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A 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE JESUITS; 
 
 TO WHICH IS PREFIXED 
 
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 TO 
 
 Mr. DALLAS's DEFENCE 
 
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 THAT ORDER. 
 
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 « 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED FOR BALDWIN, CRADOCK, AND JOY, 
 
 PATERNOSTER ROW. 
 
 1816. 
 
I 
 
 V i 
 
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 297102 
 
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 V- 1 
 
 
 Panted by S. Go*nell, Little Queen Street, Londo». 
 
TO THE 
 
 RIGHT HONOURABLE 
 
 CHARLES ABBOT, 
 
 SPEAKER 
 
 OP THE 
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS, 
 
 <$*c. §c. $c 
 
 Sir, 
 
 In presuming to dedicate to you the 
 following pages, I would observe, that, while the 
 improved taste of the present age has happily- 
 relieved those who occupy eminent stations from the 
 extravagance of unmeasured panegyric, which was 
 once too frequently employed on such occasions, 
 there is something yet due to Truth from any 
 writer who may present his work to such a cha- 
 racter as I have the honour of addressing : there is 
 an honest tribute which an author may offer, in 
 such a case, without the suspicion of being actuated 
 
 a 2 
 
IV DEDICATION. 
 
 by unworthy motives, and which he who is ad- 
 dressed may justly receive, as a portion of that well- 
 earned reputation which has been acquired almost 
 by universal consent 
 
 The acknowledged value of those public ser- 
 vices, by which the British nation has so long been 
 benefited, would render any detail on the present 
 occasion altogether superfluous : nor is it necessary, 
 for the same reason, either to enlarge upon that inti- 
 mate acquaintance with the principles of the British 
 constitution, which is so essential in a great public 
 functionary ; or the inflexible integrity, unwearied 
 activity, commanding eloquence, and dignified inde- 
 pendence of character, which have been displayed 
 by you in the distinguished and arduous station you 
 have so long occupied. 
 
 It is, however, with particular reference to the 
 line of conduct pursued by you on the great and 
 vital question of the Catholic Claims, that it ap- 
 peared impossible to select any character to whom 
 a work like the present could with more propriety 
 be presented. 
 
 In what manner the following attempt may 
 have been executed, will remain for others to 
 
DEDICATION. y 
 
 decide ; among whose opinions, that which may be 
 entertained by yourself (as it will be founded upon 
 an accurate perception of truth, and guided by the 
 desire of arriving at a just conclusion), will hold no 
 inconsiderable rank in the estimation of, 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your most faithful 
 
 And devoted Servant, 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 October, I8l£, 
 
 a 8 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST 
 
 OF 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 The Numerals refer to the Volume, the Figures to the Page, and the * f % tm 
 
 Notes. 
 
 A. 
 
 Absolution, Papal, an usurpation of 
 the power of the Creator, i. 57. 
 
 Advocates, French, their intended de- 
 nunciation of the Jesuits' Creed to 
 Louis XIV. ii. 141. 
 
 Affidavit from the county of Sligo, i. 
 354. Various affidavits as to Irish 
 Rebellion of 1798, i. 123 et seq. 
 
 Alexander VI. Pope, condemns Pirot's 
 Apologie des Casuistes, ii. 126. 
 
 ■ VII. Pope, condemns Mo- 
 ya's work, and forty-five of the 
 Propositions of the Jesuits, ii. 316. 
 Extract from his censures on the 
 Jesuits, ii. 125. 
 
 ■ 1 — VIII. condemns the Jesuits' 
 
 doctrine of Philosophical sin, ii. 
 320. 
 
 *he Emperor of Russia, 
 
 banishes the Jesuits, i. 261. ii. 396. 
 Allegiance to the Bourbons, the French 
 
 absolved from it by Pius VII. i. 
 
 14. 
 Alliance of Catholics and Jesuits, i. 
 
 33» 38, 7°, 99» * 6 *- 
 
 Ambition of Jesuits, i. 294. 
 
 Anecdotes of James II. King of Eng- 
 land, i. 63*, 64. Of Louis XIV. 
 i. 67*. Of Cardinal Dubois, i. 
 67*. Of Chapelle, i. 73. Of Boi- 
 leau, i. 73*. Of Henry IV. of 
 France, i. 83. Of Beaumont, Arch- 
 bishop of Paris, i. 85. Of the 
 Duke of Ossonia, i. lot. Of Sir 
 Edward Hales, i. 102*. Of Ta- 
 chard the Jesuit, i. 299. Of Nol- 
 hac the Jesuit, i. 304. Of Lainez 
 the Jesuit, i. 315. Of the Duke 
 of Brunswick, i. 327. Of the Je- 
 suit Priest at Preston, i. 335. Of 
 John III. King of Portugal, i. 377. 
 Of Michael Angelo, ii. 10*. Of 
 Henry III. ef France, ii. \i. 
 
 Scandalous one of Father Anthony, 
 ii. 107. Of Fortia, a citizen of 
 Tours, ii. 136. Of Robillard, ditto, 
 ii. 137. Of Pope Clement XI. ii. 
 
 151. Disgraceful one of Lainei 
 and Bouchtt, ii. 152. Of Serry, 
 ii. 153. Of Annat the Jesuit, ii. 
 170. Of an opulent Jesuit Trader 
 at Hamburgh, ii. 190. Singular 
 one of La Rue, ii. 21 2. Of the 
 impiety of the Jesuits, ii. 297. Of 
 Father Le Jay, ii. 297. Of the 
 Canon of Autun, ii. 362. Of the 
 Lady of La Malle, ii. 363. 
 
 Angelo, Michael, anecdote of, ii. 
 10*. 
 
 Angehpolis, Bishop of, extracts from 
 his letter to Pope Innocent X. i. 72, 
 269*, 3»o, 372, 330; ii. 124, 
 
 152. Convicts the Jesuits of idola- 
 try, i. 72. Important questions by 
 the, i. 300. 
 
 Annat, the Jesuit, anecdotes of, ii. 
 
 . 170. Ridicules the Church of 
 Rome, ii. 315. 
 
 Answers to unseen works, i. 263. 
 
 Anthony, Father Joseph, scandalous 
 anecdote of, ii. 107. 
 
 Anticotton, extracts from the, ii. 64. 
 Proves the Jesuits regicides, ii. 65*. 
 
 Apathy of the Protestants accounted 
 for, i. 340. 
 
 Aquaviva, General of the Jesuits, his 
 alarm for the Society, and dread of 
 its reform, ii. 284. 
 
 Archer, Rev. James, a Catholic Priest, 
 his evidence on the Education of 
 Catholics, ii. 435 
 
 Arias Montanus, letter of, to Philip II, 
 ii. 6. 
 
 Arnauld, with the approbation of six- 
 teen Bishops, writes a work against 
 the Jesuits, ii. 117. Persecuted 
 by the Jesuits, ii. 118. A prin.ci» 
 
 a 4 
 
Viii 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 pal enemy of the Casuists, i. 
 
 234- . 
 
 Association of Catholic Charities, na- 
 ture and income of the, ii. 416. 
 Number of children educated at 
 the, ibid. Confined to teaching 
 plain reading, writing, and plain 
 arithmetic, ii. 417. Of Reformers 
 in Scotland, for protecting the Pro- 
 testants, remarks on the, i. 165. 
 
 Astronomical Religion of Mr. Dallas 
 described, i. 363. 
 
 Attorney-General, the, of Spain, ob- 
 jects to the establishmsnt of the 
 Jesuits, ii. 156. Of the Parlia- 
 ment of Normandy, remarks of, ii. 
 
 143- 
 Aubigny, Father, plots against the life 
 
 of Henry IV. ii. 15. Duplicity of, 
 
 ii. 42. 
 
 Aubry, a Paris Rector, advises the 
 murder of Henry IV. ii. 15. 
 
 Augier, the Jesuit, oath administered 
 by, i. 80. Advises Henry III. to 
 his destruction, ii. 11. 
 
 Augustin, St. his doctrine reverted to 
 by the Catholic Church, ii. 166. 
 
 Aurelius, Petrus, his letter against the 
 Jesuits quoted, ii. 87. 
 
 Auricular confession, particularly ap- 
 proved of by Jesuits and Catholics, 
 i. 36. Tends above all other means 
 to extend the influence of the Ca- 
 tholic Priesthood, i. 36. The most 
 infamous and impudent means to 
 usurp the command of mankind, 
 i. 36. Mischief arising from, i. 
 
 57- 
 
 Austria, Empress of, deprives the Je- 
 suits of their despotip power, ii. 
 154. 
 
 Austrian states demand the expulsion 
 of the Jesuits, ii. 6. 
 
 Authorities for Jesuits examined, i. 
 
 274—294- 
 Authors cited. 
 
 Alexander VII. Pope, ii. 240. 
 
 315, 316. Alexander VIII. ii. 
 
 320. Annat, ii. 315. Arias 
 
 Montanus, ii. 6. AinauM, ii. 
 
 87, 95, 205, 370. Aurelius, Pe- 
 
 ttus, 11 
 
 87. 
 
 Bacon, Lord, i. 284. Baillet, i. 376. 
 Bauni, i. 240. ii. 113, 314. 
 Bausset, i. 55, 286. Baxter, i. 
 90, 106. Bayle, i.255, Becan, 
 ii. 48. Bellarmine, ii. 46. Be- 
 nedict XIV. Pope, i. 302. Ben- 
 ?i, i. 247. ii. f 332. Berkeley, 
 Sir John, i. 90. Berruycr, 
 i. 243. Blair, Mr. ii. 448. 
 
 Authors cited. 
 
 Bochart, ii. 174. Boswell, Mr. 
 James, i. 265. Brisacier, ii. 168. 
 Buffon, i. 281. Burnet, Bishop, 
 i. 36. Busembaum, ii. 144. C. 
 Butler, i. 143. ii. 448. 
 Callier, i. 80. Camden, i. 156. 
 Canning, Right Hon. G. ii. 398*. 
 Caramuel, i. 238. Casnedi, i. 
 246. ii. 132. Castera, i. 276. 
 Chalmers, i. 28. Chalotais, i. 
 75> 3 2 3* Chatham, Lord, i. 
 
 89. Claude, i. 33. Clement 
 XIV. Pope, i. 1 1 . Colbert (Mi- 
 nister to Louis XIV.), ii. 144, 
 393. Compton, Dr. i. 327. 
 Cook, i. 169. Cotton, Father, 
 ii. 47. Coudrette, i. 27. ii. 375. 
 Courtin, i. 105. 
 
 D'Alembert, i. 75. Dallas, Mr. 
 i. 12, et seq. Daniel, Father, 
 i. 256. Damianus, i. 371. D'Ar- 
 gentre, i. 241. ii. 10. D'Avil3, 
 ii. 15. De Canaze, ii. 33. De 
 Gondrin, i. 85. D'Eguilles, i. 
 278. Dellon, i. 269. De 
 Noailles, Cardinal, ii. 188, 189. 
 De Ploix, Cesar, ii. 64. De 
 Servien, ii. 370. De Thou, i. 
 
 80. ii. 1. De Vallory, M. ii. 
 190. De Villeroy, ii. 24. D'Or- 
 sane, M. ii. 188. D'Ossat, ii. 
 36, 324. Du Belloi, ii. 3-0. 
 Du Boulay, ii. 3. Duchesne, ii. 
 165. Dupin, ii. 86. Du Quesne, 
 
 ii- 3>4. 375- 
 Eleutheiopolis, Bishop of, ii. 325. 
 Fahri, ii. 106, 315. Fairfax, i. 
 
 90. Fan, ii. 325. Fenelon, 
 Archbishop, i. 363. Fox, Right 
 Hon. Chatles James, i. 104. 
 
 Ganganelli, i. 267. Garasse, ii. 
 
 81. Gilbert, M. ii. 148. Gode- 
 froi, M. ii. 237. Goujet, ii. 135. 
 Grebert, M. i. 388. Gregory 
 
 XIII. Pope, ii. 337. Gregory 
 
 XIV. Pope, ii. 311. Gretzer, 
 i 328. Grose, i. 213. Grotius, 
 i. 99, 284. 
 
 Hasenmuller, i. 229. Heliopolis, 
 Bishop of, i. 296. ii.373. Henry 
 IV. of France, i. 83. ii. 370. 
 Hippesley, Sir John Cox, i. 52, 
 257, 259, 366. Holland, Lord, 
 i. 104. Holies, Lord, i. 89. 
 Home, Bishop, i. 73. Hume, Mr, 
 David, i. 111. Husbands, i. 89. 
 
 Ignatius, St. ii. 260. 
 
 James, Dr. i. 328. Jarrigue, ii. 
 20. Johnson, Dr. Samuel, i. 
 1 10. Jouvenci, i. 155. 11.368 = 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 IX 
 
 J-u-thors cited, 
 
 391. Julius III. Pope, ii. 34c. 
 Juan, i. i86. 
 
 Knox, John, i. 167. 
 
 J-a Martcliere, ii. 45. L' Amy, or 
 Amicus, i. 238. ii. 130, et seq. 
 Landaff, Bishop of, t. 250. La- 
 jiuza, ii. 266. Leibnitz, i. 284. 
 Leira, Bishop of, ii. 189. Lilly, 
 i. 89. L'Honore, ii. 308. 
 Louail, ii. 174. Lucius, ii. 22. 
 Ludlow, i. 88. 
 
 Mansfield, Lord, i. 98. Mariana, 
 ii. 49, 282. Marion, M. ii. 305. 
 Martin, M. i. 298. ii. 374« 
 Maseres, Baron, i. 89, 117. 
 Matthieu, i. 256. Mauricastre, 
 Bishop of, ii. 331. May, i. 89. 
 Mezerai, i. 79. ii. 11. M'Crie, 
 i. 169. Millar, i. 93. Milner, 
 Dr. (Catholic Bishop), i. 103, 
 357. Milner, Dean, i. 341. 
 Mills, i. 37. Molina, ii. 
 305. Monclar, i. 75, 321. 
 Montesquieu, i. 71, 280. Mo- 
 reri, ii. 93, 206. Moya, ii. 
 131. Muratori, i. 284. Mus- 
 grave, Sir Richard, i. 1 20. 
 
 Navarette, Bishop pf St. Domingo, 
 i'«- 332> 353- Nicole, i. 234. 
 
 O'Conor, Dr. i. 13. 
 
 Palafox, Bishop, i. 72. Pascal, i. 
 47. Pasquier, ii. 2, 199, 206. 
 Paul, Father, i. 391. ii. 32. 
 Paul III. Pope, i. 11. ii. 218. 
 287. Perrauk, Abbe, ii. 383, 
 Pinkerton, i. 58, 60. Pirot, M. i. 
 234. Piozzi, Mrs. i. 284. Pius 
 VII Pope, i. 10, 16. Possevin, 
 i. 256. Proyart, Abbe, i. 51. 
 Prynne, i. 86. Pucelle, Abbe, 
 ii. 141. < 
 
 Racine, ii. 34- Rapin, i. 63, in, 
 15.0, &c. Raynal, Abbe, i. 80. 
 Richelieu, Cardinal de, i. 287. 
 Richer, ii. 62. Robertson, 
 i.42. Robison, i. 63. Ku^sell, 
 Lady, i. 1 1 1 . 
 
 6a, Emmanuel, ii. 289. Sac- 
 chini, ii. 8, 393. Sanctarel, 
 ii. 76. Serry, ii. 166,313. Se- 
 guier, i. 383. Sharpe, Gran- 
 ville, i. 133. Simonctli, ii. 327. 
 Stock, Dr. i. 131. St. Amour, 
 ii. 86. St. Pol de Leon, Bishop 
 of, i. 16. Sr. Pons, Bishop of, 
 ii. 361, 384. Suares, ii. 49. 
 Sully, Due de, i. So, 153, 258. 
 ii. 39, 1 16, &c. 
 
 Temple, Sir John, i. 90. Thorpe, 
 
 Authors cited. 
 
 Dr. i. 132. To'.endal, Lally, i. 
 
 49> 75' 8 4- 
 
 Ulloa, 1. 286. 
 
 Varan, i. 386. Van Essen, ii. 6. 
 Villefort, ii. 174. Villers, i. 
 36. ii. 396. Visdelon, Bishop 
 of Claudiopolis, ii. 328. Vol- 
 taire, i. 47. 
 
 Walker, Clement, i. 90. Warbur- 
 ton, i. 89. 
 Autun, anecdote of the Canon of, ii. 
 
 362. 
 Aveiro, Duke of, forms a design to 
 
 assassinate the King of Portugal, 
 
 i. 345. Detection and execution of, 
 
 i- 347- 
 
 B. 
 
 Bacon, Lord, quoted by Mr. Dallas, 
 
 i. 284. 
 
 Bankrupt, an extraoidinary one, i. 
 
 3 ° T *\ 
 
 Barberbn, Cardinal, conspires to es- 
 tablish the Catholic Religion in 
 England, i. SS. 
 
 Barriere trained by the Jesuits to as- 
 sassinate Henry IV. of France, i. 
 37. ii. 13-15, 16. 
 
 Baudou'in, the Jesuit, in league with 
 Garnett, ii. 25. 
 
 Bau/ii, the Casuist, his works de- 
 nounced by the University of Paris, 
 ii. 113. Delended by Mr. Dallas 
 i. 240. Scandalous principles of, 
 ii. 314. 
 
 Bausset, cited by Mr. Dallas, for the 
 Je-uits, i. 55, 2S6. 
 
 Baxter, on Popish plot, i. 106, 107. 
 Confirms Piynne's testimony, i. 
 90. 
 
 Bayanhm, its derivation, ii. 164. Op- 
 posed by the Jesuits, ibid. 
 
 Boyle's testimony, i. 253, 254. Par- 
 tially quoted by Mr. Dallas, i. 253. 
 
 Beaumont, Archbishop of Paris, his 
 illiteracy, i. 85. Attached to the 
 Jesuits, i. 291. His ignorance, 
 vanitv, and arbitrary arts, ibid. 
 His Pastoral Charge burned by the 
 Parliament, ibid. 
 
 Becan, the Jesuit, treasonable publi- 
 cation of, ii. 48. 
 
 Becket, Thomas a, account of, i. 222. 
 
 Becimat;, the Jesuit, his dispute with 
 M. de Ligny, ii. 148. 
 
 Belgium, Bishops of, extracts from 
 their letter to the King of the Ne- 
 therlands, i. 18. Church of, re- 
 duced to a deplorable condition by 
 the Jesuits, ii, 54. 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENDS. 
 
 Bellarmine, Jesuit and Cardinal, sent 
 to France by Pope Sixtus V. to fo- 
 ment the League, i. 79. 
 
 Benedict XIV. not imposed on by the 
 Jesuits, ii. 158. Censures the 
 works of Berruyer, ii. 306. Is- 
 sues many Bulls, Briefs, and 
 Decrees against the Jesuits and 
 their idolatrous practices, ii. 330. 
 
 Benxi, the Casuist, defended by Mr. 
 Dallas, i. 247. Justifies Ies at- 
 touchemens mamillaires, ii. 332* 
 
 "Berkeley, Sir John's, Memoirs, con- 
 firm Prynne's testimony, i. 90. 
 
 Berruyer, the Casuist, defended by Mr. 
 Dallas, i. 242. The works of, 
 multiplied by the Jesuits, whilst 
 condemned by the Pope and Bi- 
 shops, i. 243. Censured by Popes 
 Benedict XIV. and Clement XIII. 
 and twenty-four Bishops, ii. 306 
 Creates general indignation, it. 306. 
 
 Bible, the, opposed by Catholics, i. 
 355, 361. Rejected by their 
 Priests, ii. 402, 467. Concealed by 
 the Jesuits from their students, i. 
 321. Not admitted by the Catho- 
 lics into their system of education, 
 ii. 40ielseq. Its use decidedly op- 
 posed by the two Popish Maga- 
 zines, ii. 402. No part of it 
 whatever allowed to be taught in 
 the Catholic Schools, ii. 426. Ad- 
 mitted to be read in France in the 
 "vulgar tongue, ii. 428. 
 
 ■ Societies strenuously opposed by 
 
 the Jesuits, i. 362. Attacked by 
 
 Mr. Dallas, i. 263. Vilified by the 
 
 Roman Catholics, ii. 401. 
 
 Bishops and Clesgy of France, brief 
 
 history of the, i. 293. 
 
 Blair, VVilliam, Esq. his evidence on 
 
 the Education of the Poor, ii. 418. 
 
 Blake, A. R. Esq. his evidence on 
 
 the Education of the Poor, ii. 
 
 458- 
 Blasphemy of the Jesuits, i. 136. ii. 
 
 258. Of the Jesuits Pichon, Har- 
 
 douin, and Berruyer, ii. 305. 
 
 Boileau, anecdote of, i. 73*. 
 
 Bonaparte, his inauguration by Pius 
 VII. 13. Servile adulation of, by 
 Pius VII. 15. More tolerant than 
 the Pope, who rejects th* article 
 allowing freedom of worship, i. 16. 
 
 Booker, Mr. Joseph, his evidence on 
 the Education of Catholics, ii. 416. 
 
 Bosivell's Life of Dr. Johnson, quoted, 
 i. 285. 
 
 Bossuet, his opinion on the Provincial 
 Letters, i. 47*. 
 
 Bouchet, the Jesuit, disgraceful anec- 
 dote of, ii. 152. 
 
 Bramston, Rev. J. Y. a Catholic 
 Priest, his evidence on the Educa- 
 tion of Catholics, ii. 431. 
 
 Brest, Parish Church at, seized by 
 the Jesuits, ii. 139. 
 
 11 Brief Account" of the Jesuits, cri- 
 ticisms on the, i. 24. 
 
 British Museum contains numerous 
 works on the Jesuits, i. 31*. 
 
 Union School, Address of the, 
 
 to the Public, ii. 454. Singular 
 conduct of the Catholic Clergy re- 
 specting the, ii. 456. 
 
 Bronsivell, the Catholic Archbishop 
 of Dublin, his prophecy, i. 385. 
 
 Brunsivick, anecdote of the Duke of, 
 
 i- 327- 
 
 Bujfon, quoted by Mr. Dallas, in fa- 
 vor of the Jesuits, i. 281. His 
 profligate character, i. 282. 
 
 Bull of Pope Gregory XIII. an ac- 
 count of, ii. 185. Of Pius IV. 
 quoted, i. 328*. 
 
 1 Bull Unigenitus,' extracts from the, 
 i. 356. ii. 462. Procured from 
 Rome by the Jesuits for their own 
 objects, ii. 174. Declared to be 
 in full force now, ii. 428, 434. 
 Its main object to prevent the ge- 
 neral use of the Holy Scriptures, 
 ii. 434. 
 
 Burgoyne, Montagu, Esq. his evidence 
 on the Education of Catholics, ii. 
 429. 
 
 Burnet, Bishop, on the Popish Plot, 
 i. 105, 108. On Lord Stafford 1 * 
 guilt, i. 108. Extracts from his 
 works, i. 102*, 112, 160*. 
 
 Bushe, Mr. Solicitor-General of Ire- 
 land, his address at Clonmell,i. 132. 
 
 Butler, Charles, Esq. his work on 
 Catholic Emancipation, i. 143*. 
 His evidence on the Education of 
 Catholics, ii. 423. Eulogizes Mr. 
 Dallas's Defence of the Jesuits, ii, 
 448. Accused by Bishop Milner 
 of interfering in the ecclesiastical 
 affairs of the Catholics, ibid. His 
 disputes with Dr. Poynter, ii. 447- 
 451. Praises the liberal spirit of 
 Louis XIV. ii. 463. 
 
 Butter-worth, Joseph, Esq. M. P. his 
 evidence on the Education of the 
 Poor, ii. 438. 
 
 C. 
 
 Cajetan, Cardinal, sent to France bjr 
 Pope Sixtus V. to oppose Henijj 
 IV. ii. 15. 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 XI 
 
 Camhray, Archbishop of, his Certifi- 
 cate respecting the Fathers of the 
 Oratory in Liege, ii. 149. 
 
 Camden, on Jesuits and Priests, i. 
 155-158, 
 
 Campion, the Jesuit Missionary, an 
 account of, i. 154. 
 
 Canning, Right Hon. George, his 
 beau projet for uniting Protestants 
 and Catholics examined, ii. 398*. 
 
 Capuchins, their disputes with the Je- 
 suits, ii. 153. 
 
 Carraccioli, the author of Ganga- 
 nelliN Letters, i. 266. 
 
 Casimir, Kng of Poland, grants 
 privileges to the Jesuits, ii. 157. 
 
 Casnedi, the Jesuit, defended by Mr. 
 Dallas, i. 244. 
 
 Castle-Browne, Jesuit establishment at, 
 described, i. 271, 273. 
 
 Casuistry of Jesuits and Catholics, i. 
 
 233-^52- 
 u Casuists, apology for the," written by 
 
 Pirot, an eminent Jesuit, i. 233. 
 Advocates rebellion, assassination, 
 &c. i. 234. Dispersed by the Je- 
 suits in France, ii. 169. 
 
 Catherine de Medicis, favoured the Je- 
 suits, ii. 1. Planned and directed 
 the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 
 ii. 2*. 
 
 w , ■ , Empress of Russia, her 
 
 motives for favouring the Jesuits, i. 
 274. Character of, i. 275. 
 
 Catholic Claims, i. 74, 117, 12O, 253. 
 
 Catholics. Vide Roman Catholics. 
 
 Cavan, Petition from the Protestants 
 in the County of, i. 142. 
 
 Ceremonies substituted for Religion by 
 the Catholics, i. 58. 
 
 Chalotais's observations on the Edu- 
 cation of the Jesuits, i. 321. 
 
 Chapelle, anecdote of, i. 73*. 
 
 Charles I. King of England, his mis- 
 fortunes owing to a bias in favour 
 of Popery, i. 88 et seq. Character 
 of, i. 95. And his Pailiament, 
 subject of dispute between, i. 
 90. 
 
 « Emanuel, King of Sardinia, 
 
 seizes on the treasure of the Jesuits 
 at Chamberry, ii. 150. 
 
 Chatel instigated by the Jesuits to 
 murder Henry IV. i. 83, ii. 17. 
 
 China, conduct of the Jesuits in, i. 
 
 3i£- 
 
 Choiseul, Bishop of Tournay, letter 
 
 of, to Pope Innocent XI. quoted, 
 ii. 170. 
 Christianity allied with the worship of 
 Confucius by the Jesuits, it. 150. 
 
 Church of Rome, its intolerance as 
 great as in the dark ages, i. 23. 
 
 Claude on the Reformation, i. 33*. 
 
 Clement, the assassin of Henry III. ii. 
 14. 
 
 XI. Pope, anecdote of, ii. 
 
 151. His cunning and duplicity, 
 ii. 172. 
 
 XIII. Pope, cited by Mr. 
 
 Dallas in favar of the Jesuits, i. 
 277. Censures the works of Ber- 
 ruyer, ii. 306. 
 
 XIV. his order for abolishing 
 
 the Jesuits abrogated, L II. Ad- 
 mits that the Jesuits were founded 
 for the conversion of Heretics, 1. 
 19. Compared by Mr. Dallas to 
 Pontius Pilate, i. 264 Deliberates 
 long, and consults before he abo- 
 lishes the Jesuits, i. 266. Remarks 
 of, on suppressing the Jesuits, i. 
 267. His suspicious death, ibid. 
 His sincerity, i. 268. Brief of, to 
 Louis XV. i. 350. 
 
 'Clericus, letters of, i. 26, 367. 
 
 Coadjutors of Jesuits, their functions 
 described, ii. 211. 
 
 Codes of law, all are, or pretend to 
 be, founded on sound morality, i. 
 
 3°*. 
 
 Coitnbra, University of, opposes thi 
 Jesuits, i. 38^. 
 
 Colin, Father, important quotation 
 from, ii. 353. 
 
 Commerce of Jesui's, i. 296-3C. 1. 
 
 Commolet, a regicide preacher of the 
 Jesuits, ii. 13, 15. 
 
 Complaints of the Universities and 
 Ecclesiastics against the Jesuits, 
 extracts from, ii. 36 1. 
 
 Congregation, the Scotch, and Knox, 
 vindicated, i. 179. 
 
 Conscience, erroneous, Mr. Dallas's 
 singular opinion of, i. 249. 
 
 Conspiracy, an account of the, to as- 
 sassinate the King of Portugal, i. | 
 346. Against Christianity, previous 
 to the abolition of the Jesuits, i. 
 350. Imputation of, against all 
 who oppose the Jesuits, i. 26, 3^5. 
 
 Contempt of the Papal Decree by Fabri 
 the Jesuit, ii. 316. Approved of 
 by the Jesuk Provincial, ibid. 
 
 Corinth, Archbishop of, his Declara- 
 tion, i. 315*. 
 
 Corrupt Morality of the Jesuits obsti- 
 nately maintained, ii. 124. 
 
 Coudrette, character of, i. 27. His 
 History of the Jesuits, a principal 
 cause of their suppression, ibid. 
 Important extracts from, i. 299. 
 
Ml 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTEXTS, 
 
 Council of Trent quoted by the Ca- 
 tholic Bishops of Belgium, i. 18. 
 Partially restrained the Jesuits, ii. 
 300. The restrictions of the, evad- 
 ed by the Jesuits, ii. 300. 
 
 Counter letters allowed by the Jesuits 
 to falsify ostensible ones, ii. 152, 
 
 CracoiVy Archbishop of, his rights 
 invaded by the Jesuits, ii. 158. 
 University of, its detestation of the 
 Jesuits, t. 321. ii. 56. 
 
 Crichton, a Jesuit Priest, strives to as- 
 sassinate Queen Elizabeth, ii. 21. 
 
 Crime sanctioned by papal and priestly 
 Indulgences, i. 57. 
 
 Crotvn jewels of France pledged fey 
 the Jesuits, ii. 162. 
 
 D« 
 
 I>* ATemlert and Diderot, their false 
 philosophy mentioned by Mr. Dal- 
 las,!. 50. D'Alembert declared, but 
 not pioved by Mr. Dallas to be 
 an enemy to the Jesuits, i. 54. 
 Delias, Mr. Reply to his Defence of 
 the Order of the Jesuits, i. 33. 
 Complains that the Catholics have 
 been identified with the Jesuits, not- 
 withstanding they will not permit 
 themselves to beseparated, i. 33, 39. 
 His. unfair mode of rejecting or 
 appealing to history as suits his 
 purpose, i. 31,41. Suppresses facts, 
 i. 43. His charge of the fabrica- 
 tions and forgeries of the Jansenists, 
 refuted, i. 48. Rejects all testi- 
 mony and evidence against the Je- 
 suits, i. 48. Adopts the favourite 
 imputation of the Jesuits, that all 
 their opponents are enemies to true 
 religion and virtue, i. 49. ii. 171. 
 Extracts from his work, as to 
 French Revolution, i. 49-52- His 
 fallacious view of the cause of the 
 French Revolution, i. 49. His inge- 
 nuity and skill in amplifying the ob- 
 servations of others, i. 52. His false 
 reasoning detected, i. 55, 79. As- 
 sertions of, incapable of proof, i. 60. 
 Theatrical assertion of, i. 61. His 
 charge of disingenuousness towards 
 the Jesuits answered, i. 70. Re- 
 fuses the most unquestionable evi- 
 dence against the Jesuits, i. 29, 83. 
 Abuses Prynne, and attempts to 
 discredit the testimony of De 
 Thou, i. 96. His reprehensible or 
 intentional ambiguity, i. 104. As- 
 serts Lord Stafford's innocence, not- 
 withstanding all the evidence to the 
 foritrary, and without presenting 
 
 one single fact which may esta- 
 blish that opinion, i. 108-1 ic. In- 
 cautious in his conclusions, 1. 113. 
 Endeavours to weaken the autho- 
 rity of the State Trials by a contemp- 
 tuous notice of them, i. 1 14. Hi* 
 accusation of Sir William Scroggs 
 examined and refuted, i. 115-116. 
 Defends the Catholic Priests of 
 Ireland, i. 1 21. His unfair quota- 
 tions from Rapin, i. 147. Partial 
 statements of, i. 153. Misrepre- 
 sents, and suppresses, Hume's His- 
 tory respecting the Jesuits, i. 163, 
 164. His pretensions of attach^ 
 ment to the Church of England 
 examined, i. 183. Declares " the 
 Reformation has generated the most 
 absurd superstitions ," i. 183. Ac- 
 cuses the adversaries of the Jesuits 
 of «* rebellious and revolutionary" 
 purposes, i. 233. Defends the 
 Jesuitical Casuists L'Amy, Moya, 
 Bauni, Berruyer, Casnedi, and 
 Benzi, i. 235-248. Declares that 
 we ought always to follow the dic- 
 tates of conscience, even when it is 
 erroneous, i. 249. Defends the 
 Jesuits at the expence of the Ca- 
 tholics proper, i. 251. Quotes 
 Bayle partially, i. 253. Answers 
 pamphlets without seeing them, i, 
 263. Compares Clement XIV. to 
 Pontius Pilate, i. 264. Denies that 
 the Jesuits were connected with 
 the Inquisition, i. 268. His au- 
 thorities in favor of the Jesuits 
 examined, i. 274. His misstate- 
 ments respecting the Empress Ca- 
 therine of Russia, i. 277. Quotes 
 Montesquieu partially, i. 279. 
 Most of his authorities and argu- 
 ments are to be found in the " Apo- 
 logy for the Jesuits," i. 294. De- 
 nies the ambition of the Jesuits, i= 
 294, 295. Denies the commerce 
 of the Jesuits, i. 296. And their 
 sedition, i. 301. Declares that the 
 Jesuits have been actuated by the 
 sublimest motives, such as might be 
 attributed to Angels 1!! i. 61, 303. 
 His fallacious account of the Jesuits 
 in England, i. 332. Studiously 
 conceals the atrocities of the Je- 
 suits in Portugal, i. 345-349. Com- 
 plains that the English Poor are 
 educated without religion, i. 352. 
 His own loyalty and religion,!. 364. 
 Conclusion of his observations, i. 
 366. 
 Damianus, extract from his work, i> 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Xlil 
 
 371. Contrasts Luther with Loyola, 
 ibid. 
 
 D'Avila, reference to his account 
 of the Massacre of St. Bartho- 
 lomew, i. 309. ii. 2, 309. 
 
 De Canape, the French Ambassador 
 at Venice, denounces the Jesuits to 
 Henry IV. ii. 33. 
 
 Deception the invariable policy of the 
 Jesuits, i. 298*. 
 
 D'Eguilles, the testimony of, quoted 
 by Mr. Dallas, i. 55, 278. 
 
 De la Tour, the Jesuit, exalts the piety 
 of Voltaire, ii. 147. 
 
 De Ligny, M. his difference with the 
 Jesuit Beckman, ii. 148. His 
 work referred to, ibid. 
 
 Dellon, his account of the Inquisi- 
 tion at Goa, i. 269. 
 
 De Thou defended, i. 96, 98. Libera- 
 lity and candour of, i. 97. Lord 
 Mansfield's declaration concerning, 
 i. 99. Extracts from his work, i. 
 255. ii. 432*. 
 
 D'uerot asserted by Mr. Dallas to be 
 an enemy to the Jesuits, i. 54. 
 
 Diets of Warsaw, Cracow, and Lithu- 
 ania protest against the Jesuits, ii. 
 
 157- 
 
 Dissenters, English, loyal subjects, i. 
 
 i8i. 
 D'Orsane, M. quotation from, ii. 188. 
 Douay, the divines of, persecuted by 
 
 the Jesuits, ii. 148. 
 Drunkenness, a vice indigenous to the 
 
 Irish Catholic Priesthood, i. 145. 
 Du Bellay, Eustache, Bishop of Paris, 
 
 denounces the Jesuits as dangerous, 
 
 i. 383- 
 Duboi:, Cardinal, an active sceptic, 
 
 i. 67. Reply of, to Louis XIV. i. 
 
 67*. 
 
 Du Mesnil, Advocate General, quoted, 
 
 ii- 3* 
 
 E. 
 
 East Indies, intrigues of the Jesuits in 
 the, ii. 161. 
 
 Education of the Jesuits, i. 316-324, 
 352,353,400.11.282. Mr. Dallas, 
 Villers, Monclar, and Chalotais on 
 the, i. 316-321. Important ques- 
 tions relative tc, i. 317. 
 
 , National, Mr. Dallas's re- 
 marks on, i. 51. Answered, i. 352. 
 
 of the Poor, Report of the 
 
 Committee of the House of Com- 
 mons on the, ii. 404-461. Evidence 
 of Mr. Thomas Finigan, on the, ii. 
 404-409, 459. Mr. John Kelly, ii. 
 409. The Rev. Edward Norris, ii. 
 411. Joseph Fletcher, Esq. ii. 4x2, 
 
 450. Mr. William F Lloyd, ii. 414. 
 Mr. Joseph Booker, ii. 416. Wil- 
 liam Blair, Esq. ii. 418. Charles 
 Butler, Esq. ii. 423. Montagu Bur- 
 goyne, Esq. ii. 429. Rev. James 
 Yorke Bramston, ii. 4.51. Rev, 
 James Archer, ii. 4.35. Rev. 
 Rich, llorrabin, ii. 437. Joseph. 
 Butterworth, Esq. ii. 438. Df. 
 William Poynter, Vicar-Apostolic, 
 ii. 439-450. 
 Education of the Roman Catholics^ 
 and the tejection of the Bible b/ 
 their Priests, ii. 401-467. 
 Elizabeth, Queen, the Pope excitesthe 
 Papists to assassinate her, i. n3. 
 The subjects of, absolved from 
 their allegiance, by the Pope, 
 ibid. Excommunicated by the 
 Pope, ibid. Her reproof to the 
 Judges explained, i. 14 8. Herene- 
 mies enumerated, i. 152. Tolerates 
 all peaceable Catholics, ibid. De- 
 claration of, respecting the Jesuits, 
 i. 159. Sir F. Walsitigham's ac- 
 count of her Council, i. 161. 
 Letter of, to Henry III. of France, 
 respecting the Jesuits, ii. 21. Dis- 
 covers the designs of the Jesuits, ii. 
 21. Coiisphucies of the Jesuits 
 against, ii. 162. 
 Emissaries of Rome, essentially differ- 
 ent from the English Sectaries, 
 i. 182. 
 Emperors, Kings, and Bishops, en- 
 rolled in the Congregations of the 
 Jesuits, ii. 1S7. 
 Encyclopaedia Britannica, observations 
 on the article Jesuits in the, i. 40. 
 Encyclopedie, French, the article Jesuifei 
 in the, written by Diderot, i- 54 
 England, her course with respect to 
 the Jesuits and Catholics, pointed 
 out, ii. 397. 
 Episcopal authority in Ireland, i. 130. 
 Europe, ignorance of, in the sixteenth 
 
 century, i. 186. 
 Exiraits des Assertions, testify against 
 the Jesuits, i. 84. Are trom the 
 works of the Jesuits themselves, 
 i. 84. A record of the immo- 
 rality of the Society, i. 85. 
 
 Fabri the Jesuit, his contempt of the 
 
 Papal decree, ii. 3 15. 
 Fairfax'* Memorials cup firm Prynne's 
 
 testimony, i. 90. 
 Ferdinand King of Sicily revives the 
 
 Order of the Jesuits in 1804,1. 10. 
 Finigan, Mr. T. A. his evidence on 
 
XlV 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OP CONTENTS. 
 
 the Education of Catholics, ii. 404, 
 
 459- 
 Flanders, an account of the Jesuit 
 
 establishments in, i. 388. Magis- 
 trates of, oppose the Jesuits, i. 389. 
 
 Fletcher, Joseph, Esq. his evidence on 
 the Education of the Poor, ii. 412, 
 450. 
 
 Foreign ordination no longer neces- 
 sary, i. 270. 
 
 Forms, processions, ceremonies, and 
 externals, substituted for religion 
 by the Catholics, i. 58. 
 
 Formulary, historical memoirs on the, 
 referred to, ii. 166. 
 
 Fortla, a citizen of rank in Tours, 
 anecdote of, ii. 1 36. 
 
 Founder, the, of a Jesuit College or 
 House is entitled to 30,000 Mass- 
 es and 100,000 Rosaries during 
 his life, and more after his death, 
 ii. 368. Of two Houses or Col- 
 leges, entitled, in his own right, to 
 120,000 Masses and 80,000 Ro- 
 saries, ibid. 
 
 Fox, Mr. on the Popish Plot, i. 103,104. 
 His declamation noticed, i. 104. 
 Admits of a design to restore Po- 
 pery by James II. i- 105. His 
 eulogium of Baxter, i. 106. 
 
 Foxes and Firebrands, work quoted, 
 ii. 163. 
 
 France, Bishops of, protest against the 
 Concordat of Pius VII. i. 16. 
 Cited by Mr. Dallas in favor of 
 the Jesuits, i. 287. How imposed 
 on by the Jesuits, i. 292. Univer- 
 sity of, its testimony opposed to 
 thar of Mr. Dallas, i. 295. 
 
 Frederick King of Prussia, D'Eguilles, 
 and Bossuet, in favor of the Je- 
 suits, i. SS- Quoted by Mr. Dallas, 
 i. 28.1. 
 
 Freedom of opinion, a common pri- 
 vilege in discussing the question of 
 Jesuits, i. 74. 
 
 Freemasonry an engine of intrigue used 
 by the Jesuits, i. 63. 
 
 French Infidels and Philosophers, 
 denied to have sprung from the 
 suppression of the Order of the Je- 
 suits, i. 49-68, ,349. 
 
 Revolutionists, not more ini- 
 mical to the Jesuits than to reli- 
 gion in general, i. 53. 
 
 G. 
 
 Galeoti, the Jesuit, becomes Gover- 
 nor of the Bank of Rome, ii. 314. 
 
 Galileo, the astronomer, condemned 
 by the Inquisition, i. 364. 
 
 Gandolphy, Rev. Mr publicly preaches 
 against the St. Giles's Free School, 
 ii. 407. Goes to the School, and 
 orders the children to go home, ii. 
 
 459- 
 
 Ganganelli, accused by Mr. Dallas, of 
 paving the way for the French re- 
 volution, i. 50. Letters of, not 
 authentic, i. 265. Written by 
 Caraccioli, i. 266. 
 
 Garnet/, the Jesuit, in various plots in 
 England, ii. 21, 23, 25. 
 
 Gerson, the Jesuit, quoted, as to In- 
 quisition, i. 269. 
 
 Gilbert, Chancellor of the Univer- 
 sity of Douay, opposes the Jesuits, 
 ii. 147. Persecuted by them, ii. 
 148. 
 
 Glory of God, the great pretext of the 
 Jesuits, i. 307. 
 
 Goa, the Inquisition at, founded by 
 the Jesuit Xavier, i. 269. 
 
 Godeau, Bishop, Letter of, quoted, 
 ii. 167*. 
 
 Godfrey, Sir Edmondbury, his mur- 
 der, i. 106. 
 
 Grebert the Jesuit, curious account 
 of, ii. 238-9. Observations by, 
 on the Jesuits' doctrine of Proba- 
 bility, ii. 243. 
 
 Gregory XIII. Fope, his Bull, an ac- 
 count of, ii. 185. Accedes to the 
 wish of the Jesuits to re-establish 
 their privileges, ii. 300. Grants 
 the Jesuits the privilege to practise 
 the art of medicine, ii. 376. 
 
 XIV. Pope, the firm friend 
 
 of the Jesuits, ii. 277. 
 
 Gretser, the Jesuit, convicted of false- 
 hood by Dr. James, i. 328. His 
 errors, ibid. 
 
 Grose, extracts from, in proof of Pa- 
 pal corruptions, i. 213-215. 
 
 Grotius, his high opinion of De Thou, 
 i. 99. 
 
 Guenyot the Jesuit, scandalous decla- 
 ration of, ii. 42. 
 
 Gueret, the Jesuit regicide, ii. 18. 
 
 Guignard, Professor, abominable 
 work of, extract from, ii. 18. Con- 
 demned to death, ibid. 
 
 Guise, Duke de, active in the mas- 
 sacre of St. Bartholomew, ii. 2*. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hales, Sir Edward, anecdote of, u 
 102. 
 
 I . \carnassus, Bishop of, cruel treat- 
 ment of, by the Jesuits, ii. 350. 
 
 Holler quoted by Mr. Dallas, i, 28 J» 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS* 
 
 XT 
 
 Harrach, Cardinal, Memorial of, to 
 
 the Pope, extracts from, ii. 92. 
 Heliopolis, the Bishop of, accuses the 
 
 Jesuits, i. 296, 297. 
 Henry II. of France, protects the Je- 
 suits, i. 382. 
 
 III. of France, anecdote of, ii. 
 
 11. Assassinated by Clement, ii. 
 14. 
 IV. of France, attempted assas- 
 sination of, by the Jesuits, i. 83. 
 Fictitious, and real statement of, i. 
 254-256. Extract from his letter 
 to the Pope, ii. 36. His remark- 
 able statement to Sully, ii. 39. As- 
 sassinated by Ravaillac, ii. 42. His 
 mistaken policy, i. 44*. 
 Heretical Princes, right to depose, 
 
 claimed by Pius VII. i. 20. 
 HipPesleyy Sir John, excepted from 
 tm anathema of Mr. Dallas, i. 
 52*, 366. Attacked by Mr. Dallas, 
 i. 257. Vindication of, i. 259. 
 Holland, Lord, quotation from his 
 Address in Fox's History, i. 104*. 
 Holies, Lord, confirms Prynne's testi- 
 mony, i. 89. 
 Holt, the Jesuit, his plots, ii. 23. 
 Holy Scriptures, the, wholly excluded 
 from the Catholic Schools in Eng- 
 land and Ireland, i. 353*. 
 Horrabin, the Rev. Puchard, a Catholic 
 Priest, his evidence on the Edu- 
 cation of the Roman Catholics, ii. 
 437. His equivocal conduct re- 
 specting the British Union School, 
 ii. 456. 
 Hume, his levity of character, 1. 
 88. On the Popish Plot, temp. 
 Charles II. i. 110-111. Dr. John- 
 son's and the author's opinion re- 
 specting, i. no. His account of 
 the zeal of the Jesuits, i. 162. 
 Husbands'* Collection of State Papers 
 confirms Prynne's testimony, i. 8y. 
 
 I. 
 
 Idolatrous ceremonies of China, advo- 
 cated by the Jesuits, ii. 151. 
 
 Ignatius Loyola, i. 375. His first 
 colleagues, 1534-8, i. 376. Pane- 
 gyric on, by Father Jouvenci, 
 with the comments of the Uni- 
 versity of Paris, ii. 369. 
 
 Impediments to admission in the Insti- 
 tute of the Jesuits, removed by the 
 riches of the candidate, ii. 196. 
 
 Indulgences, priestly, a toleration and 
 sanction of crime, i. 57, 185-6-7. 
 
 btfallibility insisted on by the Jesuits 
 and Catholics, i. 37* Violated by 
 
 one Pope erecting, and another 
 suppressing, the Order, i. 263. 
 Infidelity much encouraged by the 
 abuses of the Catholic religion, i» 
 59. Promoted by the Jesuits, i. 62. 
 Closely allied to superstition, i. 
 56. Not originating in the sup- 
 pression of the Jesuits, as con- 
 tended, i. 350. Patronized by the 
 Regent Duke of Orleans, i. 68, 
 Innocent X. cordemns Chinese ido- 
 latry, ii. 315. 
 . — XI. confirms the Decrees 
 against Chinese idolatry, ii. 318. 
 Condemns 65 of the Jesuits' propo- 
 sitions, ii. 132. 
 
 XIII. resolution of, against 
 
 the Jesuits, ii. 328. Suspicious 
 death of, ii. 328. 
 Inquisition, the, restoration of, by 
 the present Pope Pius VII. stamps 
 his character, i. 21. Of Spain, 
 its edict, i. 21*, 22, 23. At Gcx, 
 an account of, i. 269*. Condemns 
 Galileo the astronomer, i. 364. 
 and Jesuits, their con- 
 nexion, i. 268, 269. 
 Institute of Jesuits, i. 304-306. ii. 175 
 
 to the end. 
 Intolerance of the Church of Rome, as 
 great as in the dark ages, i. 23, 
 
 133. 
 Irish Massacre, in 1641, i. n 8,' 119- 
 Priests, superintend the mas- 
 sacre at Scullabogue, in 1798, i. 
 125. Their sedition and rebellion, 
 ibid. Their bigotry and into- 
 lerance, i. 133. Their immo- 
 rality, i. 144- Their venality, 
 fraud, and extortion, i. 146. 
 
 Jacob, a Jesuit regicide, ii. 19. 
 
 James I. King of England, his pro- 
 clamation against the Jesuits in 
 16 10, ii. 25. Ordains the Oath 
 of Allegiance, which the Jesuits 
 declare against, ii. 26. Conspira- 
 cies excited against him by the Je- 
 suits, ii. 24, 25, 162. 
 
 II. King of England, his affec- 
 tion for, and obsequiousness to, the 
 Jesuits, i. 63*, 64. Anecdotes of, 
 i. 64, 6k, 66. Causes the Ma- 
 sonic Lodges in France to be the 
 rendezvous of his adherents, i. 65. 
 Attempts to restore Popery, i. 105. 
 
 ■ ■■ - -, Dr. convicts Gretser the Jesuit 
 of the grossest falsehood, i. 32S. 
 
 Jansenism, why opposed by the Je- 
 suits, ii. 167, 168. 
 
XYl 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTEXTS. 
 
 Jatisenlus, an account of, ii. 168. 
 
 Jansenists, the most formidable oppo- 
 nents of the Jesuits, i. 44/f* . Chiefly 
 consisted of the more virtuous and 
 honest Catholics, i. 45-f-. Accused 
 of fabrication and forgery by Mr. 
 Dallas without proof, i. 48. Be- 
 came a general name of reproach 
 for all who opposed the Jesuits, ii. 
 
 171. 
 
 Jansetiist Dictionary, published by 
 the Jesuits, it. 52i T 3321 Condemn- 
 ed by the Pope, ibid. 
 
 Jesuit at Liege, important letter from, 
 i. 63*. 
 
 Jesuits, the, are the most active 
 agents of the Church of Rome, 
 andconstituent parts of her system, 
 i. 9. Restoration of, by Pope Pius 
 VII. i. 10. Revival of, by the 
 Emperor Paul of Russia, in 1801, 
 Ibid. By the Ring of Sicily in 
 1804, ibid. Powers granted to 
 their General, ibid. Recommend- 
 ed by Pius VII. to temporal Princes 
 and Lords, i. n. Original consti- 
 tution of, by Pope Paul III. ibid. 
 Great powers granted to, by Paul 
 
 III. in 1543, and further enlarged, 
 1 ^49, ibid. Modern vindication of, 
 in the English newspapers, ibid. 
 Declared by Pope Clement XIV. to 
 have been founded for the conver- 
 sion of Heretics, i. 19. Establish- 
 ed, contrary to law in England, i. 
 25. Particularly approve of auri- 
 cular confession, i. 36. Organize 
 the attempt of Barriere, on Henry 
 
 IV. of France, i. 37. Blasphe- 
 mous doctrines of, ibid. Vindi- 
 cate Protestant persecution, ibid. Of 
 Clermont declare the Pope as infal- 
 lible as Jesus Christ himself, ibid.* 
 Description of, by Robertson, i. 39. 
 To be considered as one Order, and 
 not as individuals, i. 40. Make 
 Paraguay an independent empire, 
 i. 41. Their contests with the 
 Jansenists, i. 45*. Declaration of 
 the Parliament of Thoulouse 
 against, i.48. Mr. Dallas's theory 
 that the French revolution was pro- 
 duced by their suppression, i. 50. 
 Their supposed enemies enume- 
 rated by Mr. Dailas, i. 52. Im- 
 portant inquiry respecting, i. 53. 
 Charge against, by Professor Ro- 
 bison, i. 63. When suppressed, in- 
 trigue against Religion, by means 
 of Fiee-masonry, in which they 
 took an active part in France, i. 
 
 63,66. In China, i. 71, 73. In- 
 stead of Christianizing idolaters, 
 they heathenize Christians, i. 72* 
 Their evasive pretext for Chinese 
 idolatry, ibid. In the League cf 
 France, i. 79, 80. Proofs against, 
 by Mezerai, i. 79. Excite the 
 assassination of Henry IV. of 
 France, i. 83. Prynne's import- 
 ant evidence against, i. 86. Re- 
 present Queen Elizabeth as perse- 
 cuting them, merely on account of 
 their religion, i. 149. In Queen 
 Elizabeth's reign, i. 159. Hume 
 on, i. 161-164. In England, i. 
 231. Casuistry of, i. 233-250. 
 Multiply the editions of Berruyer'* 
 work, while they are condemned 
 by the Popes and Bishops, i. 243. 
 Revival of, dangerous to Protest- 
 ants, i. 253. Their foreign alle- 
 giance, i. 257-259. In Russia, 
 i. 260,261. The agents of Popes 
 and Kings in bad measures, i. 260. 
 Expelled from the Russian capitals 
 in 18 15, i. 261. The enemies of 
 every valuable institution, i. 262. 
 Oppose the Bible Society, ibid. In- 
 defatigable in making converts to 
 Popery, ibid. Remarks on Pope Cle- 
 ment XIV. 's abolition of the Order, 
 i. 266. In Ireland, i. 271. Their es- 
 tablishment at Castle-Browne, an 
 account of, ibid. Favoured by the 
 Empress Catherineof Russia, i. 275. 
 Their reception in Russia, then, no 
 proof in their favor, ibid. Bribe 
 Cardinal Torregiani to procure 
 Bulls in their favor, i. 288. 
 Their assertions collected by the 
 Parliament of Paris, and presented 
 to Louis XV. in 1762, i. 289. 
 Means by which they succeeded 
 with the Bishops of Fiance, i. 292. 
 Louis XV. 's final edict against, in 
 1764, i. 293. Accused of perse- 
 cution by the Bishop of Heliopolis, 
 i. 296. Their commerce and usu- 
 rious conduct, i. 298*299. Recog- 
 nise each other by signs like Free- 
 masons, i. 298. Deception their 
 invariable policy, ibid.* Their 
 fraud and disgraceful bankruptcy 
 at Seville, i. 300. Their sedition 
 slightly passed over by Mr. Dallas, 
 i. 30 1. Usurp the sovereignty of 
 Paraguay, i. 302. Institute of, its 
 professed object, as stated by Mr. 
 Dallas, i. 305. Tumult their true 
 element, i. 311*. Conduct of, in 
 Malabar and China, L 315. 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 XVJ1 
 
 Charge against, by Cardinal de 
 Tournon,i.3i5. Complaints against, 
 by the Universities of Paris, Lou- 
 vain, and the Chapter of Leo- 
 pold, i. 320-322. Withhold the 
 Bibie from their Sturiencs, i. 321. 
 Their Colleges shut u;j uy the King 
 of Sardinia, in 1728, i. 322. 
 Complaints againit, by the Arch- 
 bishop of Vienna, ibid. Leave 
 their pupils in great ignorance, i. 
 323. The King of Portugal's edict 
 against, ibid. In England, i. 
 332-342. On their dispensing 
 power with respect to oaths 
 of allegiance, i. 336. An ac- 
 count of their establishment at 
 Stonyhurst, i. 333. Their atroci- 
 ties concealed by Mr. Dallas, i. 
 345. Why banished from Por- 
 tugal, ibid. Conspire to assas- 
 sinate the King of Portugal, and 
 are protected by the Pope, i. 34;. 
 Their suppression did not give rise 
 to infidelity on the Continent, as 
 asserted by Mr. Dallas, i.350. Pre- 
 tended conspirators against, enume- 
 rated by Mr. Dallas, i. 366. Origin 
 of, i. 369. Opposed to the Reform- 
 ation, i. 370. And other Orders, i. 
 373. Power, wealth, and influence, 
 i. 374. Account of their first rise 
 under Ignatius, i. 376. Aim at 
 universal monarchy, i. 378. Their 
 Institution a universal conspiracy 
 against Bishops, Princes, and every 
 Power, both spiritual and temporal, 
 ibid. Their rapid and amazing in- 
 crease, ibid. 379. Attend the Coun- 
 cil of Trent, i. 379. Their zealagainst 
 Protestants procures them the pro- 
 tection of Qathnlic powers, ibid. 
 Denounced by Melchior Cano, i. 
 380 Privileges granted them by Paul 
 III. i. 381. Early efforts of, 
 
 TO ESTAB1ISH THEMSELVES IN 
 
 France, ibid. Projected by 
 Kcnry II. i. 382. Denounced as 
 dangerous by Eustache du Bellay, 
 Bishop of Paris, i. 3S3. Their 
 first settlement opposed by the Par- 
 liament of Paris, ibid. Denounced 
 bv the Faculty ofTheolog) , 1. 384. 
 Resistance of, ibid. Different 
 
 • EVENTS RELATING TO, BETWEEN 
 THE YEARS 1 554 AND lf6o, 1. 
 
 385. In Portugal, 1555? '• 3 >6 - 
 Their first establishment was tunn- 
 ed in Portugal, i. 386. Tl ?;r 
 usurpations opposed by the L'ni- 
 
 ' versity of Ceimbrs. ibid. In Sara- 
 
 vol. 1. 
 
 gossa account of, i. 387. Opposed 
 by the nobility and people of 
 Oporto, ibid. In Flandeis, 15^6, 
 ditto, i. 388. Opposed bvthe 
 Clergy ana Magistrates of Flinders, 
 i. 389. In Rome, 1557, ibid. 
 The Generalship of the, made 
 perpetual, contrary to the will of 
 the Pope, i. 391. New efforts 
 of the Jesuits, in 1560, to ac- 
 quire a footing i>; France, ii. 1. 
 Favoured by Catherine de Medicis, 
 ibid. Success in France, 1 561-2, ii. 
 1, 2. Pasquier anti Du Mesnil 
 oppose them, ii. 3. Events or 
 
 I564, AND THE SUCCEEDING TE- 
 
 riod, ii. 3. By their artful mea- 
 sures triumph over their enemies, 
 ii. 4. In Portugal, 1563, ii. 4, 5. 
 Become Confessors to Kings, 
 Queens, and Statesmen, ii. 4. 
 Persuade the King of Portugal to 
 bequeath his crown to Spain, ii. 5. 
 Expelled trom Antwerp, 1578, ii. 
 6. Their expulsion demanded by 
 the Austrian States, ibid. Expelled 
 by force from Vienna, ii. 7. Their 
 gross vices, ibid. Their infamous 
 practices in Spain, and Milan, ibid. 
 Their persecution^ in Savoy, where 
 they cause a war in 1560, ii. 8. 
 Frequentlyexcite the most cruel civil 
 wars, ii. 9. Sweden resists them, 
 
 ibid. At THE HEAD OF THE 
 
 League in France — their con- 
 spiracies AGAINST HENF\ HI. 
 and Men it y IV. ii. 11. Massacre 
 two Kings of France, and create 
 a civil war, ibid. Their dreadful 
 conduct in France described, ii. 13. 
 Eulogize the assassin of Henry III. 
 ibid. Expelled ficm Bcurdeaux 
 for conspiracy, ii. 14. Excite the 
 three assassins of Henry IV. ii. 15. 
 The University of Paris de- 
 mand t h e expulsion of the Je- 
 suits; AFTER WHICH THEY ARE 
 GUILTY OF FRESH ATTEMPTS ON 
 THE KlNG, AND ARE EXPELLED THE 
 
 kingdom, ii. 16 Attempt of Cha- 
 te! to assassinate Henry IV. ii. 17. 
 Guerctand Chatel banished, ii. 18. 
 Expel ed France, in 1597, but 
 many Jesuits remain, ii. 19. Je- 
 suits ARE THE AUTHORS OF VA- 
 rious consp1rac1ls against 
 Queen Elizabeth, and Kino 
 Joies 1. in England, and rx- 
 
 CITE THE GREATEST TROUBLES 
 
 in Poland and Russia, ii. 20. 
 Engaged thirty vears in tngland to 
 
xvm 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS, 
 
 excite a civil war, ibid. Plots 
 against Queen Elizabeth, who dis- 
 covers their designs, it. 20, 21, 
 23. An Act passed against, by 
 the English Parliament, ii. 21. 
 Various plans of, to assassinate 
 Queen Elizabeth, ii. 23. Excite 
 Spain to make war against Eng- 
 land, ibid. Plots against James I. 
 ii. 24, 25. Though concealed, 
 excite five conspiracies against 
 James I. during the first year of 
 his reign, ii, 24. Jesuits in Po- 
 land, abominable conduct of, ii. 26. 
 Attempt to dethrone the Grand 
 Duke of Muscovy, and obliged to 
 fly from Moscow, ibid. Conduct 
 or the Jesuits towards the. 
 Catholic Clergy of England : 
 they prevent their Church 
 from being governed by a bl- 
 shop, in order that they may 
 
 40VERN IT THEMSELVES, ii. 27" 
 
 31. Their intrigues to convert the 
 Protestants in England, ii. 28. 
 Great disputes at Rome amongst 
 their Delegates, ii. 30. Accused 
 of all the troubles in the Roirmh 
 Church, ii. 31. Affairs of Ve- 
 nice, ii. 32. Banished from Venice, 
 1606, ii. 33. Denounced to Henry 
 IV. of France, by De Canaze his 
 Ambassador at Venice, ii. 33. Re- 
 turn to Venice, in 1657, ii. 34. 
 Recal of the Jesuits in the 
 kingdom of France, ii. 35. 
 Struggle of Henry IV. of France, 
 ii. 36, 38. Engaged in every con- 
 spiracy against him, ii. 38. Henry 
 IV. resolves for the Jesuits, ii. 39, 
 4c. Their recal opposed by the 
 Parliament, University of Paris, 
 Sorbonne, and many Bishops, ii. 
 41. Sully on their recal, ibid. 
 Assassination of Henry IV. ii. 42- 
 45. Regicides, ii. 46, 48, 50. 
 Their privileges extended by Mary 
 de Medicis, Queen Mother, ii. 47. 
 Blasphemy of Jesuits, ibid. Ex- 
 tracts from their blasphemous ser- 
 mons, ibid. Excesses of the 
 Jesuits at Genoa, in Styria, 
 Carintiiia, anoCarniola; in 
 Holland, Switzerland, Bo- 
 hemia, Louvain, and Po- 
 land, ii. 50. Their horrible prin- 
 ciples and practices, ii. 52, 95. 
 Their sanguinary spiiit, ii. 52. 
 Banished from Bohemia, in 161S, 
 but return in 1620, ii. 52-53. 
 Intrigue* and villanies in Poland, 
 
 1622, ii. 54-58. Reduce tn"e 
 Church of Belgium to a deplorable 
 condition, during 70 yeais they 
 were at its head, ii. 54. Invite 
 the City and University of Cracow, 
 to the festival of St. Ignatius, ii. 
 56. Truly portrayed in a letter 
 of the University of Cracow, ii. 
 
 58. Conduct of the Jesuit* 
 relative to their introduc- 
 TION AT Blois, Auxkrre, ANI> 
 OTHER PLACES IN FRANCE, H. 
 
 59. At Chalons, at Chaileville, 
 ii. 60. Subtle policy of, ii. 61. 
 At Angouleme, 1622, ii. 62, 63. 
 Set themselves above all laws, even 
 those of honour and probity, ii. 
 62. At Orleans, ii. 64, 65. The 
 Jesuits undertake the erec- 
 tion of their College de 
 tournon in the university 
 of Paris ; the Universities of 
 the kingdom unite to oppose 
 it: after using every kind 
 of chicanery, the fathers 
 yield at last ; their schemes 
 to invade the colleges of 
 Mans and Marmoutiers IN" 
 Paris, ii. 66. Remonstrance of 
 the Universities of Paris and Va- 
 lence, 1624, ii. 66, 67. Memo- 
 lial for Universities, 1624. ii. 68. 
 Fraud at Paris, 1625, ii. 69-7?. 
 Fraudulently take possession of the 
 College of Mentz, ii. 70. Affairs 
 
 Rlil ATING TO THE ADMON1TIO, 
 
 Sanctarel, &c. and other 
 
 WRITINGS OF THE JESUITS HOS- 
 TILE TO THE AUTHORITY AND 
 
 persons of Kings, ii. 72. Their 
 ingratitude when loaded with fa- 
 vors, ibid. Political libels of, in 
 1625, ii. 72-74. AH their writings 
 hostile to the persons and authority 
 of Kings, ii. 73. Clergy condemn 
 the libels, 1626, ii. 75. Sanctarel's 
 regicide woik, 1626, ii. 76. Jesuits 
 examined by Parliament, 1626, 
 >'• 77> 78. Their evasive answer, 
 ii. 78. Protected by Louis XIII. ii*. 
 79, 80. Their unbounded credit 
 with Louis X11I. ii. 80. Conduct 
 of the Jesuits towards the 
 Catholic Bishops of England 
 and France, andtheir attack* 
 upon the episcopal office it» 
 sei f, ii. 81. Oppose Episcopacy 
 in England, ii. 82-85. In France, 
 ii. 86-88. Farther attacks or 
 the Jesuits upon the Bishops, 
 
 AND UPON El'lSCOPACY l}i CE- 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 XIX 
 
 NERAL IN ALL QUARTERS OF THE 
 WORLD, MORE ESPECIALLY IN 
 THEIR CHARACTER OF MISSION- 
 ARIES TO FOREIGN PARTS, AND 
 A VIEW OF THEIR CONDUCT UPON 
 
 their Missions, ii. 89. Oppose 
 Episcopacy in Holland, 1640-50, 
 ii. 89-90. In Germany, 1618-40, 
 ii. 91-94. Banished from Bohe- 
 mia the second time, in if>i8, ii. 
 91. Their practice of seizing on 
 the German Universities', ii. 94. 
 Their conduct in America as out- 
 rageous as in Europe, ii. 95. Em- 
 ploy their enormous power only to 
 oppress, ii. 97. Oppose Episco- 
 pacy in Paraguay, 1644-65, ibid. 
 In Mexico, 1645-54, •'• 9%> 99- 
 In India, 1550-1750, ii. 100. In 
 Japan, 1580-1640, ii. 101, 102. 
 Their persecution of Mattheo de 
 Castro, ii. 100. Their innume- 
 rable crimes, ii. 103. Missions 
 hostile to Piety and Episcopacy, ii. 
 103, 106. To religion, ii. 107, 
 108. In India, oppose the Mis- 
 sionaries of the Pope, ii. 104. 
 Their crimes and punishment in 
 China, ii. 108. Attack all the 
 Bishops of Spain, and South Ame- 
 rica, ii. 109. Efforts of the Je- 
 suits, IN 1643, TO INTRODUCE 
 THEMSELVES INTO THE UNIVER- 
 SITY of Paris, ii. 109. Their 
 immorality and casuistry, ii. 110- 
 114. Their system of education ex- . 
 posed, ii. 111. Abominable prin- 
 ciples exposed by the University of 
 Paris, ii. 111-113. Farther 
 proofs of the attacks of the 
 Jesuits upon Episcopacy for- 
 the space o.f two centuties, 
 ii. 115. Further attacks on the 
 Church, ii. 116-123. Their con- 
 duct ar Poictiers, as stated by Sully, 
 ii. 116. Their ray;e against Ar- 
 nanld,ii. 118. Profit by the vacil- 
 lating conduct of the Queen Mother, 
 in France, ii. 119. Make disturb- 
 ances all over France, ii. 120. 
 Their intrigues impossible to be 
 enumerated, ii. 123. Obstinacy 
 of the Jesuits, in contending 
 for their corrupt morality, 
 jn spite of all the condemn- 
 ation which it occasioned, 
 ii. 124. Their corrupt morality, ii. 
 125-133. Censure on, by Pope 
 Alexander VII. ii. 125. Procure a 
 Brief in their favor from the Pope 
 to Louis XIV*. ii. 1 *x ; Notwithstand- 
 
 b 2 
 
 ing reiterated censures, maintain 
 their abominable maxims, ii. 133. 
 Boast that they never change their 
 principles, ii. 134. Different 
 
 EVENTS RELATING TO THE JE- 
 SUITS, AT THE END OF THE 
 SEVENTEENTH, AND BEGINNING 
 OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, 
 
 ii. 134. Corrupt morality of 
 the, ii. 135. - At Tours, 1625- 
 32, ii. 136. At Nantes, 1662-81, 
 ''• J 37> l 3%' Seize on a parish 
 church at Brest, ii. 139. Their 
 Propositions denounced by the At- 
 torney General ot France, 1717, ii. 
 140. Their creed denounced by 
 the French Advocates to Louis 
 XIV. ii. 141. Louis XIV. de- 
 fends them, 17 13, ibid. Du- 
 plicity and insincerity, ii. 142. 
 Regicide doctrines of, ii. 143. At 
 Laon, 1736, ii. 144. Their cruel- 
 ties at Muneau, ii. 145. Shelter 
 vices of their own members, 
 ibid. At Davron, r7oo-6o, ii. 146. 
 Acquire great wealth by the pro- 
 tection of La Chaise and LeTellier, 
 ibid. Other events relat- 
 ing to the Jesuits in the 
 French and Austrian Nether- 
 lands; at Liege; in Sardi- 
 nia ; in their missions 1 n" 
 Gueece ; at Constantinople; 
 in iTALy ; at Vienna; in Spain, 
 Poland, &c ii. 147. Seek to 
 become masters of Louvain and 
 Douay, ii. 147, 148. Persecute 
 the divines ot' Douay, ii. 148. 
 Conspire, by false accusations, 
 to exile their opponents, ibi/. 
 Their cruel treatment of Professor 
 Laleu, ii. 149. Teach false Theo- 
 logy at Douay, ibid. At Liege, 
 1692, their stratagems, ioid. Be- 
 come directors of the College at 
 Louvain, ibid. Missions of Je- 
 suits, ii. 15c, 161. Their merce- 
 nary spirit proved by various writ- 
 ings ii.150. Ruin the Christians 
 in Japan, ibid. In China, ally 
 Christianity with the worship of 
 Confucius, ibid. Idolatries in 
 China, 1680-172C, ii. 151. Re- 
 sist the decisions of the Popes 
 against their Chinese idolatry, ibid. 
 'Ih.ir hjrrid maxims, ibid. Per- 
 mit their Ger.eial to give orders 
 and counter oiders, ii. 152. Their 
 idolatries in Malabar, ibid. Their 
 disputes with the Capuchins of the 
 province of Paris, Missionji e> to 
 
XX 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTEXTS. 
 
 Greece, ii. 153. Their numerous 
 disputes in different places, ib'iJ. 
 Become universally odious by their 
 crimes, ibid. In Aleppo, Syria, 
 &c. 1600-1720, ibid. In Austria, 
 ! 600-1750, ii. 154. Deprived of 
 their de-potic power by the Em- 
 pros of Austria, ibid. Their con- 
 duct in Portugal exposed — excite 
 rebellion there, ibid. Usurp the 
 sovereignty of Paraguay, ibid. Their 
 •rimes apparent through all the 
 possessions of Portugal, ii. 154. Ba- 
 nished from Portugal, and refused 
 admission to Genoa. Leghorn, 
 Venice, and Naples, ibid. Inquiry 
 respecting, instituted by Maria 
 Theresa, ii. 155. Proved to be 
 enemies to science and literature, 
 ibid. Theft paralyzing influence, 
 ibid. Their petition to found a Col- 
 lege in Mexico rejected by the King 
 of Spain, ii. 156. In Poland, j 66 1- 
 1759, "• '57' Obtain privileges 
 from King CaMtwir, ibid. Deceive 
 Casimii's successor, ii. Ig8, The 
 "licence granted by King Casimir 
 mi 1 66 1 nullified 1759, ibid. In- 
 vade the rights of the Atchtiisftop 
 and Chapter, and of the Universi- 
 »ies of Cracow and Zamo*>ki, not- 
 withstanding their guarantee -to do 
 no injury, ibid. Want of disci- 
 piine^mongst their scholars, ii. 1 59. 
 Summary op tub artifices 
 employed by the jesuits for 
 obtaining dominion both in 
 their missions abroad, and 
 in the Catholic Church at 
 home, ibid. Secular policy, ii. 
 160. Practise the horrible doc- 
 trines of Serapa, ibid. Their means 
 of ruling others explained, ibid. 
 Their intrigues in the East Indies, 
 ii. 161. Pietend to perform the 
 functions of the Apostles, ibid. 
 Endeavour to exclude every other 
 /€*ligious order from India and Ame- 
 rica, ibid. Their pretended con. 
 version of heretics false, ii. 162. 
 Excite subjects against their Sove- 
 reigns, ibid. Discovered to -have 
 pledged the crown jewels of France, 
 ibid. Occasion great disorders in 
 Poland, Sweden, Muscovy, and 
 Savoy, &c. ibid. Abhor an:l per- 
 secute Protestants, ii. 162-163. 
 Seize on the University of Prague, 
 ii. 163. Their principal object, to 
 destroy Prote-tants and amass mo- 
 tte/y Hid, Evade the orders of the 
 
 Emperors of Germany in the seven- 
 teenth century, ii. 163. Specimens 
 of their practices to destroy their 
 opponents, ii. 164. Embroiled 
 with Catholics, ii. 164-167. Suc- 
 cessively accuse their opponents of 
 Predestinarianism, Bayanism, Jan- 
 senism, and Quesnellism, ii. 164. 
 Revive the Bull of Pius V. against 
 Michael Bayus, which had slum- 
 bered in obscurity seventy-three 
 years, ii. 166. Their reasons for 
 attacking the Jansenists, ii. 168. 
 Corrupt intrigues, ii. 168-174. 
 Remaikable example of their in- 
 fluence, ii. 169. Disperse the 
 " Apology for the Casuists" in 
 France, and oppose the Bishops 
 who condemned it, ibid. Favourite 
 arguments of, ii. 171. Indiscri- 
 minately accuse all their opponents 
 of ineligion, ibid. Obtain the Bull 
 Unigenitus, by a series of intrigues 
 and artifices, ii. 174. An exa- 
 mination of their Institute, 
 ii. 175. Avail themselves of Reli- 
 gion to attain their ends, ibid. 
 Their Constitution monarchical and 
 despotic, ii. 176. Their manner 
 of attracting others, ii. 178. Con- 
 ceal their Institute with 
 care, ii. 179. Their secrets alarm 
 the Sovereigns of Kurope, ii. 182. 
 Remonstrated against by the Par- 
 liaments and Universities of France, 
 ibid. There is nothing defi- 
 nite OR PERMANENT IN THE IN- 
 STITUTE of the Jesuits ; rut 
 
 THEY CAN CHANGE IT AT PLEA- 
 SURE, AND GIVE IT THE PARTI- 
 CULAR CHARACTER WHICH SUITS 
 THEIR OWN PURPOSE, ii. 184. 
 
 Their Institute changeable at plea- 
 sure to suit their purposes, ibid. 
 The Society, from the nature 
 of its Institute, can unite 
 to itself men of ail orders 
 (probably of all religions), 
 Laymen, Ecclesiastics, Bi- 
 shops, Popes, Emperors, and 
 Kings, ii. 186. Reckon Empe- 
 rors, Kings, and Bishops, as enrolled 
 in their Congregations, ii. 187. 
 Their danger denounced by Cardi- 
 nal Noailles, ii. 189. Artifice for 
 extending their influence, ii. 190. 
 Can keep no secrets from their Su- 
 perior, ii. 191. The Institute 
 further developed, ibid. So- 
 ciety composed of tour classes, ibid. 
 First class of, ibid. Acknowledge 
 
-ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTEXT*. 
 
 XXl 
 
 that a Candidate or a Novice is a 
 complete Jessie, ii. 193. Regula- 
 tions of, reduce the mind to a state 
 of slavery, ii. 197. Promise* ex- 
 acted by them from their Candi- 
 dates, ii. 198. Gradations of their 
 initiations, ii. 200. Illusion of 
 their vow of poverty, ii. 201. No- 
 vices, their vow, ibid. The wel- 
 fare of their Society, the supreme 
 law, ii. 204.. Second class of 
 Jesuits, the soke proprie- 
 tors OF THE POSSESSIONS OF 
 
 t-he Society; which, however, 
 
 ARE ADMINISTERED BY TliE GE- 
 NERAL alone, ii. 206. Divisions 
 of, by Moreri, ibid. Their vows 
 and practices in contradiction <o 
 each other, ii. 207. Their Students 
 rich members of the Society 
 in theory only, ii. 207. The 
 division of them by the Constitu- 
 tion, ii. 208. Duiation of their 
 course of study, ii. 209. Third 
 class of Jesuits — spiritual 
 
 AND TEMPORAL COADJUTORS, ii. 
 
 210. Coadjutors, their functions 
 and nature of their vow, ii. 211. 
 Can alter their vow at pleasure, ii. 
 ii 2. Regulations of, respecting 
 their property, ii. 213. Fourth 
 ■class of Jesuits — Professors 
 of the Four Vows, ii. 215. Alone 
 are initiated in the great myste- 
 ries, ibid. Strictly speaking, alone 
 •compose the .Society, ibid. Choose 
 their General, ii. 216. Their requi- 
 sites, ibid. Mental reservation and 
 deception of, ii. 218, 228. Deceive 
 Pope Paul III. ii. 218. Theirvow 
 of obedience to the Pope, a «iere 
 mockery, ii. 220. Declarations of 
 the, extract from, ii. 222. Mode of 
 life of their Professors described, ii. 
 225. Their manner of removing 
 scruples, ibid. Chicanery %i their 
 Institute, ii. 228. Other vows 
 —all Jesuits ca*j be djsmiss- 
 
 <ED — ^DANGER TO STATES, ii. 229. 
 
 Dress of, regulations concerning, 
 ibid. Their Vows in geneial, de- 
 scribed, ii. 230. Their Vows con- 
 ducive to the plan of universal em- 
 pire, ii. 232. No one can relin- 
 quish the Society without the con- 
 sent of their General, ii. 233. Mys- 
 terious laws of, ii. 235. Dismissals 
 from their Society, how managed, 
 ii- 23S. Wickedness and secu- 
 lar') ty of, ii. 240. Their ano- 
 malous character, reflections on, 
 
 ii. 242. The Constitution or 
 the Society is monarchical, 
 
 OR RATHER DfcSrOTIC ; THE 
 WHOLE AUTHORITY, THE ENTIRE 
 PROPERTY, THE GOVERNMENT 
 AND CONDUCT OF THE SOCIETY, 
 ARE VESTED IN THE GENERAL, 
 
 ii. 244. Society of, its composition 
 and government, ii. 245. Their 
 great extent in 1710, ibid. 
 Their manner of corresponding, ii. 
 246. Their Congregations de- 
 scribed, ibid. General Congrega- 
 tion of, necessary to alienate Houses 
 and Colleges, ii. 255. Monstrous 
 proposition of their Constitution, 
 ii. 258. Memorial of, to Clement 
 VIII. extract from, ibid. Their 
 blasphemy, ibid. All who com- 
 pose the Society are blindly 
 dependent upon the general 
 for their lot, for the dis- 
 posal of their persons, of 
 their conduct, and their 
 
 PROPERTY 
 
 FOR THEIR 
 
 CON- 
 
 SCIENCE, THEIR DOCTRINE, AND 
 THEIR MANNER OF THINKING ON 
 AIL SUBJECTS, IN ORDER THAT 
 THE SPIRIT OF THE HEAD MAY 
 BE UNIVERSALLY THAT OF THE 
 BODY AND EACH OF ITS MEM- 
 BERS, ii. 259. Implicit obedience 
 of, to the General, ii. 262. Their 
 Society admits but of one way of 
 thinking, ii. 266. Can only be 
 confessed by a Jesuit, ii. 267. Ex- 
 tracts from their Constitutions, ii. 
 
 268, 269. AN EXAMINATION 
 OF CERTAIN INQUIRIES ON THE 
 SUBJECT OF THIS YAST MONAR- 
 CHY, ii. 271. Their manner of 
 rendering weekly accounts of their 
 proceedings, ii. 271, 273. Spies, 
 of whom they consist., ii. 273. 
 Declaration of, respecting them- 
 selves, ii. 274. Contradictory ar- 
 ticles of their Constitution, ii. 276. 
 Their supplications against their 
 General, ii. 280. Resist all reform, 
 ii. 284. According to the 
 Institute of the Society, no 
 authority, temporal or spi- 
 RITUAL, neither Councils, 
 Popes, Bishops, or Kings, cak 
 effect any thing against her, 
 as she is absolved from their 
 various laws, and from all 
 
 DEPENDENCE UPON THEM, ii. 286. 
 
 Compendium of their privileges, 
 ii. 288. Maxims of, ii. 289. 
 Justify regicide, ibid. Refuse obe- 
 
xxu 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 dience to the Parliament of Aix, ii 
 29 1 . Extensive powers and prero- 
 gatives of, described, ii. 294, 300. 
 Their Summarium — its contents, 
 ii. 295. Anecdotes of their im- 
 piety, ii. 297. Their privileges 
 occasion great disturbance, ii. 29S. 
 Independence of the Jesujts 
 with respect to the church, 
 ii. 299. Partially restrained by the 
 Council of Trent, ii. 300. Boast 
 that they evaded the restrictions 
 of the Council of Trent, ibid. Ap- 
 ply to Pope Gregory XIII. to re- 
 establish their privileges, ibid. 
 Brave the opinion of the whole 
 Church, ii. 306. Destitute of real 
 religion, ii. 307. Independence 
 of the Jesuits with regard 
 to the Popes, ii. 308. Forty- 
 five of their Propositions condemn? 
 ed by Pope Alexander VII. ii. 316. 
 Treat the Bulls and Briefs of the Pope 
 with sovereign pontenipt, ii. 317. 
 Attack the Scriptures, ii. 3 18. Ac- 
 cuse Innocent XI. of Jansenism, 
 ii. 319. Post placards against 
 Pope Innocent XI. inviting the 
 people to pray for his conversion, 
 ibid. Their doctrine of philoso- 
 phical sin condemned by the Pope, 
 ii. 320. Write numerous books 
 and pamphlets in defence of hea- 
 then idolatry, ii. 321. Obtain an 
 edici from the Emperor of China, 
 ii. 322. Detail of their altercations 
 with Clement XI. ibid. Defy the 
 Pope in every instance, ii. 326. 
 Cause the death of an Apostolic 
 Visitor in India, ii. 329. Their 
 cruel treatment of the Bishop of 
 Halicarnassus, ii. 330. Refuse 
 obedience to Benedict XIV. ibid. 
 Turn into ridicule the Bulls of the 
 Pope, ii. 331. Print a letter 
 against the Pope, ii. 332 Sys- 
 tematically oppose the Roman Pon- 
 tiffs, ii. 335. The Society 
 vnites within itself the pri- 
 vileges and immunities of 
 ail other Societies, past, 
 present, and future; it can 
 appropriate to itself under 
 its Institute, all imagin- 
 able RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES; 
 
 possessing them in a manner 
 Which gives it the supe- 
 riority OVER ALL OTHER BO- 
 Oirs, AND WHICH MAY EVEN DI- 
 VEST THEM CF Til EI R ADVAN- 
 TAGES, IN ORDER THAT THEY MAY 
 
 BE SHARED BY THE SOCIETY 
 
 alone, ii. 335. Their privileges irre- 
 vocable, ii. 338. Theirchiefaimisto 
 become directors of the education of 
 youth, ii. 339. Obtain a Bull from 
 Pope Julius IV. extending their pri- 
 vileges, ii. 340. Instruct their 
 Students to refuse the oaths requir- 
 ed by the Universities, ii. 342. 
 Their Constitutions best explain 
 their dangerous principles, ii. 343. 
 Provide a system of espionage, ii. 
 348. One of its mysteries explain- 
 ed, ii. 351. Obtain the privilege 
 of residing in Japan, to the exclu- 
 sion of the Dominicans and Francis- 
 cans, ii. 353. The Society can 
 
 BIND TO HERSELF OTHER INDI- 
 VIDUALS AND BODIES, WITHOUT 
 EVER BEING BOUND WITH RE- 
 SPECT TO THEM ; SHE ALWAYS 
 RESERVES THE POWER OF DEAL- 
 ING WITH ENGAGEMENTS AND 
 CONTRACTS ACCORDING TO THE 
 INTERESTS OF HER OWN MONAR- 
 CHY, AND THE PRESSURE OF 
 
 circumstances, ii. 354. Ob- 
 servations contained in their Insti- 
 tute relative to wills, ii. 360. Ac- 
 cused of tergiversation by the Bi- 
 shop of St. Pons, ii. 361. Are 
 never bound by any agreement, ii. 
 364. The Society is enabled, 
 from the nature of its in- 
 stitute, to amass, in the 
 hands of its chief, all the 
 wealth, possessions, and 
 other means which are ne- 
 cessary to views of the most 
 
 EXTENSIVE DESCRIPTION, ibid. 
 
 Fraudulently obtain some of the 
 best and richest livings in France, 
 ii. 366. Confessors are obliged un- 
 remittingly to insist upon the obli- 
 gations of benevolence to the So- 
 ciety, ii. 367. Offer for its bene- 
 factors 70,000 masses, and 100,000 
 rosaries of the blessed Virgin an- 
 nually, ii. 368. Celebrate 30,000 
 masses and 20, ceo rosaries during 
 the life of the founder of a Col- 
 lege, e>r other house, and as many 
 more after his death, ibid. Ce- 
 lebrate 480,000 masses annually, 
 ibid. Statistical account of their 
 members ; their missions, houses, 
 and colleges, ii. 369. Acquired 
 230,000 hvres of annual revenue 
 in thirty years, ii. 370. Com- 
 plaints against their avarice by Pas- 
 quier, Ainauld, M. du Bello}, 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTEXTS. 
 
 XX11I 
 
 Henry IV. and the University of 
 Paris, ii. 370. Their expedients to 
 amass wealth, ii. 371. Their 
 whole history a continued series of 
 spoliation and plunder, ibid. De- 
 rived 40,000 Roman crowns an- 
 nually under the head of alms, at 
 Rome, ii. 371*. The extent of 
 their missions in 1504, ii. 371. 
 Reduce the subjects of Uraguay and 
 Paraguay to slavery, ii. 372. Per- 
 secute Vicars-Apostolic and their 
 missionaries throughout India and 
 the Christian world, ii. 373. The 
 motives of their policy in persecu- 
 ting others, stated by the Bishop of 
 Heliopolis, ii. 374. Carry on their 
 commerce under the disguise of 
 merchants, ii. 374-5. Procure from 
 Pope Gregory XIII. the privilege of 
 practising the art of medicine, ii. 
 376. Carry on the trades of baking, 
 grocery, &c. at Rome, ibid. At 
 Pekin lend money at an interest of 
 25 or 27 per cent, and borrow 
 10, ceo crowns of the Emperor of 
 China to employ in this way, ibid. 
 In China proper, obt::in an interest 
 of 480 livres per annum, for a loan 
 of 2oco livres, ii. 377. Maintain 
 that it is lawful to gain cent, per 
 cent. ibid. Tbb Society, in or- 
 der TO INDUCE THE MAJORITY 
 OF STATES TO ARRANGE THEM- 
 SELVES UNDER HER DOMINION, 
 ATTRACTS THE GREAT AND THE 
 WORLDLY BY PROPOSING THE 
 BAIT OF A MILDER DOCTRINE, A 
 CONVENIENT MORALITY, AND 
 PRINCIPLES WHICH ARE FAVOUR- 
 ABIE TO ALL THE PASSIONS; 
 WHILE AT THE SAME TIME SHE 
 BENDERS HERSELF FORMIDABLE 
 TO ALL WHO REFUSE HER YOKE ; 
 BEING FOUNDED UPON A SYSTEM 
 WHICH IS TERRIBLE TO HER 
 ENEMIES, AND HAS MADE EVEN 
 MoNARCHS TREMBLE, ii. 378. 
 
 Their rule of conscience has no 
 other existence than for their own 
 interests, ii. 379. Suit their doc- 
 trines to the people they want to 
 proselyte, ibid. Permit the idolaters 
 of Malabar to wear round their necks 
 the image of their god, Pilear, pro- 
 \ided a crucifix w r as cut on it, so 
 as not to be discernible, ibid. As- 
 sume the chaiacter of Brahmins, 
 ibid. Give the inhabitants of Chio 
 leave to continue Mahometans in 
 public, and Christians in private, ii. 
 
 380. In Japan, trample on the 
 crucifix, rather than renounce their 
 commerce, ii. 381. Shape and 
 bend the Scriptures to tbeir own 
 purpose, ibid. Permit the com- 
 mission of every crime, and a life 
 of pleasure and voluptuousness, to 
 their converts and friends, ii. 383. 
 Hold it a dogma of doctrine to kill 
 those who slander them, ii 385. 
 Agree that the intended assassins of 
 the King of Portugal should not 
 be deemed guilty even cf a venial 
 sin, ii. 3S6. By their intrigues 
 cause the death of many kings and 
 princes, ii. 387-388. Can exercise 
 the office and functions of Inquisi- 
 tors in countries where no InquisU 
 tion is established, ii. 388. As- 
 sert that they are neither subjects 
 of, nor amenable to, the secular 
 power, ii. 391. Became masters in 
 Portugal, where they directed the 
 conscience of its princes, and the 
 education of its youth, ii. 393. 
 Have never ceased tJ exist as indi- 
 viduals, although they have done 
 so as a body, ii. 395. Their revi- 
 val is not to contend against infi- 
 delity, but against the Pr., tenant 
 Church, ii. 396. Their establish- 
 ing themselves in England incon- 
 sistent with the security of the na- 
 tion, ii. 398. 
 Jesuits and Catholics are parts of the 
 same great aggregate, i. 9. The legi- 
 timate descendants of the ancient 
 Pharisees and Sadducees, ibid. 
 Pledged to one common hostility 
 against Protestants, i. 10. Hold 
 regicide lawful, i. 37. ii. 15. Are 
 inseparable, and defend each other, 
 
 i. 3«- 
 
 , English, and Catholic Priests, 
 
 engage in a league to establish Po- 
 pery in the reign of Charles I. i. 88. 
 
 , General of the, may falsify by 
 
 counter-letters what appears osten- 
 sibly in others, ii. 15;. His uni- 
 versal influence and enormous pow- 
 er, ii. 189, 217. Absolute master of 
 their property, ii. 214. Chosen 
 by the Fourth Class of Jesuit* only, 
 ii. 216. Alone appoints Provin- 
 cials, Rectors, and all the officers 
 of the Society, ii 249. Appoints 
 the missions, ii. 252. Alone can 
 buy, sell, or manage the property 
 of the Society, ii. 253. Cannot 
 alienate or destroy Houses or Col- 
 leges, ii. 255. Alone can ccn- 
 
 h 4 
 
XXIV 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 voke General Congregations, ii. 256. 
 His great power over individuals, 
 
 ■ ii. 259. May refuse a request for 
 dismissal, ii. 265. 
 
 Jesuitism, ever dangerous whilst Po- 
 pery is intolerant, i. ic. Its tend- 
 ency and principles, ii. 175, 176. 
 
 John 111. King of Portugal, anecdote 
 of, i. 377. 
 
 Johnson, Dr. his opinion respecting 
 Hume the historian, i. 11c. Con- 
 vinced of the forgery of Ganganelli's 
 Letters, i. 265. No decisive testi- 
 mony for Mr. Dallas in fu\or of 
 the Jesuits, i. 284. Mrs. Piozzi'.s 
 evidence respecting, ibid. Extracts 
 from Boswell's Life of, i. 284, 285. 
 
 Joseph, Kins; of Portugal, attempted as- 
 sassination of, by tne Jesuits, i. 340. 
 
 Josephine, Empress, adulation of, by 
 Pius VII. i. 16. 
 
 Juuvenci, the Jesuit, his curious de- 
 scription of the Parliament of Pa- 
 ris, ii. 141. His panegyric of St. 
 Ignatius, ii. 369. 
 
 Juan and Ulloa, two Spanish Catho- 
 lics cited by Mr. Dallas in favor of 
 the Jesuits, i. 268. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kelly, Mr. his evidence on the Edu- 
 cation of the Catholic*, ii. 409. 
 
 Kings of France massacred by the 
 Jesuits, ii. 1 1 et seq. 
 
 Knox, John, sketch of the history of, 
 i. 167. Eulogium on, by the Earl 
 of Morton, i. 169. And the Con- 
 gregation vindicated, i. 179. And 
 Luther, resemblance to each other, 
 i. 180. 
 
 L. 
 
 La Chaise, the Jesuit, his conduct as 
 Confessor of Louis XIV. ii. 172. 
 
 Lainex, the Jesuit, anecdotes of, i. 
 315. ii. 152. Succeeds Ignatius 
 as General, i. 390. Offends the 
 Roman Catholic Church, i. 392. 
 His tenets become those of the So- 
 ciety, ibid. 
 
 La Leu, Professor, cruel treatment 
 and death of, ii. 149. 
 
 Lambert, the Jesuit, forced recanta- 
 tion of, it. 1 1 7. 
 
 La Malle, Lady of, anecdote of, ii. 
 
 363- 
 
 V Amy, the Jesuit, his horrible 
 
 maxims, i. 235. ii. 130. 
 Landiiff, Bishop of, his Apology for 
 
 the Bible, extract from, i. 250. 
 L.irtuxa, severe observations of, on 
 
 the Jesuits, ii. 266. 
 
 La Rue, the Jesuit, singular anecdote 
 of, ii. 242. 
 
 Lavalette, the Jesuit, a bankrupt for 
 three millions, i. 301*. Sentci.ee 
 pronounced against, ii. 16 t. Had 
 half the worth of the property he 
 undertook to convey to France, ii. 
 
 375- 
 Leibnitz cited by Mr. Dallas, i. 284. 
 
 Le Jay, Father, anecdotes of, ii. 297. 
 
 Leopold, the chapter of, its complaints 
 against the Jesuits, i. 322. 
 
 Lessius and Hamelius, Jesuits, cen- 
 sures against, ii. 147. 
 
 Le Tellier, the Jesuit, excites enemies 
 against Cardinal de Noailles, ii. 
 174. And La Chaise influence 
 Louis XIV. ii. 148. 
 
 Letter of the Bishop of St. Pol de 
 Leon, extract from, i. 16. Of the 
 Bishops of Belgium to the King of 
 the Netherlands, extract from, i. 
 18. Important one from a Jesuit 
 at Liege to one of Fribourg, i. 63*, 
 64, 65. 
 
 Letters of Palafox, Bishop of Angelo- 
 polis, to Innocent X. ii. 124, 182. 
 Extracts from, i. 72, ^69*, 300> 
 312, 330. Of Courtin to Louis 
 XIV. quoted, i. 105*. Of Roche, 
 the Irish rebel Priest, to Doyle, i. 
 124. Of Doctor Caulfieid, the 
 Popish Bishop, to Murphy the 
 Priest, i. 130. From Kilkenny, 
 on the bigotry and intolerance of 
 Catholic priests, i. 133. From the 
 county of Limerick, i. 134. OfTip- 
 perary, i. 135,137. Of Louth, i. 140. 
 Of Cork, i- 141. Of Dr. Clayton, 
 to Lord Cromwell, on the suppres- 
 sion of the religious houses, i. 2 13*. 
 Of Joseph Rice to Lord Cromwell on 
 ditto, i. 214*. Of Ganganelli, ob- 
 servations on the, i. 265. Of So- 
 telus to Pope Urban VIII. quoted, 
 i. 314*. Of Bishop Milner to the 
 Editor of the Orthodox Journal, i. 
 359. Of Melchior Cano, extract 
 from the, i. 381. Of Arias Mon- 
 tanus to Philip II- ii. 6. Of Queen 
 Elizabeth to Henry III. extract 
 from, ii. 22. Of Henry IV, of 
 France to the Pope, extract from, 
 ii. 31*). Of Petrus Aurelius against 
 the Jesuit*, ii. 88. Or the Arch- 
 bishop of Utrecht to the Pope, ex- 
 tract from the, ii. 90. From the 
 Bishop of Nankin to the Pope, ex- 
 tract from, ii. 107. Of Bishop 
 G'-deau quoted, ii. 167-f-. Of 
 Choiseul, Bishop of Tournay, r,o» 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTEXTS. 
 
 XXV 
 
 Pcpe Innocent XI. quoted, ii. 170. 
 On the Roman Catholics, published 
 by the Protestant Union Society, 
 extracts from, i. 133-4-5. 
 
 Letters, Provincial, attacked by Mr. 
 Dallas, i. 44, 47. Bossuet and Vol- 
 taire's opinion on, i. 47"*. 
 
 LUlys History confirms Prynne's tes- 
 timony, i. 89. 
 
 Limerick, blasphemy of a Cathalic 
 woman at, i. 1 36. 
 
 Lloyd, Mr. W. F. his evidence on the 
 Education of the Poor, ii. 414. 
 
 Lomenie de Bricnne, immoralities of, 
 i. 291. Espouses the cause of the 
 Jesuits, i. 292. 
 
 Ling Parliament, Millar's account of 
 the, i. 93. 
 
 Lorraine, Cardinal de, protects Ig- 
 natius and the Jesuits, i. 3S2. 
 
 Louis XIV. anecdote ef, i. 67*. Re- 
 fers the Brief of the Jesuits to the 
 Advocates, ii. 131. A Jesuit, ii. 
 137. Takes the vows, ii. 200. 
 
 — — XV. not imposed on by the Bi- 
 shops, i. 290. Final Edict of, 
 against the Jesuirs, i. 293. 
 
 — * — XVI. still continued to be pray- 
 ed out of purgatory, ii. 10. 
 
 XVIII. protestation of, against 
 
 the Pope's sanation of Bonaparte, 
 i. 1 5. Too .good a Catholic to op- 
 pose the Jesuics, ii. 397. 
 
 Louvain, complaints of the Univer- 
 sity of t against the Jesuits, i. 321. 
 
 , College of, its supplication 
 
 to Pope Innocent XII. ii. 149+- 
 
 L-yola, Ignatius, and the Jesuits, 
 protc.'ed by the Pope in op- 
 posing the Reformation, i. 371. 
 Biography of, i. 375. 
 
 Ludlvjos Letters, extracts from, i. 88. 
 Memoirs confirm Prynne's testi- 
 mony, 1. 90. 
 
 Luther, his ardour and success, i. 170- 
 And John Knox the Reformer, re- 
 semblurice of, i. 180. Contrasted 
 with Loyola by the Jesuit Dd- 
 rnianus, i. 371. 
 
 Li}*, Baron de, deposition of, on his 
 tr;al, ii. 38. 
 
 M. 
 Magazines, Catholic, supply mare- 
 rials tor Mr. Dallas's Defence, i. 52. 
 Observations on the, i. 288. Ac- 
 tively support the Jesuits and oppose 
 the circulation of the Bible, ii. 
 402. 
 \\.ilabar, and China, conduct of the 
 Jesuits in, i. 3T5. 
 
 Mstagrida and Jesuits, why banished 
 from Portugal, i. 345. 
 
 Bit mi -field, Lord, declaration of, rela- 
 te to De Thou, i. 99. 
 
 Mariana, the Spanish Jesuit, mode- 
 ration of, in his work, ii. 281. 
 Exposes the defective system of 
 the Jesuits, ii. 282. Remarkable 
 similarity between his work and 
 the King of Portugal's Manifesto, 
 ii. 282. 
 
 Maria Theresa, inquiry instituted by, 
 rtspecting the Jesuits, ii. 155. 
 
 Marsh, Dr. Herbert, on the spiritual 
 tyranny of the Catholics, i. 2+. 
 
 Martin, M. on the Commerce of the 
 Jesuits, ii. 374. 
 
 Mary of Guise, an account of, i. 
 r6f *. 
 
 of Medicis, concerts the mas- 
 sacre of St. Bartholomew with the 
 Jesuits, ii. 2. Grant* further liber- 
 ties to the Jesuits in France, ii. 
 
 47- 
 
 Queen of Scot?, on her return 
 
 from France restores Popery, i. 168. 
 
 Marvlebone, poor Irish in, their igno- 
 rance and uncivilized state, ii. 428. 
 Ob-tac ; es to their education, ii. 
 4:3-429. 
 
 Maseresy Hon. Baron, extract from his 
 Edition of Ludlow, i. 88. Ditto 
 from bis Select Tracts, i. 90. Ditto 
 from Ludlow, i. 92. Ditto from 
 Sir John Temple's History, i. 117, 
 
 1 18, l T9, 121. 
 
 Masonic Lodges, abused for vile pur- 
 •• yses, i. 63. In France, fa\or 
 Jame«, ii. 165*. Become schools of 
 scepticism, i. £7. 
 
 Massage of St. Bartholomew, planned 
 and directed by the Jesuirs and the 
 Queen Mother Ca"her;ne de Medi- 
 cis, ii. 2*. Actively promoted by 
 the Duke de Gui«e, ibid. Ap- 
 plauded by the Jesuit Guignard, ii. 
 18. Public thanks for, returned 
 to God by the Pope, i. 30S. 
 
 , Irish, an account of, i. 1 '9. 
 
 Masses and Rosaries, curious account 
 of, ii. 368. Only obse-ved by the 
 Jesuits towards those who expend 
 sufficient for -the completion of a 
 Hou-e or College, ii. 369. 
 
 Matiee de Castro, persecution of, by 
 the Jesuits, ii. ico. 
 
 Matthieu, the Provincial of Jesuits, 
 an active partizan of rebeilioa 
 against Henry 111. ii. 12. 
 
 May confirms Prynne's testimony 
 against the Jesuits, i- 8>. 
 
XXVI 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS; 
 
 Maynooth College, i. 272. An ano- 
 maly in legislation, i. 273. 
 
 Melchior Cano, denounced the Jesuits, 
 i. 380. Letter of, extract from, i. 
 381. 
 
 Mental Reservation finds a promi- 
 nent place in the Vows of the Je- 
 suits, ii. 2iz. 
 
 MentZy the College of, taken fraudulent 
 possession of, by the Jesuits, ii. 70. 
 
 Mercenary spirit of the Jesuits proved, 
 ii. 150. 
 
 Me-zeraiy his proofs against the Je- 
 suits, i. 79. 
 
 Millar s Historical View, extracts from, 
 
 »• 93- 
 
 Milner, Dean, extract from his His- 
 tory of the Church of Christ, i. 
 
 i85» 34-1- 
 
 — , Bishop, eulogy on his own 
 
 clergy, i. 122. Extract from the 
 Pastoral Charge of, i. 357. Com- 
 plains of Mr. Butler's interfe- 
 rence in matters ecclesiastical, ii. 
 448. 
 
 Missions of Jesuits, i. 311. ii. 150. 
 Their extent in 1594, ii. 37'- 
 
 Molina, the Jesuit, his work described, 
 
 "• 3°5« 
 Monclar y Mr. facts respecting, i. '76. 
 
 Extracts from his Plaidoyer, i. 321. 
 Observations of, relating to the Je- 
 suits, ii. 172. 
 
 Montesquieu, quoted partially by Mr. 
 Dallas, i. 279. Quotations from 
 his work, i. 280. 
 
 Moral character, difference between 
 that of the English and Irish, ii. 
 405. Between the Scotch and 
 Irish, ii. 415. Whence this dis- 
 tinction arises, ii. 415. 
 
 Morality the assumed basis of all 
 codes of law, i. 306. 
 
 Moreri, his division of the Jesuits in- 
 to Regents or Masters, and Stu- 
 dents, ii. 2,07. 
 
 Moyay the Casuist, defended by Mr. 
 Dallas, i. 238. History and real 
 character of, ibid. The horrible 
 tenour of his work, ii. 169. 
 
 Muratori cited by Mr. Dallas, i. 284. 
 
 Murphy the Irish Priest, his Sermon 
 to the Rebels in 1798, i. 125, 126. 
 
 Musgrave, Sir Richard, extracts from 
 his History of the Irish Rebellion, 
 i. 120, 131. 
 
 Myconius, Frederic, extracts from his 
 History of the State of Religion, i. 
 186. 
 
 N. 
 
 Naniin, Bishop of, his letter to the 
 Pope, extracts from, ii. 107. 
 
 National Education, remarks on, by 
 Mr. Dallas, i. 51. 
 
 Nty t : Marshal, his crime alluded to, 
 i. 84, 101. 
 
 Nicholai of Berlin accuses the Je- 
 suits of abetting the new Philoso- 
 phers, i. 62. 
 
 Nicole, his notes on the Provincial 
 Letters, i. 47. Writes against the 
 Jesuit Pirot's Apology for the Casu- 
 ists, i. 234. 
 
 Noaillesy Cardinal de, opposed by the 
 Jesuit Le Tellier, ii. 173. Ap- 
 proves the work of M. Quesuel, ii. 
 173. Memoir to the Regent quoted, 
 ii. 188. Denounces the danger of 
 the Jesuits, ii. 189. 
 
 Nolhac the Jesuit, anecdote of, i. 
 
 3°4- 
 Norbert, Pere, historical memoirs of, 
 
 referred to, i. 315. 
 
 Norrisy Rev. Edward, a Catholic Priest, 
 his evidence on the Education of 
 Catholics, ii. 411. 
 
 Nouety the Jesuit, forced to ask par- 
 don on his knees, ii. 118, 
 
 O. 
 
 Oatesy Titus, account of his plot, i. 
 
 106. His list of conspirators, ibid. 
 Consistency of his testimony, i. 
 
 107. Important questions relative 
 to the plot of, i. 111, 112, 113. 
 Plot, reasons for dwelling largely 
 upon, i. 113, 114. 
 
 Oath, horrid one of the Cathoh'c 
 rebels in Ireland, i. 127. Pre- 
 scribed by Pius IV. an account of 
 the, i. 336. Not binding on Jesuit 
 Priests, ibid. 
 
 Oblations, to Christ's altar, the Blessed 
 Virgin's, and St. Thomas a Becket's, 
 comparative view of, i. 222. 
 
 O'Canor. Dr. extracts from his His- 
 torical Address, i. 13, 14. 
 
 OHviy General of the Jesuits, his 
 contempt of the Church, of Rome, 
 ii. 316. 
 
 Oporto, nobility and people of, oppose 
 the Jesuits, i. 387. 
 
 Opstraety Answer of, to the Jesuits, 
 ii. 150. 
 
 Orleans, Bishop of, forces Lambert 
 the Jesuit to recant, ii. 117. 
 
 ■ Duke of, Regent, patronizes 
 
 infidelity, i. 68. 
 
 Orthodox Journal, quotation from the, 
 i- 359- 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 xxv'u 
 
 Gssonia, anecdote of the Duke of, 
 
 i. 
 
 ICI 
 
 paganism assimilated to Popery, i. 
 56. 
 
 Palafox, Bishop of Angelopolis, Letter 
 of, to Pope Innocent X. i. 72. 
 269, 300, 330, 372. ii. 124, 182. 
 His persecutions by the Jesuits, 
 ii. 99. 
 
 Pamphlets answered by Mr. Dallas 
 without seeing them, i. 263. 
 
 Papal Absolution, an usurpation of the 
 power of the Creator, i. 57. lmai- 
 libdity, a monstrous doctrine, i. 56. 
 Supremacy, obnoxious to all true 
 patriots, i. 57. 
 
 Papists, the, enemies to real science, 
 i. 364. 
 
 Paraguay, the intrigues of the Jesuits 
 in, to make it an independent em- 
 pire, subject to their Society alone, 
 i. 41. The sovereignty of, usurped 
 by the Jesuits, i. 302. Its inhabit- 
 ants taught the European arts of 
 war by the Jesuits, i. 42. 
 
 Paris, Clergy of, their declaration 
 against the Jesuits, ii. 125. 
 
 , University of, their answer to 
 
 the Apology for the Jesuits, i. 44-f-, 
 115 v \ Reproach the Jesuits with 
 insatiable avarice, i. 297. Charge 
 them with injuring true science 
 wherever they are introduced, i. 
 1 20. Demand the expulsion of the 
 Jesuits, in 1594, ii- 16. Their 
 remonstrance against the Jesuits in 
 1624, ii. 66. Extracts from their 
 Memorial, ii. 68. Denounce the 
 works or Bauni the Jesuit, ii. 113. 
 Expose the abominable principles 
 of the Jesuits, ii. 110-113. On 
 the Oaths of the Jesuits, ii. 345. 
 Extract from their second Memo- 
 rial to the King, in 1644, ii. 357. 
 Declaration of, in 17~4> '•• 2 7°> 
 
 Parliament of England, disputes of, 
 with Charles I. i. 90. Pas.; an act 
 against the Jesuits, in 15^5, ii. 
 
 Ii. 
 
 . of Queen Elizabeth, their 
 
 declaration respecting the Jesuits, 
 i. 159. 
 
 Parliaments of France and various 
 other nations, enumeration of 
 those that have opposed the Jesuits, 
 i. 78. Collect the assertions of 
 the Jesuits, i. 289. Arret for abo- 
 lishing the Jesuits, i. 290 *. Op- 
 
 pose the first settlement of the Je- 
 suits, i. 383. Oppose the recal of 
 the Jesuits, ii. 41. Their import- 
 ant interrogatories to the Jesuits 
 in 1626, ii. 77 et seq. Curious 
 description of, by Jouvenci the Je- 
 suit, ii. 141. 
 
 Parliaments and Universities of France, 
 remonstrate against the secrecy of 
 the Jesuits, ii. 182. 
 
 Parry, the Jesuit, his plots in Eng- 
 land, ii. 22. 
 
 Parsons, the Jesuit emissary, an ac- 
 count of, ii. 154. 
 
 Pascal defended, i. 45. A principal 
 opponent of the Jesuits, i. 234. 
 
 's Provincial Letters arouse the 
 
 public to the danger of the Jesuits, 
 ii. 125. 
 
 Pasjuier, his Catechisms des Jesuites 
 quoted, ii. 2*. His elegant ha- 
 rangue against the Jesuits, ii. 3. 
 His Plaidoyer quoted, ii. 185. On 
 the Institute of the Jesuits, ii. 199, 
 2c6. His designatijn ot the Jesuits, 
 ii. 243. 
 
 Pasquinade, one interpreted by Cle- 
 ment XIV. as propheucal of his 
 assassination, i. 267. 
 
 Paul, Emperor of Russia, revives the 
 Jesuits in 1801, i. 10. 
 
 HI. Pope, founds the Order of 
 
 the Jesuits, and grants them the 
 most extensive po.vers, i. n. 
 Bull of, quotation from, ii. 184. 
 
 Pellicanus, his testimony of the igno- 
 rance of Europe, i. 166. 
 
 Philosophical Sin, Jesuits' doctrine of, 
 i. 245 *. Condemned by Pope 
 Alexander VIII. ii. 320. 
 
 Pichon, Hardouin, and Berruyer, their 
 blasphemies, ii. $c$. 
 
 Pipenat, the Jesuit, a furious opponent 
 of Henry IV. ii. 12. 
 
 Pilot Newspaper supplies Mr. Dallas 
 with mateiiils for his defence of 
 the Jesuits, i. 5 2 - 
 
 Pinker'cn, Mr. his Geography quoted, 
 i. 58*. Important extract from, 
 i. Co. 
 
 Pio-s.rJi, ?\Irs. errors of, respecting Dr. 
 Johnson, i. 284. 
 
 Pirot, Father, his ApoJogie des Casuistes 
 excites public indignation, ii. 126. 
 Condemned by Alexander VII. 
 ibid. 
 
 Pius IV. Pope, Bull of, quoted, i. 
 328*. 
 
 V. Pope, Bull of, against Bayan- 
 
 ism, ii. 164. Its ob curity creates 
 great confusion, ii. 165. Revived 
 
xxvm 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 after seventy years by the Jesuits, 
 ii. 165. 
 
 Pius VII. the present Pope, restores 
 the Jesuits, i. 10. Extract from his 
 YS\i\\,ibid. Recommends the Jesuits 
 to tempoial Princes and Lords, i. 
 11. His claims to the love and ad- 
 miration of the world examined, i. 
 13. Excessive arrogance, fickleness, 
 and time-serving policy of, ibid. 
 Inaugurates Bonaparte, ibid. Ab- 
 solves the French from their alle- 
 giance to the Bourbons, i. 14. A 
 free agent in his consecration of 
 Bonaparte, i. 15. His adulation 
 of Bonaparte and Josephine, ibid. 
 His Concordat regarded as the dis- 
 grace and scandal of the Romish 
 Church, 1.16. Reproaches the to- 
 leration of the French Government, 
 i. 17. Claims extensive rights of 
 interference, ibid. Claims the right 
 of deposing heretical princes, i. 20. 
 Restores the Inquisition, i. ji. 
 His reasons for re-establishing the 
 Jesuits, ii. 396. 
 
 Plot of 5th November unitedly the 
 work of Jesuits and Catholics pro- 
 per, i. 37. ii. 24. 
 
 Pluralities of M. Roche-Aimon, i. 291. 
 
 Poland, intrigues and villanies of the 
 Jesuits in, ii. 55- 
 
 Pombal, Marquis, abused by Mr. Dal- 
 las, i. 343. Some account of, i. 545. 
 
 Pontius Pilate, and Clement XIV. 
 compared by Mr. Dallas, i. 264. 
 
 Pope, the, declared as infallible as 
 Jesus Christ himsejf, by the Jesuits 
 of Clermont, i. 37*. Compelled by 
 public opinion, to censure the Je- 
 suits in 1665-6, ii. 132. 
 
 Popery in Scotland, i. 165, 180. In 
 Europe, i. 184, 208. In England, 
 j. 209, 232. Whilst it is intole- 
 rant, Jesuitism will ever be danger- 
 ous, i. 10. Unchanged and un- 
 changeable, i. 21. 
 
 Popish bigotry and intolerance, .proofs 
 of, i. 133 et seq. 
 
 Plot, in reisn of Charles II. its 
 
 existence denied by Mr. Dallas, i. 
 103. Bishop Burnet on the, i. 
 105. Its object, i. 1 13. 
 
 Porquet, the Jesuit, his doctrines, ii. 
 
 3*4- 
 Portugal, first establishment of the 
 
 Jesuits formed in, i. 386. Expul- 
 sion of the Jesuits from, in 1759, 
 i. 346. Anecdote of John 111. 
 King of, i. 377. 
 
 Portugal, King of, his Manifest© 
 against the Jesuits, extracts from, 
 ii. i77» 181, 189, 234, 244, 312, 
 384. Accusation of, against the 
 Jesuits, ii. 179. Observations of, 
 on their secrecy, ii. 183. Banishes 
 the Jesuits, ii. 154. His letter to 
 the Cardinal Patriarch referred to, 
 ii. 187*. Edict of, against the 
 Jesuits, i. 323. King, Queen, 
 and Statesmen of, have Jesuits far 
 their Confessors, ii. 4. 
 
 Poynter, Dr. Roman Catholic Bishop 
 and Vicar- Apostolic of London, 
 his evidence on the Education of 
 Catholics, ii. 439-450. His dis- 
 pute with Mr. Butler respecting 
 the British Union School, ii. 447- 
 
 45°- 
 Prague, University of, seized by the 
 
 Jesuits, it. 163. 
 P redestinarianism imputed by the Je- 
 suits to their opponents, ii. 164. 
 Preston, influence and success of the 
 
 Jesuits at, i. 335. 
 Pretext of God's glory, i. 307-310. 
 Priests' bigotry and intolerance, i. 
 
 133-143. Immorality, i. 144-146. 
 
 Sedition and rebellion, i. 121-132. 
 
 And Jesuits temp. Elizabeth, i. 
 
 149-152. 
 Probability, the Jesuits' doctrine of, ii. 
 
 163. 
 Processions substituted for vital religion 
 
 by the Catholics, i. 58. 
 Prophecy, singular one of the Catholic 
 
 Archbishop of Dublin, in 1558, i. 
 
 385- 
 Protestant Union Society, extracts 
 
 from its publications, i. 133 et 
 
 seq. 
 
 Persecution vindicated by 
 
 the Jesuits, i. 37, 
 
 ■ Dissenters defended from 
 
 the imputations of Mr. Dallas on 
 their loyalty, i P 181. 
 
 Protestants, destruction of, the prin- 
 cipal object of the Jesuits, ii. 163. 
 With power are tolerant to Ca- 
 tholics, i. 44. Hatred of, the 
 reigning principle of the Catholics, 
 i. 123. Of the County of Cavan, 
 petition from, i. 142. In imminent 
 danger from the. revival of the Je- 
 suits, i. 253. Their supineness on. 
 the subject accounted for, i. 342. 
 
 Proiestations of innocence, their ne- 
 gative character, i. 100-102. 
 
 Provincial Letters, the author of, at- 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTEXTS. 
 
 XX*X 
 
 tacked by Mr. Dallas, i. 44. Their 
 merit, i. 46. ii. 125. 
 
 Projart, Abbe, declaration of, re- 
 specting the Jesuits, i. 51. Sup- 
 posed to have been a Jesuit, i. 55. 
 
 Prussia, infidel King of, observations 
 respecting, i. 260. 
 
 Prynnt abused by Mr. Dallas, i. 86, 
 96. Defended, i. 86-89, 95. Im- 
 portant evidence of, against the Je- 
 suits, i. 86. Kis statement confirm- 
 ed by other writers, i. 87. ii. 387. 
 His testimony confirmed by May, i. 
 89. Lord Holies, Husbands' Collec- 
 tion of State Papers, and Lilly's His- 
 tory, Sir John Temple's History of 
 the Massacre in Ireland, BaKter's 
 Life and Times, Whltlock's Memo- 
 rials, Sir John Berkeley's Memoirs, 
 Clement Walker's History of In- 
 dependency, Ludlow's Memoirs, 
 and Fairfax's Memorials, i. 8^, 90. 
 
 Purgatory, its absurdity exposed, i. 
 57. Dispute relative to the term 
 of its continuance, ii. 10*. 
 
 Purgatsrian Society, i. 146*. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quesnel, his work condemned by Pope 
 Clement XL ii. 461. 
 
 Qutsnelism opposed by the Jesuits, 
 ii. 164. 
 
 Quigity the Priest, an active pro- 
 moter of the rebellion in Ireland, 
 L 122. 
 
 R. 
 
 Racine, extract from the Ecclesiastical 
 History of, ii. 34. 
 
 Rapin, attacked by Mr. Dallas, i. 99. 
 Defended, ibid. 
 
 's History unfairly quoted by 
 
 Mr. Dallas, i. 147. Extracts 
 from, i. 111, 114, 150-153. 
 
 's State of the Church, extract 
 
 from, i. 191-195. 
 
 Ravaillac, the assassin of Henry IV. 
 character of, ii. 42. His blasphe- 
 mous confession compared with 
 that of the Catholic Priest of Go- 
 rey, and the Catholic woman of 
 Limerick, i. 136. 
 
 Raynal, Abbe, although a Jesuit, 
 cited by Mr. Dallas in favor of 
 the Jesuits, i. 287. 
 
 Reason, the School of, Mr. Dallas's as- 
 sertion respecting its founders, i. 5 1 . 
 
 Rebellion in Ireland, an account of 
 the, in 1641. i. 119. lu 1798, i. 
 120, 122. Actively promoted by 
 tiuigley, a Priest, i. 122. 
 
 Reformation in Europe, i. 184-208. 
 In England, i. 209-232. In Scot- 
 land, i. 165, 180. The, princi- 
 pally opposed by the Jesuits, i. 
 3 7o. 
 
 Regicide held lawful by Catholics and 
 Jesuits, i. 37. ii. 65, 289. 
 
 Religion designed for perfecting the 
 nature of man, i. 35*. The super- 
 stitious abuse of it, i. 61. In 
 France, its secularity, as stated by 
 Robison, i. 69. 
 
 Religious Orders (Jesuits excepted) 
 exhibit their rules, ii. 183. 
 
 Ricci, Laurence, General of the Je- 
 suits, opposes all reform, i. 289. 
 
 Richelieu, Cardinal, cited by Mr. Dal- 
 las for the Jesuits, i. 287. 
 
 Ridolphus, Robert, sent by the Pope 
 to excite disturbance in England, 
 
 •• 157. 
 
 Robertson, Professor, eulogy on, i. 
 28. His description of the Order 
 of Jesuits, i. 39. Extracts from 
 his life of Charles V. i. 4 r . Par- 
 tially quoted by Mr. Dallas, ibid. 
 Observations of, i. 165*. His His- 
 tory of Scotland, extracts from, 
 i. 169, 178, 216. 
 
 Robillard, citizen of Tours, anecdote 
 of, ii. 137. 
 
 Robison, Professor, his charge against 
 the Jesuits, i. 63. Extracts from 
 his Proofs of a Conspiracy, i. 68, 
 69. 
 
 Roche- Aimon, M. le, pluralities of, i. 
 291. 
 
 Roman Catholic Bishops of Belgium, 
 their Letter to the King of the 
 Netherlands, i. 17. Threaten re- 
 bellion, i. 19. Confound tolera- 
 tion with modern philosophy, i. 20. 
 
 ■ Church, its Head th« 
 
 centre of a system, i. 9. Its power 
 and wealth proportioned to its su- 
 perstition, i. 171. An article of 
 its discipline, that the Bible in the 
 vulgar tongue should not be put 
 into the hands of children or the 
 unlearned, ii. 424. 
 
 - Clergy as intolerant 
 
 as the Pope, i. 17. Their igno- 
 rance and immorality prepared 
 the way for the Reformation, i. 
 171*. Are decidedly against (he 
 use of the Bible in the work of 
 education, ii. 402, 406, 407. 
 Object to any extracts being used 
 from the Protestant version, 
 although the passages were to- 
 tidem 'verbis the same as in the 
 
XXX 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Catholic version, ii. 402-405. 
 Avow that the most profound igno- 
 rance and vice are more desirable, 
 hi the children of Catholics, than 
 to receive their education from 
 Piorestants, ii. 403. Publicly 
 preach against the School in St. 
 Giles's, ibid. Threaten the pa- 
 rents to deprive them of their 
 leligious privileges if they suffer 
 their children to read the Scrip- 
 tures, ii. 407. Actively oppose 
 the St. Giles's Free School, ii. 420. 
 Oppose the National Schools, ii. 
 450, 431. Do not conceive that 
 any plan could be adopted in which 
 they could allow the Scriptures to 
 be taught, ii. 4^5; Will not allow 
 laymen to explain the doctrine of 
 their Catechism, ii. 440. Oppose 
 all education unless accompanied 
 by instruction in the tenets of their 
 own religion, ii. 43 7, 444. Deny that 
 the teaching to read the Protestant 
 Scriptures will better the condition 
 of the poor, ii. 446. Object to 
 ail religious or moral instruction 
 given by Protestants, ii. 447. Sin- 
 gular conduct of, respecting the 
 British Union School, ii. 454. 
 Refuse absolution to such parents 
 as send their children to the St. 
 Giles's School, ii. 460. 
 
 Roman Catholic emissaries plot against 
 Queen Elizabeth, i. 151, 156. 
 
 . Priests, their influence 
 
 much extended by auricular con- 
 fession, i. 36. Of Ireland, accused 
 of venality and immorality by the 
 author of the " Brief Account," i. 
 J22. Singular method of vindi- 
 cating them by Mr. Dallas, ibid. 
 Their sedition and rebellion, i. 123. 
 Their bigc-ry and intolerance, i. 
 133. Their immorality, i. 144. 
 And Jesuits league to establish Po- 
 pery in England, i. 102. 
 
 Princes protect the 
 
 Jesuits for their zeal against the 
 Protestants, i. 379. 
 
 - Religion, its abuses 
 
 destructive of all religion, i. 59. 
 Its abuses encourage infidelity, ibid. 
 Roman Catholics, their persecutions 
 contrary to true Christianity, i. 58. 
 Make common cause with the Je- 
 suits, i. 9, 38, 237- ii- 395' 44 8 - 
 Important facts relative to, i. ize*. 
 Their discontent increases with 
 their power, ibid. Hatred to Pro- 
 testants their reigning principle, i. 
 
 123. Political power alone proved 
 to be their object, ii. 399. Attack 
 the St. Giles's Free School, and 
 lame the Master's child, ii. 403. 
 Vilify the Bible Societies, ii. 401. 
 Oppose the circulation of the Scrips 
 tures, ibid. Not influenced by 
 more liberal principles than for- 
 merly, i'-'d. V il make no ap- 
 proximation .owards the senti- 
 ments and feelings of Protestants, 
 ii. 404 Obstacles to their edu- 
 cation, ii. 413. In Marylebone, 
 their opposition to education, ii. 
 
 43o. 
 
 Reman Catholics, Irish, their propor- 
 tion to the Protestants, as ;£ mil- 
 lions to if million, i 3? 9*. 
 
 and Jesuits, parts of the 
 
 same great aggregate, i. 9. Com- 
 pared to the Pharisees and Saddu- 
 cees, ibid. Pledged to one common 
 hostility a^ain-t Protestants, i. 10. 
 United in sentiment, i. 33> 34> ?5» 
 36, 37, 3% $9. Intolerant to 
 Protestants. 1. 44. 
 
 Roman Catholic Emancipation a sophis- 
 tical phra-e, i. 44, il7i *20, z Si' 
 
 Schools, i. 362. In 
 
 London, enumerated, ii. 418. 
 Number educated in the, ii. 425. 
 
 Rome, viva-voce oracles of the 
 Church of, ii. 350. Clergy of, 
 their representation to Pius IV. 
 against the Jesuits, ii. 367. 
 
 Rouillct, a seditious Jesuit, ii. 13. 
 
 Russel, Lord, confirms the truth of 
 the Popish plot, i. in. Observa- 
 tion of, on the Popish religion, 
 ibid* 
 
 , Lady, extracts from her 
 
 letters, i. 112. 
 
 Russia, Alexander Emperor of, expels 
 the Jesuits, i. 261. ii. 396. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sabbath-day , the, ill-observed in Ca- 
 tholic countries, i. 58. 
 
 Salicetti, the attestation of, on Cle- 
 ment XlV.'s death dbcredited, i. 
 267. 
 
 Sammier, the Jesuit, traverses Europe 
 to excite persecution and recom- 
 mend regicide, ii. 12. 
 
 Sanctarel, the Jesuit, the writings of, 
 examined, ii. 76. 
 
 Saragassa, conduct of the Jesuits at, 
 and expulsion from, an account of, 
 i. 387. 
 
 Sardinia, Jesuits continue to teach 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 XXXI 
 
 in, after the express prohibition of 
 the King, ii. 150. 
 Sardinia, King of, interdicts the Jesuits 
 from teaching in his dominions, 
 ii. 150. 
 Science and Literature discounte- 
 nanced and opposed by the Jesuits, 
 ii. 155. 
 Scotland, association of the Reformers 
 in, to resist the tyranny and cruelty 
 of Queen Mary, i. 165. 
 Scots, Mary Queen of, the instru- 
 ment of the Catholics against 
 Queen Elizabeth, i. 152. 
 Scroggs, Sir William, his charge to 
 the Jury on the Popish Plots, ex- 
 tract from, by Hume, i. 1,1$. 
 Charge to the Jury, different ac- 
 count of, by Rapin, ibid. Accused 
 of partiality by Mr. Dallas, ibid. 
 Impartiality of, in Wakeman's trial, 
 ibid. Thanked by the Portuguese 
 ambassador for the acquittal of 
 Wakeman, ibid. 
 Scullabogue, massacre at, in 1798, i. 
 123. Activity of the Catholic Priests 
 in it, i. 124. 
 Secreta Monita, Mr. Dallas's account 
 of, answered, i. 326. Published 
 in many places, i. 327- Confirm- 
 ed, ii 61. 
 Sectaries of England, and emissaries of 
 Rome, essentially different, i. 182. 
 Sedition of Jesuits, i. 302. 
 Seduction, female, by a Jesuit, defend- 
 ed by the Society, case of, ii. 145. 
 Seguier, M. Memorial of, referred to, 
 
 >• 383*. 
 Serapa, the Jesuit, horrible doctrines 
 of, practised by the Jesuits, ii. 159. 
 Serry, M. extract from his work, ii. 
 1 03. Anecdotes of, ii. 153. Sin- 
 gular assertion of, i. 315. 
 Servien, M. de, serious charges of, 
 
 against the Jesuits, ii. 75. 
 Seville, the city of, defrauded by the 
 
 Jesuits, i. 300. 
 Shadivell and its environs, number of 
 uneducated Catholic poor in, ii. 
 412. State of the children, ii. 413. 
 Wish of their parents to have 
 them educated, ibid. 
 Sharpe, Granville, and Protestant 
 Society, collect proofs of Popish 
 bigotry, i. 133. 
 i'iei/mnVespers, Historyof the, referred 
 
 to, i. 310. 
 Sligo, County of, affidavit from the, 
 
 h 35+*- 
 Sotelus, letter of, to Pope Urban VIII. 
 
 quoted, i. 31+*. 
 
 South America, conduct of the Jesuits 
 
 in, i. 41. 
 Sovereigns alarmed at the secrecy ob- 
 served by" the Jesuits, ii. 182. 
 Spain, King of, refuses the Jesuits 
 permission to found a College at 
 Maracaibo, in Mexico, ii. 156. 
 Complains to the Pope against the 
 Jesuits, ii. 303. 
 Stajford, Lord, declared an innocent 
 victim by Mr. Dallas, i. 108. Evi- 
 dence against, adduced by Burnet 
 and others, ibid. 
 Standish, an English Jesuit, sent to 
 Rome as deputy of the English 
 Church, ii. 29. 
 State Trials, the credibility of, attack- 
 ed by Mr. Dallas, i. 1 14. 
 St. Bartholomew, massacre of, i. 309. 
 
 ii. 2. 
 St. Giles's Free School, publicly 
 preached against by the Catholic 
 Clergy, and attacked by the Catho- 
 lics, who break the windows, &c 
 ii. 403. Number of children edu- 
 cated there, ii. 405-408, 419. The 
 nature of the establishment, ii. 
 406. Admits the children of 
 poor Irish parents of all denomi- 
 nations, ibid. Does not interfere 
 with religious opinions, ii. 407. 
 Meets with great opposition from 
 the Catholic Clergy, ii. 406-407. 
 Declaration of the School Com- 
 mittee of St. Patrick's, against, ii. 
 408*. Beneficial results from it, ii. 
 409. Its moral effects have been very 
 beneficial both on the children and 
 their parents, ii. 419. Difficulty 
 in extending its benefit, owing to 
 the opposition of the Catholic 
 Priests, ibid. No attempts made 
 there to proselyte the children to 
 the Protestant faith, ii. 420. 
 
 poor, Irish, number of, 
 
 uneducated, ii. 404-411.419. Their 
 general wish to have their children 
 educated, ii. 404. Ignorance and 
 depravity of the parents and chil- 
 dren, ibid. Their profanation of 
 the Sabbath, ii. 405. Difference 
 between the morals of the English 
 and Irish in that neighbourhood, 
 ibid. Their distressed state a hin- 
 derance to their education, ii. 420. 
 The moral and intellectual condi- 
 tion of the poor much bettered by 
 education, ii. 421. Their 'mise-> 
 rable habitations described, ibid. 
 Their gratitude towards their be- 
 nefactors, ii. 4^3. Their capa- 
 
XXXII 
 
 ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OT CONTENTS. 
 
 city for learning fully equal to that 
 of the English or Scotch, ii. 413. 
 
 Si. Patrick's Charity School, how 
 supported, ii. 410. Admits none 
 but the children of Catholics, ibid. 
 Such an exclusion inconsistent with 
 the fundamental rules of the insti- 
 tution, ibid.* Number educated, 
 ii. 411. Expences of the Establish- 
 ment, ibid. 
 
 « Society, extract from 
 
 the resolutions of, ii. 410*. 
 
 St. Paul, observations on, i. 309. 
 
 St. Pol de Leon, Bishop of, his letter 
 on the Concordat;, i. 16. 
 
 St. Pom, Bishop of, accuses the Je- 
 suits of tergiversation, ii. 361. 
 
 Stonyhurst College, chiefly belongs 
 to Jesuits, i. 25*. Closely con- 
 nected with that of Castle-Browne 
 in Ireland, ibid. An account of, 
 
 *• 333- 335* 
 
 Su/i)'y Due de, his conduct towards 
 the Jesuits, i. 80-8 1. Unfairly 
 quoted by Mr. Dallas, i. 81. De- 
 fended, i. 83. Extract from his Me- 
 moirs, i. 81, 82, 1 16. On the Ca- 
 tholics in England, i. 153. His 
 opinion of the Jesuits, i. 258. His 
 advice to Henry IV. ii. 39. 
 
 Summariwi of the Jesuits does not 
 state their secret privileges, ii. 351. 
 
 Summary of the History of the Jesuits 
 defended, i. 39, 42. 
 
 Sunday School Union, its objects, ii. 
 414. 
 
 Schools, statistical account of 
 
 the numbers educated in the, in 
 the metropolis, ii. 415. Number 
 of teachers in the, ibid. Their 
 beneficial effects in Wales, ii. 416. 
 
 Superstition and infidelity, their close 
 alliance, i. 56. 
 
 T. 
 
 Techard, the Jesuit, anecdote of, i. 
 299. Owed the East India Com- 
 pany of France 450,000 iivres, ii. 
 
 375- 
 Tantburini, General of the Jesuits, his 
 
 reply to the Pope, ii. 151. Du- 
 plicity of his conduct, ii. 151, 
 306. Deceives the Pope, ii. 358. 
 
 Temple, Sir John, confirms Prynne's 
 testimony, i. 90. His account 
 of the massacre of the lush Pro- 
 testants, in 1641, i. 117. 
 
 Tesmond, the Jesuit, in the plot of 5th 
 of November, i. 37. 
 
 Theology, false, taught by the Jesuits 
 
 at Douay, it. 149. Faculty of, 
 
 denounces the Jesuits as dangerous, 
 
 i. 384. 
 Thomas, St. disgraceful exhibition of, 
 
 by the Jesuits, ii. 314. 
 Thoulouse, declaration of the Parlia- 
 ment of, against the Jesuits, i. 48. 
 Tolendal, Lally, speech of, quoted 
 
 and refuted, i. 49. 
 Toleration of Catholics, i. 43. Of the 
 
 French Government, censured by 
 
 Pope Plus VII. i. 17. 
 Tongue's dying statement, i. 112. 
 Torregiani, Cardinal, bribed by the 
 
 Jesuits, i. 288. 
 Toumon, charge of Cardinal de, 
 
 against the Jesuits, i. 315. 
 Treasonable doctrines of Becan the 
 
 Jesuit, ii. 48. 
 Tridentine Fathers, opinion of, i. 360. 
 Tumult the true element of the Jesuits, 
 
 i. 31 1*- 
 Turberville's dying statement, in proof. 
 
 of Popish Plot, i. 109. 
 Typographical accusations, i. 69. 
 Tyrrius, a Jesuit, sent by Pope Sixtus 
 
 V. into France to foment the 
 
 League, i. 79. 
 
 U. 
 
 Unigtnitusy Bull, extract from the, i. 
 356. ii. 462. 
 
 Universities, list of those which have 
 opposed the Jesuits, i. 78. Ex- 
 tracts from the remonstrances of 
 various ones against the Jesuits, i. 
 66. 
 
 and Ecclesiastics unite 
 
 in their complaints against the Je- 
 suits, ii. 361. 
 
 Urban, Pope, Bull of, referred to, ii. 
 166. 
 
 Usurious conduct of the Jesuits in 
 China, ii. 376. 
 
 Utrecht, Archbishop of, extracts from 
 his letter to the Pope, ii. 90. 
 
 Valence , University of, its charge 
 against the Jesuits, ii. 67. 
 
 Vallory, M. de, important anecdote 
 related by, ii. 190. 
 
 Varadt, the Jesuit, preaches regicide, 
 ii. 13. Calls the resolution to mur- 
 der Henry IV. a holy one, ii. 15. 
 
 Venetians, the, accuse the Jesuits to 
 the Pope, ii. 32. Banish the Je- 
 suits perpetually, ii. 33. 
 
 Venice, affairs of the Jesuits at, ii. 32. 
 
 Victor Amadeus, King of Sardinia, 
 
ALPHABETICAL DIGEST OF CONTENTS. 
 
 XXXill 
 
 shuts up the Jesuits' Colleges, i. 
 322. H:s prohibition despised by 
 the Jesuits, ii. 150. 
 
 Henna, Archbishop of, his complaints 
 against the Jesuits, i. 322. 
 
 Fillers on the Reformation, import- 
 ant extracts from, i. 44f, 318. 
 
 Voltaire, quoted by Mr. Deltas in fa- 
 vor of the Jesuits, i. 47, 279. On 
 the " Provincial Letters," i. 47*. 
 Not an enemy of the Jesuits, i. 53. 
 Detects the forgery of Ganganelli's 
 Letters, i. 265. 
 
 Vo^r of Poverty, discussion upon that 
 of the Jesuits, ii. 202, 220. 
 
 Vorrs of the Jesuits altered at their 
 pleasure, ii. 21 2. 
 
 « and Declarations of the Jesuits 
 
 in contradiction to each other, 
 ii. 212. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wahingham, Sir Francis, his account 
 of Queen Elizabeth's Councils, i. 
 161. 
 WTiitlock'% Memorials ccnnrmPrvnne's 
 
 testimony, i. 90. 
 Wicklijf's efforts for the Reformation, 
 
 an account of, i. 211. 
 Windebank, Secretary, conspires with 
 others to establish Popery in Eng- 
 land, i. 88. 
 Winter, the Jesuit, in league with 
 
 Gatnett, ii. 23. 
 Wit and Talent, the confederation of, 
 against the Romish Religion ac- 
 counted for, i. 56. 
 Wolsej, Cardinal, his ambition and 
 
 profligacy, i. 210. 
 "Works quoted or referred to. 
 
 Actio in Proditores, i. 115, 147. 
 Admonitio ad Ludovicum XIII. 
 ii. 73. Amores Jacobi Marelli 
 e Scriniis Provinciae Superioris 
 Germanise Monachii nuper aper- 
 tis, brevi Libello expositi per 
 Karolum Henricum de Lang, ii. 
 400. Anecdotes des Affaires de la 
 Chine, i. 314. Answer of the 
 University of Cracow, ii. 55. 
 Answer of the University of Pa- 
 ris to the Apology of the Jesuits 
 in 1644, i. 375. ii. 44. Anti- 
 cotton, ii. 47, 65*. Apology for 
 the Casuists, i. 85. Arret du 
 Parlement de Rouen, ii. 143. 
 Baxter on Popish Plot temp. 
 Charles II. i. ic6. Bishop of 
 Montpelier's Report to the As- 
 sembly of 1656, ii. 167. Brief 
 Account of the Jesuits, i. 24, 
 
 Tot., r. 
 
 If'orh quoted or referred to. 
 
 1 1 6. Brief of the Bishop of 
 Chalons, ii. 167. Butler's Ac- 
 count of the Formularies, ii. 448. 
 
 Cateehisme des Jesuites, ii. 243, 
 371. Comptes Rendus, i. 54, 
 Constitutiones cum Examine et 
 Declarationibus, ii. 192 et seq. 
 Continuation of Fleury, i. 377. 
 Council of Trent, Resolutions 
 of, i. 19. 
 
 Dangereuses Propositions de la 
 Morale, Sec. i. 237. Decima 
 Cleri Secularis in Regno Poloniat 
 defensa contra Exceptiones Pa- 
 trum Societatis, ii. 59. Decree 
 of the Parliament of Rouen in, 
 1631, ii. 71. Decreta Congre* 
 gationis, ii. 355. Defenses d« 
 l'Universitc de Paris, 1632, ii. 
 71. Dictionnaire Historique, i, 
 28, 348. Diseoursde 1' Assem* 
 blee de la Faculte de Theologie, 
 i. 239. Dissertation Historique 
 et Politique sur l'Euucation de 
 la Jeunesse, i. 76. Du P?.pe et 
 des Jesuites, i. 263. 
 
 Edict of the Spanish inquisition, 
 1815, i. 21. Encyclopaedia Bri- 
 tannica, i. 4c. Essai KisLorique 
 sur la Puissance des Papes, i. 23. 
 Extrait des Proces criminc'.s d« 
 Biron et de Bouillon ft.it as. 
 Parlement, ih 38. 
 
 Factum pour les Cures de Rouen, 
 ii. 169. Foxes and Firebrands, 
 ii. 163. 
 
 Histoire des Religieux de la Com* 
 pagnie de Jesus, i. 379. ii. 14. 
 Ki-toi/e du Marshal de Mati- 
 gr.on, \. 14. hi:tc\re du Feuple 
 de Dieu, i. 243. Histoire Me- 
 morable du Proecic ou'ont tenu 
 
 le3 Jesuites, &c. i. 
 
 His- 
 
 torical Memeiis of the Lovr 
 Countries, ii. 150. History of 
 Alphonso de Varg^, ii. 7. His- 
 tory of the Council of Trent, i. 
 98. History of Paris, i. $$$. 
 Jesuites criminelsde Lt'ze Majeste, 
 ii. 5. Jesuites Marchands, ii. 
 98. Jesuites, les, tels qu'ils ont 
 ete, Sec. i. 21, 263-293. Jour- 
 nal de V Abbe d'Orsannc, ii, 
 
 174- 
 La Morale Pratique des Jesuites, 
 
 i. 257, 291, 381. ii- 9*> l8 9* 
 241. La Defense de M. I'Eveque 
 d'Angers, et de l'Autorite Epi- 
 scopale, ii. 121. La Realite d* 
 Pro;ec de Bourgfontaine demou- 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 VOL. I.— p. 15 12th line from bottom, for 1S05, read 1806, 
 p. 25, in note, for exclusively, r^ad chief u 
 
 I t 4 ;, '?? . L J™ 1 * * ™. for ^ebtus, read Scott* 
 p. 105, 1st 1. for of, read to. 
 
 P- 110, 5th ]. for practice, read practices. 
 P. 148, 16th 1. dele the comma after write. 
 
 P 'o?f' 4t }\ 1 fftI * P assionatl y> read passionately. 
 
 p. 217, 2d I. from bottom, for tf, read Aw. 
 
 P- 249, 6th I. from bottom, dele and: 
 
 p. 329, 7th 1. from bottom, for Serc'eta, read Secreta 
 
 "'Imimon 110 ^ 1Uh,ine flon ^ottom, for | million, read 1 an* 
 
 Hit ^«^^ 
 
 vol. «.-p p : ?£&J&*25g m •**+ read ****■ 
 
 p. 117, 7th 1. from top, for now, read ne/. 
 
 » Im il l / h i VT b ° tt0m ' » u PP'y *e word r^y. 
 p. .306, 4th I. for Innocent X. read Innocent XIII 
 
 Z'™' 1*?°**' ? r > 7m ^<""^ "ad jfiwrton*,,,,. " 
 p. 379, I. 4, for for, read iw. 
 
 p. 393, 8th 1. from bottom, for who, read which 
 
 p. 402, 12th 1. from bottom, for that, read this • and in •**& 
 
 page, in note, for Preface, read ^rf r «,. ""* 
 
 p. 422, 1. 9, for scarety, read scarcely. 
 
 Note to pp. 18—20, Vol. I. 
 
 lateen ttSS ," n * b, ' S ° try <? f the Roman Catholic Pre- 
 lates m the Netherlands appear in a strong l.Vh^ r £ • 
 
 own letter to the King, on Z 28th of Ju^jfbu ,7s some 
 
 doubts may have been entertained, whether S uch conduct be 
 
 agreeable to the present Pope of Rome, it is now necesstrv tt 
 
 inform the re,der that P,us VII. has recently sema Irfef Jthe 
 
 B.shop of Ghent, fully approving of their proceedings, and <°cl. 
 
 "mending the zeal with which then (the Bishonsrw !/• T~, 
 
 is. At God and tke ^^'-^tfflrdZ sag 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 If will be found on the fullest inquiry which can be given to 
 the subject, that the Roman Catholics at large, and the Jesuits 
 in particular, are merely parts of the same great aggregate. 
 The Head of the Catholic Church is, as it were, the centre 
 of a system, round which those Catholics who are not Jesuits 
 revolve in more regular orbits, while those who are Jesuits 
 (like the Comets of the Solar system) describe more eccentric 
 courses. The Jesuits, however, still derive all their heat and 
 influence from the same source out of which the other mem- 
 bers of the Catholic Hierarchy are supplied in common with 
 themselves. If the Jesuits, like the fiery stars of our hemi- 
 sphere, occasionally cross the path of the Catholics, and 
 threaten them with injury or destruction, it is not the less 
 certain that both the Jesuits and the Catholics at large are 
 constituent parts of one comprehensive circle, whose centre is 
 at Rome, and whose circumference is every where.. It is 
 therefore to be reasonably expected that until the Papal Church 
 can cordially tolerate a Protestant state, the Jesuits will still 
 continue to be, what they have been from their origin, the 
 most active and formidable of her agents, to whom she will 
 look with confidence for the destruction or humiliation of those 
 who either condemn her religious errors, or oppose her poli* 
 tical pretensions. No two descriptions of men could be more 
 opposite to each other, in principles and conduct, than the 
 Pharisees and Sadducees of old; yet they were alike enemies 
 to real Christianity and its divine Founder : in like manner, 
 the Catholics proper, and the Jesuits, although in many things 
 of very opposite sentiments and feelings, are yet mutually 
 
 VOL. I. B 
 
10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 pledged to one common hostility with Protestants of every 
 name, because they are equally agreed in asserting and main- 
 taining such fundamental errors both in Religion and Policy, 
 as Protestants can never fail to protest against, so long as they 
 retain any more than their name. 
 
 It was the operation of some such convictions as these 
 which gave rise to the following pages, from which it may 
 perhaps appear that until Popery shall lose her Intolerant 
 character (in which case she must cease to be Popery), Jesuit- 
 ism will have lost none of her peculiar danger. 
 
 The Restoration of the Order of Jesuits took place on the 
 7th of August, 1814, by a Bull of the present Pope Pius VII. 
 which is well worth consulting : it sets forth the duty of the 
 Pope " to employ all his power to relieve the Spiritual wants 
 " of the Catholic world" — recites the revival of the Order in 
 Russia, in 1801, on the prayer of the Emperor Paul, and in 
 Sicily, in 1804, on that of King Ferdinand ! it then states 
 that the Pope would " deem himself guilty of a great crime 
 " towards God, if, amidst the dangers of the Christian Re- 
 " public, he should neglect to employ the aids which the spe- 
 u cial providence of God had put in his power, and if, placed 
 "' in the bark of St. Peter, and tossed by continual storms, he 
 i4 should refuse to employ the vigorous and experienced rowers: 
 3 zvho volunteer their services" It then declares that the 
 Pope, " in virtue of the plenitude of Apostolic power, and 
 " with perpetual validity, had decreed that the concessions 
 " made to the Jesuits in Russia and Sicily should extend to 
 " all his Ecclesiastical States, and to all other States.™ All 
 necessary powers are then granted to the present General of 
 the Society, " in order that the said States may freely receive 
 " all who desire to be, or shall be, admitted into the Order ; 
 " and power is granted to the members to apply themselves to 
 {< the education of Youth — to direct Colleges and Seminaries — ■ 
 " to hear confessions ; to preach , and administer the sacra- 
 " ments :" the several colleges, houses, and members of the 
 Order, and all who shall join it, are then taken under the 
 
it 
 
 a 
 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 11 
 
 protection of the Holy See> which " reserves the power of 
 " prescribing and directing all that may be necessary to conso- 
 u lidate the Society more and more; to render it stronger, 
 " and to purge it of abuses, should they ever creep in." 
 The Societv and all its members are then recommended 
 stronglv to temporal Princes and Lords, to Archbishops and 
 Bishops, and to all persons in authority, who are exhorted 
 " and conjured, not only to suffer them to remain unmolested, 
 " but to see that they are treated with all kindness and 
 " charity. " The Apostolic constitutions of the Founder of 
 the Order, Pope Paul III.*, and others are revived in favor of 
 the Jesuits, and in short they are placed in the same condition 
 of privilege and power as they anciently enjoyed. The Bull 
 is directed to be inviolably " observed, in all future time, and 
 that it shall never be submitted to the judgment or revision 
 of any Judge, with whatever power he may be clothed ; 
 • i{ declaring null and void any encroachment on those regula- 
 " tions either knowingly or from ignorance." The Bull of 
 Pope Clement XIV. who abolished the Order, is then 
 expressly abrogated — and it is lastly stated that " if any 
 <; one shall attempt by an audacious temerity to infringe or 
 oppose any part of this ordinance, he will thereby incur the 
 indignation of Almighty God, and of the Holy Apostles." 
 The publication of this Bull was followed by an Act 
 ordaining the restitution of the funds which were the patri- 
 mony of the Jesuits, and making compensations for their con- 
 fiscated property. 
 
 It was sought to render the above measure palatable to the 
 British public, by a laboured vindication of the Order which 
 
 * In a Bull of that Pope dated March, 1545, he permits the Jesuits 
 to alter, annul, or revive at pleasure as times, places, and circumstances 
 might require, their Constitutions made or to be made ; and in another 
 dated 25 November, 1549, he sanctions the despotism of the General, 
 by giving him complete jurisdiction over the members, and power over 
 the funds of the Society, together with the privilege of sending any 
 Individual of the Order wherever he might please. 
 
 B 2 
 
 
1£ INTRODUCTION. 
 
 appeared (together with a copy of the Bull) in one of our 
 newspapers which has the most extensive circulation ! In this 
 apology the measure is stated to " promise more for the 
 "future good of Europe than any event for the last twenty 
 " years." Europe is represented as " owing infinitely more 
 " than half its civilization to the Popes" Clement XIV. 
 is called " a weak and imbecile prelate, who was partly fiat^ 
 " tered and partly menaced into an act of self destruction in 
 " the abolition of His best bulwark, the Society of the 
 " Jesuits." It is then affirmed that " the Romish Church 
 " has had ample reason to repent this unfortunate concession; 
 "for had the Society of Jesuits remained, the French 
 " Revolution and all its excesses would never have 
 " occurred."" A negative which perhaps the friends of the 
 Society will have some trouble to prove, but which Mr. 
 Dallas, as will appear hereafter, adopts, and argues upon. 
 The Order is then described as a body of men " set apart for 
 the propagation and defence of their religion, who (whilst 
 other Monastics confine themselves to solitary devotion, and 
 ascetic exercises) inform their minds with learning, and 
 4 'being thus fit for the business of life, go forth adapted to 
 " every condition to which they may be called" It is added 
 that " a man who thus unites religion and learning, should be 
 " able to confer the greatest blessings on a kingdom; and that 
 " although such talents have been abused to the worst 
 " purposes, and have thus been only the increased 
 " means of mischief"" (no mean admission), " yet that it is a 
 " very vulgar error to argue against the use from the abuse." 
 There then follows a panegyric on the protection afforded " to 
 " learned men and their writings by the Convents" although 
 it is not clear how this can redound to the honour of those 
 who were not monastics. It is further stated as " natural to 
 " expect that even the clergy themselves should partake of 
 " the errors and ignorance of the dark ages, and very unfair 
 ft to object to the priesthood of the present day, what was the 
 character of the priesthood formerly ; the vices and follies 
 
 
 a 
 
INTRODUCTION. 13 
 
 " in question having been those of the age and not of their 
 " Order? This defence is closed by a declaration that " the 
 " Order has been most heavily slandered, by those who icere 
 " inferior to them in every good talent" and the following 
 question is put in conclusion : " Are not the enemies of the 
 " Jesuits, enemies of our religion in every form ?" — An 
 inquiry which leaves no doubt of the Apologist having been of 
 the same religion as the Jesuits themselves. 
 
 To return to the Pope — It may perhaps be worth consi- 
 dering what claims that Pontiff has acquired to the love or 
 admiration of the world, since his elevation to the Papacy ; 
 and how far the act of reviving the Order of Jesuits comes 
 recommended to us by any knowledge we possess of the cha- 
 racter of Pius VII. The act itself will be considered more at 
 large hereafter. 
 
 On adverting to the public and political character of this 
 Pontiff, we shall find that his arrogance, fickleness, and 
 time-serving policy are worthy of the darkest ages of Romish 
 superstition, Claiming and exercising the deposing and dis- 
 pensing powers which his predecessors from the time of 
 Gregory VII. had constantly practised, he placed the blood- 
 stained Usurper (Bonaparte) on the throne of the Bourbons; 
 and in the name of Jesus, he invoked the Holy Spirit in 
 consecrating a sceptre, wrested from its lawful inheritor, by a 
 series of atrocities, flowing from the French Revolution, such 
 as had never before stained the annals of human crimes : he 
 deprived of his crown Louis XVIII. the legitimate successor 
 of a long race of Kings, who had been regarded for many ages 
 as the eldest sons of the Church, the founders of all its tem- 
 poral powers, and the liberal benefactors to m horn they owed 
 all their princely possessions. Dr. OT'onor observes upon 
 this — " Notwithstanding the oaths of allegiance by which 
 " Roman Catholics swear, that the Pope has no power over 
 " the temporalities of States, the Irish titular Bishops, assem- 
 '* bled in Synod at Tallow, so lately as the 6th of July, 1809, 
 " extolled as just, holy, and legitimate, those Bulls of Pope 
 
 b 3 
 
14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 <.: 
 
 
 
 Pius VII. by which he absolved all Frenchmen from their 
 " oath of allegiance to the Bourbons, expressly alienating, 
 not only the Crown of France, but also the property of all 
 French loyalists, secular and ecclesiastical, and driving from 
 i( their Sees a hundred French Bishops, who were guilty of no 
 " other crime than that of a conscientious regard for their oaths, 
 and their fidelity to their Prince ; and this too, without stipu- 
 lating for any compensation — without giving them a trial, 
 " though they demanded it — without granting them that which 
 " was not denied to the Irish, even by Cromwell." The Doctor 
 quotes Pope Pius VII.'s Bulls, " Qui Christi Domini" publish- 
 ed at Rome, November 29th, 1801, and " Ecclesia Christi" of 
 August 15th, 1801; against which the Bishops, thus hulled 
 from their Sees for their fidelity, appealed. Their appeal was 
 printed and published by Dulau, London, in 1804. Doctor 
 CTCoxor gives some extracts from these extraordinary Bulls, 
 which contain the following paragraph : 
 
 " We desire that the present letters, and all the provisions 
 " contained in them, shall not be disputed, on the ground that 
 " any persons whatsoever, either ecclesiastical or secular, have 
 " not consented to them, or have not been cited, or for any 
 " other reason whatsoever ; and as they emanated from our 
 " proper motives, and from the plenitude of our Apostolic 
 " power, we desire that they may remain, for ever, valid and 
 " immutable*. 1 '' 
 
 The Pope could not plead in excuse for this very extra- 
 ordinary conduct, that he was impelled by fear, or that he 
 obeyed any mandate of the Corsican Tyrant. The following 
 incidents prove the assertion, and shew that he acted with the 
 coolest deliberation : On the 29th of October, 1805, some 
 time previous to his setting out for Paris, he convened a Con- 
 sistory of the Cardinals at Rome, and informed them, " that 
 
 * See Dr. O'Conor's Historical Address on the Calamities occa r 
 sioned by Foreign Influence, signed Columbanus, Part iii. pp. 5, 27 
 and 36. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 15 
 
 ** he cheerfully and gratefully complied with the desire of his 
 " beloved Son in Christ (Napoleon) to be anointed with his 
 " holy unction by the hands of his Holiness : to be placed 
 " by the most solemn rites, performed by his Holiness, in the 
 " highest rank ; to receive the Imperial Crown by a solemn 
 " inauguration from his Holiness, impressing the ceremony 
 46 with a character of religion, and calling down the benedic- 
 " tion of Heaven;" in other words, to cover over the crimes of 
 this upstart tyrant with the broad mantle of hypocrisy; to 
 consecrate, as the zealous and pious supporter of the Holv 
 See, the man who had made a merit with the people of Egypt, 
 that he was the servant of their Prophet — who had marched to 
 Rome to overthrow the Pope, because he had invited the 
 Christians to make w r ar against the Mahometan religion. 
 
 Louis XVIII. on the 6th of July, 1804, protested against 
 this usurpation, and the Pope's sanction of it. His protest 
 appeared in the Moniteur, and in the newspapers of every 
 country in Europe. Should not this have made his Holiness 
 pause, before he placed this sanguinary tyrant on the throne 
 of St. Louis ? On the contrary, he did every thing in his 
 power to prove that this disgraceful deed was the result of cool 
 deliberation ; and as if glorying in it, he did his utmost to 
 proclaim it to the world in the most ostentatious manner. On 
 the 26th of June, 1805, some time after his return to Rome, he 
 called together a Consistory of the Cardinals ,which is regarded 
 as the most august assembly the Pope can convene or address, 
 and in his Allocution to them he said, " that he, the Suc- 
 " cessor of St. Peter, and Vicar of Christ, went to France for 
 " the purpose of decorating his beloved Son in Christ, Napo- 
 u leon, with the ensigns of imperial dignity; that he assem- 
 " bled them to communicate to them the salutary consequences 
 * 6 which, by the blessing of God, had resulted to him from that 
 " Journey. What joy, what pleasure, we experienced in our 
 " first interview with the Emperor, whose fame has sounded 
 iC to the extremities of the world, and whom God has chosen 
 
 b 4 
 
16 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 €< to restore his true religion? — Again, <c The consecration 
 4( and crowning of the Emperor, and of our dear Daughter 
 " Josephine, his august Consort, were celebrated in the most 
 <f solemn manner T She was the kept mistress of Barras, the 
 Director, who prevailed on Napoleon to marry her in consider- 
 ation of being promoted in the army. 
 
 The Concordat of the present Pope with Bonaparte on 
 the subject of Religion has been always regarded by the Ca- 
 tholic body at large, as the great disgrace and scandal of their 
 Church. The protestations of the various Bishops of France, 
 and particularly the Letter of the Bishop of St. Pol de Leon 
 on the subject of it, will shew what views have been enter- 
 tained by his own Clergy, of the course pursued by the Pope 
 in that affair. Their objections to the Concordat were how- 
 ever only drawn from the injury it was likely to do to the 
 Catholic Church and cause, and had no reference whatever to 
 the great question of Toleration between Protestants and 
 Catholics. On this point the Pope is agreed with all his 
 Clergy, and it may be worth considering what the sentiments of 
 the Pope are, especially with reference to the free exercise of 
 religious worship on the part of the Protestants.— Much has 
 indeed been said of the great liberality of the Church of Rome 
 at this moment, and we hear not a little of her intolerant prin- 
 ciples having been altogether renounced, or at least greatly 
 relaxed.— The following fact will however prove that even 
 Bonaparte himself intended greater kindness to Protestants 
 than the present Pope. This Pontiff addressed a formal 
 Letter to all the Cardinals, dated the 5th of February, 1808, 
 containing his sentiments on a proposal of Bonaparte's for 
 granting the free and public exercise of religious worship to 
 those who dissent from the Romish Communion, in which he 
 uses these remarkable words— 
 
 <? It is proposed that all religious persuasions should be 
 " free, and their worship publicly exercised : but we have 
 rejected this Article as contrary to the Canons, and to 
 
 €( 
 
INTRODUCTION. 17 
 
 " the Councils ; to the Catholic Religion; to the peace of 
 fi human life ; and to the welfare of the State, on account of 
 11 the deplorable consequences which would ensue from it." 
 
 The other pastoral Letters of the present Pope which are 
 before the Public manifest that this Pontiff" declaims against 
 the toleration of Protestant worship as pregnant with the most 
 fatal consequences ; that he reproaches the French Govern- 
 ment for its " protection of Sectaries, Heretics, and Schis- 
 " matics" — that he considers such an indulgence to Protest- 
 ants as an alliance between " Christ and Belial, light and 
 " darkness, truth and error, sincere piety and impiety 11 — that 
 he casts in the teeth of Bonaparte the ancient maxim of 
 Popery, that there is no possibility of Salvation out of the 
 Church of Rome (" Delia quale, non vi, e speranza di salute") 
 — that he claims the right to interfere, as of old, " among all 
 * the nations of the Earth" in secular concerns ; and respecting 
 Literary works, Marriages, Bastardies, Divorces, Religious 
 Houses, Vows of Celibacy, Oaths of Allegiance, and the 
 Bishops and Clergy. He expressly condemns the intermar- 
 riage of parties, only one of whom is a Professor of what he 
 calls *' the Christian faith ;" since the Church of Rome (he 
 says) has always strongly reproved marriages with Heretics, 
 and held them in abhorrence, for which he further quotes the 
 authority of his predecessor Clement XL ; and again he says, 
 " the same laws which forbid the marriage of Christians with 
 -" Infidels have also prohibited the sacrilegious nuptials of 
 ^ Catholics with Heretics*." 
 
 It is a remarkable fact that the present Head of the Ro- 
 mish Church does not stand alone in his abhorrence of 
 Heretics, nor in protesting against the equal toleration of all 
 religions. The Clergy of his own Church entertain precisely 
 
 * See the Pope's several Letters at length in an important Col- 
 lection of Documents relative to the negotiations between the French 
 Government, and the present Pope, published in 1812, in 3 vols, by 
 Keating and Co. the Booksellers of the English Vicars Apostolic, 
 London, and by Fitzpatrick, Dublin, vol. i. p, 43. 
 
18 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the same sentiments as their Head, and consider, with him, 
 that the very existence of Protestants in a State having the 
 equal right with Roman Catholics of following their own mode 
 of worship, ought not to be suffered. 
 
 No sooner had the King of the Netherlands taken pos- 
 session of his dominions than the Roman Catholic Bishops of 
 Belgium made an effort to re-establish throughout Flanders 
 the ancient dominion of the Church over conscience. Their 
 Letter to their new Sovereign, dated July 28, 1815, is a docu- 
 ment of considerable importance : it speaks most unequivo- 
 cally on the subject, as the following extracts will shew. 
 
 " Sire, the existence and the privileges of the Catholic 
 ** Church in this part of your Kingdom are inconsistent 
 <e with an article of the new Constitution, by which equal 
 "Juror and protection are promised to all religions.'''' 
 
 " Since the conversion of the Belgians to Christianity, such 
 " a dangerous innovation has never been introduced into 
 " these Provinces, unless by force." 
 
 " Sire, we do not hesitate to declare to your Majesty, that 
 " the Canonical Laws which are sanctioned by the ancient 
 " Constitutions of the Country, are incompatible with the 
 " projected Constitution, which would give in Belgium equal 
 "favor and protection to all Religions, ." 
 
 " The Canonical Laws have always rejected Schism and 
 i( Heresy from the bosom of the Church.'''' 
 
 " The Council of Trent, ALL whose resolutions were 
 ■" published in these Provinces, and have there the force of 
 *' Ecclesiastical Law, after confirming all the old laws of the 
 ." Church, which fix the jurisdictions, the rights of the Bishops, 
 " of the Chapters, of the Universities, and in general of the 
 " regular and secular Clergy, commanded the Bishops to see 
 " to the execution of them ; and carefully to watch, not only 
 " over the maintenance of the sacred pledge of the faith, but 
 " also that of the laws which concern the essential discipline 
 ." of the Catholic Church, and secure the consistency and the 
 *'' inviolability of its Government.'''' 
 
INTRODUCTION. 19 
 
 It may be here observed that one of the Resolutions of 
 the Council of Trent, and the object of the Bull* of Pope 
 Paul III. which issued in consequence, was the extirpation of 
 Heresy. 
 
 The Bishops proceed : 
 
 " If your Majesty, when you secure to the Belgic Church 
 " her existence and privileges, has the intention, as we con- 
 " jecture, to maintain the entire execution of the Holy Canon 
 " Lazes, we are incapable of duly expressing our thanks to 
 " your Majesty for it. But we most respectfully take the 
 " liberty to lay before your Majesty an article of the new 
 " Constitution, which, in secur'mg the same protection to all 
 " Religions, would be incompatible with the free and entire 
 " exercise of our official duties." 
 
 " We are bound, Sire, incessantly to preserve the people 
 " intrusted to our care, from the doctrines which are in oppo- 
 (< sition to the doctrines of the Catholic Church. We could 
 " not release ourselves from this obligation without violating 
 K our most sacred duties: and if your Majesty, by virtue of a 
 "fundamental laic, protected in these provinces the public 
 " profession and spreading qf these doctrines, the progress of 
 <; which we are bound to oppose with all the care and energy 
 " which the Catholic Church expects from our office, we 
 & should be in formal opposition to the Lazes qf ilie State \ 
 " to the measures which your Majesty might adopt to main- 
 " tain them amongst us, and in spite of all our endeavours to 
 *' secure union and peace, the public tranquillity might still 
 & be disturbed." 
 
 This is indirectly threatening their Prince with rebellion ! 
 
 Again the Bishops add, 
 
 * The title of this Bull runs thus: " S.D.N.D. Pauli Divina Pro- 
 " videntia Papae III. Indulgentia pro pace publica, et extlrpatione Ha- 
 " resurn — Paulus episcopus servus servorum Dei, ad futuram rei memo- 
 " riam," &c. And Pope Clement XIV. admits in his Bull for the sup- 
 pression of the Order of Jesuits, that among other objects the Society 
 was founded for the conversion of Heretics. 
 
20 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 " Already the Proclamation of your Majesty, which 
 " announced that the new Constitution should insure the 
 * liberty of Religion, and give all equal favor and protection > 
 " filled every Jieart with consternation !!! 
 
 In the subsequent paragraphs of this very important 
 document, Toleration is confounded by the Bishops with the 
 modern Philosophy, one of the characteristics of which the 
 Bishops say is an indifferenee to all Religions. 
 
 The inference deducible from the above is, that in the 
 system of the Church of Rome, there is a radical and incu- 
 rable defect; that her fundamental principle is hostile to the 
 right which all intellectual beings possess, of investigating 
 those doctrines, upon the reception of which, not by an ex- 
 ternal and forced assent, but by an internal and unfeigned 
 belief, the present and future happiness of the human race 
 depends ; in short, to seek after those solid proofs and valid 
 authorities, which alone, by producing conviction, can effect 
 true conversion. — While the system of Papists will never 
 allow them to compromise, or accord with, such investigations 
 of religious truth, as form the glorious characteristic of the 
 country in which we live, it is manifest that tliey cannot but be, 
 intentionally at least, tyrants over conscience. 
 
 The present Pope's proceedings against the Gallican 
 Church, and his deprivation of her Bishops, of which acts the 
 most severe complaints were made, form only a part of his 
 inconsistent policy. In his less public correspondence further 
 evidence appears to invalidate his claims to be considered the 
 Father of Christian Europe. In Instructions addressed by 
 him to his Nuncio at Vienna in the year 1805, he maintains 
 the pretended right which the Romish Church has ever as- 
 sumed of deposing heretical Princes ; and he deplores the 
 misfortune of those times which, as he says, prevent the 
 Spouse of Jesus Christ (the Church) from putting those holy 
 maxims into practice, and constrain her to suspend the course 
 of her just severities against the Enemies of the Faith t, 
 
 * See Estai historique sur Aff futifancc da Papcs* 
 
INTRODUCTION. 21 
 
 The conduct of the same Pope in the affair of the Church 
 of Utrecht was inexplicable even on his own principles. This 
 Church, which was a member of the Body of which he was 
 the Head, applied to him in the most respectful terms soon 
 after his return to Rome, with a view to the interchange of 
 mutual offices of amity between themselves and the Papal See ; 
 but their application was only answered by the promulgation 
 of such anathemas against them as were far better suited to 
 another aera than the present *. 
 
 It remains to be observed, that if this Pope had never 
 revived the Order of Jesuits, his political imbecilities and 
 theological blunders would have been sufficiently displayed in 
 the circumstance of his having re-established the Inquisition 
 — an act worthy of the Pontiff who revived the Order of Je- 
 suits, and well calculated to go hand in hand with that ini- 
 quitous measure. 
 
 The erection, in our own times, of that monstrous engine 
 of intolerance, tyranny, and bloodshed, the Inquisition, 
 would alone have sufficed to stamp the character of its patron, 
 and to transmit his name with execration to the latest times : 
 when we consider, also, that it is more peculiarly as the ac- 
 knowledged head of an intolerant and persecuting Churchy 
 that the Pope has committed such an outrage upon the light 
 and wisdom of the nineteenth century, it will appear that 
 Popery is unchanged and unchangeable : and such a fact may 
 teach us (if we will learn) what we have to expect in England 
 from the tender mercies of that religion, if ever its adherents 
 shall be invested with power. 
 
 It will hardly be credited by posterity that the Inqui- 
 sition could have been revived in this boasted age of liberty 
 and science, without every nation in Europe, and especially 
 our own, having protested, as one man, against the renewal 
 of so much misery as must be consequent upon its re-esta- 
 blishment "f\ 
 
 * See Les Jesuites teh qtfils ont ete dam rOrdre politique religieux ei 
 morale, p. 45 1 . 
 
 t The Edict of the Spanish Inquisition dated Madrid, April 5th, 
 
22 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 If, however, we would see the consummation of Papal 
 absurdity and crime, we shall undoubtedly discover it in the 
 Revival of the Order of Jesuits. The proof of this 
 
 1815, will shew what Protestants have to expect from this antichris- 
 tian scourge of the world, now that it has again reared its blood-stain- 
 ed head: it is entitled the " Edict of the most Excellent Lord Inqui- 
 * sitor General Don Francisco Xavier Mier y Campillo" — after deplor- 
 ing the injury which the Catholic Faith had suffered in Spain, the 
 Edict observes, " it is not strange, that all the lovers of religion should 
 " turn their eyes to the Holy Tribunal of the Faith, and hope, from 
 ** its zeal for the purity of doctrine and manners, that it will remedy, 
 u by the discharge of its sacred ministry, so many evils, through the 
 ** ways and means granted to it by the Apostolic and Royal Authority 
 " with which it is invested. Nothing can be more urgent to the truth 
 " nor more conformable to our institution ; for in vain should we be 
 " centinels of the House of the Lord, if we were to remain asleep in the 
 u midst of the common danger to religion and our country. God will 
 " not permit us thus basely to abandon his cause, nor to correspond so 
 " ill to the exalted piety with which the King our Lord has re-establish- 
 " ed us in the weighty functions of our ministry ; in which we have 
 " sworn to be superior to all human respect, whether it be necessary 
 " to watch, persuade and correct, or whether to separate, cut or tear 
 " down the rotten members in order that they may not infect the sound 
 " ones." The Edict, after observing that " now as well as ever 
 " moderation and charity ought to shine forth as forming the cha* 
 " racter of the Holy office, and that before using the power of the sword 
 " granted to us against the contumacious and rebellious, we ought to 
 " attract them by presenting to them the olive-branch," concludes in 
 the following remarkable terms — " Wherefore, far from adopting for 
 " the present, measures of severity and rigour against the guilty, we 
 " have determined to grant them, as we hereby do grant, a term of 
 u grace, which shall be from the date of the publication of this our 
 " Edict, till the last day inclusive of this year, in order that all persons 
 " of both sexes who unfortunately may have fallen into the crime of 
 4< heresy, or feel themselves guilty of any error against which our Mo- 
 ** ther the Church believes and teaches, or of any hidden crime whose 
 " cognizance belongs to the Holy Office, may recur to the latter, and dis- 
 " charge their consciences and abjure their errors, under the security 
 " and assurance of the most inviolable secrecy; and on the same being 
 " done within the time prefixed, accompanied by a sincere, entire, and 
 " true manifestation of all they may know and remember against 
 
INTRODUCTION. 9.3 
 
 assertion must be referred to the following pages : at present it 
 shall suffice to observe that it appears as if Providence, by thus 
 withdrawing the Spirit of Counsel from this mighty Ruler of 
 the Romish Church, would admonish both that part of the 
 world which admits, and that part of it which resists his 
 Spiritual dominion, that a Pope of Rome in our own time is 
 as formidable and dangerous to the liberty and tranquillity of 
 the world as a Pope of Rome was formerly; and that in spite 
 of the pretensions to superior liberality and charity, which 
 Popery may make at this moment, the same system of dark- 
 ness and intolerance is in full operation, has lost no part of 
 its distinctive character, has grown no wiser from its misfor- 
 tunes, and has only lifted its head again, for the purpose of 
 
 " themselves as well as against others, they shall be charitably received, 
 " absolved, and incorporated into the bosom of our Holy Mother the 
 *' Church, without their having thereby to apprehend the infliction of 
 " the punishments ordained, nor the injury of their honour, character, 
 " and reputation, and still less the privation of the whole or any part of 
 " their property : since for those cases in which they ought to lose it, 
 " and the same ought to be applied to the Exchequer and Treasury of 
 •' H. M. in conformity to the laws of these Kingdoms, H. M. using his 
 " natural clemency, and preferring the spiritual felicity of his vassals, to 
 " the interests of his Royal Exchequer, exempts them for the present 
 " from this penalty, and grants them grace and pardon whereby they may 
 * retain and preserve the said property, on condition that they appear 
 " within the time prefixed, accompanied with the necessary disposition 
 " for a true reconciliation." Under this decree, therefore, it is evi- 
 dent that all those Heretics (or Protestants) who did not within the 
 last year abjure their Religion, and embrace Popery, are exposed to the 
 terrors of imprisonment, confiscation, and death; — that neither age 
 nor sex are exempt from the cruel arm of Papal power ; but that the 
 Church which from the beginning has been " drunk with the blood of 
 ** the Saints," has in the very instant of her exaltation and revival 
 through the instrumentality of Protestant exertions, rewarded the 
 Protestant Church and cause by the foulest ingratitude, and the 
 most atrocious persecution, " He that hath ears to hear let him 
 hear!"— 
 
~4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 desolating afresh the afflicted and exhausted nations of the 
 earth * 
 
 Is tliis the man who should be courted and coquetted with 
 by the highest authorities of a Protestant State ? Or does 
 England, either from ancient History, or recent experience, 
 imagine that she has any thing to gain by offering incense at 
 an altar whose unhallowed fires only excited the indignation 
 and alarm of her Forefathers? 
 
 The revival of the Order of Jesuits by the Pope gave 
 occasion, in the summer of the last year, to the publica- 
 tion of " A brief Account" of that Order, the plan of 
 which embraced three parts : viz. 1st, a summary of the 
 history of the Jesuits ; 2d, evidences drawn from the his- 
 tory of other nations, and our own, for the purpose of esta- 
 blishing it ; and 3d, reflections on the whole subject. The 
 object of this pamphlet was to establish the following positions; 
 namely, that, notwithstanding the pretensions of the Jesuits to 
 superior learning and talents, their Order was only a corrupt 
 modification of the Papal system, and that its members had 
 been at all times the most ardent and active members of the 
 Romish Church — having been by no means scrupulous in the 
 employment of all the means in their power (not excepting 
 persecution in every form), to swell the triumphs, and en- 
 large the possessions, of that church — that the constitution and 
 rules of the society obliged its members to a practice opposed 
 to the plainest dictates of religion and good conscience, and 
 hostile to the safety of sovereign princes, governments, and 
 states : that in the two centuries of their existence, the Je- 
 
 * Dr. Herbert Marsh, who has lately published a very valuable 
 work on Popery, observes respecting the power of the Pope, " Of thi9 
 " spiritual tyranny, we freed ourselves at the Reformation, and we 
 " must guard against its entrance a second time: we must not forget 
 " that a Universal Bishop is a thing as much to be dreaded as a 
 " Universal Monarch: we must not forget that as universal em- 
 " pire in temporal concerns is subversive of civil liberty, so universal 
 '* empire in ecclesiastical concerns is subversive of religious liberty." 
 
INTRODUCTION. 25 
 
 suits were the authors of almost all the calamities which deso- 
 lated the world at large, and Europe in particular, especially 
 the Protestant part of it : that to doctrines of the most per- 
 nicious tendency, both in morals and politics, they had added 
 practices in each, of a nature utterly indefensible : that the 
 agents employed by them in the prosecution of their objects, 
 had been almost exclusively members of the Catholic commu- 
 nion, who had been at all times their willing instruments ; and 
 that since the concessions of the present reign (especially the 
 grant of the elective franchise) had greatly increased the 
 number and influence of Catholics, both in England and Ire- 
 land, the connexion which had ever subsisted between the Je- 
 suits and themselves, assumed the more importance, as threat- 
 ening greater danger to a Protestant nation and government : 
 that the circumstance of the Jesuits having now established 
 themselves both in England and Ireland *, in spite of laws 
 which had never been abrogated, appeared part of the system 
 of accomplishing by fraud, what could not be effected by force : 
 that the present Pope, in reviving an Order which was abo- 
 lished by Pope Clement the Fourteenth, about forty years 
 since, on the petition of the whole of Europe, and in assign- 
 ing to it, at the same time, the aid of the inquisition (its 
 oldest and best ally), had himself acted upon the great prin- 
 ciple of Jesuitism, viz. that the end to be achieved would 
 sanction the means to be employed ; and that he had effectually 
 provided for the revival of all the evils inseparable from the 
 employment of such Agents : finally, that the united Par- 
 liament owed it to its own safety and to the interests of the 
 Nation at large, at once to dismiss the Jesuits who had actu- 
 ally arrived in England and Ireland, and to prevent the land- 
 ing of others of the same Profession. 
 
 The Pamphlet in question was almost literally a reprint of 
 
 * The extensive Collegiate Establishment of Stonyhurt near Pres- 
 ton in Lancashire belongs exclusively to the Jesuits; and a close 
 connexion subsists between that College, and the large Establishment 
 of Jesuits at Castle Browne in Ireland. 
 
 vol. I. C 
 
56 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Letters which liad appeared, in the first instance, in the Times 
 newspaper, and which had been answered by some Letters in- 
 serted in the Pilot newspaper : the latter were soon trans^ 
 ferred from the columns of that newspaper to the pages of the 
 Orthodox Journal, a Monthly Magazine, published in Lon- 
 don by a Catholic Editor, patronized by the Catholic Body, 
 and breathing a spirit of the most bitter and unrelenting hostility 
 towards the Ecclesiastical, Political, and Civil Government of 
 this Protestant nation — but serving at the same time to establish 
 in the strongest way, the liberal and tolerant character of a 
 Church, a Parliament, and a Government, which can all in 
 their turn be content to endure, without resentment or anger, 
 the periodical attacks of the very persons who are reposing 
 in security under the broad shade of their mild and benignant 
 sway ! 
 
 The Letters in question partake of the character and 
 genius of the work upon which they were thus engrafted. 
 The arguments contained in those Letters would not, of them- 
 selves, have rendered any answer necessary ; while the vin-c 
 dictive and opprobrious terms in which those arguments were 
 conveyed, would not, upon any recognised principles of cour- 
 tesy and good breeding, have entitled their Author to a reply. 
 
 These Letters were followed bv a work of Mr. Dallas. 
 entitled, u The new Conspiracy against the Jesuits de- 
 " tected and exposed," a title sufficiently extraordinary ; 
 because, unless Mr. Dallas meant to include in the Con- 
 spiracy, the Abolisher of the Order, Pope Clement XIV. and 
 his cotemporaries, all of whom flourished nearly half a century 
 ago (and in which case it is no new Conspiracy^, it is difficult 
 to conceive who these formidable Conspirators are, who have 
 thus occasioned so much uneasiness to their assailant. 
 
 The Letters in defence of the Jesuits, appeared to Mr. 
 Dallas as auxiliaries of too much importance to be omitted in 
 his work, and he therefore reprints them in the conclusion of 
 it; by which act, he adopts as his own, the invective and abuse 
 which they contain, and for which it is to be regretted that he 
 
INTRODUCTION. 27 
 
 should have thought it necessary to his purpose to have made 
 himself amenable. 
 
 It appeared, on consideration of Mr. Dallas's perform- 
 ance, that the course pursued by him throughout the whole' 
 conduct of it, would give to anv simple refutation of his work 
 the character of a mere controversy by which the ends of 
 truth were not likely to be effectually promoted, and which 
 could hardly be expected, if it stood alone, to interest the 
 public at large ; it therefore seemed that for the purpose of esta- 
 blishing, in the first place, the accuracy of the brief " Account 
 " of the Jesuits" already published, a more full and complete 
 history of that Order had become necessary, which might be 
 strengthened by ampler testimonies from various historical 
 sources than could have appeared in a mere summary of their 
 history, while, at the same time, it would be equally necessary 
 to reply to such parts of Mr. Dallas's statement, as might 
 require fuller observations than could be introduced in the 
 regular progress of the history. 
 
 The following History will be found to have adopted for its 
 basis and foundation the History of Coudrette, although 
 without systematically following that work in all its parts ; 
 there being much in the work of Coudrette, which would fail 
 to interest an English reader, and would have swelled a volume, 
 before peril aps too much extended, to a still larger com- 
 pass. It is not among the least honourable testimonies in 
 favor of the work of Coudrette (which first appeared in the 
 year 1761), that it had a principal share in leading to the sup- 
 pression of the Order against which he thus entered his pro- 
 test in the face of the world : a protest which has to this hour 
 resisted all the attacks of its enemies; and which, in order to 
 be answered effectually, must be divested of the voluminous 
 references to well-known facts, and well-authenticated histories, 
 with which it is at once illustrated and supported. 
 
 The exposure of the Jesuits, although the chef-d'oeuvre of 
 this Author, was not the only work in which he had been 
 engaged against the advocates of Papal intolerance and super- 
 
 c 2 
 
!28 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 stition, having, in an earlier period of his life, written against 
 the celebrated Bull U?ugenitus, for which he was imprisoned 
 first ih the Castle of Vincennes, and afterwards in the Bastille. — 
 The literary research which was necessary in preparing his 
 History had nearly deprived him of his eyesight. 
 
 As far as his personal character is concerned, he was uni- 
 versallv regarded as a laborious, active, useful, and disinterested 
 Ecclesiastic, and one to whom his own Country in particular, 
 and the world at large, were under considerable obligations *. 
 It is no small testimony in favor of Coudrette's History of 
 the Jesuits, that Professor Robertson has principally found- 
 ed his account of the Order upon it ; since it is well known 
 that he was not accustomed to consult works of equivocal 
 authority, or to be influenced by writers upon whose correct- 
 ness and veracity he could not depend. — If ever there was a 
 genius who painted for posterity, it was Robertson ; and no 
 man was more careful in a general way, in the selection of his 
 colours. 
 
 Before Mr. Dallas, therefore, had permitted himself to 
 speak in disrespectful terms of Coudrette, it would have 
 been well if he had considered how such an opinion was to be 
 supported. To say nothing of the ability of the author in 
 question ; the peculiar merit of his work is, that he has sus- 
 tained every assertion which he has advanced, with its own 
 proper authority ; quoting with the utmost accuracy the 
 several documents to which he refers, and leaving nothing to 
 rest upon his simple and unsupported testimony. — In order, 
 therefore, to invalidate the credit of this writer, Mr. Dallas 
 must at the same time o;et rid of the concurrent authorities 
 of two centuries : he must not only succeed in discrediting a 
 writer upon whose character for honour and veracity no one 
 baa as vet been able to fasten an imputation ; but he must also 
 succeed in inducing the world to consign to the same contempt 
 
 * See Dictioiiniire Ilistorique, and Chalmers's Biographical Dic- 
 tionary, Art, Coudi cite. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 29 
 
 a number of faithful Historians both Catholic and Protestant, 
 a variety of Public Acts, Official Documents, Parliamentary 
 Decrees, Royal Proclamations, Papal Buils, Sentences of 
 Universities, and Mandates of Bishops : nay, further, he must 
 succeed in annihilating the writings of the Jesuits themselves ; 
 especially those on the subject of their criminal casuistry, 
 which, unfortunately for his argument, are put too plainly 
 and indelibly on record for him either to deny their existence, 
 or to explain away their guilt : he must do more; he must shew 
 that the different nations, societies, and individuals who have, 
 with one consent, stated their grievances and miseries so feel- 
 ingly and loudly at various periods, from the commencement 
 of Jesuitism till its suppression, were either utterly mistaken 
 upon the nature of their own case, or else engaged in a con- 
 federacy which is without a parallel in history, for the purpose 
 of injuring and destroying the most innocent and irreproach- 
 able of men, who had no other crime than seeking the instruc- 
 tion and happiness of their persecutors. 
 
 Mr. Dallas appears to feel something of the difficulty, 
 if not impossibility, of consigning to the same oblivion which 
 he has destined for Coudrette, the " cloud of witnesses* 1 
 which that writer has produced; witnesses the most unex- 
 ceptionable; witnesses of different nations ; of different religions, 
 of different languages ; not acting in concert with each other; 
 living in the very times in Avhich they write, spectators of the 
 various events which they record; and having, for the greater 
 part, no conceivable interest in the invention and propagation 
 of falsehoods which they must know would be refuted as soon 
 as published : the opponents of the Society can in fact afford 
 to spare all that Coudrette himself has ever written, so 
 long as his authorities abundantly establish whatever he has 
 advanced. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, under a conviction that it would not be 
 enough to lay the ghost of Coudrette, unless he could at the 
 same time silence the other spectres which troubled his repose, 
 proceeds with all possible sang-froid to dispose of all the histo* 
 
 c 3 
 
30 INTRODUCTION 
 
 rians who have presumed to speak evil of the Jesuits ; and it 
 is fit that the public should observe, with what a bold and 
 sweeping hand, the grave and reverend authorities of ages are 
 displaced in every instance, where they have borne any testi- 
 mony against the Jesuits, 
 
 A principal object of the following Reply will be to place in 
 its true light this attempt of Mr. Dallas to falsify the re- 
 cognised facts of history. There is something peculiarly dis* 
 ingenuous and inadmissible in this mode of conducting an 
 argument ; but which, fortunately for the interests of truth, 
 carries its own refutation on its front. 
 
 In thus extinguishing the lights, and sinking the buoys 
 of history, Mr. Dallas is bound to inform us what he would 
 propose to substitute in their stead. Is the world now for the 
 first time to be left at sea without any better means of shaping 
 its course, than his system would provide ? In what other 
 way are we to arrive at a knowledge of the truth, than by an 
 appeal to the evidence of experience, and the records of anti- 
 quity ? We have, as it ay ere, forced upon our consideration 
 at this time, the phenomenon of a great Catholic Order, once 
 flourishing, opulent, and powerful; afterwards abolished by 
 the accredited Head of the Catholic Faith ; and now restored 
 by the same authority: we have absolutely no other means 
 of gaining accurate notions respecting the character of this 
 Order than by a reference to history; we have no other 
 means of ascertaining, whether the Pope, in reviving this Order, 
 has conferred a blessing, or inflicted a curse upon his own 
 Church, upon the Protestant Church, and upon the world at 
 large : we have no other way of coming to a right estimate of 
 the nature of our own obligations, or the extent of his errors.— 
 In this Protestant Country, it will not be taken for granted 
 that a measure is either wise, or good, merely because it ori- 
 ginates with the Head of the Catholic Church ; because all 
 pur experience, both as Christians and as Englishmen, fur- 
 nishes us with prima facie evidence that, on this very account, 
 it will be neither. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 81 
 
 If, therefore, we would know whether we should rejoice in 
 the arrival on our own shores, and in the establishment in our 
 own Empire, of these strangers; or whether we should not 
 rather, dread and deprecate their introduction, as characters 
 against whom the wholesome statutes and proclamations of 
 our ancestors are yet running; we must refer to history alone 
 for a solution of our doubts. Mr. Dallas, however, vir- 
 tually denies that the appeal lies to history, in choosing to reject 
 its testimony, and to falsify its assertions : the fact is, that 
 its general voice proclaims too loudly another language than he 
 would have it express; and therefore he would stifle and 
 silence it. Thus, what were facts in other times, are facts no 
 longer — the parties relating them were prejudiced, or inte- 
 rested; they were '•' Jansenists," or " Parliamentarians," or 
 " Enemies of the Jesuits :" those who believed them were credu- 
 lous, easily imposed upon, and afford no example for our imi- 
 tation. — If indeed Mr. Dallas can succeed in this object, his 
 end is accomplished.- — If he can persuade the British Public to 
 unlearn all that they have ever been taught; to forget all that 
 they have ever read ; and to discredit all that they have ever 
 believed; the question between the Jesuits and their oppo- 
 nents is at an end : we may then burn our books, as so much 
 waste paper ; and resolve to be wise in defiance and contempt 
 of those means of information by which our humbler ancestors 
 were content to be guided*. 
 
 It is, however, worthy of observation, that by a striking 
 inconsistency, not unusual, either with the Jesuits or their de- 
 fenders, Mr. Dallas will, on all those occasions where he con- 
 ceives that History may help him, condescend to be indebted 
 
 * There were in the Library of the British Museum between two 
 and three hundred printed work3 on the subject of the Jesuits (to say 
 nothing of MSS.) when the present Catalogue was published ; to which 
 Collection, considerable additions have been lately furnished, by a large 
 purchase of Books recently made at Munich under the directions of the 
 present enlightened and indefatigable Trustees and Directors of that 
 valuable Institution. 
 
 c 4 
 
32 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to her. — If, therefore, he should succeed in discrediting and 
 overturning all the testimony which has been adduced against 
 the Jesuits ; upon what better foundation will his own autho- 
 rities in their favor rest ? He has not failed to adduce what- 
 ever his industry could collect, in their behalf, from the 
 records of past ages, which he appears to expect that his 
 readers should receive with the most implicit confidence; 
 although some of these testimonies are actually eulogiums of 
 the Jesuits upon themselves (such, for instance, as Charlevoix, 
 UAorigny *, and Gamier )> and almost all are the testimonies 
 of Catholics. Does he expect that a British public will 
 permit him thus to blow hot and cold with History ? Does he 
 think that they will believe History in the few and equivocal 
 instances in which it answers his purpose that they should ; but 
 that they will disbelieve it, in the infinite variety of cases where 
 it opposes his opinion ? 
 
 It is time, however, to revert to the Defence of the 
 Jesuits, by Mr. Dallas; which it is therefore now proposed 
 to examine in order. 
 
 * He was the Apologist of the cruelties in the Palatinate, 
 
REPLY 
 
 TO 
 
 MR. DALLAS'S DEFENCE OF THE ORDER 
 
 OF JESUITS. 
 
 Mr. Dallas commences his Defence of the Jesuits by 
 complaining that the Catholics are " attacked through the 
 " sides of the Jesuits." (P. 6.) It is indeed almost impossible 
 to separate them, since they hold many tenets in common, 
 which are dangerous to Protestantism, and the world. In 
 their moral casuistry, for instance, as Claude has most 
 ably shewn, in his work on the Reformation, it is impossible 
 to condemn the Jesuits, and at the same time to acquit the 
 Catholics *. 
 
 * " One cannot condemn the Jesuits without condemn- 
 " ing at the same time the whole ancient school of the 
 " Roman Church. For example, the one sort accuses the Jesuits of 
 " teaching, that it is lawful for one man to rejoice within himself at 
 <( the death of another, and to desire it, not only when it is an evil to 
 " him who suffers it, but also when it is advantageous to him who 
 u desires it. But Guimenaus shews us that that is exactly the doctrine 
 " of Thomas Aquinas, of Cajetan, and divers others, who all maintain 
 " the same. The one accuses the Jesuits for teaching, that it is but a 
 " venial sin to be disobedient to divine inspirations: but Guimensus 
 «* shews us that it is also the doctrine of Aquinas and Cajetan. They 
 " accuse the Jesuits of teaching, that it is lawful to advise, and at the 
 ** same time to draw in a man to commit a lesser sin, to avoid a greater 
 «* evil ; as to persuade a lascivious man to mere fornication, that he 
 M may avoid committing adultery. But Guimenseus proves this to be 
 ** the doctrine of Cajetan^ Scotus, and SjhesUr Prierias. They accus* 
 
•54 ALLIANCE OF CATHOLICS AND JESUITS. 
 
 Again ; the Catholics and Jesuits are united in sentiment 
 on the expediency of permitting the commands and re- 
 quisitions OF THE DIVINE LAW TO BE EVADED UPON THE 
 warrant OF mere iiuman authority ; and they thus equally 
 justify a course of life which is entirely at variance with that 
 internal piety which constitutes the very essence of vital Chris- 
 tianity. Their pliant morality accommodates itself to human 
 lusts and passions, with the same facility as that of the Jesuits. 
 What else are the Absolutions, and the Indulgences, the Pe- 
 nances, and Fasts of that Church, and especially its doctrine 
 of Purgatory, but Papal and Sacerdotal Licenses for Sin? 
 If a mere man, or any set of men, may, under color of a 
 commission from Heaven, absolve from punishment for vices 
 that are past, or sanction the perpetration of vices to be com- 
 mitted — if mortification of the body may atone for the sin of 
 the soul ; and abstinence from particular food may take rank 
 
 " the Jesuits of maintaining, that a man may not only not remove an 
 " occasion or ground of sin from another, who they know will abuse 
 " it to that end, but that they may, at the same time, present it to him, 
 " and by that means lay a snare for him, to make him fall into sin, 
 " provided they do it with a good intention, either to correct his 
 " viciousness, or to make him shun some other inconvenience; so that 
 ** a husband, who is jealous of his wife's committing adultery, may 
 " present her with an opportunity or occasion to commit it; and a fa- 
 ■ ther may lay an occasion in his children's way to steal from him. But 
 " Guimenseus lets us see that this is the very opinion of Aquinas, Sebtus, 
 tl Navarre, and of Cajetan : I omit an abundance of other beastly cases, 
 " which no one can propose without wounding his modesty. They 
 «' will say to this, it may be, that the Sorbonne has censured that book 
 " of Guimenxus : but this answer signifies nothing, for we are not con- 
 4t cerned to know what the Sorbonne holds in these days, nor what it 
 f* approves or condemns ; but to know whether those authors that 
 u Guimenaus has alleged are well or ill quoted ; whether it were not 
 ¥* true that those scandalous and pernicious maxims were taught in the 
 u school in the days of our fathers, and whether our fathers ought 
 " not to have looked on them as evident and certain proofs of a great 
 "corruption." Claude'* Defence of the Reformat ten, vol. i. parti, 
 ch. 3. 
 
ALLIANCE OF CATHOLICS AND JESUITS. 35 
 
 among the essential duties of religion — if men are to be taught 
 that, however thev may live, they may yet be redeemed, after 
 death, by the pravers of others, from a state of being, respect- 
 ing the existence of which, the Holy Scriptures afford no evi- 
 dence ; what can be expected to result from such radical errors, 
 but a system of relaxed morality, or rather of actual immora- 
 lity, which is the same in kind, if not in degree, with the low 
 and debased ethics of the Jesuits * ? 
 
 * " That Religion is chiefly designed for perfecting the nature of 
 "man, for improving his faculties, governing his actions, and securing 
 11 the peace of every man's conscience, and of the societies of mankind 
 " in common, is a truth so plain, that, without further arguing about 
 *' it, all will agree to it. Every part of Religion is then to be judged 
 " by its relation to the main ends of it; and since the Christian doc- 
 " trine was revealed from Heaven, as the most perfect and proper way 
 '* that ever was, for the advancing the good of mankind, nothing can 
 « be a part of this Holy Faith but what is proportioned to the end for 
 i( which it was designed ; and all the additions that have been made to 
 " it since it was first delivered to the world, are justly to be suspected; 
 " especially where it is manifest at first view, that they were intended 
 (l to serve carnal and secular ends. What can be reasonably supposed 
 " in the Papacy (where the Popes are .chosen by such intrigues, either 
 " of the two Crowns, the nephews of the former Pope, or the craft of 
 " some aspiring men), to entitle them to Infallibility, or universal Ju- 
 " risdiction ? What can we think of redeeming souls out of Purgatory, 
 " or preserving them from it, by tricks, or some mean pageantry, but 
 " that it is a foul piece of merchandise ? What is to be said of implicit 
 " obedience, the priestly dominion over consciences, the keeping the 
 '* Scriptures out of the people's hands, and the worship of God in a 
 " strange tongue, but that these are so many arts to hoodwink the 
 u world, and to deliver it up into the hands of the ambitious Clergy ? 
 «< What can we think of Superstition and Idolatry of Images, and all 
 «< the other pomp of the Roman worship, but that by these things the 
 " people were to be kept up in a gross notion of Religion, as a splen - 
 <* did business, and that the Priests have a trick of saving them, if they 
 " will but take care to humour them, and leave that matter wholly 
 ** in their hands? And, to sum up all, what can we think of that con- 
 " stellation of prodigies in the Sacrament of the altar, but that it is an 
 " art to bring the world by wholesale to renounce their reason and 
 iS sense, and to have a most wonderful veneration for a sort of men, 
 
i>6 ALLIANCE OF CATHOLICS AND JESUITS. 
 
 There is, however, no part of the system of the Catholics in 
 which they are more united with the Jesuits than in the import- 
 ance which they both attach to auricular confession ; a duty 
 of the Romish Church, which as it has tended, above every other, 
 to extend and keep alive the influence of the Catholic Priesthood 
 on the people, so has it been, in the hands of the Jesuits, the 
 most powerful instrument they have ever possessed to forward 
 their ambitious policy, by enabling them at once to influence 
 the councils of Princes, and to direct the minds of more subor- 
 dinate agents. " The abolition of Auricular Confession by 
 u the Reformation" (says Villers on tlie Reformation)^ 
 " was a stroke which cut at once the infinite ramifications with 
 " which the hierarchical despotism had every where entwined 
 " its roots, and deprived the Clergy of their enormous influence 
 '.* on princes and the great, on the women, and in the bosom 
 u of every family :" and in a note on that passage of Villers, 
 the Translator observes, " Of all the contrivances to enthral 
 M mankind, and to usurp the entire command of them, that 
 " of Auricular Confession appears the most impudent, and the 
 " most effectual. That one set of men could persuade all 
 " other men that it was their duty to come and reveal to them 
 " every thing which they had done, and every thing which 
 " they meant to do, would not be credible if it were not 
 " proved by the fact. This circumstance rendered the Clergy 
 " masters of the secrets of every family : it rendered them too 
 " the universal advisers : when any person's intentions were 
 " laid before a Clergyman, it was his business to explain what 
 " was lawful and what was not, and under this pretext to 
 " give what counsel he pleased : in this manner, the Clergy 
 " became masters of the whole system of human life ; the two 
 " objects they chiefly pursued were, to increase the riches of 
 the Order, and to gratify their senses and pride : by using 
 all their arts to cajole the great and wealthy, and attacking 
 
 u 
 
 ii 
 
 " who can with a word perform the most astonishing thing that ever 
 "was?" — Burnet'/ Preface to hit Abridgment of the Hisfry of the 
 Reformation. 
 
a 
 
 ALLIANCE OF CATHOLICS AND JESUITS. S? 
 
 u them in moments of weakness, sickness, and at the hour of 
 " death, they obtained great and numerous bequests to the 
 " Church : bv abusing the opportunities they enjoyed with 
 " women, thev indulged tlieir lusts; and by the direction 
 they obtained in the management of every family, and every 
 " event, they exercised their love of power, when they could 
 " not draw an accession of wealth. 1 ' — Mills\s Translation of 
 Villers on the Reformation, p. 159. 
 
 Again ; on the several questions of the Papal Infalli- 
 bility * and Supremacy ; the lawfulness of Regicide ; 
 and the duty of persecuting Protestants ; we have 
 constantly seen the Catholics lend themselves to the Jesuits, 
 both in the doctrines which they taught on these heads, and in 
 the practices which they pursued. They have, in fact, been, 
 in every age, the willing instruments of the Jesuits ; nor can 
 this be any subject of surprise, when it is considered, that, in 
 the estimation of a sincere Catholic, the interests of Ms own 
 Church are of paramount obligation; and therefore that he 
 has no occasion to be more nice about the means of extendino- 
 its influence, than the particular Order in question. Hence it 
 was, that although the Jesuits organized the attempt of Bar- 
 riere upon the life of Henry IV. (as is shewn in the follow- 
 ing History), it was a rector of the Catholic Church, 
 in Paris, who was not a Jesuit, that first encouraged the 
 design of Barriere, concealed the treason from the Govern- 
 ment, and sent the traitor to the tuition of the Jesuits, who 
 trained him to their purpose. Hence also, when the Jesuits 
 Garnett, Gerard, Tesmond, Baudouin, and Hall (as will be 
 seen in the following History), had contrived the horrid tra- 
 gedy of the 5th of November, they found instruments fitted 
 to their hands, in Catesby, Winter, Sir Evcrard Digby, 
 Rookxvood, and Fazukes ; no one of whom, however, was 
 
 * " The Jesuits of Clermont declared, before all Paris, that the 
 M Pepe was as infallible as Jesus Christ himself, and employed all their 
 a knowledge and talents to inculcate that doctrine, and make it an. 
 " article of faith." Villers on the Reformation, p. 384. 
 
38 ALLIANCE OF CATHOLICS AXD JESUITS. 
 
 a Jesuit, but merely of the same Church. The influence 
 of Catesby, who was a Catholic Priest, upon the minds 
 of the Conspirators was very remarkable ; both Sir Everarct 
 Digby and Ambrose Rookwood having publicly declared, after 
 their conviction, that it was from their strong attachment to 
 him that they had at first been led to entertain the project. 
 MooJi'zcood, in particular, affirmed, that a he was persuaded 
 " and drawn in by Catesby, whom he loved above any man, 
 " and that he had concealed it, not for ajty malice to the 
 " person of the King or to the State, but only drawn with 
 " the tender respect and faithful affection he bare to Mr. 
 " Catesby, whom he esteemed dearer than any one else in the 
 " world. 1 ' [State Trials, vol. ii. p. 186.] Such, in these in- 
 stances (among innumerable others), was the conduct of the- 
 Catholic Priesthood in reference to the Jesuits ; and such was 
 the influence of that Priesthood on the Laity. The system of 
 each remaining the same ; the inference is, that Catholic- 
 Priests must continue to be the agents of the Jesuits, and that 
 the Catholic Laity will continue their devoted submission to the 
 Priesthood. 
 
 Mr. Dallas has therefore no right to complain that the. 
 Catholics have . been identified with the Jesuits, especially 
 when he considers that they will not permit themselves to be 
 separated', that Catholics espouse the cause of Jesuits when- 
 ever they are attacked ; and appear to feel and act as if they 
 considered themselves mutually interested in each other's exist- 
 ence and welfare. Thus, no sooner had the Letters against 
 the Jesuits appeared in the Times newspaper, than a Catholic 
 Priest (as has been seen) entered into a formal vindication of 
 the Order, in another newspaper; which Defence was imme- 
 diately republished by the Catholic Editors of a Catholic 
 Journal, who have in all their subsequent Numbers industri- 
 ously supplied every argument on behalf of the Jesuits, which 
 had been omitted in the Letters ; and given higher colouring 
 and greater force to all which had been advanced in their favor , 
 
 It might indeed have been reasonably expected, and it 
 
 3 
 
SUMMARY DEFENDED. 59 
 
 certainly was expected by some sincere friends of the Catholic 
 cause and the Catholic claims, that the members of that 
 Church (at least its English members) would have come for- 
 ward and disowned the Jesuits, en corps, as too bad to be 
 defended. Those Protestants, however, who expected this, 
 knew but little of the spirit and genius of Catholicism : so far 
 from their expectation having been realized, the Catholic body 
 has been remarkably active in its efforts to exculpate the 
 Jesuits. It is easy to understand upon what principle this has 
 happened; the observation of the Lawyers to our Lord, supplies 
 the reason ; " Master, thus saying, thou reproachest us also." 
 Whatever may be the reason, however, the fact of the Ca- 
 tholics having chosen to make common cause with the Jesuits 
 is beyond dispute : they have volunteered their best services 
 in behalf of the Jesuits, and so entirely identified their interests 
 with those of the Jesuits, that Mr. Dallas has not the 
 power to separate them, even if the Catholics would thank 
 him for the attempt. If it be true, therefore (as Mr. Dal- 
 las deplores), that the Catholics have been " attacked through 
 *' the sides of the Jesuits," it must be answered, that the 
 Catholics have chosen to place themselves in the ranks of the 
 Jesuits, and consequently have no right to complain if, in 
 contending on the same side with them, they are taken for 
 the same troops, and adjudged to be fighting for the same 
 cause : " If," as Junius says, " their bed be a bed of tortures. 
 * £ they have made it for themselves!" 
 
 Mr. Dallas proceeds to state that the Summary of the 
 History of the Jesuits, published in the Brief Account, is an 
 unfair and dishonest statement, inasmuch as that portion of 
 it which is in favor of the Jesuits is suppressed ; and upon 
 this remark he founds several reflections, which impute to the 
 Author of the Brief Account a design of aggravating, by 
 such omission, the description which has been given of this 
 Order by Professor Robertson, in his History of Charles 
 the Fifth. 
 
 The short reply to this charge is, that the Summary in 
 
40 SUMMARY DEFENDED. 
 
 question was not taken from Robertson's History, but from 
 the EncycloredIx\ Britannica ; and if Mr. Dallas will 
 turn to the article " Jesuits," in that work, he will find that 
 the passage, with the suppression of which he has charged the 
 author of the Brief Account, forms no part of the article 
 from which his Summary was actually taken. So much for 
 the imputation of improper motives ! — an imputation which, 
 in every case where it cannot be supported, only recoils upon 
 a writer who resorts to such an argument. If it should be 
 said that the Compiler of the Encyclopaedia Britannica had a 
 sinister motive in omitting this exculpatory passage, it may be 
 observed that the testimony which it affords in favor of the 
 Jesuits appears hardly strong enough to warrant the supposi- 
 tion that any person could have intentionally suppressed it ; 
 for, to what does it amount ? Certainly not to a vindication 
 of the Order, or even to an apology for it as an Order, but 
 simply to an averment that among so large a body of men 
 some individuals were always to be found who were too honest 
 to lend themselves to all the abominations of their fellows ; 
 and who can doubt this fact ? or who, that is in any degree 
 acquainted with human nature or the world about him, does 
 not know that corruption can never be so general and entire 
 in any society of men (however depraved), as that some will 
 not at all times be found who are an ornament to their own 
 particular body, and afford exceptions to the general rule, 
 which rule, however, they prove by becoming exceptions to 
 it ? — Such was undoubtedly the case even among the Jesuits 
 themselves ; and, therefore, in asserting that it was so, Pro- 
 fessor Robertson advances a truism, which the Editor of 
 the Encyclopaedia Britannica appeal's to have considered it 
 unnecessary to repeat : it was with the Jesuits as an Order 
 that the Editor of the Encyclopaedia had to do : it is with 
 the Jesuits as an Order that the British Public has to do ; 
 and the circumstance of many of their members having been 
 honest men, no more proves that the Order itself was pure, 
 than the fact of there being many excellent Catholics will 
 
SUMMARY DEFENDED. 41 
 
 prove that the Catholic Church has not fallen into many awful 
 corruptions of doctrine and practice. 
 
 It would have been well if Mr. Dallas, while attempting 
 to convict others of intentionally suppressing a passage which 
 he conceives calculated to assist the Jesuits, had not himself 
 suppressed a passage in Professor Robertson, which it is im- 
 possible that he could have overlooked, as it is the continuation 
 of an Extract which he has given : this Extract, so far as Mr. 
 Dallas has chosen to give it, is in favor of the conduct of the 
 Jesuits in Paraguay ; but when Robertson arrives at a counter- 
 statement, the pen of Mr. Dallas suddenly stops short, as if 
 refusin"" the unwelcome office of criminating; his friends*. The 
 passage from Robertson in favor of the Jesuits in Paraguay 
 will be found in p. 9 of Mr. Dallas. The following passage 
 immediately jbllozvs it in Robertson, and in fact forms an 
 essential part of it ; although Mr. Dallas shrinks from the 
 offensive truth which it conveys ; involving, as it does, a 
 charge upon the Jesuits of having been influenced by motives 
 of ambition and worldly policy, and of having supported their 
 empire bv means altogether opposed to the character of preach- 
 ers of the Gospel of peace. 
 
 " But even in this meritorious effort of the Jesuits for the 
 " good of mankind, the genius and spirit of their Order have 
 " mingled, and are discernible. They plainly aimed at esta- 
 " Wishing in Paraguay an independent empire, subject to the 
 " Society alone, and which by the superior excellence of its 
 " constitution and police, could scarcely have failed to extend 
 " its dominion over all the southern continent of America. 
 " With this view, in order to prevent the Spaniards or Por- 
 " tuguese in the adjacent settlements, from acquiring any dan- 
 " gerous influence over the people within the limits of the 
 
 * « 
 
 ■We of th' offending side 
 
 " Must keep aloof from strict arbitriment ; 
 
 " And stop all sight-holes, every loop from whence 
 
 " The eye of reason may pry in upon us." 
 
 Shakespeare. 
 
 VOL. I. D 
 
4$ SUMMARY DEFENDED. 
 
 " province subject to the Society, the Jesuits endeavoured to 
 " inspire the Indians with hatred and contempt of these na- 
 " tio?is ; they cut off all intercourse between their subjects 
 " and the Spanish or Portuguese Settlements; they prohibited 
 " any private trader of either nation from entering their terri- 
 " tories. When they were obliged to admit any person in a 
 " public character from the neighbouring governments, they 
 " did not permit him to have any conversation with their sub- 
 " jects, and no Indian was allowed even to enter the house 
 <c where these strangers resided, unless ui the presence of a 
 " Jesuit. In order to render any communication between 
 c< them as difficult as possible, they industriously avoided giv- 
 ing the Indians any knowledge of the Spanish, or of any other 
 European language ; but encouraged the different tribes, 
 vhich they had civilized, to acquire a certain dialect of the 
 Indian tongue, and laboured to make that the universal 
 " language throughout their dominions. As all these precau- 
 tions, without military force, would have been insufficient to 
 have rendered their empire secure and permanent, they 
 instructed their subjects in the European arts of war. 
 They formed them into bodies of cavalry and infantry, 
 completely armed and regularly disciplined. They provided 
 " a great train of artillery, as well as magazines stored with 
 " all the implements of war *. Thus they established an 
 army so numerous and well appointed, as to be formidable 
 in a country, where a few sickly and ill-disciplined battalions 
 composed all the military force kept on foot by the Spa- 
 li niards or Portuguese." — Robertson's Charles V. Book vi. 
 p. 205, edit. 1802. 
 
 It is worthy of remark, that Robertson states himself to 
 have been indebted for the above information to Charlevoix^ 
 
 a 
 
 « v 
 
 a 
 
 €t 
 
 it 
 
 
 * cc 
 
 -Who hath not heard it spoken 
 
 " How deep you were within the books of God ? 
 *' But you misuse the rev'rence of your place ; 
 " Employ the countenance and grace of Heaven 
 " In deeds dishonourable." — Shakespeare. 
 
TOLERATION OF CATHOLICS. 43 
 
 Juan, and Ulloa, who are all reported by Mr. Dallas 
 (p. 25) as " authorities in favor of the Jesuits." 
 
 This passage is quoted above merely for the purpose of 
 shewing with what facility Me. Dallas can suppress facts 
 which are opposed to his own views ; while, at the same mo- 
 ment, he is charging upon others a similar practice. 
 
 Mr. Dallas intimates (in p. 12), " that the labour of the 
 " author " of the Brief Account of the Jesuits is " a new at- 
 " tempt against tolerating the Catholic Religion ,•" and he 
 then more plainly argues for the toleration of that Religion, 
 as if any one had ever disputed the propriety and policy of 
 tolerating it, abstractedly considered. He raises, in this in- 
 stance, a phantom, which he then fights with, and subdues. 
 It has been no where asserted that the Catholic Religion, per 
 se, should not be tolerated : but it has been asserted by many 
 of the best and wisest men, both in and out of Parliament, 
 that, if ever that period shall arrive when the members of a 
 Church, which is dependent upon foreign controul, and into- 
 lerant towards Protestants, shall acquire the right of exercis- 
 ing- legislative or executive functions in this Protestant Realm, 
 the worst consequences alone can be expected to ensue ; a 
 proposition which, if it be true at all, assumes tenfold import- 
 ance from the circumstance of the revival of the Order of 
 Jesuits, a measure of Papal policy, which shews the necessity 
 of increased caution and vigilance, with reference to the Ca- 
 tholic claims, on the part of all who can estimate their own 
 privileges. 
 
 Does Mr. Dallas discern no difference between holding 
 fast our own liberties and rights, and invading those of others? 
 Are we therefore intolerant towards Catholics, or recommend- 
 ing intolerance, because we do not choose to give them the 
 right of exercising intolerance towards ourselves ? The fallacy 
 of this mode of arguing for the Catholic claims deserves to be 
 exposed, because it is much too common : it is calculated to 
 involve a plain question in obscurity, by an assumption of 
 false principles and a perversion of terms. It is not indeed 
 
 d 2 
 
44 PASCAL DEFENDED. 
 
 peculiar to Mr. Dallas to impute to the opponents of the Ca- 
 tholic claims a refusal to tolerate the Catholics ; but the simple 
 fact is, that Protestants, with power in their hands, have not 
 ceased to tolerate Catholics, while it is not to be doubted 
 that, with the same power, Catholics would refuse to tolerate 
 them : the sophism adopted in this reasoning is the same in 
 principle, as that which is conveyed in the terms '* Catholic 
 " Emancipation," a phrase which supposes Catholics to be in a 
 state of slavery. Each mode of stating the question is grounded 
 on a petitio principii^ by which it is found convenient to as- 
 sume that to be a fact, which it is well known an opponent 
 will not grant. Since Protestants (argues Mr. Dallas) do 
 not tolerate Catholics, ergo they should alter their conduct : 
 since Catholics (say their other advocates) are in a state of 
 slavery, ergo they ought to be emancipated : neither one nor 
 the other of these syllogisms can be admitted, since the Ca- 
 tholics are free to enjoy their own rights, both civil and reli- 
 gious, and only are not free to exercise such as (if all History 
 be true) would be incompatible with Protestants enjoying 
 theirs; but perhaps Mr. Dallas and his friends would no 
 more admit the validity of an appeal to History in this % latter, 
 than on the question of the Jesuits *; 
 
 Mr. Dallas next attacks (p. 13) the Provincial Let- 
 ters, which he characterizes as " the satirical eifusions of a 
 writer who had espoused the cause of the Jansenists-f. , ' > To 
 
 *t 
 
 * " And therefore will he wipe his tables clean \ 
 u And keep no tell-tale to his memory, 
 " That may repeat and history his loss 
 " To new remembrance." — Shakespeare. 
 f Of the Jansenists something will be said in the following HistGry. 
 where it will appear that Jansenism was merely the watch-word of the 
 Jesuitical party, and that all their opponents were indiscriminately 
 branded with it. At present it shall suffice to notice what Villers has 
 said on the subject in his admirable Essay on the Reformation. 
 
 11 The most formidable enemies to themselves, whom the Jesuits 
 w raised, and the most capable of opposing them, were the Jansenists. 
 " The Jesuits fancied they saw, in the pains taken by the Jansenists to 
 
PASCAL DEFENDED. 45 
 
 this it may be answered, that Pascal is too much above any 
 attack upon his well-earned fame to be injured by this re- 
 
 " propagate and recommend the doctrines of St. Augustin concerning 
 " grace, a plan to bring down the Society, whose principles were not 
 " consistent with those of that Father of the Church : but, whatever 
 " may have been the secret design of the partisans of Jansenius with 
 " regard to the Jesuits, it is not the less true that all this controversy 
 " concerning grace was immediately produced by the religious quarrels 
 " which flowed from the Reformation. That terrible shock, which 
 *' had separated from the Romish Church a great part of the Christians 
 " of the West, had shaken that Church herself to the very foundation, 
 " and had left within her a leaven and principles of fermentation not 
 " soon to be purged off: the spirit of inquiry, of chicane, and con- 
 " troversy, was also awakened within her. The greater part of Catho- 
 " lies would have been happy to see certain reforms in the Church 
 " herself, certain amendments and regulations with regard to doctrine 
 " and discipline, which were not produced, or not in the manner 
 " which they desired. There were many discontented Catholics. Many 
 " abuses attacked by the Protestants appeared to those Catholics ex- 
 " tremely reprehensible ; and several points of doctrine, controverted 
 " by the former, had induced the latter to think. The council of 
 " Trent had satisfied scarcely any body but the people beyond the 
 " Alps : what concerned the rights of the Pope and the hierarchy was 
 " there carefully settled ; but some essential points of doctrine were 
 " still left in a painful state of uncertainty; as that of grace, for ex- 
 u ample, which held so important a place in the systems of the Lu- 
 " therans and Calvinists. Baius, a theologian and professor of Lou- 
 " vain, who had been a member of the council, brought the subject 
 " under discussion, and occasioned considerable noise in his time. Af- 
 " ter him, Jansenius, a professor in the same University of Louvain, 
 " followed the same errors, wrote his book, entitled August'inus, was 
 " the friend of the Abbe de St. Cyran, and some other leaders of the 
 " party which was called the Jansenist party from his name. It is well 
 " known how many illustrious defenders this party produced, of 
 " whom Port Royal became the principal seat. The war of opinions 
 " which was lighted up between the Jansenists and the Jesuits was 
 "the most violent which ever raged within the Church. The Jan- 
 " senists, who in reality had so many opinions in common with Luther 
 " and the other reformers, and were most heartily adverse to the pre- 
 
 «' tensions of Rome, and of the Jesuits, the satellites of Rome 
 
 u dreaded, above all things, the reproach of heresy, which was libe- 
 
 P 3 
 
46 PASCAL DEFENDED. 
 
 mark, or to require any vindication. The attempt of Mr. 
 Dallas to depreciate the Provincial Letters, or to avoid 
 their force by calling them a Satire, is a sophism which will 
 not avail the Apologist of the Jesuits : it is true, that Pascal 
 has, in this inimitable work, availed himself of the legitimate 
 advantages which the talent of ridicule afforded him, " ridendo 
 " dicere verum ; r but the facts advanced by him throughout 
 the work are incontestable, and the Extracts from the writings 
 of the Jesuits, with which it is filled, have never yet been 
 doubted, or denied to be the production of the men whom he 
 exposes and confutes : all the Jesuits cited by Pascal were 
 considered by their own Order as oracles, and the whole So- 
 ciety always acted so systematically as a body, that the doc- 
 trines of the one may be imputed to the rest more fairly than 
 in any other class of men. It is upon the Extracts from the 
 Works of the Jesuits that the logical reasoning and brilliant 
 wit of this admirable work are founded ; a work, which at 
 once enlightened the world and immortalized its author. 
 Before, therefore, the credit and authority of the Provincial 
 Letters can be shaken, the Friends of the Jesuits must 
 succeed in proving that the large and ample quotations from 
 their writings, upon which the whole reasoning of the Pro- 
 
 " rally bestowed upon them. It became, in some measure, a point of 
 u honour with them to write vigorously against the Protestants, in 
 <* order to give striking proof that they were as good Catholics as their 
 " adversaries. At the same time, they wrote at least as vigorously 
 " against the Jesuits, and acquitted themselves in this essential office, 
 " con amore, with still more eloquence than in the other. As the Je- 
 " suits had entered the lists of science and genius with the Protestants ; 
 " their adversaries the Jansenists aspired, in like manner, to shew 
 ** themselves superior to the Jesuits in those very respects in which the 
 " Jesuits excelled. They composed grammars, books of education 
 " and piety, treatises of logic, morality, history, erudition. The 
 " names of Lancelot, Arnauld, Tillemont, Nicole, Pascal, Sully, &c. 
 u are immortal as the memory of the services which they rendered to 
 " the sciences and to French literature. 
 
 " Without the Reformation there would have been no Jesuits; and 
 u without the Jesuits no Jansenists or Port Royal." — See Villers's Es- 
 say on the Reformation, translated by Mill, p. 387. 
 
Voltaire's defence examined. 4Tf 
 
 tincial Letters depends, are falsely ascribed to the Jesuits: 
 until they do this, and, at the same time, blot out the ad- 
 mirable notes of Nicole, they can no more destroy the cha- 
 racter of the Provincial Letters, than they can overthrow 
 the History of Coudrette, without first annihilating the 
 concurrent History of two Centuries *. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, however, quotes Voltaire (p. 14), to 
 shew that " the extravagant notions of a few Spanish and 
 " Flemish Jesuits were artfully ascribed by Pascal to the 
 " whole Society" — but the fact is, that Pascal has selected 
 specimens of Jesuitism from every nation where it was known, 
 and the following History will shew that a French Jesuit and 
 an English Jesuit were by no means more harmless than a 
 Flemish or Spanish Jesuit; their vices having comparatively 
 nothing to do with the nations from which they came, nor the ; 
 countries where they " laboured in their vocation ," but being 
 the essential vices of the Order, without which it must have 
 ceased to be the Order of Jesuits. Mr. Dallas next quotes 
 Voltaire (p. 14), to shew that so far from the Jesuits having 
 formed a design to corrupt mankind, " no sect of Society ever 
 " had, or can have, such a design" — an assertion which is best 
 refuted by the nefarious attempts of the very sect to which 
 
 * The lines of Luc an apply to the labours of Pascal; 
 
 " Periere latebrae 
 
 " Tot scelerum : Populo Tenia est erepta nocenti." 
 
 Voltaire himself admits that " the Provincial Letters may be 
 " considered as a model of eloquence and humour. The best Come- 
 " dies of Mo li ere (says he) have not more wit than the first part of 
 " them, and the sublimity of the latter part of them is equal to any 
 " thing in Bossuet" — and this passage from Voltaire stands in im- 
 mediate connexion with that which Mr. Dallas has quoted! Again, 
 Voltaire, speaking of Pascal's work, says, " Examples of all the 
 " various species of eloquence are to be found in it : though it has now 
 " been written above a hundred years, yet not a single word occurs in 
 M it savouring of that vicissitude to which living languages are so sub- 
 ** ject. Bos suet being asked what work he would wish most to be 
 " the author of, supposing his own performances set aside, replied, 
 "The Provincial Letters." 
 
48 IMPUTED HOSTILITY* 
 
 Voltaire himself belonged, to corrupt mankind upon the 
 largest scale which infidelity and profligacy ever attempted. 
 
 In p. 14, the charge of fabrication and forgery on the 
 part of the opponents of the Jesuits is pretty distinctly con- 
 veyed in the following terms : — " With such enemies as the 
 " Jansenists, will it be thought extraordinary that a thousand 
 " fabrications of those days, blackening the Jesuits, may be 
 " referred to ? With such enemies as in later years appeared 
 " against them, in the host of Philosophers and Jacobins, is 
 " it wonderful that there should be modern forgeries ?" If 
 this passage has any meaning, it can only imply that ancient 
 authorities must be considered as fabrications, and modern 
 ones as forgeries, when they happen to bear upon the Jesuits; 
 and the passage in question affords a fine example of that 
 species of logic which assumes a fact by interrogation, and 
 proves it by implication. 
 
 It would be well if Mr. Dallas had been able to authen- 
 ticate a single instance of either ancient or modern forgery : 
 he only adduces one — namely the Comptes Rendus ; which 
 he has, however, entirely failed in establisliing as a forgeryr, 
 as will be hereafter shewn. 
 
 One word also, once for all, respecting " the Enemies of' 
 " the Jesuits" — With Mr. Dallas every opponent is only an 
 opponent because he is an Enemy, and no Enemy is to be 
 believed. The imputation of hostility, in order to the invali- 
 dation of evidence, is an old ruse-de-guerre of the Jesuits and 
 their friends. When the Parliament of Thoulouse declared 
 against the Jesuits, they appealed from their decision, al- 
 leging " que le dlt Parlement porte de la haine aux Jesuites" 
 It is impossible to conceive a more convenient and summary 
 mode of disposing of evidence. If applied to the criminal 
 Jurisprudence of the country, it would form a prisoner's 
 standing Defence ; for, no doubt, the Prosecutor is generally 
 the enemy of the Prisoner, and therefore, upon the same 
 principle, ought not to be heard against him ; but how did 
 the Prosecutor happen to become so? most probably from the 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 49 
 
 previous conduct of the Prisoner. How did it happen that 
 such an excellent and exemplary Order of men as Mr. Dal- 
 las represents the Jesuits to be, had the misfortune to make 
 enemies of almost all the world, except from their own delin- 
 quencies ? We see to what length the argument of permitting 
 no enemies to be heard has carried Mr. Dallas, when he 
 gravel)- rejects (page 12 of Preface) the concurrent testimony 
 of" the University and Parliaments of France" for two hun- 
 dred years, upon no better plea than that they were enemies 
 of the Order. He applies the same test in innumerable other 
 instances : but it seems an expedient not much unlike that to 
 which a culprit once resorted ; who challenged all his Jury in 
 turn, in the hope that, by objecting to the whole, he should 
 escape a trial. 
 
 In p. 15 we have a testimony from the pen of M. Lally 
 Tolendal, to the influence of the Jesuits in keeping the passions 
 " of the savage populace" within due bounds, and preserving 
 subordination in the world; which is best refuted by a refer- 
 ence to their conduct in every nation, and especially in France, 
 during the time of the League, as detailed at large in the fol- 
 lowing History : but as that remark is introductory to many 
 others of the same class, and as Mb. Dallas's main argument 
 throughout his work is, that the opponents of the Jesuits were 
 Infidels, Philosophers, and Jacobins, and that if the Jesuits 
 had never been suppressed, the French Revolution would never 
 have happened, it may be as well to consider that argument 
 in this place, once for all. 
 
 In order to shew that Mr. Dallas has not been misun- 
 derstood in supposing him to advance these propositions, it 
 may be right to recapitulate the passages which record his 
 sentiments. 
 
 P. 12 of Preface — " The imposing appearance which the 
 " ingenious agents of Jacobinism had given to the hue and 
 " cry raised against the Jesuits 11 — Page 15 of the work, " The 
 " destruction of the Jesuits remotely encouraged the forma- 
 " tion of sanguinary clubs by causing the withdrawing of all 
 
 4 
 
50 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 a 
 
 religious and prudent congregations in which the savage po- 
 " pulace of the Fauxbourg St. Antoine were tamed by the 
 " disciples of an Ignatius and a Xavier."" 
 
 P. 24. " The two principal authorities quoted by Robertson 
 " were leaders on of the Jacobinical Philosophy and of the 
 " French Re volution. " 
 
 P. 25. " To men who have recovered from the stun of 
 " Jacobinism, it is hardly necessary to say that the destruc- 
 " tion of the Jesuits was of the first importance to the suc- 
 " cess of D'Alembert and Diderot's philosophical reform 
 " of human nature." 
 
 P. 28. " The ingenious Atheists who were preparing 
 " France for the age of reason, the liberty of Jacobinism, and 
 "the murders of philosophy.'" 
 
 P. 32. " There long existed a conspiracy against a So- 
 u ciety whose principles and energy awed infidelity and rebel- 
 " lion." 
 
 P. 95. u The late French pamphlets against the Jesuits 
 " are the dying echoes of the Jansenists, Parliamentarians, 
 %i and Jacobins." 
 
 P. 110. "A Society to whom it was doubtful whether 
 " religion or science were more indebted."" 
 
 P. 111. " Why is the re-establishment of the Society de- 
 M manded ? From a hope that they may counteract the evils 
 " which the neglect of religious education has suffered to 
 " spread over the world, and from a conviction that they were 
 " put down by the disciples of a false philosophy combining 
 " with the vilest of passions."" 
 
 P. 120. " Ganganelli defrauded the tiara, and helped 
 " to prepare the French Revolution.'" 
 
 P. 129. " The growth of one generation sufficed to strip 
 " the tiara of the veneration due to it *, and to threaten every 
 
 * If this be not arguing like a Catholic, what is ? Protestants know 
 nothing of any " veneration due" to the Pope. Their whole system 
 is founded on the denial of his authority ! 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 51 
 
 " crown in Europe with ruin. In 1773 Clement XIV. abo- 
 " lished the Order. In 1793 a King of France was be- 
 " headed." 
 
 P. 135. " The Abbe Proyart" (who by the way was ge- 
 nerally understood to be a Jesuit) " says, * The destruction of 
 " the Jesuits was the ruin of the precious edifice of national 
 " education, and gave a general shock to public morality.' " 
 
 P. 174. " The destroyers not only of this religious Order, 
 " but of religion itself and of social order." 
 
 P. 203. " The real value of the Jesuits' system is proved 
 " by the miserable state of degradation into which public edu- 
 " cation and public morals have sunk in Catholic countries 
 " since its utter suppression." 
 
 P. 210. " If the antichristian Conspirators first doomed 
 " the Jesuits to annihilation, it was because their schools were 
 " widely diffused throughout Europe, and were marked by 
 " them as hot-beds of every thing which they chose to term 
 " fanaticism, bigotry, and superstition; that is to say, zeal. 
 " faith, and devotion." 
 
 P. 237. " The founders of the modern School of Reason 
 " could not endure men who preached doctrines and maintain* 
 " ed principles so opposite to their own new-fangled systems. 
 " They knew that respect for revealed truths and reverence 
 " for established authority, the two objects of their detesta- 
 '* tion, were the main points on which the whole system of 
 " the education of the Jesuits turned. Fear God and honour 
 " the King, was their adopted maxim ; religion and loyalty 
 " were never disunited by them, and the revolutionary conspi- 
 " rators had determined to subvert both." 
 
 P. 244. " The Catholic Princes, in discarding the Jesuits. 
 ii opened volcanoes beneath their thrones." 
 
 " The destruction of the Jesuits was literally the destruc- 
 " tion of that education, in Catholic countries, by which order 
 u was established on its best and surest foundation, the belief 
 if of future rewards and punishments."' 
 
52 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 - P. 247. The explosion of the French Revolution is attri- 
 buted " to the deistical and atheistical philosophers. 1 ' 
 
 P. 9,55. " The persons now alarmed at the restoration of 
 " the Jesuits are (Sir John Hippisley nevertheless excepted *) 
 " Jacobinical Philosophers, Materialists, votaries of reason 
 " and eternal sleep. 1 ' 
 
 Now, in advancing the above remarks, Mr. Dallas must 
 not lay claim to originality : he appears to have taken his 
 hint from the following observations in the Letters which ap- 
 peared in the Pilot newspaper, and the Orthodox Catholic 
 Magazine, viz. 
 
 " Every Prince, every observer knows that the overthrow 
 " of the Society of Jesus was the first link in the concatenation 
 u of causes which produced the late horrible successes of re- 
 u bellion and infidelity. 1 ' 
 
 And again : " To favor the daring projects of civil and 
 " religious innovators, the Order was devoted to destruction, 
 " and the extinction of it was presently followed by the uni- 
 " versal uproar of the Gallic Revolution. 1 ' 
 
 These observations, it must be admitted, have been very 
 skilfully worked up, and amplified, by Mr. Dallas. The 
 bullion of the newspapers and magazines has been wire-drawn 
 through many pages of the volume which followed them ; and 
 the sum of the whole matter is (if the British public will be- 
 lieve it), that the French Revolution never would have hap- 
 pened if the Order of Jesuits had not been suppressed ! It 
 is obvious that the writers in question, by this mode of con- 
 ducting the argument to their own conclusions, undertake for 
 nothing less than to prove a negative; a task which (as it 
 has been generally held impossible) they may be safely left to 
 accomplish if they can : at all events, no one would attempt to 
 disturb them in the enjoyment of such a beau ideal. 
 
 * It does not appear why Sir John Hippislev is excepted from 
 this anathema ; except that, as a Member of a Parliament which is 
 as yet a Protestant Parliament, Mr. Dallas might consider the lan- 
 guage a little too hazardous. 
 
TRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 53 
 
 Without intending at present to meddle with the question 
 of education, which will be considered hereafter, it may be 
 worth while to inquire, how it appears that the Philosophers 
 of the French Revolution were the enemies of the Jesuits. 
 
 Mr. Dallas has abundantly proved that Voltaire was 
 never the opponent of the Jesuits. It was he who wrote 
 against Pascal (see p. 14 of Mr. Dallas), declaring that 
 the Society had been undeservedly defamed by the Provincial 
 Letters. It was he who in writing to Damilaville (see p. 
 136 of Mr. Dallas), protests their innocence of the crime of 
 Damiens, and declares that all posterity would acquit them of 
 the crime of regicide ; nay, Mr. Dallas himself, in p. 137 of 
 his work, expressly asserts, that " Voltaire was greatly at- 
 " tached to the Jesuits, and had the highest opinion of them." 
 How then does this fact agree with Mr. Dallas's imputation ? 
 If Voltaire had hated and dreaded the Jesuits, as the sworn 
 foes of his revolutionary system, how comes he to be cited even 
 by Mr. Dallas himself, as a strong authority in their 
 favor ? And upon what principle can Mr. Dallas connect 
 with the fact of Voltaire's defence of the Order, as recorded 
 by himself (p. 136), the statement with which he follows it — 
 that Voltaire's revolution of established opinions and autho- 
 rities was referable to the suppression of the Society ? 
 
 The next statement of Mr. Dallas which is intended to 
 prove the same position, is, that the Philosophic Infidel 
 D'Alembert was an enemy to the Jesuits. — This he would 
 maintain, first, by an anecdote (p. 16) that D'Alembert 
 said of a Jesuit's sermon against Infidelity, " These men die 
 " hard ;" a thing which if he ever did say (for no authority is 
 given), by no means proves that the Jesuits, as a body, were 
 at all more active in declaiming against Infidelity than those 
 Priests, who were not Jesuits, and consequently does not, of 
 itself, prove that D'Alembert had any cause to dislike or 
 dread the Jesuits more than other Priests. — 2dly, Mr. 
 Dallas would prove the same assertion by stating (p. 25) that 
 D'Alembert and Diderot were the chief Directors of the 
 
54 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 Encyclopedic, which might very well happen without their 
 having been more peculiarly opposed to the Jesuits than they 
 were to the rest of the Catholic Priesthood; nor does such cir- 
 cumstance prove that they considered the Order of Jesuits to 
 stand in the way of their nefarious designs in any degree more 
 than the other regular Orders, or than the Clergy at large* 
 But then, 3dly, the Compte Rendu, professed to be written 
 by Monclar, was written (says Mr. Dallas) by D'Alem- 
 BERT (p. 28). For this assertion no single proof is 
 offered ; but the attempt to invalidate the Compte Rendu by 
 such a stratagem, will be noticed again hereafter. Now, so far 
 from its being certain that ITAlembert was hostile to the 
 Jesuits, his work De la Destruction des Jesuites leaves his 
 opinion on the question of the Order in considerable doubt, 
 that book having notoriously neither pleased the Jesuits nor 
 their opponents*: whereas, had its author considered the 
 Jesuits as offering any peculiar obstruction to his infamous 
 projects, and had he been the enemy to them which Mr. 
 Dallas would represent him, he would undoubtedly have 
 expressed himself less equivocally against the Order in ques- 
 tion. It is somewhat remarkable also, that the very passage in 
 Professor Robertson which Mr. Dallas regards as so 
 highly in favor of the Jesuits (and with the suppression of 
 which he has charged the writer of the " Brief Account of 
 Ci the Jesuits' 1 ), is taken from D'Alembert's own work " De 
 " la Destruction des Jesuites;" Robertson expressly citing 
 that work as the authority to which he was indebted for that 
 » exculpation of the Jesuits; a circumstance which could not have 
 happened if D'Alembert had been their enemy. 
 
 The third authority to which Mr. Dallas refers in order 
 to prove that the friends of the Revolution were the enemies of 
 the Jesuits is that of Diderot, of whom he merely asserts 
 (p. 25), that he wrote the article M Jesuites 11 in the French 
 Encyclopedic ; which no more proves that Diderot disliked the 
 
 * See Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary — Article D'Alembert. 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS, 55 
 
 Jesuits, because they obstructed the march of the Revolution, 
 than the circumstance of Professor, Robertson having been 
 the writer of the article which (with some few alterations) was 
 afterwards published in the Encyclopedia Britannica, 
 proves that Robertson was friendly to Revolutions because he 
 was inimical to the Jesuits. Such is the whole amount of the 
 evidence produced to prove that Voltaire, D'Alembert, and 
 Diderot (the acknowledged heads of the antichristian and 
 revolutionary confederacy) were hostile to the Jesuits; Mr. 
 Dallas conceiving, that if he can establish the existence of 
 such hostility, he will at the same time prove that the Jesuits 
 were the friends of Order, Loyalty, and Fancien regime; all of 
 which those Philosophers designed to overthrow. Such a 
 process of reasoning as this, supported by no better evidence, 
 falls to the ground of itself. 
 
 As to the opinion of the Abbe Proyart to the same point 
 (as stated in p. 135 of Mr. Dallas), there can be little doubt 
 of his having been himself a Jesuit : he found it necessary 
 indeed to deny this charge, as many of his Brethren had 
 done before him, who were however not the less Jesuits on 
 that account. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in order to prove further that the suppres- 
 sion of the Jesuits was injurious to Monarchy and Order, adds 
 the testimonies of the President D'Egdilles (p. 133), the 
 Infidel King Frederic of Prussia (p. 143), and Bausset 
 (p. 145). 
 
 Now, how does the fact really appear to have stood? That 
 Voltaire and his School were in a league against the Ca- 
 tholic Religion, and Continental Governments, scarcely any 
 one can doubt ; and that they succeeded, in conjunction with 
 other causes, in discrediting that religion, and subverting many 
 of those Governments, is equally clear : thus far the opponents 
 and defenders of the Jesuits are agreed. Mr. Dallas, how- 
 ever, is not content that the opponents of the Jesuits should 
 travel so far with him, and then stop, but flatters himself 
 he shall have their concurrence in another proposition, namely, 
 
56 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 that the new Philosophers abhorred the Jesuits because they 
 were the chief instruments in preventing the spread of impiety 
 and rebellion ; that they eonspired to suppress the Order on 
 this very account ; and that if the Jesuits had never been 
 suppressed, the French Revolution, with all its direful train 
 of evils, would never have occurred. — Mr. Dallas has in 
 the first place failed to prove that the new Philosophers had 
 any particular quarrel with the Jesuits, or had any hand in 
 their suppression; and much less has he proved that if such 
 suppression had not taken place, the French Revolution would 
 never have happened. 
 
 What, then, was the real occasion of that confederacy of 
 wit and talent, which burst forth with such scorching and de- 
 structive effects at the period alluded to ? 
 
 This question admits of an easy solution. The progress 
 from Superstition to Infidelity, or from a corrupt religion to 
 no religion at all, is very simple : the history of mankind, in 
 all ages, furnishes examples to prove this point. — Under the 
 Paean system, which was no other than a corruption of the 
 Patriarchal and Primitive Dispensation, the lapses from the 
 national faith were almost of course, and the wise and learned 
 men of Greece and Rome (as a general question) either 
 openly denied the authority of " them that were no Gods," 
 and derided the claims of the Priesthood ; or else acquiesced 
 in such a system, from a notion, that even a false Religion 
 was, as a question of State, better than none at all. — In like 
 manner, under the corruptions of the Papacy, it was impos 
 sible that as knowledge was diffused through the world from 
 the period of the Reformation downwards, and men were per- 
 mitted to think for themselves, the errors and inconsistencies of 
 Popery should not become apparent, precisely in that propor- 
 tion in which light was thrown upon the human intellect. 
 Inquirers of this description found that the Religion of the 
 Romish Church would not abide a close examination, and 
 that it would much less endure the test of a comparison with 
 the Scriptures of Truth. — The doctrine of Papal Infallibility, 
 for example, was too monstrous for good men to recognise with 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS ASTD PHILOSOPHERS. 57 
 
 Safety to their consciences, when they observed the errors 
 which the Popes had committed, and the vices in which they 
 had indulged: while that of Papal Supremacy was too gross, 
 either for wise Statesmen or true Patriots to admit with safety 
 to their country. Thus also it was found, that the spiritual 
 power claimed and exercised bv the Romish Clergy (each of 
 whom became the Pope of his own district), was equally at 
 variance with the dictates of good sense and sound reasoning. 
 They found that the doctrine of Purgatory accorded no better 
 with any thing which the Scripture had revealed in support of 
 it, than it did with the constant declaration of Scripture, that 
 the present was a state of probation, and the future, of retri- 
 bution. The doctrine of Papal or Priestly Absolution ap- 
 peared to them only an usurpation, by man, of a power which 
 belonged to his Creator, while that of Papal or Priestly Indul- 
 gences afforded sanction and toleration for every species of 
 crime. They considered the terrors of Excommunication and 
 Anathema, as the mere engines of temporal power, assumed 
 for secular purposes alone. Thev regarded the doctrine of 
 Transubstantiation as an invention, by which a mystery was 
 introduced into the simplest Institution, for no other purpose 
 than to enforce the necessity, and exalt the authority, of a 
 standing Priesthood. They found that Auricular Confes- 
 sion, while it enabled the Ministers of Religion to penetrate 
 into the secrets of families and individuals, tended, above 
 every other expedient, to consolidate their power, and to mul- 
 tiply their resources. Thev considered the denial of the Bible 
 to the common people, as an evident mark of the departure of 
 that Church from the truths which it revealed, and the strong- 
 est proof of the weakness of a system which could resort to 
 such a measure. They further regarded all the attempts of 
 the Romish Church to mix human Tradition with divine Reve- 
 lation, as utterly unjustifiable upon every principle ; and as 
 little could they endure to see Tradition putting its own gloss 
 and comment upon the Scripture, and virtually invalidating 
 the sanctions, and evading the force, of the word of God him- 
 
 VOL. I. E 
 
5S FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 self. They observed that a contempt of the Institution of 
 the Sabbatli was a characteristic of Popery, wherever that Reli- 
 gion prevailed ; and that the violation of the Marriage Vow 
 was almost peculiar to the same system. They observed a 
 religion of forms, processions, ceremonies, and externals, 
 usurping the place of that Holy Faith which invariably pro- 
 duces the fruits of Holiness, without which the Religion of 
 every man is in the sight of God utterly vain. There appear- 
 ed, further, in Prayers and Invocations being offered to 
 Saints, many of whom had been canonized by the RomisH 
 Church, after lives of open and notorious sin, to be some- 
 thing as repugnant to reason as it was contrary to revelation: 
 They observed further, that the cruelties and persecutions 
 which that Church had exercised in every age, were altogether 
 opposed to the religion of the Prince of Peace, and calculated 
 only to alienate the friends of Religion, and multiply its 
 enemies. When to these considerations, men who were in 
 search after truth, added the immoral and scandalous lives 
 of the Catholic Clergy as a Body, chiefly arising out of 
 their self-imposed Celibacy, they were still further revolted*. 
 In cases where inquiries of this description had their proper 
 operation, many of the Individuals who made them, silently 
 consulted their Bibles ; looked up for the wisdom that " de- 
 " scendeth from above;" and, without openly quitting a Church 
 
 * This was peculiarly the case in Spain. — K The religion of Spain" 
 
 (says Mr. Pinkerton in his Geography) " is the Roman Catholic, which 
 
 " in this country and Portugal has been carried to a pitch of fanati- 
 
 " cism. — The Monks being extremely numerous, and human passions 
 
 * ever the same, those Ascetics atone for the want of marriage by the 
 
 " practice of Adultery, and the Husbands, from the dread of the Inqui- 
 
 €t sition, are constrained to connive at this enormous abuse. The con- 
 
 u science is seared by the practice of Absolution ; and the mind becomes 
 
 *' reconciled to the strangest of all phenomena, theoretic piety and practical 
 
 *' 'vice united in bonds almost indissoluble. The vice becomes flagrant beyond 
 
 " concept ion, as it is practised by those very men nvho ought to exhibit examples 
 
 " of pure morality" Pinkcrton's Geography, vol. i. pp. 409 and 415. 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 59 
 
 which had departed from her first faith, secretly renounced 
 her errors, became spiritually enlightened ; and receiving in 
 sincerity the great fundamental truths, which the Romish 
 Church holds in common with the Protestant, they rejected 
 those doctrines of human imposition which were unnecessary 
 to salvation, and those depraved practices which were abso- 
 lutely opposed to it: with some such humble and honest wor- 
 shippers, the Romish Church has been graced and blessed in 
 every age; and such, many such, are at this moment to be 
 found within her pale. Other inquirers who had arrived at 
 the same conclusions, openly deserted the Church of Rome* 
 and went over to the reformed Faith. 
 
 A third class, however, which was by far the most nume- 
 rous, having talent enough to detect the absurdities of the 
 Romish Church, and wit enough to expose them; observing 
 the grossest errors both of doctrine and practice passing current 
 under the name of Religion ; and being too proud to inquire, 
 whether, amidst such a mass of evil, some good might not lie 
 concealed ; themselves sensual and profligate, and determined, 
 notwithstanding, to hold fast their vices, these men did not 
 care to go over to a purer system, of which they knew as little, 
 and thought as ill, as of their own; and yet they would not 
 permit the multitude to continue in a track which could so 
 easily be demonstrated to be a wrong one. They visited 
 therefore the abuses of the Catholic Religion upon Religion 
 itself, and judging of every other Religion by the specimen 
 before them, they invited the world to do the same, and unfor- 
 tunately succeeded too well. With men whose abilities enabled 
 them to expose the abominations of the national faith, but 
 whose profligacy made it necessary for them to wish there was 
 no better, there was no other resource than in something worse, 
 and that alternative was Infidelity: once embarked on an ocean 
 like this, it w T as only natural that they should desire companion* 
 for such a voyage ; in other words, that they should wish 
 to render all men as wicked and wretched as themselves. In 
 attacking the Clergy, in order to attain their object, they cer- 
 
 F, 2 
 
60 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 tainly were not likely to spare any part of that body: but to 
 contend, as Mr. Dallas does, that they singled out the 
 Jesuits, as more peculiarly against their new Philosophy than 
 others, and that, by doing so, they proved the Jesuits to be 
 the steady friends of true Religion, regular government, and 
 the peace of the world; these are positions which Mr. Dallas 
 must be content to have asserted, for they are utterly in- 
 capable of proof. 
 
 If, indeed, the new Philosophers had pursued a course de- 
 cidedly hostile to the Jesuits, there would have been nothing 
 surprising in it, when it is considered that the Order of Je- 
 suits formed the most corrupt modification of a corrupt sys- 
 tem: and therefore, so far from that event (if it had taken 
 place) having in any way assisted Mr. Dallas in establishing 
 either the moral purity or political utility of the Jesuits, it 
 could only have gone to confirm the fact already advanced ; 
 namely, that the debased condition into which the Catholic Re- 
 ligion had sunk, was in fact the occasion of an Infidel attack 
 upon Religion itself, through the medium of a Church whose 
 members, whether they might call themselves by one name ot 
 another, had, as a general question, apostatized from the truth. 
 In confirmation of this opinion, a thousand modern autho- 
 rities might be cited ; one only may suffice : it is that of Pin- 
 kerton — " It may perhaps" (says he) " be asserted, that the 
 " Roman Catholic system in the south of Europe is the only 
 11 Superstition in the universe which has at any period necessi- 
 " tated the practice of vice; thus confirming the maxim, that 
 " the corruption of the purest and best system, is always the 
 " worst. Were an Apostle again to visit Spain, he would cer- 
 *' tainly begin with preaching the Christian practice, as if the 
 «* very idea of Christianity had perished, and his first duty 
 M would be to convert the Ecclesiastics." — Again, speak- 
 ing of France, he says, " The laws and decency of marriage are 
 " frequently sacrificed, and the looseness of the French morals 
 *' in regard to ihe female sex has become proverbial." And 
 further., " The religion of France was the Roman Catholic, 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. Cl 
 
 ** till the Revolution established freedom of conscience, or ra- 
 
 " THER GAVE AN UNDUE ASCENDENCY TO CONCEALED AtHE- 
 " ISM, WHICH ANY SUPERSTITION REMARKABLY ABSURD HAS A 
 
 " tendency to produce. But the strongest minds, as usual, 
 " remained deistical." See Pinkerton's Geography, vol. i. 
 pp. 415, 253 and 257. 
 
 Now, without endeavouring- to strike the balance of ini- 
 quity between Atheism and Deism, it is by this time pretty 
 well agreed that a deplorable corruption existed on the Conti- 
 nent before the French Revolution ; and that, in the righteous 
 judgment of God, even an Infidel Philosophy was permitted 
 to become the scourge of the perverted Faith and criminal 
 practices which had taken the place of all true Religion and 
 virtue. 
 
 It is a necessary consequence of the superstitious abuse of 
 Religion, and of the excess to which such an abuse may be 
 carried, that Religion itself falls into universal discredit; and 
 is commonly replaced by Atheism, libertinism, and the con- 
 tempt of all laws, divine and human. 
 
 If the following History shall be considered to establish 
 the fact of the Jesuits having been from their origin the 
 opponents of spiritual light, and the advocates of spiritual 
 darkness, the unhallowed instruments of perpetuating the 
 reign of bigotry, superstition, intolerance, and error; what 
 then will become of Mr. Dallas's attempt to erect these very 
 men into Apostles of piety and purity, or of his theatrical 
 assertion (p. 167), that they were " actuated by the sfb- 
 
 " LIMEST MOTIVES, SUCH AS MIGHT BE ATTRIBUTED TO AN- 
 " GELS, THE GLORY OF GOD, AND THE BENEFIT OF MAX- 
 " KIND?" 
 
 If that statement shall be completely negatived by the 
 History which follows, what then will become of hi^ minor 
 proposition, that it was to their suppression, rather than to its 
 own demoralized and vitiated condition, that Christian Europe 
 must refer the tremendous visitation she has experienced; a 
 visitation which, so far from having had the purifying and 
 
 E I 
 
62 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 salutary effects which might have been anticipated, has only 
 seen her settle down again, into the dregs of the same systerii 
 which was, before, her sorrow and her shame: — a visitation 
 which, after all the expenditure of Protestant blood and trea- 
 sure in defence of the rights and liberties of the world, has 
 only issued in the restoration of the Pope, the revival of the 
 Inquisition, and the re-establishment of the Order of Jesuits? 
 So far from Mr. Dallas having established his extraor- 
 dinary theory, that the Jesuits would have prevented the revo- 
 lution of opinions which preceded the revolution of Govern- 
 ments, it is well known that some persons, and particularly 
 Nicholai of Berlin, informed the public, during the same 
 period in which the new Philosophers were at work, that, so 
 far from the Jesuits having ever been effectually suppressed, 
 they were at that very time actively engaged in abetting and 
 supporting the advocates of Infidelity; and that the members 
 of the . ociety of Jesus were then to be found in every place, 
 under various habits and characters, labouring with indefati- 
 gable zeal for the re-establishment of their own government 
 upon the ruin of others. Whether this opinion be true or false, 
 will be best ascertained by a reference to the evidence which 
 that writer and others collected and published in Germany in 
 support of it: but at all events it may serve to shew, that 
 before the Public consents to be concluded by the positive 
 assertions of Mr. Dallas on this subject, the interests of 
 truth require that an opinion so entirely at variance with his 
 own, should be fairly examined ; an opinion which undoubtedly 
 corresponds better with the recorded History of Jesuitism 
 than that which is advanced by Mr. Dallas, and which (as 
 we have seen) he has supported by no better authority. 
 
 It may be very fairly questioned, whether the Jesuits, so 
 far from being pure of all design to promote Scepticism and In- 
 fidelity on the Continent, did not actually encourage and for- 
 ward the propagation of those principles from the period of 
 their public suppression, as an Order, down to the time imme- 
 diately antecedent to the French Revolution; and this by 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 63 
 
 means of the Masonic Lodges which abounded both in France 
 and Germany, and which are now well known to have been 
 abused to the vilest purposes. There seems at least to be some 
 evidence in support of such an opinion from the following au- 
 tliority. Professor Robisox, in the Introduction to his Proofs 
 of a Conspiracy against the Religions and Governments of 
 Europe, says, "German Freemasonry was much connected with 
 " many occurrences and schisms in the Christian Church: I 
 i( found that the Jesuits had several times interfered 
 
 * IN IT ; AND THAT MOST OF THE EXCEPTIONABLE INXOVA- 
 " TIONS AXD DISSENSIONS HAD ARISEN ABOUT THE TIME 
 " THAT THE ORDER OF JESUITS WAS SUPPRESSED; SO THAT 
 " IT SHOULD SEEM THAT THESE INTRIGUING BrETHREX HAD 
 
 " attempted to maintain their influence by means of 
 " Freemasonry." 
 
 Afterwards, speaking of Freemasonry in England in the time 
 of the Civil war, he says, " I have met with many particular 
 i( facts, which convince me that at this time the Jesuits ix- 
 ** terfered coxsiderably, insinuating themselves into the 
 " Lodges, and contributing to increase that religious mysticism 
 " that is observable in all the Ceremonies of the Order. This 
 * € Society is well known to have put on every shape, and to have 
 " made use of every method that could promote the power 
 " and influence of the Order: and we know that at this time 
 '■' they were by no means without hopes of re-establishing the 
 " dominion of the Church of Rome in England." See p. 21 
 of Professor Robison's work. Again, adverting to the period 
 which followed the English Revolution of 1688, he savs, 
 ** King James *, with many of his most zealous adherents, 
 
 * That the attachment of King James II. to Popery ^by which he 
 lost his Crown) was chiefly referable to the intrigues of the Jesuits, 
 will appear from the well-known letter of a Jesuit of Liege to a Jesuit 
 of Fribourg, dated 2d February, 1684, given at length by Ra? in. 
 This Letter was circulated publicly through Switzerland, and was 
 copied by Burnet, at Zurich. It is as follows: 
 
 " It is wonderful to see King James's great affection to our Society: 
 
 E 4 
 
64 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 <c took refuge in France: they took Freemasonry with them to 
 " the Continent, where it was immediately received by the 
 " French, and was cultivated with great zeal, in a manner 
 
 " He wished prosperity to all this College, by the Reverend Father, 
 " the Provincial, and earnestly recommended himself to our prayers. 
 " Upon Father John Keynes's return to England, he gave him a most 
 " gracious reception (while Earls and Dukes were commanded for some 
 " hours to wait for admittance); with whom, in the Queen's presence, 
 " he discoursed with all familiarity. He asked him, how many Can- 
 ," didates for Orders he had, and how many Students? And upon the 
 " Provincial's answer to his Majesty, who was urgent with him, that 
 " of the former and the latter he had above fifty; he replied, there 
 M would be occasion for double or treble that number, to effect what 
 " he designed for that Society's performance; and ordered that they 
 « should be all exercised in the art of preaching; for now, says he, 
 " England has need of such. 
 
 " I do not doubt but you have heard, that the King, writing to 
 " Father de La Chaise, the French King's Confessor, concerning the 
 " affairs of the House among the Walloons, declared, that whatever 
 " was done to the English Fathers of that House, he would look upon 
 " as done to himself. Father Clare, Rector of the same House, being 
 " arrived at London to treat of that matter, got an easy access to the 
 " King, and as easily gained his point. The King himself forbad him 
 " to kneel and kiss his hand, according to custom, saying, * Reverend 
 " Father, you have indeed once kissed my hand; but if I had known 
 " then, as I do now, that you were a Priest, I would rather myself, 
 " Father, have kneeled down, and kissed your hand.' After he had 
 " finished his business, in a familiar conversation, his Majesty told this 
 " Father, that he would either convert England, or die a Martyr; and 
 
 • " that he had rather die Uie next day and convert it, than reign twenty 
 " years piously and happily, and not effect it. Finally, he called him- 
 
 ' " self a Son of the Society, of whose good success, he said, he was as 
 
 * " glad as of his own. And it can scarcely be expressed how much 
 «* gratitude he shewed, when it was told him, that he was made par- 
 
 ' " taker, by the most Reverend our Provincial, of all the merits of the 
 " Society ; out of which he is to nominate one for his Confessor; but 
 " hitherto it is not known who it will be; some report that it will be 
 '* the Reverend Father the Provincial, but still there is no certainty of 
 
 " that. Many are of opinion, that Father Edward R. Petre, who is 
 " chiefly in favour with the King, will obtain an Archbishoprick, but 
 
 • *.* more believe it will be a Cardinal's cap. To him has been granted 
 
TRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 65 
 
 " suited to the taste of that polished people. The Lodges in 
 " France naturally became the rendezvous of the adherents to 
 " the exiled King, and the means of carrying on a corre- 
 
 " within this month or two, all that part of the Palace, in which the 
 " King used to reside when he was Duke of York, where there is not 
 u a day, but you may see I know not how many courtiers waiting to 
 " speak to his Eminence, for so they say he is called. For the King ad- 
 u vises with him, and with many Catholic Lords who have the chief 
 " places in the kingdom, to find a method to propagate the faith with- 
 " out violence. Not long since some of these Lords objected to the 
 " King, that they thought he made too much haste to establish the 
 (i Faith. To whom he answered, ' I am growing old, and must take 
 " large steps ; else, if I should happen to die, I might perhaps leave you 
 li in a worse condition than I found you.' When they asked him, 
 " Why then he was so little concerned about the conversion of his 
 " Daughters, who were the Heirs of the kingdom? he answered, 
 w * God will take care of that ; leave the conversion of my Daughters to 
 " me; do you, by your example, convert your Tenants and others to 
 " the Faith/ 
 
 w He has Catholic Lord-Lieutenants in most counties; and we shall 
 
 ** have shortly Catholic Justices of the Peace in almost all places. 
 
 u We hope also that our affairs will have good success at Oxford. In 
 
 ** the public Chapel of the Vice-Chancellor, who is a Roman Catholic, 
 
 u there is always one of our Divines, who has converted some of the 
 
 u Students to the Faith. The Bishop of Oxford himself seems to be a 
 
 u great Favourer of the Catholic Faith : he proposed to the Council, 
 
 " whether it did not seem to be expedient, that at least one College 
 
 *** should be granted to the Catholics at Oxford, that they might not be 
 
 " forced to study beyond sea at such great expenses; but it is not 
 
 44 known what answer he had. The same Bishop having invited two of 
 
 * l our brethren, together with some of the Nobility, drank the King's 
 
 " health to a certain Heretic Lord who was in company, wishing his 
 
 " Majesty good success in all his undertakings; adding also, that the 
 
 li religion of the Protestants in England, did not seem to hirn in a bet- 
 
 " ter condition, than Buda was before it was taken; and that they 
 
 " were next to Atheists that defended that Faith. Many embrace the 
 
 " true religion, and four of the most considerable Earls have lately 
 
 •* made public profession of it. Father Alexander Keynes, the Prdvin- 
 
 " rial's Nephew, to whom is committed the care of the Chapel belong- 
 
 * l ing to the Elector Palatine's Envoy, is continually taken up in solv- 
 
 f* ing and answering the questions of Heretics, who doubt of their 
 
66 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 " spcndence with their friends in England. At this time 
 " also, the Jesuits took a more active hand in Free- 
 " masonry than ever. They insinuated themselves into 
 " the English Lodges, where they were caressed by the 
 
 * Faith, of whom you may see two or three together walking by the 
 " Chapel-door, continually disputing about some point of religion. 
 «' As to Prince George, it is yet uncertain what religion he professes, 
 u We gradually begin to get footing in England; we teach human 
 " learning at Lincoln, Norwich, and York; and at Worcester we have 
 " a public Chapel, protected by a Guard of the King's soldiers ; and 
 " we are to buy some horses at Wigan in Lancashire. The Catholic 
 "interest grows very strong; and at some Churches, granted to the 
 " Catholics, upon Holydays there are often counted fifteen hundred 
 " present at the sermon. At London also, our business is carried on 
 *' with the same good success: sermons are preached upon every Holy- 
 " day, and there are so many that frequent the Chapels, that they are 
 ** not big enough to hold them. Two of our Society, Dormer and 
 " Bertue, preach continually before the King and the Queen ; Father 
 " Richard Neville, before the Queen Dowager, Father Alexander 
 ■ Keynes in the Chapel aforesaid ; others in other chapels. There are 
 " many houses bought in the Savoy, near Somerset House, which is the 
 " Queen Dowager's Palace, towards erecting the first College in Lon- 
 " don, for about eighteen thousand florins ; and they are hard at work 
 " to bring them to the form of a College, that a School maybe open- 
 " ed before Easter. 
 
 " A Catholic Lord-Lieutenant is shortly to go over to Ireland, be- 
 " cause the King cannot be satisfied with any other, to establish the 
 " Catholic interest in that kingdom. The Parliament will certainly sit 
 " in this month of February, of whom his Majesty is resolved to ask 
 M three things: first, that by a general Act all the Catholic Peers may 
 " be admitted to sit in the Upper House: secondly, that the Test may 
 " be abolished: and thirdly, which is the chief point, that all the Penal 
 *' Laws against Catholics should be abrogated. And that he may the 
 <* better obtain these things, he designs to let them know, that he is re- 
 " solved to turn out all those who will not heartily act for the obtain- 
 " ing of them; and likewise dissolve the Parliament. At which Reso- 
 " lution some Heretics being terrified, came to a certain Earl to advise 
 "him what might be done: to whom he answered, * The -King's mind is 
 " sufficiently known : what he has once said he will certainly perform; 
 " if you love yourselves, submit to the King's pleasure.' " See Tmdal's 
 Rapin, vol. xv. b. xxiv. p. 85, Edit. 1731. 
 
FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 67 
 
 ** Catholics, who panted after the re-establishment of their faith, 
 " and tolerated by the Protestant Royalists, who thought no 
 ** concession too great a compensation for their services. At this 
 ** time changes were made in some of the masonic symbols, 
 Vi which bear evident marks of Jesuitical interference" (p. 
 27) : after describing them, he adds, " All these were con- 
 Ki trivances of the Church of Rome for securing and extend- 
 " ing her influence on the Laymen of rank and fortune, 
 *' whom she retained in her service by these play things :" and 
 again, " In all this mummery we see much of the hand 
 " of the Jesuits; and it would seem that it was encouraged 
 <{ by the Church.'" (p. 30.) Again : " There can be no doubt, 
 " that, in those hidden assemblies, a free communication of 
 " sentiment was highly relished, and much indulged. It was 
 i6 soon suspected that such use was made of the covert of a 
 " Mason Lodge; and the Church dreaded the consequences, 
 ** and endeavoured to suppress the Lodges; but in vain : and 
 sc when it was found that even Auricular Confession and 
 " the spiritual threatenings of the Church could not make 
 " the Brethren break then* oath of secrecy, a full confidence 
 " in their security made these free-thinking Brethren bring 
 ei forward with all the eagerness of a missionary, such senti- 
 Ci ments as they were afraid to hazard in ordinary society. 
 *' This was long suspected; but the rigours of the Church only 
 ** served to knit the Brethren more firmly together, and pro- 
 66 vOked them to a more eager exercise of their bold criticisms. 
 " The Lodges became Schools of scepticism and infidE- 
 " lIty, and the spirit of proseiytism grew every day stronger. 
 " Cardinal Dubois had before this time laboured with all 
 -' his might to corrupt the minds of the courtiers, by patron- 
 ei izing directly and indirectly all sceptics who were other- 
 " wise men of talents *. He gave the young courtiers to un- 
 
 * " This Cardinal had recommended a man of his own stamp ta 
 * Louis XIV. to fill an important office: the Monarch was astonished; 
 *<■ and told the Cardinal that that would never doj for the man was a 
 
68 TRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 " derstand, that if he should obtain the reins of government, 
 " they should be entirely freed from the bigotry of Louis 
 " XIV. and the oppression of the Church, and should have 
 " the free indulgence of their inclinations : his own plans were 
 w disappointed by his death; but the Regent Orleans was 
 " equally indulgent, and in a few years there was hardly a 
 " man in France who pretended to knowledge and reflection, 
 " who did not laugh at all religion : amidst the almost infinite 
 " number of publications from the French presses there is 
 " hardly a dozen to be found where the author attempts to 
 16 vindicate religion from the charges of universal superstition 
 *' and falsehood: and it must be acknowledged that 
 
 U LITTLE ELSE WAS TO BE SEEN IN THE ESTABLISHED Re- 
 
 <6 ligion of the Kingdom. The people found nothing in 
 w Christianity but a never-ceasing round of insignificant and 
 " troublesome ceremonies, which consumed their time, and 
 furnished a fund for supporting a set of lordly and oppres- 
 sive dignitaries, who declared in the plainest manner their 
 own disbelief of their religion, by their total disregard of 
 u . common decency, by their continual residence at Court, and 
 " bv absolute neglect and even the most haughty and oppres- 
 sive treatment of the only part of their Order that took any 
 concern about the religious sentiments of the nation, namely, 
 " the Cures or Parish Priests: the Monks appeared only as 
 " lazy drones; but the parish priests instructed the people, 
 " visited the sick, reconciled the offender and the offended, 
 " and were the great mediators between the Landlords and 
 " their Vassals, an office which endeared them more to the 
 (i people than all the other circumstances of their profession ; 
 " and it is remarkable that in all the licentious writings and 
 " bitter satirical tales of the Philosophic freethinkers, such as 
 " Voltaire, who never fails to have a taunting hit at the 
 w Clergy, the Cure is generally an amiable personage, a cha- 
 
 " Jansenist. Eh! que non. Sire, said the Cardinal; il ri 'est qu' ' Athee : 
 " this was satisfactory, and the man got the Priory." Robison'g 
 Proofs, &c. p. 88. 
 
 
 
.. 
 i( 
 it 
 
 TYPOGRAPHICAL ACCUSATIONS.. 69 
 
 *• ritable man, a friend to the poor and unfortunate, a peace- 
 " maker, and a man of piety and worth. Yet these were 
 " men kept in a state of the most slavish and cruel subjection 
 by the higher orders of the Clergy, and all hopes of ad- 
 vancement cut off : rarely, hardly ever, does it happen that 
 a Cure becomes a Bishop : the Abbe steps into every line 
 of preferment. When such procedure is observed by a 
 " whole nation, what opinion can be formed, but that the 
 " whole is a vile cheat? This, however, was the case in 
 " France, and therefore infidelity was almost univer- 
 " sal : nor was this freedom or licentiousness confined to reli- 
 " gious opinions; it was, perhaps, more naturally directed to 
 " the restraints arising from civil subordination'" — and he then 
 proceeds to shew its results in the levelling doctrines of 
 equality, &c. — See Robison's Proofs, pp. 32, 33, 34. 
 
 Again : " Religion in France appeared in its worst form, 
 " and seemed calculated solely for procuring establishments 
 " for the younger sons of the insolent and useless Noblesse. 
 u The morals of the higher order of the Clergy and of the 
 " Laity were equally corrupted."' 1 — (Robison's Proofs, p. 60.) 
 Now, whether the above Extracts go the length of actually 
 implicating the Jesuits in that great work of destruction which, 
 by eradicating the best principles of the human heart, first 
 alienated man from his Creator, and then from his Brother, 
 it will be for the Public to decide : but at all events, enough, 
 it is presumed, has been advanced to demonstrate upon what 
 a sandy foundation Mr. Dallas has built the main argument 
 of his work ; namely, that the Jesuits were the great oppo- 
 nents of Scepticism and Infidelity, as also that their suppres- 
 sion was the death-blow of Religion and Government, and 
 actually brought about the French Revolution. 
 
 To return to Mb. Dallas's work — He occupies the whole 
 of p. 17 in expressing his indignation, because, in the Brief' 
 Account, the word " professed " (quoted from the Encyclo- 
 paedia) is printed in Italics. It is not always easy for writers 
 to sav, whether thev or their Printers have most to answer for 
 
70 ALLIANCE OF CATHOLICS AND JESUITS. 
 
 in the use and abuse of Patagonian Capitals and crippled Ita- 
 lics: but charity might have led Mr. Dallas to believe that 
 no perversion of History was intended by the selection of a 
 crooked letter in preference to a straight one ; or otherwise he 
 should not himself (as he has done in p. 8) have put several 
 words in that same deformed character, although Robertson, 
 from whom they are quoted by Mr. Dallas, gave those 
 words all the advantage that he considered them entitled to, 
 when he placed them upright on their legs. 
 
 In p. 18 Mr. Dallas complains of the " disingenuous* 
 w ness 11 (as he terms it) " of charging the Jesuits exclusively 
 " with rendering Christianity utterly odious in Japan, r> where, 
 as he contends, tJie Franciscan Friars were guilty too. 
 
 The answer to this is very simple : It has been no where 
 an object to charge the Jesuits exclusively with the crimes in 
 which they were engaged ; but rather to shew that they fre- 
 quently acted in concert with the Catholic Clergy, and even 
 Laity, when it suited their purpose : indeed, Mr. Dallas is 
 so sensible of this, that, in p. 11 of his Preface, he states 
 the ostensible object of the Brief Account to be, to " render 
 " the Order odious, but the real one to be an attempt to at- 
 " tach odium upon Catholics in general in the present crisis 
 " of the Catholic question."" The fact is, that in stating the 
 Jesuits to have rendered Christainjty odious in Japan, the 
 Brief Account does not happen to exhibit the part taken in 
 that affair by those who were not Jesuits, as is done in other 
 instances ; and this accidental omission is therefore converted 
 by Mr. Dallas into a charge of an intentional design to fix. 
 upon the Jesuits exclusively the crimes in question. When 
 Mr. Dallas, however, finds the other Orders of the Catholic 
 Religion implicated, together with the Jesuits, as in the rela- 
 tion of the troubles in France, in the time of the League, or 
 the Gunpowder Plot in England ; he then shifts his position, 
 -and finds cause for censure because other Catholics are reflect- 
 ed on as well as the Jesuits. In one instance he thinks the 
 Catholics ought to come in for their share of condemnation ; 
 
JESUITS HI CHINA. 71 
 
 in another he thinks they ought to have been spared : in 
 order, however, to the complete exculpation of the Jesuits in 
 Japan, Mr. Dallas should have shewn that they did not render 
 Christianity odious there; for, until he can do that, the statement 
 that they did, is not controverted by his proving that other 
 Catholics did so too. It is under a conviction that, in order 
 to clear the Jesuits at all, he must clear them altogether, that 
 he therefore, in p. 19, would have us doubt whether either 
 the Jesuits or the Priests were to blame ; and thus, after hav- 
 ing admitted that the Jesuits really acted with the other 
 Priests, he quotes Montesquieu to shew that " the Magis- 
 " trates of Japan punished the people for not renouncing the 
 ° Christian Religion :*" undoubtedly they did ; but does this 
 refute what has been first asserted, namely, that the Jesuits 
 had rendered Christianity odious there ? Montesquieu's re- 
 mark applies to the period of time when the Jesuits had ren- 
 dered Christianity so odious, that the government of that coun- 
 try determined none of its subjects should belong to such a 
 profession. When Montesquieu, therefore, states that the 
 Magistrates punished Christians in Japan ; this does not 
 prove that the Jesuits were innocent of the scandal thus 
 brought upon Christianity, or that they had not been instru- 
 mental in bringing it into disrepute and contempt*. The 
 proof that they actually did so, must be referred to the 
 following History. 
 
 Mr. Dallas then (p. 20) asserts, that, as " to the enor- 
 " mities in China, the Jesuits were not more responsible for 
 " these ;" and in order to prove this, he quotes what he calls 
 " a geographical Account of China'" (without informing us to 
 what account he alludes), the Extract from which goes to 
 shew, that two Jesuits having begun the mission in China, 
 they had many followers, " until the Dominicans and Fran- 
 6i ciscans took the field, and then contentions broke oat" 
 
 * See Montesquieu's Esprit des Loix, Book xxv. Chap. 14; 
 (quoted by mistake in Mr. Dallas as Book v. Chap. 14). 
 
 4 
 
72 JESUITS IN CHINA; 
 
 Now, supposing this geograghical account to be true irt 
 itself, and correctly quoted, it is clear that it would only prove 
 that two other Catholic Orders were involved in contentions of 
 some sort or other with the Order of Jesuits in China ; but it 
 was not with contentions of any kind that the Jesuits had been 
 accused, when they were charged with " enormities in China." 
 The enormities alluded to were their open and scandalous 
 alliance of Idolatry with Christianity, and their inculcation, 
 in that Empire, of an impure and debased form of worship, 
 in which the rites and sacrifices of Heathens were mixed with 
 the purer religion of Christ ; and all this, in direct contraven- 
 tion of their professed object, which was to convert Pagan 
 Idolaters, and to evangelize the world by means of those Mis- 
 sions of which Mr. Dallas speaks so highly — Let us hear 
 what Palafox the Bishop of Angelopolis says of this matter 
 in his Letter to Pope Innocent X. dated 8th January, 1649 : 
 " The whole Church (says he) publicly laments that it has 
 " been rather seduced than instructed in China by what the 
 " Jesuits have taught respecting the faith : they have kept 
 " the Cross of the Saviour out of sight, and authorized cus- 
 " toms absolutely pagan ; instead of Christianizing Idolaters, 
 " they have heathenized Christians ; they have united God 
 " and Belial at the same Table, in the same Temple, at the 
 " same Altar, and in the same Sacrifices ; in fact, Idols are 
 " worshipped in that nation under the mask of Christianity, 
 " or rather the purity of our holy faith is polluted under the 
 u mask of Idolatry. They have not only permitted the new 
 " Converts to frequent the Temples where Idols are adored, 
 " but to take part in the abominable Sacrifices which are offer- 
 " ed to them; nay, they themselves offer sacrifices to the Idols, 
 w prostrate themselves before them, present incense to them, 
 " and erect the Cross in the same Temple with Dagon ; the 
 " Idolatry of such rites being evaded by a pretext of the Je- 
 " suits, directing the inward attention of the worshipper to a 
 " Cross which is carried in secret at the same time that exte- 
 * rior worship is offered to the Idol." — " No other Ecclesiastical 
 

 JESUITS IN CHINA. 73 
 
 " Order ever departed so widely from the true principles of 
 " the Christian religion. It lias been seen, that, instead of 
 " teaching the new Converts as they ought, the new Converts 
 " have inveigled their Teachers into Idolatry, and have in- 
 " duced them to embrace a worship and customs which are 
 " detestable ; so that the fish has not been taken by the 
 " angler, but the angler has been caught by the fish *. — I 
 " have a whole volume of apologies of the Jesuits, in which 
 " they not only ingenuously admit their most pernicious mode 
 of instructing the Chinese Converts, but Didaque de Mo- 
 ralez, the Rector of their College of St. Joseph in Manilla, 
 " which is the metropolitan City of the Philippines, obsti- 
 " nately defends (in a work of three hundred pages) all those 
 " things which your Holiness has very justly condemned by 
 " seventeen Decrees of the Congregation de propaganda fide, 
 " and endeavours by all the subtilty in his power to overturn 
 " the reasoning contained in those decrees.'" 
 
 That it may not be imagined that this Bishop had not the 
 best means of information on the subject, it is proper to add 
 his own declaration in support of his statement — 
 
 " As I am nearer to this people (the Chinese) than any 
 " other Prelate; as I have not only received Letters from 
 " their Instructors, but am acquainted with all the facts of the 
 " case, and am in possession of all the documents that have 
 " appeared upon it : and as, in the character of a Bishop, 
 " God has called me to the government of his Church, I 
 " should have cause to tremble at the awful day of Judgment, 
 
 * " A man (says Bishop Horne) should be very well established 
 " in faith and virtue, who attempts to reclaim a profligate ; otherwise 
 " he may become a convert, instead of making one. Chapelk was met 
 " one day in the street by his friend Boileau, who took the opportunity 
 " of mentioning to him his habit of drinking, and its consequences : 
 " unfortunately, they were just by a Tavern ; Chapelle only desired 
 " they might step in there, and promised he would listen patiently and 
 " attentively ; Boileau consented, and the event was, that about one in 
 " the morning, they were carried home dead drunk in separate 
 " coaches."— Bishop Home's Thoughts and Essays. 
 
 VOL. i. F 
 
74 CATHOLIC CLAIMS. 
 
 " if, having his spiritual Sheep committed to my charge, I had 
 " not represented to your Holiness how many scandals are 
 " occasioned by this doctrine of the Jesuits in those places 
 <c where the true faith alone should be propagated." 
 
 In p. 21 Mr. Dallas repeats his charge, that the object 
 of the remarks on the Jesuits is " to excite a ferment against 
 " the Catholic claims. 11 
 
 There is something in the mode of putting this observation 
 which requires attention. The charge of a desire to excite a 
 ferment against the claims of the Catholics is not justified by 
 any thing which has been offered. An attempt has certainly 
 been made to shew that such claims are, under any circum- 
 stances, fraught with danger to a Protestant State — and fur- 
 ther, that with Jesuits both in England and Ireland to enforce 
 those claims, and (in the event of their being conceded) to 
 take advantage of that concession, in conjunction with other 
 Catholics, such danger becomes formidable in no common 
 degree. 
 
 It will not be denied, that a great measure of state policy, 
 new in its nature, vast in its magnitude, and hazardous in its 
 consequences, has been proposed by the Catholics and their 
 advocates. It is the inalienable privilege of every English- 
 man to examine this question, involving, as it appears to do, 
 his dearest interests, his civil and religious rights and liberties, 
 and all that he has been accustomed to consider most sacred in 
 this world. It is equally his privilege to convey his opinion to 
 his Countrymen, with his reasons for the conclusion to which 
 he may have come. If any other man should take a dif- 
 ferent view of the subject, he is also at liberty to express his 
 opinion ; but by what right does he venture to impute to his 
 neighbour any desire to " excite a ferment" by his preceding 
 statement ? If the imputation of such unworthy motives were 
 in any case decent or admissible, with how much greater ap- 
 pearance of justice might they be referred to those who, in ad- 
 vocating the Catholic claims, desire (to say no more) that a sen- 
 sible and radical alteration should be made in the Constitution 
 
COMPTES RENDUS. 75 
 
 of this country at this moment ? Let such an imputation there- 
 fore betaken back, and let no man, while our Press is free, be 
 deterred from avowing, on a question of this description, the 
 plain and honest feelings of his heart. 
 
 Mr. Dallas (in p. 24) compliments Professor Robert- 
 son for being an elegant and cautious Historian, for which, 
 however, the author of the Letters in the Pilot newspaper 
 will not thank him ; since the latter has classed that Historian 
 among " the modern corrupters of History," and " the throng 
 " of servile Imitators whose historical romances have so much 
 " contributed to render religion odious, and to plunge man- 
 u kind into scepticism and Infidelity.'" 
 
 Mr. Dallas has not in this instance strictly adhered to 
 his text : but he makes ample amends for his deviation, by en- 
 deavouring, as in every other instance, to invalidate Ro- 
 bertson's whole statement, and to discredit every authority 
 he has cited; thus evincing himself worthy of treading in the 
 steps which the writer of the Letters in the Pilot newspaper 
 had trodden before him. 
 
 Mr. Dallas attempts in the first place (pages 24-28- 
 529) to overthrow the authority of the Comptes Rendus, or 
 the Statements made to the Parliaments of Brittany and Pro- 
 vence by Chalotais and Monclar, both which are quoted, 
 and commented on, by Robertson. 
 
 Mr. Dallas calls them " fabrications," and asserts that 
 the memorial of the former was written by D\Alembert, and 
 not by Chalotais ; after which he strives to prove from the 
 modern testimony of M. Lally Tolendal, that Chalotais 
 was unworthy of credit, which is a work of supererogation, if 
 Chalotais was not its author. No tittle of evidence, how- 
 ever, beyond the assertion of Mr. Dallas himself, is adduced 
 to shew, that this statement was not written by Chalotais, 
 or that it teas written by D'Alembert. — Mr. Dallas then 
 asserts, that the Compte Rendu of Monclar " was sent to 
 " him from Paris with a promise of being the next Chancellor 
 4i of France if he would adopt it, and engage his Parliament, 
 
 F 2 
 
7<5 M0XCLAR AND BISHOP OF APT. 
 
 i( in the cause ;" that " the President of that Parliament 
 " refusing to concur in the measure, was, through Monclar's 
 " means, banished, and his adherents with him, by a Lettre de 
 " cachet;" that " Monclar died repentant, and retracted all 
 " that he had said, in presence of the Bishop of Apt, who 
 " made a minute of the fact." 
 
 This is so much pure gratuitous assertion, for which no 
 particle of evidence is attempted to be produced by Mr. Dal- 
 las. On the contrary, all evidence is completely against it. 
 Mr. Dallas's story of the recantation of Monclar at the 
 time of his death was stated in a work published by a Jesuit 
 about two years since in Paris, entitled Dissertation Histo- 
 rique et Politique stir la Necessite de retablir en France V In- 
 struction publique et F Education de la Jeunesse ; a work 
 which, under that specious title, is neither more nor less than 
 an earnest recommendation to recal the Jesuits, and to which 
 work Mr. Dallas appears to have been indebted on more 
 than one occasion. 
 
 So far from Monclar having retracted a single fact which 
 he had advanced against the Jesuits, or recanted any opinion 
 he had formed, it is altogether untrue that he did so ; either 
 by his will, or any other document, deposited with the 
 Bishop of Apt, or any other person. Monclar died on the 
 12th February, 1773: the Nouvelles Ecclesiastiques of the 
 9th May, 1773 (three months after his death), will prove that 
 a proces verbal signed by eleven witnesses was drawn up at 
 the desire of his family, which testifies that no retractation 
 whatever was made by him relative to the Jesuits : this proces 
 verbal was deposited with a notary, and Madame de Mon- 
 clar presented a copy of it to Louis XV. for the purpose of 
 proving the falsity of the charge which had been preferred by 
 the Jesuits against the memory of her husband, and which is 
 thus repeated by Mr, Dallas. In the same Paper of the 
 Sth May, 1773, will be found a report of the whole conduct of 
 the Bishop of Apt on that occasion.— See Les Jcsuites tels 
 qiiils ont etc, $& note 28, p. 305, 
 
PARLIAMENTS AND UNIVERSITIES. 77 
 
 Now, against this attempted falsification by Mr. Dallas of 
 original documents, we have (in addition to the above proof 
 of Monclar's having died in the same opinions)— first, the uni- 
 versal understanding and belief of France (with the exception 
 of certain Jesuits, who will deny this, or any other hostile evi- 
 dence), that these Comptes Rendus were the genuine produc- 
 tions of the writers from whom they purport to come : My, 
 the intrinsic evidence of these documents to their originality 
 and truth : 3dlv, the collateral evidence furnished by the do- 
 cuments themselves, from the works of the Jesuits, in support 
 of the facts they detail; and lastly, the express assurance of Pro- 
 fessor Robertson, that the two Individuals whose characters 
 are thus aspersed, and whose writings are thus disputed by Mr. 
 Dallas, were " respectable magistrates and elegant 
 « writers :V but further we have this striking observation of 
 Pbofessor Robertson on the Comptes Rendus (which it did 
 not answer Mr. Dallas's purpose to produce); « I rest not my 
 « narrative" (savs he) « upon their authority, but upon in- 
 « numerable passages which they have extracted from the 
 « Constitutions of the Order deposited in their hands." 
 
 If, therefore, Mr. Dallas had succeeded in proving the 
 Comptes Rendus to be written by other persons than they 
 purport to be (which, however, he has entirely failed to do), 
 he must, in addition, annihilate the Constitutions of the Jesuits, 
 before he can extinguish the important light which the Comptes 
 
 Rendus afford. 
 
 In p. 25, Mr. Dallas says, " the Parliament hated the 
 « Jesuits as friends of the Pope ; and the University, as rival 
 « teachers ; and those two bodies combined to exterminate 
 
 " them." 
 
 It is thus that he proposes to extinguish the blaze of evi- 
 dence furnished by the continued opposition of the several 
 Universities and Parliaments of France, during a period of 
 
 two hundred years ! ! ! 
 
 Lest Mr. Dallas's mode of stating the question should 
 induce a belief that it was merely the Parliament and Univer- 
 
 f 3 
 
78 CLERGY IN THE LEAGUE. 
 
 sity of P ARIS which deckred against the JesukSj k ^ 
 
 right to observe that they were opposed at different periods 
 and with various success (to say nothing of the Parliament of 
 England), by the Parliaments of Languedoc, Guienne, Bur- 
 gundy, Normandy, Provence, Brittany, and of the Low 
 Countries; and by the Universities of Thoulouse, Montpellier 
 Orleans, Cahors, Angers, Aix, Poictiers, Caen, Valence! 
 Bourges, Bourdeaux, Rheims, Douay, Louvain, and Avil 
 gnon; and by those of Padua in Italy, Coimbra in Portugal, 
 Prague in Bohemia, Dillingen in Suabia, Vienna in Ger- 
 many, and Cracow in Poland. 
 
 The real nature and causes of such a formidable and con- 
 tinned opposition on the part of those Bodies will appear in 
 so detailed a form in the following History, that it is unneces- 
 sary to notice them here ; but it may be well to observe, that 
 Mr, Dallas's assertion (p. 26j, that the University and Par- 
 liament of Paris took a principal share in the League, will 
 not prove that the Jesuits were innocent of contributing to 
 the horrors of that unhappy period. There can be little do & ubt 
 that those of the Catholic Clergy of Paris who were not Je- 
 suits, abhorred and opposed Henry IV. before he became a 
 Catholic, quite as much as the Jesuits did. So long as the 
 thunders and anathemas of Pope Gregory XIII. were out 
 against that Monarch, it was, in the estimation of all good 
 Catholics, a point of duty and conscience to obey the injunc- 
 tions of the Head of their Church, and to oppose, to the ut- 
 most of their power, an excommunicated Heretic. But what 
 does Mr. Dallas gain by establishing this fact? That there- 
 fore the Jesuits were guiltless of the miseries of that distress 
 ing period? By no means-They were doubtless united in 
 one cause ; equally resisted their lawful Sovereign ; and alike 
 resorted to arms for the purpose of preventing his occupation 
 of a throne which the Pope had declared him unworthy to fill- 
 since the Pope, in the opinion of the whole Catholic Church,' 
 whether Jesuits or not, could not be mistaken. 
 
 There is a singular hardihood in Mr. Dallas's assertioa 
 
 4 
 
JESUITS IN THE LEAGUE. 79 
 
 (p. 26), that " the Parliaments and the Doctors, in fomenting 
 " the League, were seconded by all the Religious orders, the 
 " Jesuits excepted ;" and further (in p. 27), that " not a 
 " Jesuit was ever proved to have entered into the 
 " League, and that no writer accuses them of it, 
 
 " THE ADVOCATES ARNAULD, PaSQUIER, AND DoLLE ONLY 
 
 " excepted." 1 — The following History will prove how com- 
 pletely unfounded this assertion is — At present, it can only 
 be briefly stated, that (independently of the printed proofs 
 supplied by Pasquier in his " Catechisme des Jesuites" and 
 the solemn and official acts of the L T niversitv, to neither of 
 which authorities Mr. Dallas has any right to object), 
 Mezerai, in his Abrege Chro?iologique, proves that the Jesuits 
 had a principal share in various Leagues throughout France, 
 the grand centre of which was the League at Paris ; and, 
 that the members were bound by oath ; that Matthieu the 
 Jesuit was expressly named " the Courier of' the League" on 
 account of his frequent journeys between Rome and Paris; 
 and Mezerai further shews, that it was the intrigues of the 
 Jesuits which led to the treaty between the King of Spain and 
 the Dukes of Guise, dated 31st December, 1584, which 
 provided, that, in the event of the death of Henry III. the 
 Cardinal de Bourbon (a creature of the Jesuits) should be 
 proclaimed King. 
 
 LHistoire des derniers Troubles de France shews, that 
 two Jesuits endeavoured to obtain the King's sanction to the 
 League — that Pope Sixtus V. in 1589, sent Cardinal Ca- 
 jetan into France, as his Legate, assigning him the two Je- 
 suits Bellarmine and Tyrrius for advisers, with Instruc- 
 tions to use all the efforts in their power to get a King elected 
 who should be of the Catholic Religion — that the Jesuits in 
 Paris, who were at the head of that and the other Leagues, in 
 order to amuse the people during the severe siege of the ca- 
 pital, and to divert them from a sense of the misery to which 
 they were reduced, prescribed public processions, double fasts, 
 and religious vows ; and, together with other monks, kept 
 
 F 4 
 
80 , JESUITS IN THE LEAGUE. 
 
 the watch in turn— that at the head of the Council of Six- 
 teen, the Jesuits gave an impulse to sedition, which was felt 
 both in the capital and throughout the Kingdom ; that they 
 preached revolt in their Sermons, circulated it by their writ- 
 ings, and inculcated it in their congregations. 
 
 LHistoire de la Ville de Thoulouse, by Raynal, shews 
 that Augiee the Jesuit administered the oath to the Leaguers 
 of Thoulouse, and that its leaders pledged themselves never 
 to acknowledge Henry IV. as their King. 
 
 De Thou states, that on Matthieu\s death, which hap- 
 pened in 1588, the General of the Jesuits appointed Odon 
 Pigenat his successor, whom he calls a violent and fanatical 
 Leaguer of the Jesuits. The work, entitled, « Les Jesuites 
 « criminels de Uze Majesty and Calliee's « History of 
 « Marshal de Matignon" (who was sent to quell the League, 
 by Henry IV.), both prove the League of Bourdeaux to have 
 been instigated by the Jesuits. 
 
 The testimony of Du Boulay and of Sully might be 
 cited to the same purpose, as well as that of other Historians 
 equally unexceptionable, all tending to establish the fact that 
 the Jesuits were particularly active and formidable during the 
 period of the League; a confederacy which had for its o-eneral 
 object to extend the Catholic, and to depress the Protestant 
 Religion throughout France; and for its particular object, to 
 keep the Throne Catholic, and prevent the accession of Henry 
 the IVth. 3 
 
 Before, therefore, Me. Dallas had ventured upon an as- 
 sertion for which he can derive no support from History, he 
 should have considered the importance of Truth to the Publie 
 at large, and consequently to all those who undertake to in- 
 form the Public. 
 
 In p. 27, Me. Dallas endeavours to invalidate the testi- 
 mony of Sully against the Jesuits (which is of the utmost 
 importance), by calling him « the Leadee of the Hugo- 
 « nots." This accurate and luminous Historian is as much 
 above such imputations as Pascal ; but they serve to shew 
 
SULLY DEFENDED. 81 
 
 with how little ceremony Mr. Dallas treats either Catholics 
 or Protestants who have declared against the Jesuits: 
 
 " Tros Tyrius-ve mihi nullo discrimine habetur." 
 
 Pascal is too satirical for Mr. Dallas ; and Sully, that emi- 
 nent Politician and faithful Minister, is a Hugonot, nay, a 
 " Leader of the Hugonots," a term of reproach for Protest- 
 ants which has been hitherto employed only by Catholics! — 
 It was not, however, to be expected that any Defender of the 
 Jesuits would have pardoned the complete exposition of their 
 wickedness both of doctrine and practice, which are to be found 
 in Sully. 
 
 There occurs, in the same page, a peculiar example of 
 incorrect and garbled quotation, by which Sully is made to act 
 from motives which he himself disavows. 
 
 Mr. Dallas says, that " Sully stopped the proceedings 
 " against the Jesuits by interposing the authority of the ab- 
 " sent King, which (said he) is not to be compromised pour 
 " une pique de Pretres et de Thcologiens? N«w, while it is 
 true that Sully acted thus, his motives for doing so, as stated 
 by himself, are industriously suppressed by Mr. Dallas ; 
 without which his readers must suppose that Sully stopped 
 the proceedings, because he sided with the Jesuits, and oppos- 
 ed their enemies. The whole truth is thus told by Sully ; 
 from which it appears that it was a mere measure of temporary 
 policy, by which he did not intend to commit the King or 
 himself to any decided measure, but to which he was compel- 
 led by the peculiar circumstances of the moment : " The Je- 
 " suits 1 ' (says he) " had used great exertions on this occa- 
 " sion, and the party was already so strongly united, that, 
 " without reckoning the Pope, Spain, and their partisans in 
 <c the League (who were not a few), they had influenced one 
 11 half of the Parliament, who intrigued openly in their favor. 
 " The cause was in the hands of the most able advocates at the 
 " Bar, and the public mind was wholly divided in Paris be- 
 *' tween two such powerful factions. I considered what the 
 
a 
 
 82 SULLY DEFENDED. 
 
 " Cardinal de Bourbon had convinced me of, that there was 
 no extremity to which the Jesuits would not have recourse^ 
 if they were driven out of the Kingdom, either from re- 
 venge, or from the hope of getting their banishment re- 
 " voked ; that they were able by their intrigues to stir up a 
 " portion of Europe ; that they well knew how to get the 
 " persecution against them to be regarded as an injury done 
 " to religion itself, and to throw on the King the odium of 
 " being still attached in heart to the religion he had just 
 " quitted (the Protestant); which at that moment might have 
 " produced the worst effect : the King being also engaged in 
 " one of those undertakings, the issue of which is always so 
 " doubtful, and sometimes so critical ; and finally, the most 
 " powerful Catholics of the Kingdom fearing, or affecting to 
 " fear, on their own behalf, that the Catholic Religion was 
 " not sufficiently protected in France : for these reasons, I 
 thought that it was more prudent not to commit the autho- 
 rity °f rf ie absent King on account of a dispute between 
 " Priests and Theologians, and I had no doubt that his Ma- 
 " jesty would, in a like case, have adopted the most moderate 
 " course. I therefore told the Council, that the King did not 
 " consider the complaints against the Jesuits sufficiently esta- 
 " Wished ; but that he was resolved to put the question of ba- 
 " nishing or retaining them upon the manner in which they 
 " should conduct themselves, both towards the State and him- 
 " self : above all, that until the King should give more po- 
 " sitive orders, he prohibited any violent proceedings against 
 " the Jesuits, or any criminating pleadings — No one expect- 
 
 " ED TO FIND IN ME A PROTECTOR OF THE JESUITS."— See 
 
 Memoires de Sully, Vol. ii. p. 354— Edit. 1768. 
 
 The importance of this quotation must apologize for its 
 length : it will appear from it, that Mr. Dallas extracts a 
 single phrase from the long statement of Sully, leaving it to 
 be inferred from that insulated passage, denuded of its coi>- 
 text, that Sully had at least a leaning towards the Jesuits; 
 while it is clear, from the whole statement, that he dreaded 
 
 
CHATEL CONVICTED. 83 
 
 and disliked them, and acted only from the impulse of a pru- 
 dent policy in interposing the authority of the King to pre- 
 vent their banishment, because, at that moment, he had every 
 reason to fear its political consequences. 
 
 In p. 27 Mr. Dallas endeavours to overthrow the Evi- 
 dence against Chatel, who aimed at the life of Henry IV. 
 by asserting that the crime imputed to him is " without a 
 " shadow of proof."" There is an effrontery in this assertion 
 which requires distinct refutation. Let us hear Sully's ac- 
 count of the matter, who states that he was himself present 
 when Henry's life was attempted. " On the 26th of De- 
 " cember, 1595" (says Sully), " the King was in the Chamber 
 " of the Louvre, where he was giving audience to Messieurs 
 u de Ragny and de Montigny, with whom a large crowd had 
 " entered ; as he was in the act of stooping to salute one of 
 " them, he received a wound in his face from a knife which 
 " the assassin dropped, in the hope of escaping in the crowd. 
 u / was present — Observing the King all over blood, and 
 " fearing that the wound was in the throat, I approached him 
 " more dead than alive. He received us with mildness 
 " and composure, and we soon saw that he had in fact sus- 
 " tained no other injury than a cut Up, for the blow had been 
 " aimed too high, and had been stopped by a tooth which it 
 " had broken : the Criminal was discovered without diffi- 
 " culty, although concealed in the crowd ; he was a stu- 
 " dent named Jean Chatel : he replied to the first questions 
 " which were put to him, that he had come from the College 
 " of Jesuits, and he bitterly reproached those fa- 
 " thers. The King, who heard him, said, with a vivacity 
 " which few could have evinced on such an occasion, that he 
 " already knew from the mouths of many respectable persons, 
 " that the Society did not love him, but that he had just been 
 " convinced of it from his own mouth. Chatel was deliver- 
 " ed up to justice ; and the proceedings against the Jesuits, 
 which had been suspended, being revived with greater vi- 
 gour than ever, they terminated in the expulsion of that 
 
 
$4? EXTRAITS DES ASSERTIONS. 
 
 " Order ; their Father Guignard was hung for his criminal 
 " writings against the authority and lives of Kings; Jeah 
 " Gueret, Pierre Varade, Alexandre Mayus, Francois 
 " Jacob, and Jean Lebel, members of the society, were 
 " sentenced to perpetual banishment as accomplices in this 
 « crime."— See Memoires de Sully, Vol. ii. Book 7, p. 448, 
 
 Edit. 1768. 
 
 If the above Extract should not be thought conclusive, 
 the following History will further demonstrate with what an 
 utter contempt for historical testimony Mr. Dallas has assert- 
 ed that the crime of Chatel is " without a shadow of proof." 
 
 In p. 29 Mr. Dallas quotes M. Lally Tolendal in 
 favor of the Jesuits, as he had before done in p. 16. 
 
 The citation of living testimonies is always open to certain 
 objections not necessary to be here enumerated : whatever may 
 have been the motives which induced M. Lally Tolendal 
 to come forward in favor of the Jesuits, it is somewhat diffi- 
 cult to persuade ourselves to attach any great importance to 
 the opinion of a man who voted for Marshal Ney. Un- 
 doubtedly, if M. Lally Tolendal believed that signal culprit 
 to have been innocent, he did perfectly right in voting for his 
 acquittal; but, in entertaining such an opinion, the great 
 majority of mankind will consider him as having acted, not 
 only without sufficient reason, but in utter defiance of all rea- 
 son: is it not possible then, that he may have permitted him- 
 self to be equally deceived upon the question of the guilt or in- 
 nocence of the Jesuits ; and if he should have been so deceiv- 
 ed, is it any reason that we should deliver up our judgments 
 to him, and determine to be deceived also ? 
 
 Mr. Dallas makes (in pp. 2S and 34) an attempt to in- 
 validate the testimony given against the Jesuits by the Ex- 
 traits des Assertions, certainly upon no better grounds 
 than in other instances of disputed authorities. 
 
 These Extraits des Assertions are no other than the 
 assertions extracted in the year 1761 by the Parliament of 
 Paris from the writings of the Jesuits themselves, and laid be- 
 
EXTRAITS DES ASSERTIONS. 85 
 
 fore the King in proof of the criminality of the Order : a work 
 which presents to posterity an indelible record of the corrupt 
 morality of the Society as authorized by its superiors : there 
 are above two thousand Extracts from the Jesuits' own writ- 
 ings thus verified by the Parliament. The propositions con- 
 tained in these Extracts had already been condemned by the 
 Popes Alexander VII. Innocent XL and Alexander VIII. ; by 
 the Sorbonne ; by many of the first Prelates, and particularly 
 by M. de Goxdrix and the others who answered and censured 
 the Jesuits' Apology for the Casuists; as also by the Assembly 
 of the Clergy in 1700, of whose movements the celebrated 
 Bossuet was the main spring. The General of the Society 
 had never disowned or censured the authors of these works, 
 nor had the Superiors of the Society retracted their approba- 
 tion of them ; but, on the contrary, they had been reprinted 
 several times during the whole century preceding the period 
 when the Parliament made the Extracts in question. 
 
 The charge, therefore, of Mr. Dallas, that the Extraits 
 des Assertions are " a w r ork replete with studied fabrication s," 
 will not avail him ; and with respect to the answer which 
 Beaumont, the Archbishop of Paris (or some one for him), 
 gave to this work, in the Instruction de M. de Beaumont, it 
 is only necessary to refer to the character hereafter given of 
 that Prelate, in order to judge what degree of credit is due to 
 his testimony in this matter *. 
 
 It is easy to account for the quarrel of Mr. Dallas and 
 the other friends of the Jesuits with the Extracts drawn from 
 those accredited writings in which the Casuists so fullv deve- 
 loped what has been called " Part de chicaner avec Dieu" A 
 considerable degree of anger must always be excited by the 
 exposure which the Jesuits suffered by the publication of such 
 
 * The notorious illiteracy of this Prelate (to say nothing of other 
 parts of his character) was almost proverbial : it is impossible to ad- 
 vert to his name, without being reminded of the Episcopal question, 
 " Jlvez 'voiu lu mon Mandement ?" to which a wag replied, by asking 
 another question, " Monseigneur^ Vavez TOV9 luf 9 
 
86 PRYNNE DEFENDED. 
 
 Documents. The Parliament of 1761 only followed the 
 example of the Clergy of Paris, who also published Extracts 
 from the then existing writings of the Jesuits, a full Century 
 before ; and both these Bodies had the highest authority for 
 such a step : " Out of thine own mouth will I judge thee, 
 " thou wicked Servant." — Luke, xix. 22. 
 
 The Jesuits and their advocates find it easier to deal with 
 general statements, than with specific facts; and it is therefore 
 no matter of surprise, that, when they are pressed by such ar- 
 guments as these, they should lose all patience, and substitute 
 invective for reasoning. 
 
 The next Historian whose testimony is sought to be invali- 
 dated is Prynne. 
 
 It would have been strange indeed if he had been spared, 
 since it was principally owing to his exertions that the designs 
 of the Jesuits and their adherents of the Catholic religion in 
 the end of the reign of James I. and throughout that of 
 Charles I. were detected and defeated. The character of such 
 a writer can no more escape the aspersions of those who de- 
 fend the Jesuits and their friends at this time, than Prynne 
 himself could escape the resentment of the Jesuits and their 
 friends when he lived. The offence of Prynne is too deep 
 to be forgiven, and too recent to be forgotten; since the body 
 of Evidence collected and brought forward by him against the 
 Jesuits and Papists, is one of the most important links in the 
 chain of the History of Popery in England. 
 
 When the unjust and tyrannical Court of the Star Cham- 
 ber had determined to silence, by whatever means, the loud 
 and general remonstrances which were heard throughout the 
 nation against the revival of Popery, and its inseparable at- 
 tendant, Arbitrary Power, they began by inflicting the most 
 cruel and odious punishments upon those who had been instru- 
 mental in apprizing the people of the measures which were in 
 agitation. The persons who were principally singled out, were 
 Dr. Burton, a Clergyman of the Church of England, Dr. 
 Bastwick, a Physician, and Mr. Prynne, a Barrister; who 
 
PRYNNE DEFENDED. 87 
 
 were all subjected to the heaviest fines, and the most severe 
 and ignominious punishments, the effect of which steps, on the 
 part of the Court, was directly contrary to what was intended: 
 the Protestants of England, so far from being awed into 
 submission by the terrors of this example, espoused the cause 
 of the accused, and went the length of honouring them by a 
 public triumph — From this moment, Prynne enjoyed the 
 confidence of the chief opponents of the Jesuits and Roman 
 Catholics ; and it must be confessed, that if considerable 
 depth and vigour of intellect, an unabated ardour in the 
 pursuit of his object, and a large share of legal and juridical 
 knowledge, entitled any one to take a prominent part in a 
 question of the deepest national concern, Prynne was emi- 
 nently that man. The portion of personal feeling which may 
 be supposed to have operated with Prynne after the punish- 
 ment inflicted on him, ought undoubtedly to be taken into the 
 account in judging of the degree of credit to be attached to 
 his testimony; but not, as Mr. Dallas would insinuate, to 
 discredit that testimony, even if it stood singly. Fortunately, 
 however, for the interests of truth, his writings do not rest 
 upon his own statements alone, but are amply sustained by the 
 facts he adduces, as well as by much other concurrent testi- 
 mony of that particular period. 
 
 Mr. Dallas refers us for an account of Prynne to Hume, 
 the well-known advocate of arbitrary power; who, with his 
 characteristic levity and contempt for religion, notices one of 
 Prynne' s works, from which he takes occasion, as usual, to 
 sneer at Piety under the name of Puritanism. Prynne, how- 
 ever, published several others, which it did not perhaps answer 
 the purpose of Hume and Mr. Dallas to mention : one was 
 on " the treachery and disloyalty of papists to their 
 <? Sovereigns in doctrine and practice, and the power 
 " of Parliaments." This work had two objects — first, to shew 
 that the Papists and Jesuits, both in England and elsewhere, 
 had been invariably the advocates of Popery as well as the 
 assertors of arbitrary power, either to be exercised by them- 
 
88 PRYNNE DEFENDED 
 
 selves, or by Princes under their influence, to the exclusion 
 of all lawful sovereigns who might oppose them ; and, se- 
 condly, that the Parliament of England, as composed of the 
 three Estates of the realm, was the only legitimate form of 
 Government for England, as also that under which alone she 
 could really prosper ; and he refers the principal errors of the 
 reign of Charles I. as well as that King's subsequent misfor- 
 tunes, to his affection for Popery, and his desire to reign 
 without Parliaments. Another work from his pen was, 
 u Rome's Master-piece, or the grand conspiracy of 
 " the Pope and his Jesuitical Instruments to extir- 
 " pate the Protestant Religion and re-establish Po- 
 " pery ;" the chief object of which was, to develope the de- 
 signs of the Jesuits against the life of Charles I. as also against 
 the then existing Government : which designs he establishes 
 from some \ery important documents discovered by him at 
 Lambeth among the papers of Archbishop Laud, which were 
 laid by him before the King, and afterwards proved on oath 
 before the Parliament. We have also his Account of the 
 trial of that Archbishop ; including the evidence adduced 
 on the trial, which shews that the Popish Secretary of State 
 Windebank (who afterwards fled the Kingdom), Cardinal 
 Barberini (the nephew of Pope Urban VIII.), the Pope's 
 Nuncio Cuneus, the English Jesuits, and the Catholic 
 Priests, were all engaged in a league throughout the first 
 years of the reign of King Charles I. (in which they were 
 abetted by his Popish Queen*), to establish their own religion 
 
 * See, in Ludlow 1 * Three Letters from the Hague, " a Letter from 
 " Pope Gregory the Fifteenth to King Charles the First, in the year 
 " 1623, when he was Prince of Wales, and was gone to Spain in the 
 U hope of marrying Donna Maria, the daughter of Philip the Third, 
 " King of Spain ; who was the son of Philip the Second, the cruellest 
 " and most tyrannical King in Europe; who had invaded England with 
 " a powerful Fleet and Army in the year 1588, with a view of tho- 
 " roughly reducing it under his dominion, and re-establishing in it the 
 ■* Papal religion, with its usual appendage, the persecution of Protest- 
 
PEYXNE BEFENDEB. 89 
 
 in England, and to destroy the then order of things : and 
 it may be observed, that these facts, so far from resting on the 
 testimony of Pryxne alone, are amply confirmed by May in 
 his " History of the Long Parliament ;" a work strongly re- 
 commended by Warburton (in his Correspondence with Hurd 
 which has lately appeared), and by Lord Chatham (in his 
 Letters to a noble Relative recently published), as the most 
 faithful and elegant History of those times. The same view 
 •f the subject is also taken by the following writers, and it 
 appears to be fully proved by their works : viz. May's Bre- 
 viary ; The Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holies ; Collection of 
 State Papers, by Husbands ; Lilly's History of that period ; 
 
 a 
 
 ants or Heretics. Into this most bigoted, Popish, royal family was 
 " this Prince, at that time, ambitious of entering : though the match 
 " was afterwards broke off by some accident or other, and then he 
 " married another Popish Princess, named Henrietta Maria, the sister 
 M of Louis the Thirteenth, King of France, who was very much bi- 
 " goted to the Popish Religion, and very desirous of introducing it 
 ° into England ; and who, by her pernicious advice to her husband 
 " in matters of Religion and Government (in which he was weak 
 *' enough to let himself be guided by her), led him into many of the 
 " bad measures that gave rise to the misfortunes of his reign. There 
 " was, therefore, good reason for the suspicions that many of his sub- 
 jects entertained of his being himself a Papist, though he always 
 " declared himself a Protestant, and even at the approach of death. 
 " But at least, it is certain that (if he were a Protestant) he was not 
 " such a sort of Protestant as (for the good of the English nation, and 
 " the preservation of their religion), a King of England ought to be ; 
 " or it would never have come into his head to marry a Popish Prin- 
 " cess. And whoever reads the Letter of Pope Gregory XV. to him, 
 " when he was in Spain (which is inserted in the third Letter of Gene- 
 " ral Ludlow), and then reads the Prince's answer to it (which is also 
 " there inserted), will be disposed to think, that the Protestant Gentle- 
 " men of England in that time (<who nvere real believers in their religion, 
 M and not persons <wbo thought little about the matter, and complied with 
 il the religion of the Kingdom merely because they found it established) were 
 « ver y excusable for entertaining some suspicions that the King was 
 u secretly inclined to Popery, notwithstanding his declarations to the 
 u contrary." — Preface by Mr. Barom Maseres to his Edition of 
 ** Ludlow's Three Letters from the Hague. 
 VOL. I. C 
 
 }> 
 
90 CHARLES I. AND HIS PARLIAMENT. 
 
 Sir John Temple's History of the Massacre of the Protest- 
 ants in Ireland ; Baxter's Life and Times ; Whitlock's Me- 
 morials ; Sir John Berkley's Memoirs ; Clement Walker's 
 History of Independency ; Ludlow's Memoirs, and particu- 
 larly his Three Letters from the Hague ; Fairfax's Memo- 
 rial ; and a variety of contemporary works ; some of which 
 have been lately republished by Mr. Baron Maseres, who 
 is well known to have paid particular attention to this inte- 
 resting period of English History, and who, on the subject of 
 the quarrel of King Charles with his Parliament, and the im- 
 portance of the Protestant Succession, expresses himself as 
 follows in his Preface to the Select Tracts relating to the 
 Civil Wars in England: " This part of the History of Eng- 
 " land is generally considered as more interesting than that of 
 €i any other preceding period of it, because it contains an 
 €t account of the grand struggle between King Charles I. and 
 *' the people of England (acting under the direction of the 
 " famous Long Parliament, that met on the 3rd of November, 
 " 1640), to determine f whether he should be permitted to 
 " govern them by his sole will and pleasure, as an absolute 
 " Monarch, and without the assistance of a Parliament (as 
 ** he had done very lately for ten years together, before the 
 w Civil War begun), or whether he should be compelled to 
 " consent to admit the two Houses of Parliament to a parti- 
 " cipation of the Legislative authority with him, — so that no 
 " new Law could be made, nor any old one be repealed or 
 " altered, nor any new tax be imposed upon the people, 
 " without their joint consent ; to which participation of the 
 " Legislative Power with the two Houses of Parliament, all 
 " the Kings of England, his predecessors, ever since the 
 " creation of the House of Commons by King Edward I. 
 " in the twenty-third year of his reign, A. D. 1295, had 
 " uniformly consented, as to a known and established maxim 
 " of Government.' 
 
 " This was the real subject of the dispute between King 
 " Charles and his Parliament: for, as to the Executive 
 
4i 
 
 CHARLES I. AND HIS PARLIAMENT. 91 
 
 4i Power of the State ; or the right of causing justice to be 
 *' administered to his people, according to known Laws already 
 
 duly established, and of appointing proper judges for that 
 
 purpose ; and the right of making war and peace with 
 " foreign nations, and of levying soldiers, by free contract* 
 " with them, to serve him out of the dominions of the Crown 
 *' of England, against such foreign enemies, and of appointing 
 " the Commanders, and other Officers of the Soldiers so levied 
 4( for foreign service — and the right of levying the Militia of 
 " England to suppress a rebellion, or to resist an invasion of 
 " England by a foreign enemv, but without going out of the 
 " dominions of the Crown : — all these powers, great as they 
 " are, and dangerous to public liberty as they would be, if they 
 " were abused, vet were allowed to belong to the King ; and 
 " no intention to change the English Monarchy, into a popular 
 " Government, or Commonwealth, was then entertained by 
 " any considerable number of the Members of that Parlia- 
 " ment, or of the People of England, by whom they had been 
 " elected. 
 
 " The real question, therefore, which gave rise to that 
 u famous Civil War, was, ' whether the English nation should 
 " thenceforward be governed by the King alone, or by the 
 " King and Parliament conjointly ;** or, in other words of the 
 " same import, ' whether they should be governed as slaves to 
 " the will of an absolute Monarch, possessing the power of 
 M an Emperor of Morocco, or as a free people, who, in times 
 
 of peace and domestic tranquillity, had a considerable share 
 ' in making and amending the laws by which they were to be 
 
 governed ;' and therefore it is most happy for the English 
 
 " nation, that the Parliament was successful in this contest: 
 
 " for it is to tliis success, together with the subsequent glo- 
 
 (i rious Revolution, in the year 1688, under the great King 
 
 " William, that we owe the degree of civil liberty, security 
 
 " of person and property, and other advantages of a wise 
 
 if and equitable Government, which we now enjoy, and 
 
 $i have enjoyed ever since that great event ; and, more 
 
 c o 
 
 41 
 
 U 
 
92 CHARLES X. AND HIS PARLIAMENT. 
 
 " especially, since the succession of the Princes of the House 
 " of Hanover to the Throne of these Kingdoms, upon the 
 " death of Queen Anne, in the year 1714, in consequence of 
 " the wise and noble Act o r Parliament, generally known by 
 H the name of the Act of Settlement, which was passed in the 
 " latter part of King William's reign, for excluding all the 
 u Popish branches of the Royal Family, and likewise all such 
 " members of it as shall hereafter embrace that hostile and 
 <c intolerant Religion, from their right of succeeding to the 
 " Crown ; and neither of these two great events, the Revo- 
 " lution in 1688, and the succession of the Hanover Family 
 M to the Crown in 1714, would probably have taken place, 
 " if King Charles had been successful in that contest with 
 " his Parliament. 1 '' — Preface to " Select Tracts relating to 
 " the Civil Wars in England, in the Reign of King Charles If" 
 Mr. Baron Maseres further observes, in his Preface to 
 " Ludlow's Three Letters," " The people of England had 
 " as much reason to be dissatisfied with the oppressive and 
 illegal government of King Charles I. in the first four years 
 of his reign, as their successors had to be dissatisfied with the 
 oppressive and illegal acts of the whole four years of the 
 u reign of King James II. ; and if the resistance to King 
 " James II. for his tyrannical proceedings (which produced 
 <c his abdication of the Crown) was justifiable and even laud* 
 " able, it must surely be allowed that the resistance of the Par- 
 u liament of November, 1640, to King Charles I. must like- 
 <c wise have been justifiable and laudable. It is to the wise and 
 " vigorous proceedings of that Parliament, in the two or three 
 " first years of their continuance, and before they were dis- 
 " turbed and overawed by the mutinous conduct of their own 
 K victorious armies, after the King was made a Prisoner, that 
 16 the subjects of the Kingdom of England, after the restora- 
 i6 tion of the monarchy in 1660, have been principally indebt- 
 tf ed for the several political privileges and advantages that 
 " have exalted their condition above that of the subjects of 
 
 M 
 
CHARLES I. AND HIS PARLIAMENT. 93 
 
 *' France and Spain, and most of the other monarchies of 
 " Europe." 
 
 A passage in Millar s Historical Vieiv of the English 
 Government may serve to confirm the correctness of the above 
 remarks: 
 
 " The first fifteen years of the reign of Charles I. pre- 
 " sented nearly the same view of political parties which had oc- 
 " curred in the reign of his Father; the King eagerly demand- 
 " ing supplies ; threatening that, unless his demands were com- 
 " plied with, he must have recourse to other methods of pro- 
 " curing money, and declaring, that as the existence of Parlia- 
 " ments depended entirely upon his Will, they must expect, 
 " according to their behaviour, either to be continued or laid 
 " aside ; — Parliament, on the other hand, with inflexible reso- 
 " lution, insisting upon the previous redress of grievances ; its 
 " members imprisoned and called to account for their beha- 
 " viour in that assembly ; repeated dissolutions of Parliament, 
 " for its perseverance in refusing to grant the Sums demanded ; 
 " and each dissolution followed by the arbitrary exactions of 
 " Loans and Benevolences, and by such other expedients as 
 " the Crown could put in practice for procuring money." 
 
 " From the whole behaviour of the Kino; during this 
 " period ; from numberless instances in which he declared his 
 •" political sentiments ; from the countenance and favor which 
 " he shewed to the authors of doctrines entirely subversive of 
 •? civil liberty ; from his peremptory demands of supply 
 u accompanied with menaces, in case they should not be ccm- 
 " plied with ; from his repeated dissolutions of Parliament, for 
 44 persisting to inquire into national grievances; and from his 
 " continuing, in consequence of an avowed resolution, for so long 
 4( a period as that of eleven years, to rule without the aid of any 
 " national Council, and to levy money, both directly and indi- 
 " rectly, by his own authority ; from all these circumstances 
 " it is manifest, that he considered himself as an absolute Mo- 
 " narch, and that although he made repeated applications to 
 
 g 3 
 

 9% CHARLES I. AND HIS PARLIAMENT*. 
 
 61 Parliament for supplies, he was far from admitting the neces- 
 * c sity of such an expedient, but claimed the power of imposing 
 " Taxes as an inherent right of the Crown. 1,1 — " To the illus- 
 " trious Patriots, who remained unshaken during this period, 
 " we are indebted, in a good measure, for the preservation of 
 u that freedom which was banished from most of the other 
 " Countries of Europe. They set the example of a constitu- 
 " tional resistance to the encroachments of prerogative ; aceom- 
 " modated their mode of defence to the variations in the state 
 " of Society which the times had produced, and taught the 
 u House of Commons, by a judicious use of their exclusive 
 " right of taxation, to maintain and secure the rights of their 
 u constituents." 
 
 Of the Long Parliament too, Millar speaks in the fol- 
 lowing terms : — " Whoever,"" says he, " examines with atten- 
 tion the proceedings of this Parliament, from their first 
 meeting to the commencement of the Civil War, will easily 
 " perceive that their views were somewhat different from those 
 " of the four preceding Parliaments ; and perhaps will find 
 reason to conclude, that they did not continue through the 
 whole of this period, invariably the same. It was the object 
 of this Parliament, to reform such parts of the Constitution 
 " as were grossly defective; but their plan of reformation was 
 " necessarily varied, and extended according to the pressure of 
 * { circumstances. That the Parliament had, at this time, any 
 " intention to overturn the Monarchy, and to establish a re- 
 " publican form of Government, there is no good reason to 
 " suppose: after all the regulations which this Parliament intro- 
 " duced, the Sovereign still remained in the possession of very 
 " ample powers : he still would have enjoyed a voice in the 
 " Legislature : he would still have exercised the power of 
 " collecting and disposing of the Public Revenue. He would 
 " still have remained the fountain of honour; would have 
 " nominated all the Judges during pleasure, and have had the 
 *$ sole privilege of declaring Peace and War, with that of levy* 
 
 
PRYXNE DEFENDED. 95 
 
 " ing and commanding all the mercenary forces of the Kinor- 
 " dom. In a word, his direct authority would have been more 
 " absolute than that of the British Monarch at present." 
 
 " With respect to the conduct of Charles during this 
 
 " period, we meet with no important variation : the same 
 
 " arbitrary system invariably pursued, and by the same un- 
 
 " scrupulous means of dissimulation and duplicity : to those 
 
 " indeed who look no further than the immediate transactions, 
 
 " and who are unable to trace the intentions and motives of the 
 
 " Parties, it may seem that the ground of the dispute had been 
 
 u changed, while Parliament was labouring to introduce a set 
 
 " of palpable innovations, and the King, who certainly con- 
 
 " sented to these with reluctance, is represented to us in the 
 
 " light of a secret friend to the old constitution. This is the 
 
 " aspect of the controversy which those Authors who attempt 
 
 " to excuse or justify the Monarch, are at great pains to ex- 
 
 " hibit, and to which they would willingly confine the atten- 
 
 " tion of the reader. They endeavour to conceal or keep out 
 
 " of view the former measures of the Sovereign, by which he 
 
 " had subverted the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, and 
 
 u the evidence which had occurred of his obstinate resolution 
 
 " to persist in the same designs. Thus they impute to Parlia- 
 
 " ment, the offences in reality committed by the Kino- and 
 
 " represent as violations of the constitution the regulations 
 
 M which had become absolutely necessary for its preservation ; 
 
 " that is, they consider as a poison the antidote given to pre- 
 
 " vent its baneful effect-." 
 
 Now, if the above views be correct (and with the body of 
 evidence, which Baron 3Iasep.es, and the Authors whose 
 works he has republished, have collected in their favor, it will 
 not be easy to prove them otherwise), then is Prynne entitled 
 to the gratitude of all succeeding times, for the conspicuous 
 part taken by him in exposing the intrigues of Popery, resist- 
 ing arbitrary power, and maintaining the privileges of the 
 British Parliament, and the liberties of the people of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 g 4 
 
V® DE THOD DEFENDED. 
 
 Me. Dallas's statement, therefore, that Prynne was « a 
 " factious agent" (p. 35), H a thorough-paced puritan," and 
 " a Libeller" (p. 36), will not suffice to overthrow his testi- 
 mony. There is nothing easier than to call names ; and the 
 imputation of faction is as old as the age of the Apostles, 
 when the chief of that chosen band was called " a pestilent 
 " fellow," a " mover of sedition, and the ringleader of a secC 
 (Acts, xxiv, 5). 
 
 Mr. Dallas's assertion, that Prynne attacked the Church^ 
 is not correct, unless he means the Church of Rome: he cer- 
 tainly attacked those Members of the Church of England, who 
 (like Archbishop Laud, Bishop Montague, and Heylin), 
 appeared determined to bring in Popery, against the wishes of 
 the People of England; and who shewed its Professors and 
 Ministers such honour and patronage, as appeared to Prynne 
 and others, to be inconsistent with the safety and existence of 
 the Church of England. 
 
 So far was Prynne from giving any countenance to the 
 excesses of the Parliament or the Army, that he invariably 
 opposed the irregularities of both, to the utmost of his power, 
 both by his public conduct, and his printed works ; and he 
 also attacked the usurpation of Cromwell with so much vigour, 
 that he was actually imprisoned by that military Demagogue r 
 so far also was Prynne from displaying any hostility to Mo- 
 narchy or regular government, as such, that he was eminently 
 instrumental in restoring Charles II. to the Throne, and 
 gave his most strenuous support to the legal and established 
 government, which was effected by the Restoration of the 
 lawful Monarch. 
 
 Mr. Dallas next attempts (p. 35) to discredit the testi- 
 mony of De Thou. 
 
 This great Historian enjoyed the confidence of Henry III. 
 of France, by whom he was employed in Normandy, Picardy, 
 Germany, and Venice ; his knowledge and integrity recom- 
 mended him to his Successor Henry IV. who made him his 
 Privy Counsellor, ajid relied on him in the most important 
 
DE THOU DEFENDED. 97 
 
 negotiations. He placed him at the head of the Royal Li- 
 brary ; an office (say the French Biographers) worthy of his 
 erudition. The same King appointed him one of his Commis- 
 sioners, on the part of the Catholics, in the celebrated Confer- 
 ence at Fontainebleau, during the Regency of Mary de 
 Medicis. This distinguished character was one of the Directors 
 General of Finance ; he was deputed to the conference of 
 Loudun, and employed in other affairs of the greatest conse- 
 quence, in all of which it was difficult to decide whether his 
 honesty, or his talents were most conspicuous. His intimate 
 acquaintance with the best classical authors, his profound re- 
 searches, and his extensive travels, his knowledge of the 
 manners, the customs, and the geography of various countries, 
 eminently qualified him for that stupendous work, the History 
 of his own Time (from 1545 to 1607); a work which involve* 
 all the great interests of policy, war, and letters, during a most 
 interesting period. The impartiality and intelligence which 
 are displayed in this performance, have been the theme of 
 general admiration : his reflections are elevated, and yet judi- 
 cious ; and although his details are sometimes elaborate and 
 diffuse, the eloquence with which they are relieved may be 
 permitted to atone for this defect. De Thou, however, al- 
 though himself a Catholic, was too enlightened, not to observe 
 the crooked and secular policy of the Church of Rome, and 
 too honest to suppress the result of his observations. He 
 speaks, therefore, with freedom, of worldly-minded Popes, of 
 a licentious Clergy (whether Jesuits or not), and of the trea- 
 cherous House of Guise ; and he evinces considerable liberality 
 and candour towards Protestants. " Hinc illae lacryma? !" 
 
 Such a line of conduct could not fail to attract many foes. 
 He was accused of heterodoxy by some, and of heresy by 
 others: this excited no surprise in his own mind, and it is 
 thus that he refutes the imputations which had arisen, in a 
 Letter to the President Jeannxn. " I call God to witness" 
 (says he), " that I have only had his glory, and the public 
 " good, in view, in having composed my History with the most 
 
98 Dl2 THOU DEFENDED. 
 
 i( 
 
 
 
 scrupulous and uncorrupted fidelity of which I was capable* 
 " without suffering myself to be influenced by friendship or 
 " by hatred. I admit that many have the advantage of me 
 " in a more agreeable style, in a superior mode of narration, 
 and in the depth of their reflections and maxims ; but I will 
 yield to no Historian who has preceded me, in fidelity and 
 " correctness. I could easily foresee that I should draw 
 " upon myself the hatred of many persons, and the event has 
 " shewn that I was not mistaken. Scarcely had the first part 
 " of my History appeared in 1604, than I experienced the 
 " animosity of many, who, by artifice and calumny, excited 
 some Courtiers against me, who (as you know) are not 
 themselves the best judges of subjects of this kind. They 
 " carried the matter to Rome, where, after having condemned 
 " me, they easily brought about the condemnation of a work 
 " (by means of prejudiced Censors) of which they had not 
 " perused one third*." 
 
 Perhaps, however, Mr. Dallas may object to De Thou's 
 account of himself. Let him hear then what the great Lord 
 Mansfield said of him and his History, in his celebrated 
 speech in the House of Lords, in the cause of The Chamber- 
 
 * See Dictionnaire Historique, Article De Thou. — By the Bull 
 In ccena Domini, which no Pope has as yet retracted, all persons who 
 should read any Book composed by Heretics, were excommunicated. 
 Father Paul mentioning the first Index of prohibited Books which 
 was published at Rome, in 1559, savs > amon g other things, that, under 
 pretext of Religion, the Pope in this, consigned to excommunication the 
 authors of all works, in which the authority of Princes and Magistrates 
 was supported against the usurpation of Ecclesiastics: besides which, 
 the Romish Inquisitors prohibited, in the mass, all books printed by 
 sixty-two printers who were named, which works they denounced, 
 without any regard to their contents ; adding further a general prohibi- 
 tion to read any book issuing from the press of any printer, who but 
 once in his life had printed any thing produced by an Heretic. — By this- 
 means (says the Historian) nothing was left to read, and never was a 
 better secret discovered to paralyze and corrupt men by Religion. — See 
 History of the Council of Trent, book vi. 
 
 4 
 
RAFIN DEFENDED; 99 
 
 lain qf London against Evans ; he there speaks of him as 
 that great man, who, though a Papist, had dared to advance 
 so many admirable things in the dedication of his History 
 
 " to Henry IV. a History which" (says Lord Mansfield) " I 
 
 ... 
 
 " NEVER READ WITHOUT RAPTURE." 
 
 It was De Thou whom the great and learned Grotius es- 
 teemed above all others, and with whom he preserved a friend- 
 ship and maintained a correspondence, till the hour of his 
 death. 
 
 It is at this character, that Mr. Dallas " first casts a 
 " stone !" 
 
 To furnish any further eulogiums on De Thou would be 
 to write a volume. Let his own works praise him. Let the 
 general esteem in which the world has agreed to hold them 
 (with the exception only of certain partisans, who cannot bear 
 the truth) suffice to wipe out the aspersions which have been 
 cast upon him by the author of the Letters in the Pilot 
 Newspaper, and the Popish Journal, which Mr. Dallas has 
 thought proper to make his own. Finally, let the unsucess- 
 ful efforts of the Court of Rome, to stifle the evidence collected 
 by De Thou, and a multitude of other Historians, while they 
 afford a strong argument in favor of those writers, serve to 
 establish more fully the narrow and perverted policy of sup- 
 pressing facts, because they do not tend to the credit of the 
 Romish Church ; a policy which would sacrifice truth itself 
 to the interests of a particular system, and would keep the 
 whole world in darkness, rather than that the delinquencies of 
 Popery, and her twin sister Jesuitism, should be exposed. 
 
 Mr. Dallas next ventures on a little bush-fiffhtins: with 
 the elaborate and faithful History of Rapin ; not daring, as it 
 should seem, to hazard an attack in front. 
 
 He complains, " that he finds in the pages of Rapin, the 
 " names of Jesuit and Catholic indiscriminately used as ac- 
 " cused of plots i 1 ' and, whom has Mr. Dallas to censure for 
 this? Certainly not the Historian, but those faithful Bre- 
 
100 PROTESTATIONS OF INNOCENCE. 
 
 thren, who, true to each other, and to their cause, were thutf 
 indiscriminately engaged in plots, of which Rapin records the 
 failure. If the names of Jesuits and Catholics are indiscrimi- 
 nately found in the pages of Rapin, what are we to infer from 
 this, but that, if the same persons are found again in this 
 Protestant nation, they will be indiscriminately engaged in the 
 same pious work ? 
 
 Mr. Dallas, however, finds that " the Jesuits confuted 
 " the accusations brought against them by the most persuasive 
 " simplicity of their protestations of innocence ,•" and blames 
 " a writer of 1815 for citing the pretended plots, in the days of 
 " Elizabeth, and of the Stuarts." 
 
 If protestations of innocence were to be admitted as proofs 
 of innocence, Mr. Dallas might contend with greater proba- 
 bility, that the plots of the Jesuits through the five reigns of 
 Elizabeth, Charles I. and II. and James I. and II. were only 
 pretended. Let us, however, examine this assertion. 
 
 The greater part of the offenders in the above instances 
 were charged with having designed the destruction of the 
 lawful Sovereigns of the land. In addition, therefore, to the 
 ordinary crime of murder 3 the treason which it involved 
 against the highest authorities, and a sense of the distraction 
 and uproar which might be reasonably expected to ensue, ren- 
 dered such a species of crime peculiarly detestable to the 
 people of England. Now, it has ever been found that most of 
 those who rank in the worst class of offenders declare their 
 innocence to the last, especially in cases where the offence is 
 not deposed to by an eye-witness of the fact, and frequently 
 where it is, it being attempted, in the latter case, to affect the 
 credit of such witness, as perjured or suborned. It has often 
 been foUnd that the dread of general odium and indignation is 
 the last surviving principle in the human breast : it is dearer 
 than life itself; and many who have not feared to die, have, in 
 all ages, shrunk from the complete forfeiture of character which 
 si confession of their crime would involve. They could dare 
 
PROTESTATIONS OF INNOCENCE. 101 
 
 and endure every thing, but the loss of public opinion. This 
 is no matter of speculation or theory ; but the history of crime 
 in every period and every nation will abundantly confirm it — 
 
 " Entendons discourir sur les bancs des galeres, 
 
 " Ce forcat abhorre meme de ses confreres ; 
 
 " II plaint par un arret injustement donne, 
 
 " L'honneur en sapersonnearamer condamne." — Boileau*. 
 
 Without looking back to antiquity, we have two remarkable 
 examples in our own time of the most resolute denial of guilt, 
 in cases respecting which no honest man could entertain any 
 doubt. The first is that of Marshal Ney in France, which 
 has been alluded to before ; and the second, that of Lord 
 Cochrane in England, who, being accused of a crime which 
 no gentleman ought to have committed, endeavoured to falsify 
 the evidence of disinterested witnesses, impeached the decision 
 of a Jury, which was sworn to decide upon the evidence, and 
 insulted a Judge who, in every man's mind but the Prisoner's, 
 was elevated above all suspicion of any bias against him. 
 
 It was probably upon the same principle that the Jesuits, 
 charged as they were with crimes of the deepest die, crimes 
 which in the Professors of religion assumed greater aggravation 
 than in the case of common men, determined on denying, to 
 the last, the accusations which had been brought. 
 
 But further; in estimating the value of the Jesuits 1 " pro- 
 " testations of innocence, 1 ' it must be considered, that the 
 interests of their own Church, and of their Brethren then in 
 England, required that they should not avow their guilt, on 
 
 * Levizac, in a note on the above passage, relates an anecdote of 
 the Duke of Ossonia, a Vice Roy of Sicily and Naples, who, on visiting 
 the Galleys, had the curiosity to interrogate the criminals they all on 
 that occasion, with one accord, declared their entire innocence of the 
 crimes of which they had been convicted, with the exception, however, 
 of one prisoner, who honestly admitted that he was guilty, and had 
 deserved even a worse fate than he had experienced ; upon which the 
 Vice Roy exclaimed (releasing him from bondage), " Take that rascal 
 " away ! he will only corrupt all these honest people. ,, 
 
102 PROTESTATIONS OF INNOCENCE. 
 
 account of the scandal which would have accrued to the 
 Romish Communion, and the danger which might have ensued 
 to others. They might also have imagined that all necessary 
 purposes had been answered, if they had confessed to the 
 Priests by whom they were attended, without the addition of 
 a public confession ; which, while it could not save their own 
 lives, would only commit their own cause*. When to these 
 considerations are added the doctrines of casuistry which jus- 
 tify rebellion, and divest it of its guilt ; the merit of a good 
 intention, which sanctifies the end in view, by the use of any 
 means to obtain it ; and the duty of obedience to Papal autho- 
 rity; we may perhaps come to some more correct conclusions 
 upon the importance to be attached to a Jesuit's " protestations 
 " of innocence," than if such reflections were laid out of 
 sight *f*. 
 
 * The following passage from Burnet will prove that he did not 
 value very highly the Jesuits' " protestations of innocence. " " One 
 «* Serjeant, a secular Priest, who bad been always on ill terms with the 
 " Jesuits, and was a zealous Papist in his own way, appeared before 
 " the Council, upon security given him ; and he averred that Gawen 
 " the Jesuit, who died protesting he had never thought it lawful to 
 " murder Kings, but had always detested it, had at his last being in 
 " Flanders, said to a very devout person from whom Serjeant had it, 
 M that he thought the Queen might lawfully take away the King's life, 
 " for the injuries he had done her, but much more, because he was a 
 " Heretic: upon that, Serjeant run out into many particulars to shew 
 " ho<w little credit nuas due to the protestations made by yesuits even at their 
 " death." — Burnet's Own Times, Vol. ii. p. 153, Edit. 1724. 
 
 \ Burnet, it appears, would not believe those who were not 
 Jesuits under circumstances where their religion was opposed to their 
 veracity — u Sir Edward Hales" (says he), " a gentleman of a noble 
 " family in Kent, now declared himself a Papist, though he had 
 " long disguised it; and had once to myself so solemnly denied it, that 
 " I was led from thence to see there was no credit to be given to that 
 " tort of men, where their Church or Religion was concerned." Burnet's 
 Historyof his own Times, Vol. ii. p. 379, Edit. 1 714 — And Baxter was 
 much of the same opinion; for he says, " The King" (Charles II ) " that 
 ** week, by himself and the Chancellor, acquainted them that he should 
 i( consent to any thing reasonable to secure the Protestant Religion, not 
 
MR. FOX ON POPISH PLOT. 103 
 
 Me. Dallas however asserts, that these " pretended 
 * c plots" have been " cited against the toleration of the Ca- 
 " Miotics" 
 
 It is not true that they have been cited with any such ob- 
 ject : they have been adduced to shew, that Jesuits cannot be 
 tolerated with safety to this country, and that Catholics can- 
 not safely succeed to power or influence in the State ; whether 
 the argument which they afford to this point, together with 
 the other arguments to the same point, which have been 
 brought forward, go to establish it, let the country judge. It 
 is the less necessary here to notice the sophistry which imputes 
 to all those who cannot see with Mr. Dallas's eyes, a refusal 
 to tolerate the Catholics, because that imputation has been 
 considered before. The Catholics enjoy, and may they ever 
 enjoy, the most ample toleration : no man who values religious 
 freedom and loves his country, would wish that they should 
 have less ; but surely many of the best friends of Toleration 
 may still be excused for refusing the Catholics the power to 
 act intolerantly towards those whom they call Heretics, with- 
 out at the same time being charged with refusing to tolerate 
 the Catholics. 
 
 To resume the subject of the Popish Plots : Mr. Dal- 
 las, in order to shew they were only pretended, refers us to 
 " Dr. Milner's Letters to a Prebendary," and he is certainly 
 entitled to all the benefit which he can derive from the evi- 
 dence of a Popish Bishop. He then passes to the assertions, 
 or rather asseverations, of Mr. Fox, respecting the Plot of the 
 Jesuits in the reign of Charles II: although, from the manner 
 in which the passage is quoted, Mr. Dallas's readers are left 
 to guess what Plot Mr. Fox alludes to ; and, indeed, it is 
 
 " alienating the Crown from the line of succession, and particularly 
 " that he would consent, that till the successor" (James II.) " should 
 " take the test, he should exercise nc act of government. This offer 
 " took much with many ; but most said that it signified nothing ; FOR 
 "Papists have easily dispensations to take any tests ot. 
 " oaths." — Baxter's Life and Times, part iii. p. 185. 
 
104? ME. FOX ON POPISH PLOT. 
 
 only by reference to Mr. Fox's work that any one can disco- 
 ver. It is impossible to acquit Mr. Dallas of a reprehen- 
 sible (not to say intentional) ambiguity on this subject ; for, 
 immediately after his quotation from Mr. Fox as to this Plot, 
 he has these words : " Speaking of one of the imaginary Po- 
 (i pish Plots, Mr. Fox expresses himself thus,"" &c. : whereas, 
 in fact, Mr. Fox is at that moment speaking of this same 
 Plot in the reign of Charles II. and of no other. The Plot 
 in question is that which concerned Lord Staiford and other 
 Catholic Peers, the Jesuits Whitebread, Fenwick, Gowan, 
 Turner, Harcourt, Coleman, and Ireland ; and the under- 
 plot connected with it, viz. the murder of Sir Edmondbury 
 Godfrey ; in which affairs, Oates, Bedloe, Dugdale, Tongue, 
 Turberville, and Pranse, were the principal witnesses. 
 
 It is sincerely to be wished, for the credit of Mr. Fox, 
 that he had contented himself with a statement of the Evi- 
 dence which was actually given on both sides, in some such 
 manner as Burnet has detailed it in his History of his own 
 Times ; rather than that he should have committed himself to 
 such an indecent attack upon " the King, Parliament, Judges, 
 " Juries, Witnesses, and Prosecutors, 1 ' for their conduct at 
 this important juncture. Had he attended to the cautious 
 way in which Burnet (who lived through the whole period 
 alluded to, and possessed the best means of information), as 
 well as others, have examined and balanced the evidence which 
 was produced, it is almost impossible that he could have ex- 
 pressed himself with so much passion and vehemence as he 
 has done : the passage extracted from Mr. Fox's work has 
 rather the declamatory character of a popular harangue than 
 that of a sober examination of an historical fact * ; and a re- 
 ference to the authority which has been referred to, as well a6 
 
 * It is remarkable that Mr. Foi says of the Introduction to his 
 History (in which Introduction this very passage is contained), "I have 
 " at last finished my Introduction, which, after all, is more like a speech 
 * than it should be." — See Lord Holland's Address to the Reader, pre- 
 fixed to Mr. Fox's History. 
 
BURNET ON POPISH PLOT. 105 
 
 of Rapines authority on the same subject, will satisfy every 
 reader that Mr. Fox's ardent love of liberty,, in the pursuit 
 of which favorite object he did not always preserve the greatest 
 moderation or consistency, has transported him in this instance, 
 as in many others, far beyond the limits of " truth and sO- 
 " berness.'" 
 
 Mr. Fox himself admits that the belief in the plot was 
 universal (see p. 31); and expressly declares liimself as much 
 convinced as Rapin, that there was a design or project to in- 
 troduce Popery, at the head of which were the King and his 
 Brother (Charles II. and James II.): but Mr. Fox can- 
 not conceive how, if this were the case, the plot in question 
 could have been real; not considering that the Papists were ge- 
 nerally believed to have meditated the death of Charles II. 
 who was only their concealed friend, in order to make way for 
 James II. who was their open and avowed friend, and who 
 afterwards proved liimself so, even to the satisfaction of Mr. 
 Fox himself*. 
 
 If, therefore, that eminent Politician and Orator, instead 
 of quoting Dryden (who was a Papist), in order to prove 
 that the plot was fictitious, had adverted to the evidence 
 which there is for its truth, he would, in all probability, have 
 been deterred from hazarding so positive a declaration as we 
 find, and might have preferred even indecision itself, in a case 
 of conflicting testimony, to the decided and dogmatical tone 
 which he has assumed. — With how much greater dignity and 
 decency does Burnet sum up his reflections on this whole 
 subject, when, after a patient comparison of the contradictory 
 evidence which had been brought forward, he observes, 
 " These things put a man quite in the dark: and in this mist, 
 " matters must be left till the great revelation of all secrets ; 
 
 * Courtin's Letter to Louis XIV. in 1677, is well known : " I 
 " can answer for it to your Majesty" (says he), " that there are none 
 M of your own subjects who wish you better success in all your under- 
 " takings than these two Princes do"— (Charles II. and James II.) See 
 Dalrymple and others. 
 
 VOL. I. H 
 
MK> BAXTER ON POPISH PLOT. 
 
 * and there I leave it." — Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. p. 203, 
 Edit. 1724. 
 
 " They are too wise" (says May, hi his History of the 
 Long Parliament), " who are not content sometimes to won- 
 " dor." 
 
 Such persons as are desirous of forming correct conclu- 
 sions upon the Plot of the Jesuits in the reign of Charles II, 
 and also on the murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey (a Pro- 
 testant Magistrate who had at that time rendered himself ob- 
 noxious to the Papists by taking the depositions on the above 
 occasion), may, in addition to Burnet and Rapin, consult 
 Baxter's Life and Times, where they will find that no 
 doubt rested on his mind as to the guilt of the Papists and 
 Jesuits in those transactions. It may be observed of Baxter, 
 fchat he lived in the period in question, and may be depended 
 upon for an inflexible adherence to truth ; nor will Mr. Dallas 
 himself object to his testimony, when he finds that Mr. Fox 
 calls him " a pious and learned Dissenter of exemplary cha- 
 4i racter, alwa) r s remarkable for his attachment to monarchy, 
 4w and for leaning to moderate measures in the differences be- 
 " tween the Church and those of his persuasion." — See Mr. 
 Fox^s History of the Reign of James II. p. 96. 
 
 Baxter thus expresses himself: " About October, 1678, 
 M fell out the murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, which 
 
 * made a very great change in England. One Dr. Titus Oates 
 " had discovered a Plot of the Papists, of which he wrote 
 u out the particulars very largely; telling how they fired the 
 " City, and contriving to bring the Kingdom to Popery, and 
 u in order thereto to kill the King : he named the Lords, 
 " Jesuits, Priests, and others, that were the chief contrivers, 
 <c and . said that he himself had delivered to several of the 
 s - Lords their Commissions; that the Lord Bellasis was to 
 " be General, the Lord Peters Lieutenant-general, and the 
 
 * Lord Stafford Major-general, the Lord Powis Lord Chan- 
 Ci cellor, and the Lord Arundel of Wardour to be Lord 
 " Treasurer, He told who were to be Archbishops, Bishops, 
 
BAXTER OX POPISH PLOT. 107 
 
 •' &c. and at what Meetings, and by whom, and when all was 
 " contrived, and who were designed to kill the King: he first 
 " opened all this to Dr. Tongue, and both of them to the Kino- 
 " and Council : he mentioned a multitude of Letters which he 
 *' himself had carried, and seen, or heard read, that contained 
 u all these contrivances ; but because his father and he had 
 
 * once been Anabaptists, and when the Bishops prevailed, 
 " turned to be Conforming Ministers, and afterwards he (the 
 " son) turned Papist, and confessed, that he long had gone 
 " on with them, under many Oaths of Secrecy, many thought 
 " that a man of so little conscience was not to be believed ; 
 " but his Confessions were received by some Justices of the 
 u Peace, and none more forward in the search than Sir Ed- 
 " mondbury Godfrey, an able, honest, and diligent Justice. 
 w While he was following this work, he was suddenly missing, 
 " and could not be heard of. Three or four days after, he 
 
 * was found killed near Marybone Park : it was plainly found 
 " that he was murdered. The Parliament took the alarm 
 ** upon it, and Oates was now believed ; and, indeed, all his 
 " large Confessions in every part, agreed to admiration. 
 <£ Hereupon the King proclaimed pardon and reward to anv 
 " that would confess, or discover the murder. One Mr. Bed- 
 ** low, that had fled to Bristol, began and confessed that he 
 " knew of it, and who did it, and named some of the men, 
 xi the place, and time : it was at the Queen's House, call- 
 " ed Somerset House, by Fitzgerald and Kellv, two Popish 
 <; Priests, and four others, Berry the Porter, Green, Pranse, 
 " and Hill. The Priests fled ; Pranse, Berry, Green, and 
 *' Hill were taken : Pranse first confessed all, and discovered 
 ** the rest aforesaid, more than Bedlow knew of, and all the 
 *< circumstances; and how he was carried away, and by whom; 
 4i and also how the Plot was laid to kill the King. Thus 
 
 Oates's testimony, seconded by Sir Edmondbury God- 
 frey's murder, and Bedlow and Pranse's testimonies, be- 
 came to be generally believed. Ireland, a Jesuit, and two 
 more, were condemned; as designing to kill the King : Hill, 
 
 H 2 
 
 u 
 
 K 
 H 
 
108 BURNET ON LORD STAFFORD. 
 
 " Berry, and Green were condemned for the murder of God- 
 " frey, and executed ; but Pranse war, by a Papist, first ter- 
 " rified into a denial of the Plot to kill the King, and 
 " took on him to be distracted, but quickly recanted of this, 
 " and had no quiet till he told how he was so affrighted, and 
 " renewed all his testimony and confession. 
 
 " After this, came in one Mr. Dugdale, a Papist, and 
 " confessed the same Plot, and especially the Lord Stafford's 
 " interest in it ; and after him, more and more evidence dailv 
 " was added. 
 
 " Coleman, the Duchess of York's Secretary (and one of 
 " the Papists'* great plotters and disputers), being surprised, 
 " though he made away all his later papers, was hanged by 
 u the old ones that were remaining, and by Oates's testimony. 
 "But the Parliament kept off all aspersions from the Duke 
 " (afterwards James II.) : the hopes of some, and the fears 
 <; of others, of his succession, prevailed with many.'" * * * 
 " There came afterwards from among the Papists more and 
 " more converts that detected the Plot against Religion 
 " and the King : after Oates, Bedlow, Everard, Dug- 
 " dale, and Pranse, came Jennison, a Gentleman of Gray's 
 M Inn; Smith, a Papist; and others."" — Baxter's Life and 
 Times, Part hi. pp. 188 and 186. 
 
 Mr. Dallas next ventures on an assertion (p. 39), that 
 M Lord Stafford, who was beheaded for his part in the 
 " Plot, was an innocent victim of his pure attachment to 
 " God." 
 
 It is difficult to comprehend upon what principle Mr. 
 Dallas has ventured upon so positive an assertion of Lord 
 Stafford's innocence. 
 
 Burnet, who was sent for by that nobleman after his 
 condemnation, had frequent communication with him, and 
 appears to have possessed much of his confidence, states that, 
 although he denied any intention of killing the King, lie yet 
 admitted to him (Burnet) that he " could discover many 
 " other things, that were more material than any thing that was 
 
turberville's dying statement. 109 
 
 tx yet known, and for which the Duke of York" (afterwards 
 James II.) " would never forgive him ; and of these, if that 
 " might save his life, he would make a full discovery :" in 
 consequence of which, Burnet adds, he was examined by the 
 House of Lords ; but on his endeavouring to criminate the 
 Earl of Shaftesbury, the House would hear no more. 
 
 This information goes strongly to shew that Lord Staf- 
 ford had at least been engaged in the design of establishing 
 Popery, as it is otherwise difficult to conceive how any part 
 of his confession could have criminated the Duke of York ; 
 and with respect to the design upon the King's life, which 
 was deposed to by the witness Turberville, Burnet, after 
 throwing some shade upon that person's testimony, adduces 
 the following remarkable circumstance in corroboration of it: 
 
 "When Tiii-bei'viHe" (says he) "was near death, he 
 " sent for Mr. Hewes, the Curate of Saint Martin's, who 
 " was a very -worthy man, and from whom I had this account 
 *' of Him : Turberville looked on himself as a dead man 
 " at the first time he came to him ; but his disease did no 
 " way affect his understanding or his memory : he seemed to 
 " have a real sense of another state, and of the account that 
 " he was to give to God for his past life. Hewes charged him 
 " to examine himself, and if he had sworn falsely against any 
 " man, to confess his sin, and glorify God, though to his own 
 " shame. Turberville, both in discourse, and when he re- 
 ceived the Sacrament, protested tliat he had sworn nothing 
 but the truth, in what he deposed, both against Lord Staf- 
 " ford and the Earl of Shaftesbury, and renounced the 
 " mercies of God and the benefit of the death of Christ, if he 
 " did not speak the plain and naked truth without any re- 
 " servation, and he continued in the same mind to his death ; 
 " so here" (says Burnet) " were the last words of dying men 
 " against the last words of those that suffered. To this" 
 (he observes) " may well be added, that one who died of sick- 
 (i ness, and under a great depression in his spirits, was less 
 * c able to stifle his conscience, and resist the impressions that 
 
 H 3 
 
 ii 
 
it 
 a 
 
 110 HUME ON POPISH PLOT. 
 
 « it might then make on him, than a man who suffers on a 
 scaffold, where the strength of the natural spirits is entire 
 " or rather exalted by the sense of the eause he suffers for' 
 <• and we know that confession and absolution xn the 
 « church of Rome, give a quxet to which we do not 
 
 PRETEND, WHERE THESE THINGS ARE HELD TO BE ONLY 
 MINISTERIAL AND N0 T AUTHORITATIVE.- _ Burnet's Own 
 
 Times, vol. ii. p. 203, Edit. 1724. 
 
 What right, then, had Mr. Dallas to assert, that Lord 
 
 Stafford was « an innocent victim ?" If Burnet, whose 
 peculiar opportunities supplied him with the best means of 
 information, felt unable to acquit Lord Stafford, in his own 
 judgment ; how does it happen, that, at this distance of time, 
 Mr. Dallas feels so much confidence in his innocence, and 
 expects the public to agree with him & opinion, without pre- 
 senting them with one single fact which may establish that opi- 
 mon? r 
 
 With regard to the sentiments which Hume has thought 
 proper to express on the subject of the Popish Plot in the 
 reign of Charles II, it may be observed, that, without en- 
 tirely adopting Dr. Johnson's opinion respecting Hums 
 namely, that « upon his own principles he had no motive to 
 ■« speak the truth," or his other observation, that " truth 
 " did not afford him sufficient food, and therefore he betook 
 "himself to error;" it is certain, and has been universally 
 admitted, that Hume's recapitulation of the evidence adduced 
 on that occasion against the conspirators, is the most partial 
 slovenly, and garbled statement, which could well have been 
 compiled. With what face could that historian have left on re- 
 cord such a fallacious testimony to the innocence of the Jesuits 
 and Catholics in that affair, when he had before him the body 
 of evidence produced against them on oath, and when he him- 
 self admits, that « the restless and enterprising spirit of the 
 « Catholic church, particularly of the Jesuits, is in some de- 
 " gree dangerous to every other communion ? Such zeal of 
 " proselytism" (says he) « actuates that sect, that its mis- 
 
Ill- 
 
 HTTME ON POPISH PLOT. i11 
 
 * Monarics have penetrated into every nation of the globe ; 
 « and, in one sense, there is a popish plot perpetually carrying 
 « on against all states, Protestant, Pagan, and Mahometan. 
 —Home's History, Charles II. Anno 1678. 
 
 Is it likely, if the plot had been merely a « pretense, 
 one, that Low) Russell*, that excellent and amiable noble- 
 
 . Lord Resell is well known to have been himself sacrificed for 
 his attachment to the Protestant religion, and for hi. opposition to the 
 £££*. (afterward, James „.) then next in succession « 
 he who carried up the Bill from the Commons to the Lords, the obj ect 
 of which was to exclude the Duke from the crown as a Pap. t bu « 
 vas Sn the Upper House. For this decided conduct and *rg 
 observations in his place in the Lower House the Duke ££**£ . 
 him but determined on his ruin; and the infamous Jeeeerie (then 
 S £* Secant, but afterwards *J^£££3£ 
 II.) was the most active on his trial. In the papei un.c 
 
 ; , . .u m^ffit hesavs "For Popery, I look on it as 
 
 , M . delivered to the Sheriits, ne *ays, rui j.^ 
 
 :"„ dltrous and bloody religion, and therefore thought myse f 
 .. bound in my station, to do all I could against it; and by that, I torc- 
 « saw I should procure such great enemies to myself, and so powerful 
 - onls" al udin" to the Duke), "that I have been now forsome fm 
 « e P c ing the worst ; and blessed be God, I fall by the axe, and not 
 «. by the fiery trial. I M MM* M * *«B ** **» « *"£« " 
 , J. * Lon, and *« ** <& — * «« Tot™ 
 
 gtte weir wy ± u 7 nm afraid it ivi fall wider 'very 
 
 « ant ft*** and this naUon, tbou S h I an afro* J g 
 
 "Sreattrlak, and •* A* ^"'^rsSay the prophetical fears 
 the Introduction to Lady Russell > Letters. )-MaytP p 
 of Loan William Russell be in no way applicable to Piotestant 
 ot lord will Rather mav the prediction of Lord 
 
 SESBK =, wh^redl — cause ,e 
 lized in her experience l " God will not suffer this land, *J«T» 
 „ Gospel has of late flourished more than ™ -g- e world, 
 
 " to become a slave of the world. He w ill not sutler 
 
 « land of graven images." observed, that Rap,s gives 
 
 Before this note is concluded, , may be ^ 
 
 the following account of the debate ,n th Hou» ^ ^ 
 
 for excluding the Duke oe York ten a J J 
 
 succession to the Crown : " The Duke (say., he) sp 
 
 H 4 
 
1 1£ 
 
 tongue's dying statement. 
 
 man, would have lent himself to it, and engaged so actively 
 
 n. Hs.conduct as he is known to have done, or that he would 
 
 even on the scaffold have « protested that in the prosecution 
 
 of the Popish Plot, he hadgme m - m ^ ^ ^ 
 
 u heart, and that he never kne W of any practice vith the *>it. 
 
 nesses! -(Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. p. 257, Edit. 1724 ) 
 
 -Could such a man have left the following words on record in 
 
 he paper delivered by him to theSheriffs, which may be found 
 
 at length in the Introduction to Lady R usselVs LeUers , "As 
 
 ^ for the share I had in the prosecution of the Popish Plot, I 
 
 ^ take God to w lt ness that I proceeded in it, in the sincerity 
 
 of my heart, being then really convinced, as I am s J t 
 
 that there W as a conspiracy against the King, the Nation, 
 
 and the Protestant Religion: and I likewist profess, tha 
 
 I never knew any thing directly or indirectly, of any prac- 
 
 |ces wi h the witnesses, which I look upon as so horrid a 
 
 thing, that I never could have endured it; for, thank God. 
 
 folsehood and cruelty were never in my nature, but always 
 
 the farthest from it imaginable." 
 
 I 8 l \f? 7 i i the plot had been onl y " *wte ND bv t h a t 
 
 we should find the following testimony to its reality in BuE . 
 net : About a year before this (1682) Tongue died (who 
 first brought out Gates). They quarrelled afterwards and 
 " Tongue came to have a v„,.„ u i • • „ ' ana 
 
 « what reason I know It Z fT ^T/ ^ "*» 
 
 « sions of very hi.h dT'tio ^T^ ^ ** ***** 
 y oi ft devotion; and he protested to all who 
 
 " for excepting himself with tea™ ;„ i.- 
 
 « * Region migbt be ,.;l " '" J" eyeS ' P rototi "? that what ^r 
 
 (Tindal's Rapin, vol x v D t ^T "**" " * ^<™< " 
 Duke became Kin,, we hav'e I 1' , I73I ^ Wh ^ *¥ »ame 
 his Religion being « TrfZ T 7^ ^ h ' S WOT<1 : so * &°» 
 Religion of Eng,I„ d " a /' "• *"* '° make * the *> Mic 
 "«*<■ he would, n a s^fti-V' "« aff ^"S « the govern- 
 government of the ealm hX ru ' com ^ l Y ""turned the 
 discovered that Pop rv t nl T ^ St3te ' had not the " ation 
 
 «*? that could not/x;: S, a **"« °^f*? *H 
 
PLOT NOT FICTITIOUS. 115 
 
 " came to see him, that he knew of no subornation in all 
 " that matter, and that he was guilty of none himself." — 
 Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. p. 203, Edit. 1724. 
 
 Is it likely, if the Plot had been only " pretended," that 
 Turberville, the principal evidence against Lord Stafford, 
 would have given his dying testimony to the truth of his own 
 depositions, as we have already seen that Burnet reports 
 him to have done? 
 
 It would surely, under these circumstances, have better 
 become Mr. Dallas to have been more cautious in coming 
 to a conclusion, that the Popish Plot in the reign of Charles II. 
 was a fiction; and that Lord Stafford was " an innocent 
 " victim" of it : and this hardy assumption on his part, of an 
 hypothesis which rests upon no better foundation, irresistibly 
 reminds us of certain persons mentioned by Locke, who " see 
 " a little ; presume a great deal ; and so jump to the conclu- 
 " sion." 
 
 Two reasons rendered it necessary to dwell the more 
 largely on this Plot. First — because the obscurity and am- 
 biguity of Mr. Dallas's quotation from Mr. Fox have led 
 many to suppose that Mr. Fox's authority was adduced in 
 order to deny the existence of the Pofish Plot of the 
 5th November; and secondly, because Mr. Fox's opinion 
 respecting the Plot to which he does advert, is considerably 
 shaken, if not entirely negatived, by the above testimonies, 
 drawn from the period in which the Plot took place. 
 
 Before the subject of the Plot in the reign of Charles II. 
 is entirely quitted, it may be observed, in conclusion, that 
 the doubts which have been entertained by some persons re- 
 specting the attempt upon the King's life, appear to have 
 been honest doubts ; but the Plot comprised another object, 
 namely, the change of the existing government and laws, and 
 the setting up of Popery. Many respectable persons who 
 doubted whether the Kind's life was ever meant to be taken, 
 felt no doubt whatever upon the other part of the question, 
 while certain difficulties in the large body of evidence which 
 
114 STATE TRIALS. 
 
 was brought forward, gave colour to the assertions of many 
 (among whom were all the Catholics, many nominal Protest- 
 ants, and the friends of both), that the whole Plot, from be- 
 ginning to end, was a mere fiction invented for the purpose of 
 getting rid of the Jesuits and the Papists. In this number 
 Mr. Fox and Mr. Dallas are to be found, who take occa- 
 sion, from some contradictory testimony which appeared on 
 the part of the prosecution, to conclude, that no part of the 
 evidence produced on that side ought to be believed, but that 
 the whole evidence brought forward by the prisoners ought to 
 be believed, although there appeared in it many contradictions 
 not less palpable, and still more difficult to reconcile, than in 
 the other case. Of such reasoners as these, Rapin gives a strik- 
 ing, though brief, description in the following passage : 
 These are the improbabilities that have induced many people, 
 notwithstanding their persuasion of the reality of the Plot, 
 " as far as it concerned the government and religion, to sus- 
 pend their judgment with relation to the King's murder : 
 " the same improbabilities likewise have furnished others with 
 " a pretence for denying the whole Plot, because they are 
 " pleased to confine it to this single article ; in which they im~ 
 ii pose upon tJiemselves, or are desirous to impose upon their 
 " readers"'' — Tindafs Rapin, vol. xiv. p. 235, Edit. 1731. 
 
 Mr. Dallas endeavours (p. 37) to weaken the authority 
 of the State Trials, not by a direct attack (which would 
 have been too glaring), but by a contemptuous notice of them:, 
 unless, however, Mr. Dallas means to contend that these 
 are not authentic records of the trials which they report, and 
 therefore that Lawyers as well as Scholars have been under a 
 great error in referring to them, both as authorities in criminal 
 law, and as valuable in the investigation of history ; this indi- 
 rect mode of casting a shade upon those documents will only 
 share the fate of Mr. Dallas's more open attacks upon the 
 authentic sources of public information. 
 
 In the same page we have an attempt to bring into disre- 
 pute the " Actio in Proditores ;" or the Account of ti^e 
 
 3 
 
 
 (6 
 
SIR WILLIAM SCROGGS. 115 
 
 Trials of the Traitors in the Affair of the Gunpowder Plot, 
 drawn up by the Judges of England ; and in order to shew 
 that we ought not to take the words of British Judges, Mr. 
 Dallas informs us, that Sir William Scroggs, the Chief 
 Justice of the King's Bench, behaved with great partiality, 
 and said to the Jury on the verdict of Conviction : " You have 
 " done, Gentlemen, like very good subjects and very good 
 " Christians, — that is to sav, like very good Protestants/ 1 
 This statement is taken from Hume ; where he got it, does 
 not appear, for he rarely gives authorities when it would be 
 inconvenient : but Rapin's account of the conduct of Sir 
 William Scroggs is very different; and on one occasion where 
 he had been blamed, Rapin expressly defends him. — (See 
 TindaPs Rapin, vol. xiv. p. 189, Edit. 1731.) — Rapin's account 
 also of the observation made to the Jury is totally different 
 from Hume's ; for Rapin states, that Sir William Scroggs 
 merely said on the verdict, " that they had found the same 
 4i verdict that he would have found, if he had been one with 
 ft them/ , — TindaFs Rapin, vol. xiv, p. 191, Edit. 1731. 
 
 Burnet also reports, that on the trial of W axeman who 
 was acquitted, Sir William Scroggs was so far from being 
 thought by the Papists to have pressed hard against the pri- 
 soner, that the Portuguese Ambassador went publicly on their 
 behalf to thank the Chief Justice the next day for his beha- 
 viour on the trial. — (See Burnet's Own Times, vol. ii. p. 155, 
 Edit. 1724.) 
 
 If, however, it were to be admitted, that Sir William 
 Scroggs was a disgrace to the Bench, how would this help Mr. 
 Dallas in proving the Actio in Proditores unworthy of 
 credit? It was in the year 1678, that Sir William Scroggs 
 incurred the displeasure of Hume and Mr. Dallas by the ad- 
 dress to the Jury, which they are pleased to impute to him ; 
 but it was in the year 1605, that the Judges of England drew 
 up and published the Actio in Proditores. How then 
 pan Mr. Dallas connect the conduct of a single Judge, who 
 pight have deserved censure, with the credibility of several 
 
116 
 
 STERN LIGHTS. 
 
 other Judges who had published a certain document just se- 
 venty-three years before that individual Judge misconducted 
 himself? If, indeed, all these Judges had lived at the same 
 period, Mr. Dallas would have some trouble to shew how 
 the personal folly of one of them could impeach the written 
 testimony of the others. But inasmuch as the supposed offend- 
 er, Sir William Scroggs, was not actually born at the time 
 when his learned brethren gave their information to the public, 
 Mil. Dallas must excuse us for declining to visit by retrospec- 
 tion the sins of Sir William upon his predecessors ; in other 
 words, for concluding, that, because one man expresses him- 
 self with intemperance at one epoch, therefore that other men 
 who had long before been in their graves, are not to be be- 
 lieved, 
 
 Mr. Dallas next relieves his attention, after severer -stu- 
 dies, by employing three pages of criticism on the following 
 passage in the Brief Account of the Jesuits: " It is fashion- 
 " able with many reasoners to treat all history as a fable, and 
 " to set up for themselves in matters of policy, in defiance of 
 tc the testimony of antiquity. These persons would assign 
 " the same office to the records of past ages, as they would to 
 " the stern lights of a vessel, which serve only to throw a lio-ht 
 " over the path which has been passed, and not over that 
 " which lies before us." 
 
 Mr. Dallas, after expressly stating, that he is '? at a loss 
 " to conjecture what is meant by the allusion to stern lights,^ 
 indulges himself, notwithstanding, in several facetious conjec- 
 tures, on the meaning of the passage, and runs into some 
 reasoning (in which he will not be contradicted), upon the dif- 
 ference between stern lights, and " the moons of carriages." 
 
 Such an attempt to evade the force of a very simple pas- 
 sage by involving it in obscurity, does not appear to require 
 any particular comment : it may, however, be observed,, that 
 there is no defect of vision so difficult to treat as that which 
 is the result of a man's own choice ; in plainer (although in 
 homely) terms, " none are so blind as those who will not see* 
 
CATHOLIC CLAIMS. 117 
 
 If, in the utmost exercise of charity, it were possible to be- 
 lieve, that Ms. Dallas could really mistake or misunderstand 
 the meaning of the above passage, nothing indeed would be 
 easier than to put it in different language; but it is to be fear- 
 ed, that unless the charge which the passage contains ao-ain^t 
 those who reject or impeach the evidence of history, could be 
 at the same time withdrawn, it is not a simple alteration in 
 the phraseology which would satisfy Mr. Dallas, whose quar- 
 rel, it may be suspected, is not so much with a mere meta- 
 phor, as with the offensive truth which it conceals. 
 
 In p. 45, we have another complaint, that, " under cover of 
 " attacking the Jesuits, an attack is aimed at Catholics in 
 " general; 11 and we are frequentlv reminded by Mr. Dallas, 
 that the opponents of the Jesuits are the enemies of the Ca- 
 tholic claims. 
 
 In reply to this, it may be right to observe in all frankness, 
 that the two questions of the Jesuits and the Catholic 
 claims certainly do appear to be virtually connected with each 
 other ; and that while he who defends the Jesuits, or feels in- 
 different about them, may be excused for advocating the Ca- 
 tholic claims, or preserving silence respecting them, it is al- 
 most impossible for any man, who is convinced that Jesuitism 
 is dangerous to the nation, to imagine that the demands which 
 are at present made by the Catholics can be acceded to, with- 
 out certain injury and destruction to the Constitution of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 With regard to the Catholic claims themselves, a part of 
 Mr. Baron Maseres's preface to his recent edition of Sir 
 John Temple s History of the Irish Rebellion* conveys the 
 sentiments of many Protectants upon that grave and moment- 
 ous subject. " The Petition 11 (says he) " of the Roman Ca- 
 M tholics, or Papists, of Great Britain and Ireland, to Parlia- 
 " ment, for what they call Catholic Emancipation, is a sub- 
 <{ ject of such great importance to the safety of the present 
 " happy constitution of our government, both in Church and 
 " State, ever since the final settlement of it, by the glorious 
 
118 IRISH MASSACRE— -1641. 
 
 " Revolution, in the year 1688, that it ought to be examined 
 u and considered, with the greatest degree of care and atten- 
 •* tion, by the Members of both Houses of Parliament, and 
 <c even by the Electors of the Members of the House of Com- 
 " mons, before it is complied with. And, upon this occasion, 
 " it seems highly expedient, that they should look back on 
 " the various events in our own history, relating to the Pro- 
 " testant Religion in England, ever since the permanent esta- 
 " blishment of it by Queen Elizabeth, which have manifested 
 *' the continued and incurable spirit of hostility which the Ro- 
 " man Catholics, or Papists, both of England and Ireland, 
 " have always entertained against the government of England, 
 " when administered by Protestant Sovereigns. During the 
 " reign of Queen Elizabeth herself, the Papists, by the in- 
 " stigation of their Priests (who were directed by the Pope, 
 " and acted in obedience to his spiritual authority), made re- 
 " peated attempts to assassinate that great Princess ; and the 
 " Pope himself excommunicated her, and published a Bull 
 f* against her, in which he absolved her subjects from their 
 " allegiance to her, and exhorted them to expel her from the 
 " throne." 
 
 " And in the next reign, that of King James I. the Papists 
 " entered into a most horrid conspiracy to destroy the whole le- 
 " gislative body of the English nation at one stroke, by blow- 
 u ing up the King, the Lords, and the Commons of Eng- 
 " land, when assembled together in Parliament, by the sud- 
 " den explosion of thirty-six barrels of gunpowder, which 
 " they had secretly conveyed under the Parliament-house, for 
 " that purpose ; which conspiracy was very near taking effect; 
 * w and the dreadful mischief, intended to be done by it, was 
 " prevented only by a most fortunate discovery, that was 
 " made of it, a few days before it was to have been carried 
 Ci into execution. And in the following reign of King 
 " Charles I. after Ireland had been reduced to a state of 
 14 peace and obedience to the authority of the crown of Eng- 
 
IRISH MASSACRE l(Hl. 119 
 
 €£ land, by the suppression of two successive, very formidable 
 
 " rebellions, by the victorious arms of Queen Elizabeth ; in 
 
 " consequence of those successes, a numerous colony of Pro- 
 
 " testants from Scotland had, in the first part of King James's 
 
 " reign, received grants of land from the King, in the pro- 
 
 u vince of Ulster, in Ireland (which is the northern province 
 
 " of that island, and the nearest to Scotland) ; and had set- 
 
 " tied themselves on the said lands, and cultivated them with 
 
 " great industry and success ; in like manner, many Protest- 
 
 " ants from England had, about the same time, gone to dit- 
 
 " ferent parts of Ireland ; and settled themselves upon several 
 
 " tracts of land which they obtained there, and had, like the 
 
 " aforesaid Scottish colonists, cultivated the said lands with 
 
 " industry and success. Both these sets of colonists had, by 
 
 " their success in the cultivation of their respective tracts of 
 
 *' land in Ireland, during a space of more than thirty years, 
 
 " greatly increased the riches and civilization of that country, 
 
 *' and had, during all the said time, lived upon terms of friend- 
 
 " ship and familiarity with the native Irish in their several 
 
 " neighbourhoods (who were, for the most part, Roman Ca- 
 
 " tholics, or Papists), and had intermarried with them, and 
 
 " let lands to them upon leases, and taken leases of land from 
 
 " them, and had done, and exchanged, all sorts of offices of 
 
 " good neighbourhood with them ; yet after all this peaceable 
 
 " and happy intercourse between these Scottish and English 
 
 *' Protestant colonists, and their Popish neighbours, for so 
 
 « ; many years, the Popish inhabitants of Ireland paid such an 
 
 " implicit obedience to the wicked suggestions of their Priests, 
 
 46 as to enter into a general conspiracy, that extended over al- 
 
 " most all the island, to massacre, on a certain appointed day, 
 
 <£ namely, the 23d day of October, in the year 1641, all 
 
 " their Protestant neighbours, both Scotch and English, with- 
 
 <£ out sparing even women and children. And this most abo- 
 
 *' minable resolution they did in a great degree execute on the 
 
 " appointed day, and for many weeks, and even months, af- 
 
120 CATHOLIC CLAIMS. 
 
 " terwards, till the Parliament of England sent an army to re- 
 " sist them * " 
 
 u Such have been the dreadful consequences that have re- 
 " suited to the Protestants of England and Ireland in those 
 u three reigns, of Queen Elizabeth, King James I. and King 
 " Charles I. from the admission of the Spiritual Authority of 
 " the Pope; the renunciation of which, the present Petitioners 
 " for Catholic Emancipation do, nevertheless, not think it 
 " proper that the Government should any longer require from 
 " persons holding offices of Power and Magistracy in the 
 " United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 " It appears from Sir Richard Musgrave^s ample and 
 " faithful History of the late Rebellion in Ireland, in the year 
 " 1798, that the sentiments of the great body of the common 
 " people of Ireland, who profess the Roman Catholic Reli- 
 " gion, and of the Romish Priests by whom they are impli- 
 
 * It is remarkable, that when the Rebellion of 1641 broke ottt ' . 
 Ireland, the Roman Catholics of that country enjoyed all the political 
 power which they now seek in what they term Catholic Emancipation. 
 They were Members of Parliament, Lord Mayors, High Sheriffs, Jus- 
 tices of the Peace, Sec. ; yet this did not prevent, but forwarded the Re- 
 bellion, and enabled them to accomplish their object of a Protestant 
 persecution with go much greater facility. Those who more particu- 
 larly enjoyed these privileges were among the foremost to rebel, for 
 several Members of the then House of Commons were actually the 
 ringleaders of the Popish murderers. This is the best answer to the 
 arguments of those who contend that the reason why so much discon- 
 tent prevails among the Catholics is, that they are deprived of those 
 privileges which their fellow-subjects enjoy; and that, if the restrictions 
 were taken off, they would rebel no longer. The experiment of eman- 
 cipation has been tried already, and what were its results? If the Ca- 
 tholic Religion is unchanged and unchangeable, what will now be the 
 result of the same experiment? The Irish Catholics now grant and 
 take Leases, as the Protestants : they intermarry : they carry arms : are 
 magistrates : elect members : hold various situations in the revenue de- 
 partment : enjoy the free exercise of their religion : build Chapels 
 where they please : and employ schoolmasters without a license from 
 the Diocesan or Quarter Sessions. 
 
priests' sedition and rebellion. 121 
 
 <c citly directed, continue still as hostile to their Protestant 
 n fellow-subjects (whom they call Heretics) as they were at 
 w the time of the detestable massacre of them in the year 
 " 1641 . And surely, if this be the case, it ought not to lx? 
 " considered as a breach of the principles of Toleration and 
 " religious Liberty (as many persons have lately called it), 
 " but as a mere necessary act of common prudence, dictated 
 " by the principles of self-defence, to refuse to admit Roman 
 " Catholics to offices of Magistracy and Power in the State, 
 " without taking the same oath of Abjuration of the Spi- 
 " ritual or Ecclesiastical authority of the Pope, which is re- 
 " quired of all the other subjects of the Crown (whether 
 " members of the Church of England, or Presbyterians, or 
 " Independents, or Anabaptists, or Quakers, or Jews, Turks, 
 w or Infidels) before they are admitted to the same Offices. 
 " I therefore hope the attentive perusal of the Historical 
 " pieces here reprinted which set forth, so fully, the horrid 
 " events that have resulted from the belief entertained by the 
 " Papists, both of England and Ireland, of the Spiritual 
 " Authority of the Pope, will prevent all the true friends 
 " of the present wise and happy settlement of the Govern- 
 " ment of this Nation, both in Church and State (which was 
 " made by the Bill of Rights at the glorious Revolution in 
 *' the year 1688, and was confirmed by the subsequent Act of 
 " Parliament, passed in the latter part of the reign of the 
 « great King William, for calling the Princess Sophia, Duchess 
 " dowager of Hanover, and her descendants, being Protest- 
 " ants, to the succession to the Crown of these Kingdoms) 
 u from weakly giving their consent to so injudicious and dan- 
 " gerous a measure." 
 
 In a note to p. 45, Mr. Dallas steps aside from his De- 
 fence of the Jesuits to defend the Catholic Priests in 
 Ireland; this is however perfectly consistent with his main 
 object. It is impossible that any man who holds up the Je- 
 suits to universal esteem and admiration, can think ill of the 
 Catholic Priests in Ireland. 
 
 VOL. I. I 
 
123 PRIESTS 1 SEDITION AND REBELLION. 
 
 It had been stated in the " Brief Account of the Jesuits," 
 " that great venality and corruption of morals prevailed in the 
 *' Catholic Priesthood of Ireland" — Now, how does Mr. Dal- 
 las attempt to confute this? By referring to a favourable cha- 
 racter of that body given by a Popish Bishop (Dr. Milner) : 
 and does Mr. Dallas really believe that the good character 
 given by that Prelate of his own Clergy, will serve to refute the 
 voluminous and incontrovertible proofs of sedition and rebel- 
 lion, of bigotry and intolerance, which every man in any de* 
 gree conversant with the modem history of the Catholic Priest- 
 hood in Ireland is acquainted with? But Mr. Dallas calls 
 for these proofs ; a volume must be written if they are to be 
 detailed. A few, therefore, must suffice as a specimen. 
 
 First, -with respect to their Sedition and Rebellion : 
 
 The following particulars, from Sir Richard Musgrave's 
 History of the Irish Rebellion in the year 1798, will shew 
 the part taken by the Catholic Priests in that Rebellion. 
 Quigley, a Priest, displayed the greatest activity in preparing 
 the way for this revolt by joining " the Defenders" (as 
 they were called), who began it, and which body he organized; 
 he passed frequently over to France for his purposes, and was 
 a United Irishman. He was afterwards hanged at Maidstone. 
 
 Sir Richard Musgrave further states, that the Popish Clergy 
 (many of whom have been bred in France) never fail to in- 
 spire their flocks with admiration of the French nation, and 
 with the most inveterate hatred towards the English, whom they 
 brand with the odious appellation of Heretics. 
 
 The same Writer, in the account which lie gives of 
 the dreadful Massacre at Scullabogue, in June, 1798, when 
 the Rebels destroyed a great multitude of Protestants, by en- 
 closing them in a Barn, and then setting fire to it, expressly 
 states that the Rebels did not bemn to act in that affair, until 
 they received regular orders from a Priest named Bryan Mur- 
 phy of Taghmon ; and lie confirms this statement by Affida- 
 vits. The whole account of the Massacre at Scullabogue, as 
 given at large in Sir Ricliard Musgrave's History, is perhaps 
 
HUESTS* SEDITION AND REBELLION. 123 
 
 one of the most horrid on record — 199 Protestants perished there 
 by the lire, or by being shot at the door of the Barn. See the 
 Affidavits of William Fleming, Catherine Poer, Frances Mil- 
 ler, Elizabeth Dobbyn, Michael Askins, and Robert Mills. 
 Catherine Poer, and Frances Miller, both whose husbands were 
 massacred at Scullabogue, were compelled to be christened by 
 the Priests, in order to save their own lives. The Husband and 
 three Sons of Elizabeth Dobbyn were burnt in the Barn; the 
 Rebels broke l*er collar-bone, and cruelly used her mother, who 
 was upwards of eighty years old. All the above Affidavits 
 shew the Rebellion to have been founded on an abhorrence of 
 Protestants, and a thirst for their blood. 
 
 Shaillow, the Parish Priest of the union of Adamstown 
 and Newbawn, was sworn by David Neville to have been 
 active in promoting the Rebellion in Carrickbyrne Camp 
 [see Neville's Affidavit for much valuable information]. Shail- 
 low liberated from the Barn at Scullabogue, and saved by 
 his clerical authority, a young man of the name of Lett. 
 Brvan Murphy, the Priest, saved the life of William Fle- 
 ming, by furnishing him with a regular pass. Roche the 
 Catholic Priest, Commander in Chief of the Rebel Camp 
 at Shievekelta, publicly exhorted the Rebels, in the hearing of 
 Fleming (who made Affidavit of the fact), assuring them, 
 that " they were fighting for their religion, their liberty, and 
 " the rights of their ancestors, and that they must persevere; 1 ' 
 and Sermons of the same tenour were daily preached by 
 Priests at the head of the rebel columns in their camps. 
 Roche also headed the Rebels in conjunction with Bagenal 
 Harvev at Three Rock Camp, near Wexford; and in a pub- 
 lic harangue at Carrickbyrne, he denounced all Protestants as 
 Heretics, in the hearing of a Protestant Gentleman, who ^as 
 taken prisoner, and afterwards related it to Sir Richard Mus- 
 grave, with this additional information, that Bagenal Harvey, 
 the Rebel Chief, who heard the harangue, lamented to him 
 that the war turned out to be purely religious, and that the 
 Priests had got absolute sway. This deluded Chief, Bagenal 
 
 i % 
 
124f PRIESTS 1 SEDITION AND REBELLION. 
 
 Harvey, was a man of honour and humanity, though aban- 
 doned to absurd political speculations: he was filled with hor- 
 ror on hearing of the massacre at Scullabogue, and the day 
 after, issued General Orders denouncing the punishment of 
 death on all who should murder their Prisoners; for which 
 praiseworthy act he was deposed, and Roche the Priest was 
 elected in his stead, as more suited to carry into effect the san~ 
 guinary objects of his employers. 
 
 Kearnes the Catholic Priest was a Chieftain of the Rebels 
 at Enniscorthy. He, with others, took prisoners Dr. Hill and 
 his Brother, and kept them as hostages ; and in the course of 
 the march, said Mass for his brother Rebels, having abroad- 
 cross belt, and a dragoon's sabre, under his vestment; and when 
 Mass was over, he publicly exhorted the Rebels, but his drunk- 
 enness and ignorance prevented his proceeding to any great 
 length. 
 
 When Roche the Priest, the Commander in Chief, was 
 encamped on Lacken Hill, he wrote the following Letter to 
 Doyle, another Priest : 
 
 " Rev. Sir, 
 
 " You are hereby ordered, in conjunction 
 " with Edmund Walsh, to order all your Parishioners to the 
 " camp on Lacken Hill, under pain of the most severe 
 " punishment; for I declare to you and to them, in the name 
 u of the people, if you do not, that I will censure all Sutton's 
 " parish with fire and sword. Come to see me this day. 
 
 " Lacken Hill, June 14th. Roche. 
 
 "To the Rev. James Doyle." 
 
 Andrew Sheppard, a Corporal in the Irish Artillery, swore, 
 that while a prisoner at Wexford, he was taken out into a 
 small square in the gaol to be shot, and on His being placed 
 against a wall in the square, the Rebels burned priming four 
 times at him with a musket : on which the Catholic Priest 
 John Murphy (who had entered the gaol) cried out, " Let the 
 c Heathen go back to prison, and be damned :" — that on the 
 
PRIESTS' SEDITION' AND REBELLION 12^ 
 
 morning of the day that the Rebels marched from the camp of 
 Gorey to attack the Town of Ark low. Murphy the Priest, who 
 was killed at the battle of Arklow that day, ascended a car, 
 and preached a Sermon of exhortation to die Rebels, in which 
 he assured them that they were fighting in the cause of God ; 
 that the more of the Heathens (meaning the Kin^s Army) 
 they should kill, the sooner thev would go to heaven; and that 
 if any of them died in battle, they would be sure of imme- 
 diate salvation : that the same Priest took some bullet* out 
 of his pockets, shewed them to the Rebels, and assured them 
 that they had hit him at the battle of Gorey, in different parts 
 of his lx)dy and limbs, and that thev could not do him any 
 injury : that he said further in the same Sermon, that he 
 would take the gravel off the road, and throw it at the Here- 
 tics, and that he could kill them with it. This witness further 
 deposed, that another Priest of the name of Dixon declared to 
 the Rebel General Roche, that thev should take the Town of 
 Arklow in half an hour; that then they should be joined by 
 twenty thousand men; and would then proceed to Wick low, 
 and from thence to Dublin. He further deposed, that the Re- 
 bels, wherever they marched, put to death such Protestants as 
 fell into their hands; saying often on such occasions, that the 
 kingdom was their own, and that there should be but one Reli- 
 gion : that the Rebels, on their arrival at Gorev, after the 
 battle of Arklow, put many Protestants to death, though they 
 had served with the Rebels in that battle, and that when they 
 were on the point of executing one Walker a blacksmith, some 
 of the Rebels pleaded in his favor, saying that he had made 
 many Pikes, and fought well with them ; but the Priest John 
 Murphv said 4i that if there was but one drop of Protestant 
 " blood in a family, they ought to put that family to death ;*" 
 and that the said Walker was accordingly put to death. — See 
 Shepherd's Affidavit, which was sworn before the Lord Mayor 
 of Dublin, on the 7th of September, 1798, and to whose 
 veracity and credibility a Lieutenant General, a Major Gene- 
 
 i2 
 
126 PRIESTS' SEDITION' AND REBELLION. 
 
 ral, a Major, and three Lieutenant Colonels, ail certify by 
 signing their names at the foot of the Affidavit. 
 
 George Taylor, of Ballvwalter, deposed, that Michael Mur- 
 phy, another Priest, attended the Rebel Camp at Gorey ; and 
 his Affidavit may be consulted for much valuable information 
 respecting the atrocities committed by the Rebels on the Pro- 
 testants at Wexford and elsewhere. 
 
 Bleaknev Ormsbw of Garrane. in the Count v of "Wexford, 
 deposed, that the same Priest Michael Murphy, who was chief 
 in command on the march from Gorey to Arklow, halted very 
 frequently on the road, and offered up public prayers for the 
 success of the Rebels, who on those occasions knelt down* and 
 often kissed the ground ;' and his Affidavit supplies further in- 
 formation on the nature of the contest, and shews that it had 
 every character of a religious war. This witnesses father 
 and two brothers were murdered, and another brother died of 
 grief. 
 
 Sir Richard Musgrave observes, that the Rebels were sup- 
 plied with lists of the Protestant Inhabitants of everv Parish; 
 and mentions one instance, in particular, of a Rebel, who. on 
 being solicited to save a boy's life, declared that * he could not 
 " release him consistently with his own safety f which shewed 
 (says Sir Richard Musgrave) " that he acted by the orders 
 " of his superiors.'" 
 
 Richard Grandv, of Ballvshan, in the Countv of Wexford. 
 deposed, that he obtained a pass from Edward Murphy the 
 parish Priest of Bannow, to pass and repass through his dis- 
 trict for the purpose of curing the wounded ; and that he at- 
 tended mass celebrated bv him, after which he heard him 
 preach a Sermon, in which he said, " Brethren, you see you are 
 victorious every where — that the balls of the Heretics fly 
 about you without hurting vou — that few of you have fallen, 
 u whilst thousands of Heretics are dead, and that the few of 
 vou that have fallen was from deviating from our cause, and 
 want of faith — that this visibly is the work of God, who 
 
 ■ 
 
 w now is determined that the Heretics, who have reigned up- 
 
 
 
priests' sedition and rebellion. 127 
 
 " wards of an hundred years, should be extirpated, and the 
 " true Catholic religion be established 1 ' — and that this Ser- 
 mon was preached after the battle of Ross, and that he heard 
 several Sermons preached by the Priests to the same effect; 
 and that he likewise heard many Rebels who had been at the 
 battle of Enniscorthy and elsewhere, declare, that Roche the 
 Priest, a Rebel General, constantly caught the bullets that 
 came from His Majesty's arms, and gave them to his men to 
 load their pieces with : that every Protestant that was ad- 
 mitted into the Rebel corps, was first baptized by a Priest ; and 
 that every Protestant that refused to be baptized was put to 
 death; and that many, to save their lives, suffered themselves 
 to be baptized. 
 
 Sir Richard Musgrave also gives a copy of the horrid 
 Oath which was taken by all the Rebels, printed copies of 
 which were found upon numbers who were slain, particularly 
 at the battles of New Ross and Ballicanew, and which oath is 
 as follows : " I A. B. do solemnly swear by our Lord Jesus 
 " Christ, who suffered for us on the Cross, and by the blessed 
 " Virgin Mary, that I will burn, destroy, and murder all He- 
 " re tics, up to my knees in blood. So help me God." 
 
 In further proof that the great object of the Irish Re- 
 bellion in 1798, was the destruction of the Protestants, the 
 deposition of William Fleming on oath is very material. This 
 Affidavit opens with the following paragraph, viz. that he was 
 a Yeoman in the Taghmon cavalry, was taken prisoner by the 
 Rebels^ at Kilburn near Taghmon aforesaid, on the thirty -first 
 May, 1798, by a man of the name of Brien, who was a cap- 
 tain of Rebels; and that the said Brien asked him whether he 
 would be baptized? On which he replied, that he was bap- 
 tized before, and that he did not think a second baptism ne- 
 cessary : that Brien asked him, whether he knew that this was 
 a religious war? to which he replied, he did not; on which 
 Brien told him, that no person would be suffered to live but 
 he that was a true Roman Catholic. 
 
 David Neville swore an Information, the 2d of July, 
 
 i 4 
 
128 PKIESTs' SEDITION AND REBELLION. 
 
 1798, before the Rev. John Kennedy, and in presence of 
 General Fawcett, that John Cody, Michael Devereux of Bat- 
 tlestown, John Devereux of Dungulph, and David Walsh of 
 Ballygo, in the county of Wexford, were busy in promoting 
 the Rebellion; and said, that the object of the Rebellion was 
 to murder such Protestants as would not turn to mass. 
 
 James Murphy, a Papist, deposed on the 2d June, that 
 the object of the Rebellion was to murder all the Protestants, 
 and to have the Kingdom to themselves. 
 
 John Fitzgerald, of Black Hill, deposed the same the 3d 
 July, 1798. 
 
 Charles Reilly deposed, 5th July, 1798, that he saw Fa- 
 thers Byrne and Shaillow, at the camp of Carrickbyrne, active 
 and busy in promoting the Rebellion. 
 
 Joseph Kelly, a Protestant, deposed, 5th July, 1798, that 
 he was baptized by Bernard Downes, a Priest, along with 
 many more; as he heard and believed, that every Protestant 
 was to be put to death. He also deposed, that brakes of furze 
 were set on fire by the Rebels, in expectation of finding Pro- 
 testants hid in them. 
 
 Andrew Shepherd, and Patrick Dungannon, of the Royal 
 Irish Artillery, who were taken prisoners at the mountain of 
 Forth, on the thirtieth of May, deposed, that the Rebel Ge- 
 nerals Roche, Fitzgerald, and Murphy, informed them, that 
 John Colclough, Esq. of Tintern, in the county of Wexford, 
 was at the head of six hundred Rebels, at Tintern aforesaid, 
 ready to cut-off the retreat of the thirteenth regiment of foot; 
 and that the Priests Dixon, Cavanagh, Murphy, and several 
 other Priests, were very busy and active at the Rebel Camp at 
 Gorev, promoting and forwarding the Rebellion. Dixon en- 
 deavoured to persuade the Rebels to march to Dublin, for the 
 purpose of taking it, and that they would be joined by twenty 
 thousand Rebels, in the county of Wicklow. 
 
 The Affidavit of Elizabeth Edwards states that her 
 neighbours who were Roman Catholics, informed her that all 
 the Protestants would be put to death on the 10th June, 1798; 
 
JRIESTS SEDITION AND REBELLION*. 129 
 
 in consequence of which, she went to the Catholic Chapel, 
 where she was baptized by one Brae the Priest, who after- 
 wards demanded his fee, which she paid him accordingly. 
 
 In further proof of the war being a religious war, James 
 Rowson, of a Parish in the County of Wexford, a fanner, 
 swore, that the ltebel Commander at Gorey shot him in the 
 head, and broke his jaw, and that he was " fully convinced 
 " that he had no other reason for shooting him, than that he 
 " was a Protestant.' 1 He further deposes, that his house, 
 outhouses, furniture, and farming utensils were burnt, and his 
 cattle stolen by the Rebels. 
 
 Thomas Cleary was executed the 8th of March, 1800, for 
 the murder of his master, Edward Turner, Esq. on the 
 Bridge at Wexford, Just before his execution, he made the 
 following confession, in presence of Joshua Nunn, Esq. High 
 Sheriff, three magistrates, and many others: That he was 
 guilty of the said murder. On his being asked, Did he not 
 think it a sin to kill his master? he replied, that he often 
 heard the people say, it was not a sin to kill him, and that 
 since the murder of his master, he received absolution from 
 two Priest*, Edanus Murphy, of the Parish of Kilrush, in the 
 said countv, and Ryan, who had done duty for the Priest 
 
 J ' » ' a. 
 
 Redmond, of the Parish of Ferns. He was also a^ked, did 
 they order him to do any thing for committing so horrid a 
 crime? He answered, they ordered him to fast from meat, 
 three davs in each week for three months, as a penance. And 
 this confession was signed by Joshua Nunn, High Sheriff, and 
 three Magistrates. 
 
 Elizabeth Crane, of Wexford, widow, deposed on oath, 
 that just before the dreadful massacre of the Protestant Pri- 
 soners, in cold blood, which took place on the Bridge of Wex- 
 ford, on the ^Oth June, 1798, she saw Doctor Caulfield tha 
 Popish Bishop, and Roche the Priest, together in the street of 
 Wexford, and that the Bishop publicly gave his benediction to 
 a multitude of Rebels (who knelt to receive it) armed with 
 Pikes and other weapons, as they were on their way from the 
 
130 priests' sedition and rebellion. 
 
 Gaol, where they had been engaged in the work of death, to the 
 Bridge, where a more awful sacrifice was preparing ; and that 
 very shortly after the men who had been so blessed by the 
 Bishop, had gone on to the Bridge, two Rebels armed with 
 Pikes entered her house, who told her " they were then slaugh- 
 " tering on the Bridge; that they would never draw bridle till 
 " they put them all on a level, and that by that time to-mor- 
 " row there would be neither buying nor selling in Wexford. 1 * 
 We further learn from the Affidavit, that this act of the Bishop 
 was no occasional or ordinary affair, since he was nearly an 
 hour engaged in the benediction, during which time the wit- 
 ness heard the shot by which Matthewson was killed at the 
 Gaol. This Bishop appears to have given a Faculty or Power 
 of Attorney to the Priest Bryan Murphy, who ordered the 
 massacre at Scullabogue, enabling him to forgive sins, which, 
 however, he withdrew about two years after the Rebellion. 
 At all events, this or some other circumstance led to a quarrel 
 between these two worthies at that time, and the Letter which 
 follows may afford a fair specimen of Episcopal authority in- 
 Ireland. 
 
 " Rev. Bryan Murphy! 
 
 " Being well and truly informed, that you have 
 " impiously and sacrilegiously dared to attempt to administer 
 " sacraments, without having any faculties so to do, nay, that 
 " you have had the diabolical audacity to attempt to hear sa- 
 " cramental confessions, and to give the unfortunate penitents 
 " absolution, which was absolutely not in your power to give, 
 " therel)y heaping coals on your own head, leaving the un- 
 " happy sinners in their sins, and, as was your practice, lead- 
 " kig them to utter perdition, &c. &c. Wherefore, in the ne- 
 " cessary discharge of our pastoral and indispensable duty, 
 " and for the safety of the faithful committed to our charge, 
 " we now again repeat, and hereby declare you absolutely and 
 " to all intents and purposes deprived of all priestly functions 
 " whatsoever, except the recital of the divine office, in cano- 
 " meal hours, and saying one mass daily, and that privately, 
 
PRIESTS SEDITION' AXD REBELLION. 131 
 
 " in jour own house only; and we hereby expressly and 
 
 u strictly forbid and interdict you to celebrate mass elsewhere. 
 
 (t And we further order and peremptorily command you not to 
 
 a suffer or allow any congregations or assembly of people 
 
 " to come even to your own house, or to hear your mass there. 
 
 " Given in Ballaine, March 19th, 1800. 
 
 " James Caulfield. 
 " To the Rev. Bryan Murphy *." 
 
 The very interesting narative of the Landing of the 
 French in Ireland, in the year 1798, written by Dr. Stock the 
 late Bishop of Killala, will confirm the above authentic state- 
 ments, as to the part taken by the Catholic Priests, against 
 their native country, on every occasion of trial. They have, 
 from that period to the present moment, lost no occasion of 
 inculcating sedition; they openly rejoiced in every success of 
 Buonaparte on the continent, and did not conceal their sorrow 
 on being acquainted with his overthrow, as the final defeat of 
 their own unlawful hopes: they have sought to corrupt the 
 youthful mind by poisoning the springs and fountains of early 
 instruction, placing such elementary books in the hands of 
 Catholic children as are only calculated to instil principles of 
 disloyalty and hatred to the existing order of things; and in 
 particular, a Priest of Cork has very lately written a sort of 
 Political Catechism for the use of Schools, which is unhappily 
 in general circulation throughout Ireland, the great ob- 
 ject of which is to shew that the whole Catholic population 
 "•roans under the severest tyranny, and that resistance to such 
 a government is a dutvf. They have been active in the collec- 
 tion of funds, throughout Ireland, contrary to the laws, in aid 
 of their objects ; and this has been effected by a species of 
 subordinate taxation on their own people, which, so far from 
 
 * See all the above Affidavits at length, with much other valuable 
 information, in Sir Richard Musgrave's History cf the Irish Re- 
 bellion in 1798. 
 
 f This new Catechism is called, " A Sketch of Irish History, com- 
 *' piled by way of Question and Answer." 
 
isa 
 
 PItlESTS 1 SEDITION AND REBELLION. 
 
 being recognised by the Constitution, is in direct opposition 
 to it: they have very recently appealed to the Pope against 
 their own Government and Laws, and sent a formal Deputa- 
 tion from their own country to Rome, to induce the same 
 Pontiff who has revived the Inquisition, and restored the Or- 
 der of Jesuits, to interpose in their behalf, as an oppressed and 
 persecuted race, and besought him to rid them of their griev- 
 ances, by asserting their right to complete Emancipation ; 
 which is, in other words, a right to exercise complete power, 
 both ecclesiastical and civil, over their Protestant fellow-sub- 
 jects'*. It is unnecessary to proceed further on this head. 
 
 There is no man, in any degree acquainted with the 
 present state of Ireland, who is at the same time ignorant of 
 the factious and turbulent spirit of the Catholic Priesthood, 
 and their unwearied efforts to embroil and ruin their unhappy 
 country. In a word, to use the eloquent language of Mr. 
 Bushe, the Solicitor General, in his address on opening the 
 late Special Commission at Clonmel, " Every opportunity has 
 " been seized to keep alive the flame of discontent, and up- 
 " hold the licentiousness of the people : for this purpose, 
 " Missionaries have visited them, and seditious magazines and 
 " other libellous publications have been circulated anions 
 " them almost gratuitously, as if it were to pervert one of the 
 " first of human blessings, by making whatever education 
 " they enjoyed instrumental in the corruption of their prin, 
 " ciples. In these poisonous writings, their fellow-subjects are 
 u held up to hatred, their superiors denounced for assassina, 
 tC tion, the laws of their country are defamed, justice slan- 
 " dered, loyalty derided, rebellion applauded, and the Ruler 
 " of the French nation proclaimed as their ally, and upheld 
 " as the champion and deliverer of Ireland.' 1 
 
 * See an able Pamphlet recently published by Dr. Thorpe, of Dublin, 
 entitled, " An Examination of the Address of the Roman Catholics of Jre- 
 •« land, to Pope Pius VII. with Remarks on other Documents emriecicd, 
 " with the Subject of Catholic Emancipation." 
 
PRIESTS 1 BIGOTRY AND INtOLEEANCE. 133 
 
 Mr. Bushe is at once one of the ablest Lawyers, and one 
 of the most enlightened and dispassionate men in Ireland. 
 
 In the second place, with respect to the Bigotry and Into- 
 lerance of the Priesthood ; specimens of these shall be ex- 
 tracted from the Correspondence recently published by the 
 Society in London, called " the Protestant Union," of which 
 the late Granville Sharp was Chairman till his death, and 
 for the authenticity of which Letters, that Society has ex- 
 pressly pledged itself to the Public. 
 
 In a Letter from Kilkenny it is observed, " From much 
 •' experience and observation, I am convinced that the Romish 
 " Clergy have neither renounced nor relaxed any of the ex- 
 " ceptionable doctrines of their Church, but, on the contrary, 
 " their Bigotry appears to be increasing every day. I am 
 " convinced that the Roman Catholics are neither candid nor 
 " liberal in their temper and spirit towards Protestants ; but, 
 " on the contrary, they regard them as Heretics, and out of the 
 pale of salvation. This opinion of theirs was, I believe, at no 
 " period more firmly held, than at this moment; indeed, it 
 4< appears to be completely interwoven with their entire system 
 li of religious instruction. The interests of the Church are 
 ik with them paramount to every other ; and whilst there is 
 < ; such a bond of union, as at present exists between the 
 " Clergy and Laity, and whilst the Pope is acknowledged by 
 u both, as Christ's Vicar on earth, it would appear to be the 
 " height of infatuation to give power to a people who never 
 " loved any but themselves. The advocates for Emancipation 
 " appear to view the question in the abstract, without taking 
 " into account the spirit and principles of Popery: if these 
 " ceased to exist, Emancipation might be granted at once ; 
 " but unless Popery has changed its nature, it must be the 
 " enemy of liberty, civil and religious, and therefore subversive 
 " of the happiness of man. And that it has not changed its 
 " nature, Ireland is a sad evidence. 
 
 " There are two well-known circumstances which evince 
 w the nature of priestly influence and bigotry. During the 
 4 
 
 a 
 
a 
 a 
 
 134 priests' bigotry and intolerance. 
 
 4< Cork election, in both city and county, some Priests threat* 
 u ened to deny the consolations of religion in their dying 
 " moments to any Popish electors, who should vote for the 
 " Protestant candidate. And it is not more than a fortnight 
 since a Priest went into an Infirmary in Cork, found a poor 
 patient reading the New Testament, which he violently 
 snatched out of his hand, thrust into the fire, and crushed 
 " his heel on it, to bury it more effectually in the flames* 
 
 u As to Securities, what could they give ? And, if they 
 " had any to offer, I believe it would not be consistent with 
 " their creed. Indeed, I cannot conceive it to be consistent 
 " with the creed of any honest man to bind himself not to 
 " advance what he conceives to be the true religion in every 
 " possible manner. Intolerance is of the very essence of the 
 " Roman Catholic religion ; in relaxing which, they virtu- 
 " ally, though not nominally, become Protestants. Popish 
 " ascendancy is what every lover of the truth (I think) ought 
 " to deprecate. It is not on account of the Papists sharing 
 4C our privileges, that I am of this opinion ; but loving, as I do, 
 " the free circulation of the word of God, the unshackled 
 " exercise of private judgment in religion, and the unob- 
 " structed public opportunities of acting upon these principles, 
 " I cannot but tremble, (not, indeed, for the ark itself, but) 
 u for the peace and comfort of those who bear it, or are here- 
 " after to bear it." 
 
 In another Letter from the County of Limerick is the 
 following passage : "I can assure you, the Priests 1 influence 
 " over their flocks is much greater than Protestants are in 
 " general aware of; and so fer have they carried it, that not 
 " long since, a servant quitted my house, the day after we 
 " hired her, for being asked up to family prayers, declaring 
 " the Priest would punish her in the severest manner, if she 
 6i dared to kneel down with Heretics. And many, who have 
 " been by the beds of the sick, where I lately lived in the 
 " country, for daring to remain in the house whilst a Protest* 
 
priests' bigotry axd intolerance. 13 "5 
 
 " ant was at prayer by the bed-side of the sick person, were 
 " sent to the Bishop, eleven or twelve miles distant, in very 
 " severe weather, to be punished by him for so heinous an 
 i; offence against their Church. And I can also assure you, 
 " that in a school, which I established in the country for the 
 " instruction of sixty poor children in reading, writing, and 
 " arithmetic, providing them with books and paper, the Priest, 
 " because tlie Testament icas read m the School, made the 
 %i parents of all the Popish children in his parish, about thirty 
 " in number, to remove them all from the school ; and though 
 u . the inducement was to them great, which they frankly ac- 
 " knowledged, yet they sacrificed all to the Priest's request."" 
 
 In a Letter from the County of Tipperary we read a> 
 follows : " The Roman Catholics of Ireland have not, so far 
 " as I can see or learn, renounced or relaxed any one excep- 
 " tionable article or tenet of their Church ; but seem to be, 
 " if it were possible, more firmly rooted in them. The doc- 
 " trine of c exclusive salvation,' they openly and strenuously 
 I* avow. One of them declared to myself, in the most serious 
 " and confident manner, ' If you die as righteous as the saints 
 " in heaven, you must go to hell, unless you die a Roman 
 " Catholic' And this is their common sentiment. They 
 " hold the Pope to be the immediate successor of St. Peter; 
 " and say he has the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and 
 M that he can admit and exclude whom he pleases. His poli- 
 " tical degradation does not, in the least degree, lessen hi* 
 " spiritual power ; for, in their estimation, they are quite dis- 
 u tinct and independent. The Pope delegates his power to 
 " the Bishops, or such a proportion of it as is necessary, and 
 w through them it descends to the Priests, who are held here 
 " in the most profound veneration by the common people. 
 " They say he (the Priest) can work miracles. I knew a per- 
 " son, who said once to a Roman Catholic young woman in the 
 4C County of Limerick, after she had declared all she believed 
 " the Priest could do, and hoped he would do for her, * Why. 
 
13G PRIESTS' BIGOTRY ANT) INTOLLRANCE. 
 
 " woman, you make a God of your Priest.' * Yes, 1 replied 
 " she, f he is as God to vs V 
 
 " The Roman Catholics here believe that the Popish 
 " Clergy only have the right of celebrating the ordinance, or, 
 " as they call it, c the sacrament of marriage.' Therefore, when 
 u a Papist and a Protestant happen to be married together by 
 " a Protestant Clergyman, they uniformly get them married 
 " over again by their own Clergy. As the Romish Clergy 
 " claim the exclusive privilege of solemnizing the ordinance of 
 " marriage, so do they, at least some of them, the power to 
 u divorce ; a power which appears a great evil in the state for 
 " any body of people to assume in opposition to the laws, 
 
 " Father , the parish Priest of — — , I was credibly in- 
 
 " formed there, last year divorced several couples, during 
 u the seven weeks of last Lent, and made it a deadly crime 
 " for them to speak together during that period, because they 
 " had married within the Roman Catholic prescribed limits 
 " of consanguinity ; and the poor people say, that ' by that 
 " time the blood was divorced,' or the original relationship ; 
 " and then he married them again. The Roman Catholic 
 " Clergy have a great objection to their people reading the 
 
 * The account given by the historian De Thou of the confession of 
 Ravaillac, the Murderer of Henry IV. agrees remarkably with this 
 Female's declaration. Ravaillac affirmed (says De Thou), on his 
 examination, that he had done that act, because the King did not take 
 arms against the Hugonots, and that the King's making war against the 
 Pope, was the same as to make war against God, seeing thai the Pope 
 <was God, and Cod was the Pope. — And it also corresponds with the 
 Confession of Faith, found in the box of a Priest at Gorey, a copy of 
 which is given by Sir Richard Musgrave, in his History of the late 
 Irish Rebellion, in which the Pope is twice blasphemously called 
 " Christ's Vicar, the Lord Cod the Pope ;" and once " The Holy 
 " Father the Lord God the Pope;" and in which confession it is 
 expressly declared that " the Pope, together with the Primates, Bishops, 
 u Monks, Friars, and Priests, can make via virtue, and •virtue vice, ac- 
 " cording to their pleasure !"• an opinion, by the way, which Cap.dj.nal 
 Bellarmine the Jesuit resolutely maintains. 
 
u 
 
 PRIESTS'' BIGOTRY AND INTOLERANCE. 137 
 
 lc Scriptures. of — i — declared that the Priest re- 
 
 " fused to hear her confession, and to give her the Sacra- 
 " ment, for no other crime than reading the Bible. The same 
 
 " penalty was inflicted on Mrs. h servant-maid in the 
 
 " town of , for carrying her infant child into the Protest- 
 
 f ant Church to be baptized. 
 
 I was among the number of those who felt no objection 
 to Catholic Emancipation, as I understood it, supposing they 
 " might with safety stand on an equal political footing with the 
 " Protestants, as the weight of landed property is in the hands 
 " of Protestants, and the appointment to all the high offices of 
 " state in the hands of Government ; and that their Eman- 
 " cipation would cut off their pretext for dissatisfaction and 
 " rebellion. But, from all I have lately seen and heard of their 
 " spirit and conduct, my mind is completely changed ; and I 
 " cannot help thinking their unqualified Emancipation one 
 " of the most dreadful evils which could befal the Protest- 
 ants of this country. I am forced to think so, from the 
 very nature of the spirit and principles of their profession. 
 " Their religion is, indeed, a dreadful one, when vested with 
 " political power. O ! remember the blood she has shed, the 
 " chains she has forged, the cruelties she has inflicted, and the 
 " anathemas she has denounced. And we here in Ireland, 
 " who know nothing of the scenes of old exhibited in Smith- 
 " field, in the reign of Queen Mary, or the massacre of 
 " Paris, in the reign of Charles IX. cannot forget the immola- 
 " tion of the Protestants in the Church of Gorey, the Pro- 
 " testant massacre on Vinegar Hill, the still more dreadful 
 " slaughter on the bridge of Wexford, and \hejiery execution 
 " of many scores both young and old, male and female, who 
 " perished together in the barn of Scullabogue, no later than 
 " 1798: and, alas ! her spirit is not at all changed for the better. 
 " Have we not then just cause to fear T* 
 
 In another Letter it is observed, " Mr. of , who 
 
 u was a Roman Catholic of great respectability, died lately? 
 " and during his illness- would not see a Priest ; declaring 
 
 VOL. I- k 
 
 
188 PRIEST^ BJGOTRY AND tNTGLERANCFi 
 
 " that his absolution could do no good if it were not the will 
 " of God to shew him mercy; and that if he received that mercy, 
 " he wanted not the absolution. The consequence was, that 
 " the funeral of that man, which, under other circumstances, 
 " would have been attended by a thousand people, was scarcely 
 " attended by as many as were necessary to convey his remains 
 " to the grave. This fact I had from a respectable clergy- 
 " man who was a relative. About two years ago it was neces-> 
 " sary to appoint a Roman Catholic chaplain to the county 
 " prison of Kilkenny ; and the Grand Jury selected a man of 
 " learning and liberality : but he did not belong to the parish- 
 " in which the prison is situated, and the late titular Bishop 
 *' (Doctor Lanigan) put an interdict on hkn, and would* -not? 
 "allow him to officiate. Two most respectable gentlemen of 
 " the Grand Jury waited on him. He received them with all- 
 " the arrogance and hauteur of his priesthood, and declared 
 " that the rules of the Catholic Church could not be broken, 
 " or its principles violated : they returned much chagrined, 
 4< but the Doctor persisted in his refusal to sanction their 
 " appointment, till at a subsequent assizes he carried his 
 " point. The Grand Jury actually rescinded their own 
 " order, and appointed the priest of the parish, whom they 
 « disliked ! 
 
 ■ 
 
 " Major Bryan, who is now conspicuous among the Roman* 
 " istSj once entered the lists with Dr. Lanigan on the subject 
 " of the Veto, and even attacked him in the provincial paper : 
 " but his bravado was soon over, and he was obliged to suc- 
 " cumb, and acknowledge the authority of the Church. Doctor 
 " Lanigan had promised to sign for the concession of the 
 " Veto; but in consequence of Doctor Milner's influence and 
 " instructions, he retracted, and published his celebrated apo- 
 " logy, in which he gave five reasons why a promise might be 
 " broken : and that, at all events, the promise he made, though 
 " a serious, was not a solemn one ; and, therefore, according 
 " to his maxims, not binding. 
 
 " Heresy is the worst of all crimes, in the estimation of 
 

 PRIESTS BIGOTRY AND INTOLERANCE. 189 
 
 "** the great mass of people here. Murders, robberies, rapes, 
 '" &c. &c. are venial in comparison of it. Children are trained 
 " up from their earliest years in a fixed and determined 
 " hatred to the name of Protestant; and consequently shew 
 " that they are influenced by the instructions they receive. 
 Xi In this place, they constantly raise a shout after Clergymen 
 " who are active in their parishes, and whom they have been 
 c < taught to regard as their enemies. The Priests also lav a 
 " much heavier penance upon those who perchance hear a 
 " sermon at Church, or an exhortation at a -grave, than upon 
 %i those who thieve, fight, &c. 
 
 '" When a Funeral passes the street, the multitude will 
 shout aloud in prayer for the deceased person, if he has 
 died a Papist; but if a Protestant, their observation is, 
 u * We are sorry we cannot pray for him V With this people 
 " the traditions of men, or, in other words, the will of their 
 " Priests, supersedes-, in most instances, the commandments of 
 "" God. Saints' days are kept with the most scrupulous 
 " exactness ; but if the preservation of an entire harvest de 
 xi pended upon working on one Lady-Day, they would not do 
 "" it-, whilst, on the other hand, the Sabbath is proverbially 
 " profaned and polluted. 
 
 " The spiritual darkness of this fine island is visible, but 
 " yet there are some chinks which admit the light. The Bible 
 ** is beginning to have a free circulation ; Sunday Schools are 
 " very generally established, and increasing in number and 
 " usefulness ; tracts have found their way into remote corners ; 
 " and, from the rapid spread of divine truth, I anticipate 
 " great and speedy blessings. The Bible alone can set before 
 u them the nature of the true Emancipation ; and, indeed, 
 " until the souls of the people are emancipated from the 
 " grievous thraldom, by which they are held in captivity, and 
 " from the unchristian principles by which they are intfu- 
 " enced, we neither hope nor expect any good effects from 
 " their attainment of political power. By granting what they 
 " ask, we should sign our own death-warrant, we should en- 
 
 K 2 
 
140 PRIESTS' BIGOTRY AND INTOLERANCE. 
 
 " tail misery upon our posterity, and prove ourselves utterly 
 " unworthy of those great blessings which we enjoy under a 
 " free Constitution, and for which our forefathers shed their 
 " blood. Oh ! for the spirit of a Luther, to enable us to 
 " strip off the mask, to expose the deformity of Popery to the 
 " world, and to call upon every friend of truth, every lover of 
 " the best interests of mankind, to stand firm at this awful, 
 " this important crisis! The contest is between truth and 
 " error, between liberty and slavery. Let us manfully oppose 
 a the principles that are evil, but love and serve those who 
 " hold them ; those principles which I will not hesitate to say 
 " are the curse of Ireland, and the fruitful source of the evils 
 " which degrade and debase her." 
 
 In another Letter from the County of Louth are the fol- 
 lowing remarks: " You wish to know the present state of the 
 " Catholics of Ireland, both Clergy and Laity. It is very 
 u easy to prove by stubborn facts, that it is identically the 
 " same as it was in 1641, 1690, and in the Irish rebellion of 
 " 1798. Five out of the last six years of my life, I have lived 
 in the southern provinces, and have had frequent opportu- 
 nities of conversing with the Priests and people ; some of 
 " whom I found to be very worthy characters, but the greater 
 " part, bitter enemies both to Church and State. 
 
 " Since I came to this town, another instance serves to 
 " shew the spirit of the Catholic Priesthood. In the month of 
 " September last, a quarry man was killed by blasting a rock 
 " with gunpowder. He was married to a Protestant, and 
 ".from the time of their marriage, never more went to mass. 
 " After his corpse was brought to his house, his friends, who 
 " were Roman Catholics, asked liberty of his widow to bring 
 " a Priest to say mass for the deceased. She consented, say- 
 " ing that she believed it would do no good. Two Priests 
 " immediately came, and after spending a short time in the 
 " apartment with the deceased, came to the afflicted widow, 
 <c and said, ' You vile Heretic, you have been the means of 
 " damning your husband ! He has died out of the pale of 
 
 
priests' bigotry and intolerance.. 141 
 
 «• the true Church, and eannot be saved.' One of them in- 
 « quired of her, if she was bringing up her children as Pro 
 « testants ? She answered in the affirmative. He replied, 
 « < So you are bringing up a brood of Vipers for Hell, to go 
 « there' with yourself.' This relation I had from the widow, 
 « who told it weeping, and it can be attested by many respect- 
 « able persons who were present. 1 might fill many pages 
 
 " with similar accounts. , 
 
 « It is well known that the Catholic Priesthood is raised 
 " up from among the lowest of the people, and taught in a 
 « Collet, where hostility to the Protestant religion is one ot 
 « their fundamental principles. And what can you expect 
 « from an ignorant people, under the unbounded influence of 
 « such men, leaving the Pope out of the question altogether . 
 « I do not see, in their present state, what pledge they can give 
 « to Government for their future loyalty and good behaviour. 
 « An oath of allegiance will not bind, while a Priest can break 
 « it, and absolve them ; as in many instances they did in the 
 " Irish rebellion of 1798. 
 
 « In a Letter from the County of Cork it is observed, As 
 « to an increase of liberality in religious sentiment, we expect 
 « „o such thing from Irish Papists. Their doctrine of exclu- 
 « sive salvation is their glory, nor will they abate one jot or 
 « one tittle of it. That the Irish Popish clergy are as much 
 « devoted to, and dependent on, the Pope, as they were three 
 « hundred years ago, is an incontrovertible truth ; and that 
 « they will give no pledge beyond their oath of aflegtance, 
 « nor make any political accommodations by a \eto, or 
 « the nomination of their Bishops, is with them now a fixed 
 "point; and indeed, as to concessions, they treat them with 
 « Contempt, and refuse to make thein with a proud abhor- 
 « rence. Thus they refuse us salvation; they look on our 
 « Ecclesiastical Hierarchy as an heretical usurpation of then 
 « tights and dominion: they refuse a political pledge for 
 « Ae allegiance of their superior Clergy, and laugh at all 
 « sort of concession to a Protestant government; and y* they 
 
 k 3 
 
142 priests' 
 
 BIGOTRY AND INTOLERANCE. 
 
 a 
 
 cr 
 
 insist upon leading our armies, presiding in our courts* 
 and with a Popish population to return themselves to the 
 Imperial Parliament ! ! Let but a Popish majority possess 
 " the elective franchise in towns corporate, as in the counties 
 " of Ireland, and let but Papists become eligible to sit in 
 Parliament, and I will venture to prophesy, that in less 
 than seven years, there will not be a Protestant representa-. 
 tive from Ireland, in the Imperial Parliament. Alas for 
 " the Protestants of this ill-fated country in that day ! Alas 
 " for the honour, the rights, yea, the very existence of the 
 " Protestant Establishment in our Church in that day ! Who 
 " then would not shield the religion of our fathers from the 
 " cruel, bigoted, and infuriate spirit of a Priesthood, illiberal 
 " from principle, persecuting from habit, and accustomed to 
 " exercise a usurped domination over the conscience and judg- 
 f* ment of the ignorant and superstitious ? 
 
 " With their present hostile views of Protestantism in 
 f * every form, and their declaration of that hostility ; with the 
 " refusal of all concession, accommodations and pledges to a 
 f* Protestant Government, and at a time when they thanklessly 
 " demand, and are determined to extort what they call their 
 4C rights, from the Government; I conceive, that to make 
 " further advances would betray a bad policy, and a weak and 
 4C pusillanimous disposition. 11 
 
 The following is an Extract from the Petition of the Pro- 
 testant Noblemen, Gentlemen, Clergy, Freeholders, and Inha- 
 bitants of the County of Cavan. presented in November, 1812 ; 
 " We entertain the most cordial affection for our fellow- 
 "*' subjects of the Roman Catholic religion, and heartily re- 
 " joice at the repeal of those laws which affected their persons 
 — their property — and the free exercise of their religion. 
 But we beg leave most solemnly to protest against the claim 
 " now advanced on their behalf, to be admissible into the 
 i6 offices which constitute the Government, or to seats in the 
 '* Houses of Parliament; a claim inconsistent, as we conceive, 
 u with the safety of the Established Constitution in Church 
 
 
PRIEStV BIGOTRY AND INTOLERANCE. 146 
 
 * and State, and dangerous to the connexion between Great 
 
 * Britain and Ireland. 
 
 " We beg leave humbly to represent, that the Roman Ca- 
 (i tholics, in this part of the Empire, are a numerous class, 
 u forming a strong, distinct, and connected party ; under the 
 " government of a Church, the rival of that which is esta- 
 " blished by law, retaining at this hour as its head, a claimant 
 " to all the dignities and possessions of the Church of Ireland, 
 " holding his title to be little less than of ' Divine Right, 1 — 
 " a party, which, from the Reformation to the Revolution, 
 " maintained a constant struggle for the supremacy in church 
 " and state. — The wisdom of the great and enlightened cha- 
 " racters who conducted the Revolution was not able to devise 
 " any other expedient for effectually securing the existence 
 " and continuance of a Protestant Church establishment, than 
 t 6 that of excluding Roman Catholics from the Throne, the 
 " higher offices of State, and the two Houses of Parliament ; 
 *' for they well knew that no such anomaly could ever exist 
 " together, as a Roman Catholic government and a Protestant 
 u Church. But, should Parliament be induced to condemn 
 *' this principle, and to admit the Roman Catholics to all the 
 " higher offices of the state, your Petitioners do not see on what 
 ••' principle their admissibility to the Throne can be denied. — 
 They demand perfect equality with their Protestant fellow- 
 subjects, and boldly state that nothing short of this will 
 * 4 satisfy them : as long as they are excluded from the Throne, 
 " and the possessions of the Church, they cannot consider 
 " themselves on such an equality. We confess we are not 
 -" prepared to sacrifice to their demands the Protestant Consti- 
 > ; tution of these realms *.'' 
 
 * See, for many other Letters, and much valuable information on 
 the present state of Catholic Ireland and her Priesthood, the series of 
 Letters and Papers lately published by the Protestant Union So- 
 ciety, which are sold at BickerstafFs, Essex Street, and other Book- 
 sellers. In that work will be also found an able and triumphant answer 
 lo Mr. Butlsr's pamphlet in favor of « Catholic Emancipation." 
 
 K 4 
 
 
144 PRIESTS^ IMMORALITY. 
 
 The intolerant and exclusive character of Popery in 
 Ireland, and the bigotry and hatred with which a purer 
 system is regarded by its Professors, will appear farther from 
 the constant and inflexible opposition of the Priests to the 
 system of Education, the increase of Sunday Schools, and the 
 diffusion of the Bible ; they resist in the most determined way 
 the introduction of sacred or human Learning, except as con- 
 nected with their own principles, and they exert their whole 
 influence (which is very extensive) against the dispersion of 
 truth and the light of science in Ireland : a greater crime can 
 hardly be committed in the eyes of a Priest, than that one of his 
 Flock should encourage a Sunday School or a Bible Society ; 
 and their efforts to keep the people in darkness and ignorance, 
 afford the best proof that they dread the influx of knowledge 
 as at war with their whole system, and furnish the strongest 
 argument for increased exertions on the part of our Govern- 
 ment, and of all the real friends of Ireland, to enlighten the 
 public mind by educating the mass of the population, which 
 is the best and only antidote of Papal and political abuses, 
 and the most effectual means of overthrowing Idolatry and 
 Superstition, and of weakening the dominion of man over the 
 conscience of his Brother. 
 
 Enough perhaps has now been said in proof of the political 
 crimes of the Irish Catholic Priests, and also in proof of their 
 bigotry and intolerance towards Protestants. It would be no 
 difficult task to shew that the state of personal morality is at a 
 very low ebb indeed in this body ; and innumerable examples 
 might be adduced, all tending to prove that corruption of prac- 
 tice exists in Ireland to an awful extent, among the Ministers 
 and Teachers of a corrupt religion. To enter into details on 
 such a subject, or to cite particular examples, would be at once 
 invidious and inexpedient. To those who are in any degree 
 acquainted with the interior of Catholic Ireland, little need be 
 said on a subject of this nature, since their whole experience 
 will confirm the assertion which has been made. In the capital 
 of Ireland, indeed, as well as in the cities and larger towns of 
 
^IESTS^ IMMORALITY. 145 
 
 the Empire, considerable caution is observed by the Priests 
 in concealing their vices; and it is even possible that a convic- 
 tion of the necessity of preserving appearances, and avoiding 
 scandal, may in many instances operate to restrain them from 
 the grosser vices, and tend to produce considerable attention 
 to external decency : in those towns and villages, however, 
 which maintain little intercourse with the Metropolis, and have 
 scarcely any connexion with the higher and more respectable 
 classes of Society, the depravity of the Irish Priesthood is 
 deplorable: their licentiousness with reference to the other 
 sex is of the most notorious description ; and there can be no 
 doubt that their very religion itself, in a variety of instances, is 
 made subservient to the pursuit of their object, and the fur- 
 therance of their purposes. This passage will be perfectlv intel- 
 ligible to those who are familiar with the interna^ state of Ire- 
 land, and with the powerful influence of the Priests over their 
 deluded and benighted flocks ; and such persons will be abun- 
 dantly able to confirm the accusation which it involves : this 
 influence is of such a nature, that there is no punishment to 
 which an illiterate Irish Catholic of either sex would not 
 submit, rather than betray or speak evil of the Priest, whose 
 benediction is considered, as the highest advantage which can 
 be enjoyed, and whose curse is more deprecated than anv tem- 
 poral evil. Many of the Priests of Ireland have a female 
 constantly residing with them under the name of a niece, which 
 designation is perfectly understood in that countrv; while 
 others, who choose to avoid the reproach of incontinencv at 
 home, make ample amends for the privation by profligacy of a 
 more general description. 
 
 Drunkenness may be considered as a vice almost indi- 
 genous to the Irish Catholic Priesthood : the instances of the 
 addiction of the Priests to this vice are innumerable ; its uni- 
 versality among them has in a measure lessened the horror 
 with which it would otherwise be regarded : many Priests have 
 not only injured their health by their excesses in this particular, 
 but sx>me have actually perished in fits of drunkenness • there 
 
146 priests' immorality. 
 
 are few of them in the remote parts of the country who are not 
 drinkers of spirits, while many are systematic and habitual 
 drunkards. 
 
 The venality ) fraud, and extortion of the Irish Priests, 
 are almost proverbial : they direct pilgrimages to be performed 
 by the deluded people, and they assign the particular stations 
 to which they are to proceed ; from whence arises a consider- 
 able revenue to the Priests, who reside in the vicinity of the 
 places resorted to. The pecuniary profit accruing from Indul- 
 gences, and other spiritual articles of traffic, is not more over- 
 looked in Ireland, than in other Popish countries ; and it is 
 no uncommon practice with the Priests, after having enjoined 
 some humiliating or vexatious penance to a wealthy member of 
 their own communion, to commute such penance for a heavy 
 pecuniary fine*. In Ireland too, where money is scarce, the 
 Priests are commonly remunerated by their people in kind. 
 Presents of various sorts are frequently exacted, where they 
 are not bestowed so liberally as the Priests expect them to be ; 
 and instances are constantly occurring in Ireland, where the 
 infliction of penance, and the threats of excommunication, 
 eompel the unwilling contributions of the Catholic poor, both in 
 money and other offerings. When spiritual influence has lost 
 its effect, it is no unusual thing for ecclesiastical terrors to 
 supply its place, both on this and other occasions; and the 
 power usurped over the conscience is not the only one, nor 
 often the worst, which the unfortunate Devotee experiences at 
 the hands of his Pastor: such, however, is the force of the 
 religious system by which he is bound, and so great the infa- 
 tuation with which he is taught to respect the commands of 
 his Priest, that, generally speaking, it would be considered the 
 
 * There exists, at this moment, publicly in Dublin, a " Pyrga- 
 " torian Society," the professed object of which is to pray the souls 
 of the Subscribers' Relatives and Friends out of Purgatory, and for 
 which avowed object, considerable sums are collected by the Priests,, 
 in weekly subscriptions of a penny and upwards.— See Dr. Thorpe's 
 work, referred to before, p. 13a, Note. 
 
 4 
 
queen Elizabeth's judges. 147 
 
 height of impiety to appeal to the laws of the land, for redress 
 against his spiritual tyranny, since the complainant would 
 thereby expose the character, and violate the authority of one 
 who is, in effect, the Pope of the district over which he pre- 
 sides. 
 
 The task of developing the personal delinquencies of the 
 Priesthood is sufficiently painful, or the present article might 
 be considerably extended : the interests of truth, however, 
 appeared to require that thus much should be adduced in reply 
 to Bishop Milker's defence of his Clergy ; nor can it be 
 considered any violation of the Laws of Charity, that plain 
 facts should be stated in a case where rebellion is so audacious, 
 bigotry so violent, and vice so flagrant, as among the Catholic 
 Priests of the Sister Country. 
 
 In p. 47, Mr. Dallas quotes Rapin for the purpose of 
 proving the cruelty of the Judges in the reign of Queen 
 Elizabeth, and also of further invalidating the evidence fur- 
 nished by the state trials and the Actio in Proditores ; 
 but it is a fraudulent Quotation, and a reference to Rapin 
 will shew, that Mr. Dallas was not justified in presenting 
 that Quotation to his readers in such a mutilated form. He 
 produces no more of what Rapin says than the following 
 words : " Meanwhile the Queen sent for the Judges of the 
 " realm, and sharply reproved them for having been too se- 
 i? vere in the tortures they had made these men suffer." Now, 
 this being a very small part of what Rapin says, and only 
 that part which it suited Mb. Dallas to produce, while all 
 the rest of that author's statement is directly opposed to Mb. 
 Dallas's assertion, let us hear what Rapin really does say : 
 M Several Books, as well printed as manuscript, were handed 
 " about, wherein the Queen was slandered to the highest de- 
 " gree. She was taxed with putting to death many Catholics 
 " without cause, having first racked them, in order to compel 
 li them to confess crimes whereof they were innocent. Her 
 V maids of honour were exhorted to serve her in the same 
 
148 queen Elizabeth's judges. 
 
 " manner Judith did Hoiofernes, and render themselves, by 
 " such an action, worthy of the applause of the Church, 
 " throughout all future ages. Meanwhile, the Queen, willing 
 " to shew it was not for their religion that some Catholics 
 " had been punished, sent for the Judges of the realm, and 
 " sharply reproved them for having been too severe in the 
 " tortures they had made these men suffer. In all likelihood, 
 " this was done to afford them an opportunity to clear thern- 
 " selves from this charge, by an apology which was made 
 ii public : they affirmed f that no person had been made to 
 " suffer Jbr his Religion, but only Jbr dangerous practices 
 " against the Queen and State ; that, indeed, Campion the 
 " Jesuit had been put to the rack, but with so little violence, 
 " that he was presently able to walk and subscribe his confes- 
 " sion ; that Bryan, one of his accomplices, obstinately refus- 
 " ing to speak or write, the person's name who penned the 
 " papers found about him, was, indeed, denied food till such 
 w time as he asked it in writing.' But, however, the Queen, 
 " willing to take from her enemies all occasion of disparaging 
 *' her in foreign parts, forbid the putting any person 
 " whatever to the rack, and was satisfied with transporting 
 " out of England seventy Priests who were in prison, and 
 " of whom some were under sentence of death : among these 
 " were certain Jesuits, who afterwards proved very ungrate- 
 " ful for the kindness she did them ; perhaps, indeed, she 
 " acted upon this occasion, not so much from a motive of 
 * clemency, as to separate two things which they studied al- 
 * 6 ways to confound, namely, Religion, and the crimes against 
 " the State, under pretence that most of the Conspirators 
 " were Catholics." — Tindal's Rapin, Vol. ix. p. 36, Edit. 
 1729. 
 
 Now* if, instead of taking an insulated text from Rapin, 
 Mr. Dallas had given us the context, we should have seen 
 that Queen Elizabeth did not abstractedly condemn the 
 Judges for persecution, as he would have us think ; but that 
 
PRIESTS AND JESUITS TEMP. ELIZABETH. 149 
 
 she complained of them publicly, in order (as Rapin believes) 
 that by their public answer, or apology, her own conduct might 
 appear to have sprung, as it really did, not from any hatred 
 of the Jesuits, or their religion, considered in themselves, 
 but from their " dangerous practices against the Queen and 
 " the State." The case was, that the Jesuits, as well as the 
 Catholic Priests, had invariably represented the Queen as hos- 
 tile to their religion, and persecuting them merely on that ac- 
 count ; they chose to deny that they had been the authors of 
 their own misfortunes by their previous perverse and rebel- 
 lious conduct ; and they persisted in attributing the opposition 
 they experienced, to the personal hatred of Elizabeth. Now. 
 in order to the vindication of her own conduct, she called 
 upon the Judges to give an account of theirs, which they im- 
 mediately did ; and this account was made public by the 
 Queen, in order that the world might at once estimate her 
 motives, and those of the Jesuits and Catholics. 
 
 In all this, there is nothing which proves the Judges to 
 have been vindictive or severe, as Mr. Dallas would insi- 
 nuate, but the direct contrary : if, indeed, one paragraph of 
 a statement is to stand for all the rest, then Rapin may be 
 made to speak any thing, either on this or any other occa- 
 sion ; and, upon this principle, it signifies little what view may 
 have been taken by an ancient Historian who has told the "wlioh 
 truth, if a modern writer is to be permitted, by quoting only 
 a part of the truth, to draw his own conclusions from such 
 invalid premises. 
 
 If it be any question, whether the Jesuits and Priests did 
 or did not provoke opposition by the most perverse and cri- 
 minal practices through the whole reign of Elizabeth, let 
 Rapin be honestly consulted, and fairly quoted, and the 
 fullest conviction of their intrigues and treasons must be the 
 result. It would be endless to follow him through his state- 
 ments on this point, but a few may not be useless : 
 
 After speaking of the English Seminaries at Rome and 
 

 150 PRIESTS AND JESUITS TEMP. ELIZABETH". 
 
 Douay, whose main object, he says, was " to send Priest 
 " into England to preach sedition and rebellion," he observes, 
 (i As long as the Court, imagined these men only administered 
 " the sacraments in private to those of their religion, no no* 
 " tice seemed to be taken of it ; but it was discovered at 
 " length, that they were diligent in spreading pernicious prin- 
 " ciples which might be attended with ill consequences. They 
 " maintained, that the Pope had by divine right full power to 
 dethrone Kings, and that Elizabeth being excommunica- 
 ted and deposed by Pius Vth's Bull, her subjects Were 
 " freed from their allegiance : four of these dangerous emis- 
 " saries were condemned and executed, for daring to maintain 
 " publicly that the Queen was lawfully deposed. 
 
 " This did not hinder the two Seminaries from continually 
 41 sending into England Incendiaries, with whom were joined 
 " Robert Parsons and Edmund Campion, Jesuits, who 
 " were the first of that Order employed to preach the above- 
 " mentioned dangerous tenets. They had obtained of the 
 " Pope a Bull, dated 14th of April, 1580, declaring that 
 " I*ope Pius's Bull bound Elizabeth and the Heretics al- 
 " ways ; but in no way the Catholics, till a favourable oppor- 
 " tunity should offer to put it in execution. These two Je^ 
 " suits had professed the Protestant Religion, and even held 
 places in the University of Oxford : after that, withdrawing 
 from England, they returned from time to time, appearing 
 " one while like Clergymen, another while like Soldiers, or in 
 " some other disguise, and frequented the Houses of the Ca- 
 " tholics, under pretence of instructing and comforting them ; 
 " but in reality to inspire them with sedition and rebellion. 
 " All this coming to the Queen's knowledge, a Proclamation 
 " was issued out, which (among other things) forbid all per- 
 " sons to entertain or harbour any Jesuits or Priests, sent 
 u forth from the Seminaries, upon pain of being punished as 
 " rebels and seditious persons : shortly after, printed books 
 " were dispersed, intimating that the Pope and King of Spain: 
 " had formed a design to conquer England and restore the Ca- 
 
 
u 
 
 <{ 
 
 PRIESTS AND JESUITS TEMP. EXIZABETH. 151 
 
 " tholic Religion, and exhorting the English Papists to help 
 " forward the design ; whereupon the Queen issued out ano- 
 " ther Proclamation, declaring she was not ignorant of the 
 u practices of her enemies, but, by the grace of God, and 
 " the help of her faithful subjects, she was able to withstand 
 " their attacks both at home and abroad: that, moreover, as the 
 " plots which were contriving were not only against her person, 
 " but also against the whole kingdom, she did not intend to be 
 cruel to the good by sparing the bad, and, therefore, such 
 as would not for the future keep within the bounds of their 
 " duty, were to expect no mercy ." — TindaTs Rapin, Vol. ix. 
 p. 6, Edit. 1729. 
 
 Again, " England was all of a sudden overrun with Ro- 
 " mish Priests, Jesuits, and other Catholics, who hoped to 
 " be screened there by the Duke of Anjou : among these, 
 " some were so imprudent as to vent openly the most extra- 
 " vagant doctrines concerning the Pope^ power, a crime then 
 " unpardonable, because it tended to deprive the Queen of 
 " her Royalty, and stir up her subjects to rebel against her. 
 " It is no wonder, therefore, that the furious zeal and impru- 
 " dence of some of the Catholics drew upon the whole body 
 " severities, which the Queen would not have been easily 
 * brought to, if they had been contented to sit down in quiet 
 " with the free exercise of their religion in private, and not at- 
 " tacked the Government. What did them still a further in- 
 " jury was, that some of them owned they were come into 
 " England with power to absolve every one in particular from 
 " his oath of allegiance, from which Pius V.'s Bull had ab- 
 " solved the whole nation in general." — Ibid. p. 19. 
 
 Again, Rapin, after speaking of one of the Acts of Par- 
 liament of that time, observes, " This was the severest Act 
 " against the Catholics in the reign of Queen Elizabeth : 
 " but they could blame nobody but themselves, or rather the 
 " indiscreet zeal of some amongst them, who never ceased 
 " plotting against the Queen, and endeavouring to set the 
 " Queen of Scots m the. throne of England. Even this Sta- 
 
a 
 it 
 
 u 
 it 
 
 152 PRIESTS AND JESUITS TEMP. ELIZABETH. 
 
 " tute was not capable of holding them in, till at last they 
 " carried their zeal to such a height, that the destruction of 
 " one of the Queens became necessary for the preservation of 
 " the other. 1 '— Ibid. p. 48. 
 
 And further, after enumerating several dangers which 
 threatened the kingdom in the year 1585, Rapin observes, 
 " I mention not the Court of Rome, or the English Catho- 
 " lies, who always continued in the same mind, so that there 
 " was nothing new in that respect. The Queen of Scots 
 " was all along the stumbling-block : it was she that gave 
 birth to all the devices. They had a mind to free her from 
 captivity, in order to set on her head the crown of England 
 " and Scotland, and restore by her means the Catholic Religion 
 in the two kingdoms. This was the scheme of Elizabeth's 
 enemies. She could not be ignorant of it, since they had pur- 
 " sued it from the very beginning of her reign." — Ibid. p. 49- 
 Again Rapin observes on this point: " Nothing shews her 
 capacity more than her address in surmounting all the diffi- 
 culties and troubles created by her enemies, especially when 
 it is considered who these enemies were — persons the most 
 powerful, the most artful, the most subtle, and the least scru- 
 pulous in Europe. The bare naming of them is sufficient to 
 " convince all the world — the Court of Rome, under several 
 " Popes, Philip II. King of Spain, the Duke of Alva, 
 " Henry II. and Charles IX. Kings of France, Catherine- 
 " of Medicis, the Duke of Guise, Cardinal Lorraine, 
 u Mary Queen of Scots, all the Romish Clergy, and 
 
 " PARTICULARLY THE JESUITS." Ibid. p. 221. 
 
 And again : " She is warmly accused of persecuting the 
 " Catholics, and putting several to death. "T is true, there 
 " were some that suffered death in her reign ; but one may 
 " venture to assert, that none were punished but for conspir- 
 " ing against tlie Queen or State, or for attempting to destroy 
 iC the Protestant Religion in England, and restore the Romish 
 " by violent metlwds. The Catholics who lived in quiet were 
 tolerated, though with some restraint as to the exercise of 
 
 a 
 a 
 it 
 a 
 
 di 
 
 it 
 
PARSONS AND CAMPION. 153 
 
 " their religion, but with none as to their consciences : if tins 
 " may be called Persecution, what name shall we give to the 
 " sufferings of the Protestants in the reign of Mary ?" — Ibid. 
 p. 224. 
 
 In perfect conformity with this view of Elizabeth's reign, 
 and of the intrigues of the Catholics and Jesuits, is all that 
 Sully has left on record upon the subject : in one place, in 
 particular, he observes, " Quelque terns avant la mort d'Eli- 
 " zabeth, les partisans de TEspagne ayant, commc a Vordi- 
 i( naire, les Jesuites a leur tete, exciterent des brouilleries 
 " dans les trois Royaumes de la Grande Bretagne : la Reli- 
 <c gion leur servit de pretexte, quoique la Politique en fut le 
 " veritable objet." — Sully's History, Vol. iv. Book 5, p. 357, 
 Edit. 1768. 
 
 One more passage only shall be cited from Rapin: it is in re- 
 ference to the conduct of Queen Elizabeth in Ireland : " The 
 " Irish had for the Pope an attachment equal to their ignorance, 
 ; * which was extreme : this disposed them to listen to the soli- 
 " citations of the Romish Emissaries, who were continually in- 
 ** citing them to rebellion against the Government. Elizabeth, - 
 " therefore, was continually watchful upon the transactions of 
 " that Island, knowing what was the interest and credit whicli 
 *' the Pope, her enemy, had there."'' — Tindal's Rapin, Vol. viii. 
 p. 260, Edit. 1729. 
 
 A note of Mr. Dallas to page 48 requires to be noticed. 
 It is as follows : " Hume savs, Campion was put to the rack, 
 " and, confessing his guilt, was publicly executed. The con- 
 " fession of guilt is not so clearly proved as the putting to the 
 " rack. In the Life of Campion, the Confession is denied, 
 u and what Hume says himself immediately before, is strong 
 " against the imputed guilt, that he and Parsons were sent 
 " to explain the Bull of Pius, and to teach that the subjects 
 " of Elizabeth mere not bound by it to rebel against her" 
 
 Now, first, Mr. Dallas suppresses an essential part of 
 Hume's Statement ; viz. that the Jesuit Campion was " de- 
 l* tected in treasonable practices," and punished ac- 
 
 VOL. I. L 
 
154? PARSONS AND CAMPION. 
 
 cordingly. And secondly, Hume never states (as Mit. Dal- 
 las asserts), that Campion and Parsons were " sent to teach 
 " that the subjects of Elizabeth were not bound bv the Pope's 
 " Bull to rebel against her ;" but only to teach, that they were 
 not so bound by it as to act before a favorable opportunity 
 should offer, for which they were to wait, and on the arrival 
 of which, they would receive fresh orders from the Pope to 
 carry his Bull into execution. 
 
 The whole passage in Hume will shew that the colour 
 given by Mr. Dallas to the affair is not warranted by any 
 thing advanced bv that Historian. " The Bull of Pius* 
 (says Hume), " in absolving the subjects from their oath of 
 " allegiance, commanded them to resist the Queen's usurpa- 
 " tion : and many Romanists were apprehensive that by this 
 " clause they were obliged in conscience, even though no Ja- 
 w vorablc opportunity offered, to rebel against her, and that 
 " no dangers or difficulties could free them from this indis- 
 " pensable duty. But Parsons and Campion, two Jesuits, 
 u were sent over with a mitigation and explanation of the doc- 
 " trine ; and they taught their disciples, that though the Bull 
 " was for ever binding on Elizabeth and her partisans, it did 
 ie not oblige the Catholics to obedience, except when the Sove- 
 cf re \g n Pontiff should think proper, by a new summons, to 
 " require it"— Hume's History, Elizabeth, Chap. xli. Anno 
 1581. 
 
 It is thus, by perverting the above statement of Hume, 
 that Mr. Dallas extracts an evidence for the innocence of 
 Parsons and Campion, whom even Hume had given up : 
 from the passage as given by Hume, those Jesuits only taught 
 that the Catholics were not to act until the Pope should be of 
 opinion that they might act with effect : from the statement as 
 given by Mr. Dallas, those Jesuits taught " that the sub- 
 
 ; jects of Elizabeth were not bound to rebel against her* at 
 all, from which he would have us conclude that they were very 
 pacific and amiable people, and consequently very hardly 
 
 t reated ! 
 
 » 
 
 * 
 
CAMDEN ON JESUITS AND PRIESTS. 155 
 
 With regard to " the Life of Campion, 11 having denied 
 his Confession, — there is no fact, however well authenticated, 
 which the Jesuits and their friends will not deny, nor any abo- 
 mination, however flagrant, which they will not defend, if it 
 may answer their purpose. Jcuvenci, in his " History of the 
 u Jesuits, 11 denies the guilt of Guignard, who was hung for 
 being implicated with Chatel in the conspiracy against Henry 
 IV. and defends him as " a martvr for the truth, 11 " a Chris- 
 " tian Hero, 11 and " an imitator of the love of Jesus Christ."" 
 He calls his Judges " persecutors, 11 and compares the First 
 President Harlai to " Pilate, 11 and " the Parliament 11 to 
 " the Jews. 11 — (See Dictionnaire Historique, Article Jou- 
 venci.) 
 
 With regard to the quotation from Camden^ Annules 
 Rei'um Anglicarum regnante Elizabethan with which we are 
 furnished in p. 49, it is much to be regretted that Mr. Dal- 
 las's love of the Jesuits should have led him in that instance, 
 as in so many others, to an imitation of their usual practice of 
 quoting just so much of a passage as suits their purpose, and 
 omitting the context. 
 
 Camden does indeed say, as Mr. Dallas represents, that 
 the Queen did not think that many of the Priests were guilty 
 of meditating the destruction of the country ; but this is only 
 one sentence of a passage, the whole of which, taken in con- 
 nexion, proves the direct contrary to what Mr. Dallas would 
 wish. 
 
 Let us consider the whole passage as it stands in Camden: 
 after having spoken of the capital punishment of the four Su- 
 periors of Jesuits, Campion, Sherwin, Kirby, and B riant, 
 and noticed the fact of many others having been condemned 
 to death, only five of whom, however, were executed in ten 
 years, he observes : Undoubtedly the times were of such a 
 nature, that the Queen (who never designed to apply force 
 to the conscience) would afterwards lament that she had been 
 driven by necessity to these measures, or that she must other- 
 wise have seen destruction brought upon herself and her sub' 
 
 l 2 
 
156 CAMDEN OK JESUITS AND PRIESTS. 
 
 jeets, wide?' the alleged pretext of Conscience, and the Catholic 
 Religion. She did not, however, think that many of the 
 miserable Priests were guilty of meditating the destruction of 
 the Country, but that those Superiors were the instruments of 
 their crime, since the Priests who had been sent over here had 
 surrendered themselves to the entire disposal of those Supe- 
 riors; that in the questions which had been put to them re- 
 specting the Papal Bull of Pius V. and the Queen's supremacy, 
 some had answered so ambiguously, and some so violently, 
 while others had evaded inquiry by prevarication or silence, 
 that even some of the more respectable Catholics themselves 
 began to suspect that these men cherished traitorous designs; 
 and one in particular (Bishop) wrote against them, and 
 against the Council of Lateran, for promulgating the perni- 
 cious doctrine of deposing Kings, and absolving subjects from 
 their allegiance. Camdex further proceeds to state in the 
 same passage, that suspicion was daily increased by the great 
 number of Priests surreptitiously introduced into England, who 
 secretly practised upon the minds of men; preached that 
 Princes excommunicated were to be deposed — insinuated that 
 those who did not profess the Romi-.li Religion had forfeited 
 all title to royalty; and that persons initiated in sacred things^ 
 were free (by their ecclesiastical privileges) from all jurisdic- 
 tion of Princes, being neither bound by their laws, nor sub- 
 jected to their authority; that the Pope was Supreme, and 
 had the fullest power over the whole world, even in political 
 affairs, but that the Rulers of England were by no means 
 lawful Rulers, and therefore were not to be so esteemed; that, 
 further, the Declaratory Bull of Pope Pius V. had rendered 
 whatever had been done by the Queen's authority utterly null 
 and void; nor did some dissemble that they had come into 
 England, with no other object than that they might, under 
 that Bull, absolve the people from every oath of fidelity and 
 obedience towards the Queen, and they promised (says Cam- 
 den) absolution from every mortal sin, which they were enabled 
 
<AMDEN ON JESUITS AKD PRIESTS. 157 
 
 to do the more securely, because the more secretly, under the 
 
 Seal of Confession. 
 
 Such is the whole amount of Camden's testimony in that 
 part of his History from which Mr. Dallas 1ms thought pro- 
 per to cull a single sentence, which appeared to favor his 
 
 own views. 
 
 Did Mr. Dallas suppose that Camden s Annals had be- 
 come so scarce, that only his own copy of that work was 
 attainable? or did he imagine that other persons would be con- 
 tent to take his partial statement upon trust without further 
 
 examination ? 
 
 The fact is, that a more unfortunate reference could hardly 
 have been made by Mr. Dallas than to Camden; whose 
 exposure of the treasons and intrigues of the Jesuits, through- 
 out the whole reign of Elizabeth, should have at least taugnt 
 any apologist of the Jesuits a respectful silence, and prevent- 
 ed Mm from subpeenaing an author, who, so far from proving 
 liis case, Ns in every instance established the direct contrary. 
 In proof of Camden s opinion respecting the crimes of 
 the Jesuits and Friers, Mr. Dallas has only to open his Cam- 
 den again, and to turn to the following passages among many 
 others (if he be not already acquainted with them). 
 
 1st. Camden's account of the employment of Robert 
 Ridolphus, by Pope Pius V. to stir up the Catholic Priests in 
 England, which (says Camden) he did most sedulously and 
 secretly. See Camden s Annals of the year 1568. 
 
 2d. Camden's account of the Continental Seminaries of 
 Jesuits, from which their emissaries were sent to England and 
 Ireland; which occurs in his annals of the year 1580: and also 
 his account of the Jesuits Campion and Parsons, as record- 
 
 ed in the same year. 
 
 3d. The behaviour of Campion after his condemnation, as 
 
 related in the annals of the year 1581. 
 
 4th. The conduct and confession of Parry, recorded in 
 
 the year 1585. ,, 
 
 5th. The behaviour of the Jesuits when they saw that all 
 
 l 3 
 
158 CAMDEN ON JESUITS AND PRIESTS. 
 
 hope of setting up Popery by means of Mary Queen of 
 Scots had failed them, as recorded in the annals of the year 
 1586. 
 
 6th. His account of the trial of the Earl of Arundel 
 in the year 1589. 
 
 7th. The recital of the behaviour of the Jesuits in Scot- 
 land, in the beginning of the year 1592, and the like in 1593, 
 under Crichton the Jesuit. 
 
 8th. The conduct of Parsons, Dolman, Cardinal Al- 
 len, Cullen, Holt, Owen, Inglefelt, Williams, and 
 others, in the year 1594 ; with Camden's admirable reflections 
 o:i the providence of God, in the signal preservation of 
 Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 9th. The character of Cardinal Allen, as given by 
 Camden, in his annals of the same year, 1594. 
 
 10th. The account given by him of York, Williams, 
 Holt, Owen, and others, as occurring in the annals of 1595 ; 
 where he uses the strongest language, respecting their infa- 
 mous abuse of Religion and its sacraments to the vilest pur- 
 poses of regicide and rebellion. 
 
 11th. The account of Squire and Walpole's conspiracy 
 against the Queen, as related in the annals of 1598. 
 
 12th. Camden's recital (in the year 1600) of the Bull of 
 Pope Clement VIII. sent to the Irish Rebels then in arms 
 against Queen Elizabeth ; in which the Pope calls the Re- 
 bellion " an expedition against Heretics," and declares himself 
 willing to grant the Rebels all possible testimonies of his spe- 
 cial grace and favor for having undertaken it ! ! ! 
 
 13th. Camden's account (in the same year 1600) of the 
 two Briefs sent by the same Pope to the Clergy and people of 
 England, enjoining them to use all possible exertion to prevent 
 any monarch from ascending the throne after the Queen's death 
 who would not assert and maintain the Catholic religion ; which 
 Bulls actually produced an attempt on the life of James I. 
 who was the Protestant Prince then next in succession. 
 
 14th. Camden's account of the Quarrel between the Je-^ 
 
.m-L-ITS I\- GLEEX ELIZABETH'S ItF.ICN. 159 
 
 suits and the secular Priest* in England, as stated in the annals 
 
 of the year 1602. 
 
 What shall we now think of Mb. Dallas s assertion, p. 118, 
 that, " in regard to Protestant countries, the Jesuits' principles 
 « of loyalty are conclusive in their favor: and in spite of the 
 « Popish plots, it has been proved that their religious doctrines 
 « never led them as a body to interfere in political affairs?" If 
 none of all the above damning proofs against the Jesuits had been 
 put on record by Camden, still the passage cited from lnm by 
 Mr. Dallas would fall short of proving his point ; since the 
 utmost which it proves is, that the Queen did not thmk all the 
 Catholic Priests guilty in the mme degree ™th each other, and 
 that she thought their Leaders, the Superiors, more gu, ty 
 than any of them. And how did the Queen act under this 
 conviction? she awarded punishment accordingly : some were 
 merely fined— others were banished; and others were execut- 
 ed- but because she did not consider all these men equally 
 guilty, nor punish them accordingly, Me. Dallas was not jus- 
 tified" in giving us only that part of the History, in which the 
 Queen is declared not to have thought all the Priests gudty of 
 Hi ^-treason, without at the same time producing the power- 
 ful evidence brought forward by Camdex, to prove that mul- 
 titudes among them were guilty of that crime. _ 
 
 Camdek well knew, that to put a naked assertion in the 
 mouth of the Queen, of the innocence of the greater part of 
 the Jesuits and Priests, would have been as much at war 
 with the whole history of the period in question, as with every 
 part of that Queen's character; and he therefore makes no 
 
 such attempt. i v i 
 
 The Queen declared repeatedly, in the most public and 
 solemn acts of her reign, that the Jesuits and Romish Priests 
 were not merely opposed to her interests, but sought her life 
 Her Parliament as frequently made the same declaration and 
 framed many express Statutes for the preservation of the 
 irameu j r Oneen The Judges of 
 
 Constitution, and the safety of the Queen, x 6 
 
 the realm, the Juries of the land, the Nobutty, the Magrs- 
 
 l 4 
 
160 JESUITS IN QUEEN ELIZABETH^ REIGN. 
 
 trates, and various Public Bodies and Individuals, in all 
 ranks of Society openly declared their conviction of the guilt 
 of the parties in question, some of whom actually confessed 
 it. The most faithful Historians of the period entertain no 
 doubt of their criminality, and furnish the best reasons in 
 support of it; and yet, against all this evidence, we are now- 
 expected to believe that the Queen thought most of these men 
 absolutely innocent : if this improbable calumny could be cre- 
 dited, it would affix the deepest stain upon the character of the 
 most patriotic and popular Queen who ever filled a throne ; a 
 Queen whose memory is deservedly dear to England in particu- 
 lar, and respected by the world at large, but whose reputation, 
 it seems, is no longer to be regarded if the Jesuits or their 
 adherents may be profited by pulling it down *. 
 
 * The beautiful, and at the same time the impartial summary of 
 Queen Elizabeth's reign and policy, by Burnet, will naturally occur in 
 this place to the Reader of English History. 
 
 " In foreign parts (says he) she was the Arbiter of Christendom ; and 
 ** at home, things were so happily managed, trade did so flourish, and 
 " justice was so equally distributed, that she became the wonder of the 
 .f* World. She was victorious in all her wars with Spain; and no 
 il wonder: for it appeared signally in the ruin of the great Armada, 
 ** which Spain looked on as invincible, that Heaven fought for her. She 
 <{ reigned more absolutely over the hearts, than the persons of her sub- 
 " jects. She always followed the true interests of her people, and so 
 «* found her Parliaments always ready to comply with her desires, and 
 f to grant her Subsidies, as often as she called for them: and as she 
 " never asked them, but when the occasion for them was visible, so after 
 * { they were granted, if the state of her affairs changed so, that she 
 " needed them not, she readily discharged them. Rome and Spain set 
 " many engines on work, both against her Person and Government: 
 <* but she still lived and triumphed. In the first ten years of her reign, 
 " the Papists were so compliant, that there was no stir made about 
 ** matters of religion. Pope Pius the Fourth condemned the madness 
 " of his Predecessor, in that high and provoking message which he sent 
 V her; and therefore he attempted a reconciliation with her at two 
 " several times, and offered, if she would join herself to the See of 
 *< Rome, that he would annul the Sentence against her mother's mar- 
 ff riage, and confirm the English service, and the communion in both 
 
HUME ON THE JESUITS. 161 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in p. 53, professes to consider Hume's ob- 
 jections to the Order of Jesuits. This has, at first sight, 
 some appearance of candor ; but how does Mr, Dallas state 
 
 " kinds. But she refused to enter into any treaty with him. Pius the. 
 " Fifth that succeeded him in that Chair, resolved to contrive her death, 
 " as is related by him that writes his life. The unfortunate Queen of 
 " Scotland was forced to take sanctuary in England; where it was re- 
 " solved to use her well, and to restore her to her Crown and Country. 
 M But her own officious friends, and the frequent plots that were laid for 
 " taking away the Queen's life, brought on her the calamities of a long 
 " Imprisonment, that ended in a tragical death: which though it was 
 ** the greatest blemish of this reign, yet was made in some sort justi- 
 " fiable, if not necessary, by the many attempts that the Papists made 
 " on the Queen's life; and by the Deposition which Pope Pius the Fifth 
 " thundered out against her; from which it was inferred, that as long as 
 " that party had the hopes of such a successor, the Queen's life was not 
 " safe, nor her Government secure. 
 
 " This led her, towards the end of her reign, to greater severities 
 " against those of the Roman Communion, of which a copious ac- 
 " count is given by Sir Francis Walsingham, that was so many years 
 " employed, either in foreign Embassies, or in the secrets of state at 
 " home; that none knew better than he did the hidden springs that 
 " moved and directed all her councils. 
 
 " He writ a long letter to a Frenchman, giving him an account of 
 " all the severities of the Queen's Government, both against Papists and 
 " Puritans ; the substance of which is, That the Queen laid down two max- 
 M ims of State: the one was, not to enforce consciences; the other was, 
 " not to let factious practices go unpunished, because they were cover- 
 " ed with the pretences of conscience: at first she did not revive those 
 " severe laws passed in her father's time, by which the refusal of the 
 ♦< oath of Supremacy was made Treason, but left her people to the 
 ** freedom of their thoughts, and made it only penal to extol a foreign 
 "jurisdiction: she also laid aside the word Supreme Head, and the re- 
 " fusers of the oath were only disabled from holding benefices, or 
 «« charges, during the refusal. 
 
 " Upon Pius the Fifth's excommunicating her, though theRebellion 
 ** in the North was chiefly occasioned by that, she only made a law 
 " against the bringing over, or publishing of Bulls ; and the venting of 
 •«' Agnus Dei's or such other Love-tokens, which were sent from Rome, 
 i l on design to draw the hearts of her people from her, which were nq 
 
ifiil HUME OK THE JESUITS. 
 
 the question? He represents Hume's objections to be "their 
 V zeal for Proselytism," and " their cultivation of learning 
 " for the nourishment of superstition ;" and he then replies 
 to these objections : but before he attempted to answer Hume's 
 objections, he should at least have let Hume speak for him- 
 self. 
 
 First, as to the Jesuits'' " zeal for proselytism ;" Hume's 
 account of that zeal is as follows, by which it appears that 
 their zeal for proselytism was rather political than religious. 
 " The restless and enterprising spirit" (says he) " of the 
 ;i Catholic Church, particularly of the Jesuits, is in some 
 ■' degree dangerous to every other communion : such zeal of 
 " Proselytism actuates that sect, that its Missionaries have 
 " penetrated into every nation of the globe, and in one sense 
 " there is a Popish Plot perpetually carrying on against all 
 w States, Protestant, Pagan, and Mahometan." (Hume's 
 History, Charles II. Anno 1678.) Mr. Dallas, therefore, 
 in treating Hume's charge of a " zeal for proselytism^ as a 
 religious zeal, has neither stated Hume's sentiments, nor re- 
 futed his arguments, but has merely produced another view of 
 the subject, which was not taken by Hume himself; and has 
 then combated that imaginary view. Hume does not accuse 
 them of a religious zeal, as Mr. Dallas chooses to represent ; 
 but of apolitical zeal, hostile to all other religions and govern- 
 ments except their own. 
 
 ff essential parts of that Religion; so that this could hurt none of their 
 " consciences. But when, after the aoth year of her reign, it appeared 
 >* that the King of Spain designed to invade her Dominions, and that 
 <* the Priests that were sent over from the Seminaries from beyond sea, 
 41 were generally employed to corrupt the subjects in their allegiance, 
 " by which, Treason was carried in the clouds, and infused secretly in 
 " confession ; then pecuniary punishments were inflicted on such as 
 " withdrew from the Church: and in conclusion she was forced to 
 " make Laws of greater rigour, but did often mitigate the severity of 
 44 them, to all that would promise to adhere to her, in case of a foreign 
 " Invasion." See Burnet's Abridgment of the History of the Reform- 
 ation, Book iv. p. 381. 
 
a 
 a 
 
 HUME ON THE JESUITS. 163 
 
 2dl v, Mr. Dallas, in representing Hume to have charged 
 the Jesuits with cultivating learning for ike nourlslnnent of 
 superstition, has made Hume assert what he never did. 
 Hume's words are as follows : " This reproach they must bear 
 " from posterity, that by the very nature of their Institution 
 thev were engaged to pervert learning, the only effectual 
 remedy against superstition, into a nourishment of that 
 infirmity; and as their erudition was chiefly of the ecclesi- 
 " astical and scholastic kind (though a few members have 
 " cultivated polite literature), they were only the more enabled 
 " by that acquisition to refine away the plainest dictates of 
 " morality, and to erect a regular system of casuistry, by which 
 " prevarication, perjury, and every crime when it served their 
 " ghostly purposes, might be justified and defended."' (See 
 Hume's History — Elizabeth, ch. 41. Anno 1-581.) 
 
 The above want of fidelity in making Hume state that the 
 Jesuits cultivated learning, for the encouragement of super- 
 stition (when Hume charges them with "perverting" it), in 
 order that Mr. Dallas might be then let in to shew that the 
 Jesuits were justified in cultivating learning, as he then pro- 
 ceeds to do, is a circumstance which requires no comment. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, however, not only misrepresents these objec- 
 tions of Hume to the Order, but he suppresses Hume's other 
 objection ; as, 1st, their violent haired of, and opposition to 
 Queen Elizabeth, occurring in the following passage : "They 
 " infused" (savs Hume) " into all their votaries, an extreme 
 " hatred against the Queen, whom they treated as an usurper, 
 " a Heretic, a persecutor of the orthodox, and one solemnly 
 " and publicly anathematized by the holy Father. Sedition, 
 " rebellion, sometimes assassination, were the expedients by 
 " which they intended to effect their purposes against her ; 
 " and the severe restraint, not to say persecution, under which 
 <•' the Catholics laboured, made them the more willingly receive 
 f c from their ghostly fathers such violent doctrines." — Hume's 
 History — Elizabeth, ch. 41. Anno 1581. 
 
 2dly. Mr. Dallas does not notice Hume's objection to 
 
t©4 HUME ON THE JESUIT?. 
 
 the training of the Jesuits and Priests abroad,for the express 
 purpose of inculcating rebellion in England, as thus ex- 
 pressed : " These seminaries" (those of Rome, Rheims, and 
 Douay), " founded with a hostile intention, sent over every 
 " year a colony of Priests, who maintained the Catholic super- 
 " stition in its full height of bigotry ; and being educated with 
 " a view to the crown of martyrdom, were not deterred either 
 *' by danger or fatigue, from maintaining and propagating their 
 4i principles." — Hume's History, Ibid. 
 
 3dly. Mr. Dallas does not notice Hume's next objection, 
 Which goes to the dangerous inculcation by the Jesuits of the 
 doetrine of Papal Supremacy, as occurring in the following 
 passage : " The Jesuits, as devoted servants of the Court of 
 " Rome, exalted the prerogative of the Sovereign Pontiff 
 " above all earthly power ; and, by maintaining his authority 
 a of deposing Kings, set no bounds either to his spiritual -or 
 " temporal jurisdiction. This doctrine became so prevalent 
 '* among the zealous Catholics in England, that the excom- 
 " munication fulminated against Elizabeth, excited many 
 " scruples of a singular kind, to which it behoved the Holy Fa- 
 " ther to provide a remedy. The Bull of Pius, in absolving the 
 " subjects from their oaths of allegiance, commanded them to 
 " resist the Queen's usurpation." — Hume's History, Ibid. 
 
 After these observations which have been left on record 
 by Hume, with what face does Mr. Dallas affirm (in p. 58) 
 that " the treasons and crimes which have been imputed to the 
 " Jesuits, Hume himself has shewn, were falsely charged 
 <k to them?" 
 
 There really is an audacity in this attempt to distort, the 
 evidence of a modern Historian, whose work is in the hands 
 of every one, which it is presumed can only tend to excite the 
 indignation of all sincere inquirers after truth. 
 
 It may suffice, however, to have merely produced these 
 instances of suppression, leaving it to every reader to draw 
 his own inferences. 
 
 We will now revert to the passages which Mr. Dallas 
 
POPEItY IN SCOTLAND. 165 
 
 does quote from Hume, but which he has been already shewn 
 to have quoted incorrectly. 
 
 " Zeal for proselytism," he says (p. 53), " is a natural 
 " sentiment of the mind, and has been the chief propagator 
 " of every sect since the Reformation to the present moment, 
 " and not without symptoms of rebellion, and even of Kino- 
 « killing." 
 
 To prove these counts of rebellion and king-killing, Mr. 
 Dallas cites Hume on the subject of the Association, into 
 which the heads of the Reformers in Scotland entered, for the 
 purpose of resisting the tyranny and crueltv of Queen Mary 
 of England (better known in this nation by the significant 
 epithet of Bloody Queen Mary), and the Queen Regent of 
 Scotland, Mary of Guise*; the simple object, however, of 
 which Association, in the first instance, was to protect the 
 Protestant faith, and its professors, from utter destruction, 
 and afterwards to establish the Frotestant religion in the room 
 of the Romish. 
 
 It was in that sera of darkness and bloodshed, that the 
 Protestants of Scotland felt it necessary to speak plainly re- 
 specting a system which threatened nothing less than the ex- 
 tinction of the Protestant religion, and the destruction of its 
 supporters. That the language of their bond, as given b\ 
 Hume, does not read very classically in the nineteenth Cen- 
 tury, maybe readily conceded *f; but so far as its spirit is con- 
 
 * " She was a branch of the family of all Europe that was most 
 " zealously addicted to the old superstition ; and her interest, joined 
 " with the Clergy's, engaged the King to become a violent persecutor 
 «« of ail that were of another mind." — Burnet's History of the Re- 
 formation, abridged by himself, p. 268. 
 
 f It is not very clear that such distinguished characters as the Earl 
 of Argyle, his son Lord Lome, the Earls of Morton and Glencarne, 
 Erskine of Dun, and the other Heads of the Reformers, ever signed the 
 Bond or Convention, with which Hume is pleased to connect their 
 names, in his 38th chapter (Ann. 1559), since it contains both false 
 concord, and many vulgarisms. An observation of Professor Ro- 
 bertson, in his History of Scotland, on the official papers of that time. 
 
166 POPERY IS SCOTLAND. 
 
 cerned, it only proclaims the free exercise of the Protestant 
 religion as the inalienable privilege of those who subscribed it, 
 and their determination to assert that right; and it is not true, 
 as asserted by Mr. Dallas and Hume, that it breathes in any 
 part the language of rebellion : nor can that provision which 
 followed it be called by so harsh a name, which merely or- 
 dained, " that prayers in the vulgar tongue should be used 
 " in the Churches, and that the interpretation of the Scrip- 
 " tares should be practised in private houses, till God should 
 " move the Prince to grant public preaching by faithful and 
 " true Ministers" 
 
 The case was, that the religion of two Popish Queens 
 rendered it necessary in the first place for persons to pray in 
 Latin. The Scotch, who are great lovers of common sense, 
 thought (as the English did also), that there was something 
 very repugnant to Scripture and reason in such an imposition 
 on the conscience being enforced by royal authority ; and there- 
 fore chose to assert their right, as men, and Christians, to wor- 
 ship God in a language which they understood : and in the 
 next place, it having been ordained by the same authority 
 that no interpretation of Scripture should take place in 
 public except by the Popish Clergy, whom the people of 
 Scotland considered as ministers of a corrupt and idolatrous 
 
 tends in a considerable degree to weaken the authority of this docu- 
 ment, upon the ground of internal evidence : — " The Act of depriva- 
 «* tion" (says Robertson), " and a Letter from the Lords of the Congre- 
 " gation to the Queen Regent, are still extant ; they discover not only 
 " that masculine and undaunted spirit, natural to men capable of so 
 4< bold a resolution ; but are remarkable for a precision and vigour of 
 " expression, which we are surprised to meet with in an age so unpo- 
 " lished. The same observation may be made with respect to the other 
 f* public papers of that period: the ignorance or bad taste of an age 
 " may render the compositions of authors by profession obscure, or 
 " affected, or absurd ; but the language of business is nearly the same 
 " at all times; and wherever men think clearly, and are thoroughly 
 *' interested, they express themselves with perspicuity and force." — 
 Robertson's Scotland, vol. i. book ii. p. 416, 16th Edition of his works. 
 
POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 167 
 
 religion, they determined to absent themselves from public 
 worship, until a more pure and faithful exposition of Scripture 
 could be obtained. 
 
 Such is the amount of their rebellion, as set forth by 
 Hume and Mr. Dallas : they might indeed have gone fur- 
 ther, and shewn that acts of direct hostility against Poperv, 
 its ministers and its mummery, followed this public declaration; 
 but to what does all this argument tend ? It only proves that 
 the people of Scotland and England have had sufficient wisdom 
 and vigour to maintain the palpable and manifest right of 
 serving God, according to the dictates of their own consciences; 
 a right which no Church but the Church of Rome would 
 deny, and no reasoners except the secret or avowed friends of 
 that Church would dispute. 
 
 With regard to the charge of " king-killing" which Mr. 
 Dallas places to the account of the Scotch Reformers, and 
 represents to arise from their ie zeal for 'proselytising he does 
 not even attempt to produce a single instance of this crime ; 
 but quotes Hume largely, for the purpose of shewing that 
 Knox, the great instrument and promoter of the Reformation 
 in Scotland, used violent and threatening language to Mary 
 Queen of Scots, from which we are to infer, if we please, that 
 Knox and his colleagues were Regicides. 
 
 A slight sketch of Knox's history may not perhaps be un- 
 acceptable. 
 
 When Popery was the established religion in Scotland, 
 this eminent man (who had been one of the chaplains of King 
 Edward VI.) narrowly escaped with his life from Cardinal 
 Beaton, the Archbishop of Glasgow, and Bishop Hamilton ; 
 and he was afterwards cited before Bishop Tonstah 1 , for preach- 
 ing against the mass : he was compelled to quit England by 
 the persecution of Protestants, which arose on Queen Mary's 
 accession to the throne. Returning however to Scotland in 
 1559, just as a public prosecution was carrying on against the 
 Protestants, who were about to be tried at Stirling (through 
 the treachery of the Queen Regent, who ha\l promised them 
 
168 
 
 POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 her protection), he did not hesitate to join their ranks, and 
 share their dangers. He preached publicly against the idola- 
 trous religion of the Church of Rome, and the corrupt lives of 
 its Clergy. By the most bold and intrepid conduct, he exposed 
 the abuses of Popery, and animated the nation against it, 
 promoting the Reformation by every means in his power, in 
 which he spared no labour, and dreaded no danger. He cor- 
 responded with Cecil the able and faithful minister of Queen 
 Elizabeth, and by that means was chiefly instrumental in 
 establishing those negotiations between " the Congregation," 
 and the English, which terminated in the march of an Eng- 
 lish army into Scotland, under the orders of Queen Eliza- 
 beth, to assist the Protestants, and to protect them against the 
 persecutions of the Popish Queen Regent. This army being 
 joined by almost all the principal men of Scotland, proceeded 
 with such vigour and success that they obliged the French 
 forces, who had been the principal support of the Queen 
 Regent's tyranny, to evacuate the kingdom, and thus restored 
 the Parliament to its former independence. Of that body, a 
 great majority had embraced the Protestant Religion; and, 
 encouraged by the ardour and number of their friends, they 
 improved every opportunity which occurred of overthrowing 
 the whole fabric of Popery. They sanctioned the Confession 
 of Faith submitted to them by Knox, and the other reformed 
 ministers. They abolished the jurisdiction of the Ecclesias- 
 tical Courts (those main wheels in the engine of Papal domi- 
 nation), and transferred the causes to the cognizanee of the 
 civil courts ; and they prohibited the exercise of religious wor- 
 ship according to the rites of the Romish Church. 
 
 On the death of the Queen Regent, Mary Queen of Scots 
 arrived from France, and immediately established the Popish 
 service in her own chapel, which by her protection and coun- 
 tenance was much frequented : Knox opposed this, as he did 
 the other evidences given by Mary of her attachment to the 
 Romish cause. An act of the Queen's Privy Council having 
 been proclaimed at Edinburgh, immediately after Mary's 
 
POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 169 
 
 Arrival, forbidding any disturbance to be given to the Mass, 
 under pain of death, Kxox openly declared against it in his 
 sermon on the following Sunday : when Mary married a 
 Papist, he preached another sermon expressing his abhorrence 
 of such an alliance ; and when her Popish husband went to 
 hear him preach, he took occasion to speak of " the government 
 " of wicked princes, who for the sins of the people are sent 
 " as tyrants and scourges to plague them ; and among other 
 s< things he said that God sets over them, for their offences 
 " and ingratitude, boys and women." Such plain and honest 
 dealing as this was not likely to be very palatable to a Popish 
 court, and he was silenced. By no means deterred however, 
 he went on in private with the great work of the Reformation, 
 and was one of the most active and successful instruments in 
 eventually delivering Scotland from Papal corruption, regal 
 tyranny, and priestly domination. He lived to preach against 
 the awful massacre of the Protestants in Paris, on St. Bar- 
 tholomew's day, and desired that the French Ambassador 
 might be informed that he had done so. He died the 24th of 
 November, 1572, and was interred at Edinburgh, several 
 Lords attending his funeral, and particularly the Earl of 
 Morton, who was on that day chosen Regent of Scotland, 
 and who, as soon as he was laid in his grave, exclaimed, 
 " There lies one who never feared the face of man ; who has 
 " been often threatened with dirk and dagger, but yet has 
 <; ended his days in peace and honour ; for he had God's pro- 
 w vidence watching over him in a special manner whenever his 
 " life was sought." — (See Cook^s History fcf the Reformation 
 in Scotland, and MHfrie's Life of Knox.) 
 
 The absolute necessity of a Reformation in Scotland will 
 best appear from the luminous and powerful observations of 
 Professor Robertson (in his History of Scotland) upon the 
 state of Popery in that country, at the period when Kxox 
 appeared: — 
 
 " The Reformation is one of the greatest events in the 
 VOL. i. M 
 

 
 170 POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 " history of mankind, and, in whatever point of light we view 
 €t . it, is instructive and interesting. 
 
 " The revival of learning in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
 " centuries roused the world from that lethargy in which it 
 " had been sunk for many ages. The human mind felt its 
 " own strength, broke the fetters of authority by which it had 
 been so long restrained, and venturing to move in a larger 
 sphere, pushed its inquiries into every subject with great 
 " boldness and surprising success. 
 
 " No sooner did mankind recover the capacity of exer- 
 " cising their reason, than religion was one of the first objects 
 " which drew their attention. Long before Luther published 
 u his famous Theses, which shook the Papal throne, science 
 and philosophy had laid open, to many of the Italians, the 
 imposture and absurdity of the established superstition . 
 " That subtle and refined people, satisfied with enjoying thos« 
 " discoveries in secret, were little disposed to assume the dan- 
 " gerous character of reformers, and concluded the knowledge 
 " of truth to be the prerogative of the wise, while vulgar 
 " minds must be overawed and governed by popular errors. 
 " But, animated with a more noble and disinterested zeal, the 
 " German theologian boldly erected the standard of truth, and 
 " upheld it with an unconquerable intrepidity, which merits 
 " the admiration and gratitude of all succeeding ages. The 
 " occasion of Luther's being first disgusted with the tenets of 
 " the Romish Church, and how, from a small rupture, the 
 quarrel widened into an irreparable breach, is known to 
 every one who has been the least conversant in history. 
 " From the heart of Germany his opinions spread, with asto- 
 " nishing rapidity, all over Europe ; and, wherever they 
 " came, endangered or overturned the ancient but ill-founded 
 "system. The vigilance and address of the court of Rome, 
 1 co-operating with the power and bigotry of the Austrian 
 " family, suppressed these notions on their first appearance, in 
 the southern kingdoms of Europe. But the fierce spirit of 
 
 
 c 
 
 u 
 
POPERY IX SCOTLAND* 171 
 
 ft the north, irritated by multiplied impositions, could neither 
 " be mollified by the same arts, nor subdued by the same 
 " force; and encouraged by some princes from pietv, and by 
 " others out of avarice, it easily bore down the feeble opposi- 
 <( tion of an illiterate and immoral clergy. 
 
 " The superstition of Popery seems to have grown to the 
 n most extravagant height in those countries which are situ- 
 u ated towards the different extremities of Europe. The vigour 
 " of imagination, and sensibility of frame, peculiar to the in- 
 " habitants of southern climates, rendered them susceptible of 
 " the deepest impressions of superstitious terror and credulity. 
 " Ignorance and barbarity were no less favourable to the pro- 
 u gress of the same spirit among the northern nations. They 
 ** knew little, and were disposed to believe every thing. The 
 " most glaring absurdities did not shock their gross under- 
 " standings, and the most improbable fictions were received 
 " with implicit assent and admiration. 
 
 " Accordingly, that form of Popery which prevailed in 
 " Scotland, was of the most bigoted and illiberal kind. Those 
 M doctrines which are most apt to shock the human under- 
 standing, and those legends which farthest exceed belief, 
 were proposed to the people without any attempt to pal- 
 liate or disguise them ; nor did they ever call in question 
 " the reasonableness of the one, or the truth of the other *. 
 
 " The power and wealth of the Church kept pace with the 
 <c progress of superstition ; for, it is the nature of that spirit 
 " to observe no bounds in its respect and liberality towards 
 " those whose character it esteems sacred. The Scottish kings 
 
 * " The same spirit of ignorance, immorality, and superstition had 
 " overrun the Clergy in Scotland, that was so much complained of in 
 " the other parts of Europe; only it may be supposed, that in nations 
 " less polite and learned, it was in proportion greater than it was else- 
 " where- the total neglect of the pastoral care, and the gross scandals 
 " of the Clergy, possessed the people with such prejudices against them, 
 " that they were easily disposed to hearken to new preachers." — Bur- 
 net's History of the Reformation, abridged by himself, p. 26J. 
 
 II 2 
 
 a 
 
172 POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 " early demonstrated how much they were under its influence, 
 *' by their vast additions to the immunities and riches of the 
 " Clergy. The profuse piety of David I. who acquired on 
 " that account the name of Saint, transferred almost the 
 " whole crown-lands, which were at that time of great extent, 
 " into the hands of Ecclesiastics. The example of that vir- 
 " tuous prince was imitated by his successors. The spirit 
 " spread among all orders of men, who daily loaded the priest- 
 " hood with new possessions. The riches of the Church all 
 " over Europe were exorbitant ; but Scotland was one of 
 " those countries wherein they had farthest exceeded the just 
 " proportion. The Scottish Clergy paid one half of every tax 
 " imposed on land ; and as there is no reason to think that 
 " in that age they could be loaded with any unequal share 
 " of the burden, we may conclude that, by the time of the 
 " Reformation, little less than one half of the national property 
 " had fallen into the hands of a society, which is always acquir- 
 " ing, and can never lose. 
 
 " The nature, too, of a considerable part of their property, 
 " extended the influence of the Clergy. Many estates, 
 " throughout the kingdom, held of the Church; Church lands 
 " were let on lease at an easy rent, and were possessed by the 
 " younger sons and descendants of the best families. The 
 " connexion between superior and vassal^ between landlord and 
 " tenant, created dependencies, and gave rise to an union of 
 " great advantage to the Church ; and in estimating the in- 
 " fluence of the Popish Ecclesiastics over the nation, these, as 
 ?* well as the real amount of their revenues, must be attended 
 i{ to, and taken into the account. 
 
 " This extraordinary share in the national property was 
 u accompanied with proportionable weight in the supreme 
 " council of the kingdom. At a time when the number of the 
 " temporal Peers was extremely small, and when the lesser 
 " barons and representatives of boroughs seldom attended 
 " Parliaments, the Ecclesiastics formed a considerable body 
 " there. It appears from the ancient rolls of Parliament, and 
 
POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 17$ 
 
 " from the manner of choosing the Lords of Articles, that the 
 " proceedings of that high court must have been, in a great 
 " measure, under their direction. 
 
 " The reverence due to their sacred character, which was 
 i( often carried incredibly far, contributed not a little towards 
 " the growth of their power. The dignity, the titles, and 
 w precedence of the Popish Clergy, are remarkable, both as 
 " causes and effects of that dominion which they had acquired 
 " over the rest of mankind. They were regarded by the cre- 
 " dulous laity as beings of a superior species ; they were nei- 
 u ther subject to the same laws, nor tried by the same judges. 
 " Every guard that religion could supply, was placed around 
 " their power, their possessions, and their persons; and en- 
 " deavours were used, not without success, to represent them 
 " all as equally sacred. 
 
 " The reputation for learning, which, however inconsider- 
 
 " able, was wholly engrossed by the Clergy, added to the reve- 
 
 " rence which they derived from religion. The principles of 
 
 16 sound philosophy, and of a just taste, were altogether un- 
 
 " known : in place of these were substituted studies barbarous 
 
 " and uninstructive ; but as the Ecclesiastics alone were con- 
 
 " versant in them, this procured them esteem ; and a very 
 
 " slender portion of knowledge drew the admiration of rude 
 
 " ages, which knew little. War was the sole profession of the 
 
 "nobles, and hunting their chief amusement; they divided 
 
 " their time between these : unacquainted with the arts, and 
 
 " unimproved by science, they disdained any employment fo- 
 
 " reign from military affairs, or which required rather pene- 
 
 " tration and address, than bodily vigour. Wherever the 
 
 " former were necessary, the Clergy were intrusted ; because 
 
 " they alone were properly qualified for the trust. Almost all 
 
 " the high offices in civil government devolved, on this ac- 
 
 " count, into their hands. The Lord Chancellor was the first 
 
 " subject in the kingdom, both in dignity and in power. 
 
 " From the earliest ages of the monarchy, to the death of 
 
 " Cardinal Beaton, fifty-four persons had held that high 
 
 m 3 
 
174 POPERY IN GCOTLAXD. 
 
 " office ; and of these, forty-three had been Ecclesiastics. The 
 " Lords of Session were supreme judges in all matters of civil 
 " right ; and by its original constitution, the president and 
 " one half of the senators in this court were churchmen. To 
 " all this we may add, that the Clergy being separated from 
 " the rest of mankind by the law of celibacy, and undis- 
 " tracted by those cares, and unincumbered with those bur- 
 " dens, which occupy and oppress other men, the interest of 
 " their Order became their only object, and they were at full 
 " leisure to pursue it. 
 
 " The nature of their function gave them access to all 
 " persons, and at all seasons. They could employ all the 
 " motives of fear and of hope, of terror and of consolation, 
 " which operate most powerfully on the human mind. 
 
 " They haunted the weak and the credulous; they be- 
 " sieged the beds of the sick and of the dying ; they suffered 
 " few to go out of the world without leaving marks of their 
 " liberality to the church, and taught them to compound with 
 " the Almighty for their sins, by bestowing riches upon those 
 " who called themselves his servants. 
 
 " When their own industry, or the superstition of man- 
 " kind, failed of producing this effect, the Ecclesiastics had 
 " influence enough to call in the aid of law. When a person 
 " died intestate, the disposal of his effects was vested in the 
 " Bishop of the diocese, after paying his funeral charges and 
 " debts, and distributing among his kindred the sums to which 
 " they were respectively entitled ; it being presumed that no 
 " Christian would have chosen to leave the world without des- 
 tining some part of his substance to pious uses. As men 
 are apt to trust to the continuance of life with a fond confi- 
 " dence, and childishly shun every thing that forces them to 
 " think of their mortality, many die without settling their 
 " affairs by Will ; and the right of administration in that 
 " event, acquired by the Clergy, must have proved a consi- 
 " de.able source of wealth and of power to the Church. 
 
 «' At the same time, no matrimonial or testamentary cause 
 
 
POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 175 
 
 * could be tried but in the spiritual courts, and bv laws which 
 " the Clergy themselves had framed. The penalty, too, bv 
 " which the decisions of these courts were enforced, added 
 " to their authority. A sentence of excommunication was no 
 " less formidable than a sentence of outlawry. It was pro- 
 " nounced on many occasions, and against various crimes ; 
 " and, besides excluding those upon whom it fell, from Chris- 
 " tian privileges, it deprived them of all their rights as men 
 " or as citizens ; and the aid of the secular power concurred 
 " with the superstition of mankind, in rendering the thun- 
 " ders of the Church no less destructive than terrible. 
 
 " To these general causes may be attributed the immense 
 " growth both of the wealth and power of the Popish Church; 
 " and, without entering into any more minute detail, this may 
 u serve to discover the foundations on which a structure so 
 " stupendous was erected. 
 
 u But though the Laity had contributed, by their own su- 
 44 perstition and profuseness, to raise the Clergy from poverty 
 " and obscurity to riches and eminence, they began, by de- 
 " grees, to feel and to murmur at their encroachments. No 
 u wonder haughty and martial barons should view the power 
 '•' and possessions of the Church with envy, and regard the lazy 
 66 and inactive character of Churchmen with the utmost con- 
 " tempt ; while, at the same time, the indecent and licentious 
 u lives of the Clergy gave great and just offence to the people, 
 " and considerably abated the veneration which they were accus- 
 " tomed to yield to that order of men. Immense wealth, ex- 
 i( treme indolence, gross ignorance, and, above all, the severe 
 u injunction of celibacy, had concurred to introduce this cor- 
 " ruption of morals among many of the Clergy; who, presuming 
 " too much upon the submission of the people, were at no pains 
 " either to conceal or to disguise their own vices. According 
 " to the accounts of the Reformers, confirmed by several Po- 
 " pish writers, the most open and scandalous dissolution of 
 " manners prevailed among the Scottish Clergy. Cardinal 
 4i Beaton, with the same public pomp which is due to a legi- 
 
 . M 4 
 
a 
 
 176 POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 " timate child, celebrated the marriage of his natural daugh- 
 " ter with the Earl of Crawford's son ; and, if we may be- 
 " lieve Knox, he publicly continued, to the end of his days, 
 " a criminal correspondence with her mother, who was a wo- 
 " man of rank. The other Prelates seem not to have been 
 more regular and exemplary than their Primate. 
 
 Men of such characters ought, in reason, to have been 
 " alarmed at the first clamours raised against their own morals, 
 " and the doctrines of the Church, by the Protestant 
 " preachers ; but the Popish Ecclesiastics, either out of pride 
 66 or ignorance, neglected the proper methods for silencing 
 " them. Instead of reforming their lives, or disguising their 
 " vices, they affected to despise the censures of the people. 
 " While the Reformers, by their mortifications and austeri- 
 " ties, endeavoured to resemble the first propagators of Chris- 
 " tianity, the Popish Clergy were compared to all those per- 
 " sons who are most infamous in history for the enormity and 
 " scandal of their crimes. 
 
 " On the other hand, instead of mitigating the rigour, or 
 " colouring over the absurdity of the established doctrines ; 
 " instead of attempting to found them upon Scripture, or to 
 " reconcile them to reason, they left them without any other 
 " support or recommendation, than the authority of the 
 " Church and the Decrees of Councils. The fables concerning 
 " purgatory, the virtues of pilgrimage, and the merits of 
 " the saints, were the topics on which they insisted in their 
 c; discourses to the people ; and the duty of preaching being 
 " left wholly to monks of the lowest and most illiterate orders,* 
 " their compositions were still more wretched aud contemptible 
 " than the subjects on which they insisted. While the Re- 
 " formers were attended by crowded and admiring audiences, 
 " the Popish Priests were either universally deserted, or lis- 
 " tcnecl to with scorn. 
 
 " The only device which they employed in order to recover 
 u their declining reputation, or to confirm the wavering faith 
 " of the people, was equally imprudent and unsuccessful. 
 
POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 177 
 
 " As many doctrines of their Church had derived their credit 
 u at first from the authority of false miracles, they now en- 
 " deavoured to call in these to their aid. But such lying 
 " wonders, as were beheld with unsuspicious admiration, or 
 " heard with implicit faith, in times of darkness and of igno- 
 " ranee, met with a very different reception in a more enlight- 
 " ened period. The vigilance of the Reformers detected 
 (t these impostures, and exposed not only them, but the 
 " cause which needed the aid of such artifices, to ridicule. 
 
 " As the Popish Ecclesiastics became more and more the 
 ** objects of hatred and of contempt, the discourses of the Re- 
 " formers were listened to as so many calls to liberty ; and 
 " besides the pious indignation which they excited against 
 " those corrupt doctrines which had perverted the nature of 
 " true Christianity ; besides the zeal which they inspired for 
 " the knowledge of truth and the purity of religion ; they gave 
 " rise also, among the Scottish nobles, to other views and pas- 
 " sions. They hoped to shake off the yoke of ecclesiastical do 
 ft minion, which they had long felt to be oppressive, and which 
 " they now discovered to be unchristian. They expected to 
 w recover possession of the Church revenues, which they were 
 ( f now taught to consider as alienations made by their ancestors, 
 " with a profusion no less undiscerning than unbounded. They 
 " flattered themselves, that a check would be given to the pride 
 " and luxury of the Clergy, who would be obliged henceforward 
 " to confine themselves within the sphere peculiar to their sa- 
 " cred character. An aversion for the Established Church, 
 " which flowed from so many concurring causes, which was 
 " raised by considerations of religion, heightened by motives 
 u of policy, and instigated by prospects of private advantage, 
 " spread fast through the nation, and excited a spirit, that 
 " burst out at last with irresistible violence. 
 
 " Religious considerations alone were sufficient to have 
 " roused this spirit. The points in controversy with the 
 " Church of Rome were of so much importance to the happi- 
 " ness of mankind^ and so essential to Christianity, that they 
 
178 POPEltY IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 " merited all the zeal with which the Reformers contended in 
 " order to establish them. But the Reformation having been 
 " represented as the effect of some wild and enthusiastic frenzy 
 " in the human mind, this attempt to account for the eager- 
 " ness and zeal with which our ancestors embraced and propa- 
 Ci gated the Protestant doctrines, by taking a view of the poli- 
 " tical motives alone which influenced them, and by shewing 
 " how naturally these prompted them to act with so much 
 " ardour, will not, perhaps, be deemed an unnecessary digres- 
 " sion." — Robertson's History of Scotland, vol. i. p. 357- 
 1 6th Edition of his works. 
 
 It will be evident from the above statement of Professor, 
 Robertson relative to Popery in Scotland, that a Reforma- 
 tion was quite as necessary there, as it is, and must be, 
 wherever else that Religion prevails. With regard to Robert- 
 son's opinion of Knox himself, it appears from the following 
 Extract that he regarded him as an Instrument eminently 
 qualified for accomplishing the great object of Religious re- 
 form ; and that he considered Scotland primarily, England 
 collaterally, and the world generally, as all under infinite ob- 
 ligations to that distinguished character. 
 
 4t In a short time the doctrines and writings of the foreign 
 " Reformers became generally known ; the inquisitive genius 
 " of the age pressed forward in quest of truth ; the discovery 
 iC of one error opened the way to others ; the downfal of one 
 '• imposture drew many after it ; the whole fabric which ig- 
 " norance and superstition had erected in times of darkness 
 u began to totter ; and nothing was wanting to complete its 
 " ruin, but a daring and active leader to direct the attack. 
 " Such was the famous John Knox, who, with better quali- 
 " fications of learning, and more extensive views, than any 
 " of his predecessors in Scotland, possessed a natural intre- 
 " pidity of mind, which set him above fear. He began his 
 " public ministry at St. Andrews, in the year one thousand 
 < ; five hundred and forty-seven, with that success which 
 H always accompanies a bold and popular* eloquence. Instead 
 
POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 179 
 
 t 
 
 %i of amusing himself with lopping the branches, he struck 
 " directly at the root of Popery, and attacked both the doc* 
 " trine and discipline of the Established Church, with a ve- 
 " hemence peculiar to himself, but admirably suited to the 
 " temper and wishes of the age? 
 
 " The ambition of the House of Guise, and the bigotry 
 *f of Mary of England, hastened the subversion of the Papal 
 " throne in Scotland ; and, by a singular disposition of Pro- 
 " vidence, the persons who opposed the Reformation in every 
 " other part of Europe with the fiercest zeal, were made in- 
 i( struments for advancing it in that kingdom. r> — Robert- 
 son's History of Scotland, Book ii. pages 336. 339. 16th 
 Edit, of his works. 
 
 When Hume asserts, that " the violent invasion of the 
 <{ established Religion (by Knox and the Congregation), 
 " was the actual commencement of Rebellion," — and when 
 Mr. Dallas quotes that passage from Hume, in order to 
 shew that other sects, besides Catholics, have rebelled against 
 reigning authorities, it is fit that the people of England 
 should be reminded that Knox and the Congregation op- 
 posed Popery in power (for that was " the established Reli- 
 " gion"), and rebelled against Foreigners and Papists who 
 had forged chains for their consciences, imprisoned their per- 
 sons, confiscated their property, and silenced their Preachers: 
 the public must be reminded, that it was against an intolerant 
 and cruel Religion that Knox and his adherents declared 
 themselves, and that it was against a foreign yoke and a 
 French army that they protested ; in opposing which, they 
 were content to hazard their lives, and shed their blood. 
 
 When these facts are adverted to, it will be seen whether 
 the British Public will agree in opinion with Hume, that 
 " Knox's political principles, which he communicated to his 
 " brethren, were as full of sedition as his theological were of 
 " rage and bigotry :" it will be also seen, whether the same 
 Public will then agree with Mr. Dallas, in his assertion 
 (p. 56), that " nothing can exceed the insolence and seditious 
 
ISO POPERY IN SCOTLAND. 
 
 " spirit of the Reformers ;" and that Public will also better 
 learn how to appreciate the propriety of Mr. Dallas's ap- 
 plying to the conduct of the Scotch Reformers the phrase of 
 " symptoms of rebellion, and even of king-killing." It is 
 certain, indeed, that the Protestants of Scotland, when ripe 
 for throwing off the Papal domination, did not proceed in 
 quite so courtly a manner as Hume and Mr. Dallas would 
 have had them — nor did the Protestants of England, when 
 they meant to throw off the Papal yoke of King James II. 
 observe much better manners. 
 
 When men feel that their lives are at stake, and that their 
 religious liberties and privileges (dearer even than life itself) 
 are in question, they may be excused for strong language and 
 vigorous measures. Indifference and apathy belong only to 
 those who have nothing to gain, or nothing to lose ; but men 
 who were placed in the situation of the Scotch Reformers had 
 no time for compliment, and no talent for dissimulation : they 
 went straight forward, and the event shewed that they had 
 taken the right course : they did not flatter the corruptions 
 which they meant to extirpate, nor deal very tenderly with 
 a system which they intended to overthrow. 
 
 They found Knox in Scotland precisely what the Protest- 
 ants found Luther in Germany ; and neither of these cha- 
 racters temporized or trifled, in a case of such vital import- 
 ance, where the eyes of the world were upon them, and 
 where so much depended upon their ardor and exertion. 
 
 The Defender of the Jesuits may stigmatize their con- 
 duct as seditious and " rebellious," but he must be informed 
 that it was the operation of similar principles, which wrought 
 deliverance for Scotland on this occasion, and effected it for 
 England at the glorious Revolution of 1688; and, therefore, 
 that he is not justified in applying such odious epithets to the 
 conduct of a people struggling for their just rights, both 
 civil and religious, of which Popery (that sworn foe to all 
 other claims but its own) would otherwise have deprived them. 
 
 Mr. Dallas (after having contended for the " zeal for 
 
PROTESTANT DISSENTERS. 181 
 
 " proselytism" as a legitimate spring of action in Catholics, 
 " if unconnected with the treasons, persecutions, and vices, 
 " so abundantly charged upon Catholics'") observes, p. 57, 
 that " the zeal for proselytism daily thins the Established 
 " Church of England, and increases the Congregations of the 
 " innumerable denominations of sectaries, which are tolerated 
 " in this country ;" by which he proposes a parallel between the 
 persecuting and exclusive zeal of Popery, and the desire enter- 
 tained by the various sects among Protestants to impress their 
 own modes of thinking upon others. With regard to the 
 statement, that " the zeal for proselytism in itself can be no 
 " crime, if unconnected with the treasons, persecutions, and 
 " vices, so abundantly charged upon the Catholics,'" it may be 
 observed, that the zeal of the Jesuits and their adherents 
 never has been " unconnected with treasons, persecutions, and 
 M vices," and that thus their zeal cannot be considered except 
 in connexion with its excesses. The effort, therefore, of 
 Mr. Dallas to disunite them must fail ; and much more will 
 his attempt to shew any analogy between the political dangers 
 of Jesuitism and of Popery, and the religious errors of our 
 Protestant sectaries, for this simple reason, that whatever may 
 be the mistakes of some classes of Dissenters, they affect only 
 themselves, and do not oblige them to perpetual hostility 
 against a Protestant Throne, a Protestant Government, and a 
 Protestant Parliament. It will not be denied by the firmest 
 friend of the Jesuits, that for a very considerable time past, 
 the Dissenters from our own national Establishment have 
 yielded to no class of his Majesty's subjects in loyalty and obe- 
 dience ; and any inuendoes or suggestions to the contrary are 
 wholly unmerited by them, and unworthy of their calum- 
 niators. Reposing as they all do under the broad shade of 
 our tolerant Establishment, the Dissenters are wise enough to 
 know that they have little to gain and every thing to lose, by 
 any change which could take place ; and they are especially 
 impressed with a sense of this great truth, namely, that a 
 change from a Protestant to a Popish establishment, in other 
 
182 mr. dallas's churciimanship. 
 
 words, from a tolerant to an intolerant system of government, 
 -would only involve them in one common ruin with the more 
 regular and orthodox members of the Establishment. They are 
 not so ill read in History, nor so ignorant of human nature, as 
 to be insensible of this fact, that whatever of exemption or 
 privilege, Popery might have to offer them as an inducement 
 to disloyalty or disobedience, Dissenters would only, in the 
 event of Popery assuming the reins of power, be indulged with 
 the privilege which Polyphemus offered to Ulysses, of being 
 devoured last. The Dissenter of England owes no external 
 allegiance, admits no spiritual supremacy, professes no perni- 
 cious casuistry, and believes that those who essentially differ 
 from him upon the subject of religion, may yet be in the way 
 of salvation ; and at all events may go on to differ from him, 
 without molestation or injury. In the great fundamentals of 
 religion, the Dissenters, as a body, hold the same doctrines as 
 the Establishment ; abhor alike the errors and corruptions of 
 the Romish Church ; and equally maintain the rights of con- 
 science, and the liberty of the subject. 
 
 No analogy, therefore, can be shewn by Mr. Dallas, to 
 subsist between the cases of the sectaries of England, and the 
 emissaries of Rome : nor can any coincidence be established by 
 him between the political crimes and vices of the Jesuits, and 
 the religious aberrations of the Dissenters. The thing's are 
 essentially distinct, and must eternally remain so, in spite of 
 Mr. Dallas's desire to confound them together; and therefore 
 his attempt to make Protestant Dissent a particeps criminis 
 with Catholic Intolerance, will not avail him. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in p. 60, declares himself (but, Credat 
 Judaeus) " attached to the Church of England." 
 
 This confession he perhaps considers necessary upon the 
 same principle as certain defenders of the Jesuits considered it 
 necessary to assure the world that they were not of that Order. 
 Mr. Dallas being a good Frenchman, he may perhaps re- 
 member the phrase " Qui £ excuse s 'accuse* — How far the 
 Church of England, as a body, may feel honoured or strength- 
 
MR. DALLAS'S CHURCHMANSHIP. 183 
 
 ened by Mr. Dallas's attachment, is perhaps a little problem- 
 atical. The Church of England will probably say of such 
 auxiliaries and defenders, 
 
 Non tali axixilio, nee defensoribus ist'ts, 
 Tempus eget. 
 
 Undoubtedly many individual members of the Church of 
 England, who do not intend to yield to Mr. Dallas or any 
 other friend of the Jesuits in cordial and unfeigned attach- 
 ment to the doctrines and discipline of that Church (among 
 whom the writer of these remarks must claim to be included), 
 have considered that Mr. Dallas has adopted a most extra- 
 ordinary mode of testifying his attachment to the Church of 
 England, in becoming the champion and defender of a body 
 of men who were established for the avowed purpose of op- 
 posing the Reformation by all the means in their power ; who 
 have never ceased, from their first origin, to disturb and perse- 
 cute all the Reformed Churches of the world ; and who must, 
 from their very constitution, abhor the Church of England in 
 particular, as more peculiarly opposed, through her whole 
 history, to the abuses and corruptions of Popery both in doc- 
 trine and practice. 
 
 Let us, however, examine a little more closely into Mr. 
 Dallas's pretensions of " attachment to the Church of Eng- 
 " land;" and in judging him from his own words, we shall find 
 upon what sort of foundation his Churchmanship rests, and 
 learn what are his Opinions of the Reformation, which is at 
 once the light and glory of the Church of England. " At- 
 " tached" (he says) " myself to the Church of England, it 
 " is nevertheless clear to me, that the Reformation has 
 
 {i GENERATED THE MOST ABSURD SUPERSTITIONS ; and I CttU- 
 
 " not conceive that there is a man of unbiassed mind and 
 " good sense, who would not rather embrace all that has been 
 " retrenched from the Catholic creed, than adopt the spurious 
 " abominations and blasphemies which, every where, under 
 " the screen of toleration, disgrace the world :V after which, 
 as perhaps fearing lest he should have proceeded a step too 
 
184 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 far, he carefully informs U9, that he is " not entering into £ 
 " defence of the Romish Church." 
 
 Now, if this be not a pretty resolute defence of the Romish 
 Church, and a most virulent attack upon the Reformed 
 Church, then has language ceased to have the meaning which 
 we were taught to attach to it, when acquiring our mother 
 tongue ! 
 
 If a writer professing himself a member of the Church of 
 England, will, notwithstanding, resolutely defend the sworn 
 enemies of that Church, the simple fact of his adopting such a 
 line of conduct will indeed help us to take the measure of his 
 attachment to the Church of England with tolerable accuracy; 
 but when he proceeds to slander the Reformation, by charging 
 upon it " the most absurd superstitions,*" and by declaring that 
 " all that has been retrenched from the Catholic creed" (name- 
 ly, all the errors and abuses which Protestants consider the cor- 
 ruptions of that creed, and have therefore retrenched from it) 
 must be preferred to " the abominations and blasphemies 
 " which every where, under the screen of toleration, disgrace 
 ( * the world," we are spared the trouble of reasoning by infer- 
 ence or analogy ; and we learn from Mr. Dallas's own avowal? 
 what are his true sentiments of the respective Churches of 
 Rome and of England ! The mask, however, adroitly kept in 
 its place before, now drops off, and the most incredulous must 
 be convinced, that, since " no man can serve two masters," 
 attachment to the Jesuits, and attachment to the Church 
 of England, are utterly incompatible with each other. 
 
 After so unequivocal a statement, on the part of Mr. 
 Dallas, of his abhorrence of the Reformation, it would per- 
 haps be a hopeless task to endeavour to convince him that the 
 Reformation was absolutely necessary to the world; but as his 
 work is calculated to mislead many persons who want either 
 leisure or inclination for examining this question, some observa- 
 tions on the state of Europe in general, and of England in 
 particular, prior to the Reformation, may not be without their 
 use; premising only, that whole volumes must be consulted 
 
 4 
 
i. 
 
 *( 
 
 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 185 
 
 before any adequate idea can be formed of the midnight dark- 
 ness and the midnight deeds of Popery, and therefore that the 
 following testimony must only pass for a very scanty specimen 
 of the nature of that evidence, which all History furnishes on 
 this head. Dean Milner, in his admirable " History of 
 the Church of Christ*" observes as follows : — 
 
 " In a Manuscript history, extending from the year 15°.4 
 to 1541, composed by Frederic Myconius, a very able coad- 
 " jutor of Luther and Melancthon, the author describes the 
 " state of religion in the beginning of the sixteenth century in 
 " striking terms. ' The passion and satisfaction of Christ 
 U were treated as a bare History, like the Odyssey of Homer. 
 " Concerning faith, by which the righteousness of the Ke- 
 " deemer and eternal life are apprehended, there was the deep- 
 * e est silence. Christ was described as a severe judge, ready to 
 " condemn all who were destitute of the intercession of saints* 
 " and of pontifical interest. ( SeckendorJ] vol. i. p. 4.) In the 
 " room of Christ were substituted as Saviours and Interces- 
 " sors, the Virgin Mary, like a Pagan Diana, and other Saints* 
 " who from time to time had been created by the Popes. Nor 
 were men, it seems, entitled to the benefit of their prayers, 
 except they deserved it of them by their works. What sort 
 " of works was necessary for this end was distinctly explained; 
 " not the works prescribed in the decalogue, and enjoined on all 
 " mankind, but such as enriched the priests and monks. Those, 
 " who died neglecting these, were consigned to hell, or at least 
 " to purgatory, till they were redeemed from it by a satisfac- 
 " tion made either by themselves or by their proxies. The 
 " frequent pronunciation of the Lord's prayer and the salu- 
 " tation of the Virgin, and the recitations of the canonical 
 " hours, constantly engaged those who undertook to be reli- 
 " gious. An incredible mass of ceremonious observances 
 " was every where visible ; while gross wickedness was prac* 
 *' tised, under the encouragement of Indulgences, by which 
 " the guilt of the crimes was easily expiated. The preaching 
 " of the Word was the least part of the episcopal function : 
 
 VOL. L N 
 
 v. 
 
CI 
 
 1*86 THE REFORMATION' IN EUROPE. 
 
 " rites and processions employed the bishops perpetually, when 
 " engaged in religious exercises. The number of clergy was 
 " enormous, and their lives were most scandalous. I speak of 
 " those whom I have known in the town of Gothen, &c. ' 
 
 " If we add to this, the testimony of Pellicanus, another of 
 " Luther's followers, f, that a Greek Testament could not be 
 rt procured at any price in all Germany*, 1 what can be 
 " wanting to complete the picture of that darkness in which 
 w men lived, and in what did the Christian nations differ from 
 Pagans, except in the name ? It may be proper to mention, 
 that even the University of Paris, the first of all the fa- 
 " mous schools of learning, could not furnish a single person 
 " capable of supporting a controversy against Luther on the 
 * foundation of Scripture. And scarcely any Christian Doctor 
 u in the beginning of this century, had a critical knowledge of 
 \* the word of God. The reader may find it useful to be 
 9 detained a little longer, in contemplating the situation of 
 • 4 the Christian world at the time of Luther's appearance. 
 " The observations I have to offer for this purpose shall be 
 M arranged under four distinct heads ; and they will, I trust, 
 il assist us in demonstrating the importance of the Reforma- 
 w tion, and fully evince that the difference between Popery 
 " and Protestantism is not merely verbal. 1. The Popish 
 " doctrine of Indulgences was then in the highest reputation. 
 " AVe shall be in no danger of misrepresenting this doctrine, if 
 M we state it according to the ideas of one of the ablest cham- 
 w; pions of Popery -j*. The Church, he tells us, imposes pain- 
 " ful works or sufferings on offenders ; which, being discharged 
 " or undergone with humility, are called satisfactions ; and 
 ik ' when, regarding the fervor of the penitents, or other good 
 
 * The words of Seckendorf are remarkable: " Tantam vero tem- 
 " porum illorum ante Lutherum infelicitatem notasse Pellicanus dici- 
 " tur, ut nullum Graecum Testamentum in tota Germania reperiri 
 " potuerit, quantumvis qnis magnam vim auri pro unico exemplari 
 u voluisset expendere." — P. T52, Com, de Luth. Ed. 2da, Lips. 1604. 
 
 t Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, in an exposition of the. doctrine of the 
 Catholic Church in matters of controversy. 
 
THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 187 
 
 * works, she remits some part of the task, this is called < an 
 " Indulgence. 1 For. he pretends that the infinite satisfaction 
 " of Christ may be applied in two ways, either by ' entire 
 " remission, without the reservation of any punishment, or by 
 " the changing of a greater punishment into a less/ * The 
 " first, 1 he says, ' is done in baptism, the second in the case 
 " of sins committed after baptism. 1 And here he gives us the 
 14 authority of the Council of Trent, to suDport his assertion, 
 " namely, l The power to grant Indulgences has been com- 
 *' mitted to the Church by Jesus Christ, and the use of them is 
 " beneficial to salvation. 1 Those, he observes, who depart this 
 " life indebted to divine justice for some of the pains reserved, 
 •' must suffer them in another life in the state of purgatory. 
 
 " Reliefs are however provided in this case also : the 
 " benefit of Indulgences extends, it seems, beyond the grave, 
 " and the doctrine of commutation for offences, applied in real 
 " practice by the friends of the deceased, was held to be valid 
 " in heaven. The foundation of all this system was generally 
 " believed to be this. There was supposed to be an infinite 
 " treasure of merit in Christ and the Saints ; which was abun- 
 " dantlv more than sufficient for themselves : thus, what is 
 *' strictly true of the Divine Saviour, was asserted also of 
 " Saints; namely, that they had done works of supererogation. 
 " This treasure was deposited in the Church, under the con- 
 " duct of the See of Rome, and was sold, — for literally sold it 
 " was for money, — at that See's direction to those who were 
 M able and willing to pay for it ; and few were found willing 
 " to undergo the course of a severe penance of unpleasant 
 "austerities, when they could afford to commute for it by 
 <; pecuniary payments. The Popes, and under them, the Bi- 
 " shops and the Clergy, particularly the Dominican and Fran- 
 " clscan friars, had the disposition of this treasure ; and as the 
 "Pontiffs had the power of canonizing new saints at their 
 own will, the fund was ever growing ; and so long as the 
 system could maintain its credit, the riches of their Church, 
 thus secularized under the appearance of religion, became a 
 
 N 2 
 
 if 
 ii 
 a 
 
188 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 " sea without a shore. No impartial examiner of authentic 
 " records will say, that I have overcharged this account of 
 " Indulgences. In fact, these were the symptoms of the last 
 " stage of Papal depravity ; and as the moral evils, which 
 " they encouraged, were plain to every one not totally destitute 
 " of discernment, they were the first objects assaulted by the 
 " Reformers. 
 
 2. " But the views of those wise and holy personages 
 " were far more extensive. They saw, that a practice so 
 " scandalously corrupt, was connected with the grossest igno 
 66 ranee of the nature of Gospel-grace. The doctrine of justi- 
 M fication, in its explicit form, had been lost for many ages to 
 " the Christian world. If men had really believed, that by 
 4i the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ salvation was obtained, 
 *' and that God ' justifies the ungodly 1 through faith alone, 
 " how could they have been imposed on by the traffic of Indul- 
 %t gences ? In whatever manner the Papist might subtilize 
 * ; and divide, he was compelled by his system to hold, that 
 * ; by a compliance with the rules of the Church, either in the 
 " way of Indulgences, or by some severer mode, pardon was to 
 " be obtained ; and that the satisfaction of Christ was not suffi- 
 " ciently meritorious for this end ; in other words, that the 
 " gift of God is not eternal life by Jesus Christ our Lord. 
 " And, in fact, the preachers of Indulgences, whether Popes 
 " themselves or their Ministers, held out to the people with 
 " sufficient clearness, that the inheritance of eternal life was to 
 " be purchased by Indulgences. Proofs of this have already 
 " appeared in the course of this History, and more will be 
 4v given hereafter. The testimony of Sleidan, one of the most 
 " judicious and dispassionate historians, to the nature of Indul- 
 " gences, well deserves to be transcribed in this place. It is 
 ** contained in the beginning of his excellent History. ' Pope 
 " Leo X. making use of that power, which his predecessors 
 " had usurped over all Christian churches, sent abroad into 
 * c all kingdoms, his letters and bulls, with ample promises o£ 
 " the full pardon of sins, and of eternal salvation to such as 
 
TirE REFORMATION IV EUROPE. 180 
 
 w would purchase the same with money ! ! V Even when the 
 ** traffic of Indulgences was checked bv the Pontiffs, as being 
 M carried on in too gross a manner, no clear account was given 
 " in what the abuse consisted. In fine, it was evident, that no 
 u reformation could take place through the medium of quali- 
 ** fying and correcting abuses of this traffic. The system itself 
 44 was wholly impious, and the right knowledge of justification 
 * 4 was the only remedy adequate to the evil. This, therefore, 
 "-the reader is to look for, as the most capital object of the 
 44 Reformation : and thus, in the demolition of one of th* 
 44 vilest perversions of superstition, there suddenly arose and 
 44 revived, in all its infant simplicity, that Apostolical doctrine, 
 44 in which is contained the great mystery of the Scriptures. 
 
 3. " The state of mankind at that time was peculiarly 
 * 4 adapted to the reception of so rich a display of Gospel- 
 " grace. God sent a plentiful rain, whereby he did confirm 
 44 his inheritance, when it was weary. Men were then bound 
 ** fast in fetters of iron ; their whole religion was one enor- 
 " mous mass of bondage. Terrors beset them on every side ; 
 44 and the fiction of purgatory was ever teeming with ghosts 
 " and apparitions. Persons truly serious (and such there 
 **. ever were, and will be, because there ever was, and will be, 
 " a true Church on earth) were so clouded in their under- 
 " standings by the prevailing corruptions of the hierarchy, that 
 " thev could find no access to God by Jesus Christ. The road 
 i4 of simple faith, grounded on the divine promises, connected 
 ••' always with real humility, and always productive of hearty 
 44 and grateful obedience, was stopped up with briers and 
 44 thorns. No certain rest could be afforded to the weary mind, 
 44 and a state of doubt, of allowed doubt and anxiety, Avas 
 kt recommended by the Papal system. What a joyful doctrine 
 ;i then was that of the real Gospel, of remission of sins, through 
 " Christ alone received by faith ! — a doctrine, which is in- 
 " deed to be found every where in the Scriptures ; but these 
 •* were almost unknown among the people at the beginning of 
 •' 4 the Reformation. 
 
 N 3 
 

 190 THE REFORMATIO* IN EUROPE. 
 
 4. " Should the Philosophical sceptic, or the Pharisaical 
 * 6 formalist express his surprise, that I should lay so great a 
 " stress on the Christian article of Justification, and wonder 
 " that any persons should ever be at a loss to discover the way 
 " of obtaining true peace of conscience, it may be useful to- 
 " wards satisfying his scruples, to remind such a character of a 
 " Fourth mark of corruption, which much prevailed in the 
 times previous to the Reformation. This is, the predomi- 
 nance of the Aristotelian philosophy in Europe at that 
 P- period, — a philosophy, which knew nothing of original sin 
 " and native depravity, which allowed nothing to be criminal, 
 " but certain external flagitious actions, and which was unac- 
 " quainted with the idea of any righteousness of grace, imputed 
 " to a sinner. How many in this age, who neither know nor 
 " value Aristotle, do yet altogether follow his self-righteous 
 " notions of religion ! These are congenial to our fallen 
 cc nature, and are incapable, while they prevail in the mind, 
 " of administering any cure to Papal bondage, except that 
 cc which is worse than the disease itself. They tend to lead 
 fi men into the depths of Atheistic profaneness. But the 
 " person whom God raised up particularly at this time to 
 " instruct an ignorant world, was most remarkably eminent for 
 " self-knowledge. Only characters of this sort are qualified to 
 *' inform mankind in subjects of the last importance towards 
 f 6 the attainment of their eternal happiness. Luther knew 
 " himself; and he knew also the Scriptural grounds on which 
 " he stood in his controversies with the ecclesiastical rulers. 
 " His zeal was disinterested, his courage undaunted. Accord- 
 " ingly, when he had once erected the standard of truth, he 
 8 continued to uphold it with an unconquerable intrepidity, 
 * which merits the gratitude and esteem of all succeeding 
 ages." — Dean Milners History of the Church, Vol. iv. p. 
 277 k seq. 
 
 In the able summary furnished by Rapin of the state 
 of the Church in the fifteenth century (see Vol. vi. of Tin- 
 
 es 
 is, 
 
TirE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. f*H 
 
 rial's Translation, p. 454, Edit. 1729), the following observa- 
 tions occur : — u The Christian Church Bad never ban in 
 *' so deplorable a condition as in the fifteenth century. The 
 ■" justice and mercy of God, and the meritorious death of 
 " Christ, were scarce any longer the object of a Christian's 
 * faith. But the far greatest part of the people's religion was 
 " made to consist in pilgrimages, and the worshipping of the 
 " blessed. Virgin, saints, and relics. As for the Clergy, they 
 *' made it their whole business to support themselves in that 
 " height of grandeur and power they had attained to, .several 
 " centuries since ; and to see that no man presumed to offer to 
 " dispute their immunities. Church-discipline was never more 
 " remiss. One would have thought that the Clergy looked 
 " upon their spiritual power and jurisdiction, but only as a 
 " rampart to secure their temporal privileges. Provided their 
 u rights were untouched, every one might do what seemed 
 " good in his own eyes. The authority of the Church was 
 " become the main point of Religion. 
 
 The Papal power had increased exceedingly every cen- 
 tury, each Pope having endeavoured to enlarge it as much 
 * 6 as possible. They were come at length to dispose of all the 
 €i church preferments in Christendom, and to be the supreme 
 u j u d© es m a ^ causes ecclesiastical. National synods were 
 " quite out of doors. And, indeed, what use would they 
 M have been of, since the Court of Home claimed the cogni- 
 " zance of all Church matters? In a word, the Pope was be- 
 <; come the centre of Religion, to which every thing must 
 " needs tend. The privileges of particular Churches, the 
 " prerogatives of sovereigns, were all annulled by the Nonob- 
 " stante clause, which was usually inserted in every Bull. 
 *' But it was not only over spirituals, that the Popes had 
 " stretched their authority. They pretended moreover to cx- 
 " tend it over temporals, under colour that no case could haj>- 
 " pen but wherein religion was concerned. Kings themselves 
 *' were not out of their reach. In all the marriages of Princes 
 "there was. occasion for the. Pope's dispensation. Neither 
 
 n 4 
 
 66 
 66 
 
192 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. • 
 
 " peace nor truce of any moment was concluded without the 
 " Pope being mediator or guarantee. Some Popes were seen 
 " to carry their pretensions so far, as to enjoin peaces or truces 
 " without the consent of the parties concerned. In short, it 
 " is extremely probable that they would have wholly engross- 
 ie ed the temporal power as well as the spiritual, if the schisms 
 " of the fifteenth century had not caused them to lose a great 
 " deal of ground. The revolutions of the following century 
 f ' made them lose still more. Nevertheless the Popes were be- 
 " come real Sovereigns, not only with respect to the power 
 *' they had grasped, but likewise with regard to the immense 
 " riches which through numberless channels flowed into the 
 " vast ocean of the Apostolic chamber. Tenths, first-fruits, 
 " taxes for the use of the chamber ; dispensations for all sorts of 
 " matters, as well repugnant to the law of God, as contrary to 
 " the canons of the Church ; subsidies exacted every now 
 ** and then from the Clergy, for the occasions of the Holy See; 
 " crusadoes; benefices, which were seldom bestowed without a 
 u previous bargain with the Apostolic chamber ; in a word, 
 " simony openly practised by many Popes, some of whom 
 " were accused and convicted, were inexhaustible fountains 
 " from whence flowed the riches and luxury of the Court of 
 " Rome. It was next to impossible, that purity of life and of 
 " true religious principle, should keep itself unspotted amidst 
 " so much grandeur and affluence. On the contrary, the Popes 
 " were so much the more liable to make an ill use of their 
 " power, as the generality of them were not born for so high 
 ** a station. Accordingly we find in history, that Rome and 
 " Avignon (the seats of the Popes) were the centre of pride, 
 i* avarice, luxury, sensuality, and of all the most scandalous 
 " vices. The Popes were neither learned nor religious, 
 tf Hardly was there one to be found that might pass for an 
 •' honest man, even according to the maxims of the world. 
 " And yet all the preambles of their Bulls were stuffed with 
 H expressions of their zeal, their charity, their humility, their 
 H justice: whilst for the most part what they enjoined^ was an 
 
THE REFORMATION IN EUJtOFE. 193 
 
 <e authentic proof of their pride and tyranny. I do not in 
 
 " the least aggravate matters. The authors which wrote 
 " before the Reformation have said a hundred times more. 
 " And the same has been even publicly preached before the 
 " Councils. 
 
 " We may easily imagine that such kind of Popes did not 
 " take much care to iill what they call the sacred college, with 
 " persons truly pious and religious. It is true, indeed, during 
 u this century there Mere Cardinals of great fame, and 
 u eminent for their wit, their eloquence, their political virtues, 
 " and their capacity for temporal affairs. But they were for 
 4i the most part worldly-minded men, who considered religion 
 u but as a means to make their fortune. The Legates who 
 u were sent to the several states of Christendom were so many 
 " incendiaries, who made it their business to sow discord and 
 " division among Princes, or to spur them on to shed the 
 " blood of their own subjects. In a word, they minded no- 
 " thing but the interests of their Master and the Roman See, 
 " making; no conscience to break through all the rules of re- 
 " ligion and equity, in order to compass their ends. 
 
 " The rest of the Clergy in general were no better. Most 
 
 " of the Bishops were promoted to the Episcopacy, purely for 
 
 " haying shewn themselves sticklers for the court of Rome, or 
 
 " been of service to Princes in their temporal concerns. They 
 
 " were persons brought up at court, and instructed in the 
 
 <{ maxims of the world. Cruelty, injustice, dishonesty, were 
 
 " but too common among them. These were even deemed as 
 
 " so many virtues, when employed in the persecution of such 
 
 " as they termed Heretics, especially of such as dared to 
 
 " question any of the Pope's or the Clergy's pretended rights. 
 
 " As for real learning, it was scarce so much as heard of in 
 
 " this century. School-divinity and skill in the canon-law, 
 
 " were all that Ecclesiastics valued themselves upon. It was 
 
 " the only road by which they could hope to arrive at church 
 
 " dignities. On the other hand, the Monks, who had crept 
 
 H into most of the professorships in the universities, had over- 
 
194; THE REFORMATION IN "EPROPE. 
 
 <e run divinity and philosophy with such a heap of jargon, as 
 rt served only to give their disciples false notions of learning, 
 tl and to teach them to wrangle. 
 
 " All Europe passionatly wished that the Church might be 
 " reformed. Several Bishops seemed to desire the same. 
 " Nothing was talked of in the Councils but the necessity of 
 a going through with so noble a work. One would have even 
 * e thought that the Councils of Constance and Basil intended 
 ** to labour at it to some purpose. But the well-affected had 
 " neither prudence nor resolution enough to withstand the 
 tt artifices and violence of the opposite party. We shall see 
 A in the sequel, that it was the Popes, the Cardinals, and the 
 " Chiefs of the Clergy, who opposed with all their might the 
 " Reformation intended, because they were very sensible that 
 u it would prove prejudicial to their temporal concerns. On 
 " the other hand, when a man considers with what eagerness 
 " and animosity they laboured to root out the pretended he- 
 resies, which combated the worldly grandeur of the Clergy, 
 he can make no other inference from thence, but that they 
 " themselves perceived the necessity of a reformation which 
 " they would not admit, and that the fountain of the corrup- 
 " tion was in the heads of the Church, from whence it had but 
 " too great an influence upon the inferior Clergy." 
 
 After giving an account of the schism in the Popedom 
 itself, which began in 1378, and lasted fifty years, through 
 which period there were actually tivo Popes, and at one tune 
 three, Rapin proceeds : 
 
 " This abstract, as short as it is, will enable us to guess at 
 " the character of the Popes, who were at the head of the 
 " Church during these fifty years. They were men who 
 " sacrificed the peace and quiet of the Church to their own 
 " private interests, and damned without mercy, as far as lay 
 " in their power, all that were not of their party. They 
 " would without scruple have involved all Christendom in a 
 " bloody war upon their score, if the sovereign princes had 
 " not been wiser than themselves. Surely am& cannot btft 
 
 u 
 
a 
 
 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 195 
 
 *' form to himself a very melancholy idea of the state of the 
 " Church of those days; when lie considers that the Christians 
 " of both sides acknowledged for Christ's vicars, Popes whom 
 " they detested and abhorred, and who indeed were so little 
 " worthy of the station they enjoyed, that several of them 
 " were deposed for heresy r , simony ', and perjury. " 
 
 After observing upon the Councils of Basil and of Pisa, 
 he remarks upon the Council of Constance: 
 
 The schisms manifestly tended to the dissolution of 
 the Papal dignity, which served for a basis and foundation 
 to most of the Clergy 's privileges, and to the Hierarchy 
 " itself. Castile, Arragon, Navarre, Portugal, had stood 
 " neuter some years, without owning any of the contending 
 " Popes. France had withdrawn her obedience from Benedict 
 " XIII. without transferring it to Gregory XII. In a word, 
 " the whole world in general, began to contemn their excOm- 
 4; munications, which they so visibly abused. There was dan- 
 " ger, therefore, that people would learn by degrees to do 
 if without a Pope : by which means the foundation of the 
 " Hierarchy would have been undermined, and perhaps a new 
 " form of government introduced into the Church. The 
 " Cardinals and Prelates of whom the Council of Constance 
 " was composed, were so highly concerned to avoid this in- 
 " convenience, that it is no wonder they should sacrifice all to 
 " attain their ends. This is the true reason of their conduct. 
 (< But they took care to proceed in a very different manner, 
 " with regard to the pretended Heretics, who openly called the 
 " Clergy's privileges into question. In order to root out a 
 " heresy so prejudicial to them, they made use of fire and 
 " sword, rather than recede from the least of their interests. 
 
 " All the world knows that John Huss and Jerome of 
 " Prague were burnt alive at Constance ; but every body 
 " has' not been at the pains to examine for what errors they 
 " suffered that rigorous punishment. They were then, and 
 t* still are to this day, charged with having maintained im- 
 f* pious, horrible, and damnable tenets. They were condemn- 
 
196 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 " ed as seditious, obstinate, and incorrigible followers and de~ 
 " fenders of Wickliff; hardened, crafty, malicious, and convict- 
 ;< ed Heretics. Had there been any stronger terms to express 
 " their horror for these heresies, thev would have made no 
 " scruple to use them. But, after all, wherein consisted these 
 " heresies? In their being followers of Wickliff. If you 
 " consult the authors who speak of their sentence, you will 
 " scarce find one which says more than that John Huss and 
 " Jerome of Prague were followers of Wickliff, and conse- 
 " quently abominable wretches, deserving to be condemned to 
 " the flames. In the opinions of Wickliff, then, we are to 
 " search for their errors. Now herein is a double meaning:, 
 " which has been constantly made use of to justify the sen- 
 " tence of these two doctors. It is hardly to be questioned, 
 " but that the Council of Constance had that same double 
 Ci meaning in view, when she caused the errors and memory 
 " of Wickliff' to be stigmatized first, before John Huss and 
 " Jerome of Prague werexbrought upon their trial. Wickliff \ 
 " opinions were of two kinds. The one concerned the main 
 "doctrines of faith; the other related to the Hierarchy, 
 " the Clergy, their jurisdiction, power, and riches, Wickliff 
 " did not believe transubstantiation. He rejected the invoca- 
 tion of saints, the adoration of the cross and images, pil- 
 grimages and relics. On the other hand, he thought that 
 the Hierarchy had no foundation in Scripture. From whence 
 " he drew several conclusions against the excessive authority 
 " which the Popes, the Cardinals, and the Bishops had 
 " usurped. Moreover, he taxed the Clergy with leading very 
 " immoral and dissolute lives, and maintained that the reve- 
 " nues of the Church were exceedingly misused. From these 
 a principles his enemies inferred numberless consequences, 
 " some whereof had never entered into his thoughts. In a 
 " word, they came to find in his writings two hundred and 
 " sixty capital errors. His followers added a great many 
 " more, which he had never taught, and the whole sum was 
 
 a 
 a 
 it 
 
THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 197 
 
 ** imputed to him, as if he had maintained them all in ex- 
 " press terms. 
 
 " However it be, John Huss embraced WicMiff\ opi- 
 " nions, but it was only in what concerned the Hierarchy and 
 
 u Clergy. It is certain he believed transubstantiation, and died 
 " in that belief. As for images, his opinion was, that a man 
 " might honor them, kneel to them, light up wax-tapers be- 
 " fore them, kiss them, because the mind referred that worship 
 '* to the originals. So that it is a thing past dispute, that he 
 u was not burnt for maintaining errors in the main doctrine* 
 " of faith, but for opinions which combated the exorbitant 
 " power and riches of the Church, that is to sav, of the 
 11 Clergy. All possible endeavours were used to make him 
 " deny transubstantiation. But he never could be brought to 
 " that. And yet by the advice of the Cardinal of Florence, 
 " the Council condemned him upon the deposition of the 
 " witnesses that accused him of rejecting that doctrine, with- 
 * out having any regard to his own express declaration to the 
 " contrary. It is no hard matter to conceive the Council's 
 " drift, in causing that article to be inserted in Huss's Sen- 
 " tence. The Council was very sensible that it must needs 
 " have appeared very strange, that a person should be con- 
 " demned to be burnt, whose principles tended to a reform- 
 " ation, as well in the head, as in the members of the Church, 
 " which all Christendom required, and which the Council itself 
 " feigned to believe necessary. It was requisite, therefore, to 
 u justify the sentence, by rendering this man odious, as one. 
 " that rejected a fundamental article of faith. For this rea- 
 " son, without distinguishing Wickli/fs errors, John Huss 
 " and Jerome of Prague were condemned as followers of that 
 <( Arch-Heretic. Whereby it was intimated that they em- 
 " braced all the opinions of their master. 
 
 " But to make it appear, by a testimony beyond all excep- 
 " tion, that these two men were burnt for their notions con- 
 " cerning the Clergy, I need only quote what ^Eneas Sylvius, 
 alias Pope Pius II. says in his History of Bohemia. ' The 
 
 .. 
 
»» 
 
 a 
 a 
 a 
 
 198 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 44 Deputies of the Council having admonished the parties 
 " accused to forsake their errors, and conform to the Church's 
 i4 sentiments, they made answer, that they were indeed 
 " lovers of the holy Gospel, and true disciples of Christ : that 
 i; the Church of Rome, and all the other Churches in the 
 4 ' world, were far gone from the Apostolical traditions : that 
 44 the Clergy ran after pleasures and riches; that they lorded 
 44 it over the people, affected the highest seats at entertain- 
 ** ments, and bred horses and dogs ; that the revenues of 
 44 the Church, which belonged to the poor members of Christ, 
 " were consumed in vanity and wantonness : that the Priests 
 44 were ignorant of the commandments of God, or, if they did 
 know them, they lightly regarded them. 
 
 44 The Fathers of the Council" (continues the Historian), 
 perceiving and knowing the invincible obstinacy of these 
 people, judged that the corrupted members of the Church 
 that were incurable, ought to be cut off, lest they should in- 
 " feet the rest of the body. Accordingly sentence was passed 
 " upon them, all the Fathers unanimously agreeing that per- 
 " sons who rejected sound doctrine, approved of by the 
 " Church, deserved to be burnt. 1 
 
 44 Hence it is evident to a demonstration, wherein consisted 
 " the heresy of John Huss and of Jerome of Prague, viz, 
 " in their accusing the Clergy of being corrupted. It was 
 44 then in order to destroy these enemies of the Clergy, that 
 " the Council made no scruple to violate the safe-conduct the 
 « Emperor Sigismund had given John Huss, or at least to 
 44 allow that he should violate it himself. Moreover, the Coun- 
 44 cil had no regard to the promise they had publicly given to 
 44 Jerome of Prague, in order to draw him to Constance. It 
 44 is true indeed, the Council had inserted these words in their 
 " engagement, ' without prejudice to justice, and as far as the 
 44 Catholic faith requires it f but was not the Catholic faith the 
 very point in question? and of what use could the CounciFs 
 promise be to Jerome of Prague, unless against justice? 
 u Did he fun any risk, or stand in need of a promise of safety, 
 
 
THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 199 
 
 ^ if he had not held the tenets lie was charged with ? As to 
 44 other opinions which appeared at the same time, but which 
 44 struck not at the Clergy, the Council of Constance behaved 
 44 with an astonishing coldness. John Petit, advocate of the 
 44 Duke of Burgundy, had maintained that it was lawful for 
 ** any private person to kill a tyrant, even by surprise. This 
 *f tenet being brought before the Council, what was done 
 44 in the matter? After abundance of solicitations, they de- 
 44 clared it erroneous, without naming the author, or coming 
 44 upon his person, though they had ordered Widd\ff\ bones 
 44 to be dug up thirty years after he was buried. The Sect of 
 44 the Scour<rers broached several erroneous doctrines. But the 
 44 Council was content with proposing that a way should be 
 44 found out to bring them back by fair means to the unity of 
 44 the Church. What reformation could be expected from a 
 44 Council which prosecuted so rigorously such as called in 
 4 ^question the privileges of the Pope, the Cardinals, and the 
 44 Clergy? The Reformation must have begun with lopping 
 44 off the chief branches of these prerogatives. Indeed, before 
 44 Martin V.'s election, the reforming the Court of Rome was 
 "-talked of in the Council; and a list of the abuses which 
 44 were to be redressed, was drawn up. But by the artifices of 
 44 some, and especially of the Cardinals, this noble design 
 44 came to nothing. A Pope was elected, and the Pope elect 
 44 found means to get this matter put off to a more convenient 
 44 season." 
 
 This is followed by an interesting account of the Council 
 of Basil's proceedings against the Hussites, which were 
 greatly inflamed by Pope Martin V. ; and Rapin then ob- 
 serves : 44 It follows, that war was made upon them purely 
 "• for the sake of maintaining the Church's authority. That 
 44 was the main point of religion. But for what reason were 
 44 they persecuted afterwards? It was because the Popes 
 44 would never stand to their agreement, though the Hussites 
 44 frequently offered to submit to the Church upon that con- 
 ; i dkiom It is evident then,, that the war from the beginning 
 

 #00 UlR REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 x4 to the end was wholly founded upon this principle, that the 
 ** Church has a despotic power, and that it is unlawful to 
 " bind her to any condition. But what Church is this that is 
 " invested with so high a prerogative? It cannot be a general 
 " Council, since such a Council has not judged that point 
 " unquestionable. It is, therefore, the Pope alone which must 
 " be meant by the Church. It will be said perhaps, that the 
 " authority of the Council of Basil is not acknowledged by a 
 " great part of the Church : but this will be without ground. 
 u For the troth is, the agreement with the Hussites was made 
 " before the Council was removed to Ferrara, and that of Basil 
 " is owned by all the world for lawful before that removal. 
 
 Till the Council of Basil, the Popes and the Councils 
 had agreed pretty well to improve the Church's authority, 
 " and cause it to be absolutely obeyed. By the help of the 
 " equivocal word Church, an entire submission was required 
 of Christians, sometimes to the Pope as the head, sometimes 
 to the Councils as representatives of the body, according as 
 an opportunity offered to make the best of that term, for the 
 " benefit of the one or the other. As for the Christian Laity, 
 " they had been reckoned long ago to have no share in the 
 " meaning of the word Church. But, however, though in 
 " confining the signification of the word Church to the 
 " Clergy alone, there still remained some ambiguity, it had not 
 " yet entered into any one's head to remove it by deciding 
 44 whether the authority of the Church was lodged in the body 
 " of the Clergy, or in the Pope as head. 
 
 " From the time that the last schism was closed, to the 
 u end of the fifteenth century, the Papal chair was filled 
 " with Popes cruelly bent upon the destruction of the Hus- 
 M sites, contrary to the faith of the agreement, or wholly 
 " taken up with asserting the exorbitant power usurped by 
 " their predecessors, and generally in order to have an oppor- 
 " tunity to satisfy their avarice. 
 
 " Calixtus III. successor of Nicholas V. oppressed the 
 " Germans to such a degree, that they were forced at length 
 
 3 
 
 
THE REFORMATION' IN EUROPE. 201 
 
 w to break the agreement they had made with Eugenius IV 
 " plainly perceiving it was of no manner of use. 
 
 <r Pius II. who was lately canonized, was so far from 
 " consenting to a Reformation in the head of the Church, 
 " that he excommunicated by a Bull all persons that should 
 " dare to appeal from the Pope to a General Council. 
 
 " Paul II. was no sooner chosen, but he broke the oath 
 " he had taken before his election, concerning: the redressing 
 u certain abuses which himself, with the rest of the Cardinals, 
 " had judged necessary. Never were the Gratiae Expectivae 
 i; (or Bulls for Church-preferments before they become void) 
 R more frequent than whilst he sat in the Papal chair. He 
 " spent the whole time of his Pontificate in striving to abolish 
 " the Pragmatic Sanction * in France, which debarred him of 
 a the liberty of doing there whatever he pleased. 
 
 " Sixtus IV. raised, by one of his Bulls, the Hierarchy to 
 u the greatest height possible, just when thousands were coru- 
 " plaining of the excessive power the Clergy had usurped. 
 
 " Innocent VIII. picked a quarrel with Ferdinand of 
 *' Arragon, King of Naples, and, by his solicitations, inclined. 
 " Charles VIII. to carry his arms into Italy. 
 
 " Alexander VI. was one of the vilest men of his age. 
 u This is he of whom a famous Roman Catholic writer 
 u (Mezerai) gives tins fine character ; that he would have 
 " been the wickedest man in the world, if he had not had a 
 " bastard son (Cesar Borgia), who was more wicked than 
 " himself. 
 
 44 I pass over in silence the blood-thirstiness of all these 
 " Popes, in persecuting the Bohemians, contrary to the faith 
 " of their agreement. The Crusadoes against the Turks, in 
 
 • " This was an Edict, passed in the Council of Bourges, in the 
 " reign of Charles VII. and was levelled against Papal provisions, the 
 " payment of first-fruits, and other encroachments of the Court of 
 «* Rome. In a word, it contains the privileges of the Gallican Church, 
 " and was taken out of the Acts of the Council of Constance and 
 « Basil." ; 
 
 VOL. I. O 
 
Li 
 
 i( 
 
 
 ftOZ THE EEFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 " which they would have engaged all the Princes of Europe 
 w appeared very specious : but Sovereigns were so well sa«* 
 " tisfied, that, in publishing CrUsadoes, the Popes had no- 
 " thing in view but their own private interest, that they 
 could never have any confidence in them. 
 
 " Such, in general, was the state of the Christian Church 
 in the Fifteenth century, upon which I shall make but 
 " one single remark, leaving my readers at liberty to make as 
 " many as they please : what I would observe is, that the ab- 
 stract I have just given makes it evident to a demonstration 
 how trifling their opinion is, who say that it is not the bu- 
 " siness of private persons, to endeavour to reform the 
 " Church, but that the work must be left to the Church 
 " herself. Who then is this Church, from which we are 
 " to expect this happy Reformation ? Is it all Christians in 
 " general, agreeing together as it were by a sudden inspiration 
 " to reform abuses ? Doubtless this is not what is meant by 
 " the word Church. Is it the Pope with his Cardinals ? But 
 " these are the very men who have all along prevented it ; 
 ? and very probably will do so for ever to the utmost of their 
 " power. Shall a General Council take in hand this reforma- 
 " tion ? But what has passed hitherto in these assemblies af- 
 " fords no prospect of receiving so great a benefit from thence. 
 u Besides, who shall call this General Council ? — Of whom 
 " shall it be composed ? Who shall preside in it ? Can the 
 u Pope be brought to convene a General Council, on purpose 
 <* to reform the Church ? Will he give the Presidentship to 
 " another, that the members may, with the more freedom, 
 f 1 reform him with his Court ? In a word, shall it be the 
 " Pope, the Cardinals, the Prelates, that shall determine 
 " matters in this Council ? But, these are so many parties 
 " concerned to leave things just as they are. 
 
 " Will it be said with some, that the Church has no need 
 iC of reformation : that she is innocent and pure, without spot 
 " or wrinkle, or any such thing : that all the prerogatives 
 • c which the Popes, the Cardinals, the Bishops enjoy, belong 
 
 4 
 
THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 203 
 
 ** to them by Divine right : that the Pope exercises no power 
 " but what Christ invested him with : that his decisions are 
 <c infallible, as well in point of fact as of right, and that the 
 " same obedience must be paid to his decrees as to those of 
 " God himself? But if by ill-luck it falls out, that, pur- 
 u suant to this principle, the Popes should enlarge their phy- 
 " lacteries, and every day form new claims, as it has but too 
 " frequently happened, how shall one be able to set bounds 
 " to them, if it is confessed that the Church has no need of 
 " reformation, or that the business of reformation must be 
 " left to the Church herself? 
 
 " After having taken a view of the state of the Church in 
 " general, it is time to come to that of the Church of England 
 cc in particular. England, with regard to Religion, was just in 
 " the same state with the rest of Europe. The people were 
 M extremely desirous of a reformation of sundry abuses which 
 " had crept into the Church. The Clergy were tooth and 
 " nail against it, because no change could be made but to 
 ** their prejudice. As for the Kings, they made Religion 
 " subservient to their interest. When they imagined they 
 " stood in need of the Clergy* they found ways and means 
 " enough to evade the people's demands ; but when the Par- 
 " liamenfs good will was requisite, they assented to such 
 " statutes as served to curb the encroachments of the Pope 
 " and Clergy. 
 
 " As for the English nation, it is certain it was gene- 
 " rally Wickliffite in some respects. Wickliff , s opinions 
 " tended manifestly to these two main ends : first, to reform 
 " the government of the Church, and to set bounds to the 
 " power of the Pope and Clergy ; secondly, to alter the 
 " Church's Creed as to certain doctrines long since received, 
 " and which he thought contrary to Scripture. Now, as he 
 " perceived that it was next to impossible that Christians 
 " should be brought back to what he believed to be the ancient 
 " faith of the Church, because the Clergy were concerned to 
 " maintain the established errors, he insisted stoutly upon 
 
 o 2 
 
u 
 
 204 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 <l the first point, as being absolutely necessary in order to 
 " be able to attain to the second. It is certain that in respect 
 " to the general aim he proposed to himself in the first of 
 " these points, not only his professed followers, but all the 
 " rest of the people, did, as it were, join with him. For 
 many ages the English had felt the oppression which the 
 Pope and Clergy had kept them under. In all Chris- 
 " tendom there was no people that had experienced more the 
 " rigour of the ChurclCs dominion : the History of Eng- 
 
 " LAND MAKES THIS APPEAR SO VISIBLY, THAT A MAN MUST 
 
 " have been blind not to see it. But granting that 
 
 * history has carried matters too far in this respect, the Sta- 
 " tutes of Provisors and Premunire, so frequently revived, 
 " leave no room to question but that the English thought 
 <c themselves oppressed. 
 
 " In spite of all the complaints which the English had 
 " frequently carried to the Court of Rome, about her conti- 
 " nual encroachments, and in spite of the precautions which 
 
 * several Parliaments had taken to screen themselves from her 
 " usurpations, the Popes did not abate an inch of their pre- 
 " tensions. The Acts of Parliament were to them but like 
 " cannon without ball, which made a noise without any effect, 
 
 * Upon every occasion that offered, they made no scruple to 
 
 * act contrary to these Statutes, as if there had been no such 
 C( thing ; and to assert their Apostolic power without troubling 
 u themselves whether they prejudiced the King or his sub- 
 " jects. The Parliament, willing to remedy the abuses which 
 u arose from the continual dispensations granted by the Pope 
 " without hearing the cause, passed an Act that all persons 
 " who purchased or executed any Bulls to be discharged from 
 " the payment of tithes, should incur the penalties contained 
 
 . " in the Statute of Provisors. It was enacted by another 
 u Statute, passed at the same time, that if any person should 
 " procure a provision to be exempt of the jurisdiction of the 
 " Bishops, he should incur the same penalties. These AGts 
 *' bemg made chiefly with a view to the Monks, were not ca- 
 
THE REFORMATION IX EUROPE. 205 
 
 " pable of producing the intended effect, because the Pope, 
 " by the fulness of his Apostolic authority, exempted the 
 " Monks from the observance of these parliamentary Statutes. 
 " The Bishops, whom this affair chiefly concerned, not daring 
 " to dispute the power which the Pope assumed, it was the 
 " Parliament's business to stand up for their cause, as well as 
 " their own. To that purpose the Statutes upon this subject 
 " were revived, and a clause added, prohibiting the Monks 
 fi in particular to purchase or execute any such exemptions. 
 " upon the penalty comprised in the Statute of Premunire. 
 
 H The Statute of Premunire, which I have mentioned 
 " upon several occasions, was a terrible fence against the en- 
 " croachments of the Court of Rome. It is true, that it did 
 " not fall upon the Pope directly, since the Parliament had 
 " no power over him, But as it hindered the English from 
 " applying to the Court of Rome for things contrary to the 
 "prerogatives of the crown and the laws of the realm, it 
 " abridged the Pope of a good part of the advantages which 
 " he pretended to by his Apostolic power. It will seem 
 " strange, perhaps, that the Popes should be silent when this 
 " Statute was passed, and a good while after. But it is easy 
 * to find out the reason. The schism which began in 1378, 
 " and lasted till 1409, hindered them from bestirring them- 
 * s selves. The Popes which England acknowledged took care 
 If to give no cause of offence at such a juncture. 
 
 " Martin V. considered not this business with the same 
 •' indifference. In 1426 he wrote a thundering letter to 
 ;£ Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury, upbraiding him for 
 %i his remissness in this particular, and enjoining him to exert 
 i( his utmost to get the Statute repealed. Henry VI. who 
 " was then on the throne, not being above five years old, the 
 ■'•' Pope thought it a proper time to compass his ends." 
 
 Rapin then gives large extracts from the Letter, which 
 are particularly important, and proceeds to inform us, that 
 the Archbishop and his Clergy used great exertions to induce 
 the House of Commons to repeal the Statute ; going there 
 
 o 3 
 
206 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 in person, and making a speech on the occasion ; but they very 
 wisely refused to comply ; and Rapin then observes : " Pope 
 " Martin's letter, and his extraordinary endeavours to get the 
 " Statute of Premunire repealed, shew to a demonstration, 
 " that the main of Religion was made then to consist in the 
 " Pope's prerogatives, and the Clergy's immunities. Hence 
 " it appears farther, how averse Martin was to consent to 
 " the least diminution of his pretended rights, and conse- 
 *' quently to a reformation in the head and members of the 
 " Church, demanded with so much earnestness at the Council 
 " of Constance, where he was present in person. Before I 
 " leave the Statute of Premunire, it will not be improper to 
 <s observe, that this Act had two principal clauses. The first, 
 " which contained the Statute of Provisors made in the reign 
 " of Edward I. prohibited the soliciting and procuring of 
 " Benefices from the Court of Rome, by way of provision, 
 contrary to the rights of the Crown and the Patrons. The 
 second prohibited the carrying to the Court of Rome, or 
 * s elsewhere, causes which belong to the King's Courts. 
 
 " Besides the contests which the Statute of Premunire 
 " caused between England and the Court of Rome, there were 
 <* some others which I shall but just touch upon. In 1403, 
 " in the reign of Henry IV. the Parliament passed an Act, 
 " forbidding all persons that should have provision of any be- 
 " nefice, to pay into the Apostolic Chamber more than was 
 4i paid in old time. The penalty for those that did the contrary 
 " was, that they should forfeit to the King the same sum 
 u they paid the Pope. The occasion of this Statute was a 
 66 grievance introduced some time since by the Court of Rome, 
 u . which was, that no person should have provision of any 
 " Benefice that was void, till he had compounded with the 
 " Apostolic Chamber, as well for the first fruits, as for other 
 M lesser services in that Court, and had paid beforehand the 
 u sum agreed upon. 
 
 " But the greatest dispute between England and the 
 " Popes was upon the score of the collation of the Bishoprics. 
 
 
ti 
 
 a 
 a 
 
 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 207 
 
 " Though the Popes, when the first Anglo-Saxons were con- 
 " verted, had sent Italian or other foreign Bishops into Eng- 
 " land, it is certain that towards the latter end of the Saxon 
 " monarchy, the Bishops were chosen by the Chapters. The 
 u same privilege was continued to them after the Norman 
 conquest, and confirmed by King John's Charter. Mean- 
 while the Popes, having gradually enlarged their authority, 
 H assumed the power of bestowing Archbishoprics and Bi- 
 u shoprics, by way of provision, sometimes on one, sometimes 
 on another pretence. This is what I have had frequent 
 occasion to remark in this History. They would fain have 
 " established this rule at once, that the disposal of all the 
 " Bishoprics belonged to them by divine right, but as they 
 " found it something difficult, they bethought themselves of 
 " another expedient ; and that was, to get possession by de- 
 " grees, that they might in time found a right upon prece- 
 M dent. Thus, being content at first with maintaining that, 
 upon certain occasions, they had a power to fill the vacant 
 sees, they afterwards framed these occasions when they 
 pleased. In short, they multiplied them so very fast, that 
 " hardly was there a vacant Bishopric which they did not fiD 
 by way of provision. Time and lucky junctures having 
 confirmed them in this prerogative, there was no longer any 
 possibility to wrench it out of their clutches. Thus the 
 privilege of the Chapters was entirely destroyed. 
 
 *' Martin V. was no sooner seated in the Papal chair, but 
 he boldly disposed of all the Sees which became void, with- 
 <f out any regard to the privilege of the Chapters. In two 
 " years only, he filled by way of provision thirteen Bishoprics 
 " in the province of Canterbury. It was not only with re- 
 spect to Sees that England had cause to complain of the 
 ( Pope ; he disposed, likewise, of all the other benefices of 
 the kingdom, without giving himself any trouble, either 
 « about the right of the patrons, or the instruction of the 
 people. The best preferments were for the most part con- 
 i Jerred upon foreigners, who understood not a word of 
 
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 a 
 it 
 ti 
 
 « 
 u 
 
 << 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 t( 
 

 208 THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE. 
 
 " English, or resided not in England, and sometimes upon 
 " Children themselves. For instance, he made Prosper Co- 
 " lonna, his nephew, then not above fourteen years old, Arch- 
 " deacon of Canterbury. Henry V. who was a Prince of a very 
 " high spirit, sent Ambassadors to Rome to complain as well 
 " of these as other grievances. But Martin V. delayed 
 " giving an answer so long, that the Ambassadors told him, 
 " the King their master had chose to send them to Rome, 
 " purely out of a deference to the Holy See, to which he was 
 " not obliged ; but that for the future he would use his 
 prerogative : that in the mean time they had instructions to 
 make a solemn protestation before himself and the Con- 
 clave, if his Holiness would not comply immediately. I 
 " know not what answer the Pope returned. But not long 
 " after, Martin having translated the Bishop of Lincoln to 
 " the See of York, by way of provision, the Chapter refused 
 " to admit him, and the Pope was forced to revoke his 
 " Bull. 
 
 In 1438 the University of Oxford complained that 
 Church Preferments were bestowed without any regard to 
 " learning or merit; that therefore the Colleges were be- 
 come empty, because there was no need of study or learning 
 to qualify a man for a Benefice. Whereupon the C onvoca- 
 u tion, to whom this complaint was addressed, passed a canon, 
 " that none but Graduates in the University should be capable 
 " of benefices. But this was a weak fence against the Papal 
 cc power. 
 
 " Meanwhile, though the Court of Rome made the Apo- 
 V stolic authority sound very high, yet the Popes now and 
 " then met with some mortifications. For example, in the 
 " reign of Henry IV. the Parliament ordered that the Peter- 
 " pence should be deposited in the King's hands till the schism 
 " was closed. 
 
 " In the reign of Henry V. the Alien Priories were sup- 
 pressed, without asking the Pope's consent. 
 
 Under Henry VI. Pope Nicholas V. having demanded 
 
 u 
 ii 
 u 
 u 
 
 (I 
 
(6 
 
 THE REFORMATION IX ENGLAND. 209 
 
 ( *an extraordinary subsidy of the Clergy of England, for the 
 ■ u occasions of the Holy See, the King forbad the Clergy to 
 "• grant it. 
 
 The like demand, made some years after by one Vicentini 
 a Nuncio, was bluntly denied by the Clergy. They began 
 to stand less in fear of the Papal power, formerly so dread- 
 K ful to the whole Church, and particularly to England. 
 
 " During the whole fifteenth century we do not find that 
 *• any National Councils were held in England, but only con- 
 <; vocations of the Clergy in the two Ecclesiastical Provinces 
 " of Canterbury and York. The Condemnation of the 
 " Lollards (or Protestants) was almost the whole busi- 
 Ci ness of these Convocations. As for National Synods, 
 & they were become useless, since the Popes had engrossed the 
 " cognizance of all Ecclesiastical matters. Besides, the least 
 i; appeal to the Pope was enough to make void all the 
 " Canons of a Council. On the other hand, the Popes had 
 U managed it so that no National Synods could be held without 
 u their license. Now, as in these Synods there was but too 
 " frequent occasion to examine into the bounds of the Papal 
 M authority, they were grown so odious to the Court of Rome, 
 " that the use of them was laid aside by degrees. At this 
 " very day, in the States which have not admitted of a Reform- 
 '* ation, we hear no more of National Councils, or at least 
 " so very rarely, that it is plain the Popes do not allow them 
 " but with regret and much difficulty. Of this we have seen 
 < ( of late vears a remarkable instance in France, in what 
 44 passed about the famous Constitution Unigenitus of Cle- 
 " ment XI. ; Lewis XIV. as powerful and formidable as he 
 " was, could never obtain the Pope's leave to call a National 
 " Council, but upon such terms as rendered the thing im- 
 u practicable, though that Monarch's sole aim in it was to get 
 " the Constitution approved." 
 
 The above able summary of Rapin affords a proper intro- 
 duction to the History of the Reformation in England, by 
 Burnet, a work of the first authority and the highest value; and 
 
210 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND'. 
 
 one which it were well that certain English Protestants would 
 make themselves acquainted with, before they begin to defend 
 the revival of the Order of Jesuits, or to contend for the 
 granting of what is absurdly termed Catholic Emancipa- 
 tion. They might then perhaps come to know something 
 more of the Religion which they profess, and to entertain more 
 correct notions of the Religion which they would arm with 
 temporal power, and clothe with the functions of legislation in 
 a Protestant State. 
 
 Burnet's Abridgment of his History by himself will be 
 found an invaluable compendium ; and the following passages 
 in it will give an accurate idea of the want of a Reformation 
 here and elsewhere : 
 
 1st, His account of Pope Clement VII.'s creation of 
 Fourteen Cardinals for money in 1527, which, however, he 
 says " may perhaps be excused from Simony, because they 
 " took no care of Souls, ? — Burnet's Abridgment, p. 6. 
 
 2d, His account of the ambition and profligacy of Car- 
 dinal Wolsey, who was first made Bishop of Tournay, then 
 of Lincoln, afterwards of York, and had both the Abbey of 
 St. Alban's, and the Bishopric of Bath and Wells in com- 
 mendam; the last of which, he exchanged for Durham, and 
 then quitted Durham for Winchester. " Besides all this" (says 
 Burnet), " the King by a special grant gave him power to 
 " dispose of all the Ecclesiastical preferments in England, so that 
 " in effect he was the Pope qf this other world, and he copied 
 " skilfully enough after those patterns which were set him at 
 " Rome. He had, in one word, all the qualities necessary for 
 ** a great minister, and all the vices ordinary in a great fa- 
 " vourite." — Burnet further informs us, that when 800,000/. 
 was wanted from Parliament, this legitimate representative of 
 the Papacy went to the House of Commons, and desired to 
 hear the reasons of those who were against the supply; but he 
 was told by the Speaker that it was against their orders to 
 gpeak to a debate before one who was not of the House— 
 (see Burnet's Abridgment, p. 10) ; in which discharge of his 
 
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 211 
 
 duty he was a worthy predecessor of the celebrated Lenthall, 
 who when King Charles I. demanded that the four Members 
 should be delivered up, who had expressed themselves with 
 freedom respecting the disuse of Parliaments, and the intro- 
 duction of Popery and despotism, had the courage to tell that 
 misguided and unfortunate monarch, that he had neither ears 
 to hear, nor eyes to see, nor a tongue to utter any thing, but 
 what that House should command. 
 
 3d, Burnet's account of the Abbot of Winchelcomb, who 
 contended, both in his Sermons and in a printed work, that all 
 the Clergy even of the lower orders were sacred, and could not 
 be judged by the temporal Courts, whatever crimes they 
 might commit, whether murder, theft, or otherwise ; a point 
 which he carried, though against the sense of all the enlightened 
 part of the nation. 
 
 4th, Burnet's account of the murder of Hun in prison 
 by the Popish Clergy, where he had been placed for heresy, 
 that is, for having in his possession Wickliff*s Bible. — See 
 Burnet's Abridgment, p. 16. 
 
 5th, Burnet's account of Wickliff's opposition to 
 Popery, and of some of the corruptions of that religion, which 
 will be best given in his own words : — 
 
 " From the days of Wickliff, there were many that dif- 
 * c fered from the doctrines commonly received. He wrote 
 ** many books that gave great offence to the Clergy, yet being 
 " powerfully supported by the Duke of Lancaster, they 
 -" could not have their revenge during his life ; but he was 
 " after his death condemned, and his body was raised and 
 *' burnt. The Bible which he translated into English, with 
 " the Preface which he set before it, produced the greatest 
 * effects. In it he reflected on the ill lives of the Clergy, and 
 (i condemned the worship of Saints and Images, and the cor- 
 f 1 poral presence of Christ in the sacrament : but the most 
 ** criminal part was, the exhorting all people to read the Scrip- 
 4i tures; where the testimonies against those corruptions were 
 fr such ; that there was no way to deal with them but to silence 
 
212 THE EEFOEMATI0N IN ENGLAND. 
 
 " them. His followers were not men of letters, but being 
 " wrought on by the easy conviction of plain sense, were by 
 " tbem determined in their persuasions. They did not form 
 " themselves into a body, but were contented to hold their 
 " opinions secretly, and did not spread them, but to their par- 
 " ticular confidants. The Clergy sought them out every 
 ff where, and did deliver them after conviction to the secular 
 " arm, that is, to the fire." — Burnefs Abridgment, book i. p. 
 23. — Again : 
 
 " In the beginning of this reign there were several per- 
 " sons brought into the Bishops' Courts for Heresy, before 
 If Waeham. Forty-eight were accused : but of these, forty- 
 <e three abjured, twenty-seven men, and sixteen women, most 
 i: of them being of Tenterden ; and five of them, four men 
 " and one woman, were condemned ; some as obstinate He* 
 t( retics, and others as Relapses : and against the common ties of 
 <( nature, the woman's husband, and her two sons, were brought 
 " witnesses against her. Upon their conviction, a certificate 
 M was made by the Archbishop to the Chancery ; upon which, 
 " since there is no pardon upon record, the writs for burning 
 u them must have gone out in course, and the execution of 
 u them is little to be doubted: for the Clergy were seldom 
 " guilty of much mercy in such cases, having divested them- 
 cc selves of all bowels as the dregs of unmortified nature. The 
 " articles objected to them were, that they believed that in the 
 " Eucharist there was nothing but material bread : that the 
 " Sacraments of Baptism, Confirmation, Confession, Matri- 
 " mony, and Extreme Unction, were neither necessary, nor 
 " profitable : that Priests had no more power than Laymen : 
 " that Pilgrimages were not meritorious, and that the money 
 " and labour spent in them, were spent in vain : that images 
 " ought not to be worshipped, and that they were only stocks 
 " and stones : that prayers ought not to be made to Saints, 
 *' but only to God : that there was no virtue in Holy-water* 
 ff or Holy-bread. Those who abjured, did swear to discover 
 i( all that held those errors, or were suspected of them; and 
 
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 213 
 
 * f they were enjoined to carry a faggot in procession, and to 
 M wear on their clothes the representation of one in flames, 
 k 'asa public confession that they had deserved to be burnt. 
 a There were also four in London that abjured the same 
 u opinions ; and Fox says, that six were burnt in Smithfield, 
 H who might be perhaps those whom Warham had con- 
 w demned ; for there is no mention of any that were condemned 
 " in the Registers of London. By all this it will appear, that 
 61 many in this nation were prepared to receive those doc- 
 n trines which were afterwards preached by the Reformers, 
 " even before Luther began first to oppose Indulgences. 
 
 " The rise and progress of this doctrine are well known : 
 ik the scandalous extolling of Indulgences gave the first occa- 
 %i sion to all that contradiction that followed between him and 
 *' his followers, and the Church of Rome ; in which if the 
 %i corruptions and cruelties of the Clergy had not been so visible 
 u and scandalous, so small a matter could not have produced 
 " such a revolution ; but any crisis will put ill humours in fer- 
 u mentation. 
 
 " The Bishops were grossly ignorant ; they seldom re- 
 " sided in their dioceses, except it had been to riot it at high 
 *' festivals ; and all the effect their residence could have, was 
 " to corrupt others, by their ill example. They followed the 
 <f Courts of Princes, and aspired to the greatest offices. The 
 *' Abbots and Monks were wholly given up to luxury and 
 " idleness : and the unmarried state, both of the seculars and 
 « regulars, gave infinite scandal to the world ; for it appeared, 
 " that the restraining them from having wives of their own, 
 " made them conclude that they had a right to all other 
 u men's*. The inferior Clergy were no better ; and not 
 
 * Grose has published, in his Preface to his Antiquities of Eng- 
 land and Wales, two Letters addressed by Doctor Layton antf 
 another(twoof the visitorsof the ReligiousHouses) toCROMWELL, in or 
 about the year 1537; the originals of which are preserved, together with 
 many others, in the Bodleian Library. They are as follows : — " Fleas- 
 " ith it your Worship to understand, that we came from Gla ston- 
 " bury to Bristow: } here send you for relics two flowera that on 
 
214 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 " having places of retreat to conceal their vices in, as tfi« 
 " Monks had, they became more public. In sum, all ranks of 
 
 " Christmas even will spring and bear flowers. Ye shall also receive a 
 
 " bag of relics, wherein ye shall see strange things, as God's coat, our 
 
 " Lady's smock, part of God's supper, and part of the stone on which 
 
 •* Christ was born in Bethlehem ; belike Bethlehem affords plenty of 
 
 "stone. These are all of Maiden Bradley, whereof is a Holy Fa- 
 
 " ther Priour, who hath but six children, and but one daughter married 
 
 " yet of the goods of the Monastery, but trusting shortlie to marrie the 
 
 "rest: his sons be tall men waiting upon him. He thanks God he 
 
 " never meddled with married women : but all with maidens, the fairest 
 
 " that could be gotten, and always married them right well. The Pope, 
 
 " considering his fragilitie, gave him licence to keep a — — ; and he has 
 
 " good writing under seal to discharge his conscience, and to chuse Mr. 
 
 " Underhill to be his ghostly father, and he to give him plenary absolu* 
 
 " tion. I send you also our Lady's girdle of Bruton, a solemn relic, 
 
 " sent to women in travail ; Mary Magdalen's girdle, which Matilda 
 
 " the Empress, founder of Fairley, gave with them, as sayeth the 
 
 " Holy Father of Fairley. I have crosses of silver and gold, Sir, 
 
 " which I send you not now ; because I have more to be delivered this 
 
 " night by the Priour of Maiden Bradley. There is nothing notable, 
 
 " the Brethren be kept so streight, that they cannot offend ; but fain 
 
 " they would if they might, as they confcsss, and such fault is not in 
 
 " them. (Signed) " R. Layton." 
 
 " From St. Austins, without Bristol." 
 
 " My singular good Lord, &c. As touching the Abbot of Bury, 
 « nothing suspect as touching his living ; but it was detected he lay 
 « much forth at Grainges, and he spent much money in playing at 
 " cards and dice.— It is confessed and proved, that there was here such: 
 " frequency of women comyng and resortyng as to no place more.— 
 " Among the relics are found the coals St. Laurence was roasted withal ', 
 "the paring of St. Edmund's nails ; St. Thomas of Canterbury's pen- 
 « knife and books ; and divers sculls for the head-ach ; pieces of the 
 " Holy Cross, able to make a whole cross : other relicks, for rain, and 
 « for avoiding the weeds growing in corn, &c. 
 <« From BurySt. Edmund's. " Your servant bounden, 
 
 (Signed) " Joseph RiCe." 
 
 See Preface to Grose's Antiquities, p. 99. 
 
 Again— Grose observes, " the luxurious manner of living of the 
 " Monks, so early as the reign of Henry II. maybe gathered from the 
 4 « following stories related of those of Canterbury and Winchester by 
 
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 213 
 
 " Churchmen were so universally despised and hated, that the 
 * { world was very apt to be possessed with prejudice against 
 * l their doctrines, for the sake of the men, whose interest it 
 4< was to support them : and the worship of God was so de- 
 " filed with much gross superstition, that, without great in- 
 '* quiries, all men were easily convinced, that the Church stood 
 " in great need of a Reformation. This was much increased 
 " when the books of the Fathers began to be read, in which 
 " the difference between the former and latter ages of the 
 " Church did very evidently appear. They found that a 
 " blind superstition came first in the room of true piety ; and 
 " when by its means the wealth and interest of the Clergy 
 " was highly advanced, the Popes had, upon that, established 
 " their tyranny ; under which, not only the meaner people, 
 " but even crowned heads, had long groaned. All these 
 " things concurred to make way for the advancement of the 
 " Reformation. And so the books of the Germans being 
 " brought into England, and translated, many were prevailed 
 " on by them. Upon thjs a hot persecution, which is always 
 
 " Giraldus Cambreksis i ' Their table/ says he, speaking of the 
 " first, * consisted regularly of sixteen covers, or more, of the most costly 
 *' dainties, dressed with the most exquisite cookery to provoke the ap- 
 " petite, and please the taste : they had an excessive abundance of 
 " wine, particularly claret ; of mulberry-wine, of mead, and of other 
 " strong liquors ; the variety of which was so great in these repasts, 
 " that no place could be found for ale, though the best was made in 
 " England, and particularly in Kent/ And of the Prior and Monks of 
 " St. Swithin, at Winchester, he says, they threw themselves prostrate 
 " at the feet of King Henry II. and with many tears complained to him, 
 " that the Bishop of that Diocese, to whom they were subject, as their 
 '* Abbot, had withdrawn from them three of the usual number of their 
 *' dishe6 : Henry inquired of them how many there still remained ; and 
 " being informed they had ten, he said, he himself was contented with 
 11 three, and imprecated a curse on the Bishop if he did not reduce 
 " them to that number." — Preface to Grose's Antiquities, p. 103. 
 
 See also in the Cotton Library in the British Museum (Cleopatra, 
 E. 4), a whole volume of original papers and letters relating to Monas- 
 teries and their vices, during the reign of King Henry VUI. 
 
£16 THE REFORMATION Ilsf ENGLAND, 
 
 " the foundation on which a vicious Clergy set up their rest r 
 " was vigorously set on foot, — to such a degree, that six men 
 " and women were burnt at Coventry in Passion-week, only 
 (i % /br teaching their children, the Creed, the Lord^s Prayer, 
 M and the Ten Commandments in English. Great numbers 
 " were every where brought into the Bishops'' Courts, of whom 
 " some were burnt, but the greater part abjured. 
 
 " The King" (Henry VIII.) « laid hold of this occasion, 
 
 • to become the Church's champion, and wrote against Lu- 
 " ther ; his Book, besides the title of * Defender of the 
 " Faith, 1 drew upon him all that flattery could invent to extol 
 " it ; yet Luther, not daunted with such an antagonist, but 
 " rather proud of it, answered it, and treated him as much 
 " below the respect that was due to a King, as his flatterers 
 " had raised him above it. Tindal's Translation of the New 
 
 • Testament, with some Notes added to it, drew a severe con- 
 " demnation from the Clergy, there being nothing in "which 
 " they were more concerned, than to keep the people unac- 
 " attainted with that booh." — Burnet's Abridgment, book L 
 p. 24 ejt seq. 
 
 6th, Burnet's account of Wolsey's intrigues for the Papal 
 diadem. " At this time" (says he) " the Pope was taken sud- 
 " denly ill, upon which the Imperialists began to prepare for 
 " a Conclave. But Farnese and the Cardinal of Mantua 
 " opposed them, and seemed to have inclination for Wolsey, 
 " whom, as his Correspondents wrote to him, they reverenced 
 " as a Deity ; upon this he (Wolsey) sent a courier to Gar- 
 " diner then on his way to Rome, with large directions how 
 " to manage the election. It was reckoned that the King of 
 " France joining heartily with the King of England, of which 
 H he seemed confident, there were only six Cardinals wanting 
 " to make the election sure ; and besides sums of money and 
 u other rewards that were to be distributed among them, he 
 " was to give them assurance that the Cardinal's ( Wolsey 's) 
 " preferments should be divided among them. These were tne 
 " secret methods of attaining that Chair : and indeed it would 
 
 3 
 
THE REFORMATION" IN ENGLAND. 217 
 
 B puzzle a man of an ordinary degree of credulity to think that 
 £i one chosen by such means could be Christ's Vicar, and 
 
 M THE INFALLIBLE JUDGE OF CONTROVERSY." BuiTlet*S 
 
 Abridgment, book i. p. 4-j. 
 
 7th, Burnet's account of tlie opposition between the Par- 
 liament and the Popisli Clergy, as thus stated by him : " The 
 " Commons prepared several Bills against some of the corrup- 
 " tions of the Clergy ; particularly against plurality of bene- 
 u flees, and non-residence ; abuses that even Poperv itself 
 M could not but condemn. The Clergy abhorred the precedent 
 " of the Commons meddling in Ecclesiastical matters : so 
 " Fisher spoke vehemently against them, and said, all this 
 u flowed from lack of faith; upon which the Commons com- 
 " plained of him to the King for reproaching them." — Ibid, 
 p. 56. 
 
 8th, Burnet's account of the early encroachments of the 
 Popes, before the laws framed in England were sufficient to 
 resist them, as follows : — " When the Popes began to extend 
 u their power beyond the limits assigned them by the Canons, 
 u they met with great opposition in England, in all the 
 " branches of their usurpations, but they managed all the 
 gt advantages they found, either from the weakness or ill cir- 
 " cumstances of Princes, so steadilv, that, in conclusion, they 
 " subdued the world ; and if they had not by their cruel exac- 
 " tions so oppressed the Clergv, that they were driven to seek 
 u shelter under the covert of the temporal authority, the world 
 " was then so overmastered by superstition and credulity, that 
 *•' not only the whole spiritual power, but even the temporal 
 •' power of Princes, was likely to have fallen into the Pope's 
 ;i hands : but the discontented Clergv supported the secular 
 * ; power as much as thev had before advanced the Papal ty- 
 ** ranny. Boniface VIII. had raised his pretensions to that 
 •• impudent pitch, that he declared all power l)oth eccleeias- 
 i; tical and civil was derived from him, and established that a?> 
 ;; an article of faith necessary to salvation ; and he and hi 
 * successors took upon them to dispose of all ecclesiastical 
 vol. I r 
 
a 
 cc 
 
 i( 
 
 218 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 " benefices by their Bulls and Provisions.'" — Burnet's Abridg- 
 ment, p. 70. 
 
 9th, Bi r vet's statement of the Act of Parliament abo- 
 lishing the payment of first fruits to Rome, from which Act it 
 appears that 800.000 ducats had been transmitted from Eng- 
 land to Rome, since the commencement of Henry VII/s reign ; 
 without which payments no Bulls were granted by the Pope, 
 for holding Bishoprics or Livings in England. — See Burnet's 
 Abridgment, p. S2. 
 
 10th, Burnet's account of Henry VIII/s remonstrance 
 against the allegiance due to the Pope from his own Bishops, 
 which is thus stated : " At that time the King sent for the 
 " Speaker of the House of Commons, and told him, he found that 
 the Prelates were but half subjects ; for they swore at their 
 consecration an oath to the Pope that was inconsistent with 
 their allegiance and oath to the King : by their oath to the 
 Pope thev sw r ore to be in no counsel against him, nor to dis- 
 " close his secrets, but to maintain the Papacy and regalities 
 " of St. Peter against all men, together with the rights and 
 " authorities of the Church of Rome, and observe all the de- 
 " erees, sentences, provisions, and commandments of that See. 
 " In their oath to the King they renounced all clauses in their 
 w Bulls contrary to the King's royal dignitv, and did swear 
 " to be faithful to him, and to live and die with him, against 
 " all others, and to keep his counsel, acknowledging that 
 " they held their Bishoprics only of him : by these it ap- 
 4i peared that they could not keep both those oaths in case 
 " a breach should fall out between the King and the Pope." 
 — Burnett Abridgment, p. 87. 
 
 11th, Burnet's account of an Act of Parliament depriving 
 
 Cardinal Campeius and another of the Bishoprics of Salisbury 
 
 and Worcester; which Act assigns for reasons, their not residing 
 
 in their dioceses, but al the Court of Rome, and carrvinor 
 
 T3000 per annum out of the kingdom. — Ibid. p. 114. 
 
 12th, Subnet's abstract of Feith^s book against Purga- 
 lory : " He shewed" soys Subnet), •* that there was no men- 
 
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 219 
 
 IC tion made of Purgatory in the Scripture ; that it was incon- 
 Ci sistent with the merits of Christ, by which, upon sincere 
 
 a 
 
 
 repentance, all sins were pardoned ; for, if they were par- 
 u doned, they could not be punished : and though temporal 
 "judgments, either as medicinal corrections or for giving 
 " warnings to others, do sometimes fall even on true Penitents; 
 <c yet terrible punishments in another state cannot consist with 
 " a free pardon, and the remembering of our sins no more 
 " In expounding many passages of the New Testament, he 
 " appealed to Erasmus, and shewed that the Jive which was 
 spoken of by St. Paul, as that which would consume the 
 wood, hay, and stubble, could only be meant of the fiery trial 
 *' of persecution: he shewed that the primitive Church received 
 " it not ; Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustin did riot believe it ; 
 " the last had plainly said that no mention was made of it 
 " in Scripture. The Monks brought it in ; and by many 
 <c wonderful stories possessed the world with the belief of it ; 
 <c and had made a very gainful trade of it. This book pro- 
 " voked the Clergy so much, that they resolved to make the 
 " author feel a real fire for endeavouring to extinguish their 
 < ( imaginary one.'' — Ibid. p. 128. And again: " The pen 
 " proving too feeble and too gentle a tool, the Clergy betook 
 " themselves to that on which they relied more; many were vexed 
 with imprisonments, for teaching their children the Lord's 
 Prayer in English, for harbouring the preachers, and for 
 ;< speaking against the corruptions in the worship or the vices 
 " of the Clergy ?— Ibid. p. 129. And then Burnet relates 
 the burning of Frith, by the cruel Bishop of Winchester, 
 Gardiner, for his denial of Purgatory and Transubstantiation; 
 the arguments against which last doctrine are stated by Bur- 
 net, as well as those against Purgatory. 
 
 13th, Burnet's account of the visitation of the Monas- 
 tries, and other Religious Houses, which shall be given in his 
 
 own words : 
 
 A The foundation of all their wealth" (says he) * was 
 * the belief of Purgatory, and of the virtue that w& m 
 
 
 V f? 
 
2£9 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Masses to redeem souls out of it; and that these eased the 
 torments of departed souls, and at last delivered them out of 
 them : so it passed among all for a piece of piety to parents* 
 and of care for their own souls and families, to endow those 
 houses with some lands, upon condition that they should 
 have Masses said for them, as it was agreed on more or less, 
 frequently according to the measure of the gift. This was 
 like to have drawn in the whole wealth of the nation into 
 those houses, if the Statute of Mortmain had not put some 
 restraint to that superstition. They also persuaded the 
 world, that the Saints interceded for them, and would take it 
 kindly at their hands if they made great offerings to their 
 shrines, and would thereupon intercede the more earnestly 
 for them. The credulous vulgar measuring the court of Hea- 
 ven by those on earth, believed presents might be of great 
 efficacy there, and thought the new favourites would have 
 the most weight on their intercessions: so upon every new 
 canonization there was a new fit of devotion towards the 
 last Saint, which made the elder to grow almost out of re- 
 quest. Some images were believed to have an extraordinary 
 virtue in them, and pilgrimages to these were much extolled. 
 There was also great rivalry among the several orders, and 
 different houses of the same orders, every one magnifying their 
 own saints, and their images and relics most. The wealth 
 of these houses brought them under great corruptions. 
 They were generally very dissolute, and grossly ignorant. 
 Their privileges were become a public grievance, and 
 their lives gave great scandal to the world; so that, as 
 " they had found it easy to bear down the secular Clergy, 
 *' when their own vices were more secret, the begging: Friars 
 " found it as easy to carry the esteem of the world from them. 
 u Tliese, under the appearance of poverty, and coarse diet and 
 *' clothing, gained much esteem, and became almost the only 
 <; preachers and confessors then in the world. They had a Ge- 
 " neral at Rome, from whom they received such directions a* 
 
 M the Popes sent them; so that they were more useful to the 
 
 o 
 
ii 
 
 ii 
 
 ii 
 
 4i 
 4i 
 
 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 221 
 
 **' Papacy than the Monks had been. They had also the 
 *' school-learning in their hands, so that they were generally 
 * c much cherished. But they living much in the world, could 
 46 not conceal their vices so artificially as the Monks had done; 
 " and though several reformations had been made of their 
 " orders, yet they had all fallen under great scandal, and a 
 " general disesteem. The King' 1 (Henry VIII.) " intended 
 (< to erect new Bishoprics ; and in order to that, it was neces- 
 sary to make use of some of their revenues. He also ap- 
 prehended a war from the Emperor, and for that end he 
 " intended to fortify his harbours, and to encourage shipping 
 " and trade, upon which, the balance of the world began then to 
 " turn: and in order to that, he resolved to make use of the 
 *' wealth of those houses, and thought, the best way to bring 
 ■" that into Ins hands, would be to expose their vices, that so 
 they might -quite lose the esteem they might yet be in with 
 some, and so it might be less dangerous to suppress them* 
 Cranmer promoted this much, both because these houses 
 " were founded on gross abuses, and subsisted by them ; and 
 ii because these were necessary to be removed, if a Reformation 
 " went on. The extent of many dioceses was also such, that 
 * c one man could not oversee them; so he intended to have 
 Xi more Bishopries founded, and to have houses at every Ca- 
 " thedral for the education of those who should be employed 
 u in the pastoral charge. The visitors went over England, 
 4< and found in many places monstrous disorders. The sin of 
 " Sodom was found in many houses; great factions, and bar- 
 *' barous cruelties, were in others; and in some, they found 
 * £ took for coining. The Report contained many abominable 
 •■" things, that are not fit to be mentioned: some of these were 
 " printed, but the greatest part is lost; only a report of one 
 •' hundred and forty-four houses is yet extant." — Burnet'* 
 Abridgment, p. 147 et seq. 
 
 Again : " They discovered many Impostures about Relics, 
 4i and wonderful Images, to which, pilgrimages had been wont 
 M to be made. At Reading they had an an^eFs wing, which 
 
 v 3 
 
222 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 " brought over the spear's point that pierced our Saviour's 
 " side: as many pieces of the cross were found, as, joined to- 
 " gether, would have made a big cross. The Rood of Grace 
 - at Bexley in Kent, had been much esteemed, and drawn 
 " many Pilgrims to it: it was observed to bow, and roll its eyes, 
 " and look at times well pleased, or angry ; which the cre- 
 <; dulous multitude imputed to a divine power: but all this 
 " was discovered to be a cheat, and it was brought up to St. 
 " Paul's Cross; and all the springs were openly shewed that 
 ff governed its several motions. At Hales, in Glocestershire, 
 * ; the blood of Christ was shewed in a vial; and it was believed, 
 " that none could see it who were in mortal sin: and so, after 
 " good presents were made, the deluded Pilgrims went away 
 " well satisfied if they had seen it. This was the blood of a 
 Ci duck renewed every week, put in a vial very thick of one 
 " side, as thin on the other; and either side turned towards 
 " the Pilgrim, as the Priests were satisfied with their obla- 
 • c tions. Several other such-like Impostures were discovered, 
 & which contributed much to the undeceiving the people. 
 
 " The richest shrine in England was Thomas a Becket's 
 * c at Canterbury, whose story is well known. After he had 
 " long embroiled England, and shewed that he had a spirit so 
 " turned to faction, that he could not be at quiet, some of 
 " Henry the Second's officious servants killed him in the 
 " Church at Canterbury: he was presently canonized, and 
 " held in greater esteem than any other Saint whatsoever; so 
 " much more was a Martyr for the Papacy valued, than any 
 " that suffered for the Christian Religion: and his altar drew 
 # far greater oblations, than those that were dedicated to 
 " Christ, or the Blessed Virgin ; as appeal's by the accounts of 
 v two of their years. 
 
 " In one, SI. 2«s. 6d. and in /mother, not a penny was 
 " offered at Christ's altar. There was in one, 63/. 5s. 6d. 
 " and in another, il. Is. 8d, offered at the Blessed Virgin's 
 « ajtar. But in these very years there was 832Z. 12s. 3d. 
 " and 964/. 6s. gg offered at St. Thomas's altar. The Shrine 
 
THE REFORMATION IX ENGLAND. 223 
 
 44 grew to be of an inestimable value. Lewis the Seventh of 
 64 France came over in Pilgrimage to visit it, and offered a 
 44 stone, valued to be the richest in Europe. He had not 
 K only one holv dav, the 29th December, called his Martyr- 
 44 dom; but also the dav of his translation, the 7th of Julv, 
 " Mas also a holv dav; and every oOth year there was a Jubilee, 
 ** and an Indulgence granted to all that came and visited 
 44 his tomb: and sometimes there were believed to be 100,000 
 44 Pilgrims there on that occasion. It is hard to tell whether 
 44 the hatred to his seditious practices, or the love of his shrine, 
 44 set on King Henry more to unsaint him. His shrine was 
 " broken, and the gold of it was so heavy, that it filled two 
 44 chests, which took eight men apiece to carry them out of 
 " the Church; and his skull, which had been so much wor- 
 M shipped, was proved to be an imposture; for the true skull 
 44 was with the rest of his bones in his coffin: his bones were 
 " either burnt, as it was given out at Rome; or so mixed 
 44 with other bones, as our writers say, that it had been a 
 (i miracle indeed, to have distinguished them a fte r w ards.'" 
 — Burnet's Abridgment, book i. p. 200 et seq. 
 
 14th, The whole History of Cranmer and the other early 
 Reformers, as given by Burnet: a single example of their 
 attachment to the Scriptures occurs in p. 171 : 
 
 44 Cranmer took occasion to shew the vanity of the school 
 K divinitv, and the uncertainty of tradition; and that Religion 
 44 had been so corrupted in the latter ages, that there was no 
 " finding out the truth, but by resting in the authority of the 
 4< Scriptures : Fox, Bishop of Hereford, seconded him, and 
 14 told them, the world was now awake, and would be no longer 
 <4 imposed on by the niceties and dark terms of the Schools: 
 44 for the Laity now did not only read the Scriptures in the 
 * 4 vulgar tongues, but searched the originals themselves ; there- 
 " fore they must not think to govern them, as they had done 
 44 in the times of ignorance." 
 
 Again, in p. 207 : " This year (1537) the English Bible 
 ■ was finished. The Translation was sent over to Paris to 
 
 v 4 
 
224 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 
 be printed there, for the workmen in England were not 
 thought able to go about it. Bonner was then Ambassa- 
 " dor in France, and he obtained a License of Francis 
 " for printing it ; but upon a complaint made by the 
 * French Clergy, the press was stopped, and many of the 
 " copies were seized on and burnt. So it was brought over 
 " to England and finished : Cromwell procured a general 
 " warrant from the King, allowing all his subjects to read it, 
 " for which Cranmer wrote his thanks to Cromwell, and 
 u rejoiced to see the day of Reformation now risen in Eng- 
 " land, since the Word of God did shine over it cdl without 
 " a cloud: not long after this, Cromwell gave out injunctions, 
 tc requiring the Clergy to set up Bibles in their Churches, and 
 " to encourage all to read them." — This was the first Eng- 
 lish Bible published by authority, and allowed to be gene- 
 rally used. 
 
 Again : " Six Bibles were set up in divers places of St. 
 " PauPs; but Bonner being afraid of the mischief they 
 " might do, posted up near them an admonition to the 
 " people, that none should read them with vain-glory and 
 corrupt affections, or draw multitudes about them when they 
 read them. Bui great numbers gathered about those that 
 " read ; and such as had good voices used to be reading them 
 ** aloud a great part of the day : many sent their children to 
 4< school, and when they had learned to read, they carried them 
 " to Church to read the Bibles. Some began likewise to argue 
 " from them, particularly against taking away the Cup in the 
 " Communion, and the worship in an unknown tongue; upon 
 1' which Bonner set up a new advertisement, and threatened 
 " to remove them, if these abuses were not corrected ; and 
 " upon the complaints made of those things, the free use of the 
 ?' Scriptures was afterwards much restrained. ,, — Ibid. p. 262. 
 15th, Burnet's remarks on the Pope's Bull against King 
 Henry VIII.; in which he observes (among other things) : 
 
 " By this sentence it is certain, that, either the Pope's 
 « infallibility must be confessed to be a cheat put upon the 
 
 
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 22£ 
 
 " world, or, if any believe it, they must acknowledge that 
 " the power of deposing princes is really lodged in that Chair; 
 " for this was not a sudden fit of passion, but was done, coc 
 " cathedra, with all the deliberation they ever admit of. The 
 " sentence was, in some particulars, without a precedent ; but 
 " as to the main points, of deposing the King, and absolving 
 " his subjects from their obedience, there was abundance of 
 " instances to be brought in these last five hundred years, to 
 " shew that this had been all along asserted the right of the 
 M Papacy. The Pope wrote also to the Kings of France and 
 " Scotland, with design to inflame them against King Henry." 
 — Ibid, book i. p. 204. 
 
 16th, Burnet's observations on the change effected bv the 
 Reformation in the observance of the Sabbath: 
 
 " A great charge was also given for the strict observation 
 " of the Lords-day, which was appointed to be spent wholly 
 " in the service of God ; it not being enough to hear Mass, 
 " or Matins, in the morning, and spend the rest of the day 
 " in drunkenness and quarrelling, as was commonly practised ; 
 " but it ought to be all employed either in the duties of Reli- 
 u gion, or in acts of charity.'" — Ibid, book ii. p. 25. 
 
 17th, Burnet's account of the abrogation of Ceremonies: 
 
 " Candlemass and Lent were now approaching, so the 
 
 " Clergy and people were much divided with relation to the 
 
 " ceremonies usual at those times. By some injunctions in 
 
 King Henry's reign, it had been declared, that fasting in 
 
 Lent was only binding by a positive law. Wakes and 
 
 " Plough Mondays were also suppressed, and hints were 
 
 " given that other customs which were much abused, should 
 
 " be shortly put down. The gross rabble loved these things, 
 
 " as matters of diversion, and thought divine worship without 
 
 " them would be but a dull business. But others looked on 
 
 " these as relics of heathenism, since the Gentiles worshipped 
 
 " their Gods with such festivities, and thought thev did not 
 
 *■' become the gravity and simplicity of the Christian Religion. 
 
 " Cranmer, upon this, procured an Order of Council against 
 
 u 
 
226 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 
 the carrying of candles on Candlemass day, of ashes on 
 Ash Wednesday, and palms on Palm Sunday ; which was 
 " directed to Bonner, to be intimated to the Bishops of the 
 " province of Canterbury, and was executed by him. 1 ' — Ibid, 
 book ii. p. 49. 
 
 Again : " Soon after this, a general order followed for a 
 " removal of all images out of churches ; there were every 
 " where great contests, whether the images had been abused 
 " to superstition, or not. Some thought the consecration of 
 ¥ them was an abuse common to them all. Those also that 
 " represented the Trinity as a man with three faces in one 
 Ci head, or as an old man with a young man before him, and 
 Ci a dove over his head ; and some where the Blessed Virgin 
 " was represented as assumed into it, gave so great scandal, 
 " that it was no wonder if men, as they grew to be better en- 
 " lightened, could no longer endure them.* — Ibid, book ii. 
 p. 50. 
 
 And again : " The plain institution of the Sacrament was 
 u much vitiated, with a mixture of many heathenish rites 
 " and pomps, on design to raise the credit of the Priests, in 
 " whose hands that great performance was lodged. This was 
 Ci at first done to draw over the heathens, by those splendid 
 ;; rites, to Christianity : but superstition, once begun, has no 
 C{ bounds nor measures ; and ignorance and barbarity increas- 
 46 ing in the darker ages, there was no regard had to any thing 
 " in Religion, but as it was set off with much pageantry; and 
 " the belief of the corporal presence raised this to a great 
 " height. The Office was in an unknown tongue ; all the 
 " vessels and garments belonging to it were consecrated with 
 " much devotion ; a great part of the service was secret, to 
 " make it look like a wonderful charm ; the consecration itself 
 " was to be said very softly, for words that were not to be 
 " heard agreed best with a change that was not to be seen. 
 " The many gesticulations and the magnificent processions all 
 " tended to raise the pageantry higher. Masses were afeo 
 < c said for all the turns and affairs of human life. 
 
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 22 ? 
 
 " Trentals, a custom of having thirty Masses a year, on 
 " the chief festivities for redeeming souls out of Purgatory, 
 44 was that which brought the Priests most money ; for these 
 " were thought God's best days, in which access was easier to 
 44 him. On Saints' days, in the Mass it was prayed, that by 
 " the Saints 1 intercession the sacrifice miii,ht become the more 
 " acceptable, and procure a larger indulgence, which could 
 <4 not be easily explained, if the sacrifice was the death of 
 44 Christ ; besides a numberless variety of other rites, so 
 44 many of the relics of Heathenism were made use of for 
 44 the corrupting of the holiest institution of the Christian 
 44 Religion." 1 — Ibid, book ii. p. 52. 
 
 18th, Burnet's remarks on Confession, Absolution, and 
 Indulgences : 
 
 44 Priests also managed Confession and Absolution, so as 
 44 to enter into all men's secrets, and to govern their con- 
 44 sciences by them ; but they becoming very ignorant, and 
 44 not so associated as to be governed by orders that might be 
 44 sent them from Rome, the Friars were every where em- 
 44 ployed to hear Confessions ; and many reserved cases were 
 < 4 made, in which the Pope only gave Absolution * ; these 
 44 were trusted to them, and they had the trade of Indul- 
 44 gences put in their hands, which they managed with as 
 44 much confidence as mountebanks used in selling their medi- 
 44 cines, with this advantage, that the ineffectualness of their 
 44 devices was not so easily discovered, for the people believed 
 44 all that the Priests told them. In this they grew to such a 
 44 pitch of confidence, that for saying some Collects, Indul- 
 44 gences for years, and for hundreds, thousands, yea, a 
 44 million of years, were granted ; so cheap a thing was Ilea- 
 
 * Burnet remarks further on "reserved cases" (in book iii. p. 564): 
 " The more scandalous abuses were reserved to the Popes themselves, 
 u whose special prerogative it has always been to be the most eminent 
 " transgressors of all canons and constitutions." — See, however, Mr. 
 Dallas's defence of " reserved cases," in p. 62 of his Defence of the 
 Jesujts,. 
 
228 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 " ven made ! This trade was now thrown out of the Church" 
 — Ibid, book ii. p. 55. 
 
 And further : " All the consecrations of water, salt, &c. in 
 " the Church of Rome, looked like the remainders of Hea- 
 " thenism, and were laid aside : by these, devils being tadjured, 
 *' and a divine virtue supposed to be in them, the people came 
 " to think, that by such observances they might be sure of 
 " Heaven. The Absolutions (by which, upon the account of 
 " the merits of the Blessed Virgin and the Saints, the sprinklings 
 " of water, fastings, and pilgrimages, with many other things, 
 *' sins were pardoned, as well as on the account of the passion 
 " of Christ, and the absolution given to dead bodies) looked 
 " like gross impostures, tending to make the world think, that, 
 ; ' besides the painful way to Heaven, in a course of true holi- 
 " ness, the Priests had secrets in their hands, of carrying 
 " people thither in another method, and on easier terms : and 
 " this drew in the people to purchase their favor, especially 
 " when they were dying ; so that, as their fears were then 
 " heightened, there was no other way left them, in the conclu- 
 " sion of an ill life, to die with any good hopes, but as they bar- 
 * i gained for them with their Priests: therefore all this was 
 " now cast out. It was resolved to have the whole worship 
 " in the vulgar tongue, upon which St. Paul has copiously 
 " enlarged himself: and all nations, as they were converted to 
 " Christianity, had their offices in their vulgar tongue ; but of 
 " late, it had been pretended, that it was a part of the Com- 
 " munion of Saints, that the worship should be every where 
 *? in the same language ; though the people were hardly used, 
 <; when, for the sake of some vagrant Priests, that might 
 " come from foreign parts, they were kept from knowing 
 " what was said in the worship of God. It was pretended, 
 " that Pilate, having ordered the inscription on the Cross, in 
 " Greek, Latin, and Hebrew, these three languages were 
 sanctified ; but it is not easy to understand what authority 
 he had for conferring such a privilege on them. But the 
 keeping all in an unknown tongue, preserved in dark ages 
 
 a 
 

 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 229 
 
 " the esteem of their Offices, in which there were such 
 " Prayers and Hymns, and such Lessons, that if the people 
 " had understood them, they must have given great scandal : 
 " in many Prayers, the pardon of sins and the grace of God 
 it were asked, in such a style, of the Saints, as if these had 
 %i been wholly at their disposal, and as if they had been more 
 " merciful than God, or Christ," — Ibid, book ii. p. 59. 
 19th, Burnet's observations on Celibacy: 
 
 The pretence of chastity in the Romish Priests, had 
 possessed the world with a high opinion of them ; and would 
 '* have been a great reflection on the Reformers, if the world 
 K had not clearly seen through it, and been made very sensible 
 " of the ill effects of it, by the defilement it brought into their 
 t; own beds and families.'' — Ibid, book ii. p. 69 *. 
 
 20th, Burnet's observations an the abuse of Fasting : 
 " Christ had told his disciples, that when he was taken 
 " from them, they should fast : so in the Primitive Church, 
 " they fasted before Easter ; but the same number of days 
 " was not observed in all places ; afterwards other rules and 
 " days were set up ; but St. Austin complained, that many in 
 " his time placed all their religion in observing them. Fast- 
 " days were turned to a mockery in the Church of Rome, in 
 " which they both dined, and did eat fish dressed exquisitely, 
 " and drank wine." — Ibid, book ii. p. 73. 
 
 21. Burnet calls Transubstantiation one of " die designs 
 " of the Priests, for establishing the authority of that Order, 
 " which by its character was qualified for the greatest perform- 
 " ance that ever was ; no wonder," says he, " they took all 
 " imaoinable pains to infuse it into the belief of the world : 
 " and those dark ages were disposed to believe every thing so 
 
 * See, on this subject, the whole of the Chapter in HAiENMUL- 
 ler's History of the Jesuits, entitled, " De sqcundo Jesuitarum Voto, 
 " quod est Castitatis perpetux ;" a chapter which, from the nature of 
 its contents, the laws of decency forbid to be copied, or even to be 
 referred to? in any plainer terms. 
 
230 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 " much the rather, the more incredible that it appeared to 
 « be."— Ibid, book ii. p. 83. 
 
 22d, Burnet's statement of Ckanmer's remarks upon the 
 lovers of Popery ; namely, 
 
 " That their being fond of a worship, which they under- 
 " stood not, and being desirous to be kept still in ignorance, 
 " without the Scriptures, shewed their Priests had greater 
 " power over them, than the common reason of all mankind 
 " had."— Ibid, book ii. p, 90 
 
 28d, Burnet's account of the last moments of Ed- 
 ward VI. 
 
 " A few moments before he died, he interceded very fer- 
 
 * vently for his subjects, that God would preserve England 
 " from Popery, and maintain his true Religion among them."— 
 Ibid, book ii. p. 200. 
 
 24th, His account of the duplicity of bloody Queen Mary 
 on her ascending the throne : 
 
 " The men of Suffolk were generally for the Reformation ; 
 c< yet a great body of them came to her, and asked her, if she 
 
 * would promise not to alter the Religion set up in King Ed- 
 " ward's days: she assured them she would make no changes; 
 
 * but should be content with the private exercise of her own 
 " Religion. Upon that, they all vowed they would live and 
 " die with her." — Ibid, book iii. p. 208. 
 
 After which, BuRnet says, they ** came and put the 
 u Queen in mind of her promise ; but she sent them home 
 " with a cold answer, and told them, they must learn to obey 
 " her, and not pretend to govern her : and one that had 
 <c spoken more confidently than the rest, was set in a pillory 
 " for it three days, as having said words that tended to de- 
 " fame the Queen. This was a sad omen of a severe Govern- 
 " ment, in which the claiming of promises went for a crime," 
 —Ibid, book iii. p. 220. 
 
 25th, His account of the reasons of Queen Mary's mar- 
 riage with the Popish Prince Philip of Spain : 
 
 " She found it would be hard to bring the nation about in 
 
THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 231 
 
 ** matters of Religion, without the assistance of a foreign 
 * power." — Ibid, book iii. p. 233. 
 
 And of the just alarms of a British House of Commons 
 upon such an alliance : 
 
 " When the treaty of the Queen's marriage came to be 
 " known, the House of Commons was much alarmed at it ; 
 " and they sent their Speaker, with twenty of their members, 
 " with an address to her not to marry a stranger : and they 
 '< were so inflamed, that the Court judged it necessary to 
 " dissolve the Parliament.'" — Ibid, book iii. p. 236. 
 
 26th, Burnet's account of the Queen's deprivation of the 
 old Bishops, and the creation of sixteen new ones ; as also of 
 her putting out no fewer than Twelve Thousand of the 
 Clergy without any trials, under the pretence of their being 
 'married, as occurring in book iii. p. 250. 
 
 See also the whole of Burnet's affecting account of the 
 persecution of the Protestants in Queen Mary's time, as de- 
 tailed from p. 271 of his third Book, anno 1555, to the end 
 of her ignominious and sanguinary reign, which concluded in 
 the year 1558 ; especially his account of the burning of Ro- 
 gers, Hooper, Taylor, Bradford, Ridley, Latimer, 
 and Cranmer. The statement is too interesting in all its 
 parts to convey any idea of it in an abridgment ; but one pas- 
 sage relating to the Jesuits, as more particularly to our pur- 
 pose, may be added, and this shall conclude the extracts from 
 Bur. NET. 
 
 44 The Jesuits were at this time beginning to grow consi- 
 st derable : they were tied, besides their own vows, to an ah* 
 " solute obedience to the See of Rome ; and set themselves 
 ** every where to open free schools, for the education of 
 " youth, and to bear down heresy. They were excused from 
 " the hours of the choir, and so were looked on as a mongrel 
 ** Order, between the Regulars and the Seculars, They pro- 
 posed to Cardinal Pole, that since the Queen was restoring 
 the Abbey lands, it would he to little purpose to give 
 " them again to the Benedictine Order, wiiich was now rather 
 
 
232 THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND, 
 
 '" a clog than a help to the Church : and therefore they de- 
 " sired that houses might be assigned to them for maintaining 
 " Schools and Seminaries, and they did not doubt but that 
 " they should quickly drive out heresy, and recover the Church 
 " lands. Pole did not listen to this, for which he was much 
 " censured by the Fathers of that Society. It is not certain 
 " whether he had then the sagacity to foresee that disorder 
 <c which they were likely to bring into the government of the 
 " Church, and that corruption of morals that has since flow- 
 " ed from their Schools, and has been infused by them gene- 
 " rally in Confessions, so that their whole Church is now 
 " overrun with it."" — Ibid, book hi. p. 29o. 
 
 The importance of the above Extracts must apologize for 
 their length. It cost Mr. Dallas, indeed, but a few lines, 
 when he sought to destroy the beautiful fabric of the Re- 
 formation : but so much easier is it to pull down than to 
 build up, that it has required several pages to shew that Mr. 
 Dallas was not justified in asserting that " the Reforma- 
 " tion has generated the most absurd superstitions ;" and to 
 prove that it was Popery, on the contrary, and not the Re- 
 formation, which was the prolific mother of " absurd super- 
 " stations," and the source of grievous corruptions in doc- 
 trine, and of shameful vices in practice ; all of which, but for 
 the Reformation, would be at this moment in full and vigor- 
 ous operation among us. 
 
 Let the Public decide, whether, after the view which has 
 been given of the state of Religion in England before the 
 Reformation, the honour of God and the interests of the 
 nation did not imperiously demand a change : we shall then 
 discover whether the opinion entertained by Mr. Dallas 
 rests upon a rock, or upon the sand, when he declares that he 
 " cannot conceive that there is a man of unbiassed mind and 
 " srood sense, who would not rather embrace all that has been 
 « retrenched from the Catholic Creed, than adopt the spurious 
 " ab07ninations and blasphemies, which every zvhere, under 
 *' the screen of toleration-, disgrace the worUW 
 
CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 238 
 
 Mr. Dallas, from vilifying the Reformation and defend- 
 ing Popery, comes (p. 60) to the defence of the Casuistry 
 of the Jesuits : 
 
 This is all in its order" — whoever can call himself a Pror 
 testant, and yet admire a Religion so contrary to his own, may 
 be expected to advocate the Casuistry upon which that Reli- 
 gion is founded, and bv which it is upheld. Mr. Dallas 
 begins his remarks on the Jesuitical Casuistry by observing, 
 w I inquired more particularly into the character and objects 
 " of the Casuists of the Order ; and the more I reflected, the 
 u more I was convinced of the malignity of the adversaries 
 " of the Society ," whom he then accuses of rebellious and 
 " revolutionary 1 ' purposes. 
 
 Without stopping here to shew how little such a charge 
 applies to those enemies of Casuistry, Pascal, Nicole, and 
 the several Ecclesiastics and Advocates of France, who ranged 
 with such triumphant success on the same side, we will pro- 
 ceed to Mr. Dallas's exculpatory observations : " In such a 
 " number of casuistical writers" (he says), " it may be ima- 
 " gined that some have erred — the Jesuits never wished 
 " to defend them.' 1 Now, this assertion is at direct variance 
 with the following facts : namely, that the flagitious work of 
 the Jesuit Pi rot was openly claimed by the Jesuits as their 
 own, in the face of the French nation and its Clergy ; that 
 the work of the Jesuit Moya was published with the express 
 sanction of the Superiors of the Order ; that the Somme des 
 Pecltes, by the Jesuit Bauni, was publicly avowed and de- 
 fended by the Society ; and that the Jesuit Berruyer was as 
 openly countenanced and protected by the same Society, after 
 two Popes had censured his works as blasphemous and im- 
 pious. 
 
 Mr. Dallas then proceeds — " The Apology for the 
 " Casuists, said to be published by the Jesuits, so far from 
 M being avowed as a work of their own, was disavowed by the 
 u Superiors of the Order, and condemned by the Pope and 
 " many Prelates : it was written by Pere Pirot.'' 
 vol. l q. 
 
234 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 
 
 Now, although it is true that this nefarious work was? 
 written by Pirot, Mr. Dallas has not informed us that he 
 was an eminent Jesuit, who was, on this occasion, the organ 
 and instrument of the Society ; and although it is true that 
 the Pope and many Prelates condemned this work, it is cer- 
 tain that the Society publicly defended it, notwithstanding it 
 contained the fullest apology for assassination, rebellion, and 
 every thing most at war with the peace and happiness of the 
 human species. In this work, revenge, false honour, illicit 
 pleasure, pride, sedition, and murder are expressly justified. 
 It appeared in 1657. The Clergy of Paris were so struck 
 with its pernicious doctrines, that they determined to denounce 
 it to the Parliament ; upon which the Jesuits applied to the 
 Court to prohibit the Parliament from taking cognizance of 
 the affair. The King complied with their wishes, and re- 
 ferred the matter to a different authority — the Clergy pro- 
 tested against this, affirming, that in the case of another Je- 
 suit (Bagot), justice had been defeated by a similar refer- 
 ence. They presented a memorial to the Grand Vicars of 
 Paris, requiring the condemnation of this work, at the same 
 time dispersing a declaration, which is the first of the cele- 
 brated statements published by the Clergy, as a body, against 
 the Casuistry of the Jesuits ; and which was followed by nine 
 others, all distinguished by the vigour of their composition,, 
 and the importance of their matter. These were severally 
 signed by the Clergy of Paris ; and appeared in the years. 
 1658 and 1659. Arnauld, Nicole, and Pascal, were the 
 principal writers of these papers ; and a more forcible and 
 masterly exposition of the most flagrant crimes, and of the 
 casuistry by which those crimes were defended, could not have 
 been produced. The Clergy began by calling this work of 
 Pirot anonymous, although they knew its author; upon 
 which, with a view to intimidate their opponents, the Jesuits- 
 impudently and openly declared that the book was published 
 with their knowledge and under their sanction. " Since the 
 fc< Jesuits" (say the Clergy in their first letter) " have now 
 

 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. gS5 
 
 w publicly admitted themselves the protectors of the Apology 
 44 of the Casuists, we as publicly denounce it." 
 
 Independently of this opposition of the Clergy of Paris 
 to the work ; above twenty Bishops, and at length even Pope 
 Alexander VII. (although on every other occasion the 
 avowed friend of the Jesuits), condemned this book and the 
 horrid maxims it contained *. 
 
 So much for Mr. Dallas's statement that Pirot's Apology 
 for the Casuists was disavowed by the Order of Jesuits ! 
 
 Mr. Dallas next defends the Casuist LTAmy, or Amicus 
 (p. 64) ; and confidently affirms, that " the proposition attri- 
 44 buted to him to blacken him as a Jesuit was not his, nor 
 44 ever adopted by him." He then asserts, that " It had been 
 u taught long before bv the celebrated Casuist Navarre, and 
 44 others totally unconnected with the Jesuits. Amicus men- 
 tions it, and alleges the reasons which had been given in sup- 
 port of it ;" but adds, " nolumus a nobis (haec) ita sint dicta 
 44 ut communi sentential adversentur, sed tantum disputandi 
 44 gratia proposita;" and Mr. Dallas adds, that the proposition 
 4 * was omitted altogether in the second Edition of his work." 
 Let us now see how the fact really stands. The proposi- 
 tion, as stated in the " Brief Account of the Jesuits," runs 
 thus : " The religious may kill those who attack their honour : 
 44 thev are even obliged to this, when the credit of their whole 
 <' Order would suffer if they did not ; as when one threatens 
 44 to publish their own crimes, or those of their Order, when 
 44 there is no other way of preventing it, as it seems there is 
 44 not, if the slanderer is about to accuse the Order, or the 
 44 individual, before persons of eminence." 
 
 * See Les Ecrits des Cures de Paris, which have been frequently- 
 printed, and especially the Extracts from the writings of the Casuists 
 given in those Letters. The Letters and Extracts are all printed in 
 La Tbeohgie morale des Jesuiies et nowveaux Casuistes, printed at Cologne 
 in 1 666, from which the above facts are taken. Of this masterly work 
 it maybe said: « Monumenta rerwn posterit qvtrentibus tradidit"— 
 
 QUINCTIL. 
 
 a 2 
 
336 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 
 
 The whole of the above proposition appears in the Edi 
 tion.of Douay, but only a part of it in the Antwerp Edition ; 
 since the Jesuits caused the latter Edition to be printed with- 
 out the whole of the passage, in order that they might escape 
 the Decree of the Council of Brabant, which had just at that 
 time induced the Faculty of Louvain to censure this doctrine. 
 Even in the Antwerp Edition, however, and in every other, 
 the following part of the proposition is printed, viz. " Ne- 
 " gari non potest, quin saltern honorem famamque illain 
 " quae ex virtute et sapientia nascitur, quique verus honor 
 " est, juste defendere Clerici ac Religiosi valeant, ac saepe de- 
 " beant, cum hie sit proprius professionis ipsorum, quern si 
 " amittartt, maximum bonum ac decus amittunt : nam per 
 " hunc redduntur summopere aestimabiles et conspicui secula- 
 " ribus, quos sua virtute dirigere ac juvare possunt, quo sub- 
 " lato nee illos dirigere nee juvare poterunt. Ergo saltern 
 " hunc honorem poterunt Clerici ac Religiosi cum moderamine 
 " inculpatae tutelar etiam cum morte invasoris defendere : 
 «' quin interdum lege saltern charitatis videntur ad ilium de- 
 " fendendum teneri, si ex violation© propria? famse integra 
 ■" Religio infametur." — Amicus, Vol. v. Disp. 36. 
 
 That part of the proposition which the Jesuits retrenched 
 in the Antwerp Edition (and which is no other than a conclu- 
 sion from the above premises) is as follows : 
 
 " Unde licebit Clerico vel Religioso calumniatorem gravia 
 M crimina de se vel sua Religione spargere minantem occidere, 
 * quando alius defendendi modus non suppetat, uti suppetere 
 " non videtur si calumniator sit paratus ea vel ipsi Religiosoa, 
 a vel ejus Religioni publice ac coram gravissimis viris impinv 
 c ' gere, nisi occidatur. Nam si in tali casu licitum est Reli- 
 Ci gioso, ne ipse occidatur, invasorem prius occidere, si fuga 
 •* non possit, quia nimirum hostem ante se habet, mortem 
 " evadere ; hcitum quoque eidem erit ad vitandam gravissi- 
 " mam sui suaeque Religionis infamiam, si alius modus non 
 -" suppetat, calumniatorem occidere. Nam quo jure licitum 
 " est Saeculari in tali casu calumniatorem occidere, eodem jure- 
 

 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 237 
 
 " licitum videtur Clerico ac Religioso, cum in hoc Religiosus 
 u et Saecularis sint omnino pares ; cum non minus jus in talem 
 K honorem habeat Clericus et Religiosus, quam Saecularis in 
 suum : imo majus, quanto major est professio sapientia? et 
 virtutis, ex qua hie honor Clerico et Religioso progigni^ur, 
 " quam sit valor et dexteritas armor um ex qua honor Sa?cu- 
 u lari nascitur. Adde quod ut seq. sectione probabitur, 
 " licitum est Clericis ac Religiosis in tutelam suarum facul- 
 u tatum furem occidere, si alius modus eas defendendi non 
 " supersit : ergo multo magis id licitum videtur in tutelam 
 " famse et honoris ex virtute et sapientia consurgentis. Verum 
 " quoniam haec apud alios scripta non legimus, nolumus ita 
 " a nobis dicta sint ut communi sentential adversentur, sed 
 4£ solum disputandi gratia proposita, maturo judicio relicto 
 " penes prudentem lectorem." — Amicus, Vol. v. Disp. 36. 
 
 It appears, therefore, that in every Edition of L'Amy's 
 work, the great principle of the lawfulness of murdering a 
 Religious Adversary is dictinctly and positively asserted : but 
 inasmuch as all the Editions do not contain such full reasoning: 
 upon that doctrine as the Edition of Douay, nor pursue it to 
 those consequences which necessarily flow from such a doc- 
 trine (because the doctrine itself had at that moment been 
 publicly attacked, and was about to be publicly condemned), 
 therefore Mr. Dallas avails himself of the alteration which 
 had taken place, at the instance of the Jesuits themselves, and 
 asserts that " the proposition was omitted altogether in the 
 " second edition of the work;" the fact being, that every Edition 
 contains enough of the proposition to entitle the Writer who 
 could advance it, to the execration of his own age, and of all 
 •succeeding times*. 
 
 In answer to Mr. Dallas^s assertion, that this doctrine 
 was taught by Navarbe beforehand never adopted by L'Amy, 
 
 * See Dangereuses Propositions de la Morale tirees des Outrages des 
 nowveaux Casaistes, frequently reprinted, and published (among other 
 documents) in the work cited in note to p. 22$. 
 
 0.3 
 
238 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 
 
 but only proposed by him as a subject for discussion, it may 
 be observed, that it was clearly the doctrine of L 1 A my himself, as 
 well as of his predecessors, and of the Jesuits in general, since 
 Caramuel the Jesuit maintains it as the only certain and 
 sound opinion held by that learned body on the subject, while 
 the opposite opinion, he says, has only probability in its favor; 
 and he refers expressly to L\Amy, as having maintained the 
 opinion, as well as Navarre, Suarez, Gordon, and San- 
 chius, and challenges any one to produce an instance of a 
 single Theologian who had contradicted L\Amy in terms; while 
 at the same time, he dares the opponent of such opinion him- 
 self, to decree or enjoin a contrary opinion in the tribunal of 
 Confession, declaring, that if any of the Jesuits had ever 
 appeared to contradict it, they had merely varied cases or cir- 
 cumstances, but had never directly opposed that opinion*. 
 
 Mr. Dallas next proceeds to the defence of the Casuist 
 Moya (p. 64), whom he has the effrontery to designate in 
 these terms : " Moya seems to have been a very virtuous 
 i( man, though perhaps rather indiscreet in his zeal for the 
 « Society; 1 
 
 Let us now look a little into the character of this " very 
 " virtuous man™ as displayed in his writings. 
 
 He was the Confessor of the Queen Mother of Spain ; and 
 when the consciences of Princes are placed in such hands, it 
 is easy to guess what results must follow. His work, published 
 
 * " Quaeritur utrum Doctrina Petri Navarrae, Suari, et Frakcisci 
 " Amici, quae allegatur, sit aliqua censura digna ? Et ego addo eamdem 
 '* esse etiam Gordoni de Restit. Qu. 4. c. i. n. 7 ; Sanchii in Selectis 
 " Disp. 146, et aliorum etiam apud ipsos. Et vicissim interrogo utrum 
 * allegari unus possit Theologus qui in terminis Amico contradicat ? 
 ** Interrogo an Censor ipse qui Amici doctrinam condemnat, auderet in 
 " tribunali Confessionis jubere (jubere dico, non consuiere) opinionem 
 *' contrariam ? Doctrinam Amici solam esse veram, et opposi- 
 " tam improbabilem censemus omnes docti : si qui enim videntur 
 *' contradicere, mutant casum, et circumstantias alterant, non autem 
 ** directe opponuntur." — See Caramuei/s Theologia Fundamental 
 Pund. 55. Sect. 6. p. 544. 
 
CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 2SD 
 
 under the name of Amad.eus Guimen^eus, appeared very 
 soon after L' Amy's ; it was printed with the express sanction 
 of the Superiors of the Jesuits, and professes in the title-page 
 to have been published in answer to the complaints preferred 
 by some persons against the moral opinions of the Jesuits. 
 
 The Faculty of Theology pronounced the public condemn- 
 ation of this book, on the 3d of February, 1665 ; and a refer- 
 ence to that document will shew some of the errors and abo- 
 minations of the work, which was justly entitled by a Parisian 
 Divine, "- the common sewer of every kind of profligacy ." 
 Tiie Faculty declared, that " their respect for decency must 
 " prevent their censuring the abominations which it contained 
 " on the subject of chastity, and the infamies of which that 
 " author had become the apologist." 
 
 The King's Advocates stated, that it was " full of many 
 " propositions which were contagious, and calculated to cor- 
 " rupt all Christian morality; that Manslaughter, Theft, Si- 
 " mony, Usury, and other crimes, which cannot be publicly 
 " named, were justified by the license of these modern Ca- 
 " suists ; and that it was impossible to believe that the Pope, 
 " who was the protector of the Canons, and of discipline, could 
 " authorize laxity and profligacy ; that he could wish to 
 " sanction infamous books, which were the horror of all the 
 " virtuous, nor permit that maxims so favourable to vice, 
 " and so contrary to the rules of piety, and to the letter and 
 " spirit of the Gospel, should be publicly inculcated *." 
 
 The discourse of Marais pronounced before the Univer- 
 sity of Paris on the 8th of October, 1664, and printed by 
 Desprez, will assist in giving a further view of this work ; as 
 will also the publications of the Faculty of Theology, in one of 
 which it is declared to contain " whatever the most irregular 
 u imagination had invented for a century, and whatever had 
 " till that period escaped the wickedness of mankind -f-." 
 
 * See Recueil des Censures de la Faculte presente au Roi 1720, p. 309 
 f See Diuours de /' .Assembler de la Faculte de Tbeolog'ie y p. 386* 
 
 Q 4 
 
240 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS* 
 
 From these specimens we may be better enabled to give 
 due weight to the observations of Mr. Dallas, when he calls 
 Moya " a very virtuous MAN."" If such characters as these 
 go to the formation of Mr. Dallas's Pantheon, we must pause 
 before we become parties to their apotheosis. Even the Ro- 
 mish Church felt some hesitation in canonizing men who could 
 thus call good evil, and evil good ; but Mr. Dallas, it seems, 
 has no such " compunctious visitings." It is enough for him, 
 that these men were Jesuits, that they defended the Jesuits, 
 and were defended by the Jesuits : let such titles to esteem be 
 once established, and they shall not want the support of the 
 modern Champion of the Jesuits. 
 
 The same remark is made by Mr. Dallas upon Moya as 
 upon Pirot, namely, that the opinions which they have ad- 
 vanced " did not originate with them, but had been taught by 
 " the older Divines previous to the existence of the Order :" a 
 fact which only serves more completely to establish the observ- 
 ation of Claude in his masterly work on the Reformation 
 (an observation which has been before noticed in this Reply) ; 
 namely, that it is impossible to condemn the Jesuistical Ca- 
 suists, without at the same time condemning the whole school 
 of the Casuistical Theology, whether in the hands of Je- 
 suits or simple Catholics. Mr. Dallas's observation on this 
 head only demonstrates with greater force, that the errors of 
 Jesuitism are radically the errors of a corrupted Religion ; 
 and that, although many good men of that communion have 
 abhorred such principles, and many wise men have ridiculed 
 them, yet that they have been in every age the great means 
 and instruments by which bad men have advanced the interests 
 of that Church, — since the majority in all Catholic countries 
 receive without inquiry or examination, whatever their spiritual 
 advisers may suggest. 
 
 The next Casuist over whom Mr. Dallas spreads his 
 shield is Bauni (p. 65), 
 
 It had been observed in the Brief Account of the Jesuits^ 
 that K Bauni's Somme dcs Peches was proscribed by the 
 
CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 841 
 
 " Mantes Convocation as exciting to licentiousness, and the 
 " corruption of all good morals ; as violating natural justice, 
 " and the rights of man ; excusing blasphemy, usury, and al- 
 " most all other sins as things of no criminality. 1 '' 
 
 Mr. Dallas tells us, in answer to this, that " he was the 
 " intimate friend of the Cardinal de la Rochefoucault^ Arch- 
 " bishop of Sens ; was a zealous Missionary under the Bishop 
 " of St. Pol de Leon, and died of his Missionary labours;"" that, 
 " if he treated others with lenity, it is certain he did not spare 
 " himself ;" that his book " was written by the positive order of 
 " a Bishop, probably the Bishop of St. Pol de Leon, and pub- 
 " lished by the positive order of the Bishop." 
 
 Now, admitting all this to have been the case ; what does 
 k prove, but that this intimate of a Cardinal, Archbishop, 
 and Bishop, did not sin alone ; but that one of these illustrious 
 personages in particular positively ordered him to write a book 
 of the most infamous and immoral description, and then posi- 
 tively commanded him to publish it ? So much for the Holy 
 Roman Church ! 
 
 Mr. Dallas, however, goes on to assert, that its publication 
 was " unaccompanied hy the sanction or approbation of any 
 " Jesuit, nor was it used in their Schools ; consequently its 
 * doctrines are no wise attributable to the Society:" after which 
 he admits that " it contains several relaxed propositions, de- 
 *■' servedly censured by the French Clergy, in 1642." 
 
 Now the case is, that the Somme des Pechcs was written by 
 a man who was the Professor of Moral Theology in the Col- 
 lege of Clement (the great College of the Jesuits), for such 
 was the ostensible office which Bauxi held ; and his work, 
 which appeared in 1639, was expressly published in Paris, 
 with the approbation of the Provincial of the Society of 
 
 Jesuits. 
 
 The Faculty of Theology soon after condemned it*; but 
 
 * See the condemnation in many works, but especially in M. D'A*.- 
 gentre', Vol. iii. p. 28 et seq. 
 
242 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 
 
 the Jesuits succeeded, through the medium of the Chancellor, 
 in preventing the publication of the judgment ; and the Fa- 
 culty then required of Cardinal Richelieu, that such re- 
 striction should be taken off. After this, the assembly of the 
 Clergy which was holden at Mantes, proceeded to give the 
 character of this work, which has been noticed before *. 
 
 The University shewed, in a second memorial, that Bauni 
 also attacked the authority of Kings and Magistrates, and that 
 the correspondence and communion of mind and sentiment, 
 which the Jesuits declared to be so general amongst them, 
 never appeared more evidently than in the destructive doc* 
 trine, which affected the safety and repose of all states and 
 nations interested in the preservation of the authority, the 
 power, and the lives of Kings ; upon which doctrine their au- 
 thors had stated that they were all in unison. And in order to 
 prove to the Parliament the uniformity of sentiment subsisting 
 among the Jesuits on this point, the University instances thirty 
 of their Fathers who are all named ; from which it concludes, 
 (i that the Jesuits hold themselves bound by no declaration 
 u or promise, by no avowal or disavowal which they may have 
 " made, but deceive mankind, and advance their own interests 
 *' by fair and specious professions, which they make no diffi- 
 " culty of despising and violating, for the enlargement and 
 " advantage of their Society, being obliged by their Constitu- 
 " tions (p. 247, Edit. 1583), never on any occasion to lose 
 " sight of its interests -j-." 
 
 Thus much may suffice in answer to Mr. Dallas's alle- 
 gation, that the work of Bauni was " unaccompanied by the 
 " sanction or approbation of any Jesuits, and that its doc- 
 " trines are nowise attributable to the Society."" 
 
 The next Casuist who is defended, is Berruyer — -of him 
 
 * See the Proces-rverbal published by the Convocation. 
 
 •J- For a complete summary of the infamous and immoral proposi- 
 tions maintained by Bauni, see the Censure de la Faculte de Theologies 
 contained in p. 184 of La Theolog'ie Morale des Jesuits y Edit. Cologne, 
 1666. 
 
CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 243 
 
 it had been asserted in the Brief Account of Jesuits; that he 
 Cf had been convicted of blasphemy, and condemned by Bene- 
 " dict XIII. and Clement XII I.™ : to which Mr. Dallas 
 replies, " This is not true ; he never was convicted of bias- 
 " phemy." 
 
 Mr. Dallas here shelters Berruyer under ajcu dc mots; 
 for, when it was stated that Berruyer had been convicted of 
 blasphemy, it was not intended to assert that he had been 
 legally said, judicially convicted of blasphemy; but convicted of 
 it, to the satisfaction of all honest men : in the well-known Pas- 
 toral Charge of the Bishop of Soissoxs, to which if Mr. Dallas 
 refers, he will find that his worthy protege openly denied the 
 doctrines of the Trinity, the Incarnation, and the sacrifice of 
 Christ, as taught by the Scriptures and held in the Church; 
 and is as completely convicted of blasphemy as any writer can 
 be, through the medium of the press. 
 
 Mr. Dallas then states, that his " Histoire du Peuple de 
 u . Dieu was censured and condemned by Benedict XIV. and 
 * e Clement XIII. 11 ; as if this were the only performance which 
 they had declared against. 
 
 " The French Jesuits 11 (says Mr. Dallas) " disavowed 
 " the work, and submitted unanimously to the condemnation of 
 " it." Mr. Dallas having himself set the example, he might 
 perhaps be disposed to pardon the return of a certain compli- 
 ment, if it were to be observed of the last-mentioned assertion, 
 that it " is not true :" so far indeed is it from beins true, that 
 whilst the performance of Berruyer was passing through the 
 ordeal of condemnation on the part of two Popes, twenty-four 
 Bishops, several Theologians, and the General Assembly of the 
 year 1755 (in the name of the Clergy of all France), the 
 Jesuits multiplied the translations and editions of Berruyer 1 * 
 works in France, Spain, and Italy. The Society, in fact, both 
 patronized and boasted of the writings of Berruyer as perfect 
 in their kind ; they dispersed them among the Religious, the 
 Laity, and Females of quality, as calculated to instruct them 
 in the mysteries of religion, and to cherish their piety; not- 
 
244} CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 
 
 withstanding that they were full of the heresies of Arius, Nes- 
 torius, Pelagius, and Socinus. 
 
 The following piece of Jesuitical chronology may not per- 
 haps be unacceptable : " In 17S4, the first part of Berruyer's 
 " works was condemned at Rome ; in honour of this Decree, 
 **■ the Jesuits published the second part in 1753, which was far 
 " more objectionable than the first. This second part was 
 "condemned at Rome in 1755; in answer to which, the 
 " Jesuits published a translation of the first part in Italian, 
 " which translation was condemned at Rome, in 1757. The 
 " Jesuits, with profound respect for the Papal Decree, then 
 " published the second part in Italian, with an Apology : on 
 " the 17th o£ February, 1758, Pope Benedict XIV. con- 
 " demned both the Translation and the Apology ; to which 
 M the Jesuits, in their turn, replied by publishing the third 
 " part, which put the finishing stroke to the scandal. On the 
 H 2d of December following, Pope Clement XIII. con- 
 " demned it; and the Jesuits immediately translated the second 
 " part into Spanish, published two volumes of their Apologies 
 *' at Nancy, and even sold the work, and its Apologies, at 
 " Rome, laden with eulogies. On 80th of August, 1759, these 
 " Apologies were condemned at Rome*." 
 
 Berruyer, however, says Mr. Dallas, " was not a Ca- 
 ** suist." He was not called a Casuist in the Brief' Account 
 of the Jesuits, but was cited as a writer of the Jesuits who had 
 publicly supported " a system of morals which was any thing 
 " but the system of the Gospel, or of any Church which pro- 
 " fesses to be founded on its authority ." Let the public der 
 cide whether this allegation has been proved. 
 
 Mr. Dallas next proceeds (p. 68) to the defence of Cas- 
 NEDi, whom he calls " a man of great learning, zeal, and 
 ** piety." 
 
 As learning is not wisdom, the first of Casnedi's gifts 
 
 *See Coudrette, Vol. iv. p. 139, innotls\ and the Manifesto of the 
 King of Portugal, addressed to the Bishops of his Kingdom. 
 
CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 245 
 
 bhall not be disputed; neither shall his zeal, as displayed in a 
 bad cause, with a bad spirit, and for bad purposes : but with 
 respect to his piety, the claims preferred for him on that score 
 by Me. Dallas, are too revolting to common sense to be* 
 passed over in silence. 
 
 It is well known that the Jesuits' 1 corrupt system of casu- 
 istry is founded upon what they call the Doctrine of Philoso- 
 phical Sin, the Doctrine of our Ignorance of the law of nature, 
 the Doctrine of Probability, and other metaphysical subtleties 
 of the like kind *. 
 
 * I. The doctrine of Philosophical Sin (le peche philosspJAqae) con* 
 sists in teaching that the divine law obliges the sinner, so far only as it is 
 actually intimated to him, and present with his mind at the time of 
 sinning. If he does not at that moment reflect on the evil of the crime 
 committed by him, he does not sin, although he violates the law of 
 God : if he reflects on its evil, but only regards it as contrary to reason 
 and propriety, without thinking of God, and eternal punishment; he 
 sins indeed against reason, but not against God : this is simply a philo- 
 sophical sin which merits temporal punishment, and not a theological 
 sin which deserves eternal condemnation. The celebrated ArkaulD 
 was the first to denounce and expose this dangerous doctrine, of which 
 (observes a French writer) it may be said, as of the other casuistical 
 doctrines of the Jesuits, that it takes azuqy the sins of the world. 2. The 
 doctrine which respects our ignorance of the law of nature (VEtat de 
 pure nature] appears to approach very nearly to the Theophilan- 
 thropism of the French Revolution. 3. The doctrine of Probability 
 (le Probabilisme) was condemned by many Bishops of France, in 1658, 
 as a maxim of the most impious and dangerous nature, and full of 
 deadly poison. It teaches that we may, with a safe conscience, refer in 
 all doubtful cases to the decision of one or many Doctors ; and that 
 their authority is valid in order to our embracing an opinion, to which 
 their advice thus gives a sufficient degree of probability, although the 
 opposite opinion may be at the same time more probable and more 
 safe. (See more particularly on this point, the notes of Nicole on 
 the 5th Provincial Letter of Pascal.) It was by such and similar 
 theories, that the Jesuits virtually overturned the two great rules of 
 morality: namely, first, the Law of God, by maintaining that it might 
 be violated with impunity, under cover of an ignorance assumed to be 
 invincible; and secondly, the law of conscience, in sanctioning a course 
 of conduct in direct opposition to its plainest dictates* With such 
 
246 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 
 
 Now, it is not above sixty years since, that the Jesuit 
 Casnedi, upon these or similar principles, maintained in five 
 folios, published by him in Portugal, that " at the day of 
 " Judgment God will say to many, Come, my well-be- 
 " loved j you who have committed murder, who have 
 " blasphemed^ &c. &c. because you believed that in so 
 " doing you were right." 
 
 Of this horrible proposition Mr. Dallas was not ignorant : 
 and since it was not to be denied that Casnedi had thus pub- 
 licly recorded his own impiety, and that of his sect, Me. 
 Dallas expressly defends the proposition, as that of " a man 
 " of piety;" affirming, that to maintain " that the moral merit 
 " or demerit of an action depended upon the belief and in- 
 " tention of the agent, is a very simple and incontro- 
 u vertible proposition; but being expressed in ardent terms, 
 " it makes a flaming show among the articles of impeachment 
 " now instituted against the whole Society of Jesus. r> 
 
 If such reasoning as Mr. Dallas's, in defence of such rea- 
 soning as Casnedi' s, could be endured in this Christian coun- 
 try, we should be indeed at a very low ebb, both of principle 
 and practice: and if general horror and indignation do not 
 follow so foul and undisguised an attempt to consecrate im- 
 piety, to justify vice, and to erect a temple of worse than 
 heathen corruption upon the ruins of our common Christianity ; 
 then, the sooner we renounce our national pretensions to a 
 purer faith and a better practice than prevailed in the days 
 of Paganism or Papacy, the better. 
 
 It must be obvious to the most superficial observer, that if 
 Mr. Dallas's notions of the nature of moral responsibility, 
 and moral merit or demerit, were once to be generally acted 
 upon, the whole frame of society itself must shortly be dis- 
 solved. Upon this principle, every man would at once become 
 his own lawgiver, and, having no other rule or measure for 
 his actions, than the particular view which he might himself 
 
 " blind leaders of the blind," how could it happen but that " both" 
 should " fall into the ditch , ? " 
 
CASUISTRY OF JESUITS. 247 
 
 happen to take of them; in other words, being only guilty or 
 innocent in that proportion in which he might consider him- 
 self so, the greatest abominations would be divested of their 
 impurity, and men would be converted into wild beasts upon 
 principle ! 
 
 But let us suppose that Society would continue to exist, 
 notwithstanding the operation of such doctrines as these. Is 
 it nothing, that individuals are to be imbued by their* spiritual 
 teachers with notions, which, if the Bible be true, must in- 
 fallibly involve them in perdition? Is it nothing, that such 
 blind guides as Mr. Dallas's " men of piety," are thus to 
 " lead the blind" until " both fall into the ditch?" Are the 
 solemnities of a Judgment Day to be thus trifled with? And 
 is He who is " of purer eyes than to behold iniquitv," to be 
 thus openly defied and set at nought? If it be true, that 
 " without holiness no man shall see the Lord," is it to be en- 
 dured that those men should be held up to our admiration, 
 who, while they profess to obey him, actually dispute the 
 equity of his moral government, and deny the obligations of 
 his own commands? But it is necessary to quit Casxedi for 
 the last Casuist who is defended by Mr. Dallas. 
 
 The last Casuist, though not the least, of whom Mil. 
 Dallas undertakes the defence, is Bexzi (p. 68), whom he 
 is pleased (with the same defiance of public opinion, and the 
 same contempt for. historical testimony, as in other instances) 
 to call " a respectable and much-injured man, universally 
 & revered in Venice, where he was a distinguished Director 
 ** and Preacher." 
 
 Of Bexzi, it had been stated. in the Brief Account of tin 
 Jesuits, that "he defended les attouchemens mamillaires 
 " practised by the Jesuit Confessors." 
 
 To this charge Mr. Dallas replies, that "although 
 " Bexzi is represented in several French and Italian libels, 
 " in the foul columns copied by the writer of the pamphlet, 11 
 yet that, " far from teaching the horrors imputed to him, he 
 " merely gave an opinion in writing, on being consulted whe- 
 
 4 
 
248 casuistry of jesuits. 
 
 " ther certain trespasses were to be considered as cases resef jm 
 " ed, or not reserved. It was merely," says Mr. Dallas^ 
 " d questio juris, a technical opinion, and not a decision on the 
 M subject-matter : malice and calumny did the rest." 
 
 Now, is Mr. Dallas really ignorant, that the justification 
 of this flagitious practice by Benzi was so public and une- 
 quivocal as to induce no less a personage than Pope Benedict 
 XIV. to issue a solemn decree against the doctrine taught by 
 Benzi, both as infamous in itself, and as tending to the depra-* 
 vation of an ordinance universally esteemed a Sacrament iif 
 the Catholic Church ? If Mr. Dallas was in possession of 
 this fact, did he conceive, that, by observing silence upon it; 
 other persons would not come to the knowledge of it? This 
 impiety, then, was not only ascribed to Benzi by " French 
 " and Italian Libels ;" but even a Pope, the infallible head of 
 the Holy Roman Church (who must be presumed to have 
 possessed better means of information than mere Libels could 
 have furnished, and who was not likely to have issued a decree 
 upon no better authority than they afforded), entered a public 
 Protest in the face of the world against such an abuse of what 
 the Church at large regarded as one of her holiest rites. So 
 far was the Pope from considering Benzi's crime as only " a 
 " questio juris," or a mere " technical opinion" on a case 
 submitted to him, that he openly charged him with proclaim- 
 ing the innocence and propriety of a practice which must 
 excite the detestation and horror of every one, whose moral 
 senses are not become completely obtuse ! It is remarkable, 
 that the Pope and his Council had no sooner published their 
 condemnation, than the Jesuits, in defiance of the censure, 
 printed a superior Edition of Benzi's work at Lucca, and 
 published it at a very cheap rate * 
 
 Upon what ground, then, does Mr. Dallas venture on the 
 assertion, that Benzi was " far from teaching the horrors im- 
 
 * See (among other evidences) the Manifesto of the King of Portugal 
 addressed to the Bishops and Clergy of his Kingdom, in proof of the abuvc 
 facts. 
 
CA5U1STRY CF JESUITS. 249 
 
 u puted to him ?" by what perversion of terms does he choose 
 to call such a man " respectable?" — and upon what grounds 
 does he impute to u malice and calumny," the censure which 
 the accredited heads of the Romish Church felt it due to their 
 own character, and to public morals, to proclaim against such 
 a writer? A few remarks present themselves on the attempt 
 which has thus been made bv Mil. Dallas, to defend the 
 above-named Casuists, and their pernicious doctrines and 
 opinions, at the expense of truth and decency : a wise Hea- 
 then would have acted differently, 
 
 " Non ego mendosos ausim defendere mores !" Ovid. 
 
 In the first place, it may be observed, that the course 
 which he has taken will not surprise any persons who are 
 acquainted with his former writings. In a work published by 
 him in 1802, he writes thus of an erroneous conscience: 
 <i Those who think that the law which requires us to be faith- 
 " ful to our engagements is not obligatory towards Heretics,. 
 " and that we may lawfully break it ; in respect to them, have 
 M an erroneous conscience. But what must we do in case of 
 " an erroneous conscience? I answer, that we ought always 
 
 <c TO FOLLOW THE DICTATES OF CONSCIENCE, EVEN WHEN IT 
 " IS ERRONEOUS, AND WHETHER THE ERROR BE VINCIBLE 
 
 " or invincible,'"— See Me. Dallas's Elements of Self- 
 Knowledge, part ii. chap, xviii. p. 201. Now, what is this but 
 the Casuistry of the Jesuits? Upon diis principle, there is 
 not a single persecution which has vexed and wasted the 
 Church of Christ, ever since Papal Rome has destroyed those 
 whom she thought fit to call Heretics, which may not be 
 fully justified! If Mr. Dallas's view of morals be correct, 
 then the Duke of Alva, the Dukes of Guise, and the Popes, 
 who have delighted in Protestant blood, and the QuEEtf who 
 lighted up her fires throughout this kingdom, were not only 
 innocent of ail crime in what they did, but would have been 
 ^guilty of a gross dereliction of duty if they had acted other- 
 wise; since Mr. Dallas maintains, that there is a positive 
 
 VOL. I. R 
 
250 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS, 
 
 and perpetual obligation upon us " to follow the dictates of 
 " conscience 1 ' whether right or wrong: " we ought,'' says he 7 
 " always to follow the dictates of conscience, even when it is 
 " erroneous, and whether the error be vincible or invincible." 
 It was precisely upon this principle that Thomas Paine jus- 
 tified his blasphemies and impieties against revealed Religion, 
 Let the answer which was given by the Bishop of Landaff 
 to the infamous opinion of Paine upon " an erroneous con- 
 " science" suffice for an answer to Mr. Dallas also; 
 
 " A fever" (says the Bishop), " which you and those about 
 a you expected would prove mortal, made you remember, with 
 " renewed satisfaction, that you had written the former part of 
 " your Age of Reason — and you know therefore, you say, by 
 u experience, the conscientious trial of your own principles. 
 " I admit this declaration to be a proof of the sincerity of 
 " your persuasion, but I cannot admit it to be any proof of the 
 " truth of your principles. What is conscience ? Is it, as 
 " had been thought, an internal monitor implanted in us by 
 " the Supreme Being, and dictating to us, on all occasions, 
 " what is right or wrong ? Or is it merely our own judg- 
 " ment of the moral rectitude or turpitude of our own actions ? 
 " I take the word (with Mr. Locke), in the latter, as in the. 
 " only intelligible sense. Now, who sees not that our judg- 
 " ments of virtue and vice, right and wrong, are not always 
 " formed from an enlightened and dispassionate use of our 
 " reason, in the investigation of truth ? They are more 
 " generally formed from the nature of the religion we profess; 
 " from the quality of the civil government, under which we 
 " live ; from the general manners of the age, or the particular 
 ." manners of the persons with whom we associate ; from the 
 " education we have had in our youth ; from the books we 
 " have read at a more advanced period ; and from other acci- 
 " dental causes. Who sees not that, on this account, con- 
 " science may be conformable or repugnant to the law of 
 " nature ? — may be certain, or doubtful ? — and that it can be 
 " no criterion of moral rectitude, even when it is certain, be- 
 
CASUISTRY OF JESUITS AND CATHOLICS #51 
 
 c< cause the certainty of an opinion is no proof of its being a 
 M right opinion ? A man may be certainly persuaded of an 
 " error in reasoning, or of an untruth in matters of fact. It 
 " is a maxim of every law, human and divine, that a man 
 " ought never to act in opposition to his conscience : but it 
 " will not from thence follow, that he will, in obeying the dic- 
 u tates of his conscience, on all occasions act right. An Inqui- 
 " sitor, who burns Jews and Heretics ; a Robespierre, who 
 •* massacres innocent and harmless women ; a robber, who 
 u thinks that all things ought to be in common, and that a 
 *$ state of property is an unjust infringement of natural 
 " liberty ; — these, and a thousand perpetrators of different 
 " crimes, may all follow the dictates of conscience ; and may, 
 " at the real or supposed approach of death, remember 6 with 
 " renewed satisfaction 1 the worst of their transactions, and 
 " experience, without dismay, ' a conscientious trial of their 
 " principles.'' But this their conscientious composure can be 
 " no proof to others of the rectitude of their principles, and 
 " ought to be no pledge to themselves of their innocence, 
 " in adhering to them.'" — See Watson's Apology for the 
 Bible/ p. 6. 
 
 The next remark which occurs on Mr. Dallas's defence 
 of the Casuistry of the Jesuits is, that his attempt to exculpate 
 the Jesuits from being the original authors of the detestable 
 opinions which they have promulgated, will not avail him. 
 It is not to be doubted, and may without hesitation be ad- 
 mitted, that the doctrines which the Jesuits have pushed to 
 extremities were more or less inculcated by those members 
 of the Romish communion who were not Jesuits, even before 
 that Order had an origin. Such errors necessarily arose out 
 of a corrupt and unscriptural faith, which produced, by a legi- 
 timate consequence, corrupt and unscriptural practices. The 
 tree beino- radicallv bad, the fruits were bad also ; and the 
 scholastic theology which prevailed in the Church of Rome 
 before Jesuitism had a being, was any thing but the Theology 
 of the Bible. It may be also admitted that the same gross and 
 
 r 2 
 
£52 CASUISTRY OF JESUITS AND CATHOLICS. 
 
 palpable errors have obtained in the Romish Church since the 
 Order of Jesuits was instituted, even amongst those of her 
 members who had no connexion with that Societv, and were 
 avowedly opposed to it. They did not indeed go to the same 
 lengths which the Jesuits did, nor pursue the doctrines which 
 they professed in common with the Jesuits to the same dan- 
 gerous and destructive consequences; but they were equally 
 professors of the same perverted and deteriorated religion, 
 which, by an inevitable connexion, involved a course of prac- 
 tice, that was in direct opposition to the revealed will of God, 
 and the best interests of man. If the members of that com- 
 munion who had wisdom and courage enough to expose the 
 corruptions of the Jesuits, had only proceeded a few steps 
 farther than they did, they must have seen that the abomina- 
 tions which they opposed were not so much the vices of a par- 
 ticular class of men, as the vices of their own system ; this 
 indeed was a conclusion, to which if they had consented to 
 come, they could no longer have continued in communion with 
 a Church, which had so completely departed from the purity 
 and simplicity of the Apostolic age : we find, accordingly- , that 
 some who did adopt that conclusion, openly quitted the bosom 
 of a Church, where such abuses prevailed ; while they who 
 remained, not choosing to allow that their religion was in fault, 
 attacked with peculiar acrimony the men who were foremost in 
 propagating the opinions which necessarily arose out of their 
 common creed. From this state of things, however, the greatest 
 advantages have accrued to the cause of true religion : the 
 dissensions which arose between the Jesuits and the Catholics 
 have tended to elicit truths of the utmost importance ; since they 
 have served to develope the pollutions of Popery, both in doc- 
 trine and practice, in a way which perhaps would never other- 
 wise have been exhibited. Mr. Dallas, however, has no right 
 to claim any credit for the Jesuits, because they only contended 
 for the errors which other men had proclaimed before, and 
 which indeed were interwoven with the religious profession of 
 other Catholics, as well as themselves ; since the Jesuits were 
 
bayle's testimony. $53 
 
 In no wise less criminal because they were partakers of other 
 men's sins of doctrine, and since they carried those doctrines 
 into actual practices of regicide, rebellion, and impiety, which 
 the less hardy professors of the same doctrines who preceded 
 them, had been more generally content with asserting and ar- 
 guing upon in Schools and Colleges. 
 
 In the next place it may be observed, that the danger to 
 Protestants, from, the revival of the Order of Jesuits, is only 
 increased in an infinite degree, when it is considered that it is 
 not from the Jesuits alone, as a peculiar and insulated body, 
 that we have to apprehend the invasion of our own rights, 
 and the risk of our own existence ; since we have seen, from 
 the admission of Mr. Dallas himself, that the pernicious 
 doctrines of the Jesuits are by no means confined to that body, 
 but that the same tenets are held by other members of the same 
 Church, and, when brought into practical operation, can only 
 lead to the same disastrous results. 
 
 If, therefore, it could be shewn that no cause of alarm 
 exists on account of the Jesuits in England, yet, so long as the 
 members of the same Church are daily increasing the number 
 of their converts among us, and struggling with greater ear- 
 nestness and ardour for the participation of power (if not for 
 the exclusive possession of power) in this Protestant State ; so 
 long is it important that all who can think and reason, should 
 consider the peril of conceding to those whose principles of 
 Casuistry are in such strict unison with those of the Jesuits, 
 that portion of political weight and influence which, under the 
 fallacious and sophistical term of Emancipation, they have 
 persuaded themselves they ought to seek, and persuaded many 
 among us they ought to obtain. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in p. 69, with his accustomed incorrectness, 
 quotes a passage in favor of the Jesuits as written by Bayle, 
 which Bayle in fact quotes from another writer, namely, the 
 author of La Religion des. Jesuites, a work published at the 
 Hague. — But Mr. Dallas omits, as usual, to give any part of 
 Bayle's statement which is unfavourable to the Jesuits, parti- 
 
254 SPEECH OF HENRY IV. 
 
 cularly the following passage : " It is certain that some persons 
 " who do not appear to be prejudiced, maintain that many 
 li things have rendered the Society deservedly odious, and con- 
 " tend that such an extensive influence could never have been 
 " acquired, or so long maintained, without the aid of a very 
 <c profound worldly policy." Again, " Have they not an Ency* 
 " clopedia of corrupted morals on the subject of Spiritual 
 " sins ? It is the Jesuits who have contended the most stre- 
 ** nuously for the consequences of many doctrines which were 
 " maintained before them, but pushed farthest by them ; doc^ 
 " trines which expose Sovereigns to continual Revolutions, 
 " Protestants to carnage, and Christian morals to the most 
 w deplorable relaxation that can be imagined. " — See Bayle's 
 Dictionary, Art. Loyola ; and the Notes (R) and (S) ibid. 
 
 Mr. Dallas proceeds, in p. 71, to copy the Speech which 
 
 has been attributed by the Jesuits to Henry IV. at the time 
 
 when his Parliament, with Harlay, their First President, at 
 
 their head, remonstrated against the reception of the Jesuits : 
 
 of this Speech, however, that Monarch was perfectly guiltless. 
 
 It was, in fact, written by the Jesuits themselves, and is a 
 
 forgery of the most impudent character ! Its internal evidence, 
 
 indeed, is sufficient for its conviction. Is it conceivable that 
 
 any French gentleman, much more any Sovereign of France, 
 
 could have made use of the following language ? " / am ac- 
 
 " quainted with things past, better than any person zvhat- 
 
 " ever.^ — " You set up for mighty statesmen, and understand 
 
 " state affairs no more than / do the drawing the report of a 
 
 " cause. Why not say, that your Daughters are as much reli- 
 
 " gious as the Nuns called here the Daughters of God, and that 
 
 " you are as much of my Order of the Holy Ghost, as my 
 
 u Knights and myself?" — " If the Sorbonne has condemned 
 
 " them, it was quite like you, without knowing them." — " It is 
 
 objected, they get footing in cities and towns by all means they 
 
 can : so do others : / myself got into my kingdom as well as 1 
 
 " could" &c. &c. Again — that part of the pretended Speech 
 
 which makes Henry say of the two first assassins who at- 
 
 4C 
 
SPEECH OF HENRY IV. 855 
 
 tempted his life (Barriere and Chatel), " Barrikiie was 
 * ( not encouraged by any Jesuit, Chatel never accused them* 
 xe nor could any torments extort any charge against Varade 
 " or any other Jesuit," is so directly at variance with the im- 
 portant statements of De Thou and Sully, as well as so com- 
 pletely opposed to all the other accounts of those attempts on 
 The life of Henry IV. that it is impossible for any one who 
 believes the concurrent testimony of the most faithful Histo- 
 rians to admit the genuineness of this Speech. "With respect 
 to Barriere and his instigator (the Jesuit Varade), De 
 Thou and Sully both agree that Barriere received his first 
 instructions from the Jesuits of Lyons, who trained others as 
 well as Barriere; and that without the Jesuit Varade (who 
 was Rector of the Jesuits 1 College at Paris), he would not 
 have had the resolution to proceed with his scheme. It was 
 Varade who, in conjunction with a Paris Divine (not a 
 Jesuit), encouraged Barriere, assuring him that Henry's con- 
 version to Popery was only pretended, and that the attempt on 
 his life would be a deed which would merit salvation. Varade, 
 adding impiety to regicide, confessed Barriere, gave him abso- 
 lution, and sent him to one of his brethren, to administer the 
 Sacrament to him. The statement given by De Thou is more 
 circumstantial than that of Sully. The former will be 
 found in De Thou's History, Lib. 107, n. 13; the latter, in 
 Sully's Memoirs, Vol. i. chap. 41, Edit. 1768. With regard 
 to the attempt of Chatel on the life of Henry IV. it may be 
 remembered that Sully was actually present at the time of 
 that attempt ; and his account of it has been already given in 
 this Answer (p. 83). So much for the internal evidence sup- 
 plied by this Speech, which tends to prove it a forgery ; but, 
 fortunately, we are not reduced to reason from its internal 
 evidence alone ; since De Thou has satisfactorily shewn that 
 the whole Harangue was no other than an invention of 
 the Jesuits, and was never actually spoken. He produces the 
 clearest proofs, that this Speech which was imputed to Henry 
 IV. first appeared in the Italian language at Tournon, but not- 
 
 r 4, 
 
a 
 a 
 a 
 
 256 SPEECH OF HENRY IV. 
 
 until a year after the interview between Henry and his Par- 
 liament. " The King is made in it" (says De Thou) " to 
 cast many injurious reflections on the Parliament, no one 
 of which he ever uttered, and to employ many puerile ex- 
 pressions in answer to things of which Harlay had never 
 " thought." — See De Thou's History ; book cxxxii. n. 4. 
 
 The Jesuits republished this supposed reply in the Mer- 
 cure Francois, Vol. ii. p. 170, and elsewhere : after which, 
 the Jesuit Matthieu printed it in his History ; the Jesuit 
 Daniel inserted it in his History of France ; and Possevin 
 the Jesuit gave it a place in his Bibliotheque. The Jesuits also 
 translated it into Latin and German. 
 
 A reference to that part of De Thou's History which 
 has been already referred to, will shew with how much indig- 
 nation, as well as with what complete success, that honest Histo- 
 rian refutes this fictitious answer. He assures us, that he was 
 himself present when the King replied to Harlay, and that 
 he will pledge himself to the fidelity and accuracy of the 
 Statement he records, which is as follows : " The King replied 1 ' 
 (says he) " to this Remonstrance with much mildness, and 
 thanked his Parliament in terms full of affection for the 
 zeal they had displayed for the safety of his person and the 
 " interests of his Kingdom. With regard to the danger of 
 re-establishing the Jesuits, he appeared to feel little concern 
 upon that head, and answered dispassionately what had been 
 " advanced on the subject. He said, that he had maturely 
 considered the matter, and had at length determined to 
 recal the Society which had been banished from the king- 
 u dom ; that he hoped, in proportion as they had been consi- 
 " dered criminal before, in the same degree they would strive 
 " to evince their allegiance on their return ; that, as to the 
 danger which was apprehended, he would be responsible for 
 it ; that he had already surmounted greater by the grace of 
 " God, and that he was desirous that every one should be at 
 " ease on this head ; that he watched over the safety of all his 
 " subjects, and consulted their common interests; that a life of 
 
 
 a 
 a 
 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
JESUITS*' FOREIGN ALLEGIANCE. 257 
 
 " such trials as his own, had given him experience enough to 
 " communicate instruction to the most skilful in his kingdom; 
 " so that they might rely on him, with respect to his person 
 " and his empire ; and that it was only for the welfare of 
 " others that he desired to preserve himself. He ended as he 
 f* had begun, by once more thanking his Parliament for their 
 " zeal and their affection.'" Such is the account which is given 
 by De Thou of the reply of Henry IV. which he himself 
 heard delivered by that Monarch. How different to the ver- 
 bose and declamatory collection of vulgarisms invented by Ita- 
 lian Jesuits, republished by French Jesuits, and finally re- 
 copied by Mr. Dallas, after it had been repeatedly exposed 
 as a clumsy and contemptible forgery ! and how much more 
 worthy of Henry IV. is the Speech which is transmitted to us 
 by that faithful Historian De Thou ; in addition to whose 
 testimony as to the gross and palpable forgery of the Speech 
 attributed by the Jesuits to Henry IV. the following works 
 establish the same fact, viz. Recaeil des Pieces sur FHistoire du 
 Pere Jouvency, p. 112; and La Morale pratique des Jesuites, 
 Vol. iii. ch. 12. 
 
 It is the less necessary here to consider the motives which 
 influenced Henry to pursue so disastrous a policy as the recal 
 of these enemies of his crown, his nation, and his life, since 
 they are adverted to in the subsequent History : but, so far as 
 the originality and authenticity of this particular document 
 were concerned, it appeared essential to the interests of truth 
 that Mr. Dallas should not be left in undisputed possession 
 of such a weapon ; since many persons might be disposed 
 to attach importance to the Speech in connexion with the 
 name of Henry IV. to which it can lay no claim from any 
 intrinsic merit which it possesses, there being no one solid ar- 
 gument in it in favor of the Jesuits, nor any effectual refuta- 
 tion of the arguments against them. 
 
 Mr. Dallas next attacks Sir John Cox Hifpisley, 
 (p. 81) ; and, after some observations which are evidently in- 
 tended to be humorous, complains of Sir John, for having 
 
 4 
 
fl5& JESUITS^ FOREIGN ALLEGIANCE. 
 
 maintained that the acknowledgment by Jesuits of a foreign 
 General, is an instance of dependence upon foreign jurisdic- 
 tion ; a position, as it should seem, sufficiently incontrovert- 
 ible , and such an one as perhaps might puzzle persons of 
 greater ingenuity than even Mr. Dallas to disprove. That 
 gentleman, however, in terms not the most civil or respectful 
 towards a Member of the British Parliament, thinks proper 
 to push this position to a consequence which he is pleased to 
 term " absurd ;" and having thus summarily disposed of it, he 
 observes, that " the despotism of the General, and the blind 
 '** obedience of the companions of the Order, are calumnies to 
 " which no man would be a dupe, who had ever cast his eye 
 •' over the pages of the religious and 7?? oral Statutes of' 
 " the Institute ;" leaving it thus to be inferred (without 
 stating it in so many words), that Sir John knows nothing 
 of those Statutes, and therefore is duped to believe the 
 General despotic, and the Knights' Companions only so many 
 slaves. 
 
 Perhaps Mr. Dallas may be disposed to consider Sully 
 as great a dupe as Sir John Hippisley. It is thus that 
 Sully had read the Statutes : " The first of their Statutes" 
 (savs he) " subjects them so blindly to their General, or 
 " rather to the Pope, that although they might personally en- 
 ** tertain, on this point, the most correct and peaceful inten- 
 " tions, they can take no step without the concurrence of those 
 46 two Superiors; of whom one, namely the Pope, can do u§ 
 **■ much injury, and the other, their General, is always a Spa- 
 " niard by birth, or a creature of Spain : it is therefore impos- 
 " sible to suppose that the Pope and this General of the Je- 
 " suits can ever see the Protestant Religion nourish in 
 <c France, under its own banners, with a favourable eye. The 
 " consequence must be, that the Jesuits, imbued with foreign 
 " maxims, adroit and intelligent as they are, and struggling 
 " for victory for their own party, will occasion a perpetual 
 " schism among the people by their confessions, their sermons, 
 ** their books, and their fconfereaces; from whence an injurious 
 
Jesuits' foreign allegiance. ">9 
 
 v change will take place among the different members of the 
 " body politic, which will sooner or later lead to intestine 
 * war."— See Sully's Memoirs, Vol. v. p. 109, Edit. 1768. 
 
 Me. Dallas then proceeds to reason upon Sir John 
 Hippisley's objection as to foreign allegiance, and contends 
 (p. 85) that " the obedience which all Religious as well as 
 u - Jesuits paid to their chief Superior, who generally resided 
 " at Rome, was well understood to relate merely to their pro- 
 " fissioned duties ;"" after which, he observes, that the " na- 
 '* tive country of the Pope was never aiiedged as a motive for 
 f< rejecting his authority." 
 
 Most certainly it never was, among his devotees or their 
 defenders : but among all those Protestants who have under- 
 stood the nature of Popery, and have been acquainted with 
 their own interests, the allegiance due to the Pope by all Ca- 
 tholics ; to the Superiors of Religious Orders, by the mem- 
 bers of those Orders ; and to the General of the Jesuits, by 
 all the members of that Order — have been invariably protest- 
 ed against ever since the Pope, Religious Superiors, and the 
 General of Jesuits, had an existence. 
 
 Sir John Hippisley, therefore, in objecting to the ope- 
 ration of foreign influence, and the admission of foreign su- 
 premacy in Protestant Empires, does no more than every 
 Statesman may be expected to do, who knows what danger- 
 ous consequences have invariably flowed from the profession 
 of such doctrines ; and with regard to Mb. Dallas's asser- 
 tion, that the obedience which all other Catholics, as well as 
 Jesuits, paid to a foreign Superior, was well understood to 
 relate merely to their " professional duties? Mr. Dallas 
 must fail in establishing this point ; unless he can persuade us 
 to forget the Bulls and Decrees of various Popes, command- 
 ing the Catholic subjects of other Sovereigns, in all times, to 
 depose and murder their lawful monarchs, and to stir up in- 
 surrection in their kingdoms ; or unless he intends to desig- 
 nate those Papal mandates as so many calls to " professional 
 
260 JESUITS IN RUSSIA. 
 
 a 
 
 duty," and the obedience that was paid to those commands 
 so many acts of u professional duty." 
 
 Mr. Dallas's taunting question, in p. 86, " Can Sir 
 a John adduce a single instance of a Jesuit's betraying the 
 " country or the government which protected him ?" may be 
 answered by informing him that the whole of this History 
 (among many other works on the same subject) is a collection 
 of such instances. 
 
 With regard to the question between Sir John Hippis- 
 ley and Mr. Dallas as to the conduct of the Empress op 
 Russia, and her motives in protecting the Jesuits (see p. 87 
 et seq.), it may be observed, that her patronage of the Order 
 no more proves it worthy of royal favor, than her invitation 
 to D'Alembert to come to Russia and educate the Grand 
 Duke (which she accompanied with very flattering offers), 
 proves that D'Alembert deserved the confidence with whicli 
 her Imperial Majesty's misplaced taste for French genius and 
 French profligacy would have led her to repose in him : nei- 
 ther does the good opinion which the King of Prussia en- 
 tertained of the Jesuits (see p. 88) any more prove that Or- 
 der worthy of his good opinion, than the intimacy in which 
 he lived with the worst Infidels of France proves Infidelity to 
 be a good thing. 
 
 If Royal patronage would establish the advantages of the 
 Order of Jesuits, Mr. Dallas might have found examples 
 much better suited to his purpose, in the Popes who have em- 
 ployed Jesuits as their agents in every species of public crime, 
 and in the Kings who have made them then- Confessors and 
 Confidants, in accomplishing the great work of enslaving their 
 Catholic subjects, and destroying their Protestant subjects. 
 
 The utmost which the argument of authority can do 
 for Mr. Dallas is, to prove what no man who knows any 
 thing of the history of the world will dispute, — namely, 
 that some Sovereign Princes have in all times fostered and 
 employed designing men, under whose advice they have pur- 
 sued measures entirely at variance with their own interests* 
 
JESUITS IX RUSSIA. ftfil 
 
 and with those of their people ; but this will not prove that 
 the Sovereigns in question were worthy of imitation, or that 
 the Instruments they emplovcd were worthy of their confi- 
 dence : the honours heaped upon the Jesuits by Catholic Mo- 
 narchs, and the protection afforded to them by Philosophic 
 Monarchs, will not invalidate the abundant testimony which 
 we possess respecting their delinquencies ; nor will their recep- 
 tion by governments, either avowedly Catholic, or half Ca- 
 tholic, afford any argument for our Protestant Government 
 confiding to them the education of its youth, or the instruc- 
 tion of its adults. Mr. Dallas, indeed, records, apparently 
 with high satisfaction, the " unsuspecting liberality" with 
 which his friends the Jesuits have been long treated in Rus- 
 sia ; makes honourable mention of the erection of their Col- 
 lege of Polosk by the present Emperor, " into an University, 
 " by which they became exempted from the control of the 
 " University of Petersburgh ;" and speaks of a Jesuitical 
 " College of Nobles" in that Capital, where the Superior of 
 Jesuits is pleased, very condescendingly, to permit a Priest of 
 the Greek Church to explain on Sunday the National Cate- 
 chism to these noble students, " in a private room? beyond 
 which, Mr. Dallas informs us, " he has nothing to do in the 
 « house." 
 
 It happens rather unfortunately for our author, that the 
 Emperor of Russia should have altered his opinion about the 
 Jesuits since Mr. Dallas's Defence of the Order appeared ; 
 but, perhaps, the Emperor did not read Mr. Dallas's work. 
 However this may be, that Monarch has already seen abundant 
 occasion to regret the patronage he afforded, and the privileges 
 he conceded, to these sworn foes of order and of peace; and has 
 found cause to repent of the education of the flower of his 
 Nobility in the principles and mysteries of Jesuitism : he lias 
 accordingly driven the Jesuits in disgrace from both his Capi- 
 tals ; and although the Popish Journal, or Orthodox Maga- 
 zine, has thought fit to deny this fact, it is not less true on 
 that account. From the commencement of his reign, the 
 
26£ ALLIANCE OF CATHOLICS AND JESUITS. 
 
 Jesuits have proved themselves in Russia, as elsewhere^ the 
 sworn foes of every valuable institution : they have strenu- 
 ously opposed the Bible Society, although well known to have 
 enjoyed the particular auspices of the Emperor ; and they re- 
 sisted the printing of the Persian Testament in that Empire* 
 although undertaken with his sanction : they have been indefa- 
 tigable in their efforts to make converts to Popery, and have 
 succeeded to a large extent, even in the most elevated classes : 
 they carried on intrigues at Rome, which had for their object 
 the dismemberment of the Greek Church, and the disgrace of 
 its Clergy : they sought to excite the vengeance of the Pope 
 against the chief supporters of the Bible Society in Russia ; 
 and but for the salutary overthrow they have experienced, 
 would soon have succeeded in occasioning disturbances in that 
 vast Empire, which it might have been found impossible to 
 allay. Every person who maintains a correspondence with 
 Russia may satisfy himself, without difficulty, of the correctness 
 of this information. 
 
 It was not, indeed, to be expected, that these ministers of 
 darkness would permit the diffusion of religious light without 
 exerting all the opposition in their power, nor permit the con- 
 tinuance of concord, while they had the means of stirring up 
 strife ; but the example may not be without its use, if other 
 Sovereigns besides the Emperor of Russia shall learn from it, 
 that, unless ancient and modern History be the fiction which 
 Mr. Dallas would represent, no Monarch who harbours the 
 Jesuits must look for any special reservation in his own favor, 
 or expect that the indulgences which he may concede to the 
 Jesuits will be repaid by that Society in any other coin than 
 that which has ever hitherto borne their " image and super- 
 " scription." 
 
 In p. 93 Mr. Dallas imputes to Sir John Hippislet 
 the same motives with which he had charged the author of the 
 Brief Account of the Jesuits, namely, an attack on the Ca- 
 tholics in general through the Jesuits ; as if it were possible 
 to separate the two cases, or at the same time to convict the 
 
ANSWERS TO UNSEEN WORKS. 2(J3 
 
 Jesuits, and to clear the Catholics : but this point has been 
 so amply adverted to before, that it is the less necessary to 
 consider it again. 
 
 Mr. Dallas (in p. 94) expresses his surprise at Sir 
 John's opinion, that modern Catholics (such as- Mr. Plow- 
 den and others) must find some difficulty in condemning the 
 wisdom of one Pope who suppressed the Order of Jesuits, 
 while at the same time they applaud the wisdom of another 
 Pope who has now restored it ; but since it is impossible that 
 these Pontiffs (however infallible some may consider them) 
 can both be in the right, this really does appear to be a di- 
 lemma, upon one of whose horns, such inconsistent reasoner# 
 as these modern Catholics and their Defenders do voluntarily 
 place themselves ; and therefore there seems nothing unrea- 
 sonable in the suggestion of Sir John Hippisley, that the 
 Bull which abolished the Order, and the Bull which revived 
 it, should always appear together, as the best exposure which 
 plain Protestants can give of the contradictions of Catholic 
 logicians, and the best refutation which they can afford to the 
 claims of Papal Infallibility. 
 
 In the following page Mr. Dallas speaks in contemptuous 
 terms of two French works which have lately appeared 
 against the Jesuits ; the one entitled, Du Tape et des Jesuites; 
 and the other, Les Jesuites tels quils out ete dans VOrdre po- 
 litique, religieuoc, et morale ; which works, however, he ad- 
 mits that he has not read : after which avowal he proceeds to 
 state, that " their titles and authors are enough to convince 
 " him that the new Conspiracy against the Jesuits extends to 
 " France, and that he is answering those pamphlets without 
 
 " SEEING THEM." 
 
 There is something sufficiently ridiculous in this mode of 
 judging of the merits of a work by its " Title" and its " Au- 
 " thor :" but Mr. Dallas's alledged discovery of the art of 
 answering a Book without seeing it, has been so long a desi- 
 deratum in the learned world, and would be so important to 
 the interests of the public at large, if it ever could be brought 
 
%64i POPE CLEMENT XtV. 
 
 into general use, that it is sincerely to be hoped this Gen- 
 tleman will not (like the followers of Rosicrusius) suffer 
 such a secret to die with him; but will immediately communis 
 cate it) for the benefit of all poor authors, with whom Time 
 is such a precious commodity, and more particularly, for 
 the advantage of Reviewers. — How far, indeed, the manner 
 in which Mr. Dallas has answered the Brief Account of the 
 Jesuits, which he has read, will tend to recommend his an- 
 swer to those books which he has not read, must be left for the 
 Public to decide. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in p. 97, enters upon a course of argument, 
 which he pursues through several pages, the main object of 
 which is to prove, that although Ganganelli (Clement 
 XIV.) suppressed the Order of Jesuits, yet he was only in- 
 duced to do so, partly from motives of policy, and partly 
 of compulsion ; and that such act was altogether opposed to 
 his own private and personal convictions of the utility of the 
 Order. " The Jesuits' 1 (says Mr. Dallas) " were to be sacri- 
 ■ ficed in spite of their innocence, in spite of their religious 
 " and moral virtues (! ! !), in spite of his own" (Clement's) 
 " attachment and approbation, to the necessity of preserving 
 " the power of the Monarchs of Europe ;" and Mr. Dallas 
 then quotes abundantly from the work purporting to be the 
 Letters of Ganganelli, for the purpose of shewing that, in 
 suppressing the Order of Jesuits, this Pope acted under 
 moral restraint, was not master of his own conduct, and 
 would have followed a very different course if he had been 
 able to obey the suggestions of his conscience. Mr. Dallas 
 even compares this Pope to Pontius Pilate, for pursuing 
 the policy of expediency ; and quotes the Scriptures twice in 
 one page to prove the similarity of character between the Ro- 
 man Governor, who consented to the crucifixion of our Lord, 
 and the Roman Pontiff, who consented to the suppression of 
 the Jesuits. How far Mr. Dallas's friends, the Roman Ca- 
 tholics, will thank him for his parallel, will remain for them 
 to determine. 
 
POPE CLEMENT Xir. 
 
 265 
 
 Unfortunately for Mr. Dallas, all the reasoning by which 
 he arrives at the conclusion that Pope Clement XIV. abo- 
 lished the Order of Jesuits contrary to his own convictions, is 
 founded upon a work which has been long and universally 
 disavowed as authentic, both by the Religious and Literary 
 world, namely, Gaxgaxelli 1 s Letters. It is only the part 
 of charity to presume, that M&. Dallas was ignorant of the 
 general understanding and belief respecting these Letters, and 
 to conclude that he never would have consented to reason upon 
 such materials, if he had not supposed them to be genuine : 
 in this case his defective information alone will become the 
 subject of censure ; and it is far better that a writer should 
 be convicted of resorting; to a modern forgery in ignorance of 
 its nature, than that he should have called in its aid under a 
 consciousness of its falsehood. Mb. Dallas, therefore, shall 
 have all the benefit which he can derive from this concession : 
 though, after all, it must be admitted, that an author who 
 professes to inform the British Public upon a point so essen- 
 tial to their interests, cannot be too careful to be well-inform- 
 ed himself upon the character of his authorities. The ques- 
 tion raised in France respecting these Letters is well known, 
 and has never yet been answered — " Where are the ori- 
 " gixals ?" In urging that question, and in demonstrating 
 the fraud which was attempted to be put upon the world by 
 the publication of these Letters, Voltaire, perhaps, was 
 most successful ; nor can the general Infidelity of that writer 
 be mixed with this question, as any reason for rejecting his 
 aid in detecting imposture, since the question is simply one of 
 fact, namely, whether Gaxgaxelli did or did not write the 
 Letters attributed to him after his death. If a man gives 
 such information as may preserve our House from plunder, 
 we do not object to him the unsoundness of his religious 
 principles as a reason for discrediting his testimony. Dr. 
 Johxson was so perfectly convinced that these Letters were a 
 forgery, that he asserted his conviction in the most unequi- 
 vocal terms (see Boswelfs Life, Vol. iii. p. 308, Edit. 1799): 
 vol. I. s 
 
266 POPE CLEMENT XIV. 
 
 indeed, the learned world has been long agreed in the same 
 Yiew of the subject ; and these Letters are now almost univer- 
 sally regarded as the composition of Caraccioli. 
 
 The clumsy defence inserted by Messieurs the Editors 
 arid Booksellers in their Preface to the later Editions, in an- 
 swer to those objectors who had very naturally inquired after 
 the sources whence these Letters were obtained, is rendered 
 sufficiently ridiculous by the pompous mystery which it 
 affects. " As this" (say they) " is a matter of confidence, 
 cs and the persons from whom we received them are unwilling 
 " to appear, we are by no means entitled to break the seal of 
 " secrecy, under which they were intrusted to our hands." 
 They had, indeed, the best reason in the world for not pro- 
 ducing the persons from whom they pretended to have receiv- 
 ed them; but it is probable these worthy Editors had never 
 met with die maxim, " De non apparentibus, et non existen- 
 " tibus, cadcm est ratio." 
 
 The evidence, therefore, to be derived from these fabri- 
 cated Letters, as opposed to the great public and solemn act of 
 the Pontificate of Clement XIV. cannot be admitted to have 
 any weight ; and with regard to Mr. Dallas's suggestion 
 (p. 104), that in suppressing the Order by a Brief, Clement 
 chose to adopt that mode, because it was not usual to consult 
 the Cardinals in issuing that form of mandate, it may be re- 
 plied, — that, so far was Clement from acting without the 
 advice and authority of his brethren, that he took four years 
 to deliberate upon the matter before he acted, in which space 
 of time he referred the consideration of it to a commission, 
 composed of five Cardinals, and of several Prelates and Ad- 
 vocates: he searched himself the Archives of the Propaganda, 
 for the Documents relative to the Missions of the Jesuits; 
 considered the accusations brought against the Society, and 
 the apologies in its favor; and read every publication of im- 
 portance on the subject, whether for or against the Order. He 
 went farther: anxious to be correct as well in the manner, as 
 in the matter, of his judicial condemnation, he communicated 
 
POPE CLEMENT XIV. 267 
 
 Ins Brief, privately, to several Cardinals and Theologians be- 
 fore it was promulgated, as well as to some Sovereigns who 
 were interested in the fate of the Order, and to others who 
 were more indifferent parties; and he at length determined 
 upon the measure of its extinction, not without the fullest con- 
 sideration of the consequences of the act, both to the world 
 and to himself. He believed that it would be useful to man- 
 kind, but he did not doubt that it would cost him his life. His 
 remarks, after signing this instrument, were: " The suppression 
 " is accomplished. I do not repent of it, having only re- 
 " solved on it, after examining and weighing every thing, 
 " and because I thought it necessary for the Church: if it 
 " were not done, I would do it now ; but this suppression 
 " will be my death — (ma questa soppressione mi dara la 
 " rnorte)? 
 
 The initial letters of a Pasquinade appeared at this time 
 on St. Peter's Church, which Clement himself interpreted to 
 mean " the Holy See will be vacant in September" His 
 death was attended with every symptom of poison : his throat, 
 stomach, and intestines were in a state of the highest inflam- 
 mation ; and immediately on his death his whole body turned 
 black, his flesh fell off, and he became so offensive, although 
 remarkably thin, that it was impossible to approach him. 
 There can be no reasonable doubt that Clement XIV. died 
 by poison, and there can be as little doubt at whose instance 
 it was administered. Another attempt had been made in the 
 month of April, 1774, to destroy him by the same means; but 
 it was not until the end of June in that year, that his enemies 
 succeeded in their object. The attestations of the Physician 
 Salicetti, to prove that his death proceeded from natural 
 causes, w T ere generally discredited, and he was universally be- 
 lieved to have been influenced by certain parties interested in 
 perverting the truth *. 
 
 Whether, therefore, Clement XIV. was right or wrong 
 
 * The above facts are taken from the Life of Ganganelli print- 
 ed in 1776. 
 
 s 2 
 
268 INQUISITION AND JESUITS. 
 
 in suppressing the Jesuits, he was at least sincere. If we 
 may rely on the best sources of information, hypocrisy formed 
 no part of his character; the attempt, therefore, of Me. 
 Dallas to extract from the Letters which have been ascribed to 
 Clement, any evidence to shew that he was personally attach- 
 ed to the Society, and that he abolished it in opposition to his 
 better judgment, must needs fall to the ground; nor will his 
 assertion (in p. 109) avail him any better, where he informs us 
 that throughout the whole Brief of Suppression, Clement 
 " does not once advance an opinion of his oxen adverse to 
 " the Society." 
 
 The same observation, indeed, occurs in a work, entitled, 
 Memoires pour servir a VH'istoire Ecclesiastique pendant le 
 dix-huitieme Siecle ; where it is observed, " Le Pape ne porte 
 " point de jugement a regard de tout ce dont on les accusoit;" 
 and Mr. Dallas has probably taken his hint from thence. 
 
 It is only necessary to observe upon such a remark, from 
 whatever source it may proceed, that the whole tenour and 
 object of the Brief of Suppression completely refutes it; 
 since that document contains an abstract of the History of the 
 Jesuits, so far as regards the various public condemnations of 
 the Society by several Popes who had preceded Clement : all 
 which censures having been found (as he expressly declares) 
 utterly inadequate to the end they had proposed, he resolves 
 to adopt the only effectual means, by laying the axe to the 
 root of the tree, and abolishing such a Society altogether. 
 
 If this be not a tolerably explicit statement of an adverse 
 opinion, it is not very easy to divine what Mr. Dallas would 
 consider such. 
 
 In a note to p. 109, Mr. Dallas denies that the Jesuits 
 were connected with the Inquisition, with the same confi- 
 dence as if he had really the means of disproving that con- 
 nexion. 
 
 The passage in the Brief Account of the Jesuits , which 
 gave rise to this denial, was as follows (p. 15) : " One pecu- 
 " liar object of the Society, is to direct and aid the operation* 
 
INQUISITION AND JESUITS. 26*9 
 
 i( of the Inquisition where it exists, and to exercise its several 
 " functions secretly in countries where it is not established, 
 " particularly with reference to the governments of those 
 " countries; and one of the first acts of Xavier on landing 
 " at Goa, was to establish the Inquisition there; an Institu- 
 f< tion whose great object we know to be, the discovery and 
 " punishment of Heretics, or, as we should call them, Pro- 
 " testants, and which the same Pope zcho has revived the 
 " Order of Jesuits, has therefore with perfect consistency 
 •" re-established." 
 
 With regard to the public connexion, which has always 
 subsisted, and must ever continue to subsist, between the 
 Jesuits and the Inquisition; it is the less necessary to dwell 
 upon this point, because (to say no more of their great apostle 
 Xavier having actually established the Inquisition of Goa) 
 there is no account of the Inquisition, either ancient or 
 modern, in whatever countries it may have existed, in which 
 the Jesuits are not proved to have been (in conjunction with 
 the Dominicans, and others) active and cruel members of that 
 bloody tribunal of tyranny and oppression *: but as their 
 secret exercise of Inquisitorial functions, in countries where 
 that monstrous engine of injustice does not exist, is perhaps 
 less known, a single Extract shall be adduced to establish it. 
 
 The apology of Gerson the Jesuit contains the following 
 avowal : " Inasmuch" (says he) " as, from the nature of 
 " their Institute and their fourth vow, it belongs to the Jesuits 
 " to exercise the office and functions of Inquisitors, in coun- 
 " tries where no Inquisition is established, as appears from 
 " the Bull granted by Paul III. in the year 1549, in favor 
 
 * See, among other works, Dellon's Account of the Inquisition at 
 Goa. The Bishop of Angelopolis, also, in his Letter to Pope 
 Innocent X. speaking of the persecution which he and his Clergy 
 experienced from the Jesuits, observes, " They employed at the same 
 " time the jurisdiction of Inquisitors, who, under pretence that the 
 " people of my Diocese cared little about Excommunication, impri- 
 '! soned many of the Laity who resisted them, and threatened them 
 " with still rougher treatment if they would not submit." 
 
 w 3 
 
270 FOREIGN ORDINATION. 
 
 a 
 
 of the Jesuits *:" — and he then proceeds to shew their mode 
 of putting Kings on their trial among themselves, and employ- 
 ing their devotees to execute their intentions of destroying 
 them. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in p. 113 et seq. examines Sir John Hip- 
 pi sley's objection to Jesuits going abroad for Ordination ; and 
 observes, that " Sir John does not appear aware that in an 
 " Order, it is requisite to obtain Ordination through a Supe- 
 " rior of the Order:" after which, he states that Sir John 
 must be aware, that " no Priest of the regulars can assume 
 il any exercise of ministerial functions, in preaching or admi- 
 " nistering sacraments, without license of the diocesan pre- 
 " late. r ' He then gives a confused account of two Ecclesiastical 
 Students, who went to Palermo in 1806, for their health, but 
 were not allowed to officiate as Priests, and on recovering their 
 health returned home: he next informs us, that in three 
 ensuing years one Priest and ten Students went to Palermo. 
 The whole result of this statement is, that, instead of nineteen, 
 there were only nine who obtained Orders, one of whom 
 (says Mr. Dallas) a is the distinguished President of the 
 " new Seminary of Education in Ireland. r> He adds, " for 
 u the last six years not one Catholic Student has had a 
 " thought of following their example:" and he concludes this 
 branch of his argument, by observing, that " such trifling emi- 
 M grations of a few Students will neither alarm nor surprise 
 " those who know that, for more than two Centuries, the penal 
 " laws have driven all English and Irish Catholics, who were 
 66 not content to live in ignorance at home, to seek education 
 " abroad; that this had become an invariable custom, and that 
 " every year scores of British subjects went abroad."" 
 
 Mr. Dallas appears to be deeply versed in all the art 
 
 * " Siquidem Jesuitis ex natura sui Instituti et quarti voti, incum- 
 " bit, officio Jnquisitorum defungi iis in Provinces ubi Inquisitoris offi- 
 " cium nequaquam institutum est, ut patet ex Bullis Pauli III. anno 
 ",1549, editis pro Jesuitarum Instituto," &c. Apolog. pro Gerson, p. 
 198 et seq. 
 
JESUITS IN IRELAND, 271 
 
 and mystery of Popish Ordination; but to what does this 
 profound respect for the regular and irregular Orders of the 
 Papacy amount? If Mr. Dallas succeeds in proving that 
 Catholics have no need to go abroad for ordination, because, 
 by a strange contradiction, such ample provision for ordain- 
 ing Popish Priests is now made in the heart of our Pro^ 
 testant nation, that they may obtain ordination here ; will this 
 prevent their going abroad for the same purposes of sedition 
 and rebellion, as have ever hitherto connected them with the 
 Continent? But let us suppose them to emigrate no more. 
 If Ireland, that vulnerable heel of the British Achilles, is still 
 to continue the nursery of Poperv, and therefore the hot-bed 
 of disaffection and disorder, will it be any consolation to Mb. 
 Dallas^s Protestant Readers to learn, that the Romish Priest- 
 hood may be preserved in all its integrity without emigrations 
 to Italy? So long as Bishops of the Catholic Church may 
 ordain Priests, in any number, in England and Ireland, and so 
 long as Superiors of the Order of Jesuits may make members 
 of that Order in either countrv, Mr. Dallas must not ex- 
 pect to remove our just apprehension of the consequences of 
 such privileges, by gravely informing us — that Ecclesiastical 
 Students will no longer emigrate to Italy and elsewhere; but 
 that they intend to favor us with their company in perpetuity, 
 since it is utterly impossible that they can at the same time pay 
 a foreign allegiance, and love a nation of Heretics. 
 
 Mr. Dallas's flattering compliment (p. 116) to the per- 
 son whom he is pleased to call " the distinguished President 
 i; of the new Seminary of Education in Ireland," may lose a 
 little of its value, when the public come to be informed that 
 this Seminary is no other than the Establishment of Jesuits 
 at Castle Browne, which received i?30,000 for its found- 
 ation ; which maintains a constant communication, on the one 
 hand, with the Jesuits' College at Stonyhurst, near Preston in 
 Lancashire, and, on the other, with Spain, Italy, and France ; 
 that this Irish College of Jesuits is daily increasing in extent; 
 that it educates all the youths it can obtain, and, in particular, 
 
 s 4 
 
272 maynooth college. 
 
 has had the honour of training some of the sons of the prin- 
 cipal political Agitators of Ireland. No wonder that Emigration 
 is out of fashion in Ireland, when such Education as this may 
 be obtained without the risk of crossing the Seas! no wonder, 
 that, with such " distinguished Presidents,' 1 the holy work of 
 insurrection and rebellion should advance in Ireland, with so 
 much spirit and success! 
 
 With regard to Mr. Dallas's assertion, that, " for more 
 " than two Centuries, the penal laws have driven all English 
 u and Irish Catholics who were not content to live in igno- 
 " ranee at home, to seek education abroad; 11 this is, in the first 
 place, no great compliment to the learning and talents of those 
 Catholics who do not happen, in that space of time, to have 
 had their education abroad ; and, in the next place, it is a foul 
 slander on those members of the Protestant communion, who, 
 without going abroad at all, have been enabled to obtain such 
 an education in the United Kingdom, as has qualified them to 
 adorn the various stations they have occupied. If, indeed, by 
 the word " Education" Mr. Dallas intends an education in 
 politics as well as in science, in rebellion as well as in religion, 
 there is an end of the argument; since it is not disputed, that, 
 in order to the perfection of the clerical character in the Ro- 
 mish Church, certain other doctrines must be acquired in the 
 course of education, besides those which are more immediately 
 connected with the sacerdotal profession. 
 
 We find Mr. Dallas next protesting (p. 116) against 
 Sir Joiix Hippisley's proposal, that the large sum of money 
 which has been devoted to the endowment of the Jesuits' 1 Semi- 
 nary in Ireland, should be appropriated to the Establishment 
 for Educating; Roman Catholic Priests at Mavnooth. 
 
 What Sir John has promised himself by this transfer of 
 property, it is not indeed very easy to discover. That such a 
 diversion of the fund would be more in unison with the mis- 
 taken and fatal error into which the British Legislature has 
 permitted itself to fall, in harbouring and cherishing within its 
 Own bosom, the natural and eternal enemies of its own exist- 
 
COLLEGE AT CASTLE BROWSE. 273 
 
 ence and repose, may be readily conceded * : and it may be 
 also admitted, that if the sum of £30,000, or any annual Par- 
 liamentary grants, must necessarily be devoted, either to the 
 support of Romish Priests or Jesuits, any man would choose 
 the least of two evils, and prefer that the former should re- 
 ceive the money rather than the latter; but if the views which 
 have been taken throughout this Answer should prove correct, 
 all honest men who wish to live in peace, must surely depre- 
 cate pecuniary grants to either of these objects; nor will it 
 appear to them a matter of much consequence, whether the 
 money is remitted to Catholic Priests, or to their sworn friends, 
 advisers, and colleagues, the Jesuits. 
 
 If to this it should be replied, that the Jesuits and the 
 Priests have by no means always preserved the relations of 
 amitv ; it may be answered, that, however they may have differ- 
 ed at other times, they have never failed to merge their mu- 
 tual animosities, and to make common cause, when it was a 
 question between themselves and the Protestants: thus, 
 we read that when our Saviour was to be destroyed, " the 
 " same day Pilate and Herod were made friends together; 
 " for, before they were at enmity between themselves" (Luke, 
 ch. xxiii. ver. 12); and we know that the Romans forgot their 
 bitterest quarrels, whenever Carthage was mentioned. 
 
 Before the subject of the Jesuits' 1 College at Castle 
 Browne is emitted, it may be asked whether Mr. Dallas, 
 when he exalts this, as a Seminary for general learning 
 (p. 117), seriously imagines that his readers will not distin- 
 guish between " general learning,"' and the utter abuse of 
 learning, above all, of sacred learning, which has ever charac- 
 
 * It is utterly inconceivable upon what principle a Protestant Le- 
 gislature can involve itself in such contradiction and inconsistency, as 
 thus to foster within its own bosom, the viper which is preparing to in- 
 flict the sting of death upon lis patron and protector: the support of 
 the College of Maynooth is an anomaly in Legislation, at the bare pro- 
 posal of which our ancestors, who were better acquainted with the 
 genius and character of Popery than we are, would have started with 
 horror ! «« Quousque pascetis ignigenos istos?" — Apuleii Metam. 1. 7. 
 
274 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 
 
 terized the learning of the Jesuits ? and whether he really ex- 
 pects that the specious phrase of " general learning'" is so far 
 to besot our judgments, and fascinate our affections, that we 
 are determined to provide for its promulgation, though it be 
 no better, after all, than the inculcation of the corruptions and 
 errors of Popery, embellished and relieved, at the same time, 
 with some such aids and advantages of secular learning as may 
 render them more palatable and less repulsive than when 
 viewed in their naked grossness and deformity? Mr. Dallas, 
 indeed, is very solicitous to keep out of sight the main fact 
 of this seminary of learning being a seminary of Jesuits; one 
 part of whose doctrinal system is the diffusion of a Religion 
 which Protestants deny to be the Religion of the Bible, while 
 the other part of their system inculcates such political prin- 
 ciples as Englishmen deny to be consistent with the security of 
 their own Constitution. 
 
 We come now to the authorities cited by Mr. Dallas in 
 favor of the Jesuits (p. 123). 
 
 The first is that of the Empress Catherine of Russia, 
 of whose evidence in favor of the Jesuits something has al- 
 ready been said. Mr. Dallas begins by asserting, that the 
 good people of Mohiloff in Russia " were very much attached 
 " to the Order of Jesuits: 1 ' he then proceeds to state, that the 
 Empress received and favored the Jesuits in her dominions ; 
 but he takes care to observe a profound silence upon the mo- 
 tive which has been generally ascribed to Catherine for the 
 asylum she afforded to the proscribed Order of Jesuits, and 
 of which he could hardly be uninformed — namely, her confi- 
 dent hope and expectation that the Jesuits of Europe and Ame- 
 rica would bring into White Russia their ill-gotten gain, and 
 enrich her empire by their wealth and industry. The spoils of 
 Paraguay, however, never found their way to Mohiloff. 
 
 Whether the absolute despotism and the subtle policy of 
 the Empress might not have prevented the Jesuits from effect- 
 ing the same mischief in Russia latterly, as they had achieved 
 there in an earlier period of their history, may form a problem 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 275 
 
 for the students in political learning ; but it may be confidently 
 affirmed, that the patronage of the Order of Jesuits by such an 
 Empress as Catherine, in such an Empire as Russia, affords 
 no example for the imitation of England or her Monarch. 
 She was justly accused of being, not only a most licen- 
 tious and abandoned woman, but even of murdering her hus- 
 band : — the despot of her own subjects, and the oppressor and 
 subjugator of Poland; herself absolutely without Religion, and 
 placed bv her birth over an Empire whose national Religion 
 bears a near affinity, in many of its doctrines, and most of its 
 ceremonies, to that of the Church of Rome: — such a woman 
 finds herself disposed (no matter from what motives of worldly 
 policy) to extend her favor to the Order of Jesuits ! Does this 
 circumstance afford any better argument for the Order than the 
 protection vouchsafed to them in every period of their history 
 bv intriguing Popes, by imbecile Monarchs, or by corrupt 
 Ministers ? Such patronage can only be ranked in the same 
 class, and weighed in the same scale, with other acts of weak- 
 ness and folly which (in Catholic countries especially) have 
 at once disgraced the councils of Princes, and brought afflic- 
 tion upon their subjects. Nor will the exemption of Russia for 
 the last thirty years from " religious or civil broils" (as boasted 
 by aIr. Dallas) by any means prove that the Jesuits have 
 changed either their principles or conduct ; since, for twenty-nine 
 years of that period, the Jesuits in Russia have been acting 
 under the peculiar disadvantages arising out of the suppression 
 of the Order elsewhere, and for the greater part of that pe- 
 riod were under the government of a woman who, with all 
 her vices of ambition and sensuality, must be allowed to have 
 had as keen an eye upon her own interests as any Sovereign 
 who ever reigned. It may be affirmed, therefore, without the 
 hazard of refutation, that the history of the Jesuits in Russia, 
 under the Empress Catherine, affords no precedent for their 
 encouragement in England; the cases of the two countries be- 
 ing in no way analogous, and consequently the argument 
 
270 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 
 
 drawn from their reception by her, being invalid as affecting 
 ourselves. 
 
 It has, indeed, been asserted, that the vices of the late 
 Empress supply no reason for rejecting the evidence in favor 
 of the Jesuits which her patronage afforded : and that argu^ 
 ment is quite consistent, when used by such Defenders of the 
 Order as Mr. Dallas, who either do not see, or will not ad- 
 mit, that the vices of the Jesuits themselves afford any good 
 evidence against them ; but in a country where moral probity 
 holds so high a rank as in our own, this consideration will 
 have its weight, nor can all the sophistry of those who defend 
 or deny the recorded iniquities of this Order, or of its royal 
 and literary Patrons, weaken its force. 
 
 But further : Mr. Dallas gives a Letter of the Empress 
 of Russia to the Pope in favor of the Jesuits, from Castera's 
 History of Catherine II. ; although it appears from that very 
 History that the Empress herself positively disavowed this 
 Letter in the Gazette of St. Petersburgh of the 20th April, 
 1783 (see Castera, Vol. ii. p. 323), If, indeed, the Letter 
 had been authentic, Mr. Dallas was bound to have presents 
 ed it as it appears in Castera; but he omits the last para-* 
 graph for obvious reasons. That paragraph runs thus: " Who 
 * 6 knows whether Providence may not design these pious men 
 <c as the instruments of uniting the Greek Church with the 
 " Catholic ? an union which has been so long desired. Let 
 f ' Your Holiness dismiss all apprehension, for I will maintain 
 " with all my power the rights which you have received from 
 " Jesus Christ? Now, as Mr. Dallas knew that the Pro- 
 testants of England did not desire that the Jesuits should be 
 a medium of reconciliation between the Reformed Church and 
 the Church of Rome, and as he knew, also, that the King of 
 England did not mean to maintain, with all his power, the 
 rights of the Pope; he perceived, at once, that the want of ana- 
 logy between the cases of Russia, under Catherine II. and of 
 JEngland, under George III. would be too striking: he there- 
 fore does not permit this concluding paragraph of the Empress's 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 277 
 
 supposed Letter to the Pope to appear ; but gives, as in other 
 cases, just so much of the Letter as suits his purpose, and no 
 more. Again: Mr. Dallas, even with Castera's book be- 
 fore him, ventures to assert, that t; the placing of the Jesuits 
 " in her dominions was a proof of the sagacity of Catherine ;™ 
 and adds, " I doubt whether Russia was ever more indebted 
 " to any Sovereign than for this step, which was at once mag- 
 " nanimous, wise, and popular;'' 1 while, in the very same page 
 of Castera, from which Mr. Dallas had been quoting the 
 Empress's pretended Letter, the following passage appears : 
 u Perhaps the Empress only attached so much importance to 
 " the negotiation, because she flattered herself that all the Je- 
 
 " s 
 
 uits of Europe and America would bring their treasures 
 " and their industry into White Russia : but whatever her 
 " hopes might be, the plunder of Paraguay never found its 
 u way to Mohiloff. The Jesuits were too cunning to place 
 *' themselves and their wealth in the hands of a Princess with 
 " whose despotism and insatiable ambition they were well ac- 
 " quainted." We have here, therefore, first, the worldly policy 
 of Catherine in desiring the return of the Jesuits pretty 
 distinctly announced ; and we have, secondly, an allegation 
 that they were too wise to accept her offer : consequently, the 
 vast advantages accruing to the Empire of Russia from such 
 " a magnanimous, wise, and pojjular" step, never had any 
 other place than in the fertile imagination of Mr. Dallas, who 
 takes care to quote no more of Castera"s History than would 
 have established his own object, provided no one had looked at 
 the History besides himself. 
 
 Pope Clement XIII. is the next authority cited by Mr. 
 Dallas in favor of the Jesuits, and he gives, at the end of his 
 work, a translation of his principal Bull in their favor : a Bull 
 which his Successor Clement XIV. affirms (in the Bull which 
 suppresses the Order) was extorted from Clement XIII. by 
 the Jesuits, rather than obtained (" literse extorta? potius quam 
 " obtentae"). Whether this was the fact or not, we are little con- 
 cerned to know; Me. D. is at full liberty to take all the benefit 
 
£78 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINE!}. 
 
 which he can derive from this Bull, or any oilier. There is a 
 great store of this pontifical machinery for his selection: the 
 collection of Bulls obtained by the Jesuits in their favor, all 
 breathe the same language, and are equallv suited to Mr. Dal- 
 las's purpose, with the Bull of Clement XIII. ; but, how- 
 ever he may have studied and admired these ecclesiastical com- 
 positions, does he believe that those of the people of England 
 who have ever considered the question of their own religion 
 and their own history, are likely to be duped and deluded by 
 Bulls granted by the Popes in favor of the Jesuits ? The ut- 
 most to which the citation of this authority goes, is to shew 
 that Clement XIII. committed as great an error as many of 
 his infallible Predecessors ; but so far from this being any rea- 
 son why those persons who deny their authority, and dispute 
 their wisdom, should go wrong also, it is the very reason, of 
 all others, for their taking a contrary course. 
 
 Of Ganganelli, the successor of Clement XIII. (who 
 is Mr. Dallas's next authority), perhaps enough has been 
 said, as well as of those fabricated Letters which it has answer- 
 ed the purpose of the Booksellers to publish, and of Mr. Dal- 
 las to quote, under his name. 
 
 If Mr. Dallas had succeeded in setting up these Letters, 
 of which Ganganelli was not the author, against the Bull 
 suppressing the Jesuits, of which he was the author, the only 
 advantage he would have derived from this success would have 
 been, to shew that a Pope, as well as meaner men, may enter- 
 tain two different opinions, at different times. As all authen- 
 tic evidence, however, is against his having thought in any 
 way favorably of the Jesuits, either before he became a Pope, 
 or afterwards, Mr. Dallas's placing him " among the autho- 
 * rities in favor of the Jesuits," upon the mere gratuitous 
 assumption of his having written the Letters ascribed to him, 
 only affords another example of the untenable ground which 
 he is compelled to occupy in the support of a sinking cause. 
 
 The next authority for the Jesuits is the President 
 D'Eguilles (p. 133), to whom an opinion is ascribed in favor 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 279 
 
 of the Society, without our being informed from what book 
 that opinion was extracted, or in what part of the book it ap- 
 pears. Admitting it to be true, that this personage said just 
 what " is set down for him," the opinion can only take rank 
 with the favorable sentiments of other good Catholics in sup- 
 port of their brethren the Jesuits. 
 
 The same may be also said of the opinion of the Abbi 
 Proyart, cited in p. 135; unless, indeed, it should appear, 
 as has been strongly suspected by many, and loudly asserted 
 by others, that the worthy Abbe himself was not a simple Ca- 
 tholic, but a Jesuit. 
 
 In the same page we find Voltaire (mirabile dictu!) 
 classed amon.o- the friends of the Jesuits, after he had been 
 charged by Mr. Dallas with anxiously seeking their destruc- 
 tion, because they were the chief supports of religion and 
 monarch v, both which, he himself opposed. When the De- 
 fender of a Religious Order is compelled to resort to such an 
 authority as that of Voltaire in its support, it seems high 
 time to abandon its defence altogether ! A blasphemer upon 
 so large a scale as Voltaire — a creature of such unparalleled 
 profligacy in his conduct, can only disgrace that Order which 
 takes shelter under the sanction of his name, unless its own 
 vices should already have reduced it so low as to place it out 
 of danger of falling lower. Surely it would have been prudent 
 in Mr. Dallas to ha\e suppressed the fact which he records, 
 of Voltaire having received his education in a College of 
 
 Jesuits! 
 
 We have next the authority of Montesquieu for the Je- 
 suits (p. 137): and, as usual, Mr. Dallas gives us just as, 
 much of what Montesquieu has said as serves his purpose, 
 but no more. The Chapter from which Mr. Dallas quotes 
 a few sentences which favor the Jesuits, if taken altogether, 
 will be found to convey the most severe reflection on their 
 cprrupt and worldly policy. 
 
 The Chapter in question (book iv. chap. G) is intended 
 to describe certain extraordinary Institutions in the govern- 
 
 4 
 

 
 280 AUTHORITIES FOR JESI1ITS EXAMINED. 
 
 ment of nations ; and Montesquieu, who, so long as an ef- 
 fect appeared to be produced, was (like the Jesuits) not Very 
 scrupulous about the means which were employed, thus de- 
 scribes those Institutions :. " I request attention*'' (says he) 
 " to the extent of genius which these Legislators (Lycurgus 
 " and Plato) must haye possessed, to discover, that, in vio- 
 " lating all established usages, and in confounding all the vir- 
 " tues, they would display their wisdom to the world. Ly- 
 " curgus gave stability to his City by uniting theft with the 
 spirit of justice, the most rigorous slavery, with the great- 
 est liberty, and the most atrocious opinions, with the 
 " greatest moderation : he seemed to deprive his City of all 
 " the resources of the arts of commerce, wealth, and fortifi- 
 cations ; there was ambition without the hope of advance- 
 ment, and the sentiments of nature without the characters 
 " of child, husband, or father ; even shame itself was taken 
 " away from Chastity : it was by these means that Sparta 
 " was conducted to greatness and glory." 
 
 After stating in what parts of Greece these laws prevailed, 
 and with what difficulty the nations who were governed by 
 them were conquered, he proceeds to remark: " This ex- 
 " traordinary character, observable in the Institutions of 
 " Greece, has been displayed in the dregs and corruption of 
 " modern times. An honest Legislator has formed a people 
 " among whom probity appears as natural, as bravery among 
 " the Spartans. Penn is a true Lycurgus ; and although peace 
 " was the object of the former, and war of the latter, they re- 
 " semble each other in the singular method of treating; their 
 u people, in the ascendancy they have possessed over free 
 " men, in the prejudices they have surmounted, and the 
 44 passions they have subdued. Paraguay fu?iiishes us with 
 " another example. It has been imputed to the Society*' 
 (of Jesuits) " as a crime, that they considered the pleasure 
 " of governing as the chief good of life ; but** (here Mr. Dal- 
 las's quotation begins) " it will ever be a glorious ambition to 
 " govern men by rendering them happy,* 1 Sec. Mr, Pallas, 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 281 
 
 m proceeding with the quotation, skips over the following 
 passage as not very favorable to his friends the Jesuits : " The 
 " zeal of the Society fur a Religion which humbles those who 
 *' hear it, -much more than those who preach it, has made it 
 " undertake great things, and it has succeeded." 
 
 Now, taking the whole of the above extract together, it is 
 evident that Montesquieu meant to compare the exertions of 
 the Jesuits, in the dregs of modern times, with those of the 
 Heathen Legislators Lycurgus and Plato. It is true that 
 he praises the Jesuits, and so he does their Pagan predecessors ; 
 but for what ? — for accomplishing their object of govern- 
 ing by measures of the most subtle and corrupt policy : 
 he expressly instances the Jesuits as imitators and followers 
 of the Grecian Legislators, who ,; displayed their wisdom 
 " to the world by violating established usages, and con- 
 " founding every virtue." Well might an inspired Apostle de- 
 clare, that " the world by wisdom knew not GodP Mont- 
 esqlteu further remarks, that the Jesuits afford a proper ex- 
 ample in modern times of those ancients who united theft with 
 justice, slavery with licentiousness, and atrocious opinions with 
 great moderation : all this ancient and modern contempt for 
 reason and revelation may present a very fine picture to the eve 
 of this philosophic Catholic, Montesquieu, who, in observ- 
 ing the near approaches which the Jesuits have made to the 
 perfection of Heathenism, discovers much to admire and com- 
 mend. Perhaps the Public may see rather less, when they 
 have thus before them the whole of his views upon the sub- 
 ject ; and they may probably see farther occasion to distrust a 
 writer who, when affecting to give the opinion of Montes- 
 quieu upon the Jesuits, selects from that opinion j ust so much 
 as suits him, and leaves the rest. 
 
 We next find Bur fox adduced as a witness in favor of 
 the Jesuits (p. 138). 
 
 All who are in the slightest degree acquainted with the 
 character of Buffon, will be not a little surprised at finding his 
 authority referred to, upon any question of morals ; and will 
 vol. I: I 
 
282 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 
 
 wonder not without cause, what he could know of the religion 
 or morality of the Jesuits. The merit of deep investigation 
 into the philosophy of merely animal nature, cannot indeed be 
 denied to Buffon; but with respect to that moral monster the 
 Jesuit, he was the last man whose opinion is worth possessing : 
 at once the greatest sensualist, and the greatest student of his 
 age ; his whole time was divided between his vices and his 
 writings. The grossness of his conversation obliged ladies of 
 •any character, even when they were his own guests, to withdraw 
 from Ins table, that they might escape from his indelicate and 
 licentious observations. During the life of his wife, he was 
 charged with frequent infidelities, and he proceeded to the un- 
 warrantable extreme of debauching young women, and then em- 
 ploying means to procure abortion. 
 
 His confidence in the latter period of his life, was almost 
 wholly engrossed by a Mademoiselle Blesseau, who lived with 
 him for many years. Of his infidelity, his works afford ample 
 evidence; and it was this which suggested to him, that immortal 
 renown was the most powerful of death-bed consolations. In 
 his contempt for Religion, he added hypocricy to impiety, 
 attending with regularity the external observances of religion, 
 under pretence that as there must be a religion for the multi- 
 tude, we should avoid giving offence. " I have always" (lie 
 said) " named the Creator, but it is only putting, mentally, in 
 " its place, the energy of nature, which results from the two 
 " great laws of attraction and impulse*. When the Sorbonne 
 " molested me, I gave all the satisfaction which they solicited : 
 " it was only a form that I despised, but men are weak enough 
 <' to be satisfied with forms. For the same reason, when I fall 
 " dangerously ill, I shall not hesitate to send for the Sacraments. 
 " This is dae to the public religion. They who act otherwise 
 <c are madmen.'" — Yet gross as this hypocrisy was, as to ex- 
 ternals, Buffon never permitted it to interfere with his per- 
 sonal vices, which he practised to the last, with an obdurate 
 
 * " Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools !" Romans^ 
 ch. i. ver. 22» 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 283 
 
 and unfeeling profligacy, that has probably never been exceed- 
 ed; the debauching of female children forming his constant and 
 his last delight ! 
 
 He never fails to allude to sensual gratifications in his 
 works, and never lost sight of them in his practice *. Yet 
 this is the man to whom one of his countrymen (Heraiilt de 
 Sechelles) dared to apply the epithets of " great and good ; n 
 and this too is the man, whom Mr. Dallas selects as an evi- 
 dence in favor of the Jesuits ! 
 
 Mr. Dallas must not hope to shelter himself under the 
 plea that Buffon's impieties and immoralities have nothing to 
 do with this question. They are essentially connected with it, 
 because it is evidence to moral character, which Buffon gives, 
 and which Mr. Dallas quotes; and it then becomes of import- 
 ance to ascertain whether the person who gave this evidence had 
 any moral character of his own. It is one thing when a rnan> 
 writes respecting animals, minerals, or vegetables ; and another 
 when he ventures upon higher ground, treats of Morals, and 
 eulogizes a Religious Order. The opinion of a Philosopher 
 may be very correct upon the secondary causes of Thunder 
 and Lightning ; but if the same Philosopher were boldly to 
 deny the God who was the great primary cause of these appear- 
 ances, we should without hesitation reject his evidence, upon § 
 question of religion and morality. Thus the Philosopher in 
 question, who virtually rejected the Revelation which God 
 had given to the world, could be expected to know but little of 
 the way in which the Jesuits had adhered to, or departed from 
 it, either in the doctrines they taught, or the practices they 
 observed. 
 
 The next authority is that of Haller (p. 139), and has 
 chiefly reference to the Missions of the Jesuits, which will be 
 considered hereafter. 
 
 The authority of Haller is succeeded by that of Mura- 
 tori, the Italian Scholar and Antiquary, who also speaks to 
 
 * See, in proof of the above facts, Rees's and Brewster's Cyclopedias^ 
 and Chalmers's Biographical Dictionary, with their authorities. 
 
 T 2 
 
284? AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 
 
 the Missions of the Jesuits, in the Extract which is given ; and 
 he again is followed by Grotius, Leibnitz, and Bacon, a 
 Triumvirate, who are somewhat unceremoniously lumped to- 
 gether. 
 
 We then come to the Evidence supplied in favor of the 
 Jesuits by the Infidel friend and ally of the Atheists, Deists, 
 and Sceptics of the French Revolution, Frederic of Prussia; 
 whom Mr. Dallas, notwithstanding, honours with the epithet 
 of the Great, a title which other splendid villains, and mighty 
 conquerors, have shared in common with him, from the founda- 
 tion of the world. 
 
 The opinion of Dr. Johnson, which follows in p. 144, 
 requires a little more examination. 
 
 Mr. Dallas is perfectly welcome to all the benefit of 
 Mrs. Piozzi's account of Dr. Johnson's opinion of the Je- 
 suits, if he ever expressed any such opinion. It is somewhat 
 strange, however, that in all Boswell's conversations with Dr. 
 Johnson, he should never have reported him as advancing 
 any opinion in favor of the Jesuits; and it is certain that Mrs. 
 Piozzi is not to be implicitly depended upon for correctness. 
 Boswell convicts that sprightly Lady, upon the clearest evi- 
 dence, of various inaccuracies in her narrative, which convey 
 the most erroneous impressions of Dr. Johnson's character 
 and opinions. In one place he observes : " As a sincere friend 
 " of the great man whose life I am writing, I think it neces- 
 " sary to guard my readers against the mistaken notion of 
 " Dr. Johnson's character, which this Lady's Anecdotes of 
 " him convey." — See Boswell's Life, Vol. iv. p. 357, Edit. 
 
 1799. 
 
 Again he observes: " I have had occasion several times 
 " in the course of this work, to point out the incorrectness of 
 " Mrs. Piozzi, as to particulars which fell within my own know- 
 " ledge." lb. p. 358. — And again : " I certainly do not claim 
 " too much in behalf of my illustrious friend, in saying, that, 
 " however smart and entertaining her Anecdotes are, they must 
 ' ;i not be held as good evidence." lb. 360. In the same page 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 285 
 
 Boswell, speaks of her " exaggeration and distortion :" and 
 he adds, " It is with concern that I find myself obliged to 
 " animadvert on the inaccuracies of Mrs. Piozzfs Anecdotes, 
 * i and perhaps I may be thought to have dwelt too long upon 
 i( her little collection; but as, from Johnson's long intimacy 
 <4 with her, the account which she has given of him, mav have 
 u made an unfavorable and unjust impression, my duty as a 
 " faithful biographer has obliged me reluctantly to perform 
 u this un pi easing task/ 1 
 
 Let it however be admitted, for the sake of giving to the 
 friends of the Jesuits all possible advantage from Dr. John- 
 son's opinion, that he really did, when in conversation with a 
 French Abbe at Rouen, condemn the destruction of the Jesuits, 
 as stated by Mrs. Piozzi, and what does this amount to ? 
 Simply, that a learned and excellent Protestant, who is known 
 to have had a strong leaning towards some of the tenets of 
 Poperv, expressed an opinion, that this powerful Catholic 
 Order was of advantage to the world, and that therefore it 
 could not be advantageously suppressed. The History which 
 follows may, perhaps, convince all who are open to conviction 
 that Dr. Johnson was completely mistaken, in the favorable 
 opinion which he is supposed to have formed of this body of 
 men ; and that his notion of their being useful to the world, 
 no more established that utility, than his opinion of the advan- 
 tage of praying for the dead, established the fact that the dead 
 are any better for our prayers. On one occasion Dr. Johnson 
 argued for the Inquisition ; maintaining (says Boswell), 
 that " false doctrine should be checked on its first appear- 
 " ance, that the civil power should unite with the Church, in 
 " punishing those who dared to attack the established religion, 
 " and that such only were punished by the Inquisition.'" — See 
 BoswelPs Life, Vol. i. p. 421, Edit. 1799— Now, although 
 Boswell asserts, that this was not Johnson's real opinion (in 
 which perhaps he is correct), yet it at least shews, that the 
 colloquial remarks of *hat great man cannot be always ad- 
 mitted, for the purpose of settling a disputed proposition. Hs 
 
 t3 
 
286 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 
 
 is well known to have often u talked" (as he himseli termed 
 it) "Jbr victory, 
 
 " And e'en though vanquish'd he could argue still." 
 
 We are then informed by Mr. Dallas, that Dean Kir- 
 wan, as well as Voltaire, had his Education among the Je- 
 suits ; but, if one of these characters surmounted the errors 
 of his education, and the other did not, this will not prove that 
 the system of education pursued among the Jesuits is therefore 
 a right one. 
 
 Bausset, a Catholic Bishop of our own times, is next cited 
 (p. 145), to prove the excellence of the Jesuits ; which is about 
 as much to the purpose as if Bishop Milner were called to 
 establish the same point. 
 
 To him succeed Juan and Ulloa, the two Spanish Ca- 
 tholics, cited by Professor Robertson. 
 
 In the shape that this Professor's statement from those 
 writers appears in the beginning of Mr. Dallas's work, the 
 Extract is all hi favor of the Jesuits in Paraguay ; and there- 
 fore Mr. Dallas, in afterwards adverting to Juan and Ulloa 
 as authorities in favor of the Jesuits, briefly observes that 
 " their very names suggest the virtues and praises of the Je- 
 " suits," and that he does " not think it necessary to extend 
 " their testimony."' 1 They who have honoured this Answer with 
 a perusal may remember that Mr. Dallas's partial and im- 
 perfect Extract from Robertson respecting Paraguay, has 
 been already exposed: the testimony of Juan and Ulloa, 
 from which Robertson took his account, is by no means exclu- 
 sively in favor of the Jesuits, as Mr. Dallas would have us 
 believe. The fact is, that although those Catholic Historians 
 intended to praise all they found, even they have said enough 
 to let us see that all was not quite so praiseworthy as they 
 wished us to think, while the weight of other testimony against 
 the Jesuits in Paraguay is decisive on the subject. 
 
 Richelieu is Mr. Dallas's next authority (p. 147) ; but 
 as every Protestant who might read Mr. Dallas's book, 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. S87 
 
 might not recollect that this ambitious and imperious Minister 
 was a Cardinal of the Romish Church, and might not know 
 that lie was devotedly attached to the Order of Jesuits, Mr. 
 Dallas sinks both the one and the other of these facts, and 
 leaves it to be inferred by those who choose to believe it, that 
 he was altogether a disinterested witness. 
 
 The Cardinal is followed by an Abbe (p. 148), which is 
 quite in orthodox order. This is no other than the Abbe 
 Raynal, who is called by Mr. Dallas himself, " one of the 
 " bitterest enemies of Christianity " Persons of Mr. Dallas's 
 sentiments may consider Political Cardinals and Infidel Abbes 
 as very unexceptionable witnesses on behalf of their friends 
 the Jesuits. If the British Public and its Parliament are 
 satisfied with this kind of evidence, it will have been adduced to 
 some purpose. But it happens farther, that the Abbe was a 
 Jesuit himself. Perhaps they will like his testimony no less 
 on that account ! It certainly forms no objection with Mr. 
 Dallas ; he is much too liberal to think the worse of a man, 
 or of his testimony, because he was a Jesuit *. 
 
 The next personages who appear in array as the Cham- 
 pions of the Jesuits, are the Bishops of France (p. 150). 
 
 The judgment of these right reverend Prelates has been 
 considered by Mr. Dallas as of sufficient importance to print 
 at length in his Appendix. 
 
 It will form no subject of astonishment, that the Bishops 
 of France should have identified the existence of the Catholic 
 Church with that of the Jesuits, when we recollect that even 
 the Catholics of our own time, and our own country, are at 
 this moment doing the same. It is a Clerical member of the 
 Catholic Church, who has stood forward in defence of the 
 Order, in the public newspapers ; while both the Clerical and 
 Lay members of that Church are pursuing the same pious 
 work in the Popish Magazine, which ventures every month to 
 
 * A French" Biographer remarks of Raynal/ s History of the Esta- 
 blishments and Commerce of the Europeans in both Indie s, that it ought to 
 frave been entitled, ** The Voyages and History of Avarice/' 
 
 T 4 
 
288 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 
 
 libel our Established Religion and constituted Authorities, 
 and to abuse the patience* which has hitherto left such a work 
 to the silent contempt which indeed appears to afford the best 
 answer to it. 
 
 This judgment of the French Bishops was given as late 
 as the reign of Louis XV. and indeed may be considered as 
 the last great public act of the French Hierarchy : for, in 
 little more than five-and-twenty years from its date, the Bishops 
 of France were driven from their place in the nation, by the 
 hurricane of the French Revolution. This act on the part of 
 the Bishops was the result of the most notorious intrigues on 
 the part of the Jesuits, and it was pronounced at a,period when 
 the corruption and wickedness of the National Church of 
 France had nearly reached their height. 
 
 It was in consequence of the decisions of the Parliament 
 against the Society in the year 1761, when their pernicious 
 doctrines were publicly condemned, and their books com- 
 mitted to the flames, that the Jesuits exerted themselves 
 to the utmost of their power, both at Rome and in France, 
 for the purpose of preventing their inevitable ruin. They 
 induced the Pope (Clement XIII.), at the instance of 
 their creature, Cardinal Torregiaxi, who was paid for the 
 purpose, to grant one Bull after another, in their favor, ad- 
 dressed to the French King, to the Bishops, and to the general 
 body of the Clergy. The Jesuits were particularly assiduous 
 with the Gallican Prelacy, as well as with the Papal Consis- 
 tory, in the hope of averting their doom ; and after having li- 
 belled the Parliament of Paris, for its bold and resolute con- 
 duct, they naturally turned to the Bishops of France, as their 
 last resource. 
 
 The four questions which led to the judgment of the 
 Bishops in their favor, upon which Mr. Dallas rests with so 
 much confidence, were put at the suggestion of the Jesuits 
 themselves, with a view to the Judgment which they antici- 
 
 * " Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra ?" — Cicero* 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 289 
 
 pated, and which has generally been ascribed to the pen of a 
 Jesuit, of which indeed few who read it can entertain any 
 doubt. In this Judgment the charges against the Jesuits of 
 abusing the monstrous privileges which had been granted to 
 them, are passed over in silence; as are the errors of their Con- 
 stitutions, their infamous morality, and their regicide doc- 
 trines, with the exception only (as to the last) of an endeavour 
 to exculpate them from the charge of employing Ravaillac 
 to assassinate Henry IV. (which is slurred over in Mr. 
 Dallas's translation), but without disproving their part in 
 the attempts of Barriere and Chatel on the life of the 
 same Monarch. To the Judgment of these forty-five Bishops, 
 may be opposed the Judgment of the several Bishops of France, 
 ever since the Jesuits had an origin, as enumerated in the fol- 
 lowing History. 
 
 In March, 1762, appeared the Decree of Louis XV. which 
 had for its object the regulation and reform of the Society, 
 and its restraint within certain limits. A measure so feeble 
 appeared at once to the Parliament as worse than useless ; and 
 they presented to the King a collection of the Assertions of 
 the Jesuits themselves, extracted from their avowed writings, 
 in order to shew the impossibility of reforming a Society, whose 
 principles were so radically vicious as to endure and encourage 
 doctrines opposed to the main articles of Religion. On the 
 other hand, useless and hopeless as this Reform would have 
 been, the General of Jesuits (Laurence Ricci), and the im- 
 potent Clement XIII. who was governed by their creature 
 Torregiani, absolutely refused to lend themselves to any 
 reform, notwithstanding the wishes of the King of France on 
 that point. — " Let them continue as they are' 1 (said they), 
 " or continue no longer — sint ut sunt, aid non sint" — This 
 was all the answer which Louis XV. could obtain ; which 
 obliged him, however reluctantly, to declare in the end against 
 their continuance at all. 
 
 To return to the Judgment of the Bishops. It waa 
 impossible that such a document should deceive the King, or 
 
290 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINE!?, 
 
 wash away the stains which rested upon the Jesuits. How 
 was it possible, for instance, for any man who was acquainted 
 with the History of France, to believe the assertion of the 
 Bishops, that " the Jesuits professed no other obedience to 
 u their General, than was consistent with their duty Howards 
 " their King and Country ?" As well might the same tiling 
 have been pretended of the Papists in England, formerly, and 
 in Ireland at- this moment 1 Accordingly the King knew 
 better than to be thus imposed upon. 
 
 On the 6th August, 1762, the Parliament unanimously 
 resolved on a Decree against the Jesuits, of the most masterly 
 description, which concludes by abolishing the Order. Tins 
 argumentative and able document is supported by incontestable 
 proofs, and it is only to be regretted that its length should 
 preclude its publication as a proper antidote to the Judgment 
 of the Bishops, which had just appeared before it*. It was 
 a matter of duty in Mr. Dallas, from which no considerations 
 can discharge him, to have noticed (however briefly) the com- 
 plete and triumphant answer which was given by this power- 
 ful and conclusive piece of reasoning to his vaunted Judgment 
 of the French Bishops, It was not to be expected, indeed, 
 nor is it required of Mk. Dallas, that he should either have 
 admired or applauded that Reply. He has formed his opi- 
 nion ; and even such a Reply as that of the Parliament, was 
 not likely to have altered it ; but it was at least due to the pub- 
 lic, that he should not have passed over, in contemptuous 
 silence, as solemn and judicial an act on the part of the Parlia- 
 ment, as that which he has thought fit to record on the part 
 of the Bishops, and an act which followed the Judgment of the 
 Bishops, within a few months of its promulgation. 
 
 Let us now look a little at the secret history of the conduct 
 of the Bishops of France, on this memorable occasion, and we 
 shall perhaps discover some of the springs and pullies which 
 set the machine of Episcopacy in motion. 
 
 * See Arret Ju6 &ut,ij62, 4to. Edit. Pari*. 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 291 
 
 The Archbishop of Paris (Beaumont) was, at the period 
 in question, decidedly attached to the Jesuits : he was a man 
 eminently unqualified for his high station, it having been noto- 
 rious that he had only taken the degree of Doctor by mere 
 favor ; his profound ignorance and excessive vanity induced 
 him to neglect his Diocese, and occupy himself in the concerns 
 of the Jesuits. He seconded the Pope in the most vigorous 
 manner, making obedience to the Bulls in favor of the 
 Jesuits, a test of orthodoxy throughout his Diocese : he multi- 
 plied interdicts, expelled from Livings, and exercised many 
 other arbitrary acts of Episcopal authority, with a view to the 
 exclusive interests of the Order of Jesuits ; and so manifest was 
 his partiality and injustice, that his Pastoral Charge in favor 
 of the Jesuits was burnt by the Parliament ; and he was pub- 
 licly denounced by the Magistrates of the realm as a factious 
 disturber of the peace of his own Church and Diocese, who had, 
 for fifteen years, only excited agitation where he should have 
 promoted union*. 
 
 Another Prelate who was at this time devotedlv attached to 
 
 the Jesuits, and who chiefly assisted in influencing the rest in 
 
 declaring for them, was M. de la Roche-Aimon, who was 
 
 President of the Assembly of the Clergy at this period. — 
 
 He was a Prelate in the highest favor at Court, having the 
 
 disposal of the principal Church-preferments, in distributing 
 
 which he had by no means forgotten himself: he was, in the 
 
 first place, Bishop of Sarepta abroad ; while, at home, he was 
 
 Bishop of Tarbes, Archbishop of Thoulouse, Archbishop of 
 
 Narbonne, and lastly Archbishop of Rheims, Grand Almoner 
 
 of France, and a Cardinal! He was one of the greatest friends 
 
 and patrons of the Jesuits ; and it was not less owing to him 
 
 than to the Archbishop of Paris, that the Jesuits were enabled 
 
 to influence the Bishops and Clergy in their favor. 
 
 The third Ecclesiastic who had a chief share in producing 
 the same result, was the well-known Lomexte de Briexxe, 
 
 * See Remontranccs du Parkmcnty p. 6 et seq. 
 

 292 AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINEE. 
 
 a man whose immoralities were a scandal to the French Epis- 
 copacy in the reign of Louis XV. He was an Archbishop, a 
 Cardinal, and a Prime Minister: He presided over a Com- 
 mittee whose main object was the influencing of the Clergy of 
 France, especially the Superiors of that Body, in the pro- 
 tection and support of the Jesuits. He was the intimate friend 
 of D'Alembert, and was generally thought to have had him 
 for an adviser ; a trait (by the way) which, if it be correct, 
 may serve to shew that D'Alembert himself favored the 
 Jesuits, contrary to the assertion of Mr. Dallas, who, in the 
 earlv part of his work, seeks to establish his opposition to the 
 Order of Jesuits. However this mav have been, it is certain 
 that Briexxe himself espoused the cause of the Jesuits with 
 the greatest ardour. In the prosecution of that object, he 
 influenced several of his Brethren on the Bench, and manv of 
 the inferior Clergy, in their favor; and, by this means, assisted 
 in widening the breach between the Church and the Parlia- 
 ment, and in aggravating a dispute, which though not one of 
 the primary, was one of the secondary causes of the French Re- 
 volution. The Bishops, as a body, although by no means sunk 
 so low as their leaders, were yet, as a general question, in a 
 state of secularity and corruption, which partook of any thing but 
 the piety and zeal of vital Christianity. Their condition was 
 at the same time truly deplorable ; for, on the one hand, they 
 were compelled to witness the powerful attack which was now 
 in full operation on the part of the various Infidels and Philo- 
 sophers, who were assailing Religion in general, through the 
 sides of Popery and its vices ; while, on the other hand, they 
 were urged by the Pope and the Jesuits to a vigorous declara- 
 tion in favor of the Order, although they had themselves well 
 nio-h lost the confidence of the nation at large. 
 
 In this critical state of things, the Jesuits succeeded, by 
 their intrigues, in inducing the Bishops to believe that they 
 could not better promote their own interests than in declaring 
 for them. Instead, therefore, of making common cause with 
 that portion of the Church and Nation, in which some remains 
 
AUTHORITIES FOR JESUITS EXAMINED. 2&3 
 
 of real piety and good sense were yet to be found, they openly 
 espoused the cause of the Jesuits, revived the ancient opposi- 
 tion to Jansenism, and resolved to make the acceptance of 
 the famous Bull Unigenitus, a touchstone of true faith, in all 
 who were admitted to the priestly office, and even in Laymen, 
 over whom they possessed any influence. In this object they 
 became more completely and interminably embroiled with the 
 Parliament. 
 
 The final Edict of Louis XV. against the Order, which 
 took place in November, 1764, sufficiently proves how little 
 effect the arguments'of the Bishops, in their boasted Judgment 
 of 1762, had produced upon the Royal mind: the Church of 
 France, having thus lost the confidence and countenance of its 
 King and its Parliament, proceeded, in despair, through the 
 influence of the Bishops who have been named, to a General 
 Assembly of the Clergy, which was holden in the year 1765; 
 after which they experienced the mortification of having their 
 official acts in that Assembly condemned and annulled by the 
 Parliament. 
 
 The brief history, therefore, of the Bishops and Clergy of 
 France at this period of their open licentiousness, and con- 
 cealed Atheism, is simply this, that having long lost the confi- 
 dence of the nation by their private and personal conduct, they 
 now lost the confidence of the King and the Parliament, by a 
 blind obedience to the Pope, and an infatuated attachment to 
 the Jesuits ; their protection and support of whom against the 
 united voice of all the authority and virtue left in the nation, 
 at once sealed their own destruction, and precipitated the 
 overthrow of the national Church, over which they so unwor- 
 thily presided*. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, therefore, will not find the Judgment of 
 the Bishops of France, in this last and most degraded pe- 
 
 * The above facts are principally drawn from the work, entitled, 
 " Les Jesuitestels qu'ils ont ete dans I'Ordrc politique, religieux,etmorak," 
 which Mr. Dallas pleasantly imagines (see p. 95 of his work) he has 
 answered without having seer. ! 
 
294- AMBITION OF JESUITS. 
 
 riod of their history, entitled to all the credit and consequence 
 which he is desirous to attach to it, especially when the in- 
 trigues which produced it, and the consequences to which it 
 led, are considered ; and had he really desired to consult the 
 interests of the Jesuits, as well as the character of the Modern 
 Roman Catholic Prelacy, he would not have selected with so 
 much care, or produced with so much pomp, a document 
 which the more prudent friends of the Jesuits and of Popery 
 would rather wish to have seen for ever buried in oblivion. 
 
 In concluding the observations upon Mr. Dallas's autho- 
 rities in favor of the Jesuits, it may be right to observe, that 
 most of such authorities (particularly those of Montesquieu, 
 Haller, Richelieu, Buffon, and Muratori, as also his De- 
 fence of the Jesuit Lavalette, which will be noticed here- 
 after) and all that he has said respecting the excellence of the 
 Institute, the advantages cf the Missions, and the discipline of 
 the Schools, may be found in the Apology for the Jesuits, 
 which was avowedly the work of one of their own Order ! See 
 Apologia pro Instituto Societatis Jesu cum Licentid Supe- 
 riorum; Editio Augustce Vindelicorum, 1765 — and also the 
 Edition of the same work in the French language. 
 
 Perhaps, as " great wits jump,"* Mr. Dallas may wish 
 to have it thought, that, in conducting his Defence of the Jesu- 
 its, he discovered the same authorities, and stated the same 
 arguments, as the Jesuit who defended them before, without 
 his having been indebted to so able a prompter. 
 
 This, however, is a matter of little consequence to the 
 main argument; since, as Mr. Dallas has thought it worth 
 his while to come forward on this occasion, it appeared neces- 
 sary to the cause of truth, that he should not be left in undis- 
 puted possession of the field, whether his authorities and argu- 
 ments were his own, or those of other men. 
 
 Mr. Dallas then professes (p. 153) to consider the ob- 
 jections arising from the Ambition, the Commerce, and the 
 Sedition of the Jesuits. 
 
 As to their Ambition, he denies that they " have shaped 
 
 4 
 

 a 
 m 
 
 AMBITION OF JESUITS. 295 
 
 •• their course to the richest and most commodious countries, 
 ** or raised on the Cross a throne to their ambition, rather than 
 %i to Christ;"'" 1 and he asserts, that, " on the contrary, the 
 <f Jesuits renounced all ecclesiastical honours by a formal 
 u vow, and were prohibited all political employments, by the 
 most rigorous penalties of their own Institute;" that " the 
 countries where we hear of Jesuits, are inhabited by Can- 
 " nibals, by Hurons, Iroquois, Canadians, Illinoise, Negroes, 
 Ethiopians, Laplanders, and Tartars ; they are" (says he) 
 barren deserts, eternal shows, burning sands, gloomy forests: 
 u tliere did these ambitious men live on wild herbs, and bitter 
 " roots, and cover themselves with leaves or the skins of wild 
 " fc beasts."' 
 
 The more complete proof that the very essence of the 
 Jesuits^ system was an ambition which knew no bounds, must 
 be reserved for the following History, as must the proof that 
 they enjoyed as much of the good things of this life as any of 
 the most favored of the species. They were, indeed, neither 
 ascetics nor hermits, and both these facts will appear satisfac- 
 torily hereafter; at present the following remarks shall suffice. 
 The University of France shews, in its second Apology in 
 1643, that they abandoned those regions where tliere wa^ 
 nothing to gain, for such as were favorable to commerce *. 
 
 The Jesuits themselves, in their Address to the Kino- in 
 1594-, said, " We have Colleges" (Colleges, Me. Dallas, not 
 Hermitages) u in Japan towards the East; in Brazil towards 
 " the West; in Lima and the farthest part of Peru, and in 
 *' the extremity of the western Regions; in Mexico, which lies 
 " between them towards the North ; in Goa, a town and coun- 
 " try forming two thirds of the distance between Lisbon and 
 Japan, a journey of 6000 leagues: we have Colleges in 
 many parts of the East and West Indies ; and where we 
 a have no regular Colleges, our members are to be found in 
 u the regions of Mount Libanus and Egypt, of Africa and 
 * China f." 
 
 * See Seconde Apohg'ie de FUmversitc, 1643, 3d part, p. 37* 
 f See Tra bumble Remonstrance et Requ. te an Rot, 
 
 
296 COMMERCE OF JESUITS. 
 
 The Bishop of Heliopolis, in his Memoir for the College 
 de Propaganda Fide in 1677, says of their constant persecu- 
 tion of all other Priests and Missionaries (the proofs of which 
 will appear hereafter}, " Wherever they may be, they willad- 
 " mit neither of Superiors nor Equals." And the Bishop of 
 Angelopolis says, in his Letter to Pope Innocent X. dated 
 8th of January, 1649, " Their power is at this time so for- 
 " midable in the whole Church, their riches are so great, their 
 " credit so extraordinary, and the deference which is paid 
 " them is so absolute, that they erect themselves above all 
 " Dignities, Laws, Councils, and Constitutions." 
 
 With regard to their Commerce. Their usurious practices 
 in China, and their immense gains arising from their Com. 
 merce there and elsewheie, will also appear in the following 
 History : without a Commerce conducted on the largest scale 
 and with the greatest spirit, they could not have carried their 
 ambition so far as to support a powerful army, and resist the 
 two Kingdoms of Spain and Portugal; nor could they have 
 bribed the Papal Consistory, acquired friends, and appeased 
 enemies, nor, in the language of Henry IV. have " maintain- 
 " ed intelligence and correspondence all over the world." 
 
 It is impossible that the proofs upon this subject should 
 appear in the Reply to Mr. Dallas, as they do throughout 
 the following History ; but a little may be said upon it here. 
 
 Mr. Dallas first observes that Commerce " is forbidden 
 " by the Canons of the Church to Ecclesiastics;" as if the 
 Jesuits were likely to trouble themselves with the anti-com- 
 mercial prohibitions of the Church. The Jesuits, however, 
 he says, " had a Depot at Lisbon, where they kept effects 
 " which served them instead of money; these things were sold 
 " to support the brothers of the Order in America, who hav- 
 " ing no income could only be supplied with commodities in 
 " those savage countries." After this unintelligible statement 
 of the nature and uses of the Lisbon Depot, he quotes the 
 Spanish Catholics Juan and Ulloa, to prove the pious kind 
 of barter which obtained between the Jesuits and the Indians, 
 
COMMERCE OF JESUITS. 297 
 
 and to shew with what sanctity and simplicity the Jesuits 
 carried on trade in that quarter. He then passes a toute bride 
 over the scandalous bankruptcy of the Jesuit Lavalette, and 
 his Mercantile Colleagues, which produced a considerable sen- 
 sation throughout Europe, and observes, that " the circum- 
 " stances attending his conduct are not very clear:' 1 '' he then 
 inquires, " what numerous body can be answerable for every 
 " individual of it;" after which, he contrives to extract from 
 the whole affair of Lavalette's Bankruptcy (the circum- 
 stances of which shall be noticed shortly) the extraordinary 
 and unwarrantable conclusion, that " it exonerates all other 
 " Jesuit Missionaries from the charge of trading !" 
 
 The widely extended Commerce of the Jesuits has been, 
 from their earliest history, the inexhaustible source of their 
 wealth. They obtained from Pope Gregory XIII. under 
 the plea of poverty, which has always been so useful to them, 
 the privilege of trading in the most remote countries. It was 
 he, who, in permitting them to go to Japan, ostensibly as Mis- 
 sionaries, virtually licensed them as Merchants; and although 
 other Popes withdrew these privileges, the Jesuits were not 
 much embarrassed by their prohibitions, proceeding to perse- 
 cute and expel jhe Missionaries of all other Religious Orders, 
 on every occasion where they were in their way *. 
 
 The University of Paris, in 1644, reproached them 
 with " the insatiable avarice which had crept into their osten- 
 " tatious piety, and which made them traverse the most distant 
 " seas to seek any thing else than souls, as had been proved 
 " by the most authentic documents "jr." 
 
 The Bishop of Heliopolis, in his Memoirs for the Col- 
 lege de propaganda jide, in 1677, refers the Jesuits' persecution 
 of all other Missionaries to " their desire of concealing from 
 " Europe what they were doing in those nations, particularly 
 " the Commerce which they had always carried on, and were 
 
 * See La Morale pratique^ Mcmoires des Missions EtrangereS) and du 
 Pere Norbert ; also the Letters of M. Fa'vre. 
 
 f See Rtponse a P ' Apologie du Pere Caussin, ch. xxvU. 
 VOL. I. U 
 

 ^98 COMMERCE OF JESUITS. 
 
 " resolved to continue, notwithstanding the prohibitions of the 
 " Popes." 
 
 M. Martin, Governor of Pondicherry, observes, " It is 
 certain that, next to the Dutch, the Jesuits carry on the 
 greatest and most productive commerce -with India. Their 
 " trade surpasses even that of the English, as well as that of 
 " the Portuguese, who established them in India. There may 
 44 possibly, indeed, be some Jesuits who go there from reli- 
 44 gious motives ; but they are very few, and it is not such as 
 " those, who know the grand secret of the Company. Some 
 44 among them are Jesuits secularized, who do not appear to 
 44 be such, because they never wear the habit; which is the 
 44 reason why at Surat, Agra, Goa, and every where else they 
 " are taken for real Merchants of the countries whose names 
 44 they bear. For it is certain that there are some of all na- 
 44 tions, even of Armenia and Turkey, and of every other 
 44 which can be useful and necessary to the Society. These 
 44 disguised Jesuits are intriguing every where. The secret 
 44 intercourse which is preserved among them, instructs them 
 4 - 4 mutually in the merchandise which they ought to buy or 
 " sell, and with what nation they can most advantageously 
 44 trade: so that these masked Jesuits make an immense profit 
 44 for the Society, to which alone they are responsible, through 
 44 the medium of those Jesuits who traverse the world in the 
 44 habit of St. Ignatius, and who enjoy the confidence, know 
 44 the secrets, and act under the orders of the heads of Eii- 
 44 rope." Again: " These Jesuits, disguised and dispersed 
 44 over the whole earth, and who all know each other by signs, 
 44 like the Free Masons, invariably act upon one system *. 
 u They send merchandise to other disguised Jesuits, who 
 u having it thus at first hand, make a considerable profit of 
 
 * Deception, under one form or other, is the unvarying policy of 
 the Jesuits, who can, with equal ease, pretend to be what they are not, 
 and dissemble what they are; answering precisely to the description 
 given by SalluST of a well-known character, " cujusllbet rf.i 
 
 " SIMULATOR ET DISSIMULATOR," 
 
COMMERCE OF JESUITS, 299 
 
 <c it, for the Society. This traffic, however, is very injurious 
 * 4 to France. I have often written respecting it to the East 
 " India Company trading here ; but I have received express 
 " and repeated orders from it" (under Louis XIV.) " to 
 44 concede and advance to these Fathers, whatever they might 
 u require of me. The Jesuit Tachard, alone, owes that Com- 
 " pany, at this moment, above four hundred and fifty thousand 
 44 Mvres. Those Jesuits who, like Tachard, pass and re- 
 44 pass between this quarter and Europe, are ambulatory Di- 
 44 rectors and Receivers General of the Bank, and of the 
 44 Trade *.*' 
 
 " In the Antilles" (isays Coudrette) " Lav alette the 
 44 Jesuit has half the worth of the property, for whose con- 
 " vevance to France he undertakes. In Portugal the Jesuits 
 " had vessels employed exclusively in their service; which 
 44 facts are established by the process of Cardinal Saldanha. 
 H All the accounts of Travellers in the East Indies speak in 
 ** the same way, with astonishment, of the extent of their 
 * 4 commerce. In Europe, and even in France, they have 
 4 * Banks in the most commercial Cities, such as Marseilles, 
 * 4 Paris, Genoa, and Rome: in addition to this, they publicly 
 < 4 sell drugs in their houses; and in order to their sanction in 
 64 this, they procured from Pope Gregory XIII. the privi- 
 *' lege of exercising the art of medicine. Their medical La- 
 * 4 boratory at Lyons is celebrated. That of Paris, which was 
 44 sufficiently well known before, became still more so, on the 1 
 44 seizure which the apothecaries made of their compounds. 
 64 Even at Rome, In spite of the opposition of the tradesmen. 
 44 and the prohibitions of the Pope, they carry on trade hi 
 44 Baking, Grocery, Sec. Let us only imagine Twenty Thou* 
 44 sand Traders, dispersed over the world from Japan to 
 44 Brazil, from the Cape of Good Hope to the North, all cor- 
 44 respondents of each other, all blindly subjected to one Indi- 
 44 vidual, and working for him alone; conducting two hundred 
 44 Missions, which are so many Factories; six hundred and 
 
 * See Fojage de Duq:;e:i£, Chef d y Es:adrc y \o\. iii. p. 15 et srq. 
 
 TT 2 
 
300 COMMERCE OF JESUITS. 
 
 " twelve Colleges; and four hundred and twenty-three houses 
 " of Professors, Noviciates, and Residents, which are so many 
 (i Entrepots; and then let us form an idea, if we can, of the 
 " produce of a commerce of so vast an extent *." 
 
 Let us lastly hear the Bishop of Angelopolis, who in 
 his Letter to Pope Innocent X. has the following passage: 
 
 " What other Order (most Holy Father) from the first 
 4< origin of Monks and Mendicants, or any other of the Reli- 
 " gious, has made a Bank of the Church of God, has lent 
 " money at interest, and publicly conducted butcheries and 
 " other shops in its houses; a traffic which is disgraceful, and 
 " unworthy of Religious characters? What other Order has 
 u ever become Bankrupt, or, to the great surprise and scandal 
 " of the Laity, has filled almost all the world by sea and land 
 " with its trade, and its commercial contracts? Undoubtedly 
 " such profane and worldly conduct does not appeal' to have 
 " been dictated by Him, who declares in his Gospel, that no 
 M one can serve God and Mammon. 
 
 " All the great and populous City of Seville is in tears: 
 " the widows of that country, pupils, orphans, virgins, Priests, 
 a and Laymen, mingle their lamentations on account of their 
 " having been miserably deceived by the Jesuits, who, after 
 " having obtained from them above 400,000 Ducats, and 
 " spent them all for their own purposes, only paid them by a 
 Ci disgraceful bankruptcy; but having been brought to justice, 
 " and convicted to the great scandal of all Spain, of acts which, 
 " in private Individuals, would have been capital offences, they 
 " made every effort to withdraw themselves from the secular 
 u jurisdiction, by their claims of spiritual immunity, and 
 " named Ecclesiastics for their Judges, until the matter having 
 M at length been carried before the Royal Council of Castille, it 
 ki decreed, that, since the Jesuits exercised the same Commerce 
 u as was practised by Laymen, they ought to be treated like 
 »* Laymen, and sent back to the secular power. Thus a great 
 " multitude of persons who are reduced to ask charity, demand 
 
 * See Coudrftte's History, Vol. iv. p. 201. 
 
COMMERCE OF JESUITS. 301 
 
 " at this hour with tears from the civil Tribunals, the money 
 " which they have lent to the Jesuits ; which to some was all 
 " their substance, to others all their dowry, to others all their 
 " savings and subsistence, who in consequence exclaim loudly 
 " against the perfidy of these Religious, and load them with 
 " execration *. 
 
 u What will English and German Protestants say of these 
 " things, who boast of preserving such inviolable fidelity in 
 " their engagements, and of proceeding in their commerce 
 " with so much sincerity and frankness? They must cer- 
 " tainly make a mock at the Roman Catholic faith, at ecclesi- 
 u astical discipline, at Priests, Regulars, and the holiest profes- 
 " sions in the Church, and become only more hardened and 
 " obdurate in their errors. 
 
 " Have such proceedings as these, which are absolutely 
 " worldly and unlawful, ever been practised by any other 
 " Religious Order, than by the most holy Society of Jesu- 
 " its? Has any example of such conduct been ever witness- 
 " ed in any other Society of Priests, who, by devoting them- 
 u selves to the service of God, have at the same time stood 
 " pledged to the contempt of temporal things -f- ? " 
 
 With regard to the third charge against the Jesuits, namely, 
 that of Sedition, Mr. Dallas finds it convenient to consider 
 only their Sedition in Paraguay, which, however, was rather 
 an act of open rebellion against the Parent States of Spain and 
 Portugal. Mr. Dallas hurries over the charge of Sedition, 
 as affecting the Jesuits in other countries, as if he were pass- 
 ing over burning lava ; but he dwells with complacency on the 
 
 * The Jesuit Lavalette was at the head of the Mission to Mar- 
 tinique, and the greatest Merchant of the West India Islands. The 
 sum for which he failed, was no less than three millions of money. 
 Many persons who were interested, applied to the Parliament of Paris, 
 who ascertained on that as on other occasions, that the General of the 
 Order, who resided at Rome, possessed complete control over the 
 property of the Society. 
 
 f See Letter of Palafox, Bishop of Angelopolis, to Pope 
 Innocent X. dated 8th of January, 1649, p. 39, Edit. Cologne, 1666* 
 
 u 3 
 
302 SEDITION OF JESUITS. 
 
 paradise of Paraguay, which it was at one time so fashionable 
 among French philosophers and novelists to extol as a kind 
 of fairy-land, where milk and honey flowed again, and where 
 men were wise without the trouble of learning, and good 
 without the fear of punishment. Me. Dallas has recourse, 
 in proof of these points, to the same Spanish Historians as he 
 had quoted before ; and he finds, from their testimony, that the 
 only reasons why the Jesuits did not permit an intercourse 
 between the amiable savages, who were under their care, and 
 the corrupt Europeans who went to India, was from a fear 
 lest the primitive innocence and Arcadian simplicity of their 
 converts, should be injured by the contamination of evil ex- 
 ample. AH this is certainly very sentimental : let us now see 
 how the fact really stood in Paraguay. 
 
 The Manifestoes of the King of Portugal, and the Bull 
 of PorE Benedict XIV. issued in 1740, on the rebellious 
 conduct of the Jesuits in Paraguay, will sufficiently shew 
 what sort of Masters these poor savages had to deal with. It 
 appears incontestably from those documents, that the Jesuits 
 reduced the Indians both of Paraguay and Uraguay to the 
 most odious state of slavery; and that, under pretence of 
 making the native Indians imitate the primitive Church of 
 Jerusalem in its vow of poverty, they enriched themselves by 
 the incessant labours of from five to six hundred thousand of 
 these religious slaves, 
 
 With respect to the actual usurpation by the Jesuits of 
 the Sovereignty of Paraguay, there is no fact of history 
 better established, not only by many authentic statements, but 
 by the above-mentioned Manifesto of the King of Portugal, 
 and his various public proclamations and decrees. It appears 
 from these, that, from the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury, they had laid the foundation of the powerful monarchy, 
 which they designed to establish there ; that, in the middle of 
 the following century, they had levied troops and organized 
 armies, which openly opposed those of the Spanish and Portu- 
 guese Crowns ; that, as soon as they found that measures of 
 
M. NOLIIAC. 
 
 hostility were taken against them, they excited sedition in the 
 interior of the kingdom of Portugal, at Oporto, and elsewhere, 
 for the purpose of maintaining their usurpation — that they 
 finally fomented and directed by their counsels, the attempt 
 upon the person of the King of Portugal (which will be more 
 fully noticed hereafter), and that their General had himself in 
 a Memorial, which he presented to the Pope, actually threat- 
 ened these disorders. Nor are the charges against the Jesuits 
 for insurrection and rebellion, confined to Paraguay. From 
 the Documents and Decrees in question, it appears that where- 
 ever the King of Portugal had possessions in the four quarters 
 of the world, their crimes were manifest ; at length their 
 Schools were suppressed, and they were driven from all die 
 States of that Empire. 
 
 What shall we now think of Mr. Dallas\s assertion (p. 
 113), that " it has been proved that the religious doctrines of 
 " the Jesuits never led them as a body to interfere in political 
 "affairs?" 
 
 Thus much for the three charges of Ambition, Commerce, 
 and Sedition, and for the manner in which Mr. Dallas has 
 attempted to shew, that, upon these, as upen other articles ob- 
 jected to them, the Jesuits are little less than immaculate. So 
 completely indeed is he warmed by the subject of their virtues, 
 and so indignant does he feel at the imputations which have 
 been cast upon them, that, in concluding their defence upon 
 these three heads of accusation, he declares that the Jesuits 
 " appear to him to have been actuated bij the sublimest motives, 
 " such as might be attributed to Axgels; the glory of God, and 
 " the benefit of mankind ! ! !" 
 
 This elevated flight is followed (p. 167) by a piteous story, 
 of one of the revolutionary massacres which took place at Avi- 
 gnon ; the recital of which is given with much pomp of circum- 
 >tance, but with no other object than to introduce to our notice 
 a M. Noliiac, who happened to be the Confessor of many 
 unfortunate victims, who on this occasion were his fellow-suf- 
 ferers. If, indeed, M. Noliiac had only been a simple Priest, 
 
 r 4 
 
304 INSTITUTE OF JESUITS. 
 
 we should have heard nothing either of him or his unhappy 
 companions ; but it happens that " M. Nolhac was a Jesuit." 
 This is quite enough for the lively vigilance of Mr. Dallas, 
 ever intent upon levying contributions upon the slightest fact 
 which appears likely, by any latitude of construction, to avail 
 him in his Defence of the Jesuits. Because this man was a 
 Jesuit he was " a martyr ;" although religion was no part of 
 the pretext for a massacre, in which he was sacrificed, with not 
 fewer than six hundred other Catholics, no one of whom, how- 
 ever, is honoured with the same title. Because he was a Jesuit, 
 we are expected to believe he was so exemplarv, as he is stated 
 to have been, in all the duties of self-denial, pastoral vigilance, 
 and purity of life. Because he was a Jesuit, we are led to 
 infer that the consolations which he is represented as having 
 administered at last to the Prisoners who suffered with him, 
 were of the most superior and encouraging nature * ; in short, 
 the whole object of the story is avowedly to convey an impres- 
 sion, that if the Jesuits at large had been the characters they 
 are represented, there never would have been such a Jesuit as 
 this : as if it had ever been asserted to be a necessarv conse- 
 
 a/ 
 
 quence of joining the Order of Jesuits, that no single indivi- 
 dual could by any possibility escape all the crimes which cha- 
 racterized the Body at large. 
 
 Mr. Dallas's Chapter on the principal features of the 
 Institute of the Jesuits, succeeds to the account of the 
 Jesuit M. Nolhac. After much of general assertion respect- 
 ing the unmerited slanders, which he conceives the Jesuits to 
 
 * With regard to the nature of the consolation thus administered to 
 six hundred persons ; Protestants will do well to consider the following 
 passage in Mr. Dallas's work: — " Already had that unspeakable 
 " pleasure, that peace which only God can give, as in Heaven he ratifies 
 u the Absolution of his Minister on Earth, taken place of fear on their 
 " countenances, when the voices of the banditti were heard calling out 
 " their victims," &c. It is not quite so clear to other Protestants as 
 it is to Mr. Dallas, that a Priest's absolution of six hundred persons 
 is ratified in Heaven i 
 
INSTITUTE OF JESUITS. _ 305 
 
 have experienced, and respecting those unprovoked enemies, 
 who (as he appears to suppose), from the mere pleasure of 
 opposing so much excellence, have, in all ages and countries, 
 declared against them ; Mr. Dallas proceeds to give some 
 account of the Institute of the Jesuits, and of its pro- 
 fessed object, namely, " the promotion of the greater glory 
 
 « o/Godr 
 
 There is nothing too bad to be defended, if he who under- 
 takes its defence, is but acquainted with his business. Let 
 there be only some favourable circumstances connected with 
 any (no matter what) mass of moral or physical evil, a skil- 
 ful advocate will never fail to seize the advantageous part of 
 the case, and convert it to his own purpose; while he will either 
 slightly censure, or skilfully palliate, all which makes against 
 him, even though the bulk of mankind should, by common 
 consent, have agreed to execrate and condemn it. It was 
 upon this principle, that a certain Orator mentioned by Mil- 
 ton was able to " make the worse appear the better reason ;" 
 and such kind of logic is often urged with success, in a world 
 which was truly described by one who knew it, in those well- 
 known lines : 
 
 " The world is naturally averse 
 
 " To all the good it sees or hears ; 
 
 " But swallows nonsense and a lie 
 
 " With greediness and gluttony." Hvdibras. 
 
 Mr. Dallas is not singular in opposing an Institute pro- 
 fessing morality, to the immoral practices of its disciples. Thus, 
 when it was a question whether Christianitv should be diffused 
 in India on an extended scale, many persons became advocates 
 for the purity of the Institutes of Menu ; proclaimed the 
 praises of Hindoo morality ; and opposed the Shasters of the 
 East, to the Scriptures of God himself: in other words, they 
 had the audacity to defend Idolatry in a country, whose 
 public profession, safeguard, and glory, was the Religion of the 
 Bible. 
 
 When the advocates for the civilization and freedom of 
 
1)06 INSTITUTE OF JESUITS. 
 
 Africa declared the Slave-trade to be an ignominious and impo- 
 litic commerce, there were not wanting, even in England, many 
 persons, both in and out of Parliament, who for a series of 
 years defended that infamous traffic — contended that Negroes 
 were incapable of freedom, and contented with then- chains — and 
 asserted that their own national religion was too pure and per- 
 fect to require another : in other words, these men for a course 
 of years defended slavery and rapine, crime and bloodshed, in 
 the face of a nation which appeared to exist, only to communi- 
 cate blessings wherever she was known. 
 
 The world is now called upon to admire the Institute of 
 the Jesuits, and hence to conclude that if so many beauties 
 appear in the theory of Jesuitism, its practice must be equally 
 worthy of admiration. It will be abundantly proved in the 
 following History, that the Institute, Constitutions, and Rules 
 of the Society, are themselves among the chief causes of the 
 practical corruption of the Order ; and virtually prescribe a line 
 of conduct, which is at variance with the most obvious rules 
 of Scripture and right reason. 
 
 That any very flagrant recommendations of vice should 
 appear in a Code intended for the public eye, is net meant to 
 be asserted; nor has it been denied that it contains manv 
 excellent passages. The slightest acquaintance with human 
 nature must convince us, that no Code which professes to lay 
 down rules of action for rational creatures could appear before 
 them divested of all high-sounding sentiments ; the feelings of 
 mankind exact this homage to virtue, and the policy of the 
 Lawgiver falls in with the requisition : we find, accordingly, 
 that no Code has failed to recognise and assert some great 
 standard principles of morality. This was the case even before 
 the Gospel dispensation, and it is equally so at present. The 
 remark applies alike to Confucius and Zoroaster, to Ma- 
 homet and to Buonaparte. None of those systems which 
 have been most successful in corrupting and misleading the 
 world, have formally set out by enouncing immoral maxims, 
 or by exhorting to the practice of crimes; since, if they had 
 
 3 
 
MIETEXT OF GOd\s GLORY. 307 
 
 done so, the world, greedy as it is of novelty, and fond as it is 
 c f error, would have been disgusted at the outset. A certain 
 portion of sound doctrine has always been introduced into the 
 worst Greeds and Codes : but it has been only given in such 
 manner and quantity as to promote the delusion : since, in 
 order to convey error with any prospect of success, there muit 
 necessarily be such a mixture of truth, as may render it palat- 
 able. Pure unmixed error i^ too gross to obtain currency ; in 
 order to pass, it must be always sheltered under the cover of 
 some admitted truths. If, however, in the following History, 
 a necessary connexion can be proved to exist between the 
 practices and the laws of the Jesuits ; if it can be shewn that 
 those laws involve a course of action, alike dishonourable to 
 God, and detrimental to his creatures, what Mill then become 
 of the few lofty and glittering common places with which, under 
 the semblance of promoting ,; the greater Glory of God/ 1 
 Ignatius has contrived to interlard his Code? 
 
 It is true, indeed, that Mr. Dallas attaches considerable 
 importance to the Jesuitical phrase of ;i the greater glory of 
 " Gotr—(<>ce pages 179, 180, 181 and 18^2): but does he 
 require to be informed, that although, upon scriptural and 
 sober principles, no higher ride of action can be proposed, yet 
 that this phrase, or any other, may be employed by the worst 
 men, and for the worst purposes ? nay, that, in everv age of the 
 world, bad men have been able to effect more mischief, and 
 propagate more error, by fair professions and line phrases, 
 than they could ever have brought about without them ? 
 
 " The Devil can quote Scripture for his purpose." — Shakspeare. 
 
 It is shewn in the Historical account of the steps taken by 
 the Jesuits to obtain possession of the Abbeys, which Ferdi- 
 nand II. had itaken in Germany, that it was under this very 
 pretext of " the greater glory of God" that the Jesuits 
 
 acted on that occasion *. 
 
 * See " Histoire memorable du Precede qu'ent tenu les Jesultes, pour 
 
308 PRETEXT OF GOd's GLORY. 
 
 The claims of such a plea as " the greater glory of God" 
 to public admiration, must depend upon many other circum- 
 stances than the mere enunciation of such an object. It is not 
 enough for us to know that a specious phrase is used ; we must 
 know who are the characters that employ it, and what they 
 mean by it when it is used. If we find, upon inquiry, that, 
 when the Jesuits speak of " the greater glory of God" 
 they consider that the enrichment of their own Order, the in* 
 crease of their own religion, and the extension of their own 
 influence, are among the means of advancing that " greater 
 M glory ;" if we find, that, in order to the same end, they con- 
 ceive that casuistry and crime, the propagation of falsehood, 
 and the persecution of Protestants, are necessary auxiliaries ; if 
 we find them sometimes regarding the doctrine of Regicide 
 as a means of promoting " the greater glory of God? and, at 
 other times, asserting the lawfulness of rebellion and sedition, 
 in order to the same great end — we must pause before we con- 
 cur in Mr. Dallas's proposition, that the bare profession of 
 advancing " the greater glory of God" supplies any proof that 
 it will be so advanced. Does Mr. Dallas imagine, that in 
 this period of the world's age, men are to be " ravished with 
 " the whistling of a name;' 1 or that, after having indulged him, 
 by rejecting all Historical evidence, they will rest satisfied with 
 the substitution, in its stead, of a flourish of rhetoric, or an im- 
 posing period ? 
 
 There can be no doubt that the contrivers of some of the 
 foulest tragedies which have disgraced the Romish Church 
 (such, for instance, as the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, in 
 Paris ; for which notable triumph over Heretics, the Pope of 
 that day returned public thanks to God, — or the intended ex- 
 plosion of the fifth of November, in England), really thought 
 that " the greater glory of God 1 ' 1 would be promoted by such 
 measures. 
 
 '* enlcver aux Religieux de Saint Benoit, de St. Augustin, des Cisteaux et 
 " des Premonstres, les Abbaies que /' 'Empereur Ferdinand II. avoit retirees 
 " des Mains des Protestants d y A/temagne," — vers la fin. 
 
PRETEXT OF GOD^S GLORY* 809 
 
 When St. Paul, that bitter persecutor of the Church of 
 Christ (in his unconverted state), " breathed" only " threaten- 
 " ings and slaughter against the people of God — made havock 
 " of the Church — entered into every house, committed both 
 " men and women to prison — compelled them to blaspheme, 
 " and was exceedingly mad against them," he himself assures 
 us, that he " verily thought he ought to do such things;" that 
 is, in the phrase of Jesuitism, he thought he was promoting 
 " the greater glory of God :" but does his own opinion prove 
 that he was doing any such thing ? does not he himself after- 
 Wards admit, and do we not all know, that, in the destruction 
 of others, so far from advancing the glory of God, he was 
 doing the work of him who was, as our Lord determines, " a 
 •' murderer from the beginning ?" 
 
 Thus again our Lord himself declares of the early Chris- 
 tians, that " whosoever killed them, would think he did God 
 " service ;" but Mr. Dallas surely does not mean to contend 
 that this circumstance affords any plea for the persecutions of 
 Paganism. 
 
 Let it be conceded to the Jesuits and other Catholics, that, 
 in persecuting Protestants, they have believed they were doing 
 God service ; what does this amount to ? Not that they are 
 really promoting " the greater glory of God," or that such a 
 system ought to be tolerated, because any set of men have a 
 fine phrase to defend it by *. A learned Frenchman has ob- 
 served, that " there are persons in the world, who would wish 
 " that one half of mankind should murder the other half for 
 " the glory of God? 
 
 Let a man open the pages of D^vila, and read the ac- 
 count given by that Historian (although a Catholic) of the Mas- 
 sacre of St. Bartholomew in Paris ; and he will see that the 
 glory of God was the ostensible motive of the miscreants who 
 
 * The remark of an old writer, on such a plea as this, is worthy of 
 being preserved — " Non hoc profecto ad majorem Dei, imo nee ad 
 " majorem Societatis, gloriam." 
 
810 PRETEXT OF GOD's GLORY. 
 
 engaged in that awful destruction of those very Protestants., 
 whom they had first lulled into security by the most trea- 
 cherous promises of peace and friendship. Let him turn to the 
 History of the Sicilian Vesper?, and he will find the same 
 avowed object resorted to, in order to sanction a tragedy as 
 horrid in itself, though not acted upon so large a scale, as the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew. Let him turn to the horrors- which 
 followed the Revocation of the Edict of Nantz, by that am- 
 bitious and bigoted friend of the Jesuits, Louis XIV.; to the 
 persecutions of the Albigenses and the Waldenses ; to the cruel* 
 ties in the Low Countries ; to the general massacre in Ireland ; 
 or to the martyrdoms in England; and he will find Catholics in 
 power, invariably persecutors of Protestants, and as invariably 
 sheltering themselves under the pretext of promoting by the 
 unhallowed means of murder, confiscation, and pillage, " the 
 " greater glory of God." It is an integral part of their 
 system, as well as that of the Jesuits (though not perhaps so- 
 openly avowed), that it is lawful to " do evil that good may 
 " come ;" a principle which would manifestly sanction and 
 justify all the evil that has ever been committed in the world, 
 and even render its perpetrators objects of applause, rather 
 than of censure. Being themselves judges of the evil to be 
 committed, it was inevitable that they should think little of its 
 atrocity ; and being themselves also judges of the good to be 
 achieved, it was equally natural that they should mistake its 
 quality, and magnify its amount. " Calling good evil, and evil 
 " good, 11 what was to be expected from such judges, and from 
 such executioners of their own decrees ? And yet these are 
 the men to whom we are now to confide our interests, and those 
 of our Children, with the most unsuspecting confidence, be- 
 cause, forsooth, they had ever in view " the greater glory 
 " of God. 11 
 
 The first tangible object in Mr. Dallas's account of the 
 Institute, after enumerating among its advantages " the use of 
 " the Sacrament of Penance 11 (which Mr. Dallas's Protest- 
 
MISSIONS OF JESUITS. 311 
 
 ant readers will inform him is no Sacrament at all), is his ac- 
 count of the Missions prescribed by die Institute, and prose- 
 cuted by the Jesuits. 
 
 In describing what he calls " their sacred expeditions to 
 " the four quarters of the world, 11 he exhausts the language 
 of eulogy; — they were " scholars without pride" 1 — " disen- 
 " gaged from their own conveniences 11 — " submissive to guid- 
 " ance 11 — " capable of living alone, and of edifying the pub- 
 " lie — happy in solitude, content in tumult * — never mis- 
 ,; placed,* 1 — cum multis aliis qua? nunc perscribere longum est. 
 
 * Nothing could be more fortunate for the Jesuits than their being 
 " content in tumult,''' since so great a part of their time was passed in 
 the tumults which they had themselves excited. Tumult appears in- 
 deed to have been their proper element. The whole of the following 
 History is only an account of the tumults, in which they have involved 
 themselves, and all mankind, from their first origin ; sparing neither the 
 members of their own communion, nor the accredited head of it, when 
 they stood in their way. — " What other sect" (says the Bishop of 
 Angelopolis, in his Letter to Pope Innocent X.) " has caused so 
 " many troubles, or sown so many divisions and jealousies ; has raised 
 " so many complaints, disputes, and suits amongst the other Religious, 
 " the Clergy, the Bishops, and Secular Princes, although of the Catholic 
 " Religion ? It is true, that some of the Regulars have had differences 
 " to adjust with others, but never have any had so many as the Jesuits 
 " with all the world. They have contended about penitence and mor- 
 " tification with the Order of Observants, and of the Barefooted ; re- 
 " specting the Choral service, with the Monks and Mendicants ; con- 
 " cerning the Cloister, with the Ccencbites ; respecting points of Doc- 
 " trine, with the Dominicans : they have contended with Bishops 
 " about Jurisdiction ; with Cathedral and Parochial Churches, as to 
 " Tithes ; with Princes and Republics, respecting the government and 
 " the tranquillity of States ; with Seculars, on the subject of Contracts, 
 " and of a Commerce which was at the same time unlawful: nor has 
 «* the Apostolic Ste escaped any better than the Church in general."— 
 See the Letter, p. 37, Edit. Cologne, 1666. 
 
 After this testimony will Mr. Dallas still contend, that " Bishops 
 u and their Clergy every where regarded the Jesuits as their most useful 
 " auxiliaries in the sacred ministry /"'—See p. 177 of his Defence of the 
 Jesuits. 
 
312 MISSIONS OF JESUITS, 
 
 Speaking of what he calls " their new Colonies of civilized 
 " cannibals" in Paraguay and elseAvhere, Mr. Dallas says, 
 " Here truly flowed the milk and honey of religion, and 
 " human happiness. Here was realized more than philosophy 
 " had dared to hope." 
 
 We have already seen what sort of milk and honey flowed 
 in Paraguay ; nor will Mr. Dallas's reference to the account 
 given by the Jesuit Dobritzhoffer of his Mission to Abi- 
 ponia (p. 190) be likely to assist him in his object, more than 
 the account given by the Spanish Catholics Juan and Ulloa, 
 as to Paraguay. 
 
 The following History will effectually refute the preten- 
 sions of the Jesuits to credit, on account of their Missions ; 
 which indeed were little else than covers for a subtle and 
 ambitious policy, operating by means of commerce, and pro- 
 ducing merely secular results. Little else can be done in this 
 place than to refer to the History : but the following observa- 
 tions of the Bishop of Angelopolis, in his Letter to Pope Inno- 
 cent X. are to the point of their Missions. " What advan- 
 tage" (says he), " most Holy Father, can accrue to the Chris- 
 " tian Religion, from the Jesuits enlightening Infidels with the 
 faith, if they do not instruct them according to the sacred 
 rules of so holy an Institution ; if they not only cannot 
 " endure that other Religious shall teach them, however able, 
 " pious, and learned they may be, but drive them away with 
 " violence, banish them, imprison them, and treat them as the 
 " Jews treated our Lord ? What Order in the Church 
 " has ever acted thus with another Order ? It was surely 
 " never before seen, that any who were anxious to extend 
 " the Christian faith, and professed to announce it, have suf- 
 " fered themselves to be carried away by such a miserable 
 " jealousy of other skilful labourers in the vineyard, as to 
 " drive them out of it, and thus subject themselves to the 
 " risk of prejudicing the souls which were exposed to danger 
 " in consequence." And again — after detailing the sanction 
 given by the Jesuits in China, to all the heathen abominations 
 
 4 
 
 
MISSIONS OF JESUITS. 31 <> 
 
 fci the natives, which, by that means, actually became a part of 
 the Christianity taught by the Jesuits in China, the Bishop 
 observes : 
 
 " If the Church should desire at this moment to instruct 
 " the Chinese anew, in the true articles of our belief, she 
 * % ' would complain with justice that they had been hitherto 
 " deceived ; that the Jesuits have by no means preached a 
 " religion contrary to nature, and hostile to the flesh ; that 
 " the Chinese have never heard of a crucified Saviour, who was 
 M to the Jews a stumbling-block, and to the Greeks foolish- 
 4< ness — that they have never embraced the doctrine of God 
 <s made man, treated with indignity, and nailed to the Cross, 
 u but of a Saviour altogether inviting, full of majesty, and 
 '•' dressed as it were by the Jesuits, in the Chinese fashion; 
 " that they were given to believe they were to obey a law alto- 
 4< gether mild, and to lead an easy and pleasant life, rejecting 
 " at once the Cross of mortification, and the true way of 
 w redemption and salvation." — See p. 49, of the Letter, Edit. 
 1666. 
 
 From the above Extract it will appear, upon the testimony 
 of a Bishop of the Romish Church, that the Jesuits did not 
 even teach the Roman Catholic Religion, but a still more 
 debased form of worship, utterly unworthy of the very name 
 of Christianity — that the natives of China were not instructed 
 even in the corrupted religion of Popery, but in something 
 still worse, scarcely deserving the name of religion : from other 
 parts of the Letter which have been quoted before, it appears 
 more fully, that the Jesuits mixed pagan and idolatrous rites 
 with the worship they taught ; while, from the above Extract, 
 it is clear that they inculcated in China the same corrupt 
 compliances, the same worldly standard of morals, and the 
 same convenient toleration of human passions, and heathen 
 vices, as they promulgated with so much success in Europe 
 under the name and with the sanction of Religion ! 
 
 The Mission of Xavier, the apostle of the Jesuits, to India 
 (as will appear hereafter), partook precisely of the same secular 
 
 VOL. I. X 
 
314* MISSIONS OF JESUIT*. 
 
 character, and was any thing else than a display of the funda- 
 mental truths of Christianity, In Japan they appear to have 
 had no other object than to excite disorders, to meddle witli 
 affairs of State, to draw persecution upon all other Christians, 
 and finally to accomplish the annihilation of Christianity itself 
 in that vast Empire *. In Malabar, they authorized the 
 most superstitious and indecent practices : and they appear in 
 all their Missions to have waged open war with all other Mis- 
 sionaries, with Vicars Apostolic, Papal Legates, and Catholic 
 Bishops ; for the purpose, as it should seem, of having neither- 
 judges nor witnesses of the disorders they occasioned. 
 
 It further appears, that whenever their interest required 
 it, they put into practice, upon these Missions, the same 
 principles of moral casuistry as their brethren taught and ob- 
 served in Europe -f, particularly the lawfulness of killing those 
 who opposed their Order ; and that, for the purpose of ridding 
 themselves of such as obstructed their operations, they exer- 
 cised such cruelties as are unknown among ordinary per* 
 secutors \. 
 
 It may be further observed, that the enormities of the 
 
 'fr As to the conduct of the Jesuits in Japan, and the consequences 
 of their behaviour, so far as the interests of Christianity were con- 
 cerned, see (in addition toother testimonies noticed before) the Letter, 
 of the Pope's Legate Sotelus, written in his imprisonment, to Pope 
 Urban VIII. and dated aoth January, 1624. 
 
 f In this particular, the Jesuits shewed themselves worthy rivals of 
 their Brethren of the same Church, which is one and indivisible, and 
 is consistent in its errors in places and periods however remote from 
 each other; and which, therefore, having never disavowed those 
 destructive dogmas which arc peculiarly levelled against Protestants, 
 would leave us no more to hope in this age of light and science from 
 the tender mercies of Popery, than our ancestors experienced formerly. 
 \ See in proof of the above facts the writings of MM. des Mis~ 
 sions etrewgeres — the Anecdotes des Affaires de la Chine, particularly the 
 documents transmitted by M. de Montigny, to the author of those Anec- 
 dotes — the Mimoirt s Historiquts du Fere iW&rf— and Lettres de M, 
 Favrc, 
 
MISSIONS OF JESUITS. 315 
 
 Jesuit Missionaries in China and Malabar called forth a 
 formal Bull of Pope Clement XT. against them, and also a 
 Charge of the Cardinal de Tournon, enforcing its execution; 
 but both the Pope and the Cardinal might have spared them 
 selves the trouble of issuing their decrees against such refrac- 
 torv subjects, for neither of them were attended to. 
 
 The Jesuit Laixlz, on his return to Malabar, from an 
 embassy to Rome, whither he had gone to plead for the conti- 
 nuance of the idolatrous Rites, solemnly assured the people, in 
 his character of their Bishop, that the Pope had declared for 
 those Rites ; and the Jesuit Bouchet confirmed the same state- 
 ment publicly, declaring at the Sacramental Table, that he 
 had it from the Pope himself* ; assertions which good Ca- 
 tholics must either believe to be absolutely false, or else con- 
 sent to believe that the Pope could sanction Idolatry, and tole- 
 rate indecency. 
 
 One fact more shall suffice on the subject of the Missions of 
 the Jesuits. The celebrated Serry asserted, in his examination 
 of the Pope's Bull against the Chinese Idolatry, that the Je- 
 suits of the Island of Ohio in the Archipelago permitted their 
 converts there the exterior observance of MAHOMETAXisM,'on 
 condition of their retaining within, a belief in Jesus Christ ; 
 that these Fathers administered the Sacraments there, in 
 secret, to the females who lived in this criminal dissimulation, 
 and that such impious abuse was not discovered till the year 
 1694. The Jesuits having asserted that this charge was false, 
 the Archbishop of Corinth, who was on the spot at the time 
 of the discoverv, confirmed its truth bv a declaration dated the 
 4th of June, 1710, which was also strengthened by other decla- 
 rations to the same effect \. 
 
 Thus much may suffice respecting the Missions of the 
 Jesuits, together with what follows on the same subject in the 
 succeeding- Historv ; and there can be little doubt that the 
 
 * See Mi'rzoires Historiques dtt Pere Korhert^ part i. book 5* 
 f See the Bishop's Declaration entire, in a work published in i?ic. 
 entitled, Lt Makgrnriisme tcUrt -par les Jtsuitcs dam I'Lkde Cbio. 
 
 x 2 
 
#16 EDUCATION OF JKS11TS. 
 
 whole taken together, especially when considered in connexion; 
 with the authorities which are produced, in support of it, will 
 afford a satisfactory answer to the various assertions on the 
 subject of Missions, which are abundantly scattered through- 
 out the work of Mr. Dallas, but which appear in a somewhat 
 less desultory form, from p. 173 to p. 193, of his Book. 
 
 .. Should the readers of this Reply to Mr. Dallas be dis- 
 posed to believe the counter-statement, which it presents in 
 opposition to his view of the advantages resulting from Jesuiti- 
 cal Missions, they niay, while they apply to those Missions the 
 query quoted by Mr. Dallas, from Virgil, 
 
 " Quae regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ?" 
 
 be also inclined to apply to them another query from Juvenal, 
 rather more illustrative of the character of those Missions, 
 " Quando uberior vitiorum copia ?" 
 
 In proceeding with his view of the advantages of the In- 
 stitute, Mr. Dallas comes (in p, 193) to consider the ques- 
 tion of Education, which he calls "■ one of the prominent 
 " features of the Jesuits' Institute." " Their founder" (he 
 says) " saw that the disorders of the world, which he wished 
 " to correct, spring chiefly from neglect of Education. He 
 " perceived that the fruits of the other Spiritual functions of 
 " his Society would be only temporary, unless he could perpe- 
 " tuate them through every rising generation, as it came for- 
 " ward in succession. Every professed Jesuit was bound by 
 a special vow to attend to the instruction of youth ; and this 
 duty was the peculiar function, the first important Mission, 
 of the younger members who were preparing themselves for 
 " profession." — Again : " The object of Ignatius, in charging 
 " his Society with the management of boys and youths, as it 
 " is announced in various parts of the Institute, was to form 
 " and perfect their will, their conscience, their morals, their 
 " manners, their memory, imagination, and reason." — Again L 
 " Religion is the most engaging and most powerful restraint 
 " upon rising and growing passions ; and to imprint it deeply 
 
 u 
 
EDUCATION OF JESUITS. 317 
 
 w in the heart, was the main business of the Jesuits' Schools : 
 %i the principles of religion were there instilled, while the ele- 
 " ments of learning were unfolded. 1 '* With much more of 
 assertion to the same purpose. — See pp. 193 to 210, and from 
 240 to 257. 
 
 The whole of Mr. Dallas's observations upon the Edu- 
 cation: of the Jesuits resolve themselves into two great ques- 
 tions, whisk require distinct consideration ; 1st, The nature of 
 the Education inculcated by the Jesuits, so far as science and 
 literature were concerned, and how far the cultivation of the 
 human mind was advanced by that particular system of Edu- 
 cation ; and Sdly, What kind of Religion was taught by the 
 Jesuits, and whether mankind at large were the better for such 
 a Religion as they obtained through the instrumentality of the 
 Jesuits. 
 
 With regard to the first of these points; the Education af- 
 forded by the Jesuits was undoubtedly of a contracted and 
 limited kind, calculated only to promote their own advance- 
 .ment in the world, but not to form scholars of their pupils 
 upon an extended scale ; not to instruct men in the superior 
 parts of knowledge, nor to give them those large and exalted 
 views which eminently distinguish the greatest and wisest of 
 our species, from those metaphysicians and theologians, who, 
 while they may have dazzled the ignorant with a parade of 
 scholastic learning:., were themselves untaught in all the 
 higher and nobler departments of science. Mathematical and 
 physical learning, philology, criticism, and rhetoric, were 
 among the chief pursuits and attainments of the Jesuits; while 
 all that related to the moral sciences, the faculties, the duties, 
 and the privileges of man, all that regarded his peculiar rela- 
 tions with Society, or affected the general interests of his 
 nature, was studiously kept out of sight by the Jesuits, as hos- 
 tile to an exclusive system, and injurious to the interests of its 
 professors. The nature of the Education of the Jesuits is, 
 however, so n\A\ described by Villebs, in his celebrated Trea- 
 
 x 3 
 
318 EDUCATION OF JESUITS. 
 
 tIse on the Reformation, that it cannot be too much ad- 
 mired : 
 
 " The Jesuits were put in possession of the principal di- 
 " rection of public instruction in all Catholic countries. Eu- 
 " rope had tasted of the tree of knowledge ; light was diffused 
 " on all sides, and had made rapid progress. It had become 
 W impossible to oppose it directly. The most salutary expe- 
 " dient now was, no longer to attack science, but to manage 
 iC it in such a manner as to prevent its becoming hurtful. As 
 -" the torrent could no longer ! be excluded, it was necessary to 
 c; dig for it a channel in which it might fertilize, instead of 
 a desolating, the territory of the Church. To well-informed 
 Ci adversaries, therefore, the Court of Rome resolved to oppose 
 <{ defenders equally well-informed. To satisfy the universal 
 w desire for knowledge manifested by the age, they destined 
 6i the artful companions of Ignatius. In this province it was 
 " that the inconceivable talents of the new Instructors of the 
 " human species were displayed. Their directing principle was, 
 * { to cultivate, and carry to the highest possible degree of per- 
 " fection, all those kinds of knowledge from which no immediate 
 <e danger could result to the system of the hierarchical power ; 
 <e and to acquire, by this means, the character and renown of 
 " the most able and learned personages in the Christian world. 
 " By means of this command of the opinions of men, it be- 
 " came easy for them either to prevent the growth of those 
 " branches of knowledge which might bear fruit dangerous to 
 " the Papal power, or to bend, direct, and graft upon them 
 at their pleasure. Thus, by inspiring a taste for classical 
 learning, profane history, and mathematics, they contrived 
 " dexterously to extinguish the taste for inquiry into matters 
 " of religion and state, the spirit of philosophy and inves- 
 tigation. The philosophy taught in their schools was calcu- 
 " lated to excite aversion and disgust. It was no other than 
 " the scholastic system, revived and corrected by themj ap- 
 " plied to present circu instances, and to the controversy with 
 " the Reformers ; whose arguments, it may well be supposed, 
 
 3 
 
 iC 
 (6 
 
 (i 
 
EDUCATION OF JESUITS. 319 
 
 * : were always there presented in a manner to fall before 
 4i the artillery of the Schools. With regard to the study of 
 " Religion, it was confined to the books of theology composed 
 4< for that purpose by the members of the Society, to the Ca- 
 <c suists, and the Jesuitical moralists. The study of the ori- 
 " ginal Charters of Religion was prevented ; or if the Gos- 
 li pels and other pieces appeared sometimes in the books of de- 
 " votion (and this it was impossible to avoid, when the trans- 
 " lations given by the Protestants were public), they were ac- 
 " companied with interpretations, and even alterations, suit- 
 " able to the main views of the Society. Their great watch- 
 " word was, die utility of the sciences, and the beauty of the 
 " belles lettres. All that relates to the moral improvement, 
 " to the ennobling of human nature ; all that relates to the 
 " philosophical and theological sciences, the Jesuits endeavour- 
 " ed, and in reality were enabled, to retain in oblivion ; to 
 " render theology as well as philosophy a barbarous system 
 " of subtleties, and even ridiculous to men of the world. 
 *f How can it be determined to what a degree this Jesuitical 
 •' mode of instruction, which became the prevailing mode 
 " in Catholic countries, and differs so prodigiously from the 
 " mode of instruction among Protestants, modified the 
 H species of culture, and the particular turn of mind in Ca- 
 u tholic countries, so different in general from what is dis- 
 " covered in the Protestant ? From all this, however, it fol- 
 lows (and this consideration appears to me the key to the 
 -cry contradictory judgments passed on the plans of the 
 Jesuits in the cultivation of the sciences) that this So- 
 ciety performed immense services to certain parts of litera- 
 <( ture, which it improved ; but that, on the other hand, it 
 " retained, designedly, certain other important parts in the 
 " dark, or so obstructed the avenues to them with thorns, 
 " that nobody was tempted to enter. Thus, considered gene 
 " rally, the instruction given in their schools, very brilliant in 
 " one respect, continued very dark in another, was a system 
 Ci partial, incomplete, and which set the mind in a wrong di- 
 
 x 4 
 
 a 
 
 « v 
 
 
S20 EDUCATION OF JESUITS. 
 
 " rection. But as, on the one side, all was clearness and illu- 
 " mination, and on the other all mystery and obscurity, the 
 " eyes of men were naturally directed to the illuminated side, 
 " and disdained to dwell upon the other, which they ac- 
 " quired the habit of considering as altogether insignificant. 
 
 " To model Science according to the interests of the Pon- 
 " tifical power, and render even Science ignorant in all things 
 ." in which it was requisite that she should be ignorant ; to 
 u produce some things in the clearest light, and to retain 
 " others in the thickest darkness ; to fertilize the kingdoms of 
 " the memory and the imagination, by rendering that of 
 "thought and reason barren; to form minds submissive, with- 
 " out being ignorant of any thing but what could affect their 
 " submission; like those highly valued slaves of the great 
 " men of antiquity, who were grammarians, rhetoricians, 
 " poets, fine dancers, and musicians, and knew every thing 
 " except how to become free ; I cannot fear that I shall be 
 u contradicted by any impartial man, in stating, that such 
 " was the system of instruction adopted by the Jesuits. It 
 ." was ingenious, and inimitably adapted to the end they had 
 " in view. It was calculated to form illustrious and elegant 
 " authors, learned men, orators, good Roman Catholics, Je- 
 " suits, if you please, but not Men, in the full acceptation of 
 ." that term. He who became a man under their manage- 
 . " ment, became so independently of that management, and in 
 " spite of it.' 1 — See Villers's Essay on the Spirit and In- 
 fluence of the Reformation of Luther, translated by Mill, 
 p. 379. 
 
 After this, will Mr. Dallas ask " what branch of hu- 
 
 u man science was banished from their Schools ?1 (see p. 241 of 
 
 .the Defence of the Jesuits;) or assert that " the whole circle 
 
 " of sciences was more or less cultivated among them?" — See 
 
 p. 243 of his work. 
 
 In confirmation of the above views, it may be observed, 
 that the University of Paris, on many occasions, and parti- 
 cularly in the Remonstrance to the King in 1724, has demon- 
 
EDUCATION OF JESUITS. 321 
 
 strated that the Jesuits only injured true science wherever 
 they were introduced : the University of Louvain, in a Re- 
 monstrance signed by its Rector, in the year 1627, preferred 
 precisely the same complaint, alledging, that literature did not 
 flourish in the Schools of the Jesuits ; and that University 
 quotes their behaviour as to Education in the Universities of 
 Treves and Mayence, of Pont-a-Mousson and Douay, in 
 confirmation of the same fact. The University of Cracow 
 joined in similar complaints. 
 
 " In truth," says Monclar, " it is a species of madness 
 " to boast of the usefulness of the Jesuits in Education. 
 " They have occupied this College 1 ' (that of Aix) " for a 
 " hundred and forty years : cast your eyes on the deplorable 
 " state of literature in this country, where the very climate is 
 st favorable to genius. The Jesuits are not men of learning : 
 " they dread and persecute those who are. They have else- 
 " where more celebrated Colleges — what do youth acquire in 
 " them, after wasting the most precious period of their lives ? 
 " Some frivolous talents, a decided vanity, a superficial ac- 
 " quaintance with profane authors, and especially the poets ; 
 " some practices of exterior devotion, which are soon neglect- 
 " ed, a profound ignorance of Religion, and a deplorable 
 M want of those solid principles which form the Citizen and 
 " the Christian. The Bible is unknown to their stu- 
 
 " DENTS : THEY WISH TO CONCEAL IT FROM THE WHOLE 
 M WORLD, SINCE THEIR OWN CONDEMNATION IS RECORDED IN 
 
 " that divine volume. Is it possible to believe that an 
 " Order can be useful to Religion which is so careless in in- 
 " culcating its principles upon the youth who are confided to 
 " its care ?" — Plaidoyer, p. 204. 
 
 Chalotais also observes upon the Education of the Je 
 suits, " I shall quote an authority respecting their Colleges 
 which cannot be disputed — that of the Abbe Gedouin, 
 who was a Jesuit for ten years. He says respecting them, 
 " in an excellent discourse on Education, printed in his 
 " (Euvres diver ses, s I wish that their public schools would 
 
 
it 
 it 
 
 ii 
 
 322 EDUCATION OF JESUITS 
 
 " render themselves more serviceable by departing from an 
 cs old routine which restricts the Education of youth within 
 <c a sphere peculiarly narrow, and which produces very 
 ** shallow students ; for, at the end of ten years, which these 
 u young men have passed at College (the most precious 
 part of their lives), what have they learnt, and what do 
 they know ? The single treatise of one Professor of the 
 " University (the Traite des Etudes of Rollin) has thrown 
 ct more light over science than all the learning; with which the 
 Society has been occupied ever since its commencement.'' " 
 Mr. Dallas must not hope to shelter himself under the 
 allegation that the Universities were rival teachers, and, there- 
 fore, enemies of the Jesuits ; since Kings, Chapters, and the 
 highest orders of the Clergy, have declared themselves to the 
 same effect. 
 
 In Sardinia, their conduct of Education, or rather their 
 keeping Students in ignorance of every thing which it was of 
 importance they should know, determined their King Victor 
 AmAdeus, in the year 1728, to close all their Colleges at 
 once ; which he did by a public Edict, and consigned the 
 charge of instructing youth to others. The following King, 
 Charles Emanuel, completed the work by another Decree 
 in 1731 ; for the Jesuits had continued to teach in the Capi- 
 tal of Savoy, notwithstanding the prohibition of his father. 
 
 The Archbishop of Vienna, in a Memorial which he 
 transmitted to the Pope in 1759 (published at length in the 
 Suites des Nouvcllcs interessantes), complains of the deplor- 
 able state of Education where it was conducted by the Jesuits, 
 declaring that there was scarcely any discipline among them ; 
 that they sensibly neglected the study of theology ; that no 
 watch was kept over morals, or decency of exterior, even so 
 far as concerned the person. He, therefore, had been obliged 
 (lie says), after giving them a year's trial (but to no pur- 
 pose), to remove youths from under their care. 
 
 The Protestation published by the Chapter of Leo- 
 pold, in Poland, dated the 8th September, 1759, establishes 
 
EDUCATION OF J»UITS. 823 
 
 the same facts: alledging, that the Scholars of the Jesuits were 
 undisciplined ; that it was notorious that they constantly dis- 
 turbed the peace of the citizens by tumults, bv attacking 
 their houses, and despoiling the Synagogue of the Jew- ; 
 that they had occasioned to the Ecclesiastical Communities, 
 and the other Inhabitants of the City, considerable pecuniary 
 injury by the damage done to their property ; that their ex- 
 cesses were likely- to be followed by worse, emboldened as 
 they were by the privileges they claimed as a University. 
 
 The King of Portugal declares bv his Edict, dated the 
 28th June, 1759, that the great object of the Jesuits in ren- 
 dering themselves Directors of the Education of vouth in his 
 Kingdom, was, to throw obstacles in the progress of their stu- 
 dies ; in order that, after having long brought up their pupils 
 in ignorance, they might always retain them in a state of 
 subjection and dependence, &Uich teas as unjust as it was 
 pernicious. 
 
 The same system of Education appears to have been 
 pursued by them in their Schools and Colleges in France, so 
 far as regards the absence of all true Philosophy, and the 
 neglect of all useful arts. They appear to have opposed 
 themselves at all times to the progress and improvement of 
 the human intellect, and to have pertinaciously resisted the 
 cultivation of real science, and the introduction of light and 
 truth. Their larger Establishments in France were chiefly 
 known by the immense wealth of which they were the fertile 
 source to the Order ; or by the monstrous errors which were 
 first taught within their walls, and afterwards diffused abroad 
 by their disciples. It was thus, also, with their smaller semi- 
 naries : what, indeed, could be expected from Students 
 issuing forth under such auspices ? 
 
 It was for these reasons that Borromeo deprived them of 
 the superintendence of the Seminary which he had first com- 
 mitted to their care, declaring at the same time that the Com- 
 pany only took an interest in what concerned its own ad- 
 vancement, The Bishop of Angeiofoli«, in his Letter to 
 
324 EDUCATION OF JESUITS. 
 
 Pope Innocent X. inquires on the subject of Education, 
 " What good can Fathers derive from all the Instruction that 
 " is given to their Children, if, in depriving them of their in- 
 " teresting society for the purpose of attaching them to them- 
 " selves, they at length dismiss them with the disgrace of a 
 " very superficial instruction ?" 
 
 • Perhaps, however, enough has now been said to shew 
 that the high pretensions of the Jesuits, on the score of Edu- 
 cation, rest upon no solid foundation : that they never took up 
 the task of Education, except as a necessary adjunct of their 
 own system, without which, it would most probably have 
 speedily sunk; and that, in pursuing the task, they have 
 confined themselves to those sciences which were calculated 
 rather to make men partizans than scholars — were fitter to 
 qualify them for governing the world, than for enlightening it ; 
 and for enriching themselves, than for benefiting mankind. 
 
 With respect to the second point which Mr. Dallas's re- 
 marks on Education have rendered it necessary to notice, 
 namely, what sort of Religion was taught by the Jesuits ; 
 and whether mankind was the better for such a religion ; it 
 will be the less necessary to enlarge on this head, because it 
 has been virtually examined already in much that has gone 
 before. If Popery, with all its unscriptural additions and 
 gross corruptions, could be shewn to be the religion of the 
 Bible, even then the religion of the Jesuits, as it did not al- 
 ways rise even to that standard, but frequently presented a 
 still more debased modification, both of faith and morals, than 
 Popery itself, was far from being entitled to the eulogium 
 which Mr. Dallas thinks fit to lavish upon it : if, however, 
 it could be established by him, that, in the main, the Jesuits 
 really taught the doctrines, and observed the practices of the 
 Romish Church, what subject for exultation or ecstacy should 
 this afford to such as possess any knowledge of, or affection 
 for, a purer mode .of faith and worship ? 
 
 Until the advocates of the Jesuits are able to prove that 
 Popery is the Religion of the Gospel, they must fail in prov~ 
 
SECRETA monita. 1&5 
 
 ing that Protestants can, with any degree of propriety or 
 consistency, advocate the zeal of the Jesuits in diffusing such 
 a Religion, and making Converts to it ; but if they can esta- 
 blish that Religion to be indeed the Religion of the Word of 
 God, they will then act with far greater honesty by espousing 
 it themselves, and ceasing to be mere nominal Protestants. 
 
 Tf it be meant to be asserted in this age of liberal opi- 
 nions, that there is no essential difference between Popery and 
 Protestantism, and that one is about as good as the other, 
 let such an opinion be fairly avowed ; and the Religion of 
 the Reformation, which is at present established in this 
 country, may at least stand a chance of faring as well in 
 the argument as the Religion of the Church of Rome. As 
 it is, however, the faith of the Reformed Church is avowed, 
 indeed, by the writer of the work which has given occasion to 
 these pages ; while, from the beginning to the end of that 
 work, a studied and systematic Defence of Popery, in the 
 persons of its friends and adherents, is conducted with no or- 
 dinary degree of ardor and feeling. Mr. Dallas has even 
 gone further than an avowal of attachment to the Reforma- 
 tion in general : he has professed an attachment to the 
 Church of England in particular : how far he has establish- 
 ed those claims, has been already examined at some length; 
 but the inquiry will not have been without its use, if it shall 
 have proved that such professions are utterly incompatible 
 with a Defence of the civil and religious system of the Jesuits: 
 since it will at the same time prove that Education, as adminis- 
 tered bv Jesuits, and as administered by Protestants, are two 
 things utterly distinct in their nature and consequences, and 
 can no more accord with each other than iio;ht can harmonize 
 with darkness, or sin with holiness. 
 
 We now come to the celebrated Secreta Monita ; since 
 Mr. Dallas, in considering the beauties of the Jesuits'* In- 
 stitute, adverts to the contrast between that Institute and those 
 Secret Instructions (see p. 211). 
 
 He says little upon this subject in his work, beyond assert- 
 ing that the Secreta Monita are a collection of " infamous 
 
#26 .sECKETA MONITA. 
 
 ^ doctrines,"' and *f a forgery ;* and contents himself with re- 
 ferring to the account given of them in the Letters which ap- 
 peared in the Pilot Newspaper, and the Popish Magazine. On 
 turning to those Letters we find it asserted, that the Secreta 
 Monita were published by " a Jesuit, who was dismissed 
 " with ignominy from the Society in Poland for misconduct :" 
 that " the walls of Cracow were soon covered with sheets of 
 " revengeful insults ; and in the year 1610, this outcast of 
 " the Society published his fabricated Secreta Monita,. with 
 < c a view to cover his own disgrace, or to gratify his revenue. 1 * 
 The writer then quotes Cordara, whom he calls " an ele- 
 " gant Historian, well known in the republic of letters 1 ' 
 (though probably none of his readers ever heard of such a 
 name before), in order to prove that it was an " ineptly silly 
 " work :"" after this he informs us, that it was condemned at 
 Rome, and placed in the celebrated Index of prohibited 
 books in the year 1616 (which, by the way, is prima facie 
 in its favor), and that it was^at length victoriously refuted by 
 Gretser : after which, Mr. Dallas himself returns to the 
 charge f " ecce iterum Crispinus" ), and gives the coup-de- 
 graee to the unfortunate Secreta Monita, by affirming, in 
 a note, that he has " discovered after some search, that Je- 
 " rome Zarowich was the name of the Jesuit who forced 
 " the Secreta Monita ;" though it is not a little extraordi- 
 nary that the author of the Letters in the Pilot should not 
 have made the same discovery, since he expressly names that 
 very Jesuit as dismissed from the Society, but without at- 
 tempting to lay the sin of this forgery to his charge. 
 
 Such is the sum of the evidence produced by Mr. Dal- 
 las and his Clerical coadjutor against the authenticity of the 
 Secreta Monita. 
 
 Now, it is somewhat remarkable, that, in a work in the 
 
 British Museum, these Seceeta Monita should be copied in 
 
 Manuscript at the end of a printed work which bears for its 
 
 title, " Has Formulas diversanim Provisionum a Gaspare 
 
 "Passarello summo Studio in unum collected, etper Ordinem 
 
SECRETA MONITA, 327 
 
 *• in snis Locis annotates ? That work was printed at Venice, 
 in 1596, and the Secreta Monita which follow it, are (as 
 has heen observed) in Manuscript, and appear evidently to 
 have been entered in it bv a Jesuit for his own private use: 
 they contain the solemn caution, at the end, about their being 
 carefully guarded, communicated but to few, and those only 
 the well-tried members of the Society; and also the injunction 
 that they must be denied to be the Rules of the Society, if ever 
 they should be imputed to it. 
 
 The English Edition of the Secreta Moxita printed in 
 1658, is by no means of rare occurrence; and the statement 
 prefixed to that Edition affirms that when Christian Duke of 
 Brunswick took possession of Paderborn in Westphalia, he 
 seized on the Jesuits' College there, and gave their Library, 
 together with all their collection of Manuscripts, to the 
 Capuchins, who discovered the Secreta Monita among the 
 archives of the Rector, and that other copies were also found 
 at Prague and elsewhere. 
 
 Dr. Compton, the celebrated and excellent Bishop of. 
 London, published an English Translation of the Secreta - 
 Monita in the year 1669; and he was not likely to have been 
 imposed upon by a forgery? or to have wasted his time in mis- 
 leading the public. 
 
 The Amsterdam Edition of the Secreta Monita, en- 
 titled, " Machiavelli Mus Jesuiticus," was published in the 
 year 1717, addressed to John Krausius a Jesuit, and is in the 
 British Museum, which also contains German Editions of tha 
 Secreta Monita. 
 
 In the year 1722, the Secreta Moxita were again, pub- 
 lished in London, and dedicated to Sir Robert Walpole; and a 
 second Edition of the same work appeared in the year 1746, 
 which was probably the last that has appeared in this countrv. 
 Both these Editions have the original Latin on one page, and 
 the English Translation on the opposite page, and they may- 
 be found in the British Museum. 
 
 A French version of the Secreta Monita was published. 
 
328 SECRETA M0XITA. 
 
 at Cologne A. D. 1727, in a volume entitled Les My sieves let 
 plus secrets des Jesuits contenus en diverses Pieces originates, 
 12mo. 
 
 With regard to Gretser's denial of the authenticity of 
 the Secreta Montta, it may be observed, that he was a 
 thorough-paced Jesuit, who made no scruple of denying any 
 thing which affected the credit or reputation of his Order. He 
 was the creature of Cardinal Bellarmine, another Jesuit, who 
 was remarkable for a resolute adherence to the interests of the 
 Society, which lie supported and defended " per fas atque 
 " nefas." Whoever is desirous of judging of the degree of 
 credit due to the statements of Gretser, has only to advert 
 to the writings of Dr. James, formerly the Keeper of the 
 Bodleian Library; who has, on the clearest evidence, in his 
 Defence of the Bettum P&pdle, convicted that Author of the 
 grossest falsehood. Gretser has even been reproached, by the 
 Roman Catholics themselves, with having uniformly evinced a 
 greater desire to maintain his point in controversy, than to 
 elucidate the subject in hand, much less to elicit the real 
 truth. 
 
 He printed at Ingoldstadt, in 1609, a Defence of Cardi- 
 nal Bellarmine, by which he has made his own, all the errors 
 and excesses of that Jesuit and others, invalidating the autho- 
 rity and independence of Sovereign Princes : and he maintain- 
 ed the same doctrines himself, in a work published by him in 
 1610 at Maycnce, and entitled Vesperiilio heretico-politiciis ; 
 where, among other things, he says, " We are not so timid and 
 " cowardlv as to be deterred from openly asserting that the 
 " Roman Pontiff can, when necessity requires, absolve Catholic 
 " Subjects from their oath of Allegiance; nay, we add, that, 
 " if tins be done by the Pope with prudence and care, it is a 
 " meritorious work. What more need to be said? This is 
 " clearly established by Bellarmine in his Disp. de Potest. 
 " Pont, and by other writers." See pp. 158 and 159 *. 
 
 * The passage in the original runs thus: " Tam timidi et trepidi 
 " non sumus, ut asserere palam vereamur Romanum Pontificem posse. 
 
SECRETA MONITA. 329 
 
 At best, therefore, the testimony of Gretser in opposition 
 to the Secreta Monita, would have been no more than the 
 testimony of a Jesuit; but when we consider his peculiar zeal 
 and ardour in the cause of the Society, and the inveterate habit 
 of falsehood which he had contracted, it will be too much to 
 expect that we should now reject the Secreta Monita, be- 
 cause such a writer has declared against this work. 
 
 In addition to the observations which have been adduced 
 in support of the Secreta Monita, there appears to be some 
 collateral evidence in favor of their genuineness from the cir- 
 cumstance of their being little else than an echo of the debas- 
 ed morality and corrupt casuistry of the Jesuits, as well as a 
 practical exposition of their pernicious principle of the law- 
 fulness of doing evil that good may come. It may be assert- 
 ed without the hazard of refutation, that the Secreta Monita 
 contain no Regulation which the Jesuits have not promulgated 
 under another form, nor one which they have not actually re- 
 duced to practice. It is no more than a summary of Rules 
 resulting from their various doctrines ; which Rules, although 
 they may strike the more forcibly from being thus collected 
 into a single focus, may all (if taken separately, and reduced 
 to their primitive elements) be plainly shewn to emanate from 
 doctrines which have been avowed and acted upon by the 
 Members of that Order, from its earliest origin. 
 
 Another circumstance which may be noticed, as furnishing 
 farther collateral evidence to the authority of the Serceta 
 Monita is the fact, that the Jesuits were always known to 
 possess and act upon other rules, than those which were pub- 
 licly avowed by them, and which secret Rules were understood 
 to be confided to their Rectors and Superiors alone. The 
 University of Paris, so far back as the year 1624, reproach- 
 ed the Jesuits with being " governed by private laws neither 
 
 «' si necessitas exigat, subditos Catholicos solvere juramento fidelitatis. 
 " et addimus, si hoc a Pontifice prudenter et circumspecte fiat, esse 
 
 opus meritorium. Quid vis amplius? Liquet hoc ex Disp. de Potest. 
 
 Pont, apud Bellarminum, et apud alios scriptores." 
 VOL. I. Y 
 
 M 
 
&30 SECRETA MOtflTA. 
 
 " sanctioned by Kings, nor registered by Parliaments; and 
 " which they were afraid to communicate, having done all 
 " in their power to prevent their being seen by any other 
 " than those of the Society." Again, the Bishop of Angelo- 
 polis, whose letter has so often been referred to, inquires, with 
 feference to this fact, " What other Religion has a secret Con- 
 " stitution, hidden privileges, and concealed laws of its own? 
 " and what other has all those things which relate to its go- 
 " vernment, involved in so much mystery ? There is suspicion 
 " in mystery. The Rules of all other Orders are open to all: 
 " even the Rules and Canons of Popes, Cardinals, Bishops, 
 " and the whole Clergy ; the privileges, instructions, and 
 " statutes of other religious orders, may be seen and consult- 
 " ed in almost every Library; and the lowest novice of the 
 " Franciscan Order may read at one view what his duty 
 " would be, if he should ever become the General of his 
 *' Order. The Superiors of the Jesuits do not govern them 
 " by the rules of the Church, which are known to all, but by 
 " certain secret rules (" Regies Cachees") which are only 
 " known to those Superiors.*' See p. 36 of the Letter, Edit. 
 Cologne, 1666. 
 
 With regard to the improbability urged by the writer of 
 the Letters in the Pilot, that any body of men should have 
 adopted such corrupt maxims, or been held together by them 
 if they did, it is equally unlikely that any Order professing 
 Religion, should have adopted a set of morals which were at war 
 with all Religion, or which inculcated regicide as a duty : but it 
 is not less certain that they did so, because it is improbable 
 that they should, or because their Defenders deny that they 
 did; nor will the glaring absurdity of adopting a code which, 
 in the nature of things, must be some time or other exposed, 
 to the disgrace of its professors, afford, of itself, any posi- 
 tive proof against its having been adopted at all— since it has 
 been often seen, that " quern Deus vult perdere prius de- 
 " mental 
 
 The observations upon the Secreta Monita might here 
 
SECRETA MOXITA. 331 
 
 perhaps be closed, did it not appear proper to remark, in con- 
 clusion, that, could those Rules be even proved to be false and 
 surreptitious, the question of the delinquencies of the Jesuits, 
 bodi in doctrine and practice, would remain precisely the same : 
 it is by no means necessary to those who would establish either 
 the one or the other of those points, to contend with any per- 
 tinacity for Rules which, whether they be genuine or not, will 
 leave every great question which is at issue between the Je- 
 suits and others, precisely as it stood before. Such a mass of 
 evidence will still remain, drawn from the least suspected 
 sources, occurring in every nation where Jesuits have appear- 
 ed, (and where have they not appeared?) arising out of every 
 period of their history from its earliest to its latest date, that 
 the world can w r ell afford to spare all the testimony which can 
 be supplied by the Secreta Monita without being in any 
 degree sensible of the defalcation. 
 
 Under these circumstances it becomes the less important, 
 whether these particular Rules are demonstrated to have been 
 the genuine productions of the Society, and employed as such 
 for the actual government of its members, or whether they 
 were rather the fabrication of an Enemy, who designed by 
 such an artifice to paint the Jesuits blacker than they really 
 were. The truth itself will in no way be affected, if, in 
 balancing this great question, we should determine to place 
 these Rules neither in one scale nor the other, but resolve to lay 
 them entirely out of our consideration. They resemble, in 
 this particular, the famous disputed passage in St. John's 
 1st Epistle (eh. v. v. 7); which may, without reluctance, be 
 given up by those who believe in, and maintain, the Doctrine 
 of the Trinity, without their fearing to concede any thing 
 which can, in the remotest degree, either affect their own faith, 
 or invalidate the doctrine itself — since there will still remain 
 innumerable proofs, all incontestably establishing the same 
 great truth, from the beginning of the Bible to its end. 
 
 Mr. Dallas (in page 226 et seq.) presents a most falla- 
 cious view of the present state of the Jesuits in this Country, 
 
 v o 
 
332 JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 and one which is calculated to deceive and to mislead the pub*- 
 lie in no ordinary degree. 
 
 He states, that, on the destruction of their College at 
 Liege, in the year 1794, " a few of these ancient men who 
 " had weathered the Storm, having availed themselves of the 
 " indulgence of the British Government, on lessv'mg the Ne- 
 ii therlands, sought an asylum in their own country, and that 
 <; they here subsist in the security of conscious innocence." 
 
 If, in making this statement, Mr. Dallas was ignorant of 
 the lanre Establishment of Jesuits, which has subsisted for the 
 last thirty years in the heart of our Protestant Empire, he was 
 altogether unqualified for the office which lie has assumed, of 
 affording information on the subject of the Jesuits: if, on the 
 other hand, Mr. Dallas was aware of the facts which are 
 about to be noticed, the suppression of those facts bears a far 
 more culpable aspect. It remains for him to decide which of 
 these remarks apply to the erroneous and defective represent- 
 ation which he has thought proper to afford to the public. 
 
 Judging from his poetical statement, it would appear that 
 a few old and wcatherbeaten men, who had escaped the revo- 
 lutionary storms of the Continent, had adopted the language 
 which Shakspeare puts into the mouth of Wolsey*, and 
 had thrown themselves upon the commiseration which it was 
 impossible they could abuse. 
 
 Now, how does the fact really stand? A reference to the. 
 extensive and increasing Establishment of Jesuits at Stony- 
 hurst, near Preston in Lancashire, will best answer the ques- 
 tion: at this place the Order of Jesuits has for thirty years 
 past possessed a spacious College, which is exclusively a- 
 College of Jesuits ; is amply provided with all the materiel 
 and morale of Jesuitism, and is carrying on the Work of Ca- 
 tholic Instruction, and Protestant Conversion, upon the most 
 laro-e and extensive scale ! The studies at this place are COn- 
 * " An old man broken with the storms of State 
 u Is come to lay his weary bones among youj 
 " Give him a little earth for Charity " 
 
JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 333 
 
 fl&cted upon the same system, and to the same extent, as at 
 the Catholic Universities abroad ; and there are regular profes- 
 sors in Divinity, Mathematics, Philosophy, Astronomy, &c. 
 The College, which is a very large Building, is capable of 
 containing at least four or five hundred pupils independently 
 of Professors, Managers, and domestics. It is supposed to 
 contain at this time five hundred or more Individuals of va- 
 rious descriptions. 
 
 About eleven hundred acres of land are attached to the 
 College, which the Jesuits keep in their own hands, and farm 
 themselves. A Jesuit (who would be called, in a similar situ- 
 ation in a Nobleman's Family, the Land Steward) has the di- 
 rection and management of the Land, with a very liberal Sa- 
 lary, besides board and accommodation. The Jesuits consume 
 the produce of the Land in the College, and also make large 
 purchases in addition, from the Farmers and Graziers for 
 many miles round ; from which circumstance, their influence is 
 considerably augmented, and their principles are widely dif- 
 fused throughout the Country. Adjoining to the College, they 
 have suitable Offices for all manner of Tradesmen and Arti- 
 ficers, such as Tailors, Shoemakers, Smiths, Carpenters, 
 Butchers, Bakers, kc f 
 
 They have Pupils from various parts of the Continent; 
 from Ireland and from different pails of Great Britain: they 
 have, of course, a correspondence with most parts of the world, 
 and they adopt particular precautions with regard to their Let- 
 ters. Their present number of Pupils may be from two to 
 three hundred, and the general average for the last twenty-five 
 years cannot have fallen far short of that number. 
 
 At Hirst Green, within a quarter of a mile of the College 
 of Stonyhurst, is a Seminary for boarding and educating 
 young boys, preparatory to their entering the College of Stony- 
 hurst. The apartments and grounds of this initiatory Esta- 
 blishment, are appropriated solely to those who are destined 
 for the superior College; and the almost entire seclusion of 
 fchese youths from all intercourse with mankind, which takes 
 
 Y 3 
 
334 JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 place during their probationary studies, is not calculated to re- 
 move the distrust and apprehension which are naturally ex- 
 cited by the mystery which attaches more or less to Jesuitism 
 in general, and to this fact in particular. 
 
 The amount of the accumulating Capital of the Jesuits 
 is very considerable, arising from the value of their Estate, 
 and the annual profit accruing from their Pupils K 
 
 The influence of the Jesuits in the adjacent Country is 
 incredible: the Manor and surrounding district being their 
 own, they are more or less the accredited heads of the neigh- 
 bourhood; they are at once bold and indefatigable in making 
 Proselytes; and, in consequence of their exertions, Popery has 
 very considerably increased in the vicinity of Stonyhurst, and 
 in the town of Preston, within the last thirty years. 
 
 Before the establishment of this College, there were not 
 half a dozen Papists about Stonyhurst, but now the greater 
 portion of the Population in that part of the Country are 
 Papists to the amount of many thousands. From this Jesuits' 
 College all the Roman Catholic Chapels in that part of the 
 Kingdom (which are nearly as numerous as the Protestant 
 Churches) are filled with Priests of the Order of Jesuits, 
 though they are unwilling it should be known that they are 
 any other than ordinary Romish Priests. There are several 
 Jesuit Priests stationed in Preston, who frequently travel from 
 thence to Ireland ; and, since the last peace, they have great 
 intercouse with France, and other parts of the Continent. 
 
 * A considerable part of the Land attached to the College was 
 granted to the Jesuits as a free gift; the other part is held by them at a 
 low rent: the whole Estate is of great value, and they have already pos- 
 sessed it nearly thirty years. Their Pupils (as has been observed 
 above) have, for the last twenty-five years, averaged from about two to 
 three hundred : and their gain by each Pupil (after every expense is 
 paid) forms no inconsiderable addition to their annual revenue; to say 
 nothing of the original endowment from which they derived their sup- 
 port in the first instance. 
 
JE9UITS IN ENGLAND. 3S5 
 
 The principal Jesuit Priest of Preston now makes a boast, 
 that when he first came into it (a little more than twenty 
 years since) a small room would have contained his whole con- 
 gregation: at this time, he proclaims with triumph that two 
 large Chapels have been built which will hold two thousand 
 persons each, and that even these Chapels will not contain their 
 congregations. From this fact, some idea may be gained of 
 the extent to which they have proselyted in one Parish. 
 
 The Jesuits and Papists, in conjunction, have within the 
 last eighteen months erected a large School (with an excel- 
 lent house at each end, for the accommodation of the Master 
 and Mistress), upon the plan of our National Schools, for the 
 reception of children of both sexes: this School will hold 
 about a thousand children. The Members of Parliament 
 for Preston, and some Clergymen as well as several other 
 nominal Protestants, have contributed large donations towards 
 this School ! 
 
 The subtil ty with which the Jesuits insinuate themselves 
 into Protestant families of fortune is very remarkable, but 
 quite in unison with their whole history: there is scarcely a 
 single Protestant family of respectability which is not in a 
 greater or less degree under the influence of the Jesuits. The 
 Bishop of the Diocese himself, has not escaped the vortex of 
 their influence; and a relative of his, who is a beneficed Cler- 
 gvman, at no great distance from the College, is openly boast- 
 ed of, by the Jesuits, as their Patron and Ally: to this list 
 may be added some of the established Clergy of Preston and 
 its vicinity. The Jesuits rule the Magistrates of that place 
 completely, and the Mayor himself is in their interest. 
 
 They have regularly preached in Preston against the Pro- 
 testant Church and Faith, for a series of years past, more es- 
 pecially during the season of Lent ; and for this purpose they 
 have selected some of their most able preachers. 
 
 Such is the influence of the Jesuits in Preston, that the 
 Protestant Booksellers are afraid to sell publicly, or expose for 
 iale, any books against Popery ; and yet there is a Popish 
 
 y 4 
 
u 
 
 336 JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 Bookseller in the Town, whose windows and shop are crowd- 
 ed with all the poison of Popery. 
 
 Me. Dallas, indeed, observes cf these persons — " they 
 have pledged their allegiance to their King and Country, in 
 the comprehensive oath of 1791 ;" but he would have some 
 trouble to prove that any Oath of Allegiance whatever is 
 taken by his proteges, either as Jesuits or as Romish Priests. 
 If, however, he could establish this, he would not succeed in 
 allaying our just apprehensions, unless he could at the same 
 time disprove that the Pope possesses, in the estimation of 
 all good Catholics, a dispensing power with respect to Oaths ; 
 and unless he could further shew that Oaths made to Heretics, 
 are not binding in cases where the keeping them would affect 
 the interests of the Holy Roman Church. Let it even be con- 
 ceded that the Catholics (whether of the Order of Jesuits or 
 not) may bind themselves by Oaths, which shall admit the 
 supremacy of a reigning Protestant Monarch, and their alle- 
 giance to him as such; still the very nature of their religious 
 system will preclude them from assigning any other than a 
 subordinate and secondary rank to such admitted principles, 
 while, at the same time, doctrines of higher obligation must 
 necessarily retain the superior place in their affections, and 
 command obedience in the first degree ; a fact, which no man 
 will be hardy enough to deny, who is in the slightest degree 
 conversant with English History, or with the avowed prin- 
 ciples of the Romish Church. In this sense, the Protestant 
 may address the Jesuit, however bound by Oaths, or pledged 
 by securities, in the expressive language of the Poet of France^ 
 in his Bajazet : 
 
 " Promettez — affranchi du peril qui vous pressej 
 " Nous verrons de quel poids sera votre promesse." 
 
 So far, however, from its being true, that the Jesuit Priests 
 are bound by any oath, which affords the least protection or 
 security to a Protestant Church and State, the fact is that the 
 Oath which Pope Pius IV. and the Council of Trent pre- 
 scribed to be taken by every Priest, is directly opposite both ty 
 
JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 337 
 
 the existence and interests of that Church and State; and must 
 oblige him, if he be an honest and consistent member of his 
 own communion, to interminable hostility with each. This 
 Oath is couched in the form of a profession of faith ; it is enti- 
 tled " Forma Juramenti Professions Fidei," and is in 
 the commencement expressly enjoined by Papal authority to 
 be taken by " all having the care of Souls." It contains a dis- 
 tinct and formal avowal on the part of the person subscribing 
 it, of his firm belief in the various errors of the Romish 
 Church ; such, for instance, as the doctrine of Tradition being of 
 equal authority with Scripture — the exclusive right of the 
 Romish Church to determine the true sense of Scripture 
 — the divine Institution and efficacy of the Seven Sacraments 
 of Baptism, Confirmation, the Lord's Supper, Penitence, Ex- 
 treme Unction, Holy Orders, and Matrimony — the entire 
 acquiescence in, and consent to, every thing which was fixed and 
 prescribed by the Council of Trent — the belief in the Mass 
 being a true, proper, and propitiatory sacrifice for the dead and 
 the living — the doctrine of Transubstantiation in all its fulness 
 —the certain existence of Purgatory, and the necessity of pray- 
 ing souls out of it — the positive duty of worshipping and 
 praying to the Saints — the certainty and validity of their inter- 
 cessions, and the obligation of worshipping their relics — the 
 duty of preserving images of Christ, of the Virgin Mary, and 
 of certain Saints, and of honouring and worshipping those 
 Images — the belief in the power of Indulgences having been 
 committed by Christ to his Church, and in the essential uti- 
 lity of Indulgences to Christians — the complete Supremacy 
 and paramount authority of the Holy Roman Church 
 over all other Churches, and a declaration of the 
 most entire and unqualified obedience to the Pope, as 
 the Successor and Vicar of Christ; as well as a full 
 acquiescence in, and submission to, whatever has been 
 settled by the Canons of the Church of Rome, by its 
 oecumenical councils, and especially by the council of 
 Trent; at the same time condemning, rejecting, and 
 
 3 
 
338 JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 anathematizing all things contrary thereto, and all Heresies 
 which the Church of Rome condemns, rejects, and anathema- 
 tizes: — in conclusion, that this is the true Catholic Faith, "out 
 " of which no one can be saved," which the party subscrib- 
 ing such profession expressly holds, and engages for ever to pre- 
 serve and maintain whole and inviolate; and which he declares, 
 vows, and swears he will, to the utmost of his power, see that 
 all who are subjected to him, or committed to his care, shall 
 hold, teach, and preach *. 
 
 * This Sacerdotal Oath will be found at length, in the Bull of Piuc 
 IV. dated in November, 1564, and published at Rome, on the 6th De- 
 cember following. It occurs in the " Sacrosancium Concilium Triden- 
 " tinum" as well as in almost every account of the acts of the Council 
 of Trent, and the measures to which it led. The Oath is too long for 
 insertion in a note, but the following Extract from it, may not be unac- 
 ceptable: " Profiteor pariter, in Missa offerri Deo verum, proprium, 
 '* et propitiatorium sacrificium pro vivis et defunctis, atque in sanctis- 
 " simae Eucharistice Sacramento esse vere, realiter et substantialiter 
 •' corpus et sanguinem, una cum anima et divinitate Domini nostri 
 " Jesu Christi; fierique conversionem totius substantia? panis in corpus, 
 " et totius substantias vini in sanguinem, quam conversionem Catholica 
 «« Ecclesia Transubstantiationem appellat. Fateor etiam sub altera 
 <c tantum specie totum atque integrum Christum, verumque Sacra- 
 " mentum sumi. Constanter teneo, Purgatorium esse, animasque ibi 
 " detentas fidelium suffrages juvari; similiter et Sanctos, una cum 
 " Christo regnantes, venerandos atque invocandos esse, eosque ora- 
 " tiones Deo pro nobis ofFerre, atque eorum Reliquias esse venerandas. 
 '* Firmissirae assero, imagines Christi, ac Deiparae semper Virginis> nee 
 " non aliorum Sanctorum, habendas et retinendas esse, atque eis debi- 
 " turn honorem, ac venerationem impertiendam. Indulgentiarum etiam 
 u . potestatem, a Christo in Ecclesia relictam fuisse, illarumque usum 
 " Christiano populo maxime salutarem esse, affirmo. Sanctam Catho- 
 " licam et Apostolicam Romanam Ecclesiam, omnium Ecclesiarum 
 " matrem et magistram agnosco ; Romanoque Pontifici, Beati Petri, 
 u Apostolorum principis, successori, ac Jesu Christi Vicario, veram 
 u obedientiam spondeo, ac juro: caetera item omnia a sacris Canonibus, 
 '* et CEcumenicis Conciliis, ac prascipue a 6acrosanctaTridentinaSynodo 
 " tradita, definita, et declarata indubitanter recipio, atque profiteor ; 
 " simulque contraria omnia, atque hasreses quascumque ab Ecclesia 
 " damnatas, rejectas & anathematizatas, ego pariter damno, rejicio, et 
 
JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 339 
 
 If any one should be disposed to think that such a juri- 
 dical profession of faith as the above, or any similar profession, 
 can consist with attachment to a Protestant King and Govern- 
 ment, he is at perfect liberty to enjoy that opinion ; but it ap- 
 pears so impossible that such an opinion should be supported 
 by any one sound argument, that it may perhaps be safely left 
 to its own fate. 
 
 There are two observations which naturally arise out of 
 the above statement : the first is, the magnitude and danger of 
 such an Establishment as this in our own country, in the pre- 
 sent state of its continental connexions, in the perturbed con- 
 dition of Ireland, and in the sensible increase of Popery with- 
 in our own realm *. If Jesuitism, like her twin-sister Popery, 
 continue what she has been ever since History has recorded 
 her crimes, it is then a matter of no common importance, that 
 such a Society should thus have gained so strong and central a 
 position ; should be proceeding unmolested in the holy work 
 of proselytism ; and should be annually turning loose upon this 
 
 Ci anathematizo. Hanc veram Catholicam fidem, extra quam nemo 
 u salvus esse potest, quam in prassenti sponte profiteor, et veraciter 
 " teneo eamdem integram et inviolatam, usque ad extremum vitas 
 " spiritum, constantissime (Deo adjuvante) retinere et confiteri ; atque 
 " a meis subditis, vel illis, quorum cura ad me in munere meo spec- 
 " tabit, teneri, doceri, et praedicari, quantum in meerit, curaturum,ego 
 " idem spondeo, voveo, ac juro. Sic me Deus adjuvet, et hasc sancta 
 f* Dei Evangelia." Sacrosaxc. Conc. Trid. Patavii, 1760, 8vo. 
 p. 312,. Superiorum Permissu, et Privilegio. 
 
 * The proportion of Catholics in Ireland is as . 31 millions to i 
 million of Protestants : the total number of Catholics in England and 
 Wales cannot possibly be estimated at less than half a million, of 
 which number there are above 50,000 in London and its vicinity. — 
 Every County in England has Catholic Chapels and Congregations : by 
 far the greatest number of these Chapels have been erected within the 
 last twenty-five years, and there are at this time hardly fewer than a 
 thousand ; in which number, however, the private Chapels of Catholic 
 families are not included. In the Summer of 18 13, there were con- 
 firmed in the three Towns of Manchester, Liverpool, and Preston, alone, 
 jcoo children. 
 
340 JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 nation so large a number of disciples, imbued with all the doc- 
 trinal and practical errors which have been superadded by Jesuit- 
 ism to the native corruptions of Popery. It would be absurd 
 to suppose that all this influence has been acquired for nothing ; 
 that so many converts have been made, and so many scholars 
 trained, without an object ; and that an Establishment whose 
 plan is method itself, and whose union is well worthy even of 
 our own imitation, should be thus concentrating its forces and 
 talents, augmenting its influence and funds, and multiplying 
 its converts and adherents, without danger to our Protestant 
 Church and State ! I ! Under these circumstances, it is not 
 surely too much to assert, that among the many objects for 
 which this country has a right to look for protection to its 
 Parliament, as the natural guardian of its religious and poli- 
 tical liberties, there is perhaps no one which stands out more 
 prominently, which is pregnant with greater danger to tins na- 
 tion, or calls for more prompt remedies on the part of its Le- 
 gislature, than the revival of the Order of Jesuits. 
 
 In the second place, it may be observed, that nothing can 
 more clearly evince the careless indifference and unsuspecting 
 liberality of Protestants, so called, than the support which they 
 are thus affording to the natural and avowed foes of their own 
 religious and civil establishment. We find from the above rela- 
 tion, that some of our own Protestant Clergy, some of the 
 Protestant members of our Legislature, the Protestant Magis- 
 trates of an ancient and honourable Corporation, and some of the 
 most opulent and respectable of our Country Gentlemen, are 
 content to open their arms to the Jesuits; can consent to advocate 
 their cause, to support their Schools, and to advance their inte- 
 rests : they find these characters persons of talent ; are pleased 
 with their society, and inquire no farther : wearing their own 
 religion but loosely about them, they can hardly conceive that 
 the professors of another religion would proceed any undue 
 lengths, or make any unworthy sacrifices, to promote their 
 own faith : themselves the professors of a tolerant faith, they 
 will not believe that the men whom they find so amiable arid 
 
JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 341 
 
 harmless without power, would become intolerant and perse- 
 cuting upon principle, if power were placed in their hands : 
 caring but little, themselves, whether men are Catholics or 
 Protestants, and indeed scarcely knowing in what those systems 
 differ, or whether they differ at all, except in name, they 
 would not take the trouble of crossing the street in order to 
 convert a man from Popery to Protestantism ; and therefore 
 can form no idea of the indefatigable vigilance and propor- 
 tionate success, with which the Jesuits (like their prototypes, 
 the Pharisees of old) " compass sea and land, to make one 
 " proselyte." Themselves loyal to their king and attached to 
 regular government and good order, they are unwilling to 
 diink so ill of any men, as that they could betray the country 
 which protects them ; and observing, as yet, no overt acts of 
 sedition or treason on the part of the Jesuits, they will not 
 believe that any opportunity can ever arrive, which will be 
 more favorable to the developement of the Jesuits 1 talents in 
 this way, than the present. Being themselves men of candour 
 and liberal sentiment, they entertain no doubt, that while they 
 and their Protestant countrymen have been so eminently be- 
 nefited by the increased light and civilization of the age, all 
 others will have derived advantage in the same proportion ; and 
 never suspecting that Popery is unchanged and unchangeable, 
 they are disposed to refer all the atrocities and abominations 
 with which its Professors have been charged, rather to the 
 darkness and ignorance of a barbarous sera, than to the radical 
 and fundamental errors of their religious system. 
 
 " Several persons" (says Dean Milner), " and even some 
 " of our leading Senators, suppose that Popery has long since 
 " been abundantly meliorated ; but I wish they may not be 
 " nearer the truth, who think that the spirit of Protestantism 
 " has greatly degenerated." — See Milners Preface to 5th Vol. 
 of his History of the Church of Christ. 
 
 The good-natured Protestants of Lancashire do not stand 
 ftlone in these erroneous conclusions : they may be taken as a fair 
 specimen of a large proportion of the British nation, over 
 
#42 JESUITS IN ENGLAND. 
 
 which a sort of judicial infatuation appears to be cast; ano* 
 which, unless it should awake to a sense of its proper in- 
 terests, and its real danger, will sooner or later have abundant 
 cause to regret its apathy, when perhaps it will be too late. 
 The fact is, that it is now so long since Popery had power in 
 this highly-favored land to shut up our Bibles and to open 
 our Prisons, that we are wholly forgetful of the miseries she 
 once inflicted, and almost insensible of the privileges we now 
 enjoy. Let it never be forgotten, however, that we are only as 
 great and free as we are, because we have the happiness to be 
 ruled by a Protestant Monarch, to be represented by a Pro- 
 testant Parliament, to live under a Protestant Government, 
 and to be protected by Protestant Laws, which are admi- 
 nistered by Protestant Judges, Juries, and Magistrates. If 
 the Protestant advocates for Catholic Emancipation should 
 succeed in their present object, the whole face of things must 
 in no long period undergo such a change as will convince 
 the patrons and partizans of the Jesuits in Lancashire and 
 elsewhere, that, as the want of power on the part of the Ca- 
 tholics was the secret spring of all the clamour for Emancipa- 
 tion, so the possession of power by the same parties will be a 
 far more formidable thing, than 3 in the plenitude of their libe- 
 rality, they have ever dreamt. Nor let this opinion be branded 
 with want of charity, or be thought to originate in harshness 
 and prejudice : the proof of its correctness will be found in the 
 present work ; the generalizing and latitudinarian spirit 
 which cherishes the Jesuits, and would invest them with 
 power, is not charity of a legitimate kind — which, to be charity 
 at all, should " begin at home." The lax and indiscriminate 
 favor, which embraces, without distinction, the worst classes of 
 offenders, will never be thought to provide sufficiently for its 
 own security. There is a false and prurient species of cha- 
 rity, which, howevrr specious in appearance, and however 
 common at the pre sent moment, is but the bastard and coun- 
 terfeit of another, ai /I a nobler principle. If the charity which 
 would affect to comprise the whole world, at the same time 
 
rOMBAL AND THE PORTUGUESE. 348 
 
 overlooks and despises the claims of its near kindred ; and, 
 while it professes to take in all the human race, spurns and 
 slights the superior duties which stand in the first relation, and 
 are of the highest importance ; we need be at no loss to deter- 
 mine the character of this species of charity. It may be igno- 
 rance ; it may be impolicy ; it may be infatuation ; it is any 
 thing else than the legitimate charity of Christianity. 
 
 Should the present mischievous and fatal security con- 
 tinue, it requires not the spirit of prophecy to see that the time 
 is fast approaching when the Monarch of the British Empire 
 will have cause to adopt the pathetic exclamation : 
 
 »** Ejectos littore, egenos 
 
 Excepi ; et regni demens in parte locavi." Virgil. 
 
 On arriving at Mr. Dallas's fourth Chap. (p. 229), it 
 becomes necessary to remark that he makes abundant U3e 
 through his work of the name of Pombal : as in other in- 
 stances, the Letters first printed in the Pilot Newspaper and 
 Popish Journal, furnished him with a hint on this matter, 
 which he has not failed to improve, by raising such a cloud of 
 dust about this Portuguese Minister, as to render it very diffi- 
 cult to those who merely read his book to understand any part 
 of Pombal's history ; whether as affecting the part taken by 
 him against the Jesuits, or the conduct of the Jesuits them- 
 selves on that occasion. 
 
 In the Dedication to Mr. Canning, Mr. Dallas calls 
 Pombal " the unprincipled and unrelenting Minister of Jo- 
 " seph I. of Portugal:" and although he states that Mr. Can- 
 ning is " on the spot where the Jesuits were persecuted with 
 " the greatest violence," yet he doubts whether the prejudices 
 which were raised on this subject, may not hinder even Mr. 
 Canning himself (who is called " the liberal advocate of the 
 •f Catholic body") from understanding this question, or coming 
 at the truth respecting it; and therefore kindly puts him on his 
 guard against those prejudices. In p. 12 of the Preface the 
 ghost of Pombal rises again, but only to vanish as speedily 
 
344 POMBAL AND THE PORTUGUESE. 
 
 This is again the case in p. 16 ; only that, in the latter in- 
 stance, he is called " an arbitrary Minister who chose to take 
 " the conscience of his Prince under his own care 11 (a crime, it 
 is presumed, of which the Jesuit Confessors were never guilty). 
 In p. 97, Pombal appears again, but only for the purpose of 
 shewing that somebody was his " devoted creature ;" in p. 
 Ill, Pombal just shews himself, but immediately disappears 
 as before ; in p. 141, he appears in the new character of a 
 Dictator; in p. 155, he is called " the great enemy of the 
 " Jesuits, and of every virtue. 11 In p. 163, we find him intri- 
 guing for gold-mines, exchanging territories, and endeavouring 
 to transport the whole Indian population of Paraguay a thou- 
 sand miles off, at a quarter's notice ; of which a mournful story 
 is related from an anonymous work of no authority, entitled, 
 Mcyno'ws of the Marquis of Pombal, which never appeared 
 till the year 1784, when Pombal was dead and could not 
 answer it. Mr. Dallas's grand attack upon Pombal is, 
 however, reserved for his fourth Chapter, at which we are now 
 arrived in course; where we find this Minister " determined- 
 " to ruin the Jesuits 11 — " persecuting them 11 — " imputing the 
 " disorder among the Indians to their influence, and ambi- 
 " tion 11 — " propagating an absurd fable about King Nicholas 
 " all over Europe, with great industry and many foul arts 11 — » 
 " ambitiously engrossing all authority and power 11 — " inspiring 
 " the King with jealousy of his own brother 11 — " then vowing 
 " vengeance against the King, his Jesuit Confessor, and the 
 " whole Order of Jesuits 11 — " sending his brother', a despotic 
 " and outrageous tyrant, to the Brazils 11 — " almost driven mad 
 " by the accusations of the Jesuits against his brother 11 — ab- 
 " honing the Jesuits for their admirable conduct after the 
 " earthquake 11 — " assuring the King that a conspiracy was 
 " formed to overturn the government, and that unless Mala- 
 " guida the Jesuit were withdrawn, a public sedition would 
 " ensue 11 — " and keeping the King in constant dread of ima- 
 " ginary plots, conspiracies, and insurrections 11 — after which he 
 M became absolute^ and displayed his real character in such a 
 
POMBAL AND THE PORTUGUESE. 345 
 
 * ; series of despotic and tyrannical deeds as the annals of man*. 
 " land cannot equal." 
 
 Now, in the whole course of the above posthumous Bill of 
 Attainder against this Portuguese Minister, the least hint at 
 the real cause of the banishment of the Jesuits from Portugal 
 during his Ministry, is studiously kept out of sight by Me. 
 Dallas. The attempted assassination of the Kixg of Por- 
 tugal in the year 1758, which led to the expulsion of the 
 Jesuits, with Malagrida at their head, is not so much as 
 hinted at ; and notwithstanding this gross suppression of one 
 of the most public and notorious facts of modern History, Mr. 
 Dallas, it seems, presumes that he shall succeed in involving 
 a very plain question in such intricacy and confusion, that, with 
 all this dust in our eyes, we shall be unable to see into the real 
 merits of the case. The following statement may perhaps throw 
 some light on this subject. 
 
 Joseto Mascarexhas, Duke of Aveiro, was one of the 
 first noblemen of Portugal, by his birth, his Wealth, and his 
 reputation. During the reign of John V. he possessed unli- 
 mited power ; but having on the accession of his successor 
 Joseph declined in favor, he formed the design of an attempt 
 on the person of that Monarch : he endeavoured to influence 
 all who had any subject of complaint, and to incite them to 
 action by the most unfounded calumnies. 
 
 It had happened, in the preceding reign, that Carvalho 
 Marquis of Pombal had brought to Lisbon^ from Vienna 
 (where he had been employed on a secret embassy), a lady of 
 rank as his wife : the then Queen of Portugal, Maria Ann 
 of Austria, became much attached to this lady, and interested 
 herself greatly in order to procure some appointment for her 
 husband the Marquis de Pombal ; but in vain. On the 
 death, however, of John V. which happened on the 30th of 
 July, 1750, the Queen had more success with her son Joseph, 
 who immediately on his succession appointed the Marquis his 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and this was the begin- 
 ning of the resentment which the Duke of Aveiro conceived. 
 
 vol. i. z 
 
546 POMBAL AND THE PORTUGUESE. . 
 
 The Marquis de Pombal gained by degrees the entire con^ 
 dence of the King, and, relying on the credit he had acquired, 
 ventured to oppose the marriage of the presumptive heiress of 
 the Crown, with Don Pedro the King's brother, although 
 John V. had applied to Rome for a Dispensation for that 
 marriage. This opposition excited against him some powerful 
 enemies, and his resolute character increased their number. 
 
 Some persons of distinction, among whom were the Duke 
 of Aveiro (who, as has been noticed, was smarting under the 
 slight he had received), conspired against the Marquis de 
 Pombal, and the King. The Duke, in order to accomplish 
 his purpose, connected himself with the Jesuits; who, having 
 some time before, lost their credit at the Court of Portugal, 
 ceased to be the Royal Confessors, willingly entered into tha 
 conspiracy *. 
 
 The Conspirators engaged the Marchioness Donna Eleo- 
 noba of Tavora, the Duke's sister-in-law, in their scheme. 
 The haughty spirit and unbounded ambition of that lady had 
 been wounded by the title of Duke having been refused to 
 the Marquis of Tavora, her husband ; and her talent at 
 intrigue soon engaged her whole .family in the design. Her 
 husband, her two sons, her two daughters and their husbands, 
 her two brothers-in-law, and their more confidential attendants, 
 became the depositaries of this secret. 
 
 These persons, like others who have meditated similar 
 crimes, sought encouragement from Casuists and Confessors, 
 
 * The disgrace of the Jesuits at the Court of Lisbon, was chiefly 
 referable to the following circumstance. They were, as is well known, 
 in effect the real Sovereigns of Paraguay, while the King of Spain was 
 the nominal Ruler : the Court of Spain had, by a treaty of exchange, 
 ceded certain districts in Paraguay to Joseph the King of Portugal, who 
 was of the House of Braganza. The Jesuits were accused of having 
 opposed themselves to this arrangement, and of having incited the 
 population, which was destined to fall under the dominion of Portugal, 
 to resist the transfer in question. This cause of complaint, in addition 
 to many others, had occasioned the loss of the Jesuits' credit at the Court 
 of. Portugal. - ■ ■ 
 
POMBAL AND THE PORTUGUESE. S47 
 
 and found them in three Jesuits named Malagrida, Alex- 
 ander, and Mathos, who decided that to kill a King, was 
 only a venial sin, and not a mo? 'tai one: a circumstance, which 
 supplies another example of the abuse of Auricular Confession , 
 and the influence of the Catholic Priesthood. 
 
 The Conspirators, fortified by such councils, and provided 
 with their pardons for the other world, awaited a favorable 
 opportunity for accomplishing their purpose : this occurred on 
 the night of the 3d of September, 1758, when, as the King of 
 Portugal was returning from his country residence at Bel- 
 lem, three of the principal Conspirators, who were on horse- 
 back, fired their guns twice into the coach, but fortunately 
 only succeeded in wounding the Monarch : a discovery ensued. 
 
 Some imprudent conduct of the Duke of Aveiro led to 
 his detection : he was seized with his accomplices, and on the 
 13th of January, 1759, the Duke of Aveiro, and the Mar- 
 quis and Marchioness of Tavora, as well as all the other 
 Conspirators (with the exception of the Jesuits), were exe- 
 cuted. ! 
 
 An event of this description produced, as might be ex- 
 pected, considerable sensation throughout Europe, more espe- 
 cially as it was immediately followed by the expulsion of the 
 Jesuits from Portugal; as havhig supplied out of their body, 
 the instigators^ or, at all events, the Confessors of the Conspi- 
 rators. ' 
 
 The three Jesuits, who were more particularly deserving 
 of punishment, escaped death because the King himself could 
 not (consistently with the allegiance he owed to the Sovereign 
 Pontiff) cause an Ecclesiastic to be condemned to death with- 
 out first obtaining the consent of the Court of Rome I The 
 King tiied for above a year to obtain permission from the 
 Pope to put those Jesuits, who were his own subjects^' upon 
 their trial, for no less a crime than a conspiracy against his 
 own life ; but' he teas unable to obtain it I ! ! The consequence 
 was, an open rupture between the two Courts, the result of 
 wfyich> it was generally expected, would have been a renuncift- 
 
 z 2 
 
348 POMBAL AND TftE PORTUGUESE, 
 
 tion, on the part of Portugal, of a yoke which England had 
 thrown off before : but such event did not take place ; the 
 dominion of Rome over that country being too absolute to 
 permit even such a cause of complaint as this to dissolve the 
 connexion between them. 
 
 On the death of the King- in 1777, the Marquis op 
 Pombal lost his influence, and retired to his estate, where he 
 spent the remainder of his life* 
 
 The Editors of the Dictionnaire Historique, from which 
 part of this account is taken, observe, " The Jesuits who 
 " were sent out of Portugal by the Marquis de Pombal have 
 ** painted him as a monster, unfit for his office, who injured 
 44 the state, brought every thing to confusion, and neither 
 " paid the army nor knew how to employ it. The opponents 
 of the Jesuits, on the contrary, have represented him in 
 a very different point of view, commending him as a Mi- 
 i nister of genius, activity, and vigilance, as the restorer of 
 military discipline, of commerce, and of the marine, all 
 '* which had been entirely neglected before :" and they then 
 very properly notice the importance of an impartial collection of 
 facts, in order to furnish the means of an equitable decision 
 on this question ; and conclude by observing of the Memoirs 
 of the Marquis of Pombal, which appeared in 1784, and 
 are quoted by Mr. Dallas, that they are destitute of that 
 character of impartiality which appears so peculiarly desir- 
 able. — See Dictionnaire Historique, Articles D'Aveiro and 
 Pombal; and also the Acobdaq, or official Declaration of the 
 lioyal Council of Lisbon. 
 
 Now (to advert to the observation of the Editors), does 
 Mr. Dallas imagine that he has furnislied us with " the 
 " means of an equitable decision" in keeping back one of the 
 most important features in the History of Pombal ? Can 
 we suppose him sincere in his wish that Mr. Canning, " that 
 w liberal advocate of the Catholic body"" (as he calls him), 
 should form a right judgment upon the guilt or innocence of 
 the Jesuit? in Portugal, when he withholds from him, and 
 
 iri 
 (fi 
 
 « 
 
trench mnnsu AND philosophers. 349 
 
 from others, the main fact in the case ? Admitting that Mr. 
 Dallas did not believe that the King of Portugal's life was 
 attempted : admitting that "Mr. Dallas did not believe that 
 three such Jesuits as Malagrida, Alexander, and Mathos, 
 were the Counsellors and Confessors of the Conspirators : ad- 
 mitting that Mr. Dallas did not believe that the Catholic 
 King of Portugal endeavoured, but in vain, to obtain from 
 the Head of the Catholic Church a licence to try his own sub- 
 jects for an attempt on his own life: admitting that Mr. 
 Dallas did not believe that the whole Society of Jesuits were 
 expelled from the Kingdom of Portugal for the conduct of three 
 of their Order on that particular occasion; yet will Mr. Dallas's 
 disbelief of these several points justify bis keeping them all 
 out of sight ? Mr. Dallas was under no obligation whatever 
 to have adverted to fhe History of Pombal in his Defence 
 of the Jesuits ; but if lie chose to do so, for the purpose of 
 proving that the Jesuits were the innocent victims of " an 
 ii unprincipled and unrelenting Minister," who was " their 
 u enemv," he is bound to give us the whole facts of the case, 
 from which the Public may judge, as well as he, whether 
 Pombal's hostiliiv did or did not arise from the nefarious con* 
 duct of the Jesuits themselves. Mr. Dallas, instead of sup- 
 plying us with proper means of information, presents us only 
 with an ex parte statement to answer his own purpose : and he 
 must, therefore, be informed, that, among honest logicians, 
 the " suppressio veri" has been generally placed on a level 
 with the " suggestio falsi ;" and that a British Public can no 
 more sanction the concealment of known truth, than the asser- 
 tion of deliberate falsehood. 
 
 The erroneous statements respecting Pombal which occur 
 in Mr. Dallas's fourth Chapter, are succeeded by a philippic 
 against the Moderx Philosophers; which has no other harm 
 in it than that it involves another attempt on the part of Mr. 
 Dallas to connect the existence of their system with the sup- 
 pression of the Order of Jesuits, and to prove that the Illu- 
 niinati of the French Revolution attacked the Jesuits because 
 
 z 3 
 
350 FRENCH INFIDELS AND PHILOSOPHERS. 
 
 they were every where the friends of Religion *, the advocates 
 of Loyalty, and the promoters of Education : assertions of 
 this description (for they are nothing else) have been already 
 so fully considered, that it is the less necessary to dwell upon 
 them here. The fact is, that the modern Philosophy was no 
 more at war with the Jesuits than as Jesuitism presented more 
 tangible and palpable matter for ridicule and argument than 
 the milder and less offensive form of Popery, which was exhi- 
 bited by the Catholic Church at large. In proportion as Je- 
 suitism was the most corrupt modification of a corrupt system, 
 it was only to be expected that Infidelity should have fastened 
 on some of the ranker abuses to which the Order of Jesuits 
 gave a greater prominence than any other Order ; but, so far 
 from the virtues of the Jesuits having been the occasion of at- 
 tracting the notice of the Philosophers (as Mr. Dallas would 
 have us believe), it was their vices alone which obtained them 
 this distinction, and helped to furnish the enemies of Religion 
 with the strongest weapons against Religion itself. 
 
 So far from the suppression of the Jesuits having given 
 rise to the Infidelity of the Continent, it is a notorious fact, 
 that Infidelity had abounded long before the Suppression of 
 the Jesuits became a question ; and it is remarkable that one 
 of the first acts of Clement XIV. On his elevation to the 
 Popedom, was, to dispatch a Brief to Louis XV. the sole 
 object of which was to claim his support in opposing the 
 efforts of Infidelity and Irreligion. He observed, that a ge- 
 neral conspiracy against Christianity was actually then in mo- 
 tion — had advanced a considerable way, and threatened far 
 
 * The obligations which Religion was under to the Jesuits may be 
 estimated from the following remark of Monclar : "Religion" (says 
 he) " has been demoralized by their pushing it to the contradiction of 
 ¥ its own principles : an alliance of secular policy with certain, expres- 
 " sions of devotion has thus, by an alloy of good with evil, formed 
 " pious fanatics, and subtle politicians, who are all strongly united to- 
 " gether by a devoted attachment to their Order, and equally inflamed 
 " by a spirit of party, in which some are Agents and others are Instru- 
 **ments." — Compte Rendu. 
 
EDUCATION OF JESUITS. 351 
 
 more serious consequences to the world than Mr. Dallas's 
 supposed Conspiracy against the Jesuits : under the strong 
 conviction of impending danger, he called upon the French' 
 King to" assist him in stemming a torrent which menaced the de- 
 struction of whatever had till then been held sacred among 
 men. This Brief was preceded by a Circular Letter to the 
 Clergy of France, having the same object : is it probable — is 
 it possible, that with such views, that very Pope should in a 
 few years after he Tiad dispatched such a Brief and Letter, 
 have issued the Edict for the suppression of the Jesuits, if the 
 ruin of the Church, which he so anxiously desired to save, 
 was likely to have been either occasioned or accelerated by that 
 measure ? A more unfortunate anachronism was, perhaps, 
 never committed, than when Mr. Dallas ii»agined that the 
 Suppression of the Order of Jesuits preceded the appearance 
 of 'Infidelity; and ergo, that the suppression in question pro- 
 duced such Infidelity. Mr. Dallas should at least have en- 
 deavoured to be correct in his dates, if not in his facts. 
 
 In the same spirit, and with a similar object, we find Mk. 
 Dallas conducting his argument upon the necessity of 
 Religion in Education, from p. 244 to p. 257. 
 
 The fallacy apparent throughout this statement is, that 
 Mr. Dallas assumes from the outset, first, that Religion 
 formed the great character of Education among the Jesuits ; 
 and, secondly, that all Religious Education ceased with the 
 suppression of the Order. 
 
 The answer to these allegations has been already given ; 
 but it may be observed further in this place, that the religion 
 of which Mr. Dallas draws so alluring a portrait is not 
 likely to captivate any persons who will only be at the trouble 
 of examining. the difference between the Religion of the Re- 
 formation, which they themselves profess, and the Religion of 
 Topery, which Mr. Dallas virtually advocates throughout 
 Jhis work : much less will the portrait exhibited by Mr. Dal- 
 las be likely to win the affections of -such Protestants as con- 
 sider that the Religion of the Jesuits was decidedly of a low** 
 
 z 4 
 
#52 EDUCATION IN ENGLAND. 
 
 standard than that of Popery itself; insomuch that they who 
 were best acquainted with the Romish faith, and most attached 
 to it, not only asserted, for two Centuries, that Jesuitism was 
 something else than Christianity, but abundantly established 
 their position by the best reasoning, and the keenest ridicule. 
 It follows, therefore, that the Religious Education of the 
 Jesuits was not quite so estimable a thing in itself as Mr. 
 Dallas would represent it ; and with regard to his declara- 
 tion, that the destruction of the Jesuits was the destruction of 
 Education in Catholic Countries, it may be observed, that the 
 failure of Education in those Countries can no more be attri- 
 buted to the suppression of the Order of Jesuits than the 
 failure of Religion can be referred to the same cause. It was, 
 indeed, among the awful consequences of the French Revolu- 
 tion (as Me. Burke predicted would be the case), that 
 " learning" was " soon trodden under the feet of a swinish 
 " multitude :" but to contend, on that account, that the sup- 
 pression of the Jesuits occasioned the suppression of learning, 
 is no nearer to the truth than to contend that their suppression 
 led to the suppression of Religion itself, of Monarchy, and 
 of established order ; all which bowed under the action of a 
 far superior force, and owed their misfortunes to a very dif- 
 ferent cause. It is, however, the less necessary to enter farther 
 into this question, since it has. already been so largely consi- 
 dered. 
 
 Some remarks of Mr. Dallas in treating it require, how-, 
 ever, a brief attention ; namely, those in which he supposes 
 (p. 248), that even in England (although the Jesuits have 
 not been suppressed here) we are also educating our popula- 
 tion without Religion, as they did in Catholic Countries, in 
 consequence of the suppression of the Jesuits! He affirms 
 on this head, that " there is in this country a system in full 
 ?f operation, and patronized by some of the first characters of 
 " the State, by which a very large portion of the people will, 
 "in a few years, consist of persons able to read, write, and 
 K keep accounts, who will have no knowledge, or* an erroneous 
 
EDUCATION IN ENGLAND. 35S 
 
 u 
 
 one, of the Duties and Sanctions of Religion , and whose 
 '» morality will consequently be dependent upon their reason- 
 44 ing faculties :" and he adds, " I am yery mucli mistaken 
 u if those faculties will not lead to similar conceptions and si- 
 m milar effects as those produced by the reasoning faculties of 
 « 1788 and 1789." 
 
 In this prognostication we have Mr. Dallas\s fears upon 
 the absence of Religion in the Education of the English poor, 
 and we find, that although he can view unmoved the certain, 
 and, perhaps, not very distant, consequences of the Establish- 
 ment of Jesuits in England, he is tremblingly alive to the 
 consequences of our not possessing such a perfect system of 
 religious Education as the Jesuits could furnish us with ! 
 This sentiment, although not avowed in express terms, is 
 evidently the scope of Mr. Dallas's observations respecting 
 the want of Religion in our Education. 
 
 With regard to the correctness of his assumption, that 
 " religion" is thus neglected in the education of our poor, it 
 has no more foundation in fact than the many other erroneous 
 assertions which have been already disposed of. In such of our 
 Schools as are connected with the Establishment (and these 
 are now spread over the whole kingdom), an avowed ami 
 marked attention is paid to the inculcation of religious and 
 moral principles : in by far the greater number of those 
 Schools which are conducted by Dissenters from the Establish- 
 ment, no less attention is paid to the formation of religious 
 and moral sentiments ; and even in those Schools (compara- 
 tively feWj indeed), which are conducted by particular classes 
 of Dissenters, who are, perhaps, less'attentive to any precise 
 formulary in their mode of worship, still Religion is by no 
 means forgotten ; nor, perhaps, is there a single School (ex- 
 cept those of the Catholics), whether under the government 
 of Churchmen or Dissenters, in which the Scriptures are 
 omitted to be used by every class *. 
 
 * It is a fact which cannot be controverted, that both in Ireland 
 ar*d England the Holy Scriptures are wholly excluded by the Catholic 
 
354 BIBLE OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS. 
 
 , Now, while this is the case, no man has a right to com- 
 plain that " Religion" is left out o£ Education — although, 
 perhaps, the whole of that Education may not be conducted 
 
 Priests from every school where they have any control over the system 
 of education. The Reports of the Hibernian Society demonstrate, 
 that some of the Irish Bishops have traversed their dioceses, on purpose 
 to denounce those schools as " nefarious^ and abominable" where 
 "spelling-books and the Scriptures alone were taught " The following 
 copy of an Affidavit will illustrate this remark : 
 
 *' County of Sligo f to wit. — John Cavanaugh and Martin Gor- 
 " don, both of the parish of Killglass, in the barony of Tyreragh and 
 ."county of Sligo, for the Hibernian Society Schools (teachers), came 
 " before me this day, and voluntarily made oath on the Holy Evan- 
 " gelists; and said, that on Sunday, the 31st of March last, the Rev; 
 << Dominick Bellew, Titular Bishop of Killala, came to the chapel of 
 <* the said parish of Killglass, accompanied by the Rev. James Haran, 
 " parish Priest of Castle-connor ; and that the said Haran said, that 
 " the Societies' Schools were poisonous and pernicious baits, thrown 
 " out in order to seduce the children, and to take them from the paths 
 " of Heaven to the eternal pains of Hell : that on the said day, the 
 *' above Bishop, in the said chapel, said, that if he (the said Bishop) 
 '* had any of the Societies' books, he would tear them and trample 
 " them under his feet; for he would suffer but a few to read hij 
 " own Bible, and much less /&? Protestant Bible, because it leads 
 " them into a thousand errors. He (the said Bishop) asked William 
 " Atkinson and John Hart, both teachers in said parish, if they quitted 
 " teaching those schools ? They said they did quit, upon the prohifji- 
 11 tion of the said Haran. And (the Deponents) could say -much 
 " more : but the above are the heads of their depositions, in conse- 
 " quence of which Deponents lost their schools. 
 
 " Sworn before me, this nth 1 
 
 « day of April, 1811. J R <> BERT Hillas. 
 " John Cavanaugh and Martin Gordon." 
 
 ■ 
 Abundant evidence is.accumulated on this subject in the late " Cor* 
 
 11 respondence on the Roman Catholic Bible .Society " printed for L. B, 
 
 Seeley, of Fleet Street, 1813 ; but the exclusion of Scriptural Religion 
 
 -from Popish Seminaries is still further, and more strikingly, shewn in 
 
 the Annual Reports of the " Irish Catholic Schools," of St. Giles's, 
 
 London. See also the " Regulw Indicts Synodi Tridentina." 
 
 . It is: a. notorious fact, likewise", that the British system of edu-» 
 
BIBLE OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS. 3*>5 
 
 precisely in the way which lie might wish. A member of. the 
 Establishment, for instance, might, perhaps, desire that the 
 Church Catechism should be used by the Dissenter; a Dis- 
 senter, on the contrary, might prefer the Assembly's Cate- 
 chism ; and some classes of Dissenters might reject them both ; 
 but still, so long as the Bible is vised in all, the patrons of 
 the Jesuits, and the admirers of their system of Education, 
 have no right to assert that Religion is neglected in educating 
 our population. The Jesuits, whatever they might place in 
 the hands of the Poor, would assuredly deny them the Bible, 
 as most at war with their whole system of darkness and error: 
 it is a book which they can never love, since it testifies of 
 them that their deeds are evil ; nor can they ever permit it to 
 be read or studied by the mass of the population : their De- 
 fenders love it no better, and can as little endure the thought 
 of its being placed in the hands of the Poor, or generally- 
 circulated throughout the country ; hence Mb. Dallas says 
 (and it is to be hoped that this avowal will not be lost upon 
 Englishmen and Protestants), " Nor without previous oral 
 "instruction should the Bible itself be put into the hands of 
 " readers, whether children or ignorant adults. Bible So- 
 " cieties, consisting, beyond all doubt, of pious men, will 
 "diffuse good or evil over tlie world, according to the ,prp- 
 " dence with which the Sacred Volumes are distributed" 
 
 All this reasoning is in strict conformity with the views of 
 the Holy Roman Church, which, from the beginning of her 
 Secular history, prohibited the Bible, and persecuted its 
 admirers; nor are the views which were formerly entertain- 
 ed by the members of that Church, as to the danger of the 
 
 cation, lately introduced in France, has excited the jealousy o^ the Ca- 
 tholic Clergy; and at their instigation the King has publicly decreed, 
 .** that the Catholic, Apostolical, and Roman Religion should be taught in 
 " the ne-<.u Schools, to the exclusion of every other." — Seethe 
 Decree recently quoted, and the Remarks upon it in the Gentleman's 
 Magazine for April, 1816, p. 363. 
 
$56 BIBLE OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS. 
 
 Bible being read by the people, and the consequent duty of 
 withholding it from them, by any means altered. Good Ca- 
 tholic Priests now-a-days have the same dread of the Bible as 
 the Jesuits and their Defenders entertain, and for the same 
 reason *. 
 
 * The celebrated Bull " Unigenitus," if no other Papal document 
 existed, would prove the insuperable enmity of the Roman Pontiffs and 
 Prelates to the general use of the Sacred Volume. — The pious Father 
 Quesnel had exhorted " all sorts of persons to study the Holy Scrip- 
 " ture," and especially " on the Lord's Day;" — he taught, that " to wrest 
 " the New Testament out of the hands of Christians, or to keep it closed 
 " up, was to shut the mouth of Christ in respect of them ;" and again, 
 said he, " to forbid Christians to read the Holy Scriptures, especially 
 44 the Gospel, is to forbid the use of light to the children of light, and 
 11 to make themsuffera sort of excommunication." Yet, in 17 13, not 
 only did Pope Clement XI. but very many Bishops of France, con- 
 demn such just sentiments ; and they were solemnly denounced, " as 
 " false, captious, shocking, offensive to pious ears, scandalous, per- 
 " nicious, rash, injurious to the Church and her practice," &c. 
 
 Even the modern editions of the English New Testament, printed 
 for the use of Roman Catholics themselves, and translated by one of their 
 own Prelates too (in England as well as Ireland), have an " Admo- 
 " nition" prefixed to them ; the design of which is, to prevent the free 
 and unbiassed perusal of their oivn authorized version : — for, say they, 
 in their Admonition, " It was judged necessary to forbid the reading 
 " of the Scriptures in the vulgar languages, without the advice and 
 " permission Jof the Pastors and spiritual Guides, whom God has ap- 
 H pointed to govern his Church." — " Nor is this due submission to the 
 « Catholic Church to be understood of the ignorant and unlearned 
 " only, but also of men accomplished in all kind of learning." Such 
 cautious policy agrees with the express injunctions of the Rules of the 
 Index, published by order of the Council of Trent : but it does not 
 quite come up to the standard of a former synod (held at Toulouse in 
 1*29), which absolutely forbade all the Laity to possess any books either 
 of the Old or the New Testament, in their own tongue,—" Ne pra- 
 « missos libros habeant in vulgari translatos, arctissime inhibemus."— 
 See p. 8 a of the Correspondence on the Roman Catholic Bible Society. 
 
 Let it never be forgotten, that a great object of the Reformation 
 nvas tot secure to the world the Jree possession and circulation of the sacrepd 
 volume', while it has been the invariable object of the Church of Rpmf 
 
BIBLE OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS. 357 
 
 One of these reasoners says, in the Orthodox Journal for 
 April, 1814 (p. 140), " We of the old school shall continue 
 " to think as the whole body of Christiana thought for fifteen 
 " hundred years, and as nine out of ten in that body still 
 " think, that, as Christianity was first taught and established 
 " before that part of the Bible which contains the distinguish- 
 " ing doctrines of its divine Founder was ever written, so it 
 " might liave been propagated and continued to the endqftJie 
 " world, had the Bible never even made its appearance among 
 " Christians? 
 
 But lest there should be any doubt upon this subject, let 
 us hear Bishop Milxer himself, who, in his Pastoral Charge 
 to his Clergy, dated 30th March, 1813, observes as follows : 
 u Of late years, you know that numerous Societies have been 
 " formed, and incredible sums of money raised, throughout 
 " the United Kingdom, among Christians of other commu- 
 " nions, for the purpose of distributing Bibles gratis to all 
 " poor people who are willing to accept of them. In acting 
 " thus, they act conformably to the fundamental principles of 
 " their religion, which teach that the Bible contains all things 
 " necessary for salvation, and that it is easy to be understood by 
 u every person of common sense. But who could have imagin- 
 " ed that Catholics, grounded upon quite opposite principles, 
 " should nevertheless shew a disposition to follow the example 
 ** of Protestants in this particular, by forming themselves 
 " also into Bible Societies, and contributing their money for 
 * c putting the mysterious letter of God's word into the hands 
 M of the illiterate poor, instead of educating Clergymen even 
 " in the present distressing scarcity of Clergy to expound the 
 u sense of that word to them ?" The Bishop then proceeds 
 to make some observations upon what he calls " the prevailing 
 
 to prohibit and restrict both the one and the other, so that the " Pru- 
 " dence" recommended by Mr. Dallas, in distributing the Bibk, 
 accords well with the system of Jesuitism and of Popery. 
 
358 BIBLE OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS, 
 
 64 
 
 a 
 
 Biblio-mania," which, he says, he hopes his Clergy " will 
 " riOt fail to impress upon the minds of their people." 
 
 The first remark is, that " when our Saviour Christ sent 
 " his Apostles to convert the world, he did not say to them, 
 "Go and distribute volumes of the Scripture among the na- 
 u tions of the world ; but, Go into the whole world, and 
 u preach the Gospel to every creature. 
 
 u 2d. It is notorious that not one of the nations converted 
 " by the Apostles or their successors, nor any part of a nation, 
 " was converted by reading the Scriptures. No : they were 
 converted in the way appointed by Christ, that of preach- 
 c ing the Gospel, as is seen in the Acts of the Apostles, 
 Bedels History, &c. 
 
 3d. The promiscuous reading of the Bible is not calcu- 
 " lated, nor intended, by God, as the means of conveying re- 
 u Ugious instruction to tlie bulk of mankind ; for the bulk of 
 *• mankind cannot read at all ; and we do not find any divine 
 " commandment as to their being obliged to study letters." 
 
 This Prelate then proceeds to object against the distri- 
 bution of the Bible, on account of its obscurity, &c. and 
 'ays, " In a word, it is evidently a much more rational plan to 
 "put the Statutes at Large into the hands of the illiterate 
 " vulgar, telling them to become their own Lawyers, than it 
 is to put the text itself of the mysterious Bible into their 
 i hands, for enabling them to hammer their religion and 
 morality out of it." 
 After some observations upon the obligation of the Ca- 
 tholic Clergy to study the Bible, he says, " The Church 
 "moreover recommends the reading of it to all persons who 
 have some tincture of learning, and an adequate knowledge 
 of their religion, together with the necessary humility and 
 " docility to dispone them (in common with her first Pastors 
 " and the Pope himself) to submit their oxcm private opi- 
 nion upon all articles of faith, to the belief of the great 
 Church of all nations and aU ages" — " In conclusion, then" 
 
 ■S- 
 
 a, 
 
 a 
 
 
 
BIBLE OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS. 359, 
 
 (says the Bishop), " my clear and beloved brethren, / am 
 " confident you will not encourage or countenance the distri* 
 " button cf Bibles or Testaments, among the very illiterate 
 "persons of your respective congregations, as proper initia- 
 " tory books of instruction for them? 
 
 The above Charge is signed by John Milner, Bishop of 
 Castabala, Vicar Apostolic. 
 
 The same Prelate, in the Orthodox Journal for October, 
 1813, a work which he supports with all his authority, still 
 farther developes his views upon the danger of the Bible, and 
 the heterodoxy of the Bible Societies, ui the following terms : 
 
 " To the Editor of the Orthodox Journal. 
 
 " SlR > 
 
 " In my communications to you last month, upon 
 
 '* Bible Societies, and the use of the Holy Scriptures, I stated 
 
 " that one of the avowed objects of Protestants, in the institu- 
 
 " tion of these Societies, is to undermine the Catholic rule of 
 
 u faith, and to establish their own, as laid down in the Sixth 
 
 " of the Thirty-nine Articles *, and of course to affect the 
 
 " downfal of the Papal power, as the Rev. T. Cotterel declares 
 
 "in his sermon to one of these Societies, preached on the third 
 
 •* of last June. Hence, as I observed, we can account for the 
 
 " special eagerness of these Associations to spread their Bibles 
 
 w among the Catholics of Ireland ; one Society alone having 
 
 " boasted of the distribution of 60,000 Bibles in that Island, 
 
 "during the course of a single twelvemonth. I described a 
 
 " Cailwlic Bible Society as a novel and portentous Institution; 
 
 "unknown to the Fathers and Doctors f of past ages; at 
 
 " variance with the third rule, concerning the use of Holy 
 
 * This Article is as follows : " Holy Scripture containeth all things 
 " necessary to Salvation; so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may 
 " be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man that it should be 
 « believed as an article of the faith, or be thought requisite or neces- 
 " sary to salvation. " 
 
 f " Unde Doctoris titulo gloriantur, nisi ut doceant ?" Erasmus to 
 
 the Cardinal of Louvain, v , . 
 
360 BIBLE OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS. 
 
 4( 
 
 Scripture, laid down by a Committee of the Council of 
 " Trent; giving into the policy of Protestants, and of course 
 * 4 injurious to the religion of Catholics, as also to the authority 
 w of their Pastors ; it being the exclusive business of the latter 
 " to instruct all ranks of people by expounding to them viva 
 " voce, both Scripture and Tradition.? 
 
 After attacking the intended plan of a Roman Catholic 
 Bible Society, and commenting upon a design of publishing 
 the Bible, with the notes of a Prelate of that Church, he ob- 
 serves : " The Tridentine Fathers make no distinction be- 
 44 tween Bibles in the vulgar tongue, with notes, and those 
 iC without notes ; and it is evidently impossible to add ant' 
 
 " NOTES WHATEVER TO THE SACRED TEXT, WHICH WILL MAKE 
 " IT A SAFE AND PROPER ELEMENTARY BOOK OF INSTRUCTION 
 u FOR THE ILLITERATE POOR.'" 
 
 Again, observing farther upon the scheme of a Catholic 
 Bible Society, he says: " The Catholic Pastors can instruct, 
 " and do instruct their people, at the present day, in the 
 " manner they have instructed them, in all days since those of 
 " Christ, much better than these lay Evangelists can teach 
 44 them, with the help of Bibles, though they stereotyped all 
 " the linen in Ireland into Bibles ; and the labouring poor of 
 " Ireland, without a single Bible in a village, know more of the 
 4i revealed truths of the Gospel, and can give a more rational 
 " as well as a more detailed account of them, than the same 
 " class of people can in this country, which the Bibliomanists 
 44 boastingly call the land of Bibles. ^ 
 
 " I am, &c. 
 " Wolverhampton, " J. Milner, D,D. 
 
 44 Oct. 16, 1813." 
 
 We thus clearly find that a modern Bishop of the Romish 
 Church, and Vicar Apostolic in England, who is esteemed a 
 pillar of orthodoxy, cannot endure the distribution of the 
 Bible ; that he combats the grand Article of the Church of 
 England, which asserts that " the Scriptures contain all things 
 " necessary to salvation ;" that he condemns those of his own 
 
 3 
 
BIBLES OPPOSED BY CATHOLICS. 861 
 
 Church who join even a Catholic Bible Society, and requires 
 them to oppose such a project in their respective districts — that 
 he regards the Bible as an obscure and mysterious Book, which 
 can no more be understood bv the vulgar than the Statutes at 
 large ; and, therefore, should only be read by the learned, or by 
 those who will submit their own opinion, upon articles of faith, to 
 the judgment of the Holy Roman Church. We find from his 
 statement, that the Church of Rome thinks no better now of 
 the sixth Article of the Church of England, than she did in 
 Luther's dav, and no better of the Heretics who receive it ; 
 and finally, that whether the Bible is published with notes, or 
 without, it must still continue both an unsafe and improper 
 book for the illiterate poor. We also find from the other 
 learned correspondent of the Orthodox Journal, that " nine 
 " out of ten of the Catholic body think that Christianity 
 " might have been propagated and continued, if there never 
 " had been such a book as the Bible in the world P* 
 
 The whole of the above reasoning sufficiently refutes 
 itself, and has been only adduced for the purpose of shewing 
 that a modern Defender of the Jesuits, in opposing the Bible 
 Society, speaks the same language, and entertains the same 
 alarms on the subject of the dispersion of the Bible over the 
 united Kingdom, as the ancient and modern Church of Rome ; 
 and yet this is the writer who complains that Religion is 
 neglected in the education of the people ! Assuredly such a 
 Religion as he would recommend, namely, a Religion which 
 prefers Tradition to Inspiration, which can contrive to do 
 without the Bible, and which, with power in its hands, would 
 probably annihilate every Bible Society in the kingdom ; such 
 a Religion as this, undoubtedly, is at present neglected in the 
 Education of the people of this country, and long may it con- 
 tinue to be * ! ! ! 
 
 * No one has more forcibly inculcated the danger of putting the 
 Scriptures into the hands of the People^ than the sagacious and amiable 
 Fenelon, in his Letter to the Archbishop of Arras ; which may serve to 
 
 VOL. I. A A 
 
362 ROMAN CATHOLIC SCHOOLS. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, it appears, sees no harm in extending the 
 tenets of Popery by countenancing " Catholic Sclwols" in a 
 Protestant country. It is sufficiently well known that not 
 only Jesuits, but every other denomination of Roman Ca- 
 tholics, exclude the Bible from Schools " superintended by 
 " zealous Priests," such as Mr. Dallas mentions ; and yet 
 Mr. Dallas affirms that " all such Establishments merit en- 
 " couragement, not only from members of their own comrau- 
 " nion, but from all, who by influence or wealth are able to 
 " aid them" p. 254. He is therefore not unwilling to give 
 every possible countenance to Popish Schools, wherein the 
 Holy Scriptures are studiously kept out of sight, and yet he is 
 extremely apprehensive lest Protestants should be too active 
 and too imprudent in circulating the sacred volume, whether 
 among children or adults. 
 
 If it were possible to doubt whether modern Roman Ca- 
 tholics, and even those who reside in the metropolis itself, 
 under the j urisdiction and guidance of iBishop Poynter (the 
 Vicar Apostolic), do, at the present time, inculcate these sen- 
 timents of Mr. Dallas, we need only refer to a ie Corre- 
 " spondence" lately published " on the Roman Catholic Bible 
 (t Society" and sold by Hatchard ; which proves, beyond all 
 controversy, the insuperable objections now entertained by the 
 most liberal-minded Romanists in this kingdom to the free use 
 of the Bible, even in their own version qfRheims and Douay t 
 The truth is, that Mr. Gandolphy, a Priest of the Spanish 
 Chapel, near Manchester Square, threw out a challenge to the 
 Bible Societies to publish " a Catholic Version without Notes" 
 and promised, in the name of his Brethren, to accept and dis- 
 tribute it with gratitude. But the above-mentioned " Cor- 
 " respondencc" proves, that no such willingness or intention in 
 fact existed: for, when certain individuals proposed to give their 
 
 shew, that, however respectable an individual of the Catholic commu- 
 nion is personally, he will be straitened by his own system, and mast 
 necessarily be influenced by its great and fatal errors. 
 
ASTRONOMICAL EELIGIO!C. 363 
 
 own Catholic version to the poor, the English Catholic Board 
 took the alarm, and the Clergy resisted this benevolent design 
 with all their power. 
 
 So lately as the month of February, 1816, the Committee of 
 St. Patrick's Schools in London have been extensively issuing 
 a string of Resolutions, the main purpose of which is to pre- 
 vent the poor Irish in St. Giles's from reading the English 
 Bible at another Charity School ! — See First Report of the 
 Irish Catholic Schools, Second Edition, 1816. 
 
 In Mr. Dallas's further observations upon the evils likely 
 to arise from Bible Societies, he appears to consider the know- 
 ledge of Astronomy necessary before persons can understand the 
 Scriptures. — " In Theology" (says he, p. 252.) " as in natural 
 " Philosophy, the uninformed mind cannot of itself embrace 
 " even the most incontrovertible truths : the raising- of the 
 " dead, and the rotation of the earth, are alike incomprehen- 
 " sible ; what is not immediately intelligible is not impressive ; 
 " but ichen once we leave been taught to observe the motion of 
 " the heavenly bodies, and are made sensible that the power 
 " which would assign certainty of operation to Nature, must 
 " be equal to the suspension of it, Astronomy and Reli- 
 " gion open upon us, and we fly to Newton and the Testa- 
 " ment ; and seeing truths unfold themselves, we willingly 
 " take much on trust in both ; certain that books where we 
 i; find so many demonstrations, are not intended to deceive 
 iC us in any one point, and the resurrection of our Saviour 
 " becomes sooner solved than the precession of the equinox. r> 
 
 Now, although no one would reject, or think meanly of 
 the collateral evidence to the truth of Revelation which natural 
 Philosophy affords, it is worse than idle to suppose, as is done 
 throughout the above passage, that, in order to understand the 
 Bible, men must be more or less natural Philosophers. . Does 
 Me* Dallas require to be informed, that many of those per- 
 sons who have most firmly believed in Revelation, and have 
 most faithfully adhered to its precepts, have been at the same 
 time among the most illiterate of mankind, and that multi- 
 
 aa 2 
 
264 MR. DALLAs's LOYALTY AND RELIGION. 
 
 tudes have been ornaments of the Christian faith through life, 
 and have derived their whole consolation from it in death, who 
 knew nothing about Newton's Principia, or Locke on the hu- 
 man Understanding; while perhaps others who have even edit- 
 ed Newton (as the Jesuits did) have been utter fools in spi- 
 ritual things, and worse than children in their estimate of the 
 distinction between right and wrong? If Mb. Dallas admits 
 that great learning may exist, where true wisdom never had a 
 place; and if he allows the possibility of measuring the stars, 
 and being at the same time ignorant of God, to what purpose 
 is the exaltation of human science as so indispensable a thing 
 in the attainment of piety ? and what necessary connexion does 
 he discover between the sublimest mysteries of Revelation, and 
 H. the precession of the equinox? 1 ' 
 
 The Popish Court of the Inquisition condemned the Astro- 
 nomer Galileo to perpetual imprisonment as a Heretic, for hav- 
 ing discovered and published incontestable proofs of the mo- 
 tion of the Earth ! Mr. Dallas will not deny that the Inqui- 
 sition has been in all ages the great engine employed by Papal 
 Rome, for establishing and perpetuating her own empire of 
 darkness and cruelty: how then can he contend in the face of 
 such a fact as this, that science, in general, has derived any aid 
 from Popery, or that Popery has shewn any attachment to 
 Astronomy in particular ? 
 
 In concluding his remarks on a Religious Education, Mr. 
 Dallas has manufactured a most elaborate eulogium upon 
 Dr. Bell, for his system of education ; and Dr. Bell will no 
 doubt feel himself highly honoured by the company in which he 
 is placed, and for being permitted to share in the compliments 
 which Mr. Dallas has at the same time bestowed on the Je- 
 suits, for what he calls " their admirable system of Educa- 
 " tion." 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in concluding his Book, takes credit for " the 
 g< sentiments of loyalty axio\ of religion which" (he says) "have 
 " in such a work fallen from his pen :" but it will probably re- 
 quire a more microscopic attention on the part of the critics, 
 
 4 
 
CHARGE OP CONSPIRACY CONSIDERED. S65 
 
 than even they are in the habit of bestowing, to discover any 
 peculiar instances of such sentiments, especially of the former; 
 while less learned readers will certainly feel some doubts how 
 far the defender of the Disloyal, can have advanced the cause 
 of Loyalty, or how far the advocate of the Irreligious can have 
 promoted the interests of Religion. Until that sort of attach- 
 ment which the Jesuits have ever evinced for Monarchy and 
 Laws, can justly be denominated Loyalty, and that kind of 
 Religion which they have professed can properly be called the 
 Religion of the Gospel, we may fairly be permitted to enter- 
 tain some doubts upon the validity of the claims to Loyalty 
 and Religion, which have been advanced by their Patron and 
 Admirer. 
 
 Mr. Dallas, in his last paragraph, remarks farther upon 
 " the new Conspiracy 11 (as he terms it) formed against the 
 Jesuits, which he characterizes as " possessing all the malig- 
 *' nity, if not all the talent or power of the old one.'" How 
 far the evidence adduced by Mr. Dallas, as to the existence 
 either of an old or a new Conspiracy (properly so called) 
 against the Jesuits, has established his assertions to that effect, 
 may be safely left to the judgment of the public. That in 
 every period of their history, the Jesuits have incessantly at- 
 tracted the opposition of their own Church, of Sovereign 
 Princes, of Parliaments, Universities, regular Governments, 
 public Societies, and private Individuals, will be readily ad* 
 mitted; but Mr. Dallas, in choosing to state this point ab^ 
 stractedly from the fact of their having drawn down such op- 
 position on their own heads, by their own conduct, determines 
 only to give one view of a question, and to suppress the other: 
 and as to his designating this opposition by the invidious name 
 of a Conspiracy, it is about as just and correct an account of 
 the matter, as if a Defender of depredators and marauders 
 were also to entitle the opposition, which all honest men are 
 agreed in giving to the schemes of such men, " a Conspiracy."" 
 
 With regard to the character of " malignity 11 which he 
 imputes to the new Conspirators, it may be asked, how motives 
 
 aa3 
 
cc 
 
 366 MR. DALLAS'S CONCLUSION. 
 
 of this description can with any honesty or decency be attri- 
 buted to such persons, whether in or out of Parliament, as 
 have endeavoured to inform the public upon this great ques- 
 tion? The evident impropriety of such imputations, as ap- 
 plicable to a member of the Legislature, has induced him to 
 except Sir John Hippisley from such a charge, and not to 
 insert his name in the Bill of Indictment for a Conspiracy 
 which he has, with so much gravity, preferred against others; 
 and this, notwithstanding his former observations upon Sir 
 John's attack of the Jesuits. 
 
 The Conspirators consist (says Mr. Dallas) of " men 
 " who have dared to warn the Clergy against instituting 
 schools for instructing Children in the national religion, of 
 Jacobinical Philosophers, materialists, votaries of reason 
 " and eternal sleep, and perhaps some Catholic Clergy, whose 
 " interest may be affected ! " 
 
 After this Catalogue raisonnee of the Conspirators against 
 the Jesuits, Mr. Dallas at length sums up by observing, 
 that he " trusts he has proved enough to convince his readers 
 " that the Jesuits have been calumniated, that their destruc- 
 " tion was effected by the malice and envy of their Enemies, 
 " on the one hand, and by the pusillanimity of their proper 
 " Protector 1 ' (Pope Clement XIV.) " on the other; that as 
 " far as authority extends, there is a great and brilliant 
 " balance in their favor; that on the ground of reasoning, 
 " the proof of their virtue, as well as of their religion, does 
 " not fall short of demonstration ix the account of their 
 " Institute ; that they are not at tear with Protestant Go- 
 " vernments, whose Catholic subjects they are well known long- 
 to have trained up in loyalty ; and that the small number 
 now in this country, have completed those proofs of loyalty, 
 by a solemn oath of allegiance to the King" while the 
 simple fact is (as has been before observed), that they have 
 taken no oath whatever to this effect, but one directly oppos- 
 ed to it ! ! ! 
 
 Such is the summary, finally drawn up by Mr. Dallas. 
 
 cc 
 
 cc 
 
 «c 
 
CONCLUSION OF THE REPLY. 367 
 
 It is the object of the preceding Reply, and of the following 
 History, to shew upon what an unsound foundation such 
 assertions rest. 
 
 The same observation will apply to the string of asser- 
 tions, contained in the Letters which appeared in the Pilot 
 Newspaper, and the Orthodox Journal, which Mr. Dallas 
 has reprinted in his Book. In considering the gall which the 
 writer of those Letters has mixed with his ink (to advert to 
 a remark of Burnet upon Sir Thomas More), one is strongly 
 reminded of Hooker's observation : "To your railing I say 
 " nothing; to your reasons I say as follows.'" — To the scurri- 
 lous and offensive language of those Letters, no person can be 
 expected to give any answer; but to such reasoning as they 
 contain, it is presumed that the Reply to Mr. Dallas and 
 the History which follows, will be found to afford no unsa- 
 tisfactory refutation. 
 
 It only remains to observe, that the task of examining his 
 Defence of the Jesuits is now brought to a close. That task 
 was begun under a conviction that if a man, possessing only a 
 single talent, is likely, by producing it, to assist in supporting 
 the cause of truth, and detecting the obliquities of error, he 
 would not be justified in hiding that single talent in a napkin: 
 this task has been conducted with some degree of labour, 
 amidst many interruptions, and with no ordinary consumption 
 of time: it is now presented to the Public, in the humble 
 hope that some advantages may result from it. At all events, 
 its Author will have the satisfaction of knowing, that if, at any 
 future period, this Protestant, happy, and envied nation shall 
 be found to have surrendered some of her best privileges and 
 safeguards either in favor of the Jesuits, or those of their 
 communion; so fatal an act of political suicide will not have 
 been committed without previous warning of the consequences, 
 nor without the production of those salutary cautions which 
 are supplied by the light of history, and the evidence of ex- 
 perience. It will be easy to undervalue the motives by which 
 he has been actuated in calling upon his countrymen, to con- 
 
 a A 4 
 
2^8 CONCLUSION OF THE REPLY. 
 
 sider the peculiar dangers of the present crisis, and the probable 
 consequences of the revival of the Order of Jesuits and their 
 unobstructed establishment in the heart of our own Empire. It 
 will be easy to shew that what has been so inadequately perform- 
 ed by the Author, might have been executed with far greater 
 ability by others; but one consolation no man taketh from him 
 —the consciousness of Integrity. It is the simple desire of 
 benefiting his beloved country, which has been his ruling mo- 
 live throughout this work ; and whatever may be the reception 
 which his attempt may experience in the world, he dares at all 
 events to make his appeal to a higher tribunal, for the purity 
 of his intentions and the simplicity of his object. 
 
HISTORY OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE JESUITS. 
 
 It has been observed, with truth, that as the constant pur- 
 pose of God is to extract good from evil, and to overrule, for 
 the best ends, the malevolent or mistaken designs of man ; 
 so the general aim of man, when not acting under the in* 
 fiuence o£ divine illumination, is to bring evil out of good, 
 and to convert those appointments which were designed for 
 the advantage and happiness of the world, into so many oc- 
 casions of misery and mischief to himself and others. 
 
 Of the truth of this position, the early History of the 
 Jesuits affords a remarkable example. 
 
 The Reformation of Religion was an event which pro* 
 
 mised incalculable benefit to mankind : like the faith which it 
 
 professed to purify, it had " the promise of the life that now 
 
 " is, and of that which is to come :" in proportion as it elevated 
 
 the spiritual condition of man, it raised him in the scale of 
 
 sentient beings, and advanced his temporal interests : while it 
 
 opened to him prospects full of immortality in a future state 
 
 of being, it decidedly meliorated his lot in the present period 
 
 of existence — it at once delivered his soul from the ignomu 
 
 bious bondage of sin, in which a religion of forms had en* 
 
 thralled it, and, at the same time, rescued his mind from the 
 
 shackles of an usurped dominion : while it secured the free 
 
 agency, and promoted the real interests of the immortal spirit, 
 
 it placed a guard at the same time about the person of its 
 
370 JESUITS OPPOSED TO THE REFORMATION. 
 
 possessor ; restrained the incursions of arbitrary power ; re- 
 sisted tyranny in every form ; and fostered civil liberty, with- 
 out encouraging licentiousness. The worship of God was 
 thus purified of its dross, and purged of its secularities ; and 
 the throne of monarchs was placed on its only secure founda- 
 tion — the affections of the people ; while those affections were 
 perpetually fed and nourished by a grateful sense of the reli- 
 gious and temporal privileges which can only be enjoyed or 
 appreciated under such a state of things. 
 
 No sooner, however, had the Reformation, which was 
 fraught with such blessings for mankind, appeared in the 
 world, than it became the main object of all who " loved 
 " darkness rather than light," to oppose and overthrow it ; in 
 other words, to bring all the evil in their power out of the 
 elements of so much good : and, as if in direct contradiction 
 to the fable of the monarch who converted every thing he 
 touched into gold, the undeviating policy of such persons ap- 
 peared to be to extend and perpetuate the counterfeit currency 
 of the Romish corruptions, and to depreciate and destroy 
 whatever bore the stamp and impress of Heaven. 
 
 In order to this, they selected Instruments the best 
 adapted to their purpose ; for, of all the enemies of the Re- 
 formation, the most subtle, the most powerful, and the 
 most implacable were the Jesuits. 
 
 Raised up for the specific purpose of obstructing the march 
 of a purer system, and of opposing, with all their power, the 
 diffusion of spiritual light, and the progress of civil liberty ; 
 these mighty advocates of the Papal and Ecclesiastical dynasty 
 did not, in any measure, disappoint the hopes which were 
 formed of them from the beginning ; but fulfilled, in every 
 particular, their high destiny, and were only not successful 
 in utterly extinguishing the light of truth throughout the 
 Avorld, because they entered the lists against the Most High, 
 and sought, under the guise of Religion, to compass the most 
 nefarious ends by the employment of the most unhallowed 
 means. 
 
LUTHER AND LOYOLA. 371 
 
 That the great object of the institution of the Jesuits 
 in the first instance, was the overthrow of the Reformation, 
 will appear from every Author who has adverted to their 
 early history. The following Extract from Villers will set 
 this matter in its true light : 
 
 " The Sixteenth Century saw Luther and Loyola arise 
 u almost at the same moment; the one in the North, the other 
 " in the South of Europe: the latter, a Spaniard, appeared to 
 " be a natural product of the soil and spirit of the country 
 " where he was reared. A century earlier, he would probably 
 " have only founded an Order, like so many others, a frater- 
 " nity of worshippers of the Virgin, to whom his devotion 
 " was particularly addressed : the religious innovations, how- 
 " ever, which then threatened the existence of the Romish 
 " Church, gave to the enthusiasm of the pious and warlike 
 " Ignatius another direction. He conceived the idea of a 
 " sort of spiritual crusade against Heresy. . His scheme was 
 " eagerly adopted at Rome after some hesitation; and the 
 c< design was seriously formed of converting the new Society 
 " into a formidable phalanx which might be employed against 
 " the boldest champions of the Reformation. 
 
 " To the reaction, therefore, excited by that event, may be 
 " ascribed the origin of the Society of Jesus. It will pro- 
 " bably be satisfactory to read the words of Damianus, one 
 " of the first Historians of the Order,, who thus expresses 
 " himself in his Synopsis Historice Soc. Jcsu — primo seculo, 
 " printed in 1640 *. 
 
 * " Eodem anno vigesimo-primo, adulta jam nequitia, palam Ec- 
 " clesice bellum indixit Lutherus : laesus in Pampelonensi arce Igna- 
 " tius alius ex vulnere fortiorque quasi defendendae religionis signum 
 " sustulit. 
 
 " Lutherus Petri sedem probris convitiisque lacessere aggreditur: 
 "Ignatius, quasi ad suscipicndam causam a S. Petro prodigiose 
 " curatur. 
 
 " Lutherus ira, ambitione, libidine victus, a religiosa vita desci- 
 " scit: Ignatius, Deo vocante, impigre obsecutus, a profana ad reli- 
 *' giosam transit. 
 
37£ LUTHER AND LOYOLA, 
 
 " In the same year 1521, Luther, with consummate 
 ec wickedness, openly declared war against the Church :— 
 " wounded in the fortress of Pampeluna, renovated and 
 " strengthened by his accident, Ignatius raised the standard 
 " in defence of religion. 
 
 " Luther attacks the chair of St. Peter with abuse and 
 <e blasphemy : Ignatius is miraculously cured by St. Peter, in 
 " order to become his defender. 
 
 " Luther, tempted by rage, ambition, and lust, abandons 
 u the religious life : Ignatius, eagerly obeying the call of God, 
 " quits the profane for the religious life. 
 
 " Luther, with the guilt of sacrilege, contracts an inces- 
 lc tuous marriage, with a virgin of the Lord : Ignatius binds 
 " himself in the vow of perpetual continence. 
 
 " Luther despises all authority of superiors : the first 
 " precepts of Ignatius, full of Christian humility, are to 
 submit and obey. 
 
 *c 
 
 " Lutherus cum sacra Deo virgine incestas nuptiasinit sacrilegus: 
 " perpetuse continentiae voto se adstringit Ignatius. 
 
 " Lutherus omnem superiorum contemnit autoritatem: prima 
 " Ignatii monita sunt, plena Christianas demissionis, subesse etparere. 
 
 " In sedem apostolicam, furentis in morem, declamat Lutherus : 
 M illam ubique tuetur Ignatius. 
 
 " Ab ea quotquot potest Lutherus avertit : quotquot potest con- 
 " ciliat, reducitque Ignatius. 
 
 " Adversus illam nitentur omnia Lutheri studia atque conatus: 
 •* Ignatius suos, suorumque labores peculiari votoilli consecrat. 
 
 " Lutherus sacris Ecclesiae ritibus venerationem, cultumque de- 
 u traxit : Ignatius omnem illis reverentiam asserit. 
 
 M Missaeque sacrificio, Eucharistias, Deiparas, Tutelaribus divis, et 
 " illis, tanto Luthfri furore impugnatis, Pontificum indulgentiis : in 
 " quibus novo semper invento celebrandis Ignatii sociorumque de- 
 •' sudat industria. 
 
 "Luthbro illo Germaniae probro, Epicuri porco, Europas exitio, 
 •' orbis infelici portento, Dei atque hominum odio, etc. — aeterno con- 
 " silio Deus opposuit Ignatium."— Synopsis, etc. Lib, I. Diss. VI. 
 p. i%. 
 
JESUITS AND OTHER ORDERS. 373 
 
 u Luther, like a madman, declaims against the Apos- 
 " tolic See : Ignatius every where undertakes its defence. 
 
 " Luther withdraws from it as many as he can : as many 
 " as he can, Ignatius reconciles, and restores to it. 
 
 * c All the devices and efforts of Luther are directed 
 " against it: Ignatius consecrates to it, by a special vow, all 
 " his own labours, and all those of his companions. 
 
 " Luther has stripped the sacred rites of the Church of 
 " all their venerable solemnity : Ignatius studies to procure 
 H them reverence. 
 
 " The sacrifice of the Mass, the Eucharist, the Virgin 
 " Mother of God, the Guardian Angels, and the Indulgences 
 <f of Popes, which Luther attacks with so much fury, are the 
 ** objects which Ignatius and his companions exert themselves 
 " continually, to celebrate by new inventions and indefatigable 
 " industry. 
 
 " To Luther, that disgrace of Germany, that Epicurean 
 " Swine, that Curse of Europe, that Monster destructive to the 
 " whole earth, hateful to God and man, &c. God by his 
 *f eternal decree has opposed Ignatius. 
 
 " In truth, the new Society acquitted itself faithfully in 
 " the new service to which it was destined from its origin. 
 
 " A great number of Catholic Associations and Frater- 
 " nities, to which the general movement of the human mind 
 " gave rise at that period, appeared and eclipsed one another 
 " without glory — like those meteors which shine for a short 
 M time in the atmosphere, and leave no trace behind them. 
 
 " The Society of Jesus, however, rose above the horizon, 
 " like an awful comet, which scatters terror among the nations. 
 " While it was scarcely yet established, it rendered important 
 " service to the Holy See, during the sitting of the Council of 
 " Trent, and powerfully influenced the Decrees of that Assem* 
 " bly. The ancient Orders, especially the Mendicant, con- 
 " ceived great envy against those new-comers, who set out 
 " with so much celebrity, and attracted all consideration, and 
 " all favors. This emulation redoubled the activity of all such 
 
u 
 
 si 
 
 374 JESUITS' POWER, WEALTH, AND INFLUENCE. 
 
 " as were not Jesuits, and in particular of the Dominicans, who 
 " wielded in a more terrible manner than ever the sword of 
 " the Inquisition, intrusted to their hands. The Jesuits, 
 " however, outstripped all their rivals, acquired the unlimited 
 " favor of the Pontiffs, and an immense power through the 
 " whole Catholic world. To them, and to the Popes, Mis- 
 " sions were the same as colonies to Political Governments, a 
 " source of wealth and power *." 
 
 With the above account of Villees, agrees the statement 
 of Hume: 
 
 " The Order of Jesuits" (says he) u was erected when the 
 " Court of Rome perceived that the lazy Monks, and Mendi- 
 cant Friars, who sufficed in times of ignorance, were no 
 longer able to defend the ramparts of the Church, assailed 
 " on every side ; and that the inquisitive spirit of the age re- 
 " quired a Society more active and more learned to oppose its 
 " dangerous progress -f. 1 ' 
 
 The Jesuits had no sooner appeared than they overran the 
 universe with surprising rapidity : they became the Instructors 
 of Youth ; the Masters of Seminaries ; the Confessors of 
 Kings ; the distributors of favors ; and the nominators to every 
 office, civil and ecclesiastical, and sometimes even to crowns ; 
 in a word, the arbiters of every great event : they acquired 
 immense wealth in freehold estates, and in the benefices which 
 they procured for their houses : they formed the most substan- 
 tial and brilliant establishments ; and laid the foundations of 
 a monarchy, calculated to resist the most powerful princes. 
 
 How poor Mendicants (for it is thus that these Fathers 
 are designated) could have attained so speedily to an empire 
 of such an extensive and absolute nature, so that they domi- 
 neered over the properties, the lives, the liberties, and the 
 minds of others, is a prodigy which (said the University of 
 
 * See Villers's Essay on the Sprit and Influence of the Reformation 
 of Luther, translated by Mill, p. 374. 
 
 f Hume's History, Elizabeth, ch. 41. Ann. 1581. 
 
IGNATIUS LOYOLA, 1521. 375 
 
 Paris above a century since) would be regarded by posterity 
 as a fable, if such power should cease to exist *. 
 
 The Faculty of Theology in Paris, whose advice the Par- 
 hament had sought, pronounced, in 1554, that <; the Sockty, 
 " mnihdr aton from the obedience and submission due to autho- 
 " rities, unjustly deprived both temporal and spiritual Lords 
 " of their rights ; brought discord into every form of govern- 
 4i ment, and occasioned among the people many subjects of 
 ii complaint, many laivsuits, altercations, schisms, and jca- 
 *' lousies ; that it appeared dangerous to all that concerned th-c 
 " Faith ; calculated to disturb the peace of the Church ; to 
 * overturn the monastic order ; and more fit to destroy than 
 « to build up." 1 
 
 The recital of the crimes committed^ by the Jesuits, in 
 every part of the world for more than two centuries, will serve 
 to verify this statement. At present it shall suffice to apply to 
 them the powerful language of the first of Roman Orators, 
 reserving the proofs of its application to their Order, to the 
 History which follows : — ' ; Cum ferro, cum metu, cum pri- 
 
 " VILEGIO, CUM PR.ESEXTIBUS COPIIS PERDITORUM, ET MIXIS, ET 
 " XEFARIO FOZDERE, SERVITUTE OPl'RESSAM CIVITATEM TEXE- 
 " RENT. 
 
 Ignatius Loyola, the Patron and Founder of this So- 
 ciety, was born in Spain -K He followed at first the profession 
 of arms. Thrown upon the world by this occupation, he gave 
 himself up to his passions ; and the Jesuits who have written 
 his life, observe that vanity and ambition were his ruling pur- 
 suits. In 1521, being then 30 years of age, he was at Pam- 
 peluna when the French besieged it, and had his right leg 
 broken, which was unskilfully treated. During his cure he 
 met with a life of the Saints, written in a romantic style ; he 
 read it, and waa impressed by it. If we may believe the Je- 
 
 • See Answer of the University, in 1644, to the Apology of the Jesuit s, 
 chap. 27 ; and Memorial of the University, presented to the King in 1724. 
 \ Sec his life by Baillet, and in the Continuation of Fleury. 
 
376 IGNATIUS^ FIRST COLLEAGUES, 1534-8, 
 
 suits, he received from Heaven, in the first years of his con* 
 version, miraculous favors, visions, raptures, and ecstasies, from 
 which he appeared to gain extraordinary illumination *. Pas- 
 quier, who witnessed the birth of the Jesuits, was not wrong 
 in calling Ignatius one of the most subtle and skilful politi- 
 cians that his age had produced ; and this will plainly appear 
 when the analysis of the government, statutes, and privileges 
 of the Society shall be given. He had such a military genius, 
 that, after his conversion, having had a dispute with a Moor, 
 who maintained that Mary had ceased to be a virgin by be- 
 coming a mother, Ignatius regretted f that he had suffered 
 this blasphemer to escape, and pursued him in order to kill 
 him : happily, the mule on which he was mounted, took a dif- 
 ferent road to that of the Moor, and hindered him from exe- 
 cuting this pious design. 
 
 He soon obtained disciples; but meeting with opposition, he 
 determined to go to Paris. That great city is properly the 
 cradle of the Society. After having experienced various ob- 
 stacles there, which would have discouraged any other person, 
 he set about forming new disciples ; those whom he had had 
 in Spain having deserted him. His first converts were Le 
 Fevre, who had been his private tutor, and Francis Xavier, 
 who taught Philosophy in the University ; he added to them 
 afterwards Lainez, Salmeron, Bobadilla, and Rodriguez : 
 in order to fix his new disciples irrevocably, he took them, on 
 the day of the Assumption, 1534, to the Church of Montmartre 
 near Paris, where Le Fevre, who had lately become a Priest, 
 said Mass to them and gave them the Sacrament in the 
 subterraneous chapel. After Mass, the whole seven, with a 
 loud and distinct voice, took a vow to undertake, within a 
 prescribed time, a voyage to Jerusalem, for the conversion of 
 the Infidels; to abandon every thing they possessed in the 
 world, except what they should need for their voyage, and, in 
 
 * Baillet, section 6* 
 
 f Sec Baillet on the authority of Maffe'e and Bqvhovrs. 
 
PORTUGAL AND INDIA. 377 
 
 case they should be unable to accomplish this, to go and throw 
 themselves at the feet of the Pope, to offer him their services, 
 and to proceed under his orders wherever he might think 
 proper to send them. At length they were joined by three 
 other disciples, namely Le Jay, Codur, and Brouet. They 
 arrived in Rome in 1538 : being- assembled at the house of 
 Quirino GarZonio, they agreed * that the Society should be 
 established, as soon as possible, as a religious Society, in order 
 to prevent its being dissolved in future, and to enable it to 
 extend itself in all places, and to subsist to the end of time. 
 In spite of every obstacle which he encountered, he accom- 
 plished his object of obtaining the sanction of Pope Paul III. 
 for his Order *|\ He had presented the scheme of the Insti- 
 tution to that Pope in 1539, who referred it to tlu*ee Cardinals 
 for examination. 
 
 Guidiccioni J, one of the Referees, a man of great merit 
 and learning, strenuously opposed this new Institution; he 
 even wrote a book to establish the reasons of his opposition, 
 and his authority determined the two other Cardinals. 
 
 During this examination an event took place, which was 
 the origin of the great credit which the Jesuits afterwards ob- 
 tained at the Court of Portugal. John III. King of Por- 
 tugal, wished to send Missionaries into India, and directed hi* 
 Ambassador at Rome to select ten for the purpose : that Am- 
 bassador was Mascarenhas §, who was closely connected with 
 Ignatius, who is even said to have been his Confessor : he 
 then asked him for some of his companions ; Ignatius gave 
 
 ** SeeBAiLLET. 
 
 *}* This Pope, after he had founded the Order, struck two medals ; 
 one .inscribed " The Gates of Heaven are opened ;" and the other, " The 
 ** security of the Roman people " How far that event contributed to pro- 
 mote " Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace,' good will 
 " towards men," let the present History shew. 
 
 $ See Continuation ofF/eury, Vol. xxviii. Lib. 139. 
 
 § See Continuation of Ffatry, and Life ofXavier, by B A 1 1, l et . 
 
 TOL. I. B B 
 
$78 JESUITS AIM AT UNIVERSAL MONARCHY. 
 
 him Hodriguez and Bobadilla. ; the latter having fallen ill^ 
 Xavier was substituted. 
 
 Mascarenhas carried these two Missionaries with hint 
 Into Portugal: they departed from Rome, 15th March, 1540, 
 above six months before the approbation of the Institution, 
 Rodriguez remained in Portugal, and Xavier went to India. 
 Ignatius now engaged for unlimited obedience to the Pope ; 
 Paul III. flattered by this promise, began to shew himself 
 more favorable. At length, upon the most urgent solicitations, 
 and upon assurances of the most entire submission, Paul III. 
 by a Bull of the 27th of September, 1540, confirmed the Insti- 
 tution. Upwards of forty Bulls have followed, in which they 
 have procured exemptions from all jurisdictions, as well eccle- 
 siastical as civil ; and from all tithes, and imposts on them and 
 their property. 
 
 The Institution is a universal conspiracy against the 
 rights of Bishops, Rectors, Universities, Corporate Bodies, 
 Princes, Magistrates, and every power both spiritual and 
 temporal ! the exorbitant privileges with which they have 
 clothed themselves, are only jfit to overturn every state, and to 
 spread distress and confusion in all places. It is decided by? 
 the Bulls, that the government of the Society is purely monar* 
 chical, and it will appear that, from the origin of their esta- 
 blishment, the Jesuits have proposed to swallow up all other 
 Orders, authorities, and possessions; in a word, to concen« 
 trate all power in the Society, and to become universal Mo* 
 uarchs. 
 
 Every other Establishment has Assemblies, where all 
 which concerns them is decided in Chapters, but in the 
 Houses of the Society nothing is so decided. Pope Gregory 
 XIV. by his Bull of 1591, declares that Ignatius desired 
 that the form of government in his Society should be monar- 
 chical, and that every thing should he decided by the will of 
 the General alone. One of the first privileges that IgnatiujI 
 sought from the Pope was, that his disciples should not be com- 
 
JESUITS ATTEXD THE C0UXCIL OF TRENT. 379 
 
 pelled to take part in the public service of the Church * : in a 
 word, in the privileges obtained by the Jesuits, we observe 
 merely a plan formed with address, and dictated bv ambition, 
 not only to establish an absolute monarchy in the Society, but 
 to raise the Societv to the monarchv of the whole world, in sub- 
 jecting every other authority to itself. 
 
 No sooner had IgxaTius obtained the approbation of his 
 Institution, than he spread his companions over the whole 
 world. Lainez had already penetrated to the Court of the 
 Emperor Charles V. -j* : he was even employed to negotiate 
 the marriage of the daughter of the King of Portugal with 
 Philip II. the son of that Emperor, and he accompanied the 
 new Queen into Spain. He thus opened that kingdom to his 
 Societv ; and it is certain that the Jesuits, having attached 
 themselves to Philip II. succeeded at last in obtaining for him 
 the crown of Portugal. 
 
 Ignatius and his companions had promised the Pope, in 
 their Petitions of 1540 and 1543, to fight under his standard; 
 to be his soldiers, as they were those of God ; and to obey him 
 in all things. Paul III. in consequence, loaded them with 
 favors : he sent Laixez, and Salmerox, to the Council of 
 Trent, and Le Jay went there also in the character of Theolo- 
 gian to the Bishop of Augsburgh. 
 
 The remarkable protection afforded them bv the Pope, 
 and the zeal displayed by them against the Protestants, induced 
 many Princes to admit them into their States^ and to assign 
 them establishments. 
 
 In 1540, when they presented their petitions to Paul III. 
 they only appeared in the number of ten. In 1543 they were 
 not more than twenty-four. In 1545 they had only ten 
 Houses : but in 1549 they had two Provinces; one in Spain y 
 and the other in Portugal, and twenty-two Houses : and at 
 
 # See Bull of Paul III. dated 27th of September, 1540: " Teneantur 
 «* tamen singuli privatim ac particulariter, et non communiter ad di- 
 u cenduEfi officiiim." 
 
 *f See Bistoire dzs ReligUux de la Ccmpagnie de Jesus. 
 
 B B % 
 
880 melchior casio's prediction as to the Jesuits, 
 
 the death of Ignatius in 1556, they had twelve large Pro-- 
 vinces. In 1608 Ribadexeira reckoned 29 Provinces, and 
 two vice Provinces, 21 Houses of Profession, 293 Colleges, 
 S3 Houses of Probation, 93 other residences, and 10,581 
 Jesuits. In the Catalogue printed at Rome in 1629 are 
 found 35 Provinces, 2 vice Provinces, 33 Houses of Profes- 
 sion, 578 Colleges, 48 Houses of Probation, 88 Seminaries, 
 160 Residences, 106 Missions, and, in all, 17,655 Jesuits, 
 of whom 7870 were Priests *. At last (according to the cal- 
 culation of Father Jouvexcy) they had in 1710, 24 Houses 
 of Profession, 59 Houses of Probation, 340 Residences, 612 
 Colleges, of which above 80 were in France, 200 Missions, 
 157 Seminaries and Boarding Houses, and 19,998 Jesuits ! 
 
 When they thought to establish themselves at Salamanca 
 in 1548 -f-, Melchior Cano, a Dominican distinguished 
 for his learning and piety, perceived some unfortunate pre- 
 sages which appeared to threaten the Romish Church with the 
 greatest evils, and publicly declared, that he saw in the So- 
 ciety]: " the marks which the Apostle had assigned to the fol- 
 " lowers of Antichrist ;" and when Turrian, one of his 
 friends who had become a Jesuit, besought him to abstain 
 from persecuting the Order, and alledged the approbation 
 which the Holy See had conceded, he only replied, that " he 
 u thought himself obliged to warn the people as he did, in 
 " order that they might not suffer themselves to be seduced.'" 
 
 The authority of Melchior Cano made a great impres- 
 sion upon the inhabitants of Salamanca : the Jesuits were 
 pointed out and driven away : they would no longer confide 
 to them the education of their youth, nor the instruction of 
 the religious : in a word, the Magistrates, in concert with the 
 University, determined to banish thein from the city as a cor- 
 rupt race §. 
 
 * See the Memorial of the University of Paris to the King in 1724. 
 
 \ See Continuation of Fleury, Vol- x'xix. lib. 145. 
 
 X Sec Morale Pratique, Vol. i. Preface and first Chapter. 
 
 § See Histoird des. Religieux iU la Com]), ds Jesus, 1. ii. n. 61. 
 
XESfflTS IX TRAXCE, 154 3. 381 
 
 Melchior Ca.vo, wlien a Bishop, persisted in the judg- 
 ment which he had at first pronounced against the Society : 
 indeed, this Prelate, whom the King of Portugal, in his 
 Manifesto of June, 1759, states to have distinguished him- 
 self by his science and virtues, expressed himself in these terms 
 in his letter to the Confessor of the Emperor Charles V r . 
 
 " God grant that it may not happen to me as it is fabled 
 " to have happened to Cassandra, whose predictions obtained 
 " no credit until after the capture and burning of Trow If 
 " the Members of the Society continue as they have begun, 
 " God grant there may not come a time when Kings will wish 
 " to resist them, and will find no means of doing so *." The 
 Jesuits, however, were only then in their infancy. 
 
 Among other privileges which Paul III. granted, was 
 that by which he exempted the Society and the persons and 
 property of all its members, from every kind of superintend- 
 ence, jurisdiction, and punishment of Ordinaries : he further 
 prohibited all Archbishops and Bishops, and every other aio- 
 thority, as iccll ecclesiastical as secular, from obstructing or 
 molesting the companions of Ignatius, their houses, churches, 
 or colleges f. With such arms as these, nothing could resist 
 them in countries professing a devoted submission to all the 
 Decrees of the Popes. 
 
 CHAP. IT. 
 
 EARLY EFFORTS OF THE JESUITS TO ESTABLISH 
 THEMSELVES IN FRANCE. 
 
 From the year 1540, immediately after the approval of the 
 Society by Paul III. Ignatius, having dispersed his compa- 
 
 * Sec the King of Portugal's Manifesto, accompanying his Circular 
 Letter to the Bishops in .1759, where he cites this passage. 
 
 f See this Bull as given by the Jesuits themselves. They enume- 
 rate forty Bulls, but they are in fact much more numerous. 
 
 EB 3 
 
58& PARLIAMENT OF PARIS, 1552. 
 
 nions in different parts of the world, had sent some Disciples 
 to Paris under the care of Eguia; and afterwards under that 
 of Dominique : but the King having ordered all the subjects 
 of Charles V. to quit the kingdom, the greater part of this 
 small society, which consisted of the Emperor's subjects, with- 
 drew to Louvain*. 
 
 In 1545, however, there were thirteen in the College of 
 the Lombards, either Bursars or Students, and under the 
 guidance of Viole, but without being known : they found a 
 powerful protector in Guillaume du Prat, Bishop of Cler- 
 mont, natural son of the famous Du Prat, Chancellor, Car- 
 dinal, and Legate, who had offered 120,000 livres for the 
 purchase of the Popedom, and who had left great wealth to 
 his son : this Prelate had first established some Jesuits in his 
 town of Billon; he afterwards lodged those who were in Paris, 
 in his Hotel de Clermont, and left them a considerable legacy. 
 Ignatius had insinuated himself at Rome into the favoF 
 of the Cardinal of Lorraine, who promised to protect his In-, 
 Stitution at the Court of France, on his return : accordingly, 
 at the instance of this Cardinal, Henry II. of France issued 
 Letters Patent-)- in January, 1550, by which he approved and 
 Confirmed the Bulls obtained by the Jesuits ; and gave them 
 permission to erect , with the funds which might be granted 
 them, a House and College in the City of Paris only, and 
 not in other cities, there to live according to their Rides and 
 Statutes ; and commanded his Parliament to sanction such 
 Letters, and permit the Brethren to enjoy the said privileges. 
 The Jesuits presented their Letters Patent to the Parlia- 
 ment, which determined that the subject should be referred to 
 the Crown Lawyers for their opinion : M. Bruslart, the 
 Attorney General, whom Pasquier and Du Boulay call the 
 Cato of his age, consulted with his, colleagues, M. de Maril-? 
 
 * See Dupitif 1 6 Siecle, part iii. chap. 4. 
 
 f See an Extract from them in the Report of the Assembly of Pots sy 
 in 1561. 
 
BISHOP OF PARIS OPPOSES JESUITS. 
 
 S83 
 
 4.AC and M. Seguiefv; who gave their written opinions against 
 Ratifying and accrediting the same, and advised that, at all 
 events, the Parliament should remonstrate with the King 
 against validity being given to the Letters in question : the 
 Jesuits, however, obtained a Mandate, by fraudulent means* 
 for registering the Letters Patent *• 
 
 Shortly after, the L T niversity agreed to petition the King 
 that the Bull of Paul III. might not be inserted in the Re* 
 gisters of the Parliament; and the Parliament referred the con- 
 sideration of the subject to the Bishop of Paris, and to the 
 Dean and Faculty of Theology of that City and University^ 
 in order to a proper conclusion being formed upon it. 
 
 Eustache du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, after observing, 
 that the Bulls of Paul III. and of Julius III. had beeil 
 communicated to him by order of Parliament, does not hesi- 
 tate to pronounce that " those Bulls contained many things 
 <c which appeared to him utterly contrary to reason, and such 
 " as ought not to be tolerated or received in the Christian re- 
 *' ligion" He calls the title of the Society, " an arrogant 
 t( name, as if they would represent themselves as alone con- 
 u stituting the Ohureh ;" affirms that, " in spite of their 
 5< vow of poverty, they held and disposed of Ecclesiastical 
 Ci dignities : tliat they would not be corrected by Bishops ; 
 ft that they usurped the rights of those who have the cure of 
 i( souls; and the lights of Bishops, and even of the Pope him- 
 i( self, whom they specially vowed to obey, and to go where- 
 " ever he should send them ; while their Superior might recaj. 
 if those whom the Pope should send ; and that they had ol> 
 Ci tained exemption from joining in the public service.* The 
 Bishop of Paris concludes in these terms : " Finally, let the 
 u Parliament consider that all innovations are dangerous ; and 
 *< that from these, many unforeseen and unexpected dangers 
 il must arise. 1 " 
 
 * 5ee the Memorial of M. Seguier to the Parliament) presented 26tk 
 January, 15 ja, 
 
 9* 4 
 
S8 4 JESUITS' RESISTANCE. 
 
 With regard to the opinion of the Faculty of Theology ; 
 after a discussion which lasted several months, the Faculty^ 
 the 1st December, 1554, came to that celebrated decision which 
 has been so often cited * : « This new Society" (say they) 
 " appropriates particularly to itself the unusual title of the 
 " name of Jesus, receives with the greatest laxity, and with- 
 4i out any discrimination, all kinds of persons, however cri- 
 * minal, lawless, and infamous they may be— it withdraws 
 " from the obedience and submission due to Ordinaries— un- 
 justly deprives both temporal and spiritual Lords of their 
 « rights— brings disturbance into every form of government, 
 " —and occasions many subjects of complaint, many law-suits, 
 " contentions, jealousies, and schisms, among the people. 
 " The Society, therefore, appears to us to be dangerous in 
 " all that concerns thefaitji, calculated to disturb the peace 
 " of the Church, to overturn the Monastic Order, arid more 
 " Jit to destroy than to build up? 
 
 When we call to mind the universal disorder which the Je- 
 suits have occasioned throughout the world ; their multiplied 
 crimes ; the pertinacity with which, for more than two hun- 
 dred years, they have resisted all authority, both spiritual and 
 temporal ; sought to ruin all other bodies in succession ; at- 
 tempted the lives of Princes, and of all others who were re- 
 garded as unfriendly to them ; their flagrant errors upon all 
 points of theology; the dangerous maxims in morals which 
 they have either fathered or countenanced ; must we not re- 
 cognise in the judgment thus formed of them, even from their 
 origin, by the Faculty of Theology, a prophecy too pre^ely 
 verified ? 
 
 The opinions of the Bishop of Paris, and of the Faculty 
 of Theology, operated as an ordeal to the Jesuits. They 
 admit f that opposition arose in every quarter; that the 
 Preachers did not spare them in the pulpit ; that the Clergy, 
 
 * See M. d'Argentre, Collect. Jud. Vol. ii. p. i 9 a. 
 t L (f e °f Ignatius, by Bou hours. 
 
ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN', 1558. 385 
 
 loudly attacked the Institution ; and that the Professors made 
 them the subjects of their lectures. 
 
 The Bishop of Pans, thus supported by the suffrages of his 
 ■whole diocese, interdicted them from all their functions*; and 
 this example of Eustache du Bella Y was followed by all the 
 Prelates who were then at Paris ; but, in defiance of the Bi- 
 shop, the Jesuits, as intractable then as since, retired into 
 the Quarter of St. Germain, where they pretended they were 
 exempt from his jurisdiction -f-, and where they continued to 
 exercise their functions in spite of the interdict. 
 
 Ignatius, who was still alive, exhorted his disciples to ex- 
 pect every thing from time, and not to be discouraged (a 
 maxim of which they have since made abundant use J) ; and, 
 in order to console them, he obtained from the Inquisition 
 of Spain a Decree, censuring the opinion of the Faculty: 
 the Jesuits, however, did not dare, for many years, to shew 
 themselves in France. Before their re-appearance there in 1560 
 is noticed, a few facts concerning them may be related. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 DIFFERENT EVENTS RELATING TO THE JESUITS BETWEEN 
 THE YEARS 1554 AND 1560. 
 
 It isjiot alone in France that so unfavorable an opinion was 
 formed of the rising Society : George Beonswell, the Ca- 
 tholic Archbishop of Dublin, in 1558, prophesied of them as 
 follows : 
 
 " There is a fraternity which has lately arisen, called 
 " the Jesuits, who will seduce many ; who acting, for the 
 " most part, like the Scribes and Pharisees, will strive to 
 * { overturn the truth : they will go near to accomplish their 
 
 * Continuation of Fleury, Vol. xxx. lib. 150. 
 
 f History of Paris, lib. 21. 
 
 t Pasqjjier's Catechism of the Jesuits, lib.iii. chap. 30. 
 
ft 
 
 586 JESUITS IN PORTUGAL, 1555, 
 
 " object, for they transform themselves into various shapes'; 
 " among Pagans, they will be Pagans ; among Atheists, 
 " Atheists ; Jews among Jews ; and Reformers among Re- 
 u formers, for the sole purpose of discovering jour intentions, 
 <c your hearts, and desires. These persons are spread over 
 " the whole earth : they will be admitted into the Councils of 
 Ci Princes, which will, however, be no wiser from their intro- 
 *' duction : they will infatuate them so far as to induce them to 
 reveal the greatest secrets of their hearts : they will be in 
 no way aware of them. This will be the consequence of 
 *' their advisers neglecting to observe the laws of God and of 
 ft his Gospel, and conniving at the sins of Princes. Not- 
 iC withstanding, God will, in the end, in order to avenge his 
 ei law, cut off this Society even by those who have most sup- 
 <c ported and employed it ; so that, at last, they will become 
 * £ odious to all nations *." 
 
 It was in Portugal that these Fathers formed their first 
 establishment : before even the Bull of 1540, which confirm- 
 ed their institution, had been granted to them, the ambassa- 
 dor Mascarenhas had carried with him into Portugal, Fran- 
 cis Xavier and Rodriguez. While Xavier, full of zeal, 
 crossed the seas to convert the Infidels, the Patriarch Igna- 
 tius did not omit to send many of his companions into Por- 
 tugal, who knew how to make their way at Court. They 
 obtained permission that the Schools should be confided to* 
 them-f*. 
 
 The University of Coimbra opposed, in a body, the order 
 which it received in 1555 (fifteen years after the introduction 
 of the Jesuits in Portugal) to deliver up to them the College 
 of Fhilosophy. At the congress of the deputies of all the 
 cities in the Kingdom convoked by King Sebastian in 1562, 
 the people presented the strongest remonstrances against, the 
 
 * See Varan's Annals of Ireland, reprinted at Dublin in 1705. 
 
 f See the Manifesto of the King of Portugal of the 28th June, 1759, 
 by which he abolishes their Schools, declaring that Learning itself had 
 «ensib!y declined under them. 
 
JESUITS IN SARRAGOSSA, 1555. 38? 
 
 great wealth which these Professors had already acquired 
 (since the twenty-two years which they had been in the king- 
 dom), and against the system of education pursued by them. 
 The nobility and people of Oporto met together on 22d No- 
 vember, 1630, to deliberate upon the Schools opened by them 
 in that year, and enacted severe penalties against all who 
 ■should go there, or send their children there. 
 
 War having arisen between France and Charles V. some 
 of the Jesuits were compelled to quit Paris: they retired, 
 with Domaxa their superior, who took them to finish their 
 studies at Louvain : thence they spread themselves over Flan- 
 ders with some proselytes: having been there some time with- 
 out any fixed residence, they influenced some Magistrates of 
 Tournay, who took pains to procure them a College *. 
 - New intrigues followed on the part of the Jesuits: Igna- 
 tius procured a Letter from Cardinal Carpi to the Nuncio of 
 Brussels, to maintain the privileges of the Jesuits; he ob- 
 tained also the recommendation of the Queen of Spain. 
 
 Then* expulsion from Sarragossa took place in 1555")*: 
 they had obtained a House there, while waiting for the build- 
 ing of their College; but finding they had not room enough, 
 they seized upon a piece of land which belonged to the Au- 
 gustines, on which they erected their Church. Those monks 
 complained of the encroachment, and caused notice to be 
 given to the Jesuits not to continue that building : but the 
 Jesuits availing themselves of then* privilege, which authorizes 
 them to build wherever they may think proper, accused the 
 Augustines of disobedience to the Holy See, and continued 
 their building. When it was finished, without applying to 
 the Ordinary, they put in force another of their privileges, 
 which enables them to consecrate their own Churches, and 
 they said Mass in their new Chapel. 
 
 The Archbishop of Sarragossa's Grand Vicar sent to prdu 
 
 * See VHistoire des Religieux de la Comp. de Jesus ^ lib. ill. ch. 58. 
 f See Continuation of fkvrji Vol. xxxi. lib. iji. 
 
88S JESUITS IN FLANDERS, 1556- 
 
 hibit them from proceeding any farther; but they paid no 
 attention to the admonition, which obliged the Grand Vicar to 
 forbid all persons, on pain of excommunication, from going' 
 to hear Mass among them, or taking part in any sacred service : 
 lie caused the Decree to be affixed at the door of their Church, 
 and directed all preachers to publish it from their pulpits. 
 
 The Jesuits persisting in celebrating divine service, not- 
 withstanding these proceedings, and in spite of the prohibitions, 
 the Grand Vicar excommunicated them, as well as all who had 
 assisted at it ; and in order to oblige these Fathers to quit the 
 city, he placed them under an interdict until they should de- 
 part: they quitted the city; but found, at length, the means of 
 returning ; for which purpose, they obtained a Letter from 
 Queen Jane the mother of Charles V.* 
 
 Their credit at the Court of Spain was already so great, 
 that, as has been observed, thev interfered in the marriage of 
 
 J + mi O 
 
 Philip II. They produce a copy of the Letters Patent, which 
 they pretend to have obtained from that Prince for their esta- 
 blishment in the Low Countries, dated in August, 1556, the 
 authenticity of which was attacked by M. Grebert.-— See i?e- 
 ponse dc M. Grebert, p. 12. 
 
 The Author of LHistolrc des Religieux dc la Com- 
 pagn'ic de Jems gives a cletail-f* (on the authority of Orlandin 
 the Jesuit) of what passed in the Low Countries in 15£>6, 
 respecting the Jesuits. Ignatius long laboured to procure 
 for his Society an establishment in Flanders : he sent Riba- 
 PENEira to Antwerp, where Philip II. then kept his Court ; 
 the doctrines of Luther, which began to spread themselves in 
 the environs, afforded this Father a pretext for offering to that 
 Prince, the services of his Company : he laid before him the 
 advantages which it had rendered to the Church, wherever 
 it had possessed Establishments, adding, that it would be 
 <jf equal benefit in the Low Countries, where it was so much 
 
 * Conlhmatlon of i^V^ry, Vol. xxxi. lib. 151. 
 f Ibid. lib. 3. p. 76 et seq. 
 
JESUITS IN ROME, 1557. &S9 
 
 the more necessary from heresy having begun to spread ; that 
 thev only asked, in order to check its progress, such revenues 
 as might give solidity to their Establishments ; in short, that 
 this Monarch would, " by his compliance, perform nn action 
 " worthy of his great mind, agreeable to the whole Church, and 
 " to Religion in several.? 
 
 The King contented himself with requiring of the Jesuits 
 their request in writing, which he sent to the Council of 
 Flanders : as soon as it was communicated to them, the Bi- 
 shops, Rectors, Magistrates, Religious Orders, and even the 
 People, declared unanimously against their [Establishment. 
 The disturbances they had already excited in Tournav, and 
 Sarragossa, were the general theme o£ conversation ; and the 
 indignation against them was universal. 
 
 The Magistrates contending, amongst others, that the pri- 
 vileges of the Jesuits would overturn the rights of Bishops 
 and of the other religious Orders, the Jesuit Ribadexeiea 
 maintained, that " those privileges could not be attacked with- 
 " out attacking the omnipotence of Jesus Christ; because 
 " Jesus Christ having bequeathed that to the Pope, it was a 
 u crying injustice to wish to annul, rectify, or alter what the 
 " Sovereign Pontiffs had once settled.""' This extraordinary 
 position had no weight with the Council of Flanders, and the 
 Jesuits were at that time sent back. 
 
 The afflictions which followed their early disgraces in 
 France, Flanders, Sarragossa, and Spain, were alleviated by 
 the magnificent establishments, which their industrious Patriarch 
 was enabled to procure for them at Rome *. 
 
 This Professor of poverty, by the contributions which he 
 drew from different persons, accomplished the erection of the 
 two superb Roman and German Colleges, and a very agree- 
 able and commodious country-house, for the advantage of tire 
 air. These Establishments, which have been since enlarged 
 and multiplied, have furnished the Jesuits with the mean* 
 
 3* Continuation o/Fkurj, Vol. xxxi. lib. ijr. 
 
890 the pope's objections. 
 
 of accommodating about six hundred of their members a^ 
 Rome, and of presiding from thence over the world at large. 
 
 Ignatius, the main spring of this great body, died on the 
 31st of July, 1556, having the satisfaction of seeing his com- 
 pany so increased that it was already divided into twelve Pro* 
 vinces, and possessed at least a hundred Colleges, without in- 
 cluding; its other Houses. 
 
 Lainez, the oldest of Igxatius's companions, a subtle 
 character, and one who appeared to have had the greatest 
 share in all the operations of Ignatius, caused a General 
 Assembly to be convened for the election of a General ; and, 
 in the mean time, he succeeded in obtaining for himself the 
 appointment of Vicar General to govern during the inter- 
 regnum. 
 
 As soon as the Deputies appeared at the General Assembly, 
 that skilful Politician made them sign a kind of Formulary, 
 the principal article of which was, that no other business 
 should be proceeded on by the Chapter, until a General should 
 be elected. 
 
 Pope Paul IV. having seen, however, with jealousy, that 
 the authority of the General of this Order over his subjects was 
 parallel with his own, had appointed Cardinal Pacheco to re- 
 i present him at the Chapter, and to signify to it his determina- 
 tion; which was, first, that the Generalship should not be 
 perpetual, but only for three years, as in many other Orders ; 
 and secondly, that the Jesuits should join in the public service 
 of the Church, as was practised by other Orders. 
 
 With a view to get rid of both these conditions, the Jesuits 
 represented that they were unable to discuss any subject until 
 the election of a General had taken place : they were there- 
 fore suffered to proceed to it, and on the 2d of July, 1558, the 
 choice fell upon Lainez. 
 
 The election being once decided, no respect whatever was 
 paid to the two demands of the Pope : he was much incensed 
 at this ; and when the new General came with many of his 
 Ojder to announce the election to Paul IV. he treated thewi 
 
THE BISHOPS 1 OBJECTIONS, §91 
 
 ae rebellious subjects, and fomenters of heresy, on the ground 
 of their refusal to celebrate Divine Service in common. He 
 also declared to them, that he objected to the Generalship con- 
 tinuing more than three years. 
 
 Notwithstanding this decision and the formal notice which 
 was given to them on the part of the Pope, by Cardinal 
 Teaxi, the Jesuits passed a Decree, on the 24th of August, 
 1558, pronouncing that the Generalship should be perpetual; 
 and on the 25th they presented a Memorial to the Pope *, in 
 which thev observe that they could not avoid declaring that 
 it was more advantageous for the Society that the General 
 should not be changed during his life : toe arc, hoieevcr y they 
 added, obedient children, and quite ready to observe mhat your 
 Holiness shall command. Their only object in these specious 
 professions, was to amuse Paul IX. who was sufficiently ad- 
 vanced in life to lead them to hope that he would never see 
 the end of the first three years. They were not mistaken ; the 
 Pope died, shortly after, and the Generalship has remained 
 perpetual ever since. 
 
 With respect to the service in common, far from conform- 
 ing to what the Pope required of them, they passed in that 
 Congregation a positive Decree against it. 
 
 Such was, from the beginning, the subtletv of these Fathers, 
 and it has only increased from that time : but the profound 
 views of Laixez are best discovered, in his having, so far 
 back as in 1558, laid those foundations upon which the Je- 
 suits, in order to gain the affections of all men, and to secure 
 to themselves the direction of the most tender consciences, have 
 in the end erected an edifice of the most monstrous errors of 
 every kind. 
 
 It appears from the History of the Council of Trent "f- ? 
 that Laixez, on the 20th of October, 1562, made an address 
 of two hours long for the purpose of attacking the Episcopal 
 
 * See the Decree and Memorial in the Receuil de; Dhrett dc la pre- 
 miere Ccr.grfgaticn, p. 44, Edit. 1635. 
 f See Father Paul's History, i;6a. 
 
o9% LAINEZ OPPOSES REFORM 1 . 
 
 authority openly, and of concentrating all authority in the sold- 
 person of the Pope. This address, which was full of violence, 
 shocked the Bishops : Eustache du Bell ay, the Bishop of 
 Paris, who was prevented from attending by illness, com- 
 plained strongly of what Lainez was reported to have ad- 
 vanced. " At present 11 (said he *), " a Society a few days 
 " old, which, in the opinion of the University of Paris, is nei- 
 " ther secular nor regular, and which appears to have shewn 
 u itself for the invention of novelties in the Faith, for disturb* 
 6i ing the repose of the Church, and for destroying the whole 
 " Monastic system, endeavours to abolish the Episcopal juris- 
 *' diction altogether, in making it precarious, and of human 
 " authority ." 
 
 In the Sitting of the 16th of June, 1563, Lainez openly 
 defended the abuses of the Court of Rome, which it was wished 
 to reform. He said -f, that " the Disciple not being above his . 
 " Master, ?wr the Servant above his Lord, it followed that the 
 " Council had no authority to inteifere in this reform? He 
 was interested in defending the greatest abuses of Dispensations 
 and Indulgences, without which the Society itself could not 
 exist. In the same Sitting he contended that " Christ having' 
 " power to dispense from every law, the Pope his Vicar had 
 " the same!''' Hervet wrote from the Council that " the 
 w Jesuits had from their origin resolved to flatter the vices of 
 '•*' the Roman Pontiffs J* 
 
 * See Father Paul's History, An. 1562, 20 October. 
 f See Father Paul, on that day's meeting. 
 % See Mercure Jesuitique, Vol. iii. 
 
 END OF THE EI EST VOLUME,, 
 
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