving complete and 
 unconditional power to Congress to regulate foreign 
 commerce. Before this was decided by the court, 
 a proposal was made, by the assembly of Virginia, 
 for a convention at Annapolis, in September fol- 
 lowing, to consist of committees from all the states, 
 to take into consideration the commerce and trade 
 of the continent; and to agree upon some general 
 plan, or to delegate power to Congress to legis- 
 late on the subject. A committee was according- 
 ly appointed by the General Court, consisting of 
 Caleb Davis, B. Goodhue, T. Dalton and J. C. 
 Jones : several of these gentlmen declined, and F. 
 Dana, S. Hlgglnson, G. Cabot and E. Gerry were 
 appointed. Only five states were represented in 
 this meeting, and therefore no plan was adopted 
 for the general regulation of the commerce of the 
 country. But it w\as recommended by the meeting, 
 that there should be a convention at Philadelphia 
 in May 178(3, to be composed of delegates from 
 all the states, for the purpose of revising the arti- 
 cles of the confederation, and giving power to 
 Congress sufficient for adopting and enforcing all 
 such regulations, ‘‘as should be necessary for the 
 credit, respectability and prosperity of the coun- 
 try.” 
 
254 
 
 The finances of the continent at this time were 
 in a very unsettled and embarrassed condition. 
 Its debt in Europe was very great, and the Con- 
 gress was owing a large amount, exclusive and in- 
 dependent of what the respective states individu- 
 ally were bound to pay for the common benefit. 
 Had the states collected and paid over to the con- 
 tinental government the sums demanded for seve- 
 ral years, the debt would have been much lessen- 
 ed. But all the states were greally in arrears to 
 Congress, each having debts of its own to provide 
 for. The governor was desirous to comply with 
 the requisition of Congress, by giving to that body 
 the whole power over the imposts, or to appro- 
 priate the revenue arising from it, to such pur- 
 poses as was required. But it was not till the 
 federal government was organized under the new 
 constitution, that Congress had the full power to 
 regulate commerce, and to command the revenue 
 arising therefrom. 
 
 Mr. Bowdoin was chosen governor, in 1786, by 
 the people, having received about three fourths of 
 the votes of the whole state. Mr. Cushing was 
 again elected lieutenant governor; Samuel Phillips, 
 Junr. President of the Senate, and Artemas Ward, 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives. The 
 House of Representatives consisted of two hun- 
 dred membei's ; many of whom were not of the 
 house the former year. The counsellers were, 
 Spooner, Holton, Gill, Cushing, Greenleaf, Cutts, 
 Fuller, Phillips and Ellis ; the delegates to Con- 
 gress, Goreham, Sedgwick, King and Dane. 
 
 The governor particularly urged upon the at- 
 tention of the legislature the interests of Harvard 
 Colleo-e. He alluded to the article in the consti- 
 
 o 
 
255 
 
 tution, which required the General Court to pro- 
 vide for its support and prosperity, and proposed 
 that all former grants of lands be secured, and a 
 portion in the new township reserved for its use. 
 He reminded them, that it was always an object 
 dear to their fathers; that even the British go- 
 vernment had extended to the institution its fos- 
 tering care; and he expressed his confidence, that 
 a re[)ubllcan legislature could not neglect the in- 
 terests of science. But a great part of his elabo- 
 rate speech had reference to the finances of the 
 state. As he had done at the two former sessions, 
 he expressed great concern on account of the pe- 
 cuniary eml>arrassments of the Commonwealth, 
 and declared again his solemn opinion, that some 
 more prompt and efficient measures had become 
 indispensably necessary. A large amount was due 
 on army notes and other public securities; a great 
 part of the former taxes remained uncollected ; 
 and the portion required of the state, by Congress, 
 for the arreai’s of three past years, with the ad- 
 ditional sum for the present year (1786 ;) making 
 in the whole almost a million and a half of dollars. 
 This indeed, was a heavy tax. The exhibit was 
 alarming and discouraging to the people. It was 
 impossible perhaps to collect it in one year. But 
 the evil might have been avoided in a great degree 
 by an earlier attention on the part of the General 
 Court. The governor had discharged his high 
 duty, by giving early information, urging some pro- 
 vision, and warning the General Court of the dis- 
 astrous consequence of inattention and delay. He 
 did not indeed insist, either at this time, or at the 
 two preceding sessions, when he referred to the 
 subject, that the whole tax of the state and the 
 
256 
 
 sums required by Congress should be raised, at 
 once. But be did most earnestly urge upon them, 
 the necessity of paying the interest; of furnishing 
 the third of the amount desired by Congress, in 
 specie; and of opening new loans, connected with 
 such a plan for paying promptly future interest 
 and annual instalments on the principle, as should 
 satisfy public creditors of the disposition of the 
 assembly to do them ample justice, and to give 
 them confidence in the promises of the govern- 
 ment. Bat many of the General Court were ac- 
 tuated by mistaken views of the public w^elfare, 
 and were unwilling to press the people to such 
 payments as the condition of the state imperious-’ 
 iy demand^^d. More energy during the years 
 1783 and 1784, and a full statement to the people 
 of the public debt, might have afforded seasona- 
 ble relief, and prevented, in some measure, the 
 embarrassment, with which the Commonwealth 
 was now struggling. 
 
 In 1781, wlien the officers and soldiers of the 
 army were urgent for their w^ages, and when it 
 was extremely difficult to prevail with them to 
 continue in the public service, the legislature en- 
 gaged punctual payment of interest, and payment 
 of the principal in six successive years ; and passed 
 a law authorising the treasurer to issue warrants 
 even if no tax bill should be voted by the legisla- 
 ture, for assessing and collecting the sums necessa- 
 ry for the purpose. The governor reminded the 
 General Court of this law', and stated that it W'ould 
 be the duty of the treasurer to issue warrants in 
 July, unless they should expressly direct him to 
 suspend them. He suggested, that if a part now 
 due, with the interest, was provided for, the resi- 
 
257 
 
 due might be met by giving new notes to the cre- 
 ditors : but that seven hundred thousand dollars 
 appeared to be necessary, to be collected, the 
 greater part, by a direct tax, to.discharge demands 
 upon the state ; and 224,000 dollars, to comply 
 with the requisitions of Congress. And yet the 
 legislature directed the treasurer to suspend his 
 warrants for the sums necessary to pay off the 
 public securities, for which such taxes had been 
 previously promised. 
 
 The conduct of the legislature was represented 
 by some as wavering and inconsistent. Perliaps, 
 as it regarded the majority, there was little foun- 
 dation for such a charge. The situation of the 
 Commonwealth was very critical ; and the imme- 
 diate representatives of the people were desirous 
 of affording all possible relief to their fellow citi- 
 zens ; yet, at the same time, they discovered a 
 disposition to support public credit and to comply 
 with the demands of Congress. They granted a 
 large sum at the request of that body, to satisfy 
 demands before made, by a tax on the polls and 
 estates of the people. When a proposition was 
 made to issue paper bills, to order them to be re- 
 ceived in payment of public debts and even to be 
 made a tender in all cases, and also to allow the 
 payment of common debts by specific articles of 
 produce, it received the negative of five sixths of 
 the representatives. 
 
 The General Court was prorogued, early in July, 
 to the month of January; but, on account of the 
 prevailing complaints among the people, which, in 
 August, were followed by county conventions and 
 open opposition to government, in stopping the 
 courts of justice, and threatening the entire pros-; 
 
 VOL. II. 33 
 
258 
 
 tratioii of law and order, tlie governor called a 
 special session in September. The council un- 
 animously advised to this measure. The principal 
 complaints of the people were the following. 
 The excise law, and the application of the reve- 
 nue arising from that and from the impost law to 
 the payment of continental taxes, and notes due 
 at the loan ofiice and to the officers and soldiers 
 of the late army, instead of being put into the 
 treasury to discharge the common expences of 
 government. — The usual mode of apportioning 
 direct taxes ; the poorer classes alleging that the 
 poll tax was too high, and the farmers that land 
 was valued too highly, and commercial property 
 not enough : the compensation allowed the officers 
 of the army was considered a grievance by some, 
 and objections were made to paying them, “at the 
 expence of the sufferings of their fellow citizens,” 
 as was pretended. This was, indeed, a singular 
 complaint; for they had the notes of government, 
 which it was not in the power of the legislature 
 to cancel ; and a great portion were too just, as 
 well as too grateful, to wish to deprive them of 
 their due. Another source of discontent was the 
 great amount of private debts, which had long 
 been suffered to accumulate. — The costs in civil 
 suits, and in the collection of debts gave occasion 
 for complaint also : and it was pretended that 
 lawyers had an undue influence and were growing 
 rich, at the expence of the common people. Some 
 even objected to the courts of common pleas as 
 an unnecessary burden. Objections were made 
 to the constitution of the state ; and the senate 
 declared to be superfluous, or worse. Some 
 .desired a new emission of paper, in the hope 
 that a remedy would thereby be provided for 
 
259 
 
 their pecuniary embarrassments. Some proposed 
 the payment of the debt of the state by paying 
 only the sum for which public paper was purchas- 
 ed, when at its greatest depreciation. 
 
 The single fact, that the taxes were extremely 
 high and burdensome, is sufficient perhaps, to ac- 
 count for all the uneasiness, which prevailed. But, 
 to the well informed and reflecting citizens, the dis- 
 position both of the governor and of the General 
 Court to grant all the indulgence and forbearance 
 consistent with the public credit, was sufficiently 
 apparent; and must have induced them, most will- 
 ingly, to submit to the requisitions, which were 
 made upon them. But many of the lower class 
 of people had imbibed improper notions of go- 
 vernment, in consequence of tlie revolution, and 
 of the opposition formerly made to the arbitrary 
 acts of the British parliament. And a few artful 
 and unprincipled men took advantage of their 
 mistakes and sufferings, and persuaded them, that 
 they had a right, in irregular conventions and by 
 force, to rid themselves of the restraints of law 
 and government. The riots which took place, 
 however, were rather the effect of excitement un- 
 der their heavy burdens, than of any settled belief 
 with many, that they might justly oppose the laws 
 of the state. A vast majority of the citizens were 
 too intelligent and too well disposed, to resolve, 
 deliberately, to disobey the authority of govern- 
 ment. There was, indeed, at one time, much 
 cause for alarm, when even a comparatively small 
 portion of the people were so infatuated as to 
 take up arms to oppose the government of their 
 own creation, or to refuse to pay the price of 
 their civil privileges ; and it required the vigilance, 
 the wisdom, and firmness of the friends of good 
 order to quell the spirit of misrule. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Convention in Hampshire county . . . Also in other countries . . . Complaints 
 of taxes and courts . . . Courts interrupted . . . Militia called out to sup- 
 port government .. . Extra session of the General Court . . . Approved of 
 the conduct of the governor ... And endeavour to provide relief to the 
 public . . . Middlesex militia . . .County conventions renewed and forci- 
 ble opposition to government ... Settlement of dispute with New York 
 . . . Courts again obstructed , . . Insurgents em.bodied . . . And militia 
 called out. 
 
 In the early part of August a convention was 
 holden at Hatfield, composed of delegates from 
 about fifty towns in the county of Hampshire, 
 being five sixths of the whole number. They as- 
 sembled openly, and declared their object to be, 
 ‘‘ to consider and provide a remedy for the griev- 
 ances they suffered.” They professed to disap- 
 prove of all mobs and riots; and probably a ma- 
 jority of them were sincere in the declaration and 
 did not meditate any forcible opposition to govern- 
 ment. The error, in the well disposed, was to 
 assemble in such a manner; as it only served to 
 inflame the minds of the more ignorant, and gave 
 opportunity to the more artful to exert an influence 
 extremely dangerous. The regular mode of seek- 
 ing a redress of their grievances and sufferings 
 would have been an application to the legislature, 
 through their representatives, who would have 
 
2(31 
 
 afforded all suitable indulgence and all possible re- 
 lief. For the legislature, composed of citizens of 
 the state, whose interests, whose prosperity, whose 
 rights and whose destiny, were the same as those 
 of all the people, would be as ready to provide 
 for the comfort and the rights of their constitu- 
 ents, as for the authority of government. 
 
 This convention continued in session three days. 
 Their first vote was, ‘‘ that the convention was 
 constitutional.” They then proceeded to consider 
 the causes of complaint among the people ; which 
 they believed to be the following. — The senate in 
 the legislature, which they alleged was not a re- 
 presentative body of the citizens, and was a re- 
 straint upon their immediate deputies or agents. 
 The rule of representation was objected against 
 as unequal ; all salaries, they insisted, ought to be 
 granted annually, and all civil officers appointed 
 by the General Court. — Fees for judges and 
 others, they believed were too great. — The courts 
 of Common Pleas and of sessions were unnecessa- 
 ry. — The whole appropriation of the impost and 
 excise duties to pay the public debt, especially 
 army notes, was condemned; and a suggestion 
 made that a part of it ought to be applied to the 
 annual support of the government. — Some salaries 
 of public officers were too high. — The existing 
 rule of laying taxes was objected to, in assessing 
 so much on polls and on lands ; expence of law suits ; 
 want of circulating medium; General Court sitting 
 in Boston; neglect in settling with Congress, as it 
 was believed the state was called upon for more 
 than its portion; and the haste with which collec- 
 tors were required to collect the taxes, many of 
 which were due. 
 
262 
 
 The convention proposed that paper bills should 
 be issued, that they should be made a tender, and 
 be received in payment of public securities and 
 other notes due the officers of the army or those 
 who had loaned money to the Commonwealth. 
 They also declared an opinion for having the con- 
 stitution revised and altered. And they passed 
 a vote, that the governor should be required to 
 call the General Court together immediately to 
 act upon these various subjects. Their votes and 
 proceedings were ordered to be published, and 
 copies to be forwarded to Worcester and Berk- 
 shire, where conventions were already proposed 
 to be holden : and the chairman was authorised to 
 call another meeting, if application should be made 
 to him for the purpose. 
 
 It was evident, that many of their complaints 
 were unreasonable, and that some of their pro- 
 posals were inconsistent with the dignity of go- 
 vernment and the honour and good faith of the 
 states. No one denied that the public burdens 
 were difficult to be borne ; nor were there any 
 who did not lament the condition of the people, 
 and desire to provide some relief. But the con- 
 vention, even supposing a majority of its members 
 to have been averse from open opposition to the 
 laws, was considered an improper means for re- 
 dress. When one was proposed in the county of 
 Suffolk, in 1784, with a view to prevent the pay- 
 ment of the commutation promised to the officers 
 of the army, the citizens of Boston, Roxbury and 
 some other towns severely condemned the mea- 
 sure; choosing rather to submit to the opinion of 
 the General Court on the subject, which was the 
 only competent body, indeed, to decide upon it. 
 
263 
 
 In three weeks after the convention at Hatfield, 
 notwithstanding its censure upon all mobs and riots, 
 J^»00 men, chietlj armed, assembled at Northamp- 
 ton, the shire of the county, and prevented the 
 sitting of the court of Common Pleas. They were 
 determined there should be a suspension of the 
 regular processes of law: But probably they had 
 no settled plan, as yet, to dispense with all judi- 
 cial courts. On a representation of this alarming 
 outrage, the governor issued a proclamation, for- 
 bidding all assemblies of the people for unlawful 
 purposes, and calling upon the officers of the go- 
 vernment and the good citizens of the Common- 
 wealth, to aid in suppressing such dangerous com- 
 binations. The council were not in session at the 
 time ; and he consulted the attorney general and se- 
 nators and representatives, the judges of the court, 
 who were in the vicinity. The prudent procla- 
 mation of the governor had little effect. The 
 evil increased ; the discontented became bold and 
 forward in their censures upon the conduct of the 
 General Court, and of the executive. The spirit 
 of misrule and insurrection spread extensively and 
 rapidly. In Worcester, Middlesex, Bristol, and 
 Berkshire, it threatened similar acts of disorder 
 as had been committed in Hampshire. 
 
 The first of September, the Court of Common 
 Pleas for Worcester county was not suffered to 
 be opened. About 300 armed men assembled, 
 took possession of the Court House, and would 
 not permit the judges to enter : and, soon after, 
 when the Supreme Court held a regular term at 
 Springheld, the Insurgents collected in large num- 
 bers, to prevent them. The govei nor was early in- 
 formed that they would probably interrupt the sit- 
 
264 
 
 ting of this court, and he ordered major general She- 
 pard, commanding the division of militia in that 
 county, to take possession of the Court House, if 
 there was just reason to apprehend any violent pro- 
 ceedings, on the part of the malcontents. General 
 Shepard collected 600 of the militia, and prepared 
 to obey the order of the Supreme Executive. 
 Many of the officers and men who joined him, 
 were very respectable for property and informa- 
 tion. The insurgents, however, assembled, on the 
 morning of the day fixed for the sitting of the 
 Court, and in greater numbers than it had been 
 supposed they could collect. The principal and 
 most active leader of the party was captain Daniel 
 Shays, who had been sometime an officer in the 
 continental army. They appeared much disap- 
 pointed and enraged to find the Court House already 
 in possession of those, who resolved to support the 
 authority of government. The Justices of the 
 Court exhibited great firmness on the occasion ; 
 refusing to receive any message from the rioters, 
 who had requested that no indictments might be 
 sustained against any of their party. But the 
 alarm and anxiety of the citizens was so great, 
 that it was concluded to adjourn the court on the 
 third day of the session. 
 
 The conduct of the insurgents was verv insolent ; 
 and in some cases they threatened those who 
 would not join them. There w^as a serious appre- 
 hension, at one period, that they would have at- 
 tacked the militia under general Shepard. But 
 they were probably convinced of his resolution 
 and bravery, and prudently avoided a contest. 
 His cond’uct was highly applauded for moderation 
 and coolness. Indeed, his object and his orders 
 
 r 
 
265 
 
 were to act on the defensive, and to support the 
 civil authority. On the fourth day after they had 
 assembled, the insurgents dispersed, much to the 
 relief and comfort of the good people of Spring- 
 field and vicinity. 
 
 The Justices of the Supreme Court did not 
 consider it prudent to go into the county of Berk- 
 shire, at this time ; believing that it might irritate 
 the discontented part of the people, and that pro- 
 bably no business could be regularly accomplished. 
 The insurgents expected the Judges would come 
 into the county to hold the Court, although it had 
 been otherwise reported; and a considerable num- 
 ber of them collected, many of them armed, in 
 the shire of the county, with an intention to pre- 
 vent the sitting of the Court. Their behaviour 
 was very reprehensible; the people were greatly 
 alarmed, and some were threatened with personal 
 injury. 
 
 Major general Cobb, of Bristol county, who 
 was also the chief justice of the court of common 
 pleas, was apprehensive of violent proceedings by 
 the discontented in that quarter; and although he 
 bad received an intimation from the governor,* 
 that the militia would not probably be needed on 
 the occasion, he had ordered several companies 
 to appear at Taunton, the shire of the county, on 
 the morning the Court was to meet. This was a 
 
 * In the absence of the Council, the governor consulted 
 some civil and military officers, on the expediency of order- 
 ing out the militia, both in Middlesex and Bristol, to support 
 the courts, which, it was apprehended, would be interrupted. 
 It was hoped there would be no opposition, and therefore 
 the governor gave directions merely to call out the militia in 
 case of necessity. 
 
 VOI.. II. 
 
 M 
 
266 
 
 seasonable and judicious measure. The malcon- 
 tents appeared in greater numbers than the militia, 
 who had been ordered for protection of the Court. 
 But the firm and spirited conduct of general Cobb* 
 convinced them of the extreme danger of their 
 enterprise ; and they separated, without any at- 
 tempt to prevent the sitting of the Court. It was 
 decided, however, by the Court, that the great 
 alarm and uneasiness which prevailed, rendered it 
 proper to adjourn to a future day. 
 
 In Middlesex, the malcontents succeeded in ob- 
 structing the Court. It was believed, by many 
 respectable citizens of the county, that the pro- 
 clamation of the governor, together with the influ- 
 ence of the friends of order, would deter them 
 from resorting to force, and prevail on them to 
 seek relief from the legislature. But they were 
 mistaken in the favourable opinion they had form- 
 ed of the discontented part of the community. 
 The insurgents assembled, and forbid the justices 
 to transact the ordinary business of the Court. 
 They were not so numerous in Middlesex as in 
 Worcester or Hampshire ; but expecting they 
 would not appear in forcible opposition to the 
 Court, the governor had not ordered out the 
 militia for its protection. A convention had then 
 been lately holden in the county, but it was not 
 attended by delegates from a majority of the 
 towns ; nor did it complain of all the measures of 
 government, which had been censured at similar 
 meetings, in other parts of the Commonwealth. 
 
 * He approached the insurgents, and declared to them, 
 “ that he would sit as a judge, or die as a general.” They 
 knew his character too well to think of intimidating him. 
 
267 
 
 But there were some persons in Middlesex who 
 openly avowed the most disorganizing sentiments, 
 and whom nothing but fear could deter from vio- 
 lent proceedings. 
 
 The General Court met the last of September, 
 -in obedience to a special summons from the go- 
 vernor, to consult on measures for allaying the dis- 
 contents of the people, and maintaining the dignity 
 of the laws. The governor gave a full and faith- 
 ful statement of the recent proceedings of the 
 malcontents in different parts of the Common- 
 wealth, and of the measures which he had pursued 
 in relation to them. He gave a decided opinion in 
 favour of some efficient measures to restore tran- 
 quillity, and to support the authority of govern- 
 ment ; while, at the same time, he expressed a 
 desire that all suitable forbearance and relief 
 should be extended to the people, under their 
 heavy burdens. He expressly condemned the con- 
 duct of the insurgents, in the manner they were 
 seeking redress, whatever might be their suffier- 
 ings, by forcible opposition to constitutional autho- 
 rity ; and pointed out the regular mode for obtain- 
 ing relief by application to the legislature. All 
 that was proper in the executive, he had done, 
 with great promptness and decision ; and he was 
 aware of the propriety, in a free government, of 
 having the immediate representatives of the peo- 
 ple devise means for preserving order in the Com- 
 monwealth, and furnishing such redress as the exi- 
 gency required, or the condition of the state would 
 admit. 
 
 The General Court censured the irregular and 
 violent conduct of the insurgents ; and the majori- 
 ty were disposed to make all suitable provisions 
 
268 
 
 for giving due strength to the arm of government. 
 They passed a law against all riots and unlawful 
 assemblies; and, after some discussion and some 
 opposition, suspended the privilege of the writ of 
 habeas corpus for eight months. While they were 
 in session, on a report that the discontented would 
 probably attempt to obstruct the sitting of the Su- 
 preme Judicial Court in the county of Bristol, they 
 made a particular request to the governor and 
 council, to give orders to the major general of that 
 division to be in readiness, with the militia, to pro- 
 tect the judges in their official duty.* 
 
 This was a great relief to the governor ; for 
 there w^as a disposition manifested by a portion of 
 the citizens, to represent his firmness as severity, 
 and to charge him with a w^ant of feeling for the 
 distresses of the people. But proof was thus af- 
 forded, that all branches of the legislature were 
 alarmed at the violent proceedings of the insur- 
 gents, and were united in support of the constitut- 
 ed authorities of the state. 
 
 The discontented, who were opposed to the sit- 
 ting of the Supreme Court in the county of Bris- 
 tol, again assembled, and most of them with fire 
 arms ; but the promptitude and resolution of the 
 major general, as on a former occasion, when the 
 Court of Common Pleas convened, obliged them to 
 disperse. 1 1 Avas proof of great lenity in government, 
 as this was a second design, by force, to interrupt 
 the regular course of justice, that the leaders were 
 not immediately seized and punished; or confined, 
 
 * This request was made by a joint committee of the Ge- 
 neral Court, consisting of S. Adams, J. Brooks, D. Davis and 
 T. Dalton, who personally waited on the executive for the 
 purpose. 
 
269 
 
 as an inducement to others to cease their oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 Several acts were passed, at this session, for the 
 immediate relief of the people ; some of which 
 could not have been considered proper, except in 
 the existing state of the country, which required 
 all possible indulgence. Indeed, if every thing 
 was not done for the alleviation of the burdens of 
 the people, which they expected or desired, it 
 was because a supreme regal’d to justice, to order, 
 and to constitutional principles, forbid. The legis- 
 lature could not annihilate the debt of the Com- 
 monwealth, nor dispense entirely with the collection 
 of the taxes laid to discharge it. They could only 
 provide for deferring a part to a future day ; and 
 allow the people to pay in such articles as their 
 farms and their occupation would command. 
 
 They accordingly passed acts for lessening the 
 expenses of suits at law ; for allowing the debtor to 
 discharge executions by real or personal estate. 
 Provision was also made for paying a part of the 
 state tax in specific articles, instead of specie. A 
 part of the revenue arising from excise and im- 
 posts, though formerly pledged for the payment of 
 interest on the debt of the state to officers of the 
 late army, and to those who had loaned their mo- 
 ney to the Commonwealth, was appropriated to the 
 support of government ; by which the necessity 
 for collecting the direct tax would be less urgent. 
 And all who would appear before some magistrate 
 of the county in which they resided, acknowl- 
 edging the impropriety of all forcible opposition 
 to government, and taking an oath of allegiance to 
 the Commonwealth, and an oath to support the 
 constitution and the laws, were to receive a full 
 pardon and restored to the rights of citizenship. 
 
270 
 
 An address to the people was likewise prepared 
 and published by the two houses of assembly, in 
 which a statement was made of the public debt, of 
 the particular object and appropriation of the taxes, 
 and of the requisitions of Congress. The people 
 were solemnly urged to consider the fatal conse- 
 quences of a repetition of such irregular proceed- 
 ings, as had taken place in several counties ; and 
 to make an effort, by great frugality and economy, 
 to lessen the amount both of public and private 
 debts. They Avere assured, that the legislature 
 was fully disposed to afford all relief and indul- 
 gence, consistent with good faith and with a just 
 regard to constitutional principles ; but that those 
 Avho continued to oppose the wholesome laws of 
 the state and the regular course of justice would 
 be treated as rebels against the Commonwealth. 
 
 An agreement was made, at this period, by a 
 number of the most respectable characters in the 
 state, to discourage the use and importation of 
 foreign goods ; to wear domestic cloths ; and in 
 other ways, to encourage economy and industry. 
 The governor, lieutenant governor, scA^eral mem- 
 bers of the council and senate, and many other per- 
 sons of wealth and influence joined the association. 
 Much of the distress of the times was owing to an 
 extravagant use of foreign articles, which com- 
 manded a great price, and by means of which, the 
 specie, which should have been applied to the pay- 
 ment of taxes and common debts, was sent out of 
 the state. 
 
 While the legislature was in session, and in the 
 early part of November, it was apprehended, from 
 the movements of some malcontents in the north- 
 ern parts of the county of Middlesex, that they 
 
271 
 
 would attempt to interrupt the usual sitting of the 
 Supreme Court in Cambridge. As in the case of 
 Bristol county, a short time before, the senate and 
 house made a particular application to the gover- 
 nor to issue orders to the major general of the mi- 
 litia of the third division, to be prepared with a 
 sufficient force to afford such protection to the 
 Court as might be necessary. Orders were ac- 
 cordingly given to major general Brooks, command- 
 ing officer of the militia in Middlesex, to make his 
 arrangements for calling out several regiments on 
 the occasion. Two regiments were also detached, 
 from Essex and the same number from Suffolk, to 
 be in readiness for marching to Cambridge, if they 
 should be required. 
 
 The insurgents were too prudent to appear at 
 Cambridge, at the meeting of the court, when they 
 learned how powerful and resolute the friends of 
 government were in tliat vicinity. The whole 
 number of militia, to be called out on this occasion 
 were to be under the immediate command of ge- 
 neral Brooks, in whose great prudence and firm- 
 ness, the governor and legislature had the most 
 perfect confidence. The distant troops, which had 
 been detached, were not ordered out, as it was be- 
 lieved a few regiments would be sufficient to pro- 
 tect the court. Such was the abhorrence of the 
 conduct of the insurgents, and such the disposition 
 to support the government, among the citizens of 
 Suffolk, Essex, and a great part of Middlesex, that 
 the whole of the militia, which had been detach- 
 ed, were prepared to march to Cambridge ; but 
 only three regiments and four artillery companies 
 in Middlesex ; two independent companies and 
 
272 
 
 two companies of artillery from Boston were re- 
 quired to appear. 
 
 The militia, which was assembled, made a fine 
 appearance, under their excellent commander; and 
 were reviewed by the governor, who was attended 
 by the council and many members of the legisla- 
 ture. The commander in chief made an aniniated 
 address to them, on the occasion, in which he ap- 
 plauded them for the zeal they had manifested in 
 the support of government. A favourable efiect 
 was produced by this promptness and alacrity in 
 the militia ; and the friends of order felt a confi- 
 dence, that, whatever might be the designs or the 
 conduct of a few deluded or desperate characters, 
 the great body of the people had a just regard for 
 the constitution and the laws. 
 
 The General Court was prorogued early in No- 
 vember, after a session of six weeks faithfully and 
 assiduously devoted to consultations and the adop- 
 tion of measures for the welfare of the state : and 
 when they separated, it was with a strong belief, 
 that the people would not again appear in opposi- 
 tion to the lawful authority of the government. 
 But there was a large portion of the citizens so in- 
 fatuated and so much under the influence of a few 
 desperate, unprincipled characters, that, soon after 
 the legislature had closed its session, they held 
 meetings in some of the western counties at 
 which they censured the measures recently adopt- 
 ed by their own representatives, and resolved to 
 prevent the regular execution of the laws of the 
 state. A daring spirit was manifested, threatening 
 
 ^ One was holden at Hadley in Hampshire county, and one 
 at Worcester in the former part of the month of November. 
 
273 
 
 forcible opposition to government ; and the peo- 
 ple were publicly addressed by unauthorised in- 
 dividuals, with the design to inflame and mislead 
 them, and to induce them to arm themselves 
 against the lawful authority of the Commonwealth. 
 It is hardly possible they could have promised 
 themselves success in their rebellious projects ; and 
 yet they sometimes discovered a boldness and a 
 confidence, which usually inspire those who are en- 
 gaged in a righteous cause. There were very few 
 men of respectability or property, however, who 
 countenanced these irregular proceedings ; and 
 many who attended the conventions were seeking 
 relief, in their own opinions, only in a reasonable 
 manner, without intending any forcible resistance 
 to the civil authority. 
 
 On the day appointed for holding the Court of 
 General Sessions of the peace, for the county of 
 Worcester, towards the close of November, a 
 number of the discontented citizens appeared, and 
 prevented the justices from transacting the usual 
 business of the court. This was not a very large 
 body ; and had any opposition to the sitting of the 
 court, at this time, been expected, it might have 
 been easily suppressed by the militia in the vicini- 
 ty. The malcontents complained that the legis- 
 lature had not complied with all their requests ; 
 and some of them appeared actuated by the belief, 
 that they owed no other obedience to government, 
 but in so far as they might approve of its mea- 
 sures, and that they might dispense with any laws, 
 which were obnoxious to them, at their pleasure. 
 Very few, probably, would have openly avowed 
 such dangerous opinions. 
 
 Such was the conduct of the insurgentsat Worces- 
 vor„ H. 33 
 
274 
 
 ter, and some other parts of the state, particularly 
 in the counties of Hampshire and Middlesex, at 
 this time, that the governor considered it his indis- 
 pensible duty to adopt some decisive measures ; 
 and to show to that deluded portion of the people, 
 who seemed still determined to obstruct the regu- 
 lar course of the laws, that the legal guardians of 
 the public Avelfare would not be silent spectators 
 of such outrages. He issued a general order, as 
 commander in chief of the militia of the Common- 
 wealth, calling upon the several major generals 
 through the state, to see that the men belonging 
 to their respective divisions were equipped, and 
 ready to obey any sudden call for the public service. 
 
 The discontented still complained loudly against 
 the conduct of the legislature, and accused them 
 “of being oppressive, or insensible to the distresses 
 of their constituents and declared their intention 
 “ to seek redress of their grievances in any way 
 which was practicable.” The governor was con- 
 vinced that the period had arrived, when it was to 
 be decided, whether the just authority of govern- 
 ment was to be maintained ; or whether a lawless 
 force was to be suffered to prevail over all order, 
 justice, and the constitution. And with the wisdom 
 and firmness, for which he was always distinguish- 
 ed, he immediately resolved to make use of all the 
 legal and just authority, with which he was cloth- 
 ed, to crush this daring and alarming insurrection. 
 
 But the malcontents were not deterred, by this 
 prompt and decided step in the governor, from 
 continuing their open and forcible opposition to the 
 regular authority of the state. Their leaders 
 probably now expected a severe punishment ; and 
 there was no doubt of a secret correspondence be- 
 
tween them, by which they encouraged one another 
 to pursue the course they had begun. They were, 
 probably, deceived as to the numbers who would 
 eventually join them in their opposition to govern- 
 ment. They hoped to become sufficiently powerful, 
 to secure their own pardon from the civil authority, 
 and to dictate to the General Court such favoura- 
 ble measures as would afford relief, without a total 
 prostration of law and order, though this was the 
 issue to which their conduct directly tended. Many 
 who complained, and who attended the first con- 
 ventions, were afterwards convinced of their er- 
 rors, and had no further intercourse with the insur- 
 gents. 
 
 A regular term of the Court of Common Pleas 
 was to be holden at Cambridge, for the county of 
 Middlesex, early in December ; and it was propos- 
 ed by the governor, to call out' the militia for its 
 protection. Several regiments were ordered to 
 be in preparation to march to that place, if requir- 
 ed. But some individuals in Middlesex undertook 
 to promise the discontented, that, if they were 
 quiet, the militia would not be ordered to march. 
 The governor received intelligence of this pro- 
 mise, and believing that no attempts would be 
 made to obstruct the court, did not call out the 
 militia; for he was unwilling to cause any unne- 
 cessary expense to the state, or to give needless 
 irritation to the discontented. 
 
 But a number of the malcontents collected at 
 Concord, with a hope of meeting others from 
 Bristol, Worcester, and Hampshire, and with a 
 plan to proceed to Cambridge to prevent the sit- 
 ting of the court. There was evidence, that an 
 effort had been made, notwithstanding the agree- 
 
276 
 
 ment before mentioned, to assemble a large body 
 of the citizens from distant places, to dictate mea- 
 sures to the executive, and to suspend, for some 
 lime at least, the usual process of law. But in the 
 county of Bristol, the opposition had, in some mea- 
 sure, ceased, in consequence of the late acts of the 
 General Court, designed for the relief of the people. 
 In the more western parts of the state, also, some 
 who had censured the measures of government, 
 were hesitating as to the propriety or prudence of 
 further opposition. From the county of Worces- 
 ter, some of the malcontents resolved to join those 
 in Middlesex, as invited, and proceeded a part of 
 the distance ; but from some cause, did not prose- 
 cute the undertaking. 
 
 This renewed act of insurrection, even after the 
 lenient measures of the legislature, and the for- 
 bearance of the governor, justly exposed the 
 leaders to the displeasure of the executive ; and 
 warrants were accordingly issued against several 
 persons in Middlesex, who Avere the most active 
 in preventing the sitting of the court, and in ex- 
 citing the people to oppose the authority of go- 
 vernment. Their conduct was most dangerous to 
 the welfare of the state ; and by virtue of a late 
 law, suspending the writ of habeas corpus, the ex- 
 ecutive ordered them to be apprehended, and to be 
 committed to prison, to take their trial before the 
 Supreme Judicial Court. The sheriff of Middle- 
 sex, a man of great resolution and firmness, Avas 
 charged with the execution of this unpleasant 
 duty. But he Avas assisted by several gentlemen 
 of the county, and a company of cavalry from 
 Boston, who volunteered their services on this oc- 
 casion, in support of the government. A party of 
 
277 
 
 the citizens of Groton, in that county, also, readily 
 joined the sheriff in this expedition. Three of the 
 principal insurgents, belonging to the county of 
 Middlesex, were apprehended by the sheriff and 
 his party ; one of them, however, and that the 
 most obnoxious to government, was not taken, till 
 after a long pursuit, and a personal rencontre with 
 one of the cavalry, in which the former was badly 
 wounded. The persons who were apprehended 
 on the warrants of the governor, were conveyed 
 to Boston, and lodged in Suffolk jail. 
 
 A party of horse, from the town of Roxbury, 
 consisting of about forty, were sent into the county 
 of Worcester, at the same time the sheriff of 
 Middlesex and his party Avent in pursuit of the 
 insurgents in this latter county. They were not 
 furnished with warrants, nor authorized to appre- 
 hend any individuals ; but were instructed to visit 
 the shire of the county, and some other towns, to 
 obtain information as to the plans and movements of 
 the insurgents. Soon after the return of this party, 
 the governor was informed that the insurgents 
 were still collected in a large body, in that county, 
 and would probably attempt to obstruct the sitting 
 of the Court of Common Pleas ; a regular term of 
 which was then soon to be holden. A number of 
 the malcontents, as Avas apprehended, assembled 
 in Worcester, on the first day of the court ; but 
 the militia and other citizens of that toAvn, amount- 
 ing to about tAVo hundred, appeared under arms, 
 near the Court House, on the side of government; 
 and no attempt was made by the rioters to ob- 
 struct the court. The judges, hoAvever, did not 
 proceed to business, having received advice from 
 the governor to adjourn to a future day. This 
 
278 
 
 was in pursuance of a plan to postpone the courts 
 for a few months, with a view to remove even 
 the pretended causes of complaint, and to decide 
 on a system of conduct, proper to be pursued 
 with efficiency, for the support of government, 
 and the entire suppression of such a daring insur- 
 rection. 
 
 In the meantime, the insurgents collected from 
 different parts of the county of Worcester, and 
 some from the more western parts of the state ; 
 and the day after the adjournment of the court, 
 although the weather was uncommonly severe, 
 and the travelling much impeded by a heavy fall 
 of snow, they were estimated at one thousand. 
 They placed guards at the houses where the 
 judges resided, who still remained in the town ; 
 and they billeted themselves upon the inhabitants; 
 and yet, in other respects, their conduct was not 
 marked by any peculiar degree of injury or inso- 
 lence towards the citizens. 
 
 In the county of Hampshire, also, a number of 
 the malcontents were embodied under arms, and 
 manifested a disposition to seek redress by force, 
 for their pretended grievances. An address to . 
 the people assembled in this hostile manner, and 
 one purporting to be from their leaders, to the 
 public, appeared in the newspaper printed in that 
 county ; from which it was evident, that their 
 great dissatisfaction with the late measures of the 
 General Court still continued, and that they were 
 so much under the influence of prejudice and 
 error, as to expect to obtain the object of their 
 wishes by a change of government, or by compell- 
 ing the legislature to a compliance with all their 
 requests. The lenity of government served only 
 
279 
 
 to embolden some of them in the prosecution of 
 their dangerous plans. They unjustly accused it 
 of severity, in its declarations of a purpose to 
 punish such as continued their opposition ; and, at 
 the same time, by a strange perversion, construed 
 its past forbearance and lenity into weakness or 
 fear. They had neglected seasonably to avail 
 themselves of the clemency of the supreme au- 
 thority of the state ; and they seemed now to set 
 its power at open defiance. This, indeed, was 
 the case with only a part of the malcontents ; for 
 many lamented the part they had taken, and 
 were desirous of witlidrawing from the conspiracy 
 against the public peace, could they have done it 
 without subjecting themselves to the vengeance 
 of their more daring and inconsiderate compa- 
 nions. 
 
 The forbearance of the executive was justly to 
 be attributed to a hope that reflexion would in- 
 duce the malcontents to desist from their disor- 
 ganizing plans, and to a strong desire that the mild 
 measures already pursued, would effect wdiat 
 otherwise must be attempted by a military force. 
 But such a hope was weakened by the lapse of 
 every succeeding week and day, which brought 
 new proofs of the dangerous views and intentions 
 of the Insurgents, and served to convince the 
 friends of government that a resort must speedily 
 be had to the strong arm of power, to prevent 
 the final triumph of anarchy and misrule. So 
 bold and so Infatuated w^ere some of the insur- 
 gents, that they proposed to collect all their force, 
 and march to the capital, to liberate those who 
 had been there lately confined. What other 
 objects they contemplated, were not disclosed ; 
 
280 
 
 but it was necessary to place the militia in a state 
 of preparation, to prevent such a desperate under- 
 taking. Whether the majority of the malcon- 
 tents ever deliberately agreed upon such a plan, 
 is difficult to decide ; for they generally acted 
 with little concert or system ; and if they had 
 formed any plans, they were such as their situa- 
 tion or their fears induced them to adopt, without 
 much previous consideration. 
 
 There was, however, so much anxiety and alarm, 
 that the executive directed major general Lincoln, 
 commanding the militia of the first division, to 
 issue orders for the protection of the capital, and 
 to provide for obtaining early information, as to 
 the movements of the insurgents. Major general 
 Brooks was also instructed to have the militia of 
 Middlesex in a condition to march at the shortest 
 notice, to meet them on their approach to the me- 
 tropolis, should they attempt it. 
 
 General Lincoln immediately issued orders for 
 the militia of Boston, and some other parts of Suf- 
 folk, to be in readiness to defend it ; assigned several 
 military corps their respective stations ; and gave 
 directions for an alarm to be given, by the firing 
 of cannon on Fort hill in Boston, if the insurgents 
 should be hardy enough to approach that place. 
 
 No attempt, however; was made to march to 
 Boston, for the rescue of the prisoners ; and the 
 insurgents left the town of Worcester after a few 
 days, finding it difficult to obtain the means of sub- 
 sistence. A small portion of them returned to 
 their houses; but not, generally, with any just con- 
 viction of the great criminality of their conduct, 
 or with a full determination to forbear all further 
 opposition to government. A considerable number 
 
281 
 
 of them, with Shajs, their leader, repaired to Rut- 
 land, a distance of about twelve miles, and took 
 shelter in some old barracks, which had been erect- 
 . ed during the war of the revolution. They suf- 
 fered exceedingly from the severity of the weath- 
 er, it being about the middle of December, as well 
 as from the want of provisions : and it was re- 
 ported, that at that period, several even of the 
 most active among tiiem, lamented the part they 
 had acted. But it Vvas now too late to claim the 
 pardon, which the General Court had olfered two 
 months before, as the insurgents had continued in 
 arms against the government, instead of submitting 
 to its authority and taking the oath of allegiance 
 to the state, the conditions, on which forgive- 
 ness had been promised to them. There was, in- 
 deed, reason to believe, that Shays made informal 
 intimations to the executive, that he would aban- 
 don his plans and his companions, on the assurance 
 of pardon. All that the governor and council 
 could j)romise was an act of clemency, on his sur- 
 rendering himself, should he be convicted by the 
 Supreme Court. But there is no evidence, that 
 the promise, if made, was ever communicated to 
 him.. Little reliance could be placed in an engage- 
 ment of the Insurgent chief, thus informally made. 
 Many of the party had discovered no intention to 
 adhere to their promises, further than their im- 
 mediate interest was concerned. It would have 
 been easy for Shays, afterwards, to declare that he 
 had authorised no such engagement ; nor wmuld it 
 have been proper in the executive, except in a 
 case of most direct and explicit offer on the part 
 of the insurgents, to give assurances of an act of 
 oblivion for such dangerous conduct. The exectr* 
 VOL. II. 36 
 
282 
 
 tive was disposed, no doubt, to exercise all the le- 
 nity towards individuals, which was consistent with 
 the authority of government and the welfare of so- 
 ciety ; and they might have been satisfied, that, by 
 detaching the leaders, the rest of the citizens, who 
 had appeared in arms, would soon'and peaceably re- 
 tire to their respective homes. It is certain, how- 
 ever, that in a government like ours, the execu- 
 tive could not justly give an absolute assurance of 
 pardon : and it Is also to be considered, that if the 
 leaders of the insurrection were sincerely resolved 
 to refrain from all further opposition, it was their 
 duty quietly to disperse, and to trust to the mercy 
 of government, of whose clemency they had the 
 strongest proofs. 
 
 But many of the insurgents, it is probable, from 
 their conduct, still had hope of prevailing on go- 
 vernment, by threats and by force, to grant their 
 demands ; and concluded likewise, that they had 
 already proceeded too far to expect full indemnity 
 for their crimes, and that their only prospect of 
 personal safety was in the success of their opposi- 
 tion. They continued to complain of the legisla- 
 ture, to threaten the officers of government, and to 
 oppose the regular administration of the laws. The 
 court in Hampshire county when they met at 
 Springfield two months before, had adjourned to 
 the latter part of December. Shays and his party- 
 proceeded to that place, the day preceding that 
 appointed for the sitting of the court ; where 
 others joined his standard, to the number of three 
 hundred. The governor had provided no military 
 support for the court, either hoping that the mal- 
 contents would not again appear in arms, or waiting 
 for such movements on their part, as fully to justi- 
 
283 
 
 fy more decisive and energetic measures. The 
 court-house was illegally and forcibly occupied by 
 the insurgents. They presented a paper to the 
 judges, which purported to be a petition, but in 
 which they clearly expressed their intention that 
 the court should not transact any business. The 
 judges were without protection, and concluded not 
 to open the court. 
 
 The dispute which had long existed between the 
 Commonwealth and the state of New York, with 
 regard to the claim of Massachusetts to a part of 
 the territory west of Hudson river, was this year 
 brought to an amicable termination. The settle- 
 ment, however, was not completed without long dis- 
 cussion and much difficulty. New York, at first, 
 denied entirely the right of Massachusetts to any 
 lands west of that river ; and claimed the territory 
 as far w^est as the United States extended, till it 
 interfered with the British possessions : while Mas- 
 sachusetts laid claim to all that tract of land, be- 
 yond a certain distance west of the Hudson, and 
 clearly within the early patent of New York, and 
 lying between the southern and northern limits of 
 the patent of Massachusetts bay ; wdiich extended 
 in a western direction to the extreme part of the 
 United States, as settled by the treaty of 1783. 
 
 The subject >vas referred to Congress in 1784, 
 by agents from the states of Massachusetts and 
 New York, who were particularly authorised for 
 the purpose. Congress appointed commissioners to 
 hear the respective claims and to settle the contro- 
 versy. They had several meetings, by the name 
 of a “ federal court but their deliberations re- 
 sulted in no opinion satisfactory to the parties. 
 The agents of the two states met at Hartford in 
 
284 
 
 Connecticut, December, 1786 ; and dnallj agreedy 
 that Massachusetts should have the preemp- 
 tive right to two large tracts of lan(J, within the 
 bounds it claimed, being in the whole about five 
 millions of acres; two hundred and thirty thousand 
 of which were situated near the centre of tfie state 
 of New York, and the other, a larger tract, in the 
 more western part of the state, bordering on lake 
 Erie; the jurisdiction over the whole, however, to 
 be in New York. And all the residue claimed by 
 Massachusetts was ceded and relinquished to New 
 York forever; excepting the most western part of 
 the original claim of Massachusetts, west of the 
 lake and within the southern and northern bounda- 
 ries before mentioned, which had been previously 
 granted and ceded to Congress, and formed a part 
 of the northern and western territory of the Unit- 
 ed States, bordering on the British possessions. 
 These lands in New York were sold in J787, and 
 brought into the public treasury of the state one 
 million of dollars. About this time, Congress sold 
 a great part of the public land within the north- 
 western territory which had been ceded by seve- 
 ral states, which enabled them to pay off a large 
 part of the continental debt. 
 
 The following year (1787) the dispute, which 
 had long existed between Massachusetts and New 
 York, respecting the boundary line between the 
 two states, was also finally adjusted. This line 
 had never been precisely fixed ; and contests were 
 frequently occuring between the citizens of these 
 states, living on and near the supposed bounds. 
 There had been various attempts to ascertain the 
 line before the revolution. In 1773, commission- 
 ers from both those provinces had agreed to the 
 
285 
 
 principles, on which the bounds should be settled, 
 and it was actually run to the satisl’action of both 
 governments. But the war took place before the 
 agreement received the necessary sanction of the 
 king; and on the return of peace, the subject was 
 again agitated with great interest. Skilful mathe- 
 maticians and the geographer of the United States, 
 with the consent of Congress, were employed to as- 
 certain and fix the line between the two states, 
 which had become more difficult to settle, on ac- 
 count of the new settlements made and interfering 
 claims set up by individuals in each government. 
 The controversy was finally adjusted conformably, 
 in a great measure, to the agreement made, four- 
 teen years before. 
 
28 () 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Measures adopted to quell the Insurrection . . . General Lincoln commands 
 the Militia ... Marches to Worcester ... Insurgents retire, but collect 
 at Springfield, fired upon by General Shepard . . . Pursued by Lincoln . . . 
 Posted at Pelham . . . General Court meet and approve of the conduct of 
 the governor . . . Rebellion declared . . . Shays marches to Petersham . , . 
 Surprised and dispersed by general Lincoln . . . His conduct approved . . . 
 Insurgents in Berkshire subdued ... Commissioners appointed to grant 
 pardons . . . Several convicted of treason by Supreme Court. 
 
 When the governor received intelligence of the 
 conduct of the insurgents, in again obstructing the 
 court in Hampshire by force, and that there was a 
 meditated plan to interrupt it in the county of Wor- 
 cester, where it was to be holden in a few weeks, 
 he was satisfied of the necessity of calling upon 
 the militia to suppress the rebellion, as it might 
 now be justly called ; and to apprehend the lead- 
 ers of this dangerous opposition, as the only means 
 of safety to the Commonwealth. He consulted 
 the council on this important subject, and they ad- 
 vised to the course, which he suggested. The 
 constitution, indeed, gave power to the governor to 
 provide for the peace and welfare of the state 
 against all hostile attacks and dangerous combina- 
 tions ; and the General Court, at its late extra ses- 
 sion, had expressed an opinion, that the militia 
 should be called out, whenever the public exigen- 
 cies might require such a measure. But it was 
 
287 
 
 both still the duty and the wish of the governor 
 to have the opinion of the council in a situation so 
 novel and responsible. 
 
 It was certainly most fortunate for the state, 
 that the executive was then intelligent, firm and 
 decided. Any wavering policy or weak timidity, 
 from a regard to popularity, would have proved 
 fatal to the peace of society and the existence of 
 government. Further forbearance towards the 
 insurgents would have jeopardized the welfare of 
 the whole Commonwealth; and any proposition to 
 negotiate with them would only have given them 
 confidence and dishonoured the government. The 
 governor was aware that the crisis demanded 
 promptitude and decision, and he took his mea- 
 sures accordingly. The majority of the council 
 were also decidedly of opinion, that the strong 
 arm of government must be raised in defence of 
 law and order. Other public officers and intelli- 
 gent citizens were of opinion, also, that the insur- 
 rection should be quelled, before it extended any 
 further, or became more formidable. It tvas not 
 apprehended, indeed, that the majority of the peo- 
 ple of Massachusetts would ever become advo- 
 cates for such conduct as had been exhibited by 
 a few infatuated men. But it was considered the 
 imperious duty of the government to suppress a 
 rebellion, which was at once injurious and dis- 
 graceful to the state. 
 
 The executive would have failed in its duty to 
 the people and to the state, had it neglected to 
 adopt measures fully adequate to suppress this 
 dangerous insurrection, with all possible prompti- 
 tude. To have relied solely upon the sheriff of 
 any county, where the insurgents were collected. 
 
with all the aid he could obtain, would have been 
 un wise. For though in most counties of the state, 
 there was a majority, and in all, a very large and 
 respectable number, in favour of government, a 
 portion of them were too timid to act openly 
 against those who were collected under arms. 
 Besides, wdiile the authority of the sheriff was 
 confined to his own particular county, the mal- 
 contents were from several counties, and marched 
 from place to place, as their safety or their plans 
 dictated. The only alternative, therefore, was to 
 call out the militia; and, early in January, (1787) 
 orders were issued for raising 4400. Suffolk, Essex 
 and Middlesex were to furnish 2000; Worcester 
 and Hampshire 2400. 
 
 This requisition shews the confidence wdiich the 
 executive had in the good people, generally, in 
 the two last named counties, notwithstanding the 
 greater }>art of the insurgents belonged to those 
 sections of the Commonwealth. Four companies 
 of artillery were also detached from the counties 
 of Suffolk and Middlesex. Thirty days was to 
 be the term of their service ; and major general 
 Lincoln was designated as the commander of this 
 patriotic band, on wdiora was imposed the irksome 
 duty of marching, in hostile array, against a por- 
 tion of tlielr fellow citizens. But the obligation 
 was indispensable : and they cheerfully rallied, in 
 defence of a free government and of constitutional 
 liberty, at the call of the chief magistrate, whom 
 they esteemed for his patriotism and wdsdora, and 
 under the immediate command of a military char- 
 acter, in whom were united the mildest virtues, 
 with great firmness and resolution. 
 
 For the support of this detachment of militia 
 
289 
 
 jn defence of government, a loan of 20,000 dollars 
 was effected, from a number of patriotic citizens; 
 as the public treasury was destitute of funds, to 
 meet the charge of the expedition. The credi- 
 tors of the state were so numerous, at this period, 
 that they were frequently obliged to wait many 
 months for their dues; even such as was promised 
 and had not been reloaned; and generally, the 
 treasurer was able to satisfy them only by issuing 
 orders on the collectors of the taxes through the 
 state, and thus anticipate the monies which had 
 been assessed for the public service. 
 
 In the mean time, the governor, with his usual 
 prudence and under the influence of a disposition, 
 by which he was uniformly actuated, to omit no 
 efforts for the information and welfare of the peo- 
 ple, prepared and circulated an address to them ; 
 in which he referred to the unjustifiable and dan- 
 gerous proceedings of the insurgents, to his own 
 late conduct and that of the General Court, by 
 which every reasonable indulgence, and every pos- 
 sible remedy, consistent with justice, order, and 
 the support of the civil authority, had been ex- 
 tended to them: and of the late measure of call- 
 ing out the militia to protect the courts of law ; 
 which, though reluctantly adopted, was rendered 
 necessary by their violent and highly criminal pro- 
 ceedings. ‘‘ Such opposition to government and 
 the laws,” he said, “could not be longer endured; 
 and that their actions, whatever might be their 
 real or pretended motives, tended directly to con- 
 fusion and anarchy in the state.” He also appeal- 
 ed to the good sense, virtue and patriotism of the 
 people, on the absolute necessity of uniting with 
 the officers of government, in opposing the insur- 
 voL. II. 37 
 
290 
 
 gents, and rallying round the standard of the con- 
 stitution. 
 
 While the militia, who had been detached, were 
 assembling at the places of rendezvous required, 
 one of which was at Boston, and the other at 
 Springfield, the insurgents became alarmed by the 
 decisive conduct of government ; and they for- 
 warded a petition to the Supreme Executive, re- 
 questing the discharge of the prisoners in Boston, 
 a general pardon to all who had hitherto opposed 
 the government, and a suspension of the courts of 
 Common Pleas, until after a new choice of rep- 
 resentatives, who, they probably supposed, would 
 be more ready to grant all their wishes. But the 
 style of the application was not such as men in 
 their condition might properly address to the 
 lawful authority of the State. They had, also, on 
 former occasions, violated their express engage- 
 ments, made in a like situation of embarrassment 
 and fear ; and more than all, they had continued 
 in arms, and in opposition to the regular authority 
 of the government, long after the period when a 
 pardon had been graciously tendered them. The 
 memorial was considered, by the Executive, as an 
 improper address, highly reprehensible in itself, 
 and requiring an indulgence or an assurance, which 
 the governor and council were not authorized to 
 grant, after the recent decision of the legislature. 
 No promise could have been correctly made by 
 the Executive, that the conditions required by the 
 insurgents, on which their engagement to be obe- 
 dient and peaceable depended, would be fulfilled 
 by the General Court ; for they proposed in their 
 memorial, that some of the judicial courts should be 
 abolished : and besides all these objections to their 
 
291 
 
 application, it purported to be from citizens, some 
 of whose names were not subscribed, and who 
 were not present at the meeting when it was pre- 
 
 is situation, hopeless as it must have ap- 
 peared, if they had impartially considered it, the 
 insurgents determined to persevere in open defi- 
 ance ol all lesritimate autiioj ity ; and called upon 
 their fellow citizens to unite with them “ in support 
 of their rights,” which, *they said, the government 
 had denied them. Perceiving such a criminal and 
 dangerous spirit in these deluded people, the 
 governor directed general Lincoln to march im- 
 mediately to Worcester, and protect the court, 
 which was to be holden on the 23d of January. 
 Instructions were given him as to the great objects 
 of the expedition ; bat much was left to his own 
 judgment and discretion, in its prosecution. The 
 militia, who had collected in the vicinity of Bos- 
 ton, marched on the 19th of January, and reached 
 Worcester on the 22d ; and the insurgents in that 
 county were too much intimidated to attempt any 
 opposition to the sitting of the court, w^hen such 
 a powerful force was prepared to support it. 
 They continued in arms, however, in diiferent 
 parts of the western counties, and concerted a 
 junction of their forces at Springfield, expecting 
 to be able to overpower the militia, called out by 
 the Executive at that place. 
 
 Orders had been previously given to major ge- 
 neral Shepard, in the county of Hampshire, to 
 take post at the military arsenal in Springfield, 
 with a thousand men, from an early apprehension, 
 that the insurgents would endeavour to obtain pos- 
 session of it. The previous occupation of this 
 
 pared. 
 In 1 
 
292 
 
 post by general Shepard, with the militia called 
 out by the executive, did not entirely discourage 
 the insurgents, though many of them were justly 
 alarmed by it. But their numbers were greater 
 than the government troops under general She- 
 pard ; and their leaders resolved to gain possession 
 of this important post, if possible, before the ar- 
 rival of general Lincoln, with the militia from the 
 lower counties. The whole number of the insur- 
 gents amounted to about 1800, though they were 
 not then all collected in one body, a part of them 
 being a few miles from Springfield, on the west 
 side of Connecticut river. But the object of all 
 was alike criminal, in intending to obstruct the 
 courts, and even to attack the militia, who had as- 
 sembled by the orders, and under the authority of 
 government. 
 
 The situation of general Shepard, at this time, 
 was very critical. General Lincoln was still at 
 Worcester : the insurgents at and near Springfield 
 were numerous and desperate ; and they attempt- 
 ed to persuade Lincoln that they wished to nego- 
 tiate, with a view, probably, to delay his march 
 to that place, that they might attack Shepard be- 
 fore he was reinforced, and obtain possession of 
 the public arsenal. General Lincoln was not de- 
 ceived by this artifice ; but before he reached 
 Springfield, whither he hastened for the relief and 
 support of Shepard, of whose dangerous situation 
 he had been informed, the latter was threatened 
 with an attack by the insurgents under Shays, then 
 encamped within a very short distance. When ge- 
 neral Shepard found that they were resolved 
 to attack him, and were approaching the place 
 where he was posted, he sent messengers to inform 
 
293 
 
 them, that he was acting under the authority both 
 of the state and of Congress ;* and declared his 
 resolution to defend the arsenal, of which he had 
 reason to believe they intended to take possession. 
 They were not deterred, by this declaration, from 
 continuing to advance. His situation became ex- 
 tremely alarming. But his prudence and firmness 
 did not forsake him. He sent a second message, 
 forbidding them to approach any nearer, and re- 
 peating his purpose to defend himself and post, 
 whatever might be the disastrous event. They still 
 advanced towards him, and in an attitude, Avhich 
 convinced him of their plan to sieze the place by 
 force. Thus threatened, and thus dangerously 
 situated, general Shepard gave orders to fire two 
 of his cannon ; to be so aimed, however, as not to 
 injure any of the deluded people. But this mea- 
 sure did not produce the effect which he had 
 hoped. They continued to advance ; when he 
 believed the moment had arrived that required 
 him to act with more decision and effect : for he 
 felt himself responsible for the events of the day, 
 and for the issue of this affair, which would pro- 
 bably decide the fate of the Commonwealth. For, 
 if the insurgents had gained possession of this mi- 
 litary post, they would immediately have become 
 formidable to the state. It was no time to hesi- 
 tate ; and he accordingly ordered several guns to 
 be fired directly into their ranks. Three of them 
 were killed; and the whole party was thrown into 
 
 * Congress hnd, a short time before, given directions to 
 general Shepard to protect the arsenal at Springfield, which 
 belonged to the United States. 
 
294 
 
 disorder, and fled, with great precipitation, to one 
 of the adjoining towns. 
 
 The leaders of the insurgents were not discour- 
 aged by this unfortunate affair. Some of the par- 
 ty, indeed, were induced, after this event, to de- 
 sert the standard of rebellion : but Shays received 
 a large reinforcement from Berkshire county ; and, 
 thus strengthened, he meditated a second attack 
 upon general Shepard, with the ultimate object of 
 gaining possession of the military stores belonging 
 to the public. But general Lincoln arrived from 
 Worcester, on the 27th of the month, with four 
 regiments of infantry, a battalion of artillery, and 
 one company of cavalry, which gave great joy to 
 
 It was concluded to pursue the insurgents with- 
 out delay; and general Lincoln, with most of the 
 men who accompanied him from Worcester, pass- 
 ed the Connecticut river, on the ice, in the search 
 of a party, which had been collecting at West 
 Springfield for several days, and with whom, it 
 was believed, Shays would endeavour to form a 
 junction ; while general Shepard, with the militia 
 belonging to the county of Hampshire, marched 
 directly up the river in pursuit of Shays, who had 
 gone in that direction, with the force under his 
 immediate command. The former party of the 
 insurgents retreated to Northampton, in great con- 
 fusion ; and those on the eastern side of the river, 
 under Shays, proceeded through South Hadley to 
 Amherst. 
 
 The friends of government derived great con- 
 fidence from the firmness of the executive ; and 
 
 the peaceable inhabitants, and anorded el 
 support to Shepard, and the government 
 under his command. 
 
29f) 
 
 from the promptitude, with which the militia had 
 obeyed the orders of the governor, and the alac- 
 rity with which they exposed themselves to ardu- 
 ous service, for the welfare of the state. Several 
 volunteer companies were in preparation to join 
 general Lincoln, if their aid should be required ; 
 and a number of distinguished citizens,* who were 
 legally excused from military duty, offered their 
 personal assistance, in performing such service as 
 the public tranquillity, or the support of govern- 
 ment might render necessary. When general Lin- 
 coln was on his way from Worcester to Spring- 
 field, and had intelligence of the greater number 
 of insurgents collected and collecting in the vicini- 
 ty of the latter place, and of their intended plan 
 to take possession of the public arsenal there, he 
 dispatched a messenger to major general Brooks, 
 to march with a portion of the militia of Middle- 
 sex. The order was promptly obeyed, and a large 
 body of them proceeded as far as Worcester, 
 when intelligence was received, that the public 
 welfare would not require their further service, 
 and they returned. 
 
 But the insurgents, although they were obliged 
 to retire from Springfield, to elude the formidable 
 force under generals Lincoln and Shepard, were 
 not yet induced to disperse ; nor did they manifest 
 any disposition to submit to the authority of the 
 government. Their leaders could now justly ex- 
 pect no special favour, having continued in active 
 and open hostility to the lawful authority of the 
 state : and it was their interest to retain as many 
 
 * Among these were generals Tapper and Putnam, and co- 
 lonel Baldwin, late officers in the continental army. 
 
296 
 
 of the people in their party as possible, with the 
 hope of final success in their objects, or the belief, 
 that so long as the discontented were numerous, 
 the treatment of individuals would be less severe. 
 They were also deceived, in their calculations of 
 support from different parts of the Commonwealth ; 
 and they even pretended to expect aid from the 
 people of the adjoining states. 
 
 Although the different parties of insurgents 
 were prevented from uniting their forces, they con- 
 tinued in such large numbers as to require the 
 vigilance of the governmental troops. Shays re- 
 tired through Amherst towards Pelham, with the 
 great body of the malcontents, and was pursued 
 by the militia under general Lincoln. But when 
 the latter reached Amherst, he found it necessary 
 to return to Hadley, to obtain provisions and shel- 
 ter for his men ; who had become quite exhaust- 
 ed, by a long and continued march, at that incle- 
 ment season of the year.* Those on the west 
 side of the river, also, remained in considerable 
 numbers, threatening the friends of government, 
 and evidently seeking an opportunity of joining 
 the^ party under Shays, for a more decided and 
 formidable opposition. They met with a small 
 party of the troops, who belonged to general 
 Shepard’s command, and detained them as pri- 
 soners. The company of volunteers from Brook- 
 field, with a few others, were sent in pursuit of 
 this body of insurgents, and for the rescue of 
 their brethren, who were kept by them in duress. 
 The insurgents, w^ho were almost double the num- 
 
 * An unusual quantity of snow fell in December, and for the 
 whole month of January, the cold was very severe. 
 
297 
 
 ber of the party of volunteers, were overtaken, 
 at the distance of about twenty miles from North- 
 ampton. Each party prepared for an attack. 
 But by the great firmness and intrepidity of the 
 volunteer corps,* many of the insurgents were in- 
 duced to give up their arms; and the others es- 
 caped. 
 
 General Lincoln remained a few days, at Had- 
 ley, from a regard to the comfort of his troops, 
 who had been mucli exposed, and suffered greatly 
 during their late rapid march, as well as from a 
 hope, that a little time for reflection, would induce 
 the greater part of the insurgents to quit the cri- 
 minal course they were pursuing. It appeared 
 from his letters to the governor, that he had no 
 doubt the most of them were deceived by a few art- 
 ful men, who had grossly misinterpreted the mea- 
 sures and views of government, and it was his desire 
 and purpose, if possible, to suppress the insurrection, 
 without further bloodshed. Knowing, also, their 
 want of system, and of all sufficient means of be- 
 coming really formidable to government, he felt 
 no necessity of an immediate attack upon Shays and 
 his party. 
 
 Attempts were made for holding conventions, in 
 several counties, at this time, by a class of men, 
 who affected to censure the conduct of the insur- 
 gents for overt acts of opposition to the govern- 
 ment ; but who pretended that the discontents of 
 the people were so great, that such meetings were 
 necessary to consult on measures for the public 
 quiet. But many of those who favoured this plan, 
 were known to have apologized for, if they had 
 
 * Tupper and Baldwin were in this party of volunteers. 
 
 VOL, II, 38 
 
298 
 
 not fully approved, the proceedings o'* the insur- 
 gents. It was also considered, by the majority, 
 as a very irregular mode of obtaining relief, lor 
 any real or supposed grievances; and that the le- 
 gislature, composed of the representatives of the 
 people, was the only constitutional body authoris- 
 ed for the purpose, was then to meet in a few 
 days. The intelligent and patriotic citizens, there- 
 fore, in all parts of the state, were found in oppo- 
 sition to these county meetings. 
 
 On the second day after general Lincoln arriv- 
 ed at Hadley, he addressed a letter to Shays, then 
 at Pelham, about twenty miles distance, but in the 
 same county ; in which he referred explicitly to 
 the criminal purposes and conduct of the insur- 
 gents, in assembling under arms against the go- 
 vernment of the state; to their embarrassed situa- 
 tion ; and to the personal consequences of their con- 
 tinuing in a posture of rebellion. As the lawful 
 agent of the executive, he required Shays to com- 
 municate the letter to the deluded citizens who 
 were assembled with him at Pelham, that they 
 might avail of the lenity of government, and pre- 
 vent a severe, but just punishment. But he gave 
 no intimation of pardon to the leaders of the mob, 
 or to those who had distinguished themselves by 
 their open hostility to the officers of government, 
 other than might be justly hoped, from the wis- 
 dom and lenity of the legislature. He added, that 
 if they did not peaceably separate, he should 
 immediately march his troops to Pelham ; and if 
 attacked or resisted, the leaders of the insurgents 
 would be answerable for all the consequences 
 which might ensue. Resolute as he was in the 
 discharge of his duty as a public officer, he w^as, 
 
299 
 
 at the same time, desirr us of sparing the lives of 
 his fellow citizens. 
 
 In their reply to the note of general Lincoln, 
 Shays and others, who were considered officers 
 of the insurgent band, proposed several conditions, 
 Vt^hich it was impossible for him to approve or ac- 
 cept. They insisted upon an assurance of a gene- 
 ral and unconditional pardon; intimating, that they 
 had sought only for a redress of real grievances, 
 which they su-ffered. If this could not be promis- 
 ed, they asked for a suspension of all hostilities, 
 until they could present a petition to the General 
 Court, and learn the result. To this evasive and 
 unsatisfactory answer, general Lincoln immediate- 
 ly replied, that their request was inadmissible, as 
 his instructions would not justify any delay in his 
 operations, and that he had no authority to de- 
 cide ultimately upon their fate ; that he had not 
 commenced hostilities ; that he must again warn 
 the people assembled in arms against government 
 to disband, as they would avoid the evils which 
 might follow from a disregard of this warning. 
 
 The time had now arrived for the meeting of the 
 General Court, which had been prorogued from 
 the former session, to the last of January. The 
 governor immediately gave them full information 
 of the proceedings of the malcontents, subsequent- 
 ly to the previous session; of the measures which 
 he had adopted to suppress the disorders in the 
 state ; and of the success, which had hitherto at- 
 tended the troops under general Lincoln, ordered 
 out for the service of the Commonwealth. This 
 conduct of the executive was highly approved by 
 the legislature and they publicly and deliberatc- 
 
 As the course pursued by Mr. Bowdoin was considered 
 
300 
 
 Ij declared the existence of a dangerous rehellion 
 in the Commonwealth. The views of the Gene- 
 ral Court cannot be so well exhibited, as by refer- 
 ing to their declaration m extcnso. It was adopted 
 by the two Houses on the fourth of February, 
 a few days after they assembled."^ 
 
 They also promptly authorized the governor, 
 by a special resolve, to re-inforce the militia, who 
 were in the service of government under general 
 Lincoln, if it should be deemed necessary ; to cause 
 the most active among the insurgents to be arrest- 
 ed ; but to pardon such as had probably been 
 deceived, upon surrendering up their arms and 
 taking the oath of allegiance to the Common- 
 wealth. The term, for which the militia who 
 were first enlisted, had then nearly expired ; and 
 it was reported, at the time, that the insurgents 
 were increasing, in some of the western counties. 
 
 The insurgents forwarded a petition to the 
 General Court, as they had before done to the exe- 
 cutive, from the towm of Pelham, where they 
 were principally collected, except a small party in 
 Berkshire ; in which they acknowledged their error, 
 in opposing the government by force ; though they 
 insisted that they had reason to complain of griev- 
 ances which ought to have been redressed- — and 
 promising to lay down their arms and to disperse, 
 upon an assurance of pardon for all their past con- 
 duct. The legislature voted that they could not lis- 
 
 by some, probably from good motives, as unnecessarily severe, 
 we will give, in the appendix, his speech to the General 
 Court, at this time, and the answer of the two houses there- 
 to. In the senate, it passed unanimously ; and the house con- 
 curred in it by a very large majority. See Appendix jNo. 2, 
 
 ^ See Appendix No. 3. 
 
301 
 
 ten to a petition from men in arms opposed to go- 
 vernment ; and that no promise of pardon would 
 be made to the leaders who were justly chargeable 
 with the aggravated crime of rebellion, after re- 
 peated warnings and former assurances of clemen- 
 cy. The measures of the General Court on this oc- 
 casion, were very firm and decisive : and contributed, 
 with the previous course of the executive, to dis- 
 courage the spirit of insurrection, and to gi\e con- 
 fidence to the friends of constitutional liberty and 
 order. 
 
 Two days after the petition was sent on to the 
 General Court, the insurgents marched from Pel- 
 ham to Petersham, a distance of about twelve 
 miles ; probably with a view to a better accom- 
 modation. General Lincoln Vt^ho was still at Had- 
 ley, had early notice of this movement ; and think- 
 ing, that Shays might proceed eastward and gain 
 new adherents or annoy the inhabitants, he im- 
 mediately resolved to pursue him. He left Had- 
 ley late in the evening and reached Petersham the 
 next morning, after a circuitous march of thirty miles, 
 during a very cold night, in a great part of which 
 a snow storm raged with uncommon severity. 
 The men suffered much by this movement, and 
 several of them were badly frozen. But the ob- 
 ject was in a great measure accomplished by this 
 spirited and rapid expedition ; and general Lin- 
 coln acknowledged the singular patience and forti- 
 tude of his troops, in this season of exposure. The 
 insurgents had no intelligence of the approach of 
 general Lincoln ; and were throwm into extreme 
 surprise and alarm, as he entered the town. They 
 fled in various directions and in great confusion, 
 without making any opposition. One hundred and 
 
302 
 
 fifty of them were taken in attempting to flee ; but 
 the leaders and the residue of them escaped the 
 vigilance of the constitutional troops. A large 
 number returned, separately, to their homes ; and 
 some left the state, as the only probable means of 
 safety. It was supposed that they might have 
 given a formidable resistance to general Lincoln, 
 if they had opposed him with all their force ; for 
 his men were exceedingly exhausted by their long 
 march at that inclement season. But he was not 
 justly chargeable with any indiscretion, by which 
 the men under his command would be exposed to 
 great danger. He well knew the want of decis- 
 ion and of mutual confidence among the insurgents; 
 and he made the most judicious arrangement of 
 his troops when he entered Petersham, so that had 
 he been attacked, he felt himself fully prepared 
 to meet them. 
 
 The intelligence of this affair spread with rapi- 
 dity through the state, and gave great animation 
 to all good citizens, especially to the riends of the 
 executive who was responsible for the course 
 adopted to suppress the insurrection. But there 
 were not wanting those who secretly wished for a 
 failure of the measures pursued in support of go- 
 vernment. Mr. Bowdoin had political opponents ; 
 and many of the timid and wavering citizens had 
 been averse from the decisive steps, which he con- 
 sidered it his duty to take. The result was such 
 as could not fail to satisfy all impartial men of his 
 judgment and patriotism. And yet a portion of 
 the people complained that the insurgents were not 
 treated with sufficient lenity. 
 
 The conduct of general Lincoln received the 
 particular approbation of the legislature ; and the 
 
303 
 
 great body of the people were ready to acknowl*^ 
 edge both his prudence and firmness. The new 
 recruit of men, which had been ordered, by go- 
 vernment, before the dispersion of the insurgents 
 at Petersham were not sent on ; but the legisla- 
 ture authorised the raising of 1500 for four months 
 to supply the place of those who first engaged, if 
 their services should be so long needed. Se eral 
 small parties of the malcontents were still collect- 
 ed in different parts of the state, and threatened 
 further opposition to the civil authority : and 
 many were known to be restrained only by their 
 fears; ready to rise again, should they have rea- 
 son to hope for success. In the county of Berk- 
 shire, there was still just cause of alarm to the 
 peaceable inhabitants. The insurgents were nu- 
 merous in that part of the state ; and they ex- 
 pected support from the discontented in New 
 York and Vermont. About 500 of the citizens 
 formed a voluntary association for their mutual 
 protection and the support of government. A 
 small party of these were met by a body of the 
 insurgents, who fired a few guns as they first ap- 
 proached ; but from a want of confidence in the 
 justice of their object, or a regard for the lives of 
 their fellow citizens, they were reluctant in obey- 
 ing the orders of their leader to continue their 
 fire ; when one of the party who had assembled 
 for the defence of the state, with great resolution 
 rode up to their front, and ordered them to throw 
 down their arms. Some of them fled ; but the 
 greater number gave up their arms and were ad- 
 mitted to the oath of allegiance. 
 
 Another party of malcontents soon after collect- 
 ed in a difl’erent section of the county, and threat- 
 
304 
 
 ened vengeance on the supporters of government. 
 Major general Patterson who commanded the mi- 
 litia in Berkshire, went in pursuit of them but they 
 fled. He followed them from Adams to Williams- 
 town where they were dispersed. But assembling 
 again in still greater force, he sent an express to 
 general Lincoln at Petersham, for assistance. Be- 
 fore the arrival of Lincoln, Patterson met the in- 
 surgents at Lee : upon their proposal to disperse, 
 he promised his influence with government to ob- 
 tain their pardon, or a trial within the county. 
 Soon after this, another party of insurgents enter- 
 ed the county of Berkshire from JNew York, but 
 chiefly inhabitants of Massachusetts. They pro- 
 ceeded to Stockbridge, where they threatened and 
 put under guard several respectable citizens. Col- 
 onel Ashley collected some militia from Great Bar- 
 rington and Sheffield, for the purpose of opposing 
 them. As he approached them near the latter 
 place, they fired a few guns ; but he advanced, 
 and the firing became general on both sides for a 
 few minutes. But the insurgents soon dispersed 
 leaving two of their number dead on the spot 
 where the action took place ; and about thirty of 
 their party wounded. Two of the militia under 
 colonel Ashley were also killed. 
 
 About the same time, a number of the insur- 
 gents collected at New Braintree in Worcester 
 county, and another party at Northfield in the 
 northern part of Hampshire, which put the inha- 
 bitants in fear, by their threatening and abusive 
 conduct. The militia were ordered out to disperse 
 them: but the insurgents fled immediately ; not, 
 however, without firing from their hiding places 
 upon the people, who were sent against them, and 
 
wounding several of them. Near Northfield, a 
 citizen,"^ who was in pursuit of one of the leaders 
 of the insurgents, and who met him in a narrow 
 pass, was shot dead. He discharged his piece, at 
 the same moment h s antagonist did, but without 
 effect. The criminal escaped to Vermont; but 
 was pursued and taken by a small detachment of 
 militia under captain Buffington, who rendered im- 
 portant service to the state, on several occasions 
 during the insurrection. 
 
 The insurgents having fled into the adjoining- 
 states, where they could not legally be apprehen- 
 ded by the authority of Massachusetts, the go- 
 vernor, by request of the General Court, made ap- 
 plication to the executives of those states respect- 
 ively, for causing them to be arrested. The chief 
 magistrates of Connecticut and New Hampshire 
 
 f iromptly adopted measures for taking up and de- 
 ivering to the authority of Massachusetts, any per- 
 sons who had been active in the rebellion, found 
 within their several jurisdictions. In Rhode 
 Island and Vermont, the aid requested was not im- 
 mediately afforded ; but after some delay, and 
 some objections from a portion of the legislatures 
 of these states, they also informed the governor, 
 that they would not protect or harbour any of the 
 citizens of Massachusetts, who had been in arms 
 against the government thereof. The governor of 
 New York, after the legislature gave their sanction 
 to the measure, issued orders to the militia to sup- 
 press all riots, and to arrest any of the insurgents 
 of Massachusetts, who might be found within the 
 
 ^ This was a Mr. Jacob Walker of Whately, a worthy and 
 useful citizen. 
 
 VOL. n. 
 
 39 
 
306 
 
 state. He also proceeded to the eastern boundary 
 of the state, to meet general Lincoln, then in 
 Berkshire; and readily offered all proper assis- 
 tance for the dispersion or capture of the insur- 
 gents. 
 
 Before the General Court was adjourned, they 
 passed a resolution for holding special sessions of 
 the Supreme Judicial Court in the counties of 
 Berkshire, Hampshire, and Middlesex, for the trial 
 of the persons who had been taken into custody, on 
 account of the late opposition to the government. 
 The regular term in Worcester would then be at 
 an early day ; and therefore no additional provi- 
 sion was made with respect to that county. But 
 it was also particularly provided, that no person 
 who had been engaged in, or had favoured the 
 late rebellion, should be admitted to sit as jurors. 
 The governor was likewise requested by the Ge- 
 neral Court, to apply to Congress for troops to 
 guard the public arsenal at Springfield, and for 
 authorizing general Lincoln to proceed into the 
 other states, should circumstances render it expe- 
 dient, to apprehend those persons charged with 
 rebellion in Massachusetts. 
 
 With a view to extend all reasonable lenity to 
 that portion of the people, who through ignorance 
 or inconsideration had been induced to rise in op- 
 position to the lawful authority of the state, and 
 towards whom it would be difficult for courts of 
 law to show that indulgence, which a thorough ac- 
 quaintance with the circumstances of the case 
 would justify, the legislature appointed three 
 commissioners to go into the western counties, and 
 promise indemnity to such as they might consider 
 sincere in their professions of attachment to go- 
 
307 
 
 vernmerit, and who had not been among the lea- 
 ders of the rebellion. General Lincoln, and the 
 Hon. Samuel A. Otis, and the Hon. Samuel Phil- 
 lips, jr. were selected for this delicate and respon- 
 sible business. They entered upon the duties of 
 their commission in the month of April ; and about 
 800 persons received the favour of government, 
 which was thus offered them. 
 
 Desirous, also, to afford every possible relief to 
 the people, consistently with a just regard for the 
 public welfare, and the support of government, it 
 Avas agreed to lessen the number of terms of the 
 Court of Common Pieas in several counties, and 
 to reduce the amount of fees in various cases of 
 public officers. A bill also passed the two houses 
 for reducing the salary of the governor one third 
 part. When it was laid before the governor 
 for his signature, he objected to it as unconstitu- 
 tional. He considered it improper also, so near 
 the close of the political year, and uncertain as it 
 was who would next be chosen to the office he 
 held, to give his consent to such a reduction. The 
 salary, which the governor then received, Avas es- 
 tablished soon after the constitution was adopted, 
 and by the express letter of this instrument it was 
 provided “ that it should be of a fixed and perma- 
 nent value.” Complaints were made against the 
 governor for objecting to the bill ; but, perhaps, 
 he would have been more justly censured had he 
 approved of it. 
 
 At the term of the Supreme Court holden in 
 Berkshire, several persons were indicted for trea- 
 son, six of whom were convicted ; in Hampshire 
 the same number were found guilty, and one in 
 each of the counties of Middlesex and Worcester ; 
 
308 
 
 and the sentence of death was accordingly passed 
 upon them by the court. Eiglit of these received 
 the pardon of the supreme executive, and to the 
 others a reprieve was granted. Many others were 
 convicted of seditious practices, a few of whom 
 were magistrates or officers of government. A re- 
 presentative was proved guilty of open opposition 
 to the civil authority ; and was sentenced to sit on 
 the gallows, and to pay a heavy fine. 
 
 The commissioners of the General Court, who 
 went into the upper counties to tender the cle- 
 mency of government to such as they should be- 
 lieve Avould prove peaceable citizens in future, had 
 an opportunity of learning the sentiments which 
 prevailed respecting the measures of the legisla- 
 ture, and of ascertaining the causes of complaint. 
 They found that the lower classes of people had 
 been misinformed as to the conduct and views of 
 government; and that there was an unreasonable 
 indulgence in the use of foreign articles, Avhich led 
 them to neglect manufactures, and to expend, in 
 superfluities, what should have been appropriated 
 to the payment of debts and taxes. Private debts 
 had been suffered to accumulate, and the taxes, 
 which each year were very great, had been neg- 
 lected, till they amounted to such large sums as to 
 destroy almost all hope of discharging them. The 
 appointment of these commissioners had a ^happy 
 effect, as it discovered a desire in the legislature 
 to discriminate between the artful and unprinci- 
 pled, who had been the occasion of the rebellion ; 
 and those, who, although not entirely justifiable, 
 had been lead to improper practices by misrepre- 
 sentations or threats. It was proof, likewise, of a 
 disposition in government, to extend all reasonable 
 
309 
 
 Indulgence towards the deluded citizens. The 
 General Court, which was in session in May, by a 
 particular call from the government to fill the of- 
 fice of treasurer,* resolved also that the taxes for 
 the preceding year might be collected, in part, by 
 public securities. 
 
 While the legislature were in session, in March, 
 the subject of enlarging the powers of Congress 
 was again agitated ; and it was agreed to send de- 
 legates, to meet in convention, at Philadelphia, in 
 the month of May following. It had been some- 
 time considered, by those who attended to the situ- 
 ation of the country, and who perceived the want 
 of uniformity in the several states, in a prompt 
 compliance with the requisitions of Congress, and 
 in their regulations respecting foreign commerce, 
 that a national government was necessary for the 
 purpose of making laws, which should be really ob- 
 ligatory, instead of being simply advisory; and for 
 forming treaties with other nations, which would 
 eventually advance the interests of navigation, and 
 augment the public revenue. The governor and 
 legislature of Massachusetts had suggested the 
 expediency of vesting Congress with additional 
 powers, for these purposes, more than a year be- 
 fore. The committees, which met at Annapolis 
 in Maryland, in 1736, had expressed an opinion in 
 favour of the plan. The House of Assembly, of 
 Virginia, afterw^ards, particularly approved of a 
 convention of delegates from all the states, for 
 the attainment of this object. And Congress had 
 also voted to recommend the speedy adoption of 
 such a measure. 
 
 * Mr. Ivers, the treasurer of the state, died suddenly, and 
 there was no provision by law (as afterwards) for an appoint’ 
 ment hv the executive. 
 
310 
 
 The credit of the nation was suffering at home 
 and abroad. A great debt was due to France and 
 Holland, which Congress had incurred for the be- 
 nefit of all the states, in a season of uncommon 
 embarrassment ; and for the greater part of the 
 sums due to the officers and soldiers of the revo- 
 lutionary army, Congress was solemnly bound to 
 provide. When requisitions were made upon the 
 states for their respective quotas of these sums, 
 they delayed payment; and at the close of the 
 year 1786, most of I hem were in arrears for 1784 
 and 1785, besides the large sum then required. Se- 
 veral of the states also, which passed acts for rais- 
 ing a revenue by impost duties, which were de- 
 signed to be wholly applied to pay their propor- 
 tions of the continental debt, afterwards appro- 
 priated it to the discharge of their own. 
 
 An entirely new constitution was not generally 
 contemplated, at this period ; and it was afterwards 
 objected to the system by some, that it was such as 
 the convention were not fully authorised to form. 
 The delegates chosen to attend the convention, 
 were only instructed, in most cases, to give power 
 to Congress for enacting uniform laws, in relation 
 to commerce and navigation ; and for applying, to 
 the discharge of ihe continental debts and expen- 
 ses, the revenue which would arise from the duties 
 imposed by that body. 
 
 During this session, the General Court provided 
 for collecting 160,000/. of the public paper, which 
 had been given in payment to the officers of the 
 late army, by a land lottery. This land was situ- 
 ated in the eastern part of Maine ; and every 
 ticket entitled the purchaser to a prize ; the only 
 difference being in the location and quality of 
 the lot, 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Mr. Hancock chosen governor . . . Great part of General Court new mem- 
 bers . . . Policy not materially changed . . . Insurgents still dangerous in 
 western counties . . . Resident in Vermont . . . Governor authorised to 
 continue troops in the public service . . . Salaries . . . Insurgents pardon- 
 ed .. . State of the Commonwealth . . . High taxes . . . Federal Constitu- 
 tion ... Approved in Massachusetts by a small majority . . . Objections 
 to it . . . Arguments for it . . . Atnendments . . . Rejoicing on its adoption . . . 
 Subsequent prosperity . . . Amount of claims on the United States , . . Mint 
 . . , Manufactures . . . Slave trade prohibited. 
 
 The elections which took place, in April and May, 
 (1787) of governor, senators and representatives, 
 afforded new proof of the difference of opinion 
 among the citizens, respecting the propriety of 
 measures pursued towards the insurgents. Mr. 
 Hancock was chosen governor by a large majority 
 of votes, and the greater number of senators and 
 representatives were new members. In many 
 towns, indeed, it was openly avowed by the peo- 
 ple, that they should select their rulers from those 
 who had been opposed to the decisive measures 
 adopted for suppressing the rebellion. It was said 
 by some, that the burdens of the people were so 
 great, that, if they could not be justified, they 
 might be excused : while others believed, that the 
 firmness and energy manifested by the executive 
 had saved the Commonwealth from anarchy and 
 ruin. This was the opinion of the most judicioui^ 
 
312 
 
 part of the citizens; and yet there was no doubt 
 of the sincerity of some of those who entertained 
 a different opinion. It could not be justly said, 
 that Mr. Hancock had ever apologized for the 
 conduct of the insurgents ; but it was a fact, that 
 many of those who favoured his election believed 
 he would be more indulgent to their errors than 
 his predecessor.* But there was a desire of 
 change, in many of the people, who were led to 
 hope, at least, for some legislative relief. A num- 
 ber of the citizens had always been opposed to 
 Mr. Bowdoin, on the supposition, though entirely 
 unfounded, that he had an undue partiality for the 
 British government and nation. That Mr. Bow- 
 doin was a sincere patriot, no one presumed publicly 
 to deny ; and that the measures he adopted were 
 necessary to check the spirit of disorder, which 
 prevailed, was admitted by all impartial citizens. 
 Large majorities both of the senate and representa- 
 tives approved of the course he pursued ; and the 
 administration which followed did not, even by im- 
 plication, censure his policy. 
 
 The insurgents were no longer really formida- 
 ble to the Commonwealth ; the leaders having de- 
 parted from the state, and the great body of those 
 who had been induced to join in opposition to go- 
 vernment, being disposed to submit quietly to the 
 civil authority. Those who had left the state, 
 however, were very inveterate in their feelings to- 
 wards the friends of law and order; especially in 
 the western counties ; and they made attempts, 
 
 * Hon. S. Adams, however, was chosen president of the se- 
 nate ; and he had been very decided in favour of the measures 
 adopted by governor Bowdoin. 
 
313 
 
 hopeless as was the prospect of success, to strength- 
 en their party, that they might be able, at least, 
 to alarm and annoy such as had been most active 
 in opposing them. They were not able to etFect 
 their purposes to a great extent ; and it was sur- 
 prising that they were ever permitted to remain 
 in a neighbouring state, when their criminal plans 
 and projects were known. But they found means 
 to sieze two citizens belonging to towns in the 
 northern parts of Hampshire county, and convey 
 them into the state of Vermont. They intended 
 to detain them as hostages ; and had the presump- 
 tion to threaten them with death, if any of those 
 should be executed who had been convicted of re- 
 bellion. This was a great outrage upon any civil- 
 ized government ; and the authority of that state 
 did not long connive at it; and the prisoners were 
 permitted to return home. 
 
 The intelligence of this affair was received in 
 the capital the last of May ; and induced governor 
 Hancock to recommend the employment of the 
 troops then in the service of government, in the 
 counties of Berkshire and Hampshire, after their 
 former engagement should expire, which would be 
 in June. He expressed a decided opinion, that the 
 measure was necessary for the security and peace 
 of the citizens in that section of the Common- 
 wealth. The General Court thereupon voted to 
 raise 800 men, to remain in service for six months, 
 if such a period should be found necessary. An 
 attempt was made by those who viewed the con- 
 duct of the insurgents with little abhorrence, to 
 connect with this resolve a general pardon and a 
 repeal of the disqualifying act formerly passed, but 
 without success. After much discussion, however, 
 
 VOL. II. 10 
 
314 
 
 it was agreed to extend the clemency of govern- 
 ment to all those who had been engaged in the In- 
 surrection, with the exception of nine, upon condi- 
 tion of their taking the oath of allegiance within 
 three months. The legislature resolved, likewise, 
 that no further lenity should be extended towards 
 such as might, thereafter, be found in arms against 
 the government of the Commonwealth. The go- 
 vernor was, moreover, requested to obtain per- 
 mission from the civil authority of any adjoining 
 state, to wdiich the insurgents had escaped, to 
 march the militia within their limits, to arrest or 
 subdue them. And he \vas accordingly authorised 
 to raise a force to be thus employed. 
 
 A proposition was made, during this session, for 
 inquiring into the expediency of reducing the sala- 
 ries of some of the officers of government; and it 
 was urged, that, in a season of great embarrass- 
 ment, while taxes pressed heavily upon the peo- 
 ple, such a measure would be just and proper. 
 The compensation of the chief magistrate w^as par- 
 ticularly mentioned ; and wdiile the subject was be- 
 fore the house, in this incipient stage, the gover- 
 nor proposed to give up one third of his salary for 
 the current year; but expressly stated, that he 
 hoped it would not be urged as a precedent on 
 any future occasion, and intimated that it was net 
 a greater sum than wms necessary to the dignity 
 and expenses of the office. But though this part 
 of the salary of- the chief magistrate was relin- 
 quished for the year only, it was found difficult af- 
 terwards to obtain the consent of the General 
 Court to raise it to the former amount. Mr. Ha?;- 
 cock, while in the chair, and in the course of the 
 year following, intimated an expectation of receiv- 
 
315 
 
 ing' the sum originally established ; but the legis- 
 lature made no provision for it, and passed a spe- 
 cial law to repeal the original act on the subject. 
 
 It was proposed also by some members of the 
 house, that there should be an emission of paper 
 money, and that the General Court should sit in 
 some town in the interior of the country. But 
 neither of these motions obtained ; and for the for- 
 mer measure there was only one third of the mem- 
 bers present. The tender act Avas continued, 
 which afforded relief, especially to the people in 
 the interior of the state, who found it dilficult to 
 pay their debts in specie. The creditor often suf- 
 fered by the operation of this law, as he was obli- 
 ged to receive articles, which he did not need, and 
 of which he could not dispose, without a loss. But 
 the scarcity of specie and the embarrassments of 
 the people were believed to justify the act. 
 
 In June, the persons under sentence of death for 
 treason were again reprieved to the month of Au- 
 gust : and again to September, when four of tliem 
 received a full pardon ; one was ordered to be 
 confined to hard labour as a commutation of his 
 former sentence, and the others escaped from pri- 
 son and left the state. Two of the most active 
 and criminal of the insurgents, who fled for safety 
 to an adjoining state, and even to Canada, when 
 their adherents were dispersed by general Lincoln, 
 afterwards became sensible of their crimes, and 
 earnestly prayed for liberty to return; but the re- 
 quest was not granted. In August, a part of the 
 troops raised in June were discharged ; and, in 
 September, the tranquil situation of the Common^ 
 wealth justified the disbanding of the residue. 
 
316 
 
 The friends of good government and of consti- 
 tutional liberty rejoiced, that a dangerous insurrec- 
 tion, which at one period threatened the welfare 
 of the whole Commonwealth, was so soon sup- 
 pressed, and that so little expense and bloodshed 
 had attended the decisive measures of the execu- 
 tive. Although there was cause for alarm, at a 
 particular time, when the insurgents found many 
 apologists for their opposition to the authority of 
 the state, the citizens generally derived great sa- 
 tisfaction in reflecting upon the firmness and wis- 
 dom of the legislature, and the success which at- 
 tended the plans of the governor. It was also a 
 flattering eulogy upon the measures of administra- 
 tion, that the great body of the people approved 
 of the course pursued for suppressing the rebel- 
 lion, when they had time for correct information ; 
 and that most of the insurgents themselves regret- 
 ted the part they had taken in the affair, and beg- 
 ged to share in the favour of government. The 
 event was deeply and justly regretted, as a stain 
 upon the character of the people of the state ; 
 but it afforded an opportunity to show the strength 
 of a republican government : and the union of firm- 
 ness with clemency in the rulers, served to attach 
 the citizens more strongly to the constitution, and 
 to convince them of the necessity of a supreme 
 civil authority in the Commonwealth. 
 
 The efforts which had been made by many of 
 the citizens for promoting a spirit of industry and 
 economy, were not without effect; and the opinion 
 prevailed of the importance of encouraging various 
 manufactures in the country. But a great change, 
 so as to check a taste for foreign superfluities, and 
 to make frugality both fashionable and practicable 
 
317 
 
 could be only gradually introduced. Commercial 
 enterprises, however, increased, although attended 
 with great embarrassments, which gave employ- 
 ment to many of the people ; and products of the 
 Commonwealth were ex[)orted in greater quanti- 
 ties, instead of specie. The legislature was de- 
 sirous of adopting some elfectual means for restor- 
 ing and supporting public credit ; but so great were 
 the demands against the Commonwealth, and such 
 the inability of the people to pay the taxes as- 
 sessed, with punctuality, that the paper of govern- 
 ment was much below the j)ar value,* and those 
 who were obliged to dispose of it made great sa- 
 crifices of property. It was not until the adoption 
 of the federal constitution, and the decisive mea- 
 sures pursued by the general government for the 
 payment of continental debts, that the public pa- 
 per rose to the value which it nominally bore. A 
 great part of the taxes assessed at this period, 
 and for several preceding years, by the respective 
 states, was for discharging debts contracted by 
 promises and resolves of Congress, but which were 
 apportioned among the states according to their 
 ditferent population and property. 
 
 The General Court met again in October, as 
 had been usual for many years ; and continued in 
 session until the last of November. The governor 
 informed the two houses, that an additional tax 
 would be necessary, and advised that those which 
 had been long due should be speedily collected. 
 Several taxes were then, in great part, unpaid, and 
 
 **" The consolidated notes, as they were called, and the ar- 
 my notes were sold, at this time, for about one sixth part in 
 specie^ 
 
318 
 
 the government was frequently obliged to borrow, 
 for the purpose of discharging those debts which 
 could not be postponed ;* and the taxes assessed, as 
 well as the revenue arising from impost and excise, 
 pledged for payment. The legislature directed, that 
 executions be Issued against those collectors who 
 were delinquents for the years 1784 and 1785, 
 and that a further time be given for collecting the 
 two last taxes. It may appear singular, that a 
 new tax should be ordered, when former ones 
 were still due, and even further delay permitted 
 for collection ; but in some towns the taxes were 
 more promptly paid ; and some relief was also 
 given to public creditors, by this measure, as the 
 treasurer was allowed to issue orders upon the 
 collectors in various parts of the state, by w^hich 
 both they and the public creditors received a pre- 
 sent accommodation. Some idea of the heavy load 
 of taxes, which pressed upon the people at this 
 period, may be formed, not only from the fact, 
 that several had been sent out through the state, 
 and remained uncollected from a real inability, in 
 many cases, to discharge them ; but by consider- 
 ing that the sum of 300,000 dollars was necessary 
 to pay the interest merely of the debt of the 
 Commonwealth. x\rmy notes to a large amount 
 were also now due; and some had been due for 
 one and two years, without renewal. The whole 
 dependence, however, was not on the direct tax, 
 but a considerable revenue w^as also raised by the 
 excise and by imposts. 
 
 So urg'ent were the demands on the treasurer, that 20,000 
 dollars were applied to the immediate wants of government 
 arising from the impost, though it had been expressly engag- 
 ed to pay off army notes and interest on the public debt. 
 
319 
 
 That no financial system more efficient was 
 adopted this year, was probably to be attributed 
 to the hope of a new organization of the general 
 government, which would be vested with power 
 to’regulate foreign commerce; by which the trade 
 of the country would be placed in a more pros- 
 perous state, and the revenue arising from it, being 
 much increased, would be at the disposal of that 
 government for the payment of the continental 
 debts. 
 
 At this session of the legislature, the governor 
 communicated the federal constitution proposed by 
 the convention, then recently held at Philadelphia, 
 by delegates from each of the states. This con- 
 stitution, designed to give more power to the legis- 
 lature and government of the United States, than 
 was granted by the articles of confederation, and 
 which it was believed the pros[>erity and welfare of 
 the country required, was prepared and laid before 
 Congress, in September, (1787) with a request 
 that it be forwarded to the legislatures of the se- 
 veral states. 
 
 The governor spoke of it as the result of great 
 deliberation, and of a spirit of conciliation in some 
 of the wisest and most patriotic citizens of the 
 nation;* and suggested the necessity of calling a 
 convention to whom it must be submitted. There 
 was some opposition even to the examination of 
 the instrument, with a view' to its adoption. But 
 the objection to a convention W'as overruled by a 
 large majority in the General Court ; and it was 
 
 General Washington, Dr. Franklin, Madison, and Hamil- 
 ton were among llie number. I he delegates from Massachu- 
 setts were judge Dana. Mr. Gerry, Mr. Gorham, Mr. Storv 
 and Mr. King. 
 
320 
 
 provided that the towns should be notified to elect 
 delegates, in the same manner representatives were 
 chosen, who should meet in January following, and 
 determine on the expediency of adopting it. 
 
 The convention met in Boston, January 1788, 
 and consisted of 360 members ; most of the towns 
 having sent the full number, to which they w^ere 
 entitled by their population. His excellency go- 
 vernor Hancock was chosen president, and the 
 honourable William Cushing, chief justice of the 
 state, vice-president. A great portion of the con- 
 vention had strong prejudices against the constitu- 
 tion. If a vote had been taken, soon after they 
 assembled, it would probably have been against it. 
 After a discussion of several weeks, and some con- 
 verts were made by the able arguflaents and elo- 
 quent appeals of its more decided advocates, there 
 was only a majority of nineteen, in that large as- 
 sembly, for its adoption. 
 
 It was acknowledged by those who were most 
 desirous of adopting it, that some parts of it were 
 liable to objections. But the opposition of many, 
 who were prepared to reject it, was evidently 
 founded in prejudice or mistake. When the con- 
 stitution was first published, it was represented as 
 giving too much power to the general or national 
 government, which would be established ; and as 
 lessening or interfering with the authority of the 
 individual states, to such an extent as to leave them 
 with scarcely the name of sovereignty. It was 
 conceded, that a federal government was requisite 
 for some general objects, and for regulating com- 
 merce and the intercourse wuth foreign nations. 
 But it was feared, that the authority vested in a 
 general legislature, as proposed in the constitution 
 
321 
 
 would produce a concentration of all political pow- 
 er in that body, and reduce the states to njerely 
 municipal corporations. The small number of re- 
 presentatives* in Congress and the privilege of the 
 slave-holding states, to choose a greater number, 
 than they would be entitled to, if only the free in- 
 habitants were considered ; were also believed to 
 be great defects in the constitution. It was fur- 
 ther objected, that the elections were not annual. 
 This was a popular objection, as the elections in 
 Massachusetts had always been for a year only. 
 At the same time, it was admitted that the coun- 
 try was sutfering by the imbecility of the confede- 
 ration, and that greater power must be vested in 
 the general government, in order to promote the 
 welfare and prosperity of the nation. Some also 
 objected, that the general convention had exceed- 
 ed the powers given them, which were confined 
 to an alteration of the articles of confederation : and 
 yet they admitted, that without a total change of 
 that system, so as that Congress should have full 
 authority to require obedience to its laws, it would 
 not afford a remedy for the evils to which the 
 country was then subjected.f But in addition to 
 some real defects in the constitution, or to objec- 
 tions existing in the minds of some honest men, who 
 yet did not weigh as they ought the evils which 
 would follow from a rejection of it, the prejudices 
 of the less enlightened part of the people, in which 
 
 * The number of 40,000 inhabitants to a representative 
 was reported, and once voted in the general convention, which 
 prepared the constitution ; but Washington proposed 30,000, 
 and it was adopted- 
 
 t See Mr. Gerry’s letter in the Appendix, No. 4. 
 
 VOL. II. 41 
 
322 
 
 may be included several of the delegates to the 
 state convention, were excited by the sophistry or 
 misrepresentations of a few men, who wrote against 
 the instrument, and represented it as an abridg- 
 ment of the liberties of the people, and little bet- 
 ter than monarchy in disguise. 
 
 The friends of the proposed constitution believ- 
 ed it to be wisely framed, consistent with the lib- 
 erties of the people, and calculated to secure the 
 welfare and happiness of the country. They con- 
 sidered it the best system which could be formed 
 by the citizens of such an extensive territory, so as 
 to meet the approbation of all; and the only one 
 in all probability, which would be accepted. They 
 were confident the freedom and interests of the 
 people would not suffer by elections for the period 
 provided; but, on the contrary, that the nature of 
 the government and the extent of the country re- 
 quired such elections. They contended that the 
 power given to Congress was no more extensive 
 than was necessary to accomplish the great nation- 
 al purposes, which all were desirous the general 
 legislature should be authorised to accomplish, for 
 the honour and welfare of the United States ; and 
 they argued, that there would not be the interfe- 
 rence between the national and state governments, 
 as many apprehended. They insisted, that the 
 confederation was totally incompetent to all na- 
 tional purposes ; and that general bankruptcy and 
 anarchy must ensue on the rejection of the new 
 constitution. They were satisfied, no other system 
 could be formed, with so few defects ; and they 
 feared no further attempt would be made for a na- 
 tional or united government; the consequence of 
 which would be frequent and violent collisions be- 
 
323 
 
 tween the several states. The constitution ex- 
 pressly recognized the people as the fountain of 
 power, whose liberty and prosperity it was intend- 
 ed to secure and promote ; the election of their le- 
 gislators and rulers was still with them; and what- 
 ever was not delegated to the general government 
 was reserved to the people and to the states re- 
 spectively. 
 
 Those who were originally opposed to the con- 
 stitution, were not easily prevailed to accept it, 
 nor would they acknowledge their objections were 
 removed. It is probable they feared, that great 
 abuses of power, or great abridgment of their li- 
 berty would be the consequence of a national go- 
 vernment with such extensive authority; and that 
 they did not realize the evils which would result 
 from its rejection. Many were disappointed, how- 
 ever, when the opponents of the constitution final- 
 ly voted against it, after the conciliatory proposi- 
 tion of amendments connected with it, which went 
 to remove the objections they made to the instru- 
 ment. But, happy for Massachusetts, and for 
 the United States, a majority of votes was obtain- 
 ed for it; which probably decided the opinion of 
 some other states in its favour, which had not 
 then acted upon the subject, and in which a great 
 portion of the people were ready to object. Ma- 
 ny of those who gave their vote against the con- 
 stitution might have been as honest as those who 
 advocated it ; but it is impossible to admit, that 
 they had as great wisdom and foresight. There 
 were only nineteen votes more for than against the 
 constitution. The result was 187 for, and 1G8 
 against it. Those who opposed it in the convention^ 
 with much candour and patriotism, declared their 
 
 
324 
 
 determination to support it, as it had been approved 
 and adopted by the majority. Those who were de- 
 cided and active in its favour, and by whose influ- 
 ence it was accepted, ranked among the most dis- 
 tinguished patriots of the state.* They were per- 
 suaaed of the necessity of a general government, 
 with much more extensive power than Congress 
 then possessed ; and knowing the distresses and 
 complaints of the people, and the difficulty of 
 forming a federal system which would be univer- 
 sally approved, they concluded, that if the one 
 then presented were rejected, there would be no 
 hope of a substitute; and that anarchy must en- 
 sue. Perhaps, at no time after the struggle for 
 independence, had the country been in so great 
 danger; and to no men was it more indebted for 
 preservation from ruin, and for security of the 
 blessings of good government, than to those who 
 procured the acceptance of the federal constitu- 
 tion in Massachusetts. 
 
 No objection to the constitution was more pow- 
 erful than that arising from a tendency to a con- 
 solidation of the states. “ This,” said Mr. Ames, 
 “ was an effect, which all good men would depre- 
 cate. The state governments,” he said, “ were 
 essential parts of the system. The senators re- 
 presented the sovereignty of the states ; in the 
 other house, the whole people were represented. 
 
 These were Bowdoin, Dana, Strong, Cabot, Parsons, Gor- 
 ham, Ames, Dawes, Brooks, Sedgwick, Gore, King, J.C. Jones, 
 Jarvis, &c. Great support was also given to the constitution 
 by governor Hancock, and Hon. S. Adams, though they did 
 not entirely approve of every article. The former proposed 
 amendments, and the other supported them ; without which 
 the constitution would probably have been rejected. 
 
325 
 
 If the senators were chosen by the people, as the 
 representatives were, a consolidation of the state 
 gov ernments would ensue ; which, it is conceded, 
 would subvert the new constitution. Too much 
 provision cannot be made against consolidation. 
 The state governments are the safeguards and or- 
 nament of the federal constitution — they will pro- 
 tract the period of our liberties ; they will afford 
 a shelter against the abuse of power, and will be 
 the natural avengers of our violated rights.” Al- 
 though extensive power was vested in the general 
 government, of which the constitution was to be 
 the foundation, and although it was purposely de- 
 signed to give authority to a federal legislature, for 
 the welfare of the United States, that the new 
 constitution had been formed, still it was believed 
 by a//, that no power was to be claimed by the 
 national government except such as was expressly 
 given; and that ail besides was reserved to the in- 
 dividual states and to the people. Had it been 
 supposed, that authority would be exercised, foun- 
 ded only upon construction or inference, it is pro- 
 bable the constitution would not have been adopt- 
 ed by a majority of the states. 
 
 Several of the amendments to the constitution, 
 proposed by the convention in Massachusetts, were 
 afterwards approved by three-fourths of the states, 
 and accordingly became a part of the federal com- 
 pact. One of these was, “ that the powers not 
 delegated to the United States, nor prohibited by 
 it to the states, are reserved to the states respec- 
 tively, or to the people.” Another, that a state 
 should not be liable to a suit from a citizen of ano- 
 ther state, or from a foreign citizen. 
 
320 
 
 Virginia and New York proposed, that another 
 general convention should be called to act upon 
 the amendments proposed by the several stales; 
 and the governors of those states were requested 
 to communicate the same to Massachusetts, for its 
 concurrence in such a measure. When governor 
 Hancock laid those propositions before the legis- 
 lature, he expressed an opinion of the inexpedien- 
 cy of the plan ; and stated, that the proper course 
 to pursue would be to urge it upon Congress to 
 submit the proposed amendments to the legislatures 
 of the several states for their approbation. The 
 majority of the General Court approved of the 
 governors views on the subject. In his message 
 he spoke of the federal constitution as necessary 
 to render the United States really independent^ and 
 to promote the prosperity of the country. 
 
 The acceptance of the federal constitution, by 
 the convention in Massachusetts afforded much sa- 
 tisfaction to its advocates in other states ; and par- 
 ticularly in those, which had not then come to a 
 decision on the subject."^ The citizens of Boston 
 expressed great joy on the occasion, wdiich was ma- 
 nifested by a numerous procession, composed of all 
 classes and trades, with their respective and appro- 
 priate badges, more extensive and imposing than 
 had ever been witnessed in that ancient town. 
 The mechanics had suffered for w^ant of employ- 
 ment, on account of the embarrassments on com- 
 merce, and the great importation of articles of 
 foreign manufacture. They believed that domes- 
 tic manufactures would be encouraged, and that 
 
 * General Washington expressed great satisfaction, when 
 he learned that Massachusetts had adopted it. 
 
327 
 
 navigation would increase and furnish profitable oc- 
 cupation to a large portion of the people. They 
 were not disappointed in these expectations. It 
 was among the first acts of Congress, after the fe- 
 deral constitution was adopted, to regulate the com- 
 mercial intercourse of all the states with foreign 
 places, and to secure greater privileges to the coun- 
 try than it had before enjoyed. An uniform sys- 
 tem of revenue was fortned, by laying duties on all 
 importations into the United States. The debts 
 of the several states, incurred for the defence of 
 the whole during the war, were assumed by Con- 
 gress ; in consequence of which those states which 
 had expended more than their proportion would 
 be benefited ; one of which was Massachusetts, as 
 had been before believed to be the fact. The 
 continental debt was also funded, and the faith of 
 Congress pledged for payment, of which the pros- 
 pect of an increasing revenue authorized the ful- 
 filment. The public paper, thereupon, gradually 
 arose in value ; and the creditors of the nation 
 were eventually fully satisfied. This prosperous 
 condition of the country gave a new impulse to 
 business, and all classes of people found sufficient 
 employment. The credit of the state revived, 
 also, as a great part of its debt was to be provided 
 for by Congress; and the legislature discovered a 
 disposition to pay the creditors of the Common- 
 wealth such part of their demands as was practica- 
 ble, and to adopt a system by which funds would 
 be secured to dlscharofc the residue with the in- 
 
 O 
 
 terest at stated periods. The state debt, however, 
 was large ; and for some time, the taxes, including 
 those of former years which had long been accu- 
 mulating, bore heavily on the citizens and called 
 
 •a 
 
328 
 
 for great efforts and sacrifices. The tax ordered 
 for this year (1788) was 220,000 dollars; and a 
 great part of those for 1785, 1786 and 1787, re- 
 mained to be paid by many towns.^ 
 
 Congress appointed an agent to examine the ac- 
 counts which iMassachusetts had prepared against 
 the United States, for expenses incurred by the 
 Commonwealth for the general welfare, and which 
 were not considered exclusively as the debt of the 
 state. These, Indeed, gave a great sum ; as the 
 defence of the state was not allowed to be carried 
 to the national account. Of the former claims, 
 two millions and an half of dollars, of specie value, 
 v/ere admitted, without hesitation or objection : 
 and also eight millions of the old currency, which 
 had greatly depreciated. Besides these sums,, 
 other accounts were offered of six millions, which 
 were not then allowed, as the instructions of the 
 agent did not authorize it ; and which were, there- 
 fore, referred to a future settlement.t But the 
 greater part of it was afterwards admitted. 
 
 In the course of this year, a quantity of copper 
 was issued from the mint, which had been esta- 
 blished by order of the legislature in 1786. It 
 was also proposed to have silver coined; but Con- 
 gress advised against the measure, upon the belief, 
 that coining money was the prerogative of the 
 United States collectively considered, and that uni- 
 formity would be for the greater convenience of 
 the people in all parts of the union. Only a small 
 
 The amount of arrears of former taxes was about a mil- 
 lion of dollars. 
 
 . t Hon. Nathan Dane, then a member of Congress, was very 
 attentive to the claims of Massachusetts, and rendered great 
 Service to the state. 
 
329 
 
 amount was coined ; and the next year, on the es- 
 tablishment of the federal government, the mint 
 in Massachusetts was discontinued. 
 
 The legislature discovered a disposition in fa- 
 vour of manufactures ; and governor Hancock, as 
 his predecessor had done a year before, recom- 
 mended, that public encouragement be given to 
 such as promised to be useful, and for which the 
 state afforded materials. A duck manufactory was 
 established in Boston, and a cotton manufactory in 
 Beverly; both of which received pecuniary aid 
 from tlie General Court, the former in the way of 
 bounty upon the duck manufactured, and tlie other 
 by a grant of eastern lands. But these establish- 
 ments were very limited in their cifccts, and did 
 not long continue in operation. The manufacture 
 of pot and pearl ashes increased to a great extent 
 in the interior of the state, and supplied those Avho 
 traded to England with a valuable article of ex- 
 portation. There were two hundred and forty es- 
 tablishments of this kind in the state, at this pe- 
 riod. Nails were also manufactured, in some towns, 
 in large quantities. The state was much benefited 
 by this employment : for the demand was great 
 for the article, and it saved the specie to the coun- 
 try, which would otherwise have been sent abroad 
 in exchange for it. 
 
 A law was passed in the month of March 1788, 
 forbidding all the citizens of the state from having 
 any concern in the slave trade. Massachusetts 
 had, indeed, always condemned the practice as un- 
 christian, and inconsistent with the common rights 
 of humanity. It had, also,' before this period, 
 abolished the odious custom of slavery through the 
 state. If any of the citizens had been concerned 
 
 VOL. ji. 42 
 
330 
 
 in such inhuman traffic, it was unknown to the 
 civil authority and to the public. The occasion of 
 the law, at this particular time, was the seizing of 
 three people of colour by the captain of a vessel 
 in Boston, and taking them by force to the West 
 Indies, with an intention to make sale of them. The 
 person engaged, in thus forcibly taking or detain- 
 ing any negro, for the purpose of transportation as 
 a slave, was subject to a heavy penalty; the own- 
 ers of the vessels were made liable in a large sum; 
 the insurance was to be void; and the relations of 
 the persons kidnapped, if these were sold in a dis- 
 tant country, were allowed to prosecute for the 
 crime. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Mr. Hancock governor ... His popularity ... Dispute respecting the Cap- 
 taincy of the Castle and of the salary of the lieutenant governor... 
 Representatives to Congress ... Number and mode of chosing Electors 
 of President and Vice-President . . . Address to the President ... Two 
 brass field pieces. . . Mr. Hancock governor, May 1789 . . . His speech . . . 
 Law for Public Schools ... Finances ... New Counties in Maine... 
 Washington’s visit . . . Effects of Federal Government. 
 
 In 1788 , Mr. Hancock was again elected gover- 
 nor of the Commonwealth by a very general vote, 
 and without much opposition. It was not to be 
 expected, that all would prefer him ; and as he had 
 been placed in the chair, the year preceding by 
 the influence of those, who disapproved of the 
 measures adopted by Mr. Bowdoin, there were 
 many in the state who could not give him their 
 cordial support. But his administration for the 
 year past had not been such as to justify the fear- 
 ful anticipations of his opponents. If he had not 
 the firmness to oppose popular errors, or to act 
 with suitable decision and energy in a time of ge- 
 neral dissatisfaction and commotion, such as had 
 prevailed in the time of Mr. Bowdoin, he was not 
 disposed to compromit the dignity of government 
 by any acts of weak indulgence towards the insur- 
 gents. Perhaps, no man in the Commonw'ealth 
 had talents better fitted to maintain the tranquillity 
 of society and the necessary authority of the govern- 
 ment, when he took the chair, as successor to Mr 
 
332 
 
 Bowdoln. General Lincoln was chosen lieutenant 
 gov^ernor for this year, though there were several 
 others proposed as candidates for the office, at the 
 time of the elections. He possessed the most es- 
 timable qualities as a man, and was celebrated as 
 a brave and judicious officer in the war of the re- 
 volution. He had also repeatedly been elected to 
 the legislature and to the council board. His de- 
 cision and prudence in conducting the militia raised 
 by government to suppress the insurrection, had in- 
 creased the public confidence in his character. 
 
 The conduct of the governor, this year, in rela- 
 tion to the captaincy of the castle, by which it was 
 believed he manifested an unfriendly feeling to- 
 'wards general Lincoln, was a subject of public dis- 
 cussion ; and, in a portion of the community, of se- 
 vere censure. By some, indeed, the course he 
 pursued was considered arbitrary and unconsti- 
 tutional. By his particular recommendation, an 
 establishment had been made by the legislature, 
 for the castle, by which it was provided, that the 
 executive should appoint a captain for that for- 
 tress. The lieutenant governor had long held that 
 office ; and received for it certain fees and perqui- 
 sites, which amounted to upwards of a thousand 
 dollars. These, Mr. Cushing, the predeces- 
 sor of general Lincoln, had always received ; and 
 no other allowance was made for him by the legis- 
 lature. General Lincoln received none of these 
 perquisites, and no salary was annexed to the 
 office. In the month of November, of this year, 
 1788, nearly six months after the election of gene- 
 ral Lincoln, as lieutenant governor, the house in- 
 quired, whv he had not been appointed to the 
 command of the castle, having a reference chiefly 
 
333 
 
 to the subject of compensation, which they belier- 
 ed he ought to receive. The governor sent a 
 message to the General Court, in which he not only 
 claimed the right to fill an office, at such time as 
 he might think proper; but explicitly declared it 
 his opinion, “ that he might justly, as chief magis- 
 trate, refuse to carry into effect a resolve of the 
 Genera! Court, if he judged it would involve the 
 state in an unnecessary expense Avhich he said he 
 supposed would be the case, in having a captain of 
 the castle with so large a compensation as had been 
 then received. It was the doctrine advanced by 
 the governor, rather than the omission of appoint- 
 .ing a captain to the castle, which was condemned; 
 though many failed not to charge him with a de- 
 sign also to deprive the lieutenant governor of the 
 stipend, which his predecessor had always received. 
 A committee was appointed by the General Court, 
 at the winter session, to consider Avhat allowance 
 the lieutenant governor should have for his ser- 
 vices; and their report gave occasion to an anima- 
 ted debate on the conduct of the governor. Tlie 
 discussion continued several days, in the course of 
 Avhich, resolutions were offered, disapproving of the 
 sentiments of the governor expressed in his mes- 
 sage of November; but they were not acceptable 
 to the majority of the house, and were therefore 
 rejected. It was admitted by those who advocat- 
 ed the resolutions, that the governor had a right 
 to decide as to the proper time for making appoint- 
 ments; though even in this, there might be an un- 
 justifiable delay, for which he Avas responsible to 
 his constituents and to the state ; but it was con- 
 tended, that ho could not justly prevent the ope- 
 ration of a law, Avhich tlie legislature had passed. 
 
334 
 
 The committee reported a thousand dollars, as a 
 compensation to the lieutenant governor; but the 
 house reduced it to five hundred and thirty-three, 
 
 A ditference of opinion was manifested between 
 the two houses of the General Court, in adopting 
 an answer to the governor’s message communica- 
 ted at the beginning of the session. It was the 
 practice, at that .fime, for the two houses to unite 
 in the address to the governor, in reply to his pub- 
 lic speeches. But on this occasion, the senate and 
 house could not agree in an answer; and the re- 
 presentatives voted to prepare a separate address. 
 The subject of disagreement was, at this session, 
 relative to several questions which came before 
 them; particularly with reference to the payment 
 of the public debt. The senate were decided for 
 some provisions, by which the interest would be 
 punctually paid, and for a larger tax, with this 
 view, than the representatives thought expedient 
 to assess. 
 
 There was also a proposal by the senate, for strik- 
 ing out a paragraph in the original draft adopted 
 by the house, in which it was proposed, as the 
 states of Virginia and New York had done, to call 
 a new convention, for the purpose of incorporating 
 the amendments proposed to the constitution, into 
 the instrument, before any general government was 
 organized under it. The senate were opposed to 
 such a measure, as of fatal tendency ; and agreed 
 with the governor, in the opinion he expressed in 
 his speech, that all which was proper for the le- 
 gislature to do, was to present the proposed amend- 
 ments to the Congress, and to instruct the repre- 
 sentatives from the state to that body to use their 
 efforts to have them recommended and adopted. 
 
335 
 
 Until this period, the delegates to Congress had 
 been appointed by the General Court. According 
 to the federal constitution, they were now to be 
 chosen immediately by the people. For the first 
 Congress, Massachusetts was to have only eight 
 representatives. The state was divided into that 
 number of districts, for the purpose of electing 
 one representstive in each. This number was de- 
 termined by the new constitution ; but was not 
 perfectly agreeable to the ratio fixed by that in- 
 strument, for future years, whicli was one repre- 
 sentative for 30,000 inhabitants. The population 
 of Massachusetts, at that time, entitled her to more 
 than the number above mentioned ; but no census 
 had been then lately taken, and the number of in- 
 habitants was not precisely known to the conven- 
 tion.* At the first trial, only four representatives 
 were elected; these were Fisher Ames, George 
 Partridge, George Leonard, and George Thatcher. 
 Afterwards, Elbridge Gerry, Benjamin Goodhue, 
 Jonathan Grout, and Theodore Sedgwick, were 
 chosen. The first board of electors, in Massachu- 
 setts, of president and vice president, were Wil- 
 lira Cushing, William Shepard, William Sever, 
 Walter Spooner, David Sewall, Caleb Davis, Fran- 
 cis Dana, Samuel Henshaw, Samuel Phillips, jr. 
 and Moses Gill. 
 
 The mode prescribed by the legislature at this 
 time, for the appointment of electors, was as fol- 
 lows — Two persons were to be voted for in each 
 district, and the General Court to select one of 
 the two who should receive the highest number 
 of votes; and two others were chosen immediate- 
 
 The number was supposed to be 370,000 or 380,000. 
 
ly by the legislature. These met in Boston, on 
 the first Wednesday of February, 1789, and garc 
 in their votes for general Washington to be presi- 
 dent, and Hon. John Adams to be vice president, 
 of the United States. 
 
 Soon after general Washington was inducted 
 into the office of president of the United States, 
 the legislature of Massachusetts forwarded him 
 the following public address. 
 
 “ Sir, — Your acceptance of your present exalted 
 and important station, affords universal joy to the 
 people of Massachusetts. They have long felt 
 the most grateful sentiments for your character, 
 and attachment to your person. And they reflect 
 with pleasure on the ardour which your presence 
 inspired in the alarming and novel circumstances of 
 a war within their country and against their civil 
 security, so soon restored by the discipline and 
 success of the army under your command. 
 
 “ The unanimity of the suffrages of these states 
 in your election, is no less a testimony of your 
 merit, than of the gratitude of this extensive com- 
 munity. They have declared, by investing you 
 with the powers of their president, their confidence 
 in you, from their experience of your wisdom and 
 virtues, and they delight to honour you. For 
 your services, in their estimation, will yet far ex- 
 ceed their rewards. 
 
 “ The union of the states, by a form of govern- 
 ment, intended to secure the blessings of liberty, 
 13 rendered more perfect under you, as their chief. 
 All the advantages of that government, of our na- 
 tional independence and civil liberty, may be ra- 
 tionally expected under your administration. From 
 you, we shall receive those examples of public and 
 
337 
 
 private economy, of prudence, fortitude and patri- 
 otism, of justice, morality and religion, which, by 
 the aid of divine providence, insure the welfare of 
 a community. 
 
 “ To express the voice of our constituents, we 
 join in the congratulations of United America, on 
 this great event, and we earnestly implore the 
 protection of Almighty God upon your person and 
 family ; that he would afford you his divine aid in 
 the duties of your important station, and would 
 long continue you a blessing to the United States.” 
 
 On the application of the governor. Congress 
 ordered two brass field pieces to be restored to 
 Massachusetts, which were a part of the four that 
 composed the whole American field artillery, at 
 the commencement of the revolutionary war. Con- 
 gress ordered the following inscription to be put 
 upon them; on one — Hancock — sacred to liber- 
 ty. This is one of four cannon which constituted 
 the whole train of field artillery, possessed by the 
 British colonies of North America, at the com- 
 mencement of the war, on the 19th of April 1775. 
 This cannon and its fellow, belonging to a number 
 of citizens of Boston, were used in many engage- 
 ments during the war. The other two, the pro- 
 perty of the government of Massachusetts, were 
 taken by the enemy.” On the other, the inscrip- 
 tion was ‘‘ Adams,” with the same explanation and 
 statement as on the former one. 
 
 Mr. Hancock was elected governor again in 
 April 1789; but received greater opposition than 
 in 1788. There was no particular accusation pre- 
 ferred against him for improper measures, during 
 the former political year, except his conduct with 
 regard to general Lincoln, the lieutenant governor; 
 
 VOL. II. 43 
 
338 
 
 which, by many, was considered not only unfriendly 
 to that eminent patriot, but arbitrary in itself, and 
 inconsistent with the nature of the government. 
 His most zealous adherents proposed Mr. Samuel 
 Adams for lieutenant governor, instead of general 
 Lincoln ; and this circumstance led the friends of 
 the latter to support Mr. Bowdoin for governor, 
 and to oppose Mr. Hancock and Mr. Adams, with 
 more than ordinary Avarmth. The various pub- 
 lications in the newspapers, relating to the elec- 
 tion, contained personal allusions and bitter crimi- 
 nations, unknown on any former occasion. Mr. 
 Adams Avas elected lieutenant governor for this 
 political year. Many of his former friends were 
 surprised, that he and Mr. Hancock Avere on the 
 same ticket, as they had differed on some public 
 measures within a feAV years. But these were not 
 on material points ; their general views and opi- 
 nions Avere similar; and they had long been asso- 
 ciated in the political affairs of the state and the 
 nation. 
 
 The governor in his message,* **^ communicated 
 soon after the General Court was organized, ha\"- 
 ing spoken Avith great approbation of the federal 
 government, from Avhich he said important and 
 permanent benefits might justly be expected, ob- 
 served — 
 
 “But it ought ever to be remembered that no 
 form of government, or mode of administration 
 can make a vicious people happy ; and that there- 
 fore the public felicity Avill in a great measure de- 
 pend upon the practice of the social and private 
 
 * Incli«:position prevented his attending the legislature in 
 
 person during this session. 
 
339 
 
 virtues by the people of this extensive republic. — 
 That this Commonwealth, which constitutes an 
 important part of the general government, may 
 increase its own prosperity, while it promotes that 
 of the Union, we must support and encourage the 
 means of learning, and all institutions for the edu- 
 cation of the rising generation ; an equal degree 
 of intelligence being as necessary to a free govern- 
 ment, as laws are for an equal distribution of pro- 
 perty. 
 
 Our wise and magnanimous ancestors, impress- 
 ed with this idea, Avere very careful and liberal in 
 the establishment of institutions for this purpose; 
 among which, that of our university in Cambridge, 
 and grammar schools in the several towns were be- 
 lieved very important. Erery necessary attention 
 will certainly be paid to the former: and I cannot 
 but earnestly recommend to your inquiry, the reason 
 ^ why the latter is so much neglected in the state."^' 
 Should any new laws be wanting on this subject, 
 you cannot do your country a more essential ser- 
 vice than by providing them.” 
 
 A law was passed at this session, requiring all 
 towns with two hundred families, to support a 
 grammar school, agreeably to former usage in the 
 province. Towns with that number and upwards, 
 were ordered to employ for .instructers of youth, 
 those who had been educated at some college, and 
 were able to teach the Latin and Greek languages. 
 In towns where the inhabitants were less, it was 
 
 * It is a matter of regret with many, that, since the time 
 when governor Hancock gave the above opinion and advice, 
 the provision by law for grammar schools has been, in a great 
 measure, virtually onn ailed. 
 
340 
 
 required, that such as were qualified to teach the 
 English language correctly, should be engaged in 
 the business of education. Great benefits were 
 derived from this and former laws, containing simi- 
 lar provisions, to the people of Massachusetts. In 
 later periods, the law^s of the Commonwealth have 
 only required instruction in the English language ; 
 which has not only obliged those who desire a 
 knowledge of the Greek or Latin, to go to dis- 
 tant places in order to acquire them ; but has low- 
 ered the character and qualifications of instructors ; 
 the evils of wdiich are apparent to those who 
 compare the present with past times. 
 
 The preamble to this law, “ providing for the 
 instruction of youth and the promotion of good 
 education,” w^as as follows — “Whereas the con- 
 stitution of this Commonwealth hath declared it 
 to be the duty of the General Court to provide 
 for the education of youth ; and whereas a general 
 dissemination of knowledge and virtue is necessary 
 to the prosperity of every state, and the very ex- 
 istence of a Commonwealth.” The governor had 
 expressed similar sentiments in his speech, at the 
 beginning of the session. From the earliest set- 
 tlement of the country, the benefits arising from 
 affording the means of information to youth of all 
 classes and conditions were acknowledged ; and it 
 was also admitted, that, to such as desired it, the 
 opportunity should be furnished of gaining an ac- 
 quaintance whh ancient literature. 
 
 During this session (June 1789,) a committee of 
 finance was appointed to “ inquire into the several 
 expenditures, and see if any savings can be made; 
 to inquire into the state of all outstanding taxes 
 and of all debts due to the Commonw^ealth ; into 
 
341 
 
 the state of the revenue arising from impost and 
 excise; and to see what deductions will be conse- 
 quent, upon the treasury, by the operation of lede- 
 ral laws : and to devise means for increasing the 
 public revenue.” A few days after, this committee 
 reported, “ that the debt of the state was 1,400 
 000/., the interest to which the Commonwealth 
 Avas liable, annually, was somewhat more than 100, 
 000/. This, it was stated, would be reduced by 
 receipts on the sales of the lands in New York 
 300,000/. ; by a year’s interest, then due on that 
 sum, and by the sale of continental certihcates, 
 90,000/. ; which had then recently been given by 
 Congress as evidence of claims, to that amount in 
 favour of the Commonwealth, already settled.- 
 According to this exhibit, the amount to be pro- 
 vided for was about 1,081,000/.; the interest of 
 which was 64,000/. To this Avas to be added 
 15,000/. estimated as necessary for the civil list. 
 It Avas believed that the excise would give 
 half this sum ; and it Avas recommended, that the 
 other moiety should be raised by a diiect tax. 
 And the committee stated, that this amount Avas 
 less by 10,000/. than was assessed upon the pro- 
 vince from 1763 to 1770. Several members ob- 
 jected to any direct tax, at this time, on account of 
 the taxes laid in several former years and then re- 
 quired by the General Court to be iu}medlately 
 collected. Some of the representatives appeared 
 to have little concern for th.e credit of the Com- 
 monAvealth, and were chiefly anxious for the relief 
 of their constituents, Avho Avere still compiainlng 
 loudly of the public burdens. 
 
 The county of Lincoln, which included the east- 
 erly part of the district of Maine, a large territory. 
 
> 342 
 
 extending on the sea-coast, two hundred miles, from 
 the river Kennebec* to St. Croix, the boundary 
 between the United States and the British pro- 
 vince of New Brunswick, was divided into three 
 shires. The two new ones formed were called Han- 
 cock and Washington. The separation of Maine 
 was again proposed by a convention at Portland, in 
 1788, which presented a petition to the legislature 
 to further the design. The petition was before 
 the General Court some time, but it was not grant- 
 ed ; for it did not appear that the majority of the 
 people were desirous of becoming a distinct state. 
 The dispute still continued, as to the true bounda- 
 ry of the state on the east ; and the national go- 
 vernment being now formed, the legislature re- 
 quested the governor to make application to the 
 president of the United Slates to take measures 
 for ascertaining the line of division, according to 
 the treaty with Great Britain in 1783. The dis- 
 pute was afterwards amicably settled, under the 
 authority of the federal government. 
 
 In the month of October of this year, president 
 Washington made a tour through the northern 
 states ; and his reception in Boston, the capital of 
 Massachusetts, both by the citizens of the town 
 and by the supreme executive of the Common- 
 wealth, were such as had never before been given 
 to any individual. All classes of people were re- 
 presented in the procession, formed to meet and 
 escort him into the town ; and the highest officers 
 in the state united in this expression of respect to 
 the truly illustrious character of the nation’s civil 
 
 * The county of Lincoln included some towns on the west 
 of this river. 
 
 
34S 
 
 and military chief. The people were universally 
 animated with all those sentiments of gratitude 
 and veneration for their distinguished benefactor, 
 which a sense of his eminent virtues and services 
 was calculated to inspire ; and manifested their 
 feelings by every suitable demonstration of joy and 
 exultation. The visit of Washington gave great 
 satisfaction to the people ; but it was scarcely pos- 
 sible to increase the esteem and admiration in 
 which his character was already held. The lieu- 
 tenant governor and members of the executive 
 council, the selectmen of Boston and other munici- 
 pal and state officers, with an immense number of 
 citizens, met the president at the bounds of the 
 tow^n, to bid him welcome, and to accompany him 
 to his place of residence. After his arrival, he re- 
 ceived an affectionate and respectful address from 
 the selectmen, in the name and behalf of the inha- 
 bitants of Boston; to which he replied, in a style 
 complimentary to the patriotism and virtue of the 
 citizens of that ancient town. The following ad- 
 dress was also presented him by the governor and 
 council. 
 
 We meet you, sir, at this time, with our hearts 
 replete with the warmest affection and esteem, to 
 express the high satisfaction we feel in your visit 
 to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
 
 “ We can never forget the time^ when, in the 
 earliest stage of the Avar, and the day of owr great- 
 est calamity, we saw you at the head of the army 
 of the United States, commanding troops, deter- 
 mined, though then undisciplined, by your wisdom 
 and valour, preventing a sanguinary and well ap- 
 pointed army of our enemies, from spreading de- 
 vastation through our country, and sooner than we 
 
344 
 
 had reason to expect, obliging them to abandon 
 the capital. 
 
 “We have since seen you in your high com- 
 mand, superior to the greatest fatigues and hard- 
 ships, successfully conducting our armies through a 
 long war, until our enemies were compelled to sub- 
 mit to terms of peace; and acknowledged that in- 
 dependence which the United States in Congress 
 assembled, had before asserted and proclaimed. 
 
 “ We now have the pleasure of seeing you in a 
 still more exalted station, to which you have been 
 elected by the unanimous suffrages of a free, vir- 
 tuous and grateful country. From that attach- 
 ment, which you manifestly discovered while in 
 your military command, to the civil liberties of 
 your country, we do assure ourselves, that you will 
 ever retain this great object in your view, and that 
 your administration will be happy and prosperous. 
 
 “It is our earnest prayer, that the divine Bene- 
 diction may attend you here and hereafter ; and we 
 do sincerely wish that you may, through this life, 
 continue to enjoy that greatest of earthly blessings, 
 to be accepted by “ the multitude of your bre- 
 thren.” 
 
 To which general Washington replied as fol- 
 lows — 
 
 “Gentlemen, to communicate the peculiar plea- 
 sure which I derive from your affectionate wel- 
 come of me to the Commonwealth of Massachu- 
 setts, requires a force of expression beyond that 
 which I possess. I am truly grateful for your 
 goodness towards me, and I desire to thank you 
 with the unfeigned sincerity of a feeling heart. 
 
 “ Your obliging remembrance of my military ser- 
 vices, is among the highest compensations they can 
 
345 
 
 receive ; and If rectitude of Intention may author- 
 ize the hope, the favourable anticipation, vvlilch 
 you are pleased to express of my civil administra- 
 tion, will not, I trust, be disappointed. It is your 
 ha|)j)iness, gentlemen, to preside in the councils of 
 a Commonwealth, where the pride of independ- 
 ence is well assimilated with the duties of society ; 
 and, where the industry of the citizen gives the 
 fullest assurance of public respect and private pros- 
 perity. I have observed too, with singular satis- 
 faction, so becoming an attention to the militia of 
 the state, as presents the fairest prospect of sup- 
 port to the invaluable objects of national prosperi- 
 ty and peace. Long may these blessings be con- 
 tinued to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts! 
 And may you, gentlemen, in your individual capa- 
 cities, experience every satisfaction, which can re- 
 sult from public honour and private happiness.” 
 
 In a[)polntlng to office under the federal govern- 
 ment, general Washington selected those who had 
 been distinguished by their zeal and patriotism du- 
 ring the war of the revolution. And his appoint- 
 ments were bestowed on none but men of integri- 
 ty and talents, which fully qualified them for the 
 stations in which they were placed. This policy 
 was approved by all impartial men; and yet Mr. 
 Jefferson, who succeeded to the presidency, some 
 years after general Washington declined it, remov- 
 ed some of the revolutionary characters from the 
 olfices they held, merely for dlfierence of political 
 opinions, on subjects or measures of minor conside- 
 ration, which did not implicate their patriotism or 
 their republican principles. 
 
 A question was long and warmly agitated in the 
 General Court during this political year, respecting 
 voi:. II. 44 
 
34G 
 
 the eligibility of an otiicer in the federal govern- 
 ment to a seat in the legislature of the state. The 
 judge of a district court, the attorney and marshal 
 of the district, were then members of the legisla- 
 ture of Massachusetts."^ A committee was first 
 appointed in the senate, which reported, that the 
 seat of Mr. Jackson, a member of that board, 
 from Essex, in consequence of his receiving and ac- 
 cepting the appointment of marshal of the district, 
 by which he had become an officer of the general 
 government, was vacated: but the report was re- 
 jected in the senate, by thirteen votes to eleven. 
 
 In the house, the decision was different, on a si- 
 milar question relating to two of their members ; 
 being 137 to 24. The report, however, which 
 gave a full and decided opinion of their ineligibili- 
 ty, like that made in the senate, was not proposed 
 for acceptance ; but on the question, substituted 
 for the report, whether persons holding office 
 under the United States, similar to those declared 
 by the constitution of this Commonwealth incom- 
 patible with their holding seats in the legislature 
 thereof, can have a constitutional right to retain 
 their seats in this house ?” — after a debate of 
 great length, it was decided in the manner men- 
 tioned above. 
 
 It was contended, by those in favour of the re- 
 port, that uniformity and analogy forbid the eligi- 
 bility of such officers of the federal government to 
 a seat in the legislature, as were similar to those 
 excluded from it, if officers in the state. And that 
 
 David Sevvall of Maine, who had been appointed judge 
 of the district court, and Christopher Gore, who had been ap- 
 pointed district attorney, were members of the house ; J. 
 Jackson, appointed marshal, was a member of the senate. 
 
347 
 
 there would be an improper and dangerous inllu- 
 ence exerted by federal officers, if permitted to be 
 legislators of the Commonwealth. On the other 
 side, it was argued, that the reasons, which render- 
 ed it improper for certain j)ublic officers of the 
 state to have seats in the legislature, did not hold 
 with regard to officers of the United Stales ; and 
 that, as there was not an express or clear incom- 
 patibility in the constitution, they could not be 
 justly excluded. There was a great jealousy of 
 the federal government, at that early |)erlocl, on 
 the minds of many of the citizens ; but, in later 
 years, less fear or hostility towards it have been 
 cherished ; and in many instances, men holding 
 office under the general government, have exerted 
 a great influence, in directing the concerns of asin- 
 o[le state. 
 
 O • • • 
 
 Under the auspicious influence of the federal 
 government, a mutual confidence was strengthened 
 among the citizens of the Commonwealth and of 
 the United States ; the common employments and 
 arts of life were encouraged ; commercial enter- 
 prizes increased; the credit of government was re- 
 stored, by wise and efficient provisions in the 
 finances of the country, the regulation of foreign 
 commerce and the uniform collection of a revenue ; 
 and the nation made rapid advances, from a stale 
 of embarrassment and imbecility, to w'calth, power 
 and respectability. 
 

 
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APPENDIX 
 
 No. I. Pages, 140, 169. 
 
 A Constitution and FoKMof Government for the 
 State of Mass/ichusetts Bay, agreed upon by the 
 Convention of said State, February 28tb, 1778 ; to be 
 laid before the several towns and plantations in said 
 State, for their approbation or disapprobation. 
 
 State of Massachusetts Bay, 
 
 In CoNVE^TION, February 28tb, 1778. 
 
 Whereas, upon the declaration of independence, made by 
 the representatives of the United States, in Congress assem- 
 bled, by which all connexions between the said states and 
 Great Britain were dissolved, the General Assembly of this 
 state thought it expedient, that a new constitution of govern- 
 ment for this state should be formed ; and, apprehending that 
 they were not invested with suflicient authority to deliberate 
 and determine upon so interesting a subject, did, on the fifth 
 day of May, 1777, for affecting this valuable purpose, pass the 
 following resolve — 
 
 “ Resolved, That it be, and hereby is recommended to the 
 several towns and places in this state, empowered by the laws 
 thereof, to send members to the General Assembly, that, at 
 their next election of a member or members to represent 
 them, they make choice of men, in whose integrity and ability 
 they can place the greatest confidence ; and, in addition to the 
 common and ordinary powers of representation, instruct them 
 with full powers, in one body with the council, to form such a 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 3, '50 
 
 constitution of government as they shall judge best calculated 
 to promote the happiness of this state ; and when completed, 
 to cause the same to be printed in all the Boston newspapers, 
 and also in handbills, one of which to be transmitted to the 
 selectmen of each town, or the committee of each plantation, 
 to be by them laid before their respective towns or planta- 
 tions, at a regular meeting of the inhabitants thereof, to be 
 called for that purpose, in order to its being, by each town 
 and plantation, duly considered, and a return of their appro- 
 bation or disapprobation to be made into the secretary’s office 
 of this state, at a reasonable time, to be fixed upon by the 
 General Court ; specifying the numbers present at such meet- 
 ing voting for, and those voting against the same ; and, if 
 upon a fair examination of said returns, by the General Court, 
 or such a committee as they shall appoint for that purpose, 
 it shall appear, that the said form of government is approved 
 of by at least two thirds of those who are free, and twenty- 
 one years of age, belonging to this state, and present in the 
 several meetings, then the General Court shall be empowered 
 to establish the same as the constitution and form of govern- 
 ment of the state of Massachusetts Bay ; according to which 
 the inhabitants thereof shall be governed in all succeeding 
 generations, unless the same shall be altered by their express 
 direction, or at least of two thirds of them. And it is further 
 recommended to the selectmen of the several towns, in the 
 return of their precepts for the choice of representatives, to 
 signify their having considered this resolve, and their doings 
 thereon 
 
 And whereas the good people of this state, in pursuance of 
 the said resolution, and reposing special trust and confidence 
 in the council and in their representatives, have appointed, 
 authorized and instructed their representatives, in one body 
 with the council, to form such a constitution of government 
 as they shall judge best calculated to promote the happiness 
 of this state, and when completed, to cause the same to be 
 published for their inspection and conaideraiion : 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 351 
 
 We, therefore, the council and representatives of the people 
 of the state of Massaclmsetts Bay, in convention assembled, 
 by virtue of the power delegated to us, and acknowledging our 
 dependence upon the all wise Governor of the universe for 
 direction, do agree upon the following form of a constitution 
 of government for this state, to be sent out to the people, 
 that they may act thereon, agreeably to the aforesaid resolve. 
 
 I. There shall be convened, held and kept, a General 
 Court, upon the last Wednesday in the month of May of every 
 year, and as many other times as the said General Court shall 
 order and appoint : which General Court shall consist of a 
 Senate and House of Representatives, to be elected as this 
 constitution hereafter directs. 
 
 II. There shall be elected annually a governor and lieute- 
 nant governor, who shall each have, by virtue of such elec- 
 tion, a seat and voice in the senate ; and the style and title of 
 the governor shall be His Excellency; and the style and title 
 of the lieutenant governor shall be His Honour. 
 
 III. No person shall be considered as qualified to serve as 
 governor, lieutenant governor, senator or representative, un- 
 less qualified respectively at the lime of their several elec- 
 tions as follows, viz: The governor and lieutenant governor 
 shall have been inhabitants of this state five years immediate- 
 ly preceding the time of their respective election ; the go- 
 vernor shall be possessed, in his own right, of an estate of 
 the value of one thousand pounds, whereof five hundred pounds 
 value, at the least, shall be in real estate, within this state ; 
 the lieutenant governor shall be possessed, in his own right, 
 of an estate of the value of five hundred pounds, two hundred 
 and fifty pounds thereof, at the least, to be in real estate, 
 within this state : a senator shall be possessed, in his own 
 right, of an estate to the value of four hundred pounds, two 
 hundred pounds thereof, at the least, to be in real estate, ly- 
 ing in the district for which he shall be elected. A represen- 
 tative shall be possessed in his own right, of an estate to the 
 value of two hundred pounds, one hundred pounds thereof, at 
 
352 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 the least, to be in real estate lying in the town for which he 
 shall be elected. Senators and representatives shall have 
 been inhabitants of districts and towns for which they shall 
 be respectively elected, one full year immediately preced- 
 ing such election ; provided, that when two or more towns 
 join in the choice of a representative, they may choose an in- 
 habitant of either of said towns, being otherwise qualified as 
 this article directs. 
 
 IV. The judges of the superior court, secretary, treasurer- 
 general, commissary-general, and settled ministers of the gos- 
 pel, while in office ; also all military officers, while in the 
 pay of this or of the United States, shall be considered as dis- 
 qualified for holding a seat in the General Court ; and the 
 judges and registers of probate, for holding a seat in the se- 
 nate. 
 
 V. Every male inhabitant of any- town in this state, being 
 free and twenty-one years of age, excepting negroes, Indians, 
 and mulattoes, shall be entitled to vote for a representative or 
 representatives, as the case may be, in the town where he is 
 resident ; provided he has paid taxes in said town (unless by 
 law excused from taxes) and been resident therein one full 
 vear, immediately preceding such voting, or that such tow n 
 has been his know n and usual place of abode for that time, or 
 that he is considered as an inhabitant thereof ; and every 
 such inhabitant qualified as above, and worth sixty pounds 
 clear of all charges thereon, shall be entitled to put in his 
 vote for governor, lieutenant governor and senators : and all 
 such voting for governor, lieutenant governor, senators or re- 
 presentatives shall be by ballot, and not otherwise. 
 
 VI. Every incorporated town within this state shall be en- 
 titled to send one representative to the General Court: any 
 town having three hundred voters may send two ; having five 
 hundred and twenty voters may send three ; having seven 
 hundred and sixty may send four; and so on, making the in- 
 creasing number necessary for another member, twenty more 
 than the last immediately preceding increasing number, till 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 353 
 
 the whole number of voters in any town are reckoned. And 
 each town shall pay the expense of its own representative or 
 representatives ; and the inhabitants of any two or more towns, 
 who do not incline to send a representative for each town, 
 may join in the choice of one, if they shall so agree. 
 
 VII. The selectmen of each town shall sometime in the 
 month of April, annually, issue their warrant or warrants, under 
 their hands and seals, directed to some constable or constables, 
 within their towns, respectively, requiring him or them to no- 
 tify the inhabitants qualified to vote for a representative, to 
 assemble in some convenient place in such town, for the 
 choice of some person or persons, as the case may be, to re- 
 present them in the General Court the ensuing year : the 
 time and place of meeting to be mentioned in the warrant or 
 warrants for calling such meeting. And the selectmen of each 
 town respectively, or the major part of them, shall make re- 
 turn of the name or names of the person or persons elected 
 by the major part of the voters present, and voting in such 
 meeting, to represent said town in the General Court the en- 
 suing year, into the secretary’s office, on or before the last 
 Wednesday of May then next ensuing: and when two or more 
 towns shall agree to join for such choice, the major part of 
 the selectmen of those towns shall, in the manner above di- 
 rected, warn a meeting to be held in either of the said towns, 
 as they shall judge most convenient, for that purpose, and 
 shall make return as aforesaid, of the person chosen at such 
 meeting. 
 
 VIII. The number of senators shall be twenty-eight (exclu- 
 sive of the governor and lieutenant governor) their election 
 shall be annual, and from certain districts, into which the state 
 shall be divided, as follows, viz. : The middle district to con- 
 tain the counties of Suffolk, Essex and Middlesex, within which 
 ten senators shall be elected : the southern district to contain 
 the counties of Plymouth, Barnstable, Bristol, Dukes county 
 and Nantucket, within which six senators shall be elected : 
 the western district to contain the counties of Hampshire, 
 
 VOL. ir. \ 5 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 3r>4 
 
 AVorcester and Berkshire, within which eight senators shall 
 be elected : the northern district to contain the counties of 
 York and Cumberland, within which three shall be elected : 
 the eastern district to contain the county of Lincoln, within 
 which one shall be elected. And as the numbers of inhabi- 
 tants in the several districts may vary, from time to time, the 
 General Court shall, in the way they shall judge best, some 
 time in the j'ear one thousand seven hundred and ninety, and 
 once in twenty years ever after, order the number of the in- 
 habitants of the several districts to be taken, that the senators 
 may be apportioned anew to the several districts, according to 
 the numbers of the inhabitants therein. And the General Court 
 may, at such new appointment, increase the number of sena- 
 tors to be chosen as they may see tit ; provided that the 
 whole number shall never exceed thirty-six, exclusive of the 
 governor and lieutenant governor. 
 
 IX. The inhabitants of the several towns in this state, quali- 
 fied as this constitution directs, shall, on the first Wednesday 
 in the month of November, annually, give in their votes in 
 their respective towns, at a meeting which the selectmen 
 shall call for that purpose, for senators for the year ensuing 
 the last Wednesday in May then next. The votes shall be 
 given in for the members of each district separately, accord- 
 ing to the foregoing apportionment, or such as shall be here- 
 atter ordered ; and the selectmen and town clerk of each 
 town shall sort and count the votes, and, by the third AVed- 
 nesday in December then next, transmit to the secretary’s of- 
 fice, a list certified by the town clerk of all the persons who 
 had votes as senators for each district at such meeting, and 
 the number each person had, affixed to his name. The lists, 
 so sent in, shall be examined by the General Court at their 
 then next sitting, and a list for each district of those voted for, 
 to the amount of double the number assigned such district (if 
 so many shall have votes) taking those who had the highest 
 numbers, shall be made out and sent by the first of March, 
 then next after, to the several towns of this state, as a nomi- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 555 
 
 nation list, from which said towns shall, at their meetings for 
 the choice of governor in the month of May, vote for the se- 
 nators assigned the respective districts; which votes shall be 
 counted and sorted and lists certified as before directed, made 
 out and sent in to the secretary’s office, by ten o’clock in the 
 forenoon of the last Wednesday in said May, and not afterwards ; 
 which lists shall be examined by the house of representatives 
 for the first time of the election of senators, and ever after- 
 wards by the senate and house of representatives on said last 
 Wednesday of May, or as soon after as may be; and those 
 persons in each district, equal to the number assigned such 
 district, who have the greatest number of votes, shall be sena- 
 tors for the ensuing year, unless it shall appear to the senate 
 that any member or members thereof were unduly elected 
 or not legally qualified ; of which the senate shall be the 
 judges. And the senate, when so constituted, shall continue in 
 being till another senate is chosen, and the members' thereof 
 gone through all the steps necessary to qualify them to enter 
 on the business assigned them by this constitution. 
 
 X. There shall forever hereafter, on the first Wednesday 
 in the month of May annually, be held, in each town in this 
 state, a meeting of the inhabitants of such towns respective- 
 ly, to give or put in their votes for governor, lieutenant go- 
 vernor and senators; which meeting the selectmen shall 
 cause to be notified in the manner before directed for the 
 meeting for the choice of representatives : and the town 
 clerk shall return into the secretary’s office by ten o’clock in 
 the morning of the last Wednesday of said May, and not af- 
 terwards, an attested copy of all the persons who had votes for 
 governor and lieutenant governor respectively, certifying the 
 number of votes each person so voted for had ; which lists shall 
 be, on said last Wednesday of May, or as soon after as may 
 be, examined by the senate and house of representatives ; 
 and the persons, who, on such examination, shall appear to 
 have the greatest number of votes for those offices respec- 
 Hvely, provided it be a majority of the whole number, shall 
 
356 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 be by the two houses declared governor and lieutenant gover- 
 nor, and entitled to act as such the ensuing year : and if no 
 person shall have such majority for governor and for lieu- 
 tenant governor, the senate and house of representatives 
 shall, as soon as may be, after examining said lists, proceed 
 by joint ballot to elect a governor or lieutenant governor, or 
 both, as the case may require, confining themselves to one of 
 those three who had the greatest number of votes collected 
 in the several towns for the office to be filled. 
 
 XI. If any person chosen governor, lieutenant governor, se- 
 nator or representative, whose qualifications shall be ques- 
 tioned by any one member of the senate or house of repre- 
 sentatives, within twenty-four days after his appearing to 
 enter upon the execution of his office, shall not make oath 
 before a senator, the speaker of the house of representatives, 
 or some justice of the peace, that he is qualified as required by 
 this constitution, and lodge a certificate thereof in the secre- 
 tary’s office, within ten days after notice given him of such 
 questioning by the secretary, whose duty it shall be to give 
 such notice, his election shall be void ; and any person claim- 
 ing privilege of voting for governor, lieutenant governor, 
 senators or representatives, and w'hose qualifications shall be 
 questioned in towm meeting, shall by the selectmen be pre- 
 vented from voting, unless he shall make oath that he is qua- 
 lified as this constitution requires ; said oath to be administer- 
 ed by a justice of the peace, or the town clerk, who is hereby 
 empowered to administer the same, when no justice is pre- 
 sent. 
 
 XII. Whenever any person who may be chosen a member 
 of the senate shall decline the office to which he is elected, 
 or shall resign his place, or die, or remove out of the state, 
 or be any way disqualified, the house of representatives may, 
 if they see fit, by ballot, fill up any vacancy occasioned there- 
 by, confining themselves in the choice to the nomination list 
 for the district to which such member belonged whose place 
 is to be supplied, if a sufficient number is thereon for the pur- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 357 
 
 pose ; otherwise the choice may be made at large in said 
 district. 
 
 XIII. The General Court shall be the supreme legislative 
 authority of this state, and shall accordingly have full power 
 and authority to erect and constitute judicatories and courts of 
 record, or other courts ; and, from time to time, to make and 
 establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable orders, laws 
 and statutes ; and also for the necessary support and defence 
 of this government, they shall have full power and authority 
 to levy proportionable and reasonable assessments, rates and 
 taxes ; and to do all and every thing they shall judge to be 
 for the good and w'elfare of the state, and for the government 
 and ordering thereof; provided nevertheless, they shall not 
 have any power to add to, alter, abolish, or infringe any part 
 of this constitution. And the enacting style in making laws 
 shall be ‘‘by the senate and house of representatives in Gene- 
 ral Court assembled, and by the authority of the same.” 
 
 XIV. The senate and house of representatives shall be two 
 separate and distinct bodies, each to appoint its own officers, 
 and settle its own rules of proceedings; and each shall have 
 an equal right to originate or reject any bill, resolve or or- 
 der, or to propose amendments to the same, excepting bills 
 and resolves levying and granting money or other property 
 of the state, which shall originate in the house of representa- 
 tives only, and be concurred or nonconcurred in whole by the 
 senate. 
 
 XV. Not less than sixty members shall constitute or make 
 a quorum of the house of representatives; and not less than 
 nine shall make a quorum of the senate. 
 
 XVI. The senate and house of representatives shall have 
 povver to adjourn themselves respectively ; provided such ad- 
 journment shall not exceed two days at any one time. 
 
 XVII. The governor shall be president of the senate. He 
 shall be general and commander in chief of the militia, and 
 admiral of the navy of this state ; and empowered to embody 
 the militia, and cause them to be marched to any part of the 
 
358 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 state, for the public safety, when he shall think necessary ; 
 and in the recess of the General Court, to march the miiitia, 
 by advice of the senate, out of the state, for the defence of 
 this, or any other of the United States ; provided always, that 
 the governor shall exercise the power, given him by this 
 constitution, over the militia and navy of the state, according 
 to the laws thereof, or the resolves of the General Court. He 
 shall, with the advice of the senate, in the recess of the Ge- 
 neral Court, have power to prorogue the same from time to 
 time, not exceeding forty days in any one recess of said court : 
 and in the sitting of said court, to adjourn or prorogue the 
 said court to any time they shall desire, or to dissolve the 
 same at their request, or to call said court together sooner 
 lhan the time to which it may be adjourned or prorogued, if 
 the welfare of the state should require the same. He shall 
 have power, at his discretion, to grant reprieves to condemn- 
 ed criminals for a term or terms of time, not exceeding six 
 months. It shall be the duty of the governor to inform the le- 
 gislature at every session of the General Court, of the con- 
 dition of the state ; and, from time to time, to recommend 
 such matters to their consideration, as shall appear to him to 
 concern its good government, welfare and prosperity. 
 
 XVlll. Whenever the person who maybe chosen governor 
 shall decline the trust, to which he is thereby elected, or 
 shall resign or die, or remove out of the state, or be other- 
 wise disqualified,- the lieutenant governor shall have the like 
 power during the vacancy in the office of governor, as the 
 governor is by this constitution vested with ; and in case of a 
 vacancy in the office of governor and lieutenant governor, the 
 major part of the senate shall have authority to exercise all 
 the powers of a governor during such vacancy ; and in case 
 both the governor and the lieutenant governor be absent from 
 the senate, the senior or first senator then present shall pre- 
 side. 
 
 XIX. All civil officers annually chosen, with salaries annu- 
 ally granted for their services, shall be appointed by the Ge- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 359 
 
 neral Court, by ballot ; each branch to have a right to origi- 
 nate or negative the choice. All other civil officers, and also 
 all general, field and staff officers, both of the militia and of 
 the troops which may be raised by and be in the pay of this 
 state, shall be appointed by the governor and senate : cap- 
 tains and subalterns of troops raised by and in the pay of the 
 state to be also appointed by the governor and senate. 
 
 XX. The governor and senate shall be a court for the trial 
 of all impeachments of any officers of this state, provided that 
 if any impeachment shall be prosecuted against the governor, 
 lieutenant governor, or any one of the senate ; in such case, 
 the person impeached shall not continue one of the court for 
 that trial. Previous to the trial of any impeachment, the 
 members of the court shall be respectively sworn, truly and 
 impartially to try and determine the charge in question, ac- 
 cording to evidence ; which oath shall be administered to the 
 members by the president, and to him by any one of the se- 
 nate. And no judgment of said court shall be valid, unless it 
 be assented to by two-thirds of the members of said court pre- 
 sent at such trial ; nor shall judgment extend further than to re- 
 moval of the person tried from office and disqualification to hold 
 or enjoy any place of honour, trust or profit under the state : 
 the party so convicted shall nevertheless be liable and sub- 
 ject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according 
 to the laws of the state : and the power of impeaching all offi- 
 cers of the slate for mal-conduct in their respective offices 
 shall be vested in the house of representatives. 
 
 XXI. The governor may, with the advice of the senate, in 
 the recess of the General Court, lay an embargo, or prohibit 
 the exportation of any commodity for any term of time, not 
 exceeding forty days in any one recess of said court. 
 
 XXII. The governor shall have no negative, as governor, 
 in any matter pointed out by this constitution to be done bj^ 
 the governor and senate, but shall have an equal voice with 
 any senator on any question before them ; provided that the 
 governor, or in his absence out of the state, the lieutenant go- 
 
360 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 vernor, shall be present in senate to enable them to proceed 
 on the business assigned them by this constitution, as gover, 
 nor and senate. 
 
 XXIII. The power of granting pardons shall be vested in 
 the governor, lieutenant governor and speaker of the house 
 of representatives, for the time being, or in either two of 
 them. 
 
 XXIV. The justices of the superior court, the justices of 
 the inferior courts of common pleas, judges of probate of 
 wills, judges of the maritime courts, and justices of the peace, 
 shall hold their respective places during good behaviour. 
 
 XXV. The secretary, treasurer-general and commissary- 
 general shall be appointed annually. 
 
 XXVI. The attorney-general, sheriffs, registers of the 
 courts of probate, coroners, notaries public and naval officers 
 shall be appointed and hold their offices during pleasure. 
 
 XXVII. The justices of the superior court, justices of the 
 inferior courts, courts of the general sessions of the peace and 
 judges of the maritime courts, shall appoint their respective 
 clerks. 
 
 XXVIII. The delegates for this state to the continental 
 Congress shall be chosen annually by joint ballot of the senate 
 and house of representatives, and may be superseded, in the 
 mean time, in the same manner. If any person holding the 
 office of governor, lieutenant governor, senator, judge of the 
 superior court, secretary, attorney-general, treasurer-general, 
 or commissary-general, shall be chosen a member of Congress 
 and accept the trust, the place which he so held as aforesaid, 
 shall he considered as vacated thereby, and some other per- 
 son chosen to succeed him therein. And if any person, serv- 
 ing for this state at said Congress, shall be appointed to either 
 of the aforesaid offices, and accept thereof, he shall be consid- 
 ered as resigning his seat in Congress, and some other person 
 shall be chosen in his stead. 
 
 XXIX. No person unless of the protestant religion shall be 
 governor, lieutenant governor, a member of the senate or of 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 361 
 
 the house of representatives or hold any judiciary employ- 
 ment within this state. 
 
 XXX. All commissions shall run in the name of the state 
 of Massachusetts Bay, bear test and be signed by the governor 
 or commander in chief of the state, for the time being, and 
 have the seal of the state thereunto affixed, and be attested 
 by the secretary or his deputy. 
 
 XXXI. All writs issuing out of the clerk’s office of any of 
 the courts of law within this state, shall be in the name of the 
 state of Massachusetts Bay, under the seal of the court from 
 which they issue, bear test of the chief justice, or senior or 
 first justice of the court where such writ is returnable, and 
 be signed by the clerk of such court. Indictments shall con- 
 clude “against the peace and dignity of the state.” 
 
 XXXIl. All the statute laws of this state, the common law, 
 and all such parts of the English and British statute laws, as have 
 been adopted and usually practised in the courts of law in this 
 state, shall still remain and be in full force until altered or re- 
 pealed by a future law or laws of the legislature; and shall 
 be accordingly observed and obeyed by the people of this 
 state ; such parts only excepted as are repugnant to the rights 
 and privileges contained in this constitution : and all parts of 
 such laws as refer to and mention the council shall be con- 
 strued to extend to the senate. And the inestimable right of 
 trial by jury shall remain confirmed as part of this constitution 
 forever. 
 
 XXXIII. All monies shall be issued out of the treasury of 
 this state and disposed of by warrants under the hand of the 
 governor for the time being, with the advice and consent of 
 the senate, for the necessary defence and support of the go- 
 vernment, and the protection and preservation of the inhabi- 
 tants thereof, agreeably to the acts and resolves of the Gene- 
 ral Court. 
 
 XXXIV. The free exercise and enjoyment of religious 
 profession and worship shall forever be allowed to every de- 
 nomination of protestants within this state. 
 
 46 
 
 vor. II. 
 
362 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 XXXV^. The lollovving oath shall be taken by every per- 
 son appointed to any office in this state, before his entering 
 on the execution of his office ; viz. /, J. B. do swear {or af- 
 firm^ as the case may be) that I will bear faith and true allegi- 
 ance to the state of Massachusetts ; and that / will faithfully ex- 
 ecute the business of the office of agreeably to the laws of 
 
 this state^ according to my best skill and judgment^ without fear, 
 favour, affection or partiality. 
 
 XXXVI. And whereas it may not be practicable to conform 
 to this constitution in the election of governor, lieutenant go- 
 vernor, senators and representatives for the first year; there- 
 fore, 
 
 The present convention, if in being, or the next general 
 assembly, which shall be chosen upon the present constitu- 
 tion, shall determine the time and manner in which the peo- 
 ple shall choose said officers for the -first year ; and upon said 
 choice, the general assembly, then in being, shall be dissolv- 
 ed and give place to the free execution of this constitution. 
 
 By order of the convention., 
 
 JEREMIAH POWELL, President. 
 
 Attest, 
 
 Samuel Fjieeman, Clerk. 
 
 No. n.-^Page 300. 
 
 The General Court was to have met on Wednesday 31st 
 January. But a sufficient number of representatives to form 
 a quorum did not attend till Saturdaj^, 3d of February. On re- 
 ceiving official notice, that the two houses were ready to pro- 
 ceed in the public business, the governor immediately pro- 
 ceeded to the senate chamber, and delivered the following 
 speech to both houses then assembled. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 363 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate^ and 
 
 Gentlemen of the House of Representatives^^ 
 
 “ It was expected by the General Court, that their pro- 
 ceedings at their last session, respecting the insurgents, would 
 have answered the purposes for which they were intended. 
 By those proceedings, there were held forth to them, punish- 
 ment on the one hand, and pardon on the other. — Punishment, 
 in case of perseverance in their criminal conduct; pardon and 
 indemnity, if they desisted from it ; and by a given time, should 
 take the oaths of allegiance. This application to their feel- 
 ings, and to that actuating principle, a desire of personal safe- 
 ty, it was apprehended, would have had a forcible inliuence 
 to bring them to their duty. But unhapj)ily, it did not produce 
 any good effect, except upon a very few individuals of them. 
 
 , On the contrary, the lenity and forbearance of government 
 were treated with contempt, and imputed by them to an ina- 
 bility of defending itself ; and some of your last acts Iiave 
 been added to their list of grievances. 
 
 But the clearest and most unequivocal evidence of their 
 perseverance, in opposition to government, is deduced from 
 their proceedings, respecting the judicial courts, in several of 
 the counties, since the last session of the General Court. 
 They twice, with an armed force, stopped those courts in 
 Worcester; and would not suffer them to open in Hampshire. 
 They attempted it, though unsuccessfully, in Middlesex : and 
 in consequence of that attempt, several of them were taken 
 into custody, by virtue of state warrants; in the execution of 
 which, the sheriff and other persons to whom the warrants 
 w’ere directed, had the aid and support of a number of spirit- 
 ed gentlemen of that county and Suffolk. 
 
 At the last time of their assembling in Worcester, there 
 were nearly a thousand of them in arms, who, to the great 
 annoyance and terror of that vicinity, continued embodied for 
 several days after the court had adjourned : meditating, as it 
 was apprehended, further outrages ; which were providen- 
 tially prevented by the continued storms of that week. 
 
appendix. 
 
 364 
 
 These violent and treasonable proceedings of the insurgents 
 were perpetrated after the publication of the last acts of the 
 General Court respecting them ; and demonstrated, not only 
 a total disregard of those acts, and the authority by which 
 they w^ere enacted, but a contempt of all constitutional go- 
 vernment, and a fixed determination to persevere in measures 
 for subverting it. 
 
 This determination, and these measures, were also mani- 
 fested by their printed declarations ; and by some of the pri- 
 vate transactions of their leaders, when the main body of the 
 insurgents were last assembled at Worcester : by which it ap- 
 peared, the insurgents were formed into regiments, and that 
 a committee was appointed for each regiment, to see that it 
 should, without delay, be properly officered and equipped ; 
 and completely ready when called upon. 
 
 That this was the state of things in the western counties, 
 was further confirmed by letters I received from some of the 
 most respectable characters in those counties ; and by the oral 
 testimony of many intelligent persons from thence : who all 
 agreed in the necessity of speedy and vigorous measures being 
 taken, for the effectual suppression of the insurgents : without 
 which the well-affected might, from a principle of s 'h' preser- 
 vation, be obliged to join them ; and the insurrection become 
 general. 
 
 The safety and well being of the Commonwealth being 
 thus at hazard, and the lenient, conciliating measures of the 
 General Court, having been rejected by the insurgents, I con- 
 ceived myself under every obligation, of honour and duty, to 
 exert the powers vested in me by law and the constitution, 
 for the protection and defence of the Commonwealth, against 
 the hostile and nefarious attempts of those lawless men. 
 
 Pursuant to this idea, I laid before the council all the in- 
 formation and intelligence I had collected, relative to the pro- 
 ceedings and designs of those men ; and the council were 
 unanimously of opinion, and accordingly advised, that vigor- 
 ous measures should be taken to protect the judicial courts, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 365 
 
 particularly those that were then to be next holden at Wor- 
 cester ; to aid the civil magistrate in executing the laws ; to 
 repel all insurgents against the government; and to appre- 
 hend all disturbers of the public peace ; particularly such of 
 them as might be named in any state warrant, or warrants. 
 
 For these purposes, upon the effecting of which all good 
 government, and indeed the happy existence of the Common- 
 wealth, do essentially depend, 1 have called forth from seve- 
 ral counties, a respectable body of the militia, the command 
 of which I have given to major general Lincoln, with orders 
 to carry those purposes into effectual execution. 
 
 Those orders are now in operation, and will be laid before 
 you, with the general orders, containing the plan of mea- 
 sures, by which the Commonwealth was to be defended 
 against its present assailants. 
 
 I congratulate you, gentlemen, on the success of those mea- 
 sures hitherto ; and hope it is a prelude to final success, and 
 to the re-establishment of perfect tranquillity. The des- 
 patches concerning it, which 1 have received from general 
 Lincoln, and general Shepard, will be laid before you. 
 
 Thus, gentlemen, from a principle of duty to the Common- 
 wealth, and in conformity to your resolution of the 24tb of 
 October, in which you express a full confidence, “ that I will 
 still persevere in the exercise of such powers as are vested 
 in me by the constitution, for preventing any attempts to in- 
 terrupt the administration of law and justice, and for enforcing 
 due obedience to the authority and laws of government,*’ I 
 have taken the measures above represented. 1 tru«t they 
 will meet with your entire approbation, and with that support, 
 which is naturally to be expected from the guardians of the 
 public safety. 
 
 On my part, I have done, in this business, what the duty of 
 my office, and the oath of qualification, indispensably require ; 
 and I have the fnllest confidence, that on your part nothing 
 will be wanting to carry into complete effect the measures, 
 that have been taken, or ^that may be further necessary, to 
 
366 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 suppress the present insurrection ; and to ensure a strict obe- 
 dience to the laws. This is so essential to the peace and safe- 
 ty of the Commonwealth, that it requires your immediate at- 
 tention ; and the speedy application of further means, if those 
 already taken should be deemed insufficient, for that pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Among' those means, you may deem it necessary to establish 
 some criterion for discriminating between good citizens and 
 insurgents, that each might be regarded according to their 
 characters : the former as their country’s friends, and to be 
 protected; and the latter as public enemies, and to be effec- 
 tually suppressed. At such a time as the present, every man 
 ought to show his colours, and take his side ; no neutral cha- 
 racters should be allowed : nor any one suffered to vibrate be- 
 tween the two. 
 
 Vigour, decision, energy, will soon terminate this unnatu- 
 ral, this unprovoked insurrection ; and prevent the effusion of 
 blood : but the contrary may involve the Commonwealth in a 
 civil war, and all its dreadful consequences: which may ex- 
 tend, not only to the neighbouring states, but even to the 
 whole confederacy, and finally destroy the fair temple of Ame- 
 rican liberty : in the erection of which, besides the vast ex- 
 pense of it, many thousands of valuable citizens have been sa- 
 crificed. 
 
 There are several things, resulting from the measures in 
 operation, wffiich require your immediate attention. 
 
 The money immediately wanted for carrying them into exe- 
 cution, was supplied by a voluntary loan from a number of gen- 
 tlemen, and in a manner which does them much honour. 1 must 
 earnestly recommend to you to provide for its reimburse- 
 ment, which, upon the principles of policy as well as justice, 
 should be made as speedily as possible. Provision also should 
 be made for defraying the general expense. 
 
 Should the time be too short to effect the great purposes, 
 for which the militia were called forth, it may be necessary 
 that general Lincoln should be empowered to continue them 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 367 
 
 in service, by enlistment, until those purposes shall be accom- 
 plished. The men bein^ already embodied, and the arrange- 
 ments for supporting them perfected, the expense of such a 
 continuance will be much less than that of raising a new body 
 for the same service. 
 
 There are defects in our militia act, which require an im- 
 mediate remedy ; and which 1 shall mention to you in a sepa- 
 rate message. 
 
 These, gentlemen, are matters of importance ; but the ge- 
 neral subject of this address is of the first magnitude, and de- 
 mands your immediate and most serious attention. If it be 
 taken up with proper spirit — if the measures in operation be 
 seconded with firmness and decision — and if the powers of the 
 several branches of government be united in a wise and vigo- 
 rous exertion, we may reasonably expect a speedy and hap- 
 py issue to the present insurrection : to which happy issue 
 every exertion on my part has been, and shall be, applied. 
 
 But, on the contrary, if indecision, languor or disunion 
 should on this occasion jiervade our public councils, insurrec- 
 tion, though checked for the present, would gain new strength, 
 and, like a torrent, might sweep away every mound of the 
 constitution ; and overwhelm the Commonwealth in every 
 species of calamity. In such a case, if brought on by remiss- 
 ness, or relaxation, on our part, we should be, not only involv- 
 ed — most essentially involved, in that calamity, but justly 
 chargeable with betraying the trust reposed in us by our fel- 
 low-citizens ; and chargeable with ignominiously deserting 
 the posts assigned us, as guardians of the peace, the safety 
 and happiness of the Commonwealth. 
 
 But, very happily — this is only a possible case ; for your pa- 
 triotism, your virtue, your regard for your own liberties and 
 property, and for those of your families and posterity, must 
 induce you to call forth every power of government into vi- 
 gorous exertion for preventing such a comj>lication, such an 
 accumulation of evils. 
 
368 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 On this occasion, it is proper, gentlemen, to inform you, 
 that I have received from several towns, petitions, directed 
 to the governor and council, and also to the General Court, 
 relative to the insurgents. The petitions, being eight in num- 
 ber, do disapprove of the proceedings of government, in re- 
 gard to those people. 
 
 But as the things prayed for, were, for the most part, not 
 cognizable by the governor and council ; and such as were so, 
 could not be granted by them, consistently with the duty they 
 owe to the Commonwealth, the petitions will be laid before 
 you, for your consideration. 
 
 There are other matters, to which your attention, gentle- 
 men, is necessary ; and they will be communicated by mes- 
 sage. 
 
 James Bowdoin. 
 
 Council-Chamber^ Feb. 3, 1787. 
 
 TO HIS EXCELLENCY JAMES BOWDOIN, ESQUIRE, GOVERNOR OF THE 
 COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 “ May it please your Excellency^ 
 
 ‘‘ The senate and house of representatives, in General 
 Court assembled, have read and duly attended to your speech 
 at the opening of this session, and take the earliest opportu- 
 nity to express their entire satisfaction in the measures you 
 have been pleased to take, pursuant to the powers vested in 
 you by the constitution, for the subduing a turbulent spirit, 
 which has too long insulted the government of this Common- 
 wealth, prostrated the courts of law and justice in divers 
 counties, and threatened even the overthrow of the constitu- 
 tion itself. The General Court congratulate your excellency 
 on the success with which Providence has been pleased hith- 
 erto to bless the wise, spirited and prudent measures which 
 you have taken ; and they earnestly entreat your excellency, 
 still to encounter, repel, and resist, by all fitting ways, enter- 
 prises and means, all and every such person and persons, as 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 369 
 
 attempt or enterprise, in a hostile manner, the destruction, 
 detriment, or annoyance of this Commonwealth ; and to pur- 
 sue such further constitutional measures as you may think ne- 
 cessary for extirpating the spirit of rebellion : quieting the 
 minds of the good people of the Commonwealth ; and esta- 
 blishing the just authority and dignity of government. And 
 in order that your excellency may be possessed of the full 
 power of the constitution, to effect these great purposes, the 
 General Court have thought it highly necessary, after mature 
 deliberation, to declare that a rebellion exists within this 
 Commonwealth. 
 
 This court are fully persuaded, that by far the greater part 
 of the citizens of this Commonwealth are vvarrnly attached to 
 our present happy constitution : they have a high sense of 
 the merit of a respectable body of the militia, who have with 
 readiness attended your excellency’s orders on this pressing 
 emergency, as well as of the patriotic zeal of a number of 
 private citizens, who have cheerfully advanced their money 
 in aid to government ; and you may be assured, sir, that the 
 most speedy and effectual means will be used for the payment 
 of the officers and soldiers who have been, or may be employ- 
 ed in this necessary and most important service ; and for the 
 reimbursement of the monies generously advanced for its sup- 
 port. 
 
 It is to be expected, that vigour, decision and energy, under 
 the direction and blessing of Heaven, will soon terminate this 
 unnatural, unprovoked rebellion, prevent the effusion of blood, 
 and the fatal consequences to be dreaded from a civil war; 
 and it is the determination of this court to establish a crite- 
 rion for discriminating between good citizens and others, that 
 each may be regarded according to their characters and de- 
 serts. 
 
 If it should appear to your excellency, that the time for 
 which the militia, under the command of major general Lin- 
 coln, are enlisted, is too short to effect the great objects in 
 view, it is the request of this court, that you would be pleas- 
 voL. n. 47 
 
370 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ed to direct the commanding general to reinlist the same 
 men, or enlist others, for such further time as you may think 
 necessary, or to replace them by detachments from the mili- 
 tia ; and, if you shall think it expedient, to increase their num- 
 bers, and continue them in service until those purposes shall 
 be completely accomplished. 
 
 The General Court will give the most ready attention to 
 your message of the third instant, and every other communi- 
 cation you shall be pleased to lay before them. They will 
 vigorously pursue every measure that may be calculated to 
 support the constitution, and will still continue to redress any 
 real grievances, if such shall be found to exist — humbly be- 
 seeching Almighty God to preserve union and harmony among 
 the several powers of government, as well as among the ho- 
 nest and virtuous citizens of the Commonwealth, and to re- 
 store to us the inestimable blessings of peace and liberty, 
 under a wise and righteous administration of government. 
 
 In Senate, February^ 1787. 
 
 Read, and unanimously accepted — and ordered, That Samuel 
 Adams, Caleb Strong, annd Seth VVashburne, Esquires, with 
 such as the honourable house may join, be a committee to 
 wait upon his excellency the governor with the foregoing 
 address. 
 
 Sent down for concurrence. 
 
 SAMUEL PHILLIPS, jun. President. 
 
 In the House q/* Representatives, Feb. 4t/j, 1787. 
 
 Read and concurred, and Mr. Shepard, Mr. Brooks, Mr. Beck- 
 ford, and Mr. Davis are joined. 
 
 ARTEMAS WARD, Speaker. 
 
 Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 
 
 Whereas many persons who now are, or have been, in arms 
 against the government, may not have considered the evil na- 
 ture and tendency of their crime ; and might not have been 
 apprized that an opposition to the legal authority of the state, 
 with force of arms, is treason and rebellion : And n'hereas Ge- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 371 
 
 neral Lincoln has given to a particular description of the in- 
 surgents his assurances of recommending them to the cle- 
 mency of the government on certain conditions therein men- 
 tioned : 
 
 Resolved^ That this court approve of general Lincoln’s con- 
 duct in his overtures of recommending certain descriptions of 
 insurgents to the clemency of government, and that the go- 
 vernor be, and he hereby is, authorised and empowered, in 
 the name of the General Court, to promise a pardon, under 
 such disqualifications as may hereafter be provided, to such 
 private soldiers and others, who act in the capacity of non- 
 commissioned officers, as have been, or now are, in arms 
 against the Commonwealth, with such exceptions as he or the 
 general officer commanding the troops may judge necessary ; 
 'provided^ they shall deliver up their arras, and take and sub- 
 scribe the oath of allegiance to this Commonwealth, within 
 such time as shall or may be limited by his excellency for that 
 purpose. 
 
 In Senate, 4th February^ 1787. 
 
 Read, and unanimously accepted. 
 
 Sent down for concurrence. 
 
 SAMUEL PHILLIPS, jun. President. 
 
 In the House q/* Representatives, Feb. 4, 1787. 
 
 Read and concurred : 
 
 ARTEMAS WARD, Speaker. 
 
 Approved. ^ 
 
 JMIES BOlVDOm. 
 
 No. III.— Page 300. 
 
 DECLARATION OF REBELLION. 
 
 Whereas the doings of the General Court at their last session, 
 relative to the insurgents against the government and the au- 
 thority of the state, in several counties within this Common- 
 
372 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 wefilth, were lenient and merciful, were intended to quiet the 
 minds of the disaifected, and ought to have had the effect they 
 were designed to produce : 
 
 And whereas every complaint of grievance was carefully 
 attended to, with a disposition to grant all that relief which 
 could be afforded consistent with equal justice and the dignity 
 of government ; and the General Court, so far as they were 
 able, adopted measures accordingly, and gave full and clear 
 information, to the insurgents as well as others, of the general 
 situation of public affairs: 
 
 And whereas a full and free pardon, for all the outrageous 
 proceedings against the government, w hereof the insurgents 
 had been guilty, was tendered them upon this mild condition 
 alone, that they should be guilty of such outrages no more ; 
 and as evidence of their intentions to, demean themselves, in 
 future, as good and faithful citizens, should, before the first 
 day of January, A. D. 1787, take and subscribe the oath of 
 allegiance ; it manifestly appears, from the subsequent con- 
 duct of the leaders of the insurgents, that their opposition to 
 government has not arisen from a misapprehension as to the 
 views and disposition of government, or from a temporary 
 irritation, arising from the pressure of supposed grievances, 
 or from a misguided zeal to promote the public happiness, as 
 has been insidiously asserted ; but from a settled determina- 
 tion to subvert the constitution, and put an end to the govern- 
 ment of this Commonwealth : it is also abundantly manifest, 
 that the conduct of the insurgents, in stopping the courts of 
 justice in the counties of Worcester and Hampshire — in as- 
 sembling in arms, avowmdly to commit the same outrages in 
 the county of Middlesex — in calling upon the towns in some 
 counties to furnish themselves with arms and ammunition — in 
 appointing committees to form their adherents into regular 
 military companies, properly officered, thereby to establish 
 within this Commonwealth a standing force, beyond the con- 
 trol of, and for the express purpose of opposing, in arms, the 
 constitutional government of the state — in endeavouring to 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 373 
 
 increase the commotions in the counties aforesaid, by pub- 
 licly inviting and alluring others to throw off their allegiance 
 and join their body ; is subversive of all order and govern- 
 ment, absolutely incompatible with the public safety and hap- 
 piness ; and is an open, unnatural, unprovoked and wicked re- 
 bellion, against the dignity, authority and government of this 
 Commonwealth : — and the legislature, in duty to their consti- 
 tuents, in conformity to their oaths, and by virtue of the au- 
 thority vested in them by the constitution, (having ineffectu- 
 ally tried every lenient measure to reclaim them) Do hereby 
 SOLEMNLY DECLARE, That a Iiorvid and unnatural REBELLION’ 
 and WAR has been openly and traitorously raised and levied 
 against this Commonwealth^ and is still continued^ and now exists 
 within the same^ with design to subvert and overthrow the 
 constitution and form of government thereof, which has been 
 most solemnly agreed to, and established by the citizens of 
 this Commonwealth ; and that government ought and will, 
 with the greatest energy and force, exert and bring forth all 
 the power of the Commonwealth for the suppression thereof: 
 and all the horrors* and evils, that may follow in consequence 
 of this rebellion, must be imputed to those men who have, 
 contrary to the duty of their allegiance, and every principle 
 of law and justice, been the fomenters, abettors and support- 
 ers of the same. 
 
 In Senate, Ath February^ 1787. 
 
 Read, and unanimously accepted. 
 
 Sent down for concurrence. 
 
 SAMUEL PHILLIPS, jun. President. 
 
 In the House of Representatives, Feb. 4. 1787. 
 
 Read and concurred : 
 
 ARTEMAS WARD, Speaker. 
 
 No. IV. Page 321. 
 
 The following letter was addressed by Hon. E. Gerry, who 
 was one of the delegates from Massachusetts to the general 
 
374 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Gonvenfion, to the senate and house of representatives. A 
 copy of the constitution had been previously forwarded by 
 Congress to the governor, to be laid before the legislature of 
 the state. Mr. Gerry was the only delegate from Massachu- 
 setts, who declined signing the constitution ; his reasons for 
 which appear in the letter. It contains, in substance, the 
 principal objections to the constitution. It is therefore proper 
 to be preserved, in reference to the discussion on the subject 
 stated in this volume. 
 
 New York, October 18, 1787. 
 
 Gentlemen — I have the honour to inclose, pursuant to my 
 commission, the constitution proposed by the federal conven- 
 tion. 
 
 To this system, 1 gave my dissent, and shall submit my ob- 
 jections to the honorable legislature. 
 
 It was painful for me, on a subject of such national impor- 
 tance, to differ from the respectable members who signed the 
 constitution. But, conceiving as I did, that the liberties of 
 America were not secured by the system, it was my duty to 
 oppose it. 
 
 My principal objections to the plan are, that there is no 
 adequate provision for a representation of the people ; that they 
 have no security for the right of election ; that some of the 
 powers of the legislature are ambiguous, and others indefinite 
 and dangerous ; that the executive is blended with, and will 
 have an undue influence over, the legislature ; that the judi- 
 cial department will be oppressive ; that treaties of the high- 
 est importance may be formed by the president, with the ad- 
 vice of two thirds of a quorum of the senate ; and that the 
 system is without the security of a bill of rights. These are 
 objections which are not local ; but apply equally to all the 
 states. 
 
 As the convention was called for “ the sole and express 
 purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and report- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 375 
 
 ing to Congress and to the several legislatures, such altera- 
 tions and provisions as shall render the federal constitution 
 adequate to the exigences of government, and the preserva- 
 tion of the union,” 1 did not conceive that these powers ex- 
 tended to the formation of the plan proposed ; but the con- 
 vention being of a different opinion, I acquiesced in it ; being 
 fully convinced, that, to preserve the union, an efficient go- 
 vernment was indispensably necessary ; and that it would be dif- 
 ficult to make proper amendments to the articles of confederation. 
 
 The constitution proposed has /eta?, if nny federal features; 
 but is rather a system of national government : nevertheless, 
 in many respects, I think it has great merit ; and by proper 
 amendments, may be adapted to the exigences of govern- 
 ment,” and the preservation of liberty. 
 
 The question on this plan involves "others of the highest 
 importance — First, whether there shall be a dissolution of the 
 federal government? Secondly, whether the several state 
 governments shall be so altered, as, in effect, to be dissolved ? 
 And thirdly, whether, in lieu of the federal and state govern- 
 ntents, the national constitution, now proposed, shall be sub- 
 stituted without amendment? Never, perhaps, were a people 
 called on to decide a question of greater magnitude. Should 
 the citizens of America adopt the plan as it now' stands, their 
 liberties may be lost. Or should they reject it altogether, 
 anarchy may ensue. It is evident, therefore, that they should 
 not be precipitate in their decisions ; that the subject should 
 be well understood, lest they should refuse to support the go- 
 vernment, after having hastily adopted it. 
 
 If those who are in favour of the constitution, as well as 
 those who are against it, should preserve moderation, their 
 discussions may afford much information, and tinally direct to 
 a happy issue. 
 
 It may be urged by some, that an implicit confidence should 
 be placed in the convention. But, however respectable the 
 members may be who signed the constitution, it must be ad- 
 mitted that a free people are the proper guardians of their 
 
376 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 rights and liberties ; that the greatest men may err ; and that 
 their errors are sometimes of the greatest magnitude. 
 
 Others may suppose, that the constitution may be safely 
 adopted, because therein provision is made to amend it. But 
 cannot this object be better obtained before a ratification, than 
 after it ? And should a free people adopt a form of govern- 
 ment, under conviction that it wants amendment? 
 
 And some may conceive, that, if the plan is not accepted by 
 the people, they will not unite in another. ‘But surely, while 
 they have the power to amend, they are not under the ne- 
 cessity of rejecting it. 
 
 I shall only add, that, as the welfare of the union requires 
 a better constitution than the confederation, 1 shall think it 
 my duty, as a citizen of Massachusetts, to support that which 
 shall be finally adopted ; sincerely hoping it will secure the 
 liberty and happiness of America. 
 
 (Signed) E. Gerry. 
 
 To Hon. S. Adams, 
 
 President of the Senate, and 
 
 Hon. James Warren, 
 
 Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
 
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 Boston College Library 
 
 Chestnut Hill 67, Mass. 
 
 Books may be kept for two weeks unless a 
 shorter time is specified. 
 
 Two cents a day is charged for each 2-week 
 book kept overtime; 25 cents a day for each over- 
 night book. 
 
 If you cannot find what you want, inquire at the 
 delivery desk for assisstance.