M% j^Jj^tj ii^iiii] J N ]G7C;J N ], LLD,K £ Member of tk& Jaf& frisk Farfiawait. Pot tie Cities of Tuani & Clogher . :r. 5 laid: ;ork. RISE AND FALL OF THE IRISH NATION. BY SIR JONAH BARRINGTON, LL.D. K.C. Member in the late Irish Parliament for the Cities of Tuam and Clogher The nations have fallen, and thou still art young, Thy sun is but rising, when others are set , And, though slavery's cloud o'er thy morning hath hung, The full noon of freedom shall beam round them yet Eriu! oh Erin, though long in the shade, Thy star will shin a out when the proudest shall fade. Mou» THIKTEENTH THOUSAND. NEW YORK: P. J. KENEDY, EXCELSIOR CATHOLIC PUBLISHING HOUSE, 5 BARCLAY STREET. 1896. BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY CHESTNUT HILL, MASS, \j TO THE BARON PLUNKET LORD CHANCELLOR OF IRELAND My dear Lord, Even whilst the twilight of h'fe is rapidly descending into that mysterious night, by which the whole human race must inevitably be enveloped, there yet remains on« gratification, which, whilst intellect survives, age canno deprive us of, the recollection of past pleasures. To me none afford more happy recollections than the splendid days of my variegated life, spent in the society of those great and gifted characters, who once adorned that talented and happy island, we were then proud to call the place of our nativity. From that society all distinctions of party were ba- nished, and politics were forgotten ; all merged in the general glow of private friendship ; there were no con- tests save those of wit, no emulation but in the animated sallies of classic conviviality, there your talents were con- spicuous, and your elevation was predicted. In those societies our intimacy commenced, and generated a Ciendship, from which my heart and my actions have uever for one moment deviated. IV DEDI'.ATION. No man knew me betfer than your Lordship, no man knows better the sacrifices I made to uphold our country Once I was formidable to its enemies ; but I have a>s! my sting, and it required the strength of more than ordi- nary philosophy to bear up against that overwhelming weight of injustice, illegality, haughty and irresistible oppression, which, through unconstitutional proceedings, and for a palpably corrupt purpose, were heaped upon one of the oldest and most proven friends of the British Monarchy. I trust, however, to the justice and liberality of a reformed representation to afford me a full oppor- tunity of bringing before their eyes, that unprecedented scene of injustice, and of convincing the Empire, that real culprits, of the higher orders, were at the same moment, not only screened, but elevated. On the most important subject that ever agitated (and has not ceased to agitate) the British Empire, our sen- timents, my Lord, were congenial : we fought side by side in the cause of Ireland, upon that vital point I yielded my warmest friends, and acquired most inveterate enemies, you broke from no connexion, talent, patriotism, eloquence and integrity stamped your character ; I feel, therefore, that, as the intimate of my society, the comrade of my battles, and, I believe, the friend of my declining years, I should pay to you this tribute of regard, by pre- senting to you a volume, which fills up the chasm of events for twenty of the most momentous years of Irish History ; and, if God gives me health to complete what I am undertaking, the reigns of the seven Viceroys which have succeeded the Union shall be given ro the public, as an irrefragable proof of the truth of the predic- tions, which, in 1800, were urged in vain against the adoption of that disastrous measure. As some novel points of view in which I have in this volume placed the present state of the Un'm question, DEDICATION. f spring solely from myself, they are only to be cons idered as the isolated opinion of a worn-out public mar. ; full perhaps of those national prejudices, which are insepara- ble from his nature, but excusable when they are genu- ine, and founded on the purest principles of equity and constitution. One of the proudest days of my life was that when, a candidate for the Metropolis of Ireland, the five first names found on my tally, were those of the Grattan, G. Ponsonby, Plunket, Curran, and Ball; you, my Lord, are the only survivor of that illustrious group, who has lived to see the fulfilment of their prophecies, and in that point of view, I feel that not only my private friendship, but almost public duty, commands me to present to you a worK, which, whilst narrating the glorious, but unsuc- cessful struggles of our common country, for its Inde- pendence, offers a feeble and melancholy tribute to the patriotism of those illustrious characters, whose memory will ever be revered by a generous and grateful people. Believe me, my dear Lord, to be, With the utmost sincerity, Yours most faithfully, JONAH BARRINGTOM. tflftfc POFATORY OBSERVATIONS. More than thirty summers have now passed by, sinc€ that disastrous measure, called a "legislative Union* extinguished at one blow, the pride, the prosperity, and the Independence of the Irish Nation. A measure which, under the false colours of guarding for ever against a disunion of the Empire, has taken the longest and surest stride to lead it to dismemberment. A measure which, instead of "consolidating th$ strength and resource of the Empire" as treacherously expressed from the Throne of the Viceroy, has, through its morbid operation, paralyzed the resources of Ireland ; whilst England is exhausting her own strength, squan- dering her own treasures, and clipping her own constitu- tion, to uphold a measure, efl&cteA by corruption, and maintained by oppression. A measure which, pretending to tranquillize, has in fact excited more hostile, and I fear, interminable disgust, than had ever before existed between the two nations, and has banished from both, that mutual and invigorating attachment, which was daily augmenting, under the con- tinuance of the federative connexion. The protecting body of the country gentlemen have evacuated Ireland, and in their stead, we now find official clerks, griping agents, haughty functionaries, and proud Clergy ; the resident Aristocracy of Ireland, if not quite extinguished, is hourly diminishing ; and it is a political truism, that the coexistence of an oligarchy, without a Vlll PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS. cabinet, a resident executive, and an absent legislation tenants without landlords, and magistrates without lega knowledge, must be, from its nature, a form of constitu* tion at once incongruous, inefficient, and dangerous. The present is a state which cannot exist ; it is a strug- gle, that cannot continue, there is "a tide" in the affairs of Empires, as well as of individuals ; every fever has a crisis : Ireland is in one now, I am no fanatic, I am the partisan only of tranquillity, in the country where I drew my first breath. The people of England, and also of some continental kingdoms, are fully aware of the distracted state of Ire- land, but are at a loss to account for it ; it is now how- ever in proofj that thirty-three years of Union have been thirty-three years of beggary and disturbance, and this result, I may fairly say, I always foresaw. And when my humble sentiments as to the suscepti- bility of Ireland, and the misrule that seems entailed on her generations, have the honor of coinciding with those of the highest authority in England, on that subject, I feel myself invincible in the position, that "If Ireland was well governed she would be the brightest jewel in i he King's Crown. The proof that the people are not bad is that during two rebellions in 1715 and 1745 that raged in Scotland and England, the Irish people were quite quiet. But she has been badly governed, and has not and does not improve with the rest of the Empire." In fact the world has now become not only enlighten ed, but illuminated, by the progress of political informa- tion ; and it is clear as day that there are but two ways, through which eight millions of Irish population can evei be governed with security : either through tne re-enjoy- ment of her own constitution, and voluntary affection to her rulers, or by physical force of arms, and the tempo- raiy right of conquest, the former even now requires only PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS. HI the will of England, and the word reconciliation ; but both ancient and modern examples fully prove, that the whole physical force and power of Great Britain might find itself dangerously deceived in trying to establish by the sword, a system so repugnant to the very nature of the English people. During the short reign of Earl Fitzwilliam with a resi- dent legislature, five thousand men were sufficient to garrison every spot of Ireland, under the protracted reign of the present Viceroy, more than thirty thousand sol- diers are found necessary, to enforce obedience even to a single statute of the Imperial legislature. These are proofs and matters of fact, they carry con- viction to the reason of every man susceptible of convic- tion, and of every party not hurried away by prejudice, and great Britain herself must now perceive that above a third of her military are employed in Ireland, by her minister, to keep down the exuberant spirit of that people, and that army paid out of the English purse, by taxes levied on the English people, is solely maintained to extinguish that very spirit which they have themselves so triumphantly exercised to obtain a reform of their own corrupt legislature. The subjects of this volume, and some novel sugges- tions and doctrines it embodies, will of course excite many different opinions, as to the object of its author, in producing such a work, at so critical an epocha of the British Empire. I therefore hesitate not a moment in avowing my reasons; they are just, true, and con- ciliatory ; one is to dispel that profound ignorance of the real state of Ireland, its claims and its deprivations, which appears to have pervaded every class of the British people, and in which lack of information, so great a proportion even of the present Parliament appears to participate. I PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS. But al>ove all to convince the British people, that the) are the very worst friends of the connexion, who raise up a "repeal of the Union" as a sprite to terrify the English people, into a false belief that it would be only a certain prelude to a separation of the countries. Never yet was a more mischievous or false position forced on the credulity of an uninformed people ; whoever reads this volume will detect that falsehood ; there they will find, by comparing times and incidents, that, so far from a resident legislature being a ground of separation, it was the knot that indissolubly united them, whilst the increasing miseries of Ireland, arising from this Union, are only the prelude to a convulsive separation of the two countries. In the body of this volume (page 391,) I have given my suggestion as to the term " Repeal of the Union n and my opinion, that no power of the Irish representa- .ives or trustees, could enact a line of it, that as a consti- utional measure, it is a nullity unqualified, and that no such Union dejure, is at present in existence. I must here observe in reply to the ingenious verbiage of my able friend Baron Smith of the Irish Exchequer Bench, that of all the feeble attempts to uphold the affir- mative of that untenable position, his alone is worthy of the most trivial animadversion. When simply a member of the extinguished legisla- ture, he might, like many others, have supported that vicious doctrine for his temporary purposes ; but it is to be lamented, that being a judge he still supports the same doctrine, as to the competence of Parliament, though so distinctly and palpably repugnant to the eternal principles of Justice, and Equity, which form the very essence, and the practice of his jurisdiction. It is impossible to reconcile such pertinacious retention of that doctrine, save through a supposition, that the PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS. XI •ubtlety of sophistry and metaphysics, have suggested to his fancy, some imaginary distinction between that equity to which private property, and public right, have been invariably and equally entitled ; and that an individual may be entitled to a justice, which a people can be deprived of; and a constitution betrayed by the very trustees, who were delegated for its protection. The case of England and Ireland is not merely a question of law, or even simply of constitution ; it is a question actually embracing the law of nations, com- mercial treaties existed between them as independent countries, and Ireland enjoyed for eighteen years all the rights which the law of nations confers on independent states. The difficulties of dissolving the union are exaggera- ted, the situation of both countries presented far greater obstacles for their arrangement in 1782, than are at this moment existing. England at that period had usurped a dominion over the Irish legislature ; policy and justice, called on her to relinquish that dominion ; she obeyed the call, and the epeal of her own statute (sixth George I.) by inference Admitted the usurpation of centuries. Still the power of re-enactment remained; Ireland claimed a statutable renunciation of such a power, and a guarantee for the entire and unqualified Independence of the Irish legislature, and realm, for ever. England saw, and admitted, the policy and justice of the demand ; she again obeyed the call, and voluntarily did guarantee for ever, the independence and integrity of Ireland. The experiment succeeded, and both countries pros- pered. The Union was enacted, and both countries feel the ruin of it England, therefore, has only to act upon the very same Kit PREFATORY OBSERVATIONS. principle of honour, policy, and justice, as in 1782, and follow her former precedent, which conferred such bene- fits on both — Ireland has nothing to repeal ; her Parlia- ment was incompetent, and her statute was a nuMity. The English Act of Union was a statute de jure, and may be renounced as in 1782. 1 cannot terminate these observatioxiS, without exp. ess* ing how much the arrangement and the correetne^ of this volume, owe to the research, and revision, of my zealous and talented friend, Doctor Halliday oi rxris. That congeniality of sentiment which geneiattsti aui mutual friendship, excited that exertion, and g ; ves iu< the pleasing opportunity, of saying, how much my catena has been encreased, by a more intimate knowledge of hit mind and of his principles. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Ireland at an early period — Misgoverment and oppression of England- Irish statistics — Climate — Geographical advantages — Internal resour- ces — Population — Her depressed condition in 1779 — Causes of it— Poyning's law — Usurpation by England to bind Ireland by British Statutes — The Penal Statutes against Catholics — Fatal consequence* to Ireland — Ireland roused by the example of America —Success of America — Its Effect on the Irish people — Origin of the Irish Volun- teers — Character of Ix>rd Clare — His intolerance — His political incon- sistency — His fall, - - • - - p. 23 CHAPTER II. State of the Irish Parliament previous to 1779 — Previous to 1780, occa- sional contests arose in the Irish Parliaments — The absentees — The Irish Bar— Its influence and Independence — IV Ir. Burgh Prime-Ser- geant — The Attorney-general — France assists America against Eng- land — France the champion of Liberty ; England of Slavery — France threatens to invade Ireland — England prostrate and incapable of assist- ing Ireland — Moderation and patriotism of the Catholics — Character of the Irish people misrepresented and misunderstood in England — Irish character defamed by English writers — Character of the Irish peasant — Their undaunted courage — Attachment to their country — The Gentry — Romantic Chivalry of the Irish gentry — Suicide unknown in Ireland — Irish Peerage — Protestant Clergy — Catholic Clergy — Their conduct and manners, - - - - p. 37 CHAPTER III. Ireland awakened to a sense of her slavery — The Irish Parliament to- tally independent of England — The King acknowledged in Ireland through his Irish crown, and not through the crown of England — Per- ilous position of England — Moderation and attachment of Ireland- Ireland determined to demand her just lights — Conspiracy against tha manufactures of Ireland — The non-consumption agreement adopted throughout all Ireland — Progress of the Volunteers — Their principal Leaders — Sir John Parnell — His character — General effects of volun- teering upon the people of Ireland, . - - p. ft? 2 CONTENT*. CHAPTER IV Unexpected events in the Irish House of Commons— Mr Grattan* Amendment to the Address — His public character and vicissitudes — ■ The Amendment — Its effects — Sir Henry Cavendish — His character — Mr. Hussey Burgh (the Prime-Sergeant) secedes from Government and substitutes an Amendment for Mr. Grattan's — the Amendment passed — First step towards Irish independence — The English Parlia- ment callous to the wrongs of Ireland — Lord Shelburne and Lord Ossory propose resolutions — The Irish nation determined to assert lti rights — Resolution for a free trade carried unanimously — This circum- stance one of the remote causes of the Union — Rapid progress of the Volunteers — Extraordinary military honours paid to the Duke of Leinster — Attempts to seduce the Volunteers — Earl of Charlemont — His character, . . - - . p. 71 CHAPTER V. Spirit of the Irish and humiliation of the English Government — Prepara- tion for hostilities — Lord North's embarrassment — King's conciliatory speech and the consequent proceedings — Duplicity of Ministers — The people alarmed — Volunteer Organization proceeds — Mutiny Bill — Alarming rencontre of the Volunteers and Regular Army — Intolerance of England — Further Grievances of Ireland — Proceedings in the Irish Parliament — O'Neill of Shane's Castle — His character and influence — Address to the Volunteers — Its results, - - p. 90 CHAPTER VI. Observations as to the strength of a people — German mercenaries — Fur- ther subject of discontent in Ireland — Dispute between Ireland and Portugal — Portugal encouraged in her hostility towards Ireland by the British Minister — Perseverance of Portugal — Mr. Fitzgibbon's motion — Sir Lucius O'Brien — Proposes that Ireland in her own right should declare war against Portugal — Sir J. Blaquiere — Effects of Sir Lucim O'Brien's amendment — Distinctness of Ireland proved — Federative compact — Arguments for and against prompt proceedings — Spirited reasoning of the Irish — No Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland — Determi nation of the Volunteers — Origin and progress of delegated assemblies — The Northern Irish — Dungannon meeting — Mr. Dobbs — Extraordi* nary mind — His eccentricity — Theories — Colonel Irwin — Account ol the Dungannon meeting continued — Dungannon resolutions, p. 104 CHAPTER VII The Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Deny, declares for Irish Independence— Sketch of his character — Resistance to English Laws unanimously decided on — Declaration of the Irish Volunteers disclaiming all Bri- tish authority— The Irish Judges dependent on the English Govern ment — Numerical force of the Irish Volunteers — Dissenting Clergy* n— Their Leaders — State of the Irish Parliament— Members divi ded into Classes — The leading members — Mr. Thomas Connolly —Mr Yelverton— His character, - * - • p. 121 ^^ tisl CONTENTS. XT CHAPTER VIII. Hie alarm in England increases — The Earl of Carlisle recalled — Thi Duke of Portland appointed Lord Lieutenant — Duke of Portland'! character — He attempts to procrastinate — Remarks on the policy o! an Union at that juncture — Mr. Grattan refuses to delay his proceed- ings — Especial call of the house — Comparison of the English and Irish Houses of Parliament — Character of Mr. Sexton Perry — Enibar- *assment of the Patriots — Mr. Hutchinson Secretary of State, unex- pectedly declares the assent of Government — Mr. Ponsonby moves an address considered insufficient — Dangerous dilemma of Parlia- ment, ...... p. 142 CHAPTER IX. Mr. Grattan moves a declaration of rights and grievances in Parliament — Mr. Brownlow — Mr. George Ponsonby — Mr. Flood — Mr. Fitzgib- bon's conduct — His Declaration of Independence — Enthusiastic re- joicings, - - - - - - p 160 CHAPTER X. Design of the British Goverment to recall the independence of Ireland — Singular conduct of the Attorney General — His speech — Its powerful effect — Palpab.e Irsad of an Insurrection — Effect on England — Duke of Portland's dupJcity — Attains an ascendency over Earl Charlemont —Embarrassment of the English Cabinet — The Volunteers prepare fof actual service — Imbecility of England — Insidious designs of the Eng- lish Government — Mr. Fox — Mr. Pitt — Important meeting of Parlia- ment — The Volunteer Regiments occupy the avenues to the House of Commons — Designs of the Duke of Portland — Duke of Portland's speech — Mr. Grattan — Mr. Brownlow — The Recorder and Mr Walshe oppose Mr. Grattan's address — Mr. Flood neutral — Mr. Walshe — Mr. Yelverton — The Secretar - — Division — Consequent em- barrassment, - - - p. 176 CHAPTER XI Temporary credulity of the Irish Parliament — Country Gentlemen- Singular character of Mr. Bagenal — His Exploits — Popularity — Hii patriotism — Commanded many Volunteer Corps — Gives notice of a motion to reward Mr. Grattan — Anti-prophetic observation — Mr. Grattan's increasing popularity — Hasty repeal of the declaratory act 6th Geo. III. — And transmitted by the Viceroy to the Volunteers— Doctrine of Blackstone declared unconstitutional — Mr. Bagenal's motion to grant <£ 100,000, to Mr. Grattan— Mistaken pride of his friends- Extraordinary occurrence — Insidious conduct of Government — Mr. Thomas Connolly makes a most unprecedented motion — Viceroy offers the Palace to Mr. Grattan and his heirs as a reward for his services—' Objects of the Government in making the offer — Discovered by the indiscretion of the Secretary, Col. Fitzpatrick — His character — Real •bjecta developed — Mr. Grattan's friends dt line so large a grant— XTl CONTENTS Then mistaken principle — Effects of the calumn es against Ireland- False arguments — Comparison of the conduct pf England and Ire- land — Comparative loyalty, - . - - - p. 19€ CHAPTER XII. Epitome of Irish History — Treacherous system of the English Govern • ment — First Irish Union — Second Union compared with the first- King Henry's Acts in Ireland — His plan to decimate the nation — He relinquished his dominion over Ireland — Abortive attempts to colonize —Totally failed, .... p. 202 CHAPTER XIII. Ireland kept in a state of oppression and turbulence — Elizabeth becomes Queen — Character public and private of Queen Elizabeth — Henry the VIII. — Fanaticism of the English — True principles of tolerance- - Union of religion and political fanaticism — Religious schisms excited through Luther — Violent dissensions — The Irish roused — Cruel tyran- ny of Elizabeth — Earl of Tyrone excites the Irish— Extract from his speech — General rising of the Irish and old English colonists — Im- mense slaughter — Confiscation of whole provinces to Elizabeth — Ac- cession of James the First — Comparison with Elizabeth — His wise maxims — Conciliatory principles— Its full success— ^-Charles the First- Disloyalty of the English — Ireland desolated by Cromwell, p. 207 CHAPTER XIV. Restoration of the Stuart dynasty — Usurpation of William — Ireland remained loyal — Comparison of the people — The revolutionary prin- ciple undefined — The Irish treated as rebels by William for their lo}'- alty to their King — Character of William the Third — Contiuued o\ pression and malgovernmeni of Ireland — The Scotch and Englisl rebelled — Ireland remained tranquil — Comparison of the English am Irish as to their kings — Ireland first infected by the Scotch and English rebellions — Mr. Pitt suppressed the spirit of insurrection in England promptly — Suffered it to increase in Ireland, - - p. 219 CHAPTER XV. Catholic relaxation Bills opposed by Mr. Rowley — Sir Edward Newen- enham — Doctor Patrick Duigenam — His Character — Mr. Ogle — Bills passed — Unjust doctrine — Change in the Irish Parliament — Mr. Fox's candour — His speech — Deception of the British Government devel- oped — Marquis of Rockingham — Total absence of energy — Mr. Burke — Inactive as to Ireland — New debates — Embarrassing conse- quences of Mr. Grattan's address — Mr. Grattan's motion objectionable — Mr. Flood's reply — Unfortunate collision of Grattan and Flood — Mr. Grattan's falla'cious motion— Mr. Flood's reply — Mr. Montgo- mery moves to build an Irish navy — Negatived — Parliament pio- rogued — Most important session — Moderation of Ireland — Duke ol Portland's hypocritical speech, - • - - p 23C CONTENTS. XV* CHAPTER XVI. Insufficiency ot Mr. Grattan's measures — Death of he Marquis oi Rockingham and its consequences — Earl Temple Lord Lieutenant — Mr. Grenville Secretary — His Character — Lord Temple — Not unpop- ular — Mr. Corry a principal instrument of Lord Temple — Proceedingi of the Volunteers — Strong resolutions to oppose English Laws — Bad effects of the dissension between Grattan and Flood — Sir Georga Voung — Effect of Sir George Young's speech — Lord Mansfield's con- duct accounted for — Consequence ol these speeches — British Parlia- ment belie their own Act — Lord Abingdon denies the King's right to pass the Bill — England by Statute admitted her usurpation, and relin- quished for ever her right to legislate for Ireland — Renunciation Act — Mr. Grattan still perversely opposes Mr. Flood — The renunciation Act confirmed Mr. Flood's doctrine, p. 245 CHAPTER XVII Lord Charlemont's courtly propensities — Comparison of Grattan and Flood — Consequences of their jealousy to the country — The people enlightened, learn the true state of their situation — Discussion — And Arguments — Inefficiency of the measures as a future security — A Reform of Parliament indispensable to public security — Mr. Pitt — Hia duplicity and corruption — Constitutional reasons for a Reform of Par- liament — Deduction — Conclusion drawn by the Volunteers — Proved by incontrovertible fact — State of Electors and Representatives com- pared — Mr. Curran — His character, - - - p. 26 1 CHAPTER XVIII. Volunteers received by the King —Happy state of Ireland — Progressive- ly prosperous — Untoward consequences of the collision between Flood and Grattan — A second Dungannon meeting of delegated Volunteers — ■ Mr. Flood gains ground — Arguments — A National Convention decided on — Their first meeting — Interesting procession of the Delegates described — Entrance of the Delegates — Extraordinary coincidence oi localities — Embarrassing situation — The Delegates meet at the Ro- tunda, ...... p. 276 CHAPTER XIX. Hie Bishop of Derry takes his seat at the Convention — His splendour— And pageantry — Procession — Popularity — Extraordinary Visit to the House of Lords — A Guard of Honour mounted at his house — Entire- ly devuted to the Irish people — His great qualities and acquirements — Opposes Charlemont and Grattan — First treacherous Scheme of the British Government again to enslave Ireland — The spirit of the Irish Parliament declines — Reasons for Reform in Parliament — Absolutely essential to her prosperity — Further traits of Lord Charlemont's Char- acter — His inefficiency — His views — Opposes the Bishop of Derry's Election for the Presidency of the National Convention — Many Mem- bers of Parliament attend the Convention also — Earl Charlemont'? 2* BYiii CONTENT* dilemma — Proceedings of the Convention-— The Bishop and Ml Flood acquired the ascendency — The Parliament and Convention- Desperate step of Government — Fitzgibboif s Philippic — Most violent Debates — Bill rejected — Extraordinary coincidence of facts — JVIr. Con- nolly's motion — Feeble and insidious resolution of Lord Charlemont — Fatal adjournment — Called a meeting of his partisans — Breaks hit trust — Inexcusable conduct — False statement — Virtually dissolves the Convention before the full meeting — Lord Charlemont justly reproba- ted — Volunteers beat to arms — Lord Charlemont's intolerance — Op- posed by the Bishop of Derry, p. 289 CHAPTER XX. Celebrated Address of the Volunteers to the Bishop — Reply of the Bishop — Some thought the Bishop's answer too strong — A new Bill tuggested — New measures of Earl Charlemont — Decline of the Vol- unteers — Insincerity of the concessions — Cupidity of English trader! — Sordid interest absorbed her justice — Commercial treaty and tariff proposed — Commercial propositions — Mr. Pitt's duplicity — Magnifi- cence of the Irish Court — The Propositions rejected — Mr. Brownlow opposes the eleven propositions — Passed the Commons — Mr. Pitt proposes twenty propositions — Embarrassment of the Secretary — Most violent debates in the Irish Parliament — The Minister virtually defeated — The treaty ended — Defeat of the treaty effected by the coun- try gentlemen — Mr. Forbes a leading member of the House of Com- mons — Mr Hardy — Mr Carleton, Solicitor General — His singular character, - • - - - p. 305 CHAPTER XXI Death of the Duke of Rutland — Marquis of Buckingham's second Gov- ernment — The question of a Regency — Mr. Pitt's conduct — The Prince submitted to the restraints — The Irish resisted, and refused to restrain him — Unprecedented case — Collision between the two Parlia- ments^ — Round Robin — Irish address to the Prince — Sketch of the Arguments on the Regency question in Ireland — Constitutional state of both nations — Conduct of the nations contrasted — Reasons for the Irish Parliament proceeding by Address, and not by Statute, to appoint • Regent — Question whether the Parliaments of England or Ireland had committed a breach of the Constitution — Threats of the Viceroy— The Round Robin — Viceroy determined to retire — Reception of the Irish delegates by the Prince — Address of the Irish Parliament to the Prince — Reply of the Prince, eulogizing the Irish legislature — After- wards neglected, - - - - - p 319 CHAPTER XXII Ireland acted on her independence — Prosperous state of Ireland at thai Period — The Rise of the Irish Nation consummated by the withdrawal of the Viceroy — Particularly important observation — Lord Westmore- lani — Major Hobart — His character — State of Ireland on his accession to office — Concessions by Government — Delusion and negligence of Uif CONTENTS. llB Oppr»jtion — Catholic emancipation commenced — Arguments of th» Catholics — Catholic petition rejected by a great majority — Deep de« signs of Mr. Pitt — Mr. Pitt proceeds with his measures to promote a union — Lord Fitzwilliam appointed Lord Lieutenant — His character — Deceived and calumniated by Mr. Pitt — Great popularity of the Lord Lieutenant — Earl Fitzwilliam recalled — Fatal consequences — Ireland given up to Lord Clare, and insurrection excited — Lord Camden — Uni- ted Irishmen — Unprecedented Organization — Lord Camden's charactei — Despotic conduct of Lord Clare — Earl Carhampton commander-in- chief — Disobeys Lord Camden — Again disobeys — The King's sign- manuel commands hin to obey — He resigns, p. 330 CHAPTER XXIII I.TBurrection — Topography of Wexford County — Persecutions and cruel- ties of the Wexford Gentry — Commencement of Hostilities — State of the Insurgents — And their number — Expected attack on Dublin- Excellent plan of the Insurgents — Executions in cold blood, and bar- barous exhibition in the Castle yard — Major Bacon executed without trial — Major Foot defeated — Col. Walpole defeated and killed — Gen- eral Fawcett defeated — General Dundas and the Cavalry defeated by the Pikemen — Captain Armstrong's treachery — Henry and John Shears — The execution of the two brothers — Progress of the insur- rection — Different Battles — Important Battle of Arklow — Spirited reply cf Colonel Skerrit — Battle of Ross — Bagenal Harvey — Dea'.n of Lord Mountjoy — Unprecedented instance of Heroism in a Boy— The Royal Army driven out of the town — Description of Vinegar Hill — Details of the Engagement — General Lake's horse shot under him — Ennis- corthy twice stormed — Wounded peasants burned — Mr. Grogan tried by Court Martial — His witness shot by the military — Bill of attainder — Ten thousand pounds costs to the Attorney General — Barbarous ex- ecution of Sir Edward Crosby and Mr. Grogan, linden colour of a Court Martial, ..... p. 345 CHAPTER XXIV. appointment of Lord Cornwall is — His crafty conduct — French invade Ireland in a small number — British troops totally defeated, their artii- lery all taken — Races of Castlebar — Ninety militia men hanged by Lord Cornwallis — French outwit Lord Cornwallis — Lord Jocelyn taken prisoner — French surrendered — Mr. Pitt proceeds in his projects of a Unior — The subserviency of the Lords — The Bishops — Bishops of Waterf jrd and Down — Political characters of Lord Cornwallis and Lord Casflereagh — Unfortunate results of Lord Cornwall is's conduct in every quarter of the world — Lord Castlereagh — Union proposed — Great splendour of the Chancellor — Celebrated Bar Meeting— Mr. Saurin — Mr. Saint George Daly — Mr. Thomas Grady — Mr. Grady's curious harangue — Mr. Thomas Goold's speech — Thirty-two County Judges appointed by Lord Clare — Lord Clare opposes the Bar — Open- ing of the session of 1799 — Lord Clare's great power — Lord Ty- rone's character — Seconded by Mr. Fitzgerald — Mr. John Ball— Hii tharacter. ...... 361 EX CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXV The three leading arguments used in Parliament in favoui of a Union- Arguments of the Anti-Unionists — Not England whica quelled tli: insurrection — English militia never acted in Ireland — Mr. William Smith supports the Union — Corrupt eonduct of Mr. Trench and Mr Fox — Mr. Trench palpably gained over — Mr. Trench recanted wha he had a few moments before declared — The Place Bill and its unfor- tunate effects — Mr. Fox created a Judge of the Common Pleas for his tergiversation— Originally a Whig — Made a false declaration to avoid being counted — Effect of the Place Bill — His second deception — Con duct of Mr. Cooke and Admiral Pakenham — Mr. Marshall's disgrace- ful conduct — Debate commenced — Great popularity of the Speaker — Lord Castlereagh's policy — Sir John Parnell denied the competence oi both the King and the Parliament to enact a Union — Mr. Tighe the same — Great effect of Mr. Ponsonby's speech — Remarkable agitation — Description of the scene— Lord Castlereagh's violent speech — Attack on Mr. Ponsonby — Mr. Ponsonby's sarcastic reply — Lord Castle- reagh's despsration — Mr. John Egan attacks Mr. William Smith — Sir Laurence Parsons made a most able and eloquent speech — Mr. Fred- erick Falkiner nothing could corrupt — Prime Sergeant Fitzgerald dis- missed — Mr. Plunket's speech — Spirited speech of Col. O'Donnell — Second shameful tergiversation of Mr. Trench, created Lord Ash town — Most important incident in the annals of Ireland — State of the House of Commons — Mr. Fortescue's fatal speech — Mr. French anc* Lord Cole seceded — John Claudius Beresford — Extraordinary change in the feelings of the House — Sarcastic remark of Sir Henry Caven- dish — Great popularity of the Speaker — Joy and. exultation of the people — Singular anecdote of Mr. Martin — Meeting of the Lords— Their infatuation — Conduct of Lord Clare — Unpopularity of the Irish Peers — Two Bishops, Down and Limerick, opposed him — Charactei •f the Bishop of Down — Commission of Compensation — Subsequen' proceedings of the Viceroy and Lord Castlereagh — Ruinous conse- quence of Mr. Fortescue's conduct — Mistaken conduct of the Anti- Unionists — Their embarrassment — Bad effects of Mr. Fortescue's con- duct—The Catholics— State of parties, - - p. 383 CHAPTER XXVI. The different views of the Opposition — Opposition not sufficiently or ganized or connected — Disunion in consequence of the Catholic ques- tion — Catholics duped — Alternately oppressed and fostered — Lord Clare's great influence — Very important despatch from Mr. Pitt, tc Lord Cornwallis — Unprecedented plan of Lord Castlereagh — Remark- able dinner — The plan or conspiracy — Acceded to — Rewards in Per spective — Meeting of Anti-Unionists at Lord Charlemont's — Opposi tion Lords meet — Lord Castlereagh's Plan laid before them — Counter- plan proposed — Rejected — Earl Belmore — His motion to the same effect as Mr. Ponsonby's — Rejected — Very numerous addresses again* the Union — Particularly Dublin — A Privy Council — Lord Clare's vio- . fence— Military execution — People killed and wounded — Inefficient!) CONTENTS. XX brought before Parliament — Anti-Union dinne — Mr. Handcock oi Athlone, a conspicuous patriot — Corrupt state of the British Parlia ment — Compared with that of Ireland at the Union — Mr. Handcoek bribed, - p. 420 CHAPTER XXVII. Felons in the gaols induced, by promise of pardon, to sign petitions in favour of the Union — Every means of corruption resorted to by the Viceroy — Viceroy doubtful of future support — Resorted to Place Bill —Unparalleled measure of public bribery avowed by Lord Castle- reagh — Bill to raise X 1,500, 000, for bribes — Grave reflection on the King's assenting to an avowed act of corruption — A few bribes called Compensation — The British Parliament had anticipated the proposal — Lord Comwallis's speech peculiarly artful — Lord Loftus moves the address — Lord Castlereagh's reason — Sir Laurence Pardon's important motion and speech — Debate continued all night — Lord Castlereagh's plan put into execution — Mr. Bushe — Mr. Plunket — Mr. St. George Daly — His character — His attack on Mr. Bushe — On Mr. Plunket — Replied to by Mr. Barrington — Mr. Peter Burrows — Affecting appear ance of Mr. Grattan in the House of Commons — Returned lor Wicklow the preceding evening — The impediment laid Dy Government — Re- turned at midnight — Entered the house at seven in the morning in a debilitated state — Description of his entry — Powerful sensation caused r»y his sp'endid oration — Mr. Corry induced to reply — No effect on the House — The three Bagwells seceded from Government — Lord Ormond changed to the minister — Mr. Arthur Browne's tergiversation — Divi- sion — Mr. Foster's speech — Important incident — Bad conduct of the clergy — Very singular circumstance — Mr. Annesley chairman of the committee on the Union — Bishop of Clogher returns Mr. Annesley to Parliament — Messrs. Ball and King petition — Succeed — Mr. Annesley declared not duly elected — Left the chair and quitted the House — Not a legal chairman — Shameful and palpable act of corruption by Sir William Gladowe Newcomen — Bribe proved — Bribery of Mr. Knox and Mr. Crowe — Their speeches against the Union— The Earl of Belvidere most palpably bribed to change sides — His resolutions — Mr Knox and Mr. Crowe bribed — Mr. Usher bribed to secrecy — The cor- rupt agreement of Mr. Crowe and Mr. Knox to vacate their seat? for Union members, in presence of Mr. Usher, a Parson — The t rma with Lord Castlereagh — Mr. Charles Ball's affecting conduct— The Anti -Union members, despairing, withdraw in a body — Last sitth g of the Irish Parliament — The House surrounded by military — ) Cost affecting scene— Bad consequences to England — Unhappiness o the Speaker- -Irela id extinguished, - - - p 139 RISE AND FAL1 •f THE IRISH NATION CHAPTER I. Ireland at an early period — Misgovernment and oppression of England- Irish statistics— Climate — Geographical advantages — Internal resourm — Population — Her depressed condition in 1779 — Causes of it — Poyn« mg's law — Usurpation by England to bind Ireland by British Statute! — The Penal Statutes against Catholics — Fatal consequences to Ireland — Ireland roused by the example of America — Success of America-— Its effect on the Irish people — Origin of the Irish Volunteers — Cha- racter of Lord Clare — His intolerance — His political inconsistency — His fall. I. More than six centuries had passed away, since Ire- land had first acknowledged a subordinate connexion with the English Monarchy — her voluntary but partial submission to the sceptres of Henry and of Richard had been construed by their successors into the right of con- quest — and the same spirit of turbulence and discord, which had generated the treachery and treasons of M'Morrough, was carfully cultivated by every English potentate, as the most effectual barrier against the strug- gles of a restless and semi-conquered people — and Ire- land, helpless and distracted, groaned for ages in obscu- rity, under the accumulated pressure of internal strife and external tyrranny. The apathy produced by this habitual oppression had long benumbed the best energies of Ireland; — hei national spirit, depressed by the heavy hand of arbi 24 RISE AND FALL trary restraint, almost forgot its own existence ; and the proudest language of her constitution could only boast, that she was the annexed dependant of a greater and a freer country. It was not until an advanced stage of the American revolt had attracted the attention of enlightened Europe to the first principles of civil liberty, that Ireland began steadily to reflect on her own deprivations. Commerce and constitution had been withdrawn from her grasp, and the usurped supremacy* of the British Parliament gave a death-blow to every struggle of Irish inde- pendence. II. But in whatever relative situation the two nations really stood, the same jealous and narrow principle might be perceived uniformly attending every measure enacted as to the Irish people. If at any time a cheering ray of commercial advantage chanced for a moment to illu- minate the dreary prospects of Ireland, the sordid spirit Df monopoly instantly arose in England, and rendered every effort to promote a beneficial trade, or advance a rival manufacture, vain and abortive. Commercial jealousy and arbitrary government united, therefore, to suppress every struggle of the Irish nation, and root up every seed of prosperity and civilization. Alarmed at the increasing population, the unsubdued spirit, and the inexhaustible resources of that strong and fertile island ; a dread of her growing power excited a fallacious jealousy of her future importance. In her timidity or her avarice, England lost sight of her truest interests, and of her nobler feelings ; and kings, usurpers, and viceroys, as they respectively exercised the powers of government, all acted towards Ireland upon the same blind and arbitary principles, which they had imbibed from their education, or inherited from their prede- cessors. This desperate policy, so repugnant to the attachment, and fatal to the repose of the two countries, excited the spirit of eternal warfare : — an enthusiastic love of ra- * The claim of the British Parliament to bind Ireland by Bnit** statutes was at length most ably refuted by Mr. William Molyneux, representative for Dublin University, in his celebrated work, published in 1698, entitled " The Case of Ireland.** OF THE IRISH NATION. 25 tional independence sharpened the sword, and uie zealots of religious fanaticism threw away the scabbard — the septs fought against each other, the English against all — the population was thinned, but the survivors became inveterate ; and though the wars and the massacres of Elizabeth and of Cromwell, by depopulating, appeared to have subjugated the nation — the triumph was not glori- ous — and the conquest was not complete. Direct persecution against principles only adds fuel to a conflagration — the persons of men may be coerced — but it is beyond the reach of human power to subdue the rooted, hereditary passions and prejudices of a perse- vering, ardent, and patriotic people : — such a nation may be gained over by address, or seduced by dissimula- tion, but can never be reclaimed by force, or overcome by persecution — yet from the very first intercourse be- tween the two countries, that destructive system of force and of dissension, which so palpably led to the miseries of Ireland, had been sedulously cultivated, v nd unremit- tingly persevered in. Thus grievously oppressed, and ruinous' y disunited, Ireland struggled often, but she struggled n vain: the weight of her chains was too heavy for the feebleness of her constitution, and every effort to enlarge her liberty only gave a new pretext to the conqueror, to circum- scribe it within a still narrower compass. On the same false principle of government this op- pressed nation was also systematically retained in a state of the utmost obscurity, and represented to the world as an insignificant and remote island, remarkable only for her turbulence and sterility: and so perfectly did this misrepresentation succeed, that, while every republic and minor nation of Europe had become the theme of tra- vellers, and the subject of historians, Ireland was visited only to be despised, and spoken of only to be calumni ated. In truth, she is as yet but little known by the rest of Europe, and but partially even to the people of Eng- land. But when the extraordinary capabilities, the re- sources, and the powers of Ireland are fully developed, an interest must arise in every breast, which reflects on her misfortunes. It is time that the curtain, which has been so long interposed between Treland and the rest of Si 36 RISE AND FALL Euroi>e, should be drawn aside for ever, And a just judg- ment formed of the impolicy of measures, which have been adopted nominally to govern, but substantially to suppress her power and prosperity. III. The position of Ireland upon the face of the globe peculiarly formed her for universal intercourse, and adapted her in every respect for legislative inde- pendence. Separated by a great sea from England — the Irish people, dissimilar in customs, more than equal in talent, and vastly superior in energy, possess an island about 900 miles in circumference; with a climate, for the general mildness of temperature and moderation of seasons, unrivalled in the universe — the parching heats, or piercing colds, the deep snows, the torrent, and the hurricane, which other countries so fatally experience, are here unknown. Though her great exposure to the spray of the Atlantic increases the humidity of the atmosphere, it adds to the fecundity of the soil, and distinguishes her fertile fields by the productions of an almost perpetual vegetation. The geographical situation of Ireland is not less favorable to commerce, than her climate is to agricul- ture. Her position on the western extremity of Europe would enable her to intercept the trade of the new world from all other nations — the merchandxse of Lon- don, of Bristol, and of Liverpool, skirt her shores, before it arrives at its own destination ; and some of the finest harbours in the world invite the inhabitants of this gifted island to accept the trade of India, and form the emporium of Europe. The internal and natural advantages of Ireland are great and inexhaustible. Rich mines are found in almost every quarter of the island ; gold is discovered in the beds of streams, and washed from the sands of rivulets — the mountains are generally arable to their summits — the vallies exceed in fertility the most prolific soils of Eng- land — the rivulets, which flow along the declivities, adapt the country most peculiarly to the improvement of irri- gation ; and the bogs and mosses of Ireland, utterly unlike the fens and marshes of England, emit no damp w noxious exhalations ; and give a plentiful and cheer OP THE IRISH NATION. 97 flig fuel to the surrounding peasantry ; or, when re- claimed, become the most luxuriant pastures. The population of Ireland is great and progressive, Above five* millions of a brave and hardy race of men are seen scattered through the fields, or swarming in the villages — a vast redundancy of grain, and innumerable flocks and herds, should furnish to them not only the source of trade, but every means of comfort. Dublin, the second city in the British empire, though it yields in extent, yields not in architectural beauties to the metropolis of England. For some years previous to the Union, its progress was excessive — the locality of the parliament — the constant residence of the nobility and commons — the magnificent establishments of the vice- regal court — the indefatigable hospitality of the people — and the increasing commerce of the port, all together gave a brilliant prosperity to that splendid and luxurious capital. Ireland,t possessing the strongest features of a power- ful state, though labouring under every disadvantage which a restricted commerce and a jealous ally could inflict upon her prosperity, might still have regarded with con- tempt the comparatively unequal resources and inferior powers of half the monarchies of Europe. Her insular situation — her great fertility — the character of her people — the amount of her revenues — and the extent of her population, gave her a decided superiority over other nations, and rendered her crown, if accompanied by her affections, not only J a brilliant but a most sub- stantial ornament to the British empire. However, though gifted, and enriched by the hand of Nature, the fomented dissensions of her own natives had wedded Ireland to poverty, and adapted her to subjuga- * Now upwards of eight millions t The relative size of Ireland, compared to England and Wales, is about 18 to 30. It contains about eighteen millions of acres; is about 285 miles long, and above 160 broad. In time of war she lends more than one hundred thousand soldiers and sailors to the English fleet and army, and retains at home above one million of hardy men, from 17 to 47 years of age, tit to uear arms. \ In the very words of the highest authority in Great Britain this day, " If well goiemed, Ireland would be the brightest jewel in the king's crown." Kb rise and fall tion — her innate capacities lay dormant and inactive— • her dearest interests were forgotten by herself, Jt resisted by her ally ; and the gifts and bounties of a favouring Providence, though lavished, were lost on a divided people. IV. By the paralyzing system thus adopted towards Ireland, she was at length reduced to the lowest ebb — her poverty and distresses, almost at their extent, were advancing fast to their final consummation — her com- merce had almost ceased — her manufactures extinguished — her constitution withdrawn — the people absolutely desponding — while public and individual bankruptcy finished a picture of the deepest misery ;* and the year 1779 found . Ireland almost every thing but what such a country and such a people ought to have been. This lamentable state of the Irish nation was not the result of any one distinct cause : a combination of de- pressing circumstances united to bear down every pro- gressive effort of that injured people. Immured in a labyrinth of difficulties and embarrassments, no clew was found to lead them through the mazes of their prison ; and, helpless and desponding, they sunk into a dose of torpid inactivity, while their humiliated and inefficient parliaments, restrained by foreign and arbitrary laws, subjected to the dictation of the British Council, and obstructed in the performance of its constitutional func- tions, retained scarcely the shadow of an independent legislature. A statute of Henry the Seventh of England, framed * This wretched period cannot be more pathetically described, than by a most able and just statement of Irish grievances, published in the year 1779, by Mr. Hely Hutchinson, (father of the present Lords Donough- more and Hutchinson,) then Provost of the Dublin University, an elo- quent and very distinguished member of the Irish Parliament. In his book entitled " Commercial Restraints," Mr. Hutchinson gives a pa- thetic description of the state to which Ireland was reduced by the jeal- ous and narrow policy of England This book acquired so much character, and spoke so many plain truths, that for many years it was qn<^ed as an authority in the Irish Parlia- ment. Mr. Flood often declared, that, if there were but two copies of it in print, he would give a thousand pounds for one of them. It will b€ interesting to compare the miserable state of Ireland in 1779 with hef prosperity In 1794, when she had enjoyed only twelve years of const* tutional independence and unrestricted commerce. OF THE IRISH NATION. 29 by his Attorney-General, Sir Edward Poyning, re- Btrained the Irish Parliament from originating any law whatever, either in the Lords or Commons. Before any statute could be finally discussed, it was previously to be submitted to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and his Privy Council, for their consideration, who might at their pleasure reject it, or transmit it to England. If trans- mitted to England, the British Attorney General and Privy Council were invested with a power either to sup- press it altogether, or model it at their own will, and then return it to Ireland, with permission to the Irish Parliament to pass it into a law, but without any altera- ;ion, though it frequently returned from England so changed, as to retain hardly a trace of its original fea- tm*es, or a point of its original object. Yet, as if this arbitrary law were insufficient to secure Great Britain from the effect of those rival advantages, which Ireland might in process of time eventually ac- quire ; and as if that counteracting power, with which England had invested herself by the law of Poyning, were unequal to the task of effectually suppressing all rivalship of the Irish people, and independence of the Irish Parliament ; it was thought advisable by Great Britain, to usurp a positive right to legislate for Ireland, without her own consent, or the interference of her Par- liament : and a law was accordingly enacted at West- minster, in the sixth year of the reign of George the First, by one sweeping clause of which England assumed a despotic power, and declared her inherent right to. bind Ireland by every British statute, in which she should be expressly designated : and thus, by the authority of the British Council on the one hand, and the positive right assumed by the British Parliament upon the other, Ire- land retained no more the attributes of an independent nation, than a monarch, attended in a dungeon with all the state and trappings of royalty, and bound hand and foot in golden shackles, could be justly styled an inde- pendent potentate. The effect of this tyrannical and ruinous system fell most heavily on the trade of Ireland. Its influence was experienced not merely by any particular branch of com- merce, but in everv scaee of manufacture, of arts, ol " 3* 30 RISE AND FALL trade, and of agriculture. In every struggle of the hist Parliament to promote the commerce or the manufac* tures of their country, the British monopolizers were perpetually . victorious ; and even the speculative jea- lousy of a manufacturing village of Great Britain was of sufficient weight to negative any measure, however beneficial to the general prosperity of the sister country. The same jealousy and the same system, which ope- rated so fatally against the advancement of her com- merce, operated as strongly against the improvement of her constitution. England was well aware, that the acquirement of an independent Parliament would be the sure forerunner of commercial liberty ; and, posseted of the means to counteract these objects, she seerned de- termined never to relax the strength of that power, by the despotic exercise of which Ireland had been so long continued in a state of thraldom. But exclusive of these slavish restraints (the necessary consequence of a dependent legislature,) another system, not less adverse to the general prosperity of the whole island, than repugnant to the principles of natural justice and of sound policy, had been long acted upon with every severity, that bigotry could suggest, or intolerance could dictate. V. The penal statutes, under the tyrannical pressure of which the Catholics had so long and so grievously laboured, though in some instances softened down, still bore heavily upon four-fifths of the Irish population — a code, which would have dishonoured even the sanguinary pen of Draco, had inflicied every pain and penalty, every restriction and oppression, under which a people could linger out a miserable existence. By these statutes, the exercise of religion had been held a crime, the educa* tion of children a high misdemeanour — the son was encouraged to betray his father — the child rewarded for the ruin of his parent — the house of God declared a public nuisance — the officiating pastor proclaimed an out- law — the acq lirement of property absolutely prohibited — the exercise of trades restrained — plunder legalized in courts of law, and breach of trust rewarded in courts of equity — the Irish Catholic excluded from the possession of any office or occupation in the state, the law, the OF THE IRISH NATION. 31 limy, the navy, the municipal bodies, and the chartered corporations — and the mild doctrines of the Christian 1aith perverted, even in the pulpit, to the worst purposes of religious persecution. Yet under this galling yoke the Irish, for near eighty years remained tranquil and submissive. The ignorance, into which poverty and wretchedness had plunged that people, prevented them from perceiving the whole extent of the oppression ; and these penal laws, while they ope- rated as an insuperable bar to the advancement of the Ca- tholic, deeply affected the general interest of the Protes- tant. The impoverished tenant — the needy landlord — the unenterprising merchant — the idle artisan, could all trace the origin of their wants to the enactment of these sta- tutes. Profession was not permitted to engage the mind of youth, or education to cultivate his understanding. Dissolute habits, the certain result of idleness and illi- terateness, were consequently making a rapid progress in almost every class of society. The gentry were not exempt from the habits of the peasant ; the spirit of in- dustry took her flight altogether from the island ; and, as the loss of commerce and constitution had no counter- acting advantages, every thing combined to reduce Ire- land to a state of the most general and unqualified depression. VI. It was about this period, when the short-sighted policy of the British Government had by its own arbi- trary proceedings planted the seeds of that political philosophy, afterwards so fatal to the most powerful monarchies of Europe, that Ireland began to feel herself affected by the struggles of America. The spirit of in- dependence had crossed the Atlantic, and the Irish people, awakened from a trance, beheld with anxiety the contest, in which they now began to feel an interest. They regarded with admiration the exertions of a colony combating for the first principles of civil liberty, and giving to the world an instructive lesson of fortitude and perseverance. Spread over a vast expanse of region, America, with- out wealth — without resources — without population — without fortresses — without allies — had every thing to contend with, and every thing to conquer. But freedom 92 RISE AND FALL was her call, and as if she had been designa ed by Pro* « dence for an example to the universe of what even powerless states can achieve by enthusiasm and unani- mity, her strength increased with her deprivations, and the firmness of one great and good man converted the feebleness of a colony into the power of an empire. The defeats of Washington augmented his armies — his wants and necessities called forth his intellect — while his wisdom, firmness, and moderation, procured him power- ful friends, and secured him ultimate victory. The strength of Great Britain at length yielded to the vigor of his mind, and the unflinching fortitude of his people ; and Lord Cornwallis, (the chosen instrument for op- pressing heroic nations,) by his defeat and his captivity, established the independence of America. The arrogance of England bowed its proud head to the shrine of liberty, and her favorite general led back the relics of his con- quered army, to commemorate in the mother country the impotence of her power, and emancipation of her colonies. While these great events were gradually proceeding towards their final completion ; Ireland became every day a more anxious spectator of the arduous conflict — every incident in America began to communicate a sympathetic impulse to the Irish people : — the moment was critical : — the nation became enlightened — a patriotic ardor took possession of her whole frame, and, before she had welJ considered the object of her solicitude, the spark of con- stitutional liberty had found its way into her bosom. The disposition of Ireland to avail herself of the circum- stances of those times, so favourable to the attainment of her rights, now openly avowed itself. Her determination to claim her constitution from the British Government became unequivocal, and she began to assume the attitude and language of a nation " entitled to independence? — The sound of arms and the voice of freedom echoed from every quarter of the Island — distinctions were forgotten, or disregarded — every rank, eve~y religion, alike caught the general feeling, — but firmness and discretion charac- terised her proceedings : — she gradually arose from torpor and obscurity — her native spirit drew aside the curtain, that had so long concealed her rTom the world ; and OP THE IRISH NATION. 33 exhibited an armed and animated people, claiming theii natural rights, and demanding their constitutional liberty. When the dawn of political liberty begins to diffuse itself over a nation, great and gifted characters suddenly spring up from among the people — animated by new subjects, their various talents and principles become developed — they interweave themselves with the events of their country, become inseparable from its misfortunes, or identified with its prosperity. Ireland, at this era, possessed many men of superior capacities — some distinguished by their pure attachment to constitutional liberty — others by their slavish deference to ruling powers and patronizing authorities. Among those whom the spirit of these times called forth to public notice was seen one of the most bold and energetic leaders of modern days an anticipated knowledge of whose mark- ed and restless character is a necessary preface to a recital of Irish recurrences, in which the effects of his passions will be every where traced, and the mischievous errors of his judgment be perceived and lamented. VII. This person was John Fitzgibbon, afterwards Earl of Clare — Attorney General, and Lord High Chancellor of Ireland. His ascertained pedigree was short, though his name bespoke an early respectability. His grandfather was obscure — his father, intended for the profession of a Catholic pastor, but possessing a mind superior to the habits of monkish seclusion, procured himself to be called to the Irish bar, where his talents raised him to the highest estimation, and finally established him in fame and fortune. John Fitzgibbon, the second son of this man, was called to the bar in 1772. Naturally dissipated, he for some time attended but little to the duties of his profession ; but on the death of his elder brother and his father, he found himself in possession of all those advantages, which led him rapidly forward to the extremity of his objects. Considerable fortune — professional talents — extensive connexions — and undismayed confidence, elevated him to those stations, on which he afterwards appeared so con- spicuously seated ; while the historic eye, as it follows his career, perceives him lightly bounding over every obstacle, which checked his course, to that goal where all 34 RISE AND PALL the trophies and thorns of power were collected for till reception. In the Earl of Clare we find a man eminently gifted with talents adapted either for a blessing or a curse to the nation he inhabited ; but early enveloped in high and dazzling authority, he lost his way ; and considering his power as a victory, he ruled his country as a conquest : — indiscriminate in his friendships — and implacable in Lis animosities — he carried to the grave all the passions of his childhood. He hated powerful talents, because he feared them; and trampled on modest merit, because it was incapable of resistance. Authoritative and peremptory in his ad- dress ; commanding, able, and arrogant, in his language, a daring contempt for public opinion was the fatal principle which misguided his conduct ; and Ireland became divided between the friends of his patronage — the slaves of his power — and the enemies to his tyranny. His character had no medium, his manners no medio- crity — the example of his extremes was adopted by his intimates, and excited in those who knew him feelings either of warm attachment, or of rivetted aversion. While he held the seals in Ireland, he united a vigorous capacity with the most striking errors : as a judge, he collected facts with a rapid precision, and decided on them with a prompt asperity: but he hated precedent, and despised the highest judicial authorities, because they were not his own. As a politician and a statesman, the character of Lord Clare is too well known, and its effects too generally experienced, to be mistaken or misrepresented — the era of his reign was the downfall of his country — his councils accelerated what his policy might have suppressed, and have marked the annals of Ireland with stains and mise- ries unequalled and indelible. In council, — rapid, peremptory, and overbearing — he regarded promptness of execution, rather than discretion of arrangement, and piqued himself more on expertness of thought than sobriety of judgment. Through all the calamities of Ireland, the mild voice of conciliation nevei escaj>ed his lips ; and when the torrent of civil war had OF THE IRISH NATION. 38 gubsided in his country, he held out no olive, to show that the deluge had receded. Acting upon a conviction, that his power was hut co- existent with the order of public establishments, and the tenure of his office limited to the continuance of adminis- tration, he supported both with less prudence, and more desperation, than sound policy or an enlightened mind should permit or dictate ; his extravagant doctrines of religious intolerance created the most mischievous pre- texts for his intemperance in upholding them ; and, under colour of defending the principles of one revolution, he had nearly plunged the nation into all the miseries of another. His political conduct has been accounted uniform, but in detail it will be found to have been miserably incon- sistent. In 1781, he took up arms to obtain a declaration of Irish independence ; in 1800, he recommended the introduction of a military force to assist in its extinguish- ment , he proclaimed Ireland a free nation in 1783, and argued that it should be a province in 1799 ; in 1782 he called the acts of the British Legislature towards Ireland " a daring usurpation on the rights of a free people,"* and in 1800 he transferred Ireland to the usurper. On ail ocasions his ambition as despotically governed his politics, as his reason invariably sunk before his pre- judice. Though he intrinsically hated a Legislative Union, his lust for power induced him to support it ; the preservation of office overcame the impulse of conviction, and he stre- nuously supported that measure, after having openly avowed himself its enemy : its completion, however, blasted his hopes, and hastened his dissolution. The restlessness of his habit, and the obtrusiveness of his dis- position, became insupportably embarrassing to the British cabinet — the danger of his talents as a minister, and the inadequacy of his judgment as a statesman, had been proved in Ireland : he 1 ad been a useful instrument in that country, but the same line of services which he per- * In his Lordship's answer to the address of Dublin University, on th« 14th of April 1782, upon the declaration of rights, he used Ihese words and added, that "he had uniformly expressed that opinion both in pui lie and in private." £6 RISE AND FALL formed in Ireland, would have been ruinous to Ureal Britain, and Lord Clare was no longer consulted. The union at length effected through his friends, what Ireland could never accomplish through his enemies — his total overthrow. Unaccustomed to control, and unable to submit, he returned to his country, weary, drooping, and disappointed ; regretting what he had done, yet miserable that he could do no more : his importance had expired with the Irish Parliament, his patronage ceased to supply food for his ambition, the mind and the body became too sympathetic for existence, and he sunk into the grave, a conspicuous example of human talent and human frailty. In his person he was about the middle size, slight, and not graceful, his eyes, large, dark, and penetrating, betrayed some of the boldest traits of his uncommon character, his countenance, though expressive and manly, yet discovered nothing, which could deceive the physiog- nomist into an opinion of his magnanimity, or, call forth a eulogium on his virtues. During twenty momentous and eventful years, the life of Lord Clare is in fact the history of Ireland — as in romance some puissant and doughty chieftain appears prominent in every feat of chivalry — the champion in every strife — the hero of every encounter, and, after a life of toil and of battle, falls surrounded by a host of foes, a victim to his own ambition and temerity. Thus Earl Clare, throughout those eventful periods, will be seen bold, active and desperate, engaging fiercely in every important conflict of the Irish nation and at length after having sacrificed his country to his passions and nil ambition, endeavouring to atone for his errors, by sacri- ficing himself. 0» THE IRISH NATION. CHAPTER II Mate of the Irish Parliament previous to 1779 — Previous to 1780, occa* sional contests arose in the Irish Parliaments — The absentees — Thf Irish Bar — Its influence and Independence — Mr. Burgh Prime-Ser- geant — The Attorney-general — France assists America against Eng- land — France the champion of Liberty ; England of Slavery — France threatens to invade Ireland — England prostrate and incapable of assist- ing Ireland — Moderation and patriotism of the Catholics — Character of the Irish people misrepresented and misunderstood in England — Irish character defamed by English writers — Character of the Irish peasant — Their undaunted courage — Attachment to their country — The Gentry — Romantic Chivalry of the Irish gentry — Suicide uh- known in Ireland — Irish Peerage — Protestant Clergy — Catholic Cler- gy — Their conduct and manners I. The habits of commerce and the pursuits of avarice had not, at this period, absorbed the spirit or contracted the intellect of the Irish people. That vigorous compre- hensive, and pathetic eloquence, so peculiar to Ireland, which grasped at once the reason and the passions, still retained its ascendency at the bar, and its pre-eminence in the Senate : and the Commons' House of Parliament, about the period of Lord Clare's first introduction into public notice, contained as much character, as much eloquence, and as much sincerity, as any popular assembly since the most brilliant era of the Roman republic. II. It might be reasonable to infer that a nation so long retained in the trammels of dependence, so habituated through successive generations, to control and to subjection would have lost much of its natural energy, and more of its national feeling. But, though the Irish Parliament, previous to 1779, in general manifested strong indications of a declining and a subservient body, yet, even after centuries of depression, when roused by the sting of accumulating usurpation, its latent spirit occasionally burst forth, and should have convinced the British Government, that though the flame of liberty may bt smothered, the- spark is unextinguishable. SO RISE AXU FALL Although, by the operation of Poyning's .aw, the pa* liamentary discussions were generally restricted to loca. subjects and domestic arrangements, yet constitutional questions of a vital tendency incidentally occurred; ana the exercise of controling powers, assumed by the British Cabinet over the concerns of Ireland often afforded matter of serious controversy between the viceroy and the nation and had, in some instances, been resisted by the Parlia- ment with a warmth and a pertinacity which foretold a certainty of more important contests.* These struggles, however, although frequent, were fruitless. The country was not yet ripe for independence, constitutional freedom had been so long obsolete, that even its first principles were nearly forgotten, and the people were again to learn the rudiments, before they could speak the language of liberty. But the fortitude, the wisdom, and the perseverance of the Anglo-American colonies, the feebleness, the impolicy, and the divisions * On many occasions previous to 1779, the Irish Commons asserted their independent rights and privileges with great warmth, though some- times without success. In 1749, a redundancy of ^53,000 remaining in the Irish treasury — an unappropriated balance in favour of the nation, after paying all the establishments — the King sent over his letter to draw that sum to England, as a part of his hereditary revenue. But the Irish Parliament resisted the authority of his Majesty's letter, as an encroach rnent on the distinctness and independence oi Ireland; a part of tha< sum having arisen from additional duties imposed by her Parliament. The King consulted the English judges, who were of opinion that the King's previous consent was necessary to its appropriation ; but the Irish Commons insisted on their right of appropriation, and asserted that his Majesty's subsequent assent only was necessary. This contest was warmly maintained until the year 1753, when the Irish Commons suc- ceeded in establishing their principle. The principles of Mr. Molyneux's " Case of Ireland" published in 1698, had never ceased to make a strong impression on the minds of the Irish people. The British Parliament ordered it to be burned by the hands of the common executioner ; but that measure defeated its own object, by greatly increasing its celebrity and circulation. The same principles were strongly inculcated, in several publications, by a very »ble writer, Doctor Charles Lucas, member for Dublin. For those wri- tings, he was expelled from the house ; but he afterwards resumed his seat wiih increased character and influence ; and, to this day, his statue, in white marble, stands eminently conspicuous in the Royal Exchange it Dublin, as a monument of his steady patriotism. Before him, "* Swift, whose name is still adored by the Irish, had employed his n terly pen with powerful effect in fostering the spirit of independence. OW THE IRISH NATION. 39 of Gieat Britain; soon taught Ireland the importance of the crisis ; and by a firmness, a moderation, and an unanimity, unparalleled in the annals of revolution, the Irish Volunteers acquired for their country a civic crown, which nothing but the insanity of rebellion and the arti- fices and frauds of Union, could ever have torn from the brow of the Irish people. III. Absentees* who have ever been and ever wiL remain an obstacle to the substantial prosperity of Ireland exerted themselves more particularly at this period, in giving a strenuous and weighty opposition to every measure of innovation, they knew their Irish demesnes only by name and by income, they felt no interest but for their rents, and no patriotism but for the territory, alarmed at any legislative measure originating in Ireland. They showed themselves equally ignorant and regardless of her constitution, and ever proved themselves the steady adherents of the Minister for the time being ; their proxies in the Lords, and their influence in the Commons, were transferred to him on a card or in a letter, and, on every division in both houses, almost invariably formed a phalanx against the true and genuine interest of the country. IV. However zealous and determined the incipient exertions of the Irish nation might have been, they would probably have been crushed and extinguished, had not a class of men, possessing the first talents in the senate and the highest confidence of the country, stepped boldly forward to support the people. In those days the Irish Bar, a body equally formidable to the Government by their character and their capacity, too independent to be restrained, and too proud to be corrupted, comprised many sons of the resident noblemen and commoners 01 Ireland. The legal science was at that time considered as part of an Irish gentleman's education : the practice was then not a trade, but a profession. Eloquence was cultivated by its votaries, as a preparation for the higher duties of the senate, and, as almost every peer and eveiy * The absentees of the present day annually draw from Ireland abovi three millions sterling, to be expended in Great Britain. Son?** nf the Urn offices of the greatest emolument, connected with the Irish courts ot jo» lice, are now held by constant absentees. fO RI8E AND PALI. commoner had a relative enrolled among their nun ber, so they had no interest in the conduct and honor of that department of society. The influence therefore of the bar as a body, increased by the general respect for the connexions and cultivated talents of its members, gave them an ascendency both in and out of Parliament, which could scarcely be counteracted, and, on certain trying occasions the conduct of some of the law-officers afforded experimental proof, that even they considered their offices as no longer tenable with advantage to the King, if the Minister should attempt to use them as instruments against the people. The rank and station of the law-officers of Ireland in those days were peculiarly dignified, and conveyed an impression of importance, which the modern degeneracy of talent and relaxation of wholesome forms and of dis- tinctions has altogether done away with. — The office of Prime Sergeant, then the first law-officer of Ireland, was filled at this period by one of the most amiable and elo- quent men that ever appeared on the stage of politics — Walter Hussey Burgh, whose conduct in a subsequent transaction rendered him justly celebrated and illustrious. This gentleman was then representative for Dublin Uni- versity ; in which office, he and M. Fitzgibbon were colleagues — men in whose public characters, scarcely a trait of similarity can be discovered. Mild, moderate, and patriotic, Mr. Burgh was proud without arrogance, and dignified without effort : equally attentive to public con- cerns and careless of his own, he had neither avarice to acquire wealth, nor parsimony to hoard it : — liberal, even to profusion — friendly, to a fault — and disinterested, to a weakness — he was honest without affluence, and ambitious without corruption : — his eloquence .was of the highest order — figurative, splendid, and convincing : — at the bar, in the Parliament, and among the people he was equally admired, and universally respected. But, when we compare Mr. Burgh with the then Attor- ney General of Ireland, who had been selected by Lord Townsend to bear down, if possible, the spirit of the country, the contrast may give a strong view of that policy, which falling ministers frequently and perhaps judiciously adopt, of endeavouring, if practicable, to enlist OF THE IRISH NATION. 4 and scat upon their benches some popular and elevated personage of opposition, who. by his character, may give strength to the party which surrounds him, or at least may for ever prostrate his own reputation by the unpopu- larity of the connection. Mr. John Scott, then Attorney General, and afterwards created Earl of Clonmel, and Chief Justice of Ireland, exhibited the most striking contrast to the character of the Prime Sergeant. Sprung from the humbler order of society, he adventured upon the world without any advantage, save the strength of his intellect and the versatility of his talents. He held his head high, his boldness was his first introduction, his policy, his ultimate preferment. Courageous,* humorous, artificial, he knew the world well, and he profited by that knowledge ; he cultivated the powerful ; he bullied the timid, he fought the brave, he flattered the vain, he duped the credulous, and he amused the convivial. Half liked, half repro- bated, he was too high to be despised, and too low to be respected. His language was coarse, and his principles arbitrary : but his passions were his slaves, and his cun- ning was his instrument. He recollected favors received in his obscurity, and, in some instances, had gratitude to requite the obligation : but his avarice and his ostentation contended for the ascendency: their strife was perpetual, and their victories alternate. In public and in private, he was the same character ; and, though a most fortunate man and a successful courtier, he had scarcely a sincere friend, or a disinterested adherent. This marked contrariety in character and disposition, which distinguished those chief law-officers of government, was equally discernible in almost every other department : the virtues and the talents of Grattan, of Flood, of Yel- verton, of Daly, found their contrasts on the same benches ; and these two distinguished characters are thus brought forward, by anticipation to show in the strongest point of view how powerful and insinuating the public feeling of that day must have been, that could finally draw together, in one common cause, peraonages so • His Lordship fought several duels before he was CoW Jvsrice a* the King's Bench. The tete Earl of Landaff, and the present Lord IV rawly, were two of his antagonists. 42 RISE AND FALL opposite and so adverse on almost every political object, and in every national principal. The crisis, however, now approached, when Ireland was for a moment to rear her head among imperia. nations: strange and unforseen events began to crowd the annals of the world, — the established axioms of general polity began to lose their weight among nations; and governments, widely wandering from the fundamental principles of their own constitutions, seemed carelessly travelling the road to anarchy and revolution. The rival powers of England and of France — ever jealous ever insincere — concluding deceptions negotia- tions by fallacious treaties — doubtful of each other's honor, and dreading each other's prowess — had long stood cautiously at bay — each watching for an unguarded open to give a mortal wound to her adversary — yet each dreading the consequences of an unsuccessful eifort. However, the perseverance and successes of America communicated a stimulating impulse to the councils of the French King ; and that ill-fated monarch, urged on to his destiny, determined to strike a deadly blow at the pride and the commerce of England, by giving an effec- tual aid to her revolted colonies. The question soon came to a speedy issue ; an unde- cisive engagement with the French fleet in the Channel alarmed and irritated England ; every prospect of accom- modation vanished ; and a declaration of war was issued by the French Government, with a pompous manifesto proclaiming the wanton injuries they had sustained from Great Britain. Plunged into destructive warfare, each nation used their utmost efforts to accomplish their respective pur- poses. France, determined to establish the independence of America ; while England, sought to reduce her colonies to the most decisive slavery. A transposition of national principles seemed to have been adopted by the Govern- ments of both countries — despotic France combating, to establish the rights of civil liberty — and England exerting all her energies, to enforce a system of tyrannic govern- ment — the one marshalling the slaves of her arbitrary power to batvle in the cause of pure democracy — the other rallying round an English standard the hired ner Or THE IRISH NATION. 43 eenaries of German avarice, to suppress the principles of Britisii freedom — and both Governments soliciting the aid of sanguinary savages, to aggravate the horrors of a Christian war by the scalping-knife and the tomahawk of heathen murderers. Europe beheld with amazement a combat so unnatura, and disgusting : but it would have required a prophetic spirit, to have then foretold that the French throne would be eventually overturned by the principles of those new allies, and would, by the mighty shock of its fall, shake even the foundations of the British constitution ; though the total prostration of the one, and the ministerial inroads upon the other, would *since have fully justified the hazard of that prediction. V. Amidst the confusion incident to those great events, Ireland yet remained unheeded and unthought of: her miseries and her oppressions had hardly engaged the consideration of the British minister. Meanwhile, the Irish people, with a dignified anxiety, contemplated the probable termination of a contest, by the result of which their own destiny must be determined. The subjugation of America might confirm the dependence of Ireland; and she was soon convinced, — that she could obtain her own constitutional rights from Great Britain only by the complete success and triumph of her colony. Awaiting therefore the decrees of Providence, Ireland steadily surveyed the distant prospect of great and rival empires wantonly lavishing the blood and treasures of their people in a contest fundamentally repugnant to their established principles : but — cautious, moderate, and firm in her conduct — though she wisely determined to avail herself of the crisis to promote the establishment of her independence, — she fed the flame of liberty, she kindled not the blaze of licentiousness : while America fought to obtain a separation from Great Britain, Ireland took up arms only to obtain a just participation of her constitution. To embarrass the offensive measures of England, and make a formidable diversion in favor of America, France manifested an intention of invading Ireland. — In this alarming emergency, Great Britain, from the dispersions of her military force, scattered into many distant stations of the world, and so numerously employed on the con^ §4 RISE AND FALL tinent of America, found it impossible to afford a body of regular troops sufficient to protect Ireland in case of such invasion. Here let us for a moment pause, and dispassionately reflect upon the situation of Great Britain and the conduct of Ireland at this most trying moment : let us survey the increasing imbecility of the one, and the rising enemies of the other; and we must — do justice to the moderation and generosity of a people, whose long and grievous oppressions, if they could not have justified, would at least have palliated, a very different proceeding. The state of England during this war became every day more difficult and distressing. A discontented people, and an unpopular ministry — an empty treasury, and a grievous taxation — a continental war, and a colonial rebellion — together formed an accumulation of embar- rassment, such as Great Britain had never before expe- rienced. Her forces in America were captured or defeated : her fleets, had not yet attained that irresistible superiority which has since proved the only protection of the British Islands. — Ireland, without money, militia, or standing army — without ordinance or fortifications — almost abandoned by England, had to depend solely on the spirit and resources of her own natives; and this critical state of Ireland, which the misconduct of Great Britain herself had occasioned, gave the first rise to those celebrated associations, the immediate means of obtaining Irish independence. Many inducements prevailed, to fill the ranks of these associations. The warlike propensities of the Irish people, so long restrained — and personal attachment to their chiefs and leaders, were with them the first excitements : but the blending of ranks, and more intimate connexion of the people, which was the immediate consequence of a general military system, quickly effected an extensive and marked revolution in the minds and manners of the entire nation — an important and extraordinary change, of which the gradations became every day more conspicuously discernible. The primary stimulus of the Irish farmer was only that which he felt in common with every other animated being — the desire of self preservation :-— he associated against invasion, because he heard that il would be his ruin: but his intercourse with the highei OF THE IRISH NATION 45 ranks opened the road to better information. Tims he soon learned that the Irish people were deprived of poli- tical rights, and that his country had endured political injuries : his ideas became enlarged, and quickly embraced more numerous and prouder objects ; he began, for the first time, to know his own importance to the state ; and, as knowledge advanced, the principles of constitutional independence were better understood, and more sedulously cultivated. The Irish peasant now assumed a different rank, and a higher character • — familiarised with arms, and more intimate with nis superiors, he every day felt his bve of liberty increased: the spirit at lengtn became general enthusiastic ; and, in less time than could have been supposed from the commencement of these associa- tions, the whole surface of the island was seen covered with a self-raised host of patriot soldiers. VI. In the formation of those armed associations, the long-established distinctions between the Protestant and the Catholic could not be altogether forgotten. Many of the penal laws were still in full force ; Catholics were prohibited by statute from bearing arms in Ireland ; and, from the rooted prejudices against allowing to that body any civil or military power whatever, strong objections arose to their admission into those armed bodies. The Catholics, however, neither took offence nor even showed any jealousy at this want of confidence, on the contrary, with their money and their exhortations, they zealously assisted in forwarding those very associations into which they themselves had not admission. Their calmness and their patriotism gained them many friends, and a relax- ation of intolerance appeared rapidly to be gaining ground but it was not until the volunteers had assumed a deliberative capacity, and met as armed citizens, to discuss political questions, that the necessity of uniting the whole population of the country in the cause of independence became distinctly obvious. Those who foresaw that a general association of the Irish people was essential to the attainment of their constitutional objects, endeavoured to reconcile the schisms of sectarian jealousy by calm and rational observations ; they argued, that religious feuda had, in all countries, proved subversive of national pros- perity, but to none more decidedly fatal than to modern 40 RISE AND FALL Ireland ; — that the true interest of the Catholic and of the Protestant was substantially the same, they breathed the same air, tilled the same soil, and had equal light* and claims to the participation of liberty, that they were endowed by nature with equal powers and faculties, intellectual and corporeal, that they worshipped the same God, the truths and doctrines of revealed religion equally constituting the basis of their social duties, and the foun- dation of their religious tenets, and the principles of virtue and of morality being equally inculcated from their pulpits, and propagated at their altars. " Why, then," they asked, "should a few theological subtilties, whose mysterious uncertainties lay far beyond the reach of human determi- nation, and were altogether unnecessary to the arrange- ments of municipal institutions, why should they distract a nation which, to become/ree should become unanimous ? why should they excite controversies so strongly tainted with fanatic phrenzy, that no personal insult or aggravated injury, no breach of moral tie or of honorable contract, could rouse rancor more acrimonious, or animosity more unrelenting, than that which originated solely from theoretic distinctions upon inexplicable subjects? as if Irishmen were bound to promote the happiness of their neighbours in a future state, by destroying their comforts and disturbing their tranquillity in the present ! " It was also observed, that, although this strange insanity might have existed in remote and dark ages, when the disciples of every new sect proclaimed themselves the meritorious murderers of the old, when Christian chiefs assailed the pagan power, only to make new proselytes to their own errors, and victims to their own intolerance, and though, in such unhappy times, Ireland might have par- taken of the general madness, and, without peculiar disgrace, have participated in the infirmities of Europe, yet, when the progress of civilization had opened the eyes and enlarged the understanding of the people, when the voice of rational liberty loudly called for the unanimous exertion of every sect in the common cause of indepen- dence, it was full time to discard those destructive pre- judices, which had so long and so effectually restrained the rights and retarded the prosperity of the Irish nation. Nor can any historic incident more clearly illustrate Or THE IRISH NATION. 47 tt*> inestimable value of unanimity to an oppressed people, than a contrasted exhibition of the independent spirit displayed by the Catholics in 1782, when they acquired a constitution by their firmness, and of their degenerate conduct in 1800, when they lost that constitution through their divisions and their servility. VII. Before the progress of the Irish Volunteers is par ticularly detailed, or the ultimate objects which they had in view, the genuine character of the people among whom so extraordinary an association originated, should be clearly developed and perfectly understood ; as many important events in Irish history would appear obscure and unaccountable, without a due knowledge of the national character — a character, ever misconceived or misrepresented in England, because the persons by whom the picture was drawn were generally either too ignorant or two interested to draw it with fidelity, arft} so little of intimate intercourse had subsisted between the two countries, that the people of England were in general as unacquainted with the real dispositions and habits of the Irish, as with those of any nation upon the European continent. It was therefore impossible that England should judi- ciously govern a people with whose feelings she was wont to trifle, and with whose natural character she was so imperfectly acquainted, nor can she ever effectually acquire that knowledge, until she is convinced that Ireland though formed by nature for her sister, was never intend- ed for her servant — and that, within her own bosom, »he |K)ssesses powers, treasures, and resources, yet unexplored by England, but which, if kindly cultivated and liberally encouraged, would contribute more strength and benefit to both than Great Britain has ever heretofore derived, or ever yet merited from the connexion. To attain a just conception of the remote causes of two great and repugnant revolutions in Ireland within eighteen years, we must view the ranks of which society is there composed, as well as their proportions and their influence on each other ; and, in the peculiarities and ardency of that character, will be clearly discovered the true sources of many extraordinary events; it will evidently appear tk. it, to the loibles of that unfortunate nation worked €8 RISE AND rALL upon by art, and imposed upon by policy, and not to native crimes or peculiar views, are attributable the fre- quency of her miseries and the consummation of hei misfortune. VIII. The Irish people have been as little known, as vhey have been grossly defamed to the rest of Europe. The lengths to which English writers have proceeded in pursuit of this object would surpass all belief, were not the facts proved by histories written under the immediate eye and sanction of Irish Governments, histories replete with falsehood, which, combined with the still more mis- chievous misrepresentations of modern writers, form all together a mass of the most cruel calumnies that ever weighed down the character of a meritorious people. This system, however, was not without its meaning. From the reign of Elizabeth, the policy of England has been to keep Ireland in a state of internal division perfect unanimity among her inhabitants has been considered as likely to give her a population and a power incompatible with subjection, and there are not wanting natives of Ireland, who, impressed with that erroneous idea zealously plunge into the same doctrine, as if they could best prove their loyalty to the King by vilifying their country. IX. The Irish peasantry, who necessarily composed the great body of the population, combined in their character many of those singular and repugnant qualities which peculiarly designate the people of different nations ; and this remarkable contrariety of characteristic traits per- vaded almost the whole current of their natural dispo- sitions. Laborious, domestic, accustomed to wants in the midst of plenty, they submit to hardships without re- pining, and bear the severest privations with stoic forti- tude. The sharpest wit, and the shrewdest subtilty, which abound in the character of the Irish peasant, generally lie concealed under the semblance of dulness, or the appearance of simplicity; and his language, re- plbte with the keenest humour, possesses an idiom of eqaivocation, which never fails successfully to evade a duect answer to an unwelcome question. Inquisitive, artful, and penetrating, the Irish peasant learns mankind without extensive intercourse and has an instinctive knowledge of the world, without mingling in OF THE IRISH NATION. 49 its societies, and never, in any other instance did there exist a people who could display so much address and so much talent in the ordinary transactions of life as the Irish peasantry. The Irish peasant has, at all periods, been peculiarly distinguished for unbounded but indiscriminate hospital- ity, which, though naturally devoted to the necessities of a friend, is never denied by him even to the distresses of an enemy. * To be in want or misery, is the best recom- mendation to his disinterested protection ; his food, his bed, his raiment are equally the strangers and his own ; and the deeper the distress, the more welcome is the sufferer to the peasant's cottage. His attachments to his kindred are of the strongest nature. The social duties are intimately blended with the natural disposition of an Irish peasant though covered with rags, oppressed with poverty, and perhaps with hunger, the finest specimens of generosity and heroism are to be found in his unequalled character. A martial spirit and a love of desultory warfare is indigenous to the Irish people. Battle is their pastime ; whole parishes and districts form themselves into parties, which they denominate factions ; they meet by appoint- ment at their country fairs, there they quarrel without a cause, and fight without an object, and having indulged their propensity and bound up their wounds, they return satisfied to their own homes, generally without anger, and frequently in perfect friendship with each other, t It is a • It has been remarked that the English and Irish people form their judgment of strangers very differenlly : — an Englishman suspects a stran- ger to be a rogue, till he finds that he is an honest man ; the Irishman conceives every person to be an honest man, till he finds him out to be a rogue ; and this accounts for the very striking difference in their conduct and hospitality to strangers. f Natural cruelty has been imputed to the Irish peasant by persons wh<« either are unacquainted with his character, or wish to misrepresent it National character can never be drawn with justice from incidents wnich take place amidst all the rage and violence of civil war or reli- gious phrensy. The barbarities, committed in Ireland during the insur- rection of 1798, were not all on the one side : and at least as many per- sons were sacrificed in cold blood by the musket or sabre of the soldiery, as by the pike or blunderbuss of the insurgent. But all those enormitief are incidental to civil wars, and should never be brought up as a crite- rion, whereby to judge of the national character of any people In Kng- R 5fl RISE AND FALL melancholy reflection, that the successive Governments of Ireland should have been so long and so obstinately blind to the real interest of the country, as to conceive it more expedient to attempt the fruitless task of suppressing the national spirit by legal severity, and penal enactments than to adopt a system of national instruction and gen- eral industry which, by affording employment to their faculties, might give to the minds of the people a proper tendency, and a useful and peaceable direction. In general, the Irish are rather impetuously brave, than steadily persevering : their onsets are furious, and their re- treats precipitate : but even death has for them no terrors, when they firmly believe that their cause is meritorious. Though exquisitely artful in the stratagems of warfare, yet, when actually in battle, their discretion vanishes before their impetuosity ; and — the most gregarious peo- ple under heaven — they rush forward in a crowd with tumultuous ardor, and without foresight or reflexion whether they are advancing to destruction or to victory. An enthusiastic attachment to the place of their nativity is another striking trait of the Irish character, which neither time nor absence, prosperity nor adversity, can obliterate or diminish. Wherever an Irish peasant was born, there he wishes to die ; and, however successful in acquiring wealth or rank in distant places, he returns with fond affection to renew his intercourse with the friends and companions of his youth and his obscurity. An innate spirit of insubordination to the laws has been strongly charged upon the Irish peasantry : but a people — to whom the punishment of crimes appears rather as a sacrifice to revenge than a measure of prevention — can never have the same deference to the law, as those who are instructed in the principles of justice, and taught to land, during a peaceable year (1794,) two hundred and eighteen person* received sentence of death, of whom forty-four were for murder. Id Ireland, during a troublesome year (1797,) eighty-seven received sen lence of death, of whom only eighteen were lor murder : so that Eng land committed her full proportion of crimes and more than her p»opor lion of murders ; which does not substantiate the charge of cruelty, witf which the Irish character has been exclusively aspersed. ^ The muirten in Ireland, moreover, are very different from those in England : manj sawders in Ireland occur in the heat of their battles: most of thof« J Lnglanu art- perpetrated in cold blood and on women OF THE IRISH NATION. 51 recognise its equality. It has, however, been uniformly admitted by every impartial writer on the affairs of Ire- land, that a spirit of strict justice has ever characterised the Irish peasant.* Convince him, by plain and impartial reasoning, that he is wrong ; and he withdraws from the judgment-seat, if not with cheerfulness, at least with sub- mission : but, to make him respect the laws, he must be satisfied that they are impartial : and, with that conviction on his mind, the Irish peasant is as perfectly tractable, as the native of any other country in the world. An attachment to, and a respect for females is another marked characteristic of the Irish peasant. The wife partakes of all her husband's vicissitudes : she shares his labor and his miseries, with constancy and with affection. At all the sports and meetings of the Irish peasantry, the women are always of the company : they have a great influence ; and, in his smoky cottage, the Irish peasant, surrounded by his family, seems to forget all his privations. The natural cheerfulness of his disposition banishes reflexion ; and he experiences a simple happiness, which even the highest ranks of society might justly envy. X. The middle class of gentry, interspersed throughout the country parts of the kingdom, possessed as much of the peasant character as accorded with more liberal minds and superior society. With less necessity for ex- ertion than the peasant, and an equal inclination for the indulgence of indolence, their habits were altogether de- void of industry, and adverse to reflexion : — the morning chase and evening conviviality composed the diary of their lives, cherished the thoughtlessness of their nature, and banished the cares and solicitudes of foresight. They uniformly lived beyond their means, and aspired beyond their resources : pecuniary embarrassment only gave a new zest to the dissipation which created it ; and the gentry of Ireland at this period had more troubles and fewer cares than any gentry in the universe. These habits, however, while they contracted the di* * Sir John Davis, Attorney General of Ireland, who, in the reign oi James the First, was employed by the King to establish the English lawi throughout Ireland, and who made himself perfectly acquainted with the character of the inhabitants, admits that " there were no people und« heave*, who loved equal and impartial justice better than the Irish " 533 RISE AND FALL tance between the lower and the superior order, had alafl the effect of promoting their mutual good-will and at tachment to each other. The peasant looked up to and admired, in the country gentleman, those propensities which he himself possessed : — actuated by a native sym- pathy of disposition, he loved old customs ; he liked to follow the track and example of his forefathers, and adhered to the fortunes of some ancient family, with a zealous sincerity ; and, in every matter of party or of faction, he obeyed the orders of his landlord, and even anticipated his wishes, with cheerfulness and humility. The Irish country gentleman, without either the ties of blood or the weight of feudal authority, found himself surrounded by followers and adherents ever ready to adopt his cause, and risk their lives for his purposes, with as warm devotion as those of the Scottish laird or the highland chieftain ; and this disposition, cultivated by family pride on the one side, and confirmed by imme- morial habit on the other, greatly promoted the formation, the progress, and the zeal, of those armed associations which soon afterwards covered the face of trie country, and for a moment placed the name of Ireland on the very highest pinnacle of affective patriotism. It was the fashion of those days to cast upon the Irish gentry an imputation, it would be uncandid not to admit that there was some partial ground for it, that they showed a disposition to decide petty differences by the sword, and too fastidious a construction of what they termed the "point of honor." This practice certainly continued to prevail in many parts of Ireland, where time and general intercourse had not yet succeeded in ex- tinguishing the romantic but honorable spirit of Milesian chivalry : and, when we reflect on the natural warlike disposition of the Irish people, that indigenous impetuosity and love of battle which so eminently distinguished their aboriginal character, it is not surprising that hasty and unnecessary encounters should occasionally occur among a people perpetually actuated by the pride of ancestry and the theories of honor. But, even in these contests, the Irish gentleman forgave his adversary with as miich readiness as he fought him: he respected the courage which aimed at his own life ; and the strongest friendship* OF THE IRISH NATION. 53 were sometimes formed, and frequently regent .lated, on the field of battle. It is natural to suppose that this practice should have been exaggerated, by the English people, whom nature had endowed with less punctilious and much more discreet propensities. The cowardly crime of suicide, which prevailed and prevails in England, was scarcely ever known among the Irish. Circumstances, which would plunge an English- man into a state of mortal despodency, would only rouse the energies of an Irishman to bound over his misfor- tunes : * — under every pressure, in every station, and in every climate, a lightness of heart and openness of dis- position distinguishes him from the inhabitants of every other country. On the whole of their characters, the Irish gentry, though far from being faultless, had many noble qualities : — generous, hospitable, friendly, brave — but careless, pro- digal, and indiscreet — they possessed the materials of distinguished men with the propensities of obscure ones, and, by their openness and sincerity, too frequently became the dupes of artifice, and the victims of dissimulation. Among the highest orders of the Irish people, the dis- tinguishing features of national character had been long wearing away, and becoming less prominent and remark- able. The manners of the nobility, in almost every European country, verge to one common centre : by the similarity of their education and society, they acquire similar habits; and a constant intercourse with courts clothes their address and language, as it does their per- sons, in one peculiar garb — disguising the strong points, and concealing the native traits, of their original characters. The unprecedented expenses of the American war, which first familiarised the English people to empty their purses for the support of unnecessary and inglorious warfare (in which they have since become such extra- ordinary proficients,) called every day for new resources ; * The Irish people have been accused of frequently committing what are termed blunders, or perverted phraseology : but many sayings, which have acquired that name, are in fact the aphorisms of sound sense, and itrongwitted observation. The Irishman's remark, that " he would lather commit suicide on anyone than himself" would puzzle the inge- nuity of a moral casuist, and places the crime of self-murder in a ?ery Uncertain rank of homic iile. y 54 RISE AND PALL and the minister conceived and executed the artful project of increasing his financial means and parliamentary powei by erecting a banking and commercial interest on the Bite and ruins of the landed representation. Money bro- kers — began to constitute a new order in the state, and to form, if not an integral part, at least a necessary appendage to every subsequent administration of Great Britain. Experience has proved the mischiefs of that fatal policy to the whole of the empire. Though the greater number of the Irish noblemen had been of remote creations — a few had not been long enough removed from the mass of the community to have acquired very high ideas of hereditary pride, or to have emblazoned the shield of very ancient or illustrious pedigrees. As a body, the Irish lords were not peculiarly prominent in the affairs of their country : but they were dignified. Their debates (until the accession of Lord Clare) were calm and temperate ; and, though, like the members of all other political assemblies, they were individually various in talent and in character, the appearance of the whole was grand ; and their conduct, if not spirited, was firm, res- pectabxe and decorous. The Protestant church had great weight in the com- munity : the hierarchy, participating in the dignity of an independent parliament, possessed the united inLuence of spiritual rank and legislative importance: the parochial clergy, though well affected to the state, still adhered to the interests of their country, and, assuming a deportment decorous and characteristic, were, at that time, generally esteemed, and deservedly respected. The provision of the inferior Protestant clergy was then (as at present) quite disproportioned to their duties and their profession. Many of that meritorious class of men, the officiating curates, whone precepts and example were to direct the morals and guide the conduct of the people, had become grey in poveity, and, labouring under the pressure of severe necessities, effectually preached up to their congregations the exercise of that charity, which would have been aptly and benevolently applied to theii t«rn persons. OF THE IRISH NATION. 66 The general conduct of these men had at all times remained unexceptionable. From them the character of the Irish clergy was best to be collected ; the luxurious possessor of sinecure and plurality, enjoying ease and abundance without care or solicitude, must form a very inferior criterion of experienced merit, when compared to the distressed pastor, whose conduct remains exemplary, while his indigence and necessities might have tempted him into errors. The extremes of income among the Protestant clergy were too distant, their wealth and their poverty formed too strong a contrast. The Catholic clergy had then an unlimited influence over the people of their own persuasion. Though the cruel impolicy of the penal statutes had not been altogether set aside, they remained dutiful and obedient to the sovereign power, cheerfully submissive to the existing laws, and friendly and affectionate to their Pro- testant fellow-subjects. Candidates for Catholic ordination were sent to France for spiritual instruction, and returned to their own country though learned, still retaining many of the propensities of their origin, they showed that their respect to supe- rior rank, and submission to the constituted authorities, were rather increased than diminished by their foreign education. The monarchy of France, despotic, splendid, and powerful, was at that time regarded with devotion by the French people, as a structure which neither time could destroy, nor tempests endanger. Its broad base covered every portion of the people ; its stupendous height was surveyed with awe, and its colossal strength beheld with admiration. The ecclesiastical communities, fostered under its shelter, experienced the protection of despotic power, and, by their doctrines and their practice endea- voured to increase its strength, and secure its perma- nence. The Irish student, early imbibing those monastic prin- ciples was taught at Saint Omer the advantages of unde- fined power in a king, and of passive obedience in a subject ; he was there instructed to worship a throne, and to mingle his devotion to heaven and to monarchy. The restoration of a Catholic king over Ireland had long Ot RISE AND PALL censed to be practicable, such projects; therefore, were hopeless, and relinquished ; and the Irish Catholic clergy- man, however he might naturally have wished for the regal supremacy of his own sect, had long since abandon- ed every view of an object altogether unattainable. British supremacy had then no overt enemies, save its own ministers, nor any conspiracies against its power, but ihe arbitrary determinations of its own cabinet. Thus returning from his noviciate, and educated with all the dispositions of a submissive subject he found his native country in a state of profound tranquillity. His views were contracted ; his ambition extended no further than the affections of his flock, and the enjoyments of society. The closest intimacy subsisted between him and his parishioners, he mingled in all their pastimes, and consoled them in their miseries ; but the most convivial among them knew how to distinguish clearly between the occasional familiarities of personal intercourse, and a dutiful respect for his religious functions; and, even though their companion might have been condemned, their priest was always sure to be respected. The Catholic and the Protestant at the same time lived in habits of great harmony ; they harboured no animosities or indisposition toward each other; the one governed without opposition, the other submitted without resistance; and the Catholic clergy had every inclination to retain their flock within proper limits and found no difficulty in effecting that object. The severity with which the agenrs of the Protestant clergy in some parishes collected their tithes, and the exactions and oppressions, which the middle-man exercised over the occupant of the land, occasionally excited partial disturbances ; but, in these, there was nothing of a revolutionary nature; they were only the nocturnal riots of some oppressed and mismanaged districts which the civil power in general found no difficulty in sup- pressing. THE IRISH NATION. 67 CHAPTER III belaud awakened to a sense of her slavery — The Irish Parliament totally independent of England — The King acknowledged in Ireland through his Irish crown, and not through the crown of England — Perilous posi- tion of England — Moderation and attachment of Ireland — Ireland deter- mined to demand her just rights — Conspiracy against the munufacturea of Ireland — The non-consumption agreement adopted throughout alJ Ireland — Progress of the Volunteers — Their principal Leaders — Six John Parnell — His character — General effects of volunteering upon the people of Ireland. I. The population of Ireland, distributed into those classes, endowed with those qualities, and borne down by ait accumulation of impolitic and ungenerous restraints, at length awakened as it were from a deep trance. The pulse of that nation, torpid through habitual oppression, began to throb ; her blood, stimulated by the stings of injustice, which she had so long and so patiently endured, circulated with a new rapidity ; her heart, re-animated, sent motion and energy through her whole frame ; and from a cold and almost lifeless corse, Ireland was seen majestically arising from the tomb of obscurity, and pay- ing the first tribute of her devotion at the shrine of liberty. Roused to a sense of her miserable situation, she cast her eyes around on the independent States of Europe, and compared their strength, their capacity, and their re- source^ with her own. Encouraged by the view of her comparative superiority, she soon perceived that she had strength, and means, and opportunity to redress herself from the wrongs and degradations she was suffering ; and that so long as she tolerated the authority of the British Legislature over her concerns, so long her commerce, her constitution, and her liberties, must lie prostrate at the foot of every British minister. The political situations of both nations at that critical period, afforded a more than common scope for political 58 rilSE AND FALL contemplation: even the coldest politicians of that day were led involuntarily to reflect on the nature of the federative compact between the two countries, and could not avoid perceiving the total absence of that reciprocal good faith and confidence which alone could ensure the integrity of the empire, or the permanence of the con- nexion. In theory, the two nations were linked together by the strongest ties of mutual interest and mutual secu- rity ; but in practice those interests were separated, and that conjunction of strength, on which the security of empires must at all times depend was too frequently disre- garded, as if England had forgotten that she owed a great proportion of stability to the co-operation of the Irish people, and that if one hundred thousand Irish subjects, who fought her battles in her armies and in her navy, became even neutralized, by insults or by injuries, to their country, the English nation might too late discover the fatal impolicy of her system. II. The fundamental principles upon which the connex- ion between the two nations was intrinsically founded, soon became a subject of general inquiry and universal discussion amongst every rank and class of society ; and it required but little difficulty to convey to the quick con- ception of a naturally acute and intelligent people, a comprehensive view of their rights and of their depriva- tions. Nor was Ireland, at this period, destitute of able and active partisans, anxious and competent to instruct her people in language best adapted to impress upon the poignancy of their national feelings, and enlarge the scope of their poli^cal understandings. They were told by those instructors, that Ireland was constitutionally connected with Great Britain, upon the basis of a complete equality of rights, that she possessed a resident Parliament of her own, competent, in all points, to legislate on her own concerns, in no point con- nected with, or subordinate to, that of Great Britain. That their king was bound to govern Ireland, not through his crown of England, but through his crown of Ireland — conferred upon him by the Irish nation, and worn by him, in conjunction with that of Great Britain, as the chief magistrate of both — tut to govern each country severally by their respective laws and their dis OP THE IRISH NATION. 59 tinct legislatures, and not the one through the other ; and though the Irish crown was, by the constitution of that country, placed ibr ever on the head of the same legiti- mate monarch who should wear that of England ; yet the Irish people were not legally bound to obey any laws but those enacted by their own legislature, to transfer the sceptre of their realm to any usurped authority, or sub- mit to the hostile or corrupt policy of any minister who might occasionally occupy the seat of power in England ; that their oath of allegiance was taken to the king of Ire* land, and not to the Parliament of Great Britain ; that the establishment of this principle was indispensable to their existence as a nation, and that every violation of it was a direct deviation from the duty of the Irish crown, and a. virtual dereliction of the compact between the two countries ; and that the king's ministers of either country advising unconstitutional measures, to violate the consti- tutional independence of Ireland, must be considered as traitors to the Irish crown, and enemies to the British empire. It was also observed, that this assumption of authority to legislate for Ireland, whatever colouring it might have received by the dissimulation or ingenuity of its support- ers, had, in fact, for its real object the restraint of her commerce and the suppression of her manufactures, so far as they might interfere with the interests of England ; because the management of the mere local concerns of Ireland by her own parliament was altogether immaterial to Great Britain, unless where a commercial rivalship might be the probable consequence of successful industry and legislative encouragement. From this reasoning, it was obvious that the redress of these grievances could not depend solely upon any exer- tions of the Irish legislature. The Peers — from the causes herein before assigned — were influenced at that time by a very small portion of public feeling; the measures of the Commons might be suppressed by an act of the Privy Gouncil ; and it Wame manifest, that an universal and determined co-operation c f th & whole people with their representatives, to rescue their representation, by vigorous measures, could alone operate with sufficient effect upon the policy and fears of England : and that a 50 RISE AND FALL general appeal to the people would be jut fined by the soundest axioms of civil government — as long experience had fully ascertained, that nothing was to be gained by the forbearance of the one nation, or to be expected from the voluntary justice of the other. The Irish people being thus apprised of the real source of all their grievances, the subject quickly engrossed their whole thoughts, and became familiar to their understand- ings. A new and broad field of reflection was opened to the middle orders : political discussions necessarily fol- lowed from day to day ; at every public and private meet- ing, and in every district, these discussions turned on the principles of liberty : and as the subject expanded, theii ideas became enlarged ; those who could read, liberally instructed the illiterate as to the rudiments of their his- tory and the rights of the constitution ; and by familiar deductions, the misery of the peasant was without diffi- culty brought home to the corruption of the ministers. All ranks of the community began to mingle and con- verse at their public meetings ; the influence of that general communication diffused itself rapidly amongst every class of society ; and the people, after having per- fectly ascertained the hardships of their situation, natu- rally proceeded to discuss the most decisive means of re- dressing their grievances. III. The circumstances of public affairs in America and on the continent of Europe, but more especially in England herself, were every moment becoming more and more propitious to the political emancipation of Ireland. A dark cloud appeared collecting over the head of Great Britain — the rays of her setting sun could scarcely pene- trate the obscurity of the gloom which surrounded her — and though she faced the impending hurricane with magnanimity and perseverance, she experienced a most anxious solicitude at the awful crisis which was rapidly approaching her. Her situation was terrific. The States of America, colonised by her industry, and peopled by her convicts, tearing themselves away from the mothe] country, and appealing to the whole world against the tyranny which at once had caused and justified her disobedience , British armies wandering through boundless deserts, and OF THE IRISH NATIOH. 61 associating with the savage tribes for savage purposes, dwindling by their victories, and diminishing by their conquests, surrendering their swords to those whom they had recently vanquished, and lowering the flag of England, with all the courtesies of continental warfare, to those very men whom the preceding moment they had proclaimed as traitors to their king and to then country.* However, the wise and deliberate measures which Ireland on this occasion adopted, proved not only her unshaken fidelity, but her moderation and her unaffected attachment to Great Britain. She saw the perilous situ- ation of her sister country ; and though she determined to profit by the crisis, in justly reclaiming her commerce and her constitution, she also determined to stand or fal with the British empire, and to share the fate of England in the tremendous confederacies which were formed and were forming against her. * The very different line of conduct adopted by England towards America and Ireland, when respectively in a state of insurrection, is very remarkable. The Americans (a mere colony) united with French troops, stood in open rebellion, for the avowed purpose of final separa- tion from the mother country, and were proclaimed traitors and rebels by the King and Parliament ; yet they uniformly experienced from the Bri- tish military commanders the most decorous and respectful treatment Their generals were addressed by their appropriate official titles — theii military rank was recognized by the British army — their officers, when taken, were admitted on their parol of honour — and their prisoners were treated with humanity and attention. The Irish experienced a very different conduct in 1798, when imme- diate execution was generally the gentlest punishment inflicted upon the insurgents of every rank, office, and description, and the laws of retalia- tion giving rise to a competition of barbarities, deluged the whole country in blood, extinguished its spirit, divided its people, and destroyed ita reputation " To persons unacquainted with the true history of those transactions, and the- project of the : British minister, the ambiguous conduct of Lord Cornwallis will appear altogether inconsistent and unaccountable. But the difficulty will be solved, when it becomes evident, from historic facts, that, without that general horror, depression, and dismay which the extent and continuance of those mutual barbarities had excited through- out all ranks and classes of people, the measure of a Legislative Union never durst have been proposed to Ireland, and that this terrific sensa- tion was critically made use of. as the strongest instrument, to impo« that measure on a people sunk under the lassitude of civil war, smd while m search of peace, forgetting liberty 6 62 RISE AND FALL The Irish people felt that they had a double duty to perform — to themselves, and to their posterity. England herself had given them a precedent. She had proved by the experience of centuiies, that when she had an object to achieve in Ireland, she had never been restrained by the punctilious dictates either of honour or humanity, and had never failed to take advantage of the feebleness of Ireland to impose the grievous weight of her arbitrary restrictions ; she had, at all periods, systematically en- couraged the internal dissensions of that people, the better to humble them for the yoke which she had al- ways been ready to place upon their country. Ireland, therefore, felt that she would be justified by British pre- cedent to take advantage of this important crisis, and that even the practical principles of the British constitution had declared and justified the right of popular resistance. England had, upon the same principle of resistance to arbitrary power, attempted to justify the murder of one king, and the deposition of another, whilst Ireland, pre- ferring her allegiance to her policy, remained faithful tc both, and was rewarded for her loyalty by massacre and confiscation. However, a hasty or impetuous resistance of the Irish people, even to the most arbitrary acts of their King or of their Government, was by no means a principle con- genial tu their political character ; whilst it was obvious to the whole world that England had adopted those violent and outrageous proceedings -against her own monarchs, upon principles and pretences far less con- stitutional, and more inconsistent with her liberties, than the measure? and conduct which had been wantonly and systematically practised by British ministers against Irish freedom. With this useful and awful lesson before her eyes, Ireland wisely considered that she would best raise and establish her national character, and effect her just objects, by a gradual reassumption of her rights, and a temperate and fair demand of constitutional liberty ; that her moderation would form an edifying contrast to the violence and intemperance of England, whenever her liberties were invaded, and that the advantage which the embarrassed state of Great Britain had now thrown into the hands of Ireland, would be most honourably exer- OP THE IRISH NATION. 63 cised by a calm and loyal, but resoiute and effectual proceeding. She perceived, however, that the moment most favourable to her objects had arrived ; which, if suffered to pass b] 7- without effort, might never recur ; and k therefore only remained to Ireland to ascertain the means most moderate but most likely to call Great Bri- tain to a sense of reason and of justice, and to secure to herself the attainment of her rights, without the danger of hostile convulsion, or the horrors of civil conflict. England, notwithstanding she had in some instances suspended, and in others prohibited, the exportation of Irish manufactures, inundated the Irish markets with every species of her own ; and with a view effectually to destroy all power of competition in Ireland, the great capitalists of England determined, even at any loss, to undersell the Irish in their own markets — a loss, how- ever which they thought would be eventually and amply repaid by the monopoly which must necessarily succeed the utter destruction of the Irish manufacture. This system it was impossible for the Irish manufac- turer to resist or counteract ; his capital was too small to bear the losses of competition ; resistance would have been vain ; he had therefore no alternative but to change his trade, or submit, and famish. It depended on the exertions of the people at large to resist every vicious and destructive project ; and they lost no time in adopting incipient measures of resistance. With this view, they resolutely determined to adopt a non- importation and non-consumption agreement through- out the whole kingdom ; and by excluding not only the importation, but the consumption of any British manu- facture in Ireland, visited bac-k upon the English combi- nators the ruin of their own treachery. No sooner was this measure publicly proposed, than it was universally adopted ; it flew quicker than the wind throughout the whole nation : the manufacturing bodies, the corporate towns, the small retailers, the general merchants, at once universally adopted this vigorous determination, and the great body of the people, by general resolutions, and uni- versal acclamations, avowed their firm determination to support the measure, till they should acquire a restoration of their political rights. 54 RISE AND PALL IV. Meanwhile, the armed associations hourly gained strength in numbers ; they began to acquire the appen- dages and establishments of a regular army — discipline and confidence ; and gradually consolidated themselves into regiments and brigades : some procured cannon and field equipages, and formed companies of artillery ; the completion of one corps stimulated the formation of anotner, and at length almost every independent Pro- testant of Ireland was enrolled as a patriot soldier ; and the whole body of the Catholics declared themselves the decided auxiliaries of their armed countrymen. This extraordinary armament — the recollections of which will for ever excite in Ireland a devotion to the cause of liberty, which neither time can efface nor mis- fortunes extinguish — actuated solely by the pure spirit of incorruptible patriotism, and signalized by a conduct more temperate and more judicious, than had ever con- trolled the acts and objects of any military body in the history of the world. The modern military corps, which have been skilfully, and perhaps wisely, imbodied, to preclude any recur- rence to the measure of volunteering, possess no analogy to these celebrated associations, save that the loyalty of the Volunteers was to their country and their King — the loyalty of the Yeomen, to the King of England and to his Ministers, Self-formed, and self-governed, the Volunteers accepted no commissions whatever from the Crown, and acknow- ledged no connection whatever with the Government ; the private men appointed their own officers, and occa- sionally cashiered them for misconduct or incapacity ; they accepted no pay, tne more wealthy soldier cheer- fully shared his funds with his poorer comrade — and the officers contributed their proportions to the general stock purse. Yet notwithstanding this perverted state of all military establishments, their subordination was complete : the soldier obeyed, from the instinctive impulse of honour to bimself and duty to his country ; the officer com- manded upon the same principle, and very few instances occurred where either were found to deviate from the straightesl line of military rectitude. The rules of dia- OF THE tRISH NATION. 65 wpline were adopted by general assent, and that passive obedience which, in regular armies, is enforced by punish- ment, amongst the Volunteers of Ireland was effected by honour. They assumed various uniforms ; green, white, scailetj or blue, were the prevailing colours.* Their line, there- fore, appeared variegated, and peculiarly striking. Their arms were at first provided by themselves ; but the ex- traordinary increase of their numbers rendered them at length unable to procure a sufficient supply by purchase: they had then but one course — they confidently required arms from the Government ; the Government, whatever reluctance they might have felt to arm men who acknow- ledged no supremacy, yet did not think it safe to refuse their demand ; and with an averted eye handed out to the Volunteers twenty thousand stand of arms from the Castle of Dublin. V. Being completely equipped, the acquirement of persons capable of instructing so large a body in military tactics, appeared a matter of the greatest difficulty ; but the same events which had at first inspired the Irish with a determination to arm, furnished them with the means not only of acquiring discipline, bu4; of increasing their ardour. The disasters of the American war had restored to the bosom of Ireland many brave men, whose health had sunk under the consequences of wounds and sufferings, and who, having witnessed the successful struggles of America for liberty, had returned to Ireland at that moment when she was critically preparing to assert her own. The association of these experienced veterans was sedulously courted by the Irish Volunteers ; their orders * The Lawyer's regiment of Volunteers adopted exactly the uniform of the King's Guards — their motto, " Pro arts et focis." The Kilkenny regiment (the late Earl of Ormond's.,) and the regiments of Irish Bri- gades, &c, wore green; the motto of the latter, " Vox populi suprema lex est." During the continuance of the Volunteer corps, no other police whatever was necessary throughout the whole nation — no public delin- quent could possibly escape apprehension — and the most perfect peace and tranquillity prevailed throughout every county and district in Ireland; the Volunteers exerted themseives in every department, as the preser- vers of public peace, and with an effect never known at any former at later period in that country. 6* 05 RISE AND PALL were obeyed with confidence and aiacrity, and amongst the country corps the effect of their instructions became suddenly conspicuous ; and, under their experience, dis- cipline advanced with rapid progress. The intercourse and conversation of those persons al5»o had a powerful effect, by transfusing into their pupufl that military mind which a veteran soldier can never relinquish. In their convivial hours, the serjeant, sur- rounded by his company, expatiating on the events of actual service, and introducing episodes of individual bravery, perhaps of his own undauntedness and sagacity, gradually banished every other topic from their conver- sation at those meetings. The successful perseverance of America had impressed even the soldier himself who had fought against her, with an involuntary respect for the principles of his enemies; a constant intercourse with his Irish associates soon excited in him congenial feelings, and he began to listen with pleasure to their interesting question, "Why should not his own brave countrymen possess as much constitutional liberty as those foreign colonists who had conquered him ? " It is difficult to conceive the fascination which seized upon the heretofore contracted intellect of the military farmer, by a repetition of these novel and warlike sub- jects; the martial propensity of his innate character had already rendered him peculiarly susceptible of these ani- mating impressions, and he now almost imperceptibly imbibed a military mind, and acquired a soldier's feeling. In a word, the whole nation became enamoured of arms , and those who were not permitted to bear them, consi- dered themselves as honoured by being employed to carry the food and ammunition of the soldier. The chief commanders of these armed bodies were men of the highest and most distinguished characters, and each corps was in general headed by persons of the first respectability in their respective districts, selected generally for their popularity and independence ; but all these corps were, for a considarable time, totally distinct and unconnected ; nor was it until they had formed into a consolidated column, under the command of the amia- ble and the illustrious Charlemont, that they acquirec the irresistible impulse of a co-operating jH>-°r. TU« OF THE IRISH NATION. 67 mild, but determined patriotism of that respected noble- man, gave a new tint of character to the whole army which he commanded, and chased away the tongue of slander from their objects and their conduct. In the number of those who, at this moment were launched, for the first time, into public observation, there appeared a person, who, without possessing the highest reputation for public talent, or the most unde- viating line of public principle, by the honest and spi- rited termination of his political life, has been justly raised upon the elevated pedestal of national gratitude ; a person, whose early appointment to the first financial department of Ireland, and whose official conduct, from that day to the catastrophe of Irish Parliaments, will necessarily be the subject of frequent and important observations, and authorizes an introduction of his name and character, at an earlier stage of this history, lhan would otherwise be consistent with the regular detail of a progressive narrative. VI. Sir John Parnel, the commandant of a Volunteet association,* was the son of a crafty and prudent minor politician (Sir John Parnel, of Rathlegue, in the Queen's County.) and was educated with a view to a diplomatic situation ; but on his return from the Continent, was found by his father too deficient in the necessary attain- ments of evasion and duplicity, to qualify him for the high departments of foreign diplomacy: his talents, therefore, became destined for home consumption, and by the intrigues of his father, and a forced exertion of his own abilities, he was soon noticed in the Irish Par- liament as a person of more than ordinary capacity — and after a veering course of local politics, he was appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer. In that situation he con tinued, till the project of a union called forth the public virtues of every man who possessed any, and too late opened the eyes of the nation to its steady friends, and to its temporizing enemies. Sir John Parnel had an eminent capacity for public business, but a lamentable deficiency of system in its arrangement. His strong mind and cultivated under- standing lost much of their effect by the flurry of hit * The Maryborough Volunteers. 68 RISE AND FALL manner, which frequently impeded the perspicuity of his language. His intellect was clear, his memory retentive, and his conception just ; he possessed esteem, without an effort to obtain it, and preserved his friends, without exercising his patronage; he supported the Ministry without offend- ing the opposition, and all parties united in calling him an honourable man. Plain, frank, cheerful and convivial, he generally pre- ferred society to trouble, and seemed to have rid himself of a weight when he had executed a duty. As a finan- cier, he was not perfect — as a statesman, he was not deep — as a courtier, he was not polished — but as an officer, he was not corrupt ; and though many years in possession of high office, and extensive patronage, he showed a disinterestedness almost unparalleled ; and the name of a relative, or of a dependent, of his own, scarcely in a single instance increased the place or the pension lists of Ireland. Though his education and habits were ministerial, his mind was intrinsically patriotic, and a sentiment of inde- pendent spirit not mifrequently burst out from under the pressure of that official restriction which the duties of his station had necessarily imposed upon him ; hut his appointme~* as a minister never induced him to forget his birth as « r ' Irishman ; and his attachment to the sove- reign, never diminished his philanthropy to the subject. After an honest, faithful, and zealous service of his tring, for seventeen years — as Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer — he was called upon by the minister to sacri- fice his principles, and betray his country — to efface the impressions of his youth, and tarnish the honour of his maturity — to violate his faith, and falsify his conviction; but the fetters of office could not restrain the spirit of its captive : he lost his station, but he retained his inte- grity, and was compensated for the consequences of an undeserved dismissal, by the approbation of his con- science and the affection of his country. The Volunteer corps which he commanded, early and zealously adopted the cause of Irish independence — a cause he strenuously adhered to, to the last moment of his existence — and in that noble firmness with which lie OF THE IRISH NATION. 69 resisted a legislative union, and disobeyed the mandates of a crafty and vindictive viceroy ; he has left to the present age a brilliant and a rare example of a minister, no nest enough to prefer his character to his office, and proud enough to postpone his interest to his honour. VII. The Volunteer system now becoming universal in Ireland, effected an important and visible change in the minds and -Rimers of the middle and lower orders of the people ; by the occurrence of new events, and the piomulgation of novel principles, their natmal character became affected in all its bearings, and acquired, or rather disclosed, new points, which at that period tended to promote their prosperity, but eventually formed the grand pretence for the extinguishment of their inde- pendence. The familiar association of all ranks, which the nature of their new military connection necessarily occasioned, every day lessened that wide distinction, which had theretofore separated the higher and lower orders of society — the landlord and the tenant — the nobleman and the artisan — the general and the soldier — now, for the first time, sat down at the same board — shared the same fare — and enjoyed the same conviviality. The lower order learned their own weight in the community — the higher were taught their dependance upon the people — and those whose illiterate minds had never before con- ceived or thought on the nature of political constitutions, or the fundamental principles of civil government, now learned from the intercourse and conversation of their superiors, the rudiments of that complicated but noble science ; the misconception and the abuse of which, has since become the severest scourge that ever afflicted the states of Europe. A visible akeratkr was also soon observable in the genera* appearance of the people ; the squalid garb and careless dress of the Irish farmer was now exchanged for the minute cleanliness and regularity of the soldier. A striking revolution took place not only in the minds, but also in the external appearance of the Irish ; theii intellect acquired strength by exercise and information — their address was improved b} intercourse and disci pline — and their general appeal *nce by dress and regu- 70 RISK AND FALL lority; and had not the same causes, which led to the concessions of 1782. induced the British Government to recall that constitution which had been wrested from its feebleness, these unparalleled associations would have conferred advantages on the country, beyond all mea- sures which human wisdom could have suggested, for ill improvement. / Duke. ofLanster. / ffenry GraUw . Z Lord Oar*. 5. Hnssey Burgh 3. Eenry Floods. 6. Lord Kutctunson. 7. Lord Charlemonts. P. J. Kene dy, Puilislier, 5 Barclay St. JtfewXbrk. GF THE IRISH NATION. CHAPTER IV. tfcttxperted events in the Irish House of Commons— Mr. Grattturt Amendment to the Address — His public character and vicissitudes — The Amendment — Its effects — Sir Henry Cavendish — His character — Mr. Hussey Burgh (the Prime-Sergeant) secedes from Government and substitutes an Amendment for Mr. Grattan's — the Amendment passed — First step towards Irish independence — The English Parlia- ment callous to the wrongs of Ireland — Lord Shelburne and Lord Ossory propose resolutions — The Irish nation determined to assert its rights — Resolution for a free trade carried unanimously — This circum- stance one of the remote causes of the Union — Rapid progress of ths Volunteers — Extraordinary military honours paid to the Duke of Leinster — Attempts to seduce the Volunteers — Earl oi Charlemont— • His character. L While those transactions were taking place throughout the countiy, a memorable and unexpected event occurred m the Irish Parliament. The sessions of 1779-80 commenced with a scene which while it elevated the Irish people to the height of expectation, and inspired them with a new confidence, paralyzed the British Government, and for the first moment, made known decidedly to the councils of that country, that they had no longer to deal with a timid, dispirited, and unprotected nation. The adoption of non-importation and non-consumption agreements had already created considerable anxiety in the British Minister as to the probable result of the ensuing Session, and the Lord Lieutenant was directed to open the Parliament with a speech, remotely alluding to his Majesty's sentiments of liberality, but without specifying any measure of concession, and so cautiously guarded, as neither to alarm the Public, nor commit the Govern- ment, but the days of insipidity had now passed away ; the Viceroy's speeches from the throne, for almost a jentury, had been composed nearly in the same common- place language and trite observation, and the addresses of both Houses, in reply to those speeches, had been 72 RISE ASTD PALI aimost invariably mere echoes of the speech itself, with general assurances of ? >beral supplies and increasing loyalty. On the opening of this Session, however, there appeared a more than common sensation amongst the leading members of Parliament, the strong and animated declara- tions of public sentiment which had been published during uiQ prorogation, made an extraordinary impression, but the extent or consequences of that impression could not be ascertained, until the proceedings of the House ot Commons gave an opportunity of observing what effect the new spirit of the people would now have upon the conduct of their representatives. At length the Parliament assembled ; the anxious and inquisitive eye of the Secretary and of the steady partisans of Government passed rapidly throughout the whole House alarmed by the appearance of some unusual re- sistance, they endeavoured, from the looks, the sugges- tions, the manner of the members, to prejudge the result of the first night's debate, which had generally decided the complexion of the ensuing session, but no sagacity could have anticipated the turn which Irish affairs were to receive on that night — no human foresight could have predicted that blow which the system of the British Cabinet was about to receive by one single sentence — or have foreseen that that single sentence would be the composition of the first law-officer of the Irish Gov- ernment. The Lord Lieutenant's speech was delivered by him, in the House of Lord's in the accustomed tone of confi- dence, ambiguity, and frivolous recommendations ; and in the Commons, the usual echo and adulatory address was moved by Sir Robert Deane, a person completely devoted to the views of Government. A pause succeeded arid an unusual communication was perceivable betweer several members on the Government and Opposition sides of the House. A decided resistance to the usual qualified address now became certain ; the Secretary, moving irresolutely from place to place, was seen endea- vouring to collect the individual opinions of the members — and the law-officers of the Crown evinced a diffidence never before observable in their department ; throughout OF THE IRISH NATION. 73 the whole House a new sense of expectation and anxiety was evident. II. At length Mr. Henry Grattan arose, with a some- what more than usual solemnity ; — he seemed labouring with his own thoughts, and preparing his mind for a more than ordinary exertion. The address and the language of this extraordinary man were perfectly original ; from his first essay in Parliament, a strong sensation had been excited by the point and eccentricity of his powerful eloquence ; — nor was it long until those transcendent talents, which afterwards distinguished this celebrated personage — were perceived rising above ordinary capa- cities, and, as a charm, communicating to his countrymen that energy, that patriotism, and that perseverance, for which he himself became so eminently distinguished ; his action, his tone, his elocution in public speaking, bore no resemblance to that of any other person ; the flights of genius, the arrangements of composition, and the solid jtrength of connected reasoning, were singularly blended >n his fiery, yet deliberative language ; he thought in logic and he spoke in antithesis ; his irony and his satire, rapid and epigrammatic, bore down all opposition, and left him no rival in the broad field of eloquent invective ; his ungraceful action, however, and the hesitating tardi- ness of his first sentences, conveyed no favourable im- pression to those who listened only to his exordium, but the progress of his brilliant and manly eloquence soon absorbed every idea, but that of admiration at the over- powering extent of his intellectual faculties. This was Mr. Henry Grattan of 1779 — in the vicissi- tudes of whose subsequent life will be remarked three dictinct eras of public character, and disgusting proofs of popular inconsistency — the era of his glory, the era of his calumny, and the era of his resurrection ; in the first, elevated to a pitch of unbounded gratification, by the attachment, the gratitude, and the munificence of his countrymen ; — in the second, despoiled of health, of happiness, and of character, by the artifices of a powerful enemy, and in the third rising from the bed of sickness, re-embarking a shattered frame in the service of his country. In Parliament he taught the doctrines of Molyneux and of Lucas — he drew the true constitutional 7 74 RISE AND FALL distinctions between the Crown and the Government— the magistrate and the function — the individual and the sceptre. But the partiality of the friend may possibly bias the pen of the historian ; — his public principles will be best ascertained by tracing the undeviating line of his public conduct. The career of this extraordinary man is finished. But he survived his country, he lived to view the demolition of that noble fabric raised by the exertion of his own virtue and perseverance, and the catastrophe of that constitu- tion, which, " as he watched over it in its cradle, so he attended it to its grave." III. After an oration, replete with the most luminous reasoning, the severest censure, pathetic and irresistible eloquence, Mr. Grattan moved an amendment to the address, viz. " That we beseech your Majesty to believe, that it is with the utmost reluctance we are constrained to approach you on the present occasion ; but the con- stant drain to supply absentees, and the unfortunate prohibition of our trade, have caused such calamity, that the natural support of our country has decayed, and our manufacturers are dying for want ; famine stalks hand in hand with hopeless wretchedness ; and the only means left to support the expiring trade of this miserable part of your Majesty's dominions, is to open a free export trade, and let your Irish subjects enjoy their natural birthright." His arguments had been so conclusive, his position so self-evident, his language so vigorous and determined, his predictions so alarming, and the impression which those combined qualities made upon the House was so deep, and so extensive, that the supporters of Government, paralyzed and passive, seemed almost ready to resign the victory, before they had even attempted a resistance. The confusion which now appeared on the Treasury bench was very remarkable, because very unusual. The Secretary (Sir Richard Heron,) for the first time, showed a painful mistrust in the steadiness of his followers ; he perceived that the spirit of the House was rising into a storm, which all the influence of his office would not be able to allay, direct opposition would be injudicious, if Dot fata 1 palpable evasion would be altogether tmp^ac- OF THE IRISH NATION. 75 ticable, the temporizing system was almost worn out, and Erocrastination seemed to yield no better prospect of a ivourable issue ; the officers of Government sat sullenly on their benches, awaiting their customary cue from the lips of the Minister, but he was too skilful to commit himself to a labyrinth, from whence return was so diffi cult and precarious, and all was silent. At length uU Henry Cavendish hesitatingly arose, to declare his dis- sent to this first decided effort of the Irish Parliament to assert its liberties. IV. Sir Henry Cavendish was one of those persons who are generally found in the front of a popular assembly, and acquire notoriety by becoming the oracle of some insulated department. Though possessed of a plain, shrewd understanding, abundance of craft, a con- venient temper, and imposing plausibility; after una- vailing effort to acquire the fame of a rhetorician, Sir Henry contented himself with the reputation of profound knowledge in parliamentary precedents and points of order. Ae was ever prepared with a string of parliamentary precedents, appropriate to every question, and adapted to every circumstance, which he skilfully contrived to substitute for reasoning, and oppose to argument, and should his prolific memory chance to fail him in the quo- tation of his documents, his inventive genius never ler the subject fail for want of an auxiliary. On points of order he was at least as garrulous as orthodox, and peculiarly expert at critical interruption ; under colour of keeping order, he assumed a licence for transgressing it, — and in affecting to check the digression of others, he frequently made it the first figure of his own rhetoric ; — he was admirably calculated for desul- tory debate — when he was right, he was concise — when lie was wrong, he was pertinacious, sarcastic, obstinate, plausible, persevering — he gained time when he could not make proselytes, and became the very essence and soul of procrastination. Sir Henry was well aware that he durst not venture an unqualified negative, and endeavoured craftily to administer his panacea of precedents, and tc propose what he termed " something more orderly in the House, and more gracious to the Sovereign." He said f November, and the first bills of concession received the royal assent the 21st December. 94 RISE AND FALL and to establish, at the risk of their lives and fortune^ the independence of the Irish legislature, beyond tb* power of British re-assumption.* This spirit and this determination spread themselves" universally amongst the people ; the cry of " Free Trade n was now accompanied with that of " Free Parliament? aud that patriotic enthusiasm which had so effectually asserted the commerce of Ireland, now arose with double vigour to assert its constitution. V. The Volunteer army, in the mean time, rapidly advanced in discipline and numbers : the success which had attended this first effort of their steadiness acted as a powerful incitement to the continuation of their exer- tion ; they felt, with exultation, that at the very time they were in arms, without the authority of the Crown, or control of their Sovereign, his Majesty, from his throne, condescended to pass unqualified eulogiums on theloyalty and fidelity of the people — expressions, which, if considered with reference to the King, were gracious — but with reference to the Government, which framed them, were clearly intended as an anodyne to lull that spirit which durst not be encountered. Provincial reviews of the Volunteer armies were now * As the genius and disposition of a people are often discoverable, not only by trivial but ludicrous circumstances, so their national poetry and music have a very considerable effect in rousing the spirit, and disclosing the character. At this period the press teemed with publications of every quality, in prose and verse, on the subject of fresh grievances. A stanza from one of the popular songs of that day, shows the pointed humour and whimsical lightness which characterize that people even upon the most important subjects. In alluding to the Irish being deprived of the woollen trade by Ens- fond, and the military associations of Ireland to assert her liberty, the stanza runs thus : " Was she not a fool, When she took of our wool, To leave us so much of the leather, the leather ? It ne'er entered her pate, That a sheep 's skin, well beat, Would draw a whole nation TOGETHER, TOGETHER." These words were adapted to a popular air, and became a favourite march of the Volunteers, and a patriotic song amongst the peasant!? throughout the kingdom OF THE IRISH NATION. 99 adopted, and a more regular staff appointed to the gene* ral officers ; new trains of artillery were formed — that of Belfast was brought to considerable perfection. Earl Oharlemont was called on to review the Northern army; on his tour he was attended by many persons of the highest distinction, aud his suit had all the appearance of military dignity and national importance. His Loid- ship returned to review the Leinster corps in Dublin. His aid-de-camps were men of the highest character and of the first ability. Barry Yelverton, Hussey Bmgh (both of whom were afterwards Chief Barons of the Exchequer,) and Mr. Grattan, were on his staff. The Volunteer army had acquired the discipline of an efficient force, and at that period amounted to above eighty thousand soldiers, ready for actual service, aided by the zeal, the prayers, and the co-operation, of nearly five millions unarmed inhabitants. The British Government, which had vainly supposed that enough had been done, if not to satisfy, at least somewhat to disunite the Irish people, now perceived how ill they had calculated on the character of that na- tion, and felt, with pain and disappointment, the futility of their designs, and the feebleness of their authority. The dilemma of the Minister was difficult and dis- tressing ; any effort to seduce the Volunteers would have roused — any attempt to dupe them would but inflame, and to resist them would have been impossible : dis- tracted, therefore, by every species of embarrassment, he suffered the Irish nation to pursue its course without direct opposition, and trusted to the chance of events for the preservation of the empire. Grave and most important circumstances now opened to the public view, and imperatively concurred to put the constitutional claims of Ireland directly in issue with the British legislature. The army in Ireland had been under the regulations of a British statute ; and the hereditary revenue of the Crown, with the aid of a perpetual mutiny bill, enabled the British Government to command at all times a stand- ing army in Ireland, without the authority or the control of its Parliament. This unconstitutional power, hitherto almost unnoticed 9ti RISE AND FALL in Ireland, now that the principles of libe ty had been disseminated amongst the people, and that an indepen- dent army of Irishmen had been organized, became a subject of general dissatisfaction. Some patriotic magis- trates determined to make a stand upon that point, and to bring the legality of British statutes, as operating in Ireland, into issue, through the medium of their own conduct, in refusing to obey them. To effect this measure, they determined to resist the authority of the British mutiny act, and by refusing to billet soldiers, under the provisions of that statute, soli- cited complaints against themselves, for the purpose of trying the question. This measure would at once have put Ireland and the usurpation of Great Britain in direct issue ; but the Irish {'udges were then dependent upon the Crown; they leld their offices during pleasure only; judges might differ with the juries — the people with both — and the result of a trial of such a question, in such a way, was considered by all parties as too precarious, to hazard the experiment. The career of independence however proceeded with irresistible impetuosity ; a general feeling arose that a crisis was fast approaching, when the tru^. principles of the Irish constitution must be decisively determined. Though the regular forces and the Volunteer army were on the most amicable terms, yet jealousies might eventually be widened into a breach, pregnant with the most disastrous consequences. This was an extremity \ the Viceroy determined to avoid ; and orders were issued to the army, to show every possible mark of respect to the Volunteers ; their officers received the usual military salute from the regular soldiers, and at the request of the Volunteers a few troops of cavalry were ordered by the Lord Lieutena nt to a ssist in keeping the Volunteer lines at a review in'tne I*ftfw*ix Park. But an accidental circumstance some time afterwards occurred, which showed the necessity for cultivating that cordiality, on the continuation of which the tranquillity of the nation so entirely depended. VI. Lieutenant Doyne, of the second regiment of Horse, marching to relieve the guards in Dublin Castle. OF THE IRISH NATION. 9? at the head of the cavalry, came accidentally, on Essex Bridge, directly at right angles with a line of Volunteer infantry commanded by Lord Altamont. An instant embarrassment took place — one party must halt, or the other could not pass : neither would recede — etiquette seemed likely to get the better of prudence — the cavalry advanced — the Volunteers continued their progress, till they were nearly in contact ; never did a more critical moment exist in Ireland. Had one drop of blood been shed, through the impetuosity of either officer, even in that silly question of precedence, the Irish Volunteers would have beat to arms, from north to south, in every part of the kingdom, and British connection would cer- tainly been shaken to its very foundation. As the cavalry advanced, Lord Altamont commanded bis corps to continue their march, and incline their bayonets, so as to be ready to defend their line. The cavalry officer, wisely reflecting, that by the pause even of a single moment, every possibility of disagreement would be obviated, halted his men for an instant — the Volunteers passed on — and the affair ended without fur- ther difficulty. This circumstance, however trivial, was quickly circu- lated, and increased the public clamour. Resolutions were entered into by almost every military corps, and every corporate body, that they would no longer obey any laws, save those enacted by the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland; and this spirit gradually embraced the whole population, till at length it ended in the cele- brated resolutions of Dungannon, which established the short lived independence of that nation. VII. William Duke of Leinster had long been the favourite and the patron of the Irish people, and never did the physiognomist enjoy a more fortunate elucidation of his science : the softness of philanthropy — the placi- dity of temper — the openness, of sincerity — the sympathy of friendship — and the ease of integrity — stamped cor- responding impressions on his artless countenance, and left but little to conjecture as to the composition of his character. His elevated rank and extensive connections gave him k paramount lead in Irish politics, which his naked talents 98 RISE AND FALL would not otherwise have justified ; though his capacity was respectable, it was not brilliant, and his abilities were not adapted to the highest class of political pre- eminence.* On public subjects, his conduct sometimes wanted energy, and his pursuits perseverance ; in some points he was weak, and in some instances erroneous, but in all he was honest : from the day of his maturity to the moment of his dissolution he was the undeviating friend of the Irish nation — he considered its interests and his own indissolubly connected — alive to the oppressions and miseries of the people, his feeling heart participated in their misfortunes, and felt the smart of every lash which the scourge of power inflicted on his country. As a soldier, and as a patriot, he performed his duties ; and in his plain and honourable disposition, was found col- lected a happy specimen of those qualities which best compose the character of an Irish gentleman. He took an early and active part in promoting the for- mation and discipline of the Volunteer associations, he raised many corps and commanded the Dublin Army. The ancient celebrity of his family, the vast extent of his possessions, and his affability in private intercourse, co- operated with his own popularity in extending his in- fluence and few persons ever enjoyed- a more general and merited influence amongst the Irish people. The Irish Catholics, at this period, were much attached to the Gerald ines, and pursued a conduct so meritorious, that even the bitterest enemies of that body acknowledged the uncommon merit of their conduct : their open friends multiplied, their secret enemies diminished, and they gradually worked themselves into the favour and confi- dence of their Protestant countrymen, though loaded with severe restrictions, though put out of the pale of the British constitution, and groaning under the most cruel and unjust oppression, they were active and patriotic, they forgot the tyranny under which they groaned, and only felt the chains which fettered and oppressed their country; a general union of all sects seemed to be cement- ing — the animosity of ages was sinking into oblivion, and * The political abilities of his Grace were likened, by a gentleman ol great public talent, to " a fair fertile field, without either a weed or i wild flower in it." OF THE IRISH NATION 99 It was reserved for the incendiaries of a ater period to revive that barbarous sectarian discord — a weapon, with- out which the British Government would have ever found Ireland too proud for the influence of power, and too strong for the grasp of annexation. The doctrine of pure democracy was then but a weak exotic, to which the heat of civil war in America had given the principle of vegetation. In Ireland, it was uncongenial to the minds, and unadapted to the character of the people ; and during the whole progress of those events, which preceded the attainment of Irish indepen- dence, its progress was only observable in the intimate association of the distant ranks in military bodies, and the idea of revolution never extended further than to attain the undisturbed enjoyment of a free Parliament, and to remove for ever the ascendency of the British Government over the crown of Ireland. VIII. Notwithstanding all these occurrences, the British people, in their nature jealous and egotistical, still remained obstinately blind to the true state of Ire- land enjoying the blessings of independence, under a resident monarch and an unfettered parliament — they felt interested only in their own aggrandizement — then solicitude extended solely to their own concerns — and without reflecting that the same advantages which they so liberally possessed, were denied to Ireland, they attri- buted the uneasiness of that nation rather to innate principles of disaffection, than the natural result of misery and oppression. Every element of a free constitution had been torn away by the rough hand of a foreign legislature, enacting laws, to which the representatives of the Irish people were utter strangers. Yet this usurpation had been sanctioned by the dictum of a British judge, who added to his reputation, by giving an unqualified opinion for Irish slavery.* * It is painful to see a British judge and commentor— whose duty it was at least to respect the vital principles of that constitution under which he acted — giving a decisive opinion for " legislation without representa- tives," and, in the case of Ireland, condemning that sentinel, by whow vigilance alone the property, the liberty, and the lives of Englishman we protected. [00 RISE AND FALL IX. The salaries of the Judges of Ireland were then barely sufficient to keep them above want, and they held their offices only during the will of the British Minister, who might remove them at his pleasure : all Irish justice, therefore, was at his control. In all questions between the Crown and the people, the purity of the judge was consequently suspected : if he could not be corrupted, he might be cashiered, the dignity of his office was lost in his dependence, and he was reduced to the sad alternative of poverty or dishonour ; nor was this grievance lessened by many of the judges being sent over from England, prejudiced against the Irish, and unacquainted with tfieir customs. The Irish Parliament, at this period, met but once in two years, and in the British Attorney General was vested the superintendence of their proceedings, and the British Privy Council the alteration and rejection of their statutes ; and the declination or ruin of her commerce was at least a matter of indifference, if not of triumph, to ihe British monopolists. These grievances, in themselves almost intolerable, were greatly aggravated by the abuses which had been creeping into the executive and legislative department of the British Government, and infected every proceeding adopted as to Ireland. X. However, the British Government found that resistance had now become impossible, and something more must be done. The Irish Viceroy, therefore, was instructed to act according to the best of his judgment. Accordingly, on the 9th of October, 1781, he, for the first time met the Irish Parliament with a speech from the throne ; which, though received with great cordiality by the House, upon a close investigation, appears a compo- sition of the most Jesuitical sophistry ; it complimented the country on a prosperity which it never enjoyed — expressed a solicitude tor its interest, which was never experienced, and promised future favours, which were never intended to be conceded, and was mingled, at the His zeal to support this arbitrary principle over Ireland, blinded him to its operation as to the rest of the world, disentitled him rather to th« character of a constitutional lawyer, and stamped him with that of a miserable statesman. OF THE IRISH NATION. 101 same time with recommendations the most vague, and observations the most frivolous. The good temper of the House, however, was so excited by the cordial assurances it contained, it was received with general approbation, and Mr. John O'Neill, of Shane's Castle, the first Com- moner of Ireland, was very wisely prevailed upon, by the Secretary, to move an address of thanks to his Majesty, for this gracious communication of his minister with a view that the weight and character of this gentleman might excite that unanimity at the present crisis so very desirable, and which must be so highly advantageous to the Irish Government. Mr. John O'Neill, descended from the most celebrated chiefs of ancient Ireland, bore in his portly and graceful mien indications of a proud and illustrious pedigree ; the generous openness of his countenance, the grandeur of his person, and the affability of his address, marked the dignity of his character, and blending with the benevolence of his disposition, formed him one of the first Commoners of the Irish nation, a rank from which he so unfortunately sunk, by humbling his name to the level of purchased peerages, and descending from the highest bench of the Commons to the lowest among the Nobles. In public and in private life Mr. O'Neill was equally calculated to command respect, and conciliate affection ; high minded, open, and well educated, he clothed the sentiments of a patriot in the language of a gentleman ; his abilities were moderate, but his understanding was sound — unsuspecting, because he was himself incapable of deception, he too frequently trusted to the judgment of others that conduct which would have been far more respectably regulated by his own; though he did not shrink from the approbation of the court, he preferred the applauses of his country, and formed one of the most perfect models of an aristocratic patriot. This step, however, was instantly succeeded by a measure, which did honour to the patriotic spirit of Mr. O'Neill, and preserved his character in that station, from whi:h it might have sunk had he concluded his observa- tions, by the fulsome and indecisive address which he had 10 injudiciously patronized. As soon as the address to bis Majesty had passed, Mr 9* l(*2 RISE AND FALL O'Neill moved a resolution of thanks to u all the Volun- teers of Ireland, tor their exertions and continuance." This motion was received with exultation by the opposition and created a new embarrassment to the Minister. To return thanks to an independent army for their exertions and continuance, which acknowledged no military supe- riority, and called, with arms in their hands, upon their Irish king to restore their civil rights and plundered con- stitution, was a step, undoubtedly, not warranted by precedent; but prompt decision was necessary, and the then Mr. John Fitzgibbon, in one of the first efforts of that decided but inconsiderate impetuosity which distin- guished him throughout life, harshly opposed Mr. O'Neill's motion, but by endeavouring to support Government he deeply embarrassed it ; and Mr. Scott the Attorney General, on that occasion showed, in its strongest colours the advantages of well regulated policy. He instantly acceded to what he could not oppose, and gave an appearance of full approbation on the part of the Govern- ment, to an address of thanks to those men, whom nothing but that political duplicity which he so amply possessed, could have induced him to consent to. All opposition to the motion, therefore, fell to the ground. Mr. Fitzgibbon,who, however, never relinquished an object, from a conviction of its impropriety, though he persisted in his opposition, was reluctantly necessitated to give way, and an address to the armed Volunteers of Ire- land was unanimously voted, and directed to be circulated throughout all Ireland, and to be communicated by the Sheriffs of the counties to the corps within their bailiwicks. Never had a measure been adopted, which gave so sudden and singular a change to the aspect of affairs in Ireland. It seemed to reverse all the maxims of former Governments, and gave to the people an ascendency they had never expected. It legalized a military levy, inde- pendent of the Sovereign, and obliged the Ministers to applaud the exertions, and court the continuance of an army, whose dispersion was the leading object of all their councils. This resolution made a considerable progress towards the actual emancipation of the Irish people ; it brought down the British Government to the feet of the Volun- OF THE IRISH NATION. 10CI leers, and raised the Volunteers above the supremacy o' Britain, by a direct Parliamentary approbation of self- armed, self-governed, and self-disc, plined associations, whose motto* bespoke the fundamental principle of revo- lution of which England had given the precedent. It also taught the people the strength of their own arms and the timidity of their opponents, they perceived by the unanimous adoption of this resolution, that the people had only to march, and as certainly to conquer. It was, in fact, a flag of truce from the minister, and proved to the world, that unable to contend he was preparing to capitulate. In reflecting on the circumstances which led the Government to this concession, observations on the moral and physical strength of the nation must naturally occur. The Irish nation saturated with patriotic spirit, by a union of its mental and corporeal energies, had united in its narrow focus all the moral and physical powers of which a people are susceptible. * The motto of the Barristers' corps of Volunteers, which alwayi took the lead of, and, in most instances, gave the precedent to, all the pther corps, was — " Vox Populi suprema Lex est" — a maxim which, irhilst it gives the widest latitude of construction to *he first principle* if the constitution, would open too wide a door to democratic authority, fciless guarded against by the system of delegated representation 104 RISE AND FALL CHAPTER VI Observations as to the strength of a people — German mercenaries — Fur- ther subject of discontent in Ireland — Dispute between Ireland and Portugal — Portugal encouraged in her hostility towards Ireland by the British Minister — Perseverance of Portugal — Mr. Fitzgibbon's motior — Sir Lucius O'Brien — Proposes that Ireland in her own right should declare war against Portugal — Sir J. Blaquiere — Effects of Sir Lucius O'Brien's amendment — Distinctness of Ireland proved — Federative compact— Arguments for and against prompt proceedings — Spirited reasoning of the Irish — No Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland — Determi- nation of the Volunteers — Origin and progress of delegated assemblies — The Northern Irish — Dungannon meeting — Mr. Dobbs — Extraordi- nary mind — His eccentricity — Theories — Colonel Irwin — Account of the Dungannon meeting continued — Dungannon resolutions. I. When the physical strength only of a nation is em- ployed in the accomplishment of its objects, however great its bodily force, it loses the advantages of its dead weight, by the absence of that animating fire of intellect, which alone gives real vigour to bodily exertion : clumsy powers, mechanical discipline, and compulsory obedience, must ever yield to the force of an opposing body, where both the moral and the physical powers of the people are blended and inseparable. It is only, therefore, by a union of those qualities, that a limited population becomes invincible. The vigour of the body receives inexhaustible subsistence from the energy of the mind, and bids defiance to any power where these qualities are not united. Thus circumstanced were the Irish people at the moment of this resolution : and perhaps in no former period of modern history has any nation been discovered in so powerful and commanding a position. It was a triumphant moment. A population above five millions, whose moral and phy- sical powers were so intimately united, that the whole nation seemed one great and active giant, endowed with all the warlike qualities of the human race — one heart — one soul — and one object. OF THE IRISH NATION. 105 Though prejudice and intolerance had limited the pos- session of arms to a comparatively very small proportion of the people, yet it was difficult to determine whether the armed or disarmed were most zealous for their country's liberties. The armed and disciplined Volun- teers by this time exceeded in numbers the whole regular military force of the British empire, while those, who, in case of action, would pant to supply the ranks of their fallen countrymen, numerically surpassed the whole organized military power of the European continent This great force also, from the smallness of the island, was collected in a narrow space, its powers were concen- irated, its resources were always within its grasp, the sound of the horn could reach from one village to the other, every man was ready to obey its call, and the whole population was prepared to rush to every station where it would be most likely to attain its liberty and independence. It was impossible for a reflecting mind not to contrast the noble fire and voluntary spirit which at that time raised, and embodied in patriotic bands, an entire people for the sole purpose of supporting, with their lives and property, the purest principles of constitutional freedom — with these troops of foreign principalities, who, at the same moment, were employed, not as fair auxiliaries by treaty on principles, but as mere mercenary automata, collected to suppress the natural liberties of America, and who, had they been successful there, would have attempted their next triumph over the independence of Ireland — vassals, purchased from the avarice of petty German princes, whc filled their narrow treasuries by measuring out the blood of their peasantry to the highest bidder and transporting their wretched subjects to put down the eternal rights of civilized society — men, who had no object but their pay, no enthusiasm but for plun- der ; bought by mercenary treaty from the potentates of the old world to butcher the inhabitants of the new, sold like the oxen of the field for like profit and like slaughter, and, as the combatants of the brute creation, fighting only through a vicious instinct, and seeking no higher glory than to gore their fellow animals. II. Notwithstanding the avowed disposition of the 106 RISE AND FALL British Legislature to concede full commercial liberty to Ireland, intrigues were soon fomented by monopolists, to render abortive, or diminish as much as possible, the advantages of the concessions: and, amongst other cir- cumstances of that nature, one — of the greatest impor- tance, in every point of view, constitutional as well as commercial — occurred, which excited throughout Ireland well founded suspicions as to the sincerity of Great Britain. By the resolutions of the British Legislature, Ireland had been admitted to export her linen and woollen manu- factures to Portugal, agreeable to the provisions of the treaty of Methuen, from which liberty she had been pre- viously and explicitly prohibited by express statutes. The Irish merchant taking advantage of this concession — liberated from these commercial restrictions, and left freely to wing his way to all the amicable ports of Europe — immediately exported a considerable quantity of Irish manufactures to Portugal ; but to the surprise of the Irish people, the Portuguese Ministiy peremptorily refused to receive Irish manufactures into their ports, and not only absolutely prohibited their importation, but seized on the property of the Irish merchants ! This strong and unaccountable proceeding being adopted by a nation, not only in profound peace with Great Britain, but by a people always dependent upon her for protection, subservient to her views, and obedient to her wishes, and by a court where a British Minister resided, and in ports where British Consuls were resident, it was palpable, that such a step never durst have been adopted by the Court of Portugal without at least the connivance of the British Cabinet. It was incredible that a nation, almost dependent upon the will of England, would presume to insult a federative portion of the British King's dominions, and it became necessary to in- vestigate the grounds of so unwarrantable a proceeding. No doubt could exist that the active jealousy of the British manufacturers had been roused by the resolutions in favour of Ireland, and that the trade of England might be somewhat affected by these resolutions. The avarice of the British monopolists would naturally take >**erv secret method of counteracting advantages, the OF THE IRISH NATION. 107 pcssession of which, by Ireland, would certainly operate somewhat as a drawback upon their own ; and the Bri- tish Minister durst not displease the British trade. The Irish merchants soon felt the effects of their exclu- sion. Their new spirit of enterprise was damped, the earliest commercial exertions of Ireland were paralyzed, their speculations extinguished, and the whole transac- tion appeared to be of the most suspicious character. The Irish, as a nation, now felt themselves not only aggrieved, but sorely insulted. The merchants of Dub- lin, through their Recorder, Sir Samuel Broadstreet, pre- sented a petition to parliament, expressive of their suffer- ings. Mr. Eden, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, who generally affected to be well disposed towards that coun- try, had recourse to the usual diplomatic plausibility — arguing on the impolicy of precipitation, and the disin- terested feelings of the British — he resisted any imme- diate resolution on the subject, but moved that this trans- action, and the fair and just petition of the first commer- cial body in Ireland should lie on the table, and wait for the result of negociations, the commencement of which *ras uncertain, and the termination of which would cer- ainly be protracted. This proceeding, however, did not satisfy the Irish nation ; and, as is generally the case of impolitic, short- sighted evasion, that line of conduct which was intended to quiet the subject, and evade the investigation, served to raise it into greater notice, and excited a latitude oi discussion which the Irish Government had never dreamed of, and which ultimately became highly serviceable to the cause of liberty. Some negociations were certainly carried on by the British Ministers with the Court of Portugal upon the subject, but without that sincerity which could effect their purposes. Portugal could have no just cause to resist the admission of Irish manufactures into her ports ; she had no distinct treaties with Ireland, and no foreign treaties hostile to the interests of the British empire ; she relied on the good will of England and of Ireland for the recep- tion of her own wines, on which so great a proportion ot her commerce depended ; yet yielding to the secret ma- chinations of interested English merchants, she depended 108 RISE AND FALL nn the feebleness and incapacity of Ireland to resist he? determination, and on the disposition of England to favour her monopolists. Nor was she deceived in her expecta- tion. The deceptive remonstrances of the British Minis- fry ended in the perseverance of Portugal ; and, at the commencement of the ensuing session, Mr. Eden found Ireland in a state of general agitation, and it became absolutely necessary to retreat from his mean system of procrastination — a line of conduct now too palpable, and which the Irish nation would no longer submit to — and feeling it impossible any further to evade the discussion, Mr. Eden, with an address and skill, highly useful on many occasions to a Minister, determined to anticipate a subject which he knew must come forward, and, as a Minister, unexpectedly snatch from the Opposition the merit of the inquiry. Mr. Eden, on this occasion, with all the symptoms of sincerity, commenced his statement by representing the strong and unavailing efforts of England to bring the Court of Portugal to a due sense of its impropriety ; and concluded by declaring, that notwithstanding every effort, the Minister of Portugal had given a final and adverse answer to the rightful claims of Ireland. This statement, however plausible, could not escape the sagacious penetration of many members ; and it appeared clearly, that Mr. Eden had determined, by this means, to rid himself of responsibility, by employing a person of less compunction than himself. The person who was thus selected for the purpose of again sacrificing the rights of his country, was the same Mr. J. Fitzgibbon, who, in the arrogant and able manner so peculiar to himself, seemed rather to command than move an address to his Majesty, as if it was of his own composition, though in fact it was the production of the Secretary. In this address, he prayed " His Majesty to take into his consideration the subject (already discussed,^ and to apply for a redress" (already decidedly negatived) — and the whole address was couched in terms feeble, fulsome, and indecisive, unbecoming the dignity and the importance of any independent nation. This vapid and insidious measure was warmly opposed by the real friends of Ireland ; and Sir Lucius O'Brien, OF THE IRISH NATION. l09 with a spirit and language which spoke his real attach- ment to the interests of his country, and a perfect know- ledge of its commercial rights, moved an amendment to Mr. Fitzgibbon's address — the terms of which form a very remarkable circumstance in Irish history — and by its pe- remptory and independent language, led directly to the consideration of national rights and constitutional distinct- ness, which, till that period, had never been so strongly expressed or so decisively put in issue. III. Sir Lucius O'Brien was descended from one of the most ancient and illustrious of the aboriginal Irish families, a large part of whose fortune he still retained, and by means of a rational understanding, and very ex- tensive and accurate commercial information, he acquired a considerable degree of public reputation ; though his ianguage was bad, his address miserable, and his figure and action unmeaning and whimsical, yet, as his matter was good, his reasoning sound, and his conduct spirited and independent, he was attended to with respect ; and, in return, always conveyed considerable information. Sir Lucius was always strong and decisive ; he carried with him at least a portion of that weight which justly appertained to his information, his family, and his cha- racter. Mr. Fitzgibbon's motion was most strongly reprobated by Sir Lucius ; but aware that he could not completely defeat the measure, he moved an amendment of a grand and novel nature which, if adopted, would have placed Ireland on a pinnacle. This amendment called upon his Majesty, as King of Ireland to assert the rights of that kingdom, by hostility with Portugal, and concluding with these remarkable expressions — " we doubt not that nation has vigour and resources sufficient to maintain all her rights, and astonish all her enemies!" — at once man- fully asserting the constitutional independence, and pur- lishing the military power, of his country, and giving to England herself a wholesome hint of her spirit and deter- mination. The boldness of this motion, its promptitude, its vigour, its consequences, made an instantaneous and visible im- pression on the whole House ; it was at once a declara- tion of war, a declaration of rights, and a declaration of 10 110 RISE AND FALL superiority ; it gave a new character to the Irish Parlia- ment, and a new existence to the Irish people. But they were not yet sufficiently prepared to receive the impres- sion with conclusive effect, their chains were not yet loosened, they had not been enlarged from their prison, and however disposed to adopt this spirited and vigorous proceeding, their keepers were yet too numerous and too strong to permit their liberation. The motion of Mr. Fitzgibbon was, however, opposed by many of the first characters in Ireland ; and even some friends of Government, ashamed of its imbecility, refused to support it. Sir John Blaquiere, an habitual supporter of the Minister, holding offices and pensions, and who had been himself a Minister, spiritedly, amongst others, gave it his decided negative. However, after a warm and animated debate, the Secretary succeeded, and Mr. Fitzgibbon added a new thorn to that goad with which he endeavoured to drive, but which he finally found had only the effect of irritating, his country. IV. Sir Lucius O'Brien's amendment gave the keenest spur to the cause of national independence. The King of Ireland, required by an Irish Parliament, and his Irish subjects, to take hostilities on behalf of Ireland, against a foreign nation with which England had no quarrel, exhibited a new scene to an enlightened people, and soon excited thoughts and inquiries, which led to the impor- tant discussion that soon followed, and at length attained their emancipation. An inquiry into the nature of the federative compact between England and Ireland was now excited and occupied every thinking mind throughout the latter country ; it was a subject which the depressed state of Ireland had heretofore suspended : so desperate had been its situation — so desponding the people — so hopeless its redress — that the nature of that connection had been hardly considered worthy of discussion : and though its abuses had been frequently resisted, its principles had never been defined. So soon, however, as the people learned that their connection with England was strictly federative, that the King of Ireland might, in right of his Irish crown, make war with a foreign Power, without the King ot OF THE IRISH NATION. Hi England (as such) being a principal in the contest, that Ireland was, in fact, an independent nation, connected with England only by the identity of the Monarch, and that the King governed Ireland only in right of his Irish crown ; and not as a part of the realm of Great Britain, the features of the Irish constitution soon became familiar to the people, a distinctness perfectly apparent and une- quivocally proved, by the language and the conduct of the British Ministers themselves, who calmly permitted Portugal to insult and injure Ireland, without treating it with insult to, or aggression against the Crown of Great Britain. This unanswerable reasoning, and these indisputable facts, now engrossed almost the exclusive consideration of all the armed associations. It was manifest that, in every point of view, Ireland had been denied the rights of a free constitution, though, in every point of view, she was entitled to enjoy it ; if she was to be considered merely as a partner of the British empire, she was then entitled to the full rights and advantages of the whole British constitution, but if, on the other hand, she was connected with England solely as a federative state, she was then decidedly entitled to enjoy the distinct rights and advantages of a distinct constitution ; but, in fact, she enjoyed neither the one nor the other, and that usur- pation of Government, though sanctioned by the statutes of the usurping Power, could never bind the constitutional rights and prerogatives of the suffering Nation, longer than until it could mature the power of resistance. V. The reason and the justice of these considerations penetrated the understanding of the people, in every quarter of the nation. The Volunteers reflected, that the remedy was with themselves — their grievances were heavy — their means ample — their determination decisive — and their redress attainable. If the Parliament would uot act, the people would — if the representatives were corrupt, the constituents were honest. Nothing was necessary but a declaration of the rights of the Nation, and of the will of the People — and England, already humbled, disgraced, and dispirited by America, had lost the means and the spirit of opposition — and would cod- 112 RISE AND FALL cede, however reluctantly, to the just claims of a free and defined constitution to Ireland. On the other hand, it was suggested, by those whose irresolution, timidity, or corruption, still endeavoured to damp the spirit and curb the impetuosity of the nation, that, circumstanced as England was, it would be unge- nerous to take Advantage of her feeble moment — to enforce, by threat, those claims which her late conduct evidently showed a disposition to concede without force or reluctance ; that it would be more magnanimous to wait till Great Britain had recovered from her panic, and from her dangers — to give her time to breathe — and re ceive from her friendship and generosity those certain and amicable concessions, which would be more gratify- ing and more permanent, than those acquired by hum- bling her pride, and taking advantage of her weakness. But this reasoning, peculiarly adapted to the open and generous character of the Irish people, was, in this in- stance, too feeble to be attended to, and recourse was had to another line of argument. It was stated that Ireland had no navy to protect hei commerce — no wealth to support a contest — and, after a destructive effort, might ultimately fall into the trammel? of England, with lost claims and diminished importance. But this reasoning only added to the spirit of the nation, its pride was roused, its jealousy excited, arguments ill adapted to a people, who had lately acquired a thorough knowledge of its own powers and resources, who were now unanimously leagued against usurpation, and who, after an inactivity of almost a century, had once more been roused to that pastime of arms, which had ever been the favourite ajnd predominant passion of the Irish people, from the moment their island had been peopled. They said, that it was neither ungenerous nor dishon- ourable to catch the favourable moment of rescuing, from an usurping power, those liberties which had been wrested from the weakness of their ancestors, and there- fore retained from them through the feebleness of them- selves, that it is never necessary for the plundered to await the awakening of plunderers to take back their property, that the favourable moment might never recur, and that the laws of God, of Man, and of Nature, prescribe OF THE IRISH NATION. 113 no peculiar moment to assert the liberties of a people, or arrest tb.3 oppression of an usurper. Those grievances which Irishmen so loudly complained of, and those constitutional rights which they so resolutely demanded, were numerous and indispensable to the lib- erty not only of the nation, but of the individual. Ire- land had then no security for either ; the Judges depen- dant on the Crown, the army independent of the Parlia- ment, her Legislature at the feet of the British Attorney General, and the people bound by the laws of Scotch and English delegates, altogether formed the means and basis of a despotism, which the caprice or displeasure of Eng- land might at any time put in practice, if she were strong enough. VI. The precarious state of personal liberty in Ireland, was one of the most glaring grievances, the want of a Habeas Corpus statute gave absolute power to any Government which might venture experiments of ?, despotic nature, and enabled the Minister to suppress, in the very first instance the liberty of the press — the ablest advocate of reform — the most powerful auxiliary of freedom. But it was now too late, the people were united, and their divisions suspended or forgotten ; it would have been desperate to have resorted o the hand of power and in vain to attempt any measure but conciliation. England was reduced to the singular and humiliating situation of stooping to the dictates of an inferior country — and beholding her arrogant and arbitrary Ministers treating, with all the courtesy of fawning courtiers, a people armed in defiance of their authority, and conced- ing to the peremptory demands of the Irish nation, those rights which had been refused, not only by themselves, but by every former Government of Great Britain. A repeal of the English statute of the 6th of George the First, was the first and most indispensable measure to be effected — and it required no logical deductions to prove to the armed Volunteers, that the attainment even of all their objects would probably, at a future day, become void and nugatory, unless they tore up by the root that standard of usurpation. The effects and ope- ration of this statute became perfectly understood, and formed one of the insufferable of those grievances, 10* 114 RISE AND FALL which the Volunteers, at every risk, were determined X abolish.* VII. An explicit and detailed declaration of the people's rights was now demanded in every part of the nation ; the press teemed with publications on the subjects best calculated to call patriotism into activity: the doctrines of Swift, of Molyneux, and of Lucas, were re-published ill abstract pamphlets, and placed in the hands of every man who could read them ; their principles were recog- nized and disseminated ; the Irish mind became enlight- ened ; and a revolution in literature w^s made auxiliary to a revolution in liberty. Delegates from all the armed bodies of the people were regularly appointed by their respective corps, and met, for the purpose of giving additional weight and impor- tance to their resolves, by conjointly declaring their sentiments and their determination. These meetings, first confined to districts, soon multiplied, and extended * Nothing can more clearly speak the determined spirit of the Volun- teers — than the following Resolutions, entered into about this time by the Volunteer corps of the city of Dublin, published in all the Newspa- pers, and circulated throughout every part of the kingdom. The same language was generally adopted by the whole nation — and the Lord Lieutenant, immediately after the publication of these Resolutions, per- mitted the military bands of the regular army to attend a review of the very same corps in the Phoenix Park— to which they marched, playing the Volunteers march, under the windows of the Castle, and in the view of his Excellency. «« At a meeting of the Corps of Dublin Volunteers, on Friday, the 1st of March, 1782, his Grace the Duke of Leinster in the chair : " Resolved, that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland only are competent to make laws, binding the subjects of this realm ; and thai we will not obey, or give operation to any laws, save only those enacted by the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, whose rights and privi- leges, jointly and severally, we are determined to support with our lives and fortunes." " At a meeting of the Corps of Independent Dublin Volunteers, on Thursday, March 5th, 1782: " Resolved, That we do not acknowledge the jurisdiction of any Par iiament, save only the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland. " Resolved, That we will, in every capacity, oppose the execution of any statute, imposed upon us by the pretended authority of a British Parliament." More than 200 resolutions to the same effect (many stronger) wen quickly published by corps and regiments of Volunteers throuehoul Ireland. OP THE IRISH NATION. 115 themselves to the counties — thence to provinces — and at length to the united nation ; their deliberations became regular and public, and their resolutions decisive — and at length the celebrated convention at Dungannon was convoked, which formed a most remarkable incident of Irish history, and one of the wisest and most temperate measures, that ever signalized the good sense, good con- duct, and the spirit of a people. The northern counties of Ireland, though not more spirited, more regular and more intelligent than the other provinces, took the lead in this celebrated meeting. The armed associations of Ulster first appointed delegates, to declare the sentiments of their province, in a general assembly ; and, on the 15th day of February, 1782, one of the most solemn and impressive scenes which Ireland had ever witnessed, took place in the inconsiderable town of Dungannon. There were comparatively but few Roman Catholics in the northern counties of Ireland, and still fewer of the strictly Protestant religion. The population of Ulster were principally Dissenters, a people differing in character from the aboriginal inhabitants, fond of reform, and not hostile to equality, examining the constitution by its theory and seeking a recurrence to original principles, prone to tntolerancy, without being absolutely intolerants, and disposed to republicanism, without being absolutely republicans; of Scottish origen, they partook of many of the peculiarities of that hardy people : penetrating, harsh minded, persevering, selfish, frugal, by their industry they acquired individual, and by individual political indepen- dence, as brave, though less impetuous than the western and southern Irish, they are more invariably formidable ; less slaves to their passions than to their interest, their habits are generally temperate, their address quaint, blunt, and ungracious, their dialect harsh and disagreeable — their persons hardy and vigorous. With these qualities, the Northern Irish convoked delegates from twenty-five thousand soldiers, to proclaim the sentiments of the Irish people. This celebrated meeting was conducted with a decorum, firmness, and discretion unknown to the popular meetings of other times and of other countries. Stead)*, silent, fi6 RISE AND FALL and determined, two hundred delegated Volunteers, clothed in the uniform ai:d armed with the arms of theif respective regiments, marched, two and two, to the Church of Dungannon, a place selected for the sanctity of its nature, to give the greater solemnity to this memo- rable proceeding. The entrance of the Delegates into that sacred place, was succeeded by an awful silence, which pervaded the whole assembly; the glittering arms of two hundred patriots, for the first time selected by their countrymen, to proclaim the wrongs and grievances of the people, was in itself a scene so uncommon and so interesting, that many of those men, who were ready in a moment to shed the last drop of their blood in the cause of their country, as soldiers were softened into tears, while contemplatively ihey surveyed that assembly, in which they were about to pledge themselves to measures irrevocably committing Ireland with her sister nation — the result of which must determine the future fate of themselves, their children; and their country. VIII. This memorable assemblage of patriotism and discretion, whose proceedings soon became a theme oi eulogium throughout every nation of Europe, was com- posed of men not of an ordinary description, they wera generally persons of much consideration — selected for character and abilities, many of them persons of high rank and large fortune, some of them members of Par- liament, and all of them actuated by one heart, filled with one spirit, and determined upon one procedure. Amongst those who, at this meeting, first distinguished themselves, was Mr. Francis Dobbs, who afterwards became a person of singular reputation, the mere incidents of whose life have nothing to engage diffusely the pen of an historian; no great transitions of rank, no deep depressions, no unexpected elevation, no blaze of genius, no acts of heroism distinguished his moderate and peace- able progress through the world, but the extraordinary bent of his understanding, and the whimsical, though splendid extravagances of his eccentric mind, introduced him into a notice, which the common exercises of his talent would never have effected. Francis Dobbs was a gentleman of respectable family OF THE IRISH NATION. 11 but of moderate fortune, he had been educated for the bar, where he afterwards acquired some reputation as a constitutional lawyer, and much as a zealous advocate, but his intellect was of an extraordinary description ; he seemed to possess two distinct minds, the one adapted to the duties of his profession, and the usual offices of society, the other, diverging from its natural centre, led him through wilds and ways, rarely frequented by the human understanding, entangled him in a maze of contemplative deduction from revelation to futurity, and frequently decoyed his judgment beyond the frontiers of reason. His singularities, however, seemed so separate from his sober judgment, that each followed its appropriate occupation without interruption from the other, and left the theologist and the prophet sufficiently distinct from the lawyer and the gentleman. There were but few virtues he did not, in some degree, partake of, nor were there any vices discernible in his disposition ; though obstinate and headstrong, he was gentle and philanthropic, and, with an ardent temper, he was inoffensive as an infant. By nature a patriot and an enthusiast, by science a lawyer and an historian, on common topics he was not singular, and on subjects of literature was informed and instructive ; but there is sometimes a key in the human mind which cannot be touched without sounding those wild chords which never fail to interrupt the harmony of reason, and when expatiating on the subjects of antichrist and the millennium, his whole nature seemed to undergo a change, his countenance brightened up as if by the complacent dignity of a prophetic spirit, his language became earnest, sometimes sublime, always extraordinary and not unfrequently extravagant. These doctrines, however, he made auxiliaries to his view of politics, and persuaded himself of its application to Ireland and the infallibility of his reasoning. Mankind has an eternal propensity to be seduced by the lure of new sects, and entangled in the trammels of inexplicable mysteries : and problems of theology, in their nature incapable of demonstration, are received with avidity by the greediness of superstition. Yet on these mysterious subjects Mj Dotbs seemed il8 RISE AND PALL to feel no difficulties, he devoted a great propoition of his time to the development of revelation, and attempted to throw strange and novel lights, on divine prophecy. This was the string on which his reason seemed often to vibrate, and his positions all tended to one extraordinary conclusion. " That Ireland was decreed by heaven to remain for ever an independent state, and was destined to the super- natural honour of receiving the antichrist ; " and this he laboured to prove from passages of Revelation. At the Dungannon meeting Mr. Dobbs first appeared as a delegate from a northern Volunteer corps, he was afterwards appointed a member of the national convention of Ireland for the province of Ulster, and will be found throughout the whole course of Irish events during his life, a distinguished and ardent advocate for the constitutional rights of his country. The deliberations of the Dungannon meeting were continued for several days without interruption or inter- mission ; its discussions were calm and dignified, its reso- lutions firm, moderate, and patriotic. Every member of that assembly, on taking his seat in the awful hall, felt, the great importance and novelty of his delegation, as the elected representative of united civil and military bodies, blending the distinct functions of the armed soldier and of the deliberative citizen, to protect his country against the still more unconstitutional coalescence of a mercenary army, and an external legislature. Colonel Irwin, a northern gentleman of the highest respectability, of a discreet, moderate, and judicious, though active, steady, and spirited character, was called to the chair by the unanimous voice of the assembly, and conducted himself in that most important presidency, throughout the whole cf the business, with a moderation and decorum, which aid the cause, and never fail to give weight to the claims of a people. At length, on the 15th of February 1782, this assembly finally framed and agreed upon that celebrated decla- ration of rights and of grievances, under which the Irish nation had so long been languishing, and announced to the world the substantial causes by which its commerce OF THE IRISH NATION. 119 had been so long restrained, and every trace of a frea constitution almost obliterated. To give the complexion of constitutional legality to the unprecedented organization of this meeting, it was thought judicious to refer pointedly to the first principle of popular freedom universally admitted, established, and acted upon in England by the Revolution, namely, "tho people's right of preparatory resistance to unconstitutional oppression." The assembly therefore plainly recognised that principle by its first resolution : " That citizens, by learning the use of arms, abandon none of their civil rights," thereby asserting the otherwise questionable legality of a self-created military body, exercising also the deliberative functions of a civil delegation, and boldly bottoming the assertion of that right upon the very same principle which the Prince of Orange had used to usurp the throne of England, " the popular expulsion of a tyrannical monarch." This resolution was also wisely adapted to check all legal proceedings, or even ministerial cavil, as to the con- stitutionality of their meeting, by putting in direct issue with the British Government a previous question of right, which, if contested, must have drawn into public discussion and controversy the principles of the Revolution, and the very tenure of the crown of England : for the English nation had by that revolution exploded the doctrine of passive obedience, and acting on that ground, had armed against their own sovereign, and put the sword of popular resistance into the hand of William, to cut away the allegiance of the Irish people even to his own father. The Dungannon meeting next proceeded to denounce, by subsequent resolutions, as altogether unconstitutional, illegal, and grievances, all British legislation over Ireland the law of Poyning, the restraint of Irish commerce, a permanent standing army in Ireland, the dependence of the superior judges on the crown, and consequently on the minister ; and the assembly finally resolved to seek a redress of all those grievances, and invited the arm- ed bodies of the Dther provinces of Ireland to unite with them in the glorious cause of constitutional regene- ration. The most weighty grievances and claims of Ireland 120 RISE AND FALL weie by these means, in the mildest and simplest language without argument or unnecessary observation, consoli- dated into one plain and intelligible body of resolutions, entered into by delegates from twenty-live thousand Ulster soldiers, and backed by the voice of above a million ol inhabitants of that province, combining together the moral and physical strength of one of the strongest quarters of Ireland, all actuated by a fixed and avowed determina- tion to attain redress at every risk of life and fortune, and headed by the highest and most opulent gentlemen of that province/feeling the claims to be equally just and irresist- ible, and therefore not speculating on success without substantial grounds, or denouncing grievances without solid and just foundation. " Whereas it has been asserted that Volunteers, as such, cannot with propriety debate or give their opinions on political subjects, or the conduct of parliaments or pub- lic men : " Resolved unanimously. That a citizen, by learning the use of arms, does not abandon any of his civil rights. " That a claim of any body of men, other than the KING, LORDS, AND COMMONS OF IRELAND, tO make laWS to bind this kingdom, is unconstitutional, illegal, and a grievance. " That the power exercised by the privy council of both kingdoms, under pretence of the law of Poyning, is unconstitutional and a grievance. " That the ports < f this country are by right open tc all foreign countries, not at war with the King, and that any burthens thereupon, or obstructions thereto, save only by the parliament of Ireland, are unconstitutional, ille- gal, and grievances. " That a mutiny bill, not limited in point of duration from session to session, is unconstitutional and a griev- ance. " That the independence of judges is equally essential to the impartial administration of justice in Ireland, as in England ; and that the refusal or delay of this right to Ireland, makes a distinction where there should be no distinction ; may excite jealousy where perfect union shot Id prevail ; and is in itself unconstitutional and a grievance. OF THE IRISH NATION. 121 " That it is our decided and unalterable determination to seek a redress of these grievances ; and we pledge ourselves to each other, and to our country, as freeholders, fellow-citizens, and men of honour, that we will, at every ensuing election, support those only who have supported us therein, and that we will use every constitutional means to make such our pursuit of redress, speedy and effectual. " That as men, and as Irishmen, as Christians, and as Protestants, we rejoice in the relaxation of the penal laws against our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects ; and that we conceive the measure to he fraught with the happiest consequences to the union and prosperity of the inhabi- tants of Ireland. " That four members from each county of the pro- vince of Ulster (eleven to be a quorum) be, and hereby are appointed, a committee till next general meeting, to act for the "Volunteer corps here represented, and, as occasion shall require, to call general meetings of the province. " That the said committee do appoint nine of their members to be a committee in Dublin, in order to com- municate with such other Volunteer associations in the other provinces, as may think proper to come to similar resolutions ; and to deliberate with them on the most constitutional means of carrying them into effect." The truth and simplicity of these resolutions, whilst they defied every imputation of party faction or of revo- lutionary disloyalty, yet convinced the minister that the Irish people would be no longer trifled with. By the firmness that was observed respecting them, the waver- ing were steadied, the too moderate, roused, and the too ardent, moderated, while the adverse were deterred by an anticipation of their success. Adapted to almost every class, and to the disposition of almost every character, their effect through all Ireland was electric, and the consequence fully answered the most sanguine hopes, nay wishes, of their framers. Having passed these resolutions, the assembly ad- journed, committing the further procedure to the coinci- dence and zeal of the other provinces of the nation ; itnd, with a discretion almost unparalleled, a body of patriots, who might in one week have collected a military force. il 182 RISE AND FALL which all the power of England could not then har* coped with, and, at the head of an irresistible army in a triumphant attitude, might have dictated their own terms to a trembling government, by their wise and temperate conduct avoided the horrors of a civil commotion, proved to the world the genuine attachment of Ireland to her sister country, and deliberately represented to Great Bri- tain the grievances, which, by more hostile proceedings, they could by their own power have redressed in a ma mem IMP THE IRISH NATION. 1231 CHAPTER VII. The Earl of Bristol, Bishop of Derry, declares for Irish Independence- Sketch of his character — Resistance to English Laws unanimously decided on — Declaration of the Irish Volunteers disclaiming all Bri- tish authority — The Irish Judges dependent on the English Govern, ment — Numerical force of the Irish Volunteers — Dissenting Clergy- men — Their Leaders — State of the Irish Parliament — Members divi- ded into Classes — The leading members — Mr. Thomas Connolly — Mr. Ye) rerton — His character This transaction, which, with reference to all its circum- stances, may be ranked as one of the most extraordinary incidents that have marked the page of modern history, brought into notice a most singular personage — Frederick, Earl of Bristol, — an Englishman by birth, a British peer and bishop of Derry, who altogether adopted the views, and avowed himself a partisan for the rights of Ireland. Like many others of his profession, not content with ecclesiastical authority, he became ambitious of political power, and sought by patriotic professions and decisive conduct to place himself at the head of the Irish nation. Possessed of an immense revenue — by rank a temporal peer — by consecration a spiritual one — with powerful patronage, and extensive connections — he united most of the qualities best calculated to promote his objects, — and in particular, had acquired a vast popularity amongst the Irish, by the phenomenon of an English nobleman iden- tifying himself with the Irish nation, and appearing infe- rior to none in a zealous assertion of their rights against his own countrymen. It was a circumstance too novel and too important to escape their marked observation, and a conduct too generous and magnanimous not tc excite the love, and call forth the admiration, of a grate ful people. The bishop, at one time, assumed nearly a royal state. Dressed in purple, he appeared in the streets of Dublin in a coach drawn by six horses, and attended by a troop 124 RISE AND FALL of light dragoons as a Life-guard, which had been raised and was commanded by his nephew — the unfortunate and guilty George Robert Fitzgerald. He was a man of elegant erudition, extensive learning, and an enlightened and classical, but eccentric mind. Bold, ardent, and versatile, he dazzled the vulgar by os- tentatious state, and worked upon the gentry by ease and condescension ; he affected public candour, and practised private cabal ; without the profound dissimulation of Becket, or the powerful abilities of Wolsey, he was little inferior to either of them in their minor qualities ; and altogether formed an accomplished, active and splendid nobleman, a plausible and powerful prelate, and a seem- ingly disinterested and zealous patriot. He was admira- bly calculated to lead on an inflamed and injured people ; and had there been no counteracting discretion in the country — at a crisis, too, when almost any measure could have been carried by boldness, popularity, and perseve- rance — it is more than probable his views might have extended to the total separation of the two nations. II. But though the voice of the people had decided unanimously upon two points, namely, national indepen- dence and a redress of grievances ; yet many different shades of opinion existed among some of the leading characters, as to the precise time and modes of proceed- ing to attain those objects. The moderate and cautious party in general followed the indecisive and feeble coun- sels of Earl Charlemont ; whilst the more bold, decisive, and straight-forward conduct of the Bishop of Derry ap- peared far more congenial to the critical and proud posi- tion of the Irish nation, and better adapted to hasten the attainment of their rights, than the slow and almost courtly approaches of the Charlemont system. The Duke of Leinster also, as well as Mr. Brownlow, and many of those who had occasionally been in the habit of supporting the Irish government, leaned to the moderate and regular course of proceeding recommended by Earl Charlemont, whilst fewer of the leaders, but more of the people, followed the fascinating boldness of the military prelate, who wished to take instant advan- tage of a crisis, the continuance of which might be un- certain : and the conduct of those two noblemen becom- OF THE IRISH NATION. 125 ing decidedly dissimilar, if not altogether adverse, it wa> soon apparent, that one or the other of them must neces- sarily sink iri public estimation. This content for pre-eminence, however, was carried on only at a distance, and in no respect impeded the general cause. The partisans of each never came into decisive collision until a contest for the presidency of the general national convention decided that important point in favor of Earl Charlemont, and the rough dissolution of that assembly through the imbecility of his Lordship, soon after put a final conclusion to the power and con- troversies of both those personages. However, on one point no difference of opinion existed between them — all the leading characters were unani- mous as to giving immediate and full effect to the Dun- gannon resolutions by calling upon every military asso- ciation in the kingdom forthwith to declare their public sentiments on all the important subjects discussed by that assembly. An immense number of publications imme- diately issued from the press, auxiliary to this determi- nation — an increased activity as well as spirit pervaded the whole kingdom — meetings were called in every county, city, town, and village — the municipal as well as military bodies held public meetings — the determination of all coincided with those of Dungannon — no important difference of opinion existed — all appeared unanimous in the common cause — and Poyning's Law, the true parent of all Irish grievances, became the pass- word of liberty. A particular word has frequently had an extraordinary effect in exciting the enthusiasm and rousing the passions of the Irish people " Poyning's Law," therefore, acquired by repetition almost the power of a talisman — it operated on all occasions as a reviving stimulant against the usur- pation of England — and became the most obnoxious and reprobated of all their grievances. III. The statute of George 1., declaratory of the legis- lative supremacy of the British Parliament over Ireland, though a more modern was a still more decisive griev- ance ; as without its abolition the redress of all other grievances would be vain and precarious. The statutes had originally been enacted upon princi pies the most unjust, and for objects the most tyrannical 11* 126 RISE AND FALL the first to reduce the Irish House of Commons to a mere instrument of the privy council of both nations, and con- sequently of the British Cabinet — the second, to neutral- ize the Irish legislature altogether, and to establish an ap- pellant jurisdiction to the British lords, whereby every decree and judgment of the Irish superior courts, which could tend to affect or disturb the questionable or bad titles of the British adventurers and absentees to Irish states or Irish property, might be reversed or rendered abortive in Great Britain by a vote of the Scotch and English nobility.* Many British peers and commoners, through whose influence the latter statute had been enacted, had themselves been deeply interested in effect- ing that measure, to secure their own grants of Irish estates ; and some British judges were led to disgrace their judicial character by giving decisive opinions on •he justice of a statute unequivocally illegal and uncon- stitutional. It was therefore unanimously agreed upon by all the armed associations of Ireland, to publish, on their own behalf, and that of the nation in general, a counter-declaration to that of the British judges, renoun- cing all future obedience to that statute — by one bold and decisive step to throw off the weight of that usurped authority altogether — and, by actual unanimous resist- ance to its operation, for ever extinguish the most extra- vagant and illegal assumption of power, which one free country and limited monarchy ever yet attempted to im- pose upon a people, supposed to wear even the tattered garb of freedom. The Volunteers reasoned — and reasoned unanswer- ably — that an attempt to legislate for a nation not repre- sented in the acting legislature, was the very acme of despotic power — the practical ground of tyrannic polity ; and, whether exercised by a king, a parliament, or a privy council, was unnatural to the governed — it was still a subjection to foreign jurisdiction, which nothing but the rights of conquest and the superiority of power could justify or perpetuate. It was upon the same principle, though differently mo* iified, that Pagan princes had established Christian sla- * This re-enacted by the urion. OF THE IRISH NATION. 127 yery — it was upon the same principle, that so large a portion of the eastern world was subjugated to the domi- nation of a few British merchants— and it was the suc- cess of that vicious precedent, the 6th of George III., which had encouraged the British Parliament fatally to attempt to legislate for America : but it was a species of usurpation which the renovating principles of the British constitution itself never could extend to a sister nation, and which the immutable laws of nature gave her the right of resisting, the very first opportunity which occur- red to render that resistance effectual. IV. It was now perfectly understood by the Irish peo- ple, that the British statute in question, having passed only in England, could have received the royal assent by George I., only as King of Great Britain — in which dis- tinct capacity the Irish nation altogether denied his power or authority over Ireland — because the federative princi- ple, though it placed the two distinct crowns of the two distinct nations for ever in one dynasty, yet acted in the name of two distinct legislations, and if it authorized the legislature of either nation to counter-legislate for the other — it must have reciprocally authorized both — and would equally have enabled the Irish Parliament, and George I., as King of Ireland, to pass a similar statute, declaratory of their legislative supremacy over the king- dom of Great Britain. The truth of this position admitted of no argument: but even if it did, the physical strength of Ireland was now too much alive to its own power to admit of any pro- longed discussion upon so clear a subject : all diplomatic evasions were now useless — the Irish people were right, and they were peremptory — the British Government was wrong, and it was intimidated — the English fleets and armies, crowded with Irishmen, could not be supposed to remain indifferent spectators to such a contest with their own country — the claim of rights was upon a principle so plain and so comprehensive, that soldiers and sailors could not be supposed to be ignorant of what the sim- plest peasant was capable of understanding. The Irish judges (though some of them, as before re- marked, were very respectable men) were at this time but little to be trusted on subjects respecting which England 128 RISE AND FAIX appeared to be deeply involved, or the Minister much in terested — the precarious tenure of their offices almost obliged them to be partisans for British supremacy — and, being totally dependent on the Government for their bread, were prepared to discountenance, and, if possible, by judicial dictums to put down the military associations. It was therefore obviously necessary, that the public de- claration of positive resistance to all British statutes and legislation should be universal, proceeding from all ranks, and ah bodies, civil and military — magistrates and peo- ple — that by its generality every attempt to check it by judicial interference, or individual prosecution, might be rendered impracticable and desperate. V. The armed associations, therefore, assembled in every quarter of the kingdom, and, by corps and regi- ments, distinctly adopted the resolutions of the Dungan non meeting, and explicitly declared, " that no earthly authority, save the King, Lords, and Commons of Ire- land, had power to make laws for their country — and that they would resist, with their lives and fortunes, the exe- cution of all British statutes, affecting to bind the inde- pendent kingdom of Ireland. These resolutions* were unanimously adopted by the * The author's father and brothers commanded four Volunteer regi- ments, viz., — the Cullenagh Rangers, Durrow Light Dragoons, Kilkenny Horse, and Ballyroom Cavalry. The first essay of the author's political pen was the following resolutions, adopted by the first of these corps: and proves that an attachment to the constitutional independence of Ire- land had been the earliest, as it was the last, of his political predilections. " At the meeting of the Cullenagh Rangers, 22d of May, 1802, Colo- nel Barrington in the chair, the following Resolutions were unan- imously agreed to : — " Resolved — That as citizens armed in defence of the laws and con- stitution of our country, and disclaiming every political jurisdiction, save the king, lords, and commons of Ireland, we are determined to resist, with our lives and fortunes, every statute which the usurped authority of the British parliament have heretofore enacted, or may hereafter at- tempt to impose on a country determined to be free. " Resolved — That we heartily coincide in all the resolutions of th« Dunganiion meeting, as the surest step towards redressing those grievan* ces, which it was as impolitic in England to adopt, as it would be pusil lanimous in Ireland to submit to. " Signed, by order of the Corps, "GEORGE REILY, Secretary. " Resolutions to the same effect were entered into 1 y almost every regi ■lent of Ireland. OF THE HUSH NATION. 12£ Volunteei corps in every* province of Ireland, some in more cool, others in warmer language, but all to same effect — all in terms equally decisive, explicit, and pa- triotic. The necessity of adopting the Dungannon resolutions distinctly as to all their points, was manifest ; for they were so congenial in their nature, and so closely allied, as to be inseparable. That respecting the independence of Irish judges seemed quite indispensable to the security of individuals, perhaps lo the success of any of their other measures. Unless judges were totally independent of the King and his government, their purity never could be confidently relied on, in any case where the crown and the subject might be at issue on questions of English legislature. To preserve, in legal decisions, as much as possible the appearance of consistency, judges generally consider themselves as bound to follow the precedents of their predecessors ; and when imperative justice and their own conviction oblige them to overrule any of those prece- dents, they do so delicately, upon some actual or supposed shade of distinction between the cases, authorizing an alteration of rule, without a change of principle — which alteration would otherwise prove that wrong had been done to either the former or the latter suitor — and the re- pugnant decisions would appear to form a code of legal incongruity, changing its rules as often as it changed its interpreters, and exhibiting justice as obscure, and deci- sion as inconclusive. But as to Ireland, the decided opinion of the celebrated British judge, Blackstone, that u she was by right, as well as law, bound by all British statutes specially naming her," would have been a precedent permanently impera- tive on dependent Irish judges. The total independence of the Irish judges on the crown was therefore indispen- sable to the Irish people, and was peremptorily demanded by the whole nation. VI. The Volunteers also perceived, that, though their exertions for national independence might, by their then power and unanimity, be entirely successful, yet England when she recovered her strength, might re-assume hei 130 RISE AND FALL power, punish the champions of Irish liberty, and again plunge Ireland into its former state of dependence and imbecility.* They, therefore, saw the necessity of a mutiny bill, enacted by their own parliament, and limited in its dura- tion, as in England, only from session to session ; by which the Irish parliaments would constitutionally acquire the power of protecting their national independence, as their refusing to re-enact the mutiny bill would at any time operate as a discharge of the whole standing army of the Irish establishment. This, and nothing less than this could effectually preserve the nation from future shackles, should any minister of Great Britain be bold enough again to attempt the subjugation of the country. Accordingly, this resolution of the Dungannon meeting was also unanimously decided on throughout all Ireland, and formed one of those demands from which the Volun teers determined never to recede, and never to lay down their arms until they had unequivocally obtained it. Reasons equally cogent and conclusive induced the Volunteers to adopt and peremptorily to insist upon each of the other resolutions of the Dungannon meeting whilst the old habits of domination, the pride of national superiority, the prejudices of a mistaken policy, the avarice of a monopolizing commerce, and the principles of an arbitraiy ministry, equally operated against such con cessions. But England felt that she had neither pretences to justify, nor means nor strength to support, a direct refusal of the claims of Ireland. VII. When a people are bold enough to throw oft oppression, strong enough to resist it, and wise enough to be unanimous, they must succeed. Oppression, though clothed in all the haughtiness of arbitrary power, is ever accompanied by the timidity of guilt. On the contrary * The Irish Parliament took the most quiet, constitutional, and effec- tual means of carrying their point, that could possibly be suggested. Their sessions were biennial, and consequently their grants to govern- ment were for two years at once; and till more money was required, their legislative was inactive. They now determined on granting sup. plies tn the crown for six months only, as a hint that they would grant bo more till tteir grievances were redressed : this had its effect OF THE IRISH NATION. 131 a just resistance to tyranny, however feeble in its com- mencement, acquires strength in its progress, the stimu- lants of rising liberty, like the paroxysms of fever, often communicating a supernatural strength to a debilitated body, li eland had arrived at that crisis, her natural vigour was rapidly surmounting the malignancy of her disorder, and her dormant powers at once burst forth on an astonished empire, and an embarrassed adminis- tration. By this time the national armed force had greatly increased, not only in numbers, but in respectability, and had improved not only in discipline, but in all the military requisites for a regular and active army. About that period there were nearly ninety thousand soldiers ready, armed, disciplined, and regimented, burn- ing with impatience for the enjoyment of their liberties, not acting on a wild enthusiastic impulse, but guided by reason and depending upon justice.* The conduct of the British parliament had taught them the necessity of national unanimity, the whole population therefore wera ready to be embodied if necessity required it, and in one month five hundred thousand active soldiers might have been enrolled for service. They saw clearly that Great Britain, by the consolidation of her strength, had risen to that height of power, which alone protected her from her ambitious neighbours, and that, whilst she kept all her liberty at home for her own consumption, she was able to exercise despotic authority over every other quarter of the world, which she governed. It was * It is impossible with precision to compute the number of effective Volunteers who had taken up arms in Ireland, because many were en- rolled who were incapable of duty. The number on paper therefore exceeded the effective force ; nor is it probable that more than eighty thou- sand effective disciplined troops could at that time have been brought into the field, until the arming became general, and the numbers increased by the admission of Catholics, when, had there been arms in the king- dom for all who were anxious to bear them, above four hundred thou- sand effective men certainly would have come forward. In the insurrec- tion of 1798, the county of Kildare alone had more than twenty thousand insurgents in arms and the county of Wexford above thirty thousand, and had the other counties furnished in proportion to their population, the amount would have exceeded a million, but this comprised the Catho- laca, who were in very scanty numbers enrolled as Volunters in 1782. 132 RISE AND PALL therefore only by the same unanimity that Ireland cuild counteract her ; and all the capacities and talents which the Irish people possessed seemed to collect their united strength for the cause of their independence. They had now, by the constant discussions of political subjects in every rank of society, acquired a capacity of acute reasoning on constitutional controversies, their native eloquence breaking forth at every meeting nourished their native ardour, and almost every peasant became a public orator.* "Kings" (said a private volunteer at one of those provincial assemblies in Leinster) " are, we now perceive but human institutions, Parliaments are but human institutions, Ministers are but human institutions, but Liberty is a right Divine, it is the earliest gift from heaven, the charter of our birth-right, which human institutions can never cancel, without tearing down the first and best decree of the Omnipotent Creator." The pulpit too from which fanaticism was expelled, did not fail to become auxiliary to the general cause. Some dissenting clergymen in the north of Ireland were par- ticularly eloquent ; a passage in one of their sermons deserves to be recorded. "My brethren and brother soldiers, said the pastor, let us, by prayer and by humiliation supplicate heaven to grant our attainment of that liberty, without which life is but a prison, and society a place of bondage. Our tute- lary providence has permitted that blessing to be so long withheld from us by the corrupt and the unworthy only as a punishment for our past offences, and a trial for our future fortitude and perseverance. But the time of our ex- piation seems now to have been completed, a bright flame * Eloquence was at that period highly estimated and universally culti- vated in Ireland. The number of able men who at that period filled the bar and the senate had never been equalled at any former period. The flame of liberty seemed to communicate a glow to the language even of the humblest orator. The bar was not a trade it was a profession, from which servility was excluded. The senate was not a bank; it was a lyceum ; eloquence flourished in both ; the students of the university had free access to the gallery of the commons ; their young minds became enlarged and enlightened by what they daily heard and admired, and were thus trained by their patriotism and their imitative powers to sup- ply the place of declining veterans. The change has been great and lamentable. OF THE IRISH NATION. 133 has blazed up amongst the people, and, in the hands of justice, lights them to the plains of Virtue and of Victory. The justice of our cause has drawn down that flame from a superior power, and we may well anticipate, that through its fire, the priests of Baal will soon perish before the altars of the Almighty." Almost every Irish gentleman had now either raised a military corps, or had enlisted himself in that of his neighbour. Some Roman Catholic gentlemen also took to arms, and raised corps composed solely of persons of that persuasion, whilst many Protestants, relinquishing their prejudices, received their Catholic fellow-subjects into their ranks with cordiality, and the whole nation became almost as a single family. The most profound peace and good conduct signalized the lowest peasantry, the most perfect and effectual police was established, hardly a public crime of any kind was committed without instant detection, and every man of every rank seemed to have adopted one prominent and permanent principle, that of uniting good order, patriotism, and firmness. The love of liberty, however, is often palled by enjoy- ment : the miseries of former oppression are sometimes forgotten in the views of avarice, or the pursuits of ambition, and there are two many instances in history, of sanguinary contests for the attainment of independence, and voluntary relapses into the fangs of tyranny. Human nature is subject to inconsistencies, and man cannot coun- teract the errors of his original formation : but when that inconsistency is the voluntary result of depraved or cor- rupted principles, the weakness becomes a vice, and the object disgusting. Nor can there be a stronger elucidation of this position, or a more painful comparison of times and persons, than that which will occur in the pi ogress of this Narrative, where we shall discover the very same men, who in 1782 were foremost in offering their lives and fortunes to attain the independence of their country, metamorphosed on the Union, eighteen years afterwards, into the veriest slaves of direct and shameless corruption, and publicly selling themselves, their connections, and their country, for money, for office or for title. The individual proofs of this are numerous, indisputable and aasily produced : and the comparison will afford a whoie- 12 134 RISE AND FALL some lejson for states and nations to look with more caution and less confidence on the professions of public men, who too frequently remain no longer honest, than till public opinion may safely be encountered by plausible pretences. The shouts of popularity only gratify the momentary vanity of man, whilst successful ambition rewards more substantially his pride, or fills the measure of his avarice. The instances are rare, and therefore more precious, of perfect purity attending public charac- ter, without deviation, through the whole course of its career. VIII. Of those who led the Volunteer associations in Leinster, Lord Charlemont, the Duke of Leinster, Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Henry Flood, had the greatest weight and authority : their popularity was extreme, and it was merited. To this list may be added the names of many others, particularly Archdall, Stewart, and Brownlow, names that will forever remain engraved on the tablet of Irish gra- titude, as belonging to men who remained steady during all the subsequent ordeals through which their unfortunate country was doomed to pass, and formed a striking and melancholy contrast to Altamont and Belvidere, Shannon and Clanricard, Longfield and Nevil, and the crowd of those, whose apostacy, in 1800, has stained the records of Irish history, and tarnished the character of Irish patriot- ism. A dereliction of public principle can only be accounted for by reflecting, that the accomplished poli- tician and the polished patriot are no less susceptible of the debasing passions of the human mind, than the most humble and illiterate amongst uncultivated society. High rank and influence oftener expose the dormant errors, than multiply the virtues of a public character. As soon as the Dungannon Volunteers had received the concurrence of the armed associations, the commons house of parliament assumed a new aspect. Its fbrmei submission and unqualified adulation to the minister and the lord lieutenant had departed. The old supporters of the government seemed only solicitous how they could diminish their obedience without sacrificing their con- d 2Ction, and every successive debate showed evident symp- loins of an approaching and decisive crisis. OF THE IRISH NATION. 135 The proceedings of the people without doors, now began to have their due weight on their representatives within : the whole house appeared forming into parties, accordingly as they were operated on by different degrees of caution, of timidity, of patriotism, and of interest, the leaders of each party became more conspicuous, and every question, however trivial, confessed the unsteadi- ness of the government, and betrayed the embarrassment of its supporters. Fitzgibbon pursued an unvaried course. His haughty and inflexible mind despised the country which he hoped one day to govern. Her release from British domination might also liberate her from his own grasp, and, so long as he could, he uniformly opposed every measure which might tend to her emancipation, save in a few instances, which, by exposing his duplicity, confirmed his character. Perfectly indifferent as to the public, he every day gave fresh proofs of that arbitrary and impetuous talent, which so strongly contributed to bring the nation to its end, and himself to his conclusion and he often embarrassed the government more by the intemperance of his support than their opponents by the steadiness of their opposition. A variety of causes contributed to add both numbers and weight to the opposition, a'ld gained it the accession of many country gentlemen, whom the excitation of the moment had aroused from their lethargy, and who found it no longer possible indolently to temporize on those ministerial measures, which even their own tenantry in arms had resolved to resist. Several on this principle united with the opposition. The flame reached even those, who from office or con- nection were necessitated to adhere to the measures of government, lowering their usual tone of arrogance and of triumph, they condescended to give reasons for their con- duct, and appeared almost to court a supposition, that this adherence was compulsatory, and their conviction open ; while the number was small of those who, looking to the possibility of a termination favourable to government, and their future interests, still gave them a support, the more acceptable, because now more necessary. But it was too late, negotiation was at an end, the mine Was charged, the train laid, the match was burning the summons was 136 RISE AND FALL peremptory, and either surrender or explosion was inevi- table. At this moment the leading characters all started from their ranks : every party had its chief, an 1 every chief turned his eyes, by almost unanimous assent, to the eloquence and energy of the ardent Grattan. The favourite of the parliament, the terror of the minister, the intimate friend of the ablest men, and the- indefati- gable advocate of his country, he seemed most peculiarly calculated to bring forward some great or decisive measure, which should at once terminate the dangerous paroxysm to which the minds of the whole nation were now worked up, and by its decision inform them, whether they were to receive their rights from the justice, or to enforce them by the humiliation of Great Britain. The period, however, had not quite arrived for this step. Extensive as the abilities of Mr. Grattan were, they haa many competitors : jealousies intrude themselves even into the highest minds ; the spirit of rivalship is inseparable from great talents ; Mr. Grattan's importance was merely individual, and he was then only advancing to that pre-eminence, which he soon after acquired over all competitors. Though it was approaching fast, it was evident that it had not indisputably arrived: it was essential that all those parties in the house should be a little more approximated, before a measure was announ- ced on which unanimity was of vital importance. IX. So much talent never had before appeared in the Irish senate as at that particular moment ; rank and fortune also were in higher estimation there than in England, where both are more common, and consequently less imposing. Eloquence and talents have always had their appropriate weight in a popular assembly ; but several members of the Irish Parliament, in addition to splendid talents, having great fortune and distinguished rank to recommend them, the commons house was not as yet fully prepared to give so splendid a lead to any individual, who, devoid of these, had nothing to recom- mend him but his talents and his character. Those who led their respective parties were all men of eminent abilities or of extensive. connections. Flood, orrattan, Brownlow, Burgh, Daly, Yelverton, appeared the most respected or efficient leaders of the opposition ; OF THE IRISH NATION. 137 Scott (the attorney general) and Fitzgibbon were the most active and efficient supporters of government ; while Daly, Bagenall, Sir Edward Newenham, Mr. Joseph Dean and a number of country gentlemen, all dissimilar in habits, and heterogeneous in principles, were grouped together without any particular leader, but always paid a marked deference to the opinions of Mr. Brownlow, whose good sense, large fortune, and reasonable effici- ency, constantly ensured him a merited attention. A few of these country gentlemen had a sort of exclu sive privilege of speaking without interruption, whether they spoke good sense or folly, with reason or without, as suited their whims, or accorded with their capacities. Of this class was Mr. Thomas Connolly, who appeared to have the largest personal connection of any individual in the commons house of parliament. He took a princi- pal lead amongst the country gentlemen, because he spoke more than any of them, though probably his influ- ence would have been greater, if he had remained totally silent. He was a person of very high family, ample for- tune, powerful connections, and splendid establishments ; friendly, sincere, honourable, and munificent in disposi- tion, but whimsical, wrongheaded, and positive, his ideas of politics were limited and confused ; he mistook obsti- nacy for independence, and singularity for patriotism, and fancied he was a Whig, because he was not profes- sedly a Tory. Full of aristocracy, he was used by the patriots, when they could catch him, to give weight to their resolutions, and courted by the government, to take advantage of his whimsicality, and embarrass the opposition. He was bad as a statesman, worse as an orator. In parliament he gave his opinions at the close of a debate, without having listened to its progress ; and attacked measures with a sort of blunt point, which generally bruised both his friends and his opponents. His qualities were curiously mixed, and his principles as singularly blended ; and if he had not been distinguished by birth and fortune, he certainly would have remained all his life in obscurity. This gentleman had an extensive circle of adherents. On some questions he was led away by their persuasions, on others, they submitted to his prejudices, as a bait to 12* 138 RI^E AND FALL fix him on more important occasions ; and sometimes ha differed unexpectedly from all of them. He was nearly al'ied to the Irish minister at the discussion of the union, and he followed his lordship's fortunes, surrendered his country, lost his own importance, died in comparative obscurity, and in his person ended the pedigree of one of the most respectable English families ever resident ir Ireland. X. Many other persons, who distinguished themselves at this period of public trial, will be subjects of observa- tion in the course of this memoir : but scarcely any of them more justly deserve notice than Mr. Yelverton, who was, perhaps, the only public character of those days, whose every act could be with ease accounted for, his motives for the act being as palpable as the act was public ; and whether his conduct was right or wrong made no difference in this respect, its causes could be traced with equal facility, and he generally struggled as little against the propensities of his nature as any man that ever existed. In this narrative of the concerns of Ireland his name will frequently occur ; and as so extra- ordinary a character can never be forgotten in the minds of his countrymen, it may properly be anticipated. Barry Yelverton, of humble origin, afterwards Lord Avonmore, and successor to Hussey Burgh, as chief baron of the exchequer, had acquired great celebrity as an advocate at the Irish bar, and was at this time rapidly winging his way to the highest pinnacle of honourable notoriety and forensic advancement. He had been elect- ed member of parliament for the town of Carrickfergus, and became a zealous partisan for the claims of Ireland. It would be difficult to do justice to the lofty and over- whelming elocution of this distinguished man, during the early periods of his political exertions. To the profound, logical, and conclusive reasoning of Flood ; the brilliant, stimulating, epigrammatic antithesis of Grattan ; the sweet-toned, captivating, convincing rhetoric of Burgh ; or the wild fascinating imagery and varied pathos of the extraordinary Curran, he was respectively inferior ; but in powerful, nervous language, he excelled them all. A vigorous, commanding, undaunted eloquence burst in lOning torrents from his lips, not a word was lost OF THi? IRISH NATION. 139 Though fiery, yet weighty and distinct, the authoritative rapidity of his language, relieved by the beauty of his luxuriant fancy, subdued the auditor without the powei of resistance, and left him in doubt, whether it was to ar- gument or to eloquence that he surrendered his conviction. His talents were alike adapted to public purposes, as his private qualities to domestic society. In the common transactions of the world he was an infant ; in the varie- ties of right and wrong, of propriety and error, a frail mortal ; in the senate and at the bar, a mighty giant : it was on the bench that, unconscious of his errors, and in his home unconscious of his virtues, both were most conspicuous. That deep-seated vice, which with equal power freezes the miser's heart, and inflames the ruffianV passions, was to him a stranger ; he was always rich, and always poor ; like his great predecessor, frugality fled before the carelessness of his mind, and left him the vic- tim of his liberality, and of course in many instances a monument of ingratitude. His character was entire'y transparent, it had no opaque qualities ; his passions were open, his prepossessions palpable, his failings obvious, and he took as little pains to conceal his faults as to publish his perfections. In politics he was more steady to party, than to prin- ciple, but evinced no immutable consistency in either : a patriot by nature, yet susceptible of seduction, a partisan by temper, yet capable of instability, the commencement and the conclusion of his political conduct were as dis- tinct as the poles, and as dissimilar as the elements. Amply qualified for the bench by profound legal and constitutional learning, extensive professional practice, strong logical powers, a classical and wide ranging capa- city, equitable propensities, and a philanthropic disposi- tion, he possessed all the positive qualifications for a great judge : but he could not temporize ; the total absence of skilful or even necessary caution, and the indulgence of a few feeble counteracting habits, greatly diminished that high reputation, which a cold phlegmatic mien, or a solemn, imposing, vulgar plausibility, confers on miserably inferior judges. But even with all his faults Lord Avonmore was vastly superior to all his judicial contemporaries If he was im- 140 RISE AND FALL petuous, it was an impetuosity in which his heart had no concern; he was never unkind that he was not also repentant ; and ever thinking that he acted with rectitude, the cause of his greatest errors seemed to be a careless ignorance of his lesser imperfections. He had a species of intermitting ambition, which either led him too far, or forsook him altogether. His pursuits, of course, were unequal, and his ways irregular. Elevated solely by his own talents, he acquired new habits without altogether divesting himself of the old ones. A scholar, a poet, a statesman, a lawyer, in elevated society he was a brilliant wit, at lower tables, a vulgar humourist; he, had appropriate anecdote and conviviality for all, and whether in the one or in the other, he seldom failed to be either entertaining or instructive. He was a friend, ardent, but indiscriminate even to blindness, an enemy, warm, but forgiving even to folly ; he lost his dignity by the injudiciousness of his selections and sunk his consequence in the pliability of his nature; to tiie first he was a dupe, to the latter an instrument, on the whole he was a more enlightened than efficient states- man, a more able, than unexceptionable judge, and more honest in the theory, than the practice, of his politics. His rising sun was brilliant, his meridian, cloudy, his setting, obscure : crosses at length ruffled his temper — deceptions abated his confidence, time tore down his llents he became depressed and indifferent, and after a ong life of chequered incidents and inconsistent conduct, he died, leaving behind him few men who possessed so much talent, so much heart, or so much weakness. This distinguished man, at the critical period of Ire- land's emancipation, burst forth as a meteor in the Irish senate, his career in the commons was not long, but it was busy and important ; he had connected himself with the Duke of Portland, and continued that connection unin terrupted till the day of his dissolution. But through the influence of that nobleman, and the absolute necessity of a family provision, on the question of the Union the radiance of his public character was obscured for ever, the laurels of his early achievements fell withered from his brow, and after having with zeal and sincerity laboured to attain independence for his country in 1782. he became OF THE IRISH NATION. 141 «ee of its sale-masters in 1800, and mingling in a motley crowd, uncongenial to his native character, and beneath his natural superiority, he surrendered the rights, the franchises, and the honours of that peerage, to which, by his greal talents and his early virtues, he had been so justly elevated. Except upon the bench, his person was devoid of dignity and his appearance ordinary and mean, yet there was something in the strong, marked lines of his rough un- finished features, which bespoke a character of no common description; powerful talent was its first trait, fire and philanthropy contended for the next, his countenance, wrought up and varied by the strong impressions of his labouring mind, could be better termed indicatory, than expressive ; and in the midst of his greatest errors and most reprehensible moments, it was difficult not to respect ttud impossible not to regard him. 142 RISE AND FALL CHAPTER VIII. The alarm in England increases — The Earl of Carlisle recalled — Tin Duke ot Portland appointed Lord Lieutenant — Duke of Portlands character — He attempts to procrastinate — Remarks on the policy of tin Union at that juncture — Mr. Grattan refuses to delay his proceed* , n gs — Especial call of the house — Comparison of the English and Irish Houses of Parliament — Character of Mr. Sextcn Perry — Embar- rassment of the Patriots — Mr. Hutchinson Secretary of State, unex- pectedly declares the assent of Government — Mr. Ponsonby moves as address considered insufficient — Dangerous dilemma of Parliament I. As the proceedings of the Volunteers and municipal bodies became every day more serious and decisive, and the Irish House of Commons, on the subserviency of which the British ministers had been so long accustomed to rely, assumed an unusual tone of independence, and evinced strong symptoms of an approaching revolution of sentiment, the British cabinet were alarmed for the con- sequences of further neglect, and at length reluctantly gave up all hopes of effectually resisting or evading the demands of Ireland, they now only sought how they could best gain time for deliberation, so as to moderate the extent of their concessions, and adopt a mode of conduct the least likely to humiliate the pride, or alarm the jea- lousies of Great Britain. But Lord North's administration had been disgraced, and ruined through their proceedings towards America, and were, of course equally unfit to negociate with Ireland, a j they must feel the same repugnance, as in the American case, to concede independence. With these ministers, therefore, it was found impracticable to proceed to such a measure, and they were at length necessarily displaced. But though the administration was changed individually, they were still a British government with the appropriate characteristics of the old leaven, and could not so suddenly and radically alter the fundamental system of their pre- decessors or conceal from the world the true motivet OF THE IRISH NATION. 143 which caused the change of sentiment in the English councils: in other words it was altogether impossible effectually to mask the reluctance with which England must at length retract her favourite political doctrines — and the ill grace with which she must strike the flag of usurpation to what she considered an inferior nation. In this state of things, as the Earl of Carlisle could not act on measures which had been resisted by his col- leagues it became absolutely necessary for the safety of the empire, to change the ministers of both nations, and the appointment of the Marquis of Rockingham and Mr. Fox by calling to his majesty's councils as much honesty and talent as could reasonably be expected, gave a new impulse to the machine of Government, and increased the hopes, as it raised the spirits of the Irish people. The members of the new cabinet were well aware that the situation of Ireland was too critical to be for a moment neglected, the great responsibility which that critical state imposed on their heads, impressed them with a full sense of the difficulties and the dangers they had undertaken to encounter; and whatever their private opinions might have been on the affairs of Ireland, they wisely adopted a full tone of pacific conciliation and professing the true Whig doctrines of constitutional liberty, they assumed the eccentric character of patriot-ministers, an attribute but Jittle known, and seldom found in any country. These ministers were certainly disposed to act liberally, though probably to a narrower extent than what they soon found was indispensable to the integrity of the empire ; for even Mr. Fox had never proved himself to be a very attached friend to the interests of Ireland, further than he was led by his general principles of toleration and liberty, and so inattentive had he been to the concerns of that nation in the abstract, that a few days after his appoint- ment, he fairly acknowledged himself ignorant* of its true state, and uninformed as to its real circumstances. * Mr. Fox, on the 4th of April 1782, wrote to Ix)rd Charlemont in these words — " With regard to the particular points between the two countries, I am really not master of them sufficiently to discuss litem , but I can say in general, the new ministry have no other wish than to nettle them in the way that may be most for the real advantage of both countries, whose interests cannot be distinct." 144 RISE AND FALL Their first step, however, was politic and laudaMe: they determined to send over to Ireland a nobleman oi high rank whose character was popular, an 1 whose prin- ciples were conciliatory — and thereby skiliully give the colouring of generous consideration to measures, which in fact, were substantially requisite, for there was not a Bri- tish minister, if his real sentiments had been known, whatever his affected language might have been, who did not consider the intended concessions as the necessary result of an imperious necessity : existing circumstances had left them no choice, and the Duke of Portland was properly selected Lord Lieutenant for Ireland, as a fair, honest, moderate whig, too temperate and discreet to irritate faction, and sufficiently plausible to soften down the asperity of parties, by insinuating on every occasion the friendly views of the new cabinet, and the kind con- descension of his majesty himself, in acceding to claims, which, in more prosperous days, his ministers had uni- formly and haughtilv rejected. II. On the 14th of April, 1782, the Duke of Portland arrived to take upon himself the government of Ireland to the great satisfaction of that nation, and the Earl of Car- lisle departed, leaving behind him strong impressions both of individual respect and popular disapprobation. How- ever friendly and honourable the Earl's disposition to- wards the Irish nation might have been, his administra- tion had effected nothing permanently advantageous, either to the country, to the minister, or to his own repu- tation. The Portugal business had lost him the confi- dence of the people, and he left Ireland alive to all her grievances — completely awakened from her slumber, and no longer amenable to that narrow and mistaken policy, by which she had been so long kept down, rather than governed, and in the exercise of which the Earl's admi- nistration had been by no means deficient. The Duke of Portland, on his arrival found the nation in a state in which neither procrastination nor evasion was any longer practicable. The spirit of independence had arisen to its highest pitch, the parliament, no longer the vassals of the British Government or of their own, stood boldly determined to support the people, to reclaim them to their old subjection was impossible, to corrupt them OF THK IRISH NATION. 145 anew was impracticable, and a dissolution would have increased the numbers, and added tenfold strength to the power of the patriots. The Duke therefore, had but one course to take, to proceed as calmly, deliberately, and slowly, as circum- stances would admit of, and endeavour, if possible, to contract the number of concessions which the Irish nation were disposed to insist on. But to effect this object he was incompetent, he was not a man of talent, and though net altogether deficient in that species of ambiguity and equivocation, which are supposed to constitute a necessary part of a modern minister's education, he had not enough of those qualifications to carry difficult objects by dissi- mulation, or ingenuity to defeat, by negociation, measures which he had not the power of openly resisting. He was accounted a plain, fair, well-meaning and rather high- minded man, and had the peculiar advantage of being the first credible messenger of intended justice from the British Government to the Irish people. The courtesy of the Irish House of Peers to so eleyated a nobleman, combined with their courtly habits to all former chief governors, procured him a considerable strength in that assembly, but he found the House of Commons quite beyond his grasp. The yoke on their part, was completely thrown off, nor could all his influence rally around his government a sufficient number of that house to support him in any one measure of delay or equivocation. He, therefore, pursuant to his instructions from the British cabinet, endeavoured, by personal appli- cation and interviews with the leading members of par- liament and country gentlemen of the greatest influence, to gain a little time for deliberation, but he found the de- termination of Ireland already so very general, and so far matured, and the Volunteer determination so unalter- ably decided on — that there appeared to be hardly an alternative, between immediate acquiescence, or inevita- ble revolution. Whilst the Duke remained in this painful dilemma, irresolute as to his conduct, the important crisis was rapidly approaching, and the very first day of the meeting of parliament portended extraordinary events, not like»Av to diminish the extent of his embarrassment. 13 146 AI8E AMD FALL Exclusive of the distinguished personages already men Honed, many other eminent men were daily emerging from the general body of the commons whose talents and eloquence, catching the Same which surrounded them, soon added to that brilliant light which illuminated the whole nation. But the public eye still kept steadfastly fixed on Mr. Grattan, as the person best qualified to take the lead in asserting the rights and independence of his country. The style and fire of his eloquence, the integ- rity of his character, his indefatigable perseverance, and intrepid fortitude of spirit which had always great weight with the Irish, procured him a consideration far above his contemporaries, in none of whom were these grand qualities so generally united, whilst a kind heart, and the mild, unassuming, playful manners of a gentleman, se- cured to him that sort of private esteem, which banishes the feelings of rivalship even from the most zealous par- tisans. Thus as if by general assent, at the time of the Duke of Portland's assuming the government, was Mr. Grattan considered by all ranks as the chosen champion for the independence of Ireland, distinguished by the most elevated characters, admired by the parliament and idolized by the people. III. Immediately before the Duke of Portland's arrival, Mr. Grattan had prepared, and determined to move, a general declaration of rights in the House of Commons ; and it must have been an object of the utmost importance to the Duke either to prevent that measure altogether, or obtain at least its postponement until he became better acquainted with the disposition of the principal persons of the country, the full extent of their views, and how far he might be able to assuage the general irritation, without going the full length of their extensive requisitions. It was also of importance to the credit of his administration, that, if possible, he should have the substance of what- ever he was authorized to accede to, made known by an- ticipation, as the liberal act of his government, through his English secretary, rather than brought forward, as the demand of the people, through their Irish advocate. Under these circumstances, an adjournment of parliament was a most desirable object, and he determined to attempt it through the negociation of Mr. Fitzpatrick, who was at OF THE IRISH NATION. 147 least as sincere a man as his noble employer, and had always expressed himself strongly in favour of the inte- rest of Ireland. The Duke also felt the great importance of a little breathing-time after his arrival ; and both Mr. Fox and Lord Rockingham exerted themselves to obtain that object from the Irish patriots ; and under the circumstan- ces in which his Grace stood, it might be supposed that it would have been granted without much hesitation ; and in common times and cases it certainly would have been but just, and even in the existing one did not seem altogether unreasonable — for, in fact, did not every thing promise a harvest of benefits from the new administra- tion ? The avowed and proved enemies of Ireland had retired from offica In their stead, at the head of the government, was the Marquis of Rockingham — as a man, most excellent — as a statesman, constitutional, honest, liberal ; as Secretary of State, Mr. Fox, on the admirable nature of whose public principles eulogium would be surplusage ; and for the management of thb affairs of Ireland, the Duke of Portland, accompanied by Colonel Fitzpatrick. A more propitious prospectus could hardly be expected ; nor could England furnish many men, on whose tolerating dispositions the Irish nation had more reason to repose. But still it could not be forgotten that they were all Englishmen ; and though naturally munificent, honourable, and conciliatory, yet necessarily partaking in some degree of those inherent prejudices, which education favours and habits confirm in English minds, unacquainted with the state of their sister country, and, of course, cautious of committing themselves with the one country, by too precipitate and favourable a change of system towards the other. Men the most enlightened on general principles are frequently found feeble on abstract subjects ; and Mr. Fox was ex- cusable in his wariness of adopting sudden determina- tions, repugnant to the theories and practice of all former ministers and former parliaments of Great Britain. Every proper preliminary therefore was adopted by the new ministry, to prepare their nation for measures towards Ireland which never were, and never could be populaT in England ; and with a view to anticipate the \48 RISE AND FALL expected proceedings of the Irish parliament, a message was delivered from the King to the British parliament, on the 18th of April, 1782, stating, "That mistrusts and jealousies had arisen in Ireland, and .that it was highly necessary to take the same into immediate consideration, in order to a final adjustment." This message from the King, when coupled with the address of the British parliament to his Majesty in reply, expressive of " their entire and cheerful concurrence in his Majesty's views of a final adjustment," if they are to be understood in the plain and unequivocal meaning of words, and construc- tion of sentences, clearly import — the conjoint sentiments of both the British King and British Parliament to pro- ceed to a final adjustment of all differences between the two countries ; and this message and reply are here more particularly alluded to, because they form one of the principal points, afterwards relied upon in the Irish parliament, as decisive against any agitation of the ques- tion of a Union. The words final adjustment, so un- equivocally expressed by his Majesty, were immediately acted upon by the parliaments ot both nations ; and the adjustment, which took place in consequence of the message, was considered by the contracting parties as decisively conclusive and final— as intended to be an indissoluble compact, mutually and definitely ratified by the two nations. The measure of a Union, therefore, being proposed, and afterwards carried against the will of the people- by the power, and through the corruption of the execu- tive authority — after the complete ratification of that contract, and after it had been acted upon for seventeen years, was clearly a direct infringement of that final adjustment — a breach of national faith — an infraction of that constitutional federative compact solemnly enacted by the mutual concurrence of the King, Lords, and Com- mons of Great Britain, and the King, Lords, and Com- mons of Ireland, in their joint and several legislative capacities. . . This message, therefore, forms a predominant circum- stance, as applying to the most important subsequent occurrences between the two nations ; and as such, should be kept in mind through every event detailed in OF THE IRISH NATTGN. 149 this memoir. It also leads to some considerations, which though they may be considered as a digression from the transactions which immediately took place in consequence of the message, are yet of considerable utility in eluci- dating the respective situation of the two countries, at the time this final adjustment was proposed by the King, and the sense that his Majesty's ministers, eighteen years afterwards, were pleased to give to the word Jinal, when they conceived it necessary to argue that it bore, not a positive, but an inconclusive import, and could only be construed as giving an indefinite scope for future ne- gociation. IV. Previous to the year 1780, the distressed state of Ireland — the law of Poyning — the 6th of George the First — the standing army under a permanent mutiny bill — the dependence of the judges — the absence of the Habeas Corpus act — the restraints on commerce, and the deprivation of a constitution, had often suggested, to some of the best friends of Ireland, the idea of a com- plete incorporation of that country with Great Britain, as the only remedy for its accumulated and accumulating grievances and oppressions — as the most advantageous measure which could be obtained for Ireland under its then deplorable circumstances ; and about the year 1753, and subsequently several pamphlets of considei able merit were published on the subject, detailing the advantages which Ireland must necessarily have derived from so close and beneficial a connection. As Ireland was then trampled upon, oppressed, and put down without the power of resistance, or any pro- bable chance of ever obtaining justice — there can be no doubt that almost any change must have been bene- ficial ; and, in that point of view, a complete union of the two nations would then have been, in many respects, extremely fortunate for that ruined country. The British parliament had declared itself paramount to that of Ireland. The Irish parliament, tired of ineffectual struggles for even the name of independence, had become indifferent to its fate, and sunk into a state of lassitude and debility, from which, though it was occasionally roused by the sharp stings of oppression, it soon relapsed into its old apathy, partly through desDair and partly through cor- 13* (60 RISK AN1> FALL ruption, while the people, kept systematically ignorant, and of course having but little public mind, and less public information, were naturally indifferent to the existence of a representative assembly, of which they neither felt the honour nor experienced the utility. But at that period England was too powerful, too jealous, and too haughty, to equalize her constitution and her commerce, with what she considered as a conquered country. She had then no object to obtain from a captive, who lay groaning at her feet, picking up the crumbs that fell from the rich man's table. The prejudiced, contracted and fallacious views which England then took of the state of Ireland, deceived her as to her own interests, connected with the general strength and prosperity of the whole empire, and every idea of an incorporate union with Ireland was rejected with disdain by the British nation. England had united herself with Scotland to avoid the chance of a total separation, which it was more than probable might otherwise have been the consequence of distinct dynasties : but the state of Ireland and the nature of her federal connection with England occasioned no risk of such an event, and therefore created no such uneasiness or necessity, and the idea seemed to have been totally relinquished by both countries ; by the one, because she was too haughty and avaricious to grant, by the other, because she was too poor and too dejected to obtain so advantageous an arrangement. But when Ireland, by the causes heretofore detailed, had been awakened to a sense of her own strength, and a knowledge of her own resources ; when America had shown her the example of perseverance, and the possibility of obtaining justice, every idea of annexation to England vanished like the passing wind ; liberty was attainable, prosperity must follow liberty, and, in 1782, there was scarcely an Irishman, who would not have sooner sunk under the ruins of his country, than submit to a measure, which ; a few years before, was an object, at least of indif- ference. England too late perceived its error, a union in 1753 would have effectually ended all claims of an inde- pendent constitution, by Ireland, in 1782, and would have Deen an object of the highest importance to Great Britain: but now it was a word she durst not even articulate, the OP THE IRISH NATION. 151 very sound of it would have been equal to a declaration of hostility, and however indisposed the new ministers of England might have been to admit all the claims of Ireland, the words "final adjustment," so emphatically used by his majesty, left no room to suppose that a union could be in contemplation, or ever afterwards be insisted on : and yet it is singular, that the very same words, "final adjustment," were repeated, by the Irish minister, when a union was proposed to the Irish parliament in 1800 for its consideration. So many arguments afterwards arose from that ex- pression, so many sophistical constructions were placed on his majesty's message, so much duplicity did his min- isters attribute to his language, that it is impossible to believe that all the ministers of that day were unreser- vedly sincere, as to the finality of the arrangement made with Ireland under its then commanding attitude, and it reminds us of one very remarkable truism of Irish history, that no compact had ever before been entered into between the two countries, that had not been infringed or attempted to be infringed by England, when her power enabled her, or her interest seduced her, to withdraw from her engagements. V. Nothing can more clearly elucidate the public con- duct of the Duke of Portland. In 1782, he came to Ire- land to consummate a final adjustment between the two nations, and in pursuance of such proposal, a final ad- justment was apparently effected, passed by the parlia- ments of both nations, confirmed by the honour of Great Britain, and sanctified by the faith of Majesty. The Duke of Portland was the accredited agent of that final adjustment, the responsible minister of both nations, tne official voucher of its perpetuity, and therefore should have been the guardian of that independence, which was effected through himself, and declared by him, as viceroy, to be final and conclusive. Yet, in 1800, the same Duke of Portland is found retracing all his former steps, recanting his Irish creed, demolishing that independence of which he was the guardian, falsifying his own words, and equivocating on those, of his sovereign to both parliaments, and arguing upon an incongruity, never yet paralleled, namely, thai 152 RISE AND FALL the words "final" and "inclusive" were synonymous in politics: for upon no other principle could his grace's first and latter conduct be explained or justified. It is impossible therefore to give the Duke the merit of sincerity towards Ireland in 1782. The altered state of Ireland in 1800, was made the solitary but fallacious pretence for dissolving a solemn bond, breaking the ties of national faith, and diminishing the character of royal integrity. The Duke was obliged to meet the Irish parliament within two days after his arrival ; those days were employed in endeavouring to procure an adjournment of the house, and several confidential communications took place between him, Mr. Grattan, and others, who had determined not to admit the delay of a single hour. The Duke's arrival in Ireland had been preceded by letters from the Marquis of Rockingham and Mr. Fox to the Earl of Charlemont, requesting an adjournment of par- liament foi three weeks, and expressing their conviction that the request would be immediately acceded to. No- thing could more clearly prove their ignorance of the state of Ireland. All the influence of the crown could not have adjourned the commons for a single day. The people were too impatient for any procrastination. By adjournment, the parliament would have lost its charac- ter, and the members their influence, anarchy would have been the inevitable result, and instead of a placid, consti- tutional, parliamentary declaration of rights, a recess would probably have occasioned popular declarations cf a more alarming tendency. For c/v.v»y reason therefore an adjournment, though, superficially considered, seemed an object of importance to government, might have ended in measures greatly to their disadvantage. The reasons for declining all delay were communicated to the Duke of Portland by Mr. Grattan, and the Duke, though not convinced, having no power of resistance, was passive on a proceeding which he could not encounter. Mr. Grattan also, previously to proposing his measure to parliament, fairly submitted the intended declaration of rights to the Duke ; but it was rather too strong and loo peremptory for his grace's approbation. He dur-st ftot however say he would oppose, and yet could not say OP THE IRISH NATION. i53 he would support it; but he proposed amendm mts, which would have effectually destroyed the vigor and narrowed the compass of these resolutions, and recommended modi- fications, which would have neutralized its firmness. Mr. Grattan declined any alteration whatever, and the Duke remained doubtful, whether his friends would accede to or resist it, and it is more than probable he was himselt at the same moment equally irresolute as to his own future conduct : he had no time to communicate with England, and his only resource was that of fishing for the support of eminent persons in both houses of parlia- ment, in the hope of being able, in modifying, to mode- rate by their means the detailed measures which would follow the declaration. Whilst the chief governor was thus involved in per- plexity and doubt, every step was taken by the advocates of independence to secure the decisive triumph of Mr. Grattan's intended declaration. Whoever has individually experienced the sensations of ardent expectation, trembling suspense, burning impatience, and determined resolution, and can suppose all those sensations possessing an entire nation, may form some, but yet an inadequate idea of the feelings of the Irish people on the 16th of April, 1782, which was the day peremptorily fixed by Mr. Grattan for moving that declaration of rights, which was the proximate cause of Ireland's short-lived prosperity, and the remote one of its final overthrow and annexation. So high were the minds of the public wound up on the eve of that momentous day, that the Volunteers flew to their arms without having an enemy to encounter, and, almost breathless with impatience, inquired eagerly after the pi ibability of events, which the closs of the same day must certainty determine. It is difficult for any persons, but those who have witnessed the awful state of expected revolutions and of popular commotion, to describe the interesting moments which preceded the meeting of the Irish parliament ; and it is equally impossible to describe the no less interesting conduct of the Irish Volunteers on that trying occasion. Had the parliament rejected Mr. Grattan's motion, no doubt could exist in the minds of those who were wit- to the temper of the times, that the connection with 154 RISE AND FALL England would have been shaken to its very foundation j yet the most perfect order and decorum were observed by the armed associations, who paraded in every quarter of the city. Though their own ardor and impatience were great, they wisely discouraged any manifestation of the same warm feelings amongst the lower orders of the people, and though they were resolved to lose the last drop of their blood to obtain the independence of their country, they acted as preservers of the peace, and by their exertions effectually prevented the slightest inter- ruption of public tranquillity : the awe of their presence restrained every symptom of popular commotion. VI. Early on the 16th of April, 1782, the great street before the house of parliament was thronged by a multi- tude of people, of every class, and of every description, though many hours must elapse before the house would meet, or business proceeded on. As it was a circumstance which seldom takes place on the eve of remarkable events, it becomes a proper subject of remark, that though more than many thousands of people, inflamed by the most ardent zeal, were assembled in a public street, without any guide, restraint, or control, save the example of the Volunteers, not the slightest appearance of tumult was observable, on the contrary, such perfect order prevailed, that not even an angry word or offensive expression escaped their lips. Nothing could more completely prove the good disposition of the Dublin populace, than this cor- rectness of demeanour, at a time when they had been taught that the very existence of their trade and manufac- tures, and consequently the future subsistence of them- selves and their families, was to be decided by the con duct of their representatives that very evening ; and it was gratifying to see that those who were supposed or even proved to have been their decided enemies, were permitted to pass through this immense assemblage, without receiving the slightest token of incivility, and with the same ease as those who were known to be then determined friends. The parliament had been summoned to attend this momentous question by an unusual and special call of thi House, and by four o'clock a full meeting took place The body of the House of Commons was crowded witl OF THE IRISH NATION. 155 Its members, z. great proportion of the peerage attended as auditors, and the capacious gallery, which surrounded the interior magnificent dome of the house, contained above four hundred ladies of the highest distinction, who partook of the same national fire which had enlightened their parents, their husbands, and their relatives, and by the sympathetic influence of their presence and zeal com- municated an instinctive chivalrous impulse to eloquence and to patriotism. Those who have only seen the tumultuous rush of imperial parliaments, scuffling in the antiquated chapel of St. Stephen's, crowded by a gallery of note-takers, anxious to catch the public penny by the earliest reports of good speeches made bad, and bad speeches made better, indifferent as to subjects and careless as to misrepresenta- tion, yet the principal medium of communication between the sentiments of the representative and the curiosity of the represented, can form no idea of the interesting appearance of the Irish House of Commons. The cheerful magnificence of its splendid architecture, the number, the decorum and brilliancy of the anxious auditory, the vital question that night to be determined, and the solemn dignity which clothed the proceedings of that awful moment collectively produced impressions, even on disinterested strangers, which perhaps had never been so strongly, or so justly excited by the appearance and proceedings of any house of legislature. VII. Mr. Sextus Perry* then occupied the speaker's chair, a person in whose integrity the house, the nation, and the government reposed the greatest confidence ; a man in whose pure character, spirit, dignity, independence of mind, and honesty of principle, were eminently con- spicuous; decisive, constitutional, patriotic, discreet, he was every thing that became his office, and every thing * Mr. Perry was the son of a gentleman of business in Limerick, and had been called to the Irish bar where he practised with considerable reputation and success. He was not a distinguished orator in parlia- ment, but few men ever sat in that house more personally respected by all parties. He was chosen speaker on Mr. Ponsonby's resignation, and his brother appointed a bishop some time alter. Mr. Perry was uncle to the present Earl of Limerick, on whom his estates have descended ; and it has been remarked that there seldom appeared two public personaget more dissimilar than the uncle and nephew. 156 RISE AND FALL that became himself. He had been a barrister in exten* sive practice at the time of his elevation, and to the moment of his death he never departed from the line of rectitude, which marked every step of his progress through life, whether in a public or private station. Mr. Perry took the chair at four o'clock. The singular wording of the summonses had its complete effect, and procured the attendance of almost every member resident within the kingdom. A calm but deep solicitude was apparent on almost every countenance, when Mr. Grattan entered, accompanied by Mr. Brownlow and several others, the determined and important advocates for the declaration of Irish independence. Mr. Grattan's preceding exertions and anxiety had manifestly injured his health; his tottering frame seemed barely sufficient to sustain his labouring mind, replete with the unprecedented impor- tance and responsibility of the measure he was about to bring forward. He was unacquainted with the reception it would obtain from the connections of the government, he was that day irretrievably to commit his country with Great Britain, and through him Ireland was either to assert her liberty, or start from the connection. His own situation was tremendous, that of the members attached to the administration embarrassing, that of the people anxious to palpitation. For a short time a profound silence ensued, it was expected that Mr. Grattan would immediately rise when the wisdom and discretion of the government gave a turn to the proceedings, which in a moment eased the parliament of its solicitude, Mr. Grattan of the weight that oppressed him, and the people of their anxiety, Mr. Hely Hutchinson (then secretary of state in Ireland) rose. He said, that his Excellency the Lieutenant had ordered him to deliver a message from the King, importing, that " His Majesty, being concerned to find that discontents and jealousies were prevailing amongst his loyal -subjects of Ireland, upon matters of great weight and importance, recommended to the house to take the same into their most serious consideration, in order to effect such a final ad- justment as might give satisfaction to both kingdoms.* And Mr. Hutchinson accompanied this message — and his statement of his own views on the subject with a deter- OF THE IRISH NATION. "157 mination to support a declaration of Irish rights, and constitutiona 1 independence. VIII. Notwithstanding this official communication, the government members were still greatly perplexed how to act. Mr. Grattan' s intended declaration of independence was too strong, decisive, and prompt to be relished as the measure of any government, it could neither be wholly resisted, nor generally approved of, by the viceroy. His secretary Colonel Pitzpatrick, was not yet in parliament, all modification whatsoever had been rejected by Mr. Grattan and his friends ; and it is generally believed, that the members of government went to parliament that day without any decided plan or system, but determined to regulate their own individual conduct by the circumstances which might occur, and the general disposition indicated by the majority of the house in the course of the pro- ceedings. IX. Thus, on the 16th of April, 1782, after nearly 700 years of subjugation, oppression, and misery, after centu- ries of unavailing complaint, and neglected remonstrance did the King of Ireland, through his Irish secretary of state, at length himself propose to redress those grievances through his Irish parliament ; an authority which, as King •of England, his minister had never before recognised or admitted. In a moment the whole scene was completely changed ; those miserable prospects which had so long disgusted, and at length so completely agitated the Irish people, vanished from their view : the phenomena of such a message had an instantaneous and astonishing effect, and pointed out such a line of conduct to every party and to every individual, as left it almost impossible for any but the most mischievous characters, to obstruct the happy unanimity which now became the gratifying result of this prudent and wise proceeding. Mr. Hutchinson, however, observed in his speech, that he was not officially authorized to say more, than simply to deliver the message ; he was therefore silent as to all details, and pledged the government to none, the parlia- ment would act upon the message as to themselves might seem advisable. Another solemn pause now ensued, Mr. Grattan remained silent, when Mr. George Pousonby rose and, after eulogising the King, the British Minister, and 14 158 RISE AND FALL the Irish Government, simply proposed an humble address in reply, " thanking the King for his goodness and con- descension, and assuring his majesty that his faithful com- moners would immediately proceed upon the great objects he had recommended to their consideration." X. This uncircumstantial reply, however, fell very short of the expectation of the house, or the intentions of Mr. Grattan. On common occasions it would have answered the usual purposes of incipient investigation; but the subject of Irish grievances required no committee to investigate, no protracted debates for further discussion. The claims of Ireland were already well known to the King and to his ministers ; they had been recorded by the Dungannon convention, and now only required a par- liamentary adoption in terms too explicit to be miscon- strued, and too peremptory to be rejected. It is true, the good intentions of his majesty were announced — the Favourable disposition of his cabinet communicated, a re- dress of discontents and jealousies suggested, but nothing specific was vouched or even alluded to; the present favourable government might be displaced, and the King's conceding intentions changed by a change of ministers, and Ireland thus be again committed with Great Britain under circumstances of diminished strength, and more difficult adjustment, every man perceived the crisis, but no man could foresee the result, some decisive step appeared inevitable, but without great prudence that step might be destructive, popular impetuosity frequently de- feats its own objects, the examples of European history in atf ages have proved, that rash or premature efforts to shake off oppression, generally confirmed, or rent the chains of despotism from the grasp of one ruler, only to transfer them with stronger rivets to the power of a suc- cessor. It is less difficult to throw off the trammels of an usurping government, than to secure the preservation of a new-gained constitution, and in cold and phlegmatic nations where the sublime principles of political freedom were less investigated or less valued than in Ireland at that enlightened epoch, more comprehensive powers might be entrusted to the prudence of the people or dele- gated to the guardianship of selected chieftaius but in an ardent nation, distinguished more for its talents and its OF THE IRISH NATION. 151 enthusiasm, than for its steadiness or its foresight, where every man fostered his heated feelings, and the appetite for liberty was whetted even to voracity by the slavery of ages, hasty or violent proceedings, however they might for a moment appear to promote a rescue of the country from existing evils, would probably plunge it still deeper into unforeseen and more deplorable misfortunes, vision- ary men and visionary measures are never absent from such political struggles, but if the phrenzy of Eutopian speculations gets wing amongst a people, it becomes the most plausible pretext to oppressive rulers, and the most destructive enemy to the attainment of constitutional liberty ; and at this important crisis, had one rash step prematurely committed Ireland and Great Britain in hostile struggle, the contest would have ended in the ruin of one country, if not of both. These considerations had great weight, and excited great embarrassments amongst the leading members in the Irish Parliament, different characters of course tooK different views of this intricate subject, strength of intel- lect, courage, cowardice, interest, ignorance, or informa- tion, naturally communicated their correspondent im- pressions, and but few persons seemed entirely to coin* cide on the specific limits to which these popular pn> dings might advance with safety. 160 RISE AND FALT. CHAPTER IX. Mr. Grattan moves a declaration of rights and grievances in Parliament — Mr. Brownlow— Mr. George Ponsonby — Mr. Flood — Mr. Fitzmb- bon's conduct — His Declaration of Independence — Enthusiastic T6» joicings. I. Mr. Grattan had long declared the absolute necessity of gratifying the people by a legislative declaration of Irish rights and constitutional independence, marking out by an indelible record that sacred Rubicon past which the British government should never more advance, and beyond which the Irish nation should never wander. On that point the fate of Ireland vibrated as on a pivot, it must rise or it must fall, it could no longer remain sta- tionary, and the great landed proprietors strongly felt that they must necessarily participate in its vicissitudes, the court had totally lost its influence, the people had entirely acquired theirs, the old system of Irish govern- ment was annihilated, and the British cabinet had neither the wisdom nor the disposition to take a decisive lead in more popular arrangements, the parliament and the peo- ple were gradually drawing together, an instinctive sense of the common difficulty called all men towards some common centre, and as that centre, all parties, all sects, and all factions looked to the talents and the honesty of Mr. Grattan, they knew that he had no object but his country, and no party but its supporters, they knew that his energetic mind could neither be restrained by resist- ance nor neutralized by subterfuge, he possessed all those intellectual qualities best calculated to lead the Irish peo- ple to the true standard of freedom. II. It is an observation not unworthy of remark, that in describing the events of that important evening, the struc- ture of the Irish House of Commons (as before mentioned) at the period of these debates was particularly adapted **> convey to the people an impression of dignity and of OP THE IRISH NATION. 161 splendor in their legislative assembly, the interiot of the Commons House was a rotunda of great architectural magnificence ; an immense gallery, supported by Tuscan pillars, surrounded the inner base of a grand and lofty dome, in that gallery, on every important debate, nearly seven hundred auditors heard the sentiments and learned the characters of their Irish representatives ; the gallery was never cleared on a division ; the rising generation acquired a love of eloquence and of liberty, the principles of a just and proud ambition, the details of public busi- ness, and the rudiments of constitutional legislation. The front rows of this gallery were generally occupied by females of the highest rank and fashion, whose pre- sence gave an animating and brilliant splendour to the entire scene, and in a nation such as Ireland then was, from which the gallant principles of chivalry had not been altogether banished, contributed not a little to the preservation of that decorum so indispensable to the dignity and weight of deliberative assemblies. This entire gallery had been crowded at an early hour by personages of the first respectability of both sexes, it would be difficult to describe the interesting appearance of the whole assemblage at this awful moment ; after the speech of Mr. Hutchinson, which in fact decided nothing, a low confidential whisper ran through the house, and every member seemed to court the sentiments of his neighbour without venturing to express his own, the anxious spectators, inquisitively leaning forward, awaited with palpitating expectation the development of some measure likely to decide the fate of their country, them- selves, and their posterity, no middle course could possibly be adopted, immediate conciliation and tranquillity, or revolt and revolution, was the dilemma which floated on every thinking mind, a solemn pause ensued, at length Mr. Grattan, slowly rising from his seat, commenced the most luminous, brilliant, and effective oration ever deli- vered in the Irish parliament. This speech, ranking in the V3ry first class of effective eloquence, rising in its progress, applied equally to the sense, the pride and the spirit of the nation, every suc- ceeding sentence increased the interest which his exor- dium had excited, trampling upon the arrogant claims 14* £62 RISE Atver. Mr. Flood's confidence, therefore, never was im- plicit. Mr. Grattan, on the contrary, was deceived by his own zeal, and duped by his own honesty ; and his friend, Lord Charlemont, was too courtly a nobleman to Kuspect his Grace of such consummate insincerity.* But * The following Resolutions passed immediately before the meeting oi parliament, and being followed by the same, or still stronger, from every armed association in Ireland (at that period nearly one hundred thousand disciplined men) taught the Duke of Portland the total im- practicability of postponing the claims of Ireland one hour. The first of these Resolutions were those of the Irish Bar — a body at that time of the greatest weight in point of talent, respectability, and patriotism — it gave the tone to the Resolutions of the whole Irish nation. Those Resolutions were unanimously adopted, some in stronger terms, by ail the armed associations lawyer's corps At a full meeting of the Lawyer's Corps, the 28th February, 1782, pursuant to notice. Colonel Edward Westby in the Chair : Resolved, That the Members of the House of Commons are the rep- resentatives of, and derive their power solely from, the people ; and that a denial of this position by them would be to abdicate the representation. Resolved unanimously, That the people of this country are now tailed upon to declare that the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland are the only power competent to make laws to bind this kingdom. Resolved unanimously, That we do expect such declaration of rightf 15 170 RISE AND FALL Mr. Flood even at that moment did not stand alone in this ungracious incredulity; and ensuing events haTe fully confirmed the wisdom of his scepticism.* from our representatives, and that we will support them with our live* and fortunes in wathjever measures may be necessary to render euch declaration an effectual security- Resolved, that the above resolutions oe printed. Signed by order, Samuel Adams, Secretary. M a Meeting of the Corps of Dublin Volunteers, Friday, 1st March, 1782, His Grace, the Duke of Leinster in the chair: Resolved, That the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland only are competent to make laws to bind the subjects of this realm, and that we will not obey or give operation to any laws, save only those enacted by the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, whose rights and privileges, jointly and severally, we are determined to support with our lives and fortunes. Signed by order, John Williams, Secretary. • The doubts of Mr. Flood, and the intentions of the Irish Volunteers, seem to be fully exemplified in the following resolutions, passed the very day after this celebrated declaration of rights had parsed in parliament. At a meeting of the delegates from one hundred and thirty-nine Corps of the Volunteers of the Province of Leinster, at D'VAn, 17th April, 1782, Colonel Henry Flood in the Chair Resolved unanimously. That we feel ourselves calhd upon to declare our satisfaction in the unanimous sense of the House of Commons ex- pressed in favour of the rights of Ireland, in their address to the King yesterday, as amended by Colonel Grattan, and th^t we will support them therein with our lives and fortunes. Resolved unanimously, That the thanks of this meeting be given to Colonel Grattan, for his extraordinary exertions and perseverance in asserting the rights of Ireland. Resolved unanimously, That the following thirteen Commanders of Corps be appointed a Standing Committee of Delegates from j.is Prov* ince, to correspond and commune with all the other provL . *, UomrJ* lees or Delegates of Ireland, to wit : Earl of Granard, Colonel Parnei l. Earl of Aldborough, Captain R. Nevj,. . ., Sir W. Parsons, Captain Gorge, Colonel Grattan, Colonel Burton Colonel Talbot, Colonel M. Lyons, Lie it -Colonel Lee. Captain Smyth Colonel Flocd, 1 Earl oi Granard. . 4. Warlay, Birlwp oi ' Water-font Z.Jolm Ball,, Esq r 5. James Wapper- Tandy, EsqT 3.James !■) tzgen //,/./:'.>,/ 6. Thomas Gold,, Esq? /.Lord de Blaqider&, KB. P. J. Kenedy, Publisher, 5 Barclay St.NewYo:rk . OF THE IRISH NATION. 171 This speech of Mr. Ponsonby's is the more remarkable, localise it was reserved for the same Mr. Ponsonby, seventeen years afterwards, to expose, in the clearest and most able language, this very duplicity of the same Duke of Portland ; and the open avowal of his Grace in seventeen hundred and ninety-nine, that he had " never" considered that this concession of England, in 1782, should be a "final" adjustment between the two nations, leaves no room to doubt his Grace's mental reservation, and the existence of a diplomatic sophistry which the Irish Parliament, gulled by their own credulity, and en- veloped in a cloud of gratitude and exultation, were at that moment prevented from suspecting. VI. Mr. Hussey Burgh, and some other members*, shortly but zealously supported this declaration of Irish independence — all was unanimity — not a symptom of opposition was manifested : but on the close of the pro- ceeding, a circumstance not less remarkable than dis- gusting unexpectedly occurred. Mr. John Fitzgibbon, whose indigenous hostility to the liberties of his country had never omitted any opportu- nity of opposing its emancipation, on a sadden became metamorphosed — assumed a strange and novel character, and professed himself not only the warmest advocate of Irish freedom, but a deadly and inveterate foe to that very system of British usurpation, the practice of which, till that moment, he had himself been an undeviating and virulent supporter. Mr. Fitzgibbon's embarrassment in making this de- claration was too strong and too new in him to remain unnoticed — the unanimity of the House had left him no room for cavil — his former conduct had left him no room for consistency — his haughty disposition despised neu- trality, and his overbearing mind revolted from submis- sion ; his stubborn heart, though humiliated, was un- subdued. But he saw that he was unsupported by his friends, and felt that he was powerless against his ene- .nies. To such a mind the conflict was most dreadful — a sovereign contempt of public opinion was his only Resolved unanimously, That an officer's guard from each corps ol Volunteers in the city and county of Dublin, be mounted at Lord Chan«. mont's house, in rotation, at ten o'clock every morning 172 RISE AND FALL Bolace, and never did he more fully require the aid ol that consolation. This most remarkable, false, and inconsistent of all political recantations ever pronounced by a confirmed courtier, was delivered in the tone of a confirmed patriot. 11 No man," said Mr. Fitzgibbon, with an affected em- phasis, " can say that the Duke of Portland has power to grant us that redress which the nation unanimously demands ; but as Ireland is committed, no man, I trust, will shrink from her support, but go through, hand and heart, in the establishment of our liberties. As I was cautious in committing, so I am now firm in asserting the rights of my country. My declaration, therefore, is, that as the nation has determined to obtain the restoration of her liberty, it behoves every man in Ireland to stand firm." Yet this was the Fitzgibbon who in a few years trampled on her liberties, and sold her constitution. The effect produced by this extraordinary speech from a man, the whole tenor of whose public life had been in hotility to its principles, neither added weight to the measure nor gained character for the speaker, disgust was the most prevalent sensation, but had he been a less able man, contempt would have been more prominent. All further debate ceased, the Speaker put the question on Mr. Grattan's amendment ; a unanimous " aye" burst from every quarter of the house, he repeated the question, the applause was redoubled, a moment of tumultuous exultation followed, and, after centuries of oppression, Ireland at length declared herself an independent nation. This important event quickly reached the impatient crowds of every rank of society, who, without doors, awaited the decision of their parliament, a cry of joy and of exultation spread with electric rapidity through the entire city, its echo penetrated to the very interior of the house, every thing gave way to an effusion of happiness and congratulation that had never before been exhibited in that misgoverned country. VII. Ireland from that moment assumed a new aspect, the rose majestically from her ruins, and surveyed the author of her resurrection with admiration and with gra- utude. A young barrister, without professional celebrity OF THE IRISH NATION. 173 without family connections, possessed of no considerable fortune, nor of any personal influence, save that which talent and virtue involuntarily acquire, leagued with nfl faction, supported individually by no political party, be- came the instrument of Providence to liberate his coun- try, and in a single day achieved what the most able statesmen, the most elevated personages, the most power- ful and best connected parties never could effect. Aided by the circumstances of the moment, he seized the oppor- tunity with promptitude, vigour and perseverance ; but whilst he raised his country to prosperity, and himself to unexpected fortune and never-fading honour, he acquired vindictive enemies by the brilliancy of his success, and afterwards fell a temporary sacrifice to the perseverance of their malice and the dissimulations of their jealousy. Mr. Connolly and Sir Henry Cavendish also, on this night, as ardently supported the independence of Ireland, as if it was a principle engrafted on their nature, both of them had put their signatures to a " life and fortune' 1 declaration, to uphold the perpetual independence of their country, but it will appear in the progress of Irish affairs, how little reliance is to be placed on political declarations, where an alteration of circumstances or connections so frequently operates as a renunciation of principle. On the discussion of the Union in the year eighteen hundred, Sir Henry had exchanged the Duke of Devonshire for an employment in the treasury, and a new planet had arisen to influence Mr. Connolly ; in that year both those gentle- men declaimed as conscientiously against the indepen- dence of the Irish nation, as if they had never pledged their "lives and fortunes" for their perpetual support of it. It was impossible for any uninterested observer of the character and composition of the Irish Parliament to have conceived that the apparent unanimity of this night could have arisen from any one principle of universal action, men were actuated by various motives forming a mixed composition of patriotism and of policy ; it was the una- nimous firmness of the people, and not the abstract vir- tue of their delegates, which achieved this revolution, nor is it possible to read some of the popular resolutions of that day without feeling admiration at the happy union of 15* 174 RISE AND FALL Bpirit. of patriotism, and of prudence, which characterised their proceedings.* VIII. When the intelligence of these events was cir- culated through the nation, the joy and rejoicings of the people were heyond all description, every city, town, and village, in Ireland, blazed with the emblems of exultation, and resounded with the shouts of triumph, the Volunteers, however, were not dazzled by the sunshine of the moment, they became rather more active than more remiss ; much indeed was faithfnlly promised, but still every thing re- mained to be actually performed, and it soon appeared, that human life is not more uncertain in its duration than political faith precarious in its sincerity, the fair inten- tions of one government are generally called at least injudicious by its successors, political honesty has often vegetated in British Councils, but never yet did it survive to the period of maturity, and the short existence of the Duke of Portland's splendid administration warranted the cautious suspicion of the Volunteers, and afforded the succeeding ministry an opportunity for attempting those insidious measures which soon afterwards characterized anew the dispositions of the British Cabinet. The parliament, and the people, when the paroxysm of their joy had subsided, waited with some solicitude for the King's reply to the Declaration of their independenco, and a general suspension of public business took place until its arrival. It was, however, the first pause 01 con- fidence and tranquillity that Ireland had experienced since her connection with Great Britain ; little could she then foresee that her new prosperity was but the precursor of * The following address of the Dungannon Convention to the mem- bers of parliament who had voted in the minorities in 1781, and the banning of 1782, is extremely illustrative of their temper and firmness, and made a very deep impression on the public mind. " My Lords and Gentlemen, " We thank you for your noble and spirited, though hitherto inef- fectual efforts in defence of the great constitutional rights of your coun- try. Go on, go on, the almost unanimous voice of your country is with you, and in a free country, the voice of the people must prevail. We Know our duty to our Sovereign, and are loyal. We know our duty to ourselves, and are resolved to be free. We seek for our rights, and no more than our rights, and in so just a pursuit we ahould doubt the being of a Providence, ;/ we doubted of success." OV THE IRISH NATION. 174 future evils and of scenes as cruel and as destructive as any she had ever before experienced. The seeds of the Irish Union were sown by the very same event which had procured her independence, so early as seventeen hundred and eighty-four that independence was insidiously assailed by a despotic minister under colour of a commercial tariff :n seventeen hundred and eighty-nine events connected with the malady of the Monarch and the firm adherence of the Irish Parliaments to the constitutional rights of the Beir Apparent determined the same minister in the fatal project of extinguishing the Irish legislature, and in seventeen hundred and ninety-eight a rebellion artificially permitted, to terrify the country, and followed by acta and scenes of unparalleled corruption, for a moment warped away the minds of men from the exercise of com- mon reason, and gave power and pretence to the British Cabinet to effect that extinguishment at a moment of national derangement. 176 RISE AND FALL CHAPTER X Design of the British Goverment to recall the independence of Ireland- Singular conduct of the Attorney General — His speech — Its powerful effect — Palpable dread of an Insurrection — Effect on England — Duke of Portland's duplicity — Attains an ascendency over Earl Charlemont —Embarrassment of the English Cabinet — The Volunteers prepare foi actual service — Imbecility of England — Insidious designs of the Eng- lish Government — Mr. Fox — Mr. Pitt — Important meeting of Parlia« ment — The Volunteer Regiments occupy the avenues to the House of Commons — Designs of the Duke of Portland — Duke of Portland's speech — Mr. Grattan — Mr. Brown low — The Recorder and Mr. Walshe oppose Mr. Grattan's address — Mr. Flood neutral — Mr Walshe — Mr. Yelverton — The Secretary — Division — Consequent em- barrassment. I. The foundation of Irish independence had now been laid, by the spirit of the Parliament and the unanimity of the people; and the stately structure of Irish liberty seemed likely to rise with solidity and magnificence. The labourers were numerous and indefatigable ; and nothing was to be dreaded but contrariety in the plans, or jealousy among the architects ; dangers which are proved by the sequel of her history, to be the true and substantial cause of Ireland's annexation. It is demonstrated by facts, beyond the power of refutation, that from the moment the British ministry found it imperatively necessary to submit to this declaration of Irish independence, no consideration was paramount in their councils to the desire of counter- acting it. lu furtherance of that object, from the period of the Duite of Portland's administration to that of Lord Cornwallis, the old system of dividing the Irish against each other, and profiting by their dissensions, was artfully pursued by the English Ministry, to re-establish their own supremacy, and from that moment they resolved to achieve, at any risk or price, that disastrous measure, which, at one blow, has prostrated the pride, the power, and the legislature of Ireland, and reduced her from the rank of a nation to the level of a department. But the OF THE IRISH NATION. 177 people had now no leisure for suspicious forethought, 01 mature reflection, and the interval between the declaration of independence, and the reply of his Majesty to that declaration, though a period of deep anxiety, neither awakened serious doubts, nor produced implicit confidence. An adjournment for three weeks was now proposed in the Commons, to give time for the arrival of His Majesty's Answer to their Address and Declaration. This motion, though it gave rise to a conversation rather than a debate, produced one of the most singular political phenomenons that had ever appeared in the history of any nation. Mr. John Scott, then Attorney General, afterwards Lord Clonmel, whose despotic conduct had previously given rise to many and severe animadversions, took advantage on this occasion to recant his former and favourite political principle, that "might constitutes right." He now declared his firm and unqualified ad- herence to the claims of Ireland, in terms which, a week before, he would have prosecuted for as a seditious libel ; and tendered his large fortune towards a general fund, to enforce from Great Britain the rights of his country, if force should become necessary. He said, that, " he now felt it indispensable for him to throw offall equivocal and mysterious silence,and declared as his unchangeable opinion, that Great Britain never had any right whatever to bind his country, and that any acts she had ever done for that purpose were decided usur- pations. That if the tenure of his office of Attorney General depended upon the maintenance of doctrines in- jurious to the rights and independence of Ireland, it was an infamous tenure; and if the Parliament of Great Britain were determined to lord it over Ireland, he was re- solved not to be their villain in executing their tyranny.* * It is a very curious fact, that Mr. Attorney General Scott's declara- tion of resisting the usurpation of England in 1782, was repeated in 1«00, by two other successive Attorney Generals of Ireland, though under different circumstances. Mr. William Saunn, in his place in Par- liament, declared that he considered the Irish Representatives incompe- tent to exact a legislative union ; and that any statutes, made by a Par- liament so constituted, would not be constitutionally binding on the Irish people. That gentleman, some time after, became Attorney General oi Ireland himself, and never afterwards repeated his scepticism 178 RISK AND FALL That if matters should proceed to the extremity to which he feared they were verging, he should not he an insignifi- cant subscriber to the fund for defending their common rights. That a life of much labour, together with the blessing of Providence, and what is commonly called good luck, had given him a landed property of £5,000 per year, and an office of great emolument, all which should certainly be devoted to the service of his country. That it would be disgraceful, for the paltry emoluments of an office to stand watching the , vibrations of the balance, when he had determined to throw his life and fortune into the scale. I know," concluded the Attorney General, " that the public mind is on fire ; I know that the deter- mination of the people is to be free ; and I adopt their determination." A speech of so strong and stormy a nature, never hav- ing before been uttered by any Minister or Law Officer of the British Empire, nor even by any member of the Irish Parliament, created a sensation which it is scarcely possible to describe.* One sentence conveyed a volume of information. " If matters proceed to the extremities to which I fear they are verging," was a direct declaration of mistrust in the Government he served ; and such a speech, made in Parliament by the first confidential executive Law Officer of the Crown, possessed a character of mystery and great importance. The dread of an insurrection in Ireland was thus, in Mr. Plunkett made the same declaration, but in rather stronger terms, 5»s he vouched Cor his son as well as himself ; and soon after became Attorney General. Mr. Forster, and numerous able lawyers, some of them junior judges, and many country magistrates, united in those senti- ments. No Member of the Irish Parliament opposed the Union more stren- uously, than the Author of this Work, and he united with those gentle- men in their opinion as to the incompetence of the Irish Parliament. * The author was present at all these important debates. On Mr Scott's recantation, the sensation of the House was so striking and sin- gular, that he can never recollect it without emotion. For a moment, there was profound silence, gradually, the murmur of astonishment was heard, spreading from bench to bench, till one loud and general cry of approbation burst from every quarter of the House, and, in rapid and con- trolled plauJiis, evinced the enthusiasm of that era. and the importance of that secession. OF THE TRISH NATION. 179 direct terms, announced by the King's Attorney General : and by his intrepid determination to risk his life and fortune to support its objects, he afforded good reason to apprehend that his Majesty's reply was not likely to be such as would cultivate tranquillity, and left no doubt that the Attorney General foreboded an unwise reluctance in the British Cabinet, to a measure so vital to the peace, perhaps to the integrity, of the British Empire. This conduct of Mr. Scott, coupled with the previous secession of Mr. Fitzgibbon, must be looked on as among the most extraordinary occurrences of these, or any other times in Ireland. In the history of Nations and of Parliaments, there is not another instance of two such men, publicly professing and practising the principles of arbitrary power, being so humbled, and reduced to the abject condescension of feign- ing a public virtue they had theretofore but ridiculed, and assuming a fictitious patriotism, the result, at best, of their fears or of their policy. However, be the motive what it might, that most un- precedented conduct taught the British Government that they could no longer trifle with Ireland. Their power was then extinct ; and no course remained but that of instantly relinquishing their long- vaunted supremacy, and surren- dering at discretion to the just demands of a determined and potent people : and the splendid, though temporary triumph achieved by Ireland, affords a glorious prece- dent for oppressed nations, and an instructive lesson for arrogant usurpation. II. Immediately on this unexpected turn, the Duke of Portland sent off two despatches to England ; one to the Cabinet as a public document, and the other, a private and confidential note to Mr. Fox. The latter document explained his reasons for the necessity he felt of acceding, without any appearance of reluctance, to any demands which might at that moment be made by the Irish Par- liament ; but intimated " that so strong a difference ot opinion appeared to exist between some gentlemen ol weight that arrangements more favourable to England might possibly be effected through their controversies, although he could not venture to propose such, were they perfectly unanimous. He stated, in conclusion, that h»« 180 RISE AND FALL would omit no opportunity of cultivating his connection with the Earl of Charlemont, who appeared entirely dis- posed to place confidence in his administration, and to give a proper tone to the armed bodies over whom he had the most considerable influence." So skilfully did he act upon these suggestions, that he inveigled the good but feeble Earl Charlemont entirely into his trammels ; and as long as his Grace remained in the Irish Government, he not only much influenced that nobleman, but kept him at arms length from some of the ablest statesmen of the country, without their perceiving the insidious power that caused the separation. The other Ministers adopted the same principles, and they did not despair, by plausible conduct, according to the Duke of Portland's policy, to temporize with all par ties, play off the people and the Parliament imperceptibly against each other; and, by gradually diminishing theii mutual confidence, bring both to a dependence upon the good faith of the British Ministry, and so indispose the Irish Parliament from insisting upon any measures which might humble the pride, or alarm the interests of the Bri- tish nation. III. The British Cabinet had certainly great embar- rassments to encounter. They had the difficult step to take of gratifying the claims of Ireland, without affecting the egotism of Great Britain. But the relative interests of the two countries being in many points fundamentally repugnant, the dilemma of Ministers was extremely em- barrassing. It was doubly increased by a declaration of rights, and a positive demand, which anticipated the credit of a spontaneous generosity — an advantage which was now lost to them for ever. Their voluntary favours would now be changed to compulsory grants, the extent of which they could neither foresee nor control. While the British Cabinet and the Irish Viceroy actively corresponded, the Irish nation was not idle. No relaxation was permitted in the warlike preparations of the Volunteer army. Reviews and discipline were con- tinued with unintermitting ardour and emulation. Their artillery was daily exercised in the Phoenix Park, near Dublin. Camp equipage was preparing for actual service, and on the day to which the parliament adjourned, thi OF THE IRISH NATION. 181 whoie of the Volunteer force of the metropolis waa under arms, and fully prepared for the alternative (which the decision of his Majesty's Cabinet, through the speech of its Viceroy, might impose upon the people) either to return to their homes for the peaceful enjoyment of their rights or instantly to take the field. Musters had been ordered, to ascertain the probable numbers of Volunteers ready for immediate and active service. The returns had increased from the former census to about 124,000 officers and soldiers, of whom upwards of 100,000 effectives, well armed and disciplined, and owning no superior but God and their country, would, on the first sound of an hostile trumpet, have rushed with enthusiasm to the standards of independence. The Volunteer regiments and corps were commanded by gentlemen of rank and consideration in the country, and disciplined by retired officers of the British army ; the Serjeants being chiefly veteran soldiers who had fought in the American campaigns, and learned from their own defeats, the powers of a people determined to obtain their freedom. The whole disposable military force of Great Britain was at that period inadequate to combat one week with the Volunteers of Ireland, com- posing an army which could be increased, at a call, by a million of enthusiasts ; and which, in case a contest had arisen, would have also been liberally recruited by the desertion of the Irish soldiers from the British army — and nearly one third of that army was composed of Irish- men. The British Navy, too, was then also manned by what were generally denominated British tars ; * but a large proportion of whom were in fact sailors of Irish birth and Irish feelings, ready to shed their blood in the service of Great Britain whilst she remained the friend of Ireland, but as ready to seize and to steer the British navy into Irish ports, if she declared against their coun- try, and thus it ever will be. The safety of England was then clearly in the hands of • The mutiny at the Nore, in the channel fleet, confirms this observa- tion. Had the mutineers at that time chosen to carry the British ships into an Irish port, no power could have prevented them ; and had there been a strong insurrection in Ireland, it is more than probable the* would have delivered one half of the English fleet into the hands 01 their countrymen. 16 182 RISE A.\D FALL Ireland, and one hostile step, at that perilous crisis of the two nations, must have terminated their unity, and of course the power of the British empire. But the Cabinet at length considered that resistance to the just demands of [reland would be unavailing ; and that she was then too powerful for England to hazard an insurrection, which, if once excited, it would have been impossible to suppress. Too cautious to risk a danger so imminent, they yielded to existing circumstances, and determined to concede ; a system of conduct, which is called perfidy in private life and policy by Governments, has been very generally and very successfully resorted to in important political dilem- mas, and they adopted the low and cunning course of yielding with affected candour, and counteracting with deep duplicity. IV. The Cabinet reflected, also, that times and circum- stances cannot always remain unchanged, and that the political vicissitudes to which every State is subject frequently enable conceding powers to re-assume usur- pation ; and, when restored to strength and vigour, again to forget the law of nations and of justice, and explain away or deny the spirit of those engagements which theii feebleness had contracted. The events which have since occurred in Ireland, and the conduct and equivocation of the British Ministers in 1799 and 1800, proved to the world, that such were the premeditated and ulterior views of the British Cabinet, in 1782 ; and that the Duke of Portland was well aware of its objects, and freely lent himself to their perpetration. Mr. Fox never had any especial predilection for Ireland. He was ignorant equally of her rights,* and her localities ; and he considered her only as the segment of a great circle, which he laboured to encompass. He wielded the grievances of Ireland only as a weapon of offence against the ministry. He was a great man, with a popular am- bition, and assumed the hereditary title of Whig, when its purest principles had nearly become obsolete. Mr. Pitt had in view the very same object, to rule ; and they only differed in the means of affecting it. The one wished to rise upon the shoulders of the people ; the other, to be • See Mr. Fox's Letter to Earl Charlemont, April 1782. Hardy* Life oi C har lemon L OF THE IRISH NATION. 183 elevated upon those of the aristocracy. But the ambition of both was to govern the Empire. Their rivalry was of party, and their struggle was for power ; but the internal prosperity of Ireland, as a distinct abstract consideration, gave not one hour's solicitude to either one or the othei of those celebrated Ministers, though its resources were in part an object to both. The Duke of Portland was not of sufficient talent or weight to lead the Ministry ; but he had enough of both to be an efficient accessory. A man of plain, fair, undis- tinguished reputation, can effect important acts of dupli- city, with less suspicion and more facility than more pro- minent and energetic personages ; and when the moment of development arrives, he can plead the honesty of his character, and the error of his judgment : or, at the worst, he may gain a great point, and can only lose a narrow reputation. These observations may be interesting, as decidedly applicable to the administration of the Duke of Portland. His Grace's conduct and speeches on the question of the Union, in 1800, leave no doubt that the whole tenor of his conduct, in 1782, must have been a premeditated tissue of dissimulation. V. The Irish House met, pursuant to the adjournment, on the 27th May 1782, a day teeming with importance to the fate of Ireland and the character of Great Britain. It is not easy to imagine the solicitude and impatience with which the people awaited the decision of Great Britain on its claims. On the morning of that memorable day, the Volunteers were under arms at an early hour. Their artillery, under the orders of James Napper Tandy, was stationed on the quays, and commanded all the bridges leading from the Military Barracks to the House of Parliament. The other corps, horse and foot, were posted at different stations of communication in the city ; while some regular troops, formed in treble files, lined the streets for the passage of the Lord Lieutenant. But though neither party knew what would be the result of that day's proceedings, nor whether war or peace would be proclaimed by the British Ministry, not a symptom of hostile feeling appeared on any side. The Volunteers and the regular troops saluted 184 RISE AND FALL each other as they passed, and reciprocally showed every mark of military courtesy. The strictest order prevailed; and the whole, by a combination most interesting and extraordinary, formed a scene to which history affords no parallel. The Duke of Portland had not a very dignified demean- our, but, unfortunately, every body then considered him as a man of political integrity. His time, during the recess., had been skilfully employed, to gain upon the country gentlemen by flattering attention and courtly blandishment. His Grace had learned, from Earl Charlemont, the character of Mr. Grattan, before he saw him. He was fully apprised of his spirit and patriotism, and knew well that neither could be conquered ; but he conceived that by operating on the moderation and generous confidence of that virtuous Irishman, he might eventually divide the Parliament ; chill the general enthusiasm of the people, and effect the objects of the British Government ; and, before the meeting of Parliament, his Grace had made great progress in exciting shades of difference in the opinions of those who should have been unanimous. A premature gratitude, and credulous confidence, had al- ready prepared the House for his reception ; and he de- livered the speech from the throne, with a well-affected honesty of emphasis, and an imposing appearance of in- dividual gratification. The Viceroy's speech gave rise to a debate of the very highest importance, not only as affecting the interests and feelings of that day, but as influencing the subse- quent events and destiny of the Irish nation. " My Lords and Gentlemen. It gives me the utmost satisfaction, that the first time I have occasion to address you, I find myself enabled, by the magnanimity of the King, and the wisdom of the Parliament of Great Britain, to assure you that immediate attention has been paid to your representations, and that the British Legislature have concurred in resolution to remove the causes of your discontents and jealousies, and are united in a de- sire to gratify every wish expressed in your late Ad- dresses to the Throne. " If any thing could add to the pleasure I feel in giving OF THE IRISH NATION. 185 you those assurances, it is that I can accompany them with my congratulations on the important and decisive victory gained by the fleets of his Majesty over those ot the common enemy in the West Indies, and on the signal advantage obtained by his Majesty's arms in the Island of Ceylon, and on the Coast of Coromandel. fi By the papers which, in obedience to His Majesty's commands, I have directed to be laid before you. you will receive the most convincing testimony of the cordial reception which your representations have met with from the Legislature of Great Britain ; but His Majesty, whose first and most anxious wish is to exercise His Royal Pre rogative in such a manner as may be most conducive to the welfare of His faithful subjects, has further given it me in command to assure you of His gracious disposition to give His Royal Assent to Acts to prevent the sup- pression of Bills in the Privy Council of this Kingdom, and the alteration of them any where ; and to limit the duration of the Act for the better Regulation and Accom- modation of His Majesty's forces in this Kingdom, to the term of two years. " These benevolent intentions of His Majesty, and the willingness of His Parliament of Great Britain to second his gracious purposes, are unaccompanied by any stipu- lation or condition whatever. " The good faith, the generosity, and the honour of this nation, afford them the surest pledge of a correspond- ing dispostion, on your part, to promote and perpetuate the harmony, the stability, and the glory of the Empire. " On my own part, I entertain not the least doubt, but that the same spirit which urged you to share the freedom of Great Britain, will confirm you in your determination to share her fate also, standing and falling with the Bri- tish Empire." Mr. Grattan immediately rose. His unsuspecting and grateful mind, though congenial to the honest liberality of a patriot, was quite too conceding and inexperienced to meet the ways and wiles of deceptious statesmen, Misled by the apparent sincerity of that speech, and the plain and plausible demeanour of the Duke of Portland, he lost sight of every thing but confidence and gratitude, and left to deeper politicians to discover the snare that lay 16* 186 RISK ANO FALL concealed amidst the soothing and honourable language of the Viceroy. He said, — " That as Great Britain had given up every claim to authority over Ireland, he had not the least idea that she should be also bound to make any declaration that she had formerly usurped that power. This would be a foolish caution, a dishonourable condition.* The nation that insists upon the humiliation of another, is a foolish nation ; and Ireland is not a foolish nation. I move you, to assure His Majesty of our unfeigned affection to His Royal Person and Government ; that we feel, most sen- sibly, the attention our representations have received from the magnanimity of His Majesty, and the wisdom of the Parliament of Great Britain ; to assure His Majesty, that we conceive the resolution for an unqualified, uncondi- tional repeal of the 6th George the First to be a measure of consummate wisdom and justice, suitable to the dignit) and eminence of both Nations, exalting the character of both, and furnishing a perpetual pledge of mutual amity ; lo assure His Majesty, that we are sensibly affected by his virtuous determination to accede to the wishes of His faithful subjects, and to exercise His Royal prerogative in the manner most conducive to their welfare. That, gra- tified in those particulars, we do assure His Majesty, that no constitutional question between the two nations will any longer exist, to interrupt their harmony ; and that Great Britain, as she approved of our firmness, may rely on our affection ; and that we remember, and do repeat our determination, to stand or fall with the British Nation." When Mr. Grattan concluded the Address, which was seconded by Mr. Brown low, a most animated and inte- resting, though desultory debate, immediately ensued ; a debate too much connected with the subsequent transac- tions on the Union, not to be particularly noticed in this stage of the history. The Recorder of, and Member for, Dublin, Sir Samuel Bradstreet, a strong-minded . public-spirited man, an able * This was a juvenile syllogism, where there were neither premises orary credulity of the Irish Parliament — Country Gentlemen Singular character of Mr. Bagenal — His Exploits — Popularity— Hie jatriotism — Commanded many Volunteer Corps — Gives notice of a motion to reward Mr. Grattan — Anti- prophetic observation — Mr Grattan's increasing popularity — Hasty repeal of the declaratory act 6th Geo. III. — And transmitted by the Viceroy to the Volunteers — Doctrine of Blackstone declared unconstitutional — Mr. Bagenal's motion to grant <£ 100,000, to Mr. Grattan — Mistaken pride of his friends — Extraordinary occurrence — Insidious conduct of Government — Mr Thomas Connolly makes a most unprecedented motion — Viceroy offer! the Palace to Mr. Grattan and his heirs as a reward for his services — Objects of the Government in making the offer — Discovered by th€ indiscretion of the Secretary, Col. Fitzpatrick — His character— Real objects developed — Mr. Grattan's friends decline so large a grant — Their mistaken principle — Effects of the calumnies against Ireland- False arguments — Comparison of the conduct of England and Ire- land — Comparative loyalty I. It is as extraordinary as it is true, that the weaknesses and foibles of Irish character were more strikingly dis- played dnring this important discussion, than upon any former occasion. A generous, ardent, credulous, un- statesman-like sensibility, appeared to have seized upon the whole assembly; and even the natural quickness of perception, and acuteness of intellect, which the members of that House displayed on ordinary and trivial subjects, seemed totally to have forsaken them during this me- morable debate — of more vital importance to the nation than any other that had ever taken place in the Irish Parliament. II. The country gentlemen of Ireland, at all times bad casuists and worse lawyers, appeared on this occasion to close both their ears and eyes, and to resign, with one accord, all exercise of judgment and discrimination. The word " unanimity" operated as a talisman amonst them, and silenced all objections. The very important observa- tions of Sir Samuel Bradstreet and of Mr. Walshe were hardly listened to with patience. Mr. Flood himscL seemed to be overwhelmed and manacled ; and those OF THE IRISH NATION. 191 axioms and that reasoning which were ultimately acceded to and adopted even by the British Ministers themselves, were on this night considered as a species of treason against the purity of the British Government, and the sincerity of the Irish Viceroy. No voice but that of con- gratulation, joy, and confidence, could make itself heard. No suspicions durst be suggested — no murmurs durst be uttered. The scene was new to Ireland ; and exulta- tion took precedence for a time of both reason and re- flection. Beauchamp Bagenal, representative for Carlow county, so soon as the flurry of mutual congratulations had a ttle subsided in the House, proposed a measure well adapted to the circumstances of that moment, and most happily coincident with the sentiments of the people. How far it had been premeditated, or arose from the impulse of the moment, no person acquainted with the character and eccentricities of Mr. Bagenal could possibly determine. He was one of those persons, who, born to a large inheritance, and having no profession to interrupt then propensities, generally made in those times the grand tour of Europe, as the finishing part of a gentleman's education. Mr. Bagenal followed the general course ; and on that tour had made himself veiy conspicuous. He had visited every capital of Europe, and had ex- hibited the native original character of the Irish gentle- man at every place he visited. In the splendour of his travelling establishment, he quite eclipsed the petty poten- tates with whom Germany was garnished. His person was fine — his manners open and generous — his spiiit high, and his liberality profuse. During his tour, he had performed a variety of feats which were emblazoned in Ireland, and endeared him to his countrymen. He had fought a prince — jilted a princess — intoxicated the Doge of Venice — carried off a Duchess from Madrid — scaled the walls of a convent in Italy — narrowly escaped the. Inquisition at Lisbon — concluded his exploits by a cele- brated fencing match at Paris ; and he returned to Ireland with a sovereign contempt for all continental men and manners, and an inveterate antipathy to all despotic kings and arbitrary governments. 192 RISE AND FALL Domesticated in his own mansion at Dunleckny — sur» rounded by a numerous and devoted tenantry — and pos- sessed of a great territory, Mr. Bagenal determined to spend the residue of his days on his native soil, according to the usages and customs of country gentlemen ; and he was shortly afterwards returned a representative to Parliament for the county of Carlow, by universal accla- mation. Though Mr. Bagenal did not take any active part in the general business of the Irish Parliament, he at least gave it a good example of public spirit and high-minded independence. His natural talents were far above medi ocrity ; but his singularities, in themselves extravagant, were increased by the intemperance of those times ; and an excellent capacity was neutralized by inordinate dis- sipation. Prodigally hospitable, irregular, extravagant, uncertain, vivacious ; the chase, the turf, the sod, and the bottle, divided a great portion of his intellects between them, and generally left for the use of Parliament, only so much as he could spare from his other occupations. However, in supporting the independence and prospe- rity of Ireland, he always stood in the foremost ranks. Liberal and friendly, but obstinate and refractory, above all his contemporaries, he had a perfect indifference ior the opinions of the world, when they at all differed from his own ; and he never failed to perform whatever came uppermost in his thoughts, with the most perfect con- tempt as to the notions which might be formed either ol his rectitude or impropriety. He was one of the first country gentlemen who raised a volunteer regiment in the county Carlow. He com- manded several military corps, and was one of the last Volunteer Colonels in Ireland who could be prevailed upon to discontinue the reviews of their regiments, or to relinquish that noble, patriotic, and unprecedented insti- tution. However, he was, on this occasion, as politically short-sighted as he was nationally credulous. He coula see nothing but sincerity in the Viceroy, honour in the British Cabinet, and an eternal cordiality between the two nations : and before the constitutional arrangement was well begun, he fancied it was completely concluded His admiration of Mr. Grattan was unqualified and ex OF THE IRISH NATION. 193 tiavagant; and it was with an honest zeal and pure sin- cerity he rose to propose a measure, at that period the most popular and gratifying to the Irish nation. III. Having passed many eulogiums on Mr. Grattan's services to Ireland, he gave notice of an intended motion, " that a Committee should be appointed, to consider and report what sum the Irish Parliament should grant, to build a suitable mansion and purchase an estate for their great deliverer." in prefacing this notice, Mr. Bagenal, full of candour and credulity, used some expressions, so unfortunately anti-prophetic, as to render them worthy of marked ob- servation. He said, that Mr. Grattan had saved the country from an iron age, and unequivocally restored a golden one to his own country for ever. " By our affec- tionate alliance with Great Britain, we shall not only be benefitted ourselves, but shall see a beloved sister revive from her misfortunes. This great man has crowned the work for ever ; under his auspices the throne of freedom is fixed on a basis so firm, and which will always be so well supported by the influence the people must acquire under his system, that, with the help of God, there is no ianger, even of Parliament itself ever being able to shake it; nor shall any Parliament be ever again profanely ityled omnipotent." Mr. Grattan attempted to make some observations, but his voice was drowned in the general applause ; and the house adjourned without further observations. IV. He alone now occupied the entire hearts of the people. They had no room for any other individual. Almost frantic with gratitude to their deliverer, they cried out, that the doctrines of Molyneux had triumphed in the same place where they had before been consigned to infamy. But the day of those pure and lofty feelings has passed away. A broken down constitution seldom recovers its pristine elasticity ; and that enthusiastic, proud, patriotic spirit which signalized the Irish nation in 1782, driven to its tomb by misrule and by misfortune, can never rise again but on some congenial crisis. V. The British Ministry and Parliament now b°gan to feel their own weakness. Their intolerance degenerated 17 194 RISE AND FALL into fear ; and responsibility began to stare them in thtf face. The loss of America had been got over by theii predecessors without an impeachment ; but that of Ireland would not have passed over with the same impunity. The British Cabinet had already signed the capitulation, and thought it impossible to carry it too soon into execution. Bills to enact the concessions demanded by Ireland were therefore prepared with an expedition nearly bordering on precipitancy. The 6th of George the First, declara- tory of, and establishing the supremacy of England, and the eternal dependence of Ireland on the Parliament and Cabinet of Great Britain, was now hastily repealed, with- out debate, or any qualification by the British Legislature. This repeal received the royal assent, and a copy was in- stantly transmitted to the Irish Viceroy, and communica- ted by circulars to the Volunteer commanders. Chap. LIII. An Act, to repeal an Act made in the sixth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, intituled, An Act for the better securing the dependency of the kingdom of Ireland upon the crown of Great Britain. Whereas, an act was passed in the sixth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, intituled : An Act for the better securing the dependency of the king- dom of Ireland upon the crown of Great Britain ; may it please your Most Excellent Majesty, that it may be enacted, and be it enaeted, by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords ipiritual and temporal, and commons, in this present par- liament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after the passing of this Act, the above mentioned Act, and the several matters and things therein con- tained, shall be, and is, and are hereby repealed. Thus, the doctrine of Blackstone, that venerated Druid of English jurisprudence, who by his dictum had tried to seal the slavery of the Irish people, was surrendered as unconstitutional, and renounced by the very same legisla- ture that had enacted it. As England drooped, Ireland raised her head ; and for a moment she was arrayed wHh all the exterior insignia of an independent nation. VI. On the 30th of May, 1782, Mr. Bagenal resumed the subject of the reward to Mr. Grattan ; and after a OF THE IRISH NA'l ION. 19| short, but animated speech, moved that " £100,000 should be granted by parliament, to purchase an estate, and build a suitable mansion, as the reward of gratitude by the Irish nation, for his eminent services to his country." No mem- ber could directly oppose a measure so merited, so popu- lar, and so honourable to the nation. No absolute mur- mur was heard ; but the magnitude of the sum gave rise to many incidental observations ; and some friends of Mr. Grattan endeavoured to impress the house with the idea that he was altogether adverse to the measure, and conceived that his honours and gratification would be greater by the feeling of having served his country with- out other reward than that arising from its pure and un- sophisticated enjoyment. This idea in modern times, and under Mr. Grattan's peculiar circumstances, was considered less the result of a true pride than of a patriotic vanity. Roman prece- dents were not applicable to Ireland , and his paternal estates were not sufficiently ample to support so distin- guished a man in the dignity of his station. And the wisest friends of Mr. Grattan considered such a grant not as a mercenary recompense, but the reward of patri- otic virtue, conferred by the gratitude of a nation to elevate a deliverer. VII. While the House seemed to hesitate as to the wisest course of carrying the proposed grant into imme- diate execution, a most unexpected circumstance took place, which, though in its results of no important conse- quence, forms one of the most interesting anecdotes of Irish events, developes the insidious artifices to which the Government resorted, and forms an episode without a precedent in ancient or modern annals. Mr. Thomas Connolly,who, as a leading member of the Whig party, had entirely connected himself with the Duke of Portland ; and though not holding any ministerial office, was a Privy Councillor, and considered to be par- ticularly confidential in the councils of the Viceroy, after many eulogiums upon Mr. Grattan's unparalleled services to Ireland, stated, " That the Duke of Portland felt equally with the Irish people, the high value of those services ; and that he was authorized by the Lord Lieu- tenant to express, in the strongest terms, the sense he eo- 196 RISE AND FALL tertained of the public virtue of Mr. Granan, and of hii eminent and mportant services to Ireland : and as the highest proof he could give of his admiration and respect for that distinguished personage, he (the Lord Lieutenant) begged to offer, as a part of the intended grant to Mr. Grattan, the Viceregal Palace in the Phoenix Park> to be settled on Mr. Grattan and his heirs for ever, as a suitable residence for so meritorious a person." VIII. The Viceroy of His Britannic Majesty, offering to a private individual a grant for ever of the King's best palace in Ireland, was repugnant to the principle of Monarchical Governments ; while Mr. BagenaPs proposal of a grant by the House of Commons, as a reward for the "public services of one of their own independent mem- bers, appeared to the Viceroy as making the people every thing and the administration nothing. He saw clearly, that the public spirit was irresistible, and that the grant must, pass ; and the Viceroy determined, at any sacrifice, to give it a tinge of ministerial generosity, and thereby deaden, as much as possible, the brilliancy and effect of a popular proceeding. He knew that if his proposal through Mr. Connolly should be accepted, the grant would have very considerably changed its democratic complex- ion, the prerogative would be somewhat preserved, and Mr. Grattan no longer considered as deriving his reward exclusively from the gratitude of his countrymen : the Crown would have its share in a claim to his acknow- ledgements ; and thus the merit of the favour be divided between the people and the minister. This magnificent and unexampled offer, at first view, appeared flattering and showy ; at the second, it appeared deceptious ; and at the third, inadmissible. Delicacy pre- vented any debate on the subject; and it would have died away without remark or observation, and have been rejected by a judicious silence, had not the indiscretion of Colonel Fitzpatrick betrayed the whole feeling and duplicity of the Government, and opened the eyes of many to the jealousy and designs of His Grace's admin- istration. Though the secretary was extremely disposed to serve Mr. Grattan individually, the entire failure of the plan, and the frigid manner in which the royal offer had been received on every side, hurt his official pride, OP THE IRISH NATION. 19? and affected him extremely. He recollected his ministry but forgot his discretion ; and he could no longer restrain himself from some observations equally ill-timed and injudicious. Colonel Fitzpatrick was the brother of the Earl of Upper Ossory. Though not an expert diplomatist, he was well selected to make his way amongst the Irish gentry, and consequently carry into effect the objects of the British ministers, and the deceptions of the Duke of Portland. He was ingenuous and convivial ; friendly and familiar ; aiid theoretically honest, even in politics. His name was musical to the ear of that short-sighted community (the Irish gentry), and his casual indiscretions in Parliament were kindly attributed to his undesigning nature ; and of all qualities, an appearance of unguarded openness is most imposing upon the Irish people. But the office of a minister or of a secretary is too well adapted to alter, if not the nature, at least the habits of a private gentle- man ; and, as a matter of course, he relinquishes his can- dour when he commences his diplomacy. Whatever his individual feelings might have been as Colonel Fitzpatrick, it is impossible that in his capacity of secretary, Mr. Bagenal's motion could have given him any gratification. He declared, that " he conceived the power of rewarding eminent men was one of the noblest of the Royal Prerogatives, which were certainly a part of the constitution. He did not wish to be considered as giving a sullen acquiescence, but he conceived that marks of favour of this nature always appertained to the Crown alone, and he should have wished that this grant had come from the Royal hand ; but, as the man was un- precedented, so was the grant ; and he hoped this would not be considered as a precedent on future occasions." IX. By these few, but comprehensive observations ot the Secretary, the apparently magnificent liberality of the Viceroy appeared in its real character, and dwindled into a narrow subterfuge of ministerial jealousy. Mr. Con- nolly appeared to have travelled out of his station, and officiously to have assumed the office of a minister, for a deceptive purpose, and lent himself to a little artifice, to trepan the Parliament and humiliate the people. By this rejected tender the Whig administration gained 17* 198 RISE AND FALL no credit ; they evinced a disposition to humble the Crown without elevating the people, and to wind the laurels of both around their own temples. The Viceroy considered a grant by the Commons too democratic ; and the Parliament considered the Viceroy^ tender too ministerial. Mr. Grattan was a servant of the Irish people, and was utterly unconnected with the British Government. In every point of view, therefore, the Vice- roy's offer, at that moment, was improper, and derogatoiFy alike to the Crown and the individual. The Viceroy of Ireland proposing, on behalf of the King of England, to Ireland's great patriot to reward his services for having emancipated his country from the domination of Great Britain, was an incident as extraordinary as had ever occurred in any government, and, emanating from that of England, told, in a single sentence, the whole history of her terrors, her jealousy, her shallow artifice and humbled arrogance. This proposal was linked with many other insidious objects, but they were too obvious to be successful, and only disclosed that shallow cunning. His Excellency had perceived in Ireland the phenomena of a governing people, without a ruling democracy,- — an armed and un- restrained population, possessing, without abusing, the powers of Sovereignty, and turning their authority, not to the purposes of turbulence or sedition, but to those of Con- stitution, order, and tranquillity. These armed Associa- tions, however irreproachable in their conduct, were un- precedented in their formation, and were fairly considered oy His Grace with a lively jealousy, as tending to esta- blish a species of popular aristocracy, dangerous to the very nature of the British Constitution. X. Many friends of Mr. Grattan, or those who pro- fessed to be so, declared he would not accept of so large a sum as that proposed by Mr. Bagenal ; but this was a mistaken, or an affected view of that subject. In fact the grant itself, not its amount, was the only point foi digni- fred consideration. However, after a considerable dis- cussion, it was diminished, by Mr. Grattan's friends, to the sum of fifty thousand pounds, which was unani- mously voted to him ; and never had a reward, more merited or more honourable, been conferred on any pat- riot by any nation. OF THft IrtlSH NATION. 199 The times when civic crowns conferred honours no longer existed ; property had become essential for impor- tance in society. The Irish Parliament had before them a sad and recent example of the necessity of such a re- ward, in the fate of Dr. Lucas, one of the best friends of Ireland, who had sacrificed himself to support his prin- ciples : a man who had, so fa*- as his talents admitted, propagated and applied the doctrines of the great Moly- neux ; and, like him, was banished, and, like him, de ciared a traitor ; who had sat a Representative for the. metropolis of Ireland ; and whose statue still adorns the Royal Exchange of Dublin : a venerable Senator, sink- ing under the pressure of years and of infirmity, carried into their House to support its liberties, — sickening in their cause and expiring in their service ; a rare example of patriotism and independence ; yet suffered to die in indigence, and leave an orphan offspring to become the prey of famine. With such a reproachful warning before the nation, it was for the people, not for the Crown, to take care that they never should be again disgraced by similar ingratitude. In these degenerate times, honours give no sustenance ; and in the perverted practices of modern policy, it is not the province of the Monarch to reward the patriot. And this event leads the historian tx others still more important. Upon every important debate on the claims of Ireland in the British and Imperial Parliaments, the native cha- racter and political propensities of the Irish people had been uniformly made a subject of animated discussion ; and the loyalty of that Nation to her Kings had been put directly in issue, by both her friends and her enemies ; by the latter, as a pretext for having abrogated her Con- stitution : by the former, as a defence against libel and exaggeration ; each party asserting, that the past events of Irish history justify their reasoning, and afford evi- dence of their respective allegations. XI. It is, therefore, at this important epoch highly ex- pedient that this controversy of opinions, as to the loyalty of the Irish people, though probably digressive, should be decided by unequivocal historic matters of fact, unde- niable by either party ; and thereby, that the true princi- les of a long persecuted and calumniated .people, should no lons-e, r mistaken nor misrepjjesented 800 RISE AND FALL A reference to the authentic Annals and Records of Irish History, indisputably proves that the unrelenting cruelties and misrule of their British Governors in early ages, goading the wretched natives to insurrection, formed the first pretext for afterwards branding them with sn imputation of indigenous disloyalty, thereby exciting an inveterate prejudice against the Irish people ; which, be- coming hereditary, has descended, though with dimin- ished virulence, from father to son throughout the Eng- lish nation. These calumnies had their full and fatal operation, ah an argument in urging the necessity of a Legislative Union ; an argument at once refuted by reference even to the modern events of 1782, and to the unexampled moderation, forbearance, and loyalty of the Irish nation, who sought only a full participation in the British Con- stitution, though the moral and physical powers of that ardent people were then consolidated by their patriotism, and rendered irresistible by their numbers, their discipline, and their energy. XII. At that awful crisis of the British Empire, the Irish were an armed and triumphant people ; England a defeated and trembling nation. Ireland was in the bloom of energy and of vigour ; England on the couch of dis- comfiture and malady. And if the spirit of indigenous disaffection, so falsely imputated to the Irish Nation, had, in reality, existed, she had then full scope, and ample powers, to pursue and effect all its dispositions for an eternal separation. It is not, however, by modern or isolated events alone, that a fair judgment can be formed of the characteristic attributes of any nation ; still less so of a worried and mis- governed people. It is only by recurring to remoter periods, thence tracing, step by step, the conduct of Ireland throughout all her provocations, her miseries, and her persecutions, and then comparing the extent of ner suf- ferings, her endurance, and her loyalty, with those of her sister countries during the same periods, that the compa- rative character of both can be justly appreciated, and those calumnies which have weighed so heavily on her reputation be effectually refuted. It is a matter of indisputable fact, that during the twenty reigns which succeeded the first submission of the OF THE IRISH NATION. 201 Irish princes, the fidelity of Ireland to the British mo- narchs was but seldom interrupted, and that Irish soldiers were not unfrequently brought over to England, to defend their English sovereigns against the insurrections of English rebels. But when we peruse the authenticated facts of British annals during the same twenty reigns, we find an unex- tinguishable spirit of disaffection to their princes, and that an insatiable thirst for rebellion and disloyalty signalized every reign, and almost every year of British history, during the same period ; that above thirty civil wars raged within the English nation ; four of their monarchs were dethroned ; three of their kings were murdered, and during four centuries, the standard of rebellion scarcely ever ceased to wave over some portion of that distracted island ; and so deeply had disloyalty been engrafted in the very nature of the British nobles and British people, that insurrection and regicide, if not the certain, were the expected consequences of every coronation. Through these observations, the eye of England will at length be directed to these events. They will then be convinced that there lurked within the bosom of Great Britain herself the germs of a disquietude more unre- mitting, a licentiousness more inflammatory, a fanaticism more intolerant, and a political agitation more dangerous and unjustifiable, than any which even her most inveterate foes can justly extract from an impartial history of the libelled country. This short digression must have the advantage of illus- trating the principles which led to the transactions of 1798 and 1800, those gloomy epochs of Irish calamity ; it may enlighten that dark and profound ignorance of Irish History and transactions which still obscure the intellect of the English people, and even leads members of the united Parliament to avow that utter ignorance of the very country and people as to whom they were at the same moment so severely legislating. Those men aie surely the most injurious to the general tranquillity of a state, the collected power of united' nations, and the safety of the common weal, whose prejudices ignorance and bigotry lead them by wanton irritation to engendei uncongenial feelings in eight millions of so powerful., ardent, and generous a portion of the empire. 802 RISE AND FALL CHAPTER XII Epitome of Irish History — Treacherous system of the English Govern, ment — First Irish Union — Second Union compared with the first — King Henry's Acts in Ireland — His plan to decimate the nation — H« relinquished his dominion over Ireland — Abortive attempts to colonize —Totally failed. I. The Irish annals, though more imperfect, can be traced by tradition farther back than those of England. Ancient records, and other evidence also of a most indisputable nature, of the eighth and preceding centuries, prove thai in the earliest ages Ireland had been the seat of literature, arts, and refinement ; and scarcely a year passes without discovering strong proofs of her former wealth, skill, and magnificence.* She first degenerated under the invasion of northern barbarians ; and while England profited by the intercourse of her great and accomplished conquerors, Ireland had retrograded under the ignorance and brutality of hers. By the great battle of Howth, her Danish tyrants were at length exterminated, and Ireland was gradually re- covering her original prosperity, when she found that * Some English writers, of the best authority, acknowledge the high itate of learning and civilization, which existed in Ireland during the early ages; and numerous works and manuscripts now in the Vatican and the Royal Library at Paris, put the truth of that fact beyond all ques- tion. The variety and exquisite workmanship of ornaments and weapons of solid gold, still occasionally found buried in the bogs of Ireland, leave ho doubt that great metallic- wealth and superior skill once existed in that country, and that some of the arts were cultivated there to an almost unexampled perfection. The author has seen a solid piece of virgin gold, found in one of the Wicklow gold mines, about twenty-eight miles from Dublin, larger than a racket ball, and a great quantity of smaller dimensions. The mines extend many miles up the bed of a shallow ttream, springing from the cliffs in the mountains. And an Irish statute in the reign of Henry the Fourth, prohibiting the native Irish from using ipld stirrups and bridles, is a convincing proof that, even since the Eng. fish invasion, sumptuary laws were judged proper to restrain the remain tag tendency to profuse splendour among the Irish chieftains. OF THE IRISH NATION. 203 she had only changed the name, not the nature of her ■lavery. It was at this commencement of her convalescence, and before the Irish monarch had as yet been able to reform the chiefs or re-establish his authority, that a band ot British adventurers, headed by Stiguel Strongbow, a Bri- tish nobleman, abetted by the subtlety and practices of a vicious native chieftain, the treacherous Mac Murrough, landed in Ireland, with a view to mend their fortunes by conquest, and by plunder. Earl Strongbow found in Ireland a powerful but a dis- jointed people, who though they had regained their in- dependence, were still divided by jealous factions, — enfeebled by civil warfare, and dispirited by the dread oi recurring contests. He found it a worn down, palsied nation, well adapted to become a prey to the impression of arms, or the wiles of treachery. He was lavish in the use of both. She struggled much with these disciplined adventurers ; but her vigour had been exhausted by her civil contests, and, though occasionally victorious, her energy had declined, and her powers were but inter- mitting. As her strength failed, her terrors augmented ; and she was finally induced to listen to the deceptious representations of Strongbow and Mac Murrough ; and after an ineffectual resistance she fell beneath the mingled pressure of arms and of seduction. At a conference in 1170, her Chieftains were told nearly in the same words which disgraced her Parliament in 1800, that there could be no remission of her internal feuds, no protection against future massacres, but by a voluntary sacrifice of that mis- chievous and agitating independence, which she had so uselessly enjoyed, and was so unavailingly contending for, but that, if united to the flourishing and powerful realm of Britain, its benevolent and potent monarch would then find it to be the interest of his empire to arrest all her feuds, and promote her prosperity. II. Though the spirit of national independence still lingered in the country, her heart was broken ; the melan- choly recollection of feuds, of defeats, and misfortunes, made a powerful impression on the jealous and divided leaders. Mac Murrough's treachery had destroyed all confidence amongst the Princes — discord had torn the 204 RISE AND FALL Royal Standard of the Irish Monarch — the Chieftains had no general rallying station to collect their powers they submitted to the invaders, and each stipulated for himself, and influenced his Kernes* to a reluctant capi- tulation The choice of difficulties and dangers, or of rewards and honours, was held out to the most obdurate opponents of British annexation. Some leaders were gained by specious promises of territory ; many were beguiled by the assurance of future protection, and a large portion of the chieftains at length yielded to the sway of a British sceptre. But this submission never was unanimous. Many who would have resisted it to the last extremity, were dismayed and scattered ; many who retained the power to resist it, were terrified or corrupted ; and though the acquisition of the entire island appeared to have been effected by the adventurers, the appearance was fallacious. However, the English Strongbow gained great honours for his achievement, the Irish Mac Murrough obtained great rewards for his treachery, the adventurers were com- pensated at the expense of the natives : and the First Union of Ireland with Britain, in the year 1173, received a royal assent and consummation from the Second Henry. It is very remarkable, that though the occurrences were so different, the persons so dissimilar, and the periods so remote, the circumstances attending this first annexation of Ireland cannot be reflected on without the memory also recurring to the circumstances of the last. Though : * Kernes were a species of followers who attended the Irish Chief- tains, ready to execute any business to which their patrons might order them. The Chiefs generally gained importance with the King in propor- tion to the number of Kernes he could produce, when the King had occa- sion for their assistance : and when a Chief made terms for himself, he generally stipulated for his Kernes into the bargain. They despised any independent mode of livelihood ; and often lived in a state of expectation on their Chief, or by the public. This race seems not to have been totally extinct in Ireland, in 1800, though thej then existed undei the denomination of gentlefolks. See the fac simile of Mr. Robert Crowe's letter, annexed to this volume, respecting Lord Castlereagh's treaty with the Earl of Belvidere, to purchase Messrs. Knox and Crowe (two of his Lordsh'p's members): Witnessed by the ttev. Mr. Usher* his Lordship's chaplain.— Lzteri script a -manct. OF THB IRISH NAT' 3N. 205 Oomwallis was not Strong-bow, though Castlereagh was not Mac Murrough, though the Peers were not Princes, and the Commons were not Kernes ; and though nearly seven centuries had intervened between the accomplish- ment of these unions, it is impossible not to recognize in their features a strong family resemblance. Henry lost no time in repairing to the Irish metropolis, where, in great state he received the allegiance of his new but reluctant subjects ; and feasted the Irish Princes in a style of magnificence and splendour unusual in those times. But his banquets were those of policy, his splen- dours were founded on contempt, and before the games aiid rejoicings which accompanied those celebrated feasts were yet entirely terminated, the beards of Irish Kings had been pulled by the vassals of the English monarch.* III. Henry, on his return to England, soon perceived that the submission of such a people, effected by such means, could never be permanent ; that his Irish sove- reignty, if not actually precarious, must be inevitably embarrassing. He found that his narrow revenues were inadequate to the expenses of perpetual and desultory warfare ; and truly conceived, that the most certain, cheap, and feasible mode of retaining his new subjects in due subjection, would be by fomenting the jealousies which had reduced them to his authority, and aggravating those feuds which he had promised to extinguish ; and thus, by alternately fostering and depressing the contend- ing factions to embroil them in eternal contests, and leave them no strength to regain their independence when they returned to their reason. This system of misrule, connecting a decrease of their resources with an increase of their ignorance, had then a powerful operation in keeping down the people : and this * Henry had a temporary palace erected on Hoghill (now St. Andrew Street), Dublin, where he entertained such Irish princes as acknowledged him for their liege lord. The singularity of their dress and manners were subjects of amusement and ridicule to Henry's courtiers. He en- tertained them on a feast of stories, a bird never eaten in Ireland. These banquets, which lasted nine days ended without any permanent advan- tage to Henry. Most of the princes and chiefs considered themselves insulted by the familiarity of his followers, and returned home with a fall determination to reassert their independence and resist his authority *m thfi first favourable opportunitv 18 806 RISE AND FALL same fundamental and favourite principle of governing Ire- .and has been effectively adopted by every king, usurper, and minister of England, for seven distracted centuries, Henry having discovered by experience that his nomi- nal kingdom of Ireland was likely to afford him, ill the end, little more than a fertile desert, sprinkled over with inveterate enemies ; and that neither peace, nor strength, nor honour, nor what to him was more important, tribute, was likely to be the produce of his newly-acquired terri- tory, became indifferent to its state, and left it to its destiny. The successors of Henry also perceiving that they possessed but a naked and consuming power, equally unprofitable and precarious, formed the design of coloni- zing Ireland by English settlers ; who, connecting them- selves by affinity with the uncultivated natives, would improve their habits and gradually introduce a growing attachment to the English people. IV. This theory was plausible and meritorious ; but the propensities of human nature were not calculated on in ihe execution ; the project was merely abstract, uncon- nected with any general system of wise or conciliatory government : and the attempt at colonization, instead of pioducing in the Irish a more congenial feeling only con- firmed their hatred, increased their powers, and became one of the keenest thorns that ever pierced the side of British governments. There is something cordial, open, and joyous, in the native Irish character, which never fails to attract and seldom to attach, strangers who reside amongst that peo- ple. Even their errors become contagious by protracted intercourse ; and the habits and propensities of the host and of the domiciliated foreigner become quickly and almost imperceptibly assimilated. This malady became almost epidemic amongst the colonists, whom the policy of England had vainly sent over to improve the people. On all important occasions, the new race evinced a more than ordinary attachment to the place of their settlement, and vied with the Irish in an inveterate hostility to the domination of their own compat- riots ; and in the direct descendants of those British colo- nists, England has since found many of the most able, dis- tinguished, and persevering of her political opponents. Or THE IRISH NA ION. 207 CHAPTER XIII. frelar 1 kept in a state of oppression and turbulence — Elizabeth becomei Qu;en — Character public and private of Queen Elizabeth — Henry the VIII. — Fanaticism of the English — True principles of tolerance- Union of religion and political fanaticism — Religious schisms excited through Luther — Violent dissensions — The Irish roused — Cruel tyran- ny of Elizabeth — Earl of Tyrone excites the Irish — Extract from hia speech — General rising of the Irish and old English colonists — Im- mense slaughter — Confiscation of whole provinces to Elizabeth — Ac- cession of James the First — Comparison with Elizabeth — His wise maxims — Conciliator}' principles — Its full success — Charles the First — ■ Disloyalty of the English — Ireland desolated by Cromwell. I. The English monarchs, disappointed in this plausible project, perceived that colonization was a hopeless expe- dient, and became more inveterate against " the degene- rate English of the Pale," than against the aboriginal natives ; and for some centuries in every contest of the two nations, a full proportion of the British settlers, or of their descendants, fell by the executioner, or under the sword of their own countrymen. Through the same vicious policy by which Ireland had been kept in perpetual warfare, it remained in a state of ignorance, misery, and turbulence, when Elizabeth, one of the most sagacious of rulers, and the most unprincipled of women, succeeded to the throne, and to the vices of her father. Compared with later periods, Elizabeth's sphere of action wa s contracted. Compared with modern times, her reign was a reign in minature. But at all times it would have been considered a reign of talent, and in all countries a reign of tyranny. II. She was well adapted to rule over a nation, where, il she governed with success she might govern despotically. The uncontrolled tyranny of her father, had prepared her subjects to admire any thing on their throne superior to a monster. The imbecility of her brother was contrasted with the vigour of her own intellect; and she assumed the British sceptre, with all the advantages which expe- rience and expectation could excite in a worried people. 208 RISE AND FA L Her reign is celebrated as the most glorious and admired era of British history ; but, with all its merits, it owed much of its celebrity to the darkness of the times, the habitual slavery of the people, the sex of the monarch, and the talents of the ministry. And Charles afterwards lost his head, and James his throne, for assuming, a small portion of that despotic rule which is eulogized by the biographers of their female predecessor. The wisdom of Elizabeth was not the wisdom of philo- sophy. It was a penetrating sagacity, prompt, vigilant, and inflexible. The energy of her resolution, and her profound dissimulation, surmounted what her physical powers would have been unable to accomplish ; at home, she was despotic, abroad, she was victorious ; by sea, by land, by negotiation, she was every way successful. The external glory of England arose under her administration. Providence seemed to pardon her disregard of moral principles, and to smile even upon the vices of this celebrated female. The people admired her, because she was a successful queen ; and she liked the people, because they were submissive vassals. By the acuteness Gf her discrimination she chose able ministers. They served her with fidelity, because they feared her anger and they flattered her vanities, because it prolonged her favour. But they served her at their peril; and she selected and sacrificed them with equal policy and in- difference. She affected learning, and she professed religion. In the one she was a pedant without depth ; and in the other, she was a bigot without devotion. She plundered her people, to be independent of her parliaments ; and she bullied the parliaments to be independent of the people. She was frugal of their money where she had no passion for expending it ; and she was generous to her favourites for her own gratification. Magna Charta had been trampled on by a succession of tyrants. The principles of civil liberty had been forgotten in the country ; ■ and, throughout the whole course of hei reign, Elizabeth assiduously laboured to retain hei riople in the most profound ignorance of constitutional ?edom. The word mercy was banished from hei vocabulary OF THE IRISK NATION. 209 Her administration as to Ireland where she experienced no restraint, gave the strongest proofs that she felt na compunctions. In her nature there was no feminine soft- ness to moderate her cruelties ; no moral scruples tc arrest her conscience ; no elevated generosity to contract her dissimulation. Though she was mistress of the great qualities, she was a slave to the little ones;* and though the strength of her judgment somewhat restrained the progress of her vices, she was intrepid but harsh, trea- cherous, and decisive ; even the spirit of murdered Mary could not appall her fortitude. The eyes of the people were closed by the brilliancy of her successes, and the crimes of the woman were merged in the popularity of • Mr. Hume's life and character of Queen Elizabeth appear altogethei irreconcileable to each other. In his delineation of her character, he states her to be a princess of the most " magnanimous virtues " In the anecdotes of her life, he states her to have been guilty of as tyrannic, cruel, and treacherous actions as any crowned head (Richard excepted) that ever filled the throne of England. Amongst numerous other exam- ples of her " magnanimous virtues" Mr. Hume details her interview with the Lord Chancellor Bacon, when Her Majesty declared with vehe- mence, that she would order Mr. Hayward, an innocent inoffensive man, to be put upon the rack and tortured, solely because he had translated some passages of Tacitus, which Her Majesty's ignorance of that author permitted her to suppose were Hayward's own composition, and were intended to reflect upon herself Mr. Hume's attempt to apologise for the despotic conduct of Elizabeth certainly requires a very ample apology for himself. He says, " She did not always do what was best, but she did what was usual ;" the most tyrannic political principle ever avowed by any modern historian What was " best" was her imperative duty as a Sovereign, what was •* usual" (after the reigns of her father and her sister) must be the apol- ogy of a tyrant, sheltering the commission of crime under the protection of precedent. Mr. Hume might as justly excuse her errors by the pre- cedent of the Emperor of Morocco, who makes the same apology for shooting one of his subjects every morning as a matter of amusement, because it was usual. Had some of Mr. Hume's antitheological essays been published in the reign of his favourite Elizabeth, the author cer- tainly would have retracted either on the rack, or among the faggots, every eulogium'on her " magnanimous virtues." As a further exemplification of Elizabeth's " magnanimous virtues," Mr. Hume states also (vol. v. page 449), a letter of that Queen, to the Earl of bussex, expressing her displeasure, that proper severity had not been exercised against some English insurgents, although it appeared, that his Lordship had previously hanged above eight hundred of thero to gratify his mistress. However, this was merciful, in comparison with I er orders to Carew and Mountjov, as to the Irish. 18* flO RISE AND FALL the monarch. Such was the British princess, who first projected an extirpation of the aboriginal Irish ; and she soon discovered and put into action the most deadly weapon to effect her purposes. III. Her father, Henry, the Nero of British history had assumed, as a pastime, the trade of a theologist , and changing his religion as often as he decapitated his consorts, at length settled his veering faith, by declaring himself a Reformist, with the most unqualified intolerance Theological disputes, after this important auxiliary tc the Reformation, altogether divested the minds of men of the attributes of common reason ; and the black 3st eno? mities were considered as the most holy virtues, if they corresponded with the fanaticism of deluded imagi- nations. Henry's sectorial versatility had extended not only to his subjects, but to his children. Mary and Elizabeth had embraced adverse tenets with equal pertinacity ; and the whole population of England plunged at once, under the cloak of religion, into the commission of the very crimes which were prohibited by its precepts. One moment of calm unbigotted reflection must con- vince every man, not only of the folly, but of the impiety of such controversies. The point is plain, the dogma simple, that no human authority should control man, as to his choice of what words he may utter, what language he may adopt, what posture he may choose, or what cere- monies he may practice, in the abstract act of piously supplicating the mercy of his Creator. Common sense, however, had taken its flight from Eng land ; and the doctrines of Martin Luther, not a founde., but a fanatical Reformist, soon became the greatest scourge that had ever been laid in chastisement upon a sinful people. His doctrines, which professed only. to simplify the exercises of Divine worship, to purify religion from the dross with which it had amalgamated through priestcraft, to diminish the mysteries of Revelation, and reconcile the inconsistencies of Christian theories, failed in its professed end, and inistantly kindled a fanatic fire which enveloped in its flames the reason of mankind ; and which, daily applied with new fuel, has continued to the present day OF THE IRISH NATION. 211 alternately smothering and blazing, and consuming, with an inextinguishable violence. IV The incendiaries of modern times have preserved this destructive fire for their own purposes. They per- ceived that the return of reason must be the death of fanaticism, and that discord amongst a people would not survive the extinction of religious prejudice, without the aid of some new excitement ; political feuds have been therefore cultivated, as theological ones were losing ground ; and a novel and complicated system of discord has been invented which, by artfully entangling the theory of politics with the theories of religion, and fallaciously affecting to render their combination inseparable, has per- petuated animosities which were declining with rapidity. And this culpable and insidious policy appears to have been most sedulously and successfully cultivated in Ireland. Elizabeth, even in those early times, well knew the efficacy of this species of weapon, to inflame, to divide, and to conquer. The Reformation (now fully established in England) furnished her with a weapon for the general subjugation of Ireland, more fatal and effective than the keenest sword which had been whetted by any of her predecessors for the same purpose. V. The later of the English settlers in Ireland had embraced the novel doctrines of Luther. The natives and the old English colonists adhered to the original faith. This portion of the people, therefore, perse- cuted and stigmatised, sunk into ignorance ; and, hunted down as outlaws, finding no protection but with their shiefs, and no instruction but from their clergy, naturally attached themselves to both with a savage fidelity. Eliza- beth took advantage of every circumstance to attain her objects. The reformation was not only proclaimed, but enforced in Ireland with unexampled rigor. A few adopt- ed, most rejected, but none comprehended it. Elizabeth having lighted the firebrand at both ends, tossed it amongst the people. The sects fought around it, and Elizabeth's officers gave out, " Reform," as the watch- word of the combatants, and the pretext for extermination. ^he contending factions massacred each other without 212 RISK AND FALL * mercy or compunction, and without any intelligible reason for their individual animosities. The famished, harassed people, in the midst of blood and flame, naturally became alive. to every feeling, and susceptible to- every argument, -which could show them the way to even a prospect of alleviation. Their chiefs and their clergy were their only instructors, who in the wild, strong, persuasive language of their country, im- pressed in glowing figures on the shivering multitude, the excesses of their misery, fired their irritable minds by a distant prospect of deliverance, and harrowed up all the feelings of hatred to their oppressors, which torture and famine had implanted in their bosoms. Elizabeth proceeded systematically in her projects. She first ordered the performance of the Catholic worship to be forcibly prohibited in Ireland. She ordered the rack to be employed, and directed her officers to torture the suspected Irish. She ordered free quarters on the peasantry to gratify her soldiers, and rouse the natives to premature insurrections. Her executioners were ordered to butcher them without mercy. Religion was abolished by martial law, and Divine worship prohibited under pain of death. This curious order of Q,ueen Elizabeth remains still on record. By her instructions to the Deputy of Munster (Carew) in 159P 9, on his going over to carry her exter- minating schemes into execution in that country, she au- thorizes her officers to " put suspected Irish to the rack, and to torture " them when they should find it conveni- ent" Carew fulfilled her Majesty's instructions to their full extent, and at the conclusion of his government she had the satisfaction of finding that Munster was nearly depopulated. . It is here well worthy of reflection, that the exercise o:' free quarters and martial law, the suspension of all muni- cipal courts of justice, the discretional application of the torture to suspected persons, executions in cold blood, and the various measures which Mountjoy and Carew, and the other officers of Elizabeth practised in Ireland by her 'authority in 1598-9, were again judged to be expe- dient, and were again resorted lo with vigour in the years 1798 9 ; two hundred years after they had been practised OF THE IRISH NATION. 213 k y the ministers ot Elizabeth. The ruinous misrule of Ireland for nearly two centuries, and the errors of Eliza- beth's barbarous policy, are proved beyond all controversy by the extent of improvement in Ireland, and in the habits of the Irish people, in a very few years, under the mild and benevolent administration of James the First, her successor, and the adoption by him of a system of govern- ment diametrically the reverse of that which had been practised by Elizabeth, proves that Ireland advanced more in loyalty, prosperity, and civilization, under a tem- perate and conciliating administration in a few years, than in four centuries of coercion and severity ; a prece- dent which should never have been lost sight of by Bri- tish ministers, but to which they seemed too long to have been either entirely blind, or criminally inattentive. Ire- land never was governed, nor ever can be ruled, by any coercive system, and those who think otherwise know little of her character. Harassed by every mode that the ingenuity of oppres- sion could inflict or dictate, the natives, already barbarised by servitude, became savage by irritation ; and at length the whole population, wrought up to frenzy, flew into resistance, and have been libelled as traitors to the Bri- tish crown for asserting the indefeasible rights of human nature, and claiming the enjoyments of civil liberty, for which their allegiance to Elizabeth was only a " condi- tion subsequent* IV. The Earl of Tyrone, an Irish chieftain, was a man of great talents, and for those days a powerful leader. Skilful, courageous, and persevering, he raised the stan- dard of insurrection against the government of Elizabeth. He represented to the wretched natives in the animating colours of uncultivated eloquence: "The miseries they had been enduring under the tyranny of their oppressors." He presented to their view the proclamation of Eliza* beth to extinguish for ever the religion of their ancestors. He told them, " that the power of endurance had arrived at its final limits, that an attempt for their liberation • This principle has since become an acknowledged maxim, and com* ponent part of the British constitution : yet was violated in Ireland bj w r ill>am, the same prince through whose usurpation it. was established. 214 RISE AND FALL though unsuccessful, could not even by its failure aggra* vate their miseries. That death would be the worst they could experience by battle, and that death was preferable to the slow tortures they were enduring, the famine undei which they languished, and the desolation of their families/ He impressed upon their heated minds, that "their lands were overrun by foreign soldiers ; their homes plun- dered or enjoyed by the butchering bands of an English female ; that their race of princes Lad become a family of slaves, and their clergy had been executed as the guil- tiest felons :" and he invoked them, " in the name of their country, by the memory of their ancestors, and the holi- ness of their religion, to rise as one man, and liberate all from their tyrants." Nor can an impartial reader of Irish and English history deny that there was great crimes in Elizabeth's government, and much justice in Tyrone's representations. The event was a general insurrection of the aboriginal natives, aided by a great number of the English settlers, who had become connected by affinity with the Irish chieftains. But in all such contests, a multitude of naked insurgents, without arms, without officers, without any discipline or much subordination, without any of the ne- cessary requisites, except courage and numbers, which could resist a trained and accoutred army, must naturally be defeated, and, if defeated, have seldom reason to ex- pect mercy from the conquerors ; such was the fate of Tyrone and his followers. VII. At the conclusion of these dreadful campaigns, though the Irish people had been diminished by nearly a moiety, and though the entire of Ulster, and a great pro- portion of the other provinces, were confiscated to her Majesty,* Elizabeth had not sated the voracity of her rancour. The chiefs had been reduced to beggar) 7 , the clergy had been executed, tb r people slaughtered, their towns destroyed, their castles razed ; yet still she felt that Ireland was not extinguished. Though under the weight • A circumstantial account of this most sanguinary insurrection was afterwards published under the immediate authority of the Qt.een. Though the Peccata Hibernia, as a history, cannot be an impartial one. yet there is a species of horrid candour runs through the pages of thai work which gives it altogether strong claims to a partial authenticity. OF THE IRISH NATION. 215 Df such an enormous pressure, the chiefs still breathed, but it w as the breath of vengeance. The clergy were re- cruited from inveterate sources ; and even the very name of England and Reformation was rendered detestable by the savage cruelties of Elizabeth's Reformers. Similar efforts of that determined and indefatigable Princess to crush the Irish people were renewed, resisted, and persevered in during her long reign. Ireland appear- ed to Elizabeth as a country of Hydras ; every head she severed produced a number of new enemies : she slaugh- tered and she burned, but she could not exterminate ; and, at length, she expired, leaving Ireland to her suc- cessor, more depopulated, impoverished, desolated, igno- rant, and feeble, but in principle more inveterate and not more subdued, than the day on which she received its sceptre. VIII. James the First, unfortunately for his own fame, succeeded to so gaudy a reign as that of Elizabeth. A great proportion of his better qualities was thrown away upon the English Nation. Intoxicated by the renown and splendour of Elizabeth's successes, they undervalued the advantages of tranquillity and of improvement. An English Q,ueen of powerful talents, and a Scottish King of moderate capacity ; a woman of undaunted fortitude, and a man of personal imbecility ; a proud, magnificent, and dignified female ; an awkward, shambling, unaffected Monarch, drew down the sarcasms of superficial ridicule upon one of the best reigns for the internal and prospec- tive happiness of the people. James's system of government was as distinct as possible from that of his predecessor's. While the reign of Eliza- beth abounded in wars abroad and despotism at home that of James was tranquillity every where ; the rudiments of civil liberty slowly and gradually advancing, at length became very visible in the results of his mild and pacific, though whimsical administration. But it was in Ireland that ths government of James was most remarkable and most Jsrtunate ; for the sword, the torture, the execu- tioner, and desolation, he substituted improvement and well regulated justice. He sent not a Mountjoy nor a Carew to inflame and massacre ; he sent Davies and Petty lo investigate ana to instruct, to reform and tranquilize. 216 RISE AND FALL They sought to convince the natives, by examples and by reasoning, that their ancient laws and customs were less just than the laws o( England ; and by practising, as far as circumstances could admit, those principles of justice which they so earnestly recommended, gave the people the very best proofs of the integrity of their intentions. James had been taught, by experience, that loyalty to Monarchs never can be compulsory ; it is not loyalty it it be not principle, and it cannot be principle if it be not voluntary : past events in Scotland and in England had proved to James, that the loyalty of force is but the lucid interval of insurrection. He therefore sought to persuade not to subdue, his Irish subjects; and, to moderate th^ii feelings, and to render them susceptible of persuasion, he thought it necessary to give them overt acts of his owq moderation.* Himself a bigot of the first order, yet he knew how to make allowances for the same vice in others ; he knew that religious persecution is the assassin of morality, and he substituted his pen for his sword to reform his subjects. Thus James, a most bigoted Protestant Monarch, by tranquillity and moderation, by wise measures and whole- some instruction, conciliated, and governed in peace and improvement, a nation of rude and exasperated Catholics, still bleeding from the scourge and the sword of his pre- decessor ; and by that conduct James laid the basis of whatever civilization that country afterwards attained to. The reign of James amply demonstrates that Irish loyalty was fully commensurate with royal tolerance ; and that whilst plots against his life, and conspiracies against his throne, abounded in England, and debased the British character, a Catholic population in Ireland re- mained faithful to a bigoted Protestant of England ; and by their conduct, during this reign, unequivocally dis- proved the charge of native disloyalty. Their advance- * It cannot be controverted that many acts of civil injustice were com- mitted by Chichester and other officers of James in Ireland, under colour of the Commission of Escheats, and of defective titles which can only be palliated by a comparison with the reign he succeeded to, and the times he lived in; at all events the reign of James the first was the only truly internal Government ever experienced by Ireland, from its fir* •nnexation to the present day OP THE IRISH NATION. 217 menl in civilization amply repayed both the people and the monarch ; and it is deeply to be regretted, that nc government of England followed the same course, to tranquilize a country, whose turbulence has ever been a theme for their calumnies and their severity. However, Providence had decreed that, with the ex- ception of James the First, whether kings, or queens, or usurpeis, were the rulers of Great Britain, the same de- structive and desolating system should be adopted as to Ireland ] all nations, save her, had some intervals of tran- quillity ; she had none ; and the more she suffered in the cause ojr royalty, the more she was branded with the charge 01 disaffection. IX. YVnen Charles the First succeeded to the throne, the doctrines of Luther were yielding fast to new sects in England. The united standard of bigotry and of treason was now t-levated by the Puritans far above the sphere of all former sectaries ; and the British Constitution (such as it was hi those times) was, at once, demolished even to its foundation. Rebellion and hypocrisy marched hand in hand triumphantly over its ruins ; and the intolerance of Mary a) id of Elizabeth only changed its garb, but re- tained its principles, in the practice of Cromwell. The English Commons House of Parliament renounced its allegiance, cashiered the Lords, extinguished the epis- copacy, and dethroned their King. The English Rebels subdued him ; the Scots betrayed him ; conjointly they beheaded him ; but Ireland upheld him. She combated his murderers, and, as the reward of loyalty, she met the fate of Rebels.* The wrecks of Cromwell's desolation still appear scattered over every part of Ireland ; blood that had escaped the massacres of Elizabeth was only reserved to flow under the sword of usurpation ; and Cromwell has the credit of having done his business more effectually than any of his predecessors. He cooped up the surviving Irish in a contracted district, confined the clergy nearly to one country, confiscated two thirds of * So great a hatred did the English Parliamentarians entertain against the Irish Royalists, that they ordered " No quarter to be given by their troops to Irish Soldiers." This order was, for a short time, strictly ad- hered to ; but Prince Rupert, on the King's part, making retaliation, thia «ost sanguinary measure was quickly rescinded. 19 8lo RISK AND PALL Irish territory, and 3tained his sanguinary career by indis- criminate massacres in every fortress that resisted him. Never was any Rebel so triumphant as he was in Ire- land ; yet it is impossible to deny, that perhaps a less decisive or less cruel general than that splendid usurper, might, by lenity have increased the misery, in prolonging the warfare, and have lengthened out the sanguinary scenes of an unavailing resistance. But it is remarkable that Charles, the graceless son of the decapitated monarch, on his restoration, confirmed under his seal the confisca- tions against the Irish royalists, and actually regranted their estates and territories to the heirs and descendants of his father's murderers. OF THE IRISH NATION. 219 CHAPTER XIV Restoration of the Stuart dynasty — Usurpation of William — Ireland remained loyal — Comparison of the people — The revolutionary prin- ciple undefined — The Irish treated as rebels by William for their loy- alty to their King — Character of William the Third — Contiuued op- pression and malgovemmeht of Ireland — The Scotch and English rebelled — Ireland remained tranquil — Comparison of the English and Irish as to their kings — Ireland first infected by the Scotch and English rebellions — Mr. Pitt suppressed the spirit of insurrection in England promptly — Suffered it to increase in Ireland. I. Ireland had now been weary of bleeding and begging in the cause of legitimate monarchy ; however, a new ana not less ruinous opportunity soon occurred of again proving the loyalty, the perseverance, the fidelity, but the folly of the Irish people. The Puritans had got out of fashion, and trie Stuarts had been restored to the British sceptre. Charles the Second, after a long and shameless reign, had by his death, ceased to disgrace the throne and stigmatize the nation; and England swore allegiance to his brother James, a3 her legitimate monarch, so did Ireland. His English subjects soon became disgusted with his administration, and privately negociated with a. foreign prince to invade their country, and dethrone their king. Heedless of their obligation, they renounced their allegiance, recanted their oaths ; and, without a trial, drove James from his palace, and then proclaimed his throne empty, as if vacated by an act of voluntary abdication. At the head of his foreign guards, William, unequivo- cally an usurper, marched into the metropolis of Great Britain, seized on the throne, and occupied the royal palaces. The unnatural desertion of Mary and of Anne to the prince who had dethroned their parent, exhibited to the world (whatever might have been ihe political errors of their father) the most disgusting example of filial m gratitude, and nearly of parricide. 220 RISK AND FALL Ireland had not as yet learned those deep political refinements, the adoption of which note gives constitutional sanction to the principle of revolution. That great precedent was to come from England herself. Ireland experienced not, or at least had not felt, James's attempts at despotism, which the English Commons had proclaimed to be a forfeiture of his sceptre. The pretence of his voluntary abdication, on which England had proceeded to dethrone her king, had not extended its operation to Ireland, nor even been notified tc that people. On the contrary, James, a monarch de jure and de facto, expelled from one portion of his empire, threw himself for protection upon the faith and the loyalty of another; and Ireland did not shrink from affording that protection. She defended her legitimate monarch against the usurpation of a foreigner ; and whilst a Dutch guard possessed themselves of the British capital, the Irish people remained firm and faithful to their king and fought against the invader. In strict matter of fact, therefore, England became a nation of decided rebels, and Ireland remained a country of decided royalists. Historic records leave that point beyond the power of refutation. At the period of James's expulsion, even in England the right of popular resistance, and the deposition of a British monarch, by a simple vote of the Commons House of Parliament, though exemplified by Cromwell, had no acknowledged place in the existing constitution of the British empire. It was then an unsanctioned principle of political polity ; and though, in theory, according with the original nature and essence of the social compact between the governor and the governed, ye*, of the utmost difficulty in its constructions, and dangerous In its execution. Even now the quantity or quality of arbitrary acts and uncon- stitutional practices which may be deemed sufficient to put that revolutionary principle into operation, remains still undefined, and must, therefore, be a matter of con- flicting opinions, and of most dangerous investigation ; but it is an open argument. II. The representatives of the people in the Commons House of Parliament are incompetent solely to enact the most unimportant local statute ; it is therefore not easy OF THE IRISH NATION. J 8ft „o designale the cause and crisis which may legally invest that one branch of the Legislature with a dispensing power as to the others, or enable it to erect itself into an arbitrary tribunal, to decide by its sole authority, questions of revolution.* As to James, this difficulty was exemplified. The British Commons, and the Irish people, both subjects of the same king, entirely differed in their opinions as to what acts, regal or despotic, could be construed into vol- untary abdication, a point of great importance as to subsequent events which took place in Ireland. III. James was the hereditary king of both countries, jointly and severally. The third constitutional estate, only of one of them (England), had deposed him by theii own simple vote : but Ireland had never been consulted upon that subject ; and the deposition of the King of Ire- land by the Commons of England could have no para- mount authority in Ireland, or supersede the rights, and dispense with the loyalty, of the Irish Parliament. The Trish people had held no treasonable intercourse with William ; they knew him not ; they only knew that he was a foreigner, and not their legal prince ; that he was * Though the English Commons House of Parliament had taken upon themselves to dethrone and decapitate Charles the First, on their own sole authority, it will scarcely be contended, that Bradshaw and CromweU established any constitutional precedent for a similar proceed- ing. Yet the proceedings of the Commons, in James's case, though more peaceable, were not more legal. The vacancy of the English throne, and consequently the deposition of James, was strongly con'ested and negatived by the House of Peers of England. The questions and divisions of the House of Lords were as follows . — For the election of a new king, 51 Against the election of any king, 49 Majority, 2 The next debate came more to the point — " whether James had broken the original compact, and thereby made the throne vacant ?" This was negatived by a majority of 2. It thereiore appears, that the Irish people and the English Peers wer« of the same way of thinking. Even after James had quitted Ireland in despair, the Irish did not relinquish his cause, which was finally termi- nated hy the gallant defence and ultimate capitulation of Limerick fof the whole ol Ireland. IP" 822 RISE AND FALL supported by a foreign power, and had succeeded by foreign mercenaries. But even if there was a doubt, they conceived that the most commendable conduct was that of preserving entire their allegiance to the King, to whom, in conjunction with England, they had sworn fealty. The British Peers had showed them an example, and on that principle they fought William as they had fought Cromwell : and again they bled, and again were It: n sd by their adherence to legitimate monarchy. Mas- sacre and confiscation again desolated their entire country, and they were treated by William as rebels to a throne which they had never sanctioned, and to an usurping prince whom they had always resisted ; at length, the contest ended, and Ireland finally submitted, not in the field, but by capitulation. The triumph of William over the Irish Royalists at the Boyne and at Aughrim, and the deceptious capitulation of Limerick, finally established William on the throne of both nations. Their results introduced into the theory of the British Constitution, certain principles of a regene- rating liberty, which have given it a solid and decided superiority over every other system of Government as yet devised by the wisdom of mankind ; yet the advan- tages of that constitution which England has thus raised upon the loyalty, and completed upon the ruins of Ire- land, never were participated in by the Irish people. William, an able captain, a wise and prudent statesman, was yet a gloomy and discontented magistrate ; and had in his nature a portion of sulky despotic principle, which nothing but a consideration of the mode in which he had acquired the English crown could have restrained 01 counteracted. But as to Ireland, the case was different. William had been invited into England, and he felt that she was his mistress ; but he had fought for Ireland, and he considered her as his vassal, and he adapted his gov- ernment to the relative situation in which he stood as to the two countries. The massacre of Mac John, his family and clan, in the valley of Glenco, perpetrated by the especial order of William, under his sign manual, has, in point of barba- rity, treachery and injustice, no parallel in the annals of Europe. Its details cannot be read without exciting OF THE IRISH NATION. 223 horror ; and while it develops the cold-blooded nature of William's character, it accounts for much of his conduct towards the Irish royalists, whom he called rebels, but who owed him no allegiance ; so far as it bears upor the events of his reign in Ireland. The result of William's usurpation, in the general es- tablishment of constitutional liberty in England, and the principles of popular revolution which his accession has sanctioned and confirmed, have rendered the memory of his reign glorious in that country. But little did he foresee his restraints and disappointments on the throne of England ; there he felt his arbitrary nature unexpect- edly curbed and chained down by the principles of that same liberty, which his own usurpation had originated : and mortified by the resistance he experienced in Great Britain, he lavished his redundant rancour on prostrate Ireland. But had William acted in Great Britain as he did in Ireland, he would have lost his throne, upon the very same principles by which he acquired it, and have left his own short reign as an historic supplement to the deposition of his father-in-law. IV. For nearly a century after the capitulation of Limerick had been signed and violated by William, Ire- land exhibited a scene of oppression, suffering and pati- ence, which excited the wonder and commiseration of every people of Europe. The inveterate system of Bri- tish political and commercial policy invariably practised against her interests, excluded all hopes of progressive prosperity, and if it were possible, she must have entirely retrogaded to the iron age. But even during this state of depression, it was destined that Ireland should have new touchstones and trials to assay her nature ; and again be placed in situations where her loyalty should be proved, and again found preponderating in the balance with the loyalty of Great Britain. In 1715, and in 1745, the British and Scotch people again forgot their oaths and their allegiance, and again revolted in favour of that very prince whom Ireland nad been so ruined and stigmatized for defending against themselves. The Stuarts again claimed the aid of Ireland. But Ireland, in the interval, had sworn fealty to the House of 224 RISE AND PALL Brunswick ; and Ireland,' though groaning under slaver} remained faithful to her obligation. Neither oppression no politics, nor religion, swayed her from the line of hei allegiance. The noblest blood of Scotland was poured upon the scaffold ; the heads of Scottish Peers were elevated upon the gates of London ; Britons in crowds expiated their disloyalty by the cord of the executioner ; the anger of offended Brunswick fell with desolating weight upon Great Britain ; but through all those bloody scenes, English ingenuity could not find a single traitor to execute in Ireland. She preserved her loyalty and her oath, during two rebellions, but she gained neither favour nor character by that preservation ; and her laud- able fidelity was only rewarded by new oppressions, and by the incessant calumnies of that same people who had seldom lost an opportunity of being themselves disloyal. Tranquil and submissive, though in absolute servitude, nearly one hundred years passed over Ireland. The great population of the trish nation continued to be deprived of every attribute of liberty, civil, political and religious. A few of the Penal Acts then in force, or since enacted, against Catholics, were — " By 7th William III? no Pro- testant in Ireland was allowed to instruct any Papist. "By 8th of Anne? 'no Papist was allowed to instruct any other Papist. "By 7th William HIP no Papist was permitted to be sent out of Ireland to receive instructions. By these statutes, as the great body of the Irish people were Roman Catholics, more than nine- tenths of the in- habitants of Ireland were legislatively prohibited from receiving any instruction whatever, either from a Pro- testant or a Catholic, either at home or abroad, or from going out of Ireland to be instructed ; consequently the darkest and most profound ignorance was enforced under the severest penalties in Ireland. How then can the Irish Catholics admire the memory of that prince who debased them to the level of brutes, that he might retain them in a state of slavery 1 Even so late as the 12th George I. any Catholic clergy- man marrying a Protestant and Catholic was to be hanged. " By 7th George IIP any barrister or attorney marrying a Catholic, to be disbarred. " By 2nd Anne? Papist cleigymon coming into Ireland, and performing religiou? OF THE IRISH NATION. 225 exercises, to be hanged. " By Sth Anne" Fifty pounds re\v Aid for all informers against Catholic archbishops and vicars-general. But the most extraordinary of these Penal Statutes, is that of 7th William III. No Papist to ride any horse worth more than £5. And by 9th George II Papists residing in Ireland, shall make good to Protestants all losses sustained by the privateers of any Catholic king ravaging the coasts of Ireland. 29th George II. bai'risters and attorneys obliged to waive their privilege, and betray their clients, if Papists. Literally outlaws in their own country, labourers on their own territory, they quarried on their own demesnes, to raise palaces for the descendants of those canting hypocrites who had massacred their monarch, or of the foreign soldiers of that gloomy and ambitious prince, who had seduced away the loyalty of the children from their parents, and had occupied the throne of their banished father. V. If the future is to be judged by the past, it will probably continue to be alleged, that the adherence of Ireland to her kings has rather been the result of her religion than of her loyalty. That observation could not in any degree be applicable to any reign but that of James, an imputation, however, which in its true construction, general or especial, goes to assert, that a connection of loyalty and religion so cultivated and extolled in England under the title of " Church and State," was a crime of the most heinous culpability when found in Ireland. But when historic facts are resorted to, that charge is retorted ; and it will hardly be contended, that it was more loyal and meritorious for Protestant subjects to murder their Pro- testant king, as they did in England, than for Catholic subjects to defend their Catholic king, as they did in Ireland. And it will be as difficult to defend the rebel- lions of 1715 and 1745, raised by British Protestant subjects against their Protestant king, as it will be to calumniate the undeviating, unshaken loyalty of Catholic Ireland to her Protestant monarchs, and the House of Brunswick, during the same periods. But unfortunately these indisputable facts will form this miserable precedent for future ages, that in England the reward of rebellion 226 RISE AND FALL was liberty ; while in Ireland, the reward of lojalty was bondage. The Irish insurrection of 1798, which afforded to the British minister the fatal and premeditated pretext foT annihilating the Trish legislature, differed but little in its ordinary events from those numerous civil wars, which the history of England, and of every nation, so liberally abound with ; and more especially with those which desolated some of the finest countries of Europe about the same period, the contagion of which had been imported from England herself where the overthrow of the con- stitution had been planned, and the murder of the King attempted, before Ireland had been infected. But it was reserved for the recorders of that sanguinary contest in Ireland, with motives not less mischievous than those of the insurgents, to raise by their misrepresentation a permanent standard of enmity between the two nations, and endeavour to persuade one portion of the empire, that its safety was altogether incompatible with the indepen- dence and prosperity of the other. Were the leading authors of these absurd and dangerous doctrines, confined solely to the hired traducers or fac- tionists of that country, their histories and their fabrica- tions would sink, together with their names, into obscurity. But when persons of the superior orders in Great Britain lent their weight, their zeal, and their reason to the pur- poses of their bigotry and their prejudices, and attempted to impose upon the credulity of their countrymen with the same facility that they had been imposed upon themselves, as to the native disloyalty of the Irish people, it becomes just, if not necessary, to recall their recollection to the affairs and records of their own country at the same epoch: a reference to which, if it cannot check the fanaticism, may at least diminish the authority of the fanatics. Though in fact a digression, it maybe here not improper to follow up that subject a little further, by anticipating some observations more connected with a subsequent part of this memoir. ^1. When it pleased Heaven, during the French Revo. lui ion, to inflict a temporary derangement on the reason of rainkind, a spirit of wild democracy, under the mask OF THE IRISH NATION. 227 of liberty, appeared in fanciful forms to seduce away 01 destroy the peace, the morality, the order, and the alle- giance of every European people. It would have been more than a phenomenon, if too sensitive and ardent Ireland had escaped that general fever, from which the boasted constitution of England, and the steady character of Scotland, had been unable to protect them. The Ca- tholic in the South, the Presbyter in the North, the Pro- testant in the metropolis of Ireland, and the professors of every religion in England and in Scotland, became more or less infuriated by the general delirium. That conta- gion which so vitally affected the nations of Europe, originating in France, soon displayed its symptoms in every part of Great Britain; and when in progress to full maturity, and not before, was carried into Ireland by collision with the English and Scots republicans.* Religion could have but little influence on the projects •md politics of that era, for the total extinction of all religion was a fundamental principle of that foreign revo- lution, which gave birth to a democracy that sought to overturn every throne and constitution of Europe. Yet the calumniators of Ireland place that spirit of insurrec- tion almost exclusively to the credit of religion amongst the Irish people, because the population of Ireland, was chiefly composed of Catholics whom they stigmatized. At that period, Ireland had a resident Legislature and a free constitution. She was in profound tranquillity, and the most progressive state of national prosperity,! when * See the state trials and the reports of the Secret Committee of Eng- land, in the year 1794. By these reports of the Secret Committee, it appears that Edinburgh, and various other places in England and Scotland, were infected long before Ireland ; and Mr. Secretary Dundas Illustrated these reports by annexing accurate drawings ot the different forms of pikes, battle-axes, &c, which were fabricated in Scotland, his own country, for the pur- poses of treason and murder. Ireland did not appear to Mr. Pitt forward enough in treason with the kingdom under his more immediate manage- ment, and therefore sent over Lord Fitzwilliam to Ireland, to ensure tran- quillity: and when his Lordship was on the point of doing so, ordered him back again to excite insurrection. — See Lord Fit z William's letters: to Lord Carlisle. f When Lord Westmoreland was removed from Ireland, in 1795, Ire- land was in a most unexampled and progressive state of general prosper- t/. In that year, Mr. Curran informed the Author of his intention to RISE AND FALL the emissaries ^f the English and Scotch societies quiv &>y proceeded to pervert her reason, as their own had been perverted, The original societies of Ireland had no such principles as designated the latter ones. The Minister, Mr. Pitt, had made his entrance into public life in the domino of a Reformer. The first and most loyal noble- men, and commoners in Ireland were Reformers ; but it was through the prospective policy of that great Minister, that the seeds of insurrection were permitted to take root in Ireland : without it a union had never been accom- plished. VII. In England, the Government took prompt and vigorous measures to stop the progress of that dangerous and destructive principle ; but in Ireland they coolly saw the weed springing up, and artfully forced it to premature maturity. They watched its growth till it had covered sufficient of the country to bewilder the residue. Its vege- tation was cautiously permitted to proceed, whilst there remained within their own reach sufficient means of sup- pressing it at their discretion ; and this deep and trea- cherous experiment was risked to effect the greatest object of Mr. Pitt's administration, a final extinguishment of Irish independence. With that view, it was expedient to suffer that country to plunge itself into a state of sanguinary civil warfare, of terrors and of animosities ; whilst England should hold the reigns which could check its progress, and might falla- ciously induce it, by the hopes of English protection, to exchange a constitutional independence for a speculative tranquillity, or render it so feeble and so divided by a suggest an impeachment against the Earl of Westmoreland, for having permitted a part of 12,000 troops (which, according to stipulation, should always remain in Ireland) to be drafted out of that kingdom for foreigD service Mr. Curran laughed at his own project, when the Author asked him what plausible reason he could give for saying that any troops were necessary. The day Lord Westmoreland departed, no army was necessary in Ire- land ; and if Earl Fitzwilliam had not been removed, doubtless insurrec- tion might have been prevented. But tranquillity would not have effect- ed Mr. Pitt's purposes : and Earl Fitzwilliam, one of the best and honest- eel of the British peerage, was appointed, duped, and deposed by the fniicy of the Minister ; the reason was obvious OF THE IRISH NATION. 229 continuation of internal contests, that it could not be se- duced, it might be compelled, to annexation. And here lies the secret spring which regulated the insurrection of 1798, and the machinery which moved the Union in 1800, a measure which, for the thirty-two years succeeding its accomplishment, has only operated as a ruin to the annexed, and a torment to the annexing nation. Recorded abstracts of Irish and of British history thus form an incontrovertible exposition of Irish principles, and of English misconception. The character of the Irish people has been always calumniated, their independence has been torn away, but their indigenous loyalty is un- affected, their nation is monarchical, they naturally love kings, the tradition of their old monarchs keeps up the attachment ; and never was a greater injustice done to any people, than to call them democratic. But immortality of power is not an attribute of nations, like man, they nourish ; but like man, they must decay. Rome had her glory and her power, but, subdued by time, she yielded up her empire ; and should some Gibbon of future ages record the decline and fall of British greatness, the his- torian will probably do justice to Ireland ; and tell pos- terity, that when some gigantic foreign power, nurtured by British folly, for British subjugation, had paralyzed her resources, and decolonized her empire, England, in the last struggles of her superiority, had not a faithful ally left to cover her remains, but her calumniated* sister. * This observation will not be considered altogether visionary, when men reflect upon the modern events of Europe, and the possible conse quences of that extravagant and ruinous system which had been adopt ed, of blindly subsidizing and strengthening every foreign power at the expense of the British treasury. Russia, Prussia, Austria, Portugal; but above all, Spain, owe their present independent political existence to the blood and the treasure of Great Britain and of Ireland, levied fc* their use, and lavished for their protection. And miserably is England requited for her protection, her money, and hei sacrifices . and miserably has Ireland been requited for her participnc fen 130 RISE AND FALL CHAPTER XV. Catholic relaxation Bills opposed by Mr. Rowley — Sir Edward Newen* enham — Doctor Patrick Duigenam — His Character — Mr. Ogle — Bills passed — Unjust doctrine — Change in the Irish Parliament — Mr. Fox's candour — His speech — Deception of the British Government devel- oped — Marquis of Rockingham — Total absence of energy — Mi Burke — Inactive as to Ireland — New debates — Embarrassing conse- quences of Mr. Grattan's address — Mr. Grattan's motion objectionable — Mr. Flood's reply — Unfortunate collision of Grattan and Flood — Mr. Grattan's fallacious motion — Mr. Flood's reply — Mr. Montgo- mery moves to build an Irish navy — Negatived — Parliament pro- rogued — Most important session — Moderation of Ireland — Duke of 1 ortland's hypocritical speech I. We now return to the measures which were taken to roc'v Ireland into a slumber more fatal to her existence than the trance she had awakened from. Bills to ameli- orate by partial concession the depressed state of the Catholics, as some reward for their zeal and patriotism, wei e introduced, and had arrived at their last stages in the House of Commons without any effective opposition ; intolerance, however, even to the extent of fanaticism, had so identified itself with the minds of some members of both Houses of Parliament, that these Bills of partial relief to their enslaved countrymen were strenuously op- posed, in their latter stages, by statements so exaggerated, and language so aggravating, that a cry of " Danger to Church and State ! " was raised and circulated, and ac- tually bewildered the intellect of many, who were on other occasions of reasonable judgment. These Bills were clamorously opposed in Parliament by several country gentlemen of high local consideration, and principally by Mr. Rowley, member for Meath County, one of the best landlords and best men in Ireland, a downright, honest, headstrong country gentleman. His information was scant, and his abilities were less than modeiate ; but he was of large fortune, splendid establish- ment unbounded hospitality, and full of philanthropy I. Lard, Edward Fitzgerald/. 4.Lord Gastlerecuph . Z.WUMam Coroiyrighean/ Pbxnket/. 5. John Egari/. 3 Charles Kendal Bushes. 6.Doctvr Patrick Daupienan 7.Sir Laurence Parsons. ;y-, PixblisTie: . York. OF THE IRISH NATION. 231 yet so perverted was his mind by legendary tales, and hereditary prejudices, that though he most generously afforded to his Catholic tenantry, and to individual Catho- lics, every service and kindness in his power, he consi- dered and represented them, collectively, as a body of demons; their chapels, temples of idolatry; their schools, seminaries of rebellion, and their clergy as a gang of necromancers. So infatuated was he by these prepossessions, that he saw, or rather fancied that he saw, in any relaxation of the penal statutes, nothing but a total overthrow of the entire Protestant establishment, and an immediate revo- lution in favour of some Popish monarch. Those Bills were also pertinaciously opposed by Sii Edward Newenham, member for Dublin County, a weak, busy, narrow-minded, but not ill informed, nor ill-inten tioned person. He was very defective in talent, but very confident that he possessed much of it ; he fancied he was a great patriot, and was disposed to imagine himself a distinguished personage. He had drawn General Wash- ington into a short literary correspondence with himself as to Ireland, on the strength of which, he affected, with great importance, to be an importer of the most early and authentic information from America. He was an active officer of the Volunteer Artillery, and a good Irishman ; but a busy, buzzing, useless, intermed- dling member of Parliament, and one of the most credu- lous, feeble, and fanatical of all the Irish intolerants. Many inveterate opponents of any concessions to ihe Catholics made their appearance in the [rish Parliament ; and as the concerns of that body must form a prominent topic in the progress of this memoir, it may be interesting and useful to introduce, even by anticipation, the most distinguished of its opponents. This celebrated antagonist of the Irish Catholics, so far as invective and declamation could affect their interests, was Doctor Patrick Duigenam, Judge of the Prerogative Court of Ire'and; a man whose name must survive so long as the feuds of Ireland shall be remembered, and whose. singular conduct, on many points, was of a nature so inconsistent and irregular that, even now, when h» race is run, and no further traits of his character can ever RISE AND FALL be developed, it is yet impossible to decide with certainty as to his genuine principles, if such he possessed, upon any one subject, religious or political. His father was parish-clerk of St. Werburgh's Church. Dublin, but in what part of Ireland he originated, is still uncertain ; he was educated in the Parish School, and (as he told the Author himself) was humourously christened Paddy, having been born on St. Patrick's day. He sig- nalized himself as a scholar in the University of Dublin, of which he was chosen a fellow ; he soon afterwards quarrelled with the Provost, Mr. Hutchinson, and every person who did not coincide with his humours, and wrote a number of severe pamphlets, of which " Lachrymal Academical and " Pranceriana" are the most notable; the first, personally against the conduct of the Provost and Sir Sohn Blaquiere ; the second, on a proposal of the Provost's to establish a riding house for the students. He was always at open war with some person, during the whole course of his public life. He left the University, retaining the office of Law Pro- fessor ; was shortly afterwards appointed King's Counsel ; Judge of the Prerogative and Consistory Courts ; King's Advocate to the High Court of Admiralty; one of Lord Castlereagh's Commissioners for bribing Members of Parliament ; (Post;) and to many other public offices, most of which he retained to his death. His income was very large, and he must have privately done many liberal and charitable acts, because he was not extravagant, and left no considerable fortune behind him. Dr. Duigenam having been King's Advocate to the High Court of Admiralty, where the Author presided ; and the Author being a Doctor of Laws, and Advocate in the Court of Prerogative, of which Dr. Duigenam was Judge, their intercourse was constant and very intimate for many years, and the Author had daily private oppor- tunities of observing the curious habits of this most eccen- tric character ; the most outrageous, and at the same time one of the best natured men in the world, to those whom he regarded. This eccentric person, whose celebrity originated from his crusades for Protestant supremacy, would probably have been a conspicuous character in whatever station h» OF THE IRISH NATION. 233 might have been placed, or in whatevei profession he might have adopted. Incapable of moderation upon any subject, he possessed too much vigorous and active in- tellect to have passed through life an unsignalized spec- tator ; and if he had not at an early period enlisted as a champion of Luther, it is more than probable he would, with equal zeal and courage, have borne the standard for St. Peter's followers. A hot, rough, intrepid, obstinate mind, strengthened by very considerable erudition, and armed by a memory of the most extraordinary retention, contributed their attributes equally to his pen, and his speeches. He considered invective as the first, detail as the second, and decorum as the last quality of a public orator ; and he never failed to exemplify these principles. A partisan in his very nature, every act of his life was influenced by invincible prepossessions ; a strong guard of inveterate prejudices were sure, on all subjects, to keep moderation at a distance, and occasionally prevented even common reason from obtruding on his dogmas, or inter rupting his speeches. A mingled strain of boisterous invective, unlimited assertion, rhapsody and reasoning, erudition and ignorance, were alike perceptible in his writings and orations ; yet there were few of either, from which a dispassionate com- piler might not have selected ample materials for an able production. He persuaded himself that he was a true fanatic ; but though the world gave him full credit for his practical intolerance, there were many exceptions to the consis- tency of his professions, and many who doubted his theo- retic sincerity. His intolerance was too outrageous to be honest, and too unreasonable to he sincere ; and whenever his Protestant extravagance appeared to have even one moment of a lucid interval, it was immediately predicted that he would die a Catholic. His politics could not be termed either uniform or co- herent. He had a latent spark of independent spirit in his composition, which the minister sometimes found it difficult to extinguish, and dangerous to explode. He had the same respect for a Protestant bishop that he would probably have had for a Catholic cardinal. EpiscoDacy 20* 834 RISE AND FALL was his .standard ; and when he showed symptoms of run ning restive to the Government, the primate of Ireland was called in to be the pacificator. He held a multiplicity of public offices at the same time, unconnected with Government.* He was Vicar General to most of the bishops ; and whenever he con- ceived the rights of the Church were threatened, his bristles instantly arose, as it were, by instinct ; his tusks were bared for combat ; he moved forward for battle ; and would have shown no more mercy to the Govern- ment than he would have done to the patriots. He injured the reputation of Protestant ascendency by his extravagant support of the most untenable of its prin- ciples. He served the Catholics by the excess of his ca- lumnies, and aided their claims to amelioration, by per- sonifying that virulent sectarian intolerance which was the very subject of their grievances. He had, however, other traits, which frequently dis- closed qualities of a very superior description. His tongue and his actions were constantly at variance ; he was hos- pitable and surly; sour and beneficent ; prejudiced and liberal ; friendly and inveterate. His bad qualities he ex- posed without reserve to the public ; his good ones he husbaaded for private intercourse. Many of the former were fictitious ; all the latter were natural. He *ras an honest man, with an outrageous temper and perverted judgment ; and, as if he conceived that right was wrong, he sedulously endeavoured to conceal his philanthropy under the garb of a misanthrope. In private society, he was often the first in conviviality ; and when his memory, his classic reading, and his mis- * On the Union, he accepted the office of Commissioner for paying the ftribes to Members of Parliament (under the name of compensation foi the loss of their Seats or Patronage.) (Vide Post.) The Doctor, the late Lord Annesley, and a Mr. Jameson, an English- man, under this commission, distributed, by Lord Castlereagh's appoint- ment, ONE MILLION FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS of the Irish money, amongst Members of the Houses of Lords and Commons; without which bribes and gifts of peerages, there would be a vast majority against the Union. The Doctor told the Author that he accepted thai office, solely that he might be able to take care of the bishops; and tb« Author believes at least half his assertion. But the v /'shops were out witted. Or THE IRISH NATION. 235 reiianeous mfoi mat ion were turned to the purposes ot humour or of anecdote, they gave a quaint, joyous, ao centric cast to his conversation, highly entertaining to strangers, and still more so to those accustomed to the display of his versatilities. The most striking singularity of this most singular man, was his unaccountable inconsistency in words and actions toward the Catholic community. He alternately fostered and abused, caressed and calumniated, many in- timates of that persuasion ; an inconsistency, however, which his last matrimonial connection was supposed to have redeemed ; and he died at a very advanced age, upon a short notice, retaining all his strength and facul- ties, and in the full vigour of all his prejudices. His strong, sturdy person, and coarse, obstinate, dog- matic, intelligent countenance, indicated many of his characteristic qualities. He was too rough and too un- accommodating to have had many partisans ; and after the Union which he vigorously supported, his public im- portance and reputation dwindled away to nothing ; and his death afforded no great cause of regret, to his friends, or of gratification to his enemies. Mr. George Ogle, and many other decided opponents of the Catholic claims, were also prominent characters in the general affairs and politics of the country, and will appear in most of the miscellaneous transactions of the Irish Parliament. But the whole bent and efforts of the Doctor's mind and actions were concentrated and publicly arrayed against the Catholic community, some members of which were in private his chief associates, and his nearest connections, and the early introduction of such a personage may tend to illustrate the singular situation of that body, and that inconsistency which from first to last has sig- nalized the conduct both of their friends and their enemies. Those Bills relaxing the severity of the penal code passed, however, through both Houses, without any con- siderable difficulty ; and, though the concessions were very limited, they afforded great satisfaction to the Ca- tholic body, as the first growth of a tolerating principle, which they vainly imagined was a sure precursor of that general religious and political freedom, without which, in 836 RISK ANI> FALL an ardent and divided population, peace and security must ever be precarious. Some men, hoAvever, saw in those incipient concessions the germ of discord and extravagant expectation. The most unrelenting of their opponents, in the full zeal of unqualified fanaticism, used arguments so cruel and un- just in principle, that the distorted mind, or crooked pol- icy of legislators alone could have resorted to. They argued, that the nearly insupportable oppressions under which the Irish Catholics had so long laboured, were rapidly disgusting them with their own tenets, which had entailed upon them all the attributes of slav- ery and deprivation ; that, worn down by penal codes, under the pressure of which they could neither rise nor prosper, they were daily recanting those disqualifying tenets, and embracing that religion, under which their wants and their ambition could be fully gratified ; that noblemen, gentlemen, peasants, and even their priests, were rapidly embracing the Protestant profession ; and that if the same propensity to recantation was still kept in progress, by a full and strict continuance of that same penal code, the severity of which had originally caused it, Ireland would gradually acquire a protestant population, if not a majority of the people, at least more than a pro- portion of all whose property, rank, and interest would lead them tc preserve the peace of the nation and the connection with Great Britain. II. This was a barbarous doctrine, which could never be supported by any principle either of justice or of policy. The principle of concession which actuated the Parlia- ment in these relaxations, proved that the light of justice and reason had broken in upon them, and excited reason- able expectations of further grants and general toleration. The wealth of the Catholics multiplied, their numbers increased. The first chain of intolerance was loosened, and permitted them to take a view of that total emanci- pation which by unremitting struggles they were certain of attaining. III. The paroxysms of ardent patriotism having some- what abated in the Irish Parliament, distinctions and shades of distinctions were rising and re-opening into party, and into jealousies. Some men conceived that OF THE IRISH NATION. 237 Ireland had obtained every thing, others argued that she had acquired no securities, that enthusiastic unanimity which had so proudly signalized their first movements was gradually degenerating, the old courtiers, who had wandered from their standards, seized greedily upon every pretence to re-assume their stations ; and many of that body, who a moment before had been unanimous, and supposed to be incorruptible, now began to remember themselves, and forget their country ; but the people were staunch, their spirit was invincible, the voice of the volun- teers was raised it was loud and clear, and echoed through the Parliament. The Government was arrested in its corrupting progress ; many were recalled to a sense of duty by a sense of danger, and the situation of the coun- try seemed approaching to another ci'isis. Mr. Grattan acted on the purest patriotic principles, but they were over moderated by Earl Charlemont, and occasionally neutralized by an honourable confidence in Whig sincerity. He still contended (because such was nis conviction) that the Irish Nation should rest satisfied, and confide in the sincerity of the British Ministry, and the existing guarantees, for the permanence of their con- stitution. He was devoted to the Whigs, because they professed the purest principles of well-regulated liberty ; and he would not doubt the integrity of those whose prin- ciples he had adopted, till at length Mr. Fox himself, wearied by a protracted course of slow deception, uncon- genial either to the proud impetuosity of his great mind, or the natural feelings of his open temper, at once con- firmed the opinions of the Irish people, and openly pro- claimed to Ireland the inadequacy of all the measures that had theretofore been adopted. He took occasion in the British Parliament, on the repeal of the sixth of George the First, being there alluded to, to state, " that the repeal of that Statute could not stand alone, but must be accom- panied by a final adjustment, and by a solid basis of per- manent connection." He said " that some plans of that nature would be laid before the Irish Parliament by the Irish Ministers, and a treaty entered upon, which treaty when proceeded on, might be adopted by both Parlia- ments and finally become an irrevocable arrangement between the two countries." 238 RISE AND FALL By that short, but most important speech, the Irish delusion of a final adjustment was in a moment dissipated, the Viceroy's duplicity became indisputably proved ; His Majesty's reply to the Irish Parliament was renounced by the very minister who had written it. The Irish addrcsa to the Duke of Portland appeared to have been premature and inconsiderate; and his reply could no longer be defended on the grounds either of its truth or its sin- cerity. Mr. Fox himself, with the true candour of an able statesman, avowed the insufficiency of the existing arrange- ment ; and thus, by easy inferences, decided against the adequacy of the simple repeal for general purposes. His declaration, that " a further treaty was in contemplation," was prospective and ambiguous, and gave not only plau- sible but justifiable grounds, for an alarming uneasiness amongst the Irish people. Notwithstanding this avowal, Mr. Flood was still but feebly supported in the House of Commons. The Volun- teers, rather than the Parliament, had now the prepon- derance in public estimation, and their activity increased as difficulties augmented. In England public matters were sinking into a state of languor and torpidity. The Marquis of Rockingham, in a fatally declining state of health, and his friend Lord Char- lemont, in an habitually complaining one, carried on a well-bred, superficial, whining correspondence, as to the affairs of Ireland, every thing that was courteous, but nothing that was statesmanlike ; and even if death had not unfortunately for the Whigs, snatched away Lord Rock- ingham, he and the Earl of Charlemont were not likely to effect the consummation of the political arrangements between the two nations. The latter nobleman could see wide, but he could not see deep. The former couid neither see very wide, nor very deep, but he could see very distinctly; in cultivating moderation, they lost sight of energy, and their conduct at this moment was shallow and insfpid. Mr. Burke might have been sincere towards Ireland : but he had a game to play at for himself; and his talents, however great in their extent, were not found so consistent in their application. And though his fame never can be eclipsed, his abilities never depreciated; though his OF THE IRISH NATION. 239 lessons will be ever instructive, and the vigour of his intellect could not be vanquished, still he had his trances, his visions, and his theories; and though always in the first line of general admiration, he stood not in the front rank of public confidence. He took no distinguished part in those transactions, appearing as if he were repugnant to commit himself in an imperfect treaty. Whilst affairs remained in this precarious state, a debate occurred, more embarrassing than any that had preceded it, and which gave new features to the close of this, the most remarkable session of Irish Parliaments. IV. The question of simple repeal had now been so often canvassed, so often argued, and had caught so strong a hold of the Irish people, that it was obvious it could not rest where it was, and that something further must be done to satisfy the Irish Nation ; but what that something should be, was more embarrassing to the Government of both countries than any consideration which had thereto- fore occurred to them. After the address of the Irish Commons to his Majesty, moved by Mr. Grattan, England could not be again so strongly applied to for further concession. She had promptly acceded to every thing that was then required of her, and was told by that address, that nothing remained further to be done as to a constitution between the two countries ; she might, therefore, plausibly decline further demands upon the same subject. That address had in plain language, renounced all further constitutional claims by the Irish Parliament ; and Mr. Grattan could not recede uom such his own reiterated declarations. Mr. Flood, however, remained unshaken and firm in his opinion of the insufficiency of the arrangement, and determined to increase their security, through an unequivocal act of the Irish Legislature ; and on the twenty-ninth day of July, he moved for leave to bring in a Bill, " to affirm the sole exclusive right of the Irish Parliament to make laws affecting that country, in all concerns external and inter- nal whatsoever." A most animated, and even virulent debate, took place on that motion. It was debated with great ability, but ill- placed confidence or ill-timed mo( oration still guided the 840 1TSE AND PALL majority of lb 3 (Emmons; and even the introduction ol the Hill was negatived without a division; Mr. Grattan heated by the language of his rival, blinded by an unlimited confidence in the integrity of the Whig Ministry, and for a moment losing sight of the first prin- ciple of constitutional liberty, then proposed a motion, equally singular for the language of its exordium, and the extravagance of its matter. He moved, " that the Legis- lature of Ireland was independent ; and that any person who should propagate in writing, ox otherwise, an opinion that any right whatsoever, whether external or internal, existed in any other Parliament, or could be revived, was inimical to both kingdoms." The ingenuity of man could scarcely have formed a more objectionable precedent or dangerous resolution. It was too great an opportunity not to be taken immediate advantage of by Mr ; Flood ; his reply was equally severe and able ; he represented the resolution as " placing Ireland in a state of tyranny worse than Russia ; prohi- biting both the Lords and Commons of Ireland, under a denunciation of being enemies to their country, from the common rights of every British citizen, to discuss the same constitutional question which had been so often before, and was at that very moment, debating in the House of Parlia- ment, depriving every Irish subject of his natural liberty, either of speech or of writing: a proscription against all who differed with the honourable gentleman on a vital question respecting his own country, or who should pre- sume to publish or even to whisper that difference, a resolution which would be scoffed at in Ireland, ridiculed in Great Britain, and be contemptible in both, a resolu- tion which could have no operation as a law, no justifi- cation as a principle, and which could have no character to support it, but those of folly and of tyranny." He therefore moved an adjournment. The tide, however, flowed too strong against Mr. Flood personally. It wag the great object of the Government to conquer him first, and then neutralize his adversary ; and even those who were determined to negative Mr. Grattan's motion, alsa determined to negative the motion of adjournment, be- eause it was Mr. Flood's; and a considerable majority OF THE IRISH NATION. 241 decided against it.* Mr. Grattan then proposed another declaratory resolution, stretching away from the real facta as to any political application of those that existed, but unaccompanied by most of the former objections ; and, *t all events, leaving both his own and Mr. Flood's principles nearly where it found them at the commencement of me altercation. Mr. Grattan moved, that leave was " refused to bring in the (Mr. Flood's) Bill, because the sole and exclusive right to legislate for Ireland in all cases what- soever, internally and externally, had been asserted by the Parliament of Ireland, and had been fully, finally, and irrevocably acknowledged by the British Parliament." This resolution obviously stated some facts which did not exist. No final irrevocable acknowledgment ever had been made by the British Parliament. On the con trary, acts had been done, and declarations made by the Minister himself, that a future treaty would be necessary to render the arrangement full, final, or irrevocable. Mr. Flood saw the weak point, and he possessed himself ot it. He altered his language, became satiric, and ridi- culed the resolution as the " innocent child of fiction and of fancy." He congratulated Mr. Grattan on changing his tone, and declared " that he would willingly leave him m the full enjoyment of this new production of his lively imagination." Mr. Grattan's motion then passed without further observation, and the House adjourned. V. No further proceedings of importance took place in the House of Commons during the session, except two motions of Mr. Montgomery, of Cavan County, for leave to bring in a Bill to build Irish men of war for the pro- tection of the trade of Ireland. This motion appeared too * The division was ninety-nine to thirteen against Mr. Flood's motion, though the whole House saw clearly that Mr. Grattan's resolution could not possibly pass; yet so strong was the opposition to any thing pro- posed by Mr. Flood, that an adjournment was rejected. This debate, so near the termination of the session, appeared at first very disagreeable ; but in the event it had great effect ; and the embarrassments which Mr. Grattan's resolution, if carried, must necessarily have created, was a very strong ingredient amongst those considerations which induced the British Parliament voluntarily to pass an Act of Renunciation, which Ml. Grattan had thought unnecessary, before the Irish Parliament could me* I again to discuss the subject, when the accumulating dissatisfaction of th* nation night have given rise to moie distracting measures. 21 242 RISE AND PALL distinct, and was of course negatived. He also moved for an address to the King, to reinstate Mr. Flood in hi» office of Vice Treasurer, from which he had been dis- missed for supporting his country. This would have been just, but it was not eligible. Mr. Fitzpatrick received it in civility, but it was also negatived, as encroaching on the prerogative ; and on the 27th of July, the Duke of Portland prorogued the Parliament, with a speech detail- ing all the advantages Ireland had received undei his paternal administration ; and thus ended the public trans- actions of his Grace the Duke of Portland's first vice- royalty to the Irish nation. VI. This session of the Irish Parliament was the most interesting and important its history records ; important, not to Ireland only, but to the best interests of Great Britain ; illustrative of the first and finest principles of civil liberty ; and a lecture on the rights and foundations of rights, by the establishment of which alone the inde- pendence of nations can be attainable, or, being attained, preserved. It displayed p. scene of loyalty and of for- bearance in the Irish nation, unequalled in the history oi any armed people. It proved the possibility of an irre- sistible democratic power, roused without commotion ; the entire population of an extensive country converted into a disciplined and independent army, to assert its liberties, yet, in the pursuit of that most animating of all objects, preserving perfect peace and substantial loyalty. It showed an independent and patriotic army, able in one day to crush or to drive every relic of usurpation from its shores for ever, with a moderation almost incredible ; accepting, as a kind concession, those natural rights which t had the power of commanding ; and, with a liberal and generous confidence, peculiar to its character, honourably, but fatally, insisting on no further guarantee for her con- stitution, than the faith of a government which had never before omitted an opportunity of deceiving her. The Duke of Portland's proroguing speech to the Irish Parliament, July 27, 1782, is in itself the most unsophis- ticated tissue of hypocrisy on record, totally unparalleled in the history of the British Empire, or of any Minister who regarded either the law of nations, or the character of the sovereign. It was emphatically delivered by a Or THE IRISH NATION. 243 Viceroy, who, a few years afterwards, in 1800, in his place in Parliament, unblushingly declared, that he never considered the treaty between England and Ireland (con- summated by himself) as final. His Grace's speeclx, addressed, in the name of the King, to the assembled Peers and Commons of Ireland, on the prorogation of that Parliament, is of the greatest importance, as connected with the events of 1799 and 1800 ; and when that speech is compared with a subsequent speech of the same noble- man in the Peers of England, not only an Irish subject, but even a disinterested citizen of the world, would draw conclusions in no way favourable to his Grace's political integrity. It was, however a useful lesson to all people, to trust their statesmen just so far and so long as their interest or their party called for their consistence. His Grace was pleased to speak as follows : " The great and constitutional advantages you have secured to your country, and the wise and magnanimous conduct of Great Britain, in contributing to the success of your steady and temperate exertions, call for my congra- tulations, on the close of a session which must ever reflect the highest honour on the national character of both kingdoms. " It must be a most pleasing consideration to you, to recollect, that in the advances you made towards the settlement of your constitution, no acts of violence or impatience have marked their progress. A religious adherence to the laws, confined your endeavours within the strictest bounds of loyalty and good order ; your claims were directed by the same spirit that gave rise and sta- bility to the liberty of Great Britain, and could not fail ot success, as soon as the councils of that kingdom were influenced by the avowed friends of the constitution. "Many, and great national objects, must present them- selves to your consideration during the recess from par- liamentary business ; but what I would most earnestly press upon you, as that on which your domestic peace and happiness, and the prosperity of the Empire at this moment, most immediately depend, is to cultivate and diffuse those sentiments of affection and confidence which are now happily restored between the two kingdoms; convince the people in your several districts, as you are 944 RISE AND PALL yourselves convinced, that every cause of past jealousiet and discontents is finally removed ; that both countries have pledged their good faith to each other, and that their best security will be an inviolable adherence to that corn- fact ; that the implicit reliance which Great Britain has reposed on the honour, generosity, and candour of Ireland, engages your national character to a return of sentiments equally liberal and enlarged ; convince them that the two kingdoms are now one, indissolubly connected in unity of constitution, and unity of interests ; and that the danger and security, the prosperity and calamity of the one, must equally affect the other, that they must stand and fall together." OF THE IRISH NATION. 245 CHAPTER XVI. Insufficiency 01 Mr. Grattan's measures — Death of the Marquis ol Rockingham and its consequences — Earl Temple Lord Lieutenant — Mr. Grenville Secretary — His Character — Lord Temple — Not unpop- ular — Mr. Cony a principal instrument of Lord Temple — Proceedings cf the Volunteers — Strong resolutions to oppose English Laws — Bad effects of the dissension between Grattan and Flood— Sir George Voung — Effect of Sir George Young's speech — l^ord Mansfield's con- duct accounted for — Consequence of these speeches — British Parlia- ment belie their own Act — Lord Abingdon denies the King's right to pass the Bill — England by Statute admitted her usurpation, and relin- quished for ever her right to legislate for Ireland — Renunciation Act — Mr. Grattan still perversely opposes Mr. Flood — The renunciation Act confirmed Mr. Flood's doctrine. I. Bills to cany into effect the concessions of England had been passed th* nigh the British Parliament with un- usual expedition. Tne sixth of George the First, decla- ratory of the dependence of Ireland, had been repealed ; and the arbitrary dictum of Blackstone, that favourite Druid of modern Britain, had been abandoned by his countrymen. But it quickly became obvious, that though Mr. Grattan's declaration of grievances had left to the Irish Parliament a certain latitude for reclaiming their consti- tutional rights in detail, he had not foreseen to what lengths those details might extend, or the danger of attempting to conclude on narrow discussions on that intricate subject. His address to the King now appeared to have so con- tracted in its tenor the claims which the declaration of grievances, if not specifically, had virtually alluded to, that many of the most important of Irish constitutional rights had been thereby altogether passed over ; and con- cessions of England had been accepted of, without those guarantees which the invariable practices and principles of British government therefore, rendered absolutely in- dispensable to the permanence and security of Irish independence. Had the constitutional arrangement been complete and 21* 246 RISE AND FALL final, and the concessions of Great Britain as sincere 512 RISE AND PALL terested friend or sincere ally in Europe. She had sub sidized German mendicants, and she had purchased human blood, she had hired military slaves from beggarly principalities ; but these were not alliances for the honour of Great Britain. The character which England had justly acquired previously to the year 1780, had raised her reputation above that of all the powers of Europe. The new attempt on Ireland, proclaimed that her sordid interests now ab- sorbed every other consideration. V. The minister's only excuse for his schemes, was the pecuniary wants of Government. But Mr. Pitt feared that Ireland would murmur at paying her portion of his profuse extravagance. Taxation commenced on luxuries, proceeded to comforts, to necessaries, and, at length, ex- tended its grasp to justice and morality. A treaty for a commercial tariff between the two nations was now pro- ceeded on, and exposed that duplicity which had been scarcely suspected. The Irish, unaccustomed to receive any concession or favour, and little versed in the schemes of commercial polity, gave a giddy confidence to the dignified terms in which their claims had been acknow- ledged. Some able men, however, reasoned that the very composition of British Cabinets, the means of getting into power, and of keeping it ; their private interests, and public object, were decidedly adverse to any liberal parti- cipation of commercial advantages with Ireland. Upon the English monopolists alone, ministers could depend for replenishing their Exchequer, and for their retaining their power. Men also reasoned, that, if England and Ireland should clash on any point of commerce, a British Parliament could not serve two conflicting interests, and an Irish Parliament was not likely to surrender rights she had obtained with so much difficulty and danger. It was, therefore, palpable (as Mr. Fox had mysteriously declared) that some further international measures were absolutely necessary, and as Ireland could now legislate for her own commerce with all the world, it seemed advi- sable, that a commercial treaty should be contracted by the two countries, which might provide against any col- lision, and secure to both nations the advantages of th# federal compact. •F TRIi IRISH NATION. 313 Nothing could be more plausible than the theory of this measure, and few things more difficult to carry into execution. VI. The detailed debates, on these commercial pro- positions are beyond the range of this compact history.* But it is essential to remark upon them with reference to the conduct of Great Britain, and it may be proper to allude to the state of Ireland, at the moment selected by the minister for making the first indirect attempt to re- capture the independence of that devoted country. The Irish nation was rapidly advancing to eminence and prosperity, her commerce improving, her debt light, the taxes inconsiderable, emigration had ceased, and population was augmenting, nearly two hundred nobles, and nearly all the commoners, resided on their demesnes and expended their rents amidst those who paid them. The Parliament seemed to have been awakened to a more sedulous attention to the wishes of the people. Mr. Pitt took advantage of the moment he saw that the nation was in good humour and grateful, and he determined, whilst he flattered their vanity to invade their constitution. The state of the Irish court and aristocracy, at this period, seemed particularly favourable to the experiment. The constant residence of the landed proprietors was an incal- culable benefit ; and their influence, in mitigating the avarice of the clergy and the irritating tyranny of the tithing system, was most grateful to the people. The vice-regal establishment was at that period much more brilliant and hospitable than that of the monarch ; the utmost magnificence signalized the entertainments of the Duke and Duchess cf Rutland, and their luxury gave a powerful impulse to mrrufactures and industry. It was to be regretted howeva. that this magnificence was accompanied by circumstances which formed a new opoch * The debates of the Irish Parlisrr.ent upon these proportions, were taken with very considerable accuracy by Woodfall, and cebiiafted by Byrne, in Dublin. Thev are valuable "for disclosing the political charac- ters and talents of nearly all the men of note, then members of the Irish Commons. Scarcely any other document better depicts the arrogant and decided character of 'Mr. Fitzgibbon which distinguished him through all the subsequent concerns of Ireland, until, in a characteristic attempt to lord it over the British Peerage, he was politicall) slain by the Duke oi Bedford. 2? 314 RISE AND FALL (i) the habits of Irish society : a laxity of decorum hi YrAh sexes of the fashionable aristocracy, had commenced, and though the voluptuous brilliancy of the Court was dazzling to the country, it was deficient in that proud, elevated dignity which had generally distinguished that society in former vice-royalties. Nothing could be more honourable than the conduct of the Duke of Rutland ; but the sudden relaxation of manners at his Court, was by no means gratifying to those who had been accustomed to the unde- viating strictness of decorum amongst the Irish ladies.* This paroxysm of joy throughout the country, confidence amongst the gentry, and absence of suspicion in the Par- liament, was judged by the British Government the oppor- tunity most favourable, under colour of her commerce to undermine her Constitution. This proposition for a treaty of commerce between England and Ireland, as two independent countries, necessarily required a deeper con- sideration than any other event of her history. No decisive international overt act had, as yet, taken place between the two countries. But Mr. Pitt, in his anxiety to encroach upon the independent spirit of the compact, unintentionally confirmed it upon a clear international principle. Mr. Orde, the Secretary of the Viceroy, on the 7th of February, 1785, proposed to the Irish Parliament eleven resolutions, as a distinct commercial treaty between two independent states. As such they were received, but the treaty was at length utterly rejected by the Irish Parliament. Mr. Brownlow, one of the first country gentlemen of Ireland, most zealously opposed it as a badge of slavery, and an attempt to encroach on the independence of his country. It was, however, conditionally accepted, aftei much discussion ; during which a manoeuvre was practised by the Secretary, which would have disgraced the lowest trader. Mr. Orde expatiated with great plausibility upon the kind concessions of the English Government, * Before this period, there had been but two actions of cnm. con. in Ireland, in both of which noblemen were the plaintiffs; Lord Belvidere against his brother Captain Rochfort, aw' Lord Lisle against Dennii M'Carthy, his own postillion. There tad. however, been several hua> dreds tried in Errand. Or THE IRISH NATION. 315 and the extraordinary advantages likely to result to Ireland ; and urged the House to come to a hasty decision in their favour, " lest the English ?nonopolist should pour in applications to the English Parliament to stop their progress, as too partial to Ireland." The bait took, and the resolutions were approved, and sent back with some alterations. His artifice, however, was defeated, and Mr. Orde was left in a situation of excessive embarrassment and appeared equally ridiculous to both countries. Mr. Pitt having gained his first point, conceived it possible to assail more openly the independence of Ireland, by attaching her finances and commerce to Great Britain, so that her own Parliament should become, if not impotent, at least con- temptible. Instead, therefore of rediscussing the eleven resolutions as approved by Ireland, he brought twenty propositions before the English Parliament, incorporated in a Bil framed with such consummate artifice, that it affected to confer favours, whilst it rendered the Irish Parliament only the register of all English statutes relating to com- merce ; and, by a perpetual money bill, appropriated a proportion of her hereditary revenue to the uses of the British Navy. VII. Mr. Orde* himself was utterly uncertain how to proceed, and after many adjournments, on the 12th of August, 1785, he moved for leave to bring in a Bil) pursuant to Mr Pitt's twenty propositions. The country gentlemen of Ireland, though they did not understand the commercial details of the subject, perceived the design of the minister. A storm arose in Parliament, the landed interests of the country were alarmed, the country gentlemen grew boisterous, the law officers were arrogant, the patriots retorted, and rendered the debate one of the most inflammatory that had for some years been witnessed , * Mr. Orde, the Secretary, a cold, cautious, slow, and sententious man, tolerably well informed, but not at all talented, had a mind neither powerful nor feeble ; as a public man he could not be despised, as an Eng- lish Factor, he could plausibly enhance the property he was entrusted to dispose of, though he well knew there was a rent within its folds. He had much to gain, for of political reputation he had nothing to be de- prived. He certainly did as much as could be effected on the subject, and * British peerage condoled him for his Irish discomfiture. 316 RISE AND FALL Long and furious was that remarkable contest. Fitz<_ ibbou the Attorney General, exhibited an arrogance which more than equalled any of his former exhibitions ; he insulted many, and used the most overbearing language to all who opp( sed him. The debate continued all night, and, at nine o'clock next morning, the violence was undiminished, and it was difficult to put the question: at length a division at once announced the equivocal victory of the Minister. The numbers for Government were 127, against the Minister 108, leaving only a majority of 19. As the motion was only for leave to bring in the Bill, it was obvious that on a second reading it would have been disgracefully rejected. Mr. Flood then moved a decla- ration of rights; another division still less favourable to the Minister succeeded; an adjournment, therefore,, and a prorogation took place, and the subject was never renewed. Mr. Pitt never would have brought in his Bill, had he not been assured of success by the Irish Secretary ; this defeat, therefore, was the more galling, and it confirmed, in his persevering and inflexible mind, a determination, if he could not rule the Irish Parliament, to annihilate the independence of Ireland. Mr. Pitt never was scrupulous as to means, and a much more important point shortly confirmed his determination by proving that, upon vital imbjects he had not yet sufficiently humbled the people, t>f been able sufficiently to seduce their representatives. These propositions were in fact defeated by the honest obstinacy of the country gentlemen, and by the influence and talents of Mr. Grattan and Mr. Flood, who, upon this subject alone, were perfectly in unison. It is worthy of observation, that the zeal and honesty of Mr. Con- nolly, in supporting the independence of his country against the agency of Mr. Orde, were utterly reversed by his subsequently supporting the still more destructive measures of his corrupt and unfortunate relative. VIII. During these scenes, some men, who, though not of the highest order of talent, were in considerable reputation and of untainted integrity, exerted themselves in defence of their country; amongst them, the most active was Mr. Forbes, the Member for Drogheda. Without any very distinguished natural abilities, and bui Or THE IRISH NATION. 317 moderately acquainted with literature, by his zealous at tachment to Mr. Grattan, his public principles, and atten- tion, to business, he received much respect, and acquired some influence in the House of Commons. He had practised at the bar with a probability of success ; but he mistook his course, and became a statesman, as which he never could rise to any great distinction. As a lawyer, he undervalued himself and was modest ; as a stateman, he over-rated himse f, and was presumptuous He benefitted his party by his indefatigable zeal, and re fleeted honour upon it by his character ; he was a good Irishman, and to the last undeviating in his public prin- ciples. He died in honourable exile, as Governor of the Bahama Isles. In a class lower as a politician, but higher as a man of letters, and equal in integrity, stood Mr. Hardy, the bio- grapher of Earl Charlemont. He had been returned to Parliament by the interest of Earl Granard, and faith- fully followed the fortunes of that nobleman and his rela tive, Earl Moira, throughout all the political vicissitudes of Ireland. His mind was too calm, and his habits too refined, foi the rugged drudgery of the bar — he was not sufficiently profound for a statesman, and was too mild for a political wrangler — his ambition was languid, and he had no love of lucre — he therefore was not eminent either as a poli tician or a lawyer. Like many other modest and accom- plished men he was universally esteemed. He had suf- ficient talents, had he possessed energy, and his interest was always the last of his considerations ; his means were narrow, and his exertions inconsiderable. IX. Mr. (afterwards Viscount) Carleton, was, during a part of this important period, Solicitor General of Ireland, and no man was less adequate to the parliamentary duties of that office. He was, of course, but little noticed by the recorders of that epoch ; and is almost a dead letter in the memoirs of Ireland. His conduct on the Union, however, was remarkable. Viscount Carleton was the son of a respectable mer- chant of Cork, and was created Solicitor General when the superior law offices were considered as stations of very considerable weight, and of much official dignity 27* 318 RISE AND FALL At the bar he was efficient ; on the bench he was exem- plary. With a plain and exclusively forensic talent, cul- tivated by ah assiduity nothing could surpass, he attain- ed very considerable professional eminence : his whole capacity seemed to have been formed into points of law, regularly numbered, and always ready for use. His limited genius seldom wandered beyond the natural boundary ; but whenever it chanced to stray to general subjects, it appeared always to return to its symmetrical technicalities with great gratfication. Habit and application had made him a singular pro- ficient in that methodical hair-splitting of legal distinc- tions, and in reconciling the incongruity of conflicting precedents, which generally beget the reputation of an able lawyer. The government were glad to get him out of Parliament, and without intending it, did an essential service to the due administration of justice. As Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, his naturally gentle manners and affability, his legal knowledge, and the rectitude of his decisions, procured him the unani- mous approbation of his profession. He had no enemies. But, even in his prime, he was a most feeble and ineffi- cient legislator and statesman ; his capacity was not suf- ficiently comprehensive to embrace subjects of constitu- tional polity. He brought the attributes of his trade into Parliament, and appeared either blind or indifferent to those varied and luxuriant labyrinths which the princi- ples of civil liberty eternally disclose, and which the enlightened legislator never fails to discover, and never ceases to enjoy. When men shall read the childish, contemptible, and strained attempts at reasoning, which were pronounced by him upon the discussion of the Union, and reflect upon the duplicity of his professions, and his predetermined emigration, it must be regretted, that a judge so compe- tent and indspendent, and a man so respected, should have yielded his country against his conviction, and lent his fair fame to the corrupting Minister.* * After Lord Carleton had supported the Union, he was suffered to retire, on the ground of declining health, on a magnificent pension. H# immediately emigrated to London, and lived in excellent health and spir 'lis for f mr-and-twenty yea *•* OF THE IRISH NATION. 319 CHAPTER XXI. fet.h of tne Duke of Rutland — Marquis of Buckingham's second Gov- ernment — The question of a Regency — Mr. Pitt's conducts — The Prince submitted to the restraints — The Irish resisted, and refused to restrain him — Unprecedented case — Collision between the two Parlia- ments — Round Robin — Irish address to the Prince — Sketch of the Arguments on the Regency question in Ireland — Constitutional state of both nations — Conduct of the nations contrasted — Reasons for the Irish Parliament pvoceeding by Address, and not by Statute, to appoint a Regent — Question whether the Parliaments of England or Ireland had committed a breach of the Constitution — Threats of the Viceroy — The Round Robin — Viceroy determined to retire — Reception of the Irish delegates by the Prince — Address of the Irish Parliament to the Prince — Reply of the Prince, eulogizing the Irish legislature — After- /. The British Government, for a short time, affected to relinquish the idea of opposing the commercial interests of Ireland. It was determined to let the Irish take their own course, and patiently to await, till circumstances might enable them to act more decisively against their independence. Mr. Pitt was obliged to rest upon his oars : his own bark was tempest tossed, whilst that of Ireland was run- ning rapidly before a prosperous wind. This was the state of Ireland after the proposition-tempest had subsided, when the Duke of Rutland's incessant conviviality deprived (October, 1787) the British Peerage of an honourable, generous, and high-minded nobleman, and Ireland of a Viceroy, whose government did nothing, or worse than nothing, for the Irish people. With the aristocracy, the Duke was singularly popular, and he' was not disliked by any class of the community; but his advisers were pro- fligate, and his measures were corrupt. His Grace and the Duchess were reckoned the handsomest couple in Ireland. The Marquis )f Buckingham was sent, a second time, to govern Ireland. As a moderate, hard-working Viceroy 320 RISE AND FALL with a Catholic wife, he was selected, as not unlikely to be agreeable to the Irish. Little, however, was it supposed, that the most impor- tant and embarrassing of all constitutional questions be- tween the two countries was likely to occur during his administration. Unfortunately, however, such did arise, through the necessity of appointing a Regent during the Monarch's aberration of intellect. This great question, and its influence on the federative compact of the two nations, now entirely occupied the attention of both Parliaments. The Prince, at that periodj held a line of politics, and employed a class ol servants, different from those he afterwards adopted. Mr. Pitt well knew that his own reign, and that of the Cabinet he commanded, were in danger — that they could endure no longer than some tatters of the royal prero- gative and restraints on the Regent should remain in his hands as minister, by which he could curb the Regency, which might otherwise be fatal to his ambition and his cabinet. He therefore resisted, with all his energy, the heir- apparent^ right to the prerogatives of his father, and struggled to restrain the Prince from many of those essential powers of the executive authority. The Prince acted with that dignity of which he was so much a master, but, through a state necessity, sub- mitted reluctantly to the restraints prescribed by his.own servants ; and, from a delicacy to the feeling of his mother, retained in his service a minister whom, on every other ground, he would have been more than justified in dismissing with indignation. The Irish nation had nothing to do with this private circumstance, and the Parliament would not obey the minister, or submit to the mandates of the British Go- vernment. They decided that the Prince was their Regent, in virtue of the federative compact ; and they also determined that he should have all the regal prero- gatives connected with the monarchy of Ireland. Upon this subject debates arose, more embarrassing than any that had ever taken pluce in the Irish Parlia- ment. It was a casus omissus, both in the British Revo- lution of 1688, and in the Irish Constitution of 1782. OF THE IRISH NATION. 321 The question was, whether the Parliament of Ireland were competent, by address or otherwise. t< invest the Regent with more extensive privileges, as to Ireland, than the British Parliament had thought fit to entrust to him in England. II. This point was without precedent; but it was argued, that if an act of Parliament were necessary, no Regent could be appointed, for an aci implied the ex- istence of the third estate, and the proper proceeding was, therefore, by address. The probability of His Majesty's recovery had a powerful influence on placemen and official connections. The Marquis of Buckingham took a decisive part against the Prince, and made bold and hazardous attempts upon the rights of the Iris v i Par- liament. That body was indignant at his presumption, and he found it impossible to govern or control even the habitual supporters of every administration. Fitzgibbon, the Attorney General, was promised the seals, if he suc- ceeded for Mr. Pitt, and he even announced that every opponent should be made the victim of his suffrage. Lord Buckingham even threatened those who would not coincide with the British Parliament ; the then powerful family of Ponsonby, decided supporters of Government, on this occasion seceded from the Marquis, and which gave rise to the famous and spirited Round Robin.* Many however, may be induced to ask, why it was expedient tc be honest in a circle. After long and ardent debates, an address of the Irish Parliament was voted to the Prince, declaring him Regent of the Kingdom of Ireland, in as full, ample, and unquali- fied a manner as was enjoyed by his Royal Father. The words, thougn simple, were as comprehensive as the English language could make them. The terms are : " Under the style and title of Prince Regent of Ireland, in the name and on behalf of his Majesty, to exercise and administer, according to the laws and constitution of this Kingdom, all regal powers, jurisdiction, and prerogatives to the Crown and Government thereof belonging." In the Commons, the Address was moved hy Mr. Grattan, and was carried without a division. It was * That Round Robin was so decisive, that it was brought forward ii 1800, as the most powerful argument in favour of a 1 nion 322 RISE AND PALL moved in the Lords by the Earl of Charlemont, and wa« carried by a majority of only 19. Contents 45 — Non- contents 26. In the Commons, the number upon Mr. Grattan's Mo- tion, for thus transmitting the Address were — for the Motion, 130 : against it, 74. The Address having passed both the Lords and Com- mons, it was sent to the Viceroy to be transmitted to His Royal Highness. The Marquis of Buckingham peremp- torily refused acquiescence, and an embassy of two Lords and four Commoners,* was immediately appointed to hum- bly present the Address, in the name of the nation, to the Prince. A severe resolution of censure was then moved against the Lord Lieutenant, for a breach of official duty. It passed both Houses, and obliged him to quit the coun- try. Though his extensive patronage was craftily applied and had procured him many adherents, he never after- wards could make any head in the Irish Parliament. The Address was the boldest step yet taken by the Irish nation, and it brought the independence of Ireland to a practical issue. III. The vital importance of the Regency Questic^ in consolidating the independence of the Irish Nation^ and the fallacious influence which it afterwards afforded to the arguments for extinguishing that independence, offer considerations more grave and more comprehensive than any that have occurred since England, by the Re- nunciation Act, admitted her usurpation. The facts and reasoning on that subject are beyond the range of this volume — they are therefore here necessarily epitomised. However somewhat more than superficial detail is indispensable, to dispel that mist of mingled pre- judice and ignorance of the English people, which has never ceased to obscure from their view every clear pros- pect of the true state of Ireland, when she evinced her unqualified adherence to the genuine spirit of the consti- tution. In 1789 two branches of the legislature, the Peers and the Commons of Great Britain and of Ireland, were by common law originally, and by statute law, subsequently, • The Lords were, the Duke of Leinster and Lord Charlemont. Thf Caramons Meosrs. Connolly, J. >NeiU W. B. Ponsonby, and J. Stewaxi OF THE IRISH NATION. 323 us distinct as those of any other independent nation. The third estate, the king, was common Monarch of both ; the two crowns placed on the same brow were, by the common constitution t entailed for ever on the samo dynasty : the executive power was united ; the other branches utterly separate. IV. The King of both countries having become incapa- ble of executing his functions for either — his eldest son and heir apparent to the t irone, in the full vigour of health and intellect, by the ii. capacity of his father, became the proper guardian of thos^ two realms to the throne of which he was constitutionally to succeed. So circumstanced, the British minister who as such had no constitutional right to interfere with Ireland, thought proper, through the British Parliament, to shackle the Regency with restrictions, that deprived the executive Dower in England of its constitutional prerogatives ; such a measure, if adopted by Ireland, would have left hei king incompetent, and her Regency imperfect, during the necessary suspension of the monarch's capacity to govern. The Viceroy of Ireland, under the dictation of the Bri- tish minister, resisted the legislature of Ireland in its own course of appointing the same Regent ; and a collision ensued : the Irish supporting, and the English curtailing, the constitutional prerogative of the executive branch of the constitution, in the office of Regent. V. In this state of things, the session was opened on the 5th February by the Marquis of Buckingham, who, in his speech from the throne, informed the two houses of the severe indisposition with which the King was afflicted, and at the same time, acquainted them that he had directed all the documents respecting his Majesty's health which could assist their deliberations to be laid before them. Mr. Fitzherbert, the secretary, then moved the house, that it should resol /e itself into a committee on the Mon- day sen'night, to take into consideration the state of his Majesty's health. As the evident design of this delay was to prevent the Irish Parliament from coming to any resolutions relative lo a Regency before the determinations of the Britith 824 RISE AND PALL Parliament could be proposed to them for their concur- rence, it was opposed as derogatory to the independence of that Kingdom, and to the dignity and credit of its Parliament. Mr, Grattan therefore proposed that — "the House should meet on the next Wednesday." His amend- ment, after a long and warm debate, was carried by a majority of 128 to 74. A motion made by the Chancel- lor of the Exchequer for proceeding immediately upon the business of supply, was negatived. VI. On Wednesday the 11th, Mr. Connolly moved, that " an address should be presented to the Prince of Wales, requesting him to take on himself the Government of Ireland, as Regent thereof during his Majesty's inca- pacity," (without any restriction.) This motion gave rise to a long and violent debate, in which the Attorney General, Mr. Fitzgibbon (afterwards Chancellor of Ireland) eminently distinguished himself in opposition to the motion. It was supported by Mr. Grattan, Mr. Ponsonby, Mr. Curran, and other eminent speakers, and was ultimately carried without a division. On Monday the 16th, the House of Lords being met, the Earl of Charlemont moved for an address to the Prince of Wales similar to that voted by the Commons, which, after some debate, was carried by a majority of nineteen. A protest was entered signed by seventeen Lords. On Thursday the 19th, both houses waited upon the Lord Lieutenant with their address, and requested him to transmit the same, with this request his Excellency refused to comply, returning for answer that under the impressions he felt of his official duty and of the oath he had taken, he did not consider himself warranted to lay before the Prince an address, purporting to invest his Royal Highness with powers to take upon him the Gov ernment of the realm, before he should be enabled by law so to do ; and therefore he declined transmitting their address to Great Britain. Upon the return of the Commons to their own House, and the answer of the Lord Lieutenant being reported to them, Mr. Grattan observed, that in a case so extremely new it would be highly improper to proceed with hurry or precipitation ; the House was called upon to act witfc OF THE IRISH NATION. 325 dignity, firmness and decision; and therefore that due time might be had for deliberation, he would move the question of adjournment to the following day. The question was put and carried without opp >sition. VII. On the next day he moved, That his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, having thought proper to decline to transmit to his Royal Highness George, Prince of Wales, the address of both Houses of Parliament, a competent number of members be appointed to present the said ad- dress to his Royal Highness. Mr. Grattan's motion was passed without any division, whereupon he moved, "That Mr. Connolly do attend the Lords with the said resolution, and acquaint them that this House requests them to appoint members of their own body to join with the members of the Commons in presenting the said address." This also passed without any division, and Mr. Connolly went up to the Lords accordingly. The message received in reply was, that the IiOrds had concurred in the resolution of the Com- mons, and had appointed his Grace the Duke of Leinster, and the Earl of Charlemont, to join with such members as the Commons should appoint to present the address of both Houses to his Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales. Mr. Grattan then moved that the Right Hon. Thomas Connolly, Right Hon. J. O'Neil, Right Hon. W. Ponson- by, and J. Stewart, Esq. should be appointed commis- sioners on the part of the Commons, for the purpose of presenting the Address to his Royal Highness, the Prince of Wales, and they were appointed accordingly. These motions having passed, Mr. Grattan then moved, that the two Houses of Parliament had discharged an in- dispensable duty in providing for the third estate of the Irish Constitution (rendered incomplete through the King's incapacity) by appointing the Prince of Wales, Regent uf Ireland. This motion was carried after a long debate Ayes 150, Noes 71. Mr. Grattan then moved that it is the opinion of this H xaSj " That the answer of his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant to both Houses, in refusing to transmit tLe said address, is ill advised, and tends to convey an un- warrantable and unconstitutional censure o?i the con dvct of both Houses/ 7 28 126 FI»E AND FALL Mr. Grattan's m >tion of censure was then put, on which the House divided, and there appeared lot the motion 115 against it 83. On the 25th, resolutions of the committee of supply (which provides for the payment of the interest of the national debt, the annuities and establishments,) beinp read, Mr. Grattan moved " That the words for twc months, only ending the 26th of May, 1789, be added/' On the question being put, there appeared. Ayes 104 Noes 85. Mr. Grattan then moved that the army be provided foi to the 25th of May only, which motion was earned. Ayes 102, Noes 77. VIII. This determination of the Irish legislature in asserting their constitutional independence, and their en- tire rejection of all subserviency to the views or dictates of the British Parliament, was founded not only on the nature of their federative compact, but on the very prin- ciples of that constitution which it was their mutual duty to preserve in its full integrity. By that constitution it was indispensable that every statute should receive its consummation only by the ex- press assent of the King, as the third estate of that con- stitution. In this case no third estate existed in a capacity to as- sent to or consummate any statute, and no express pro- vision had been made by the constitution for such an emergency. The Irish legislature therefore, having no competent third estate to consummate a statute, adopted the next step admitted by the Constitution, of proceeding by address, for which they had the English precedent of 1688. The British Minister however, determined to proceed by statute, and this difference therefore arose between the two legislatures, England proceeded by means which could not be constitutionally consummated, Ireland pro- ceeded by means which constitutionally could. The Viceroy surrendered himself to the minister ; the Irish legislature adhered to the Prince, and asserted their in- dependence by an overt act, which England never since forgave ; an \ on the Union, used that act of Irish con* stitutionality is a argument for annihilating that legis* Or THE IRISH NATION. 327 ature. which had dared to support the rights o: heii Prince against the ambition of his Minister. IX. International controversies are frequently referred to the arbitration of foreign states, disinterested on the subject, and had the question been submitted to such an arbitrator, " Whether the British legislature abetting the conspiracy of Mr. Pitt, to abridge the executive power of its inherent rights, or that of Ireland supporting the royal prerogatives of their common Regent, and had committed a crime, should be extinguished for its inroad on the con- stitution," the awful sentence must have been pronounced against Great Britain ; and even the dignified language of the Prince himself, evinced nothing adverse to the principle of so just a condemnation.* Previous to the departure of the Delegates to present the address to the Prince of Wales, a declaration by the Viceroy had been made public, which threatened to visit with his displeasure, or reward by his favours, every member of the legislature who could either be deprived of office for his resistance, or induced to accept one foi his desertion. This declaration gave rise to the then celebrated Round Robin, which was subscribed by a great number of the highest and most leading characters of both Houses of Parliament, pledging themselves as a body and as indi- viduals, against every attempt by Government either to seduce or to intimidate them. This was a fatal blow to all further struggles of the Viceroy. The tide ran too strongly to be resisted ; the rank and influence of those who signed that document could no longer be opposed, and proved to the Viceroy the impossibility of his con- tinuing the Government of Ireland, upon such a princi- ple, and of course he determined to retire from the Vice- royalty. X. The Delegates now proceeded to London to deliver to the Prince the joint address of both House.* of the Irish Parliament. The first nobles and commoners of that kingdom investing him with all those royal rights and prerogatives which had been refused to him by his Bri- tish subjects, was too grand and gratifying an embassy tot to receive the highest honours and attention his Roya' • See his letter 10 Mr Pin, and his rejjliu* to the addresses J28 rise and fall Highness and his friends could bestow. Nothing could exceed the dignified cordiality and splendour with which they were received by the Regent on that occasion. He felt all the importance of such a grant, and if gratitude has any permanent station in the hearts of monarchs, the Irish people had reason to expect every favour that tuture power could confer, on a nation whose firmness and fidelity had given him so imperishable a proof of their attachment. The words of the address bespeak the independence and loyalty of the Irish legislature, and fix the constitu- tional limitation to the power conferred by them ; they prayed : — " We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loya 1 subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal and the Comr ^s * Ireland in Parliament assembled, beg leave t* pproach your Royal Highness with hearts full of the aost loyal and affectionate attachment to the person ar.<4 government of your Royal Father, to express the deepest and most grateful sense of the numerous blessings which we have enjoyed under his illustrious House, and at the same time to condole with your Royal Highness upon the grievous malady with which it has pleased Heaven to afflict the best of sovereigns. "We beg leave humbly to request that your Royal Highness will be pleased to take upon you the govern- ment of this realm, during the continuance of his Majes- ty's present indisposition, and no longer ; and under the style and title of Prince Regent of Ireland, in the name and on behalf of his Majesty, to exercise and administer, according to the laws and constitution of this kingdom, all regal powers, jurisdictions, and prerogatives to the crown and government thereof belonging." XI. The reply of his Royal Highness to this embassy from Ireland, is a document of most intrinsic value to the character, and ought to have been so to the interests o f that calumniated and ruined island. That royal document expressly upheld and for ever records the loyal, consistent, and constitutional principles; and conduct which guided the Irish legislature: in that unprecedented proceeding, therein, not only explicitly but most ardently eulogised by the heir apparent. OF THE IRISH NATION. 329 Yet it is unfortunate for the character and cons jstency of British Governments, to find seated high in the cabinet of George the Fourth, the very minister who, in the Irish Parliament, in 1799, gave the retort courteous to every word so uttered by that monarch, as Regent in 1789, and stigmatized as treason that just eulogium uttered but ten years before upon their loyalty. Posterity, however, will read with disgust that, within so short a period, the very act which elicited those just and florid praises of devoted Ireland, was converted into a libel, and made a leading argument to effect the annihilation of the very legislature they had so ardently applauded. It is a remarkable coincidence in Irish annals, that Providence was pleased to diminish her visitation on the King's capacity on the very day first appointed by the Prince to receive his investiture as Regent of Ireland, through the hands of the Irish Delegates ; the object ol this mission therefore could have no ulterior operation, and they returned to their country with every public honour and piivate estimation which their embassy and their characters so justly merited. The Prince therefore had no power previous to the Union of exemplifying his declaration of gratitude to Ireland. After the Union, when Imperial Regent, his British ministers showed ne disposition to give his Royal Highness that power or opportunity ; his energies seemed to retire as his powers were advancing, and when he became actual monarch of both countries, events proved that the Regencies wer» forgotten, and that gratitude was not a record. 330 RISE AND FALL CHATTEP XXII. Ireland acted on her independence — Prosperous state of Ireland at thai Period — The Rise of the Irish Nation consummated by the withdrawal of the Viceroy — Particularly important observation — Lord Westmore- land — Major Hobart — His character — State of Ireland on his accession to office — Concessions by Government — Delusion and negligence of the Opposition — Catholic emancipation commenced — Arguments of the Catholics — Catholic petition rejected by a great majority — Deep de- signs of Mr. Pitt — Mr. Pitt proceeds with his measures to promote a union — Lord Fitzwilliam appointed Lord Lieutenant — His character — Deceived and calumniated by Mr. Pitt — Great popularity of the Lord Lieutenant — Earl Fitzwilliam recalled — Fatal consequences — Ireland given up to Lord Clare, and insurrection excited — Lord Camden — Uni- ted Irishmen — Unprecedented Organization — Lord Camden's character — Despotic conduct of Lord Clare —Earl Carhampton commander-in- chief — Disobeys Lord Camden — Again disobeys — The King's sign- manuel commands him to obey — 1 Ie resigns. I. Upon the return of the Delegates to Ireland, the first epocha which gives a title to this epitome of her history was consummated ; her Rise. She had arisen from ser- vitude to freedom, from a subservient to an independent Nation ; the acquirement of that independence was a revolution, but it was a revolution without bloodshed. It was rather a regeneration, accomplished by the almost unanimous exertion of all the rank, the wealth, the cha- racter and the honesty of a vast population ; the highest of the Aristocracy, and the humblest of the people joined hand in hand to regain their independence ; and it may well be termed a loyal revolution, because the English legislature, by their own voluntary act, admitted theii own previous usurpation, and denounced all further pre- tensions to dominate over Ireland ; and the King of Gieal Britain on his throne, received and acknowledged his Irish subjects altogether legislatively unconnected with the rest of England. From that day Ireland rose in wealth, in trade, and in manufactures, agriculture, and every branch of industry that could enhance her value or render a OF THE IRISH NATION 331 people rich and prosperous. She had acquired her seat amongst the nations of the world, she had asserted her independence against the insolence of Portugal, she had suggested an Irish navy to protect her shores, site had declared a perpetual league of mutual amity and aid with Great Britain. The court of her Viceroy appeared as splendid as her monarch's. Her nobles resided and expended their great fortunes amongst the Irish people, the Commons all resided on their own demesnes, supported and fostered a laborious and tranquil tenantry. The peace of the country was perfect, no standing army, no militia, no police were wanting for its preservation ; the activity of the Volunteers had suppressed crime in every district, religious prejudices were gradually diminishing ; every means of amelioration were in contemplation or in progress. The distinctness of Ireland had been proclaimed to the world by overt acts of herself, and of her monarch and the King of England. The Irish sceptre in the hands of her King had touched the charter of her independence, on the faith of nations, before God and man its eternal freedom had been declared, and should have been in- violable. But by some inscrutable will of heaven, it was decreed that she should soon be again erased from the list of nations, punished without a crime, and laid prostrate at the feet of a jealous ally. II. The spirit and independence of the conjoint Peers and Commons of Ireland, and their reception by the heir apparent, convinced the Viceroy of the impossibility of his retaining office ; his declaration of departure being again repeated, was greeted in Dublin as a measure of the highest gratification to the Whigs and Patriots, and of the deepest regret to the adherents of the minister. However, though the recovery of the King rendered the appointment of their Regent, at the time, unnecessary, it sufficiently asserted their constitutional and national in- dependence, and as we have already mentioned, consum- mated that epoch which is termed the Rise of Ireland. One observation is here not out of place, and it is rather a remarkable occurrence, that it was during the short interval which occurred between the first and second announcement of the entire incapacity of King George the lliird, that he was induced by the same ministers who 332 RISE AND FALL had resisted the iegent, to forego his own Royal acta rescind his own constitutional assest — melt down his Irish Crown, and place his Irish subjects under the guardianship of a mutilated and absent representation. It is therefore not easy to reconcile to ordinary reason the probability that a conscientious and moral monarch, during the in terval of a disease so deep-seated and enfeebling to the human intellect, could calmly or judicially reflect on a measure so comprehensive in its results, and so corrupt in its attainment, as the legislative Union. It was under all t'hese circumstances, and the departure of the Viceroy, that the Earl of Westmoreland came over as his successor. But the line of his politics or govern- ment had not preceded him. III. Mr. Pitt felt that he had made but slight progress towards his scheme of a union with Ireland ; his projects had turned against himself ; and the Irish Parliament, on the subject of the Regency, had taught him a lesson he had but little expectation of learning. However, the spirit of the Irish confirmed that austere and pertinacious statesman in his resolution to rule Ireland in Great Britain, and to leave her no power to impede the course of his ambition. The Earl of Westmoreland was by no means ill adapted to the Irish people. He was sufficiently reserved to con* mand respect, and dignified enough to uphold his station. His splendid conviviality procured him many rational partisans, and his extreme hospitality engendered at least temporary friendships. He was honourable and good natured, and, among the higher orders and his intimaU associates, he was a popular Viceroy. His Secretary, Major Hobart (Lord Buckinghamshire), was more a man of the world, and was admirably cal- culated for the higher classes of the Irish. A perfect gentleman, cheerful, convivial, and con- ciliating, though decided ; liberal, yet crafty ; kind- hearted, but cautious ; and with a mixture of pride and affability in his manner, he particularly adapted himself to his official purposes by occasionally altering the pro- portion of each, as persons or circumstances required their application. With an open, prepossessing, counte- aance he gained wonderfully upon every gentleman will- OF THE IRISH NATION. 333 whom he associated.* The period of Lord Westmore- land's government was certainly the summit of Irish prosperity. From the epoch of his departure she may date the commencement of her downfall. Lord West- moreland's was charged with being a jobbing Government, but it was less so than that of any of his predecessors ; and if he did not diminish, he certainly did not aggravate the burthens of the people. IV. When Lord Westmoreland arrived, Ireland was in a state of great prosperity. He met a strong opposition in Parliament/but it was an honest opposition, the guardian of public liberty, and not a faction. It was constitutional in principle, and formidable in talent ; it was rather a party to effect wholesome measures, than a systematic opposition to the Government. Only two subjects of vital importance were introduced during his adminis- tration; most of the others being plausible demands, calculated rather to gratify the people than to produce any radical change in the system of the Government. A P^e Bill, a Pension Bill, and a Responsibility Bill, an mqtiiry into the sale of Peerages, and into the Police of Dublin, were amongst the most material measures pressed by the opposition during his viceroyalty. The Place Bill, however, supposed to be remedial, eventually became the most important that had ever been passed by an indepen- dent Irish Parliament. The perseverance of the able men who formed the opposition, at length gave a pretence to the Minister to purchase an armistice, by conceding some of the measures they had so long and pertinaciously resisted. It could not have been flattering however, to the warm supporters of Government, to be required by the Secretary * The Beard of Green Cloth (the Lord Lieutenant's second table), never was supported with more splendour than during Lord Westmore- land's Government. It was, at least, as good as his own, the class of so* eiety the same, the conviviality superior. Economy had not crept into that department, and every shilling that was granted to that establish- ment was expended upon it. Major Hobart saved nothing in Ireland ; he expended in the metro- polis all he received; and the entire of the grants, then made by the Irish Parliament to support the Vice-regal establishment, was actually laid out on it, and the citizens of DubJ'n, in fact, reaped the profits of theii tux* 134 RISE AND FALL to become absolutely inconsistent, and to change then language without a change of circumstances, and recant opinions they had so frequently declared in conjunction with the minister. Some of the most active supporters of Government, therefore, determined not to interfere in these concessions, and the opposition, on the other hand, was so keen at the chase, and so gratified at the concession of their long- sought measures, that they but superficially regarded the details or the mode of conceding, and never reflected, as legislators or as statesmen, that one of those measures might prove a deadly weapon, by which the executive Government might destroy the Parliament under pretence of purifying it. A Bill was brought in to vacate the seats of members accepting offices under Government, omitting the term of bona fide offices ; thereby leaving the minister a power of packing the Parliament. The opposition, blinded by their honest zeal, considered this ruinous Bill a species of reform, and were astonished at the concession of a measure at once so popular, and which they conceived to be so destructive of ministerial corruption. The sagacity of Mr. Pitt, however, clearly showed him, that measure would put the Irish Parliament eventually into his hands ; and the sequel proved, that, without that Bill, worded as it was, the corruption by the Minister.?, the rebellion, force and terror combined, could not have effected the Union. The Place, Pension, and Responsibility Bills, were pro- posed by Mr. Grattan, acceded to by the Viceroy, passed into laws, and considered as a triumph of the opposition over the venality of the Government.* Mr. Grattan was certainly the most incorruptible public character on the records of the Irish Parliament. He worshipped popularity, yet there was a tinge of aristocracy in his devotion, which whilst it qualified its enthusiasm, still added to its purity. * The Author was requested by Government to give his assent, in the House, to the Place Bill ; but he had, at their original request, as well «s on his own opinion, for some years opposed it; he therefore positively refused, and stood nearly alone in his opposition. Mr. Newenham and Sir John M'Cartney oniy supported him He foresaw its possible Qjtt Or THE IRISH NATION. 335 Such men may occasionally err in judgment, or may be misled by their ardour; and this was the case with Mr. Grattan, on this armistice with the Government. Mr. Grattan did not always foresee the remote operation of his projects. He was little adapted to labour on the details of mea- sures ; he had laid the broad foundation of the constitu- tion, but sometimes regarded lightly the out-buildings that were occasionally attached to it. On this occasion, the Ministers were too subtle for him, and he heeded not that fatal clause which made no distinction between real and nominal offices. He considered not, that though offices of real emolument could not be so frequently vacated and transferred, as to give the Minister any very important advantage, those of nominal value might be daily given and resigned, without observation, and that, as the House was then constituted, the Minister might almost form the Commons at his pleasure.* By comparing the Irish Parliament at the epochs of the Proposition and the Regency Bills, and at that of 1800. the fatal operation of the Place Bill can be no lon- ger questionable. In one word — it carried the Union.t V. During the administration of Lord Westmoreland, the first question (which so deeply affected the subsequent events of Ireland) was the partial emancipation of the Irish Catholics. Though the question did not, when in troduced, appear to involve the consideration of a legis lative union, its results communicated a powerful influ ence to that measure. The national annihilation of Ireland was, in a consi- derable degree promoted by the impolitic mismanagement of the Catholic population. Though many of the penal and restrictive statutes, by * There are four nominal offices in Ireland — the Escheatorships of Leinster, Munster, Connaught, and Ulster, which are obsolete: theii emoluments are 30s per annum. By means of these offices, Lord Cas- tlereagh packed the parliament in 1 800. 1 he Chiltern Hundreds in England are of the same nature ; but the large number of the British Commons renders any thing like packing Parliament for occasional purposes, by that means, impossible. Not durst, a British minister practice that artifice, except to a very limited extent i See hereafter Mr Crow's Letter to Lord Belvidere. S36 RISE AND FALL which the Catholics had been so long excluded from al. the most valuable rights, not only of British subjects, but of freemen, were repealed; and though the power of taking freeholds, and possessing landed property, was restored to them, these concessions were but a stimulus to further claims, and for which they created a most rational expectation. The Catholics argued, that if they were allowed to purchase freeholds, and to receive, by descent, lands in fee, it must consequently be an injustice, an absurdity, and an insult, to debar them from the plective franchise, and the privileges which were by law attached to the possession of the same species of property by their Pro- testant fellow-subjects. They said, that noblemen and commoners of great for- tune, of their persuasion, who had been deprived of their rights by their attachment to hereditary monarchy, not- withstanding those partial concessions, still remained loaded with many attributes of actual slavery, in the midst of a free people ; that after a century of loyal and peaceable demeanour towards a Protestant dynasty, they were still to be stigmatized as neither trustworthy nor loyal. Their language, firm and decided, was rational, and eventually successful. Government were now alarm- ed, and affected to take a liberal view of the subject ; but were by no means unanimous as to the extent of the concessions. They conceived that tranquillity might be attained by mere religious toleration. This may be true, where but a small portion of the people are claimants : far different, however, where those excluded form the bulk, and the exclusionists a small minority of the people. However, the concessions were important, and greater than could have been credible before Lord Westmore- land's administration. The grant to Catholics of the elective franchise was the act more of Major Hobart and of his government than of himself. The forty shilling franchise was then granted to the poorest and most de- pendent peasantry of Europe, who might one day be influenced by one motive, and the next by its re- verse. It is easier to grant than to recall, and strong doubts were fairly entertained as to the wisdom of thaf Dart of it. OF THE IRISH NATION. 337 The first important debates, on granting the elective franchise to Irish Catholics, were in 1792, on a petitio j, presented in their favour. It was then looked upon as a most daring step ; intolerance was then in full vigour, and Mr. Latouche 2i"T2 i to reject th^ petition without enter- ing o/ ito merits. The prejudice against the Catholics was then so pow- erful, that their petition was rejected with indignation, by a division of 208 to 23. The Government, by this majority, hoped to render similar applications hopeless ; but, a few months after, it was found necessary that the measure should be recom- mended from the Throne, and supported by Government, and was carried in the same House by a large majority. The strange proceeding of the Irish Parliament on this subject, may be accounted for by their dread of reclama- tion by the Catholics (should they be admitted to power) of their forfeited estates, held by Peers and Commoners, by grants of Elizabeth, Cromwell, and William ; but which, on more mature reflection, they found to be chimerical. The Legislature, however, by granting the elective franchise to the Irish Catholics, conceded to them the very essence of the British Constitution. Mr. Pitt's ulterior views as to Ireland solve the enigma, that the virulent enemies of the Catholics, who opposed the slightest concession, should directly after vote them the elective franchise. Mr. Pitt's object was to recipro- cally exasperate the two parties against each other. The indignant rejection of the petition of 1792, inflamed the Catholic with resentment, and elated the Protestant with triumph. The concession of 1793 reversed these . pas- sions ; and both parties felt equally disgusted. The Minister took every advantage of the unpopularity of the Parliament. A very remarkable incident of inconsistency occurred in the House of Lords upon this occasion. Lord Clare, the most unqualified enemy the Catholics ever had, and the most virulent against them, on the debate in 1793 Bpoke and voted for giving them the elective franchise, which he had previously asserted would be a breach of the Coronation Oath, and destructive to the Church and 29 RISE AND FALL State. On the other hand, Lord Charlemont, ai ways th« most zealous friend of the Irish people, and the most dis- tinguished of the gentle breed of patriots, on the same debate spoke in favour of the Catholics, yet voted against any concession whatsoever. Lord Clare wished to do mischief on Mr. Pitt's system, even at his own expense. Lord Charlemont wished to do good, but was too shallow to see the designs of the Chancellor, or even to mix policy with his candour.* Though Lord Westmoreland was powerfully opposed in Parliament, during the whole of his government, the country was in peace, and he was zealously supported. Had he not been recalled, under pretence of making way for a general pacification, the nation had no reason to suppose his place would be much better filled. His recall, and the appointment and deposition of Lord Fitzwilliam, his successor, within three months, completed the train which Mr. Pitt had laid for the explosion. Having divided the country, and obtained the means of packing the Parliament, through the Place Bill, he suffered some men to disseminate tne French revolutionary mania; and having proceeded so far, recalled Lord Westmoreland, and encouraged others to raise their loyalty into the region of madness. His Lordship had not completed the usual term of residence, nor had he failed in his duties ; and his ap- pearing not to feel hurt at his abrupt recall was mysteri- ous, and seemed to forbode some important scheme or deception. VI. The appointment of Lord Fitzwilliam, who had previously opposed the administration, was, perhaps, the most deep and treacherous design ever contemplated by any minister. But Mr. Pitt had never been in Ireland, and experienced difficulties he did not anticipate. He fancied he might excite and suppress commotion at hit convenience ; but, in deciding upon forcing a premature * The ablest of the Catholic leaders, at that time, was Mr. Keough , he possessed a very strong intellect, and had more intelligence and more influence with that body, than any man of that persuasion ; he was j leader at all their early meetings, and of very great use in forwarding their measures. After their attainment of the elective franchise, he still vged their claims with talent, vigour, and perseverance rr THE IRISH NATION. 339 insurrection for a particular object, he did not calculate on the torrent of blood that would be shed, and the in- veterate hatred that might be perpetuated against (he British Government. His resolution was taken, and he prevailed upon one of the most pure and respected of the Whig leaders to become Viceroy of Ireland, under a sup- position that he was selected to tranquilize and to foster that country. The Minister wanted only a high-minded victim, as an instrument to agitate the Irish. His Lord- ship had great estates in Ireland — was one of its most kind and indulgent landlords, and was extremely popular. His manners were, perhaps, too mild, but he had enlarged principles of political liberty, and of religious toleration. Mr. Pitt had assured him he should have the gratification of fully emancipating the Irish Catholics. Lord Fitz- william accepted the office only on that consideration, and with this entire conviction he repaired to Dublin, to carry into immediate execution what he conceived would for ever tranquilize that country. Mr. Pitt intended to inflame the country — throw upon the Viceroy the in- sinuation of disobedience — and openly charge him with a precipitancy, of which he himself was the real author. Never was a scheme conducted with more address and secrecy. Lord Fitzwilliam was received with open arms by the people — he immediately commenced his arrange- ments — and Mr. Pitt began as closely to counteract them. In every act of his government, Lord Fitzwilliam was either deceived or circumvented. Mr. Pitt's end was answered : he thus raised the Catho- lics to the height of expectation, and, by suddenly recall- ing their favourite Viceroy, he inflamed them to tho degree of generating the commotions he meditated, which would throw the Protestants into the arms of England for protection, whilst the horrors would be aggravated by the mingled conflicts of parties, royalists and republicans. By this measure, too, Mr. Pitt had the gratification of humbling Earl Fitzwilliam, disgracing the Whigs, over- whelming the Opposition, turning the Irish into fanatics, and thereby preparing the gentry of that country for th« project that was immediately to succeed it. The conduct of the Duke of Portland must have been either culpable or imbecile — he must either have bo- 840 RISE AND PALL frayed Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Pitt, or Mr. Pitt must have made him a blind instrument of tieachery to his friend. The first is most probable, as he remained in office after his friend had been disgraced, and, in direct contradiction to his own declaration, aided in the fatal project which was effected by that treachery. The limits of this volume do not admit of stating in detail all the important facts which constituted the treach- ery of the Premier, aud the fraud on Earl Fitzwilliam. His Lordship's letters to Lord Carlisle cannot be abridged; every line is material; in those letters only can the deception practised on that nobleman be found with that weight and accuracy which so remarkable an incident in both English and Irish history requires. In those letters will be found, as in a glare of light, on the one side, that high-minded, pure, virtuous dignity of mind and action, and on the other, that intrepid, able, crafty, inflexible, and unprincipled conduct, which mark- ed indelibly the characters of those remarkable per- sonages. Mr. Pitt having sent Lord Fitzwilliam to Ireland with unlimited powers to satisfy the nation, permitted him to proceed until he had unavoidably committed himself both to the Catholics and country, when he suddenly recalled n m, leaving it in a state of excitation and dismay. The day Lord Fitzwilliam arrived, peace was pro- maimed throughout all Ireland. The day he quitted it, sne prepared for insurrection. The Beresfords and the Ponsonbys were arrayed against each other — and, in one week more the Beres- fords would have been prostrate. Mr. Pitt, however, terminated the question, by dethroning Lord Fitzwilliam ; the Whigs were defeated — and Ireland was surrendered at discretion to Lord Clare and his connection. Within three months after Lord Fitzwilliam's dismissal, Lord Clare had got the nation into full training for military ixecution. VII. The arrival of Lord Camden to succeed Earl Fitzwilliam, was attended by almost insurrectionary out- rage. The Beresfords were the ostensible cause of the people's favourite being overthrown: on that family thereiore, they conceived they should signalize their vei* OF THE IRISH NATION. 341 geance : and their determination was nearly carried into execution. The Chancellor, in his carriage, was assailed ; he re- ceived the blow of a stone on his forehead, which, with somewhat more force, would have rid the people of their enemy. His house was attacked ; the populace were determined to destroy him, and were proceeding to exe- cute their intentions. At that moment their rage was, most fortunately, diverted by the address of his sister, Mrs. Jeffries, who, unknown and at great risk, had min- gled in the crowd: she misled them as to the place of his concealment. Disappointed of their object, they then attacked the Custom House, where Mr. Beresford, first commissioner of the revenue resided. Dreadful results were with reason apprehended. Such was the inauspicious beginning of Lord Camden's government. From the day of his arrival the spirit of insurrection increased, and, in a short period, during his Lordship's Government, more blood was shed, as much of outrage and cruelty was perpetrated on both sides, and as many military executions took place, as in ten times the same period during the sanguinary reign of Eliza- beth, or the usurpations of Cromwell or King William.* VIII. The conspiracy of united Irishmen — never pro- foundly secret, soon became public ; its members avowed themselves ; but the extent of its objects was unknown, and its civil arrangements and military organization far exceeded those of any association in history. Constituents knew not their representatives, and the soldiers knew not the names of those by whom they were to be commanded. Even the members of their executive Directory were utterly unknown to some hundred thousand men, who had sworn obedience to their orders. Mr. Pitt was sur- * T have always considered, and still consider William the Third as an usurper in Ireland, until the flight of James, and the Articles of Limerick, capitulated for the whole nation ; after that, he was to b*» considered king dc facto, by conquest. At all events, it was the result of a rebellion in England and of loyalty in Ireland ; and it should be recol- lected, that the Irish people, after that capitulation, never did rise or rebel against his government, or that of his successors, as they did in Scotland twice, and partially in England. The insurrection of 1798 was excited by the art rices of Mr. Pitt if pfCNttote a Union. 342 RISE AND FALL prised, and found the conspiracy becoming rather too extensive and dangerous for his purposes ; for a moment he felt he might possibly get beyond his depth, and he conceived the necessity of forcing a premature explosion, by which he might excite sufficient horrors throughout the country to serve his purpose, and be able to suppress the conspiracy in the bud, which might be beyond his power should it arrive at its maturity. Individually Lord Camden was an excellent man, and, in ordinary times, would have been an acquisition to the country, but he was made a cruel instrument in the hands of Mr. Pitt, and seemed to have no will of his own. Earl Camden was of a high mind, and of unblemished reputation ; his principles were good, but his talent was not eminent ; he intended right but was led wrong ; he wished to govern with moderation, but was driven by his council into most violent proceedings ; to the arrogant dictum of Lord Clare he had not a power of resistance, and he yielded to cruelties that his mind must have re- volted at. His Lordship became extremely popular amongst the armed associations which were raised in Ireland under the title of Yeomen. He was considered the guardian of that institution. He did what justice he was permitted to do ; and a single false act of his own, during his residence in Ireland, never was complained of. His Secretary, Earl Chichester (Mr. Pelham), held up the reputation of the Government to its proper standard. Without great talents, he had good sense, good manners, a frank ad- dress, with humane, honourable, and just intentions ; but, at a critical moment he was obliged to return to England for his health, and Lord Camden filled up the vacancy by his nephew. This relative became one of the most celebrated persons of his day, and is the principal hero in the sequel of Irish history, and in England proved him- self a most destructive minister to the finances and cha- racter of the British Empire. However, with all his good qualities as Viceroy, Lord Camden's Government was by its consequences, the most ruinous, and most unfortunate, that Ireland ever experi* enced. Lord Clare and his connections, int >xicated by theii OP THE IRISH NATION. 343 fictory ovar the late Viceroy, set no bounds to thei. triumph ; they treated the people as their vassals, the country as their demesne, and its patronage as their pri- vate property. IX. On a review of the state of Ireland at that period, it must be obvious to every deliberate observer, that the design ^f Mr. Pitt, to effect some mysterious measure in Ireland, was now, through the unaccountable conduct of the Irish Government, beginning to develope itself. The seed? of insurrection, which had manifested themselves in Scotland and in England, were by the vigour and promptitude of the British Government, rapidly crushed ; and by the reports of Parliament, Lord Melville had ob- tained and published prints of the different pikes manu- factured in Scotland, long before that weapon had been manufactured by the Irish peasantry. But in Ireland, though it appeared, from public documents, that Govern- ment had full and accurate information of the Irish United Societies, and that their leaders and chiefs were well known to the British Ministry, at the same period, and by the same means that England and Scotland were kept tranquil, so might have been Ireland. Mr. Pitt, however, found he had temporized to the ex- tremity of prudence ; the disaffected had not yet appear- ed as a collected army, but a succession of partial out- rages convinced him that prompt and decisive measures became absolutely indispensable. The Earl of Car- hampton, Commander-in-Chief in Ireland, first expressed his dissatisfaction at Mr, Pitt's inexplicable proceedings. His Lordship had but little military experience, but he was a man of the world, of courage, and decision, ardent, and obstinate ; he determined right or wrong, to annihi- late the conspiracy. Without the consent of the Irish Government, he commanded the troops, that, on all symptoms of insurrectionary movements, they should act without waiting for the presence of any civil power. Martial law had not then been proclaimed. He went, therefore, a length, which could not possibly be support* ed ; his orders were countermanded by the Lord Lieu- ^nant ; but he refused to obey the Viceroy, under coloui that he had no rank in the army. Lord Carhampton found that the troops in the garrison 544 RISE AND FALL of Dublin were daily corrupted by the United Irishmen j he therefore withdrew them, and formed two distinct camps on the south and north, some miles from the capital, and thereby, as he conceived, prevented all intercourse of the army with the disaffected of the metropolis. Both measures were disapproved of by the Lord Lieutenant, whom Lord Carhampton again refused to obey. The King's sign manual was at length procured, or- dering him to break up his camps, and bring back the garrison ; this he obeyed, and marched the troops into Dublin barracks. He then resigned his command, ana publicly declared, that some deep and insidious scheme of the Minister was in agitation : for, instead of suppress- ing, the Irish Government was obviously disposed to ex- cite an insurrection. Mr. Pitt counted on the expertness of the Irish Govern, ment to effect a premature explosion. Free Quarters* were now ordered, to irritate the Irish population ; Slow Tortures were inflicted under the pretence of forcing confessions ; the people were goaded and driven to mad- ness. General Abercromby, who succeeded as Commander- in-Chief, was not permitted to abate these enormities, and therefore resigned with disgust.t Ireland was by these means reduced to a state of anarchy, and exposed to crime and cruelties to which no nation had ever been subject. The people could no longer bear their miseries. Mr. Pitt's object was now effected, and an insu/iect:on was excited. * Free Quarters is a term not yet practically known in Er.gland Free Quarters rendered officers and soldiers despotic masters of the peas- antry, their houses, food, property, and, occasionally, their familie* This measure was resorted, with all its attendant horrors, throughout some of the best parts of Ireland, previous to the insurrectic 1, and foi the purpose of exciting it. f General Abercromby, in general orders, stated that the any r)i*x& under his command, from their state of disorganization, wou.'d scv: m much mora formidable to their friends than to their enemies ; and t%< m Would not countenance or adm?t Free Quarters. OV THE IRISH NATION. 344 CHAPTER XXIII iMMJTexjtion — Topography of Wexford County — Persecutions and creel ties of the Wexford Gentry — Commencement of Hostilities — State ot the Insurgents — And their number — Expected attack on Dublin- Excellent plan of the Insurgents — Executions in cold blood, and bar- barous exhibition in the Castle yard — Major Bacon executed withou trial — Major Foot defeated — Col. Walpole defeated and killed — Gen- eral Fawcett defeated — General Dundas and the Cavalry defeated by the Pikemen — Captain Armstrong's treachery — Henry and John Shears — The execution of the two brothers — Progress of the insur- rection — Different Battles — Important Battle of Arklow — Spirited reply of Colonel Skerrit — Battle of Ross — Bagenal Harvey — Death of Lord Mountjoy — Unprecedented instance of Heroism in a Boy — The Royal Army driven out of the town — Description of Vinegar Hill — Details of the Engagement — General Lake's horse shot under him — Ennis- cortiiy twice stormed — Wounded peasants burned — Mr. Grogan tried i?y Court Martial — His witness shot by the military — Bill of attainder — Ten thousand pounds costs to the A ttorney General — Barbarous ex- ecution of Sir Edward Crosby and Mr. Grogan, under colour of a Court Martial. I. These sanguinary transactions will, in the opinions of posterity, be placed to the account of those who might have prevented them. The success of the illiterate in- surgents at the commencement, nearly confirmed them in the idea of their cause being divine : they were led to hope, that, by their numbers, impetuosity, and persever- ance, they could obtain their liberation from an oppres- sive Government and a tyrannical aristocracy. The ignorance or indiscretion of many of the king's officers who had encountered them, exciled their contempt, whilo their own natural habits and instinctive tact led them to a system of ambuscade and stratagem, which, in many instances proved disastrous to the king's forces. The pike, at the commencement, very frequently succeeded against the regular, and always against the yeoman cavalry ; and, in close combat with even the infantry, it proved in some instances irresistible.* * The extreme expertness with which the Irian handled the pike waa RISE AND FALL Almost all countries possess some national weapon, in the use of which the inhabitants are more expert than at any other, and their superiority at which is evinced in every insurrection. The Highland broadsword and tar- get, in the rebellions of Scotland, were eminently suc- cessful; the Polish lances, the American rifle, and the Indian tomahawk, were often as successful against regu- lar troops. II. Wexford, though so near the metropolis, is not a frequented county, as it is not a direct thoroughfare to any other part of the kingdom: the towns of Gorey, Arklow, and Wicklow intervene between Wexford and Dublin. The king's troops were in possession of Arklow, and the country to the metropolis, through Wicklow. They in- terrupted the communication between Wexford and the Wicklow mountains ; and, on that side, left the Wexford insurgents almost isolated in their original position. hi the interior of the county, however, the insurgents had many strong positions ; and, on the south side, the town of New Ross was the only impediment to their making themselves masters of Waterford, where they were certain of being immediately joined by the Munster insurgents, particularly by the Waterford and Tipperary men, the most numerous and efficient in the kingdom ; and this possession of New Ross gave rise to one of the most bloody and most protracted battles ever fought in Ireland. The reckless ferocity, so natural to men resisting op- pression, here had full scope for its terrific development. The peasantry of that country were, in a great proportion, of English descent ; they had been taught that it was right to separate themselves from England ; and they surprising ; by withdrawing, they could shorten it to little more than the length of a dagger, and, in a second, dart it out to its full extent. At Old Kilcullen, they entirely repulsed General Dundas, and the heavy cavalry, in a regular charge, killing two captains and many soldiers: the General escaped with great difficulty, by the fleetness of his horse. At New Ross, they entirely broke the heavy horse by their pikes. A Bolid mass, or deep column of determined pikemen, could only be broken by artillery, or a heavy fire of musketry: well-served artillery they eould not withstand, if not close enough to be rushed upon. Colonel Foot's detachment of infantry was nearly annihilated by the pike tl Ottkxt ; only the m^or and two others escaped. >T THE IRISH NATION. 347 were filled with that dreadful doctrine, that, " if the object Se good, the means are immaterial." Upon this doctrine, however, many of the higher orders lad unequivocally acted. A portion of the gentry of the county of Wexford were boisterous, overbearing, and de- void of judgment ; their Christian principles were merged in their Protestant ascendency. The frenzy of an exter- minating principle seemed to have taken root amongst them ; and they acted as if under the impression, that burning every cottage, and torturing every cottager, were a meritorious proof of their faith and loyalty. Great and most unwarrantable excesses had been practised by tome of the Protestant gentry on the lower orders : some of them were nearly as savage, and certainly as sangui- nary as the most vicious of the insurgents. Those men committed their loyal brutalities without calculating that a single victory might enable the insurgents to retaliate. The conduct of the Wexford gentry was held out, by insurgent leaders, to the inflamed population, as a system to be retaliated ; nor is it possible to deny, that natural justice gave some colour to that sanguinary doctrine. The lower orders uninstructed in the distinction between the rights of Government and the mad excesses of the bigoted gentry or tyrannical functionaries, naturally mis- took retaliation for justice, and followed exactly the course of devastation which had been inflicted upon themselves. The mansions of the gentry experienced the same fate which the gentry had inflicted on the cottages. The in- surgents considered every Protestant a tyrant ; the Pro- testants proclaimed every Catholic a rebel ; reason was banished, mercy was denounced, and the reciprocal thirst for blood became insatiable. til. Actual hostilities now commenced by skirmishes round the city of Dublin, and several simultaneous at- tacks were made by the insurgents, upon various posts and garrisons, with surprising pertinacity. They had neither officers, regular arms, nor discipline ; their plans, there- fore, though acutely devised, could have no certainty of regular or punctual execution ; yet a masterly system of tactics, of combinations, and of offensive warfare had been originally determined upon. Though these, in a great measure, had been frustrated by the death of Lord 148 RISE AND FALL Edward Fitzgerald, and the arrest of the Directory, they were executed sufficiently to prove that there had been »he plan of an effectual resistance to the Government. The number of the insurgents is utterly impossible to be stated with accuracy. There then existed in Ireland at least 125,000 effective men at arms, who, from the amallness of the island, could be collected and marshalled in a week throughout the entire kingdom.* The insurgents were unpaid — many of them nearly unclothed, few of them well armed, all of them undisci- plined, with scarcely any artillery, no cavalry, their pow- der and ammunition mostly prepared by themselves, no tents or covering, no money, no certainty of provisions, obedience to their chiefs, and adherence to their cause, were altogether voluntary. Under these circumstances, their condition must have been precarious, and theii numbers variable. No one leader amongst them had sufficient power to control or counteract their propensities, yet they fought with wonderful perseverance, address, and intrepidity.! * Some of the returns stated that above four hundred thousand men had been sworn, and privately drilled ; but little faith can be placed in any document on the subject. Had the cause continued to succeed, the numbers would have been double. In 1782, above one hundred thousand Independent Volunteers were well clothed, armed, and disciplined, an J about fifty thousand more of an inferior description, were assembled f One of the insurgents in the town of Wexford, with whom I wai well acquainted, gave me much information, and a great insight into th » transactions of that county. He was a rational man, and disgusted witl both parties, he would have been neutral, but neutrality was impo?- sible ; and Mr. Taylor, a Royalist, and a man of truth and integrity, Whom the insurgents, on pain of death, had forced to print their procla- mation, gave me many of their documents, and a great deal of intelli- gence. I collected, on all hands, that, on the first rising, there were no1 five thousand insurgents to attack the town of Wexford ; but that the King's troops having evacuated the place, with a considerable force, and without any effort to defend it, and being harassed on their retreat, this first and most important success had its immediate effect, and before noon the next day more than twenty thousand Wexford men had flocked to their standards, and they hourly increased in number while success waa possible. At the battle of New Ross, I was assured that Bagenal Har- vey had thirty thousand, at the battle of Arklow there were more than 20,000 : and, as the most unequivocal proof of their formidable nuin- bers, at the engagement of Vinegar Hill, General Lake did not think it advisable to a&aok then with less than twenty thousand regu . 5,John PkSpot Huron, .">. Bishop of Down . dArthurO'Ctm/i/rr. 7. Robert Emmett Kenedy, Fufclisner, 5 Barclay St NJewYbifc, OF THE IRISH NATION. 367 CHAPTER XXIV. appointment of Lord Cornwallis — His crafty conduct — French invade Ireland in a small number — British troops totally defeated, their artil- lery all taken — Races of Castlebar — Ninety militia men hanged by Lord Cornwallis — French outwit Lord Cornwallis — Lord Jocelyn taken prisoner — French surrendered — Mr. Pitt proceeds in his project* of a Union — The subserviency of the Lords — The Bishops — Bishops of Waterford and Down — Political characters of Lord Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh — Unfortunate results of Lord Comwallis's conduct in every quarter of the world — Lord Castlereagh — Union proposed — Great splendour of the Chancellor — Celebrated Bar Meeting — Mr. Saurin — Mr. Saint George Daly — Mr. Thomas Grady — Mr. Grady's curious harangue— Mr. Thomas Goold's speech — Thirty-two County Judges appointed by Lord Clare — Lord Clare opposes the Bar — Open- ing of the session of 1799 — Lord Clare's great power — Lord Tyrone's character — Seconded by Mr. Fitzgerald — Mr. John Ball — His character. I. Lord Cornwallis was now selected to complete the project of a union, and Lord Castlereagh was continued as Chief Secretary. His system was, of all others, the most artful and insidious ; he affected impartially, whilst he was deceiving both parties ; he encouraged the United Irishman, and he roused the royalist ; one day he de- stroyed, the next day he was merciful. His system, however, had not exactly the anticpated effect. Every thing gave reason to expect a restoration of tranquillity ; it was through the impression of horror alone that a union cou/ 1 be effected, and he had no time to lose, lest the cou itry might recover its reason. A. portion of an armament, destined by France to aid the Irish insurgents, had escaped our cruisers, and landed about a thousand troops at Killala Bay. They entered Killala without opposition, surprising the bishop and a company of parsons who were on their visitation. Nothing could be better than their conduct, and the bishop, in a publication on this event, did them ample justice, at the expense of his own translation. They were joined by a considerable number of pea* santry, unarmed, unclothed, and undisciplined. But the 368 RISE AND FALL French did the best they could to render them efficient After some stay at Killala, they determined to march into the country, and, even with that small force, they ex- pressed but little doubt of reaching the metropolis. Lord Hutchinson commanded the garrison of Castle- bar a few miles from Killala. His force being pretty numerous, with a good train of artillery, he had no suspicion that a handful of French would presume to attack him. II. General Lake with his staff had just arrived, and taken the command (as an elder officer), as Lord Hut- chinson had determined to march the ensuing day, and end the question, by a capture of the French detachment. The repose of the generals was of short duration. Early in the morning they were roused by an account that the French and peasantry were in full march upon them. They immediately beat to arms, and the troops were moved to a position, about a mile from Castlebar, which, to an unskilled person, setmed unassailable. They had scarcely been posted, with nine pieces of cannon, when the French appeared on the opposite side of a small lake, descending a hill in columns, directly in front of the English. Our artillery played on them with effect. The French kept up a scattered fire of musketry, and took up the attention of our army by irregular movements. In half an hour, however, our troops were alarmed by a movement of small bodies to turn their left, which, being covered by walls, they had never apprehended. The orders given were either mistaken or misbelieved ; the line wavered, and, in a few minutes, the whole of the royal army was completely routed, the flight of the in- fantry was as that of a mob, all the royal artillery was taken, our army fled to Castlebar, the heavy cavalry galloped amongst the infantry and Lord Jocelyn's light dragoons, and made the best of their way, through thick and thin, to Castlebar and towards Tuam, pursued by such of the French as could get horses to carry them. About nine hundred French and some peasants took possession of Castlebar without resistance, except from a few Highlanders stationed in the town, who were soon destroyed.* * The native character of the French never showed itself more strong- ly than aftei this action. When in full possession of the large town oi OF THE IRISH NATION. 369 This battle has been generally called the Races of Castlebar. A considerable part of the Lonth and Kil- kenny regiments, not finding it convenient to retreat, thought the next best thing they could do would be to join the victors, which they immediately did, and in one hour were complp'ely equipped as French riflemen. About ninety of those men were hanged by Lord Corn- wallis afterwards at Ballynamuck. One of them defend- ed himself by insisting, " that it was the army and not he who were deserters ; that whilst he was fighting hard they all ran away, and left him to be murdered." Lord Joce- lyn got him saved. The defeat of Castlebar, however, was a victory to the Viceroy : it revived all the horrors of the rebellion which had been subsiding, and the deser- tion of the militia regiments tended to impress the gentry with an idea, that England alone could protect the country. Lord Cornwallis was supine, and the insurgents were active in profiting by this victory ; 40,000 of them were preparing to assemble at the Crooked Wood, in West- meath, only 42 miles from Dublin, ready to join the French and march upon the metropolis. HI. The French continued too long at Castlebar, and Lord Cornwallis at length collected 20.000 troops, with which he considered himself pretty certain of conquering 900 men. With above 20,000 men, he marched directly to the Shannon to prevent their passage, but he was out- manoeuvered ; the insurgents had led the French to the source of that river, and it was ten days before his Lord- ship, by the slowest possible marches, (which he did pur- posely to increase the public terror), reached his enemy. But he overdid the matter, and had not Colonel Vereker (LordGort) delayed them in a rather sanguinary skirmish in which he was defeated, it was possible that they might have slipped by his Lordship, and have been revelling in Dublin, whilst he was roaming about the Shannon : how ever, he at length overtook the enemy. Lord JocelyiVs Castlebar, they immediately set about putting their persons in the be§l order, and the officers advertised a ball and supper that night, for th« ladies of the town, this, it is said, was well attended; decorum in al] points was strictly preserved; they paid ready money for every thing; in fact, the French army established the French character wherever the/ occupied. B70 RISE AND FALL fox-hunters were determined to retrieve their character 'ost at Castlebar and a squadron, led by his Lordship; made a bold charge upon the French ; but the French opened, then closed on them, and they were beaten, and his Lordship was made prisoner. The French corps, however, saw that ultimate success was impossible, having not more than nine hundred French troops, and they afterwards surrendered prisoners of war without further resistance, after having penetrated to the heart of the kingdom. They were sent to Dublin, and afterwards to France. Horrors now were everywhere recommenced ; execu- tions were multiplied.* Lord Cornwallis marched against the peasantry, still masters of Killala ; and after a san- guinary conflict in the streets, the town was taken : some were slaughtered, many hanged, and the whole district was on the point of being reduced to subjection, when Lord Cornwallis most unexpectedly proclaimed an ar- mistice, and without any terms permitted the insurgents freely to disperse, and gave them thirty days, either to surrender their arms or be prepared for slaughter; leaving them to act as they thought proper in the inter- val. This interval was terrific to the loyalists ; the thirty days of armistice were thirty days of new horror, and the Government had now achieved the very climax of public terror, on which they so much counted for inducing Ire- land to throw herself into the arms of the protecting country. And the first step of Mr. Pitt's project was fully consummated. IV. Mr. Pitt now conceived that the moment had ar- rived to try the effect of his previous measures to pro- mote a legislative Union, and annihilate the Irish legisla- ture. He conceived that he had already prepared induce- ments to suit every temper amongst the Irish Commons : in that he was partially mistaken. He believed that he had prepared the Irish Peers to accede to all his projects ; in that he was successful. The able, arrogant, ruthless bearing of Lord Clare upon the woolsack, had rendered him almost despotic in that imbecile assembly ; forgetting their high rank, their t His Lordship ordered above ninety oi" the militia to be immediate] J ttecuU-1. OF THE IRISH NATION. 371 rountry and themselves, they yielded unresistingly to the spell of his dictation, and as the fascinated bird, only watched his eye and dropt one by one into the power of the serpent. The lure of translation neutralized the scruples of the Episcopacy. The Bishops yielded up their conscience to their interests, and but two of the spiritual Peers could be found to uphold the independence of their country, which had been so nobly attained, and so corruptly ex- tin guishnd. Marly, bishop of Waterford, and Dixon, bishop ot Down, immortalized their name, and their cha- racters ; they dared to oppose the dictator, and supported the rights of Ireland till she ceased to breathe longer un- der the title of a Nation. This measure, of more vital importance than any that has ever yet been enacted by the British legislature, the fatal consequences of which are every day displaying, and still range far beyond the vision of short-sighted states- men, was first proposed indirectly by a speech from the throne, on the 22d January, 1799. The insidious object of that speech to entrap the House into a conciliatory reply was seen through, and resisted with a vigour which neither the English nor Irish Go- vernments had ever suspected. The horrors of civil war, the barbarities practised on the one side, and sanctioned on the other, and the universal consternation of the whole kingdom, had, fortunately for Mr. Pitt, excited in many the fallacious idea that in the arms of England only Ire- land could regain and secure tranquillity. This shallow principle influenced or deluded many, but afforded to a greater number a specious pretence for sup- porting a measure which their individual or corrupt objects only induced them to sanction. To do justice or to detail the speeches on this great •abject, comprising as much eloquence as ever yet ap- peared in any legislative assembly, would be far too extensive a task for this volume. Short abstracts only can now be given here, and the leading arguments con- densed, so as to bring the subject in all its important bearings before the capacity of every reader. V. Ireland was now reduced to a state fitted to receive propositions for a Union. The loyalists were stik strug- 872 RISE AND FALL gling through the embers of a rebellicn, scarcely extin- guished by the torrents of blood which had been poured upon them ; the insurgents were artfully distracted be tween the hopes of mercy and the fear of punishment ; the Viceroy had seduced the Catholics by delusive hopes of emancipation, whilst the Protestants Avere equally assured of their ascendency, and every encouragement wan held out to the sectarians. Lord Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh seemed to have been created for such a crisis and for each other. An unremitting perseverance, an absence of all political compunctions, an unqualified contempt of public opinion, and a disregard of every con- stitutional principle, were common to both. They held that " the object justifies the means ; " and, unfortunately, their private characters were calculated to screen their public conduct from popular suspicion. Lord Cornwallis, with the exception of the Union, which renders him the most prominent person in Irish history, had never succeeded in any of his public mea- sures. His failure in America had deprived England of her colonies, and her army of its reputation ; his catas trophe at Yorktown gave a shock to the King's mind, from which, it is supposed, he never entirely recovered. In India he defeated Tippo Saib, but concluded a peace which only increased the necessity of future wars. Weary of the sword, he was sent as a diplomatist to conclude the peace of Amiens; but, out-manceuvered by Lucien Buonaparte, his Lordship's treaty involved all Europe in a war against England. He had thought to conciliate Lucien, by complimenting the First Consul, and sacri ficed his sovereign's honorary title as King of France, which had been borne since the conquest of the Edwards and the Henrys, while he retained the title of Defender of the Faith, corruptly bestowed by the pope on a tyrant.* This was the instrument now employed by Mr. Pitt to effect the Union. * The title of the King of England then was — " George III. King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith," and so forth. It is very observable, that so distinct did the Kings of England consider the two nations, that in three royal titles France was made to intervene therein between England and Ireland. It was owing to the act of settle- ment, and not through any gift of heaven, that the House of Hanovtf mounted the throne of Great Britain. OF THE IRISH NATION. 373 VI. Lord Castlereagh had teen more than seven years Mi the Irish Parliament, but was undistinguished. In private life, his honourable conduct, gentlemanly habits, and engaging demeanour, were exemplary. Of his public life, the commencement was patriotic, the progress cor- rupt, and the termination criminal. His first public essay was a motion to reform the Irish Parliament, and his last to annihilate it. It is impossible to deny a fact so noto- rious. History, tradition, or the fictions of romance, contain no instance of any minister who so fearlessly de- viated from all the principles which ought to characterize the servant of a constitutional monarch, or the citizen of a free country. Incontestible facts prove the justice of this observation. The rebellion had commenced on the 23d of May, 1 798, and on the 22d of January, 1799, a union was pro- posed. The commercial propositions had taught Mr. Pitt that, in a period of tranquillity, nothing could be effected with the Irish Parliament by fraud or delusion. But for the terrors of the rebellion, the proposal of a Union might have united all parties against the Govern- ment ; and Lord Corn wallis's unexampled warfare against nine hundred Frenchmen, was evidently intended more for terror than for victory. Mr. Pitt's project was first decidedly announced by a pamphlet, written by Mr. Edward Cooke, the Under- Secretary, entitled, " Arguments for and against a Union considered." It was plausibly written, and it roused the people from their confidence that no English minister dared propose, or Irishman abet, a destruction of that independence which Ireland had possessed less than eighteen years. Mr. Cooke was promptly replied to, by a pamphlet, entitled, " Cease your Funning," a master- piece of its kind, which, in the garb of wit and irony, conveyed the most skilful reasoning, and rendered Mr. Oooke's publication perfectly ridiculous. The author was then most deservedly high at the Irish bar, and is now its first law dignitary. It was sent to press five days after the first line was written. Above a hundred pamph- lets were published on both sides of the question; but it was some time before the whole nation could believe sucb a measure durst be attempted. B7'i RISE AND FALL VI L The Bar in Ireland was formerly not a working trade, but a proud profession, filled by gentlemen of birth and fortune, who were then residents in their country. The Government, the Parliament, every municipality then felt the influence of that profession, whose principal pride it always was to defend the Constitution. The number of offices connected with the law were then com- paratively few. The estimable Lord Lifford, at his death, was succeeded on the woolsack by Lord Clare, who im- mediately gave the utmost latitude to his arbitrary temper and despotic principles as Chancellor. He commenced his office with a splendour far exceed- ing all precedent. He expended four thousand guineas or a state carriage ; his establishment was splendid, and :iis entertainments magnificent. His family connections absorbed the patronage of the State, and he became the most absolute subject that modern times had seen in the British islands. His only check was the Bar, which he resolved to corrupt. He doubled the number of the bankrupt commissioners ; he revived some offices, created others, and, under pretence of furnishing each county with a local judge, in two months he established thirty- two new offices, of about six or seven hundred pounds per annum each. His arrogance in court intimidated many whom his patronage could not corrupt ; and he had no doubt of overpowering the whole profession. A meeting of the Bar, however, to discuss the Union, was called on the 9th of December, 1799, at the Exhibi- tion Room, William-street, and Mr. Smith, as the fathei of the Bar, was voted in the chair. Among those who had called the meeting were fourteen of the King's counsel— E. Mayne, W. Saurin, W. C. Plunket, C. Bushe, W Sankey, B. Burton, J. Barrington, A. M'Cartney, G O'Farrell, J. O'Driscoll, J. Lloyd, P. Burrowes, R. Jebb, and H. Joy, Esquires. Mr. Saurin opened the debate. His speech was vapid, and his resolution unpointed ; but he had great influence in his profession. He was a moderate Huguenot, and grandson of the great preacher at the Hague ; he was an excellent lawyer, and an amiable, pious Christian. He was followed by Captain Spencer, of the barristers cavalry. OF THE IRISH NATION. 375 Mr. Saint George Daly, a briefless barrister, was the first supporter of the Union. Of all men he was the least thought of for preferment ; but it was wittily ob- served, " that the Union was the first brief Mr. Daly had spoken from." He moved an adjournment. Mr. Thomas Grady was the Fitzgibbon spokesman — a gentleman of independent property, a tolerable lawyer, an amatory poet, a severe satirist, and an indefatigable quality-hunter. He had written the " Flesh Brush" for Lady Clare ; the " West Briton," for the Union ; the " Barrister," for the Bar ; and the " Nosegay," for a banker at Limerick, who sued him successfully for a libel. " The Irish," said Mr. Grady, " are only the rump of an aristocracy. Shall I visit posterity with a system of war, pestilence, and famine ?* No ! no ! give me a Union. Unite me to that country where all is peace, and order, and prosperity. Without a Union we shall see embryo chief-judges, attorneys general in perspective, and animalcula Serjeants. All the cities of the south and west are on the Atlantic Ocean, between the rest of the world and Great Britain ; they are all for it — they must all become warehouses : the people are Catholics, and they are all for it," (fee. &c. &c. Such an oration as Mr. Grady's had never before been heard at a meeting of lawyers of Europe. Mr. John Beresford, Lord Clare's nephew and purse- bearer, followed, as if for the charitable purpose of taking the laugh from Mr. Grady, in which he perfectly suc- ceeded, by turning it on himself. Mr. Beresford aftei- wards became a parson, and is now Lord Decies. Mr. Goold said — " There are 40,000 British troops in Ireland, and with 40,000 bayonets at my breast, the minister shall not plant another Sicily in the bosom of the Atlantic. I want not the assistance of divine inspi- * Nothing could be more unfortunate than this crude observation of Mr. Grady, as the very three evils, war, pestilence, and famine, which he declared a union would avert, have since visited, and are still visiting the unioned country; which has received aid from England, to avert de- population by that famine which the result of that Union was a leading cause of; and, inoculated with the late plague from Great Britain, tltey aw now declared in a state of war by the British legislature. STG RISE AND FALL ration to foretell, for I am enabled by the visible and un- erring demonstrations of nature to assert, that Ireland was destined to be a free and independent nation. Our patent to be a state, not a shire, comes direct from heaven. Tlw Almighty has, in majestic characters, signed the great charter of bur independence. The great Creator of the world has given our beloved country the gigantic outlines of a kingdom. The God of nature never in- tended that Ireland should be a province, and by G — - she never shall." The assembly burst into a tumult of applause ; a repe- tition of the words came from many mouths, and many an able lawyer swore hard upon the subject. The divi- sion was — Against the Union, .... 166 In favour of it, ..... 32 Majority, . . . 134 VIII. Thirty-two was the precise number of the county judges, and of this minority the following persons were afterwards rewarded for their adherence to Lord Clare :— List of Barristers who supported tfte Union, and their rspectivt rewards. IS Annum. 1 Mr. Charles Osbotii, appointed a Judge of the King's Bench, ..... £3300 2. Mr. Saint John Daly, appointed a Judge of the King's Bench, ...... 3300 3. Mr. William Smith, appointed Baron of the Exchequer, 3300 4. Mr. M'Cleland, appointed Baron of the Exchequer, - 3300 5. Mr. Robert Johnson, appointed Judge of the Common Pleas, - - - - - . 3300 6. Mr. William Johnson appointed Judge of the Common Pleas, ...... 3300 7. Mr. Torrens, appointed Judge of the Common Pleas, - 3300 8. Mr. Vandeleur, appointed a Judge of the King's Bench, • 3300 9. Mr. Thomas Maunsell, a County Judge, - - 600 10. Mr. William Turner, a County Judge, - - 600 I i Mr. John Scholes, a County Judge, ... 600 12. Mr. Thomas Vickers, a County Judge ... 600 13. Mr. J. Homan, a County Judge, - - • 600 14. Mr. Thomas Grady, a County Judge, - - « 600 15. Mr John Dwj er, a County Judge, - - . 600 Or THE IRISH NATION. 377 16. Mr. George Leslie, a County Judge, 17. Mr. Thomas Scott, a County Judge, 18. Mr. Henry Brook, a County Judge, 19. Mr. James Geraghty, a County Judge, 20. Mr. Richard Sharkey, a County Judge, 21. Mr. William Stokes, a County Judge, 22. Mr William Roper, a County Judge, 23. Mr. C. Garnet, a County Judge, 24. Mr. Jemison, a Commissioner for the distribution of one million and a half Uni^n compensation. 25. Mr. Fitzgibbon Henchy, Commissioner of Bankrupts, 26. Mr. J. Keller, Officer in the Court of Chancery, - 27 Mr. P. W Fortescue, M. P. a secret pension, 28. Mr. W. Longfield, an officer in the Custom House, 29. Mr. Arthur Brown, Commission of Inspector, 30. Mr. Edmund Stanley, Commission of Inspector, 31. Mr. Charles Ormsby, Council to Commissioners Value, 32. Mr. William Knott, M. P. Commission of Appeals, 33. Mr. Henry Deane Grady, Council to Commissioners Value 34. Mr. John Beresford, his father a title. Annum <£600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 1200 400 500 400 500 800 800 5000 800 5001 Soon after this decision, Sir Jonah Barrington resigned his commission as an officer of the Barrister's Cavalry, and the corps shortly after ceased to act. " Letter from Sir Jonah Barrington to Captain Saurm Barristers' Cavalry." " Merrion Square, January 20th, 1799 " PerrrK me to resign, through you, the commission which ) hold in the Lawyers' Cavalry ; I resign it with the regret of a soldier, who knows his duty to his King, yet feels his duty to his country, and will depart from neither but with his life. " That blind and fatal measure proposed by the Irish Government, to extinguish the political existence of Ire- land to surrender its legislature, its trade, its dearest lights, and proudest prerogatives, into the hands of a British minisier, and a British council, savours too much of that foreign principle, against the prevailing influence of which the united powers of Great Britain and Ireland are this moment combating, and as evidently throws open to the British empire the gate of that seductive political innovation, which has already proved the grave of half the governments of Europe. 32* 378 RISE AND PALL " Consistent therefore, with my loyalty and my oath, 1 can no longer continue subject to the indefinite and un- foreseen commands of a military government, which so madly hazards the integrity of the British empire, and existence of the British constitution, to crush a rising nation, and aggrandize a despotic minister. " Blinded by my zealous and hereditary attachment to the established government and British connection, I saw not the absolute necessity of national unanimity, to secure constitutional freedom, I see it now, and trust it is not yet too late to establish both. " I never will abet a now developed system, treacherous and ungrateful, stimulating two sects against each other, to enfeeble both, and then making religious feuds a pre- text for political slavery. " Rejecting the experiment of a reform, and recom- mending the experiment of a revolution. " Kindling catholic expectation to a blaze, and then extinguishing it for ever. "Alternately disgusting the rebel and the royalist, by indiscriminate pardon, and indiscriminate punishment. " Suspending one code of laws, and adjudging by another without authority to do either ; and when the country, wearied by her struggles for her King, slumbers to refresh and to regain her vigour, her liberty is treach erously attempted to be bound, and her pride, her security, and her independence, are to be buried alive in the tomb of national annihilation. " Mechanical obedience is the duty of a soldier, but active uninfluenced integrity the indispensable attribute of a legislator, when the preservation of his country is in question, and as the same frantic authority, which me- iitates our civil annihilation, might in the same frenzy meditate military projects from which my feelings, my principles, and my honour might revolt, I feel it right to separate my civil and military functions ; and, to secure the honest uninterrupted exercise of the one, I relinquish the indefinite subjection of the other. " I return the arms I received from government — I re- ceived them pure, and restore them not dishonoured. u I shall now resume my civil duties with zeal and with energy, elevated by the hope, that the Irish Parlia* 0F THE IRISH NATION. 379 ■sent, true to itself, and honest to its country, will nevei assume a power extrinsic of its delegation, and will con- vince the British nation that we are a people equally im- oregnable to the attacks of intimidation, or the shameless iractice of corruption. " Yours (fee "JONAH BARRINGTON, " Lieut. L. Cavalry. " To William Saurin, Esq. Commandant Lawyers' Corps." The Right Honourable James Fitzgerald, then prime- frwjeant, was dissmissed from office, having peremptorily rei'used to vole for the Union. The office of prime-ser- jeant, unknown in England, in Ireland took precedence 01 the Attorney and Solicitor General. The emoluments were very great ; Mr. Saint George Daly was immedi- ately rewarded by that office, to the duties of which he was totally incompetent, never having been in any con- siderable practice at the bar. A meeting was then called to express to Mr. Fitzgerald the thanks of his profession for his disinterested patriot- ism, never was liiere a more just and honourable tribute paid to an honest public character. The bat had also determined, that the precedence in Ihe courts btiould bo continued to Mr. Fitzgerald; to this Lord Claie would not accede, and he treated the subject with great ariogance in his court. That session con- cluded without any other meeting of the profession. The day after that debate, Mr. Saint George Daly drew up a protest of the minority, some of whom refused to sign it ; he got some substitutes, so as to keep up his number of thirty-two, but not one person of professional eminence, of public character, or independence, appeared in the whole number ; it was universally ridiculed, but Mr. Daly carried his object — his own promotion. Five of the debatts on the Union in the Irish Com- mons comprised every thing of the first importance upon the subject : of these, three took place in January, 1799, whilst men were impressed with the horrors of the rebel- lion and the fears of a French invasion. The debates of 1800 were after the Parliament had been packed through 580 RISE AND FALL the Place Bill. The competence of Parliament to relh> quish the Constitution, and their own existence, was dis- cussed with extraordinary ability. IX. The first debate took place on the 22nd Ji nuary, 1799, and lasted till eleven o'clock in the morning of the 23rd, or twenty-two hours. The Government obtained a majority of only one and that by the palpable seduction of Mr. Fox. The second debate commenced at five o'clock on the same day, and continued till late in the morning of the 24th, when, the country being roused, the Treasury Bench was unexpectedly defeated. The speech from the Viceroy, delivered on the open* ing of the session, which gave rise to the debate of 22nd January, recommended — " the unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of endeavouring to effect a separation of this kingdom from Great Britain, must have engaged your particular atten- tion, and His Majesty commands me to express his anx- ious hope that this consideration, joined to the sentiment of mutual affection and common interest, may dispose the Parliaments in both kingdoms to provide the most effectual means of maintaining and improving a con- nection essential to their common security, and of consoli- dating as far as possible into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, the power and the resources of the British empire." The address to that speech, almost an echo, was moved by Lord Tyrone, who thus stamped for him- self an eternal impression on the annals of Ireland. He was the eldest son of the Marquis of Waterford, a keen and haughty nobleman, possessed of that local influence which rank, extensive connections, unlimited patronage, and ostentatious establishments are almost certain to ac- quire: inflated with aristocratic pride and blinded by egotism, he became a powerful instrument of Lord Claret ambition, whilst he conceived that he was only gratifying his own. Lord Clare, at that period, had covered the surface of the nation with the partisans of the Beresfords and himself, and no family ever possessed so many high and lucrative employments ; they had no talent, no public services, no political honesty, which should have entitled them to the authority they exercised over their sovereigu ind country. OF THE IRISH NATION. 38J Lord Tyrone, an automaton of Lord Clare, possessed plain manners, an open countenance, a slothful unculti- vated mind, unsusceptible of any refined impressions, or patriotic feelings ; the example of his relatives gave him no stimulus beyond that of lucrative patronage. What- ever were his individual opinions upon the Union, his vapid, disingenuous, and arrogant speech evinced that he was not calculated to give weight to his family : his speech had been written by his friends, and, concealing it in the crown of his hat, he took a glance at it when at a loss : the exhibition, on such a subject, was too dis- gusting to be ridiculous : Lord Clare, on this occasion, exhibited the voracity of his ambition. The ancient and proud house of Beresford were, on that night, cringing as the vassals of an arrogant and splendid upstart. The address was seconded by Mr. Robert Fitzgerald, of Corkbeg, an elderly country gentleman ; he had an honest character, blunt, candid manners ; and though he had not talent, he could deliver himself with some strength aud with the appearance of sincerity. His speech on this occasion was short and feeble. He had been art- fully seduced as a lure to the country gentlemen, by Lord Cornwailis's assuring him that, in the event of the Union, a royal dock-yard would be built near Cork, which would double the value of his estates. In eveiy debate upon that measure, it was insisted upon that the Parliament was incompetent, even to en- tertain the question of the Union ; such was the opinion of Mr. Saurin, since Attorney General ; Mr. Plunket, since Lord Chancellor ; Serjeant Ball, the ablest lawyer of Ireland ; Mr. Fitzgerald, Prime Sergeant of Ireland ; Mr. Moore, since a Judge ; Sir John Parnell, then Chan- cellor of the Exchequer ; Mr. Bushe, since Chief Justice ; and Lord Oriel, the then Speaker of the House of Com- mons. Nearly every unbribed or uninfluenced member of the learned profession adopted the doctrine of which these learned and able men were the unqualified organs. Lord Glenbervie, in his famous speech in favour of tha Union, in the English House of Commons, in 1800, ex- pressed his surprise that Messrs. Saurin, Plunket, and Harrington, could reason upon so untenable a position. He admitted their sincerity, but considered them not RISE AMD FALL clear in their intellects. His own speech was splen y printed, but was miserably heavy. The Irish Union materially changed the representation of England, and altered the letter and spirit of the Scotch treaty ; Ireland, however, was alone disfranchised. Mr. John Ball, Member for Drogheda, who gave his unqualified opinion as to the legal and constitutional in- capacity of the Commons to enact an Union, was the ablest lawyer of his day, and one of the purest characters, public and private, that had ever flourished in Ireland; amiable and consistent in every station and in every ca- pacity, combining spirit and mildness, fortitude and mo- deration ; he was cast in one of the finest moulds of firmness and patriotism. During his progress from com- parative obscurity to the attachment and highest esteem of his profession, and of the public, he evinced an inde- pendence above all temptation. Though the ablest lawyer of his day he was passed over iu all Lord Glare's proaurtions. OF THE IRISH NATION. E€8 CHAPTER XXV. Hit three leading arguments used in Parliament m favour of a Union— Arguments of the Anti- Unionists — Not England which quelled the insurrection — English militia never acted in Ireland — Mr. William Smith supports the Union — Corrupt conduct of Mr. Trench and Mr Fox — Mr. Trench palpably gained over — Mr. Trench recanted what he had a few moments before declared — The Place Bill and its unfor- tunate effects— Mr. Fox created a Judge of the Common Pleas for his tergiversation — Originally a Whig — Made a false declaration to avoid being counted — Effect of the Place Bill — His second deception — Con- duct of Mr. Cooke and Admiral Pakenham — Mr. Marshall's disgrace- ful conduct — Debate commenced — Great popularity of the Speaker — Lord Castlereagh's policy — Sir John Parnell denied the competence ol both the King and the Parliament to enact a Union — Mr. Tighe the same — Great effect of Mr. Ponsonby's speech — Remarkable agitation — Description of the scene — Lord Castlereagh's violent speech — Attack Ml Mr. Ponsonby — Mr. Ponsonby's sarcastic reply — Lord Castle- reagh's desperation — Mr. John Egan attacks Mr. William Smith — Sir Laurence Parsons made a most able and eloquent speech — Mr. Fred- erick Falkiner nothing could corrupt — Prime Sergeant Fitzgerald dis- missed — Mr. Plunket's speech — Spirited speech of Col. O'Donnell — Second shameful tergiversation of Mr. Trench, created Lord Ashtown — Most important incident in the annals of Ireland — State of the House of Commons — Mr. Fortescue's fatal speech — Mr. French and Lord Cole seceded — John Claudius Beresford — Extraordinary change in the feelings of the House — Sarcastic remark of Sir Henry Caven dish — Great popularity of the Speaker — Joy and exultation of the people — Singular anecdote of Mr. Martin — Meeting of the Lords — Their infatuation — Conduct of Lord Clare — Unpopularity of the Irish Peers — Two Bishops, Down and Limerick, opposed him — Character of the Bishop of Down — Commission of Compensation — Subsequent proceedings of the Viceroy and Lord Castlereagh — Ruinous conse* quence of Mr. Fortescue's conduct— Mistaken conduct of the Anti Unionists — Their embarrassment — Bad effects of Mr. Fortescue's con- duct— The Catholics— State of parties. I. It would be impossible to do justice to the brilliant eloquence, and unanswerable reasoning, by which this measure was combated. Even a short abstract of the speeches delivered on that momentous question would swell this volume beyond its intended limits : those speeches will be the subject of a future publication. 584 RISE AND FA* At present, it must suffice to state the abstract points or. which the arguments of Government for annexation wu founded, and those by which they were so ably, and un answerably refuted. First, the distracted state of th« Irish Nation, its religious dissensions, and the conseque.. danger of a separation, unless protected from so imminen. a peril, by the incorporation with Great Britain, and th» incapacity of the Irish legislature alone to avert the dan gers of the country, and preserve the constitution Secondly, the great commercial advantages of a Uniou which must eventually enrich Ireland, by an extensioi of its commerce, the influx of British capital, and th« confidence of England in the stability of its institution* when guaranteed by the Union. Thirdly, the Govern ment pressed with great zeal the example of Scotlanc which had so improved, and become so rich and pros perous, after its annexation ; a precedent which mus 1 convince the Irish of the incalculable advantages, which must ensue from a similar incorporation. Many other arguments, but of a minor description were urged by the purchased partisans of Government But the leading points which elicited the splendid elo- quence, the reasoning and the high spirit of its oppo nents, were exemplified by the argument of Mr. George Ponsonby. II. Sir Lawrence Parsons, and many others in reply not only animated, but convinced the assembly ; the facts were too strong to be refuted, that the country had beer worked up by the English minister to terrify the Irish gentry into a resubmission to whose shackles from which the spirit of the Volunteers, and of the nation, had but a few years before released them. They asked what could the Union do, which could not be done without it ? That there was no species of aid, no auxiliary powei which England could afford to Ireland, either to restore or secure her tranquillity, that Ireland had not fully within her own reach and power. She had men — she had means — she had arms — she had spirit — she had loyalty — all in her domestic circle sufficient to restore her to peace, which had, for a moment, been interrupted by the machi- nations of those who would now take ad vantage of theii own treachery. The Irish Parliament had within hei OF THE fftl8£l NATION. 385 own walls the power of reconciling religious differences, restoring peace or putting down insurrection, far more effectually than the English Government could pretend to possess. It was argued that the insurrection, first organized and fostered hy Mr. Pitt, and protracted by Lord Cornwaliis, had been suppressed by the active zeal and measures of the Irish Parliament ; and that the introduction of foreign and mercenary Germans, to immolate the Irish, instead of tending to extinguish, added fuel to the conflagration, and excited the strongest feelings of retaliation ; nor could the people of independent Ireland brook the id< a nf being cut down by Welshmen. III. It was not to the arms of England, but to the dis- tinguished loyalty of the Irish Commons, and the prompt and vigorous measures of the Irish Parliament, that the speedy termination of that insurrection was to be attri- buted. The English Militia were brought over, after the contest had nearly ended, and never fired a shot in Ireland. They conducted themselves with decorum and due discipline, and returned to England with at least as good a character as they left it. The German mercena- ries who were wantonly imported, as if to teach barbarity to the Irish insurgents, amply experienced by their own blood the expertness of their pupils, and only aggravated mat people whom they had been brought to conquer. The argument therefore, that the Irish legislature had not sufficient power to protect itself, was unfounded and fallacious, and only invented to keep up and augment the terrors of the Irish gentry. The second ground of argument used by the supporters of the Union, great commercial advantages, appeared still more fallacious; its deception was too palpable to deceive the most ignorant of the people. IV. The proposers of the Union were asked, what were the commercial advantages which Ireland could possibly gain by a Union, that she might not equally attain through her own Parliament without one ? She was an indepen- dent nation, she had an independent legislature, she might regulate her own tariffs and conduct her commerce by hei own statutes ; the reciprocal connection of the two conn- 33 RISE AKD PALL tries was an equal object to the commercial interests of both. The non-importation and non-consumption resolutions of Ireland had once brought back the English monopolists to their reason ; the same power remained with the Irish people. If she could resist commercial restraints in 1782, with tenfold more facility she could resist them in 1800; she could trade with more success, because she had since learned the rudiments of commerce, from a participation in which the avarice of monopolists and the unjust jea- lousies of Great Britain had theretofore excluded her. The crafty prediction that English capital would flow into Ireland, when a Union was effected, was a visionary deception. For more capital would be annually with- drawn from Ireland by the emigration of the landed pro- prietors in consequence of Union, than could be gained by any accession of British capital. Ireland was an agricul- tural country ; her natural fertility pointed out to her the true source of her internal employment and the proper subjects of her external commerce ; and when the famine which the slightest stagnation of trade causes amongst the manufacturers of the first towns of England, the de- crepitude of their meagre operatives, the wretched enerva- ting slavery to which the necessity of the parents and the brutality of the manufacturer condemn the infants of that nation, are considered, it would make a sufficient reply to either the certainty or the consequence of British capital. V. The third and most deceptions argument of the Union supporters, because the most plausible, was the precedent of Scotland, and the great advantages derived by her in consequence of her Union. Of all the false reasoning, mis-stated facts, fallacious premises, and unfounded conclusions, that any position ever was attempted to be supported on, the arguments founded on the Scottish precedent were the most errone- ous, and no deception ever was more completely and fully detected than by the speeches made in the Irish Parliament in 1799 and 1800, and by several able pam- phlets, which, at that period, flowed in full tide upon the public* • Two pamphlets, and a speech of Mr. Goold at the Bar meeting published in 1799, go very ably into all those subjects «T THE IRISH NATION. 387 These replies, being founded on matters of fact and at- tested by incontrovertible records, put at once a decisive conclusion to every argument deduced by the advocates of Union, from that subject. First, as to matter of fact, Scotland and Ireland in their relation with England, stood on grounds diametrically opposite to each other on every point that could warrant a Union on the one side, or reject it on the other. Scotland and England forming only one Island, divided by a frontier, many parts of which a man could step over, had ever been in a state of sanguinary warfare. The facility of invasion on both sides, left no moment of a certain undisturbed tranquillity to either. Their inroads were incessant, their reconciliations, only the forerunner of new contests, interrupted by short intervals of p3ace, until the accession of Mary. She had been Queen of France, and on her return to her native country, intro- duced a French connection with Scotland, which added to the excitement of both nations, and naturally increased the apprehensions of England from the power of a neigh- bour, so supported as Scotland then must have been. The two crowns were united in the person of James the First ; and in the reign of Charles, the Scottish army renounced their allegiance and sold their King, and sur- rendered him to his enemies, and eventually to the exe- cutioner. It was considered by King William III., when he usurped the British throne, that if they so acted by one King, they might do so by another, and his san- guinary conduct towards that country, still widened the breach between the two nations. At length the reign of Anne brought the question of Union forward, not as in Ireland, a mere voluntary discussion, but one of absolute necessity. VI. Had Anne died childless, the crowns must have been severed, and that of Scotland, by descent, would have gone to the Scottish Duke of Hamilton, as Han over was, on the demise of his late Majesty, separatee' from England. This important fact puts an end to all comparisons between the relative state of the two coun- tries. The Scottish Parliament, to put an end to all doubtt on the subject of separation, passed an Act entitled thi 588 RISE AND FALL Act of security. By that statute, the Scottish Parliament enacted that the crown of Scotland should never be worn by the same Monarch as that of England. By the Irish Parliament it was enacted that the two crowns should " ever" be worn by the same Monarch and never dis- united. VII. Thus it incontestibly appears by an Act of Scot- land herself, that without a Scottish Union England and Scotland though the same island, must in a short space of time have been constitutionally severed, and governed by different and distinct monarchs for ever, whereas Ire- land, though a different and distinct island, with a great intervening sea, had decided the very reverse of Scotland, and had united herself indissolubly and voluntarily to England, by a mutual federative compact, both crowns to be for ever worn by the same Monarch. How the supporters of the Irish Union, therefore, could have the face to call in the Scottish Union as a prece- dent, to show the necessity of an Irish Union, can only be accounted for by that voluntary blindness, and pre- meditated absence of all candour and liberality, which are the inseparable companions of political delinquency. But, in fact, the supporters of an Irish Union were themselves the greatest enemies to British connection, for mis clear and obvious reason ; the Scottish Union was a „yiatter of state necessity ; the connection of England and kfeland a mutual international compact, and as such equally binding, sacred, and inviolable, on both sides ; and as the principle of all international as well as indi- vidual contracts, is binding just so long as the mutual compacts are adhered to. Such a mutual, sacred, and international compact, voluntarily, constitutionally, and legally guaranteed by both legislatures, confirmed by the King of both countries in his double capacity, and touch- ed by his sceptre, had been enacted and did exist between England and Ireland long previous to the measure of a Union, so pressed on Ireland by England ; such a Union was therefore a direct unequivocal infraction, of that in- ternational treaty, and federative compact, the mutual and inviolable adherence to which, in all its provisions, was the only valuable consideration to Ireland. It was truly argued, that in this point of view, there* OF THE IRISH NATION. 389 fore no siniil irity existed between the position of Scotland and of Ireland, when the Irish nobles were cashiered of their hereditary honour, and the Irish people plundered of two thirds of their constitutional representation. Till. Another fact stated, and most ably reasoned on, during the debates on the Irish Union to prove the absur- dity of the attempted comparison, was that the Scottish and Irish Parliaments, at that period, had in their organi zation and proceedings no similitude whatsoever ; the Lords and Commons Of Scotland formed but one chamber, the representatives of the people (such as they were) and the Peers called the hereditary counsellors of the crown sat mingled and voted together promiscuously ; nothing like the British constitution even in theory existed in Scotland : church, state, and legislation had no analogy; two countries, therefore, possessing such incongruous materials of legislation, and a species of imperium in imperio, entirely inconsistent with the constitution of the superior nation, could not continue to exist in the same island, without the daily probability of collision, and the danger of hostilities, aided by the facility of invasion by either country ; this condition imperatively required some means to avert so probable and imminent a danger to both countries. No such dangers, however, existed as to Ireland ; and if she had not been politically excited by the British minister, and by the example of England and Scotland, or even after that excitement had subsided, and put an end to, had she been permitted to rest, and regain her tran- quillity and vigour, and proper measures had been then adopted to continue that tranquillity, no country on earth had more capabilities, and no country in Europe would have been more prosperous, tranquil, and happy, than misgoverned Ireland. The grand and fundamental point, which was then urged, reasoned upon, and which never has r and never can be refuted, was the incompetence t f Parliament to betray its trust. Whilst the first elements of the British constitution exist, that principle is its surest protection ; the entire incompetence of representatives elected by.tlie people, as their -delegated trustees, tc represent them in the great national inquest, and as surh trustees, > and 33* 390 RISE AND FALL guardians, to preserve the rights and constitution so entrusted to them, inviolate ; and at the expiration of the term of that trust, deliver back their trust to their con- stituents, as they received it, to be replaced in theii own hands, or of other trustees for another term. But they had, and could have no power to betray their trust, convert it to their own corrupt purposes, or transfer the most valuable of all funds, an independent constitution, the integrity of which they became trustees solely for the purpose of protecting. This being a fundamental principle of British law, is placed under the protection of the Judges ; and the very essence, first principle and element of British equity, is placed under the protection of the Chancellor. That high functionary, in his double capacity, of the first judge of the country, and also the adviser of the King in all cases within his jurisdiction, is bound to support by authorities, that principle which forms the only safeguard to the British Constitution. IX. Many of the ablest lawyers of 1799 and 1800 justly estimated for their deep knowledge, great talents, and incorruptible integrity, gave both in and out of Par- liament unqualified and decided opinions, which are too important not to be recorded ; they entirely denied the competence of the Irish Commons, to pass or even to receive any act of Union extinguishing their own existence and betraying the trusts they were delegated to protect. When the names of Saurin, Ponsonby, Plunket, Ball, Bushe, Curran, Burrowes, Fitzgerald, A. Moore, &c. are found supporting that doctrine by their learning, theii public character, and their legal reputation ; and such men as Grattan, Parsons, Forbes, Parnel, O'Hara, &c. &c. anited with Corry, Clements, Caulfield, Cole, Kings- aorough, &c., and the flower of the young Irish nobles, in /he Commons House of Parliament ; it is impossible not io accede to a doctrine, supported by every principle of (aw. equity, and constitution. This great fact, therefore (and the irrefragable autho- rities on which it rests are repeated, and spread over many parts of this short History), necessarily produces a deduc- tion^ more intrinsically important, and involving mow jrraye considerations, than any other that can arise upoi Or THE IRISH NATIOK. 391 this subject. From these principles, it follows as a corollary, that the Act of Union carried by such means, was in itself a nullity ab initio, and a fraud upon the then existing constitution ; and if a nullity in 1800, it is incon- trovertible that nothing afterwards did, or possibly could, validate it in 1833. No temporary assent, or in this case submission, could be deduced as an argument, no lapse of time, unless by proscription (beyond which the memory of man runneth not), can ever establish any Act originally illegal; no limitation through lapse of time, can bar the rights and claims of the crown, there is no limitation, through lapse of time, to the church, no limitation through lapse of time, can bar the chartered right of even a petty corporation ; and a fortiori, no lapse of time can legalize any act hostile to the rights of a free people, or extinguish the legislature of an independent nation. In that point of view, there- fore, no legislative union ever was constitutionally enacted between the two countries. But considering that question in another point of view, it is the invariable principle of all international law, that the infraction of a solemn treaty, on the one side, dis- penses with any adherence to the same treaty by the other, of course, annuls both, and leaves the contracting parties in statu quo, as they respectively stood before the treaty, and it was therefore argued by those able men, that the renunciation act of the 23d George III., "recognizing the unqualified independence of Ireland, and expressly stipulating and contracting that it should endure for ever," was the very essence, and consideration., of the inter- national and federative treaty ; and through its infraction by England, both countries stood in the very same state p c at the period when England repealed her own statute of George I., and admitted its unconstitutionality, and her own usurpation, Ireland, of course, remained in the same position as she stood at that period. X. From all these considerations it inevitably follows that if through force, or fraud, or fear, or corruption, ii enacting it, the Union was null, then any act of the Ira perial Parliament, repealing the Act of Union, would be in fact only repealing a nullity, and restoring to Ireland a legislature she never had been constitutionally deprived 492 RISK AND FALL of. It was admitted that, had the infraction of the fed* rative treaty been the act of Ireland, then this reasoning would have lost its validity; but the contrary is direct and indisputable The Union propositions came from England herself they were rejected ; she returned to the charge, and forced them upon Ireland, though at the same time the English Parliament had solemnly pledged the honour, both of themselves, and their sovereign, for the eternal support of Its independence, and the federative treaty. These arguments, and many more, were used both in and out of Parliament, to arrest the progress of that des- tructive and faithless measure, but in vain ; however, two great events, so long and so violently resisted for more than a century, have lately been accomplished ; which give rise to constitutional questions, and have materially changed the state both of the people and the legislature, roused Ireland from her torpor, and brought forward claims which had so long lain dormant. And it is by the late measures of England herself, that the Irish people have been led to consider that the nation was only in a slumber, and her legislature only in abeyance. XI. These grave and embarrassing points of constitu- tional law, were by various speeches and pamphlets com- bated by Mr. William Smith (the present Baron,) who lent the whole power of his able, and indefatigable genius, to prove the omnipotence of Parliament, and combat all the reasoning of those distinguished men, who have been heretofore alluded to: particularly Mr. Foster, against whose doctrine he wrote a long and laboured pamphlet. Baron Smith's ideas and reasoning are so metaphysi- cally plaited and interwoven, that facts are lost sight of ;n the multiplicity and minuteness of theories and dis- tinctions, and ordinary auditors, after a most learned, eloquent, and argumentative charge, or argument, are seldom able to recollect a single sentence of either, (the dogmas excepted,) after they are out of the Court House. In ail his arguments, as to the omnipotence of the Irish Parliament to surrender its legislature, he manufactures his theories, as if the Irish Commons submitted willingly to prostitution, and argued in principle, that if niemliera were purchased, it was in a market overt, and that tin OF THE IRISH NATION. VH unconstitutionality of the sale merged in the omnipotent majority of the purchaser. r is to be regretted that the learned Baron, who ia always able, and frequently four days in the week patri- otic, should in 1800 have accepted a seat on the Bench, as a premium for his share of the omnipotency. The English people would have considered the Baron's rea- soning, for the extinction of the Irish Parliament, in a very different point of view, if it had been used by him to prove the expediency of removing the British Parlia- ment, to legislate in Dublin. XII. A very remarkable incident during the first night'e debato occurred in the conduct of Mr. Luke Fox and Mr. Trench, of Woodlawn, afterwards created LordAshtown. Th^ se were the most palpable, undisguised acts of public tergiversation and seduction ever exhibited in a popular assembly. They afterwards became the subject of many speeches and of many publications; and their consequences turned the majority of one in favour of the Minister. It was suspected that Mr. Trench had been long in negociation with Lord Castlereagh, but it did not in the early part of that night appear to have been brought to any conclusion, his conditions were supposed to be too extravagant. Mr. Trench, after some preliminary obser- vations, declared, in a speech, that he would vote against the Minister, and support Mr. Ponsonby's amendment, This appeared a stunning blow to Mr. Cooke, who haj been previously in conversation with Mr. Trench. He was immediately observed sideling from his seat nearer to Lord Castlereagh. They whispered earnestly, and, as if restless and undecided, both looked wistfully towards Mr. Trench. At length the matter seemed to be determined on. Mr. Cooke retired to a back seat, and was obviously endeavouring to count the house, probably to guess if they could that night dispense with Mr. Trench's services. He returned to Lord Castlereagh, they whispered, again looked most affect ionately at Mr. Trench, who seemed unconscious that he was the subject of their consideration. But there was no time to lose, the question was approach- ing, all shame was banished, they decided on the terms, and a significant and certain glance, obvious to every body, convinced Mr. Trench that his conditions wti* 394 RISE AND PALL Agreed to. Mr. Cooke then went and sat down by hn side ; an earnest but very short conversation took place; a parting smib completely told the house that Mr. Trench was that moment satisfied. These surmises were soon verified. Mr. Cooke went back to Lord Castlereagh, a congratulatory nod announced his satisfaction. But could any man for one moment suppose that a Member of Par liament, a man of very large fortune, of respectable family, and good character, could be publicly, and with- out shame or compunction, actually seduced by Lord Castlereagh, in the very body of the house, and under the eye of two hundred and twenty gentlemen ? Yet this was the fact. In a few minutes Mr. Trench rose, to apologize for having indiscreetly declared he would sup- port the amendment. He added, that he had thought better of the subject since he had unguardedly expressed himself ; that he had been convinced he was wrong, and would support the Minister. Scarcely was there a member of any party who was not disgusted ; it had, however, the effect intended by the desperate purchaser, of proving that Ministers would stop at nothing to effect their objects, however shameless or corrupt. This purchase of Mr. Trench, had a much more fatal effect upon the destinies of Ireland. His change of sides, and the majority of one to which it contributed, were probably the remote causes of persevering in a Union. Mr. Trench's venality excited indignation in every friend of Ireland.* Another circumstance that night proved by what means Lord Castlereagh's majority of even one was acquired. The Place Bill, so long and so pertinaciously sought for, and so indiscreetly framed by Mr. Grattan and the Whigs of Ireland, now, for the first time, proved the very engine by which the Minister upset the opposition, and annihilated the Constitution. That bill enacted, that members accepting offices, places, or pensions, during the pleasure of the Crown, • Had Mr. Fox and Mr. Trench voted as they professed, a majority ot three would have appeared in favour oi Mr. Ponsonby's amendment ; and Englishmen will scarcely credit that any Government could, with a majority against them, hive presumed to persevere in theii subversion (A the Constitution. OF THE IRISH NATION. 396 should not sit in Parliament unless re-elected ; but, un- fortunately, the Bill made no distinction between valuable offices which might influence, and nominal offices, which might job, and the Chiltern Hundreds of England were> under the title o[ the Escheatorships of Munster, Lein- ster, Connaught, &c, transferred to Ireland, with salaries of forty shillings, to be used at pleasure by the Secretary. Occasional and temporary seats were thus bartered for by Government, and by the ensuing session, made the complete and fatal instrument of packing the Parliament and effecting a Union. Mr. Luke Fox, a barrister of very humble origin, of vulgar manners, and of a coarse, harsh appearance, was endued with a clear, strong, and acute mind, and was possessed of much cunning. He had acquired very con- siderable legal information, and was an obstinate and per- severing advocate ; he had been the usher of a school, and a sizer in Dublin University ; but neither politics nor the belles-lettres were his pursuit. On acquiring eminence at the bar, he married an obscure niece of the Earl of Ely's; he had originally professed what was called whiggism, merely, as people supposed, because his name was Fox. His progress was impeded by no political principles., but he kept his own secrets well, and being a man of no im- portance, it was perfectly indifferent to every body what side he took. Lord Ely, perceiving he was manageable, returned him to Parliament as one of his automata ; and Mr. Fox played his part very much to the satisfaction of his manager. When the Union was announced. Lord Ely had not made his terms, and remained long in abeyance ; and as his Lordship had not issued his orders to Mr. Fox, he was very unwilling to commit himself until he could dive deeper into probabilities ; but rather believing the oppo- sition would have the majority, he remained in the body of the House with the Anti-Unionists, when the division look place. The doors were scarce^ locked, when ho became alarmed, and slunk, unperceived, into one of the dark corridors, where he concealed himself: he was, how- ever, discovered, and the serjeant-at-arms was ordered to bring him forth, to be counted amongst the Anti-Union- fsfs, lis confusion was very great, and he seemed at hit 396 RISE AND FALT, wit' s end, at length he declared he had taken advantage of the Place Bill ; had actually accepted the Escheator* ship of Munstcr, and had thereby vacated his seat, and could not vote. The fact was doubted, but, after much discussion, his excuse, upon his honour, was admitted, and he was al lowed to return into the corridor. On the numbers being counted, there was a majority of one for LordCastlereagh, and, exclusive of Mr. Trench's conduct ; but for that of Mr. Fox the numbers would have been equal ; the mea- sure would have been negatived by the Speaker's vote, and the renewal of it, the next day, have been prevented: this would have been a most important victory. XII L The mischief of the Place Bill now stared its framers in the face, and gave the Secretary a code of in- struction how to arrange a Parliament against the ensu- ing session. To render the circumstance still more extraordinary and unfortunate for Mr. Fox's reputation, it was subse- quently discovered, by the public records, that Mr. Fox's assertion was false ; but the following day Lord Castle reagh purchased him outright ; and then, and not before, appointed him to the nominal office of Escheator of Mun ster, and left the seat of Lord Ely for another of his crea- tures.* This is mentioned, not only as one of the most reprehensible public acts committed during the discussion, but because it was the primary cause of the measure being persisted in. , The exultations of the public on this disappointment of the Minister knew no bounds ; they reflected not, that, next day, a new debate must endanger their ambiguous triumph. The national character of the Irish, during both the 23rd and 24th, displayed itself in full vigour. The debate upon the report of the address, and the pertinacity which urged the Government to a second combat, soon roused them from their dream of security. Both parties now stood in a difficult and precarious * This did not conclude the remarkable acts of Mr. Fox : after his ■eat had been so vacated, he got himself re-elected for a Borough undei the influence of the Earl of Granard, a zealous Anti-Unionist ; here he once more betrayed the country, and was appointed a Judge when the ■ubject wan decided. OF THE IRISH NATION. 397 predicament : the Minister had not time to gain ground by the usual practices of the Secretary ; and the question must have been either totally relinquished or again dis- cussed. The Opposition were, as yet, uncertain how far the last debate might cause any numerical alteration in their favour ; each party calculated on a small majority, and it was considered that a defeat would be equally ruinous to either. It was supposed that the Minister would, according to all former precedent, withdraw from his situation, if left in a minority, whilst an increased majority, however small, against the Anti-Unionists, might give plausible grounds for future discussions. The next day the people collected in vast multitudes around the House ; a strong sensation was every where perceptible ; immense numbers of ladies of distinction crowded at an early hour, into the galleries, and by their presence and their gestures animated that patriotic spirit, upon the prompt energy of which alone depended the fate of Ireland. Secret messengers were dispatched in every direction, to bring in loitering or reluctant members — every emis- sary that Government could rely upon was busily em- ployed the entire morning ; and five and thirty minutes after four o'clock, in the afternoon of the 24th of January, 1799, the House met to decide, by the adoption or rejec- tion of the Address, the question of national indepen- dence or annihilation. Within the corridors of the House, a shameless and unprecedented alacrity appeared among the friends of Government. Mr. Cooke, the Under Secretary, who, throughout all the subsequent stages of the question, was the private and efficient actuary of the Parliamentary seduction, on this night exceeded even himself, both in his public and prifate exertions to gain over the wavering members. Admiral Pakenham, a naturally friendly and good-heart- ed gentleman, that night acted like the captain of a press- gang, and actually hauled in some members who were desirous of retiring. He had declared that he would act in any capacity, according to the exigencies of his party; % i he did not shrink from his task. Mr. Marshall, of the Secretary's office (not a mem 34 999 RISE AND FALL her), forgot all decorum, and disgraced the cause by hn exploits about the entrances of the House. Others act- ed as keepers in the coffee-room ; and no member who could be seduced, intimidated, or deceived, could possibly escape the nets that were extended to secure hirn. Nor did the leaders of Opposition remain inactive ; but the attendance of their friends being voluntary, was, of course, precarious. The exertions of Mr. Bowes Daly and others, were, however, strenuous. At length a hot and open canvass, by the friends of Gov- ernment, was perceived, wherever an uncertain or reluc- tant member could be found, or his connections discovered, XIV. The debate commenced about seven o'clock. Silence prevailed in the galleries ; but an indecent con- fusion and noise ran through the corridors, and frequently excited surprise and alarm at its continuance : it was the momentous canvass — it was rude, sometimes boisterous, and altogether unsual. The Speaker at length took his chair, and his cry of " Order ! order !" obtained a profound silence. Dignified and peremptory, he was seldom disobeyed ; and a chair- man more despotic, from his wisdom and the respect and affection of the members of every side, never presided over a popular assembly. When prayers commenced, all was in a moment gloomy and decorous, and a deep solemnity corresponded with the vital importance of the subject they were to de- termine. This debate, in point of warmth, much exceeded the former. Lord Castlereagh was silent ; his eye ran round the assembly, as if to ascertain his situation, and was often withdrawn with a look of uncertainty and disap- pointment. The numbers had a little increased since the last division, principally by members who had not de- clared themselves, and of whose opinions the Secretary was ignorant. Lord Castlereagh, however, wincing under his negative castigatio' of the former evening, had now determined to act on the offensive, and give, by his example, more spirit, and zeal to his followers than they had hitherto exhibited It was his only course, and though inoperative, it wai tbly attempted. OP THE IRISH NATION. 3911 The debate, however, had hardly commenced, when he Was assailed as if by a storm. Several members rose at once to tell the Secretary their opinions of his merits — a personal hostility appeared palpable between the parties ; the subject and arguments were the same as those of the preceding night, but they were accompanied much more by individual allusions. Sir John Parnell, late Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had been dismissed for refusing to support a Union, opened the debate. He spoke with great ability; he plainly avowed his opinion that it was a revolutionary change of the Constitution, which the Parliament had no power to enact, and to which the King could not, con- sistently with his Coronation Oath, give the royal assent. Mr. Tighe, of Wicklow, followed and delivered his sentiments against the measure in the same terms, and with equal decision. Mr. George Ponsonby arose to move an amendment, negativing the address as far as it alluded to a Union. When Mr. George Ponsonby was roused, he had great debating powers : on minor subjects he was often vapid, but on this occasion he far exceeded himself in argument, elocution, and in fortitude. He was sincere — his blood warmed — he reasoned with a force, a boldness, and with an absence of all reserve, which he never before had so energetically exhibited. As a lawyer, a statesman, and a loyal Irish subject, he denied that either the Lords, or the Commons, or the King of Ireland, had the power of pass- ing or assenting to a Legislative Union. He avowed his opinion that the measure was revolutionary, and would run the destructive lengths of endangering the compact between the crown and the subjects, and the connection of the two nations. It is scarcely to be imagined what an effect such a speech, from a calm, discreet, and loyal man, a constitu- tional lawyer, and representative of a high aristocratic family, produced in that House. It was, in point of exteiit and powers, unexpected from so calm a character ; and the impression therefore was proportionably greater. The words, as he spoke them, were imbibed by every man who was a free agent in Parliament. In the course of hit speech he assailed Lord Castlereagh with a strength 400 RISE AND FALL * and unreserved severity, which greatly exceeded the usual bounds of his philippics. Cool and deliberate irony, ten times more piercing than the sharpest satire, flowed from his lips, in a slow rolling flood of indignant denunciation. His calm language never for one moment yielded to his warm impressions ; and it was doubly formidable, from being restrained by prudence, and dictated by conviction. During Mr. Ponsonby's oration, a very impressive scene was exhibiting on the treasury bench. Lord Castle- reagh had been anticipated — he seemed to be astounded — he moved restlessly on his seat — he became obviously disconcerted, whispered to those who sat near him, and appeared more sensitive than he had ever been on any public occasion. As Mr. Ponsonby advanced, the Secretary became more affected; occasionally he rose to interrupt; and when Mr. Ponsonby ceased, he appeared to be struggling with violent emotions: but he was unable to suppress the poignancy of his feelings, and he writhed under the casti- gation. His face flushed — his eyes kindled — and, for the first time in that House, he appeared to be rising into a high slate of agitation. Mr. Ponsonby, who stood directly before him, formed an admirable contrast : not a feature moved — not a muscle was disturbed ; his small grey eyes rivetted upon his adversary, expressed contempt and supe- riority more eloquently than language ; and with thes»j cool and scornful glances, which are altogether indes- cribable, Mr. Ponsonby, unperturbed, Hstened to a reply which raised Lord Castlereagh in the estimation oi his adherents. He had that morning decided on a course which the experience of the former evening had induced him to think might affect the debate in favour of the Govern- ment. He had resolved to act on the offensive, and. by an extravagant invective against the principles of the Anti-Unionists, to blind and detach some of the dullest of the country gentlemen from a party which he intended to represent as an anarchial faction ; and by holding up to his supporter an exemplary contempt for all public 9pinio?i, diminish the effect of patriotic declamation, from the powerful effect of which the opponents of a Union OF THE IRISH NATION. 401 acquired so much strength and importance. On these grounds he had decided to act boldly himself, and to encourage and excite a simultaneous attack upon the principles and conduct of the leading members who opposed him. XV. For this species of conflict the youthful Minister was admirably adapted. He had sufficient firmness to advance, and sufficient pertinacity to persist in any asser- tion. Never had he more occasion to exert all his powers ; nor did he fail in his efforts. He had no qualms or compunction to arrest his progress. In his reply there was no assertion he did not risk — no circumstance he did not vouch for — no aspersion he did not cast; and he even went lengths which he afterwards repented. To the Bar he applied the term " pettifoggers ; " to the Opposi- tion, " cabal — combinators — desperate faction ;" and to the nation itself, " barbarism — ignorance," and " insen- sibility to protection and paternal regards she had ever experienced from the British nation." His speech was severe beyond any thing he had ever uttered within the walls of Parliament, and far exceeded the powers he was supposed to possess. He raked up every act of Mr. Ponsonby's political career, and handled it with a mas- terly severity ; but it was in the tone and in the manner of an angry gentleman. He had flown at the highest game, and his opponent (never off his guard) attended to his Lordship with a contemptuous and imperturbable placidity, which frequently gave Mr. Ponsonby a great advantage over warmer debaters. On this occasion he seemed not at all to feel the language of Lord Castle- reagh ; he knew that he had provoked it, and he saw that he had spoken effectually by the irritation of his opponent. Lord Castlereagh was greatly exhausted, and Mr. Pon- sonby, turning round, audibly observed, with a frigid smile, and an air of utter indifference — " the ravings of an irritated youth — it was natural." This was one of the most important personal conflicts during the discussions of the Union, and it had a very powerful effect, at least, on the spirit of his Lordship's followers. Truth was unimportant to him : on personal attacks, his misrepresentation might honourably be ro- 34* 402 RISE AND FALL traded at convenient opportunities. He had no public character to forfeit; and a majority of his supporter* were similarly circumstanced. Prompt personal hostility, therefore, was the line he had that morning decided on ; and it was the most politic step a minister so desperately circumstanced could adopt. When vicious measures are irrevocably adopted, obtrusive compunction must in- stantly be banished. He determined to reject every con- sideration, but that of increasing his majority ; but lie was routed by the very course he had calculated on to ensure a victory. The foresight of Mr. Ponsonby had pene- trated through his policy, and showed him that, to coun- teract the enemy, he should become the assailant, seize the very position his adversary had selected, and antici- pate the very line on which he had determined to try the battle. This line Mr. Ponsonby had acted upon, and in this he had succeeded. The discussion now proceeded with extraordinary as- perity; but the influence of the Speaker, with a few ex- ceptions, preserved the Members in tolerable order : it was often difficult to determine which side transgressed the most. Mr. Arthur Moore on this night took a de- cided part ; and Mr. Egan trampled down the metaphori- cal sophistries of Mr. William Smith, as to the compe- tence of Parliament ; such reasoning he called rubbish, and such reasoners were scavengers ; like a dray horse he galloped over all his opponents, plunging and kicking, and overthrowing all before him. No member on that night pronounced a more sincere, clumsy, powerful ora- tion — of matter he had abundance — of language he made no selection ; and he was aptly compared to the Trojan horse, sounding as if he had armed men within him. Never was there a more unfortunate quotation for the Government than one made by Mr. Serjeant Stanly from Judge Blackstone. The dictum of a puisne Judge, in a British court of law, was cited, to influence the opinion of 300 members in the Irish Parliament on the subject of their own anni- hilation. The debate continued with undiminished animation and hostility until ten o'clock on the morning of the 24th. when Sir Laurence Parsons (Lord Rosse) supported OF THE IRISH NATION. 403 Mr. Ponsonby in a speech luminous, and in some parts almost sublime. He had caught the name which his col.eague had but kindled, and blazed with an eloquence of which he had shown but few examples, the impression was powerful. Mr. Frederick Falkiner, member for Dublin County, who immediately followed, was one of the most remark- able instances of inflexible public integrity in Ireland ; he would have been a valuable acquisition to the Govern- ment, but nothing could corrupt him. Week after week he was ineffectually tempted, through his friends, by a peerage or aught he might desire ; he replied : " I am poor, His true ; but no human power, no reward, no tor- ture, no elevation, shall ever tempt me to betray my country, never mention to me again so infamous a pro- posal." He was, however, afterwards treated ungratefully by the very constituents whom he had obeyed, and died a victim to poverty and patriotism. Mr. James Fitzgerald had been dismissed from the office of Prime Serjeant, the highest at the bar, for refusing to relinquish his independence. He scorned to retain it under circumstances of dishonour, and on this night spoke at great length, and with a train of reasoning which must have been decisive in an uncorrupted assembly ; he refused every offer, and never returned to office.* Colonel Maxwell, (Lord Farnham), Mr. Lee (Water- ford), Mr. Barrington Judge of the High Court of Admi- ralty, and many others, pressed forward to deliver their sentiments against so fatal a project. Every moment the debate grew warmer, and the determination to oppose it became more obvious, the members of Government were staggered, the storm increased, but Lord Castlereagh was calm ; he rose and spoke with a confident assurance * No man in Ireland was more sincere in his opposition to a Union than Mr. Fitzgerald; he was the first who declared his intention oi writing its history. He afterwards relinquished the design, and urged me to commence it — ■ he handed me the prospectus of what he intended, and no man in Ire- land knew the occult details of that proceeding better than he. He it the Father of Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald ; had a very good fortune, and wai one of the most successful and persevering lawyers that ever practise! q Ireland. 404 RISE AND FALL peculiar to himself; and particularly disavowed all cor- ruption, though he had dismissed every man who would not promise to support him, and had near seventy subser- vient placemen at that moment on his side. XVI. At length Mr. Phmket arose, and, in the ablest speech ever heard by any member in that Parliament, went at once to the grand and decisive point, the incom- petence of Parliament, he could go no further on principle than Mr. Ponsonby, but his language was irresistible, and he left nothing to be urged. It was perfect in eloquence, and unanswerable in reasoning. Its effect was indescri- bable ; and, for the first time, Lord Castlereagh, whom he personally assailed, seemed to shrink from the encounter. That speech was of great weight, and it proved the elo- quence, the sincerity, and the fortitude of the speaker. But a short speech on that night, which gave a new sensation, and excited novel observations, was a maiden speech by Colonel O'Donnell of Mayo County, the eldest son of Sir Neil O'Donnell, a man of very large fortune in tnat county ; he was colonel of the Mayo regiment. He was a brave officer, and a well bred gentleman ; and in ail the situations of life he showed excellent qualities. On this night, roused by Lord Castlereagh's invectives, he could not contain his indignation ; and by anticipation " disclaimed all future allegiance, if a Union were effect- ed, he held it as a vicious revolution, and avowed that he would take the field at the head of his regiment to oppose its execution, and would resist rebels in rich clothes as he had done the rebels in rags." And for his speech in Parliament he was dismissed his regiment without further notice. As a contrast to the language of Colonel O'Donnell, it is curious to observe the new exhibition of Mr. Trencb r of Woodiawn. He was not satisfied with the disgusting exhibition of the preceding night, but again introduced himself to a notice which common modesty would have avoided. He now entered into a defence of his former tergiversation, and, most unfortunately for himself, con- tradicted distinctly the substance of both his former speeches. He thus solved all the doubts which might have arisen as to his former conduct, closed the mouth Df eveiy friend from any possibility of defending Lim, OF THE IRISH NATION. 405 End delft ered himself, without reserve, into the hands of his seducers. He said, " he had, since the night before, been fully convinced of the advantages of a Union, and would certainly support it." The Irish Peerage was soon honoured by his addition, as Lord Ashtown. After the most stormy debate remembered in the Irish Parliament, the question was loudly called for by the Opposition, who were now tolerably secure of a majority, never did so much solicitude appear in any public assembly ; at length above sixty members had spoken, the subject was exhausted, and all parties seemed im- patient. The House divided, and the Opposittion with- drew to the Court of Requests. It is not easy to conceive, still less to describe, the anxiety of that moment ; a con- siderable delay took place. Mr. Ponsonby and Sir Laurence Parsons were at length named tellers for the amendment ; Mr. W. Smith and Lord Tyrone for the ad- dress. One hundred and eleven members had declared against the Union, and when the doors were opened, one hundred and five was discovered to be the total number of the Minister's adherents. The gratification of the Anti-Unionists was unbounded ; and as they walked deliberately in, one by one, to be counted, the eager spec- tators, ladies as well as gentlemen, leaning over the gal- L'ries, ignorant of the result, were panting with expecta- tion. Lady Castlereagh, then one of the finest women of the Court, appeared in the Serjeant's box, palpitating for her husband's fate. The desponding appearance and fallen crests of the Ministerial benches, and the exulting air of the opposition members as they entered, were in- telligible.* The murmurs of suppressed anxiety would have excited an interest even in the most unconnected * Mr. Egan, Chairman oi Dublin County, a coarse, large, bluff, red- faced Irishman, was the last who entered. His exultation knew no bounds; as No. 110 was announced, he stopped a moment at the Bar, flourished a great stick which he had in his hand over his head, and with the voice of a Stentor cried out, "And I'm a hunched and eleven .'" He then sat quietly down, and burst out into an immoderate and almos. convulsive fit of laughter ; it was all heart. Never was there a finer picture of genuine patriotism. He was very far from being rich, and had an offer to be made a Baron of the Exchequer, with 3,5007. a year, if be w^uld support the Union, but refused it with indignation. On any othei subject 'lie would have supported the Government. 406 RISE AND PALL stranger, who had known the objects and importance oi the contest. How much more, therefore, must every Irish breast which panted in the galleries have experi- enced that thrilling enthusiasm which accompanies the achievement of patriotic actions, when the Minister's de- feat was announced from the chair ! A due sense of re- spect and decorum restrained the galleries within proper bounds ; but a low ci y of satisfaction from the iemale audience could not be prevented, and no sooner was the event made known out of doors, than the crowds that had waited during the entire night, with increasing im- patience for the vote which was to decide upon the inde- pendence of their country, sent forth loud and reiterated shouts of exultation, which, resounding through the cor- ridors and penetrating to the body of the House, added to the triumph of the conquerors, and to the misery of the adherents of the conquered Minister. The numbers on this division were : — For Mr. Ponsonby's Amendment Ill For Lord Tyrone's address . ... 105 Majority against Government . 6 On this debate, the members who voted were circum- stanced as follows : — Members holding offices during pleasure . 69 Members rewarded by offices for their votes ... 19 Member openly seduced in the body of the House . . 1 Commoners created peers, or their wives peeresses, for their votes 18 102 Supposed to be uninfluenced 3 The House composed of . . 300 Voted that night 216 Absent Members .... 84 Of these eighty-four absent members, twenty-four were Kept away by absolute necessity, and of the residue there can be no doubt they were not friends to the Union, from OF THE IRISH NAT! »N. 44*7 this plain reason — that the Government had the power of enforcing the attendance of all the dependent members, and the Opposition had no power, they had none but vol- untary supporters ; of which number Lord Castlereagh was enabled to seduce forty-three during the piorogation, and by that acquisition out-voted the Anti-Unionists on the 5th of February, 1800. XVII. The members assembled in the lobby were preparing to separate, when Mr, Ponsonby requested they would return into the House and continue a very few minutes, as he had business of the utmost importance for their consideration ; this produced a profound silence ; Mr. Ponsonby than, in a few words, " congratulated the House and the country on the honest and patriotic asser- tion of their liberties ; txit declared, that he considered there would be no security against future attempts to overthrow their independence, but by a direct and abso- lute declaration of the rights of Irishmen, recorded upon their journals, as the decided sense of the people, through their Parliament ; and he, therefore, without further pre- face, moved, " That this House will ever maintain the undoubted birthright of Irishmen, by preserving an independent Parliament of Lords and Commons resi- dent in this Kingdom, as stated and approved by his Majesty and the British Parliament in 1782." Lord Castlereagh, conceiving that further resistance vais unavailing, only said, " that he considered such a motion of the most dangerous tendency ; however, if the House were determined on it, he t>e.£ged to declare his entire dissent, and on their own heads be the consequences of so wrong and inconsidrate a measure." No further opposition was made by Government ; and the Speaker putting the question, a loud cry of approbation followed, with but two negatives, those of Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Toler (Lord Norbury) ; the motion was carried, and the members were rising to withdraw, when the Speaker wishing to be strictly correct, called to Mr. Ponsonby, to write down his motion accurately ; he, accordingly, walked to the table to write it down. This delay of a few moments, unimportant as it might seem in the common course of human occurrences, was an incident which, ultimately deranged the constitution of an empire, 408 RISE AND PALL and annihilated the legislature of an independent natioiv a. single moment, the most critical that ever occurred in history ; and of all the events of Ireland, the most fata! and irretrievable. This may teach posterity, that the destinies of nations are governed by the same chances, subject to the same fatalities, and affected by the same misfortunes, as those of the humblest individual. XVIII. Whilst Mr. Ponsonby was writing his motion, every member, in profound silence, was observing the sensations of the opposite party, and conjecturing the feelings and anticipating the conduct of their adversaries. This motion involved, in one sentence, every thing which was sought after by the one party and dreaded by the other ; its adoption must have ruined the Minister and dismissed the Irish Government. The Treasury Bench held a mournful silence, the Attorney General, Mr. Toler, alone appeared to bear his impending misfor- tune with a portion of that ease and playfulness which never forsook him. On Mr. Ponsonby's handing up his motion, he stood firm and collected, and looked around him with the honest confidence of a man who had performed his duty and saved his country, the silence of death prevailed in the galleries, and the whole assembly displayed a spectacle t*s solemn and important as any country or any era had ever exhibited. The Speaker repeated the question — " the ayes" bursa forth into a loud peal, the gallery was in immediate motion, all was congratulation. On the question being put the second time (as was usual), a still louder and more reiterated cry of " aye, aye," resounded from every quarter ; only the same two negatives were heard,, feebly, from the ministerial side, Government had given up the contest, and the independence of Ireland was on the very verge of permanent security, when Mr. William Charles Fortescue, member for Louth County, requested to be heard before the final decision was announced. Re said, "that he was adverse to the measure of a legislative Union, and had given his decided vote against it, but he did not wish to bind himself for ever; possible circumstances might hereafter occur, which might lender OT mE IRISH NATION 409 that measure expedient for the empire, and he did not approve of any determination which for ever closed the doors against any possibility of future discussion." The Opposition were paralyzed, the Government were roused, a single sentence plausibly conceived, and (without reflecting on its destructive consequence) moderately uttered, by a respectable man, and an avowed Anti- Unionist, eventually decided the fate of the Irish nation. It offered a pretext for timidity, a precedent for caution, and a subterfuge for wavering venality. XIX. Mr. French, of Roscommon, a country gentleman of high character, and Lord Cole, a young nobleman of an honest, inconsiderate mind, who had, on the last division, ^oted sincerely against the Minister, now, without a mo- ment's reflection on the ruin which must necessarily attend every diversity of sentiment in a party associated by only one tie, and bound together only upon one subject, declared themselves of Mr. Fortescue's opinion. Mr. John Claudius Beresford,* who had only been restrained from adhesion to the Clare connection by being representative of the me- tropolis, avowed himself of the same determination ; and thus that constitutional security, which a direct and pe- remptory declaration of indefeasible rights, one moment before, was on the point of permanently establishing, was, by the inconsiderate and temporising words of one feeble minded member, lost for ever. It is impossible to express the surprise and disappointment of the Anti-Unionists. To be defeated by the effort of an enemy was to be borne, but to fall by the secession of a friend was insup- portable. The narrow jealousies and unconnected mate- rials of the Anti-Unionists were no longer to be concealed, either from, friends or enemies. Mr. „.Ponsonby felt the e r itical situation of ihe country, the opposition had but a majority of five on the first division ; three seceders would have given a majority to Government, and a division could not be risked. Mr. Ponsonby's presence of mind instantly suggested * Mr. John Claudius Beresford, though he couM not vote against tht Instructions of tiie City, took every oppoi tunity of expressing, incident- ally, his entire confidence in the fair intentions of Lord Castlereaq/vt government : and never appeared to be really sincere in his opposition o a Unicn. His speech is a tine specimen of temporizing 35 41€ RISE AND PALL the only remaining alternative. He lamented "that the smallest contrariety of opinion should have arisen amongst men who ought to be united by the most powerful of al. inducements, the salvation of their independence. He perceived however, a wish that he should not press the motion, founded, he supposed, on a mistaken confidence in the engagements of the Noble Lord (Lord Castlereagh,) that he would not again bring forward that ruinous measure without the decided approbation of the people, and of the Parliament. Though he must doubt the sin- cerity of the Minister's engagements, he could not hesitate to acquiesce in the wishes of his friends, and he would therefore withdraw his motion." XX. The sudden transition from exultation to despon- dency became instantly apparent, by the dead silence which followed Mr. Ponsonby's declaration, the change was so rapid and so unexpected, that from the galleries, which a moment before were full of congratulation and of pleasure, not a single word was heard, crest-fallen and humbled, many instantly withdrew from the scene, and though the people without knew of nothing but their victory, the retreat was a subject of the most serious soli- citude to every friend of Irish independence. Such an advantage could not escape the anxious eye of Government ; chagrin and disappointment had changed sides, and the friends of the Union, who a moment before had considered their measure as nearly extinguished, rose upon their success, retorted in their turn, and opposed its being withdrawn. It was, however, too tender a ground for either party to insist upon a division, a debate was equally to be avoided, and the motion was suffered to be withdrawn. Sir Henry Cavendish keenly and sarcastically remarked, that " it was a retreat after a victory." After a day's and a night's debate without intermission, the House adjourned at eleven o'clock the ensuing morning. Upon the rising of the House, the populace became tumultuous, and a violent disposition against those who had supported the Union was manifest, not only amongst the common people, but amongst those of a much highei class, who had been mingling with them. On the Speaker's coming out of the House, the horses Were taken from his carriage, and he was drawn in ti iumpb OP THE IRISH NATION. in through the streets by the people, who conceived the whimsical idea of tackling the Lord Chancellor to the coach, and (as a captive general in a Roman triumph) forcing him to tug at the chariot of his conqueror. Had it been effected, it would have been a signal anec- dote, and would, at least, have immortalized the classic genius of the Irish. The populace closely pursued his Lordship for that extraordinary purpose ; he escaped with great difficulty, and fled, with a pistol in his hand, to a receding door- way in Clarendon-street. But the people, who pursued hire in sport, set up a loud laugh at him, as he stood terrified against the door ; they offered him no personal violence, and returned in high glee to their more innocent amuse- ment of drawing the Speaker. XXI. A scene of joy and triumph appeared universal, every countenance had a smile, throughout all ranks and classes of the people, men shook their neighbours heartily by the hand, as if the Minister's defeat was an event of individual good fortune, the mob seemed as well disposed to joy as mischief, and that was saying much for a Dublin assemblage. But a view of their enemies, as they came skulking from behind the corridors, occasionally roused them to no very tranquil temperature. Some members had to try their speed, and others their intrepidity. Mr. Richard Martin, unable to get clear, turned on his hunters, and boldly faced a mob of many thousands, with a small pocket pistol in his hand. He swore most vehemently, that, if they advanced six inches on him, he would imme- diately " shoot every mother 's babe of them as dead as that paving stone" — (kicking one.) The united spirit and fun of his declaration, and his little pocket pistol, aimed at ten thousand men, women, and children, were so entirely to the taste of our Irish populace, that all symptoms of hostility ceased ; they gave him three cheers, and he re- gained his home without further molestation. Mr. O'Driscol. a gentleman of the Irish Bar, one of the most sincere and active Anti-Unionists, used great and successful efforts to tranquilize the people ; and to his persuasions was chiefly to be attributed their peaceable dispersion. In one particular instance, he certainly pre- 412 RISE AND FALL vented a most atrocious mischief, if not a great crime, bj his prompt and spirited interference. The House of Lords met on the 22d of January, 1799, the same day as the Commons, to receive the speech of the Viceroy. Though the nation was not unprepared for any instauce of its subserviency, some patriotic spirits might reasonably have been expected on so momentous a subject as the Union ; in this expectation, however, it was but feebly gratified. Never did a body of hereditary nobles, many of ancient family, and several of splendid fortune, so disgrace their ancestry. After an ineffectual resistance by some, whose integrity was invincible, the Irish Lords recorded their own humi- liation, and, in a state of absolute infatuation, perpetrated the most extraordinary act of legislative suicide which ever stained the records of a nation. The reply of the Irish Lords, to the speech of the Bin tish Viceroy, coincided in his recommendation, and vir- tually consented to prostrate themselves and their posterity for ever. The prerogatives of rank, the pride of ancestry, the glory of the peerage, and the rights of the country, \vere equally sacrificed. The facility with which the Irish Lords re-echoed their sentence of extinction was quite unexampled. That stultified facility can only be elucidated by taking & brief statistical view of what was once considered an august assembly, but which the over-bearing influence of the absol ute and vindictive Chancellor had for some years reduced to a mere instrument of his ambition. In the hands of the Chancellor, Lord Clare, the House was powerless, his mere automaton or puppet, which he coerced or humoured, according to his ambition or caprice. There were, however, amongst the Irish nobility, a few men of spirit, pride, talent, and integrity : but they were too few for resistance. The education of the Irish noblemen of that day was little calculated for debate or Parliamentary duties ; they very seldom took any active part in Parliamentary dis- cussions, and more rarely attained to that confidence in public speaking, without which no effect can be produced. n ey could argue, or might leclaim, but were unequal ta Or THE IRISH NATION. 413 what is termed debate; and being confirmed in their tor pidity by an habitual abstinence from Parliamentary dis- cussions, when the day of danger came, they were unequal to the contest. Lord Clare, on the contrary, from his forensic habits, his dogmatic arrogance, and unrestrained invective, had an incalculable advantage over less practised reasoners. The modest were overwhelmed by flights of astounding rhapsody, the patriotic borne down by calumny, the dif- fident silenced by contemptuous irony ; and nearly the whole of the Peerage, without being able to account for their pusillanimity, were either trampled under his feet, or were mere puppets in the grasp of this all-powerful Chan- cellor. Such was the state of the Irish Lords in 1799. The extent of Lord Clare's connections, and the energy of his conduct during the last insurrection, had contributed to render him nearly despotic over both the Government and the country. Dickson, Bishop of Down, and Marlay, Bishop of Limerick, were the only spiritual peers that ventured to oppose him, both were of invincible integrity and undeviating patriotism, his Grace of Limerick was the uncle of Mr. Grattan ; and the Bishop of Down was the intimate friend of Mr. Fox : unfortunately, both were too mild, unassuming, and dignified, to contend success- fully against so haughty and remorseless an opponent. XXII. The Bishop of Down was a prelate of the most faultless character, the extreme beauty of his countenance, the gentleness of his manners, and the patriarchal dignity of his figure, rendered him one of tfc e most interesting persons in society. His talents were considerable, but they were neutralized by his modesty ; and he seldom could be prevailed upon to rise in the House of Peers upon political subjects. On this night, however, stung to the quick by the invectives, and indignant at the designs of the Chancellor, he made a reply to him of which he was supposed incapable. Severity from the Bishop of Down was likewise so unusual, that the few sentences he pronounced, stunned the champion more than all the speeches of his more disciplined oppo- nents. Nothing, however, could overcome the influence of Lord Clare. The Irish Lords lay prostrate before the Govern 35* 414 RISE AND FALL ment, but the leaders were not inattentive to their own interests. The defeat of Government in the Commoni gave them an importance they had not expected. The debates and conduct of the Irish peers bear a com- paratively unimportant share in the transactions of that epoch, and have but little interest in the memoirs of those times ; but the accounts of Lord Annesley, &c., record their corruption.* It is not the object, therefore, of these anecdotes, to dilate more upon the proceedings of that degraded assem- bly, than incidentally to introduce, as episodes, their in- dividual actions, and to state that a great proportion of the million and a half levied upon Ireland, and distributed by Lord Castlereagh's Commissioners of Compensation, went into the pockets of the Lords Spiritual and Tempo- ral of Ireland. XXIII. From the hour that Mr. Ponsonby's motion was withdrawn, Government gained strength, the standard of visionary honours and of corrupt emoluments was raised for recruits, a congratulatory, instead of a conso- latory dispatch, had been instantly forwarded to Mr. Pitt, and another to the Duke of Portland ; and it was not difficult to foresee, that the result of that night, though apparently a victory over the proposition for a Union, afforded so strong a point for the Minister in the subse- quent negotiations, by which he had determined to achieve his measure. The arguments and divisions on succeed- ing debates proved, beyond the possihility of question, the overwhelming advantage which Mr. Fortescue's pre- cedent had given to those who were determined to dis- pose of their consistency under colour of their moderation. The bad consequences which were likely to result from this event, did not at first occur to many of the Opposi- tion. Some of the leading members of that party, highly elated at the success of the last division, could see do- * It is supposed that the important parts of those records have been suppressed at court ; the writer could only trace them to the bureau of Lord Annesley, but never could procure authenticated extracts. It if therefore only from the payments at the Treasury, and the admission of the parties, that the corrupt payments can be substantiated. One volumt of the reports made by the commissioners of compensation and distribo- tion f»f <£l,500,000 was given to the Author by Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald* some exfacts are given from it ; the rest have been suppressed. OF THE IRISH NATION. 4lfl thing but the prospect of an increasing majority and an ultimate triumph ; these were numerous but short-sighted. Others regarded, with a wise solicitude, the palpable want of political connection in the party that opposed the Minister. However, Lord Castlereagh who had so con- fidently pressed forward a measure which Parliament had decidedly rejected, and the public universally repro- bated, found his situation the most difficult imaginable. He had no just reason to expect support in minor measures, who had proved himself utterly unworthy of the confidence of Parliament on one of the first magni- tude. His pride was humbled, but his firmness and per- severance overcame his difficulties, and the next import- ant division on Lord Corry's motion clearly proved the consummate address with which he had trafficked with the members during the interval. All the weapons of seduction were in his hands ; and, to acquire a majority, he had only to overcome the wavering and feeble. A motion of Lord Corry's, made a few days afterwards, in order to prevent any future scheme of a Union, after a long debate, was also negatived (by a majority of fifty- eight), and thus concluded all discussion on the Union for that session. The session, however, had scarcely closed, when his Lordship recommenced his warfare against his country. The treasury was in his hands, patronage in his note-book, and all the influence which the scourge or the pardon, reward or punishment could possibly produce on the trembling rebels, was openly resorted to. Lord Cornwallis determined to put Irish honesty to the test, and set out upon an experimental tour through those parts of the country where the no- bility and gentry were most likely to entertain him. He artfully selected those places where he could best make his way with corporations at public dinners, and with the aristocracy, country gentlemen, and farmers, by visiting their mansions and cottages. Ireland was thus canvassed, and every gaol was converted to a hustings. In reflecting, therefore, on the extraordinary fate of Mr. Ponsonby's declaratory motion just and not incon- siderate alarm must have been excited in the mind of every man who had determined boldly and unequivo caily lo support the freedom of his country. 416 RISE AND FALL It was not now difficult to perceive, that, to the cool and reasoning part of the nation, melancholy forebodings must naturally arise, from the decided absence of that cordial, unqualified co-operation amongst the members of the opposition, by whose undeviating unanimity alone the revival of the project, and the probable ruin of the country could be resisted. It was evident that, by the thoughtless conduct of Mr. Fortescue, Lord Cole, and Mr. French, the conclusive rejection of the proposal was prevented, had 'hey been even one moment silent, Ireland would have been a proud, prosperous, free, tranquil, and productive member of the British Empire. But their puerile inconsistency lost their country, gave a clue to the Secretary, and the Government, before plunged in a hopeless perplexity, and opened a wide door for future discussion, which Mr. Pon sonby's motion would have for ever prevented. In a body composed as the Parliament of Ireland, though this misfortune must ever be deplored, and those gentlemen for ever censured, yet such an event was not a subject for astonishment. A great number of those who composed the House were most inexperienced states- men — they meddled but little individually in any arrange- ment of debates, and voted according to their party or their sentiments, without the habit of any previous con- sultation. Such men, therefore, after the last division against the Minister, could not suppose he would again revive the question, and they partook of the general satisfaction. Moderation was now recommended, as the proper course for a loyal opposition, and the proposal for a Union hav- ing been virtually negatived, it was observed by the courtly oppositionists to be at least unkind, if not indis- creet, to push Government further at a "moment like th* present" On the other hand, those who wished to complete the victory, could not shut their eyes to the hazard of mode- rate proceedings, and their zeal led them to wish to im- prove their advantage, and, if possible, to remove Lord Cornwallis from the Government, as a finishing stroke to the measure. But the conduct of Mr. Fortescue and hii supporters had miserably deceived them, and had con OF THE IRISH NATION. 417 vmced Ihe leaders of the Opposition that they were about to tread very uncertain ground, and that their first con- sideration should be, how far the possibility of attaining their ultimate object should be weighed against the pro- bable event of losing their majority by another trial of strength. Reasoning people without doors, saw the danger still more clearly than those who had individually to encounter it. Regardless of the solemn engagements he had made in the House, and by which he had imposed on many of the opposition, the Minister and his agents lost no oppor- tunity, nor omitted any means, of making good their party amongst the Members who had not publicly declared themselves, and of endeavouring to pervert the principles and corrupt the consistency of those who had. Lord Castlereagh's ulterior efforts were extensive and indefati- gable, his spirit revived and every hour gained ground on his opponents. He clearly perceived that the ranks of the Opposition were too open to be strong, and too mixed to be unanimous. The extraordinary fate of Mr. Ponsonby's declaration of rights, and the debate on a similar motion by Lord Corry, which so shortly afterwards met a more serious negative, proved the truth of these observations, and identified the persons through whom that truth was to be afterwards exemplified. The disheartening effects of Mr. Fortescue's conduct (notwithstanding the general exultation of the country), appeared to make a very powerful impression on the public- mind, it was assiduously circulated by Government as a triumph, and on all occasions reluctantly alluded to by the Anti-Unionists, it became apparent that the increasing: majority against the minister, on the second division, if unaccompanied by that fatal circumstance, would have effectually established the progressive power of the oppo- sition, and rapidly hastened the upset of Government.* But the advantage of that majority was lost, and the * It is observable, that in all debates of Parliament, "a moment like the present" or, "this is not tlie time" or, "it would be highly incon- venient at this time" &c. are invariably used as arguments by Ministers when they have no substantial reasons to give for their refusals, it is a •weeping species of n'ply of great utility, as it answers all subjecti and all reasoning. IJ8 RISK AND FALL possibility of exciting division amongst the Anti-Unionists could no longer be questioned. This consideration had an immediate and extensive effect, the timid recommenced their fears, the wavering began to think of consequences the venal to negociate : and the public mind, particularly amongst the Catholics, who still smarted from the scourge^ became so deeply affected, and so timorously doubtful, that some of the persons, assuming to themselves the title of Catholic Leaders* sought an audience, in order to inquire from Marquis Cornwallis, "What would be the advantage to the Catholics, if a Union should happen to be effected in Ireland V However, great confidence in an ultimate crushing of the project kept its place in the Opposition. The Parlia- ment, unaccustomed to see the Minister with a majority of only one, considered him as totally defeated. A rising party is sure to gain proselytes. Government, therefore, lost ground as the Opposition gained it ; and for a few days it was generally supposed that the Viceroy and Secretary must resign. Many of their adherents shrunk from them. A large proportion of Parliament was far beyond the power either of fear or corruption, yet the impartial history of these times must throw a partial shade over the consistency of Ireland, and exhibit some of the once leading characters in both Houses in a course of the most humiliating, corrupt, and disgusting servility ; contradicting by the last act of their political lives, the whole tenor of their farmer principles, from the first moment they had the power of declaring them to the nation. In another quarter, those who formed an Oppo- sition to the Minister on the question of a Union, had been, and wished to continue, his avowed supporters on every other. The custom of the times, the venality of the court, even the excessive habits of convivial luxury, had combined gradually to blunt the poignancy of public spirit, and the activity of patriotic exertions, on ordinary * Mr. Bellew (brother to Sir Patrick Beilew), Mr. Lynch, and some others, had several audiences with the Viceroy ; the Catholic Bishops were generally deceived into the most disgusting subservience, rewards were not withheld, Mr. Bellew- was to be appointed a County Judge, but that being found impracticable, he got a secret pension, which he has •«w enjoyed lor thirty- two years. Or THE IRISH NATION. 411 subjects. The terrors of the rebellion, scarcely yet extin- guished had induced many to cling for protection round a government whose principles they had condemned, and whose politics they had resisted. The subtle Viceroy knew full well how to make his advantage of the moment, and by keeping up the delusion, under the name of loyalty and discretion, he restrained within narrow limits the spirit of constitutional independence wherever he found he could not otherwise subdue it.* * Mr. Curran, Mr. Grattan, and some other members of the Opposition, seceded from the new Parliament. Never was any step more indiscreet, more ill timed, or to themselves moie injurious; that the cause of Ireland should lose two such advocates at the very moment she most required them, was truly unfortunate. Mr. Grattan returned to Parliament whea loo late, Mr. Curran, never ; and h s fine taints were lost to hiiuwlf mi ii country for era 420 RISE AND FAL> CHAPTER XXVI. rhe different views of the Opposition — Opposition not sumVently o»w ganized or connected — Disunion in consequence of the Catholic que» tion — Catholics duped — Alternately oppressed and fostered — Lorf Clare's great influence — Very important despatch from Mr. Pitt, to Lord Cornwallis — Unprecedented plan of Lord Castlereagh — Remark able dinner — The plan or conspiracy — Acceded to — Rewards in Per- spective — Meeting of Anti-Unionists at Lord Charlemont's — Opposi- tion Lord6 meet — Lord Castlereagh's Plan laid before them — Counter- pian proposed — Rejected — Eari Belmore — His motion to the samt effect as Mr. Ponsonby's — Rejected — Very numerous addresses again/* the Union — Particularly Dublin — A Privy Council — Lord Clare's vio» lence — Military execution — People killed and wounded — Inefficiei? If brought before Parliament — Anti-Union dinner — Mi Handock of Athlone, a conspicuous patriot — Corrupt state of the British Parlia* ment — Compared with that of Ireland at the Union — Mr Handcoc* bribed I. The Members of the old Opposition who had been returned to the new Parliament in 1797. did not exceed fifty ; but several others, who had been connected (nnd some of them closely) with Government, showed a ten- dency, on the Union alone to sever themselves from theif old attachment ; accustomed to support administration, they formed no cordial co-operation with those who had professed a more extensive principle of opposition ; and though they wished to oppose the Union, they did not wish to oppose the Minister, and they acted without decisive effect, because they wrought on too contracted a foundation. The opposition to Union were, in fact, united on no one question but that of the Union, even in the measure of that opposition they were not agreed, much less in the mode of securing a retreat or of profiting by a victory. But still the opposition to annexation brought them closely together. A view of the House at this period was quite unprecedented ; the friends of Catholic Emancipation were seen on the same benches with those of Protestant ascen* OF THE IRISH NATION. 421 dency. the supporters of reform divided with the borough influence, a sense of common danger drew men together on this topic who were dissimilar in sentiment, adverse in opinion, jealous in interest, and antagonists in principle. They conjointly presented a formidable front to the enemy, but possessed within themselves neither subordination nor unqualified unanimity, qualities which were essentially necessary to preserve so heterogeneous a body from the destructive weapons which were provided for their over- throw. There was no great leader whom they could collec- tively consult or obey, no systematic course determined on for their conduct, no pre-arranged plan of proceeding without doors, or practical arrangement for internal de- bate ; their energies were personal, their enthusiasm graduated, and their exertions not gregarious. Every- man formed his own line of procedure : the battle was hand to hand, the movements desultory ; whether they clashed with the general interest, or injured the general cause, was hardly contemplated, and seldom perceived until the injury had happened. II. The talent of Parliament principally existed amongst the members who had formed the general opposition to the Union. Some habitual friends of administration, there- fore, who had on this single question seceded from the Court, and who wished to resume their old habits on the Union being disposed of, obviously felt a portion of narrow jealousy at being led by those whom they had been accus- tomed to oppose, and reluctantly joined in any liberal opposition to a Court which they had been in the habit of supporting. They desired to vote against the Union in the abstract, but to commit themselves no farther against She Minister. Many, upon this temporizing and ineffective principle, cautiously avoided anj- discussion, save upon the direct proposition ; and this was remarkable, and felt to be ruinous in the succeeding session.* But the strongeit and most fatal cause of division amongst the Members of the opposition, was certainly * It is worthy of observation, that Lord Castlereagh was so aware of lhat feeling amongst those who opposed the Union, that, in 1800, Lord Comwallis's speech did not even hint at a revival of that measure Hence the diminished minoritv on Sir Laurence Parson's motion. 36 422 RISE AND FALL theii radical difference of opinion on the Catholic question. Those who had determined to support the Catholic cause, as the surest mode of preventing any future attempts i0 attain a Union, were obliged to dissemble their intentions of proposing emancipation, lest they should disgust the Catholic opponents who acted with them solely against the Uniom Those who were enemies to Catholic relax- ation were also obliged to conceal their wishes, lest their determination to resist that measure should disgust the advocates of emancipation, who had united with them on the present occasion. The Viceroy knew mankind too well to dismiss the Catholics without a comfortable conviction of their certain t mancipation ; he turned to them the honest side of his countenance : the priests bowed before the soldierly con- descensions of a starred veteran. The titular Archbishop was led to believe he would instantly become a real prelate ; and before the negociation concluded, Dr. Troy was consecrated a decided Unionist, and was directed to send pastoral letters to his colleagues to promote it. Never yet did any clergy so retrograde as the Catholic hierarchy, &c, on that occasion. It is true that they were deceived ; but it was a corrupt deception, and they felt it during eight and twenty years. Most of them have since sojourned to the grave, simple titulars, and have left a double lesson to the world, that Priests and Governments can rely but little on each other, and that the people should in general be very sceptical in relying upon either. Nothing could be more culpable than the conduct of a considerable portion of the Catholic clergy ; the Catholic body were misled, or neutralized, throughout the entire of that unfortunate era. In 1798 they were hanged ; in 1799 they were caressed ; in 1800 they were cajoled ; in 1801 they were discarded; and, after a lapse of twenty-six years, they were complaining louder than when they were in slavery. Nothing can now keep pace with their popula- tion but their poverty ; and no body of men ever gave a more helping hand to their own degradation and miseiy. Lord Castlereagh, in his nature decided and persevering, was stimulated still more by the spirit and arrogance of the restless and indefatigable Chancellor. Lord Claw had professed himself an enemy to the Union ; but, de- ; OP THE IRISH NATION. 423 luded ty his ambition, he conceived he might rule the British councils, as he had governed those of Ireland The Union, rejected his power would be extinguished ; if it were carried, his influence might be transferred to a larger field ; he therefore determined that the measure should be achieved, whether by fraud, or force, or corrup- tion, was to him a matter, if not of indifference, at least of no perplexing solicitude. Lord Castlereagh enlisted him willingly under his ban- ners, whilst the Marquis Cornwallis, pertinacious, yet plausible, cajoled men, whom the address of Fitzgibbon would have irritated, or the undisguised corruption of Castlereagh have disgusted or alarmed. III. Mr. Pitt had, by a private despatch to Lord Corn waiiis, desired that the measure should not be then pressed, unless he could be certain of a majority of fifty* The Chancellor, on learning the import of that despatch, ex- postulated in the strongest terms at so pusillanimous a decision. His Lordship never knew the meaning of the word moderation in any public pursuit, and he cared not \\ hether the Union were carried by a majority of one or one hundred. Lord Castlereagh, though practically unskilled, was intuitively artful, he was cool, whilst Lord Clare was in- flamed; and Lord Cornwallis, as a soldier, preferred stra- tagem to assault, and cautiously opened his trenches before every assailable member. Lord Castlereagh had reflected on an unfavourable circumstance, which he had the spirit and policy, as far as possible, to counteract. In the former session, the opposition had derived con- * The original despatch I saw and read ; it was brought from Mr Cooke's office secretly, and shown to me for a. particular purpose, and completely deceived me, but I could not obtain possession of it. I after- wards discovered that it had not been replaced in the office. It was sub- scribed by Mr. Pitt himself, and the name of Mr. Bankes occurred more than once in it ; it did not compliment him. I have reason to believe that that despatch, with some other important papers, was afterwards accidentally dropped in College Green, and found by Doctor Kearney, then Provost of Dublin University. He told me he nad tound such papers, and promised to show them to me at a future day when the question was decided, but never did. Doctor Kearney was a grotesque figure, wonderfully short and droll, but a man of learning and 0/ excellent" character in every respect. He was afterwards matk Bishop of Ossory, he wa* an Anti Unionist. 424 RISE AND TALL siderable advantage from the spirit with which many of the party had inclined towards personal hostilities ; this, in the ensuing session, was to be retaliated with interest, but many of Lord Castlereagh's adherents, though engaged to vote, might not be so well inclined to combat for a Union. He was naturally of high spirit, but this was not to be imparted to others, nor could he, prudently, exhibit it himself: he had the command of money, but not the creation of courage, and his cause was not calculated to generate that feeling; he therefore devised a plan, un- precedented, and which never could have been thought of in any other country than Ireland : it has not been the subject of any publication.* IV. He invited to dinner, at his house in Merrion Square, above twenty of his most staunch supporters, consisting of "tried men," and men of "fighting families," who might feel an individual pride in resenting every personality of the opposition, and in identifying their own honour with the cause of Government. This dinner was sumptuous ; the Champagne and Madeira had their due effect: no man could be more condescending than the noble host. After due preparation, the point was skilfully introduced by Sir John Blaquiere (since created Lord de Blaquiere,) who, of all men, was best calculated to promote a gentle- manly, convivial, fighting conspiracy ; he was of the old school, an able diplomatist; and with the most polished manners and imposing address, he combined a friendly heart and decided spirit ; in polite conviviality he was unrivalled. Having sent round many loyal, mingled with joyous and exhilarating toasts, he stated, that he understood the opposition were disposed to personal unkindness, or even incivilities, towards His Majesty's best friends, the Union- ists of Ireland. He was determined that no man should advance upon him by degrading the party he had adopted, and the measures he was pledged to support. A lull bumper proved his sincerity, the subject was discussed * It was communicated to me on the morning after its development, by a Member of Parliament, who was himself present and engaged in the enterprise, but whose real principles were decidedly averse to a Union, to which he had been induced to give his insincere support ; but though h« had ample spirit, ne had too much good sense to quarrel on the suhjec* OF THE IRISH NATION. 428 with great glee, and some of the company began to feel a Real for " actual service." Lord Castlereagh affected some coquetry, lest this idea should appear to have originated with him ; but, when he perceived that many had made up their minds to act even on the offensive, he calmly observed, that some mode should, at all events, be taken to secure the constant pre- sence of a sufficient number of the Government friends during the discussion, as subjects of the utmost import- ance were often totally lost for want of due attendance. Never did a sleight-of-hand man juggle more expertly. One of his Lordship's prepared accessories (as if it were a new thought) proposed, humourously, to have a dinner for twenty or thirty every day, in one of the com- mittee chambers, where they could be always at hand to make up a House, or for any emergency which should call for an unexpected reinforcement, during any part of the discussion. The novel idea of such a detachment of legislators was considered whimsical and humourous, and, of course, was not rejected. Wit and puns began to accompany the bottle ; Mr. Cooke, the Secretary, then, with significant nods and smirking inuendos, began to circulate his official towards to the company. The hints and the claret united to raise visions of the most gratifying nature, every man became in a prosperous state of official pregnancy : em- bryo judges, counsel to boards, envoys to foreign courts, compensation pensioners, placemen at chance, and com- missioners in assortments, all revelled in the anticipation of something substantial to be given to every Member who would do the Secretary the honour of accepting it. The scheme was unanimously adopted, Sir John Bla- quiere pleasantly observed that, at all events, they would be sure of a good cook at their dinners. After much wit, and many flashes of convivial bravery, the meeting sepa- rated after midnight, fully resolved to eat, drink, speak, and fight for Lord Castlereagh. They so far kept their words, that the supporters of the Union indisputably showed more personal spirit than their opponents during the session. ;■ * • The house of Lord Charlemont was the place of meet mg for the leading Members, opponents of the Union ; the 36* 12h RISE AND FALL hereditary patriotism and honour of his son, the pieseut Earl, pointed him out for general confidence. The next morning after Lord Castlereagh's extraordinary coterie, a meeting was held at Charlemont House, to consider of the best system to be pursued in the House of Commons, to preserve the country from the impending ruin. No man in Ireland was more sincere than Lord Char- lemont. Lord Corry was by far more ardent, and Lord Leitrim more reserved, in their manners : the Commoners who attended, were alike honest and honourable : their objects were the same, but their temperature was un- equal ; and this meeting, with very few exceptions, was exactly the reverse of that of the Minister : patriotic, dis- interested, indedendent, and talented ; but of a calm, gentle, and reflective character. Lord Castlereagh's project against their courage was communicated to most of them ; and three distinct pro- posals (it would, perhaps, be improper to state them now) were made on that occasion. In the judgment of the proposer (who still retains the same opinion,) either of them, if adopted with spirit and adhered to with perseverance, would have defeated the Minister ; but the great body of the meeting disapproved of them. Mr. Grattan, Lord Corry, Mr. John Ball, Co- lonel O'Donnell, Mr. O'Donnell, Mr. Egan, and some other gentlemen, zealously approved of by far the most decisive and spirited of the three expedients. The pro- poser well knew that no ordinary measures could be suc- cessful against the Government, and that by nothing but extremes could the Union be even suspended. The re- sidue of the meeting were, perhaps, more discreet ; and never was there seen a more decided predisposition to tranquillity, than in the majority of the distinguished men at that important assembly of Irish patriots. However, on the very first debate, in 1300, it appeared indisputably that Lord Castlereagh had diffused his own spirit into many of his adherents, and it became equal 1 J apparent, that it was not met with corresponding ardour by the opposition: to this, however, there was one memo- rable exception, to Mr. Grattan alone was it reserved to support the spirit of his party, and to exemplify the gal- lantry he so strongly. recommended to others. lioujfca bf OF THE IRISH NATIOK. 427 M: Cony, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he gave him no lime lor repentance ; and, considering the temper of the times, the propensity of the people, and the intense agitation upon the subject, it is marvellous, that this was the only instance of bloodshed during the contest. Mr. Grattan had shot him at day break, and the intelligence arrived whilst the House was yet sitting, its effect was singular. The project at Lord Castlereagh's well war- ranted reprisals.* V. Lord Corry, now Earl Belmore, was one of the most zealous, unflinching, and respectable of the Anti-Union- ists : a young nobleman of considerable talent and in- tegrity, he felt sorely the ruin which the flippant imbe- cility and short vision of Mr. Fortescue and Lord Cole had brought upon the country. He could not believe but that all those who had composed the majority against the Union, would, on recovering their recollection, see the ne- cessity of Mr. Ponsonby's motion, and he determined, by a declaration of a similar purport, to give them an op- portunity of recovering from that error which they inad- vertantly fell into. In this, however, his Lordship was mistaken, the ex- treme impolicy of any pledge of eternal enmity to Union had, from the last day, been sedulously inculcated by th« friends of Government, upon every feeble-minded or wavering member; and Lord Cony's motion, after an animated, long, and high-blooded debate, was definitively negatived by a considerable majority, and gave another handle to the Viceroy for ulterior efforts. Though the fate of Lord Corry's motion was of a most distracting nature, it made but little impression on the confidence of the Anti- Unionists ; they could not bring themselves to suppose that a measure so vital, so con- clusive, and so generally detested, being once negatived, could again be proposed by the (defeated ministers) to the same Parliament. Thousands of addresses were presented, and resolutions passed against any further dip>- cussion, and, for a time, rejoicing and confidence wfro the general subjects throughout the whole nation. * Two of the three expedients proposed, at first view, might appt*i extravagant, and were called impracticable ; one was certainly easy, ai. wwe loyal, anl oithei of them would have been effective. 42H RISE AND FALL VI. The rejoicings in the metropolis exceeded all other* Dublin was more than any other place interested in defeating a measure which must, by the consequent emigration of the nobles and commoners, deprive it of every advantage which their splendour and luxury of society, their grand and numerous establishments, influx of strangers, and expenditure of great fortunes amongst its citizens, must confer upon a city which was not com- mercial. These ebullitions of joy and gratitude to their deli- verers, and hostility to the Unionists, were excessive. Lord Castlereagh was hung in effigy and burnt facing the door of the author, in Merrion Square ; but no dis- turbance occurred that could possibly justify military ex- ecution. The violent spirit, however, of the Chancellor, anticipated some attack on his partisans, which conscious culpability, a heated imagination, and his own terrors had raised up as a spectre before him, and led him to counte- nance one of the most unjustifiable. On the universality of the rejoicings and rather boisterous demonstrations of joy, at the defeat of Government, his alarmed Lord- ship under colour of taking precautions to preserve the peace, called a Privy Council to the Castle, which might screen himself undei the authority of that body, from the individual imputation of those measures of severity, which he determined to put in force against the rejoicing population, should any feasible opportunity be given foi the interference of the military. This is a matter of fact, but care was taken that any order which might be given, or the proximate authority through which any wanton violence might be committed amongst the people, should not be made public. About nine at night, a party of the military stationed in the old Custom House, near Essex Bridge, silently sal- lied out with trailed arms, without any civil magistrate, and only a serjeant to command them ; on arriving at Capel-street the populace were in the act of violently huzzaing for their friends, and, of course, with equal vehemence execrating their enemies ; but no riot act was read, no magistrate appeared, and no disturbance or tumult existed to warrant military interference. The soldiers, however, having taken a position a shor* Or THE IRISH NATION. 429 way down the street, without being in any way assailed, fired a volley of balls amongst the people ; of course a (ew were killed and some wounded ; amongst the former were a woman and a boy, a man fell dead at the feet of Mr. P. Hamilton, the Kind's Proctor of the Admiralty, who, as a mere spectator, was viewing the illumination. This is only mentioned to evince the violent spirit which guided the Government of that day, and the tyrannic means which were resorted to, to terrify the people from testifying their zeal at their deliverance, as they fancied, from the proposed annexation. This outrage was made a subject of complaint to Par- liament, but so well were the actors concealed, that nothing could be developed to lead to punishment. The rejoicings however, were neither ended nor checked by military execution, and, at the conclusion of the session, the same spirit of hostility to the Union remained not only as unsubdued, but still more decided than at its com- mencement. A most remarkable proof of the shameless lengths, a* that period, resorted to by the Viceroy and Minister to gain over a sufficient number of the Anti-Unionists against the ensuing sessions, occurred immediately after the close of the session of 1799. VII. A public dinner of all the patriotic members was had in Dublin to commemorate the rescue of their country from so imminent a danger. One hundred and ten mem- bers of Parliament sat down to that splendid and trium- phant entertainment. Never was a more cordial, happy assemblage of men of rank, consideration, and of proven integrity, collected in one chamber, than upon that remarkable occasion. Every man's tried and avowed principles were supposed to be untaintable, and pledged to his own honour and his country's safety ; and amongst others, Mr. Handcock, member for Athlone, appeared to be conspicuous ; he spoke strongly, gave numerous Anti-Union toasts, vowed his eternal hostility to so infamous a measure, pledged himself to God and man to resist it to extremities, and, to finish and record his sentiments, he had composed an Anti-Union song of many stanzas, which he sung himself with a general chorus, to celebrate the spirit, the cauae, 490 RI3E AN© FALL and the patriotism of the meeting ; this was encored more than once by the company, and he withdrew towards day with the reputation of being in 1799, the most pure, un- flinching opponent of the measure he so cordially resisted. From that day, Lords Cornvvallis and Castlereagh wisely marked him out as one of their opponents who should be gained over on any terms. Human nature is the same in every part of the globe; wherever ambition, vanity or avarice take root, and become ruling passions, their vegetation may be checked for a day, but the root is perennial : and Ireland had no reason to suppose nature would favour her by an unqualified exemption of her representatives from those alluring vices which she had so profusely lavished on and exemplified in the British Parliament, that at length it became so poli tically vicious and intolerably corrupt, that the remedy of a democratic reform, in the Commons, or more properly, a recurrence to the theory of the constitution, was found indispensable to secure the remains of that constitution against the overwhelming influence of the Peers and the Diigarchy which menaced its annihilation. It was, therefore, the very summit of British egotism and injustice, to pretend that the corrupt state of the Irish Parliament formed a leading and just ground for alto- gether extinguishing its existence, though it appears in full proof, that in proportion to their respective numbers, the British Commons at the period of the Irish Union contained one fourth more corrupt, corruptible, and in- fluenced members than that of Ireland at any period, and that the British Minister on the regency question, intimi dated, influenced, or corrupted the British House of Commons, when that of Ireland was found pure enough to resist all his efforts, and support the heir apparent. The English people, therefore, from a recurrence to unequivocal facts, and from a sad experience of the infinite ease with which any minister corrupted and controlled at pleasure their own Parliament, will scarcely believe that all the arts, the money, the titles, the offices, the bribes their minister could bestow, all the influence he possessed, all the patronage he could grant, all the promises he could make, all the threats he could use, all the tenors he could txcite, all the deprivations he could inflict, could seduce OF THE IRISH NATION. 431 or warp away scarcely more than a half of the members of the Irish Commons, from their duty to their country, and that on the question of annexation by union, his utmost efforts could not influence more than eight above a moiety of their number; yet, with only 158 out of 300. which in England would be considered a defeat, he per- severed and effected ihe extinguishment of the legislature, a majority, which, on any important question would have cashiered a British minister. Yet such was the fact in Ireland ; and the division of the 5th and 6th February, 1800, on the Union, will remain an eternal record of the unrivalled incorruptible purity of 115 members of that Parliament. This observation is matter of absolute fact ; it may be proper to give it even by anticipation, as an illustration, and a fact of which the English people seem to have been totally ignorant. For her own sake probably England will soon recur to Irish history, where she will find her long sufferings, and more unshaken loyalty to her English kings than in any other country or portion of her people.* This not misplaced digression will be considered as a prelude to the sequel of Mr. Handcock, being a sample and a warning to England of what might be also the fate of their own representation. The blandishments of the crafty Viceroy, were now unsparingly lavished on Mr. Handcock ; simple money would not do, they endeavoured to persuade him that his principles were disloyal, his song was sedition, and that rurther opposition might end in treason ; still he held out until title was added to the bribe, his own conscience was not strong enough to resist the charge, the vanity of his family lusted for nobility. He wavered, but he yielded ; his vows, his declaration, his song, all vanished before vanity, and the year 1800 saw Mr. Handcock of Athlone Lord Castlemaine. But the reputation of a renegade was embodied with the honours of his family, and pecuniary compensation for a Parliamentary return could do no mischief to his public reputation ; he became a strong tu[ porter of the Union. • V:de ante, pagt 226 439 RISE AND FAl.li CHAPTER XXVII. Felons in the gaols induced, by promise of pardon, to sign petitions u favour of the Union — Every means of corruption resorted to by the Viceroy — Viceroy doubtful of future support — Resorted to Place Bill — Unparalleled measure of public bribery avowed by Lord Castle- reagh — Bill to raise X 1,500,000, for bribes — Grave reflection on the King's assenting to an avowed act of corruption — A few bribes called Compensation — The British Parliament had anticipated the proposal- Lord Cornwallis's speech peculiarly artful — Lord Loftus moves the address — Lord Castlereagh's reason — Sir Laurence Parson's important motion and speech — Debate continued all night — Lord Castlereagh's plan put into execution — Mr. Bushe — Mr. Plunket — Mr. St. George Daly — His character — His attack on Mr. Bushe — On Mr. Plunket— Replied to by Mr. Barrington — Mr. Peter Burrows — Affecting appear- ance of Mr. Grattan in the House of Commons — Returned for Wicklow the preceding evening — The impediment laid by Government — Re- turned at midnight — Entered the house at seven in the morning in a debilitated state — Description of his entry — Powerful sensation caused by his splendid oration — Mr. Corry induced to reply — No effect on the House — The three Bagwells seceded from Government — Lord Ormond changed to the minister — Mr. Arthur Browne's tergiversation — Divi- gion — Mr. Foster's speech — Important incident — Bad conduct of the clergy — Very singular circumstance — Mr. Annesley chairman of the committee on the Union — Bishop of Clogher returns Mr. Annesley to Parliament — Messrs. Ball and King petition — Succeed — Mr. Annesley declared not duly elected — Left the chair and quitted the House — Not a legal chairman — Shameful and palpable act of corruption by Sir William Gladowe Newcomen — Bribe proved — Bribery of Mr. Knox and Mr. Crowe — Their speeches against the Union — The Earl of Belvidere most palpably bribed to change sides — His resolutions — Mr Knox and Mr. Crowe bribed — Mr. Usher bribed to secrecy — The cor- rupt agreement of Mr. Crowe and Mr. Knox to vacate their seats for Union members, in presence of Mr. Usher, a Parson — The terms with Lord Castlereagh — Mr. Charles Ball's affecting conduct — The Anti-Union members, despairing, withdraw in a body — Last sitting of the Irish Parliament — The House surrounded by military — Most affecting scene — Bad consequences to England — Unhappiness of the Speaker — Ireland extinguished. I, It is not possible to comprise in a single volume a tithe of the means and measures of every description, resorted to by the Viceroy and Secretary, not only to OF THE IRISH NATION. 4^3 seduce the members, but to procure addresses favourable to their views, from every or any rank or description of people, from the first rank to the very lowest order, beggars, cottagers, tradesmen, every individual who could be influenced, were tempted to put their names or marks to addresses, not one word of which they understood the intent, still less the ruinous result of. Even public instances were adduced, some mentioned in Parliament, and not denied, of felons in the gaols purchasing pardon, or transmutation, by signatures, or by forging names, to Union eulogiums. English generals, who, at a moment when martial law existed, or a recollection of its execution was still fresh in every memory, could not fail to have their own influence over proclaimed districts and bleeding peasantry; of course, their success in procuring addresses to Parliament, was not limited either by their power, their disposition, or their instructions. The Anti-Union addresses, innumerable and fervid, in their very nature voluntary, and the signatures of high consideration, were stigmatized by the title of seditious and disloyal ; whilst those of the compelled, the bribed, and the culprit were printed and circulated by every means that the treasury, or the influence of the Government, could effect. Mr. Darby, High Sheriff of King's County, and Major Rogers of the artillery, had gone so far as to place two six-pounders towards the doors of the Court House, where the gentlemen and freeholders of the county were assem- bling to address as Anti-Unionists ; and it is not to be wondered at, that the dread of grape shot not only stopped those, but numerous meetings for similar purposes; yet this was one of me means taken to prevent the expression of public meetings without, and formed a proper com- parison for the measures resorted to, within the walls of Parliament. As this volume cannot detail the innumerable circuni stances and episodes which a perfect history of those times wouid embody, it may be enough to say, that if the English readers of this work will imagine any act that z-z indefatigable, and, on this subject, the most corrupt of Governments could by possibility resort to, to carry t 37 434 RISE AND KALI, measure they had determined on ; such readers caimoi imagine acts more illegal, unconstitutional, and corrupt, than those of the Viceroy of Ireland, his secretary and under-secretary, employed, from the close of the session of 1799 to that of 1800 ; in the last of the Irish Parlia- ments every thing therefore is passed over, or but slightly touched on, till the opening of the last session. II. Lords Coruwallis and Castlereagh, having made good progress during the recess, now discarded all secrecy and reserve. To recite the various acts of simple metallic corruption which were practised without any reserve, during the summer of 1799, are too numerous for this volume. It will be sufficient to describe the proceedings, without particularizing the individuals. Many of the Peers, and several of the Commoners had the patronage of boroughs, the control of which was essential to the success of the Minister's project. These patrons Lord Castlereagh assailed by every means which his power and situation afforded. Lord Coruwallis was the remote, Lord Castlereagh the intermediate, and Mr. Secretary Cooke, the immediate agents on many of these bargains. Lord Shannon, The Marquis of Ely, and several other Peers commanding votes, after much coquetry, had been secured during the first session ; but the defeat of Government rendered their future support uncertain. The parlia- mentary patrons had breathing time after the preceding session, and began to tremble for their patronage and importance ; and some desperate step became necessary to Government to insure a continuance of the support of these personages. This object gave rise to a measure which the British nation will scarcely believe possible, its enormity is without parallel. Lord Castlereagh's first object was to introduce into the House, by means of the Place Bill, a sufficient num- ber of dependents to balance all opposition. He then boldly announced his intention to turn the scale, by bribes to all who would accept them, under the name of compen- sation for the loss of patronage and interest. He pub- licly declared, first, that every nobleman who returned members to Parliament should be paid, in cash 15.00GJ, for every member so returned ; secondly, that every member who had purchased a seat in Parliament should OF THE IRISH NATION. 436 have his purchase-money repaid to him, by the Treasury of Ire-land ; thirdly, that all members of Parliament, ot others,, who were losers by a Union, should be fully re- compensed for their losses, and that 1,500,000/. should be devoted to this service : in other terms, all who support- ed his measure were, under some pretence or other, tc share in this bank of corruption. A declaration so flagitious and treasonable was never publicly made in any country ; but it had a powerful effect in his favour ; and, before the meeting of Palia- ment, he had secured a small majoriy, (as heretofore mentioned,) of eight above a moiety of the members, and ne courageously persisted. After the debate on the Union in 1800, he performed his promise, and brought in a Bill to raise one million and a half of money upon the Irish people, nominally to compensate, but really to bribe their representatives, for betraying their honour and selling their country. This Bill was but feebly resisted ; the divisions of January and February (1800) had reduced the success of the Government to a certainty, and all further opposition was abandoned. It was unimportant to Lord Castle- reagh, who received the plunder of the nation ; the taxes were levied, and a vicious partiality was effected in the partition. The assent to the Bill by his Majesty, as King of Ire- land, gives rise to perhaps the most grave consideration suggested in these Memoirs. A king, bound by the principles of the British Consti- tution, giving his sacred and voluntary fiat to a Bill to levy taxes for the compensation of members of Parlia- ment, for their loss of the opportunities of selling what it was criminal to sell or purchase, could scarcely be be- lieved by the British people. It may be curious to consider how the English would endure the proposal of such a measure in their own country, a British Premier who should advise his Majesty to give his assent to such a statute, would experience the utmost punishment that the severest law of England could inflict for that enormity. Nor should the Irish people be blamed for refusing to acquiesce in a measure which was carried in direct violation of the law, and in- 436 RISE AND FALL fraction of the statutes against bribery and corruption, and in defiance of every precept moral and political. There were times when Mr. Pitt would have lost his head for a tithe of his Government in Ireland : Stafford was an angel compared to that celebrated statesman. When the compensation statute had received the royal assent, the Viceroy appointed four commissioners to carry its provisions into execution. Three were Members of Parliament, whose salaries of 1200/. a year each (with probable advantages) were a tolerable consideration for their former services. The Honourable Mr. Annesley, Secretary Hamilton, and Dr. Duigenan, were the princi- pal commissioners of that extraordinary distribution. It is however to be lamented, that the records of the proceedings have been unaccountably disposed of. A voluminous copy of claims, accepted and rejected, was published, and partially circulated ; but the great and important grants, the private pensions, and occult com- pensations, have never been made public, further than ty those who received them.* It is known that £ s. d Lord Shannon received for his patronage in the Commons . . The Marquis of Ely .... Lord Clanmorris, besides a Peerage Lord Belvidere, besides his douceur Sir Hercules Langrishe . . III. At length, the Parliament being sufficiently ar ianged to give Government a reasonable assurance of success, Lord Castlereagh determined to feel the pulse of the House of Commons distinctly before he proposed the measure of the Union. *. The extraordinary claims for compensation, and some extraordinary grants by the Commissioners, would, on any other occasion, be a fit sub- ject for ridicule. But the application of one million mid a half sterling, to purposes so public and so vile, renders it an eternal blot on the Gov- erment in Treland, and on the minister and cabinet of England for per- mitting the King to give the royal assent to so indisputably corrupt a statute. Amongst other curious claims for Union CompensationSyin the Report minted and, circulated, appear, one from the Lord Lieutenant's rat- catcher at the Castle, for decrease of employment; another from the necessary woman of the Privy Council of England, for increased trouble oi her department ; with numerous others of the same quality 45,000 45,000 23,000 15,000 15,000 OF THE IRISH NATION. 437 The British Parliament had already framed the terms en which the proposition was to be founded, giving to its own project the complexion of a favour, and triumphing by anticipation over the independence of Ireland. This was a masterpiece of arrogance ; and it was de- termined to try the feelings of the Commons by a negative measure, before the insulting one should be substantially propounded to them. The 15th day of January, 1800 (the last session of the Irish Parliament,) gave rise to a debate of the most acrimonious nature, and of great importance. The speech of Lord Cornwallis from the throne was expected to avow candidly the determination of the Min- ister to propose, and if possible achieve, a Legislative Union. Every man came prepared to hear that proposal, but a more crafty course was taken by the Secretary. To the surprise of the Anti-Unionists, the Viceroy's speech did not even tiint at the measure, the suggestion of a Union was sedulously avoided. Lord Viscount Loftus (now Marquis of Ely)* moved the address, which was as vague as the speech was empty. Lord Loftus was another of those young noblemen who were emitted by their con- nections to mark their politics : but neither the cause nor his Lordship's oration conferred any honour on the au- thor ; and his speech would have answered any other subject just as well as that upon which it was uttered. There was not a point in the Viceroy's speech intended to be debated. Lord Castlereagh, having judiciously col- lected his flock, was better enabled to decide on numbers and to count with sufficient certainty on the result of his labours since the preceeding session, without any hasty or premature disclosure of his definitive measure. This negative and insidious mode of proceeding, how- ever, could not be permitted by the opposition ; and Sir Laurence Parsons, after one of the most able and luminous speeches he had ever uttered, moved an amendment, de- claratory of the resolution of Parliament to preserve the Constitution as established in 1782, and to support the freedom and independence of the nation. This motion * His Lordship, who took so prominent and invidious a part in the transaction, had been christened Lee Boo by the humourous party of the House, and was only selected to show the Commons that his father bad been purchased. 37* 438 RISE AND FALL vas the touch- stone of the parties ; the attendance of he Unionists in the House was compulsory, that of its opponents optional ; and on counting the members, sixty- six (about a fifth of the whole) were absent, a most fa- vourable circumstance for the Minister. Every mind was at its stretch, every talent was in its vigour : it was a momentous trial ; and never was so general and so deep a sensation felt in any country. Numerous British no- blemen and commoners were present at that and the suc- ceeding debate, and they expressed opinions of Irish elo- quence which they had never before conceived, nor ever after had an opportunity of appreciating. Every man on that night seemed to be inspired by the subject. Speeches more replete with talent and energy, on both sides, never were heard in the Irish Senate, it was a vital subject. The sublime, the eloquent, the figurative orator, the plain, the connected, the metaphysical reasbner, the classical, the learned, and the solemn declaimer, in a succession of speeches so full of energy and enthusiasm, so interesting in their nature, so important in their consequence, created a variety of sensations even in the bosom of a stranger, and could scarcely fail of exciting some sympathy with a nation which was doomed to close for ever that school of eloquence which had so long given character and celebrity to Irish talent. The debate proceeded with increasing heat and interest till past ten o'clock the ensuing morning (16th.) Many members on both sides signalized themselves to an extent that never could have been expected. The result of the convivial resolution at Lord Castlereaglrs house, already mentioned, was actually exemplified and clearly discern- ible; an unexampled zeal, an uncongenial energy, an uncalled for rancour, and an unusual animation broke out from several supporters of Government, to an extent which none but those who had known the system Lord Castlereagh had skilfully suggested to his followers, could in any way account for. This excess of ardour gave to this debate not only a new and extraordinary variety of language, but an acrimony of invective, and an absence of all moderation, never before so immoderately practised. This violence was in unison with the pugnacious project of anticipating the Anti-Unionists in offensive operation!, OP THE IRISH NATION. 439 some remarkable instances of that project were actually put into practice, and are not unworthy of being recorded in the Irish chronicles. Mr. Bushe, the late Chief Justice of Iieland, was as nearly devoid of private and public enemies as any man. Endowed with superior talents, he had met with a cor- responding succsss in an ambitious profession and in a jealous country. His eloquence was of the purest kind ; but the more delicate the edge, the deeper cuts the irony, and his rebukes were of that description ; and when em- bellished by his ridicule, coarse minds might bear them, but the more sensitive ones could not. Mr. Plunket's satire was of a different nature, his weapon cut in every direction, and when once unsheathed, little quarter could be expected. His satire was ; at times, of that corroding yet witty nature, that no patience could endure ; yet, on this debate, both these gentlemen were assailed with in- trepidity by a person whose talents were despised, and the price of whose seduction glared in an appointment to the highest office at the Irish bar — a barrister without professional practice or experience, and who was not con- sidered susceptible of black letter. As a statesman he had no capacity, and as an orator he was below even mediocrity, from an embarrassed pronunciation which seemed to render any attempt at elocution a most hope- less experiment. Such was Mr. St. George Daly, ap- pointed Prime Serjeant of Ireland in the place of Mr. Fitzgerald, raised over the heads of the Attorney and Solicitor General, and, from a simple briefless advocate elevated to the very highest rank of a talented and learned profession. Mr. Daly, however, was a gentleman of excellent family, and common sense, and, what was for- merly highly esteemed in Ireland, of a " fighting family." He was the brother of Mr. Dennis Daly, of so much talent, and of so much reputation amongst the patriots of eighty-two. He was proud enough for his pretensions, and sufficiently conceited for his capacity : and a private gentleman he would have remained, had not Lord Castle- reagh and the Union placed him in public situations where he had himself too much sense not to feel that he certainly was over-elevated. This gentleman is particu- larly noticed, as, on this night, he, in some pcints, over 440 RISE AND FALL came the public opinion of his incapacity, and he sur- prised the House by one of the most clever and severe philippics which had been pronounced during the discus- sions upon the Union, more remarkable from being directed against two of the most pure and formidable orators in the country. The contempt with which Mr. Daly conceived his ca- pacity was viewed by the superior members of his pro. fession. the inaptitude he himself felt for the ostensible situation he was placed in, the cutting sarcasms liberally lavished on his inexperience and infirmity, in lampoons and pamphlets, combined to excite an extraordinary exertion to extricate himself from the humiliating taunts that he had been so long experiencing. Mr. Daly's attack on Mr. Bushe was of a clever description, and had Mr. Bushe had one vulnerable point, his assailant might have prevailed. He next attacked Mr. Plunket, who sat im- mediately before him ; but the materials of his vocabulary had been nearly exhausted ; however, he was making some progress, when the keen visage of Mr. Plunket was seen to assume a curled sneer, which, like a legion offen- sive and defensive, was prepared for any enemy. No speech could equal his glance of contempt and ridicule, Mr. Daly received it like an arrow, it pierced him, he faltered like a wounded man, his vocal infirmity became more manifest, and after an embarrassed pause, he yielded, changed his ground, and attacked by wholesale every member of his own profession who had opposed a Uniou, and termed them a disaffected and dangerous faction. Here again he received a reply not calculated to please him, and at length he concluded one of the most remark- able speeches, because one of the most unexpected, that had been made during the discussion. Every member who had been in the habit of addressing the House, new ones who had never spoken, on that night made warm, and several of them eloquent, orations. Mr. Peter Burrows, a veteran advocate for the rights of Ireland, wherever and whenever he had the power of declaring himself, on this night made an able effort to uphold his principles. He was a gentleman of the bar who had many friends, and justly ; nothing could be more Ungracious than the manner, nothing much better than OF THE IRISH NATION. 441 the matter, of his orations. His mind had ever been too independent to cringe, and his opinions too intractable for an arbitrary minister ; on this night he formed a noble and distinguished contrast to those of his own profession, who had sold themselves and the representation for a mess of pottage. The House had nearly exhausted itself and the subject; when, about seven o'clock in the morning, an incident the most affecting and unexpected, occurred, and which is too precious a relic of Irish Parliamentary chronicles, not to be recorded. IV. The animating presence of Mr. Grattan on this first night of the debate was considered of the utmost importance to the patriots, it was once more raising the standard of liberty in Parliament. He had achieved the independence of his country in 1782, and was the champion best calculated at this crisis to defend it, a union of spirit, of talent, and of honesty, gave him an influence above ah his contemporaries. He had been ungratefully defamed by the people he had liberated, and taking the calumny to heart, his spirit had sunk within him, his health had declined, and he had most unwisely seceded in disgust from Parliament, at the very moment when he was most required to defend both himself and his country. He seemed fast approaching to the termination of all earthly objects, when he was induced once more to shed his in- fluence over the political crisis. At that time Mr. Tighe returned the members for thh closf borough of Wicklow, and a vacancy having occurred, it was tendered to Mr. Grattan, who would willingly have declined it but for the importunities of his friends. The Lord Lieutenant and Lord Castlereagh, justly appreciating the effect his presence might have on the first debate, had withheld the wrii of election till the last moment the law allowed, and till they conceived it might be too late to return Mr. Grattan in time for the discus- sion. It was not until the day of the meeting of Parliament that the writ was delivered to the returning officer. By extraordinary exertions, and perhaps by following the example of government in overstraining the law, the elec- tion was held immediately on the arrival of the writ, a sufficient number of voters were collected to return Mi, 442 RISE AND FALL Grattan before midnight. By one o'clock the return waa on its road to Dublin; it arrived by five ; a party of Mr. Grattan's friends repaired to the private house of the pro- per officer, and making him get out of bed, compelled him to present the writ to Parliament before seven in the morning, when the House was in warm debate on the Union. A whisper ran through every party that Mr. Grattan was elected, and would immediately take his seat. The Ministerialists smiled with incredulous deri- sion, and the opposition thought the news too got*i to be true. Mr. Egan was speaking strongly against the measure, when Mr. George Ponsonby and Mr. Arthur Moore (now Judge of the Common Pleas) walked out, and immediately returned, leading, or rather helping, Mr. Grattan, in a state of total feebleness and debility. The effect was electric. Mr. Grattan's illness and deep chagrin had re- duced a form, never symmetrical, and a visage at all times thin, nearly to the appearance of a spectre. As he feebly tottered into the House, every member simultaneously rose from his seat. He moved slowly to the table ; his languid countenance seemed to revive as he took those oaths that restored him to his pre-eminent station ; the smile of inward satisfaction obviously illuminated his features, and reanimation and energy seemed to kindle by the labour of his mind. The House was silent, Mr. Egan did not resume his speech, Mr. Grattan, almost breathless, as if by instinct, attempted to rise, but was unable to stand, he paused and with difficulty requested permission of the House to deliver his sentiments without moving from his seat. This was acceded to by acclamation, and he who had left his bed of sickness to record, as he thought, his last words in the Parliament of his country, kindled gradually till his language glowed with an energy and feeling which he had seldom surpassed. After nearly two hours of the most powerful eloquence, he concluded with m undiminished vigour, miraculous to those who were unacquainted with his intellect. Never did a speech make a more affecting impression, but it came too late. Fate had decreed the fall of Ireland, and her patriot came only to witness her overthrow. For two hours he recapitulated all the pledges that England OF THE IRISH NATION. 443 had made and had broken, he went through the great events from 1780 to 1800, proved the more than treachery which had been practised towards the Irish people. He had concluded, and the question was loudly called for, when Lord Castlereagh was perceived earnestly to whisper to Mr. Cony, they for an instant looked round the House, whispered again, Mr. Corry nodded assent, and, amidst the cries of question, he began a speech, which, as far as it regarded Mr. Grattan, few persons in the House could have prevailed upon themselves to utter. Lord Castle- reagh was not clear what impression Mr. Grattan's speech might have made upon a few hesitating members ; he had, in the course of the debate, moved the question of adjourn- ment ; he did not like to meet Sir Laurence Parsons on his motion, and Mr. Cony commenced certainly an able, out, towards Mr. Grattan an ungenerous and an unfeeling personal assault, it was useless, it was like an act of a cruel disposition, and he knew it could not be replied to. At length the impatience of the House rendered a divi- sion necessary, and in half an hour the fate of Ireland was decided. The numbers were — For an Adjournment, Lord Castlereagh had . . 138 For the Amendment 96 Majority 42* * One of the most unexpected and flagitious acts of public corruption was that of Mr. Arthur Brown, member for the University of Dublin. He was by birth an American, of most gentlemanly manners, excellent character, and very considerable talents. He had by his learning become a senior fellow of the University, and was the law professor. From his entrance into Parliament he had been a steady, zealous, and able *upp' rter of the rights of Ireland, he had never deviated ; he would aroept no office ; he had attached himself to Mr. Ponsonby, and was Mpposed to be one oi the. truest and most unassailable supporters of Ire land. In the session of 1799 he had taken a most unequivocal, decisive, and ardent part against to* Jausa, and had spoken against it as a crime, *nr* as the ruin of the country : ne was believed to be incorruptible. On this night he rose, but crest-fallen and abashed at his own tergiversation ; he recanted every word he had ever itte red, deserted from the country, Bupported the Union, accepted a bribe him the Minister, was afterwardi placed in office, but shame haunted him, hated himself: an amiable man fell a victim to corruption. He rankled, and pined, and died of a wretch* id muid and a broken constitution 444 «t8E AND FALL This decision, undoubtedly, gave a death wound to the Irish nation. Many, however, still fostered the hope of success in the opposition ; and Lord Castlereagh did not one moment relax his efforts to bribe, to seduce, and to terrify his opponents. The Anti-Unionists, also, lost no opportunity of im- proving their minority; and the next division proved that they had not. The adjournment was to the 5th day of February ; the Union propositions, as passed by the British Parliament, were, after a long speech, laid before the House of Commons by Lord Castlereagh : on that day Mr Bagwell, of Tipperary County, seceded from Government, the present Marquis of Ormond had also divided from it ; and the minority appeared to have re- ceived numerous acquisitions. Mr. Saurin, Mr. Peter Burrows, and other eminent gentlemen of the bar, now appeared to make the last effort to rescue their country. V. Lord Castlereagh, upheld by his last majority, now kept no bounds in his assertions and in his arrogance ; and after a debate of the entire night, at eleven the en suing morning the division took place. It appeared that the Anti-Unionists had gained ground since the former session, and that there existed 115 Members of the Irish Parliament, whom neither promotion, nor office, nor fear nor reward, nor ambition, could procure to vote against the independence of their country, though nations fall that opposition will remain immortal. Lord Castlereagh's motion was artful in the extreme he did not move expressly for any adoption of the pro- positions, but that they should be printed and circulated, with a view to their ultimate adoption. This was opposed as a virtual acceptation of the sub- ject ; on this point the issue was joined, and the Irish nation was. on that night, laid prostrate. The division was — Number of Members 300 For Lord Castlereagh's Motion ... 158 Against it. . , 4 . .115 Of Members present, majority . . - 43 Absent . . 27 By this division, it appears that the Government had OF THE IRISH NATION. 44ft ft majority of the House of only eight, by their utmost efforts, 27 were absent, of whom every man refused to Vote for a Union, but did not vote at all, being kept away by different causes ; and of consequence eight above a moiety carried the Union ; and of the 158 who voted for it in 1800, 28 were notoriously bribed or influenced cor- ruptly. Although this was ominous to the ultimate fate of the nation, the contest still proceeded with unremitting ar- dour ; numerous debates and numerous divisions took place before the final catastrophe, in numbers, Govern- ment made no progress, and never could or did obtain a majority of fifty on the principle of a Union. The details of the subsequent proceedings are not within the range of this desultory memoir. The speech of Mr. Foster, the Speaker, against the measure occupied four hours : a deference to his opinion, and a respect for his true patriotism, caused a dead silence throughout the entire of his oration, on any other occasion, thct oration would have been overwhelming ; but the question was, in fact, decided before he had, in the committee, any op- portunity of declaring his opinion ; and his speech was little more than recording his sentiments. Some very serious facts occurred during the progress of the discussion which may be worth reciting. The House was surrounded by military, under pretence of keeping the peace, which was not in danger, but, in fact, to excite terror ; Lord Castlereagh also threatened to re- move the Parliament to Cork, if its proceedings were in- terrupted. But, unfortunately, the Anti-Unionists had no efficient organization, no decided leader ; scattered and desponding, they* did not excite sufficient external exer- • The fulsome address from the Catholic clergy am Bishop Tyas succeeded by an exclamation, " We have secured him ! We have *ecured him'." which restored some confidence to the senators. The ser- jeant-at-arms now ascended, sword in hand, and was followed by many )f the Members, whose courage had been quiescent till there was a «rtaifuy ot no danger. Mr. Denis Brown, as a forlorn hope, was the irst to icount the gallery. After a valiant resistance, an Herculean gen- leman was forced down into the body of the House, by a hundred lands. Art soon as he was effectually secured, all the Members were ■nost courageous ; some pommelled, some kicked rum, and at length he was thro-Wii flat upon the floor, and firmly pinioned. The whole power oi Parliament, however, could not protect them from his eloquence ; and jnost powerfully did he use his tongue. The gigantic appearance of the wan struck every body with awe, and none but the lawyers had the least conception that he was a Mr. Sinclair, one of the most quiet and well- behaved barristers of the whole profession. He was a respectable, in- dependent, and idle member of the Irish Bar, but an enthusiast against a Union. He had dined with a party of the same opinions at the house of a friend who was undoubtedly a madman, but whose excellent wine «ad will conversation had elevated Mr. Sinclair so very far above all J tad, that he declared L would himself, that night, in spite of all the traitors, make a speech in . le House, and give them his full opinion of the only measure that should be taken against them. He accordingly repaired to the gallery, and, on seeing the Secretary take the chair, he could no longer contain himself, and attempted to leap down among the Members ; but being restrained by some friends who were with him, he determined to make his speech, and commenced with the most appalling expression of what he conceived should be the fate of the Unionists. He was committed to Newgate by the Hous?, and remained there tiJ| the session ended 39 458 RISE AND FALL tempter could not destroy, some, whose honour he durst not assail, and many who could not control the useless language of indignation, prudently withdrew from a scene where they would have witnessed only the downfall of their country. Every precaution was taken hy Lord Clare for the security, at least, of his own person. The Houses of Parliament were closely invested by the mill tary no demonstration of popular feeling was permitted, a British regiment, near the entrance, patrolled through the Ionic colonades. the chaste architecture of that classic structure seemed as a monument to the falling Irish, to remind them of what they had been, and to tell them what they were. It was a heart-rending sight to those who loved their country, it was a sting to those who sold it, and to those who purchased it, a victory, but to none has it heen a triumph. Thirty-three years of miserable ex- perience should now convince the British people that they have gained neither strength, nor affection, nor tranquillity, by their acquisition ; and that if population be the " wealth of nations." Ireland is getting by far too rich to be governed much longer as a pauper. The British people knew not the true history of the Union, that the brilliant promises, the predictions of rapid prosperity, and "consolidating resources,"* were but chimerical. "Whilst the finest principles of the constitution were sapped to effect the measure, England, by the sub- {'ugalion of her sister kingdom, gained only an accumu- ation of debt, an accession of venality to her Parliament, an embarrassment in her councils, and a prospective dan- ger to the integrity of the empire. The name of Union has been acquired, but the attainment of the substance has been removed farther than ever. The Commons House of Parliament, on the last evening afforded the most melancholy example of a fine inde- pendent people, betrayed, divided, sold, and, as a State, annihilated. British clerks and officers were smuggled into her Parliament to vote away the constitution of a country to which they were strangers, and in which they had neither interest nor connection. They were employed • " Consolidating the strength and resources of the Empire" wai Lord Castlereagh's fundamental argument on proposing that measure ; but he lived long enough to see that it had the very contrary operation. OF THE IRISH NATION. 45iJ to cancel the royal charter of the Irish nation, guaranteed by the British Government, sanctioned by the British legislature, and unequivocally confirmed by the words, the signature, and the great seal of their monarch. The situation of the Speaker, on that night, was of the most distressing nature ; a sincere and ardent enemy of the measure, he headed its opponents ; he r( sisted it with all the power of his mind, the resources of his experience, his influence and his eloquence. It was, however, through his voice that it was to be pro- claimed and consummated. His only alternative (resig- nation) would have been unavailing, and could have added nothing to his character. His expressive countenance, bespoke the inquietude of his feeling ; solicitude was per- ceptible in every glance, and his embarrassment wai obvious in every word he uttered. The galleries were full, but the change was lamentable, they were no longer crowded with those who had been accustomed to witness the eloquence and to animate the debates of that devoted assembly. A monotonous and melancholy murmur ran through the benches, scarcely a word was exchanged amongst the members, nobody seemed at ease, no cheerfulness was apparent, and the ordinary business, for a short time, proceeded in the usual manner. At length the expected moment arrived, the order of the day for the third reading of the Bill, for a " Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland," was moved by Lord Castlereagh, unvaried, tame, coldblooded, the words seemed frozen as they issued from his lips ; and, as if a simple citizen of the world, he seemed to have no sensation on the subject. At that moment he had no country, no god but his ambition ; he made his motion, and resumed his seat, with vhe utmost composure and indifference. Confused murmurs again ran through the House, it was visibly atfected, every character, in a moment, seemed in- voluntarily rushing to its index, some pale, some flushed, some agitated ; there were few countenances to which the heart did not despatch some messenger. Several Mem- bers withdrew before the question could be repeated, and an awful momentary silence succeeded their departure 460 RISE AND FALl The Speaker rose slowly from that chai: which had been the proud source of his honours and of his high character; for a moment he resumed his seat, but the strength of his mind sustained him in his duty, though his struggle was apparent. With that dignity which never failed to signalize his official actions, he held up the Bill for a moment in silence ; he looked steadily around him on the last agony of the expiring Parliament. He at length repeated, in an emphatic tone, " as many as are of opinion that this bill do pass, say aye." The affirmative was languid but in- disputable, another momentary pause ensued, again his *ips seemed to decline their office : at length, with an eye averted from the object which he hated, he proclaimed, with a subdued voice, " the ayes have it? The fatal sentence was now pronounced, for an instant he stood statue-like ; then indignantly, and with disgust, flung the Bill upon the table, and sunk into his chair with an ex- hausted spirit. An independent country was thus de* graded into a province, Ireland, as a nation, was extim QUI HIED. THE IRISH NATION. 461 ORIGINAL RED LIST, Or the Members who voted against the Union in 1799, aia 1800, with observations. Those Names with a * affixed to tnem, are County Members, tfaose with a f, City Members ; and those with a §, Borough Members; these in Italics changed sides, and got either Money or Offices 1.* Honorable A. Acheson 2.* William C. Alcock 3.* Mervyn Archdall 4,§ W. H. Armstrong. . 5.* Sir Richard Butler 6.* John Bagwell . 7 § Peter Burrowes 5.* John Bagwell, Jun. *.f John Ball . • . . t0.f Charles Ball ll.f Sir Jonah Barrington . 12.§ Charles Bushe . . 13. f John C. Beresford . 14 Arthur Brown 15.§ William Blakeney 16.* William Burton 17.* H. V. Brooke. 18.§ Blayney Balfour 19. § David Babbington . 20. | Hon. James Butler ft.* Col J. Maxwell Barry OBSERVATION! Son to Lord Gosford. County Wexford. County Fermanagh Refused all terms from Government Changed sides. See Black List. Changed sides twice. See Black List Now Judge of the Insolvent Court ; a stem dy Anti-Unionist. Clianged sides. See Black List. Member for Drogheda — incorruptible Brother to the preceding. King's Counsel— Judge of the Admiralty— refused all terms. Afterwards Solicitor General, and Chief Jus- tice of Ireland — incorruptible. Seceded from Mr. Ponsonbyin 1799, on his declaration of independence. That seces« Bion was fatal to Ireland. Member for the University, changed sides in 1800 ; was appointed Prime Serjeant by Lord Castlereagh, through Mr. Cooke —of all others the most open and palpa* ble case. See Black List. A Pensioner, but opposed Government. Sold his Borough, Carlow, to a Unionist (Lord Tullamore,) but remained staunch himself. Connected with Lord Belmore. (Now Marquis of Ormonde) voted in 1800 against a Union, but with Government on Lord Cony's motion. (Now Lord Farnham) nephew to the Speaker 39* RISE AND FALL 22.§ 23.* WUliam Bagwell Viscount Corry 34.f Robert Crowe 25.* Lord Clements 26.* Lord Cole 27.§ Hon. Lowry Cole 28.* R. Shapland Carew. 29. f Hon. A. Creigkton 30. f Hon. J. Creighton . 31.* Joseph Edward Cooper. 32,f James Cane . . 33.* Lord CauMeld . . 34. f Henry Coddington. 35.§ George Crookshank 36.* Dennis B. Daly 37. t Noah Dalway. 38,* Richard Dawson. 39.* Arthur Dawson . 40.* Francis Dobbs . . 41-f John Egan . . • OBSERVATIONS. Changed sides twice, concluded as a Onion ist. See Black List. (Now Lord Belmore) dismissed from his re giment by Lord Cornwallis — a zealous leader of the Opposition. A Barrister, bribed by Lord Castlereagh See his Letter to Lord Belvidere. (Now Lord Leitrim ) (Now Lord Enniskillen) unfortunately dis- sented from Mr. Ponsonby's Motion for a declaration of independence in 1799, whereby the Union was revived and car- ried. A General ; brother to Lord Cole Changed sides, and became a Unionist See Black List. Changed sides. See Black List Changed sides. See Black List. (Now Earl Charlemont) son to Earl Charle- mont, a principal Leader of the Opposition A son of the Judge of the Common Pleas Brother-in-law to Mr. Ponsonby; a most active Anti-Unionist 42. 43-t 44.* 45.* R. L. Edgeworth. George Evans. Sir John Freke, Bart, Frederick Falkiner . Formerly a Banker, father to the late Under- Secretary. Famous for his Doctrine on the Millennium an enthusiastic Anti-Unionist King's Council, Chairman of Kilmainham • offered a Judge's seat, but could not be purchased, though far from rich. (Now Lord Carberry.) Though a distressed person, could not be purchased. I6.§ Rt. Hon. J Fitzgerald, Prime Sergeant ot Ireland; could not be bought, and was dismissed from his high office by Lord Cornwallis ; father to Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald. One of the three who inconsiderately oppo- ) sed Mr. Ponsonby, and thereby carriea the Union. Speaker; the chief of the Opposition through- out the whole contest 47 * William C. Fortescue, (Poisoned by accident. •8.* Rt Hon. John Foster OF THE IRISH NATION. 463 OBSERVATIONi 49.* Hon. Thomas Foster 50.* Sir T.Fetherston,Bart 51 * Arthur French Changed sides. See Black List. Unfortunately coincided with Mr. Fortescue in 1799, against Mr. Ponsonby. 52.§ Chichester Fortescue . King at Arms; brought over in 1800, by Lord Castlereagh ; voted both sides ; end- ed a Unionist. Bought by Lord Castlereagh in 1800. A distressed man, but could not be purcha* sed ; father-in-law to Secretary Cooke 53 § William Gore 54. § Hamilton Georges 55.§ Rt. Hon. H. Grattan. 56. § Thomas Goold . . . 57. f Hans Hamilton . . 58. f Edward Hardman 59. § Francis Hardy 60. § Sir Joseph Hoare. 63.* William Hoare Hume, 1S2.§ Edward Hoare 63. § Bartholomew Hoare , 64. § Alexander Hamilton 65. § Hon. A. C. Hamilton. 66.§ Sir F. Hopkin3, Bart. 67. f H. Irwin. 68.* Gilbert King 69.f Charles King. 70.* Hon. Robert King. 71.* Lord Kingsborough 72. Hon. George Knox 73. f Francis Knox 74.* Rt Hon. Henry King 75-t Major King . . 76. £ Gustavus Lambert 77.* David Latouche, jun 78. § Robert Latouche . . 79. § John Latouche, sen. 80. § John Latouche, junr. 81.* Charles Powell Leslie 82.* Edward Lee 83.f Sir Thomas Lighlon, Bt 84.* Lord Maxwell . . . 85.* Alexander Montgomery Now Serjeant, brought into Parliament by the Anti-Unionists. Member for Dublin County. City of Drogheda ; the Speaker's friend. Author of the Life of Charlemont ; brother- in-law to the Bishop of Down Wicklow County. Though very old, and stone blind, attended all the debates, and sat up all the nights of debate. King's Counsel. King's Counsel ; son to the Baron. Prevailed on to take money to vacate, in 1800, and let in a Unionist. (Now Earl Kingston.) Brother to Lord Northland ; lukewarm. Vacated his seat for Lord Castlereagh Se# Mr. Crowe's Letter. He opened the Bishop of Clogher*§ Bo- rough in 1800 Brother to Countess Talbot. A Banker Ditto. Ditto. Ditto. Member for the County of Waterfori zealous. A Banker Died Lord Famham 164 RISE AND FALL OBSERVATIONS. 66. § Sir J. M'Cartney, Bart. Much distressed, but could not be bribed nephew, by affinity to the Speaker. WilliamThomasMansel, Actually purchased by Lord Castlereagh. 87. 88. 89 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. § Stephen Moore John Moore. Arthur Moore . Lord Math^w Thomas Mahon. John Metge Ric/iard Neville 97. 98. 99. 100. 101 102. 103. 104 105.' I06.« 107.' 108. 109. IlO.j 111 112 113 114. 15. . Changed sides on Lord Cony's Motion See Debates. Now Judge of the Common Tleas; a staunch Anti-Unionist. (Now Earl Llandaff) Tipperary County. Brother to the Baron of the Exchequer. Had been a dismissed treasury officer; sold his vote to be reinstated ; changed sides. See Black List. The Author of various Works on Ireland; one of the steadiest Anti-Unionists. SI igo County. Clare County. A most ardent Anti-Unionist; dismissed from his regiment of Mayo militia James Moore 0'Donnel,Killed by Mr. Bingham in a duel. Hon. W. O'Callaghan, Brother to Lord Lismore. Henry Osborn . . Could not be bribed; his brother was. Right Hon. Geo. Ogle, Wexford County. Joseph Preston An eccentric character could not be pur- chased. John Preston Of Bellintor, was purchased by a title (Lord Tara,) and his brother, a Parson, got a living of <£700 a- year. Rt. Hon. Sir J Parnell,ChanceIlor of the Exchequer, dismissed by Lord Castlereagh ; incorruptible. 95.§ Thomas Newenham * Charles O'Hara Sir Edward O'Brien Col. Hugh O'Donnel Henry Parnell.* W. C. Plunkei . Right Hon. W. B. Pon- sonby . . . J. B. P^nsonby . Major W. Ponsonby . Now Lord Plunket. See his able speech. Afterwards Lord Ponsonby. Afterwards Lord Ponsonby. A General, killed at Waterloo. Rt. Hon. G. Ponsonby, Afterwards Lord Chancellor ; died of apo- plexy. Sir Laurence Parsons, King's County ; now Earl of Rosse ; made a remarkably fine speech. Richard Power . . Nephew to the Baron of the Exchequer. Abal Ram . . . Changed sides. Gustavus Rochfort County Westmeath ; seduced by Govern- ment, and changed sides in 1800 See Black List. • JSir John Parnell was one of the ablest supporters of Government of his dav His son has taken assiduously a more extensive and deeper field of business in finance, but in any other point, public or private, has xtc advantage over his father OP THE IRISH NATION. m OBSERVATIONS llbN 11/ 118.§ 119. 120.§ !21.§ 122.* 123.6 124. § 125.* 126.* 127.* 128.5 «29.* i30.§ i.'l.§ U2.§ 1J3.§ 34/ !35.* 136.§ 137.§ 128.§ 139.$ 140.§ I41.§ 142.* Nephew to the Speaker. Changed sides. See Black List See Black Liat See Ditto. See Ditto 'ohn S. Rochfort Sir Wm. Richardson John Reily . William E. Reily Charles Ruxton. William P. Ruxton. Clotworthy Rowley William Kovjley . J. Rowley . Fgrancis Saunderson. William Smyth James Stewart. Hon. W. J. Skeffington. Francis Savage. Francis Synge. Henry Stewart. Sir R. St. George, Bart. Hon. Benj. Stratford. Now Lord Aldborough ; gained by Lotf Castlereagh; changed sides. See Black List Changed sides. Changed sides. Clianged sides Westmeath Nathaniel Sneyil. Thomas Stannus Robert Shaw . . Rt. Hon. Wm. Saurin, William Tighe. Henry Tighe. John Taylor. Thomas Townshend. Hon. Richard Trench. 143.* 144.6 145.§ 146.* I47.§ 148 t 149 IfiC Hon. R. Taylor. Charles Vereker Owen Wynne John Waller. E. D.Wilson. Tliomas Whaley Nicholas We6tby. John Wolfe . Changed sides, Lord Portarlington's Mem- ber. See Black List A Banker. Afterwards Attorney General; a steadj but calm Anti-Unionist Voted against the Union in 1799; was gained by Lord Castlereagh, whose rela- tive he married, and voted for it in 1800 was created an Earl, and made an Am. bassador to Holland ; one of the Vienna Carvers ; and a Dutch Marquess. (Now Lord Gort) City Limerick First voted against the Union ; purchased by Lord Castlereagh; he was Lord Clare's brother-in-law. See Black List Member for the County Wicklow; Colty nel of the Kildare Militia, refused to vote for Government, and was cashier- ed ; could not be purchased. 466 RISE AND PALL By the Red and Black Lists (published at the tune, the originals belt g now in the Author's possession) it is evident, beyond all contradiction, that of those who had, in 1799, successfully opposed the Union, or had declared against it, Lord Castlereagh, palpably purchased twenty-Jive before the second discussion in 1 800, which made a difference of fifty votes in favour of government ; and it is therefore equally evident, that, by the public and actual bribery of those twenty-five members, and not by any change of opinion in the country, or any fair or honest majority. Mr. Pitt and his instruments carried the Union in the Commons House of Parliament ; and it is proper the English nation should know accurately how they have acquired the incumbrance of Ireland in its present form, and what little importance was set on every principle of the British Con- stitution, in the mind of the same Minister whom they immediately after- wards entrusted with their own liberties, their money, and their national reputation — every one of which was more or less .sacrificed, or squandered, during his administration in England, and his negociations at Vienna. The observations annexed to the names in these Lists were, at the time, either in actual proof, or sufficiently notorious to have been printed in various documents at that epoch. As to the House of Lords, the ser- vile — almost miraculous — submission with which they surrendered their hereditary prerogatives, honours, rights, and dignities, into the hands of the Lords Clare and Castlereagh, is a subject unprecedented. But this oeing announced for discussion by the Imperial Parliament, in the ensu- ing session, through the interference of Lord Rossmore, &c. &c., no list at the Lords is here given, in order not to anticipate that parliamentary stricture, which will be, no doubt, more potent and elucidating than any which could with propriety be made in any other place than in that au- gust assembly. As the capitulation was disgusting, the discussion mu* Catholic Standard Publications. HISTORY OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. By John Gilmary Shea. 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Blackwood tl Sir John Blaquiere, li. Anthony Botet It. Colonel Burton 14. Sir Richard Butler, 16. Lord Boyle 16. Rt Hon. D. Brown, 17. Stewart Bruce 18. George Burdet 19. George Bunbury OBSERVATIONS. An English Clerk in the Secretary's office; r*c connection with Ireland. Chairman of Ways and Means ; cousin of Lord Caledon; his brother made a Bishop ; himself Colonial Secretary at the Cape of Good Hope. Commissioner of the Board of Works. Commissioner of Ditto. ,First Commissioner of Revenue ; brother-in-law to Lord Clare. Then Purse-bearer to Lord Clare, afterwards a Parson, and now Lord Decies. A Colonel in the Army, son to the Bishop, Lord Clare's nephew. Created a Peer; got c£8000 for two seats; and «£ 15,000 compensation for Tuam. This gen- tleman first offered himself for sale to the Anti-Unionists ; Lord Clanmorris. Created a Peer — Lord Wallscourt, &c , Created a Peer — Lord Dufferin. Numerous Offices and Pensions, and created a • Peer — Lord De Blaquiere. Appointed Commissioner of the Barrack Board, <£500 a-year. Brother to Lord Conyngham ; a Colonel in the Army. Purchased and changed sides; voted against the Union in 1 799 , and for it in 1 800. Cash. Son to Lord Shannon; they got an immenst sum of money for their seats and Boroughs at (£15,000 each Borough. Brother to Lord Sligo. Gentleman Usher at Dublin Castle; now a Baronet. Commissioner of a Public Board, c£500 pei annum. Ditto. * The Author of this work was deputed to learn from Mr. Bingham what his expectations from Government for his seats were ; he proposed to take from the Opposition <£8000 for his two seats for Tuam, and oppose the Union. Government afterwards added a Peerage and £ 15,000 for the Borough. 468 RISE AND FALL 20 Arthur Brmtm 21. Bagwell, sen 22. 23. 24. 25. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. Bagwell, jun. William Bagwell Lord Castlereagh George Cavendish Sir H. Cavendish Sir R. Chinnery . James Cane . Thomas Casey Colonel C. Cope General Cradock James Crosby Edward Cooke Charles H. Coote 35 Rt Hon. I. Corry 36 37 38 39. 40 42 42 43 44 Sir J. Cotter . . . Richard Cotter . . Hon. H. Creighton ) Hon. J. Creighton j W. A. Crosbie . . James Cufie . General Dunne William Elliot General Eustace OBSERVATIONS Zf tanged sides and principles, and was appoint- ed Serjeant; in 1799 opposed the Union, and supported it in 1 800 ; he was Senior Fellow of Dublin University; lost his seat the ensu- ing election, and died. Changed twice ; got half the patronage of Tijv perary ; his son a Dean, &c. &c. Ditto, got the Tipperary Regiment, &c His brother. The Irish Minister. Secretary to the Treasury dunng pleasure ; son to Sir Henry. Receiver General during pleasure ; deeply in- debted to the Crown. Placed in office after the Union Renegaded, and got a pension. A Commission of Bankrupts under Lord Clare ; made a City Magistrate. Renegaded ; got a Regiment, and the patronage of his county Returned by Government; much military rank; now Lord Howden A regiment and the patronage of Kerry, jointly ; seconded the Address. Under Secretary at the Castle. Obtained a Regiment (which was taken from Colonel Wharburton) patronage of Queen'a County, and a Peerage, (Lord Castlecoote) and d£7,500 in cash for his interest at the Borough of Maryborough, in which, in fact, it was proved before the Commissioners that the Author of this work had more interest than his Lordship. Appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, on dis- missal of Sir John Parnell. Privately brought over by cash. Renegaded (see Red List) privately purchased. Comptroller to the Lord Lieutenant's House • hold. Natural son to Mr. Cuffe of the Board of Works, his father created Lord Tyrawly. Returned for Maryborough by the united influ- ence of Lord Cas*lecoote and Government, to keep out Mr. Ba-»ington ; gained the election by only one. Secretary at the Castle A Regiment. OF THE IRISH NATION. 469 OBSERVATIONS. a 46 47. 48. lord C Fitzgerald, Duke of Leinster's brother; a lension and Peerage ; a Sea Officer of no repute. . Kt. Hon. W. Fitzgerald. SirC A Fortescue Fergusson 49. Luke Fox . 50. William Fortescue 51. J. Galbraith 52. Henry D. Grady* 53 Richard Hare 54. William Hare . . 55. Col. B. Henniker . 56. Peter Holmes 57. George Hatton . , 58. Hon. J. Hutchinson 59. Hugh Howard 60. Wm. Handcock (Athlone) Renegaded (see Red List) Officer, King at Arms. Got a place at the Barrack Board, <£500 a year, and a Baronetcy. Appointed Judge of Common Pleas; nephew by marriage to Lord Ely. Got a secret Pension, out of a fund (^£3,000 a year) entrusted by Parliament to the Irish Government, solely to reward Mr. Reynolds. Cope, &c. &c, and those who informed against rebels. Lord Abercorn's Attorney ; got a Baronetage First Counsel to the Commissioners. Put two members into Parliament, and was created Lord Ennismore for their votes His son. A regiment, and paid ^£3,500 for his beat by the Commissioners of Compensation A Commissioner of Stamps. Appointed Commissioner of Stamps . A General — Lord Hutchinson. Lord Wicklow's brother, made Postmaster Gen- eral An extraordinary instance ; he made and sang songs against the Union in 1799, at a public dinner of the Opposition, and made and sang songs for it in 1 800 ; he got a Peerage. Appointed Storekeeper at the Castle Ordnance. A Regiment. Master of Horse to the Lord Lieutenant . Promotion in the Army, and his brother conse- crated Bishop of Lismore. II. John Hobson . 62. Col. G. Jackson 63. Denham Jephson 64. Hon. G. Jocelyn 65. William Jones. 66. Theophilus Jones Collector of Dublin 67. Major Gen. Jackson, A Regiment. 68. William Johnson Returned to Parliament by Lord Castlereagh, aa he himself declared, " to put an end to it;" appointed a Judge since. Seceded from his patron, Lord Downshire, and was appointed a Judge * This gentleman the Author knew to be entirely indisposed to a Union, but peculiar circumstances prevented him imperatively but hon- ourably from following his own impression. The Author communi- tated to Mr. George Ponsonby these causes, as he thought it but justica to Mr. Grady, who, on some occasions, did not conceal his sen'iraentSi and acted fairly* 40 69 Robert Johnson 470 RISE AND FALL. -o 71. •2. 73. 4. 6 77. 78. 79. 60. John Keane James Kearny Henry Kemmis . William Knot Andrew Knox. Colonel Keatinge. Right Hon. Sir H. Langrishe . T Llngray, sen. T. Lindsay, jun. J. Longfield . Capt J. Longfield SI. LordLoftus. 82. General Lake OBSERVATIONS. A Renegade ; got a Pension ; See Red LiM Returned by Lord Clifton being his Attorney got an office. Son to the Crown Solicitor. Appointed a Commissioner of Appeals <£800 a year. A Commissioner or the Revenue, received £ 15,000 cash for his patronage at Knocto- pher. Commissioner oi Stamps, paid <£ 1,500 for hit patronage. Usher at the Castle, paid <£ 1,500 for his pat ronage. Created a Peer ; Lord Longueville. Appointed to the office of Ship Entries of Dub- lin taken from Sir Jonah Barrington. Son to Lord Ely, Postmaster General; got ,£30,000 for their Boroughs, and created an English Marquis. An Englishman (no connection with Ireland ;) returned by Lord Castlereagth, solely to vote for the Union. 63. 84. 85. 86. 87. 68. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97 Right. Hon. David Latouche. General Loftus . . A General; got a Regiment; cousin to Lord Ely. Francis M'Namara, Cash, and a private Pension, paid *»y Lord Caa» tlereagh. Ross Mahon Several appointments and places by Govern- ment. Commissioner of Stamps. A Commissioner of Revenue. Received ,£4,000 cash. Appointed a Lord of the Treasury, &c A Postmaster at will. Richard Martin Right Hon. Monk Mason . . H. D. Massy . Thomas Mahon. A E. M'Naghten Stephen Moore . N. M. Moore. Right Hon. 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Sadlier. 18 mo. cloth 26 CATHOLIC SCHOOL BOOK, THE. i6mo, boards, net 10 CATHOLIC FAITH AND MORALS 60 CATHOLIC EXCELSIOR LIBRARY. 6 vols., per set 4 50 FIRESIDE » 10 " » " 7 60 HOME «' 8 M •' " 4 00 JUVENILE * 6 ' 2 40 " PIETY (Prayer Book). Prices upwards from 60 CATHOLIC ANECDOTES. 3 vols, in one, complete. By Mrs. James Sadlier. 12 mo., cloth. Nearly 1, 000 160 OF THE IB1SH NATION. 471 98 99. 100. 101. 102 103. 104. 105. 106 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 116 117. 118 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. OBSERVATIONS. Richard Magenness, Commissioner of Imprest Accounts, £500 per annum. Thomas Nesbit . A Pensioner at will. Sir W. G. Newcomen, Bought (see Memoir ante,) and a Peerage Bart. Richard Neville William Odell Charles Osborne C. M. Ormsbj Adml. Pakenham Col. Pakenham H. S. Prittie R. Pennefather. T. Prendergast Sir Richard Quin Sir Bovle Roche R. Rutledge. Hon. C. Rowley for his wife . Renegaded ; reinstated as Teller of th« Exchequer. . A Regiment, and Lord of the Treasury. . A Barrister j appointed a Judge of tin King's Bench. . Appointed First Council Commissioner. . Master of the Ordinance . A Regiment ; killed at New Orleans. . A Peerage — Lord Dunalley. . An office in the Court of Chancery, £500 a year ; his brother Crown Solicitor. . A Peerage. . Gentleman Usher at the Castle. Renegaded, and appointed to office by Lord Ca^tlereagh. Hon. H.Skeffington, Clerk of the Paper Office of the Castle, and £7,500 for his patronage. . ABairister.appointed a Bjmnot Exchequer . Created a Peer ; Lord Mount Sandford. . Appointed Commissioner of Accounts. William Smith H. M. Sandford Edmund Stanley John Staples. John Stewart John Stratton Hon. B. Stratford Hon. J. Stratford Richard Sharkey Thomas Stannus J. Savage. Rt. Hon. J. Toler 127 Frederick Trench 128. Hon. R. Trench 129. Charles Trench . Appointed Attorney General, and created a Baronet. . Renegaded to get £7.500. his half of the compensation for Baltinglass . Paymaster of Foreign Forces, £1,300 a- year, and £7^500 for Baltinglass. . An obscure Barrister^ appointed a County Judge. . Renegaded. . Attorney GeneraDj'his wife, an old woman, created a Peeress; himself made Chief Justice, and a Peer. . Appointed a Commissioner of the Board of Works. . A Barrister; created a Peer, and made an Ambassador. See Red List. . His brother ; appointed Commissioner of InlandNavigation — a new office created by Lord Cornwallis, for rewards. 47* RISE AND FALL OF THE IRISH NATIONS. 130. Richard Talbot. 131 P. Tottenham 132. Lord Tyrone 133. 134 135 196 137 138 Chas. Tottenham, Townsend Robert Tigjhe . , Robert Uniack , James Verner . J. 0. Vandeleur 139 Colonel Wemyss . 140 Henry Wesienraw, OBSERVATIONS Compensation for patronage ; cousin, and poiiti cally connected with Lord Ely. 104 offices in the gift of his family; propose! the Union in Parliament, by a speech writtel in the crown of his hat In office. A Commissioner. Commissioner of Barracks. A Commissioner ; connected with Lord Clare. Called the Prince of Orange. Commissioner of the Revenue ; his brother f Judge. Collector of Kilkenny. Father of Lord Rossmore, who if of Uk *W reverse of his father's politics "» . ■. •■ ,'* Date Due LE.&" H" JULI3*37 .Hi! ?0'37 ... t J • • • "■ AV 1 C 10 QQ AY 1 5 B yy f) BOSTON COLLEGE 3 9031 01273240 42786 DEC 1983 BOSTON COLLEGE LIBRARY- UNIVERSITY HEIGHTS CHESTNUT HILL, MASS. Books may be kept for two weeks and may be renewed for the same period, unless reserved. Two cents a day is charged for each book kept overtime. If you cannot find what you want, ask the Librarian who will be glad to help you. The borrower is responsible for books drawn on his card and for all fines accruing on the same.