DAIS? 
 
 A 
 
MARY STUART 
 
*' I will, here, in my last moments, accuse no one ; but when 
 I am gone much will be discovered that is now hid, and the 
 objects of those who have procured my death be more clearly 
 disclosed to the world." — Words spoken by Mary Stuart on the 
 scaffold at Fothcringay. 
 
MARY STUART 
 
 A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE 
 
 GERARD DANIEL it". 
 
 BOcSTiyN Ccn.LFQK TJHKART 
 CHESTNUT HILL, AlASS. 
 
 LONDON 
 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO.. i, PATERNOSTER SQUARE 
 iS86 
 
i l: 1 
 
 (7"A^ rights 0/ translatton aud oj reJ>rodHciion are reserved^ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 My object in this little book has been to present 
 within brief compass a narrative of the earlier 
 part of Mary Stuart's life, and also to give, as 
 concisely as might be consistent with clearness, 
 an account of that portion of her history imme- 
 diately preceding her imprisonment in Lochleven, 
 and over which so dark a shadow has always rested. 
 
 That shadow I have laboured to dispel. With 
 what success the Reader must determine. 
 
 With regard to the pictorial manner in which 
 I have endeavoured to portray the night of that 
 memorable ninth of March, should it be charged 
 against me that I have thereby violated the 
 
VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 integrity of historical narrative, I reply, that if it 
 be the part of an historian to present, at times, 
 a living picture to the Reader, then I have not 
 so erred. For the mind cannot suddenly be 
 brought to realize such a scene as the murder of 
 Rizzio : the imagination needs to be aided by the 
 filling in of such unrecorded details as, while they 
 form no part of history, give to the picture that 
 vividness and truth it would otherwise lack. 
 
 G. D. 
 
A SHORT BIOGRAPHY 
 
 OF 
 
 MARY STUART, 
 
 FROM HER BIRTH TO 
 THE MURDER OF RIZZIO. 
 
 B 
 
In order that we may better understand the Hfe a.D. 
 of Mary Queen of Scots, it will be necessary for 154^ 
 us to glance, briefly, at the position of affairs 
 generally, in Britain and abroad, at, or about the 
 time that this princess came into the world ; 
 and then to review, somewhat more in detail, the 
 history of Scotland under the earlier Stuarts, that 
 we may rightly appreciate the exceeding difficulties 
 of the position which the ill-fated Mary was born 
 to fill. Beginning, then, with Germany, we see 
 that the doctrines of Luther had not only retained 
 their original hold upon the people, but were even 
 making further advance. And this in spite of the 
 adverse attitude of Charles V., who now began to 
 direct his efforts, hitherto otherwise employed, to 
 stay this wave of doctrinal reform, which threatened 
 to shake even his empire, and to rob him of his 
 proud position as temporal head of Christendom. 
 
4 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1542 The revolt against the authority of the Pope 
 had widely spread throughout Europe. Norway, 
 Sweden, and Denmark had become Protestant ; 
 England, under Henry VIII., had repudiated the 
 Papal jurisdiction ; Switzerland was partly Catholic 
 and partly Protestant ; in France the Huguenots 
 were beginning to have place ; and in the Nether- 
 lands, and in Scotland, the germs of reform had 
 for some time begun to appear. And here I wish 
 to call attention to an important difference between 
 the Reformation of Germany and the Reformation 
 in England. The former was very distinctly a 
 matter of conscience and of doctrine ; the latter 
 was a matter of policy and expediency. Indeed, 
 the King of England did not favour any great 
 alterations in matters of doctrine, but only wished 
 to throw off the Pope's temporal control ; and 
 there can be no doubt but that the king's mind 
 was also the mind of the greater part of his sub- 
 jects. Probably, even to the close of Elizabeth's 
 reign, there was a very large majority of the 
 English who were at heart in favour of the old 
 religion ; but who, deeming that their country's 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 5 
 
 freedom depended upon its being outside the 1542 
 Papal jurisdiction, were content to abide by the 
 religion established by law. It is important to 
 remember this, as it continually bears upon the 
 history of Mary Stuart. 
 
 But let us go back some hundreds of years, and 
 inquire into the origin of that ancient line that 
 has given England kings, and through which her 
 most gracious Majesty herself derives her lineage. 
 Historians tell us that there are no certain records 
 of the house of Stuart until the reign of David L, 
 who was contemporary with Henry I. of England, ijoo 
 At that time Walter, son of Alan, appears as 
 Steward of Scotland. He was known as Walter 
 the Steward, or Walter Steward ; whence the family 
 name. The duties of the Steward seem to have 
 been analogous to those of Chancellor or Prime 
 Minister ; so that even thus far back the Stuarts 
 moved in an exalted sphere. The office became 
 hereditary, and was successively held by father 
 and son until Walter, the sixth High Steward, and 
 one of the heroes of Bannockburn, received in mar- 1 3 14 
 riage the daughter of his sovereign. Robert, the 
 
6 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1314 seventh Steward, and only issue of Walter and the 
 princess, became King of Scotland, under the title 
 of Robert II. He was succeeded by his eldest 
 son, John, as Robert III., and thence the Stuarts 
 reigned, in unbroken succession, until the expulsion 
 of James VII. from the English throne. But it will 
 be necessary for us to consider the home policy 
 1423 of the five kings (all bearing the name of James) 
 1 542 ^^^^^ immediately preceded Mary in the govern- 
 ment of Scotland. The great barons had not at 
 any time patiently brooked the restraint of mon- 
 archical sway ; and, in Scotland, the sovereign 
 had never succeeded in obtaining that power over 
 the nobility which was possessed in England by 
 the Tudors. These barons, many of them, had 
 considerable forces at their disposal. The Black 
 Douglas, alone, had upwards of twelve hundred 
 horsemen as his usual body-guard, and was able 
 to bring an army of forty thousand men into the 
 field.* The king, on the other hand, possessed 
 neither a standing army nor financial resources, 
 and his power over the nobles consisted merely 
 * Mignct. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 7 
 
 in the regal title, and in his ability to play off 1423 
 one baron against another, and thus to keep them 
 in check. But James 1. determined, if possible, 
 to bring his nobility into greater subjection, and 
 making a sudden incursion into the Highlands, 
 he seized as many as forty chieftains, as an ex- 
 ample to others who might be rebelliously inclined. 
 He then attacked and subdued several of the 
 mutinous lords, and established a second House 
 of Parliament to balance the legislative power, 
 which had been almost entirely in the hands of 
 the nobles. But these strong measures alarmed 
 the barons, who, having surprised James at Perth, 
 assassinated him on the 20th of P'ebruary, 1436. 1436 
 During the minority of his son, James H., the 
 nobility recovered all their lost power ; but the 
 young king, when he became of age, resumed 
 the policy of his father, and had succeeded in 
 making great way against his turbulent vassals 
 when, at twenty-nine years of age, he was killed 
 by the bursting of a cannon at the siege of Rox- 1460 
 burgh. His son, who succeeded him as James HI., 
 was left a minor just as his father had been, and 
 
8 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1460 like him, he too, when he became of age, resumed 
 the policy of his predecessor ; but not being a 
 skilful ruler, he failed of his object, and being 
 overcome by the barons, he was murdered by 
 
 1488 them in the year 1488. He was succeeded by 
 his son, James IV., who adopted a more concilia- 
 tory tone towards the nobles, and thus probably 
 saved himself from a fate similar to that which 
 befell his father. But the dark destiny which has 
 ever seemed to overhang this house, did not de- 
 part from him. He was slain on Flodden Field 
 with ten thousand of his troops ; amongst whom 
 were two bishops, two mitred abbots, twelve earls, 
 
 1513 and thirteen lords. The kingdom then passed to 
 his son, James V., who was under two years of 
 age when he came to the throne. During this 
 long minority the kingdom fell into grievous dis- 
 orders, and the nobles were incessantly fighting 
 amongst each other ; and even in the streets of 
 Edinburgh hand to hand combats were of almost 
 daily occurrence. But when this king came of 
 age he displayed more boldness than any of his 
 ancestors had done in strengthening the power of 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 9 
 
 the crown. He seized upon the castles of the 15 13 
 insurgent nobiHty and punished their lords ; and 
 by his rigorous administration succeeded in in- 
 spiring a universal dread of his power. But the 
 nobles were terribly avenged. In a war which 
 arose with England, they suffered themselves to 
 be ignominiously defeated by a small body of 
 English cavalry, at the battle of Solway Moss ; 
 preferring the humiliation of their king to their 
 own honour. This disaster so wrought upon the 
 mind of James that he died in less than a fort- 
 night after, from sheer vexation of spirit. When 
 he was on his death-bed in the palace of Falkland, 1542 
 the news came that a daughter was born to him ; 
 the heir to his name and to his throne. Said the 
 king, " It came with a lass, and it will go with a 
 lass," speaking of the crown, for it was inherited 
 through the marriage of his ancestor, Walter, with 
 the daughter of the king. How strangely was 
 this prophecy fulfilled ; for the child born at 
 Linlithgow was Mary, the queen ! 
 
 What a melancholy history is this of the Stuarts! 
 How dark a destiny seems to have been theirs ! 
 
lO 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 An historian, speaking of James 1. of England, 
 says : " He was the first king of the ill-fated 
 House of Stuart, and the sixth monarch of his 
 name in Scotland. Most of his immediate pre- 
 decessors died sudden or violent deaths. James I. 
 was assassinated ; James H. was killed by an 
 accident ; James HI. was murdered ; James IV. 
 fell at Flodden ; James V. sank broken-hearted 
 after his defeat at Solway Moss ; his father, 
 Darnley, was blown up in the Kirk of Field ; and 
 Mary, his mother, was executed. Nor were he 
 and his descendants less unfortunate. On more 
 than one occasion he was in imminent danger 
 of his life. Once from the fierce Earl of Ruthven ; 
 again from the plot to place Arabella Stuart on 
 the throne ; and again from the Gunpowder Plot. 
 His son, Charles I., was beheaded ; Charles H. 
 passed a great part of his life a wanderer ; James 
 H. died in exile; and the rest of his descendants 
 remained in banishment until the extinction of 
 his house." 
 
 I have been endeavouring to show how perilous 
 an office the kingship had proved to the five 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 monarchs who immediately preceded Mary on 1542 
 the Scottish throne. For more than a hundred 
 years past the history of the country had been 
 one long catalogue of murders and sedition, and 
 there had been a continuous struggle for the 
 mastery between the barons and the king ; in 
 which the former had so far got the upper hand. 
 How ominous a future, then, seemed to await the 
 princess who had been born to govern this turbu- 
 lent realm, when her five immediate ancestors, 
 all of them brave and strong men, had either 
 found that government impossible, or had perished 
 in their efforts to enforce it. And how trebly 
 perilous would Mary's position have seemed could 
 it have been known that, besides the already too 
 numerous sources of strife, there was now to be 
 added the jarring, discordant factor of religious 
 reform. The dawn of her life had broken on 
 a troubled sky. For a time, in its upward path, 
 the sun shone forth from the clouds ; but its 
 zenith was obscured and dark ; amid angry light- 
 nings it declined, and sank in a crimson Occident 
 of rebellion, murder, and blood ! 
 
12 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1542 But let us not anticipate this history. Mary, 
 as \vc have said, was born at LinHthgow. 
 Historians do not agree as to the exact date 
 of her birth, but we know certainly that it was 
 on or about the 8th of December, 1542. She 
 was little more than a week old when her father 
 died. Her mother was Mary of Lorraine, daughter 
 of the Duke of Guise, and second wife of James V. 
 It will be necessary to pass over, as briefly as 
 possible, the events in the early life of Mary 
 Stuart, in order that we may dwell more at length 
 upon a later and more eventful portion of her 
 career. A fortnight after her birth, James Hamil- 
 ton, Earl of Arran, the nearest heir to the crown, 
 was appointed Regent of Scotland. On July 
 
 1-43 1st, 1543, the Regent concluded a treaty with 
 Henry VHI., King of England, under which 
 Mary was to be sent, when ten years of age, into 
 England, to be subsequently married to Prince 
 Edward, afterwards Edward VI. On September 
 1 6th of the same year, the ceremony of the 
 coronation took place, and Mary was enthroned 
 . as queen. The object of Henry VIII. in endea- 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 vouring to bring about a marriage between his 1 543 
 son and the Queen of Scots, was to unite the two 
 kingdoms under the rule of the Tudors. But 
 he was disappointed in his purpose, and it came 
 about in this way. There were in Scotland, 
 at this time, two distinct parties, known as the 
 Gallican and the Anglican. The former, who 
 were all Catholic, and who were headed by 
 Mary of Lorraine, the queen's mother, and by 
 Cardinal Beaton of St. Andrew's, desired to pre- 
 vent this marriage of Mary with Prince Edward, 
 who was a Protestant, and to unite her to the 
 son of the King of France. The latter, or Anglican 
 party, at whose head was the Earl of Arran, 
 favoured the wishes of Henry VIII. But the 
 Gallican party ultimately prevailed, and Mary, 
 when she was six years old, was sent to France 1548 
 to be educated at the court of Henry II. The 
 English had previously sent troops into Scotland, 
 and had made several attempts to get possession 
 of the person of the young queen, but had been 
 unsuccessful ; and even when she sailed out of 
 the Firth of Clyde on her way to France, the 
 
AfARV STUART : 
 
 1548 English fleet was watching off St. Abb's Head 
 to intercept her departure, it being thought that 
 she would have gone from Leith. But the little 
 princess arrived safely in the harbour of Brest, 
 on the 13th of August, 1548, and being con- 
 ducted to the court of the French king, she 
 became, thenceforward, as one of his own children. 
 Mary's life in France was a period of almost 
 unbroken happiness, and we should love to linger 
 over this, the onh' unclouded portion of her 
 history. But we can but briefl}' dwell upon it. 
 She had been accompanied from Scotland by 
 four little girls, all named Mar}', all about her 
 own age, and each of them belonging to some 
 noble family ; so that the little queen and her 
 companions came to be known as the five Maries. 
 They were all brought up together, and these 
 little attendants continued to wait on their queen 
 until long after her return to Scotland. There 
 are many interesting particulars recorded of the 
 thirteen years that Mary spent in France. We 
 read that at a very early age she displayed those 
 rich and varied gifts which added so great a 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 15 
 
 charm to her noble and beautiful presence. At 1555 
 the age of thirteen she declaimed before the king 
 and queen, and the whole court, a speech in 
 Latin which she had herself composed. She was 
 learned in history, knew several of the modern 
 languages, was skilled in music, and composed 
 verses that received the praise of the best critics. 
 Moreover, she had a most thorough knowledge 
 of Latin, which she spoke and wrote with great 
 fluency ; and in this she equalled, if she did not 
 excel, her accomplished cousins, Elizabeth Tudor 
 and Jane Grey. We are told that her unrivalled 
 beauty, together with her lively and amiable dis- 
 position, made her at once the ornament and 
 darling of the court. She was an especial favourite 
 of the king, who would often chat with her for the 
 space of an hour at a time. The Cardinal of 
 Lorraine, her uncle, in writing to her mother, says : 
 "Your daughter has so increased, and, indeed, in- 
 creases daily in height, goodness, beauty, wisdom, 
 and virtues, that she is as perfect and accomplished 
 in all things honest and virtuous as it is possible 
 for her to be ; and there is no one like her to be 
 
i6 
 
 MARV STUART: 
 
 1555 found in this kingdom, cither among noble ladies 
 or others, of whatever condition or quality they 
 may be." Mary Stuart is said to have had the 
 most elegantly shaped hands of any lady in 
 Europe. With respect to her great beauty we 
 have abundant testimony, and most lovely indeed 
 are those portraits of her, painted when she was 
 Dauphiness of France. But probably the most 
 beautiful representation of her that is extant, is 
 that at Workington Hall, Cumberland. When 
 this was painted she was in her twenty-fifth year, 
 and indeed, the expression of this lovely face were 
 alone sufficient to make us pause ere we too hastily 
 adopted the harsher judgment of her character! 
 But we must resume her history. On the 24th 
 
 J ^^3 of April, 1558, she was married in the cathedral 
 ' of Notre Dame to Francis, eldest son of the king. 
 ^ She was then but little more than fifteen years of 
 age, while her husband was some months younger 
 than she. The marriage was celebrated with great 
 magnificence, the Cardinal de Bourbon giving the 
 blessing in the presence of the king, the queen, the 
 princes of the blood, and many of the nobles. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 17 
 
 When the ceremony was over, the young bride 1558 
 saluted her husband as King of Scotland, and 
 her example was followed by the Scottish dele- 
 gates. For several days Paris was the scene of 
 festive rejoicings, and this youthful princess, queen 
 of a northern clime, Dauphiness of France, and 
 near heir to the throne of England, stood for a 
 little space on this proud eminence. Her marriage 
 seems to have been a very happy one, and if 
 Francis had lived, how different a history should 
 we have probably had to record. Seven months 
 after this marriage died Mary, Queen of England, 
 and w^as succeeded by her half-sister, Elizabeth. 
 It will be remembered that Henry VIH., after 
 having lived with Catherine of Arragon as his 
 wife, for a period of eighteen years, endeavoured 
 to obtain a divorce from her, on the ground that 
 the marriage had been illegal, seeing that she had 
 previously been the wife of his elder brother, 
 Arthur, who had died. But a special dispensa- 
 tion from the Pope had been procured to legalise 
 that mc rriage of Henry ; and, moreover, it was 
 rendered sacred by the lapse of so long a time, 
 
 c 
 
i8 
 
 AfAT^V STUART : 
 
 rSS^ during which its legality had not been called in 
 question. Furthermore, the marriage was after- 
 wards endorsed by the fact that Mary Tudor, the 
 daughter of Catherine, was permitted to inherit 
 the crown. We well know what Henry's purpose 
 was in desiring this divorce. He had set his 
 affections on Anne Boleyn. Failing to obtain 
 the divorce by a process from Rome, Henry 
 repudiated the Papal authority, and married this 
 new object of his choice. Elizabeth was the issue 
 of this second marriage, and the question arises 
 which was the legal contract ; for they cannot both 
 have been so. We have seen that Parliament en- 
 dorsed the marriage with Catherine, by suffering 
 Mary Tudor to come to the throne, when it was 
 also open for them to choose Elizabeth. Was 
 then Elizabeth illegitimate t Such was the 
 judgment generally throughout Europe ; such was 
 the judgment of a large section of the English 
 people ; such was the judgment of Henry H., 
 King of France, who, on the death of Mary Tudor, 
 urged that his daughter-in-law, the Queen of Scots, 
 was heir to the English crown. Ill-omened claim, 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 19 
 
 for it cost Mary Stuart her life! But what was/T558 
 the Queen of Scots' claim to the English crown ? 
 It was this : her grandfather, James IV., had 
 married Margaret Tudor, daughter of Henry 
 VI 1. James V. was the son of that pair, and 
 Mary was the daughter of James. Thus, the 
 Queen of Scots was great-granddaughter of 
 Henry VII., and, Elizabeth being set aside, the 
 true heir to the English crown. At the advice, 
 then, of the King of France and of Mary's uncles, 
 the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, 
 the Dauphin and she quartered the arms of Eng- 
 land with those of Scotland, and thus made a 
 mortal enemy of Elizabeth. Of the unwisdom of 
 this step there cannot be a doubt, but \ve can 
 hardly blame Mary for having acted, at the age 
 of sixteen, by the advice of her experienced kins- 
 men. I say that this claiming of the English 
 crown was unwise ; I do not say it was unjust, for 
 that appears open to grave question, from the 
 considerations already put forth. 
 
 On the loth of July, 1559, Henry II. of France 1559 
 was accidentally killed in a tournament, and his 
 
20 
 
 MAI^V STUART: 
 
 559 crown devolved upon Francis, the husband of 
 Mary, who succeeded under the title of Francis II. ; 
 so that the Queen of Scots was now, also, queen- 
 
 i consort of her husband's kingdom. But troubles 
 were fast coming upon Mary Stuart, and on the 
 
 560 5th of December, 1560, Francis died, and she was 
 j left a widow at the age of eighteen. She was over- 
 whelmed with the deepest sorrow, and for several 
 weeks she shut herself up in her room, and would 
 see no one but her nearest relatives. She had been 
 deeply attached to her husband, and the short 
 period of their wedded life (two years and eight 
 months) had been supremely happy. It now be- 
 came necessary that Mary should return to Scot- 
 land, to assume the government there in her own 
 person. She accordingly made application to 
 Elizabeth to grant her a safe conduct through 
 England ; but this was refused her. Mary Stuart 
 was deeply wounded. Speaking to Throckmorton, 
 Elizabeth's envoy, she said : " There is nothing, 
 Mr. Ambassador, doth grieve me more, than that 
 
 561 I did so forget myself as to require of the queen, 
 your mistress, that favour which I had no need to 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 ask. But let your mistress think that it will be 1561 
 deemed very strange amongst all princes and 
 countries that she should impeach my going into 
 my own kingdom." At a subsequent interview 
 with Throckmorton, and shortly before her de- 
 parture, she spoke to him thus : " I trust the wind 
 will be so favourable as I shall not need to come 
 on the coast of England ; and if I do, then, Mr. 
 Ambassador, the queen, your mistress, shall have 
 me in her power to do her will of me ; and if she 
 be so hard-hearted as to desire my death, she may 
 then do her pleasure and make sacrifice of me. 
 Peradventure that casualty might be better for me 
 than to live. In this matter, God's will be fulfilled." 
 Strange that she should thus have foreshadowed 
 her melancholy end ! 
 
 On the 14th of August, 1561, she set sail for 
 Scotland. One of the gentlemen who accom- 
 panied her in her train has given us this account 
 of her demeanour as she was leaving behind the 
 shores of her beloved France. " She, with both 
 arms resting on the poop of the galley, near the 
 helm, began to shed floods of tears, continually 
 
22 
 
 MAI^V STUART: 
 
 1 561 casting her beautiful eyes towards the port and the 
 country she had left, and uttering these mournful 
 words, ' Farewell, France ! ' until night began to 
 fall. She desired to go to bed without taking any 
 food, and would not go down into her cabin ; so her 
 couch was prepared on the deck. She commanded 
 the steersman, as soon as it was day, if he could still 
 discern the coast of France, to wake her, and not 
 fear to call her ; in which fortune favoured her, 
 for the wind having ceased, and recourse being had 
 to the oars, very little progress was made during 
 the night ; so that, when day appeared, the coast 
 of France was still visible, and the steersman not 
 having failed to perform the commands which she 
 had given him, she sat up in her couch, and began 
 again to look at France as long as she could ; and 
 then she redoubled her lamentations, ' Farewell, 
 France ! Farewell, France ! I think I shall never 
 see thee more.' " 
 
 It is a sorrowful picture. And when night again 
 came on, and she was far out on the lonely sea ; 
 when there was no sound, save to tell that the craft 
 held on its northern way, what dark forebodings 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 23 
 
 came upon her then ! But the future was hidden, 1561 
 and Mercy's hand had drawn the veil ; else, surely, 
 would she have called on those black waters to 
 cover her, and the sea to hide her from view. Bound ^ . 
 for a bleak and half barbaric realm, what awaited her 
 there ? Sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion ; 
 battle and murder, and sudden death ! 
 
 Those beautiful lines of Sheriff Bell are familiar 
 to us all : — 
 
 " .... It was a bark that slowly held its way. 
 And on its lee the coast of France, in light of evening lay ; 
 And on the deck a lady sat, who gazed with tearful eyes 
 Upon the fast receding hills, that dim and distant rise. 
 No marvel that the lady wept, 'twas there that she had 
 known 
 
 The tranquil convent's hushed repose, the splendours of a 
 throne. 
 
 No marvel that the lady wept — it was the land of France, 
 The chosen home of chivalry, the garden of romance ! 
 The past was bright, like those dear hills so far behind her 
 bark ; 
 
 The future, like the gathering night, was ominous and 
 dark ! " 
 
 But we must consider, for a moment, how affairs 
 had gone in Scotland during the queen's absence. 
 The Earl of Arran had been succeeded in the 
 
24 
 
 MAJ^V STUART: 
 
 15^1 regency by Mary of Lorraine. Under her govern- 
 ance a protracted struggle had been carried on 
 between the CathoHcs and the Protestants, which 
 had ended in the deposition of the regent, the 
 j overthrow of Catholicism as the State religion, 
 and the formal establishment of Protestantism. 
 Mary of Lorraine died in June, 1560, and the 
 government, in the absence of the sovereign, had 
 fallen entirely into the hands of Parliament. The 
 religious changes had been effected principally 
 through the dauntless and unwearied exertions 
 of John Knox. This bold reformer was a disciple 
 of Calvin, whom he is said to have equalled in 
 inflexibility and surpassed in energy. Chiefly to 
 his influence is to be ascribed the greater thorough- 
 ness which characterized the Scottish Reformation 
 as compared with that of England. He seems 
 to have impressed the Presbyterian Church of the 
 north with his own uncompromising hardiness, 
 and to have bequeathed this to it as an undying 
 heritage. Possessed of courage altogether invin- 
 cible, inspired with zeal that had apparently no 
 limit, having a consummate knowledge of the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 25 
 
 Scriptures, and endowed with commanding elo- 
 quence, this extraordinary man played such a 
 part in the history of these times, as probably 
 no one else could have sustained. By his advice 
 the Protestant barons and gentlemen, during the 
 period that their religion was proscribed by law, 
 had entered into a covenant together to practise 
 their faith openly, and openly to denounce 
 Catholicism ; and thus had been formed that 
 celebrated insurrectionary government, known as 
 the " Lords of the Congregation." At the head 
 of this party was the Lord James Stuart, and 
 as he plays a most prominent part in the history 
 of these times, he demands our special attention. 
 He was an illegitimate son of James V., his mother 
 being the Lady Margaret Erskine, daughter of 
 the Earl of Mar. Thus, he was half-brother to 
 the queen, and he was ten years her senior. His 
 presence was most distinguished and royal, and 
 he inherited the courage and ability of his kingly 
 ancestors. Sir Walter Scott, speaking of him as 
 regent, which he afterwards became, says : " This 
 distinguished statesman — for as such his worst 
 
26 
 
 MA/^V SrUART : 
 
 1 561 enemies acknowledged him — possessed all the 
 external dignity as well as almost all the noble 
 qualities which could grace the power that he 
 enjoyed ; and had he succeeded to the throne 
 as his legitimate inheritance, it is probable he 
 would have been recorded as one of Scotland's 
 wisest and greatest kings." The Lord James was, 
 moreover, animated by a restless ambition, and 
 although not devoid of a certain rectitude of 
 character, he was pitiless and without scruple in 
 the attainment of his ends. It was natural that 
 such a man, in reflecting on his sinister position, 
 should inwardly chafe at what he might regard 
 as the mere convention that excluded him from 
 the throne. His father's eldest son, and fitted both 
 by nature and education to fill his father's place, 
 why should he not inherit the ancestral crown ? 
 And who stood in his way ? A child of a girl, 
 • who had lived nearly all her life abroad ; a 
 stranger to Scotland and its people, and whose 
 sympathies and predilections were entirely French. 
 Was it justice that this kingdom, over which no 
 woman had ever yet reigned, should now descend 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 27 
 
 to her? Thus would Mary's brother not un- 
 naturally have reasoned within himself ; thus, 
 doubtless, he did reason, until at last, perhaps, 
 he almost persuaded himself that he was an 
 injured man, and debarred from his lawful heritage. 
 
 It was, then, in this nobleman that Mary was 
 now to confide. His position in the State, and 
 his royal descent alike fitted him for the office 
 of her counsellor ; and the queen had, as yet, 
 no cause to suspect his integrity. The aspect of 
 1 affairs was not promising. And we must not lose 
 i sight of this — that Mary, a zealous Catholic, was 
 i about to govern a land that now was not merely 
 Protestant, but in which there was no toleration 
 for her own religion. The reformers had enacted 
 terrible penalties against all who should attempt 
 either to celebrate mass, or attend it. For the first 
 offence the punishment was confiscation of property; 
 for the second, banishment ; and for the third, death. 
 
 But let us return to the little fleet that is 
 bringing the queen to her native realm. Two 
 galleys had been fitted out for the service of Mary 
 and her retinue, and four French ships of war 
 
28 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1 561 accompanied her as her convoy. Nor was this a 
 needless precaution, for EHzabeth had sent out 
 her cruisers to endeavour to intercept and capture 
 the Scottish queen ; and Mary was thus exposed 
 to precisely the same danger as had threatened 
 her on her voyage to France. She was attended 
 by six score of nobles and gentlemen, amongst 
 whom were marshals, poets, and historians. There 
 was also a numerous company of ladies in her 
 train, and the same four Maries who had come 
 with her from Scotland, now returned with her. 
 Moreover, there were in the galleys two doctors 
 of medicine, and a doctor of theology. 
 
 The danger from Elizabeth proved to be a real 
 one, for the English captured one of the ships 
 belonging to Mary's convoy, and took all who 
 were on board prisoners. Amongst these was 
 the Earl of Eglintoun, and other persons of rank ; 
 but they were afterwards released with an apology 
 for their detention, as they w^ere not the prey 
 Elizabeth was in quest of. Mary's vessel is said 
 to have escaped by reason of its greater speed, 
 for being a light craft, it was equipped with oars. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 29 
 
 which did good service in its flight before the 
 EngHsh cruisers. The poor galley-slaves, who 
 were chained to the oars, worked with a good will ; 
 for Mary, on coming on board and seeing them 
 there, although it was out of her power to release 
 them, had spoken kindly to them, and had com- 
 manded that no one should strike them. Mary 
 was truly royal, and was always gracious to her 
 inferiors, however low their condition might be ; 
 and to those who accuse her of black crimes, it 
 must appear a somewhat strange thing that all 
 who at any time served her, all who were around 
 her, and who knew her disposition, — all loved her, 
 and many of them were ready at any time to die, 
 if by so doing they could have served her cause. 
 And when, in later years, she had fallen under 
 the power of the English queen, — when she was 
 a captive in a hostile land, noble ladies and gentle- 
 men begged it as the greatest favour that could 
 be granted them, that they might be permitted 
 to share her captivity, and be the partakers of 
 her troubles. This is no fictitious colouring. I 
 speak what are undoubted facts. 
 
30 
 
 MARV STUART : 
 
 1 561 Mary's escape from the English was facilitated 
 by a dense fog which came on, and soon hid her 
 vessel from the enemy's view. The fog, when 
 they drew near to Scotland, was so thick that 
 those in the prow could not see the stern. The 
 pilots were anxiously on the look-out for the 
 beacon-lights along the shore, but Chatelar, a poet 
 and cavalier, and one of Mary's most ardent 
 admirers, exclaimed, " What need of beacon-lights 
 have we to guide us over the dark waves, when 
 we have the starry eyes of this fair queen, whose 
 heavenly beams irradiate both sea and land, and 
 brighten all they shine upon ? " But when the fog 
 cleared off, it appeared that they had narrowly 
 escaped the rocks, and had been in as great danger 
 from this source as from the ships of Elizabeth. 
 That queen was so much vexed that her rival 
 had evaded her, that a certain noble lady who 
 ventured to express her joy at Mary's safe 
 passage, was forthwith arrested and placed in the 
 Tower. 
 
 On the 19th of August Queen Mary entered 
 the harbour of Leith, after having been on the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 31 
 
 sea for five days. When the news of her arrival 1561 
 became known, the inhabitants of Edinburgh 
 flocked in great numbers to greet their queen, 
 and the nobles assembled to conduct her to Holy- 
 rood House, the palace of the Scottish kings. 
 
 But a deep melancholy had come upon the 
 queen, and her courtiers saw that the unbidden 
 tears were stealing down her cheek. She was on 
 the threshold of a new career, and her quick per- 
 ception told her that the path she had entered 
 on was a perilous one. And nurtured as she had 
 been, in the land of sunny France, the darling 
 of its brilliant court, and surrounded by all the 
 luxury the western world could give — to her the 
 cold, sterile aspect of the northern capital was 
 cheerless and sad, for it was a dark and sunless 
 day, and Edinburgh was enveloped in mist. Cheer- 
 less and sad ? Auld Reekie, High Dunedin ! when 
 on the morrow thou shalt roll off thy vapoury 
 pall, and the sun shall shine on thy stately towers ; 
 when the light of morning shall reveal thy lofty 
 gables and thy many-storeyed streets ; when thy 
 lovely mistress shall view thee from the Crags, and 
 
MAT^y STUART: 
 
 1 561 look on the far-winding Forth; when at her feet 
 she shall see the palace of thy kings, and before 
 her, thy glorious castle rising 'gainst the sky, then 
 she will not call thee sad ! 
 
 John Knox, speaking of the dense mists that 
 prevailed when Mary arrived in Scotland, says, 
 they showed "w^hat comfort was brought into this 
 country with her ; to wit, sorrow, dolour, darkness, 
 and all impiety.". Charitable Knox ! 
 
 In the evening — that is, her first evening at 
 Holyrood — the citizens of Edinburgh came beneath 
 the palace windows, and began to play on dis- 
 cordant instruments, and to sing psalms, to show 
 their joy at their queen's return. This kind of 
 serenading, quite new to the ladies from France, 
 excited their mirth ; and one of them said slyly 
 to the queen, " If any one be merry, let him sing 
 psalms." But Mary appreciated the kind inten- 
 tions of her subjects, and sent messages to the 
 citizens, saying how gratified she was by their 
 music, and desiring that it might be repeated 
 another night. Accordingly, for several succes- 
 sive evenings these dolorous sounds continued 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 33 
 
 to cheer Mary and her fastidious courtiers; but 
 the queen is said to have migrated to a more 
 remote portion of the palace. 
 
 " Difficulties," says Mignet, " and all of them 
 of a very serious nature, beset the path of Mary 
 Stuart in Scotland. How should she treat with 
 triumphant Protestantism ? How should she main- 
 tain in union and reduce to obedience her nobility, 
 so long accustomed to division and revolt ? How 
 should she live in harmony with Queen Elizabeth, 
 her. powerful neighbour and enemy at heart ? 
 And, finally, how should she marry again without 
 endangering her crown if she espoused a foreign 
 prince, and disturbing the peace of her kingdom 
 if she bestowed her hand upon one of her own 
 
 1 subjects ? " Her first act was to appoint Lord 
 James Stuart her prime minister, and Lord Leth- 
 ington her secretary of State. This was apparently 
 a wise step, as these nobles were, both of them, 
 prominent leaders of the Protestant party ; and 
 Mary had determined not to disturb the estab- 
 
 j lished religion at present, as she saw that the great 
 majority of her subjects were in favour of the 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1 561 reformed faith. Retrograde legislation on that 
 matter would indeed have been exceedingly dan- 
 gerous, if not altogether impossible ; so strong 
 was the anti-Catholic feeling at this time. One 
 mass, said Knox, was more fearful to him than 
 if ten thousand armed enemies were landed in any 
 part of the kingdom. Mary expected that the 
 same toleration which she showed towards others 
 who differed from her in matters of religion would 
 be extended to her in the exercise of her own 
 faith. But in this she was mistaken. A most 
 extraordinary scene took place on the very Sunday 
 morning after her arrival. Her priests were cele- 
 brating mass in the private chapel adjoining the 
 palace. The congregation was composed of the 
 queen, the ladies and gentlemen of her court, and 
 the servants of the household. The priests were 
 in the midst of the ceremony, when suddenly, and 
 afar off, was heard the sound as of a great multi- 
 tude sending angry shouts upon the air. Indistinct, 
 commingled, was the cry ; yet even from the dis- 
 tance the notes of rage could be discerned, as, 
 swelling tumultuously, they penetrated into the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 35 
 
 church, striking terror into the minds of the wor- 
 shippers. The sounds drew nearer, and now could 
 be distinctly heard the hoarse voices of the mob, 
 shouting, " Down with the mass ! down with the 
 idol ! the idolatrous priests shall die the death ! " 
 The clergymen trembled and paused in their office : 
 the queen was pale and agitated. Now there is 
 a lull in the tumult : within the chapel it is a 
 nervous stillness. Again come the shouts in ter- 
 rible nearness. The mob is at the palace gates. 
 
 At this moment the Master of Lindsay, clad 
 in mail, and followed by a troop of his men, rushed 
 into the courtyard, and shouting, "Death to the 
 priests ! death to the priests ! " would assuredly 
 have burst into the chapel and slain his victims 
 at the altar, had he not received a very decisive 
 and unlooked for check. The Lord James Stuart, 
 who had apprehended some such disturbance, had 
 taken up his position at the door of the chapel ; 
 and he now opposed himself to the fanatical Lind- 
 say, and by his authority stayed the tumult and 
 dispersed the mob. He was determined that the 
 queen should, at least, not be molested in her 
 
36 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 I own chapel. An ominous Sabbath, this ! It was 
 the beginning of Mary's troubles. 
 
 Very shortly after her return to Scotland, the 
 queen took the bold step of summoning to her 
 presence the redoubtable reformer, John Knox. 
 This first meeting was a remarkable one. The 
 Protestant leader was at this time in his prime, 
 being about fifty-six years of age. Mary was 
 eighteen. Young and beautiful, did she think it 
 was reserved for her to discover that Knox had 
 a vein of chivalry in him } Some such thought 
 may have crossed her mind ; but Mary was skilled 
 in disputation, and more than once in the course of 
 the interview she put the reformer on his defence. 
 
 See — her Majesty is seated in the dusky audi- 
 ence-chamber at Holyrood. She is attended only 
 by her brother, the Lord James. The great 
 preacher is announced, and his sombre figure 
 darkens the doorway. He passes the threshold, 
 moving towards the queen ; and much as Shylock 
 takes his stand before the duke, so Knox, sullen 
 and undaunted, pauses a little space from the 
 throne, and with the slightest possible inclination 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. yj 
 
 of the head, awaits the address of his sovereign, i 
 After some preliminaries, Mary attacked the re- 
 former on the subject of his book entitled, " The 
 First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous 
 Regiment of Women," in which he had argued 
 I that female government was not lawful. She ad- 
 monished him that by such publications he was 
 inciting the people to rebel against her authority. 
 Knox made an evasive answer. If, madam," said 
 he, " to rebuke idolatry and to persuade the people 
 to worship God according to His Word, be to raise 
 subjects against their princes, I cannot stand ex- 
 cused, for so have I acted ; but if the true know- 
 ledge of God, and His right worship lead all good 
 subjects to obey the prince from their heart, then, 
 who can reprehend me ? " He then declared that 
 he was willing to live content under her Majesty's 
 government, so long as the blood of the saints 
 was not shed ; but maintained that in matters of 
 religion, subjects were bound to obey, not the 
 sovereign, but God Himself. " For if," said he, all 
 men, in the days of the apostles, should have been 
 compelled to follow the religion of the Roman 
 
38 
 
 AfAJ^V STUART : 
 
 1 561 Emperors, where would have been the Christian 
 faith?" ''But," said the queen, "these men did 
 not resist." " And yet," replied Knox, " those who 
 obey not the commandment may be said to resist." 
 " Nay," answered Mary, " but they did not resist 
 with the sword." "That," said Knox, "was because 
 they had not the power." " What ! " exclaimed the 
 queen, "do you say that subjects, having power, 
 may resist their princes ? " " Assuredly, madam," 
 replied he, " if princes exceed their bounds." Mary 
 seemed to have no power to reply, for as Knox 
 himself tells us, " she stood, as it were, amazed for 
 more than a quarter of an hour." At length she 
 said: "Well, then, I perceive that my subjects 
 shall only obey you, and not me ; — they must do 
 what they list, and not what I command ; whilst 
 I must learn to be subject unto them, and not they 
 to me." Knox forsook his position. " God forbid," 
 said he, " that it should ever be so. Far be it from 
 me to command any, or to absolve subjects from 
 their lawful allegiance. My only desire is, that 
 both princes and subjects should obey God, who 
 has, in His Word, enjoined kings to be nursing- 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 39 
 
 fathers, and queens nursing-mothers to His Church." 1561 
 Then Mary said : " Yea, that is indeed true ; but 
 yours is not the Church that I will nourish. I will 
 defend the Church of Rome, for I think it is the 
 j true Church of God." Then came the storm, and 
 I the reformer burst out into terrible invectives 
 against the adverse faith, declaring that the Roman 
 Church had more grievously degenerated than the 
 Church of the Jews, when they crucified Christ. 
 When his wrath was expended he withdrew, 
 shaking, as it were, the dust from off his feet. 
 Knox was blamed even by the Protestant leaders 
 for his manner of dealing with the queen. Lord 
 Lethington writes thus to Cecil, Elizabeth's minis- 
 ter : " You know the vehemence of Mr. Knox's 
 spirit, which cannot be bridled; and yet doth 
 sometimes utter such sentences as cannot be easily 
 digested by a weak stomach. I could wish he 
 would deal with her more gently, being a young 
 princess unpersuaded." 
 
 The four years that succeeded Mary's return 
 from France we must discuss as briefly as possible, 
 
 1565 
 
 as our limits are somewhat confined. During this 
 
40 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1 561 time her reign was comparatively peaceful, though 
 j^^^ we read how she herself, at the head of her troops, 
 ^ marched against her rebellious nobles of the north, 
 traversing the country on horseback, enduring all 
 manner of fatigues, and regretting "that she was 
 not a man, to know what life it was to lie all night 
 in the fields ; or to walk upon the causeway, with 
 a jack and knapsack, a Glasgow buckler, and a 
 broadsword." The Lord James she presently 
 created Earl of Mar, and, shortly afterwards. Earl 
 of Moray. So far, that nobleman seemed to serve 
 her with devoted loyalty. 
 
 Much we read of the gaiety of her court at this 
 period ; and the Presbyterian clergy were severely 
 shocked by what they considered the unholy levity 
 of the queen and her ladies. The dancing was 
 especially offensive to these rigid censors, and 
 called forth a remark from Knox, that no good 
 had ever come of that pastime since the days of 
 Herodias. There is a very interesting letter from 
 Randolph to Queen Elizabeth, throwing light on 
 the manner in which Mary spent her time of re- 
 laxation. Randolph was Queen Elizabeth's am- 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE, 
 
 41 
 
 bassador at the court of Scotland, and having 1564 
 business from his mistress to communicate to Mary, 
 he repaired to St. Andrew's, whither the Scottish 
 queen had retired for a few days to be rid of the 
 cares of State. I will quote Randolph's own words 
 to Elizabeth. He says : " So soon as time served, 
 I did present your Majesty's letter, which being 
 read, and, as appeared on her countenance, very 
 well liked, she said little to me for that time. 
 The next day she passed wholly in mirth, nor gave 
 any appearance to any of the contrary ; nor would 
 not, as she said openly, but be quiet and merry. 
 Her will was, that for the time that I did tarry, I 
 should dine and sup with her. Having in this sort 
 continued with her Grace for three days, I thought 
 it time to utter that which I had received in com- 
 mand from your Majesty. But I had no sooner 
 spoken than she said : ' Now I see well that you 
 are weary of this company and treatment. I sent 
 for you to be merry, and to see how like a burgess's 
 wife I live, with my little troop ; and you will inter- 
 rupt our pastime with your great and grave matters. 
 I pray you, sir, if you be weary here, return home 
 
42 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1 564 to Edinburgh, and keep your gravity and great 
 embassade until the queen come thither ; for I 
 assure you you shall not get her here. I would 
 not that you should think that I am she at St. 
 Andrew's that I w^as at Holyrood.' " 
 
 But although Mary was thus, at times, wholly 
 given to pleasure — as, indeed, was consistent with 
 her youth — she was most industrious in affairs 
 of State, and frequently exhibited a force of energy 
 that was truly astonishing. She was also, as is well 
 known, both industrious and very skilful with her 
 needle, and many specimens of her embroidery are 
 preserved to the present day. 
 
 1-63 But in dealing with this time, it is impossible to 
 pass over the romantic story of Chatelar, one of the 
 gentlemen who had come with Mary from France. 
 Accomplished and handsome, he was a great 
 favourite of the queen ; and Brantome tells us that 
 he would compose verses and address them to 
 Mary, and that she would reply by others. It 
 appears that the young queen, in common with her 
 sex generally, was fond of being admired; and there 
 is no doubt that, in a manner, she encouraged the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 43 
 
 gallantry of Chatelar. We are told, indeed, that 1563 
 she would sometimes lean upon his shoulder, and 
 was not careful to conceal her fondness for him. 
 But who tells us this ? John Knox. How did he 
 obtain his knowledge ? By a system of spies about 
 the palace. Of the credence to be given to such 
 testimony, I leave the reader to judge. I do not 
 impeach the veracity of Knox, but I repudiate the 
 source of his information. What followed, indeed,, 
 shows how free the queen was from that which 
 her enemies would put upon her. Chatelar's 
 passion for Mary seems quite to have intoxicated 
 him, and it is difficult to believe that he was 
 altogether in his senses at this time. Let those 
 who wish read the story for themselves. I will 
 only say that he so offended the queen that she 
 bade him quit the court for ever. But, far from 
 obeying her commands, he repeated the offence, 
 and was then delivered over to the judges, who 
 sentenced him to be beheaded. The block had 
 small terror for him. His only trouble was the 
 scorn of the queen. Rejecting spiritual aid, he 
 walked to the scaffold reciting in French a hymn to 
 
44 
 
 MAI^V STUART : 
 
 1563 Death. As he was about to die, he turned his eyes 
 in the direction in which he supposed Mary to be, 
 exclaiming as he did so, " Adieu, loveliest but nnost 
 cruel princess in the world ! " So perished Chatelar. 
 Not always, then, do the brave deserve the fair ! 
 
 We shall not be able to notice at any length 
 the elaborate negotiations entered into with respect 
 j to Mary's second marriage. Many suitors had 
 i desired her hand, and she had successively rejected 
 the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, the Earl of 
 Arran, and the Dukes of Nemours and Ferrara. 
 Her own choice had inclined towards Don Carlos, 
 the eldest son of Philip II. of Spain ; but that 
 project had been frustrated. Mary then declared 
 herself willing to be guided in the matter by 
 
 1564 Elizabeth, who suggested as a husband, Lord 
 Robert Dudley, her own favourite. This extra- 
 ordinary proposition it is not easy to explain. 
 That Elizabeth was serious is not probable. Her 
 motive seems to have been merely to delay matters, 
 
 , and to postpone the marriage indefinitely. She 
 ' was anxious, if possible, to keep Mary in the same 
 state of singleness which she had chosen for herself. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 45 
 
 And her reason for this is obvious. If Mary were i 
 to have children, her claim on the English succes- 
 sion would be strengthened ; and Elizabeth was 
 already sufficiently jealous of her rival. The pro- 
 position that Mary should marry Don Carlos had 
 excited the strenuous opposition of Knox, who 
 inveighed against it from the pulpit, declaring that 
 those who favoured a project to unite the queen 
 with a Catholic prince, did all in their power to 
 banish true religion from the realm. When Mary 
 heard of the manner in which Knox had spoken, she 
 sent for him again, and demanded to know what her 
 marriage had to do with him, and why he had dared 
 to make it the subject of a public discourse. Knox 
 replied that he must obey the commands of God 
 " to speak plain, and flatter no flesh." This inter- 
 view proved as stormy as the first she had had with 
 him, and it was terminated by the queen's desiring 
 him to leave her presence. As he retired through 
 the ante-chambers he had to pass through the midst 
 of a number of young ladies of the court, who were 
 there assembled, bedizened in brilliant fashion. But 
 the reformer was not abashed. Turning his regard 
 
46 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1564011 either hand, he thus addressed them : "Ah! fair 
 ladies," said he, "how pleasant were this life of 
 yours, if it should ever abide, and then in the end 
 we might pass to heaven with this gear ! But fie 
 on that knave, Death, that will come, whether ye 
 will or not ; and when he hath laid on the arrest, 
 then foul worms will be busy with this flesh, be it 
 never so fair and tender ; and the silly soul, I fear, 
 shall be so feeble, that it can neither carry with 
 it gold, garnishing, targating, pearl, nor precious 
 stones." 
 
 1 565 About this time there came into Scotland, Henry, 
 Lord Darnley, eldest son of the Earl of Lennox. 
 Darnley was directly descended from Henry VH., 
 his mother being the daughter of Margaret Tudor, 
 by her second husband, Archibald Douglas, Earl 
 of Angus. The Earl of Lennox was himself a 
 ^ member of the house of Stuart, so that Darnley 
 was nearly allied to the crown, both in Scotland 
 and England. This young nobleman was now 
 about nineteen years of age. He was tall and ex- 
 ceedingly handsome, and when he appeared at the 
 Court of Scotland, he at once made a very favour- 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 A7 
 
 able impression on the queen. His visit to the 1565 
 north was brought about by his mother, the 
 Countess of Lennox, who had previously written 
 to Mary, suggesting that she should take him as 
 her husband. To this proposition the Scottish 
 queen was by no means disinclined, for Darnley 
 had much to recommend him. Bearing the name 
 of Stuart, and, after Mary, the next heir to the 
 crown, he was, like her, a zealous Catholic ; and 
 the queen perceived that by a marriage with him 
 she would very greatly strengthen her own claims 
 on the throne of England. She was, moreover, 
 personally, very strongly disposed to the match ; 
 for Darnley seems, from the first, to have entirely 
 won her affections. But the difficulties in the way 
 of such a marriage were both many and formidable ; 
 and these let us now consider. When Francis II. 
 died, Mary Stuart had ceased to bear the arms of 
 England, and had thus removed the chief cause of 
 enmity between herself and Elizabeth ; but she 
 did not resign her claim as heir, after Elizabeth, 
 to the English throne. Indeed, her right to the 
 succession was so manifest that it was openly ad- 
 
48 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1565 mitted by almost all, and, tacitly, even by Elizabeth 
 herself. But this queen had an invincible repug- 
 nance to appoint her own successor, and although 
 continually urged by her ministers to do so, she 
 was ever putting the matter off. Thus, when she 
 suggested that Mary should marry Lord Robert 
 Dudley, it was demanded of her, as a condition of 
 Mary's compliance, that she should recognize the 
 Scottish queen as her heir. But Elizabeth's reply 
 was, " Let the marriage first take place — then that 
 matter shall be settled." Mary, who had been 
 willing to accept Elizabeth's proposal with respect 
 to the Lord Robert, if her conditions were agreed 
 to, then broke off the negotiations, rightly rejecting 
 so disproportionate a union, unless some adequate 
 advantage were added. Elizabeth, really, meant 
 neither to acknowledge the succession nor to per- 
 mit the marriage with Dudley. She, according to 
 her usual custom, had adopted a shuffling policy, 
 and merely wished to gain time ; it being to her 
 interest, as we have said, that Mary should remain 
 single. It was about the time that these negotia- 
 tions with Dudley were pending, and when the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 49 
 
 English queen feared that an arrangement might 1565 
 possibly be come to, that she gave Darnley per- 
 mission to go into Scotland, being aware of the 
 ambitious designs of his mother, and doubtless 
 thinking that this youth might now be used to 
 prevent the marriage with Dudley, just as she had 
 previously used Dudley to prevent Mary's union 
 with any of the continental princes. She wished 
 to connive at the pretensions of Darnley, and 
 even, up to a certain point, to favour them ; but 
 she had no intention of giving her consent to a 
 match so fraught with danger to herself. But 
 Mary, weary of Elizabeth's tergiversation, and, , 
 moreover, becoming deeply attached to Darnley, 
 determined to take this matter of her marriage 
 into her own hands, and to follow her natural 
 inclinations, even at the risk of again incurring 
 I the English queen's enmity. She accordingly 
 signified her intention to marry Darnley ; and then 
 commenced a struggle between the two factions 
 who supported the rival claims of Dudley and the 
 son of Lennox. On the side of the former were 
 Lethington, the Earl of Moray, and the lords of 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 ?/lARY STUART: 
 
 1565 the congregation; on the side of the latter, the 
 Earl of Athol, all the barons who had remained 
 Catholic, and an Italian named David Rizzio, the 
 queen's French secretary. The greater strength 
 did not seem on the side of Mary, and, more- 
 over, the whole body of the Presbyterian clergy 
 strenuously opposed her marriage with a Catholic, 
 as they rightly deemed that such a step would 
 strike a blow at their religion. Elizabeth, too, 
 when she heard how affairs were going, directed 
 Throckmorton, her ambassador, to hasten to Scot- 
 land, and use all possible means to prevent the 
 match. But she was too late. Mary was deter- 
 mined to proceed, in spite of all opposition. She 
 first gained over Lethington to her side, and then 
 attempted to win Moray. But her brother was 
 inexorable, and would not yield. He grounded 
 his opposition to the marriage upon the evil which 
 he said would result to the established religion ; 
 but in truth he saw in it his own downfall ; for 
 Darnley was not well-disposed towards him. The 
 queen, angered by his refusal to aid her, at length 
 seemed to guess at his ambitious designs. " I see. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 51 
 
 clearly," said she, "whereabout he goes ; he would 1565 
 set the crown upon his own head." 
 
 When Elizabeth saw that the marriage was 
 inevitable, she gave expression to her rage by 
 sending the Countess of Lennox to the Tower. 
 She then sent her mandate to Darnley and his 
 father, bidding them, on their allegiance as English 
 subjects, at once return to her court. Lennox 
 refused to obey, saying that his wife was made 
 prisoner, and that he himself was not assured 
 of safety. Darnley replied that he now acknow- 
 ledged obedience only to the Queen of Scotland ; 
 that he found himself very well where he was, 
 and there purposed to remain. 
 
 Anticipating evil from her brother, Mary had 
 recalled from banishment the Earl of Bothwell. 
 This nobleman was Moray's personal enemy, and 
 had been compelled by him to live in exile for 
 several years. The queen's purpose in this, was 
 to use Bothwell, if necessary, against her brother, 
 and thus keep his ambition in check. 
 
 Moray now threw off the mask. In alliance 
 with the Earls of Argyll and Arran, the Lord 
 
52 
 
 MAI^V STUART: 
 
 1565 Boyd, and other noblemen, he formed a plot to 
 seize the queen and Darnley, as they rode from 
 Perth to Callander. Darnley was either to be 
 killed or delivered up to Elizabeth, Mary was to 
 be imprisoned in Lochleven, and Moray was to 
 resume his position as head of the government. 
 But the conspirators were thwarted in their designs. 
 The queen, apprised of the plot, left Perth 
 suddenly, passed the place fixed on for the attack 
 two hours before Arg^dl and his men came up, 
 and reached Callander without mishap. Baffled 
 in his secret machinations, Moray resorted to open 
 revolt, and summoned the "brethren," as he called 
 them, to arms. ]\Iary replied by calling on all 
 true subjects to meet her forthwith at Edinburgh, 
 with provisions, and in arms. Feeling that delay 
 was inexpedient, and wishing to remove the cause 
 of opposition, she hurried on her marriage with 
 Darnley. This took place in the private chapel 
 at Holyrood, on Sunday, the 29th of July, 1565. 
 The rites were according to the Church of Rome, 
 and the ceremony was performed at the early 
 hour of six in the morning. Mary now took the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 53 
 
 field against Moray, and drove him from Stirling 15^5 
 to Glasgow, and from Glasgow into the lands 
 of Argyll. Elizabeth aided the insurgents by 
 sending them money ; and Moray and his con- 
 federates, having got together a thousand men, 
 marched upon Edinburgh. They supposed that 
 the inhabitants would have risen in their favour, 
 but they were fired on by the cannon of the 
 castle. Dismayed at this reception, they sent 
 to beg Elizabeth to send them three thousand 
 men ; but Mary gave them no time to recruit. 
 At the head of her troops she drove them 
 from Edinburgh, and compelled them to fall back 
 on the English frontier. Her enemies were now, 
 
 \ for a time, quelled, and Mary herself was at the 
 
 ; height of her popularity. 
 
 ' The marriage with Darnley had converted 
 Elizabeth from a covert, into an open enemy ; 
 and from this time forward the English queen 
 continued to labour the downfall of her rival, 
 fomenting discontent and rebellion in her kingdom 
 — sometimes by undisguised hostility ; oftener by 
 secret intrigue — leaving nothing undone that might 
 
54 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1565 qualify Mary's good name; forgetting nothing that 
 might bring her to destruction. Well does Mr. 
 Froude say, that to clear the character of Mary 
 Stuart, we must deeply criminate Elizabeth and 
 her ministers : we shall see whether the English 
 Court was so immaculate as to be above sus- 
 picion. 
 
 The married life of Darnley and the queen was, 
 for a few months, exceedingly happy ; but experi- 
 ence soon showed that Mary had formed too high 
 an estimate of her husband's character. He began, 
 before long, to abandon himself to dissolute habits ; 
 he became haughty and overbearing to those 
 around him, and frequently treated even the queen 
 herself with marked disrespect. Pie was naturally 
 of a vain and weak disposition, and his sudden 
 exaltation seems quite to have overbalanced him. 
 We even find the Earl of Lennox, his father, 
 addressing him in his letters as " Your Majesty," 
 a sufficient commentary on the imperious nature 
 of the son. Mary, indeed, had conferred the title 
 of king upon Darnley the day before their 
 marriage, and had promised him the crown 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 55 
 
 matrimonial, by which he would have had an 1565 
 equal share in the government ; but this she after- 
 wards withheld, judging that power would not be 
 safe in his hands. That the queen was wise in 
 this we cannot doubt, when we read of the manner 
 in which Darnley comported himself. Drury, who 
 represented the English at Berwick, thus writes to 
 Cecil, on the i6th of February, 1566 : "All people 
 say that Darnley is too much addicted to drink- 
 ing." The letter goes on to say that the queen 
 having remonstrated with him on his conduct, he 1566 
 used such language towards her that she left the 
 place in tears. 
 
 Again, in a letter from Randolph to Cecil, 
 dated three weeks earlier, we find these words : 
 " Darnley is of an insolent, imperious temper, 
 and thinks that he is never sufficiently honoured." 
 Under such a condition of things, it is not won- 
 derful that Mary's affection for her husband 
 rapidly cooled. She avoided his society, and was 
 in no way careful to conceal, even from the outer 
 world, the change in her regard. The orders in 
 council, which at first had been signed both by the 
 
56 
 
 MARV STUART : 
 
 1 566 king and queen, were now subscribed by Mary alone. 
 Darnley, often too intoxicated to attend to affairs, 
 stormed when his signature was dispensed with ; 
 and so things went on, the breach growing daily 
 wider, and the quarrel, which was to prove the 
 destruction of both, fast hastening to a climax. 
 
 I have already alluded to the French secretary, 
 David Rizzio. This man was the son of an Italian 
 dancing and music-master. He had come to Edin- 
 burgh in the year 1562, in the suite of the ambas- 
 sador from Savoy. Of a deformed and ill-favoured 
 exterior he was possessed of great ability, and 
 manifested a degree of mental culture at that time 
 unusual in the Court of Scotland. We are told 
 that he was an accomplished musician, and an 
 adept in the art of mimicry, with the display of 
 which he would sometimes entertain the queen and 
 her ladies. When his master, the ambassador, 
 returned to Piedmont, Mary had retained Rizzio as 
 a valet de cJiambre ; but soon perceiving that he was 
 fitted for some more honourable ofnce, she had, in 
 December, 1564, made him the secretary for her 
 French correspondence. He discharged his duties 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 57 
 
 so well in this capacity that he rose high in the i ^66 • 
 queen's estimation, and it was her purpose soon to 
 confer additional honours upon him. The exalta- 
 tion of the low-born Italian caused great discon- 
 tent among the native nobility, and their aversion 
 to the secretary was not lessened by the manner 
 of Rizzio's deportment. He was foolish enough to 
 
 adopt a lofty tone towards these haughty baronSj 
 
 many of whom dated their pedigrees from before 
 the Christian era. He assumed great state in his 
 appointments, and drove an equipage equal to the 
 king's. Darnley had been at first on very friendly 
 terms with Rizzio, but certain of the nobles, being 
 desirous to avenge themselves on the Italian, for . 
 having, as they deemed, usurped a position that 
 belonged exclusively to them, succeeded in poison- 
 ing the king's mind against the secretary, alleging 
 the existence of an intrigue between him and the 
 queen. As this charge against Mary has been 
 often repeated, and is believed by many at the 
 present day, I will here inquire upon what it rests. 
 It is founded, I imagine, upon two things : the 
 favour which Mary bestowed upon Rizzio, and on 
 
58 
 
 AfA/^V STUART: 
 
 1566 the fact that she frequently dictated to him her 
 foreign correspondence when there was no one 
 in her presence but himself Now, with regard to 
 the favour which Mary showed to Rizzio, and the 
 position to which she raised him, I have only this 
 to say — that she had many precedents for her 
 action in this respect, and that, without going 
 farther than the court of Elizabeth. Mary insisted 
 on her right to recognize merit ; and is it wonder- 
 ful that, surrounded as she was by enemies and 
 false friends, deserted by Moray, and having few 
 whose integrity or even ability she could put trust 
 in, — is it wonderful that, situated as she was, she 
 was glad to find in the Italian one who was both 
 trustworthy and able ? 
 
 With regard to the second ground of accusation 
 — that she administered much of her foreign cor- 
 respondence with none in her presence but Rizzio, 
 I reply that she would have been imprudent had 
 she done otherwise ; for in what did this corres- 
 pondence for the most part consist ? In relations 
 entered into with Philip II. and the Pope, with 
 a view to the re-establishment of the Catholic 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 59 
 
 religion in Scotland. The necessity of secrecy in 1566 
 such a matter I need not enlarge upon. It was 
 absolutely imperative. 
 
 We see, then, that this accusation against Mary 
 is founded merely on supposition, and that when 
 the grounds of that supposition are examined, they 
 fail to bear the scrutiny. For if it be urged that 
 such great confidence was strangely placed in this 
 humble Italian, I reply that Rizzio was in the pay 
 of the Pope, and was the trusted agent of the 
 Catholics in Scotland ; and I give as my authority 
 for that statement the names of Melvil and Tytler. 
 But there are those who argue that James I. of 
 England was not improbably the son of the French 
 secretary. This theory is founded on certain 
 letters written by Randolph to Cecil ; on points of 
 mental resemblance between James and Rizzio ; 
 and on the seeming unlikelihood that Mary's son 
 by Darnley should have been so ill-favoured as 
 was James. With respect to the letters of 
 Randolph, it is to be observed, that whatever hints 
 or allegations they contain were based simply upon 
 hearsay, and on evidence which we have already 
 
6o 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1566 considered. . It should further be remembered that 
 it was Randolph's custom continually to transmit 
 items of scandal about Mary, for the amusement, 
 probably, of Elizabeth, who was much entertained 
 by such communications. Then, as regards the 
 points of mental resemblance between James and 
 Rizzio, what are these said to be } " Meanness, 
 arrogance, and a taste for music and poetry." 
 This is somewhat vague, and even if the likeness 
 in these respects be shown, it may be replied that 
 Darnley was especially arrogant ; and as to the 
 fact that James manifested some predilection for 
 music and poetry, surely, it cannot be forgotten 
 that his mother excelled in both. Then as to the 
 seeming improbability that Mary s son by Darnley 
 should have been so ill-favoured as was James — 
 to those who may be influenced by this con- 
 sideration I would simply say. Remember the 
 9th of March. James was born on the 19th of 
 the following June ! 
 
 There is one thing I wish to add. It is im- 
 portant that we should ascertain, if we can in any 
 way do so, what was the real belief of Elizabeth 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE, 6i 
 
 with respect to this question. Now let it be i 
 remembered that the letters of Randolph which 
 have been alluded to, and which propagate these 
 injurious charges against Mary, were, for the most 
 part, addressed to Cecil, and were through him 
 transmitted to Elizabeth (either the letters or their 
 contents). The English queen was wont to be 
 amused by this epistolary scandal ; but did she 
 really believe it ? She might be thought disposed 
 to do so, for she w^as jealous of Mary, both as 
 queen and woman. But what was the fact ? Did 
 she honestly doubt that James was Darnley's son ? 
 Did she for a moment seriously entertain the 
 alternative ? I say very certainly that she did 
 not ; and for this reason : throughout her reign 
 she continued to defer the vexed question of the 
 succession ; she would not appoint her successor ; 
 but during her latter years she tacitly recognized 
 James as such. Now, it was open for her to appoint 
 one of his cousins over his head, and had she at 
 all believed that his parentage was doubtful — had 
 she for an instant thought that he was Rizzio's 
 son, she would assuredly have done this ; for in 
 
62 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1566 her last illness, when her ministers once more 
 entreated that she would say who should succeed 
 her, she at length replied, " My seat has been the 
 seat of kings : I will have no rascal's son, but 
 a king." 
 
 Those are very remarkable words as bearing on 
 this controversy. They show how much value she 
 attached to Randolph's malignities. 
 
 But my authority for this utterance of Elizabeth 
 is, perhaps, some historian who is partial to the 
 Queen of Scots ? By no means. I quote from 
 Keightley, who is bitterly adverse to her.* 
 
 I have said that Mary was now labouring to 
 restore Catholicism as the established religion of 
 Scotland. Can any blame her for this ? I think 
 not. In the first place, she believed in the divine 
 right of the sovereign, and judged it her duty in 
 all ways to uphold what she regarded as the true 
 religion of Christ. Then it must be remembered 
 that Protestantism had been established in Scot- 
 
 * This historian goes on to narrate how EHzabeth, being 
 further interrogated as to what king she meant, rephed, 
 " Our cousin of Scotland." 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 63 
 
 land by unlawful and unconstitutional means, the 1 566 
 Parliament having first deposed the regent with- 
 out the queen's authority, and then effected a 
 religious revolution, to which the consent of their 
 sovereign was not even asked. Considering these 
 things, and putting aside the fact that Mary 
 regarded the restoration of her own faith as a . 
 duty, it is not strange that she should have dis- 
 liked and wished to supplant a religion which to 
 her was ascetic and gloomy, and under which she 
 had herself but uncertain liberty of conscience, 
 y But to return to the narrative. Darnley, angry 
 at being refused the matrimonial crown, and re- 
 senting the change towards him in the demeanour 
 of the queen, lent a ready ear to the slanderous in- 
 sinuations concerning Rizzio, and became the will- 
 ing tool of those nobles who designed to make use 
 of him to effect their own ends. \ It was resolved 
 among the conspirators that the secretary, or, as 
 they called him, " the villain David," should be 
 summarily made away with ; and, accordingly, a 
 written agreement was entered into and signed by 
 the king and his companions to carry this purpose 
 
64 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1566 into execution. Thus was deadly feud brought 
 into that house where, but a Kttle while before, 
 might have been viewed even such a scene as this : 
 It is a high-panelled chamber in Holyrood. In 
 one of the deep recesses of the windows the prime 
 minister, Moray, converses apart with a tall, dark 
 man, whose curling moustache and beard seem to 
 assort with the sinister expression of his face, and 
 whose harsh, unyielding aspect bespeaks him cruel, 
 but without fear. This is the conspirator Morton. 
 At the far end of the room is the queen, reclining 
 in her chair, and listening to the soft strains of the 
 lute, that an Italian, with consummate art, is play- 
 ing before her. Standing near, and watching the 
 sunlight tinging her lovely hair, is the handsome 
 Darnley ; now her impassioned lover ; soon to claim 
 her as his bride. Picture the five as they are 
 thus associated together, for an awful destiny is 
 awaiting each. The wiles of the conspirator shall 
 bring him to the block ; the astute statesman shall 
 fall by the assassin ; the Italian shall, stain with 
 his life-blood the very floor on which he stands ; 
 Darnley shall die a new and terrible death ; while 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 she, on whom the sunshine now sheds its transient 1566 
 glow, ere her wondrous beauty shall have yet 
 begun to fade, shall pass to an English prison 
 to pine in solitude ; and wronged, desolate, be- 
 trayed, shall at last perish at the hands of the 
 executioner ! — 
 The cloak under which the conspirators plotted 
 the destruction of Rizzio was an affected concern 
 for the queen's honour. When we consider the 
 manner in which these men carried out their 
 design, it is not possible to think that this was 
 even a part of their motive. Let us then inquire 
 what the reasons for this conspiracy really were. 
 Darnley himself was actuated by unjustifiable 
 jealousy ; but he was simply an instrument in the 
 hands of men who, pretending to sympathize with 
 his grievances, concealed from him their real plans. 
 The conspirators associated themselves with him 
 in order that they might be sheltered under his 
 authority as king, and protected from any possible 
 after- consequences that might arise to them. To 
 ensure this, two solemn covenants had been drawn 
 up and mutually signed by the conspirators and 
 
 Y 
 
MARY STUART : 
 
 1 566 the king, by which cither party was pledged to 
 support the other. 
 
 But we shall best discover the mainsprings of 
 the plot if we examine the list of the confederates. 
 First, then, there was the Lennox faction, which 
 comprised those nobles who were personally at- 
 tached to the cause of Darnley, and who were 
 I determined to humiliate the queen, and compel her 
 to yield to him the sovereign power. Then there 
 ^ was the Earl of Morton, who feared that unless 
 I some political commotion were improvised, he 
 would be deprived of his office as chancellor. 
 Then came Moray and those lords who had been 
 banished with him for rebellion ; whose estates 
 would shortly be confiscated if no means were 
 found to upset the proceedings of Parliament, and 
 I stay the Act of Forfeiture ; and lastly, were those 
 barons who, during the minority of the queen had 
 received Crown grants, which they feared they 
 ' might soon be deprived of, and who, therefore, 
 were ready to further any revolution that might 
 avert such a calamity. Chief amongst these was 
 the Earl of Morton himself, and he was chosen to 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 67 
 
 conduct the enterprise. Lord Ruthven, a staunch 1566 
 friend of the Lennox family, had also been induced 
 to join in the conspiracy, although he was at this 
 time very ill, and even tottering on the verge of 
 the grave. 
 
 Now, twenty-four days previous to the assassi- 
 nation, Randolph, who, it will be remembered, was 
 Elizabeth's ambassador in Scotland, wrote a letter 
 to the Earl of Leicester, in which occur these 
 words : " I know that there are practices in hand, 
 contrived between the father and son (Lennox and 
 Darnley), to come by the crown against her will 
 (Mary's). I know that if that take effect which is 
 intended, David, with the consent of the king, 
 shall have his throat cut within these ten days. 
 Many things grievouser and worse than these are 
 brought to my ears ; yea, of things intended 
 against her own person." 
 
 Observe that these are words addressed to 
 Leicester, Elizabeth's favourite and confidant. It 
 is obvious for whose ear they were intended. 
 
 Again, on the 6th of March (three days before 
 the murder), the English authorities at Berwick 
 
68 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 15^6 wrote to Elizabeth's secretary of state, revealing 
 to him the whole plot, and the manner of it, and 
 enjoining him most carefully to keep the secret, 
 and to tell none but the queen and Leicester. 
 The original letter is preserved in the State Paper 
 Office, and is quoted by Tytler, and afterwards by 
 Mignet, in elucidation of this diabolical conspiracy. 
 The adjective is a strong one ; but when it is remem- 
 bered that Darnley had pledged himself to support 
 his confederates, and assist them to carry out the 
 murder, if they should require it, even in the 
 queen's presence, then, I think, it will not appear 
 too strong a word to use. That this was the tenor 
 of the covenant is not disputed, for we have a copy 
 of it made by Randolph from the original, and 
 endorsed in the hand of Cecil. Says Mignet : 
 " Elizabeth was thus duly informed of the plot, 
 and offered no opposition to it. Neither Mary 
 Stuart, thus shamefully betrayed, nor David Rizzio, 
 thus fatally menaced, had any suspicion of the 
 conspiracy formed against the power and honour of 
 the one, and against the life of the other, although 
 this dark intrigue was known to so many persons." 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 69 
 
 Let us, then, keep in mind these two things : 1566 
 that the plot was known to the Court of England 
 some considerable time before it was executed ; 
 and that it was, from the first, determined on by 
 the conspirators to slay Rizzio in Mary's presence, 
 notwithstanding that they knew in what condition 
 the queen was ; it being, as I have said, but three 
 months before the birth of James. 
 
 Now, it has been hinted that this conspiracy had 
 its first origin in England, and it cannot be denied 
 that there is much to deter us from dismissing that 
 as an untenable theory. But whether it first arose 
 in England or not, it is certain that it had concur- 
 rent development there. In Scotland, the causes 
 which led to it we have already dealt with. How 
 came it to find favour in England ? That question 
 it is not difficult to answer. At the time that 
 Mary's marriage with Darnley was in contempla- 
 tion, the trusted adviser of Elizabeth was Sir 
 William Cecil. This minister, that he might pre- 
 vent the marriage, drew up a memorial, which he 
 presented to the queen. In this document were 
 set forth the dangers which he apprehended would 
 
70 
 
 MARV STUART : 
 
 1 566 accrue to his mistress if the union were suffered 
 I to take place. He said that as the children born 
 i of the marriage would be looked upon as the heirs 
 of both crowns, " a great number in this realm of 
 England, not of the worst subjects, might be 
 alienated in their minds from their natural duties to 
 her Majesty, and favour all devices and practices 
 that should tend to the advancement of the Queen 
 of Scots." He then went on to say, that scarcely 
 a third part of the people of England were fully 
 to be trusted in the matter of religion, and insisted 
 that great danger was to be looked for from Mary 
 if she were to become the wife of Darnley, and 
 especially if children were born of the marriage. 
 
 This throws light on the attitude of the English 
 Court towards the conspiracy to murder Rizzio. 
 Cecil knew that the deed was to be done in the 
 presence of the queen. Is it possible to think that 
 he did not also know that Mary expected soon to 
 be delivered of an heir to the Scottish throne 
 The gossip of Randolph had not left him so un- 
 instructed. The conclusion to be drawn from this 
 is amazing, and well-nigh incredible, but I see 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 71 
 
 not how to avoid it ; — that the ministers of Eliza- i 
 beth, perhaps the queen herself, favoured this 
 conspiracy, not that the Italian might die, but 
 that subtle and awful means might be used to 
 destroy at one blow both the mother and the un- 
 born child. But it seemed that Mary could meet 
 any fate, and the catastrophe was averted by the 
 almost incredible courage which possessed her 
 when that fearful trial came. 
 
 It has been said, that both the queen and Rizzio 
 were entirely ignorant of the plot that was being 
 formed against them ; but it is recorded that the 
 latter had been warned by an astrologer, named 
 Damiot, to "beware of the bastard," George 
 Douglas, an illegitimate son of the Earl of Angus, 
 and one of the conspirators, being evidently indi- 
 cated. But Rizzio, supposing Moray to be meant, 
 disregarded the admonition, as that nobleman was, 
 at the time, in banishment. 
 
 As to the extent to which Knox and his fellow 
 minister, Craig, were implicated in the plot, I will 
 quote the words of Mignet. I frequently lean on 
 this historian, not merely because of his great 
 
72 
 
 MAI^V STUART : 
 
 1 566 authority, but for additional reasons : first, that his 
 judgment on the character of Mary Stuart is, in 
 the main, exceedingly adverse (and, therefore, when 
 I cite him in her defence, the testimony must have 
 the greater weight) ; and secondly, because al- 
 though he be adverse, he is never a partisan. He 
 himself says, " I shall not judge Mary Stuart as 
 she would be judged by a Catholic or a Protestant, 
 a Scotsman or an Englishman." 
 
 But, as I have said, I now quote him to show 
 the manner in which the Presbyterian clergy were 
 involved in this conspiracy. The assassination 
 had been fixed for Saturday, the 9th of March. 
 These, then, are Mignet's words : — 
 
 " On the 3rd of March commenced the week 
 of the great general fast of the Reformed Church, 
 which had brought all the most zealous Protestants 
 to Edinburgh. Knox and Craig, who were both 
 privy to the conspiracy, chose subjects for ser- 
 mons calculated to inflame the public mind, and 
 prepare it for what was about to happen. The 
 Bible abounded in startling examples of punish- 
 ment. The death of Oreb and Zeeb, the defeat 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 73 
 
 of the Benjamites, the history of Esther, and the 1566 
 execution of Haman, all impressed upon these 
 alarmed and violent men the duty of inflicting 
 swift and summary vengeance on the enemies of 
 ! the people of God. At this time the enemy of the ^ 
 people of God was the poor Italian secretary, who 
 was detested as a foreigner, envied as a favourite, - 
 and feared as a Catholic ; and whom the nobles 
 engaged in the conspiracy, had resolved to sacrifice 
 in the presence of the queen herself," . 
 
 That Knox was involved in the plot is corrobo- 
 rated by the fact that he fled into England im- 
 mediately after the murder, and did not return 
 until the queen was made a prisoner in the Castle 
 of Lochleven. 
 
 Let it not be thought that I would call in 
 question the integrity of Knox. I doubt not that 
 he acted throughout according to his conscience. 
 But let me ask this : Will any one now wonder 
 at Mary for distrusting and wishing to overthrow 
 a religion whose most zealous professors were 
 capable of acting thus ? Assuredly, a brighter 
 side to that religion Mary had never seen. 
 
74 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1566 It should be borne in mind that this plot against 
 Rizzio was entered into by Darnley in less than 
 eight months after his marriage, when he was not 
 yet twenty-one. The queen was twenty-three. 
 
 It is an hour past sunset. To the loiterer at 
 the foot of the Canongate the battlements of 
 Holyrood show black against the sky. The cold 
 wind of March sweeps across the desert tract that 
 lies to the east, and howls among the towers. The 
 rugged outline of the Crags is dimly seen through 
 the gloom, and the abrupt hill behind overhangs 
 the palace in threatening closeness. The warder 
 before the gate treads his changeless round ; but 
 the noise of his steps is borne away by the wind, 
 that moans and shrieks as if it were prescient of 
 coming woe. There are lights in the north-west 
 tower. Yonder casement is the queen's. Who is 
 he that, closely muffled against the blast, is hover- 
 ing near? He looks upward to that light with 
 rapturous longing, and loves to linger there. Go 
 to, thou mayest not think of her. Forswear it. 
 She smiled on thee when thou didst doff thy 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 75 
 
 bonnet to her? Ay, ay, how small a spark will 1566 
 bring the flame ! Go to. But see ! something has 
 startled him, and he retires into the darkness. 
 
 Issuing from the Canongate, and noiselessly pro- 
 ceeding towards the palace gates, appears a band 
 of about two hundred men, all armed, and ap- 
 parently under the direction of the three figures 
 that are advancing a little space in front. The 
 light from the windows is occasionally glinted back 
 from some casque, or pike-head, as it catches the 
 rays ; and now and then the rattle of arms tells 
 that some soldier is less wary than his fellows. 
 The three leaders are the barons Morton, Lindsay, 
 and Ruthven. The last, from time to time, turns 
 his head, and in a hoarse whisper commands the 
 men to move with greater stealth ; and thus, un- 
 challenged, they pass the gates and enter the 
 courtyard. 
 
 But two remain on the outside, and converse for 
 a few minutes with the warder who has thus be- 
 trayed his trust. The pair then slowly advance 
 until they stand some paces to the north-west of 
 the tower where the uppermost light indicates the 
 
76 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1 566 chamber of the queen. Their youthful bearing 
 and the richness of their attire (for as the rays from 
 the lower casement fall on them, they reveal the 
 scarlet bonnet and embroidered cloak) tells that 
 they are pages, probably in attendance on the 
 barons who have gone within. There is a dim 
 light in the chapel, that faintly shows the rich 
 colouring of the western window, and the painted 
 figures of St. Peter and St. Paul. Fearing lest 
 they should be seen, the taller of the youths is 
 about to draw his comrade back into the darkness, 
 when the shadow of a man falls for an instant on 
 the silken curtain that is across the casement in 
 the queen's chamber. " See there ! " cries the 
 youth, in a hurried whisper ; it is the Signor 
 David ; I know the shape. Soft ! 'Tis gone. He 
 will cast no more shadows." Scarcely had he 
 spoken when the light was again obscured, and 
 they beheld the outline of a figure in armour, that 
 rested a moment on the screen and then vanished 
 as before. Ruthven ! " ejaculated the page. " The 
 rest were without their mail. See ! they are throw- 
 ing open the lattice. Hark to that ! " A cry came 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 77 
 
 on the air, piercing and full of pain. The winds i 
 caught it up, and whirling it round the palace, 
 shrieked in unison, and then, bearing it with them, 
 sent it afar, and howled it to the mountains ! 
 
 But in the meantime, what has been passing 
 within ? Let us enter Holyrood and see. 
 
 The queen is seated at supper in the small 
 cabinet that communicates with her bedroom. It 
 is a tiny chamber, not more than twelve feet 
 square, and yet there are present in it several 
 others besides herself : her brother and sister, the 
 Lord Robert and Lady Jane Stuart, the natural 
 children of James V. ; Arthur Erskine, the captain 
 of the queen's guard, and others of the house- 
 hold ; and David Rizzio. The rooms on the floor 
 below are those of the Lord Darnley. The 
 cabinet, as we have said, opens into the queen's 
 bedchamber, and this, again, communicates with 
 that of the king by a narrow winding stair made 
 in the thickness of the wall, and descending to the 
 floor beneath. The queen's bedroom, moreover, on 
 the side removed from the cabinet, opens into the 
 spacious audience-chamber, which is reached from 
 
78 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1566 the landing of the principal staircase. Darnley 
 had to-night supped earlier than usual, and when 
 Ruthven entered his room, shortly before eight 
 o'clock, the king was waiting his coming. Morton 
 and Lindsay had remained with their retainers to 
 guard the approaches to the palace. Darnley and 
 Ruthven were presently joined by George Douglas 
 and two others — Ker of Faudonside and Patrick 
 Bellenden. At eight o'clock the five stealthily 
 mount the secret staircase, and are soon standing 
 in the queen's bedchamber. There is now but the 
 door of the cabinet between them and their 
 victim. Darnley is to enter first. Timorous and 
 irresolute, how hast thou nerved thyself for this 
 deed } His eyes tell he has been drinking ; but, 
 as he takes the lock in his nervous clutch, his 
 heart fails him, and he draws back from the door. 
 But there is time. The prey cannot escape. Is 
 there no boding of danger in the minds of those 
 within ? None. They are perfectly secure. Sup- 
 per is finished, and the queen has commanded 
 Rizzio to play some favourite air. The Italian is 
 preparing to obey, and ]\Iary converses with her 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 79 
 
 sister, the Countess of Argyll. The noise of the 1 5^^ 
 wind reaches the chamber in mournful howling, 
 and at times the walls seem to shake with the 
 storm. There is a hand on the outside latch — the 
 slightest possible sound ; but no one marks it. It 
 was the wind. Mary Stuart still speaks with her 
 sister, and in another moment the Italian will have 
 commenced his song. But the door opens, and 
 Darnley enters and seats himself beside the queen. 
 And what did Mary } When her estranged lover, 
 he who should ever have cherished her, rendered 
 thus w^hat seemed to her the first mark of kindness 
 he had shown her for many a weary day, what did 
 she } She turned and embraced him.* Oh, 
 Henry Stuart, the steel of yonder assassins has no 
 greater pang than thine ! 
 
 But the illusion was shortlived. In less than a 
 minute after the entrance of Darnley, the door of 
 the cabinet again opened, and Ruthven, clad in 
 full armour, stood in the presence of his queen. 
 Pale and haggard with a disease under which, 
 seven weeks later, he himself sank into the grave, 
 * Memoir addressed to Cosmo I., Labanoff, vol. vii. p. 73. 
 
8o 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1566 this desperate baron had come upon his errand of 
 death. Mary Stuart was alarmed. She turned to 
 Darnley. " What is it ? " said she. He repHed, 
 " It is nothing." He would have drawn back now ; 
 but it was too late. She appealed to Ruthven, 
 and commanded him to say what was his business 
 with her, that he intruded himself upon her privacy, 
 in that guise and at such an hour. Ruthven 
 replied, " Let yonder man, David, come forth ; he 
 hath been here over long." What offence hath 
 he done } " said the queen. " An it please you," 
 answered Ruthven, " he is a heinous offence to 
 your Majesty's honour, to the king, your husband, 
 and to the nobility and commonwealth." The 
 queen replied, that if any one had charge to bring 
 against Rizzio, he should be exhibited before the 
 lords of Parliament to be punished, if in any sort 
 he had offended. She then commanded Ruthven, 
 under pain of treason, to void him forth from her 
 presence ; but, in the meantime, Douglas, Faudon- 
 side, and Bellenden, armed with daggers and 
 pistols, had crowded into the room, and were 
 menacing their victim. Ruthven, disregarding the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 8r 
 
 order to retire, now approached Rizzio to lay 
 hands on him ; but the nerveless Italian took 
 refuge behind the queen, and in his despair, 
 clutched at the pleats of her gown, crying out to 
 her, " Madame, je suis mort ! Giustizia, giustizia ! 
 Sauve ma vie, madame, sauve ma vie ! " The 
 others now pressed on, but Mary strove to defend 
 the unhappy secretary from their weapons, which 
 were, for a moment, turned against herself. One 
 of the assassins placed his cocked pistol to her 
 breast, and swore that he would shoot her if she 
 did not desist. Others struck at Rizzio, over her 
 shoulder, with their daggers, and, in the confusion, 
 the queen fell, and the table was overturned and 
 thrown on to her. Rizzio still clung to her dress, 
 but Darnley forced open his hands and compelled 
 him to loosen his grasp. The rest now seized him 
 and pulled him away, Darnley, in the meanwhile, 
 holding Mary in his arms, that she might be able 
 to make no further resistance. The poor, trembling 
 victim, still crying out to the queen to save him, 
 was thus hurried from the cabinet, and dragged 
 through Mary's bedchamber, and across her pre- 
 
82 
 
 MAJ^V STUART : 
 
 66 sence-chamber to the landing of the great staircase. 
 Here were Morton and Lindsay, and others of the 
 conspirators, waiting to receive him. It was the 
 intention of some to keep him until the morning, 
 and then hang him ; but George Douglas, unable 
 to restrain his rage, struck him with Darnley's 
 poniard, hissing between his teeth : " That is from 
 the king ! " Having once tasted blood, the assas- 
 sins, like beasts of prey, were roused to fury. 
 They fell on the poor wretch with the rage of 
 tigers, and in a few seconds they had stabbed him 
 with sixty wounds. 
 
 So perished Queen Mary's French secretary, 
 the Italian, David Rizzio. 
 
 Benjamin Robert Haydon has recorded in his 
 diary, that having visited the palace of Holyrood, 
 he bargained with the housekeeper to let him 
 return by candlelight, that he might go over the 
 historical chambers alone. Can we not fancy 
 with what an intenseness the nerves of this 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 83 
 
 strange being were strung, as, with uncovered 
 head, the flickering taper in his hand, he wandered 
 noiselessly from room to room, stealing on tiptoe 
 through the uncertain light, the very shoes from 
 off his feet, as if indeed he trod on holy ground ? 
 With what a shuddering nervousness does he pass 
 from the audience-chamber into Queen Mary's 
 room ; with what a strangeness of ecstasy does 
 he stand spell-bound in the midst ; how is all 
 his inborn superstition awaked, and tenfold in- 
 creased, as, raising the light aloft, he looks into 
 the very mirror that Mary Stuart used. Does 
 he not fancy there was something reflected there 
 besides his own haggard face ; does he not fear 
 to glance around him, lest some ghastly image 
 meet his view ? Oh, Benjamin Haydon, now, as 
 the wind hurries past the casement and shakes 
 the ancient tower ; as the storm beats against 
 the lattice and thy heart is knocking at thy ribs ; 
 now, when every condition is fulfilled and the 
 poetic charm complete, tell thy thoughts now. 
 Put on canvas the wondrous experience of that 
 night, and the world will no more be cold ; show 
 
84 
 
 MARY STUART. 
 
 us but dimly the marvellous joy of that fear- 
 fraught ecstasy, and there will never be the cruel 
 need for that last, that terrible entry of the 22nd 
 of June. " God forgive me. Amen." Who does 
 not echo that broken-hearted prayer ! 
 
SOME ACCOUNT, AND A DEFENCE, 
 OF THE ACTIONS OF 
 
 MARY STUART, 
 
 FROM MARCH 9, 1566, TO JUNE 17, 1567. 
 
From the moment that Morton, Lindsay, and 1566 
 Ruthven seized the gates of the palace, the queen 
 became a prisoner in the hands of the conspirators. 
 These were now masters of the situation. Mary 
 Stuart had summoned the Estates that she m.ight 
 procure the condemnation of Moray and the rebel 
 lords. She had opened Parliament in person on 
 Thursday, the 7th of March, and the Act of 
 Forfeiture against the exiles was to have been 
 voted on the following Tuesday. But the con- 
 spirators had not delayed. On the evening of 
 the 9th, they had, as we have seen, forcibly 
 occupied Holyrood, murdered the queen's servant 
 well-nigh in her presence, and now they detained 
 their sovereign a prisoner in her own palace. 
 Her position appeared desperate, but her courage 
 and ability were this time to deliver her from the 
 hands of her enemies. It was the design of the 
 
88 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1566 rebels to remove the queen to Stirling, and to 
 confine her in the castle there, until such time 
 as she should have sanctioned in Parliament all 
 their doings : and it was doubtless their intention, 
 as Mary herself says, either to have put her to 
 death, or to have kept her in perpetual captivity, 
 had they been unable to extort that sanction from 
 her. But their purposes were defeated : how, we 
 shall presently see. 
 
 On the Sunday, the day following the murder, 
 Darnley, on his own authority, dissolved the 
 Parliament. In the evening of the same day 
 returned to Holyrood the Earl of Moray. Mary, 
 on hearing of his arrival, at once sent a request 
 ■ that he might be permitted to see her. She_did 
 not know then that he was one of those who 
 had signed the covenant to murder her secretary 
 When he came into her presence she ran towards 
 him, and throwing herself - into his arms, she said : 
 " Ah ! my brother, if you had been here they 
 would not have treated me so." Moray burst 
 into tears. I like him for those tears. James, 
 Earl of Moray, cast ambition from thee : let thy 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 89 
 
 strong arm defend her who flees to thy bosom 1566 
 for shelter, as the dove flees to the rock ! 
 But it might not be. 
 
 On the next day, Monday, the nth of March, 
 the conspirators all met together to decide upon 
 the action they would take with regard to the 
 queen. The tenour of their decision I have 
 already indicated. But in the course of certain 
 private interviews which Mary had with Darnley 
 on that day, she represented to him the position 
 in which he would probably be involved, if he 
 suffered her authority to be set aside ; showing 
 him that the men who had so acted towards her, 
 were not likely to be more scrupulous with him. 
 So clearly did she put before him his true 
 position, that she induced him to abandon his 
 confederates, and ally himself with her. He ac- 
 cordingly announced to the conspirators that the 
 queen had been seized with fever, and was 
 threatened with miscarriage ; and that it was 
 absolutely necessary that she should be allowed 
 a change of air. The conspirators were, at first, 
 strongly inclined to suspect the good faith of 
 
90 
 
 MAJ^V STUART: 
 
 1 566 Darnley, but their scruples were ultimately over- 
 come, and they agreed that the queen should 
 be removed, on condition that she would first of 
 all sign a document which they had drawn up 
 to provide for their safety, and protect them from 
 her subsequent displeasure. To this Darnley 
 agreed, and the document was committed to him, 
 to which he promised to obtain Mary's signature. 
 Darnley then urged upon them that they should 
 retire with their men, that the queen might appear 
 under no restraint, lest she might afterwards urge 
 that her signature was extorted by force, and there- 
 fore invalid. 
 
 The conspirators thus shamefully betrayed by 
 Darnley, fell into the snare, and on Monday 
 evening withdrew with their men. Some hours 
 later, Mary Stuart, accompanied by the king, 
 secretly left Holyrood, under cover of the night, 
 and, mounted on fleet steeds, they fled to Dunbar. 
 On Tuesday morning the rebels discovered that 
 they were baffled, and that the document designed 
 to protect them had been left at Holyrood un- 
 signed. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 91 
 
 Having come to Dunbar, Mary summoned her 1566 
 nobility to meet her in arms, and n a few days 
 she was at the head of a considerable army. On 
 the 1 6th of March she issued a proclamation 
 against the conspirators as having perpetrated 
 murder in her palace and detained her own person 
 in captivity. Still unaware of the complicity of 
 Moray and Argyll, she pardoned them for their 
 late rebellion and received them again into favour, 
 on condition that they should not join with the 
 assassins. These she pursued with untiring energy. 
 She marched upon Edinburgh to take vengeance 
 on them in person ; but they fled at her approach, 
 and took refuge in England. Morton, Ruthven, 
 and Lindsay ; George Douglas, Andrew Ker, and 
 sixty-five others, were proscribed ; and several 
 of the subordinate accomplices, who had remained 
 in Edinburgh, were seized and put to death. 
 
 Darnley now issued a manifesto, in which he 
 disavowed all connexion with the late conspiracy. 
 " His Grace, for the removing of the evil opinion 
 which the good subjects may be induced to con- 
 ceive through false reports and seditious rumours, 
 
92 
 
 MAJ^V STUART : 
 
 1 566 hath, as well to the Queen's Majesty, as in the 
 presence of the Lords of Secret Council, plainly 
 declared upon his honour, fidelity, and the word 
 of a prince, that he never knew of any part of 
 the treasonable conspiracy whereof he is slander- 
 ously and falsely accused ; nor never counselled, 
 commanded, consented, assisted, nor approved the 
 same." So the manifesto ran. 
 
 This most base treachery on the part of Darnley 
 excited against him a very storm of wrath among 
 his late confederates. These swore to be avenged, 
 and well, at last, did they keep their oath. For 
 the present they contented themselves with trans- 
 mitting to Mary copies of the two bonds by which 
 the king had pledged himself to aid in Rizzio's 
 murder. 
 
 " The queen," says Mignet, " had previously 
 thought that, blinded for a moment by jealousy, 
 he might have acted without due reflection. But 
 now, informed of the whole extent of his crimi- 
 nality, she forever withdrew from him her con- 
 fidence, and regarded him with feelings of unmiti- 
 gated disgust. He was evermore considered by 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 93 
 
 her as an ungrateful husband, a perfidious con- i 
 spirator, and a cowardly liar." 
 
 But be it my task to show that bitter as was 
 at first the queen's resentment towards Darnley, 
 she thereafter truly forgave him ; and though 
 she could not again esteem him, that she tried 
 to render to him that love which she felt was 
 due to her husband. 
 
 The time of Mary's confinement had now come, 
 and on the 19th of June, at about half-past nine 
 in the morning, was born in Edinburgh Castle, 
 James, Prince of Scotland. In the course of the 
 day Darnley visited the queen, and she, in the 
 presence of several persons, presented his son 
 to him after the usual manner ; saying that, under 
 this boy, she hoped would be united the two 
 kingdoms of Scotland and England. Sir James 
 Melvil was at once dispatched into England to 
 carry tidings to Queen Elizabeth of this event, 
 and to ask that she would be godmother at the 
 baptism. " The queen," says an old historian, 
 " received him with a cheerful countenance, but 
 was inwardly displeased at his message." The 
 
94 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1566 news reached her when she was in the midst of 
 a ball that she was giving to her court at Green- 
 wich. When Cecil had whispered it in her ear, 
 she sank dejectedly into a chair, saying to the 
 ladies who were about her : "The Queen of Scots 
 is mother of a fair son, while I am but a barren 
 stock." 
 
 We see that now, Mary Stuart and Darnley 
 were at least outwardly reconciled ; but it was 
 impossible that there could be lasting agreement 
 between them. It was to the interest of many 
 to foment their differences, and keep alive the 
 quarrel ; and we find Randolph still at his gossip 
 on this ever yielding theme. 
 
 About this time James Hepburn, fourth Earl of 
 Both well, began to enjoy, in an especial manner, 
 the favour of the queen. This baron was now 
 about thirty years of age. He was hereditary 
 Admiral of Scotland, and held other high offices 
 in the State. He was greatly distinguished for 
 personal bravery, and, by his feats in the Debate- 
 able Land, had made his name a terror to the 
 English borderers. He is described by Throck- 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 95 
 
 morton as " glorious, rash, and hazardous ; " and i 
 Randolph writes, in one of his letters to Cecil, that 
 " Bothwell is as naughty a man as liveth, and much 
 given to the detestable vices." He was possessed 
 of the greatest resolution, and for unscrupulous 
 ambition he had probably no equal in Scotland. 
 Such was the man whom Mary Stuart, in an evil 
 hour, resolved to make her chief adviser. And 
 yet, it is not wonderful that she should have so 
 resolved. Bothwell had always been faithful to 
 the crown, and he seemed to the queen as one of 
 the very few of her barons on whom she might 
 rely. It is true that she had taken back into 
 favour her brother, the Earl of Moray ; but that 
 nobleman had already too greatly compromised 
 himself, and it was not possible that she should 
 wholly trust him again. 
 
 The life which Darnley led at this time, appears 
 to have been an exceedingly miserable one. His 
 pettishness, his arrogant pride, and his intemper- 
 ance, prevented any cordiality between him and 
 the queen ; while, on the other hand, he was 
 despised and shunned by the nobles, and left 
 
96 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1 566 isolated in the midst of the court. Moreover, he 
 began to suspect that plots were being formed 
 against his life, and, at one time, he contemplated 
 retiring for safety to the continent. His suspicions 
 were, so far, premature, but they were soon to be 
 terribly realized. 
 
 Towards the end of September, great disturb- 
 ances arose in the south-east part of the kingdom, 
 among the Scottish borderers. Three powerful 
 families of Liddcsdale were at war one with the 
 other. On the 6th of October the queen despatched 
 the Earl of Bothwcll to suppress the tumult ; and 
 this he succeeded in doing, though, in a personal 
 encounter with the freebooter, John Elliot of Park, 
 he was wounded, and had to retire for surgical 
 attendance to the Castle of Hermitage, which was 
 near at hand. On the 8th, the queen came in 
 person to Jedburgh to hold her assizes, which 
 lasted for seven days. Her judicial functions being 
 discharged, she hastened to Hermitage, to pay a 
 visit to Bothwell, it being her twofold purpose to 
 congratulate him upon the success of his enter- 
 prise, and to express her concern at his illness. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 97 
 
 She was accompanied, on this occasion, by the 1566 
 Earl of Moray and others of her nobles. Now, 
 there would seem to be nothing very extraordinary 
 in Mary's thus visiting her chief minister, who had 
 fought and been wounded in her cause. And yet 
 we are told that by so doing, she gave conclusive 
 proof that she had conceived an overpowering 
 passion for him. 
 
 " Understanding the certain report of his acci- 
 dent," says Thomas Crawford, the queen was so 
 grieved in heart that she took no repose in body 
 until she saw him." But who is Thomas Crawford ? 
 A creature of the Earl of Lennox. What were the 
 relations existing, at this time, between Lennox 
 and Mary ? He had been banished from her court, 
 and bidden never to return. 
 
 The queen, we are told, spent an hour with 
 Bothwell, and went back to Jedburgh on the 
 same day. On the day following, she was taken 
 dangerously ill. A violent fever seized her, and 
 she was delirious for several days. She was sup- 
 posed to be at the point of death ; but a favourable 
 crisis ensued, and she was declared out of danger. 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 MA/^V STUART 
 
 1 5^6 Darnley did not visit her until the 28th of October. 
 He remained one night at Jedburgh, and returned 
 to Glasgow on the next day. 
 
 Now, what does Crawford assign as the cause of 
 the queen's illness ? " The great distress of her 
 mind for the Earl of Bothwell." Those are his 
 words. So absurd an explanation I should not 
 quote at all, were it not that universally accepted 
 by Mary's enemies. " The great distress of her 
 mind for the Earl of Bothzi'eliy What manner of 
 danger, then, was Bothwell in ? A wound in the 
 side, perhaps, that it was feared might be mortal ? 
 By no means. Some injury to the leg, then, 
 whereby he might lose a limb? Not even that. 
 What, then, was this great peril of her minister, 
 distress for which had brought the queen almost 
 to the point of death ? A wound in the hand ! 
 That was all. Simply a wound in the hand.* 
 Wc read that within a very few days he was con- 
 valescent. So much, then, for the gratuitous eluci- 
 dations of Thomas Crawford ! 
 
 The queen had so far recovered by the begin- 
 * Birrel's Diary. 
 
J 
 
 A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 99 
 
 ning of November that she was able to leave 1566 
 Jedburgh on the 8th. On the 20th she came to 
 the Castle of Craigmillar, situated about a league 
 from the capital. Although convalescent, she was 
 still very far from well, and appeared oppressed 
 by a deep melancholy that she was unable to 
 shake off. Lethington, writing to the Archbishop 
 of Glasgow, says, " It is an heartbreak for her to 
 think that he should be her husband, and how- 
 to be free of him she sees no outlet." 
 
 I have already alluded to fears entertained by 
 the barons as to the probable revocation of certain 
 Crown grants. It was in the power of the Scottish 
 sovereigns, on the completion of their twenty-fifth 
 year, to recall all grants w^hich might have been 
 made either by themselves or by their regents. 
 Now the grants made in Mary's name by the 
 Earl of Arran, and by her mother, and subsequently 
 by the queen herself, had been very extensive, 
 insomuch that the Crown revenues had been re- 
 duced to one-third their normal value. It will be 
 remembered that I am now writing of November, 
 1566. Mary Stuart was born in December, 1542. 
 
lOO 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 66 In little more than a year she would come into 
 that power so dreaded by the barons. We have 
 seen that, before Mary's marriage with Darnley, 
 the Earls of Moray and Argyll had formed a plot 
 to seize the queen, and imprison her in Lochleven 
 Castle ; we have seen how by a conspiracy, osten- 
 sibly against her secretar)-, a blow had been aimed 
 at the life of Mary herself ; we have seen how 
 the conspirators, baffled in this, had designed to 
 keep her captive ; and we shall presently see 
 that destruction still more subtle was now to be 
 , invented against her. 
 
 What, then, is the significance of this ? Surely, 
 there is but one answer : that the barons had re- 
 solved that by December, 1567, Mary Stuart should 
 have ceased to reign in Scotland. 
 
 Now Lethington, who had been made secretary 
 of state on Mary's return from France, was one 
 of the barons concerned in the murder of Rizzio. 
 For his participation in that conspiracy he had 
 been deprived of his office, and directed to retire 
 to Inverness. On the 2nd of August, five months 
 after the murder, he was pardoned and admitted 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. lor 
 
 to the queen's presence. This is the man with 1566 
 whom we have now to deal. 
 
 The queen is at Craigmillar. As I have said, 
 she had but imperfectly recovered her health, and 
 her spirits were deeply dejected. We read that 
 she would often repeat these words : " I wish that 
 I were dead." Do we wonder at her melancholy 
 Mary Stuart was a woman of keen penetration, 
 and possessed a great knowledge of men and 
 things. Is it to be supposed that she was entirely 
 ignorant of the dangers that surrounded her ? But 
 Lethington tells us that she is fretting in that 
 she cannot free herself from Darnley. How comes 
 Lethington by this knowledge of Mary Stuart's 
 mind It will be instructive to inquire. 
 
 The members of her Privy Council came to the 
 queen, and entreated that she would pardon those 
 barons who were in banishment for the murder 
 of Rizzio. Not succeeding in their purpose, we 
 are told that they deputed Lethington to urge 
 their request anew. We are told that Lethington 
 negotiated the exiles' return " at the price of a 
 divorce, and, if necessary, of a murder." A very 
 
I02 
 
 AfA/^V SrUART : 
 
 1 566 terrible charge! Upon what does it rest? Hear 
 the account of the interview between Lethington 
 and the queen. " He reminded her of the great 
 and intolerable injuries she had received from her 
 husband, laying much stress upon the ingratitude 
 which he had displayed towards her, and upon 
 the offences of which he continued daily to be 
 guilty. He then added that if her Majesty would 
 be pleased to pardon the Earl of Morton, and 
 the Lords Ruthven and Lindsa}^ they (the Privy 
 Council), in concert with the rest of the nobility, 
 would find means to separate her from her husband 
 by a divorce. But Mary affected scruples, and 
 said that she would willingly retire into France, 
 and leave Darnley in Scotland until he acknow- 
 ledged his faults. But Lethington replied to her 
 that the nobles of her kingdom would not allow 
 her to do so ; and he even ventured, in mys- 
 terious terms, to inform her of their dark designs. 
 'Madam,' he said, ' soucy ye not we are here of 
 the principal of your Grace's nobility and Council, 
 that shall find the means well to make your 
 Majesty quit of him } ' The queen understood 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 103 
 
 the full meaning of the insinuation, and replied 1566 
 that it was her pleasure nothing should be done 
 by which any spot might be laid upon her honour ; 
 but she displayed no great indignation at the idea, 
 and contented herself with saying, ' Better permit 
 the matter remain in the state it is, abiding till 
 God in His goodness put remedy thereto. What 
 you think for my good may turn to my hurt' " 
 
 Such is the account given of this interview 
 between Mary and Lethington. We are asked to 
 believe that the queen thus tacitly gave her 
 consent to the murder of Darnley. Now let us 
 grant that such a conference took place as is here 
 narrated. Is there anything in these words ascribed 
 to Mary to show that she entertained any suspicion 
 of Lethington's true meaning ? Is there anything 
 to show that she contemplated other than a 
 divorce 1 Surely there is not. But she may have 
 conveyed her assent to the murder by a look, by a 
 tone. This, her enemies say that she did. Well, 
 from what source do we learn what was said and 
 done at this interview ? Whose account do we 
 receive 1 Lethington's ! 
 
I04 
 
 MAJ^V STUART: 
 
 1 566 Why, what sort of evidence is this ? It is the 
 evidence of a man who, holding a position of trust 
 from his sovereign, had, a few months before, joined 
 in a diaboHcal conspiracy against her ; it is the 
 cviflence of a man who is now plotting a fresh and 
 horrible murder ; it is the evidence of a man who, 
 if he would gain his ends, must swear as he has 
 done, whether his words be false or true. 
 
 The plot against the life of Darnley, which we 
 have now begun to consider, is so exceedingly 
 subtle, and so manifold in its bearings, that it needs 
 the closest inquiry. First, then, as to its causes. 
 \^ The original motive was the revenge of the con- 
 spirators for the manner in which they had been 
 betrayed by the king after the murder of Rizzio. 
 Alen so ruthless as these w^ere not likely to let 
 such perfidy go unpunished. But they proceeded 
 cautiously, and, under the guidance of some master 
 ^ of cunning, they so contrived that the assassination 
 of Darnley should also work with it the downfall of 
 I the queen. Their leader was probably Lethington, 
 but it is impossible to say certainly where the 
 hidden springs of this heinous villainy lay. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 105 
 
 Now mark the crafty manner in which the con- 1 566 
 spirators laboured. They come to the queen, and 
 intreat her to pardon the exiles. What is their 
 motive ? All those in banishment are the im- 
 placable enemies of Darnley, and their return is 
 necessary to ensure his destruction. A desperate 
 blow is intended against the queen. Those who 
 will strike it are chiefly the barons who tremble for 
 their lands. Now, many of the most powerful of 
 these are in the number of the exiles. Those at 
 home cannot act alone. The murderers of Rizzio, 
 then, must be recalled. And this purpose was 
 effected. The queen pardoned them all, except 
 George Douglas and Andrew Ker. The former 
 had stabbed Rizzio over Mary's shoulder ; the 
 latter had held a loaded pistol to her breast. 
 
 Among the conspirers against Darnley, the Earl 
 of Bothwell was apparently chief. In reality he 
 was a tool in the hands of Lethington. Lord 
 Bothwell was not one of those whom Darnley had 
 betrayed. He had had no part in the murder of 
 Rizzio. On the contrary, he was a most loyal 
 subject, and had ever stood distinguished for his 
 
io6 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1 566 fidelity to the crown. Why, then, is he one of the 
 first to whom Lethington communicates the plot ? 
 It is not hard to see. Bothwell was a hardy soldier, 
 glorious, rash, and hazardous," but not skilled in 
 cunning. Lethington was a cool politician ; a man 
 of infinite craft. The statesman saw in this bluster- 
 ing baron the very instrument he needed. He 
 well knew his boundless ambition, and that he 
 would risk anything to satisfy it. Here, then, was 
 the man. Bothwell joins the conspiracy, not to be 
 avenged on Darnley, but that he may thereafter 
 marry the queen. It is a great idea, and com- 
 mends itself to his Adventurous soul. He is more 
 zealous than any. But, I repeat, he was a tool in 
 the hands of Lethington. Why is he brought into 
 the conspiracy at all, if, as is alleged, the plot was 
 against Darnley alone, and not against the queen ? 
 Is it not plain that from the first it was designed 
 by Lethington that Bothwell should become the 
 murderer of Darnley, and afterwards marry Mary ? 
 What other inducement was held out to him to join 
 so dangerous a conspiracy ? Here, as it seems to 
 me, is the meaning of this strange association of 
 the impertinent Bothwell. 
 
A SKETCH^ AND A DEFENCE. 107 
 
 In less than a month after the formation of this 1 566 
 plot against Darnley, his infant son was baptized 
 at Stirling Castle. Queen Elizabeth, in her 
 capacity of godmother, sent into Scotland the 
 Earl of Bedford, with a font of gold for the cere- 
 mony. The baptism took place on the 17th of 
 December, amid much splendour, the arrangements 
 having been committed to the Earl of Bothwell, 
 who was still high in the queen's favour. Darnley, 
 although he was residing at Stirling Castle at the 
 time, was not present at the ceremony. Buchanan 
 says that he was absent because he had no dress 
 fit to appear in, so neglected was he by the queen. 
 But a contemporary historian,* at least as reliable 
 as Buchanan, says that even at those times when 
 he abandoned her society, and withdrew himself to 
 a distance, she diminished not, in the slightest 
 degree, the grandeur of his first appointments, but 
 continued to supply him with all things pertaining 
 to his position." 
 
 But the true reason for Darnley 's absence is well- 
 known. The Earl of Bedford and his suite had 
 * Belforest. 
 
io8 
 
 MAI^V STUART: 
 
 1 566 been commanded by Elizabeth not to recognize 
 him as the king consort* 
 
 On December the 24th, the Earl of Morton and 
 his accomplices in the murder of Rizzio were 
 received back and pardoned. Darnley, alarmed 
 at the return of his enemies, hurriedly left Stirling, 
 and took refuge at the house of his father, at 
 Glasgow. Shortly after his arrival there, he was 
 taken dangerously ill of the small-pox. _ When the 
 nature of the malady was known, he sent a request 
 to Mary that she \\ould send him her own phy- 
 sician. As a proof that the physician was sent, we 
 have the testimony of the Earl of Bedford, in his 
 own handwriting. This nobleman was at Stirling 
 
 Castle at the time the leech left for Glasgovv.f 
 r 
 
 1567 ' Darnley had been taken ill on January the 4th. 
 On the 2 1st, jMary herself, who was at Edinburgh, 
 set out thence to visit him, and she having come to 
 Glasgow, a reconciliation took place between her 
 and her husband, which, as I think, was beyond 
 doubt sincere. But IMary's enemies deny this. 
 
 * Camden. 
 
 t Scotch correspondence ; State Paper Office. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 109 
 
 They say that her forgiveness was feigned. Let us i 
 see upon what they ground their assertion. 
 
 This is the first evidence against her : On the 
 day before she set out to visit Darnley, she thus 
 wrote concerning him to the Archbishop of Glas- 
 gow : " His behaviour and thankfulness to us are 
 equally well known to God and the world : espe- 
 cially our own indifferent subjects see it, and in 
 their hearts, we doubt not, condemn the same. 
 Always we perceive him occupied and busy enough 
 to have inquisition of our doings ; which, God 
 willing, shall always be such as none shall have 
 occasion to be offended with them, or to report of 
 us any ways but honourably, however he, his father, 
 and their fautors speak ; which, we know, want no 
 good will to make us have ado, if their power were 
 equivalent to their minds." 
 
 Says Mignet: "On the day after she had ex- 
 pressed herself with such suspicious severity of 
 Darnley, she set out for Glasgow to lavish marks 
 of the strongest affection upon him." When we 
 recall how Darnley had treated her ; in what 
 manner, and under what circumstances he had 
 
no 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1 567 brought her face to face with rebels and murderers, 
 on that terrible 9th of March, can we characterize 
 her words as suspiciously severe ? 
 
 But this letter is brought as evidence against her. 
 Well, is it probable that if she were now setting 
 out, as her enemies say, deliberately intending to 
 aid in her husband's murder, — is it probable that 
 she would have so written as to give colour to 
 that charge ? 
 
 Now, what do Mary's accusers say concerning 
 the first meeting with Darnley ? We are told that 
 the king "was greatly surprised to see her, know- 
 ing that she had recently spoken in harsh terms of 
 him, and having received vague warnings of the 
 ^Craigmillar conspiracy : that he did not conceal his 
 apprehensions from the queen, but told her that he 
 had heard she had refused to sign a paper authoriz- 
 ing his seizure, and, if necessary, his assassination, 
 but that he would never believe she would do him 
 any hurt." But from whom do these details come ? 
 From Thomas Crawford ! This witness, the pur- 
 port of the conversation which took place between 
 Mary and Darnley, having, as he declares, been 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. in 
 
 communicated to him by Darnley himself, makes i 
 a formal deposition of the same. 
 
 Mary Stuart, being truly reconciled to her hus- 
 band (so, at least, it seems to me), tenderly nursed 
 him until he was convalescent { She then brought 
 him in a litter by easy stages to Edinburgh, where 
 he was placed in a house in the Kirk of Field, it 
 being deemed undesirable that he should go to 
 Holyrood until such time as he should be free from 
 infection. The house was an exceedingly small 
 one, consisting only of two storeys. The queen 
 occupied a chamber below that fitted up for 
 Darnley, whom, she continued to attend upon with 
 the greatest kindness and assiduity. She hardly 
 ever left him, either by night or day ; " but," say 
 her enemies, " Darnley's fears were not entirely 
 dispelled." " I have fears enough," he is reported 
 to have said, before leaving Glasgow ; " but may 
 God judge between us. I have her promise only 
 to trust to, but I have put myself in her hands, and 
 I shall go with her though she should murder me." 
 
 But what evidence have we that Darnley used 
 these words ? The deposition of Thomas Craw- 
 
I 12 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1567 ford! That this man is a lying witness is surely 
 sufficiently plain. Is it possible to think that 
 Darnley could have so felt towards Mary, and so 
 have spoken of her, and yet have eagerly placed 
 himself under the care of her private physician ? 
 
 Again, Darnley is known to have been of a 
 timorous and cowardly nature. If he entertained 
 this fear of Mary, why did he trust himself to 
 her ? Why leave Glasgow at all, where, at least 
 he might have been secure in his father's house ? 
 The journey can have been scarcely tempting to 
 an invalid in the depth of winter. I submit that 
 this evidence of Crawford is manifestly false, and 
 it will be seen that great importance attaches as 
 to how it is regarded. 
 
 Darnley had been brought to Edinburgh on the 
 31st of January. On the evening of February 
 9th Mary Stuart sat up with him until a late 
 hour. At about eleven o'clock she left him to 
 attend a ball at Holyrood, given to celebrate the 
 marriage of Margaret Garwood, one of her 
 servants, with Signor Sebastiani. At about two 
 in the following morning, the house in which the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 113 
 
 king was lodged was blown up by gunpowder, and 1567 
 completely destroyed. The bodies of Darnley, 
 however, and of his favourite page, Taylor, were 
 discovered in the garden, lifeless, but having no 
 marks of violence upon them. It would seem that 
 the king, alarmed by some noise in the chambers 
 beneath him, must have fled from the house and 
 endeavoured to escape his assassins ; but was 
 pursued and strangled, together with his servant. 
 The train must have in the meantime ignited, 
 but no hair of Darnley's head was singed. It is 
 a strange coincidence that both father and son 
 should have so narrowly escaped destruction by 
 gunpowder. 
 
 In the course of a very few days it became 
 known throughout Edinburgh that Bothwell was 
 the author of the king's murder. Indeed, that 
 nobleman seems to have taken small care to avoid 
 suspicion, and to have gone to work in the most 
 overt manner. ) He had sent to Dunbar for a 
 barrel of gunpowder, and had caused it to be 
 placed in a room beneath the king's, and was 
 himself near at hand when the explosion took place. 
 
 I 
 
114 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 67 No suspicion was at first entertained that Mary 
 Stuart was in any way implicated in this assassina- 
 tion. But there were not wanting those who would 
 soon whisper this abroad ; whose interest, and even 
 existence, demanded that this should be believed. 
 Knots of persons began to gather at the street 
 corners, and to throw out dark hints to each other 
 that " they could an if they would," and to shake 
 their heads. The citizens as they passed near the 
 sombre palace, would glance mistrustfully up at 
 the windows, and go their way. When they 
 remembered the gracious manner of their princess, 
 and recalled her beautiful face, then, indeed, they 
 could not believe her guilty of this great wicked- 
 ness ; but Mary's enemies were busy amongst 
 them. Soon, very soon, would a tempest of wrath 
 overwhelm her, such as no monarch has braved ; 
 none other, but only she. 
 
 But let us pass on to inquire with all care what 
 proofs are urged of this all but impossible charge. 
 
 \ We are asked to believe that a queen, who, up to 
 this period of her life had been, humanly speaking, 
 without blame (for the alleged intrigue with Rizzio 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 115 
 
 I have shown t^o be a baseless calumny) — I say, 1567 
 we are asked to believe that Mary Stuart, beloved 
 by all for her virtue, whose husband, Francis, had 
 died blessing her for her goodness to him, — we are 
 asked to believe that she, from being a woman, 
 suddenly became a fiend. We are told that she 
 hastened to Glasgow to lavish on the unsuspecting 
 Darnley a feigned tenderness — to greet him with 
 a Judas kiss ; that with crafty dissimulation she 
 made him believe that he was pardoned ; that 
 with fond embraces she won him over to trust 
 himself to her ; and finally, that she brought him 
 to the Kirk of Field that he might be horribly 
 destroyed by her lover, the Earl of Bothwell. No, 
 this is not all. We are told that this was done 
 without faltering ; that she at no time wavered ; 
 that the assassins had such faith in her constancy 
 that they trusted her at their victim's bedside even 
 at the eleventh hour. Hardy warriors such as 
 Bothwell do not readily trust a woman in such 
 a matter. Did it not cross the baron's mind, had 
 he no misgivings that Mary might falter ; that 
 when she should say to her husband, " God be 
 
ii6 
 
 MAT^y STUART: 
 
 1 567 with you, farewell ! " that those words would stick 
 in her throat ; that pity would overcome her ; 
 that in tears and penitence she would save him 
 at the last ? He had no such misgivings, for 
 Mary's last blessing on her husband was heart- 
 felt, was sincere ; and who shall say that God 
 ansv/ered not her prayer ? 
 
 It has been well said that Mary's enemies, in 
 their eagerness to poison our minds against her, 
 have, in the'r too great eagerness, administered 
 the over-dose. It is vomited forth — it cannot be 
 retained. 
 
 A charge, then, so monstrous, so at variance 
 with all experience of the human mind, must not 
 be supported by any doubtful testimony. The 
 depositions of murderers under pain of torture 
 can have no weight here. It is a charge without 
 a parallel. Let the proof of it be without a flaw. 
 
 Now hear the principal evidence upon which 
 Mary Stuart is charged with the murder of Henry, 
 Lord Darnley. It will be necessary, for a moment, 
 to anticipate history. / It is said that on the queen's 
 imprisonment in Lochleven, Both well sent one of 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 117 
 
 his servants, by name Dagleish, to Sir James 1 567 
 Balfour, the keeper of Edinburgh Castle, to recover 
 a small silver casket which he had left behind him 
 there. We are told that Sir James delivered the 
 casket, but at the same time gave warning to 
 certain of the barons that Dagleish was in posses- 
 sion of some important documents belonging to 
 Bothwell ; that upon this, Dagleish was seized and 
 made to deliver up the casket, which was found 
 to contain certain letters and sonnets, purporting 
 to be addressed by Mary to Bothwell. Both the 
 letters and sonnets were, it is alleged, in the hand- 
 writing of Mary, and the former deeply criminated 
 her with respect to Darnley's murder. 
 
 Now this story sounds very improbable. For 
 be it considered that letters of such value to 
 Bothwell would not be likely to be left behind by 
 him. On the contrary, this casket would un- 
 doubtedly have been his especial care, and would 
 not probably have been left about at all. But 
 Bishop Leslie tells us that Dagleish, when he 
 came to die, made a solemn declaration that no 
 casket or letters were ever committed to him. 
 
ii8 
 
 MA/^y STUART: 
 
 1567 It is not my purpose, here, to make a critical 
 examination into the authenticity of these docu- 
 ments. The space will not permit me to do so ; 
 and I should but be doing what has already been 
 done sufficiently well and often. ' They contain 
 many internal evidences of forgery ; one, notably, 
 which I shall presently refer to. ^ Dr. Samuel 
 Johnson, among many other eminent critics, has 
 pronounced these casket letters to be most un- 
 mistakable forgeries ; but I shall now quote the 
 testimony of a more modern writer. ^Ir. ^landell 
 Creighton, in his " Age of Elizabeth," published in 
 1882, speaking of the contents of the casket, says : 
 " If these letters were genuine they would establish 
 the depth of Mary's guilt and infamy. But the 
 balance of evidence at present seems to tend to the 
 conclusion that they were forgeries. There were 
 motives enough why such letters should have been 
 forged by those who wanted some convincing 
 proofs of the suspicions which they, perhaps justly, 
 entertained," These are the words of an historian 
 Avho, it will be seen, is inclined to believe in Mary's 
 guilt. I As such they are trebly valuable. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 119 
 
 Now, it is a remarkable circumstance that the 15^7 
 first of the casket letters recounts the meeting of 
 Mary and Darnley, when she came to visit him at 
 Glasgow, in almost exactly the same words as it is 
 told in the deposition of Thomas Crawford. That 
 that deposition is false on the very face of it, I 
 think I have already shown. Yet Mary Stuart, in 
 this casket letter, narrates the conversation which 
 took place between her husband and herself well- 
 nigh in the precise terms as it is given by Craw- 
 ford ! This is important, for it points to Crawford 
 as the author of the casket letters. 
 
 But let us go on to consider what further evi- 
 dence is brought against Mary to convict her of 
 Darnley 's murder. The queen, while her husband 
 was lodged in the Kirk of Field, slept in a room 
 immediately under his. We are told that Both- 
 well had given orders to his servant, Nicolas 
 Hubert, that Mary Stuart's bed should not be 
 placed directly beneath the king's, for he wished 
 the powder to be strewed on that spot ; that 
 Hubert had neglected his master's injunction ; that 
 the bed was put exactly where it should not have 
 
I20 
 
 MAI^y STUART: 
 
 1567 been; that the queen, on coming into the room, 
 i angrily ordered Hubert to change its position. 
 " This," says Mignet, " if true, is of itself sufficient 
 to place Mary's complicity beyond doubt." But 
 I the story scarcely commends itself as true. What 
 'is the authority for it? A deposition made by 
 Nicolas Hubert himself, when on his trial for being 
 concerned in the king's murder. This man, 
 usually known as Paris, from the place of his 
 birth, was an old servant of Bothwell's. Two 
 years after the murder he was tried and hanged 
 as one of the accomplices. These are the words of 
 the deposition he is said to have made : " The 
 queen said to me, ' Fool that you are, I will not 
 have my bed in that place,' and so made me 
 remove it ; by which words I perceived in my mind 
 that she was aware of the plot. Thereupon I 
 took the courage to say to her, * Madam, my Lord 
 Bothwell has commanded me to take to him the 
 keys of your chamber, because he intends to do 
 something in it ; namely, to blow up the king 
 with gunpowder.' ' Do not talk about that at 
 this hour,' said she, * but do what you please.' 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 121 
 
 Upon this I did not venture to say anything 1J67 
 more." 
 
 Now, I will not insist, as I might do, that this 
 is the evidence of a murderer, afterwards hanged 
 for his crime ; I will not insist that it is evidence 
 extorted by persons to whom it was a supreme 
 need to obtain such evidence ; but I will take the 
 words themselves and show that they prove their 
 own falsehood. " Fool that you are." Whatever 
 were Mary Stuart's faults, vulgarity was never one 
 of them. " '■ I will not have my bed in that place ; ' 
 by which words I perceived in my mind that she 
 was aware of the plot." He had not, then, pre- 
 viously known that she was aware of the plot ; for 
 he goes on to say : " ThereiLpoit I took the courage 
 to say to her, ' Madam, my Lord Bothwell has 
 commanded me to take to him the keys of your 
 chamber, because he intends to do something in 
 it ; namely, to blow up the king with gunpowder.' " 
 Whoever the • inventors of this story may have 
 been, they can scarcely be regarded as skilled in 
 their work. Can anything be more improbable 
 than this ; that Paris, intrusted by his master with 
 
122 
 
 ^^A/^:v stuart: 
 
 67 a matter of life and death to all concerned, should 
 suddenly divulge to the queen a terrible secret, of 
 which, the moment before, he had thought she 
 might have no knowledge ? Is it a possible tale 
 that this man, the trusted agent of murderers, should 
 be ready to imperil all simply because he is told 
 to change the position of a bed ? But he took 
 courage to say : " He has commanded me to take 
 to him the keys of your chamber ; for he intends 
 to blow up the king with gunpowder." And we 
 are told that these are words used by an underling 
 to the Queen of Scotland ; spoken concerning her 
 husband, the king ; spoken without authority from 
 any one ; spoken because he gathers from a trivial 
 mandate that she is already aware of the plot ! 
 We must have stronger evidence than this. I will 
 again quote from that historian who is probably 
 the most able of Mary Stuart's accusers. He says, 
 " Her conduct, when the time for the murder drew 
 near, is but too well calculated to confirm the 
 accusations which result from the depositions of 
 the witnesses, the confessions of the perpetrators, 
 and her own letters. Nelson says that she caused 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 123 
 
 a bed of new velvet to be removed from the king's i 
 apartment, and substituted an old one in its place. 
 Paris declares that she also removed from her own 
 chamber a rich coverlet of fur, which she was doubt- 
 less desirous not to leave there on the evening of 
 the explosion." In reply to this, I have only to 
 say, that what might be evidence on some minor 
 charge ceases to be so on so capital a crime as 
 that of which Mary Stuart is accused. It is surely 
 trifling here to talk of coverlets and fur ! 
 
 Now, I must again anticipate history, that I may 
 quote two circumstances of very great significance. 
 When Queen Elizabeth's commissioners for the 
 last spoliation of Mary Stuart, at Chartley, robbed 
 her of all her treasured relics, it was discovered 
 that amongst miniatures and portraits of her first 
 husband, Francis II., she had preserved several 
 miniatures of Darnley. One of these was enclosed 
 in a folding frame, together with a portrait of her- 
 self, and one of their son between them.* She . 
 had not preserved the smallest token from Both- 
 well or any portrait of him. Neither then, nor 
 * Strickland. 
 
124 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1567 at any time before, were letters of his found in her 
 keeping which might give colour to the charge 
 against her of having written the casket epistles. 
 
 But what follows has even greater force. About 
 the year 1850, a letter was found among Cecil's 
 papers, written by the hand of Lady Lennox, 
 Darnley's mother, and addressed to Mary Stuart. 
 At the heading is put : — 
 
 " Margaret, Countess of Lennox, to Mary Queen 
 
 of Scots, November, 1575." 
 Here is an extract from that letter: "I beseech 
 your Majesty fear not, but trust in God that all 
 shall be well. The treachery of your traitors is 
 known better than before. I shall always play my 
 part to your Majesty's content, willing God, so as 
 may tend to both our comforts." 
 
 This letter of the Countess of Lennox is most 
 affectionate throughout. The original, which is in 
 the State Paper Office, is endorsed : — 
 
 " My Lady's Grace, the Countess of Lennox, to 
 
 the Queen of Scots." 
 The endorsement is in the hand of Thomas Phillips, 
 
A SKETCH. AND A DEFENCE. 125 
 
 Cecil's spy-decipherer.* The letter was therefore 1567 
 probably intercepted by Elizabeth. 
 
 This needs no comment. Be it only remembered 
 that the mother of him whom Mary Stuart is 
 accused of having murdered, thus writes to her 
 daughter-in-law nearly nine years after the murder. 
 
 There is one thing else, in this part of the sub- j 
 ject, that I wish to refer to. Chalmers tells us, 
 in his " Life of Mary, Queen of Scots," that in 
 Sinclair's manuscript history of Scotland, written 
 at the time, and which was in the Scots' College 
 at Paris until a recent date, there occurred this 
 passage : " Bothwell, at his death, and several times 
 before, declared on his oath that he himself com- / 
 mitted the murder by the counsels of Moray and / 
 Morton, and that the queen was altogether inno- 
 cent and knew nothing of the murder." It will 
 be remembered that Bothwell died in Denmark, \ 
 having been made a prisoner in that country by 
 the king. Now, in a letter to the Archbishop of \ 
 Glasgow, dated the 6th of January, 1577, Mary 
 Stuart refers to this declaration of Bothwell, and ' 
 
 * Strickland. 
 
126 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1567 says that the King of Denmark had sent it to 
 Queen Elizabeth, but that she had secretly sup- 
 pressed it. Moreover, we learn from a letter of 
 Sir John Forster to Secretary Walsingham, that 
 when the Earl of Morton came to be tried for 
 j participation in Darnley's murder, this declaration 
 j of Bothwell was given in evidence against him. 
 J If it was evidence against Morton it was also 
 evidence to clear the Queen of Scots. 
 
 I have now to enter upon that portion of the life 
 of Mary Stuart by which those who believe in her 
 high virtue and integrity will find their faith the 
 most severely tried. Many are there who, when 
 they read this chapter in her history and would 
 fain believe her innocent, are yet not wholly able, 
 but who find the alternative of her guilt harder to 
 credit still. Well does Strickland say : " The 
 traditional belief in Mary Stuart's innocence w^hich 
 has lingered for nearly three centuries in the hearts 
 and homes of Scotland, from the castle to the 
 humblest cot, where oral chroniclers have repeated 
 her tragic story from generation to generation, 
 proves how strongly the power of moral evidence. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 127 
 
 and the victorious influence of truth — truth felt, i 
 not fully seen — have wrestled with the lying spirit 
 of political defamation, and kept alive the interest 
 involved in the controversy, till the perjuries of 
 her calumniators should, in the fulness of time, be 
 made manifest." 
 
 " Truth felt, not fully seen'' It may be even so. 
 But when I remember Mary's dying words, spoken 
 from the scaffold at Fotheringay, telling of her 
 humble faith that she should one day be cleared, 
 then I cannot think but that that faith will at last 
 be justified. And when, glancing backward into 
 time, I seem to see the grey twilight of that 
 February morn, and the great hall of the castle, 
 and the assembled crowd, and the raised platform, 
 and the block ; and when I see the hapless Mary 
 kneeling there, breathing forgiveness ^to her ene- 
 mies, and blessing them that did despitefully use 
 her ; when I see her, the eyes bound, waiting for 
 the blow, praying aloud, " O Lord, in Thee have I 
 trusted : let me never be put to confusion," — then, 
 though tenfold blacker were the page, I would hold 
 her guiltless still. 
 
128 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 567 But Mary's accusers, failing to establish their 
 case by direct evidence, argue that she is convicted 
 of being accessory to Darnley's murder by her 
 conduct after the event. Let us, then, go on to 
 examine the arguments which are urged against 
 her. "What," asks Mignet, "was the effect pro- 
 duced upon Mary Stuart by this terrible occurrence 
 which filled Edinburgh with indignation and mis- 
 trust ? She appeared overwhelmed with sorrow, 
 and fell into a state of silent dejection. She mani- 
 fested none of that activity, anger, resolution, and 
 courage which she had displayed after Rizzio's 
 murder ; but shut herself up in her room, and 
 would communicate with her most faithful servants 
 by the medium of Bothwell alone. Darnley's 
 murderer was the only person admitted to her 
 presence." Now, that Mary Stuart manifested 
 none of the activity and resolution which she had 
 displayed on the murder of Rizzio, is undoubtedly 
 true ; but is this seriously brought as an argument 
 against her ? Surely not ; for it makes most 
 powerfully upon the other side. The assassination 
 of Rizzio was an insult and an outrage ; the murder 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 129 
 
 of Darnley was a crushing blow. By the one 1567 
 she was roused to take vengeance upon the das- 
 tardly authors ; by the other she was overwhelmed, 
 confounded, amazed. It is the lesser smart which 
 provokes to anger ; the deep wound is felt with 
 silence or a groan. 
 
 Again, as to the charge that she would communi- 
 cate with her most tried servants by the medium 
 of Bothwell alone ; that Darnley's murderer was 
 the only person admitted to her presence, we may 
 well accept this with caution, since it principally 
 rests upon the deposition of Paris. But even if it 
 be true, what does it mean } I submit that there 
 is no trustworthy evidence to show that Mary 
 Stuart in the least suspected Bothwell of the 
 assassination in the Kirk of Field. On the con- 
 trary, there was every reason why she should attri- 
 bute it to others rather than to him. As I have 
 said, Bothwell had been ever distinguished by his 
 loyalty to the Crown. He had but recently given 
 fresh proof of that loyalty by rendering important 
 services in the borderland. He had had no part 
 at all in the murder of Rizzio, and had therefore 
 
 K 
 
I30 A/A/^y STUART : 
 
 1 567 no grudge against the king. There was no reason 
 why Mary's suspicion should have fallen upon him. 
 But, on the other hand, knowing well the temper 
 of her barons towards Darnley, knowing well the 
 cause which had been given them for their anger, 
 she would at once know that he had been sacri- 
 ficed for his betrayal of them to her. Bothwell, 
 indeed, alone of all the court, seemed the one baron 
 in whom she might confide ; and surrounded on 
 all hands by peril as she was, it was natural that 
 she should have turned to his strong arm for aid. 
 Nor must it be forgotten that Bothwell, as I have 
 already indicated, was a tool in the hands of his 
 more astute accomplices. These barons, foremost 
 among whom was the Earl of Morton, had set 
 before them the twofold object of revenging them- 
 selves upon Darnley, and of driving Mary Stuart 
 from the throne. There is strong evidence to show 
 that from the first they had planned that Bothwell 
 should do the murder, that he should subsequently 
 marry the queen, and that then, by the raising of 
 popular indignation against her, the latter should 
 be brought under their power, and deprived of the 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 131 
 
 sovereignty. The story will unfold itself. What 1567 
 wonder, then, such being the web of intrigue in 
 which Mary was entangled — what wonder if, that 
 she might be discredited, it were so contrived 
 that she should " communicate with her most faith- 
 ful servants by the medium of Bothwell alone " } 
 
 Nor is it surprising that the queen's confidence 
 in Bothwell continued unshaken. Whilst, on the 
 one hand, Mary's enemies secretly spread the 
 report that that baron was the perpetrator of 
 the king's murder, on the other, they were careful 
 that the queen herself should not suspect him. 
 This will enable us to understand the course which 
 affairs took after the assassination. 
 
 On the 1 2th of February (the murder had been 
 committed on the loth) Mary caused a reward 
 of two thousand pounds to be offered for informa- 
 tion that might lead to the detection of the 
 assassins. On the next night a paper was affixed 
 to the door of the Tolbooth, in which Bothwell 
 and two others were accused of being the authors 
 of the deed. But the queen, we are told, " took 
 no steps to secure the inferior conspirators, and 
 
132 
 
 AfARV STUART: 
 
 i^6y kept the greatest criminal of them all by her side." 
 Now, we shall see that Bothwell's accomplices in 
 the murder (among whom were the most powerful 
 barons of the realm) not only shielded him from 
 the queen's suspicion, but continued to support 
 him in every way until his marriage with Mary 
 had been effected. We shall see that they then 
 threw off the mask, and denounced him as the 
 king's murderer, thus striking their long meditated 
 blow at the queen. 
 
 Mary now left Edinburgh for a while, and came 
 to the residence of Lord Seton. She was attended 
 here by Bothwell, Huntly, Argyll, the Archbishop 
 of St. Andrew's, and Lethington. Now, all these 
 men had been concerned in the late assassination. 
 Is there no meaning in their thus keeping close 
 to the side of Mary ? The scheming Lethington 
 has but half accomplished his ends. Mary Stuart 
 is not yet in the snare. 
 
 It has been said, and often repeated, that the 
 queen passed her time at Seton Castle in unseemly 
 gaiety ; that she and Bothwell would shoot at the 
 butts against Seton and Huntly, and that on one 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 133 
 
 occasion, when the latter were beaten, that she 1567 
 made them pay a forfeit by giving a banquet to 
 her at Tranent. It is very observable that all the 
 evidence which is brought against Mary with 
 respect to Darnley's murder (if we set aside the 
 testimony of the casket, which is rejected even 
 by adverse historians), is entirely of a supposi- 
 tional character. She was knov/n to have been 
 on terms the reverse of cordial with Darnley ; 
 therefore it is easily conceivable that she should 
 have murdered him. She was known to favour 
 the Earl of Bothwell, and to put great trust in 
 him ; therefore it is plain that she had conceived 
 an ungovernable passion for him, to which she 
 would make any sacrifice. Within a short time 
 of her husband's death she manifested unseason- 
 able gaiety. What greater proof thafe she was 
 accessory to his murder 
 
 It is thus that her enemies reason. But with 
 regard to this story of her shooting at the butts 
 with Bothwell — does it look like trilth, or has it 
 the aspect of fiction ? When we reflect by whom 
 Mary was surrounded at Seton Castle — to wit, 
 
13+ 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1 567 the fellow conspirators of Bothwcll — it will not 
 be difficult to understand how such stories became 
 circulated. It seems to me that the tale is a mere 
 fiction ; but, whether it be false or true, I submit 
 that it cannot be brought in evidence against her. 
 For, if we are to believe that Mary thus passed 
 her time in feasting and pleasure within two weeks 
 of her husband's death, is it not an easier matter 
 to credit it on the supposition that she was 
 innocent, than if we suppose her mind burdened 
 with the awful guilt of murder } If she took 
 refuge in gaiety to drown the accusations of con- 
 science, then she was vulnerable to its pangs ; and 
 this is at variance with what Mr. Froude tells us ; 
 viz. that on the morning after the murder she 
 was " breakfasting in bed, eating composedly a 
 new-laid egg." 
 
 In the meantime the belief daily gained strength 
 in Edinburgh that Bothwell had been the murderer 
 of the king, and placards hinting this were secretly 
 posted in the cit}'. Bothwell, greatly enraged, 
 rode into Edinburgh with an armed band, and 
 publicly swore that if he could discover who were 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 135 
 
 the authors of the placards he would wash his i 
 hands in their blood. 
 
 On the 20th of February the Earl of Lennox 
 wrote to entreat Mary Stuart that she would take 
 all the steps in her power to bring the murderers 
 of his son to justice. The queen replied to him 
 on the following- day, telling him that she had 
 already summoned parliament for that purpose. 
 But the estates did not meet until Easter. On 
 the 26th of February, Lord Lennox again wrote 
 to her, and besought that she would order the 
 arrest of certain persons denounced in the placards. 
 Mary replied that the placards were at variance 
 one with the other, and that she was at a loss 
 what course to pursue, but added that if there 
 were any persons mentioned %i the placards whom 
 Lennox might deem worthy to suffer trial, that 
 such persons should be brought before the courts. 
 The earl then wrote to demand that Bothwell 
 should be tried, as being one of the persons men- 
 tioned in the placards ; but this request was not 
 granted until April the I2th. In the meantime 
 Mary Stuart had invested Lord Bothwell with 
 
136 
 
 MAJ^V STUART : 
 
 1 567 the command of Edinburgh Castle, and had con- 
 ferred upon him the Castle of Blackness, the Inch, 
 and the Superiority of Leith.* He continued 
 to rise daily in the queen's favour, notwithstanding 
 the outcry which had been raised against him, 
 as being the author of the outrage in the Kirk 
 of Field. 
 
 On the 1 2th of April Bothwell was tried for the 
 king's murder before a jury of barons, consisting 
 chiefly of his partisans. The court was presided 
 over by his fellow conspirator, the Earl of Argyll, 
 and was overawed by four thousand of Bothwell's 
 armed adherents, who were gathered in the streets 
 of Edinburgh. The earl was, of course, acquitted. 
 He then oftered to maintain his innocence by arms, 
 against any gentleman who should still accuse him 
 of the murder. 
 
 Now, it is these circumstances, and the fact that 
 the queen, after his trial, continued to confer still 
 greater honours upon Bothwell, that are alleged to 
 cast so dark a shade on the character of Mary 
 Stuart ; and it were affectation to deny that this 
 * Mignet. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 137 
 
 part of her history is supremely hard to defend. 1567 
 The delay with regard to the trial cannot be 
 excused ; but at the same time we must bear in 
 mind that, as I have formerly urged, there is no 
 credible evidence to show that Mary Stuart had the 
 smallest suspicion as to who was the real murderer 
 of her husband. Her trust in Bothwell was great ; 
 and we may be well assured that those surrounding 
 her were careful to humour her confidence. Again, 
 when we recall the fact that the queen, her spirit 
 broken by the many troubles and disasters which 
 had overwhelmed her, was encompassed on all 
 sides, and not least in her council chamber, by a 
 band of lawless men bound together in a dark con- 
 spiracy against her, can we think that she was 
 really a free agent at this time } Those nobles 
 who were her advisers doubtless suggested that 
 Bothwell was deeply wronged by the accusations 
 against him, but that, to satisfy a turbulent section, 
 it were well that the forniality of a trial should be 
 gone through. It was but natural that Mary, in 
 the depressed state in which she now was, should 
 be glad to lean, more than was her wont, on the 
 
138 
 
 MAI^V STUART: 
 
 1 567 counsels of those who seemed so obsequiously 
 anxious to serve her. The favours which she con- 
 ferred on Bothwell — her apparent disinclination 
 that he should incur a trial, might be strong evi- 
 dence upon a lesser charge ; but to prove her 
 guilty of a course of iniquity to which Christendom 
 can scarce afford a parallel, it is weak indeed. It 
 is this one theme that Mary's enemies ever harp 
 upon — her uncontrollable love for the Earl of Both- 
 well ; for they perceive that their charges against 
 her are so monstrous, so utterly incompatible with 
 her known character, that some such unexampled 
 passion must be supposed, to give even the sem- 
 blance of truth to that on which the judgment of 
 psychologists must ever be, Fieri non potest. 
 
 But the simple narrative of what followed will, 
 I am sure, convince the unprejudiced reader that 
 Mary's love for Bothwell is a pure fiction, and as 
 unworthy of credence as the alleged. intrigue with 
 Rizzio. 
 
 Now, on the 19th of April, Bothwell, we are 
 told, invited the Earls Morton, Argyll, Huntly, 
 and a large number of the chief nobility, to take 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 139 
 
 supper with him at a tavern in Edinburgh, kept 1567 
 by one Ansley. We are told that during the feast 
 Bothwell caused the house to be surrounded by two 
 hundred men-at-arms, for the purpose of overawing 
 the guests ; that he then rose, and told the assem- 
 bled noblemen that the queen had consented to 
 marry him ; that he terrified this numerous com- 
 pany of lords into signing a bond by which they 
 declared their conviction of his innocence of Darn- 
 ley's murder, and recommended him as a husband 
 for the queen. In this bond the nobles further 
 pledged themselves to maintain Bothwell's preten- 
 sions to the hand of the queen with their lives, 
 declaring themselves infamous traitors should they 
 fail to perform their promise. 
 
 Of all the stories put forward to criminate Mary 
 Stuart, surely this is the most incredible. Consider, 
 for a moment, what it is we are asked to believe : 
 That some thirty or upwards of the chief nobles 
 of Scotland, all anxious for the honour of their 
 sovereign — this is the assertion — were intimidated 
 into an act of unprecedented infamy. In modern 
 times such a thing might be less incredible ; but 
 
I40 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1 567 be it remembered that each one of those nobles 
 carried his sword. Can it be supposed that such 
 men as Morton, Argyll, Huntly, Glencairn, would 
 have thus, without a struggle, submitted, like 
 beaten curs, to such intolerable humbling ? Is it 
 not impossible to think that Bothwell could for a 
 moment have contemplated using violence towards 
 half the nobility of the land ? Could he, for ^n 
 instant, have intended imprisonment or slaughter 
 for thirty powerful barons ? Is it not more impossi- 
 ble still, to suppose that those two hundred hirelings 
 would have dared to raise a finger against such a 
 company ? Why, this w^as at a time when Bothwell 
 was execrated throughout the city — when all cursed 
 him as the murderer of the king. What band of 
 Scotsmen, then, was at his call, that would be 
 willing to lay hands on half the nobles of the 
 realm ? 
 
 That such a bond was signed by the nobles is 
 matter of history, and we shall see to what use 
 Bothwell put the document. The bond, then, was 
 signed by the barons of their own free-will — signed 
 to consummate the plot which they had long been 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 141 
 
 labouring. What followed ? Hear the words of i 
 Mignet : " Immediately after the famous supper at 
 Ansley's tavern on the 19th of April, the principal 
 nobles whom Bothwell had forced to subscribe to 
 his propositions, entered into a secret league to 
 oppose him." But that secret league, I have en- 
 deavoured to show, existed long before. Bothwell, 
 from the first, had been the tool and the dupe of 
 men craftier than he. 
 
 On the 2 1st of April, the queen went to visit 
 her infant son at Stirling Castle. She stayed there 
 three days, and on the 24th she set out to return 
 to Edinburgh. When she was nearing the capital, 
 she and her escort were suddenly surrounded by a 
 troop of six hundred horsemen, under the command 
 of the Lord Bothwell. The earl, riding up to the 
 queen, seized her horse's bridle, and hurried her 
 away with him to his Castle of Dunbar, where she 
 and her suite became his prisoners. 
 
 Now Mary's enemies declare that this seizure of 
 her person by Bothwell had been all pre-arranged 
 between herself and the earl, some time before ; 
 that the capture was simulated, and that she was, 
 
142 
 
 J/AA'V STUART: 
 
 1567 in reality, a most willing prisoner. How do they 
 support this charge ? By the evidence of certain 
 of the casket letters, which, if genuine, are con- 
 clusive testimony. But we have seen that even 
 historians who arc adverse to Mary, reject these 
 letters as forgeries. The story, therefore, cannot 
 be received ; and it is a significant fact, as we 
 learn from the Inedited Border Correspondence 
 in the State Paper Office, that this plot to carry off 
 Mary to Dunbar, as also the plot to murder Rizzio 
 in the queen's presence, was known beforehand to 
 the English authorities at Berwick, and had been 
 by them communicated to Cecil. iMoreover, an act 
 of the first parliament of James VI. declares that 
 " after detaining Queen Mary's most noble person 
 by force and violence twelve days or thereabouts 
 at Dunbar Castle, Bothwell compelled her by fear, 
 under circumstances such as might befall the 
 most courageous woman in the world, to promise 
 that she would, as soon as possible, contract 
 marriage v/ith him : all which things were plotted 
 and planned by the said earl and the persons 
 aforesaid of long time before ; even before their 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 143 
 
 foresaid conspiracy and parricide " (murder of 1 567 
 Darnley). 
 
 And again (having reference to the divorce after- 
 wards obtained by Mary from Bothwell), here is 
 an extract from a document among the secret 
 archives of the Vatican, entitled, " Instructions 
 given by Marie Stuart to Robert Radolfi, sent to 
 the Pope." " Tell his holiness," she writes to 
 Radolfi, the grief we suffered when we were 
 made prisoner by one of our subjects, the Earl of 
 Bothwell, and led as prisoner, with the Earl of 
 Huntly, the chancellor, and the nobleman, our 
 secretary, together to the Castle of Dunbar, and, 
 after, to the Castle of Edinburgh, where we were 
 detained, against our will, in the hands of the said 
 Earl of Bothwell, until such time as he had pro- 
 cured a pretended divorce between him and the 
 sister of the said Lord of Huntly, his wife, our near 
 relative, and we were constrained to yield our con- 
 sent, yet against our will, to him. Therefore, his 
 holiness is supplicated to take order on this, that 
 we are made quit of the said indignity by means 
 of a process at Rome, and commission sent to 
 
144 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 1567 Scotland to the bishops and other Catholic judges, 
 as to his holiness seemeth best." 
 
 I have two things to say with regard to these 
 instructions ; viz. to point out the exceeding im- 
 probability that Mary, a zealous Catholic, should 
 have thus written to the Pope if her words were 
 deliberately false — that she should so have perjured 
 herself to the supreme head of her Church. And 
 then, I would call attention to the fact, that it is 
 in this manner she speaks, not only to the Pope, but 
 to the world, of the man for whom we are told she 
 sacrificed everything — honour, power, self-respect, 
 the good opinion of her friends ; for whom she in- 
 curred eternal infamy, and polluted her soul with 
 the everlasting stain of blood ; and of whom she is 
 declared to have said, that " she cared not to lose 
 France, England, and her own country for him, and 
 shall go with him to the world's end in a white 
 petticoat, before she leave him." * We shall see, 
 however, that on the very first occasion that offered 
 itself, she did leave him, and that within less than 
 two months of the date on which we are told she 
 used these words. 
 
 * Grange to Bedfond, April 20th, 1567. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 145 
 
 Now, previous to his seizure of the queen, Both- 1567 
 well had urged his suit to her in vain. She was 
 astonished to discover that he had entertained any * 
 such mind with regard to herself. Finding that he 
 could not persuade her, he took the ruffianly course 
 which I have narrated. As to what happened 
 during the ten or twelve days that Mary was held 
 prisoner at Dunbar, we only know that Bothwell, 
 with alternate threats and entreaties, renewed his 
 suit to the queen ; that being still unsuccessful, he 
 produced the bond signed at the tavern, and dis- 
 played it before the eyes of Mary. The latter was 
 amazed at what she saw, and began to think that 
 since all her chief nobility were thus anxious that 
 she should marry Lord Bothwell, that it might 
 be her duty to accede to their wishes. Her con- 
 sent, in whatever manner, was at last obtained. 
 Whether it was given from these considerations 
 alone, or whether, as some have supposed, this 
 ruffian made such use of his power as seemed to 
 leave Mary no alternative but to marry him, we 
 cannot certainly say. But let it never be urged 
 that she gave her consent to wed Lord Darnley's 
 
 L 
 
146 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1 5^7 murderer, for in this same bond that Bothwell 
 showed her, they, the undersigned barons, declared 
 that although "the noble and mighty Lord James, 
 Earl of Bothwell, had been calumniated by placards 
 privily affixed on the public places, and otherwise 
 slandered by his evil willers and priv}^ enemies, as 
 doer of the heinous murder of the king, her 
 Majesty's late husband, that he, the said Earl of 
 Bothwell, was innocent and guiltless of the foresaid 
 odious crime objected to him, and acquitted con- 
 formably to the laws of this realm." 
 
 But this part of Mary Stuart's history is so 
 painful both to read and to narrate, that, having, 
 as I believe, put forward such considerations as 
 must clear her, in the minds of impartial persons, 
 of the awful charges brought against her, I shall 
 pass over the record of the succeeding weeks as 
 briefly as may be. But before going on with the 
 narrative, there are yet two things that I wish to 
 notice here. Eirst, then, it has been often asserted 
 that Mary, immediately after her escape from 
 Lochleven, sent a messenger to Bothwell to tell 
 him she was free. It is strange how all such little 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 147 
 
 items of evidence needed to prove this ever-insisted- i 
 on passion for Bothwell, are forthcoming. There is, 
 however, no very credible authority for this state- 
 ment against Mary, and it is probably apiece with 
 the many calumnies uttered against her. From 
 whom could such an assertion have emanated ? 
 Assuredly only from her enemies ; for had it been 
 matter of fact, and any of her friends had known 
 of it, they would have studiously kept it from view. 
 But if Mary Stuart had really sent messages to 
 Bothwell, it is not to be supposed that she would 
 have done so other than most secretly ; aware, as 
 she must have been, how greatly the knowledge of 
 such action on her part would discredit her in the 
 eyes of even her most zealous adherents. But this 
 is spoken of, not as a fact that subsequently eked 
 out, but that was known af the time ; and, there- 
 fore, if Mary did communicate with Bothwell, she 
 must have done so openly, and done what of all 
 things else was most calculated to alienate from 
 her her supporters ; and this when she was on the 
 eve of a great battle, the issue of which was to 
 decide her destiny. The story is so improbable 
 
148 
 
 MAI^V STUART: 
 
 1567 that, until it is attested by the most unimpeachable 
 evidence, it cannot be entertained. 
 
 Again, it has been hinted that so great was the 
 depth of Mary's moral degradation that she even 
 was willing to connive at a purpose of Bothwell to 
 get possession of her infant son, James, with a view 
 to putting him out of the way — to lose or murder 
 him. It is as w^ell that the traducers of Mary 
 Stuart fill up the cup of her condemnation, for so 
 the harder becomes their task to win credit for 
 their charges. Now, w^e know, from a letter of 
 Drury to Cecil, that Mary, shortly before her 
 marriage with Bothwell, had secretly sent her 
 faithful servant, Lesley, Bishop of Ross, to Stirling, 
 with strict injunctions to the Earl of Mar (in whose 
 custody the child was), not to deliver her son into 
 any hands but her own. Notwithstanding this. 
 Mar afterwards joined the rebel lords, alleging as 
 his justification that the person of James was in 
 danger from the queen.* 
 
 On the 3rd of May, Bothwell, who was now 
 divorced from his wife, the Lady Jane Gordon, 
 * Strickland. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 149 
 
 brought the queen back to Edinburgh. She was i 
 still guarded closely, and Buchanan gives us the 
 following somewhat remarkable account of this 
 journey back from Dunbar. He says : " Bothwell 
 gathered his friends and dependants together, re- 
 solving to bring back the queen to Edinburgh, that 
 so, under , a vain show of her liberty, he might deter- 
 mine of their marriage at his pleasure. His attend- 
 ants were all armed, and as they v/ere on their 
 journey a fear seized on many of them, lest, one 
 time or other, it might turn to their prejudice to 
 hold the queen still a prisoner. Upon this scruple 
 they threw away all their spears, and so, in a 
 seeming more peaceable posture, they brought her 
 to the Castle of Edinburgh, which was then in 
 Bothwell's power." 
 
 Now, this account is remarkable, as coming from 
 Buchanan, who is one of Mary Stuart's most bitter 
 accusers. And he has just told us before, that 
 she "was carried to Dunbar by her own con- 
 trivance, and was well-pleased to remain." Hence, 
 it would seem that, in the passage I have quoted, 
 he unwittingly bears testimony to the truth ; viz. 
 
I50 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 67 that Mary was really a prisoner in the hands of 
 Bothwell, and not a pretended one * Such was 
 evidently the belief of the soldiers. 
 
 The announcement that the queen was about to 
 marry Bothwell aroused great indignation in the 
 city. The Presbyterian minister, Craig, who had 
 received orders to publish the banns of the mar- 
 riage, refused to comply, declaring his conviction 
 that the queen was held captive by Bothwell, 
 according to common report. Now, this is very 
 important, as it shows what the belief of the 
 people was with regard to this matter. They 
 felt that their queen could not be free. But the 
 scruples of Craig were overcome, as, by some 
 .means or other, a letter was produced from 
 ]\Iary herself, authorizing the banns. When her 
 consent was finally wrung from her we cannot 
 tell ; but probably not until within a few days 
 of the performance of the ceremony. 
 ' The marriage took place on the 15th of May, 
 at four o'clock in the n>orning. The rites were 
 performed in the Chapel Royal at Holyrood. 
 
 * Strickland, I believe, first called attention to this pas- 
 sage from Buchanan. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 151 
 
 Now, does Mary's demeanour immediately after 1567 
 the marriage tend to the behef that she had 
 espoused the man whom she passionately loved, 
 or does it show that she had been forced by 
 some villainous conspiracy into a union that was 
 loathsome to her ? Let the reader judge. This 
 is the testimony of the French ambassador, Du 
 Croc. Writing to Catherine de Medici and Charles 
 IX., he says: "On Thursday (May 15th, the day 
 of the marriage) her Majesty sent for me to 
 inquire whether I had perceived any strangeness 
 between her and her husband ; which she wished 
 to excuse to me, saying that if I saw she was 
 sorrowful, it was because she would not rejoice, 
 as, she says, she never will again, and desires 
 only death. Yesterday (May i6th), being in a 
 closet with the Earl of Bothwell, she called out 
 aloild for some one to give her a knife that she 
 might kill herself. Those who were in the adjoin- 
 ing room heard her. They think that unless God 
 aids her she will fall into despair." 
 
 But her love for Bothwell had turned into hate, 
 as violent love sometimes will ? Her enemies 
 
152 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 7 cannot urge this, as they tell us that long after- 
 wards, she continued to profess the most passion- 
 ate devotion to him. 
 
 But this unhappiness of the queen, even on her 
 wedding day, may perhaps be accounted for in 
 some other manner? Hear the explanation: 
 " Bothwell, doubtless afraid that she would as 
 soon become disgusted with him as she had with 
 Darnley, tortured her heart in order to occupy 
 it, and rendered her unhappy that he might 
 prevent her from being inconstant." This is 
 ingenious, but not probable. The blundering 
 Bothwell was scarcely so skilled in moral tactics. 
 
 As soon as the marriage between Mary Stuart 
 and Bothwell had been consummated, the barons 
 displayed their true colours. They entered into a 
 numerous and powerful confederation against the 
 Crown, and used every effort to obtain the 
 countenance of Elizabeth to their proceedings. 
 Elizabeth was perplexed, and knew not what 
 course to pursue. Her natural inclinations 
 prompted her to favour the barons ; but, on 
 the other hand, she w^s deterred from doing 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 153 
 
 this by the reflection of how great a danger 1567 
 to monarchical government might thereby arise. 
 She ended ^by a compromise, and while secretly 
 conniving at, if she did not favour, the actions 
 of the rebels, she openly condemned their breach 
 of allegiance. 
 
 1 Shortly after his marriage, Bothwell, taking with 
 
 1 
 
 I him the queen, whom he continued most studi- 
 j ously to surround with his creatures, retired to 
 Borthwick Castle, situated about ten miles from 
 Edinburgh. The barons, having collected about 
 I two thousand horsemen, prepared to besiege them 
 in this stronghold. Lord Hume, on the nth of 
 June, came up before the castle with eight 
 hundred men, and began to surround it. But 
 Bothwell having been apprised of his approach, 
 fled precipitately, leaving the queen behind him in 
 the castle. Many hours later, when the night 
 had come on, and Hume and his men had en- 
 camped before the walls, Mary, disguised in man's 
 apparel, booted and spurred, made her escape on 
 horseback. But the country around being wild 
 and trackless, she appears to have lost her way, and 
 
154 
 
 MA7^:V STUART: 
 
 1567 to have wandered all night about the same spot; 
 for when morning broke she was still in the vicinity 
 of the castle. At this point, unhappily, she fell in 
 with Bothvvell, who carried her off with him to 
 Dunbar. 
 
 Now Mary's accusers give a different version 
 of this story. They say that before Bothvvell fled 
 from Borthwick, he made an appointment with the 
 queen that she was to follow him when night came, 
 and to meet him — ^just as she in fact did — at some 
 little distance from the walls of the castle. Now, 
 this is, to say the least, a very unlikely story. For 
 if the queen were capable of escaping alone, in the 
 manner she did, why did not Bothwell take her 
 with him } Why leave her with the very uncertain 
 chance of her being able to keep any appointment 
 with him, seeing that the castle was invested by 
 foes, and that the country around was trackless, and 
 it was night t Is it not much more reasonable to 
 suppose that Mary had refused to flee with Both- 
 well ; that in the precipitancy of his flight he had 
 been unable to drag her with him, and thus had 
 been compelled to leave her behind ? Is it not 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 
 
 155 
 
 plain that this poor queen, thus, in the dead of night, 1^567 
 made a desperate effort to flee from the clutches of 
 this miserable ruffian ? that she hoped that she 
 might perchance make her way to some loyal 
 baron who would protect and succour her in her 
 great need ? 
 
 But let us pass on. The insurgents, finding that 
 both Bothwell and the queen had escaped them, fell 
 back on Edinburgh, where they were reinforced by 
 a thousand men. In the meantime, Bothwell, having 
 come to Dunbar, caused a proclamation to be issued 
 in the queen's name, summoning all faithful subjects 
 of her Majesty to arms. An army of two thousand 
 five hundred men was got together in two days, 
 and Bothwell, accompanied by the queen, marched 
 against the rebels, and coming to Carberry Hill, 
 six miles from Edinburgh, he encamped on the 
 eastern side of it. The rebel lords came forth from 
 Edinburgh to meet him, and took up their position 
 on the heights of Musselburgh, some mile or more 
 from the position of the queen. It was on June the 
 1 5th that the two armies sat thus facing each other. 
 And now the French ambassador, Du Croc, made 
 
156 
 
 MARY STUART: 
 
 1567 an attempt at mediation. The rebels empowered 
 him to offer these terms to the queen : " That they 
 were ready, if she would separate herself from ' the 
 wretch who held her captive,' to acknowledge her 
 sway, and serve her as her obedient subjects." * 
 To these terms Mary agreed, and the Laird of 
 Grange, respectfully taking her horse by the bridle, 
 led her into the midst of the confederates. " My 
 lords," said she, addressing them, " I am come to 
 you, not out of any fear I had of my life, nor yet 
 doubting of the victory if matters had gone to the 
 worst ; but I abhor the shedding of Christian blood, 
 especially of those who are my own subjects ; and 
 therefore I yield to you, and will be ruled hereafter 
 by your counsels, trusting you will respect me as 
 your born princess and queen." 
 
 We thus see that on the very first opportunity 
 that offered itself, Mary Stuart abandoned Bothwell 
 to his fate, choosing rather to place herself at the 
 mercy of her rebellious barons than to remain any 
 longer in that tyrant's power. I well know that I 
 shall be told this separation from Both^vell cost her 
 * Mignet. 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 157 
 
 many pangs — that she had decHned an alternative 1567 
 proposition of Du Croc that the conflict between the 
 two armies should be decided by a personal en- 
 counter between Bothwell and a champion from 
 the other side ; but I submit that the fact remains 
 that she thus voluntarily separated herself from 
 this man when she must have known that it was 
 well-nigh impossible that she should ever see him 
 again, unless it were as a prisoner in the hands of 
 her lords. 
 
 The barons at first, when the queen came among 
 them, showed her all deference ; but their demean- 
 our very quickly changed. They brought her into 
 Edinburgh at ten o'clock in the evening, and, as 
 they entered the city, they caused a banner to be 
 displayed before her, on which was painted the 
 body of the murdered Darnley, together with a 
 representation of her infant son ; and, underneath, 
 the words, "Judge and avenge my cause, O Lord ! " 
 She was received with yells and execrations by 
 the people. Unhappy Mary ! They took her to 
 ' the provost's house, and compelled her to pass the 
 night alone, a fast prisoner in one of the rooms 
 
158 
 
 MARY STUART : 
 
 J 5^7 overlooking the street. We are told that during 
 1 the night she would frequently open the window 
 I and call aloud for help ; but when morning came, 
 the brutal soldiery, in answer to her cry, with 
 fiendish mockery displayed before her that hideous 
 banner. O Scotland, you may well think tenderly 
 of your princess now ! 
 
 On the next day, the barons brought her to 
 Holyrood Palace, and, having deliberated together, 
 they decided that she should be imprisoned in 
 Lochleven Castle, and placed in the custody of the 
 laird. Sir William Douglas. Accordingly, on the 
 17th of June, she was taken by night-time from 
 the palace of her fathers, and, under the conduct of 
 the fierce barons, Lindsay and Ruthven, was hur- 
 ried away to the scene of her long captivity. 
 
 And now my task is finished, and in conclusion I 
 would ask those of my readers who may still believe 
 in Mary's guilt, to read once more her " celebrated 
 letter " to Elizabeth, written from Sheffield some 
 four years before her death, and the account of her 
 
 " Never more on her 
 Shall sorrow light, or shame.' 
 
A SKETCH, AND A DEFENCE. 159 
 
 last hours and execution, as impartially given by 15^7 
 Tytler. I cannot think that they will then regard 
 Mary Stuart as a wicked woman, but rather, in 
 the words of Camden, as " a lady of singular piety 
 towards God," and who, being, in her youth, not 
 free from faults, was led, as she herself says, by 
 her many afflictions and long seclusion, to find 
 as her solace that " peace of God which passeth 
 all understanding." 
 
i6o 
 
 MARY STUART. 
 
 567 Note. — It has been urged against Mary Stuart that 
 when, shortly after she was placed in Lochleven, she was 
 pressed to separate herself from Bothwell by a divorce, 
 she at that time refused to do so. But the explanation 
 of this is not difficult. She believed herself to be preg- 
 nant by Bothwell, and she was unwilling to take any 
 step that might prejudice her child. According to some 
 accounts, she was delivered of a daughter whilst at Loch- 
 leven, and the child, being sent to France, afterwards 
 became a nun at Notre-Dame de Soissons. But the 
 matter is involved in obscurity. 
 
 Again : certain letters from Throckmorton to Elizabeth 
 are brought in evidence against the Queen of Scots. 
 The ambassador writes to his mistress on the 14th of 
 July, 1567, that Mary Stuart "preferred to relinquish 
 her crown and kingdom rather than abandon Bothwell." 
 But she had already abandoned Bothwell ; and, more- 
 over, it is not difficult to see that Throckmorton was 
 secretly in league with the rebels, to whom it was an 
 absolute necessity to obtain the sanction of Elizabeth 
 to the course they had taken in imprisoning their queen. 
 That sanction could only be obtained by representing 
 that it was dangerous that Mary Stuart should be at 
 large, since she would be sure to ally herself again with 
 Bothwell, and cause the recommencement of civil war. 
 
 G. D. 
 
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 Tales from Ariosto re-told for Children. By a Lady. With 3 
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