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 THE VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS ZENI 
 
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 Henry Stevens Son and Stiles 39 Great Russell Street 
 OVER AGAINST THE BRITISH MUSEUM 
 Md Ccc Lxxxx Viii 
 

 CHISWICK PRESS:—CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO. 
 'LOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON. 
 
MY FRIEND 
 
 CHARLES HENRY COOTE 
 
 AT WHOSE SUGGESTION THIS BOOK WAS UNDERTAKEN 
 AND WHOSE SYMPATHY HAS ENCOURAGED 
 ME TO CARRY MY WORK TO 
 
 A CONCLUSION 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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PREFACE. 
 
 HE Zeno story has been the subject of so much 
 discussion and speculation, embodied in the 
 writings of so many authors, that some expla¬ 
 nation of the reasons for adding yet another 
 criticism upon it may reasonably be looked 
 for. It is hardly too much to say that no 
 other story of travel ever published has given 
 rise to such an amount of doubt, perplexity, 
 and misunderstanding extending over so long 
 a period. Published anonymously in Venice, 
 in 1558, the story purported to have been compiled from ancient 
 papers belonging to the distinguished Venetian family of Zeno, and to 
 describe the voyages in the North Atlantic of two members of that 
 family, the brothers Nicolo Zeno and Antonio Zeno, at the end of 
 the fourteenth century. From internal evidence, it appears that the 
 compiler was also a member of the same family, and it is now 
 generally admitted that he was one Nicolo Zeno, a man of some mark, 
 who was born in 1515, and died in 1565. Both the narrative and 
 the map of the North Atlantic which purports to illustrate and explain 
 it, were at first accepted as genuine ; but doubts as to their truthful 
 character quickly arose; and, from that day to this, discussion and 
 speculation have been rife among the historians of geography as to 
 their proper interpretation. 
 
 The following work is the outcome of a friendly difference of opinion 
 discussed between Mr. C. H. Coote, of the British Museum, and 
 myself, some six years ago, as to the oft-debated identity of the Island 
 of “ Frisland ” of the Zeno story. The result was the discovery of a 
 common ground of agreement between us upon one point:—viz., that 
 
 b 
 
Vlll 
 
 Preface. 
 
 this question, and others arising out of the genesis of the younger Zeno’s 
 book and map, had never been satisfactorily answered, and that further 
 investigation and reconsideration of the whole subjeCt, from the point 
 of view of the student of the geographical discoveries and of the 
 cartography of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, was desirable. 
 Mr. Coote then suggested that we should examine the subjeCt afresh 
 and write upon it in collaboration. It soon became apparent, however, 
 that the pressure of exceptionally urgent public duties and other un¬ 
 avoidable circumstances would render it impossible for Mr. Coote to 
 give the time necessary for doing his share of the work. It has there¬ 
 fore fallen to me to colleCt and arrange the materials for and to write 
 the book ; but I have had the inestimable advantage of Mr. Coote’s 
 sympathy and of the valuable advice and assistance which his com¬ 
 manding knowledge of cartography has enabled him to give me during 
 the progress of the work. 
 
 The late Mr. R. H. Major edited, for the Hakluyt Society, in 
 1873, a well-known book which, until recently, has been regarded 
 as the greatest authority in the English language upon the subjeCt of the 
 reputed travels of the brothers Zeni. Since that date, several important 
 ancient maps of the Northern Regions (said to have been visited by the 
 Zeni) have come to light:—for example, the long-lost Olaus Magnus 
 Carta Marina of 1539, discovered at Munich in 1886, which proves 
 Major’s scepticism as to its aCtual existence, in any form differing from 
 that of the well-known map of 1567^0 have been utterly mistaken; 
 and the Zamoiski map of 1467, the appearance of which confirms 
 Admiral Zarhtmann’s statement that he had seen a manuscript map 
 evidently, from his description, of a similar character, and renders 
 Major’s opinions upon these cartographical questions no longer of value. 
 Many other writers, English, Danish, Swedish, German, French, 
 Italian, and American, have also written since 1873 upon the alleged 
 travels of the Zeni. Most of these writers have taken Major’s view, 
 and have contended for the authenticity of the younger Zeno’s work 
 of 1558. A notable exception is Professor Gustav Storm, who, in a 
 paper to be referred to later on, has made a most able and most 
 destructive criticism on the Zeno story and map. 
 
 There can be no doubt, too, that, if only on account of the immense 
 advantages which photography and its ancillary processes offer for the 
 production of accurate and reliable copies of rare or unique maps, the 
 modern student possesses facilities for the study of comparative carto- 
 
Preface . 
 
 ix 
 
 graphy which were beyond the reach of students of twenty or thirty 
 years ago. 
 
 Neither presumption on my part, nor disrespect for the opinions 
 of former writers, can be inferred from the faCt that the conclusions in 
 this book are sometimes dire&ly at variance with those of Major and 
 others; for, though the old ground has been gone over again, and 
 new tracks found, this has been done by the aid of new lights. 
 
 The investigation was entered upon with an open mind, and I 
 have been led to the definite conclusions arrived at as to the fraudulent 
 charaCfer of the younger Zeno’s work, by the impartial consideration of 
 the evidence afforded by many books and maps, the titles and dates of 
 which have been given fully in every instance, so that readers may 
 themselves easily refer to the authorities if disposed to do so. 
 
 I trust that the faCts and arguments have been so presented that 
 the conclusions may be generally accepted ; that it may even be hoped 
 that the last word has been written on this great and mischievous 
 imposture; and that the Zeno narrative and map may henceforth 
 cease to be regarded as reliable sources of history and geography. 
 
 The literature and cartography relating, more or less direCfly, to the 
 alleged voyages of the brothers Zeni and to the remarkable “ Carta da 
 Navegar ” which illustrated the work of the younger Zeno, are very 
 voluminous. Though I have given at the end of this book a list of 
 nearly four hundred maps and books bearing upon the subjeCt, I am 
 aware that that list is by no means exhaustive. 
 
 The supposed pre-Columbian discovery of America by Antonio 
 Zeno at the end of the fourteenth century, has long been one of the 
 stock stories of nearly all histories of America and of histories of 
 Venice and of Venetian literature and commerce. It is, however, to 
 be noticed that, of late years, the story has been quietly dropped out 
 of Mr. Henry Harrisse’s "The Discovery of North America and Sir 
 Clements R. Markham’s Columbus. It survives, however, in the works 
 of those who, without investigating the matter for themselves, adopt 
 Major’s opinion as final and conclusive. Examples of the latter class 
 of works are Mr. Charles I. Elton’s Career of Columbus and Mr. John 
 Fiske’s Discovery of America. Other authors, as, for instance, the 
 late Mr. Justin Winsor in his Christopher Columbus , admit the story, 
 but upon a doubtful footing. 
 
 It has been thought well not to be sparing in the matter of the 
 reproduction of maps. It was originally intended to give only the 
 
X 
 
 Preface. 
 
 eighteen facsimiles contained in the plates at the end of this volume 
 and the numbered figures in the chapter on the “ Carta da Navegar; ” 
 but, as the proofs came in, I was tempted to utilize the blank spaces 
 at the backs of half-titles, at the ends of chapters, etc., to reproduce in 
 facsimile some of the other maps mentioned in the work. 
 
 My sincere thanks are due to many friends for advice and assistance 
 of various kinds: amongst others, to Mr. Coote, for perusing my 
 manuscripts and for reading and approving the proofs of the whole of 
 the text and of Appendices III., IV., and V.; to Cavaliere Caputo, the 
 learned Librarian of the Biblioteca Estense, Modena, for his courtesy in 
 procuring for me a photograph of a portion of the Cantino map; to 
 Mr.J oseph Lucas, for the translation made for me of Professor Storm’s 
 paper on the travels of the Zeni; and, last but not least, to Mr. Miller 
 Christy, for his permission to reproduce the projection made for him of 
 a portion of the Molineux globe, for his care and patience in reading 
 and criticising the proofs of this book, and for his many valuable 
 suggestions, of which I have freely availed myself. 
 
 In spite of all care, it can scarcely be hoped that errors have been 
 altogether avoided. If such be found, I beg the readers’ indulgence. 
 
 Fred. W. Lucas. 
 
 London, 
 
 May , 1898. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Title 
 
 Dedication . 
 Preface . 
 
 Table of Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 iii 
 
 v 
 
 vii 
 
 xi 
 
 PART I.—THE STORY OF THE BOOK RELATED 
 
 Section. 
 
 I. The Zeno Book and its Contents (with Translation) ..... 3 
 
 II. The Compiler and the Publisher of the Book ....... 24 
 
 III. The Influence of the Zeno Book and Map ....... 27 
 
 IV. Doubts and Controversy .......... 40 
 
 V. The present Status of the Book . . . . . . . . . 53 
 
 PART II.—THE STORY IN THE BOOK CONSIDERED. . 57 
 
 I. The Zeno Family History .......... 59 
 
 II. The Voyage of Nicolo Zeno, il Cavaliere; Frislanda, Porlanda, Sorant, Ledovo, 
 
 Ilofe, Sudero, Sanestol, Bondendon ....... 64 
 
 III. The Voyage of Nicolo Zeno to Shetland, Iceland, and Greenland . . .71 
 
 IV. The Story of the Frisland Fisherman . . . . . . . .78 
 
 V. Antonio Zeno’s Western Voyage to Icaria and the Second Visit to Greenland . 85 
 
 VI. Antonio’s third letter, and the Compiler’s remarks . . . . . . 91 
 
 VII. Zichmni ............. 93 
 
 VIII. Zeno’s “ Carta da Navegar ” .......... 98 
 
 IX. The Island of Buss and other phantom Islands of the Atlantic . . . .125 
 
 PART III.—SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS . 
 
 
Xll 
 
 1'able of Contents ( continued ). 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 I. 
 
 Photographic facsimile of the Title, Dedication, Pedigree, Sub-title, Folios 45-58 of the 
 original edition of the Commentarii or Annals by Nicold Zeno, the younger, published by 
 Francesco Marcolini in Venice, in 15 5 8. Page 161 
 
 II. 
 
 Photographic facsimile of the first English version of the voyages of Nicolo and Antonio 
 Zeno, from Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages , etc.y signatures D 4 to E. Page 179 
 
 (Being a translation from Ramusio’s Version, in Navigationi et Viaggi, vol. ii., second edit., Venice, 1574.) 
 
 III. 
 
 Extended version of the Pedigree of the Zeno Family given on the verso of folio 44 of 
 the Commentarii of 1558. Page 191 
 
 IV. 
 
 Table comparing the 150 names upon Zeno’s “Carta da Navegar ” with corresponding 
 names on earlier or contemporary maps. Page 195 
 
 V. 
 
 Table showing identifications of Zenian localities, by various authors. Page 201 
 
 VI. 
 
 Chronological list of the Principal Authorities, Literary and Cartographical, with Index 
 thereto. Page 209 
 
 General Index. 
 
 Page 227 
 
Table of Contents ( continued ). 
 
 xm 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 (i) PLATES AT END OF THIS BOOK. 
 
 Plate. 
 
 I. North-Western portion of the Mappamundo of Fra Mauro, 1457—1459. 
 
 (From a tracing by Stanford from Baron Heath’s full-sized photograph.) 
 
 II. Tabula Regionum Septentrionalium (c. 1467), in a manuscript Ptolemy in the Zamoiski 
 Library, Warsaw. 
 
 (From Nordenslcjold’s Facsimile Atlas.) 
 
 III. Engronelant Norbegia Suetiaque et Gottia Occidentalis. 
 
 (From a tracing by Hyatt from the Donis Ptolemy, Ulm, 1482, in the British Museum [569. i. 1.]) 
 
 IV. North-Western portion of Olaus Magnus’ Carta Marina et Descriptio Septemtrionalium 
 
 Terrarum ac Mirabilium rerum in eis contentarum , Venice, 1539. 
 
 (Reduced from Klemming’s full-sized facsimile.) 
 
 V. Part of Britannia Insult, qua nunc Anglia et Scotia Regna continet cum Hibernia 
 adjacente Nova Descriptio, 1546. (Lafreri Atlas.) 
 
 (From a copy in. the British Museum [K. 5. 1.]) 
 
 VI. Schonladia Nova. 
 
 (From Gastaldi’s Ptolemy, Venice, 1548.) 
 
 VII. North-Western portion of Gerard Kaufman’s (Mercator’s) Map of Europe, Duisburg, 
 
 U54- 
 
 (From the photographic facsimile published by the Berlin Geographical Society.) 
 
 VIII. Septentrionalium Regionum , Suetia , Gottia , Norvegia, Dania, et Terr arum adjacentium 
 recens exadlaque Descriptio , 1558, by Michael Tramezini, Venice, 1558 ; engraved 
 by Jacobus Bussius. 
 
 (From a copy in the British Museum [S. 10. 1. 41.]) 
 
 IX. Frisland (c. 1561). 
 
 (From a copy in the British Museum [S. 10. 2. 70a.]) 
 
 X. Estland (r. 1561). 
 
 (From a copy in the British Museum [S. 10. 2. 70b.]) 
 
 XI. Zeno’s Carta da Navegar in the Commentarii, 1558. 
 
 (From a copy in the British Museum [1048. b. 9/2.]) 
 
 XII. Septentrionalium Partium Nova Tabula. 
 
 (From Ruscelli’s Ptolemy, Venice, 1561. The same map is reproduced in Moletius’ Ptolemy, 
 Venice, 1562.) 
 
 XIII. Part of Gerard Kaufman’s (Mercator’s) Map of the World, Duisburg, 1569. 
 
 (From the photographic facsimile published by the Berlin Geographical Society.) 
 
 XIV. Septentrionalium Regionum Descriptio , in Ortelius’ Theatrum Orbis, 1570, Map 15. 
 
 (From a copy in the British Museum [S. 221. 30.]) 
 
 XV. Michael Lok’s Map of the North. 
 
 (From Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages, etc., 1582. [British Museum, C. 21. b. 35.]) 
 
 XVI. A Chart of the Northern Sea. 
 
 (From Seller’s English Pilot, c. 1673. [British Museum, 1804. b. 7.]) 
 
 XVII. A Draught of the Island Buss , by J. Oliver. 
 
 (From Seller’s English Pilot.) 
 
 XVIII. Map of Saint Kilda. 
 
 (From Macaulay’s History of St. Kilda, 1764. [British Museum, 981. b. 28.)] 
 
XIV 
 
 Table of Contents ( continued ). 
 
 (2) MAPS AND FIGURES IN THE TEXT. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Map of the North ........ ... 2 
 
 (From Bordone’s Isolario, 1528.) 
 
 Map of Islanda ............. 23 
 
 (From Bordone’s Isolario, 1528.) 
 
 Map of Greenland ............. 39 
 
 (From Bordone’s Isolario, 1528.) 
 
 The Monk Rock (Monaco), Faroes . . . . . . . . . . 52 
 
 (From Olaus Magnus’ Historia de gentibus Septenirionalibus, 1555.) 
 
 The “ Claudius Clavus ” Map of the North, 1427 ....... 58 
 
 (From Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas.) 
 
 “ De Balneis et Ventosis, ac phlebotomia ” . . . . . . . . .75 
 
 (From Olaus Magnus’ Hist, de gent. Sept., 1555.) 
 
 Part of the Mollineux Globe, 1592 .......... 84 
 
 (From a projeftion by Mr. J. W. Addison.) 
 
 (Fig. 1.) “ Stilanda ” from Andrea Bianco’s Map, 1436 . . . . . .106 
 
 (From Ongania’s photograph.) 
 
 (Fig. 2.) “ Stillanda ” from La Cosa’s Map, 1500 ....... 106 
 
 (From Vallejo and Traynor’s full-sized facsimile.) 
 
 (Fig. 3.) “Stillanda” from the “Atlas Catalan de Charles V., Roi de France,” 1375 . 107 
 
 (From Delisle’s Documents Geographiques.) 
 
 (Fig. 4.) “ Istillanda ” from the Fredrici d’Ancone Map, 1497 . . . • .108 
 
 (From Santarem’s reproduftion.) 
 
 (Fig. 5.) Map from Italian Portolano, 1508 . . . . . . . .110 
 
 (From the original in the British Museum. [MS. Egerton 2803].) 
 
 (Fig. 6.) Manuscript showing date of the above Portolano . . . . . .111 
 
 (From the same original.) 
 
 (Fig. 7.) Fifteenth century Map showing “ Fixlanda” . .... to face p. 111 
 
 (From Nordenskjold’s Bidrag till Nor dens Aldsta Kartograji.) 
 
 (Fig. 8.) Part of a Chart by Mattheus Prunes, 1553 . . . . . . .112 
 
 (From Kretschmer’s Entdeckung Amerika's Atlas.) 
 
 North-East Quarter-Sedion of Map of America ........ 139 
 
 (From d’Anania’s Universale Fabric a del Mondo, 1582.) 
 
 Regnorum Aquilonarum Descriptio . . . . . . . . . .140 
 
 (From Olaus Magnus’ Hist, de gent. Sept., 1555.) 
 
 Map of the North, by Sigurdus Stephanius, 1570 ....... 142 
 
 (From Torfaeus’ Gronlandia Antiqua, 1715.) 
 
THE VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS ZENI. 
 
 Part I. 
 
 THE STORY OF THE BOOK. 
 
 B 
 
MAP OF THE NORTH. From Bordone’s Isolario, Venice, 1528. 
 
SECTION I. 
 
 THE ZENO BOOK AND ITS CONTENTS. 
 
 N the month of December, 1558, or shortly 
 afterwards, there was published in Venice a 
 small odtavo book with the following title : 
 
 De i Commentarii delj Viaggio in Persia di M. 
 Cater mo Zeno il K./ & delle guerre fatte nelF Imperio 
 Persiano,/ dal tempo di Vssuncassano in qua./ Libri due.j Et 
 dello Scoprimento/ dell ’ Isole Frislanda, Eslanda , Engroue- 
 landa , Esto/ tilanda, & Icaria , fatto sotto il Polo Artico , 
 da / due fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolo il K. et M. Antonio, j 
 Libro vno./ Con vn disegno particolare di! tutte le dette parte 
 di Pramontana da lor scoperte./ Con gratia, et privilegio.j [ Device ] In Venetia/ Per Francesco 
 Marcolini. MDLVIII ./ 1 
 
 The book contains fifty-eight printed folios and a woodcut map. 
 On the redto of the first folio is the above title, and the printer’s device 
 with the motto Veritas jilia "Temporis on a scroll interwoven therewith. 
 The verso is blank. The second folio is occupied on both sides by the 
 Dedication, which, translated, is as follows:— 
 
 “ To the most Reverend/ my Lord Messire/ Daniel Barbaro,/ the chosen 
 Patriarch of/ Aquilegia./ Francesco Marcolini, his humble servant./ 
 My most Reverend Lord, in publishing the Annals of all the Persian 
 Wars made during the time of Vssuncassano, with the Travels of the 
 Magnificent Messire Caterino Zeno, the Knight, made by his Lordship 
 as Ambassador from this most illustrious State to the aforesaid King of 
 Persia, and who was the first to have the courage to go on an Embassy 
 
 1 “ Annals of the Journey in Persia of Messire Caterino Zeno, the Knight, and of the 
 wars carried on in the Persian Empire in the time of Ussuncassano. Two books. And of the 
 Discovery of the Islands Frislanda, Eslanda, Engrouelanda, Estotilanda, and Icaria, made under 
 the North Pole, by the two brothers Zeni, Messire Nicolo, the Knight, and Messire Antonio. 
 One book. With a detailed map of all the said parts of the North discovered by them. With 
 permission and privilege. Venice: by Francesco Marcolini. 1558.” 
 
4 
 
 The Voyages of the Brother's Zeni. 
 
 so important and so difficult; and of the Discovery of the Islands 
 Frislanda, Engrouelanda, Estotilanda and Icaria, made by the Magni¬ 
 ficent Messire Nicolo, the Knight, and the Magnificent Messire 
 Antonio Zeni,—I have wished to adorn the beginning of the work with 
 the celebrated name of your most Reverend Lordship, more especially 
 on account of the brotherhood in love which your most Reverend 
 Lordship has with the Magnificent Messire Nicolo Zeno. Those who 
 read the book will find marvellous accounts of wars, of the customs, 
 costumes and food of the nations, and of the situations of the 
 countries, of the different animals and of the fisheries. And, amongst 
 other marvels, the Magnificent Messire Nicolo, the Knight, relates 
 that he saw in Grolandia, situate beneath the North Pole (where are 
 extreme cold and snow and great masses of Ice), a Monastery of Friars, 
 called Saint Thomas, rather miraculous than marvellous, because these 
 fathers protect themselves from the very great cold without any fire, 
 and, by watering the soil with the boiling water which issues from a 
 mountain near their Monastery, they make it produce herbs, flowers 
 and fruits necessary for food; and, what seems to me even more 
 marvellous is, they cook their bread without fire with the afore¬ 
 said boiling water, so that by their skill they cook it better than if it 
 was done in a well-heated oven. And they heat their dwellings and 
 the Church, as with a stove, in the same manner, so that the rough 
 people of those countries consider these Friers as Gods, and honour 
 and obey them as their Lords. In Venice, in December, 1558.” 
 
 Folios 3 to 5 contain the author’s preface, without signature. On 
 the redo of folio 6 is a table of errata. Folio 7, the first which has a 
 number, is wrongly marked “ 6,” but the numeration of the rest of the 
 folios (8-58) is corred. The account of the travels of Caterino Zeno in 
 Persia, towards the end of the fifteenth century, begins on the verso of 
 folio 6 and ends on the verso of folio 43. With this portion of the 
 book it is not proposed to deal in the present volume. 1 The redo of 
 
 1 The travels of Caterino Zeno in Persia, whilst Ambassador from Venice to that country 
 (1471-1473), entirely differ in character from the alleged Northern Voyages of Nicolo and 
 Antonio Zeni in the fourteenth century, and the two accounts, though bound between the same 
 covers, form totally distindt works. The account of the Northern Voyages has its own peculiar 
 history, told by the author himself: there is no corroborative evidence. On the other hand, 
 there can be no doubt as to the main fafts of Caterino Zeno’s Embassy. His travels were of 
 much later date, and his statements are corroborated, to some extent, by several independent 
 accounts of events in Persia contemporary with, or immediately following, those described by the 
 compiler of the Annals: for instance, by the stories of Josafa Barbaro (1436-1487), of Contarini 
 (Caterino Zeno’s successor as Ambassador, 1473-1477), and of Angiolello (1462.-1524). Trans- 
 
The Ze?to Book and its Contents. 5 
 
 folio 44 is blank; the verso contains a skeleton pedigree of the Zeno 
 family, intended to illustrate the connection between the author or 
 compiler, Nicolo Zeno, and the earlier Nicolo Zeno and Antonio Zeno, 
 the two brothers whose adventures are narrated in the subsequent part 
 of the book. On the redo of folio 45 is the following sub-title : 
 
 Del/o scoprimetito del/ VIsole Frislanda , Eslanda , Engroueland Esto-j tilanda , & 
 Icaria , fatto per due fratel-/ li Zeni M. Nicolo il Caualiere , &/ M. Antonio Libro Vno 
 col di-j segno di dette Isole./ 1 
 
 This narrative is finished on the redo of folio 58, and on the verso the 
 printer’s device and motto again appear, but from a different 
 woodblock, and with printer’s register below. 2 
 
 The map referred to in the title and sub-title is a woodcut measur¬ 
 ing 378 by 283 millimetres within the border rules. It bears the 
 superscription; “ carta da navegar de nicolo et antonio zeni fvrono 
 in tramontana lano.m.ccc.lxxx.” 3 The degrees of latitude from 6o° 
 to 76° North are marked and numbered; the degrees of longitude are 
 marked but not numbered. 4 A facsimile of the map, from a copy in 
 the British Museum, will be found on Plate XI. in the Appendix. 
 
 The narrative contained in the latter part of the book, under the 
 sub-title quoted above, the map, and the veracity of their author, 
 have been the subjeds of much discussion and speculation among 
 geographers down to the present day. Their importance from a 
 
 lations of all these, with some later accounts of Persian travel, are given in Travels of Venetians 
 in Persia (Hakluyt Society, 1873), in which the two first-named narratives are edited by Lord 
 Stanley of Alderley, and those of Caterino Zeno and Angiolello are translated and edited by 
 Mr. Charles Grey. Mr. Grey erroneously attributes (p. 1, n.) the authorship both of the 
 preface to, and the accountjof, Caterino Zeno’s travels to Ramusio, totally ignoring the fad 
 that the whole of Ramusio’s text is reprinted from the Annals of 1558. The accounts of 
 Caterino Zeno’s travels and those of Nicolo and Antonio Zeni have only one feature in 
 common, viz., that the compiler, in both cases, unfortunately lost, or inadvertently destroyed, 
 the original documents from which his histories should have been drawn, and was, therefore, 
 driven to make the best stories he could from imperfed and inferior materials. An editor of, 
 or commentator upon, the Northern Travels may properly regard the Persian Travels as an 
 entirely distind work from that with which he is dealing, and is fully justified in leaving them 
 out of his consideration. 
 
 1 For translation of this sub-title, see next page. 
 
 2 Facsimiles of all the parts of the book dealt with in the present work, will be found in 
 Appendix I., and of the map on Plate XI. 
 
 3 Translation: “ Chart of the Navigation of Nicolo and Antonio Zeni who were- in the 
 North in the year 1380.” 
 
 4 In the copper-plate, reproducing the map as edited by Nicolo Zeno the younger 
 for Ruscelli’s Italian edition of Ptolemy, published in Venice in 1561, the degrees of longitude 
 are numbered from 315 0 on the West to 50° on the East, the prime meridian being apparently 
 that of Ferro, and outside those limits they are marked, but without numbers, from 270° on the 
 West to 90° on the East (See Plate XII. in the Appendix). 
 
6 
 
 !The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 practical point of view has long ceased to exist, but they still possess 
 an historical and literary interest, because upon the story contained in 
 the text is founded a claim, on behalf of the Venetians, to a pre- 
 Columbian discovery of America, and also because the acceptance of 
 the “ Carta da Navegar” as genuine, by Gerard Kaufmann (Mercator) 
 and Abraham Ortelius, the two leading cartographers of the latter half 
 of the sixteenth century, was the cause of great confusion in the maps 
 drawn during the latter part of that century and ■ for nearly two 
 hundred years afterwards. 
 
 It is the objeCt of the present work to throw light upon, and 
 to sum up, the question which has been so long discussed. 
 
 The narrative itself consists of letters from Nicolo Zeno to his 
 brother Antonio, and from Antonio to another brother Carlo, together 
 with connecting passages supplied by the editor or compiler, the later 
 Nicolo Zeno their descendant. Translated it reads as follows:— 
 
 [Heading or Sub-title.] 
 
 \Folio 45.] 44 Concerning the Discovery of the Islands Frislanda, 
 
 Eslanda, Engroueland Estotilanda, and Icaria made by the two 
 brothers Zeni Messire Nicolo, the Knight, and, Messire Antonio. 
 One book, with a map of the said Islands.” 
 
 [Family History of the Zeni. By Nicolo Zeno the younger, 
 
 the Compiler of the Work.] 
 
 44 In the year of our Salvation 1200, Messire Marin Zeno, a man 
 very famous in Venice, was eleCted, on account of his great abilities 
 and the force of his character, Governor in some of the Republics of 
 Italy, in the administration of which he always bore himself so well, 
 that he was beloved, and his name greatly reverenced, even by those 
 who had never known him personally. Amongst other good works 
 of his, it is particularly recorded that he quelled certain grave civil 
 discords that arose amongst the Veronese, which might have been 
 expeCted to give rise to war, if his extreme activity and good counsel 
 had not been interposed. To this man was born a son, Messire Pietro, 
 who was the father of the Doge Rinieri, which Doge, dying without 
 leaving any children of his own, made Messire Andrea, the son of his 
 brother Messire Marco, his heir. This Messire Andrea was Captain- 
 General and Procurator, and had a very high reputation on account 
 
The Zeno Book and its Coittents. 
 
 7 
 
 of the many rare qualities which he possessed. His son, Messire 
 Rinieri, was an illustrious Senator, and many times a Councillor. 
 From him descended Messire Pietro, Captain-General of the League 
 of Christians against the Turks, who was called Dr a gone, because he 
 bore upon his shield a Dragon, instead of a Manfrone , which he had 
 first. He was the father of the great Messire Carlo, the most illustrious 
 Procurator and Captain-General against the Genoese, in those perilous 
 wars which were carried on whilst almost all the greater Princes of 
 Europe were fighting against our liberty and Empire, in which, by his 
 own valour, as Furius Camillus did for Rome, he delivered his country 
 from the imminent risk which it ran of becoming the prey of its 
 enemies; for which reason he acquired the cognomen The Lion, 
 bearing the figure of a lion, in perpetual memory of his prowess, 
 depicted upon his shield. The brothers of Messire Carlo were [folio 46] 
 Messire Nicolo, the Knight, and Messire Antonio, the father of Messire 
 Dragone, to whom was born a son, Messire Caterino, who begat 
 Messire Pietro, from whom descended another Messire Caterino, who 
 died last year, the father of Messire Nicolo, who is still living.” 
 
 [The Voyage of Nicolo Zeno. From his letter to his brother Antonio.] 
 
 “ Now Messire Nicolo, the Knight, being a man of high spirit, after 
 the termination of the aforesaid Genoese war in Chioggia, which gave 
 our ancestors so much to do, conceived a very great desire to see the 
 world, and to travel, and to make himself acquainted with the various 
 customs and languages of men, in order that, when occasion arose, he 
 might be better able to do service to his country, and to acquire for 
 himself fame and honour. Therefore, having built and fitted out a 
 ship from his own private means, of which he possessed an abundance, 
 he left our seas, and, having passed the Straits of Gibraltar, sailed for 
 some days across the Ocean, always holding his course towards the 
 North, with the intention of seeing England and Flanders. While in 
 these seas, he was assailed by a great tempest. For many days he was 
 carried by the waves and the winds without knowing where he might 
 be, until, at last, discovering land, and not being able to steer against 
 such an exceedingly fierce storm, he was wrecked upon the Island 
 Frislanda. The crew and a great part of the goods which were in 
 the ship were saved; and this was in the year one thousand three 
 hundred and eighty. The Islanders, running together in great 
 numbers, all ready-armed, attacked Messire Nicolo and his men, who, 
 
8 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 all wearied by the storm they had passed through, and not knowing 
 in what country they might be, were not able to make the least 
 counter attack, or even to defend themselves against the enemy so 
 vigorously as the danger demanded. Under these circumstances, they 
 would probably have been badly treated if good fortune had not so 
 ordered that, by chance, a Prince with an armed following happened 
 to be in the neighbourhood. He, understanding that a large ship had 
 just been wrecked upon the Island, hastened up, on hearing the uproar 
 and cries which were made against our poor sailors; and, after chasing 
 away the people of the country, he spoke in Latin, and demanded of what 
 nation they were, and whence they came; and, when he discovered 
 that they came from Italy, and were men of the same country, 1 he 
 was filled with the greatest joy. Then, assuring them all that they 
 should receive no injury, and that they were come into a place in 
 which they should be most kindly treated, and well looked after, he 
 took them under his protection on his good faith.” 
 
 “ This man was a great Lord, and possessed some Islands called 
 Porlanda, near to Frislanda on the south side, the richest and most 
 populous in all those parts. He was named Zichmni, and, besides 
 the aforesaid little Islands, he ruled over the dominion of the Duchy of 
 Sorant, 2 situate on the side towards Scotland.” 
 
 [By the Compiler.] 
 
 “ Of these parts of the North it occurred to me to draw out a copy 
 of a navigating chart which I once found [folio 47] that I possessed 
 among the ancient things in our house, which, although it is all rotten 
 and many years old, I have succeeded in doing tolerably well, and 
 which, placed before the eyes of those who delight themselves with 
 such things, will serve as a light to make intelligible that which, without 
 it, they would not be so well able to understand.” 
 
 [From Nicolo Zeno’s Letter to his Brother Antonio.] 
 
 <c Besides being a man of such position as I have stated, Zichmni 
 was warlike and valiant, and, above all, most famous in maritime affairs. 
 Having gained a victory the year before over the King of Norway, 
 
 1 The meaning of this passage is obscure. It is commented upon hereafter in the 2nd 
 Seftion of Part II. 
 
 2 In the text it is printed Sorano, but in the table of errata on folio 6 it is corrected to Sorant. 
 It is called “ Sorand ” on the map. 
 
!The Zeno Book and its Contents. 
 
 9 
 
 who ruled over the Island, Zichmni, being a man who desired by 
 deeds of arms to make himself yet more illustrious than he was already, 
 had come down with his people to attack and acquire for himself the 
 country of Frislanda, which is an Island much larger than Ireland. 
 Therefore, perceiving that Messire Nicolo was a prudent person, and 
 greatly skilled in maritime and military matters, he commissioned him 
 to go on board the fleet with all his men, directing the Captain to pay 
 him resped:, and to avail himself of his counsel in all things, as that of 
 one who knew and understood much from his long experience in 
 navigation and arms. This fleet of Zichmni’s consisted of thirteen 
 ships (two only propelled by oars, the rest small vessels, and one ship), 
 with which they sailed towards the West, and with little trouble made 
 themselves masters of Ledovo and Ilofe, and of some other small 
 Islands. Turning into a bay called Sudero, they took, in a port of the 
 country called Sanestol, some boats laden with salt fish. At this place 
 finding Zichmni, who, with his army, had come by land, having taken 
 possession of all the country behind him, they stayed there a little. 
 Then making sail towards the West, they came at last to the other 
 headland of the Bay; thence turning round again, they found some 
 Islands and lands which were all reduced into the possession of 
 Zichmni. The sea in which they were sailing was, so to speak, full 
 of Shoals and Rocks, so that, if Messire Nicolo had not been their 
 Pilot, with his Venetian mariners, all that fleet, in the judgment of all 
 that were in it, would have been lost, because of the little experience 
 which Zichmni’s men had in comparison with that of ours, who were, 
 so to say, born, bred and grown old in the art [of navigation]. The 
 fleet having thus done those things which have been mentioned, the 
 Captain, by the advice of Messire Nicolo, decided to put into port at 
 a place called Bondendon, to enquire as to the success of Zichmni’s 
 campaign. There they learnt, to their great pleasure, that he had 
 fought a great battle and routed the enemy’s army. In consequence 
 of that vi&ory, the whole island sent Ambassadors to make submission 
 to him, raising his standards throughout the whole country and in the 
 villages. Therefore, they decided to wait in that place for his coming, 
 assuring themselves confidently that he must soon be there.” 
 
 “ Upon his arrival they made great [folio 48] demonstrations of joy, 
 as well on account of the victory by land as of that by sea; for which 
 latter all the Venetians were so much honoured and extolled that no 
 one could speak of anything else than of them, and of the valour of 
 
io The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Messire Nicolo. Then the Prince, who was very fond of valiant men, 
 and especially of those who bore themselves well in naval affairs, sent 
 for Messire Nicolo, and, after having commended him with many 
 honouring words, and having praised his great activity and genius in 
 the two matters (namely, the preservation of his fleet and the acquisition 
 of so many places without any trouble to himself [Zichmni]), in which, 
 as he said, he acknowledged a very great and important benefit, he 
 made Messire Nicolo a Knight, and honoured, and made very rich 
 presents to, all his people, Departing from that place, in the manner 
 of a triumph for the victory achieved, he went in the direction of 
 Frislanda, the principal city of the Island. This place is situated on 
 its South-eastern side, at the entrance to a bay, of which there are 
 many in that Island, in which they take fish in such abundance that 
 they lade many ships with them, and supply Flanders, Brittany, 
 England, Scotland, Norway and Denmark, deriving very great riches 
 from this traffic.” 
 
 [Nicolo joined by Antonio. Nicolo’s Voyage to Greenland, 
 
 from his own written account.] 
 
 4< All the above information, Messire Nicolo wrote in one of his 
 letters to Messire Antonio his brother, praying him to come to find 
 him, with some ships. And, as he [Antonio] was no less desirous than 
 his brother had been to see the world and to have converse with 
 various nations, and so to make himself illustrious and a great man, he 
 bought a ship, and, steering in that direction, after a long voyage, and 
 many perils passed, finally joined Messire Nicolo, safe and sound, who 
 received him with the greatest delight, both because he was his natural 
 brother and because he was his brother in valour also.” 
 
 u Messire Antonio stayed in Frislanda and lived there fourteen 
 years, four with Messire Nicolo and ten alone. There they grew into 
 such grace and favour with the Prince that, partly to gratify Nicolo, 
 but even more because he was excessively useful to him, he made him 
 Captain of his fleet, and sent him with a great armament to attack 
 Estlanda [Shetland], which is on the side between Frislanda and 
 Norway. There they infli&ed many injuries, but, understanding that 
 the King of Norway was coming against them, with a large fleet of 
 ships, to divert them from that war, they set sail in a Tempest so 
 terrible that, being driven upon certain rocks, a great number of their 
 ships were lost, and the remainder sought safety in Grislanda, a large 
 
The Zeno Book and its Contents. 
 
 11 
 
 Island, but uninhabited. The fleet of the King of Norway, likewise 
 assailed by the same storm, was wrecked and totally lost in those seas. 
 Zichmni, being informed of this by a small ship of the enemy which 
 ran by good fortune into Grislanda, having first repaired his fleet, 
 [folio 49] and perceiving himself to be near Islande 1 on the North, 
 determined to attack Islanda, which, exactly in the same manner 
 as the others, belonged to the King of Norway; but he found the 
 country so well fortified and furnished for defence that he could not 
 but have been repulsed, as he had such a small fleet, and that, small 
 as it was, likewise very badly provided both with arms and men. On 
 this account, he abandoned that enterprise without having done any¬ 
 thing, and attacked, in the same channels, the other Islands called 
 Islande, which are seven in number, that is to say, Talas, Broas, 
 Iscant, Trans, Mimant, Damberc, and Bres. Taking possession of them 
 all, he built a fort in Bres, in which he left Messire Nicolo, with some 
 small ships, some men and provisions; and, as it appeared to him that he 
 had done enough for the time with so small a fleet, he returned safely 
 to Frislanda with the remainder. Messire Nicolo, remaining in Bres, 
 determined to set forth in the spring on a voyage of discovery. So, 
 fitting out his not very large ships, in the month of July, he made sail 
 towards the North, and arrived in Engroueland 2 [Greenland]. There 
 he found a Monastery of the order of Preaching Friars, and a Church 
 dedicated to St. Thomas, near to a mountain which cast out fire like 
 Vesuvius and Etna. There is there a spring of hot water with which 
 they warm the buildings in the Church of the Monastery, and the 
 chambers of the Friars, the water in the kitchen being so boiling that, 
 without any other fire, it serves all their needs'; and bread, being put 
 into copper cooking-pots without water, is cooked as in a well-heated 
 oven. And there are little gardens covered in in the winter, which, 
 
 1 There is evidently some confusion in the mind of the narrator here: Hakluyt translates 
 “Islande,” the Islands, but the termination “lande” is Teutonic, though it has the Italian plural 
 final tacked on to it, and there is no such Italian word meaning Islands. Major suggests that 
 “ Islande” is a misprint for “Eslanda,” or the Shetlands, both here and eight lines lower down, 
 where the names of “l’altre Isole, dette Islande” are given, “Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, 
 Mimant, Damberc, and Bres,” which can fairly be identified with some of the Shetlands; but in 
 the “ Carta da Navegar ” these islands are grouped with Islanda, which is undoubtedly Iceland. 
 The only conclusion is that the narrator did not himself understand what he was writing about, 
 and has consequently failed to make his statement intelligible to his readers. 
 
 2 Throughout the whole book,Greenland is called “Engroueland,” or “ Engrouiland” (not 
 “ Engroneland ” as Major prints it), except once, viz., in the extra# from Antonio Zeno’s letter 
 given on folio 57, where it is called Grolanda. On the map the names are given as “ Engronelant ” 
 and “ Crolandia.” Marcolini, in the Dedication, calls it “ Grolandia ” and “ Engroueland.” 
 
12 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 being watered with this water, are preserved from the snow and the 
 cold, which in these parts, on account of their situation being so very 
 close under the Pole, are exceedingly severe. From these [gardens] 
 are produced flowers and fruits and herbs of various kinds, just as they 
 are in temperate climates in their seasons, so that the rough and wild 
 people of these countries, seeing these supernatural effects, consider 
 the Friars as Gods, and bring them fowls, flesh, and other things, and 
 hold them all as Lords in the greatest reverence and resped:. In the 
 manner, then, which has been described, these Friars warm their habita¬ 
 tions when the ice and snow are severe, and they can, in a moment, 
 warm or cool a room by increasing the water to certain limits, or by 
 opening the windows and letting in the fresh air.” 
 
 “ In the fabric of the Monastery no other materials are used than 
 those which are furnished by the fire [volcano], for the hot stones, 
 which issue like sparks from the fiery mouth of the mountain, are 
 taken at the time when they are at their hottest, and water is thrown 
 upon them, which causes them to split open and to become pitch, or 
 very white and very tenacious lime, which, when once set folio 50], 
 never deteriorates. And the scoria?, likewise, when they have become 
 cool, serve in place of stone to make walls and arches, as, when once 
 they have grown cold, it is no longer possible to dissolve them or to 
 break them, unless indeed they are cut with iron; and arches made of 
 these are so light that they need no buttresses, but always last well 
 and remain in good order. In consequence of their possessing such 
 conveniences, these good fathers have ereded such dwellings and walls 
 that it is a wonder to see them. Most of the roofs are made in the 
 
 following manner: the wall being carried to its proper height, they 
 
 then incline it inwards little by little as they go on, so that in the 
 middle it forms a rain-proof arch; 1 but they have not much appre- 
 
 1 T anto che nel mezzo forma un giusto piover. This passage is difficult to translate. 
 Hakluyt, the first translator, has omitted it altogether from both his editions of 1582 and 1600. 
 Megisser ( Septentrio Novantiquus, 1613, p. 240) has done the same, and has also left out the 
 whole preceding sentence which describes the construction of the roofs. Pontanus ( Rerum 
 Danicarum Hist., 1631, p. 753) renders it si cut in medio relinquatur impluvium. The 
 impluvium was the tank in the floor of the hall in a Roman villa beneath the square opening, 
 called compluvium, in the roof, the latter being so sloped as to shoot the rain into the 
 impluvium: the word is also used for the open space itself (Smith, Ditt. of Greek and Roman 
 Antiq. Art. Domus). Major {Voyages of the Zeni, Hakluyt Soc., 1873, p. 14), translates the 
 passage by <f so that in the middle it forms a passage for the rain,” which is no clearer than 
 the original. The method of lighting by holes in the roof in the Northern regions is mentioned 
 
 by Olaus Magnus {Hist, de Gentibus Septentrio: Rome, 1555. Lib. XII. capp. 2 and 3), 
 
 but his descriptions do not give the idea that the openings were in the nature of the Roman 
 
The Zeno Book and its Contents . 13 
 
 hension of rain in those parts, because the Pole being, as has been 
 said, very cold, the first-fallen snow melts no more until nine months 
 of the year have passed, for so long does their winter last.” 
 
 “ They live on wildfowl and fish, since, in the place where the 
 warm water enters the sea, there is a tolerably large and capacious 
 harbour, which, by reason of the boiling water, never freezes even in 
 the winter. Here, therefore, there is such a concourse of sea-fowl and 
 fish that they catch an almost infinite number, which provides support 
 for a great many people of the vicinity, who are kept in continual 
 employment, as well in working on the buildings as in catching birds 
 and fish, and in a thousand other matters which are required in the 
 Monastery.” 
 
 “ The houses of these people surround the mountain, and are all 
 circular in shape and twenty-five feet in diameter. They make them 
 narrow in towards the top, in such a way as to leave above a little 
 aperture, by which the air enters, and which gives light to the place ; 
 and the earth is so warm below that they do not feel any cold within. 
 Hither, in the summer, come many boats from the neighbouring 
 islands, and from the cape upon Norway, and from Treadon 
 [Trondhjem], and bring to the Friars all the things which they can 
 desire, and they trade with these for fish, which they dry in the open 
 air and in the cold, and for skins of different sorts of animals. Thus 
 they acquire wood for burning, and timber, excellently worked, for 
 building, and grain, and cloth for clothing; for, in exchange for the 
 two things mentioned, 1 nearly all the neighbouring people are desirous 
 of selling their merchandise; and so, without trouble or expense, they 
 have whatever they wish.” 
 
 compluvium. It would seem from the next passage in the text, viz., “but they have not much 
 apprehension of rain in those parts,” and from that, a few lines further on, which describes “ the 
 little aperture at the top by which the air enters, and which gives light to the place,” that the 
 objedt of the openings is to obtain light and ventilation while excluding rain and snow. Dr. 
 Rink (Danish Greenland , pp. 176-180), in describing the old Greenland houses, mentions as 
 characteristic of their suitability for the severe climate, the airtightness of the walls and roofs, and 
 adds that “ Ventilation is afforded chiefly by the long narrow doorway which forms the entrance to 
 the house,” and “ that a venthole was also made in the roof.” “ In the south the winter-huts have 
 to be protedted against rain and thaw occasionally in the cold season; in the north the frost 
 generally prevails sufficiently to make this measure superfluous.” Neither the impluvium of 
 Pontanus’ translation, nor Major’s “ passage for the rain,” seems to suit the case. The compiler 
 probably did not understand the information upon which he founded his description, whatever 
 its sources may have been; but it seems ridiculous to suppose that the objedt of building the 
 roof was to let in the rain, and the above somewhat free, but not inadmissible, rendering, has 
 therefore been adopted. 
 
 1 “ The two things mentioned ” are, apparently, dried fish and skins. 
 
14 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 £{ There come together in this Monastery Friars from Norway, 
 Sweden, and other countries, but the greater part are from Islande 1 ; 
 and there are always in this port many ships, which cannot get away 
 because the sea is frozen, awaiting the spring thaw.” 
 
 “The boats of the fishermen they make like the shuttles 2 which 
 the weavers use to make cloth. Taking the skins of fishes, they fit 
 them over the bones of the same fish, of which they make a frame, 
 and sew them together, and lay them over many times double. They 
 turn these boats out so strong and sound, that it is [ folio 51] certainly 
 a miraculous thing to observe how, during tempests, they fasten them¬ 
 selves inside, and allow them to be carried over the sea by the waves 
 and the winds without any fear of being wrecked or drowned; 
 and, if they do strike on the land, they stand safely many blows. 
 They have a sleeve at the bottom which they keep tied in the middle, 
 and, when water enters the boat, they take it in one half [of the sleeve] 
 and close it above with two wooden shutters, then taking the ligature 
 from below, they drive out the water. However many times they have 
 to do this, they do it without any trouble or danger.” 
 
 “ Since the water of the Monastery is sulphurous, it is conducted 
 into the rooms of the Superiors by means of certain vessels 3 of copper, 
 tin, or stone, so hot that, like a stove, it warms the habitation very 
 well, without introducing any stench or other noxious odour. Besides 
 this, they lead other spring water through a culvert underground, so 
 that it may not freeze, as far as the middle of the courtyard, where it 
 falls into a large copper vessel which stands in the midst of a boiling 
 spring, and so they warm the water for drinking and for watering 
 their gardens.” 
 
 “ They have in the mountains all the commodities which they can 
 most desire. Nor do these good fathers put themselves to any other 
 trouble than that of cultivating their gardens, and making beautiful, 
 charming, and, above all, commodious buildings; nor for this do 
 they want for good, clever, and industrious workmen, although 
 pagans, and they pay them largely. To those who bring them fruits 
 and seeds they are liberal without limit, and lavish in their expenditure. 
 On these accounts, there is a very great concourse of people there 
 seeking employment and instruction, in order to earn in that place 
 
 1 See Note 1 on p. 11. 
 
 2 Navicelli, literally, “ little ships,” so named from their resemblance in shape to boats. 
 
 3 Vasiy literally, “ vessels,” probably means here pipes or conduits. 
 
The Zeno Book and its Contents. 
 
 15 
 
 such good wages and better living. They use, for the most part, the 
 Latin language, especially the Superiors and the principal men of the 
 Monastery.” 
 
 [By the Compiler.] 
 
 “ So much is known of Engroueland [Greenland], concerning which 
 Messire Nicolo described all the foregoing particulars, and more 
 especially the river discovered by him, as may be seen in the map 
 made by me. At last:, not being used to such severe cold, he sickened, 
 and, soon after returning to Frisland, he died there.” 
 
 “ Messire Antonio succeeded to his riches and honours, but, 
 although he tried many ways, and begged and prayed much, he could 
 never succeed in getting back to his own home, because Zichmni, 
 being a man of spirit and valour, had resolved from the bottom of his 
 heart to make himself master of the sea. Wherefore, availing himself 
 of the services of Messire Antonio, he desired that he should sail with 
 several small ships towards the West, to obtain information as to the 
 existence of some very rich and populous Islands on that side, dis¬ 
 covered by some of his fishermen; which discovery Messire Antonio 
 narrates in one of his letters, written to his brother Messire Carlo, with 
 so much detail that, except that we have changed the old language and 
 style, we have let the matter stand as it was.” 
 
 [The Frisland Fisherman’s Story. From Antonio Zeno’s letter 
 
 to his brother Carlo.] 
 
 folio 52.] “ Twenty-six years ago, four fishing boats sailed [from 
 
 Frisland], which, driven by a great tempest, wandered many days, lost, 
 as it were, upon the sea, until, when at last the weather moderated, 
 they found an Island, called Estotilanda, lying to the Westward, and 
 distant from Frislanda more than a thousand miglia , on which one of 
 the boats was wrecked. Six men who were in it were seized by the 
 islanders, and conducted to a most beautiful and largely populated city. 
 The King who ruled there summoned many interpreters, but found 
 none who had any knowledge of the language of these fishermen, 
 except one who spoke Latin, and who had been cast upon the same 
 Island by a similar tempest. This man, demanding of the castaways, on 
 behalf of the King, who they were and whence they came, gathered 
 all their statements, and reported their effect to the King, who, when 
 he fully understood their case, willed that they should stay in that 
 
x6 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 country. Wherefore, obeying this command, because they could not 
 do otherwise, they remained five years in the Island and learnt the 
 language. One of them in particular, having been in different parts 
 of the Island, reports that it is very rich, and abundant in all the good 
 things of this world; that it is rather smaller than Iceland, but more 
 fertile, having in the middle a very high mountain from which spring 
 four rivers, which water it. The inhabitants are quick-witted, and 
 possess all the arts which we have. It is believed that in earlier times 
 they have had commerce with our countrymen, because this man said 
 that he saw Latin books in the King’s library, which none of them at 
 the present time understand. They have a distinct language, and 
 letters. They get, by mining, metals of all sorts, and, above all, they 
 have abundance of gold. Their trade is with Engroueland [Green¬ 
 land], whence they receive furs, and sulphur, and pitch. And, 
 towards the South, he says, there is a great country very rich in gold, 
 and populous. They sow grain and make beer, which is a kind of 
 beverage which the Northern people use as we do wine. They have 
 woods of immense extent. They construct their buildings with walls, and 
 there are many cities and villages. They make small ships and navigate 
 them, but they have not the loadstone, nor can they indicate the 
 North by the compass. On this account, these fishermen were held 
 in great esteem, so much so that the king despatched them, with twelve 
 small ships, towards the South, to the country which they call Drogio; 
 but during the voyage they met with so great a tempest that they gave 
 themselves up for lost. Nevertheless, in trying to escape from one 
 cruel death, they delivered themselves into the clutches of another 
 much more terrible, for, being taken into the country, 1 most of them 
 were eaten by the ferocious inhabitants, who feed upon human flesh, 
 which they consider a most savoury viand.” 
 
 “ But this fisherman, with his companions, by showing the natives 
 the method of taking fish with nets, saved their lives; and, fishing 
 every day in the sea, and in the fresh waters, they caught many fish, 
 and gave them to the Chiefs; by which means [folio 53] the fisherman 
 acquired so much favour that he was held dear, and was beloved and 
 much honoured by everyone. His fame spread among the adjacent 
 nations, and a neighbouring Chief conceived so great a desire to have 
 him in his service, and to see how he exercised his wonderful art of 
 
 1 Presumably " Drogio,” though it is not so stated explicitly either here or in any other 
 part of the narrative. 
 
7 "he Zeno Book and its Contents. 17 
 
 taking fish, that he made war upon the other Chief, by whom the 
 fisherman was protected; and prevailing at last, because he was the 
 more powerful and warlike, the fisherman was handed over to him, 
 with his companions. During the thirteen years which he spent 
 continuously in the parts aforesaid, he says that he was transmitted in 
 this manner to more than twenty-five Chiefs, they being constantly 
 stirred up to make war one against another, solely for the sake of 
 having him in their service; and so, as he went on wandering, without 
 ever having a fixed abode in one place for any length of time, he came 
 to know from actual experience almost all those parts.” 
 
 “ He says that it is a very large country, and like a new world; 
 but the people are ignorant, and destitute of all good qualities, for they 
 all go naked, and suffer cruelly from the cold; nor have they learnt 
 how to cover themselves with the skins of the beasts which they take 
 in hunting. They have no metal of any sort. They live by hunting, 
 and carry lances of wood sharpened at the point, and bows, the strings 
 of which are made of the skins of animals. They are a people of 
 great ferocity, and fight together to the death, and eat one another. 
 They have Chiefs, and certain laws, which differ much amongst them.” 
 
 “ But, the further one goes towards the South-west, the greater 
 civilization one finds, because there the climate is more temperate, so 
 that there are cities, and temples of idols wherein they sacrifice men, 
 whom they afterwards eat. In these parts they have some knowledge 
 of gold and silver, and use them.” 
 
 “ Now this fisherman, having dwelt in these countries so many 
 years, purposed, if he could, to return to his fatherland; but his com¬ 
 panions, despairing of the possibility of ever seeing it again, let him 
 depart, wishing him a successful journey, and they themselves re¬ 
 mained where they were. Then he, commending them to God, fled 
 through the woods towards Drogio, and was made most welcome, and 
 kindly treated by a neighbouring Chief who knew him, and who had 
 great enmity against the other Chief [from whom he had run away]; 
 and so, going from the hand of one to that of another of the same 
 Chiefs with whom he had been before, after much time and con¬ 
 siderable hardships and fatigues, he arrived finally in Drogio, where he 
 dwelt the three following years. Then, by good fortune, he learnt 
 from the Countryfolk that some ships had arrived upon the coast, and 
 he conceived good hopes of accomplishing his desire. He went to the 
 coast, and, enquiring from what country the ships came, learnt to his 
 
 D 
 
18 7 'he Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 great pleasure that they were from Estotilanda. Then, having begged 
 to be taken away, he was willingly received, because he knew the 
 language of the country; and, there being no one among the sailors 
 who understood it, they used him as their interpreter. Afterwards, he 
 frequently made Q folio 54] that voyage with them, until he grew very 
 rich, and, having built and equipped a ship of his own, returned to 
 Frislanda, bearing to the Lord of it [Zichmni] news of the discovery of 
 that very rich country. In all this he was credited, because the sailors 
 confirmed as true many other new things which he reported. It is on 
 account of this affair that the Lord Zichmni has resolved to send me 
 with a fleet towards those parts; and there are so many who wish to go 
 over there, on account of the novelty of the thing, that I think we 
 shall be a very strong force, without any public expense.” 
 
 [By the Compiler.] 
 
 ££ This is what is contained in the letter which I have cited above. 
 I have stated its tenor here in order that another voyage which Messire 
 Antonio made may be better understood. On this voyage he sailed 
 with many people and ships, not, however, being appointed Captain, 
 as he thought at first he would have been, because Zichmni decided 
 to make the exploration in person; and I have a letter about this 
 expedition, which states as follows : ” 
 
 [The Letter from Antonio Zeno to his brother Carlo Zeno 
 
 DESCRIBING HIS WESTERN VOYAGE IN VAIN SEARCH OF EsTOTILANDA 
 
 AND DROGIO, AND THE FINDING OF ICARIA AND GREENLAND.] 
 
 ££ Our great preparations to go into Estotilanda were commenced 
 under an evil omen; for, three days exactly before our departure, the 
 fisherman, who was to have been our guide, died. Notwithstanding 
 this, our Chief would not abandon the intended voyage, and took with 
 him as guides, instead of the dead fisherman, some of the sailors who 
 had returned from that Island with the latter. And so we steered our 
 course towards the West, and discovered some islands subject to 
 Frislanda; and, passing certain rocks, we stopped at Ledovo, where we 
 remained seven days for the sake of the repose, and to furnish the fleet 
 with some necessary things. Departing from thence, we arrived, on 
 the 1 st of July, at the Island of Ilofe; and, because the wind made for 
 us, we passed onward, without the least thing to hinder us, and went 
 far out into the deepest ocean. Not long after, a storm assailed us, so 
 
The Zeno Book and its Contents. 
 
 I 9 
 
 fierce that, for eight days at a stretch, it kept us at work, and cast us 
 about so that we knew not where we might be, and we lost a large 
 proportion of the ships. At last, the weather having become calm, we 
 got together the ships which had been separated from the others, and, 
 sailing with a good wind, we discovered land in the West. 1 Keeping 
 our course diredlly for it, we arrived in a quiet and secure port, and 
 we saw people, almost infinite in number, armed and ready to strike, 
 running towards the shore to defend the Island. Thereupon, Zichmni 
 ordered his people to make signs of peace, and the Islanders sent to us 
 ten men, who could speak ten languages, but we could not understand 
 any of them, except one who was from Islanda 2 [Iceland], This man, 
 being conduced into the presence of our Prince, and asked by him how 
 they called the Island, and what people inhabited it, and who ruled over 
 it, replied, that the Island was called Icaria, and that all the Kings who 
 had ruled over it were called Icarus, after its first King, who, as they 
 said, [folio 55] was the son of Daedalus, King of Scotland, who, having 
 made himself master of the Island, left his son there as King, and left also 
 those laws which the Islanders still used; and that, after these things were 
 done, purposing to sail further on, he was drowned in a great storm; that, 
 on account of his death in this manner, they still called that sea Icarian, 
 and the King of the Island Icarus. Also that, because they were 
 satisfied with that state which God had given them, they did not wish 
 to change their customs in any particular, nor would they receive any 
 foreigner ; that they therefore prayed our Prince that he would not seek 
 to violate those laws which they had preserved in happy memory of 
 their King, and had observed down to that time; adding that he would 
 not be able to do it without his own certain destruction, they being all 
 prepared to abandon life, rather than to give up, on any account, the 
 use of those laws. Nevertheless, in order that it might not appear 
 that they altogether refused intercourse with other men, they said, in 
 
 1 Major ( Voyages of the Zeni, Hakluyt Soc., 1873, p. 26) has a note on this passage to the 
 effe< 5 t that da ponente here means that the adventurers discovered land “ on its western side,” 
 and not “ to the westward,” referring, for his reason, to the subsequent passage stating that they 
 sailed round about the island, circondandol ’isola, and found a port on the eastern side. But 
 circondare means to encircle, to surround, to make the circuit of, and not to go half way 
 round. Besides, if Major is right, then, as Zichmni had been sailing westward with a favour¬ 
 able wind, it follows that the land must have been discovered behind him. There seems no 
 reason for abandoning the ordinary meaning of the passage, viz., that the land was discovered 
 to the west, or in front of the fleet. 
 
 2 Major, Op. cit., p. 27, translates Islanda in this passage Shetland. This is only one of 
 many liberties which he has taken with the text of 1558. 
 
20 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 conclusion, that they were willing to receive one of us, and to give 
 him a high position amongst them, and to do so solely in order to learn 
 my (sic) language and to have an account of our customs, just as they 
 had already received those other ten men who had come to the Island 
 from ten other different countries. To these things our Prince made 
 no other reply than to make enquiry as to where there was a good 
 harbour. Then he feigned to depart, and, making a circuit of the Island, 
 in full sail, put into a port pointed out to him on the Eastern side. 
 There the sailors disembarked, to obtain wood and water, with as 
 much despatch as possible, as they doubted whether they might not be 
 attacked hy the Islanders; nor was their fear vain, for those who dwelt 
 near by, making signs to the others with fire and smoke, quickly armed 
 themselves, and, the others joining them, they came down to the shore, 
 armed with weapons and arrows, in such numbers against our people 
 that many were left killed and wounded; nor did it avail us that we 
 made signs of peace to them, for, as if they were fighting for their all, 
 they grew more and more exasperated. Therefore, we were forced to 
 set sail, and to go along in a great circle round the Island, being always 
 accompanied, along the mountains and shores, by an infinite number of 
 armed men. Then, doubling the Cape at the North of the Island, we 
 found very great shoals, amongst which, for ten days continuously, we 
 were in much danger of losing the fleet, but, luckily for us, the 
 weather was very fine all the while. Passing thence as far as the Cape 
 on the East of the island, we saw the Islanders, always keeping pace 
 with us on the summits of the mountains and along the shore, with 
 cries and arrow-shots from afar, showing towards us more and more 
 the same inimical mind. We therefore determined to stop in some safe 
 port, and to see if we could not speak [ folio 56] once more to the 
 Icelander; but we did not succeed in this design, for the people, little 
 better than beasts in this respedt, remained continually in arms, with 
 the deliberate intention of resisting us if we should attempt to land. 
 Wherefore Zichmni, seeing that he could not do anything, and that, if 
 he should remain obstinate in his purpose, victuals would soon be 
 wanting in the fleet, set sail with a fair wind and sailed six days to 
 the Westward; but, the wind changing to the South-west, and the sea 
 therefore becoming rough, the fleet ran before the wind for four days. 
 At last land was discovered, but we greatly feared to approach it, on 
 account of the swelling seas, and because the land observed was 
 unknown to us. Nevertheless, by God’s aid, the wind dropped and 
 
The Zeno Book and its Contents. 
 
 21 
 
 it became calm. Then some men from the fleet went to the land in 
 rowing boats, and not long after returned and reported, to our very- 
 great delight, that they had found a very good country and a still 
 better harbour. At which news, having hauled up our ships and 
 small vessels, we went on shore, and, having entered a good harbour, 
 we saw afar off a great mountain which cast forth smoke; this gave 
 us hope that inhabitants would be found in the Island, nor, for all that 
 it was so far off, did Zichmni delay sending a hundred good soldiers 
 to reconnoitre the country and to report what kind of people in¬ 
 habited it. In the meanwhile, the fleet was supplied with water and 
 wood, and many Ashes and sea-fowl were caught; they also found 
 there so many birds’ eggs that the half-famished men were able to eat 
 their fill.” 
 
 “While we remained here, the month of June 1 came in, during 
 which season the air in the island was more temperate and mild than 
 can be expressed. In spite of this, not seeing anyone there, we began 
 to suspecfl that so beautiful a place was, nevertheless, uninhabited, and 
 we gave to the port and to the point of land which ran out into the sea 
 the names of Trin and Capo di Trin. The hundred soldiers who had 
 gone away returned, after eight days, and reported that they had been 
 over the island and to the mountain ; that the smoke proceeded from it 
 because, as they had proved, at the bottom of it was a great fire; that 
 there was a spring from which was produced a certain matter, like 
 pitch, which ran into the sea; that many people inhabited the neigh¬ 
 bouring parts, half savage, and sheltering themselves in caves; that 
 these were of small stature and very timid, for, direcflly they saw the 
 soldiers, they fled into their caves; and that there was a large river 
 there, and a good and safe harbour. Zichmni, being informed of these 
 things, and seeing that the place had a healthy and pure climate, and 
 very good soil, and rivers, and so many peculiar advantages, began to 
 think of making his dwelling there, and of building a city. But his 
 people, who had already endured a voyage so full of hardships, began to 
 rebel, and to say that they wished to return home, because, [folio 57] 
 as the winter was near, if they let it come in, they would not be able 
 afterwards to get away until the following summer; so he retained only 
 the rowing boats, with those men who were willing to remain there, 
 
 1 It will be observed that this date is wrong. The expedition must have started on or 
 before the 23rd of June; for, as appears above (see p. 18), it stayed seven days at Ledovo, and 
 afterwards arrived at Ilofe on the 1st of July. 
 
22 
 
 *The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 sending back all the others in the remaining ships; and he desired, 
 against my will, that I should be the Captain. I departed therefore, 
 because I could not do otherwise, and sailed towards the East for 
 twenty days continuously without ever seeing land; then, turning to¬ 
 wards the South-east, after five more days I sighted land, and found that 
 I had reached the Island Neome. Knowing this country, I perceived 
 that I had passed Islanda. Wherefore, having procured fresh provisions 
 from the Islanders, who were under the dominion of Zichmni, I sailed 
 in three days, with a fair wind, to Frislanda, where the people, who 
 believed that they had lost their Prince, because of the long time that 
 we had spent upon the voyage, received us with signs of the greatest 
 joy. 
 
 [By the Compiler.] 
 
 “After this letter I find nothing further, except what I judge from 
 conjedture. I gather, from a clause in another letter, which I give 
 below, that Zichmni built a town in the port of the island newly 
 discovered by him; also, that he did his best to explore the whole 
 country, together with the rivers in various parts of Engroueland 
 [Greenland], because I see these described in detail in the map, but the 
 description is lost. The clause in the letter is as follows :—” 
 
 / 
 
 [Extract from another letter from Antonio Zeno to Carlo Zeno.] 
 
 “As to those things which you seek to know from me concerning 
 the customs of the men, the animals, and the neighbouring countries, 
 I have written about all these a separate book, which, please God, 
 I shall bring home with me. In it I have described the countries, the 
 monstrous fishes, the customs and laws of Frislanda, of Islanda 
 [Iceland], of Estlanda [Shetland], of the Kingdom of Norway, of 
 Estotilanda, of Drogio, and, lastly, the life of Nicolo the Knight, our 
 brother, with the discoveries made by him, and matters relating to 
 Grolanda 1 [Greenland]. I have also written the life and exploits of 
 Zichmni, a Prince certainly as worthy of immortal remembrance as any 
 other who has ever lived in this world, on account of his great valour 
 and many good qualities. In this life may be read of his discoveries 
 in Engrouiland (sic) [Greenland] on both sides, and of the city built by 
 
 1 That is, that part of Greenland alleged to have been visited by Nicolo Zeno, the traveller, 
 in the neighbourhood of the monastery. This is called “ Engroueland,” or “ Engrouiland,” 
 throughout the narrative, except in this place; in the map Grolanda is rendered “Crolandia.” 
 
The Zeno Book and its Contents. 
 
 2 3 
 
 him. Wherefore, I will say no more to you in this letter, hoping 
 soon to be with you, and to satisfy you concerning many other things 
 viva voceZ 
 
 [By the Compiler.] 
 
 “All these letters were written by Messire Antonio to Messire Carlo, 
 his brother, and I grieve that the book and many other writings, in 
 which perhaps these very same projects may have been carried out, 
 have come, I know not how, unhappily to harm; because, being still a 
 boy when they came into my hands, and not understanding what they 
 were, I tore them in pieces and destroyed them, as boys will do, which 
 I cannot, except with the keenest regret, now call to mind. Never¬ 
 theless, in order that so fair a memorial of such things may not be lost 
 [ folio 58], I have placed in order in the above narrative what I have 
 been able to recover of the aforesaid materials, to the end that I may, 
 to some extent, make reparation to this present age, which, more than 
 any other yet gone by, is interested in the many discoveries of new 
 lands in those parts where, it might have been thought, they would 
 be least expected, and which is very much given to the study both of 
 recent accounts, and of the discoveries of unknown countries made 
 by the great spirit and enterprise of our ancestors.” 
 
 “ THE END.” 
 
SECTION II. 
 
 THE COMPILER AND THE PUBLISHER OF THE BOOK. 
 
 HE author or compiler of the book was one Nicolo 
 Zeno, 1 a member of a distinguished patrician family, 
 which had given a Doge, and several notable states¬ 
 men and warriors to Venice, and from which Cardinal 
 Zeno descended. Nicolo Zeno, the compiler, was a 
 diredf descendant of the Antonio Zeno whose travels 
 are described in the book, and was connected through 
 his great-grandmother with the reigning families of Persia and Cyprus. 2 
 He was born on the 6th of June, 1515. He was Savio di Terra- 
 jirma and a member of the Council of Ten. He was sent, in 1543, 
 as one of the members of an embassy to the Emperor Charles V. 3 
 He had a considerable contemporary reputation, both in public life, 
 as a writer, and as a mathematician and geographer. He is said to 
 have compiled a large work, the Cronaca or Storia Universale , 
 divided into decades, but the only portion printed was the little 
 volume of Annals , the title of which is given above. The remainder 
 of the work is said to have been still in manuscript when it was lost. 
 Nicolo Zeno died on the 10th of August, 1565. 
 
 1 The only definite authority for the attribution of the authorship of the text of the narra¬ 
 tive to Nicolo Zeno is Moletius, in his edition of Ptolemy y Venice, 1562 (Tab. xvii. Addit- 
 arum. Text) :—“ XJt videre est in commentariolis rerum Persarum , harumque partium inventionis, 
 qui lingua Italica typis dati sunt a Clariss. Nicolao Geno y eorum atnepos The Dedication 
 bears the name of Francesco Marcolini, but, from expressions in the book, it would certainly 
 appear that the compiler was a member of the Zeno family. 
 
 2 See Appendix III. 
 
 3 Zurla Dissertazione , 1808, p. 31, and Casali, Annale della Pipografia Veneziana di F. 
 Marcolini de Forli , 1861. 
 
The Compiler and the Publisher of the Zeno Book . 25 
 
 Francesco Marcolini, the printer and publisher of the book, was 
 also a man of some note. He was born in Forli, and went to Venice 
 about 1534. There, his great and varied abilities soon brought him into 
 friendly, and even intimate, relations with such leading intelle&ual men 
 as Daniel Barbaro, to whom he dedicated the Annals , Jacopo Tatti 
 Sansovino, the architect and sculptor, Luigi Dolce, Antonio Doni, Titian 
 and Pietro Aretino. He is said to have been an excellent ££ amateur” 
 in architecture and drawing, a clockmaker, an antiquary, an author, a 
 sculptor and a wood-engraver. His design for the bridge at Murano 
 was chosen from among many others. Aretino, writing to Sansovino 
 in 1545, calls this bridge “ a miracle of construction.” As a printer, 
 Marcolini produced numerous important works, many of them 
 illustrated. 1 
 
 The story of the map and book, gathered from the latter, is as 
 follows:—The compiler (who for convenience may be called Nicolo 
 ££ the younger,” to distinguish him from Nicolo il Cavaliefe , one of 
 the travellers) says that, when quite a boy, he came into possession of a 
 book written by Antonio Zeno (the traveller) describing t£ the countries, 
 the monstrous fishes, the customs and laws of Frislanda, of Islanda, 
 of Estlanda, of the kingdom of Norway, of Estotilanda, of Drogio, 
 and, lastly, the life of Nicolo, il Cavaliere , our [Antonio’s] brother, 
 with the discoveries made by him, and the matters relating to Gro- 
 landa;” and of a document, also by Antonio, describing ££ the life and 
 exploits of Zichmni, a prince certainly as worthy of immortal remem¬ 
 brance as any other who has ever lived in this world, on account of 
 his great valour and many good qualities. In this life may be read of 
 his discoveries in Engrouilanda (sic) on both sides, and of the city 
 built by him.” He also became possessed of certain old family 
 letters. The book and many other writings, says the compiler, had 
 come, he knew not how, unhappily to harm, because he, being still a 
 boy when they came into his hands, 2 and not understanding what they 
 were, tore them in pieces and destroyed them, as boys will do, which 
 he could not, except with the keenest regret, then call to mind. 
 Nevertheless, in order that so fair a memorial of such things might not 
 be lost, he had placed in order in his narrative what he had been able 
 to recover of the aforesaid materials, to the end that he might to some 
 
 1 Zaccaria, Catalogo ragionato di opere stampate per Francesco Marcolini , Fermo, 1850. 
 
 2 Nicolo Zeno the younger was born 6th June, 1515; the Annals was not published 
 before December, 15 5 8, when he must have been upwards of forty-three years old. 
 
 E 
 
26 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 extent make reparation to that age, which, more than any other 
 yet gone by, was interested in the many discoveries of new lands in 
 those parts where they might have been least expe&ed, and which was 
 very much given to the study both of recent accounts, and of the 
 discoveries of unknown countries made by the great spirit and great 
 enterprise of his ancestors. 1 
 
 In another place, the compiler says 2 that it occurred to him to draw 
 out a copy of a navigating chart of the northern parts, which he once 
 found he had amongst the ancient things in his house. This, 
 although the chart was all rotten, and many years old, he had suc¬ 
 ceeded in doing tolerably well, and which [copy], placed before the 
 eyes of those who took a delight in such things, might serve as a light 
 to make intelligible that which, without it, they would not be so 
 well able to understand. 
 
 Such is Nicolo the younger’s own account of the materials which 
 he possessed for his work, and of the manner in which he made use 
 of them. 
 
 Some of the names in the text and upon the map, as, for instance, 
 “ Islanda ” and “ Engroueland” were not new; others, as “ Estotiland ” 
 and “ Drogeo,” had not been heard of before. 
 
 There was nothing improbable in the alleged voyage of the 
 Venetian brothers into the North Sea, for reasons stated farther on. 
 The compiler of the book was a nobleman of reputation, and had, 
 according to his own statements, drawn his fads from original 
 documents, preserved, though in a damaged condition, in the archives 
 of his family. 
 
 His book went forth to the world with the prestige of the well- 
 known names of Zeno, Barbaro and Marcolini attached to it; and 
 it appears to have been at once accepted, without question, as genuine 
 history and geography; indeed, there seems to have been no reason 
 why, at that time, it should not have been so accepted. The carto¬ 
 graphy of the Northern Atlantic was still confused. Many non¬ 
 existent islands appeared upon the best maps of the time. It was 
 still a question whether Greenland was united to the Continent of 
 Europe, 3 or to America, or to both, 4 or whether it was part of Asia, 5 
 or an island. The latter question was, indeed, still open until Peary’s 
 recent explorations settled the fad; that it is an island. 
 
 1 Ff. 57 and 58. 2 Ff. 46 and 47. 3 Ptolemy , 1482, and many later editions. 
 
 4 Ziegler’s Schondia , 1532. <c Some are of opinion that this West England is firm land with 
 the north-east parts of Meta Incognita , or else with Groenlandg (Hakluyt, vol. iii., 1600, p. 77.) 
 
 6 Ruysch’s map in Ptolemy , 1507. 
 
SECTION III. 
 
 THE INFLUENCE OF THE ZENO BOOK 
 
 AND MAP. 
 
 HE Zeno map (Plate XI.), which bears the date 
 mccclxxx., was copied in Ruscelli’s Italian edition 
 of “Ptolemy,” published in Venice in 1561 1 (Plate 
 XII.), with some slight alterations, viz., the elimina¬ 
 tion of every alternate parallel of longitude, and 
 the addition of figures indicating the number of 
 degrees to those left (taking the longitude of Ferro 
 as the prime meridian), the extension of the sea between the North 
 of Europe and “ Crolandia,” over the tradt marked in the original 
 map “ mare et terre incognite,” the addition of the names “ Grone- 
 land ” and “ Guardus Insula,” and some variations in the spelling 
 of the other names. The editor of the “ Ptolemy ” credits Nicolo 
 Zeno the younger with the revision of the map, and speaks of him 
 as being “ in those two most noble sciences, that is to say, history 
 and geography, universally held to have, at this day, few equals in 
 the whole of Europe.” The same map appears in the “ Ptolemy ” 
 of Moletius, published in Venice, in Latin, in 1562. 2 It follows the 
 map of u Schonladia Nvova,” which is an enlarged and simplified 
 copy of Gastaldi’s map, “ Schonlandia Nova,” in the Italian “ Ptolemy” 
 of 1548 (Plate VI.). Moletius is careful to point out that the two 
 maps given by him differ considerably, although each contains nearly 
 the same parts of the world, and to explain that he has placed them 
 together, so that the older navigations and travels might be better 
 
 1 “Nvova Tavola Settentrionale,” No. XXXV. of the new maps. 
 
 2 “ Tabula XVII. additarum, et XXVI., secundum seriem numerorum.” 
 
28 
 
 "The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 compared with the more recent. He then refers to the Zeno story 
 as being “ printed in the Italian language by the most distinguished 
 Nicolo Zeno,” and he dedicates his commentary on the sixth and 
 seventh chapters of “ Ptolemy” to Caterino Zeno, son of Nicolo the 
 younger. 
 
 The Zeno narrative, with a few interpolations chiefly relating to 
 the family, next appears in the second edition of the second volume of 
 Ramusio’s Navigation! et Viaggi , published in Venice in 1574. 1 
 
 The Zeno narrative and map were accepted as genuine by Gerard 
 Kaufmann, better known as “ Mercator,” and its errors, or falsities, are 
 reproduced in his great map of the world, published at Duisburg in 1569 
 (a facsimile of the pertinent portion of which is given on Plate XIII.). 
 On this map the name “ Estotiland ” appears for the first time upon 
 the continent of America. It is interesting to compare that portion 
 of this map which has reference to the Zeno question with so much of 
 the corresponding portion as appears on the same great cartographer’s 
 map of Europe, published in 1554, four years before the publication 
 of the Zeno map (see Plates VII. and XIII.). The unfortunate accept¬ 
 ance by Mercator of Zeno’s representations has probably done more 
 than anything else to disseminate the errors of the Zenian geography, 
 as Mercator’s maps were reprinted and recopied very frequently. 
 The first edition of “ Ptolemy” in which they appeared was that of 
 1578. After Mercator’s death, in 1594, the plates of his maps were 
 bought by Jodocus Hondius, who used them in the 1605 edition of 
 u Ptolemy,” in u Mercator’s Atlas,” first published in Amsterdam in 
 1595, and in other works ; and the maps were also reproduced by other 
 publishers, in several forms and languages, with more or less alteration, 
 and with, or without, acknowledgment. 2 
 
 In 1570, Abraham Ortelius published at Antwerp his Theatrum 
 Orbis Terrarum , which contained two maps embodying Zeno’s 
 
 1 It is to be noted that Ramusio himself died in 1557, before the publication, in 1559, °f 
 the first edition of the second volume of the book which continued to pass under his name. 
 Zarhlmann mentions a 1564 edition of the second volume, but it was unknown to Haym 
 (Biblioteca Italiana, 1771), and Sabin ( Diff . of Books relating to America, 1888), in his elaborate 
 collation of the various editions of Ramusio, states definitely that the 1574 edition of the second 
 volume was the second edition, and adds that he could find no proof of the existence of a 1564 
 edition. 
 
 2 Ex. gr. Gerardi Mercatoris Atlas , folio, Amsterdam, 1605. Atlas Minor, Gerardi 
 Mer cat oris, oblong 4to, Amsterdam, 1610. P. Bertii Pabular um Geographicarum con- 
 tr a A arum Libri Septem, oblong 4to, Amsterdam, 1618. Pheatrum Geographic Veteris 
 (Bertius), 1618. Historia Mundi, or Mercator s Atlas, folio, London, 1635. 
 
The Influence of the Zeno Book and Map. 29 
 
 material, viz., “ Americae sive novi Orbis nova descriptio,” and 
 “ Septentrionalium Regionum Descrip.” (Plate XIV.). The map of 
 Europe in the same volume, though it covers nearly the whole ground 
 of the Zeno map, shows no trace of Zeno’s influence, except that 
 “ Monasterium S. Thomae ” is marked upon the coast of Greenland. 
 In the text prefixed to Map 45, “ Sept. Reg. Descrip.,” the editor, in 
 speaking of <c Frislandia,” refers to the travels of Nicolo Zeno, and 
 gives a short epitome of the parts of the narrative relating to Frisland, 
 Icaria, and Greenland. 1 The fuller remarks, quoted by Hakluyt, in 
 favour of the Zeni, as mentioned below, first appear in the 1592 
 edition of the Theatrum Orbis , in the text prefixed to Map 6, 
 “ Mare pacificum vel del Zur.” Both Mercator and Ortelius identify 
 Drogeo with “ Dus Cirnes Gallis,” a mysterious island supposed to 
 have been discovered by some French navigators, which appears on 
 several maps of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. 
 
 Frisland appears, together with Iceland and Feroe, on the map, 
 dated 1570, by Sigurdus Stephanius, 2 the head of the school at Skal- 
 holt. None of the other names initiated by Zeno are shown. 
 
 In 1576, Martin Frobisher made his first voyage in search of a new 
 passage to Cataya, China, and the East India, by the North-west. 
 Coming to Greenland, in 6i° N. lat., he mistook it for “Frisland,” 
 and, in his second and third voyages, undertaken in 1577 and 1578, 
 he fell into the same error. 3 He was no doubt misled by the Zeno 
 map, which puts the southern point of Greenland between 65° and 
 66° N. lat., and the south of Frisland in 6i° N. lat., about the true 
 position of Cape Farewell. It is evident that he used that map as a 
 guide, for, in the account of his second voyage, “ Frislande,” or “West 
 Frislande,” is stated to have been sighted in 6o° 30' N. lat., and it is 
 added that it “ appeareth by a description set out by two brethren 
 Venetians, Nicholaus and Antonins Zeni , who, being driven off from 
 Ireland with a violent tempest, made shipwracke here, and were the 
 first knowen Christians that discovered this land about two hundred 
 yeares sithence, and they have in their Sea-cardes set out every part 
 thereof. . . . And for so much of this land as we have sayled 
 
 1 In this same text, in the 1592 edition of Ortelius, is interpolated a passage referring to 
 the supposed recent visit of the English (Frobisher) to Frislandia, and to the name “Anglia 
 Occidentalis,” or West England, given to it by them, on the 20th June, 1578. 
 
 2 Torfaeus, Gronlandia Antiqua, Havniae, 1715. 
 
 3 Hakluyt, 1589, pp. 619, 623, and 630; ed. 1599-1600, vol. iii., pp. 30, 33, 40, 58, 
 62,77. 
 
go The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 alongst, comparing their carde with the Coast, we find it very 
 agreeable.” 1 
 
 In Frobisher’s “ Articles and orders to be observed for the Fleete,” 
 on his third voyage, the captains are enjoined, “ If any ship shall 
 happen to lose company by force of weather, then any such ship or 
 ships shall get her into the latitude of (sic) and so keep that 
 
 latitude until they get Frisland .” 2 
 
 In the account of Frobisher’s third voyage the following passage 
 occurs :— 
 
 “The twentieth of June, at two of the clocke in the morning, the 
 General descried land, and found it to be West Frisland , now named 
 West England . Here the Generali and other Gentlemen went ashore, 
 being the first knowen Christians that we have true notice of that ever 
 set foot upon that ground, and therefore the Generali tooke possession 
 thereof to the use of our Sovereign Lady the Queene’s Majestie. . . . 
 Some are of opinion that this West England is firme land with the 
 North-east partes of Meta Incognita , or else with Groenland.” 3 
 
 Porcacchi di Castiglione (1576) gives 4 a map of Iceland drawn 
 with the fi&itious Zenian Islands to the east of it. In the accom¬ 
 panying text, which is apparently taken from the exceedingly rare 
 Italian pamphlet by Olaus Magnus, descriptive of his great map of 
 1 539 (Plate IV.), and from the larger work, by the same author, 
 published in 1555, also referring to his great map, 5 there is no allusion 
 to the Zeni or their voyages, nor is there any trace of the Zeno 
 influence on any of the other maps in Porcacchi’s book. 
 
 In the Private Diary of DoSlor John Dee , 6 under the date Nov¬ 
 ember 28th, 1577, are the following entries : 
 
 “ I spake with the Quene hora quinta. I spake with her secretary 
 Walsingham. I declared to the Quene her title to Greenland, Esteti- 
 land, and Friseland;” and, under the date June 30th, 1578, c< I told 
 
 1 Hakluyt, 1599-1600, vol. iii., p. 62. Mr. Miller Christy has a copy made from a MS. 
 map preserved in the library at Hatfield House, showing Frobisher’s discoveries. Upon 
 the original are indicated, in pencil, Frisland, Drogio, and Estotiland, in the positions in which 
 the draughtsman evidently expedted those islands would be found. The map is dated 6th June, 
 1576, and is signed by W. Borough. Frobisher sailed on the 15th of the same month. 
 
 2 Hakluyt, 1599-1600, vol. iii., p. 76. 
 
 3 Hakluyt, vol. iii., pp. 76, 77 - 
 
 4 L’ Is ole pin Famosi del Mondo , fol. Venice, 157 6, p. 1. 
 
 5 Opera breve , laquale demonstra, e dechiara, overo da il modo facili de intendere la charta , 
 over delle terre frigidissime de Settentrione , etc. Venice, 1539 (Brit. Mus. C. 55, c. 2), and 
 Historia de gentibus Septentrionalibus , etc. Rome, mdlv. 
 
 6 Edited by J. O. Halliwell (Camden Society). Published 1842. 
 
The Influence of the Zeno Book and Map. 31 
 
 Mr. Daniel Rogers, Mr. Hackluyt of the Middle Temple being by, 
 that Kyng Arthur and King Maty, both of them, did conquier 
 Gelindia, lately called Friseland.” 
 
 In his map, 1 dated 1580, but prepared, as appears from the en¬ 
 dorsement, before Frobisher’s third voyage in 1578, Dr. Dee shows 
 Iceland, without the Zenian Islands ofF the Eastern point; Icaria, 
 Groeland, and Engroueland, Estotiland (as an island between 6o° and 
 70° north latitude, and in the longitude of Cuba), Frisland, Neome, 
 and Podalida. For Drogeo he substitutes “ Orbeland aliis Dus Cirnes.” 
 In the endorsement on the map he says, “Circa Anno 530. King 
 Arthur not only Conquered Iseland , Groenland , and all the Northern 
 lies compassing unto Russia , but even unto the North Pole (in 
 manner) did extend his jurisdiction: and sent Colonies thither, and 
 unto all the Isles between Scotland and Iseland , whereby yt is pro¬ 
 bable that the last-named Friseland Hand is of the Brytish ancient 
 discovery and possession : and allso seeing Groeland beyonde Groenland 
 did receive their Inhabitants by Arthur, it is credible that the famous 
 Hand Rstotiland was by his folke possessed. Circa A° 1353. The Latin 
 Books in the King’s Library in Rstotiland , by no history (yet heard 
 of) can most probably be ascribed to any other Mens bringing 
 thither, than by the foresayd Colonies sent by King Arthur.” 
 
 On a map of America and the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, pub¬ 
 lished by Rasciotti 2 at Venice in 1583, are shown “ Islant,” with 
 “Icaria” due west of it, “Drogeo de Francesi,” and “Estotiland,” 
 which latter is placed on the continent of America. 
 
 Lorenzo D’Anania accepts 3 the Zeno narrative as true, and shows 
 Icaria, Frisland, and Estotiland, on the map of America, which first 
 appears in the edition of his work published in 1582. 
 
 The Zeno narrative next appears in English, translated from 
 Ramusio’s Italian version, in Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages , 1582, 4 and 
 
 1 Dr. John Dee’s map. Original in the British Museum (Cottonian MS., Aug. 1. 1. 
 art. 1). 
 
 2 Remarkable Maps of XV. } XVI ., and XVII. Centuries. Edited by C. H. Coote. 
 Muller, Amsterdam, 1894, Part I., Map 12. 
 
 3 L'Universale Fabrica del Mondo , etc., in Venetia, 1582, p. 178 et seqq. 
 
 * Divers Voyages touching the discoverie of America and the Hands adjacent unto the same, 
 made first of all by our Englishmen and afterwards by the Frenchmen and Britons. . . . With two 
 mappes annexed hereunto . . . imprinted at London for Thomas Woodcocke . . . 1582. For 
 facsimiles of the translation referred to above, and of Lok’s map, see Appendix II. and Plate XV. 
 The other map in the book, (“ Thorne’s,” 1527), does not bear upon the Zeno question. There 
 is a facsimile of it in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas. 
 
32 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 in the second map (Lok’s) Greenland is marked “ N. and A. Zeno, 
 1380.” The translation does not appear in the same author’s 
 Principall Navigations Voiages and Discoveries , 1589, which is 
 devoted to English travels only, but it re-appears, with a few additions 
 and some variations in spelling, in the third volume of the Voyages , 
 Navigations , Trajfques , and Discoveries , published in 1599-1600. 
 
 We find a note of suspicion in Hakluyt’s remarks which follow the 
 account in his larger edition of 1599-1600. “For the more credite 
 and confirmation of the former Historie of Messer Nicholas and Messer 
 Antonio Zeni (which for some fewe respedts may perhaps bee called in 
 question) I have heere annexed the iudgment of that famous Cosmo- 
 grapher Abraham Ortelius , or rather the yealding and submitting of 
 his iudgment thereunto: etc.” 1 He then quotes a passage attributing to 
 Antonio Zeno a discovery of America a century before that by 
 Columbus. This passage from Ortelius quoted by Hakluyt is from the 
 text prefixed to Map 6, “ Mare Pacificum vel del Zur,” and does not 
 appear in any edition of the Theatrum Orbis earlier than that of 
 1592. A clause is interpolated, in the text prefixed to the map 
 “ Sept. Regionum descrip.,” in this edition, stating that Frisland was 
 called by the English Anglia Occidentalism The name West England 
 was first given by Frobisher to Greenland, which he thought was Fris¬ 
 land, on the 20th June, 1578, when on his third voyage. 2 
 
 The principal names of the Zeno map appear, however, upon the 
 c< Typus Orbis Terrarum,” from Ortelius’s Theatrum Orbis , which 
 map was provisionally issued with the 1589 edition of Hakluyt, 
 “ untill the comming out of a very large and most exadt terrestriall 
 Globe, colledted and reformed according to the newest, secretest, and 
 latest discoveries, both Spanish, Portugall, and English, composed by 
 M. Rmmerie Mollineux of Lambeth , a rare Gentleman in his pro¬ 
 fession, being therein for divers yeeres, greatly supported by the purse 
 and liberalitie of the worshipfull marchant M. William Sanderson .” 3 
 The globe here mentioned was finished in 1592, and the only known 
 example extant is now preserved in the Library of the Middle Temple, 
 in London. It shows Frislanda, Drogeo (which appears as part of 
 Labrador, and not as an island), and some other Zenian names, which 
 are omitted in the important map of which it was, probably, the 
 
 1 Op. cit. y vol. iii., 1600, p. 127. 
 
 2 Op. cit.y vol. iii., 1600, p. 77. 
 
 3 Hakluyt, 1589, “ To the Reader.” 
 
33 
 
 !The Influence of the Zeno Book and Map . 
 
 original source. Buss Island, 1 supposed to have been discovered on 
 Frobisher’s third voyage in 1578, is delineated for the first time on 
 this globe. The map, now known as the Molineux Map, or Wright’s 
 Map, was published in 1599, 2 and contains a few of the Zeno mate¬ 
 rials which appear in the more reputable company of the discoveries of 
 Frobisher and Davis. It should form part of Hakluyt’s work of 
 i 599" i 6°°> but rarely does so. 
 
 On the 14th October, 1586, John Davis wrote to Mr. William 
 Sanderson :—“ The Sunneshine came into Dartmouth the fourth of this 
 moneth: She hath been at Island , and from thence to Groenland , and 
 so to Estotiland , from thence to Desolation , and to our Marchants , 
 etc. ... I hope I shall flnde favour with you to see your Card, etc.” 3 
 
 Frisland is mentioned in the account of the apocryphal voyage of 
 Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado to the Straits of Anian, alleged to have 
 taken place in 1588. 4 The account of this voyage was first brought 
 to the notice of the public by a translation from the Spanish Manu¬ 
 script in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, by Amoretti, the librarian 
 of that establishment. The voyage has long been discredited, but it 
 is mentioned here as it was referred to, amongst others, by Zurla in 
 support of the Zeno story. 
 
 There is no suggestion of Zenian material in Sebastian Munster’s 
 edition of Ptolemy , 1542, nor in the editions of his Cosmography , 
 published, during his lifetime, in 1544 and 1550; but, in some of the 
 posthumous editions of the latter work we find some Zenian names 
 and islands incorporated in the maps. For instance, in the Basle edition 
 of 1588, Map 1, Estotilandt appears upon America. In Map 3, 
 
 1 Of course “ Buss Island ” has really no diredt connection with the Zenian narrative, as it 
 was first mentioned only in 1578; but it afterwards became so confused, and even identified, 
 with the Frisland of the Zeni, that it is necessary to refer to it. 
 
 2 There are two states of the Molineux Map. The first impression was reproduced with 
 Admiral Markham’s Voyages and Works of John Davis (Hakluyt Society, 1880), with a note 
 on the map by Mr. C. H. Coote. The second impression (which may be distinguished from 
 the first by a fourth cartouche in the South Pacific, containing an inscription referring to the 
 voyages of Drake, Sarmiento, and Candish), is reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas, 
 Plate L. Very few copies of the first impression are extant; the last, sold by public auction at 
 Christie and Manson’s on the 19th June, 1894, fetched Z 375 (Quaritch). This copy formerly 
 belonged to Sir James Hay Langham, Bart. The Molineux Map is now generally accepted as 
 that referred to in Shakespeare’s ‘Twelfth Night , Adt III., Scene 2, as “the new map, with 
 the augmentation of the Indies.” 
 
 3 Hakluyt, 1589, p. 786, and 1599-1600, vol. iii., p. 108. 
 
 i A translation of a copy of this account obtained from Don Filipe Banza, Superintendent 
 of the Hydrographical Department in Madrid, is given in the second appendix to Barrow’s 
 Voyages into the Arctic Regions, 1818. See also Justin Winsor’s Narrative and Critical 
 History of America, vol. ii., p. 455, and vol. viii., p. no. 
 
 F 
 
34 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 “ New Europa,” S. 0 . Tome , appears on Greenland. In Map 19, 
 “ Regiones Septentrionales,” the Zenian names are given on Gron- 
 landt , which is shown as a large triangular island, as in Ortelius (Plate 
 XIV.); Friesland is shown with only the names Cabaru , Ocibar , 
 Godineck , and Sorand upon it, and the islands Neome , Podalida , Ilofe^ 
 Ledeve , Grislandt , Icaria , and Fstotilandt also appear. The Shet- 
 lands are called -ife landt. Munster died in 1552, six years before 
 the Zeno book was published, and it has been suggested that his 
 Cosmography was one of the sources of parts of the Zeno narrative. 
 But, if this be so, the position is reversed in the later editions of the 
 Cosmography , and Munster’s honoured name, without his will, has 
 helped to spread the Zenian myths. 
 
 Livio Sanuto credits 1 the Zeni brothers with the discovery of the 
 parts nearest to the Pole, and refers to the map and narrative as 
 authorities upon the true boundaries of Greenland. 
 
 Myritius 2 mentions the Monastery of St. Thomas in Engroneland, 
 Frisland, and Nicolo Zeno. 
 
 Peter Plancius shows Frisland, Cape Trin, and Estotiland, on his 
 “ Orbis Terrarum Typus,” 1594. He also shows the Island of Bus. 
 No copy of Plancius’s earlier map of 1592 is now known to be extant. 
 
 Cornelius Wytfliet, 3 writing in 1597, fully accepts the brothers 
 Zeni as the first discoverers of Labrador, under the name of Estotiland, 
 and, in his map of “ Estotilandia et Laboratoris terra,” puts the names 
 “Estotilandt” and “Terra de Labrador” together. He also shows upon 
 the Greenland coast the names of the rivers and promontories which 
 are to be found on the Zeno map. Frisland also appears, but Drogeo 
 and Icaria are not shown, except upon his general map of the world. 
 
 The accounts of the Monastery of St. Thomas, of the volcanoes, 
 of the hot springs, and of their use for warming the monks’ chambers 
 and cooking their food, appear in the first Latin edition of Linschoten’s 
 voyages, 1599, 4 and also in the French edition of 1610, but the 
 His tori a Trium Navigationum (recording the voyages of Barentz in 
 1594, 1595, and 1596), which contains the accounts, is not in either 
 the first edition, in Dutch, 1596, or in the first English edition, 1598. 
 
 1 Geografia y Vinegia, 1588, fF. 14 and 17. 
 
 2 Opusculum Geographicum , Ingoldstadt, 1590, Part II., chapter xix. 
 
 3 Descriptions Ptolemaic a Augment um, Louvani, 1597. Eighteen out of the nineteen 
 maps in this work are reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas . 
 
 4 Navigatio ac Itinerarium Johannis Hugonis Linscotani. Hagae Comitis, 1599. Part II., 
 
The Influence of the Zeno Book and Map. 35 
 
 The Latin edition also contains a map of the Northern regions, 
 attributed to William Barentz, which shows Estotiland and part of 
 Frisland, and has some of the Zenian names on the coast of Greenland. 
 This map, on a reduced scale, also appears in De Bry, 1 1601. There 
 is, however, no mention of the monastery, nor of the other Zenian 
 details as to Greenland, in the original account of the three voyages 
 by Gerrit de Veer, 2 published, in Dutch, Latin, and French, at 
 Amsterdam, in 1598, from which Linschoten made his Abstract; nor 
 in the Italian edition, published at Venice in 1599 ; nor in the English 
 translation, published in London in 1609. The Zenian details in 
 Linschoten’s Latin edition of 1599 are, therefore, interpolations by the 
 editor, who was, according to Camus, 3 Linschoten himself. 
 
 Matthias Quad, in his Compendium Universif quotes the Zeno 
 story as an authority. The same author, in a later work, gives a map, 
 avowedly copied from Gerard Mercator, 5 which shows Frisland, Estoti¬ 
 land, and Drogeo. 
 
 In a map dated 1605, by H. P. Resen, 6 Frisland and Estotiland 
 are shown, with some curious legends attached. It is more fully 
 referred to below in the chapter which deals with the u Carta da 
 Navegar.” 
 
 The map, engraved by Hessel Gerritsz, to illustrate Hudson’s 
 voyages, 7 shows Yslandt, Frisland and Bus, and Groenlandia, but the 
 latter bears none of the Zenian names. This map on a reduced scale 
 is used by Levinus Hulsius (Part XII., Oppenheim, 1614). 
 
 In the account of James Hall’s voyage of 1606 8 Frezeland is 
 mentioned; it is not, however, stated that he saw it, but that he saw 
 land which he supposed to be Busse Island, more to the westward than 
 it was placed in the marine charts. 
 
 1 Pres Navigations Hollandorum in modo didtam Indiam. Francofurti, 1601. Part III. of 
 De Bry’s Petits Voyages. 
 
 2 Waerachtighe Beschryvinghe van drie seylagien , etc. Amsterdam, 1598. 
 
 3 Memoire sur la Colledlion des Grands et Petits Voyages , par A. G. Camus, Membre de 
 l’lnstitut National Imprime par l’ordre et aux frais de l’lnstitut, Paris. Frimaire an XI. (1802), 
 p. 191 n. 
 
 4 Compendium Universi , compledlens Geographic arum Enarrationum Libros sex. Colonia 
 Agrippina?, 1600. Book 6. 
 
 5 ct Typus Orbis Terrarum ad imitationem universalis Gerhardi Mercatoris” in Geo- 
 graphisch Handtbuch , Coin, 1600; and the Latin translation Fasciculus Geographicus , Coin 
 am Rein, 1608. The map is reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas, Plate XLIX. 
 
 6 Reproduced in “ Om Osterbygden ” of K. J. V. Steenstrup (Aftryk af Meddelelser om 
 Grinland, IX.). Copenhagen, 1886. 
 
 7 Descriptio ac delineatio Geographica Detedlionis Freti , etc., Amsterdam, 1612. 
 
 8 Purchas his Pilgrimes , 1625, vol. iii., p. 822. 
 
3 6 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Frisland and Estotilandia are shown on the map, dated 1606, by 
 Gudbrand Thorlacius, Bishop of Holen. 1 
 
 Mention of Ditmar Blefken’s mendacious and libellous booklet 2 
 ought not to be omitted, as it has been supposed by some authors to 
 confirm Zeno’s description of Greenland. Blefken gives an account, 
 (which, he says, he heard from a blind monk while he was in Iceland 
 in 1563), of the Monastery of St. Thomas in Greenland, where the 
 monk said he had been in 1546. The account contains details 
 corresponding closely to those given by Zeno. The authenticity of 
 Blefken’s narrative has been so entirely disproved by Arngrim Jonas, 3 
 and its falsities so thoroughly exposed, that even Major, who frankly 
 admits that he would have been glad of Blefken’s support, if he could 
 have accepted it, abandons it utterly, and points out that, as Blef¬ 
 ken’s book was not published till forty-nine years after Zeno’s narrative 
 appeared, he might easily have borrowed his accounts from the latter. 
 That he did so is the more likely as he states that insulce quce 
 Fbudce vocantur lie off the north-east extremity of Iceland, where 
 Zeno shows his seven misplaced islands, Mimant, Troas, Bres, etc. 
 
 A German version of Zeno’s narrative is given by Megisser, 4 and is 
 accompanied by maps of Frisland and the Shetlands, on the same plate 
 with a map of the Faroes (which latter group of islands does not appear 
 on the Zeno map, unless under the guise of Frisland), all taken from 
 Mercator’s Atlas; 5 also, by a map of Iceland, reduced from Bishop 
 Gudbrand Thorlaksen’s large map of that island, 6 7 and by a map of 
 <c Engronelant,” which bears Zenian names. On Abraham Goos’s 
 globe, published by Joh. Jansonnius at Antwerp in 1621, St. Thomas 
 is shown upon Greenland, together with Frisland and Buss . 1 
 
 Sieur Pierre D’Avity 8 refers, apparently with credence, to the 
 discovery of Estotiland by fishermen of Freslande , and its subsequent 
 recognition by Antonio Zeno in 1390. 
 
 An abstract of the Zeno voyages appears in Purchas His Pil- 
 
 1 Torfaeus, Gronlandia Anti qua, Havnias, 1715. 
 
 2 Islandia, sive populorum et mirabilium qu<£ in ea insula reperiuntur accuratior descriptio: 
 cui de Gronlandia sub finem qu<edam adjebla. Hague, 1607. 
 
 3 Anatomie Blefkeniana. Holen, 1612. 
 
 4 Sep tent rio Novantiquus oder Die Newe Nort TVelt. Leipsic, 1613. 
 
 5 Historia Mundi , Amsterdam, 1606 ; London, 1635. Map 6, p. 29. 
 
 6 Ortelius, 1 ’heatrum Orbis Terrarum. Antwerp, 1595. Map 103. 
 
 7 Reproduced in facsimile in Remarkable Maps of the XIV., XV., and XVIth. Centuries. 
 Muller, Amsterdam, 1894, Part L, No. 9. 
 
 8 Les Estats, Empires, et Principautez du Monde. Paris, 1622, p. 264. 
 
The Influence of the Zeno Book and Map. 37 
 
 grimes , 1625. 1 A second and fuller notice, in Pure has his Pil¬ 
 grimage , 2 the author concludes thus: 
 
 a This History I have thus inserted at large, which, perhaps, not 
 without cause in some thinges, may seem fabulous; not in the Zeni y 
 which thus writ, but in the Relations they received from others. 
 Howsoever; the best Geographers are beholden to these Brethren, for 
 that little knowledge they have of these parts ; of which none before 
 had written: nor since have there been any great in-land Discoveries.” 
 And he refers to Ortelius, Hakluyt, Botero, and Maginus, in support. 
 In “ The course from Island to Gronelandf which follows Ivar Boty’s 
 Treatise in Purchas, the following occurs: 3 “ If you see Ice that 
 commeth out of Trolebothon , you shall goe more Southerly, but not 
 too farre South for feare of Freesland , for there runneth an hard 
 streame. And it is fifteene miles or leagues from Freesland .” 
 
 ct Item. Freesland lyeth South and Island East from GronlandP 
 
 Pontanus, in his Danish history, 1631, 4 prints a Latin version of 
 the Zeno narrative in full, leaving its credibility to the judgment of the 
 reader, but accepting it himself as true. He does not, however, else¬ 
 where in his text (except in a quotation from Wytfliet) mention any of 
 the peculiar Zenian islands. Arngrim Jonas, more fully referred to 
 below, comments upon this somewhat remarkable inconsistency. 5 
 
 Luke Foxe, who sailed the Northern Seas in 1631, gives an abstract 
 of the Zeno narrative, and, in the “ Polar Card,” which illustrates his 
 book, shows Frisland, but all other traces of the Zeno map are 
 wanting. The Island of “ Buss ” is shown. He also quotes Arngrim 
 Jonas, and Ditmar Blefken. As to the Zeno narrative, he says : 
 
 “ This writer acknowledging that Originall copies of the Zenij’s 
 Letters, were by him careleslly torne in peieces in his youth, which 
 losse he now grieued at, I doubt in this, he was enforced in many 
 things, to patch vp, as his memorie would serve, so as there may be 
 some likelyhood of vntruths, howsoever I doe beleeve, the first Copies 
 were true, though this is subied to mistakings.” 6 
 
 The only reference to the Zeni, in Foxe’s account of his own 
 
 1 Op. cit ., vol. iii., p. 610. 
 
 2 Purchas his Pilgrimage (a distinct work from his Pilgrimes , but usually treated as vol. v. 
 of the larger book). Fourth edition, 1626, pp. 807-809. 
 
 3 Purchas his Pilgrimes , vol. iii., p. 520. 
 
 4 Rerum Danicarum Historia , libri x. Amsterdam, 1631, pp. 755-763. 
 
 5 Specimen Islandia. Amsterdam, 1643, p. 161. 
 
 6 North West Fox. London, 1635, pp. 12 and 181. 
 
38 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 voyage, is the following wild conjecture : £t nor will I be perswaded, 
 but that if there were a Dorgio , as is mentioned by the Zeni, that that 
 traCt of land on the S. betwixt Frobrishers [sic) strait and Cape Fare¬ 
 well , is the same.” 1 
 
 On “ The Platt of Sayling for the Discoverye of a Passage into 
 the South Sea, 1631, 1632,” as the map illustrating James’s voyage is 
 entitled, 2 Frezeland is shown, but there is no other Zenian name, 
 ind no allusion to the Zeni in the text. The course of the voyage, 
 however, did not touch any of the Zenian localities except the South¬ 
 western point of Greenland. 
 
 In Willem jansz (Blaeu) and Herman Allertsz (Coster’s) “ Grote 
 Werelts Caerte,” revised by Franciscus Hoieus, and published by Hugo 
 Allardt, about 1640, 3 St. Thomas , and some other Zenian names, 
 appear on Greenland, and Frisland is shown, but Icaria , Estotiland , 
 and Drogeo are absent. 
 
 Hugo Grotius 4 refers to Frislanda and Estotilanda on the authority 
 of Zeno’s narrative. De Laet, in his notes on Grotius, shows that he 
 doubts the story. 5 In his answer to the second dissertation of Grotius, 
 after denying that he had said that all the statements in the Zeno 
 narrative seemed to him to be false, but only those concerning Estoti¬ 
 land, the King’s library, and the fisherman’s story, De Laet adds, that 
 if he had said that he thought nearly all the statements false, he would 
 not have considered that he had said anything except the truth. 6 
 
 Mothe le Vayer is quoted by Terra Rossa 7 and Zurla, 8 as saying, 
 on p. 71 of his Geographie (which we have not seen), when treating 
 of North America, that the land of Estotiland in Davis’s Straits was 
 discovered in 1390, and that neither Christopher Columbus, nor 
 Amerigo Vespucci, was the first to find the New World, for, more 
 than a hundred years before them, Antonio Zeno, a Venetian, went 
 into that part of the continent by order of the King of Frislanda, 
 called Zichmno (Zurla has Zichim). 
 
 La Peyrere, in his Relation du Groenland , addressed to Mothe 
 
 1 North TVest Fox. London, 1635, p. 181. 
 
 2 The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captain Fhomas fames , etc. London, 1633. 
 
 3 Remarkable Maps, etc. Edited by C. H. Coote. Muller, Amsterdam, 1894; Parti., 
 Nos. 7 and 8. 
 
 4 Dissertatio de Origine Gentium Americanarum. Amsterdam, 1642. 
 
 5 Not a Diss. Hugonis Grotii , De origine Gent. amer. Amsterdam, 1643, pp. 20-22. 
 
 6 Responsio ad Diss. Secundam Hugonis Grotii, etc. Amsterdam, 1644, p. n. 
 
 7 Riflessioni Geografiche. Padova, 1686, folio 5. 
 
 8 Dissertazione , 1808, p. 120. Marco Polo, vol. ii., pp. 78, 79. 
 
The Influence of the Zeno Book and Map. 39 
 
 le Vayer, mentions the Monastery in Greenland dedicated to St. 
 Thomas, 1 on the authority of the versified chronicle of the Danish 
 priest, Claude Christophersen (Lyscander), who died about 1635. 2 
 He also shows Frisland on the “Carte de Groenland” which illustrates 
 his book, but there is no other sign of the Zeno story on the map, 
 and no mention of the Zeni in the text. 
 
 The Zeno story was accepted and supported by many other 
 geographers and authors, and its materials incorporated in many books 
 and maps; but enough has been said to show that, for nearly a 
 hundred years after the publication of the little volume of Annals , and 
 its accompanying map, they were generally looked upon as authentic. 
 
 1 Relation du Groenland. Paris, 1647, p. 29. 2 Ibid., p. 10. 
 
 Labrador [Greenland] from Bordone’s Isolario , Venice, 1528, fol. 6. 
 
SECTION IV. 
 
 DOUBTS AND CONTROVERSY. 
 
 HILE geographers and authors were spreading the 
 Zeno Map and narrative broadcast as authentic 
 documents, pra&ical navigators were finding out 
 that there was at least as much fidtion as fadt in 
 the map. At first they gave the map credit, and 
 tried to fit to it the newer discoveries in the northern 
 world. Frobisher, as we have seen, thought that 
 Greenland was Zeno’s Frisland. Mercator, working upon Davis’s 
 discoveries, made Cape Desolation, Cape Chidley, and Sander¬ 
 son’s Hope, agree with Zeno’s “ Af,” <c pr Hoen,” and £t pr Hit,” 
 respectively. 1 But the Island of Frislanda, “ much larger than Ire¬ 
 land,” 2 and having a large and lucrative trade with “ Flanders, 
 Brittany, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmark,” 3 had disappeared 
 from the face of the earth; “ Icaria,” too, was gone, legend and all. 
 The positions of these islands, as far as they could be calculated from 
 the map, had been sailed over again and again, but the wonderful 
 lands were not there. Professor Storm refers 4 to the Diary of a 
 Voyage of Christen Nielson, a Dane, made in 1579, in which, when 
 he came to the place where Frislanda should have been, according to 
 the Zeno Map, he has noted, “ here we were, as the Captain (the 
 Englishman James Alday) said, thirty miles from a land which was 
 
 1 Lelewel, Geographic du Moyen Age, vol. iv, p. 98 n. (35). 
 
 2 Annals, folio 47. 3 Ibid., folio 48. 
 
 4 Om Zeniernes Reiser, p. 3, where Gr<j>nlands Historiske Mindesmaerker, iii. 644, which 
 
 contains the Diary, is referred to. 
 
Doubts and Controversy. 4.1 
 
 called Frisland;” but, adds Storm, one sees also from the Diary that 
 the ship went backwards and forwards in this sea without hitting upon 
 Frisland. 
 
 Arngrim Jonas, a native of, and resident in, Iceland, who, in 1592, 
 was commended to the world by the Bishop of Holen as “ an honest 
 and learned young man,” 1 was the author of “The Commentary of 
 Iceland,” 2 printed by Hakluyt, and of other works on that island, 3 
 directed partly to the refutation of fables about it, and of the libels 
 upon its inhabitants. In his Specimen Islandice he exposes many of 
 the falsities, both of the history and geography, of the Zeno Annals. 
 He denies absolutely the existence of the Zenian Islands to the east 
 of Iceland, and derides the account of the flourishing winter gardens 
 in Greenland. 
 
 Arnoldus Montanus, and Ogilby, the editor of the English edition 
 of Montanus’s work, in referring to Zeno, say 4 * that “ he has set down 
 many things that have little resemblance to truth according to what is 
 since found by credible navigators; and therefore we cannot depend 
 on Zeno’s discovery.” 
 
 Moses Pitts, in his flne English Atlas , 5 though he shows £t Fris¬ 
 land,” and some other Zenian names, in the map of the World on 
 Mercator’s projection, and on his map of the North Pole and parts 
 adjoining, refers to the Zeni in terms of disparagement thus : “ tho 
 there be grounds sufficient to make us doubt some of their relations 
 yet not to rejeCt them,” and writing of <c Freesland or Friseland,” he 
 says, “ They [the Zeni brothers] describe the inhabitants to be good 
 Christians, very civil, and to be governed by a great Lord whose name 
 was Zickmay , whose mighty conquests and strange accidents may be 
 read in Hackluit. It is not our business to write or repeat romances.” 
 
 Another author, a man of mark in his day, who ventured to doubt 
 the truth of the Zeno story, was the French geographer, Michel 
 Antoine Baudrand. In his Geographical DiSlionary , 1681, he 
 makes 6 some very pertinent criticisms and awkward queries as to the 
 
 1 Hakl., 1599, vol. i., p. 552. 
 
 2 Ibid. 
 
 3 Crymogcea, or History of Iceland, 1609. Anatomie Blefkeniana, Holen, 1612. Specimen 
 Islandi# Historicum , Amsterdam, 1643, P- r 4 2 et se i- 
 
 4 De Nieuwe en onbekende IVeereld , Amsterdam, 1671 ; and America , London, 1671. 
 
 6 English Atlas , Oxford, 1680, folio, vol. i., pp. 10 and 13. 
 
 6 Geographia ordine litter arum disposita , Paris, 1681, in Latin, afterwards published in 
 French in 1701. This book was a new edition, much amplified, of the work of Ferrarius, 
 published in 1670. 
 
42 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 existence, not only of Frisland, but of that part of the imaginary 
 Great Southern Continent called “ Beach,” which, it was claimed, had 
 been discovered by Marco Polo, a countryman of the Zeni. He 
 ventures to ask “ where are they ? ” and proceeds to express his doubts 
 as to their existence, giving for a reason as to Frisland, the absolute 
 silence of other authors, and of French, English, Danish, and Belgian 
 navigators about it. In this, however, as will have been seen, he is 
 not quite accurate. 
 
 This expression of scepticism on the part of Baudrand brings upon 
 the field a comic figure, raging furiously, Padre Dottore Vitale Terra 
 Rossa. In his Riflessioni Geografiche , 4 a book which is as much 
 an attack on Baudrand as a defence of the Venetian nobles, he claims 
 to have proved that the patricians of Venice first discovered all the 
 lands anciently unknown, also America and Terra Australis; that an 
 exad and perfect concordance of the old and new geography is 
 desirable, for the honour of the Venetian noblemen; and he contends, 
 in opposition to Baudrand, that none of the geographical accounts 
 published by his clients are feigned or fabulous. He is intensely 
 indignant with Baudrand for writing in disparagement of the Venetian 
 nobility, 2 but feels only called upon to refute three out of £t the 
 arbitrary catalogue of lies,” 3 viz., those relating to Beach, Frislanda 
 and Java Minor, and he is content to prove the existence of those 
 places by showing that “ they are on many maps.” “ Beach ” and the 
 Great Southern Continent would, however, have proved unfortunate 
 examples for him, had he lived long enough to learn that the huge 
 continent shown around the South Pole, covering nearly one-sixth of 
 the surface of the globe, which he may have been accustomed to see 
 on the maps of Mercator and Ortelius, and of other much later 
 cartographers, had no existence, and that it is in fad: represented only 
 by two, or perhaps three, large islands and a good many little ones. 
 
 In several maps in Speed’s Atlas, 1627, 4 and in a map of 
 Visscher’s published in 1652, 5 the Great Southern Continent, with 
 Beach upon it, and Frisland, in the North Sea, both still appear. 
 
 On a terrestrial globe by Padre Coronelli, dated 1688, and pre¬ 
 served in the Palazzo Bianco at Genoa, “ Labrador” bears this legend in 
 
 1 Rifiessioni Geografiche circa le terre incognite Distese in ossequio ferpetuo della Nobilita 
 Veneziana, Padua, 1686. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 85. 3 Ibid., p. 90. 
 
 4 A Prospett of the most Famous Parts of the World , by John Speed. London, 1627. 
 
 6 In Seller’s Atlas Ferrestris. Circa 1660. 
 
Doubts and Controversy . 43 
 
 Italian : “ Estotilandia, or the New Bretaigne and Terre de Labrador, 
 discovered by Antonio Zeno, a Venetian patrician in 1390, before the 
 other countries of America were known.” Frisland is not shown, but 
 about the place where it usually appears is the legend, “ Between the 
 degrees 59 and 64 of North Latitude, and 349 and 353 Longitude, 
 many place the island Frislande, discovered 300 years ago by Nicolo 
 Zeno, a Venetian Noble, in the name of the King of Denmark, but, 
 as the sailors who have so often navigated this sea have never been 
 able to find it, so these think, either that it must have been submerged 
 or that the report of it is fabulous.” Zurla refers to the Isolario 1 of 
 Coronelli in support of the Zeno story. He also quotes an inscription 
 upon the general map of America, in the Nouveau Theatre du Monde 
 by Peter Vander Aa, as follows: “ Terra Labrador Hispanis , Nova 
 Britannia Anglis , Estotilandia Danis , Canada Septentrionalis Gallis , 
 inventa anno 1390 ab Antonio Zeno.” 
 
 Cellarius, in his Historia Medii ALvi, 1712, refers to the visit of 
 Antonio Zeno to the shores of America. 
 
 Some of the Zenian names and islands are mentioned in the books 
 and maps of many other authors of the seventeenth century, for 
 example, Nicolaus Belga (1603), Blaeu (1643), Visscher (1650), 
 Sanson (1660), Dudleo (1661), Cluverius (1676), Van Keulen (1698). 
 
 Torfaeus, a native of Iceland, and royal historiographer to the 
 King of Denmark, a learned man well qualified to form a judgment 
 upon the subject, rejects 2 the Zeno narrative altogether. 
 
 The French geographer, Guillaume de l’lsle, shows an undefined 
 island <£ Frisland ” upon his maps. He appears to have held that it 
 had formerly been continuous with Iceland, and had been submerged 
 by some natural convulsion. In the map entided Hemisphtre Occi¬ 
 dent aP he identifies “ Bus Island ” with “ Frisland,” but in later 
 editions of the same map, omits both altogether. 
 
 Moreri 4 is another authority quoted in confirmation of Zeno, but 
 he is not a strong supporter, as he describes Frisland as “ a supposed 
 country” in the Northern Ocean, so called on account of the great 
 cold there. “ Its inhabitants live almost entirely on fish, and nearly 
 all their commerce is in this fish, or in other marine monsters. This 
 is what some authors say, but, on looking closely into the matter, as 
 
 1 Coronelli’s Isolario forms vol. ii. of Atlante Veneto , Venice, 1695-6. 
 
 2 Historia VinlandU Antique, Havnias, 1715. Prefatio ad Le&orem. 
 
 3 Hemisphere Occidental , 1720. In the Nouveau Atlas, Amsterdam, (1733 ?). 
 
 4 Le Grand Diftionnaire Historique , Amsterdam, The Hague, and Utrecht, 1724. 
 
44 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni % 
 
 no one has ever found the country, those who know these parts best 
 declare that there is no such place as Frisland, and that what has been 
 mistaken for it is some part of Greenland.” It is true that he 
 mentions Estotiland, but with an “ On dit .” He does not mention 
 the Zeni, nor any of the Zenian localities, under separate headings. 
 
 Hans Egede, a Danish missionary, who endeavoured, with royal 
 san&ion, to re-discover and revive the lost colonies of Greenland, refers, 
 in his description of that country written about 1741, to the accounts 
 by Zeno and Blefken of the Monastery of St. Thomas, but does not 
 accept them as true. 1 
 
 Morisotti refers to the voyages of the Zeni, and mentions Frislandia , 
 Fstotilant and some other Zenian localities. 2 
 
 The French historian, Charlevoix, speaks of the Estotiland of the 
 Zeni as “ un pays fabuleux et qui n’a jamais existe que dans l’imagina- 
 tion des deux freres Zani, nobles Venetiens.” 3 He also says : “ que la 
 Frislande, si elle existe, n’est peut etre qu’une partie du Groenland, ou 
 de l’lslande ; et qu’il n’y a nul fond a faire sur tout ce qu’en ont 
 debite les deux Freres Zanis: que l’Estotiland, suivant le rapport de 
 ces deux Nobles Venitiens, est fort eloigne de la Frislande, puisque de 
 leurs terns il n’y avoit aucun Commerce entre ces deux Pays, et que ce 
 fut par un pur hasard, que des Pecheurs eurent connoissance de ce 
 Dernier ; que le Royaume enchante, dont le Souverain avoit une si 
 magnifique Bibliotheque, a disparu depuis qu’on a parcouru le Nord 
 de l’Amerique.” 
 
 Peter Kalm, the Swedish naturalist, records a discussion which he 
 had,’in 1748, with Dr. Mortimer, the secretary of the Royal Society of 
 London, and says that he saw in the library of the Society a map of 
 the missing island of Friesland, engraved in 1666, showing the names 
 of many havens and places on the island. Kalm seems to favour the 
 theory of submergence. 4 
 
 David Crantz, in his History of Greenland , originally written in 
 High Dutch in 1765, and translated into English two years later, 
 refers to the alleged voyages of the Zeni as of doubtful authenticity. 5 
 
 1 A Description of Greenland, 1745, p. 19 et seq. 
 
 2 Orbis Maritimi Historia, Dijon, 1743, pp. 593 and 615. 
 
 3 Histoire Generate de la Nouvelle France , 1744, vol. i., p. 3, and vol. iii., p. 15. 
 
 4 Kalms Account of his Visit to England on his way to America in 1748, translated by 
 Joseph Lucas, 1892 (from “ En Resa til Norra America . . . Pehr Kalm,” Stockholm, 1753). 
 pp. 114 and 115. 
 
 5 History of Greenland, London, 1767, vol. i., p. 273. 
 
Doubts and Controversy . 45 
 
 Martiniere, in his Geographical Dictionary, expresses his disbelief 
 in the Zeno story. 1 Zurla, however, claims that Martiniere’s description 
 of Frislanda, which is simply taken from one of the maps of the 
 Zenian Frisland, is a precise and distinCt confirmation of the tc Carta 
 v da Navegar.” 
 
 Marco Foscarini, Doge of Venice, writing in 1752, 2 treats the 
 account of the voyage of the Zeni as true. On the other hand, in 
 referring to the story, Tiraboschi, 3 a native of Bergamo, while modestly 
 declining to decide the question of its truth or falsity, points out 
 several of the more glaring improbabilities in it, as throwing doubt 
 upon it. As far as we have been able to ascertain, he is the only 
 Italian author, except Coronelli, who does not accept it without question. 
 
 In 1783, Vincenzo Formaleone, in his Saggio sulla antica de 
 Veneziani , claims the discovery of the new world for the Zeni. 4 In 
 the same year, according to Casali, Formaleone published in Venice 
 the Storia Curios a delle aventure di Caterino Zeno , da un antico 
 originali manoscritto ed ora per la prima volta publicataj but the 
 manuscript had never existed, the imposture was soon discovered, and 
 Formaleone acknowledged that in the composition of the work, he had 
 plundered the writings of Nicolo Zeno and of Ramusio, inserting many 
 apocryphal particulars. 5 We have been unable to see this work of 
 Formaleone’s, of which there is no copy in the British Museum; 
 but, although it relates apparently only to the Persian part of the 
 Zeno Annals , it has been mentioned, on the above authority, as 
 indicating the small amount of credence to be accorded to Formaleone’s 
 testimony. 
 
 In 1784, Dr. John Reinhold Forster wrote, in German, his 
 History of the Voyages and Discoveries made in the North , which was 
 translated into English and published in London in 1786. In it he 
 takes up the cudgels on behalf of the Zeni, and says that, 6 after himself 
 narrowly inspecting and translating the book, c< it was in the highest 
 degree evident to me, that the whole of this relation is true, as, in faCt, 
 
 1 Le Grand Diftionnaire Geographique Historique et Critique, 1768, Under v. Estotilande. 
 
 2 Letteratura Veneziana , Venice, 1752, p. 406. 
 
 3 Storia della Letteratura Italiana, Modena, 1772-95, vol. v., 1775, p. 101 et seq. 
 
 4 “ Cosi l’ardito Fiorentino, Americo Vespucci, rapi al Colombo la gloria di dare il nome 
 al Mondo nuovo : gloria per altro nom sua; poiche rapita anch’essa ai nostri Zeni ” (p. 10). 
 
 5 Annali della Fipograjia Veneziana di Francesco Marcolini da Forli. Scipione Casali, 
 Forli, 186 r. 
 
 6 Op. cit., ed. 1786, p. 198. 
 
4.6 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 it contains within itself the strongest proofs of its own authenticity.” 
 His reasons do not seem to be by any means conclusive, and his 
 identifications of the Zeno place names are sometimes of the wildest 
 description. 
 
 Forster is the first writer who attempts to identify “ Zichmni,” of 
 the Zeno narrative with any historical personage. He suggests 1 that 
 Zichmni was Henry Sinclair, Earl of Orkney, basing his conje&ure on 
 the date of the assumption of that title by Sinclair in 1379, and upon 
 the resemblance (?) of the names Zichmni and Sinclair. But it has 
 been since proved by Zurla, who credits the Zeno story, that the date, 
 1 38°, given in the Annals as that of the Zeno Voyages, must have 
 been wrong by ten years, and the coincidence of dates, on which 
 Forster relied, has therefore disappeared. Zurla’s correction had, 
 however, been anticipated, whether by design or accident, by Ortelius 
 in his Theatrum Orbis of 1592, and the date “ 1390,” there given 
 by him, was adopted by many other subsequent writers. There are 
 other objections to the identification, of which there will be occasion 
 to speak in more detail further on. It has, however, since Forster’s 
 publication, been the sheet anchor of those who hold to the truthful¬ 
 ness of the Zeno narrative, and great weight has naturally been 
 attached to it by them. 
 
 In his Memoire sur Visle de Fr is landed written in the same year 
 as Forster’s work, Buache attempts to show that such an island as that 
 Frisland described by Nicolo Zeno the younger, never existed, but, 
 that the island represented under that name on the Zeno map corre¬ 
 sponds in position to the Faroes. Eggers, 3 writing a few years later, 
 also identified Frisland with the Faroes, chiefly by a comparison of 
 names on the Zeno map with aCtual names upon the islands. Both 
 these authors are claimed by believers in the good faith of Nicolo 
 Zeno the younger, as supporters of his story. 
 
 Pennant expresses his belief in the genuine character of the Zeno 
 story. 4 
 
 Passing by Filiasi, 5 D. J. Morelli, 6 and others, with the remark 
 that the Italian, and especially the Venetian writers, have with few 
 
 1 Northern Voyages , 1786, pp. 181 n, and 208, 209. 
 
 2 L’Histoire de /’Academie des Sciences , 1784. 
 
 3 Memoire sur l'ancien Greenland , 1792. 
 
 4 ArRic Zoology , London, 1792, vol. i., p. 331. 
 
 5 Recerche storico-critiche sulV opportunita della Laguna Veneta pel commercio , 1803. 
 
 6 Dissertazione intorno ad alcuni viaggiatori eruditi veneziani poco noti , Venice, 1803. 
 
Doubts and Controversy. 4.7 
 
 exceptions, and with a unanimity born, no doubt, of patriotism, 
 upheld the veracity of Nicolo Zeno the younger, we come to Cardinal 
 Placido Zurla. This erudite churchman is a staunch supporter of the 
 Zeni, and we are much indebted to him for the results of his careful 
 and exhaustive investigations into the history of the Zeno family. 1 
 The same author also touches the subject in his monograph on the 
 Fra Mauro Map. 2 Zurla upholds the veracity of the narrative 
 throughout, and gives fresh variety to the subject by some of his 
 identifications of Zenian localities. He also scolds Tiraboschi for 
 venturing to express any doubt upon the matter. 
 
 Edmonston 3 follows Forster, and claims that the latter u had 
 ingeniously obviated most of the doubts which have been entertained 
 on the subject of the Zeni voyages.” 
 
 An account of the Voyages of Antonio and Nicolo Zeno, abridged 
 from that in J. R. Forster’s Northern Voyages , is included in Kerr’s 
 Collection of Voyages , 4 and is prefaced by a strong expression of 
 opinion that the whole story is a fabrication and unworthy of credit. 
 
 Sir John Barrow, referring to the letter describing the second 
 voyage of Gaspar Cortereal, written by Pietro Pasquagli, the Venetian 
 ambassador in Portugal, to his brothers, and dated the 19th of October, 
 1501, eleven days after the return of the ships (which is printed in the 
 Paesi nouamenti ritrovati , 5 and in a somewhat garbled Latin version 
 of the same book, known as Itinerarium Portugallensium* ), says 
 that Cortereal reached a land which, “ according to his conjecture . . . 
 lay near a region formerly approached by the Venetians almost at the 
 North Pole,” and, with some audacity, implies, in a note, that the 
 Venetians referred to were Nicolo and Antonio Zeno. 7 Dr. Lardner 
 makes a similar statement. There is no warrant whatever for this 
 conclusion. Cortereal himself never returned from this voyage, and 
 
 1 Dissertazione intorno ai viaggi e scoperte settentrionali di Nicolo ed Antonio Fratelli Zeni, 
 Venice, 1808; which also appears in almost the same form in Di Marco Polo e degli altri 
 viaggiatori veneziani piu illustri , Venice, 1818, vol. ii., pp. 5-94. 
 
 2 II mappa monde di Fra Mauro camaldolese, discritto ed illustrato , Venice, 1806. 
 
 3 A view of the ancient and present state of the Zetland Islands, Edinburgh, 1809, vol. i., 
 pp. 66-75. 
 
 4 Kerr’s General History and Collett ion of Voyages and Travels, Edinburgh, 181I-24, 
 vol. i., p. 438. 
 
 B Paesi Nouamenti ritrovati, Vicentia, 1507; Second Edition, Milan, 1512; Third 
 Edition, Venice, 1517, lib. vi., cap. cxxvi. 
 
 6 Itinerarium Portugallensium , Mediolani, 1508, cap. cxxvi. 
 
 7 Chronological History of Voyages into the Artiic Regions, London, 1818, p. 40. Lardner s 
 Cyclopedia , under “ History of Maritime and Inland Discoveries,” vol. ii., p. 139. 
 
4 8 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 what is stated in the letter is, that they brought thence 1 “a piece of 
 broken sword, gilded, which certainly came from Italy. A certain 
 boy there wore in his ears two silver globes, which appeared without 
 doubt to have been made in Venice, and this makes me believe that 
 the land is a continent.” 2 
 
 Bernard O’Reilly 3 believed in the truth of the story of the voyage 
 of the Zeni brothers, and thought that “ Frisland,” or u West Fries¬ 
 land,” as he calls it, was represented, in his time, by the sunken land 
 of Buss. O’Reilly is mentioned here because he has been quoted by 
 several writers on the Zeno voyages, but his authority is worthless, 
 and his book a fraud. 
 
 Washington Irving, in his History of Columbus , 4 gives a sketch 
 of the Zeno voyages, taken apparently from Forster’s work, but rejects 
 the Zeno story. 
 
 In 1828, Lieut. W. A. Graah, of the Danish Royal Navy, was 
 dispatched by his Government in command of an expedition having 
 for its object the exploration of the East coast of Greenland, from 
 Cape Farewell to North Lat. 6g°. He sailed in June, 1828, and 
 returned in September, 1831, having reached Dannebrogs Island, on 
 the East Coast, in North Lat. 65° 18'. In his narrative of this voyage, 
 he refers, incidentally, several times to the voyages of the Zeni 5 with 
 incredulity. 
 
 Make Brun 6 treats the Zeno stories as real, and attempts to explain 
 the confusion of the Zeno narrative. As to the account of Greenland, 
 he says: “ Ce tableau des merveilles d’ Engroneland, offre probablement 
 des fragmens d’une relation veridique, mal reunis, et surtout mal 
 
 1 Cortereal is supposed to have reached Labrador. 
 
 2 Paesi novamente ritrovati , cap. 126. Itin. Portugallens ., cap. 126. In the latter 
 book the passage runs thus : ct Ensis confradi partem inaurata ; quae italiae ritu fabrefada 
 videbatur: quidam puer illic duos orbes argenteos auribus appensos circumferebat: qui haud 
 dubie celati more nostro visebantur: celaturam Venetam imprimis praseferentes: quibus rebus 
 non difficulter adducimur continentem esse potius quam Insulam.” The words in italics are an 
 interpolation, and no corresponding passage occurs in the original Italian. See also Harrisse’s 
 Les Corte Real , Paris, 1883, pp. 50 and 209, and Biddle’s Memoir of Sebastian Cabot , London, 
 1831, pp. 238 and 251. 
 
 3 Greenland , London, 1818, pp. 10, 11, etc. See list of books in Appendix. 
 
 4 A History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus , London, 1828, vol. iv., 
 
 pp. 217, 225. _ 
 
 6 Narrative of an Expedition to the East Coast of Greenland\ sent by order of the King 
 of Denmark in search of the lost Colonies , translated for the Royal Geographical Society of 
 London, 1837, pp. 3, 7, 20, and 175 n. 
 
 6 Precis de la Geographic JJniverselle , Bruxelles, 1832, vol. i, pp. 189-202, 213; vol. ii., 
 p. 595 ; vol. vi., pp. 323, 326, 327 n, 331. Annales des voyages , vol. x., p. 69. 
 
Doubts and Controversy . 49 
 
 appliques .... circonstances, vraies en elles memes, auront ete 
 accumulees pour former l’ensemble fantastique que nous venons de 
 mettre sous les yeux de nos ledteurs. Un peu de vanite chez Zeno 
 le voyageur, ou un peu de negligence chez Zeno, le redadteur 
 de la relation, ont facilement pu faire naitre cette confusion.” 1 
 This can hardly be called strong testimony in favour of the Zeno 
 history. 
 
 Admiral Zarhtmann, Hydrographer to the Royal Danish Navy, and 
 one of the Commissioners appointed to organize the expedition under 
 Graah, above referred to, in a paper published in the Memoirs of the 
 Society of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen, in 1833, and trans¬ 
 lated into English soon after, attacks the Zeno narrative with force 
 and effedt. 2 He writes with the authority of one who was well 
 acquainted with his subjedt, and his paper forms one of the most 
 valuable contributions to the literature relating to the matter. Never¬ 
 theless, for want of information not available when he wrote, he falls 
 into some errors. 
 
 Baron Humboldt mentions 3 the voyages of the Zeni, without ex¬ 
 pressing a final opinion, though he evidently leans towards accepting 
 the accounts as genuine. He says, u En examinant avec impartiality 
 la relation des Zeni, on y trouve de la candeur et des descriptions 
 detaillees d’objets dont rien en Europe ne pouvait leur avoir donne 
 l’idee.” As to this remark, it may be noticed that such maps as that 
 of Olaus Magnus of 1539 (Plate IV.), the Zamoiski map of 1467 
 (Plate II.), and the three maps, of the same type as the last named, 
 found by Nordenskjold in Florence, 4 and more particularly referred 
 to below, have been brought to light since Humboldt’s time, and that, 
 notwithstanding Humboldt’s opinion, there did exist in Europe in his 
 time, and in Venice in the time of Nicolo Zeno the younger, documents 
 which contained a good deal, if not all, of the information served up 
 to an interested public, in 1558, as original. Humboldt mentions 
 Admiral Zarhtmann’s paper, which had then recently appeared, but 
 says that he had not yet examined it. 
 
 1 Precis , vol. i., p. 201. 
 
 2 Nordiske Pidsskrift for Oldkyndighed, Copenhagen, 1833; and Remarks on the Voyages 
 in the Northern Hemisphere ascribed to the Zeni of Venice. By Captain C. C. Zarhtmann, R.N., 
 and communicated by him in the Journal of the Geographical Society , London, 1835, vol. v., 
 pp. 102 et seq. 
 
 3 Examen critique de I'Histoire de la Geographic du Nouveau Continent , Paris, 1836, 
 Se&ion II., pp. 120 et seq. o 
 
 i Bidrag till Nor dens Aldsta Kartografi , Stockholm, 1892. 
 
 H 
 
50 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 BredsdorfF, writing in 1845, 1 discusses the voyages at some length, 
 andj although he is claimed by Major as a supporter of the truth of 
 the story, he gives some very excellent reasons against its credibility. 
 
 Joachim Lelewel, in a chapter entitled u Tavola di Zeni,” 2 examines 
 the map, and accepts it as a genuine fourteenth century produ&ion. 
 He also gives his conjectures as to the identity of the places named on 
 the map. These, with the identifications of Forster, Zurla, and other 
 writers, will be found in Appendix V. at the end of this volume. 
 
 Miniscalchi Erizzo 3 defends the truth of the Zeno story at some 
 length, and excuses the compiler’s geographical blunders on the ground 
 of his ignorance of the northern languages. He identifies, amongst 
 other Zenian localities, “ Neome ” with “ Foula,” and C£ Icaria ” with 
 a The Sunken Land of Bus.” 
 
 Professor Konrad Maurer 4 in a paper on Mediaeval Greenland, written 
 in 1873, declares against the authenticity of the Zeno narrative. 
 
 In 1873 Mr. R. H. Major, F.S.A., of the British Museum, edited 
 “ The Voyages of the Brothers Zeno,” for the Hakluyt Society. 5 In 
 the introduction, Major falls upon Admiral Zarhtmann with fury, much 
 as Terra Rossa fell upon Baudrand, but in, perhaps, a more modern 
 and civilized manner. He claims to have freed the Zeno documents 
 from the discredit under which they had laboured; to have tracked 
 the causes of the errors and misconceptions which had led to that 
 discredit, and to have performed other literary feats, for evidence of 
 which we have in vain sought in his pretentious work. He is un¬ 
 fortunate in some of his strictures upon Zarhtmann’s conjectures, as, 
 for example, in his contemptuous rejection of Zarhtmann’s suggestion 
 that it was probable that the Olaus Magnus map of 1539, published in 
 
 1 Brodrene Zends Reiser , etc., in Grinlands Historiske mindesmaerker udgivne af det Kongelige 
 Nordiske Oldskrift Selskab. Kjobenhavn, 1845. Bind III., pp. 529-624. 
 
 2 Geographic du Moyen Age, accompagnee d'Atlas, Bruxelles, 1852-57, vol. iv., pp. 85-112 ; 
 and also vol. ii., pp. 84 and 169, and Atlas Plate XXXVI. 
 
 3 Le Scoperti Artiche , Venezia, 1855, pp. 106 et seq. 
 
 4 Gronland in Mittelalter; in Die Zweite Deutsche Nordpolarfahrt in den Jahren, 1869 und 
 1870, unter fiihrung des Kapitan Karl Koldewey, Leipzig, 1873-74, Band I., s. 239. 
 
 5 Fhe Voyages of the Venetian Brothers Nicolo and Antonio Zeno to the Northern Seas in the 
 Fourteenth Century, Hakluyt Society, London, 1873. The introdu&ion, with slight alteration, 
 also appears under the title of The site of the lost Colony of Greenland determined , and pre- 
 Columbian discoveries of America confirmed, from fourteenth century documents , in the Journal of 
 the Royal Geographical Society of London , 1873, vol. xliii., p. 156, and a resume thereof in the 
 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, U.S.A., 1875. The introduction, 
 only, to the Hakluyt Society’s volume was translated into Italian by Carraro, Archivio Veneto , 
 vol. vii., pp. 302-326; vol. viii., pp. 263-304. 
 
Doubts and Controversy . 51 
 
 Venice, might have contained some materials which could have served 
 Nicolo Zeno the younger in the compilation of his map. The Olaus 
 Magnus map had been lost when Zarhtmann and Major wrote; a copy 
 has since been found, and, as will be seen from the extrad given in 
 the Appendix (Plate IV.), Zarhtmann was right and Major was wrong. 
 Neither were the Zamoiski map (Plate II.) nor the three Florence maps 
 of the same type 1 then known, in England at least, but they are now 
 evidence to show that Major’s incredulity as to the existence of the 
 old MS. map, mentioned by Zarhtmann, 2 in the University Library 
 of Copenhagen (in which the outline of Greenland corresponded with 
 that in Bordone’s Isolario , and which contained names agreeing almost 
 uniformly with those on Zeno’s Greenland, and in the same order) 
 is scarcely justified. But Major’s work remains, in England and 
 America at least, the standard work upon the subjed. Desimoni, in 
 Italy, and Gaffarel, in France, also rely upon it. 
 
 Cornelio Desimoni claims 3 that the disputes as to the veracity of 
 Zeno’s narrative, and the questions as to the identities of Zenian 
 localities, have been settled by Major beyond all doubt. In the 
 second paper, noted below, 4 he writes an able and interesting essay, 
 expounding and supporting Major’s views, and discussing those of 
 Zarhtmann. In a third paper 5 he re-discusses the story, and criticises 
 the papers of Krarup (1878), of Admiral Irminger (1879), of Steenstrup 
 (1882), of Nordenskjold (1882), and of Erslev (1885), all of which 
 had appeared since he had written in 1878. All his papers are 
 marked by a close knowledge of his subjed, and by a temperate tone 
 which make them pleasant reading. 
 
 Krarup takes 6 an entirely new view of the diredion of the travels of 
 the Brothers Zeni, and endeavours to show that they visited the White 
 Sea ; he identifies “ Frislanda” with North Friesland or Schleswig, and 
 Zichmni with Henri de Siggens, Marshal of the Army of Holstein. 
 
 o 
 
 1 Reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Bidrag till Nordens Aldsta Kartografi , Stockholm, 1892. 
 
 2 'Transactions of the Royal Geographical Society , London, 1835, vol. v., p. 114. 
 
 3 Memoria intorno ai viaggi dei Fratelli Zeno al Settentrione d'Europa tra la fine del Secolo 
 xiv. in Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia Storia e belle Arti, Genova, 1878, [Brit. Mus, P. P. 
 4189 f.] 
 
 4 I viaggi e la carta dei Fratelli Zeno, 13 90-1405, in Archivio Storico Italiano , 4 a Serie, 
 vol. ii., Firenze, 1878, pp. 389-417, [Brit. Mus. P. P. 3557 a.] 
 
 5 I viaggi e la carta dei Fratelli Zeno , 1390-1405, Studio Secondo, in Archivio Storico 
 Italiano, 4 a Serie, vol. xvi., Firenze, 1885, pp. 184-214. [Brit. Mus. P. P. 3557 a.] 
 
 6 Om Zeniernes Reise til Nor den, Dansk Geogr. Selskab Tidsskrift, 1878; and Zeniernes 
 Rejse til Nor den, et Tolknungs Forsrpg, Copenhagen, 1878. 
 
52 
 
 1"he Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 State Councillor J. Steenstrup, 1 in 1882, in a paper in which he 
 examines the Zeno map and narrative, concludes that the author has, 
 in all probability, remodelled the map on older materials ; that the 
 narrative is derived from several older sources; that the whole, either 
 by imposture, or by a misunderstanding, has been attributed to the 
 elder Zeni; and, further, that the author of the map has used several 
 older maps of the northern seas, but that the voyagers probably went 
 no further north than North Frisland, or to the west coast of South 
 Jutland. He identifies Frisland with Iceland, and gives many other 
 identifications which will be found in Appendix V. 
 
 Baron Nordenskjold, in the same year (1882), in a paper on the 
 same subject as that of Steenstrup, 2 contends that the original of the 
 Zeno map is the basis of the various resemblances which are found on 
 the maps of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, of which he gives a 
 series of facsimiles. 3 It should be again noticed that both the last men¬ 
 tioned papers were written before the Olaus Magnus map of 1539, die 
 Zamoiski map of 1467, and the three Florence maps were re-discovered. 
 
 1 Zeniernes Reiser i Nor den, in Arboger for nord Old kindighed, for 1883, and Les Voyages 
 des Freres Zeni dans le Nord, in Compte rendu du Congres des Americainistes, Copenhagen, 1884. 
 
 2 Studier och Forskningar foranledda afminor resor i boga nor den, 1883. 
 
 3 Fide Storm, Om Zeniernes Reiser, p. 5. 
 
 The Monk Rock in the Faroes. (From Olaus Magnus, 
 Hist, de Gent., Sept., 1555, p. 64.) 
 
SECTION V. 
 
 THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE ZENO BOOK. 
 
 R. OSCAR BRENNER’S fortunate discovery, in 
 the Munich Public Library, in 1886, of a copy of 
 the large map published by Olaus Magnus, at 
 Venice, in 1539, threw important lights on the 
 origin of the Zenian “ Carta da Navegar,” and set 
 at rest for ever the doubts which had existed as to 
 the identity of the map of 1539 with that contained 
 in the Basel edition of Olaus Magnus’ De gentium Septentrionalium 
 of 1567. In his paper describing his valuable find, Brenner shows 
 the correspondence of many of the names on the Zeno map with those 
 on the 1539 map. 1 The two have in common other features which 
 are referred to below in the chapter on the “ Carta da Navegar.” 
 
 Professor Gustav Storm 2 is the first authority, we believe, who has 
 studied the Zeno narrative and map by the lights afforded by the 
 Olaus Magnus map, 1539, a °d by the Zamoiski map, 1467. No one 
 is more competent to expose, as he has so completely done, the falsities 
 of the narrative, and the dishonesty of Nicolo Zeno the younger, in 
 allowing the “ Carta da Navegar ” to be put forward as the copy of a 
 map made in the fourteenth century, or to trace some of the real 
 sources of that sixteenth century compilation. Unfortunately Professor 
 Storm’s destructive criticism of the “ Carta da Navegar ” is not available 
 to the reading public in an English version. 
 
 The year 1892, the quater-centenary of the discovery of America 
 by Columbus, was, naturally, remarkably prolific in literature relating 
 
 1 Die dchte karte des Olaus Magnus , vom Iahre , 1539, nach dem exemplar der Miinchener 
 Staats Bibliothek. Von d’Oscar Brenner, Christiania, 1886. o With a reduced facsimile of the map. 
 
 2 Om Zeniernes Reiser, Norske Geographiske Selskab, Arbog II., 1890. 
 
54 7 'he Voyages of the Brothers Zenu 
 
 to that subject. Among the more notable writers are to be found, in 
 Europe, Clements Markham, 1 Harrisse, 2 Charles Elton, 3 Paul Gaffarel, 4 
 and Kretschmer 5 ; in America, Justin Winsor, 6 and John Fiske. 7 
 
 Neither Markham nor Harrisse adopts the Zeno narrative as true; 
 Elton accepts the identification of Zichmni (who, however, is never 
 called “ Zinco,” as Elton says) with Henry Sinclair, and attempts to 
 explain the inconsistences of the map and narrative. Gaffarel staunchly 
 contends for the truth of Zeno’s relation. 
 
 Justin Winsor, with his usual caution, does not commit himself to 
 any definite opinion on the subject, but John Fiske, relying upon 
 Major, accepts the whole story. Referring to Zarhtmann’s paper 
 above mentioned, he says, 8 tc All that human ingenuity is ever likely 
 to devise against the honesty of Zeno’s narrative is presented in 
 this erudite essay, which has been so completely demolished under 
 Mr. Major’s heavy strokes that there is not enough of it left to pick 
 up. As to this part of the question we may now safely cry, ‘Finis, 
 laus Deo.’ ” 
 
 How little this confidence of Fiske’s is justified ; how widely 
 Major’s “ heavy strokes ” have missed their mark, and left him open to 
 attack in turn, we intend to show. But Major, in spite of his claim to 
 the contrary, was working mainly by conje&ure, and the information 
 which is now available to prove that, on many points on which he 
 differed from Zarhtmann, the latter was right, had not come to light 
 in 1873. Major, therefore, doing the best he could with the materials 
 before him, was not to blame if his conclusions were erroneous, but 
 Fiske, writing in 1892, has not the same excuse. 
 
 We notice Fiske more particularly because we find in a recent 
 book, 9 by one of the Sinclair family, a claim, based avowedly on Fiske’s 
 work, to rank “ Prince Henry Sinclair,” as a civilized man “ in the 
 modern sense of civilization,” as “ the one and only discoverer of 
 America,” and much more to the same purpose. 
 
 One of the more notable publications of 1892 was the handsome 
 atlas and volume of text by Dr. Kretschmer. Valuable as it is, it 
 
 1 Life of Christopher Columbus , by Clements Markham, C.B., London, 1892. 
 
 2 Lhe Discovery of North America , by Henry Harrisse, London and Paris, 1892, 
 
 3 Lhe Career of Columbus , by C. T. Elton, London, Paris, and Melbourne, 1892. 
 
 i Histoire de la Decouverte de V Amerique, Paris, 1892. 
 
 5 Entdeckung Amerika's , Berlin, 1892. 6 Christopher Columbus , London, 1892. 
 
 7 Fiske’s Discovery of America, 1892. 8 Fiske, op, cit vol. i., p. 237 n. . 
 
 9 Caithness Events y Wick, 1894. 
 
The Present Status of the Zeno Book . 
 
 55 
 
 would have been far more reliable as a work of reference, if the editor 
 had been content to give facsimiles of the old maps which he repro¬ 
 duces, instead of giving, as in too many cases he has done, his own 
 pictures of what he thought the old maps ought to have been. In his 
 text he discusses the Zeno map, and concludes that the portion relating 
 to Frisland, at any rate, was copied from earlier maps; that the 
 projection of the Zeno map was not a new one at the date of its 
 publication, and he refers to the accounts of the travels of the brothers 
 Zeni as “ questionable in the highest degree.” 1 2 
 
 The most recent opinion which has appeared on the Zeno question 
 is that expressed by Mr. H. W. Wilson, in a concise and comprehensive 
 summary in The Royal Navy? Mr. Wilson states both sides fairly, 
 and gives references to several of the principal commentators, and 
 to the Olaus Magnus and Zamoiski maps. He says: 3 “If the sub¬ 
 stantial truth of the narrative be accepted, there are many difficulties 
 to be explained away. ... 4 Against the narrative, in its present 
 form at any rate, much can be urged. At the very best we must 
 suppose Nicolo Zeno the younger guilty of altering and interpolat¬ 
 ing. His story of the torn documents, musty with age, is a very 
 common pretext with the fablemonger. The original documents have 
 never been produced or discovered. ... 5 There may have been a 
 voyage to Iceland, and even to Greenland, but it will be well to 
 suspend judgment till some trace of the original documents is dis¬ 
 covered.” 
 
 Zeno’s booklet, with its accompanying map, has now been before 
 the world for some 340 years, and has passed through strange vicissi¬ 
 tudes. At first accepted as true, very soon suspe&ed, both book and 
 map were but little later proved to contain much that was false * 
 Wfiolly disbelieved and attacked by some; entirely believed and 
 defended by others; or partly accepted, while still condemned, or 
 excused, according to the idiosyncrasies of the individual commentator, 
 the gradations of opinion concerning its authenticity were numerous. 
 The greater number of writers on the subject have been apologists, 
 
 1 Entdeckung Amerika s , pp. 248-252. 
 
 2 The Royal Navy. A History from the Earliest Times to the Present. By Wm. Laird 
 Clowes, assisted by Sir Clements Markham, Cap. A. T. Mahan, Mr. H. IV. Wilson , Mr. Theodore 
 Roosevelt, Mr. E. Fraser, etc., London, vol. i., 1897. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 328. 4 Ibid., p. 336, 
 
 6 Ibid., p. 337. 
 
56 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 who have seemed to find a strange delight in exercising their ingenuity 
 upon endeavours to account for untruths, to explain away difficulties, 
 to excuse mistakes, and to prove that, if certain things had not been 
 such as they undoubtedly were, the documents might have been wholly 
 or partially true. The conclusions of this class of writer have been 
 exceedingly varied and inconsistent with one another. 
 
 Those who have thought it worth while to attack such an obviously 
 unreliable work have been fewer, and somewhat obscured by the 
 number of apologists, but their conclusions have been uniform in 
 condemning the work as a mischievous conco&ion. 
 
 There is, of course, another class of writer, which accepts any printed 
 statement as proved fa 8 :; their name is legion. 
 
 Thus the little booklet with its map has been the origin of a mass 
 of literature, quite out of proportion to the importance of its subject. 
 
 In its early days it was pradtically misleading, deceiving such 
 navigators as Frobisher, Davis, and Hall, and helping nobody; whilst 
 in its later days it had the effect of throwing the cartography of the 
 North Atlantic into confusion for some two hundred years. 
 
 Many notable names appear in the list of commentators; but, in 
 spite of all endeavours, most of them honest, and certainly charitable to 
 Nicolo Zeno the younger, the confusion of the work has never been 
 reduced to order; its difficulties have never been solved; and the 
 character of its compiler has never been cleared from reproach. 
 
 Though some of our leading geographers have recently seemed to 
 ignore Zeno’s work, it still remains a stumbling block to many of those 
 who have occasion to study the geography or history of those parts of 
 the world to which it ostensibly refers. Such students would be glad if 
 the question of the authenticity of the work, or the reverse, could be 
 definitely settled one way or the other. 
 
 Such is the present position before the world of the book, which is 
 to be considered, in some detail, in the following pages. 
 
 END OF PART I. 
 
THE VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS ZENI. 
 
 Part II. 
 
 THE STORY IN THE BOOK. 
 
 I 
 

 MAP BY CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, I427. FROM NOR DENSKJOLD’s “FACSIMILE ATLAS 
 
PART II. SECTION I. 
 
 FAMILY HISTORY. 
 
 HE short statement as to the family of the 
 Zeni, given in the Annals , is slightly amplified 
 by some words interpolated in Ramusio’s re¬ 
 print of the narrative, and, still further, in some 
 of the editorial portions of his Navigationi et 
 Viaggi. Cardinal Zurla also gives 1 us the 
 result of his own careful investigations on 
 this subject. He states, on the authority of 
 a manuscript entitled Campidoglio Veneto , by 
 Girolamo Capellari, that, in 1379, there were three persons of the 
 name of Nicolo Zeno, in Venice. 
 
 The only questions conne&ed with the family history, which bear 
 upon the authenticity of the narrative seem to be: firstly, which of 
 these three persons of the name of Nicolo Zeno, who were in Venice 
 in 1379, was Nicolo Zeno, the traveller? secondly, when did he start 
 upon his travels ? As Zurla is a staunch supporter of the truth of the 
 narrative, it will be fair to accept his conclusions, that Nicolo, the 
 traveller, was Nicolo Zeno, da S. Canzian , an opulent patrician who 
 took part in the ele&ion of the Doge Marco Cornaro, in 1367, and 
 that of the Doge Michele Morosini, in 1382; that he was one of the 
 twelve sent by the Venetian senate, in 1367, to Marseilles, to bring the 
 Pope to Rome; that he commanded a galley against the Genoese, in 
 1379; that he was an ambassador to Ferrara, in 1382; that he was 
 one of the three Syndics elected, on the 26th November, 1388, to take 
 
 1 Dissertazione intorno ai Viaggi e Scoperte Settentrionali di Nicolo ed Antonio fratelli Zeni, di 
 D. Placido Zurla , Venezia, 1808. Reprinted with additions, as Dei Viaggi e Scoperte Settentrionali 
 di Nicolo ed Antonio Zeni Patrizj Veneti Dissertazioni, in Di Marco Polo e degli altri Viaggiatori 
 Veneziani piii illustri , Venezia, 1818, vol. ii., pp. 5-93. 
 
6o 
 
 !The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 possession of Treviso; and, that he could not have sailed for the 
 northern seas in 1380, as stated in the narrative; and that he certainly 
 could not have done so before 1388, and, probably, not till 1390. 1 
 
 The date of the voyage is given in the Zeno text in words: F anno 
 mille , e trecento , e ottanta . On the illustrative map it is given in Roman 
 numerals— <c mccclxxx.” Major, who accepts Zurla’s conclusion as to 
 the date, attempts to explain the discrepancy by assuming that the year 
 1380 is given in error. He says, 2 “ when it is considered that this date 
 is written above the map in Roman numerals, thus : mccclxxx, it will 
 be seen how easily that easiest of all delinquencies either of the author, 
 the editor, or the engraver; viz.,—the dropping of a final x, may 
 have occurred. The short sentence in the narrative ‘ this was in One 
 thousand three hundred and eighty,’ most certainly occurs in a part 
 written by Nicolo Zeno, junior, and the legend at the top of the map is 
 manifestly by him also, so that there is a common origin for both.” 
 
 It is, however, difficult to see how the dropping of an cc x ” on 
 the map accounts for the date being wrongly given in the text of the 
 narrative, from which the date on the map must have been derived, and 
 in which the number is written in words. Nicolo Zeno, the younger, 
 himself says 3 that he got the portion of the narrative in which the date 
 occurs from a letter of Nicolo, il Cavaliere , to his brother Antonio. 
 This statement Major contradicts, for some reason which, though not 
 obvious, he omits to explain. 
 
 Major further adds, 4 £t that there is reason in the editor’s [Major’s] 
 suggestion about the possible dropping of an 4 x ’ is shown by a remark¬ 
 able faCt. The great Antwerp geographer Ortelius, in recording this 
 very narrative, copied the Roman numerals as they stand at the top of 
 the map, making 1380, yet when our Hakluyt produced the same story 
 on the authority of Ortelius, he gave the date of 1390, thus proving by 
 a converse blunder how easily this kind of error may occur.” But 
 Major himself is here guilty of an inaccuracy, the correction of which 
 will quite destroy any value which might attach to his illustration. In 
 the text appended to the map “ Septentrio. Reg. descrip.,” both in 
 the 1570 and 1592 editions of the Theatrum Or bis of Ortelius, the 
 date is given in Roman numerals, “ mccclxxx,” as Major says. But the 
 
 1 Dissertazione , etc., 1808, pp. 41-43, and Di Marco Polo, 1818, vol. ii., pp. 16-18. 
 
 2 Voyages of the Venetian brothers N. and A. Zeno, etc., p. xlvii. 
 
 3 Annals, folio 48. See ante, p. 10. 
 
 4 Voyages of the Zeni, p. xlvii. 
 
Family History. 61 
 
 text which Hakluyt quotes occurs for the first time in the 1592 edition 
 of Ortelius, and refers to a new map, that of the “ Mar del Zur.” In 
 this text the date is given in words “ circa annum millesimum trecen- 
 tesimum nonagesimumque .” Hakluyt made no mistake, but quoted 
 correCfly. Ortelius is responsible for the alteration of the date to 1390, 
 and he has been followed by many subsequent writers, long before 
 Zurla had shown that 1380 could not have been the real date of 
 the alleged voyage. Forster’s conjecture of the identity of Henry 
 Sinclair, Eafl of Orkney, with the “ Zichmni ” of Nicolo Zeno’s story, 
 rests mainly upon the correspondence of dates, as explained hereafter 
 in the seCtion on <£ Zichmni.” Forster, who wrote in 1784, had not, 
 of course, the advantage of acquaintance with Zur la’s investigations 
 (1808), the result of which is the destruction of the presumed coincid¬ 
 ence of dates. 
 
 From the record, quoted by Zurla, 1 of the marriage of Tomaso, the 
 son of Nicolo, the traveller, which took place in 1398, it appears that 
 Nicolo, the traveller, was dead at that date. 
 
 Marco Barbaro, in his manuscript Hiscendenze Patrizie , 2 gives the 
 date of Nicolo’s voyage as 1390, but the Manuscript, even if the date, 
 1536, can be trusted, is not to be depended upon for accuracy, as it also 
 states that Antonio Zeno “ by order of Zicno, King of Frislanda, went 
 to the continent of Estotilanda, in North America.” Ortelius and many 
 subsequent writers have made similar statements, all of which are cer¬ 
 tainly at variance with the Zeno narrative, which gives a full account 
 of the voyage in which Antonio Zeno failed to find either Estotiland, 
 or Drogeo, and of his return from that voyage to Frisland. 
 
 The date given by Nicolo, the younger, the compiler of the story, 
 was not the result of a clerical or typographical error, but was probably 
 calculated by him from the fad: that the fighting in Chioggia was 
 practically concluded by the capture of the town on the 24th of June, 
 1380 (though peace was not actually concluded till the 24th of August, 
 1381). He either had never been aware of, or had forgotten, the faCts 
 afterwards unearthed by Zurla which prove the date 1380, assigned 
 for the commencement of Nicolo’s voyage, to be incorreCt. 
 
 3 Zurla, Dissertazione , 1808, p. 45, and Di Marco Polo , vol. ii., p. 19. 
 
 2 Quoted by Zurla, from a copy in the possession of Lorenzo Antonio da Ponte, and by 
 Major. The original MS., said to be in Barbara's own handwriting, is in the Biblioteca Mar- 
 ciana, Venice. There is a copy of it in the British Museum. Genealogie dei Noblii (sic) Veneti 
 di Marco Barbaro detto il Gobbo die 16 Feb., 1679. MS - [Eg- 11 55 l- E bas never been printed. 
 
62 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 It is not necessary, however, to attach much weight to the un¬ 
 fortunate selection of a date by the pseudo-historian, damaging though 
 it is to the credit of his history, in view of the many other and greater 
 difficulties presented by the narrative, when compared with fa&s now 
 known. We can afford to let the matter pass and to accept the con¬ 
 clusions of Zurla and Major, and others of their way of thinking, 
 especially as there is no reason to doubt the probability of a voyage into 
 the North Sea by the brothers Nicolo and Antonio Zeni. Indeed Mr. 
 Rawdon Brown, referred to by Major, has shown 1 that an annual voyage 
 to England and Flanders was made under the auspices of the Venetian 
 Senate, in most ordinary years, from the year 1317 to the year 1533. 
 
 It is noticeable that, while Major 2 refers to the list of these Flanders 
 voyages given by Rawdon Brown, he does not mention that the name 
 “ Nicolo Zeno ” a&ually appears in that list as that of the Captain 
 appointed to the command of the Flanders galleys, on the 22nd of 
 January, 1385 ; for, although this adds to the confusion by introducing 
 a third date, it affords the only confirmation yet found of the allegation 
 by Nicolo Zeno, the younger, that a “ Nicolo Zeno ” did go on a 
 voyage to the North Sea in the ninth decade of the fourteenth century. 
 As these annual voyages were of short duration, it is quite possible that 
 the Captain of 1385 may have been Nicolo, the traveller, of the Zenian 
 narrative, though, as we have seen, there were two other persons named 
 Nicolo Zeno in Venice in 1379. 
 
 The Flanders voyage was one of the six annual government 
 voyages. 3 The galleys employed were provided by the Senate, on the 
 motion of the Government; they were then put up to au&ion, and 
 let for the voyage to the highest bidder. The Captain (or rather Com¬ 
 modore as we should say) was elected by the Grand Council, but paid 
 by the merchants to whom the galleys had been hired out. The 
 object of the voyage was to carry the produce of India and Persia, and 
 
 1 Archivio di Venezia, con riguardo speciale alia Storia Inglese. Venezia, 1865, p. 274. 
 Calendar of State papers and MSS. relating to English affairs in the Archives and collections of 
 Venice , and in other Libraries of Northern Italy. Published by the Lords of the Treasury, 
 London, 1864, cxxxii., table No. 4. 
 
 2 Voyages of the Zeni , p. 3. 
 
 3 The six government squadrons sailed for : (1) the Black Sea, to trade in skins ; (2) for 
 Greece and Constantinople, taking, as now, wood and bales of English and Flanders cloth ; (3) 
 for the Syrian ports, trading in gums, spices, etc. ; (4) for Egypt; (5) for the North Coast 
 of Africa; and (6) for England and Flanders. In England, the Venetians exchanged glass, 
 sugar, spices, silk, and wines, for tin, wood, hides, and broadcloth (see Venice; an historical sketch 
 of the Republic , by Horatio F. Brown , London, 1893, p. 252). 
 
Family History. 63 
 
 Venetian merchandize, to England and to the North and West of 
 Europe. The time allowed for trading in the ports of destination was 
 stri&ly limited, generally to forty or fifty days. The Government 
 ships had to be restored to the Arsenal, at the close of the voyage, in 
 good condition. Vessels fitted out by private owners were sometimes 
 allowed to accompany the fleet, but their owners, like the hirers of the 
 Government vessels, were bound by oath to observe the regulations laid 
 down for the fleet. The vessels were all built upon Government 
 measurements and private individuals were compelled to conform to the 
 regulation size. 1 The most stringent rules, affedting even the smallest 
 details, were enforced by the Government, and it seems to be in the 
 highest degree improbable that the remarkable events and explorations, 
 recorded in the Zeno narrative, and alleged to have been reported by 
 letters to Carlo Zeno in Venice, should, if they really took place, have 
 escaped the vigilance of the Venetian Government, and should have re¬ 
 mained unknown, or unnoticed, for more than a century and a half. 
 
 Of Antonio Zeno, da S . Fantin , who, according to the narrative, 
 was fourteen years with Zichmni, Zurla tells us that he was married 
 in 13 84, that he had three sons, and that he could not have started on 
 the voyage in question till about 1391 or 1392. The record of the 
 marriage of Antonio’s son, Dragone, with Anna Morosini, which took 
 place in 1406, shows that Antonio was then dead. 
 
 Carlo Zeno, da S. Giovani Crisostomo , the brother of the travellers, 
 is an historical figure of considerable mark, but, except as the brother 
 to whom the letters from Antonio were addressed, his personality does 
 not affedt the narrative. 
 
 Of Nicolo Zeno, the younger, enough has been said in the Story of 
 the Book. 2 ( Ante , p. 24.) 
 
 1 Venice , Horatio F. Brown, p. 252. See also Preface to Calendar of Venetian State Papers , 
 1202—1509, by Rawdon Brown, London, 1864, pp. lxi. et seq. 
 
 2 Zurla, in his chapter on the Zeno family, refers to the following authorities : Andrea Gataro, 
 Storia Padovana (Muratori Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. xvii.); Andrea Redusio, Chronicon 
 Parvisinum (Muratori, vol. xix.); Jacopo Zeno, Vita di Carlo Zeno el Grande (Muratori, vol. 
 xix.) ; Marin Sanuto, the younger, Vite de Duchi di Venezia (Muratori, vol. xxii.) ; Marcantonio 
 Sabellico, Storia della Reppublica de Venezia; Giacomo Zabarella Prase a Peto Ovvero origine 
 della serenissima famiglia Zeno, Padova, 1646; Girolamo Capellari, Campidoglio Veneto MS. in 
 Biblioteca Marciana. The life of Carlo Zeno entitled La Vita del Magnifico M. Carlo'Zeno e 
 Valoroso Capitano della Illustrissima Republica Venetiana. Composta dal Reverendo Gianiacomo 
 Feltrense , e tradotta in vulgare per Messer Francesco Ffuirino (Venetia, 1544), is, according to 
 Haym ( Biblioteca Italiana, vol. i., p. 230), by Jacopo Zeno. He was Bishop of Feltre and 
 Belluno, and a grandson of Carlo Zeno. Quirino’s translation is a poor one from the Latin 
 original, which latter was first printed by Muratori. A pedigree of the Zeno family, extended 
 from that given in the Annals , forms Appendix III. 
 
PART II. SECTION II. 
 
 THE VOYAGE OF NICOLO ZENO, IL CAVALIERE ; 
 FRISLANDA, PORLANDA, SORANT, LEDOVO, ILOFE, 
 SUDERO, SANESTOL, BONDENDON [folios 4 6 a - 4 8 a ). 
 
 HIS portion of the narrative contains the story of 
 Nicolo’s voyage from Venice, of the wreck upon 
 Frislanda, and some particulars as to that island and 
 its surroundings, and introduces the reader to that 
 remarkable historical ghost, Zichmni, Lord of Por- 
 landa, and Duke of Sorant. 1 
 
 It is proposed to deal with the cartographical 
 history of the island Frislanda in a separate chapter devoted to the 
 consideration of the Zeno “ Carta da Navegar.” It will there be shown 
 that the island under this name first appears upon the Cantino map 
 of 1502, and that the name on the La Cosa map of 1500, which has 
 been taken for Frislanda—even by some high authorities—is in reality 
 “ Stillanda.” 
 
 It has, until quite recently, been supposed that the existence of 
 an island called “Frislanda” in the Northern Atlantic was indicated 
 by the mention of that name in a passage in a life of Christopher 
 Columbus, the author of which is represented on the title to be the 
 admiral’s son, Ferdinand Columbus. 2 The passage, which is quoted 
 in full further on, purports to be an extract from a note written by 
 
 1 The Sorano of the text is altered to Sorant in the Table of Errata {folio 5) of the Zeno 
 Annals. 
 
 2 Historie del S.D. Fernando Colombo nelle quali s'ha particolare & vera relatione della vita 
 & de' fatti dell' Ammiraglio D. Christ of or o Colombo, suo padre , etc. Nuouamente di lingua 
 Spagnuola tradotte nell' Italiana dal SAlfonso Vlloa. Venetia, mdlxxi. 
 
The Voyage of Nicolo Zeno; Frislanda , etc. 65 
 
 Christopher Columbus himself about his supposed voyage to the North 
 Sea, in 1477. It is necessary, in this connection, to refer shortly to the 
 history of this book. 
 
 In 1516 Agostino Giustiniano, Bishop of Nebbio, in Corsica, 
 published, at Genoa, a Polyglot Psalter, 1 in which he inserted, as a note to 
 the fourth verse of the nineteenth Psalm, a short account of Columbus 
 and his life. This note 2 contained a number of statements which, as 
 the compiler of the Historie considered, reflected unfavourably upon 
 the Admiral and his family. Some of these statements were repeated in 
 another work by Giustiniano, upon the Republic of Genoa, 3 not published 
 till 1537, which is also referred to in the Historie. This seems to fix 
 1 5 3 7 as the earliest date at which the Historie could have been begun. 
 
 One of the objects of the writer of the Historie was, avowedly, to 
 refute these objectionable statements, which are specified in the second 
 chapter of the book. No Spanish original of the Historie , either in 
 manuscript or in print, has ever been found, and, on examining the 
 subject, it appears to be more than doubtful whether any ever existed. 
 
 The Historie , bearing on the title-page the name Ferdinand 
 Columbus as that of the author, and purporting to be a translation 
 from Spanish into Italian, first appeared in print in Venice in 1571. 
 It was never previously published in Spanish, and the Spanish edition 
 (Barcia’s) which appeared in Madrid, in 1747, was only an inferior 
 re-translation from the Italian. 
 
 The Historie , in spite of some inexplicable passages, was for many 
 years regarded as genuine, and as one of the most valuable sources of 
 knowledge as to the history of the Admiral. But, in 1870, Mr. Henry 
 Harrisse, till then a believer in the authenticity of the book, brought to 
 bear his critical acumen and great linguistic knowledge upon it, with a 
 view to the solution of its difficulties. He published from time to time 
 several books relating to the subject. 4 He has shown conclusively, 
 
 1 Psalterium Hebraeum y Graecum, Arabicum et Chaldaeum, cum tribus Eat inis inter- 
 pretationibus et glossis. Genoa, mdxvj. 
 
 2 Reprinted, with an English translation, in Harrisse’s Notes on Columbus, privately printed 
 at New York, 1866, p. 74. 
 
 3 Castigatissimi Annali della eccelsa et illustrissima Republica di Genoa , da fideli et approvati 
 Scrittori, per el Reverendo Monsignore Giustiniano , Genoese , Vescovo de Nebbio. Stampata in detta 
 citta, etc. mdxxxvii. 
 
 4 D. Fernando Colon, Historiador de su Padre , Ensayo Critico, Sevilla, 1871. Fernand 
 Colomb, sa vie, ses ceuvres. Essai critique. Paris, 1872. L'Histoire de Christophe Colomb 
 attribute a son fils Fernand. Examen critique. Paris, 1878. Christophe Colomb, son origine, 
 sa vie, ses voyages , etc. Paris, 1884, etc. 
 
 K 
 
66 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 from internal evidence, that the Historie could not have been begun 
 before 1537 (Ferdinand Columbus died in 1539), th at many of the 
 statements contained in it are absolutely untrue, and that much of it 
 could not have been written either by Ferdinand Columbus or with his 
 knowledge and approval. Harrisse does not absolutely reject the passage 
 referring to Frisland, but he greatly mistrusts it. 1 
 
 Ferdinand Columbus, a man of taste and culture, colle&ed a fine 
 library, containing many thousand volumes, which he bequeathed to 
 the Cathedral of Seville. The remnant now forms the Columbina 
 Library in that city. He made, with his own hand, a complete and 
 elaborate catalogue, almost all of which is still extant, and there is 
 no sign of any life of the Admiral in the portion devoted to the 
 writings of Ferdinand. There is, however, in the catalogue, a note 
 mentioning a manuscript life of the Admiral, in nine chapters, written 
 in Spanish by Ferdinand Perez de Oliva, about 1525. 2 As Oliva died 
 in 1530, it is clear that he cannot have been the author of the Historie , 
 which refers not only to Giustiniano’s work, published in 1537, men¬ 
 tioned above, but also to Oviedo’s History of the Indies, 3 first published 
 in 1 5 3 5 5 but it is not impossible that Oliva’s work, which no longer 
 exists, may have been laid under contribution by the compiler of the 
 Historie. 
 
 It is right to mention that Las Casas, in his Historia de las Indias, 4 
 refers to “ that which Ferdinand Columbus relates in his History,” and 
 several times names him as his authority; but he never refers positively 
 to any History of Christopher Columbus by his son Ferdinand. 
 
 The Historia of Las Casas, “ The Protestor of the Indians,” was 
 written by him in Spanish, between the years 1527 and 1561. It 
 contains many passages of considerable length, which occur, phrase for 
 phrase, allowing for the difference of the languages, both in the Historia 
 by Las Casas, and in the Historie of Christopher Columbus. Probably 
 some of these have a common origin, which may have been some 
 writings of Ferdinand Columbus, or the Life of Columbus , by Perez de 
 
 1 Fernand, Colombo 1872, chap. xv. 
 
 2 Ferdinandi Perez de Oliva traliatus manu et hispano sermone scriptus de vita et gestis D. 
 Christophori Colon primi Indiarum Almirantis et maris occeanis dominatoris. Dividitur in 9 
 enarrationes. See Fernand Colombo p. 152. 
 
 3 La Historia General de las Indias , Sevilla, 1535; and Historie, etc., chap. x. 
 
 4 Historia de las Indias, Escrita por Fray Bartolome de las Casas, Obispo de Chiapa first 
 printed, at Madrid, in 1875, vol. i., pp. 57, 67 ; vol. ii., pp. 62, 87, 98 ; vol. iii., pp. 121, 
 134, etc. 
 
The Voyage of Nicolo Zeno ; Frislanda , etc. 6 7 
 
 Oliva, already referred to, which was in Ferdinand’s library. Some 
 passages in the Historie are, however, certainly borrowed from the 
 Historia by Las Casas, their origin being betrayed by the clerical errors, 
 especially in the spelling of names, which occur in them. 
 
 Whatever may have been the origin of the Historie of 1571, and 
 however authentic some of its sources may have been, it is certain 
 that its author has introduced many falsehoods, contradictions, and 
 anachronisms, which lay it open to the gravest suspicion, and make it 
 necessary to view with extreme caution any appeal to it as an authority. 1 
 
 Among the passages which occur, both in the Historie of 1571 and 
 the Historia of Las Casas, is that obscure passage, above referred to, in 
 which mention of Frisland is made. It appears as an extract from a 
 note written by Christopher Columbus, showing that all the five zones 
 are habitable, and proving it by his own experiences on his voyages, and 
 is as follows 2 * * * * * * * Io : “ In the month of February, 1477, I sailed a hundred 
 leagues beyond the Island Tile, the southern part of which is distant 
 from the Equator 73 0 and not 63° as some will have it. It does not lie 
 within the line which includes the west of Ptolemy , but much further to 
 the west. And to this island, which is as large as England, the English 
 go with their merchandize, especially those of Bristol; and, at the time 
 that I went there the sea was not frozen, although there were such high 
 
 1 “ Les Historie , dans l’etat ou nous possedons cet ouvrage aujourd’hui, sont done une 
 composition dont on ne doit se servir qu’avec une extreme reserve et jamais sans en controler les 
 assertions, les recits, les citations, meme les noms et les dates.” Harrisse, Christophe Colomb, Paris, 
 1884, vol. i., p. 115. 
 
 2 “ En unas anotaciones que hizo de como todas las cinco zonas son habitables, probandolo 
 
 por experiencia de sus navegaciones, [Cristobal Colon] dice ansi ‘ Yo navegue el afio de cuatro- 
 
 cientos y setenta y siete, en el mes de Febrero, ultra Tile, isla cien leguas, cuya parte austral 
 
 dista del equinoccial 73 0 y no 63°, como algunos dicen, y no esta dentro de la Imea que incluye 
 el occidente, como dice Tolomeo, sino mucho mas occidental, y a esta isla, que es tan grande 
 
 como Inglaterra, van los ingleses con mercaderfas, especialmente los de Bristol, y al tiempo que 
 
 yo a ella fui no estaba congelado el mar, aunque habia grandisimas mareas, tanto que en algunas 
 partes dos veces al dia subia 25 brazas y descendia otras tantas en altura.’ Es bien verdad que 
 Tile la de Tolomeo, esta donde el dice, y que a esta la llaman los modernos Frislandia .”—Las 
 
 Casas, Historia de las Indias, Madrid, 1875, vol. i., p. 48. 
 
 “ Et medesimamente in una memoria, 0 annotatione, ch’ei fece, dimonstrando, che tutte Je 
 cinque Zone sono habitabili & prouandolo con l’isperientia delle nauigationi, [l’Ammiraglio] dice : 
 
 Io nauigai l’anno mcccclxxvii nel mese di Febraio oltra Tile isola cento leghe, la cui parte 
 Australe e lontana dall* Equinottiale settantatre gradi & non sessantatre, come alcuni vogliono : 
 ne giace dentro della linea, che include l’Occidente di Tolomeo, ma e molte piu Occidental. Et 
 a quest’ isola, che e tanto grande, come l’lnghilterra, vanno gl’ Inglesi con le loro mercatantie, 
 specialmente quelli di Bristol. Et al tempo, che io vi andai, non era congelato il mare, quant- 
 unque vi fossero si grosse maree, che in alcuni luoghi ascendeua ventisei braccia & discendeua 
 altretanti in altezza. E bene il vero, che Tile, quella, di cui Tolomeo fa mentione, giace doue 
 egli dice: & questa da’ moderni e chiamata Frislanda.”—Columbus, Historie , etc., 1571, pp. 8 and 9. 
 
68 
 
 !The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 tides, that in some places they rose 26 Braccia, 1 and fell as much in 
 height. And it is very true that that Tile, of which Ptolemy makes 
 mention , 2 lies where he says , and that the moderns call it FrislandaV 
 
 Sir Clements R. Markham suggests 3 that the two passages which we 
 have printed in italics are interpolations made by Las Casas, after the 
 publication of the Zeno book and map. This seems to be the case, 
 certainly as to the latter italicized passage (viz., that referring to Fris- 
 landa), which is not included in the quotation marks which inclose the 
 rest of the passage in the printed edition of the Historia , but appears as 
 part of Las Casas’s own work. There are no quotation marks to guide 
 us in the Historie of 1571. 
 
 As to the former italicized passage the case is not so clear, but this 
 does not affed: the present subject. 
 
 It seems, therefore, that the only mention of Frisland in the 
 Historia occurs in a passage written by Las Casas, at least ten years 
 before the Historie appeared. During the three years between the 
 publication of the Zeno story and the completion of his own work, 
 Las Casas would almost certainly have heard of the Zenian Frislanda, 
 and noted it in his book; it seems also, that, as it has been shown that 
 the author of the apocryphal Historie sometimes borrowed from the 
 work of Las Casas, evidence fails to show any knowledge by Christopher 
 Columbus of the island Frisland. 
 
 According to the Zeno narrative, Frisland had belonged to the 
 King of Norway, and was won from him, by force of arms, by Zichmni, 
 in 1379. If this is authentic history, it is certainly extraordinary that 
 there should be no mention in any of the Scotch, Icelandic, or Scandi¬ 
 navian records, official or otherwise, either of the large and important 
 Island of Frisland, or of its conquest by Zichmni, but none of the 
 believers in the story of the younger Zeno have been able to point to 
 any such mention. Ortelius (solemnly confirmed by the learned Dr. 
 Dee 4 and followed by Cluverius 5 ) gives Frisland to England, though, 
 
 1 The Venetian braccia was 26'3 English inches, (fthe Marchants mapp of Commerce , by 
 Lewes Roberts, London, 1638.) Major and others have given the modern rendering c< fathoms,” 
 which more than doubles the height of the rise and fall of the tide. 
 
 2 Ptolemy , lib. ii., cap. iii., and “ Tabula Prima Europa.” 
 
 3 Life of Christopher Columbus , in The World’s Great Explorers Series. London, 1892, 
 pp. 22 and 23. 
 
 4 Private Diary of John Dee , 1554-1601, Camden Society, 1842, p. 4; and the endorsement 
 on Dee’s map, 1580 (Brit. Mus., Cott. MSS., Aug. 1, i. art. 1). 
 
 5 Philippi Cluverii Introdublionis in Universam Geographiam tarn veterem quam novam Libri 
 VI. Amsterdam, 1676, 4to, p. 60. 
 
The Voyage of Nico lo Zeno ; Frislanda , etc. 69 
 
 like Mercator, he calls Zichmni ££ King of Frisland,” a personage who 
 is as little known to historians as Zeno’s ££ Daedalus, King of Scodand.” 
 
 ££ Porlanda” and ££ Neome ” were to be found, with many other 
 Zenian names, on the Portuguese map of 1553, by Matthew Prunes, 
 where they probably respectively represent Foula and Fair Isle. 
 
 As to ££ the Duchy of Sorant,” it seems clear that the younger Zeno 
 had in his mind the ££ Sorand ” of his map. For once the description 
 in the text tallies with the map, as “ Sorand ” does lie “ on the side [of 
 Frisland] opposite Scotland ; ” posta dalla banda verso Scotia. It will 
 be seen from Appendix IV. that its place is taken, on the fifteenth century 
 Catalan map, and on the Prunes map, by t£ Solanda,” which is probably 
 the “ Isola Solan ” of the Fra Mauro map (Plate I.). 
 
 “ Ledovo ” may be the “ Liderovo,” and “ Sanestol ” the ££ Inestol ” 
 of the Andrea Bianco map, 1448. Major confidently identifies 1 
 ££ Ledovo ” with “ Lille Dimon,” one of the smaller Faroes, but this is 
 a very diminutive, uninhabited and almost inaccessible rock, and a most 
 extraordinary place for Zichmni and Antonio Zeno to stop at for seven 
 days, with their considerable number of ships and men, to rest and 
 refresh themselves and to furnish the fleet with necessaries, as the 
 narrative tells us that they did. 2 
 
 Admiral Irminger gives an instructive description and a picture of 
 Lille Dimon in his paper, in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical 
 Society , 1879, vol. xlix., p. 402. 
 
 Major’s identification is based upon his extraordinary phonetic 
 theory (applied also to many other Zenian names), according to which 
 a Venetian, hearing a Northerner say “ Lille Dimon,” would give for 
 the sound he heard the written form of “ Ledovo ! ” 
 
 Major identifies Ct Ilofe ” with ££ Skuoe,” 3 first adopting BredsdorfFs 
 suggestion that the initial ££ I ” has been written by Zeno by mistake 
 for ££ S.” That change gives ££ Slofe,” which, by Major’s theory, is the 
 Venetian rendering of the word ££ Skuoe,” spoken by a Northerner ! 
 We suggest, as a simpler and more reasonable solution, that the supposed 
 name ££ Ilofe ” is only the word ££ Ifole,” i.e. islands, with the ££ 1 ” and 
 long ££ s ” transposed by the copyist from some Italian map, and 
 
 1 Voyages of the Zeni , p. xv. 
 
 2 It is however stated, in the Fareyinga Saga , that the brothers Brester and Beiner kept 
 some sheep, and the cattle intended for killing, on Lille Dimon, which is described as being 
 uninhabited. 
 
 3 Voyages of the Zeni , p. xv. In the F<ereyinga Saga “ Skuoe ” is called “ Skufo.” This 
 would render Major’s explanation more reasonable. 
 
70 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 the long <£ s ” read as an “ f ” by the compositor; giving “ Ilofe ” for 
 “ Ifole ”—both very easy and natural mistakes when the written “ 1,” 
 long u s ” and ct f ” were so much alike in form. 
 
 u Suderoe”/is the name of one of the Faroes, and appears on the 
 Olaus Magnus map of 1539, and on Mercator’s t£ Europa,” 1554. 
 
 The “ Bondendon ” of the narrative, or “ Bondendea Porti ” of the 
 map, as will be more fully explained in the chapter on the “ Carta da 
 Navegar,” owes its existence, as do several other of the names on 
 Frisland, to the mis-copying of Portuguese words denoting physical 
 features, which were frequently placed upon maps of the fifteenth and 
 sixteenth centuries. Major, 1 by his theory, makes it the Venetian version 
 of “ Norderdahl! ” 
 
 It should be observed that Zeno describes Frislanda, the island, as 
 much larger than Ireland 2 [supra, p. 9), and Frislanda, the chief city 
 of that island, as lying inside a bay in which there is such a great abund¬ 
 ance of fish that many ships are laden therewith to supply Flanders, 
 Brittany, England, Scotland, Norway and Denmark, and adds, that 
 by this trade they gather great wealth [supra, p. 10). Yet, until 1558, 
 no one but Zeno and, perhaps, his relative Marco Barbaro, had ever heard 
 of the place, and, at that date, the island had totally disappeared, with¬ 
 out any record or remark whatever, either by the owners or skippers of 
 the many ships trading thither, or by any of the consignees of their 
 cargoes of fish. 
 
 1 Voyages of the Zeni , p. xvi. 
 
 2 Major ( Voyages of the Zeni, p. 6, n.) suspeCts that “ Irlanda ” is a misreading for 
 “ Islanda.” He also asserts “ the Zeni's utter ignorance of Ireland; ” yet, in his introduction 
 (p. xcviii), he identifies the “ Icaria” of the Zeni with Kerry, and seems to imply that this helps 
 his theory. But the Zeni cannot have visited Kerry and yet have been entirely ignorant of 
 Ireland. 
 
PART II. SECTION III. 
 
 THE VOYAGE OF NICOLO TO SHETLAND, ICELAND, 
 AND GREENLAND (From Nicolo’s Second Letter, 
 folios 48^5 i b ). 
 
 ICOLO ZENO, after being joined by his brother 
 Antonio, was made captain of Zichmni’s navy. 
 Zichmni had proje&ed an attack upon Eslanda 
 (Shetland), but drew off on hearing that the King 
 of Norway was coming against him with a great 
 fleet. The same storm which utterly destroyed the 
 Norwegian fleet also wrecked a good many of 
 Zichmni’s ships. The remainder took shelter in “ Grislanda,” a large 
 but uninhabited island not far to the south of Islanda. 
 
 Iceland is only thrice mentioned in the Zeno narrative, and only 
 once with any detail, viz., when Zichmni, accompanied by Nicolo, 
 after the failure of his expedition against Eslanda (Shetland), determined 
 “ to attack Islanda, which, exactly in the same manner as the others, 
 belonged to the King of Norway; but he found the country so well 
 fortified and furnished for defence that he could not but have been 
 repulsed, as he had such a small fleet, and that, small as it was, like¬ 
 wise very badly provided both with arms and men. On this account, 
 he abandoned that enterprise without having done anything, and 
 attacked, in the same channels, the other islands called Islande, which 
 are seven in number, that is to say, Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, 
 Mimant, Damberc, and Bres. Taking possession of them all, he built 
 a fort in Bres, in which he left M. Nicolo with some small ships, some 
 men and provisions ; and . . . returned safely to Frislanda” (supra, p. 11). 
 
72 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 The second and third occurrences of the name are on folio 57. These 
 latter are merely passing allusions. 
 
 It is clear that Nicolo Zeno, the younger, has blundered badly 
 over this part of his story. Arngrim Jonas, in commenting upon the 
 above passage (which he knew from the Latin version given in 
 Pontanus x ) shows, first, that the Iceland which he knew so well, and 
 of which he is one of the most reliable historians, never was fortified 
 or furnished for defence against attack by any fleet, however small ; 2 
 secondly, that the ancient records of Iceland, though exceedingly 
 minute in resped: to the smallest details, make no mention of so 
 imminent a danger as that described by Zeno; and, thirdly, that there 
 were no such islands as those named by Zeno near Iceland. 
 
 On the first point, Nicolo Zeno, the younger, may easily have been 
 misled by Olaus Magnus, who, both in the Opera Breve of 1539, 3 
 which explains his map of that date, and in his larger work, Historia 
 de Gentibus Septentrionalibus , 1555, 4 inserts passages from which 
 Zeno might have gathered that the Icelanders were a warlike and well- 
 armed people. So far from this being the case, they allowed themselves, 
 during a century and a half, to be continually harried, robbed and 
 insulted by the crews of ships of several nationalities, chiefly English, 
 and always with impunity to the ravagers. 
 
 As to Arngrim Jonas’s second point, Zeno could not have known 
 for how long a time, or with what care and minuteness of detail, the 
 Icelandic records had been kept, and, even had he done so, he would 
 hardly have anticipated that his narrative would ever be subjected to 
 the test of a comparison with those documents. 6 
 
 As to Arngrim Jonas’s third point, there could be little doubt that 
 Zeno in his narrative has confused Iceland ( Islanda of the text) and 
 the Shetlands ( Eslanda , Rstlanda or Islande of the text), yet we cannot 
 but think that the seven islands, to the east of Iceland on his map, had 
 
 1 Rerum Danicarum , 1631, p. 755-763. 
 
 2 Specimen Islandi<e , 1643, p. 143 et seqq. 
 
 3 ** Et li cavaliere armati [represented on Islandia] dimonstrano quivi farsi spesso crudelissime 
 guerre, ed alcuna per leggier cause.” Opera Breve , under A. o.; see also infra , Plate IV. 
 
 4 “ Hi autem Islandenses .. . : facili causa provocantur ad arma, ac bella, quae satis crudelia 
 gerunt; denique tam ad pedestrem, quam equestrem expeditionem in omni eventu cundta 
 disposita habent.” Hist, de Gentibus Septentrionalibus , p. 733. See also p. 240, etc., in the 
 work cited. 
 
 5 “ The native historians of Iceland are exceedingly numerous ... at present it may be 
 sufficient to state that they have successfully elucidated even the most remote periods in the 
 history of their country, and that their simplicity and distinctness furnish strong internal evidence 
 of authenticity.” Sir Geo. Stuart Mackenzie, 'Travels in Iceland , 1811, p. 4. 
 
The Voyage of Nicolo to Shetland , Icela?id , Greenland 73 
 
 their origin in the ice floes shown in a corresponding position on the 
 Olaus Magnus map (Plate IV.), which Zeno, whether through ignorance 
 or impudence, has converted into islands! This seems also to be Professor 
 Storm’s view. 1 
 
 Forster, 2 in 1784, recognizes these seven Zenian islands as the Shet¬ 
 lands; Eggers, 3 in 1794, takes some trouble to distinguish the different 
 parts of Iceland which each of them represented in his opinion ; 4 Zurla 
 approves. Lelewel also 5 treats them as parts of Iceland. Major, how¬ 
 ever, considers 6 that they were the Shetlands, misplaced by Zeno, the 
 younger, in error, and that the words “ Islanda ” and “ Islande,” in the 
 passages quoted at the beginning of this section, are misreadings for 
 “ Eslanda,” meaning the Shetlands. The names of the seven Zenian 
 Icelandic islands are apparently borrowed from the Shetlands, 7 and they 
 represent those islands in a vague, loose kind of way. The u Bres ” of 
 the narrative is the modern Bressay. 
 
 We have seen that Zichmni left Nicolo in the new fort in Bres, with 
 some small vessels, some men, and some stores. Nicolo determined to make, 
 from thence, an exploring expedition, and, sailing towards the north, in 
 the month of July, arrived, according to the narrative, in Greenland. 
 
 Now, if Bres had been an island off the east coast of Iceland, as 
 Nicolo, the younger, understood it to be, and as he has shown it on his 
 map, a northerly course from thence could only have brought Nicolo, 
 the traveller, to Greenland. But as Bres is really Bressay, in the 
 Shetlands, the same course from thence would, more probably, have 
 brought him first to Iceland. The description of Greenland given in 
 the narrative, though in many respe&s inapplicable to that country, 
 would apply fairly well to Iceland. 
 
 In Greenland, we are told, Nicolo found the wonderful monastery 
 of the order of the Preaching Friars, and the church dedicated to St. 
 Thomas, the Volcano, like Vesuvius or Etna, and the hot springs and 
 other remarkable things described in the narrative ( supra , p. 11 et seqq .). 
 The existence of any of these things in the part of Greenland indicated 
 by the map, or of some of them in any part of Greenland, is inconsistent 
 with all human knowledge, even at the present day, extended as that 
 knowledge has been by the frequent and determined explorations made 
 
 1 Om Zeniernes reiser, pp. 9 and 14. 2 Northern Voyages , p. 200. 
 
 3 Ueber die wahre lage des Alten Ostgronlands. Kiel, 1794. 
 
 4 Dissertazione, etc 1808, p. 91. Di Marco Polo , vol. ii., p. 55. 
 
 5 Geographic du Moyen Age , vol. iv., p. 95. 
 
 6 Voyages of the Zeni , p. 11, n. 2. 7 See infra, Appendix IV. 
 
74 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 on the Greenland coasts during the last two centuries. But the volcanoes 
 and hot springs, hot enough to be capable of cooking food, either by 
 baking or boiling, did exist in Iceland, as was known in Italy in the 
 time of Zeno the younger, and still exist. In speaking of the monastery 
 Zeno says: ££ Hither in the summer come many boats from the 
 neighbouring islands, and from the cape upon Norway and from Treadon 
 (Trondhjem),” to trade for dried fish and skins. And further, ££ There 
 come together in this monastery Friars from Norway, Sweden, and 
 other countries, but the greater part are from Islande; 1 and there are 
 always in this port many ships, which cannot get away because the sea 
 is frozen, awaiting the spring thaw” Svante, p. 14]. And yet no trace 
 can be found in Greenland, no mention in history of this flourishing 
 trading station. It has been noticed elsewhere that in 1389, and for 
 many years previously, Iceland and Greenland were regarded as the 
 private property of the Danish Crown, and none but royal ships were 
 permitted to go to those countries. 2 3 
 
 On the question as to where Zeno the younger can have got his 
 details of these northern parts, Olaus Magnus and Bordone may be 
 referred to. There is not one of the wonders described by Zeno the 
 idea of which may not have been taken from the works of one or other 
 of those two authors. 
 
 As to the possession by the Friars of all sorts of comforts, and all 
 that they want, the hot springs and the lake kept from freezing by their 
 flow, compare the description by Olaus Magnus of the Royal Fortress 
 of Aaranes in Sweden : 3 ££ This Fortress had around it all the advantages 
 which any fortunate abode of mortals could demand and obtain from 
 the Powers above.” The ££ vast Lake Vener abounding in fish,” was 
 hard by, and the neighbouring marshes protected the approaches even 
 in the severest winter, ££ for very rarely were these marshes frozen, 
 because of the hot vapours from the sulphurous streams.” We seem, 
 also to see a possible origin of the Friars’ gardens in the following 
 chapter of Olaus, which describes the wonderful garden of the Mountain 
 Kinderberg, near the aforesaid fortress. 
 
 1 This may mean Iceland or the Shetlands. Major translates it by the latter name. See 
 note 1, on p. 11, supra. 
 
 2 Vide infra , p. 96. 
 
 3 <c Habebat hasc arx in circuitu omnes commoditates quas unquam felix mortalium sedes a 
 superis impetrare potuerat et obtinere.” . . . “Vastum ac piscosum lacum Vener.” . . . 
 Nam rarissime propter calidas venarum sulphurearum exhalationes paludes illae congelantur.” 
 —De Gentibus Sept. } lib. 2, cap. xxi. 
 
The Voyage of Nicolo to Shetland , Iceland , and Greenland. 75 
 
 In the same book 1 there are accounts of hot springs in Iceland and 
 Scotland in which anything may be cooked; and of the stone which, 
 when water is poured upon it, becomes like lime. That the things 
 thus described by Olaus do not belong to the locality assigned to them 
 by Zeno matters little, considering the latter’s method of gathering 
 materials for his story from all quarters; and especially seeing that the 
 locality, which he does assign for his flourishing monastic emporium, 
 happens to be in reality in the middle of the frozen sea, between Green¬ 
 land and Spitzbergen. As to the habitations, Bordone 2 describes the 
 method of lighting the cave-dwellings from the top; while Olaus Mag¬ 
 nus 3 has several chapters describing the materials and manner of con¬ 
 struction of houses, in various forms (round amongst others), and the 
 method of obtaining light from the top. Bordone mentions the great 
 
 DE BALNEIS, ETC. FROM OLAUS MAGNUS, “ DE GENT. SEPT.,” 1555 , P - 5 2 7 - 
 
 abundance of fish, their great size and strange forms, and the trade 
 done in salted fish; while Olaus Magnus refers, over and over again, 
 to the abundance and great size of the fishes of the north, and figures, 
 both in his book and in his map, divers strange varieties. 
 
 Again, Olaus Magnus gives us 4 a woodcut picture, here reproduced, 
 which might well serve to illustrate Zeno’s description of the con¬ 
 veyance of the hot water into the middle of the Court, where it falls 
 into a large vessel of brass, that stands in the middle of a boiling fountain. 
 The use of hot water, led by conduits into baths, is in Iceland, at least 
 as old as the time of Snorre Sturlasson, who was beheaded in 1241. 5 
 
 1 De Gentibus Sept., lib. 2, cap. i. 2 Isolario, ed. 1528, folio v. 
 
 3 De Gentibus Sept., lib. 12, cap. i., ii., iii. 
 
 4 Ibid., p. 527. De Balneis, & ventosis, ac phlebotomia. 
 
 5 See Irminger, in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc.: London, 1879, vol. xlix., p. 411, and Troil, Letters 
 on Iceland , London, 1780. The following is Troil’s description of Snorre Sturlasson’s bath : 
 “ And at a little distance from them [the site of Sturlasson’s house and the burying place of his 
 
76 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 It may be noticed that even the most devoted of Zeno the younger’s 
 supporters have been obliged to abandon him on the question of the 
 locality assigned by him for the Monastery. 
 
 We will postpone the consideration of Nicolo Zeno’s volcano in 
 East Greenland till we come to the account of Antonio Zeno’s volcano 
 in West Greenland. 
 
 The younger Zeno’s knowledge of the Greenlanders’ leather boats, 
 or kayaks , is one of those things about which he is supposed to have 
 possessed information in advance of that of his age. His description of 
 them (though we cannot agree with Major, 1 that it is “ truly admirable,”) 
 is certainly in keeping with the rest of his story, as it shows a complete 
 misunderstanding of its subject, and is, in some respects, untrue. 
 
 Both Ziegler 2 and Olaus Magnus 3 mention these boats. The latter 
 says that in 1515 he saw two of them over the western door of the 
 Cathedral consecrated to Halvard at Aslo (Christiania). He also figures 
 one in his map of 1539, and in the Opera Breve gives much the same 
 account as that given by Zeno, as to the safety of those who use them: 
 “ in these they are safe in all conditions of the winds, whether carried 
 on to the rocks, or into the depths ; 4 where they attack ships, even 
 the ships of foreigners, and pierce the same under the water and sink 
 them.” The figure on the Map (Plate IV. B.a.) may very well have 
 given Zeno the idea of the shape of a weaver’s shuttle, though it gives 
 no idea of the real form or use of a kayak. As a matter of fa£t, a 
 kayaker is completely shut in by the union of his leather clothing with 
 the ring of the kayak , only his face being exposed. Olaus Magnus in 
 another place 5 also mentions the making of ships, u which, as there are 
 no iron nails, are joined together with the sinews of animals, especially 
 of reindeer, and with the roots of trees.” 
 
 The leather boats are also mentioned by Schoner, 6 who speaks of 
 
 family] Snorra Laug, one of the finest baths in Iceland. This bath, which is large enough to 
 contain fifty persons at one time, is mured in with a wall of basalt and concreto thermarum; it 
 has a smooth level bottom, and is surrounded with benches. In Sturleson’s time a long covered 
 passage led from thence to the dwelling-house, so that the bathers retire from the bath without 
 being exposed to the cold. The spring is at forty paces’ distance, and is called Scribla, and the 
 water from it is conveyed to the bath through a conduit made of stones. At the end of this 
 conduit is a hole in a rock, which is shut with a spigot and faucet, and through which you let in 
 as much warm water as you think fit; this, when too hot, may easily be cooled by water from 
 an adjoining brook.”— Op. cit., pp. 189, 190. 
 
 1 Voyages of the Zeni , p. lxxxix. 2 Schondia , 1536, folio xcii.b. 
 
 3 Be Gentibus Sept., p. 68 ; Opera Breve, 1539, under B.a. 
 
 4 Cf. Annals, folios 50, 51. 5 Opera Breve, under C.p. 
 
 6 “ Pigmei parvi longitudine cubitales; quos vidit Claudius Clavus Niger captos in mari in 
 
The Voyage of Nicolo to Shetland , Iceland , and Greenland . 77 
 
 the little pigmies a cubit long, some of whom Claudius Clavus had 
 seen captured at sea in a moderate-sized boat made of leather, which 
 in Schoner’s time was preserved in the Cathedral Church of Nidrosia 
 (Trondhjem). They had in the same place, he adds, a long boat also 
 made of leather, which was once also captured with some pigmies. 
 
 The larger Greenland leather boat, the umiak , is not covered in at 
 all, and can only be used in fair weather. 
 
 The ridiculous account of the <£ sleeve (manica) in the bottom of 
 the boat must be an addition of Zeno’s own. Such an arrangement 
 would be entirely impracticable, indeed impossible, in a kayak; it may 
 have its origin in a misreading of Olaus Magnus’ somewhat obscure 
 descriptions in the Opera Breve and De Gentibus Septentrionalibus 
 Historia , above referred to. Olaus Magnus also refers to the “ vessels 
 covered with leather round about and well sewed;” which Pliny, 
 quoting Timasus, mentions as being used by the Britons. 2 
 
 It is unfortunate that so many writers upon the Zeno narrative have 
 drawn across the trail of the investigation the interesting question of the 
 situations of the old Danish settlements in Greenland, so long lost sight 
 of. It is not proposed to follow the false scent of this literary or 
 historical red herring. It is now well ascertained that both the Eastern 
 and Western Settlements were upon the western face of Greenland, and 
 Major attempts to transport Zeno’s Monastery thither. He finds in 
 the Springs of Ounartok (which have only a temperature of 108° Fahr. :J ) 
 not indeed Zeno’s hot springs, but evidence of the probability of the 
 existence, 500 years ago, of some other hot springs which, he holds, 
 may have been the hot springs described by Zeno. No springs hot 
 enough to cook food have, however, been discovered in Greenland. 
 The Geysers in Iceland reach the temperature of 212° Fahr., and could 
 do all that the Zenian springs are said to have done for cooking and 
 warming purposes. Besides, in order to bring Nicolo Zeno from Bressay 
 to the southern point of Greenland, as Major would do, it would be 
 necessary to ignore Zeno’s statement that he sailed from Bres [Bressay] 
 towards the north. The course from Bressay to Cape Farewell would 
 be due west. 
 
 navicula modica de corio preparata, quas hac nostra tempestate in Ecclesia Cathedrali Nodrosi* 
 reservatur. Habent ibidem navem longam etiam de corio quas quondam cum pigmeis etiam 
 capta erat.”— Luculentissima quadam terra totius descriptio, etc., Nuremberg, 1515, 4to. 
 
 1 Annals , folio 51*. 
 
 2 C. Plinii Secundi Historia Mundi Libri XXXVII.” —Lib. 4, cap. xvi. 
 
 3 A temperature of 115 0 Fahr. is the lowest at which serum albumen will coagulate; and 
 certainly another io° or 12 0 must be added before an egg could be cooked. 
 
PART II. SECTION IV. 
 
 THE STORY OF THE FRISLAND FISHERMAN (From 
 Antonio Zeno’s First Letter to Carlo Zeno, folios 5 i b ~53 b ). 
 
 T is upon the story, said to have been related by a 
 fisherman of Frisland to Zichmni, that the claim on 
 behalf of Venice to a pre-Columbian discovery of 
 America has been mainly based ; and it is this portion 
 of the Zeno narrative which has given the greatest 
 interest to the inquiries and speculations which have 
 been made, as to the good faith of Nicolo Zeno the 
 younger, and the truth of his story. 
 
 Whatever may be the case as to other parts of the book, it seems 
 certain that the whole of this story is pure fibtion, built up by Zeno 
 the younger from the Columbus letters; Vespucci’s letters of 1503 and 
 1504, the Paesi Novamente retrovati , 1507 (with several later Italian 
 editions); the Itinerarium Portugallensium , 1508 (which is an inexadt 
 Latin version of the Paesi ); Peter Martyr’s Decades , 1511, 1521, 
 1530, etc. ; Grynaeus’ Novus Or bis, 1532 ; and other early works of 
 the sixteenth century, especially Benedetto Bordone’s Isolario (Venice, 
 1528), which appears to have supplied the compiler of the Annals with 
 many suggestions and much material for this and other portions of his 
 compilation. 
 
 The main outlines of the fisherman’s story correspond closely with 
 those of the history of Jeronimo Aguilar, one of Valdivia’s men. 
 Valdivia, in 1511, was sent from Darien to give information to the 
 Admiral, Diego Columbus, of the want of food and necessaries there. 
 The story is told both by Peter Martyr, in De Nuper repertis Insulis 
 (which appeared first in 1521 as a separate work, and afterwards as a 
 
The Story of the Frisland Fisherman. 79 
 
 part of the Fourth Decade), and also by Gomara in his Historia de 
 Mexico , published at Antwerp in 1554. 
 
 The Zeno narrative wrecks the fisherman on Estotilanda: Nelle 
 quali si ruppe un de navigli , e sei huomini , che u erano , etc. ( folio 52 a ). 
 Valdivia and his companions were wrecked off Jamaica: E ... se 
 perdio la caravella en los Baxos . . . To^y otros seys (Gomara , fol. 21). 
 
 The Italian version of Gomara , by Mauro, published after Zeno’s 
 time, in 1566, renders this passage: Si ruppe la caravella nelle . . . 
 sicche . . . Io e altri sei , etc. 
 
 Zeno has found it necessary, for the purpose of his tale, to wreck 
 his unfortunate fisherman twice, the first time upon Estotilanda, the 
 second upon Drogeo. On their voyage to Drogeo the fisherman and 
 his companions encountered such a great storm “ that they gave them¬ 
 selves up for lost; nevertheless, in trying to escape from one cruel 
 death they fell into the clutches of another, much more terrible, for 
 being taken into the country, most of them were eaten by the ferocious 
 inhabitants who feed upon human flesh, which they consider a very 
 savoury viand.” The fisherman, after passing from hand to hand among 
 many chiefs, eventually escaped and fled, and was made most welcome 
 and kindly treated by a neighbouring chief who knew him, and who 
 had great enmity against the other chief [from whom he had fled]. 
 
 The second part of the account of Valdivia’s shipwreck corresponds 
 with that of this wreck of Zeno’s fisherman on Drogeo. Valdivia and 
 his men took to their boats, without oars or sails, and were carried 
 away by the violence of the sea. The residue, likewise, consumed by 
 famine, and “ falling from one calamity into another,” were driven to 
 Yucatan, where they fell into the hands of a cruel king who slew 
 Valdivia with certain of his fellows, and, when he had first sacrificed 
 them to his Zemis, shortly afterwards he, with his friends, ate them, 
 for they eat only their enemies and strangers. In the meantime, Aguilar 
 and six of his fellows were reserved to be sacrificed. On the third day, 
 they escaped and fled to another king, who was the enemy of the first 
 king, and who received them, yet only as bondmen. 
 
 Again, when Zeno’s fisherman heard of the arrival of ships in 
 Drogeo and went to the coast, he found, to his great satisfaction, that 
 they were from Estotilanda, and asked the sailors to take him with 
 them. He was willingly received by them, because, as he understood 
 the language of the country, which none of the others understood, 
 they used him as an interpreter. 
 
8o 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 So, also, when Aguilar heard of the arrival of the foreigners, and 
 went to the coast to meet them, he inquired of them in Spanish whether 
 they were Christians, and when they replied that they were Spaniards, he 
 wept for joy and begged them to render thanks to God, who, of His 
 goodness, had delivered him from the hands of infidels and wicked men, 
 and placed him among Christians and those of his own nation; and 
 they returned thanks to God for his liberation, and for having sent 
 them an interpreter sure and truthful. 
 
 Turning from the comparison of these two narratives to Zeno’s 
 account of Estotilanda and Drogeo, it will be found that the description 
 of Estotilanda is drawn from accounts of Mexico, Hispaniola, Cuba, and 
 other islands, while that of Drogeo is chiefly from accounts of the 
 northern parts of South America. 
 
 As evidence in support of these statements, a comparison may be 
 made of the Zeno narrative with the references to and extrads from 
 various works given below. There is, indeed, nothing original in Zeno’s 
 fisherman’s story, except the statement that the books in Estotilanda 
 were in Latin. 
 
 Bordone 1 supplies Zeno with many of the materials for the descrip¬ 
 tion of Estotiland in his account of Mexico. There we find the 
 originals of the citta bellissima , the king, the great population, the 
 cities and castles, and the abundance of good things. 
 
 Zeno describes a mountain from which four rivers rise ( folio 52 a ). 2 3 
 Havendo nel mezzo un monte altissimo , dalquale nascono quattro fiumi , 
 che la irrigano. Bordone tells of a similar mountain in Hispaniola: et 
 da ditto monte , quattro fiumi scendono giuso nel piano? Both authors 
 tell of the learning and artistic skill of the people. Zeno says [folio 5 2 b ), 
 that they have a distind language and letters: Hanno lingua , e lettere 
 separate. Bordone says, referring to Mexico : 4 Hanno certe charratere 
 ?iel loro scrivere. 
 
 The account of the possession of metals of all sorts, and especially of 
 gold, is common to both writers. Zeno tells us [folio $ 2 h ) of the country 
 lying to the south ( Ostro ), u very rich in gold,” where “ they sow corn 
 and make beer, which is a kind of drink that northern people take as we 
 
 1 Isolario , 1528, folios vii., viii. and ix. 
 
 2 “ Having in the middle a very high mountain from which spring four rivers, which water 
 it [Estotilanda]” {supra, p. 16). 
 
 3 “ And from the said mountain four rivers flow down into the plain.” Isolario, xii. a. 
 
 4 “ They have distind characters in which they write.” Ibid., ix. a. 
 
The Story of the Frisland Fisherman. 81 
 
 [the Venetians] do wine” [folio 52 b )d Bordone tells 1 2 us of Paria lying 
 to the west (Ponente), rich in gold, where they have wine, red and 
 white, but not made of grapes (for the country does not produce the 
 vine), but of some fruits not known to the Spaniards. 
 
 Peter Martyr also tells us of the books, and describes the letters as 
 being much like to the Egyptian characters, but written in lines like 
 ours; of the drink, made from maize and other fruits; of the gold 
 mines ; and, of the working of metals. 
 
 The above references are all from early accounts of Mexico, of 
 Hispaniola, Cuba, and neighbouring islands, and of the northern parts 
 of the Southern Continent of America. 
 
 In the latter portion of the fisherman’s story, which relates to Drogeo, 
 we find the descriptions mainly drawn from accounts of South America. 
 
 Where Zeno says 3 [folio 53 s ] : Et dice il paese essere grandissimo 
 & quasi un nuovo mondo ; the Paesi Novamente has, 4 I quali novo 
 ?nondo chiamare ne sta licito ; and Bordone, 5 Terra di SanEla Cruce 
 ouer mondo nouo . . . grandissima isola . 
 
 Again, Zeno says 6 [ folio 53 a ] of the inhabitants of Drogeo: Ma 
 genti roza & priva di ogni bene , perche vanno nudi , tutti che patiscano 
 freddi crudeli , ne sanno coprirsi delle pelli degli animali , che prendeno 
 in caccia. Bordone says 7 of the natives of Hispaniola : Et gli habitanti 
 di questo luogo , non solo sono pigri, ma essa pigritia, & tarditate , inutili , 
 & di ogni bonta priui , tal che , piu presto , giacciar se lassano [perche 
 quiui fa molto freddo , che di bambagia [perche in questo luogo ue ne 
 gran copia) far alcuna cos a per coprire le loro carni. 
 
 1 Olaus Magnus, in the thirteenth book of his Historia de Gentibus Sept., 1555, fully describes 
 the mode of preparation, etc., of the beer made and used in the North. 
 
 2 In the account of Columbus’s third voyage, from which Bordone derives this passage, the 
 Admiral infers that for “ making the white and red wine they use maize, which is a plant that 
 bears an ear like that of wheat.” Selett Letters of Columbus , edited by R. H. Major, Hakluyt 
 Society, 1870, p. 126. Bordone, Isolario , xi.a. 
 
 3 tc He says that it is a very great country, and, as it were, a new world.” Major, Voyages 
 of the Zeni , p. 22. 
 
 4 “Which it might be permitted to call a New World.” Paesi Nov., cap. cxiiii. 
 
 5 “The Land of the Holy Cross, or New World ... a very great island.” Isolario , 
 folio x a . 
 
 6 “ The people are very rude and destitute of any good qualities, for they all go naked, and 
 suffer cruelly from the cold, nor have they the sense to clothe themselves with the skins of the 
 animals they take in hunting.” 
 
 7 “ And the inhabitants of this place not only are lazy, but, on account of their laziness and 
 slowness, are useless and destitute of any good qualities, so that they rather allow themselves to 
 freeze (for it is very cold there) than make anything to cover their flesh with of the cotton 
 (which grows in this place in great quantity).” Isolario, folio xii a . 
 
 M 
 
82 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Zeno says 1 [folio 53 a ]: Non hanno metallo di sorte alcuna,viveno 
 di cacciagioni, & portano lancie di legno nella pu?ita aguzze, Sf archi, 
 A corde de i quali sono di pelle animali . Vespucci has 2 : Le loro 
 armi sono archi & saette molto ben fabricati, Ww che non tengon 
 ferro, altro genere di metallo forte: et in luogo del ferro pongono 
 denti di animali, 0 di pesci, 0 fuscello di legno forte arsicciato nella 
 punSla. . . . Altre arme tenghono, tostati . The Paesi 
 
 Novamente has 3 : jo/zo Azrco A saette ; and Bordone, 4 
 
 A loro armi sono saette, maze, et pietri. 
 
 Zeno says 5 [folio 53 a ]: Sono popoli di gran ferocita, combatteno 
 insieme mortalmente, j/ mangiano runo /’ altro, and [folio 5 2 b ] 
 
 cibandosi essi di came humana, che tengono per molto saporita vivanda; 
 Vespucci has 6 : Usono di guerra infra loro con gente che non sono 
 di lor lingua molto crudelmente, senza perdonare la vita a nessuno, 
 se non per maggior pena; and, further on, Mangion pocha came 
 salvo che carne del huomo: . . . Si mangiono tutti eloro nimici che 
 amazzano, 0 pigliano, si femine come maschi . . . & si maravigliorono 
 udendo dire a noi che non si mangiamo nostri nimici. The Paesi 
 Novamente puts it thus 7 : Alle bataglie li incendono: in lequale cru- 
 delissime insieme si amazano : e quelli iquale de la bataglia captivi 
 menano : non de la vita : ma del suo vi 8 lo percasione da esser amazati li 
 servano: imperho che li altri laltre parte: ivencitori iventi man- 
 
 zano : & infra le carne la humana e aquelli comuno cibo . . . Molto piu io 
 dico che essi maraviglieno per che nui non manzano li inimici nostri : &P la 
 carne de quelli non usano in li cibi: la quale dice esser saporosissima. 
 
 1 “ They have no metal ot any kind. They live by hunting, and carry lances of wood 
 sharpened at the point, and bows, the strings of which are made of the skins of animals.” 
 
 2 “ Their arms are bows and arrows very well made, save that they have no iron nor any 
 other kind of hard metal, and in place of iron they put the teeth of animals, or of fishes, or a spike 
 of strong wood, with the point hardened by fire. . . . They have other arms, such as fire-hardened 
 spears.” Vespucci's Letters , Quaritch’s facsimile, 1893, folio a. iii. 
 
 3 <( Their arms are the bow and arrows.” Paesi Nov. y cap. cxvii. 
 
 4 c ‘ Their arms are arrows, clubs and stones.” Isolario , folio xi a . 
 
 6 cc They are a people of great ferocity, and have deadly fights against each other, and eat one 
 another.” “ For they eat human flesh, which they hold to be a very savoury viand,” folio a. iii. 
 
 6 “ Warfare is carried on among them against people who are not of their own language very 
 cruelly, without granting life to anyone, except to reserve him for greater pain. . . . They eat 
 little flesh except human flesh. . . . They eat all their enemies whom they kill or capture, females 
 as well as males . . . and they wondered to hear us say that we did not eat our enemies.” 
 Vespucci's Letters , Quaritch’s facsimile, 1893, folio a. v. 
 
 7 “ In their battles they fight fiercely, and slay one another in them most cruelly, and those 
 whom they take captives in battle they keep not for use living, but to be eaten when required 
 as food; for this is done by both sides, and vidlors eat the vanquished, and of all meat human 
 
The Story of the Frisland Fisherman. 83 
 
 Bordone has: 1 gli vinti ad esser mangiati serhati sono , tra 
 tutte le carne , V human a e alloro in comune uso. 
 
 Where Zeno has 2 [folio 53*], hanno super iori, et certe leggi molto 
 differenti tra di loro ; Bordone has 3 [folio x b ] li costumi de gl’isolani 
 . . . sono molto dissimili in diverse parte de lisola; and \_folio xi a ] 
 Alcum a tiranni sotoposto sono . . . et cosi di varii costumi e tutta 
 ripiena. 
 
 Zeno tells us \_folio 53 s ] of “cities and temples dedicated to 
 idols, in which they sacrificed men.” Bordone gives 4 a somewhat full 
 account of temples, idols and human sacrifices. Peter Martyr does 
 the same, and describes 5 the manner of sacrifice and how they eat “ the 
 brawnes of the armes, and fleshy parts of the thighs, and calves of the 
 leggcs.” 
 
 Examples of such passages, containing the materials of Zeno’s de¬ 
 scriptions, might be multiplied almost indefinitely if we were to go 
 back to the original accounts of the voyages of Columbus, Vespucci, 
 Cortes and others, from which Peter Martyr, 6 Montalboddo and Bordone 
 compiled their works. But, as we find so much in Bordone which is 
 also in Zeno, from the dwarfs of Greenland to Daedalus and Icaria, it 
 seems probable that the Isolario was Zeno’s guiding star through the 
 perilous paths of fictitious history, and we have therefore referred prin¬ 
 cipally to that book. 
 
 Although it may be allowed that all descriptions of wrecks, of 
 naked cannibals, of savage customs, and of unknown countries, must 
 have a certain sameness, and that the use of similar phrases may be 
 mere coincidences, yet so close a correspondence has been shown 
 between the Zeno narrative of 1558 and the earlier accounts of 
 transatlantic discovery, published at the end of the fifteenth and in 
 the beginning of the sixteenth centuries, in so many instances, and 
 
 flesh is the commonest food among them . . . and more than that I say that they wondered that 
 we did not eat our enemies and use their flesh as food, which they say is most savoury.” Paesi 
 Nov., cap. cxvii. 
 
 1 “ And the vanquished are kept to be eaten, and of all meat human flesh is in most common 
 use among them.” Isolario , folio xi a . 
 
 2 “ They have chiefs and certain laws differing much amongst themselves.” 
 
 3 “ The customs of these islanders . . . are very unlike in different parts of the island . . . 
 some are subjed to chiefs . . . and thus are of various customs.” Isolario , folio x b and xi\ 
 
 4 Isolario , folio viii b . 
 
 6 De lnsulis nuper inventis , 1521, pp. 12, 13; ed. 1533, folio 70% and cap. iv. in Lok’s 
 translation. 
 
 6 Peter Martyr was one of the Council of the Indies, and had therefore also special facilities 
 for obtaining information as to the newly-discovered lands at first hand. 
 
84 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 in such a number of details, that it cannot reasonably be attributed to 
 chance. 
 
 The conclusion that the story of the Frisland fisherman was compiled 
 by the younger Zeno from some of the sources which we have indicated 
 is, therefore, justified. It will now be seen that the Estotilanda and 
 Drogeo of the narrative (which are quite distinct from the Estotilanda 
 and Drogeo of the map, to neither of which can the narrative possibly 
 apply) are (as to Estotilanda) Mexico, and (as to Drogeo) the Paria of 
 Columbus, and the Lariab of Vespucci, with some details added to 
 each, borrowed from the accounts of several of the West Indian Islands. 
 
 The question of the derivations of the names Estotilanda and 
 Drogeo will be considered further on. 
 
 PART OF THE MOLLINEUX GLOBE, 1592 (FROM A PROJECTION MADE BY MR. J> W. ADDISON 
 
 FOR MR. MILLER CHRISTY). 
 
PART II.—SECTION V. 
 
 ANTONIO ZENO’S WESTERN VOYAGE TO ICARIA AND 
 THE SECOND VISIT TO GREENLAND (From His 
 Second Letter, folios 54®-5 y & ). 
 
 N consequence of the information given by the 
 Frisland fisherman, Zichmni determined to sail for 
 Estotiland, and made great preparations for the 
 voyage. 
 
 The travelled fisherman unluckily died three days 
 before the date fixed for the start; but Zichmni, 
 nothing daunted, persevered in his intention. He 
 sailed westward from Frisland and came to Ledovo, and thence to 
 Ilofe, where the fleet arrived on the 1st of July, and pushed on thence 
 as the wind was favourable. Soon after, a storm arose which drove 
 the adventurers about, they knew not where, for eight days. When 
 the storm at length abated, they continued their westward course 
 (the narrative does not say for how long) and discovered land on 
 the west, which turned out to be an island, called by the inhabitants 
 “ Icaria.” 
 
 It is difficult to imagine what led Nicolo Zeno, the younger, to 
 import the island of Icaria, legend and all, from the Aegean into the 
 Deucalidonian Sea, and his apologists have found this a hard nut to 
 crack. 
 
 Terra-Rossa gives a garbled quotation from Baudrand in order to 
 lead the reader to infer that Terra-Rossa’s ct antagonist” (as he generally 
 called Baudrand) had admitted the existence of an a Icaria ” in the 
 North Sea, whereas the island to which Baudrand refers in the passage 
 
86 
 
 !The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 partially quoted by Terra-Rossa is placed by Baudrand in the Persian 
 Gulf. Terra-Rossa writes as follows : 1 
 
 “ All the other four islands \_Frislanda , Eslanda , Engrouelanda , 
 SF Estotilanda ] were by my learned Adversary, in the Volumes of his 
 Geography, proved and admitted to be true, genuine, and not imaginary. 
 He has indeed taken laudable care to prove the truth of the Northern 
 Icaria, which at this day is no longer seen represented under its old 
 name on Maps of the World or on charts. In order to remove all con¬ 
 fusion, or ambiguity, he has been very careful to distinguish it from the 
 other Oriental Icaria, which is now called Nicaria or Nicouri , situated 
 in the iEgean Sea. With the authority of Gallio, his favourite author, 
 he has been able to prove this Northern one, seen only by Antonio, 
 and not by Nicolo Zeno : Icarium^ or Icharam , to be Baharein , an 
 island celebrated for pearl fishery. Verb. Icarium.” But the passage 
 quoted by Terra-Rossa is only part of the last clause of Baudrand’s 
 article, which runs thus: 2 “ Icarium, an island in the Persian Gulf, 
 placed opposite the mouth of the Euphrates by Strabo and Arrian, and 
 called Ichara by Pliny and Ptolemy, now Carge, according to Castaldo, 
 although some more recent authorities think it is called Elchadr, and 
 Gollius believes Icarium or Icharam to be Baharein, an island celebrated 
 for pearl fishery.” 
 
 Forster gives 3 the strange story as told by Zeno the younger, and 
 identifies Icaria with Kerry (!), 4 a wild guess founded upon a slight 
 resemblance between the sounds of the two names ; but this identification 
 will not bear the test of comparison with either the Zenian narrative 
 or map. 
 
 Zurla passes over the legend in silence, and identifies the 
 
 1 “ Tutte le altre quattro Isole [. Frislanda, Eslanda, Engrouelanda, and Estotilanda ] furono 
 dal mio dotto Auuersario ne i Volumi della sua Geografia giustificate, & accordate come vere, 
 leali, e non finte. Ha infino fatta diligenza lodeuole per approuare l’lcaria Settentrionale, la 
 quale oggi non si vede piu espressa col suo antico nome su i Mappamondi, 6 nelle Tavole. A 
 fine di leuare ogni confusione, 6 gli equiuoci, si e molto bene ingegnato distinguer la dall’altra 
 Orientale Icaria, che di presente si chiama Nicaria, 6 Nicouri nell’ Egeo Mare situata. Con 
 l’autorita di Gallio suo Auto re favorito ha saputo confermare di questa Boreale, dal solo Antonio, 
 e non da Nicolo Zeno veduta : Icarium, sive Icharam esse Baharein, insulam unionum piscatione 
 celehrem. Verb. Icarium See Riflessioni Geografiche, p. 161. 
 
 2 “ Icarium, insula sinus Persici, ostio Euphratis objedla Straboni, et Arriano, que Ichara 
 dicitur a Plinio, et Ptolemaso, nunc Carge, teste Castaldo, quanquam recentiores aliqui Elchadr 
 dici existiment et credat Gollius Icarium sive Icharam esse Baharein, insulam unionum piscatione 
 celebrem.” Baudrand, Geographia, 1681, Art. “Icarium.” 
 
 3 Northern Voyages, p. 193. 
 
 4 Ibid., p. 206. 
 
Antonio Zeno's Western Voyage to Icaria. 87 
 
 island with Newfoundland, and so takes Antonio Zeno to North 
 America. 1 
 
 Major (who follows Forster in his identification, though for different 
 reasons 2 ), driven to his wits’ end to account for the introduction of the 
 Daedalian myth, which he calls 3 the “ only one piece of fable in the 
 whole story ... is strongly of opinion that this excrescence on the 
 narrative is the handywork of Nicolo Zeno, junior, and for the following 
 reason. The form of the name Icaria was a very reasonable one for 
 a southerner to give to the northern name of Kerry, but the northerners 
 from whom Zeno received it would be litde likely to tell him such a 
 story as that which we have here of Daedalus and the Icarian Sea, which 
 manifestly takes its origin from the form which the word had taken 
 under the southerner’s pen. On these grounds the editor [Major] 
 suggests the reasonableness of the conclusion that Nicolo Zeno, junior, 
 found in his ancestor’s letter the name Icaria only, without the fable. 
 But as, during the very time that intervened between his discovery of 
 the letters when he was a boy and his publication of them, his fellow 
 citizen Bordone brought out two editions of his £ Isolario ’ in which 
 that well-known fable is told of the island of Nicaria [olim Icaria) in 
 the iEgean Sea, it seems highly probable that this suggested to his mind 
 the grafting of the story on the name which he had found transmitted 
 by his ancestor under the same form.” 
 
 Professor Storm points out 4 that he who has here introduced the 
 Greek myth has, nevertheless, rationalized it by making Icarus to have 
 been drowned in the storm. But Nicolo Zeno had no need to do 
 that, it was already c£ rationalized ” for him in Bordone’s Isolario . 5 
 
 We agree with Major that Nicolo Zeno the younger took this por¬ 
 tion of his story from Bordone; but it seems strange that Major does 
 not offer, on behalf of his client any explanation of, or apology for, 
 the introduction of this unwarrantable addition to the contents of the 
 precious ancestral manuscript. This ££ only one piece of fable,” though 
 
 1 Di Marco Polo, vol. ii., p. 83, and the Mappa Mondo therein. 
 
 2 One of Major’s reasons is curiously characteristic of his method : ct The signals, the fire 
 
 and smoke, the pursuit along the hill tops, and the howling of the strangers off the coast, are 
 Irish all over.”— Voyages of the Zeni , p. xcix. The signals by fire and smoke are at least as old 
 as the time of iEschylus (b.c. 500), and have been used all over the world ever since. More¬ 
 over, Olaus Magnus shows on his map of 1539, “ Fuochi nelli monti littorali si accendono nel tempo 
 della guerra, a chiamare quelli che defendano quelli luogbi.” “ Fires on the mountains of the coast, 
 lit in the time of war to call together those who defend those places.” Opera Breve and map, 
 under H. 1. 3 Voyages of the Zeni, pp. xcix-c. 
 
 4 Om Zeniernes Reiser, p. 19, n. 5 Isolario, ed. 1528, folio xlvi. 
 
88 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 so calmly admitted by so stalwart an adherent of Zeno as Major, is 
 quite sufficient to taint the whole story with suspicion. 
 
 If it is desired to identify the Zenian “ Icaria ” with any known 
 island which will at all correspond either with the delineation on the 
 Zenian map, or with the description in the text, it is evident that both 
 the u Newfoundland” of Zurla, and the “ Kerry” of Forster and Major, 
 must be abandoned. The conditions required for a correspondence 
 with the Zenian Icaria seem to be most nearly fulfilled by the outlying 
 member of the Hebrides, now known as St. Kilda. 
 
 St. Kilda was formerly called Hirt, Hirta, or Hirtha, and is still 
 called Hirta (pronounced £C Hirst ”) by the inhabitants. 
 
 The name u Hirta ” appears on Mercator’s Terrestrial Globe of 
 1541 -, 1 on a map, dated 1546, in the Lafreri Atlas (Plate V.); on 
 Mercator’s Europa of 1554 (Plate VII.), and on several later maps. 
 It is given by For dun 2 as Irte and Hirth ; by Boethius 3 as Hirtha ; by 
 G. Buchanan, 4 as Hirta; by Bishop Lesley 5 as Hirtha ; and by 
 Camden 6 as Hyrtha . 
 
 The island first appears under its modern name as <£ St. Kylder,” 
 on Map 7 (Scotia) in Ortelius’s Theatrum Or bis , 1573, but it is not 
 shown on Mercator’s 7 British Islands, of 1564, from which the last- 
 mentioned map in Ortelius is, apparently, principally derived. 
 
 Martin 8 derives the name Hirta from the Irish Ier , which in that 
 language signifies u west,” and the name St. Kilda “ from one Kilder 
 who lived there.” 
 
 Captain Thomas 9 says that Hirta is a contraction of the Gadic h-Iar- 
 tir , meaning west land, and that a native of the island is called 
 lilartach (pronounced “ Hirstach”). He also conjectures that the 
 Dachuli or Danchuli of several of the early editions of Ptolemy 
 (beginning with that of 1513) possibly represents Sanchule , afterwards 
 modified into St. Kilda. 
 
 Macaulay 10 derives the more modern form of the name from the 
 
 1 Les Spheres Verrestre et Celeste de G. Mercator, 1541. Raemdonck, St. Nicholas, 1875. 
 
 2 Scotichronicon. Lib. I., cap. vi., and Lib. II., cap. x. 
 
 3 Scot or um Hist or ia, 1527. 
 
 4 Rerum Scoticarum Historic. Lib. I., cap. xli. 
 
 5 He Origine, Moribus, etc., Scotorum, Rome, i578,p. 36. 
 
 6 Britannia, 1610, p. 216. 
 
 7 Anglia, Scotia et Hibernia nova Descriptio. Duisburg, 1564. 
 
 8 Martin, Western Islands of Scotland, ed. 1716, p. 280. See also Voyage to St. Kilda, ed. 
 1698, p. 14. 
 
 9 Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 1875, v °l- x -> p- 706. 
 
 10 History of St. Kilda, ed. 1764, p. 104 et seq. 
 
Antonio Zeno s Western Voyage to Icaria . 89 
 
 North British Gille-Dee ( i.e ., “ Servants of God ”), corrupted first into 
 Keledes , and afterwards learnedly turned into Co tides or Cult ores Dei , 
 whence Culdee. This corresponds fairly with Captain Thomas’s con¬ 
 jecture. There is no saint in the calendar called St. Kilda. 
 
 Besides the slight resemblance between the old name of St. Kilda, 
 I-har-tir and Icaria, and the approximate correspondence in position 
 of the Zenian Icaria, with the Hirta of the map of 1546 in the Lafreri 
 Atlas (Plate V.), and of Mercator’s Europa of 1554 (Plate VII.), there 
 is also a certain resemblance between Zeno’s account of the unwilling¬ 
 ness of the Icarians to allow strangers to land, and of a similar objection 
 which, until quite recently, prevailed among the St. Kildians. The 
 latter have traditions of an ancient invasion, and of more recent visits 
 by sailors, who misbehaved in various ways, which may sufficiently 
 account for their strong prejudices against strangers. They have the 
 reputation of being kind and hospitable to castaways. 1 “ They will not 
 admit of any Number [of strangers] exceeding Ten, and those too must 
 be Unarmed, for else the Inhabitants will oppose them with all their 
 might; but if any Number of them, not exceeding that above-said, come 
 Peaceably, and with good designs, they may expeCt Water and Fire 
 Gratis , and what else the place affords at the easiest rates in the World.” 
 The resemblance is intensified by the correspondence of the number ten 
 given in the above passage with the number of strangers admitted to 
 Icaria according to the Zenian narrative. 2 These resemblances, if they 
 are worth anything, are, of course, in favour of the probability of the 
 real existence, at some time, of the alleged letters of Antonio Zeno. 
 
 Bordone, however, gives an account 3 of a part of South America 
 the inhabitants of which are unlike the rest of their neighbours, because 
 they do not wish any foreigners to settle there; and if, by chance, any 
 foreigners should be driven there by tempest and wish to land, the in¬ 
 habitants, he says, make the greatest resistance with arms in their hands. 
 
 Turning again to Zeno’s narrative, we find it stated that Zichmni, 
 being repulsed by the inhospitable Icarians, took his departure, with a 
 fair wind, and sailed six days westward. The wind then shifted to the 
 south-west, and he ran before it until, after four days, he discovered 
 land. This land appears, from the Zeno map, to have been the south¬ 
 western point of Greenland. 
 
 1 A voyage of St. Kilda , Martin, ed. 1698, p. 130. See also St. Kilda and the St. Kildians , 
 Connell, 1887, p. 19. 
 
 2 Annals , folio 55, and supra, p. 20. 3 Isolario , 1528, folio xi b . 
 
 N 
 
9 o 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 There the explorers “ found a most excellent country and a still 
 better harbour,” 1 and saw in the distance an a&ive volcano, “ which 
 gave them hope that they would find some people in that island ” (!) 
 There is no volcano in Greenland, active or extinct, at the present 
 time, and there is no authentic record of the former existence of any. 
 Yet Major, coupling the mention of Nicolo’s volcano with this of 
 Antonio’s, actually claims 2 that they “afford twofold testimony to the 
 existence at that time of a volcano in the south of Greenland, of which 
 we know nothing at the present day, etc.” As if two fi&ions, by the 
 same author, could make one fadt! 
 
 The entire absence of mention of any volcano in Greenland by 
 Icelandic or Scandinavian writers, is the more noticeable as records of 
 more than fifty eruptions of the Icelandic volcanoes between the years 
 900 and 1783 a.d. have been preserved. 3 
 
 To the harbour Zichmni gave the name Trin , and to the head¬ 
 land hard by that of Capo di Trin. His soldiers found in the 
 neighbourhood a number of half savage inhabitants, of small stature 
 and very timid, dwelling in caves. 
 
 Bordone 4 describes certain dwarfs, a cubit long, perfidious, iniquit¬ 
 ous, pusillanimous and full of fear, who inhabited subterranean caves. 
 Olaus Magnus 5 both mentions these dwarfs, and figures them in his 
 book and on his map, but he describes them as being plucky. From 
 these two authors Zeno unquestionably derived his troglodyte dwarfs. 
 
 The abundance of birds’ eggs, and their use for food by sailors, 
 which we find mentioned in the Zeno narrative, are also described 
 by Olaus Magnus 6 as occurring “in Aquilone.” 
 
 At this delectable Trin^ Zichmni determined to found a settle¬ 
 ment. But some of his people wished to go home, so he retained 
 only the row-boats and such of the people as were willing to stay, and 
 sent the rest away in the ships, under the command of Antonio Zeno. 
 After a voyage of twenty-five days Antonio reached Neome. There 
 he took in fresh stores, and after three days reached Frisland. This 
 winds up the story of the alleged travels. 
 
 1 Here even the superlative degree is not strong enough to satisfy Zeno. 
 
 2 Major, Voyages of the Zeni , p. lxxxvi. 
 
 3 Olafsen and Povelsen, ’Travels in Iceland (translation), London, 1805, p. 139, etc. 
 Stewart Mackenzie, Iceland , Edinburgh, 1811, pp. 248-254. Pennant, Arliic Zoology , 1792, 
 vol. i., p. 331. 
 
 4 Isolario , 1528, folio v b . 5 De Gent. Sept ., lib. 2, cap. xi. 6 Ibid ., lib. 19, cap. xxxvii. 
 
 5 De Gent. Sept., lib. 2, cap. xi. 
 
PART II.—SECTION VI. 
 
 ANTONIO’S THIRD LETTER, AND THE COMPILER’S 
 
 REMARKS [folios 5 7®-5 8 a ). 
 
 V 
 
 ICOLO ZENO, the younger, here gives us an Extradf 
 from a third letter from Antonio, apparently in reply 
 to one from his brother Carlo. In it (. supra , p. 22) 
 Antonio says that he has written a separate book, in 
 which he has ££ described the countries, the monstrous 
 fishes, the customs and laws of Frislanda, of Iceland, of 
 Shetland, of the Kingdom of Norway, of Estotiland, 
 and of Drogio”; he has also written a life of his brother ££ Nicolo, 
 and the discoveries made by him, and matters relating to Grolanda 1 ” 
 [Nicolo’s Greenland], also the life and exploits of Zichmni, in which 
 he has ££ described the discovery of Greenland on both sides, and the 
 city which he [Zichmni] founded.” 
 
 All these letters— viz., the letter of Nicolo to Antonio [supra, pp. 
 7-10), that from Nicolo to Carlo [supra, pp. 10-14), that from 
 Antonio to Carlo, containing the story of the Frisland fisherman 
 [supra, pp. 15-18), Antonio’s second letter to Carlo, containing the 
 story of the abortive search for Estotiland, and the accounts of Icaria 
 and Western Greenland [supra, pp. 18-22), and Antonio’s third letter 
 to Carlo [supra, pp. 22, 23)—together with the book which Antonio 
 had written, strangely and unfortunately enough, fell into the hands of 
 Nicolo Zeno, the younger, when he was a boy, and he himself tells us 
 what he did with these precious family documents. 
 
 1 This is the only time that the name “ Grolanda ” occurs in the text. In the map it is 
 represented by “ Crolandia.” 
 
92 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 First, he says, that they had come unfortunately to harm, he knew 
 not how; but, immediately afterwards, he tells us that he himself, in his 
 boyhood and ignorance, had torn them in pieces and sent them all 
 to ruin (le squarciai e mandei tutte d male). He could hardly have 
 described their utter destruction more forcibly. This is perhaps a 
 specimen of the candeur which Humboldt finds in the Zeno story. 
 Arrived at a riper age, Zeno regretted the mischief he had done, and 
 he goes on to say, that “ whatever he had been able to obtain relating 
 the said matter” or “ of the said materials” he “ had put in order in the 
 above narrative;” which, by the way, was not published till he had 
 reached the age of forty-three. His story shows us that, as was to be 
 expelled, it was very little indeed that he was able to recover in middle- 
 age of documents torn to pieces in his childhood. His own account 
 leaves but one chance of escape from the fatal conclusion that he had 
 no original material at all to Found his story upon, and that is that he 
 does not say that he destroyed “ all the letters ” which he has just 
 mentioned, but only “ the book and many other writings on the same 
 subject” ( supra , p. 23). The account which he gives of the preparation 
 of the tc Carta da Navegar” ( supra , p. 8) is more fully referred to 
 further on in the chapter on that map. 
 
 In other parts of his book Nicolo Zeno, the younger, mentions the 
 laudable motives which led Nicolo Zeno, the traveller, to embark 
 on his travels, viz., u a great desire to see the world, and to travel and 
 make himself acquainted with the various customs and languages of 
 mankind, so that upon occasion he might be better able to serve his 
 country and acquire for himself fame and honour ” (supra, p. 7), and 
 the similar motives of Antonio which led him to join his brother in 
 Frisland (supra, p. 10). Olaus Magnus has an almost parallel passage in 
 the introduction to the Opera Breve, 1539 : “ for who is more fit to be 
 promoted in Kingdoms and Nations than he who has himself seen the 
 customs and cities of many men ? ” 
 
 The compiler winds up his narrative by stating his own motives 
 for recording those travels, viz., the gratification of the curiosity of a 
 public thirsting for information on the subject of new geographical 
 discoveries, and the glorification of the high spirit and great enterprise 
 of his ancestors. 
 
PART II.—SECTION VII. 
 
 ZICHMNI. 
 
 HE only personal name mentioned in Zeno’s narrative 
 (except those of the two travellers, and of the members 
 of their family referred to in the preliminary genea¬ 
 logical sketch) is that of Zichmni. He was the 
 ££ certain chieftain ” who rescued the shipwrecked 
 Nicolo and his men from the hostile inhabitants of 
 Frisland, and who spoke Latin. He was a great lord 
 and possessed certain islands called Porlanda, near to Frislanda on the 
 south, being the richest and most populous in all those parts. Besides 
 owning these little islands, he was lord of the Duchy of Sorano, or 
 Sorant, lying over against Scotland ( supra , p. 8). He was a valiant man 
 and specially famous for naval exploits. He had, the year before Nicolo 
 met him, gained a victory over the King of Norway (who was Lord of 
 the island), and had come to attempt the conquest of Frislanda ( supra , 
 p. 9). Antonio Zeno describes him as ££ a prince certainly as worthy 
 of immortal memory as any who had ever lived in the world, on account 
 of his great valour and many good qualities” ( supra , p. 22). 
 
 Notwithstanding the powerful position and great fame attributed 
 by Zeno to Zichmni, his name was unknown to historians, until Marco 
 Barbaro mentioned him in his manuscript Discendenze Patrizie (1536?) 
 as £< Zicno, King of Frisland,” and said that, by his order, Antonio Zeno 
 went to Estotiland in North America, in 1390. This complete public 
 ignorance of a man stated to be so eminent as this Zichmni was so 
 extraordinary, that it became necessary for the believers in the Zeno 
 story to identify him with some person known in authentic history if 
 
94 j The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Zeno’s story of his life and exploits was to continue to receive any 
 credence at all. This identification was initiated by John Reinhold 
 Forster, who conjectured 1 that Zichmni was Henry Sinclair, Earl of 
 Orkney. His a conjecture” was grounded mainly upon the fad: that 
 Sinclair was “ invested with the Orkneys ” by Hakon, King of Norway, 
 in 1379, the year before Nicolo’s alleged arrival in Frislanda; and, 
 partly also, upon the rather distant resemblance between the names 
 ££ Sinclair” and ££ Zichmni.” Forster’s suggestion was eagerly seized 
 upon by Maltebrun, Major, and others. Zurla, however, rejeds it. 2 
 
 There are several objections which seem fatal to Forster’s theory. 
 In the first place, after Zurla had proved that Nicolo Zeno, the traveller, 
 could not have left Venice on his last voyage until 1389, or 1390, the 
 coincidence of dates, upon which Forster’s conjecture is avowedly 
 founded, disappeared altogether. In the second place, in 1389 there 
 was no King of Norway; for Queen Margaret, ££ the Semiramis of the 
 North,” then ruled over the three Scandinavian kingdoms. Thirdly, 
 Henry Sinclair in 1379 took a true and due oath of fidelity to Hakon, 
 then King of Norway and Sweden, 3 and, in 1388, as a Norwegian 
 Councillor of State, he signed the ACt by which Eric of Pomerania was 
 acknowledged true heir to the Crown of Norway. 4 He could hardly 
 therefore have been, at the dates mentioned, a rebel. And, lastly, in 
 spite of Major’s ingenious word distortions, there is no real resemblance 
 between the names Zichmni and Sinclair. Flenry Sinclair died, accord¬ 
 ing to Burke, in 1400, but the date is not certain. In 1401, the then 
 lord of the Orkneys was attacking Ulster. 5 The Henry Sinclair with 
 whom we are dealing was certainly dead in 1404, as it was his son, also 
 named Henry, then Earl of Orkney, who was captured while convoying 
 the son of Robert III. of Scotland to France in that year. 6 
 
 It has been playfully stated that ££ in philology all consonants are 
 interchangeable, and vowels don’t count.” Major seems to have 
 anticipated this liberal rule, though, wide as it is, it is not wide enough 
 to satisfy his own theory of ££ Venetian transmutation.” ££ It is requisite,” 
 he says, 7 ££ to follow stridly the narrative and see what names of places 
 on the route tally, not in form , hut in sound , with those which have 
 been written down,” because a Venetian, hearing names uttered by a 
 
 1 Northern Voyages, p. 181. 2 Di Marco Polo , etc., vol. ii., p. 49. 
 
 3 Torfoeus, Or cades, p. 176. 4 Pontanus, Rerum Panic arum Hist., p. 515. 
 
 5 Chronicon Ada de Usk (1377—1404). Murray, London, 1876, pp. 61 and 184. 
 
 6 Fordun, Scotichronicon , lib. 15, cap. xviii.; and Buchanan, Scot. Hist., lib. 10, cap. xiii. 
 
 7 Voyages of the Zeni , pp. ix, xv, xxi, etc. 
 
Zichmni . 
 
 95 
 
 northerner, would give to the sound a different form in writing them 
 down. By this process ££ Sinclair ” becomes “ Zichmni.” But is it 
 possible to believe that two Venetian nobles, educated, or at least able 
 to write their own language, should have been holding high office, the 
 one for four or five, the other for fourteen years, under a man whose 
 name, ££ Sinclair,” was not only of Latin origin but was frequently used 
 in its Latin form, t£ de Sando Claro,” 1 without being able to approach 
 nearer to the true form than ££ the fearful and wonderful bejugglement ” 
 (as Fiske calls it 2 3 ), Zichmni ? Surely this is incredible. 
 
 There is nothing, in what is known as to the personal history of this 
 Henry Sinclair, to show that he was ever in Iceland or Greenland, or 
 that he ever undertook any such voyages, explorations, or colonization 
 as are alleged to have been made by Zichmni. If he had done so, it is 
 impossible that he would have been able to keep secret discoveries so 
 notable, or the foundation of his city in Greenland, all of which must 
 have been known to every one of his homesick men who returned with 
 Antonio Zeno [supra, p. 21). 
 
 Nicolo Zeno, the younger, attributes to Nicolo Zeno, the traveller, 
 the statement (supra, p. 8) that Zichmni ££ addressed our people in Latin, 
 and asked them who they were and whence they came; and when he 
 learned that they came from Italy, and that they were men of the same 
 country, he was exceedingly rejoiced.” Zichmni was, therefore, accord¬ 
 ing to one reading of the narrative, which Major adopts, a Venetian, 
 and not a Scotchman. Major disposes of this difficulty, in his easy 
 way, by a footnote : 3 ££ A blunder introduced by N. Zeno, Junior.” 
 
 The meaning of the passage, however, is obscure; for although the 
 cause of Zichmni’s great rejoicing may have been the fad; that Zeno 
 and his companions were Italians from Italy, it is difficult to see any 
 reason for such joy on that account. There is more than a suspicion 
 of a resemblance to that part of the story of Aguilar, already referred 
 to, in which he meets his countrymen and inquires of them in Spanish 
 whether they are Christians, and, on their replying that they are 
 Spaniards, weeps for joy and begs them to render thanks to God, who, 
 of His goodness, had delivered him from the hands of infidels and 
 wicked men and placed him among Christians and those of his own 
 nation. There was reason for Aguilar’s rejoicing, and it looks as if 
 
 1 Pontanus also writes it “Sincler” (p. 596) and “ Senckler ” (p. 521). 
 
 2 Fiske, Discovery of America , vol. i., p. 238. 
 
 3 Voyages of the Zeni, p. 5, n. 
 
96 Fhe Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Zeno, the younger, in borrowing the incident, had failed to appreciate 
 the full meaning of the words. 
 
 Under the date 1389, it is recorded by Pontanus that, at that time, 
 Gronlandia , Islandia , JVestenora (the Westmanna Isles), Helgelandia , 
 Feroa and Findmarchia were the private properties ( proprice ) of the 
 Sovereigns, and that they had been for a long time, both by custom and 
 by royal edidt, frequented only by royal ships. That this edidt and 
 custom had not been allowed to become obsolete, is shown by the fadt 
 that, in the year mentioned, certain merchants, who had been driven 
 upon Greenland, were only excused the penalties incurred by visiting 
 that coast upon their proving that it was by necessity only, and because 
 they were driven by the force of the winds and by the masses of ice 
 floating on the water, that they offended against the edidt. 1 
 
 Without indulging in wild speculations, it is reasonable to suggest 
 that both the name and proceedings of Zichmni far more closely re¬ 
 semble those of the Vitalian pirate, Wichmannus, than those of Sinclair. 
 
 Wichmannus, Stortebekerus, and Wichboldus, with their tarry 
 ruffians, e Balthico mare suhmoti varie hue et illuc , dispersi longe 
 lateque maria pervolitabant , 2 until they were successfully attacked and 
 slain in 14.01. These Vitalian pirates began their depredations in the 
 year 1388, 3 and carried them on for many years afterwards. 
 
 Again, is it credible that Henry Sinclair, a loyal subjedt as he is 
 shown to have been, should have attacked, in a hostile manner, the 
 Shetlands, the Faroes, and Iceland, all of which were the property of 
 his sovereign queen, and were not in rebellion against her ? These 
 doings are much more like the proceedings of Wichmann, who “ with 
 armed ships infested the shores and ports of Germany, France, Spain, 
 Britain, Norway and Denmark.” 4 
 
 The identity of Zichmni with Wichmann would (if their alleged 
 voyages really did take place) also account for the total suppression for 
 so many years of the real nature of the occupations of the two Zeni 
 brothers, of which their brother Carlo, proved to have been an honour¬ 
 able man by his many years’ public services, could hardly have approved. 
 
 Moreover the Italian language has neither the letter “ W ” (the 
 initial of Wichmann’s name), nor its earlier equivalent, and therefore 
 the Zeni brothers would have had to find some other letter to take its 
 place on paper. 
 
 1 Pontanus, Rerum Danicarum Hist., 1631, p. 521. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 520: 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 533. 
 4 Ibid., p. 533. 
 
Zichmni. 
 
 97 
 
 If, therefore, Zeno’s Zichmni ever had a living original, it seems, 
 on the grounds of date, doings, and form of name, far more probable 
 that Wichmann, the pirate, should have been that original, rather than 
 Henry Sinclair. 
 
 For the above reasons we concur with Zurla’s and Zarhtmann’s 
 conclusions that Forster’s opinion that Zichmni might have been Henry 
 Sinclair, Earl of ££ the Orkneys,” is altogether destitute of foundation; 1 
 and we rejed Major’s later and more positive view that ££ it will be now 
 seen how Zichmni, Lord of Porlanda, is Sinclair, Lord of the Orkneys.” 2 
 
 In conclusion, as to this subjed, we may notice that, although the 
 Zeno narrative nowhere suggests that Zichmni reached either Estotiland 
 or Drogeo, but distindly states that he failed to find them, the story, 
 after filtering through the pens of Forster, Maltebrun, and Major, has 
 produced a claim 3 that u Henry, as a civilized man, in the modern sense 
 of civilization, was the one and only discoverer of America . . . destined 
 to bulk more and more largely to the future Americans, as their typical 
 hero primaeval,” and so on. It is strange that this claim should be put 
 forward with pride and satisfadion by one of Sinclair’s name. The 
 claim is grounded upon the supposed identity of Zichmni with Henry 
 Sinclair. The proof of this would involve the convidion of Sinclair of 
 grave and disgraceful crimes; for, if he had done what Zichmni is said 
 to have done, in despite of his oaths of fealty, he must have been a 
 perjured rebel and traitor, a hypocrite and an impostor. But, as such 
 damaging charges can only rest upon the rotten foundations of the 
 Zeno story and Forster’s guess, there is no reason to believe that Henry 
 Sinclair was guilty of any such proceedings. 
 
 Zichmni has also been identified by BredsdorfF 4 as Simon, or Sigmund, 
 son of Bui, and nephew of the well-known Sigmund Bresterson, the 
 hero of the Fcereyinga Saga; by Krarup, 5 as Henry de Siggens, Marshall 
 of the Duke of Holstein; while Beauvois thinks 6 that the name Zicno, 
 given by Marco Barbaro 7 for Zichmni, was a misreading for the 
 Scandinavian title ££ Thegn ”=lord. 
 
 1 Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc., 1835, vol. v., p. in. 
 
 2 Voyages of the Zeni, p. xxi. 
 
 3 Caithness Events, by Thomas Sinclair, Wick, 1894. 
 
 4 Grrpnlands Historiske Mindesmaerker. 
 
 5 Zeniernes Reiser til Norden et Folknings Forsog. 
 
 6 Les Colonies Europ'eenes du Markland et de /’Escociland in Compte rendu du Congrh des 
 Americanistes. Luxembourg, 1877, vol. i., p. 200. 
 
 7 Discendenze Patrizie. 
 
 O 
 
it y> 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 PART II.—SECTION VIII. 
 
 ZENO’S “CARTA DA NAVEGAR.” 
 
 LTHOUGH the map, dated 1380, was, no doubt, 
 u merely corroborative detail intended to give artistic 
 verisimilitude to the bald and unconvincing narrative ” 1 
 of 1558, the ingenious compiler has managed to intro¬ 
 duce so many discrepancies that the two documents 
 cannot, by any means, be made to correspond. It 
 has been seen ( supra , p. 8) that the younger Zeno’s 
 story was, that it had seemed good to him to draw out a copy of a navi¬ 
 gating chart of the northern parts which he once found he had among 
 the ancient things in his house, which, although it was all rotten and 
 many years old, he had succeeded in doing tolerably well, etc. 
 
 So long as this story was credited; so long as a savant, like Humboldt, 
 was able to make no more effective criticism than to say, 2 that in the 
 Zeno narrative could be found tc detailed descriptions of objects of 
 which nothing in Europe could have given the author the idea; ” so 
 long as a geographer, like Major, felt constrained to say of the narrative 
 and map, 3 that they t£ presented geographical information very far in 
 advance not only of what was known by geographers in the fourteenth 
 century, when the narrative was first written, but greatly in advance also 
 of the geography of the sixteenth century, when it was published”— so 
 long the map, necessarily, remained a marvel and a miracle to those who 
 believed in its authenticity, and a puzzle and inextricable tangle to those 
 who were less credulous. 
 
 The position should be somewhat altered now, however, as, of late 
 years, many old maps have been re-discovered, or brought to notice, and 
 
 The Mikado , W. S. Gilbert. 
 
 Voyages of the Zeni , p. iv. 
 
 2 Examen Critique , Tom. II., p. 122. 
 
Zeno*s “ Carta da Navegar Z 99 
 
 some of them throw a clear light upon the real origin of the Zeno 
 map. Anyone caring to take the trouble, may now lay upon the table 
 before him maps, or copies of maps, of earlier date than 1558 (the date 
 of the Zeno publication), which yet contain the whole of the materials 
 of the Zeno map, with some notable exceptions, e.g. : the Monastery of 
 St. Thomas in Engroveland, Icaria, Estotiland, Drogeo, and Trin. 
 
 These maps are of various nationalities—Danish, Swedish, Portu¬ 
 guese, Spanish (Catalan) and Italian. In Appendix IV., at the end of 
 this book, the names upon some of them are tabulated and compared with 
 those on the Zeno map ; but it will be well to consider the maps referred 
 to one by one, and to observe how they have been utilized by Zeno, and 
 why they, or similar maps, must be pronounced to have been the sources 
 of Zeno’s “ Carta da Navegar,” published in 1558, and not the results 
 of the pretended fourteenth century cartography of Antonio Zeno. 
 
 Some of the principal supposed evidences that the geographical know¬ 
 ledge of Nicolo Zeno, the younger, was so far in advance of that of his 
 age, were, the western extension and the form of Greenland, upon the 
 <c Carta da Navegar.” Where did he get his knowledge of its shape and of 
 the names which he has put upon it if not from Antonio Zeno’s map ? 
 
 Admiral Zarhtmann saw, 1 in the University Library of Copenhagen, 
 a very old manuscript map showing Greenland, the original of which, 
 he believed, “ had served as a model to Bordone for his outline, and to 
 Zeno for his names.” This map was unfortunately lost when Zarhtmann 
 wrote in 1833, and Major takes occasion 2 to give vent to some very 
 unhandsome sneers and insinuations against the Admiral, grounded upon 
 c£ the non-appearance of this phantom of a map.” Its loss, however, 
 has been, in great measure, compensated for by the results of the 
 diligence and good fortune of Baron Nordenskjold, who has found not 
 only one, but four maps of the fifteenth century, which give a form 
 and extension to Greenland, similar to those given by Zeno, and which 
 together contain all the Zeno names upon Greenland, with the excep¬ 
 tions of <c S. Tomas Zenobitim ” and u Chin prom.” 
 
 The first of these maps, now generally known as the “ Zamoiski ” 
 map, was found by Baron Nordenskjold, in the year 1888, in a Latin 
 Codex of Ptolemy’s Geography , of about 1467, which is in the Zamoisky 
 Majorat Library at Warsaw. This map is described and reproduced 
 in the Baron’s Facsimile Atlas* and, by his permission, is here given 
 
 1 Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. of London, i835,vcl. v., p. 114. 2 Voyages of the Zeni, p. Ivin and lix. 
 
 3 Nordenskjold's Facsimile Atlas, pp. 55, 58, 95, n. 3 and Plate XXX. therein. 
 
IOO 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 on a smaller scale (Plate II.). Professor Storm 1 sees the original of the 
 Zamoiski map in the map (1425 to 1427) by Claudius Clavus or 
 Nicolaus Niger, a Danish geographer, which he reproduces with a 
 facsimile of the MS. tables. 
 
 The principal difference between Clavus’ map and Zeno’s map is the 
 turning back of the western extremity of the coast of “ Gronlandia 
 provincia” of the Clavus map, towards the north and north-east, so 
 that on Zeno’s map Greenland becomes a peninsula. Most of the names 
 also are added on the latter map; many of them appear, however, on the 
 text accompanying the Clavus map, though not upon the map itself. 
 
 Nordenskjold has suggested, and Storm and Dahlgren have shown, 2 
 that several of the names on the Zeno and Zamoiski maps are old 
 Danish ordinal numbers, and that others are of Scandinavian origin, 
 though distorted in the copying by foreign scribes. 
 
 The other three maps, of similar type, found by Nordensk jold have 
 also been reproduced by him in facsimile. 3 They are the following: 
 
 1. A Map of North Europe and Greenland. The original is in a 
 manuscript Ptolemy of the fifteenth century in the Biblioteca Nazionale, 
 Florence (Sec. XV., ^). 
 
 2. A Map of Scandinavia and Greenland. The original is in a manu¬ 
 script of Christ Ensenius’ Descriptio Cicladum aliarumque insularum , in 
 the Biblioteca Laurenziana, Florence (Plut. XXIX., Cod. 25, Sec. XV.). 
 
 3. A Map of Scandinavia and Greenland. The original is in a 
 manuscript Ptolemy of the fifteenth century, in the Biblioteca Lauren¬ 
 ziana, Florence (Plut. XXX., Cod. 3). 
 
 These three maps were first noticed by Professor F. R. von Wieser of 
 Innsbruck, in an article on Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas. The first and 
 second are oblong in shape; the third is fan-shaped, like the Zamoiski 
 map. They are referred to in the table in Appendix IV. as “ Florence, 
 No. 1,” “ Florence, No. 2,” and ct Florence, No. 3,” respectively. 
 
 It will be seen from that table (Appendix IV.) that the Zamoiski 
 and the three Florence maps contain a good many of the names which 
 occur on Greenland and Iceland in the Zeno map, with some variations 
 in spelling. 
 
 Another map, modelled on the same lines as the Clavus map, except 
 
 1 Den Danske Geograf Claudius Clavus eller Nicolaus Niger, Stockholm, 1891; and figure 
 opposite p. 59, supra. 
 
 2 Nordenskjold, Facsimile Atlas, p. 56; Storm, Om Zeniernes Reiser , and Claudius Clavus. 
 
 s Bidrag till Nor dens Aldsta Kartographi , Stockholm, 1892. 
 
101 
 
 Zeno's u Carta da Navegar .” 
 
 as to Greenland, is the “ Engronelant Norvegie et Gottie, Tab. Mod.,” 
 which appears in the Donis edition of Ptolemy , Ulm, 1482 (Plate III.). 
 On this map, Greenland is not extended far to the west and south, as 
 in the Zamoiski and the three Florence maps; but, on its Greenland 
 and Iceland many of the Zenian names appear, with fresh variations in 
 spelling. This is the earliest printed map of Greenland. It was drawn 
 by Nicolaus Donis, a Benedidiine monk of the Monastery of Reichen- 
 bach, in Bavaria. It is repeated, in substance, in the subsequent 
 editions of Ptolemy of i486, 1507, 1508, 1513, 1520, 1522, 1525, 
 J535> a nd 154 1 . 1 
 
 Here, then, we have five different maps (four of them in manuscript, 
 and the other printed in no less than ten editions ofP/o/^/«y,betweeni482 
 and 1541), from which all the Zenian names on Greenland and Iceland 
 may have been copied, except “ Chin prom” and “ S. Tomas Zenobitim,” 
 which we do not find. The absence of this last name, taken in con¬ 
 junction with the facts that no such monastery as that described by 
 Zeno had ever been heard of before his story was published, and 
 that no traces of it, or its neighbouring volcano, though diligently 
 searched for, have ever been found since, strongly confirms the con¬ 
 clusion that those parts of the narrative relating to the two visits by the 
 brothers Zeni to Greenland are entirely fictitious. It has been suggested 
 by several authors, and even by Maltebrun, 2 a supporter of Zeno, that 
 the details of the description of Greenland may have been borrowed 
 from accounts of the volcanoes and hot springs which actually did and 
 do exist in Iceland. Zeno, the younger, may possibly have been misled 
 by Gastaldi’s map of “ Schonlandia Nova” (Plate VI.), in the first Italian 
 edition of Ptolemy , published in Venice in 1548, which was the latest 
 edition when Zeno wrote. On this Gastaldi places the names “ Holen ” 
 and “ Skalholt,” both on Iceland, which he marks “ Islandia ” in small 
 letters and thyle in capitals, and also on Greenland, which he calls 
 islandia. On Greenland he also shows mountains and a large lake, 
 close to Holen. Munster, also, in his editions of Ptolemy , 1540, and 
 1542 and 1545, places the name u Islandia” on Greenland (Typus 
 Universalis). 
 
 Of the nineteen names on Iceland on the Zeno map, including the 
 misplaced Shetlands, twelve are represented on the Zamoiski and three 
 
 1 Maps of the same type, but without detail, appear in Schedel’s Nuremberg Chronicle, 1493, 
 folio ccc, and in Bordone’s Isolario y 1528, folio vi. See also figure opposite p. 3, sufra. 
 
 2 Precis de la Geographic , 183a, vol. i., p. 201. 
 
102 
 
 ''The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Florence maps. Of the remaining seven names, one is supplied by 
 Donis, 148.2, three by Mercator in his “ Europa,” 1554, and all seven by 
 Olaus Magnus, 1539. Of the name “ Vestrabord,” Zarhtmann says, 1 
 “We shall search in vain for this name in all the existing maps, it is 
 not even to be found in the one annexed to the translation of Olaus 
 Magnus’ work, published in 1567; it is nowhere to be found but on 
 the chart of the Zeni! ” But it does actually appear in the same form 
 upon the Olaus Magnus map of 1539, and as “ Westrabord ” on Mer¬ 
 cator’s “ Europa,” 1554 (see Plates IV. and VII.). 
 
 The outline of Islanda on the Zeno map corresponds generally to that 
 of the same island on the Olaus Magnus map of 1539, but Zeno has made 
 a strange variation, by converting the ice-floes shown on Olaus’ map, off* 
 the eastern end of Iceland into islands. He has, in fact, imported the 
 Shetland Isles into the immediate vicinity of Iceland, though this is but 
 a trifling feat compared with his importation of Icaria into the North 
 Atlantic from the Greek Archipelago. Hence we find seven islands: 
 Minant (Mainland), Bres (Bressay), Talas (Yelli), Danbert (Hamna), 
 Brons (E. and W. Barras), Iscant (Unst), and Trans (St. Ronans), 
 grouped with or forming part of Iceland. There can be no clearer 
 proof than this huge blunder, that the compiler of the Zeno map was 
 working by guesswork, and had no real information on the subject, on 
 which, nevertheless, he was affedting to instruct the public. And yet, 
 it will be seen, on reference to the table of the various identifications 
 (Appendix V.), that Eggers 2 and Lelewel have actually taken the trouble 
 to identify these bogus islands with parts of modern Iceland. Lelewel, 
 it is true, says of them : 3 Mimant seule de la carte de Zeno doit 
 etre consider ee comme une lie reelle ; les antres sont plutot formees par 
 les courants supposes des fleuvesd 
 
 In his Verrazano the Explorer , De Costa refers 4 incidentally to the 
 Zeno map, and claims to have proved that Bordone must have been 
 familiar with the Zeno map in 1521, and that this “overturns the 
 theory that that map was a forgery of the period of 1558.” He bases 
 his argument on the form of Bordone’s “ Terra de Lavoratore ” 5 [ folio vi], 
 and on the style of letters forming the word “ Islanda” 6 on the map on 
 folio 1 of the Isolario. Curiously enough, the style of the letters on 
 
 1 Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. Lond vol. v., 1835, P- 12 7 > n - 
 
 2 Zurla, Dissertazione, p. 91, and Di Marco Polo, vol. ii., p. 55. 
 
 3 Geog. du Moyen Age, 1852, suppl., p. 95. 
 
 4 Verrazano the Explorer , by B. F. De Costa, New York, 1880, pp. 47 and 63, n. 
 
 5 See tailpiece on p. 39, supra. 6 See tailpiece on p. 23, supra. 
 
Zenos “ Carta da NavegarZ 103 
 
 Iceland is the same also in the Florence maps No. 1 and No. 2 above 
 referred to. De Costa’s contention is ingenious but not convincing, 
 and probably he would himself abandon it in the face of the evidence 
 which we now possess. 
 
 We have now to seek for sources from which the younger Zeno can 
 have got the forms of the Scandinavian, Danish and Frisian coasts, and the 
 names upon them. These clearly do not come from the maps already 
 referred to in this chapter, for they do not correspond, either in outline, 
 orientation, or nomenclature, with the same parts on the Zeno map. 
 
 It was Zarhtmann who suggested, 1 in 1833, that the map (of which 
 no copy was then known to exist) by Olaus Magnus, published in 
 Venice in 1539, might very well have contained some information as to 
 the general outline of Greenland. This conjecture brought upon his head 
 another tirade from Major, for venturing to make such an “insinuation/’ 
 However, Zarhtmann has proved to be right, though not so much as to 
 the outline of Greenland as with regard to other portions of the Zeno map. 
 
 For in 1886 Dr. Oscar Brenner 2 discovered, in the State Library 
 of Munich, a perfeCt copy of the Olaus Magnus map of 1539 (Plate 
 IV.), which turned out to be an entirely different map from that in 
 Ficklers’ translation of Olaus Magnus’ work printed in Basle in 1567, 3 
 with which Major confidently assumed it to have been identical. Baron 
 Nordenskjold, also, writing in 1881, said of the map of 1539 : 4 “ it is 
 given unaltered in the 1567 Basel edition of Olaus Magnus,” and he 
 gives a reproduction of the Basel map. It is, however, much larger and 
 fuller than either the 1567 map or the still smaller map which illustrates 
 the Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus , by Olaus Magnus, published 
 in Rome in 1555. A reduced facsimile of the north-western portion 
 of the map of 1539 will be found on Plate IV. at the end of this book. 
 In all three of the Olaus Magnus maps the orientation of the Penin¬ 
 sular of Norway and Sweden is much improved as compared with any 
 earlier map, and Zeno’s map corresponds with them in this respeCt. 
 This is another point on which the Zenian cartography has been con¬ 
 sidered to have been so much in advance of fourteenth and even of 
 sixteenth century knowledge. 
 
 Now, out of the nineteen names on Norway on the Zeno map 
 
 1 Zarhtmann in Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc. of London, vol. v., 1835, pp. 143 and 144. 
 
 2 Die dchte Karte des Olaus Magnus vom Jahre 1539. Christiania, 1886. 
 
 3 Major, Voyages of the Brothers Zeni , Hakluyt Society, 1873, p. lvii. 
 
 4 Voyage of the Vega , London, 1881, vol. i., p. 53, n. 
 
104 7 X* Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 twelve appear on the 1539 map of Olaus Magnus. Some of them have 
 been distorted, as usual, by Zeno, but not so badly as in the case of 
 the names borrowed from the Zamoiski and Florence maps, for they 
 are very clearly written on the Olaus Magnus map. Eight of the same 
 twelve names, with one other, occur also on Mercator’s “ Europa,” 1554 
 (see Plate VII.). There remain still six names unaccounted for; five of 
 these will be found on the map of Tramezini, published in Rome in 
 1 5 5 8 (see Plate VIII.). The only name on the Norway of the Zeno 
 map for which we are unable to account, is, therefore, the “Raceueit” 1 
 of the “Carta da Navegar,” 1558, and of the revised editions in 
 Ruscelli, 1561, and Moletius, 1562. 
 
 But Zeno is indebted to Tramezini for more than these names. He 
 does not follow the 1539 map of Olaus Magnus in his drawing of Dania 
 (Denmark); probably because there are not so many coast names upon 
 it as upon Tramezini’s map. The Zeno map did not appear till De¬ 
 cember in the year 1558, or later, so that there may have been plenty 
 of time for the ingenious Zeno and the skilled wood-engraver Marcolini, 
 during the earlier part of that year, to introduce this little improvement 
 upon the “ Carta da Navegar ” of “ mccclxxx.”(!) 
 
 Zurla refers 2 to a “certain” map of Scandinavia, printed in 1562, 
 and compares the names upon it with those on the Zeno map. The 
 names which Zurla mentions are precisely those upon the Camocius 
 map, printed in Rome, 1562, and there can be no reasonable doubt 
 that it is that map to which he refers. The Camocius map is, however, 
 only a later edition of Tramezini’s map of 1558 (Plate VIII.). Zurla, 
 apparently, was not aware of the existence of the earlier edition, as he 
 claims that the map of 1562 confirms the Zeno map of 1558. 
 
 Professor Storm (who had heard of, but had not seen, the Tramezini 
 map), in speaking of the Camocius map, says, 3 that the Danish peninsula 
 “ has here, for the first time on any map, got the right direction towards 
 the north, and that, similarly, the southern parts of Norway and Sweden 
 get the right form.” A comparison of the Tramezini map (Plate VIII.) 
 with the Zeno map (Plate XI.) will make it evident, either that the 
 Dania of the one is copied from the other, or that both are copied from 
 a common original. 
 
 1 Zurla identifies this with “ Rasvaag ” on Hitteroe. Dissert., p. 140, and Di Marco Polo, 
 vol. ii., p. 90. 
 
 2 Zurla Dissert., p. 137 et seq.; Di Marco Polo, vol. ii., pp. 89 et seq. 
 
 3 Om Zeniernes reiser, p. 8. Storm reproduces the Camocius map as his Plate II. 
 
105 
 
 Zeno 1 s cc Carta da NavegarZ 
 
 All the names on “ Dania ” and its littoral islands on the Zeno map, 
 are to be found on the Tramezini map, though with some notable varia¬ 
 tions in spelling. That the Tramezini map is really earlier than the 
 Zeno map may be still further judged by the fa6t that the names on 
 the former map are intelligible, while many of those on the latter map 
 are so distorted and disfigured as to be unrecognizable (Appendix IV). 
 
 We have now to consider the origin of that most interesting and 
 most mysterious island, the “ Frisland ” of the Zeno map and the 
 “ Frislanda ” of the narrative. 
 
 We have already dealt, in an earlier se&ion, with the occurrence 
 of the name in literature, and claim to have shown that the name, as 
 applied to an island in the North Atlantic, occurs in history or litera¬ 
 ture, for the first time, in the Zeno narrative. It is not so, however, 
 with regard to cartography. 
 
 The name Frisland, as applied to an island, 1 is not introduced for 
 the first time by Nicolo Zeno, the younger, as is stated by Bredsdorff? 
 The first suggestion of any name at all resembling it is found, as 
 far as we know, upon the Edrisi maps, 1154 (viz., “Tabula Rotunda 
 Rogeriana,” and “Tabula Itineraria Rogeriana” 3 ), on each of which 
 appears a considerable island to the north of England and Ireland, 
 marked “ Resland.” 
 
 Next, upon the oval diagram known as the “ Imago Mundi,” 4 from 
 the Poly crony con* of Ranulfus de Hyggeden, 1360, an island called 
 “ Wrisla[n]d” is shown, with “Noravega,” “Islanda” and “Tile.” There 
 is no corresponding name, however, in Hyggeden’s text. Lelewel 
 considers 6 that Resland and Wrisla[n]d are the “ Frislanda” of later maps. 
 
 Zurla says 7 that the elliptical island, west of Norway, on folio 8 of 
 Andrea Bianco’s map of 1436, is marked Frisland. But, upon careful 
 reference to the photograph of the original map, published by Ongania 
 
 1 Frisland on the continent of Europe was known to the Scandinavians. “ I Rmar 
 qvislum liggr Frisland norctr til hafs,” Icelandic MS. twelfth century. “ In regione ea, quae Rheni 
 brachiis cingitur, est Frislandia, ad Septentrionalium maris oram sita,” Rafn. Antiq. Americ ., 
 1837, p. 288. 
 
 2 Greenland's Historiske mindesmarker , 1845, vol. iii., p. 530. 
 
 3 Small copies of both these maps are in the atlas of Lelewels, Geog. du Moyen Age , Bruxelles, 
 1852, Plate X., 39 ; Plates XI., XII., 41. 
 
 4 Geog. du Moyen Age , atlas, Plate XXV. 
 
 5 Translated by Trevisa, Yycarye of Barkleye, and published by Caxton, in 1482; by 
 Wynkyn de Worde, in 1495 ; and by Peter de Treves, in 1527. In none of these is the map 
 reproduced; the last-named edition is the one to which we have referred. 
 
 6 Geog. du Moyen Age , vol. iv., p. 101, n. 
 
 7 Dissertazione, 1808, p. 36 ; Di Marco Polo , vol. ii., p. 13. 
 
106 
 
 The V oyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Fig. i. Part of Andrea 
 Bianco’s Map of 
 
 of Venice, in 1879 (a small portion of which is 
 here reproduced as Fig. 1), it will be seen that the 
 name is really “ Stilanda.” 
 
 Zurla 1 sees the Frisland of the Zeni in the 
 “ Ixilandia” of the Fra Mauro map, 1457-9 (Plate 
 I.), because it has upon it the name “ Nodiford,” 
 which he identifies with Zeno’s “Andefort.” 
 
 Humboldt, 2 jomard, 3 Lelewel, 4 and Kretschmer 5 
 i 436 - > (From On- have all misread the name “ Stillanda ” on the La 
 gamas photograph.) Q osa ma p Q f j^qo as “ Frislanda ; ” and all these 
 
 savants have reproduced the 
 latter name in place of the 
 former on their copies of that 
 important map. In none of 
 their reproductions, however, 
 is it pretended that the names 
 are given in facsimile. 
 
 Upon reference to the La 
 Cosa map (now the property 
 of the Spanish Government, 
 and preserved in the Naval 
 Museum at Madrid), or to the 
 full-sized facsimile of it, 6 it 
 will be seen (Fig. 2) that the 
 first letter of the name “Stil¬ 
 landa ” (misread, as above 
 
 stated, as “ Frislanda ”) is not 
 an “ F,” but an “ S.” It is 
 entirely disconnected from 
 the following letter and has 
 no cross-stroke. The second 
 letter is “ t,” as will be seen 
 on comparing it with many 
 other undoubted examples 
 
 Fig. 2. Part of Juan de la Cosa's NXap of 1500. of that letter in the same 
 
 (From Vallejo and Traynor’s facsimile.) handwriting Upon the map. 
 
 1 Zurla, II Mappamondo di Fra Mauro , Venice, 1806, pp. 29 and 102. 
 
 2 Humboldt, Examen Critique. 3 Jomard, Les Monuments de la Geographie , Paris, 1855-62. 
 
 4 Lelewel, G'eog. du Moyen Age , atlas. 5 Kretschmer, Die Entdeckung Amerika's. 
 
 Vallejo and Traynor,^ full-sized facsimile, Madrid, 18 92 
 

 i A -v .,.> v j 
 
 vr;^v..^v., ; 
 
 :,:va hS f c>, 
 
 ^sf^f.’SL ’«v. ' r 
 
 sgl^.*, . v <, ■ 
 
 ■ >>? '■ Ji> A.J 
 
 />•• >'-’.v>. 4 ' >; 
 
 T'.? A 
 
 
 Zeno s “ Carta da NavegarC 107 
 
 On further examination, it will be found that the letter “r”, in the 
 same handwriting, is formed in an entirely different way from the letter 
 tc t.” The third letter is, of course, “ i ” in either word. If the fourth 
 letter were a long “ s”, it would have a turn to the right at its upper 
 extremity, as all the other long “ ss ” have : it has no such turn, but is 
 perfectly straight, like the letter “ 1 ” in other parts of the map. The 
 other five letters are the same in both cases. Nevertheless the ease with 
 which “ Stillanda,” or u Stilanda,” may be read at first sight as Fris- 
 landa, is illustrated by Zurla’s error as to the same word on the Bianco 
 
 Fig. 3. Part of the Atlas Catalan de Charles V., Roi de France, 1375. 
 
 (From Delisle’s reproduction in Documents Geographiques.) 
 
 map of 1436. We have known the same mistake to be made in reading 
 the same word “ Stillanda” as “ Frislanda,” both on the Catalane map, 
 1 375 (Fig. 3), 1 and on the Frederici d’Ancone map, 1497 (Fig. 4). 2 
 
 It is true that, on the La Cosa map there appears, besides Stillanda, 
 an island, vaguely indicated by broken outlines only, and not coloured 
 as all the other islands are. This island has been entitled by Hum- 
 
 1 Santarem, Atlas (Brit. Mus. Tab., 1850, A), Plate XVIII.; Delisle’s Documents Geo- 
 graphiques , Paris, 1883 (Brit. Mus. S., 35, 5). 
 
 2 Santarem, Atlas , Plate LXXIV. 
 
io8 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 boldt, Lelewel, and Kretschmer on their respective reproductions 
 “Estelanda;” but on the original the name, which has been altered 
 and partially erased, reads obscurely. It contains too many letters 
 for “ Estelanda.” It might be “ j 11 a de Sialelanda,” in which case 
 it would probably represent the island which appears as “ Sialanda,” 
 in a nearly corresponding position, on the Pizigani map (1367). 1 
 Jomard reads the name “ Isla de Estelanda,” and, in his reproduction 
 
 Fig. 4. Part of the Fredrici d’Ancone Map, 1497. 
 (From Santarem’s reprodu&ion.) 
 
 of the map, endows the island with a firm outline and a distinCt colour, 
 neither of which does it possess on the original map. 
 
 The assumed faCt that Christopher Columbus was actually acquainted 
 with the name “ Frislanda ” as that of an island in the North Sea, has 
 been made much of by Major 2 and other supporters of Zeno, as proof 
 of the aCtual existence of an island known by that name, and as inde¬ 
 pendent evidence in favour of the authenticity of the Zeno documents. 
 One half of the evidence of this knowledge by Columbus rests upon 
 
 1 Jomard, Monuments de la Geographies Map X. Photograph (from the original map in 
 the National Library, Parma) by F. Odorici, Parma, 1873 [B. M. S. 202 (3*)]. 
 
 2 Major’s Voyages of the Brothers Zeni , p. xviii. 
 
!The “ Carta da NavegarT 109 
 
 the supposed occurrence of the name of the island on this map of Juan 
 de la Cosa, his pilot and companion on his second voyage (1493-6): 
 the other half, upon the obscure passage dealt with above, 1 which occurs 
 both in the discredited Historie of the Admiral, attributed to his son 
 Ferdinand Columbus, and in Las Casas’ Historia de las Indias. There 
 is no other evidence. We have now shown that the name Frislanda 
 does not occur on the La Cosa map; also, that the reference to Fris¬ 
 landa in the Historie of the Admiral does not occur in any writing by 
 him and first appears in a passage written by Las Casas in his Historia 
 de las Indias. It follows, therefore, that all evidence of Columbus’s 
 knowledge of any such island as Frisland falls to the ground. 
 
 “ Frislanda ” having been eliminated from the La Cosa map, we have 
 yet to seek for its first appearance. This we find on the Cantino 
 map of 1502. As to this map, Harrisse writes: 2 ££ Alberto Cantino, 
 who was the envoy (orator) of Hercules d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, to 
 the Court of Portugal, kept his master apprised of the discoveries 
 accomplished beyond the seas under the Portuguese and Spanish flags. 
 The duke having expressed a desire to obtain a map illustrating those 
 voyages, Cantino ordered it from a cartographer living in Lisbon, and 
 whom we expecfl to have been an Italian artist.” Harrisse adds, in a note, 
 ££ our opinion is that there were then, in Portugal, several Italian artists 
 who made maps, not as cartographers, but as copyists and miniaturists.” 
 
 Upon this Cantino map appears an island “ Frislanda,” due north 
 of Scotland, and in a position nearly corresponding with the roughly- 
 indicated ££ de Sialelanda ” of the La Cosa map. From whatever 
 original this part of the Cantino map was copied, it seems highly 
 probable that the penman (one of the copyist and miniaturist school 
 referred to by Harrisse) has converted the familiar “ Stillanda ” into 
 the novel form of ££ Frislanda.” This is the first occurrence that we 
 have been able to find of an island called ££ Frislanda ” on any map, 
 and its appearance here seems to have been due to the very easy and 
 natural clerical error mentioned above. We do not again find the 
 name, in this form, on any other map of which the date is known 
 until we find it on the Zeno map of 1558. 
 
 1 Supra, pp. 64-68. 
 
 2 Harrisse, Discovery of North America , London, 1892, p. 422. There is a facsimile (not 
 photographic) of a portion of the map in Harrisse’s Les Corte Real, etc., Paris, 1883. The 
 original map is in the Biblioteca Estense, Modena. By the courtesy of Cavaliere Caputo, the 
 Librarian, we have been able to verify the name “Frislanda” from a photograph, which he 
 has been good enough to have taken for us, of a portion of the original map. 
 

 
 
 
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Fig. 7. Part of a Fifteenth Century (Catalan) Map. (From Nordenskj old’s Bidrag till Nordens 
 
 Aldsta Kartografi , Plate VI) 
 
Ill 
 
 Zenos ££ Carta da Navegard 
 
 The name “ Insula de Uresland ” occurs on a map of c. 1505, 
 reproduced by Kunstmann. 1 2 There are no names on the island, other 
 than the principal name, on any of the above-mentioned maps, except 
 upon the Ixilanda of the Fra Mauro map (Plate I.). 
 
 There is no sign of “ Frisland” either in the text or in the maps of 
 Bordone (1528), Ziegler (1532), Grynaeus (1532), Schoner (1533), 
 Mercator (1538, 1541, 1554), Olaus Magnus (1539), nor in any of 
 the editions of Ptolemy published before 1561. 
 
 In an Italian Portolano, of the Genoese school, preserved in the 
 British Museum [MS. Egerton 2803], there are two maps (folios i b and 8 b ) 
 showing an island called ££ Fis- 
 landa,” which, no doubt, repre¬ 
 sents Iceland. Neither map 
 shows any details upon the 
 island. The map on folio 8 b 2 
 .is reproduced, on page no 
 (Fig. 5), for the first time. The 
 map on folio i b is a map of the 
 world, and shows Fislanda in a 
 corresponding position. The 
 Portolano cannot be later in 
 date than 1508, as will be seen from the extract (here reproduced in 
 facsimile as Fig. 6) from the explanation of the Tables for finding 
 the time of the New Moon, on the last folio of the Portolano. The 
 Tables are calculated for 1508 and subsequent years. They were, of 
 course, intended for future use. 
 
 The first map which we find giving details of an island at all corre¬ 
 sponding to those on Zeno’s Frisland is a Catalan map of the fifteenth 
 century, preserved in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, at Milan, part of 
 which is reproduced here (Fig. 7) from a facsimile given by Nor- 
 denskjold. 3 On this map the island is called £C Fixlanda,” and contains 
 twenty-seven names, twenty-one of which can be identified with those 
 
 1 Entdeckung Amerika’s , Berlin, 1859, Blatt 2 (Brit. Mus. Tab. 1850 a). 
 
 2 Although it does not stridlly belong to our subject, it may be of interest to point out that 
 this map is remarkable as being the earliest to show definite outlines of the coast of the most 
 northern parts of the eastern coasts of North America, with names. It shows Terra de 
 Labrador and Terra de los Bachalaos. It is, at least, three years earlier in date than the atlas 
 of Vesconte de Maiolo, or Maggiolo, constru&ed in Naples in 1511, which hitherto has been 
 considered to be the earliest Italian Portolano showing such details (See Harrisse’s, The Dis¬ 
 covery of North America , p. 496). 
 
 3 Bidrag till Nordens Aldsta Kartografi , Plate V. 
 
 ;/ alpVkn' imkt-fmttttttvu . itijih'iet ai 
 
 3 ffittexf t it aj»«r< ppte nr. ifthhttt »3 lu-eMm.. A. St* 
 
 ’ ta?s* 4 tn. « CM vie, 
 
 55 j* In&wtiir.tvt eu'mt wr«s'i» rciftam 
 
 ncAJe. Adit’S ss meafctt wj cuctfci • citi"p 
 
 it d'.f >4 S-YsfcwsM Jvfj'fnf. ¥t scuts-drieS pancJi'. So . confi'ci'vDt.uxyS 
 Atr.i ille jSw£tciat'%rtv«- .feptnus Jmotviif. 
 
 Wt TSPtS 
 
 otis3enm }irfuAviuj.feiru.trine 
 
 surntwi 'rtf ZierutfliStewSes )wr.ifa»r. S 
 
 ' ***■"■■' J ’ ‘ 1 
 
 Fig. 6. From Portolano in British Museum. 
 [MS. Egerton 2803.] 
 
Fig. 8. Part of a Chart by Mattheus Prunes, 1553, in the Biblioteca Comunale 
 
 at Siena. 
 
 (From Kretschmer’s Entdeckung Amerika's , Atlas Tafel IV., No. 5.) 
 
Zends u Carta da Navegar 113 
 
 on the Zenian Frislanda. Of the remaining six two are duplicates of 
 some of those identified. (See Appendix IV.) 
 
 Dr. Kretschmer 1 2 gives a copy of a portion of a map by Mattheus 
 Primes, dated 1553, the original of which is in the Biblioteca Comunale 
 at Siena, on which the representation of “ Fixlanda ” corresponds 
 closely to that on the Milan map just mentioned. A reproduction 
 from Kretschmer’s Atlas is given on page 112 (Fig. 8), but without 
 colours. Of the twenty-three names which appear upon the island on 
 Kretschmer’s reproduction of this Siena map eighteen can be identified 
 with those on the Frisland of Zeno. A portion of “ Estilanda ” 
 (Shetland) also appears on the copy, and ££ ilia Porlanda ” and “ ille 
 neome ” are shown in relative positions nearly corresponding with those 
 of “ Estland,” ££ Podanda,” and ££ Neome,” on the Zeno map. 
 
 It seems probable, from the occurrence of Portuguese words upon 
 the Milan and Siena maps just mentioned, that some of the details 
 have been obtained from Portuguese originals. These words are not 
 the names of places, but denote physical features. Thus, for instance, 
 we have Espraya , meaning “ land left dry by the ebbing of the tide,” 
 which occurs twice on each map, and is distorted on the Zeno map 
 into Spagia ; aqua , ££ water”; sabrius and sabius (Ibini on the Zeno 
 map) for sabroso or saibroso , “gravelly”; compa , for campo , ££ field or 
 open land,” or, perhaps, an abbreviation for compascuo , ££ pasture.” 
 This suggests that Bondendea porti of the Zeno map may be simply 
 Bondadoso porto , ££ a good harbour,” but only the word porti appears 
 on the two earlier maps. The pradice of noting upon maps the 
 physical features of the coast, and even the occurrence of remarkable 
 fishes, trees, etc., was common in the fifteenth and sixteenth 
 centuries. 
 
 The Catalan type of Frisland, which differs from the Zenian type in 
 many respeCts, occurs on many manuscript maps of later date than 1558." 
 
 1 Die Entdeckung Amerika's , Berlin, 1892, Atlas, Taf. IV., No. 5. 
 
 2 Dr. Kretschmer also reproduces ( Die Entdeckung Amerika ’.r, Atlas, Taf. IV., No. 3) a 
 sedition of a map by Jaume Olives, of Mallorca, the original of which is in the National Library 
 at Florence. It contains details similar to those in the Siena map. Kretschmer assigns to it the 
 date 1514, Uzielli and Amat di San Filippo ( Studij Biograf. e Bibliograf., 2nd ed., 1882), read 
 the figures 1564, and Desimoni 1504. As all the known codices containing maps by Jaume 
 Olives range between 1557 and 1566, Uzielli-Amat are probably right. Zurla {Dissert., p. 142, 
 and Di Marco Polo , 1818, vol. ii., p. 92) refers to a map by Bartolomeo Olives, dated June 15th, 
 
 1 559, which shows an island called Frixlanda, and gives some other of the Zenian names with 
 variations in spelling. The rendering “Frixlanda” occurs in several later manuscript maps, 
 two of which will be found reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Bidrag till Nor dens Aldsta Kartografi. 
 
114 The. Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 We now come to the large map of Frisland from the Lafreri Atlas 1 
 (Plate IX.). It is, as many of the Lafreri maps are, undated. It is 
 full of pi&orial details of mountains, towns, buildings, trees and 
 cultivated and inclosed lands. The maps composing this fine Atlas , 
 were engraved at various times by different engravers between the years 
 1546 and 1572. In some cases the same map was produced more 
 than once, at different dates and by different hands. It is, therefore, 
 difficult to determine the exadt date of the Lafreri map of Frisland. 
 As will appear a little further on, we have given reasons to show that 
 Nicolo Zeno, the younger, was the originator of his hybrid Frisland. 
 The larger, though otherwise nearly identical, Lafreri map of that island 
 must, therefore, have been derived either from the woodcut ££ Carta da 
 Navegar,” or from a draft map, which Zeno must, necessarily, have 
 prepared, probably on a larger scale, before the woodcut map could 
 have been executed. In either case, the complete absence of evidence 
 of any public knowledge of Frisland before 1558, coupled with 
 Ruscelli’s direct reference to Zeno’s work of 1558 as the origin of his 
 “ Nvova Tavola Settentrionale,” edited by Zeno himself, in the Venice 
 Ptolemy of 1561, renders it extremely improbable that the larger 
 Lafreri map was executed before 1561 or 1562. 
 
 It is not proposed to follow in detail the various attempts to 
 identify the ££ Frislanda ” of the Zeno map with some lost, or existing 
 land. The conclusions of different writers have been curiously various 
 on this point. 
 
 Terra-Rossa believed 2 that Frislanda, Porlanda, Grislanda, and 
 Islanda were at one time united portions of a single land, parts of 
 which had been submerged. 
 
 De l’lsle, 3 O’Reilly, 4 Van Keulen, 5 Pingre and Borda, 6 Zurla, 7 Malte- 
 brun, 8 and others, believed Frisland to have been submerged by some 
 convulsion of nature, and most of them believed it to be represented 
 by ££ the Sunken Land of Buss,” more particularly referred to below. 
 
 Forster 9 identified it partly with Fara, Fera, or Ferasland, a small 
 
 1 There are two copies of this map in the Brit. Mus., one without signature (s. 10.2.70*),' 
 from which our Plate is taken, the other (s.io. 1.156) inscribed, “ Petro de Nobilibus formis.” 
 
 2 Riflessioni Geografiche , 1686, pp. 236, 251, etc. 
 
 3 Hemisphere Occidental , 17 20, in Atlas Nouveau , etc. Amsterdam, c. 1733. 
 
 4 Greenland and the Adjacent Seas, etc., p. n. 
 
 5 Nieuwe IVassende Zee Caart van de Noord Oceaen, etc. Amsterdam, 1745. 
 
 6 Voyage fait par ordre du Roi en 1771 et 1772, vol. ii., p. 360. 
 
 7 Dissertazione , pp. 79 et seq. Di Marco Polo , vol. ii., pp. 44, 48. 
 
 8 Precis de la Geographic , ed. 1832-35, vol. i., p. 200. 9 Northern Voyages , pp. 201-202. 
 
Zenos “ Carta da Navegar .” 115 
 
 island off the east coast of Hoy, in the Orkneys; partly with the Faroes 
 and partly with the Hebrides; Baron Walckenaer 1 with North and 
 West Ireland; Irminger 2 with Iceland. 
 
 Luigi Bossi believed :j that the name Frislanda was a corruption of 
 Fixlanda , which he held to have been a Teutonic word signifying 
 u the land of fish,” or “ the land abounding in fish,” and that it was 
 given originally, not only to Iceland, but to the Orkneys, the Shetlands, 
 the Faroes, etc.—in short, that it signifies a maritime region rather than 
 a single island; but he thought that the island marked Fixlanda, or 
 Frixlanda, in several fifteenth and sixteenth century maps, was Iceland. 
 Steenstrup 4 had a similar, but more comprehensive, theory ; for he says 
 that Grislanda was a mistake of writing, or rather of reading, for 
 Wrislanda, which is, in its turn, the same name as Frislanda and 
 Reslanda, the name Island (Iceland) distorted by the Arabs. 
 
 Buache 5 was the first to suggest in 1784 that the originad of the 
 “ Frislanda ” of the Zeno map must have been the Faroes. Buache 
 was followed by Von Eggers, 6 Maltebrun, 7 Zarhtmann, 8 Major, 9 and 
 others, whose conclusions, although differing widely on many other 
 points, agreed upon this identification, which may be regarded as being 
 now popularly accepted. Since the re-discovery of the maps of an 
 earlier date than that of Zeno the question has, however, become 
 varied, and now seems to be : What is the “ Fixlanda ” or u Frixlanda ” 
 of such maps as the Milan (Catalan) fifteenth century map, and the 
 Siena (Mattheus Prunes) map of 1553, above referred to? Clearly it 
 represents the same island as Zeno’s Frisland. Does it represent 
 Iceland or the Faroes ? 
 
 In spite of all the ingenuity which has been lavished upon the 
 subject, the only names on Zeno’s Frisland which have been shown 
 to resemble any of those, either ancient or modern, upon the Faroes, 
 are the seven which are found upon the Olaus Magnus map of 1539, and 
 
 1 Biographie Universelle, vol. lii., Art. Zeno, Nicolas et Antoine. 
 
 2 Journal of Roy. Geogr. Soc., vol. xlix., 1879, P- 39 ^ 
 
 3 Vita di Cristoforo Colombo, Milan, 1818, pp. 86-7, or the French translation of the same, 
 Paris, 1824, pp. 108-9. 
 
 4 Zeniernes Reise i Nor den, 1883; and Les Voyages des Freres Zeni dans le Nord , 1884, in 
 
 Compte rendu du Congres des Americanistes , Copenhagen, 1884, pp. 150-189. [B. M. Ac. 
 
 6220.J 
 
 5 Memoire sur Nisle Frislande, in L'Histoire de VAcademie des Sciences, Paris, 1787. 
 
 6 Ueber die Wahre lage des alten Ostgronlands, Kiel, 1794. 
 
 7 Precis de la Geogr., ed., 1832-35, vol. i., p. 200. 
 
 8 Journ. Roy. Geogr. Soc., vol. v., 1835, P* io 5 - 
 
 9 Ibid., vol. xliii., 1873, p. 156. 
 
116 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 on Mercator’s Europa, 1554 (*;/#., Fare, or Farre Insula; Monachus, 
 or Monaco; Sudero ; Nordero; Dumo, or Duino; Faren, or Farre, 
 and Streme). Of the thirty-three names remaining on Zeno’s Frisland, 
 some, which are also found on earlier maps of Fixlanda, certainly indicate 
 physical features only, and are not the names of places. As for the 
 Frislandic names still unaccounted for, the identifications, by Irminger 
 and Steenstrup, with Icelandic names, are, on the grounds of resemblance 
 in form and meaning, preferable to any which have been suggested by 
 Buache, Eggers, or others who have believed Frisland to represent the 
 Faroes only. It will be seen by reference to Appendix V. that, with the 
 exception of the seven names mentioned above, the identifications of 
 Frislandic with Farensian names are not justified by any resemblance 
 of form; by reference to the maps of Frisland and of the Faroes, 
 that the identifications are not justified by correspondence in position; 
 and, by reference to the narrative, that the story will not apply to a 
 group of islands small and detached like the Faroes. The shape, size, 
 and unity of Zeno’s Frisland has no resemblance whatever to the 
 actual Faroes. In those respedts it is much more like the Fixlanda of 
 the fifteenth century maps, and the adtual Iceland. The identifications 
 are, in fadt, guesses founded on Buache’s hypothesis that Frisland repre¬ 
 sented the Faroes. The chief reason for this supposition seems to have 
 been the fadt that the latitudes of the two groups of islands appear, 
 at first sight, to correspond closely. On Zeno’s map Frisland lies 
 between 6i° and 65° N. Lat. The Faroes adtually lie between 6i° 
 20', and 62° 25' N. Lat. But Zeno is all abroad in his latitudes, 
 which are generally very incorredtly given as to distindtly recognizable 
 places. The following table gives some examples: 
 
 LOCALITY. 
 
 LATITUDE ON ZENO’S MAP. 
 
 ACTUAL LATITUDE. 
 
 Iceland 
 
 Between 67° 30' and 
 
 N. Lat. 63° 30'—66° 
 
 Contanis (Caithness or 
 
 71 0 30' N. Lat. 
 
 6i° o' N. Lat. 
 
 3 ° 
 
 N. Lat. 58° 1 o' to 
 
 Mainland, Orkneys) 
 N. point of Denmark 
 
 63° 40' N. Lat. 
 
 58° 40'. 
 
 N. Lat. 57° 35'. 
 
 S. point of Norway 
 
 64° 1 o' N. Lat. 
 
 N. Lat. 58° o'. 
 
 Trondo (Trondhjem) 
 
 69° o' N. Lat. 
 
 N. Lat. 62° 40'. 
 
 S. point of Greenland 
 
 65° 50' N. Lat. 
 
 N. Lat. 6o° o'. 
 
 It is obvious, therefore, that no faith can be placed in the accuracy 
 
Zends “ Carta da Navegar.” 117 
 
 of Zeno’s latitudes. The maps which, it is contended, have formed 
 his models are also incorredt in this resped:—some more, some less, than 
 the “ Carta da Navegar.” The coincidence of the assigned position of 
 Frisland on Zeno’s map with the real position of the Faroes, close as it 
 is, must therefore be abandoned as a support to the theory of their 
 identity. There is really no evidence in favour of the suggestion 
 that the large and compad Frisland is the same as the small scattered 
 group of the Faroes, except the presence on Frisland of the seven 
 Farensian names above referred to. 
 
 Now let us compare Zeno’s Frisland with the fifteenth-century 
 Fixlanda and with the adual Iceland. All three are large and compad 
 islands. Many of the maps showing Fixlanda do not give us the means 
 of fixing its latitude; but Prunes places it between 59°and 63° N. latitude, 
 which nearly touches, on the north, the adual latitude of the South of 
 Iceland. But it has been seen that the assigned latitudes of localities in 
 the North Atlantic on early maps are not to be relied upon, so it will 
 be well to compare the names on Fixlanda with those on Iceland (see 
 Appendix IV.). It will be noticed that (putting aside the seven 
 Farensian names already mentioned, none of which appear on Fixlanda) 
 there are several important names on Frisland which correspond far 
 more closely with Icelandic names than with any upon the Faroes. 
 For instance, Zeno’s Porlanda is to be found, as Portolanda, on 
 Descellier’s map of 1546, 1 on Diego Homem’s map of 1558, 2 and (as 
 Portland) on modern maps. Zeno’s Ocibar is Orebakke, or the Orbaca 
 of Homem’s map above mentioned. Sanestol appears as Sonosilo on 
 Descellier’s map of 1546 ; C. Vidil is Vadil or Veidileisa; Andefort 
 is Anarhora; Rodea (Rovea in Ruscelli) is Roverhavn; C. Cunala, 
 which appears as “ Gamola ” on the Catalan fifteenth century map, and 
 as “Grimola” on the Prunes, 1553, map, is “Gamaloia” of 
 Descellier’s map, 1546; Abde is Hopdi (cape or headland) of Thor- 
 laksen’s map of Iceland; 3 and Pigiu, or Piglu, is Siglu of the same 
 map; Sorand is Strand; and Aniesis is Arnaes Syssel. Some of these 
 identifications are Irminger’s or Steenstrup’s: the others have not, it is 
 believed, been suggested before. 
 
 On the whole, it may be seen that the fifteenth century Fixlanda is 
 a fair representation of Iceland, and that it does not resemble the Faroes 
 in any respedt whatever. 
 
 1 Kretschmer’s Entdeckung Amerikas, Tafel XVII. 2 Brit. Mus. [Add. MSS. 5415, A.] 
 
 3 Mercator’s Atlas. Duisburg, 1595. 
 
118 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 On neither of the maps earlier in date than 1558, which have been 
 referred to as shewing Fixlanda, is Iceland also shown ; nor does it 
 appear on two similar maps, reproduced by Nordenskjold 1 ; but, on a 
 third map, 2 undated, but of the beginning of the sixteenth century, Frix- 
 landa appears as a small island, without detail, close to a large island, 
 called in the legend on the map “ Thile,” which is here presumably 
 Iceland. The fad that Fixlanda, or Frixlanda, 3 appears with Iceland 
 upon the same map is no proof that they are not intended to represent 
 the same original, as the repetition of the same island, twice or more 
 in different places on the same map, either under the same or different 
 names, was quite in accordance with the practice of the cartographers 
 of the time. For instance, in Fra Mauro’s map, Iceland appears at 
 least thrice: first as an island, “ Ixilandia ”; secondly, on Finland, 
 as “ Islant, in which place dwell bad men who are not Christians ” 4 ; 
 thirdly, on Datia (Denmark), as <c Isola Islandia ”; and, perhaps, a 
 fourth time, as “ Isola di giaccia,” literally u the Island of Ice.” 
 
 The truth of the matter seems to be that Zeno, in compiling his 
 map, was led to choose the Island of Fixlanda (probably on account 
 of the resemblance of its name to that of Frisia or Continental Frislanda, 
 which Nicolo Zeno, the elder, may, very likely, have visited on his re¬ 
 corded voyage in 1 385) as a convenient held for the fictitious exploits of 
 his forbears and as a central starting-point for their alleged explorations, 
 and to borrow from it a number of names. Then, finding, on Olaus 
 Magnus’ and Mercator’s maps, the Faroes, in about the same position as 
 Fixlanda, and not knowing exadly what either of them really repre¬ 
 sented, he, for the purpose of adding both mystery and vraisemblance 
 to his produdion, combined the two, and imported the Farensian names 
 on to Fixlanda (which is Iceland), and so construded his enigmatic 
 Frislanda, ]ust as he has combined the Shetlands with Iceland in order 
 to make his warlike Islanda. 
 
 It may be concluded from the above 5 that Fixlanda, or Frixlanda, 
 really represents Iceland ; and, as many of the names on Zeno’s Frislanda 
 have been borrowed from it, and some of the few remaining undoubtedly 
 taken from the Faroes, Zeno’s Frislanda cannot be said to represent 
 
 1 Bidrag till Nordens Aldsta Kartografi , Plates VII. and VIII. 
 
 2 Ibid., Plate VI. The legend referring to Thile, on this map, is only partly reproduced 
 by Nordenskjold. 
 
 3 The form Frixlanda does not appear, as far as we know, in any map dated earlier than 1558. 
 
 4 “ Islant in questo luogo habitano mali homeni e non sono Christiani.” 
 
 5 See also Appendices IV. and V, 
 
Zends “ Carta da NavegarC 119 
 
 either Iceland or the Faroes, but it is an ingenious combination of both, 
 and never had any real or independent existence. 
 
 A striking example of the malign influence upon geographical 
 knowledge of the unfortunate acceptance, by cartographers, of the Zeno 
 compilation as a genuine map, will be seen on comparing the portions of 
 Mercator’s c£ Europa,” 1554, and of his “ Weltkarte,” 1569, reproduced 
 in Plates VII. and XIII. in the Appendix. The names ££ Nordero,” 
 ££ Sudero,” ££ Monaco,” ££ Streme,” and other names correCUy placed 
 upon the ££ Farre Insule,” in the earlier map, are transferred to the 
 fictitious ££ Frislant ” of the later one, which is also disfigured by the 
 presence of the bogus ££ Estotilant,” ££ Drogeo ” and ££ Icaria.” 
 
 We have already shown how impossible it is to reconcile the identi¬ 
 fication of the Faroes with the Frisland of the Zeno ?iarrative. The 
 description of the island ££ larger than Ireland” (or Iceland, as Major 
 prefers to read it 1 ), through which Zichmni marched his victorious 
 army ££ by land,” in no way suits the Faroe Islands. Admiral Irminger 
 has seen this difficulty which, combined with others pointed out by 
 him, has led him to identify Frisland with Iceland. 2 The paper which 
 follows that of Irminger, in the same publication as that in which 
 Irminger’s note appears, is a reply by Major, 3 insisting upon the identity 
 of Frisland with the Faroes. 
 
 There is little to be said about the Estland of the Zeno map. The 
 name is one well recognized for the Shetland Isles; and except for the 
 theft of the seven islands transferred by Zeno to the coast of Iceland, 
 which has been referred to before, there is little objection to be made 
 to this detail upon the map. Out of the fifteen names on Estland on 
 the Zeno map, we find six on the Olaus Magnus map, 1539, an d f° ur 
 of the same six on Mercator’s ££ Europa,” 1554. 
 
 The large map of Estland (Plate X.), in the Lafreri Atlas , corre¬ 
 sponds, as to outline and nomenclature, with the Estland of the Zeno map. 
 Its history is probably similar to that of the Lafreri map of Frisland 
 (see p. 114). 
 
 Icaria is on a different footing from all the foregoing Zenian 
 countries and islands. The mendacity and impudence of the younger 
 Zeno in importing this island from the Eastern Mediterranean into the 
 North Atlantic, and in making the descendants of ££ Icarus,” the son 
 
 1 Voyages of the Zeni Brothers , Hakluyt Society, 1873, P- 6, n. 
 
 2 Journal of Roy. Geog. Soc. of London, 1879, vol. xlix., p. 398. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 412. 
 
120 
 
 ! The\ Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 of “ Daedalus, king of Scotland,” living at the end of the fourteenth 
 century, hereditary kings of the island at that time, and in introducing 
 the old classical legend into his narrative, would be incredible, if the 
 narrative itself were not a silent and uncontrovertible witness. 
 
 We have seen already (p. 86) that J. R. Forster and R. H. Major 
 identified Icaria with Kerry, and that Zurla considered it to be Newfound¬ 
 land. To these opinions may be added those of Baron Walckenaer, who 
 thought 1 that Icaria was the Isle of Skye, and of Count Miniscalchi 
 Erizzo, who conjectured 2 that it was the Sunken Land of Buss. 
 
 But, though this part of the narrative cannot be treated seriously, we 
 may, nevertheless, consider from what maps, extant when Zeno the 
 younger wrote, he may have borrowed the “ Icaria ” of his map. On 
 many old maps, there will be found, to the north of Scotland, a large 
 island called Hirtha, or Hirta. It so appears 3 on Mercator’s Terrestrial 
 Globe of 1541, and on the Italian map of 1546, the northern portion 
 of which latter is reproduced in our Plate V. It also appears, but 
 placed more to the west, on Mercator’s a Europa,” 1554 (Plate VIII.), 
 and on later maps. It first occurs, under the name of “ St. Kylder,” 
 on map 7 (Scotia) in the 1573 edition of Ortelius’s Theatrum Or his. 
 
 On the large map of Olaus Magnus, 1539, the same island seems 
 to be represented by tc Tile,” which bears inscriptions stating that the 
 Lord of the Islands dwells there, and that it has more than 30,000 
 inhabitants. The phrase Hie habitat Dominus insularum in this in¬ 
 scription suggests some confusion with the Regalis Domus of the 
 Ptolemy of 1511, which probably represents the name of Cortereal 
 misunderstood and literally translated. 
 
 In the little explanatory pamphlet which was issued with the map 
 Olaus Magnus explains thus : 4 
 
 <£ Some call this island Tyle, and some contend that it is Iceland; 
 but I find that Procopius has more truly described the island Scandiana 
 under the name of Tyle. Nevertheless in this Tyle is the residence of 
 the Governor ( Presidente ) of the Orcades, and this island has about 
 30,000 men inhabiting it, who would not change their condition for 
 the happiness of other regions.” 
 
 The latter part of this passage suggests that it may have been the 
 
 1 Biographie Universelle, vol. lii., Art. Zeno, Nicolas et Antoine. 
 
 2 Le Scoperte Artiche, 1855, p. 117. 
 
 3 Raemdonck, Les Spheres 'Terrestre et caleste de Gerard Mercator, St. Nicholas, 1875. 
 
 4 Opera Breve, under D. f. 
 
12 I 
 
 Zend's “ Carta da Navegard 
 
 source of the passages in the Zeno text: 1 “ they [the Icarians] were 
 contented with the state which God had given them, and would neither 
 alter their laws nor admit any stranger,” and : “ they being all prepared 
 rather to abandon life than to relax in any way the use of their laws.” 
 Another possible, but less probable, source may be the passage in 
 Bordone, referred to above on page 89. 
 
 In his larger work of 1555, 2 Olaus Magnus identifies Iceland with 
 the “ Ultima Thule ” of the Ancients. He clearly cannot mean the 
 “ Tile ” of his map to be identical with Iceland, as he also shows the 
 latter island, though in a very different form and with much detail, in 
 another part of his map. Another origin for his “Tile ” must there¬ 
 fore be sought, and it will, we think, be found in u Hirta,” or St. Kilda. 
 
 Estotilanda and Drogeo of the Zeno map are upon a less satisfactory 
 footing than any other part of it. If we accept the younger Zeno’s 
 account of the origin of the map as absolutely true, his travelled ancestor 
 must have drawn these portions of his map from a description by the 
 Frisland fisherman; for Antonio Zeno himself never visited either of 
 these countries. A map drawn from verbal description cannot be 
 regarded as in any way reliable. We regard the whole of the Zeno 
 map as a concoCtion by the younger Zeno and his publisher, Marcolini, 
 in or before the year 1558, from materials to be found in various maps 
 then existing, and it will be seen that the originals of Estotiland and 
 Drogeo are not wanting. 
 
 In many maps of the first quarter of the sixteenth century, both 
 manuscript and printed, will be found certain islands, often undefined 
 as to their western boundaries, which were intended to represent 
 Labrador (either under the names of “Terra Corterealis,” “ Regal is 
 Domus ” or “ Terra laboratoris ”), or Newfoundland. As examples of 
 such manuscript maps, we may instance the Cantino map of 1502, the 
 King map of the same date, 3 and the Portuguese map of 1505 
 reproduced by Kunstmann. 4 As examples of such printed maps, we 
 may cite the heart-shaped map of the world in the Sylvanus Ptolemy , 
 1511, the “ Orbis typus universalis” of the 1513 edition of Ptolemy , 
 and the “ Tipus orbis universalis” of Apianus , 1520. Any one of 
 these maps might have served, as we believe some of them did serve, to 
 
 1 Folio 55 v, and supra , p. 19. 
 
 2 De Gentibus Septen., p. 62. 
 
 3 Notice sur une Mappemonde Portugaise Anonyme de 1502. [The “King” Map.] Par 
 le Dr. E. T. Hamy, Paris, 1887. 
 
 i Kunstmann, Entdeckung Amerika's , Tafel II. 
 
 R 
 
122 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 provide the compiler of the Zeno map with the types of his Estotiland 
 and Drogeo. It would suffice, for his purpose, that the parts copied 
 belonged, or were reputed to belong, to the newly-discovered continent 
 of America, with which he wished to connect his ancestors’ alleged 
 travels. Very little was known about the northern parts of America, 
 even in the younger Zeno’s time, and the fad: that he chose for his 
 descriptive text accounts of quite different parts of America was not 
 only unknown, but probably a matter of indifference to him. So far 
 as to the cartographical origins of Estotiland and Drogeo. 
 
 The names “ Estotiland” and “Drogeo” do not appear, in those 
 forms at any rate, before they are seen in Zeno’s text and map. 
 
 The firstsuggestion of a meaning for “Estotiland” occurs on a 
 curious map by H. P. Resen, 1 dated 1605, and reproduced in the gth 
 Part of the Meddelelser om Greenland , where the name, which is placed 
 upon the Scandinavian “ Helleland,” is followed by the legend, Forte 
 Esto{es ) Tiland , seu Tyle vel ulti?na Tule [quemadmodum putavit nauta 
 Hispanus qui hue delatus nomen illud loco primum indidit ). 
 
 Several other derivations of the name Estotiland, and identifications 
 of the country have been attempted, but they are all based upon the 
 merest guesswork. Thus Baron Walckenaer believed 2 Estotiland to be 
 the Esdand of the Zeni, which he held to be the northern part of 
 Scotland; Forster 3 identified it with Newfoundland, or Winland of the 
 Scandinavians; Zurla 4 identified it with Labrador; Lelewel 5 thought 
 that it was Cape Breton or Anticosti; Maltebrun thought 6 it was 
 Newfoundland, and derived the name from Fast-out-land; Beauvois 7 
 considered that it was Newfoundland, the name being the result of 
 a clerical error for Escociland (Land of the Scots), and believed that this 
 was a name imported by the apocryphal Irish immigrants, Ireland 
 having been called Scocia during the middle ages; he further con¬ 
 sidered that Estotiland was identical with Zeno’s Icaria. Most of these 
 conjectures seem to have been founded upon the position of Estotiland 
 on Zeno’s map ; but the description in the text is so entirely inapplicable 
 
 1 Indicatio Gronlandia vicinarum regionum , versus Septentrionem et Occidentem , ex antiqua 
 quadam mappa rudi modo delineata, ante aliquos centenos annos ab Islandis quibus tunc erat isla 
 terra notissima et nauticis nostri temporis observationibus. 
 
 2 Biographie Universelle , vol. lii., Art. Zeno, Nicolas et Antoine. 
 
 3 Northern Voyages , p. 204. 
 
 4 Dissertazione, etc., p. 108. Di Marco Polo , vol. ii., p. 71. 
 
 5 Geographic du Moyen Age , vol. iv., p. 104. 
 
 6 Precis de la Geographies ed. 1832-35, vol. i., p. 202. 
 
 7 La Decouverte du Nouveau Monde par les Irlandais , in Compte Rendu du Congres des 
 Americanistes. Nancy, 1875. 
 
Zeno s “ Carta da Navegar .” 123 
 
 to the north-eastern part of North America that it is impossible to 
 accept them. It has also been suggested that the name is derived from 
 Scocia, or from Sutherland or Sotherlandia, as it is written on some old 
 maps (see Plate V.), and that the voyagers never went further west than 
 Kerry in Ireland. Who is to decide when such dodfors disagree ? 
 
 Considering the other falsities, plagiarisms, and proved inventions 
 of Zeno’s work, it is hardly unreasonable to conjecture that the origin 
 in the name Estotiland is the motto “ Esto fidelis usque ad mortem,” 
 written upon the Scotia of the Olaus Magnus map of 1539, the first 
 six letters of which, with the termination “ land ” added, would make 
 “ Estofiland.” Such an impudent concodtion would be quite in 
 accordance with the younger Zeno’s method. 
 
 Drogeo, which appears for the first time in Zeno’s work, has also 
 been the subjedt of some widely different identifications, but does not 
 seem to have attra&ed so much attention as Estotiland. It is identified 
 by J. R. Forster 1 with Florida; by Zurla 2 with Canada, New England, 
 Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Florida; by Walckenaer 3 with the 
 southern part of Ireland, or alternatively with a district near Drogheda; 
 by Lelewel 4 and Maltebrun 5 with Nova Scotia and New England; 
 and by Mercator 6 and Ortelius 7 with the almost equally obscure “ Dus 
 Cirnes.” 8 
 
 1 Northern Voyages , p. 205. 
 
 2 Dissert axiom , etc., p. 117. Di Marco Polo , vol. ii., p. 76. 
 
 3 Biographie Universelle , vol. lii., Art. Zeno, Nicolas et Antoine. 
 
 4 Geog. du Moyen Age , vol. iv., p. 105. 
 
 5 Precis de la Geog.. ed. 1822-25, vol. i., p. 202. 
 
 G See our Plate XIII. 
 
 7 See our Plate XIV. 
 
 8 We are indebted to Mr. G. R. F. Prowse for nearly all the material for the following 
 note. The earliest dated map to give the word “ Cirnes” is that of Des Liens (1541), now at 
 Dresden (see Harrisse’s John Cabot , 1896), but the name must have been in use some years 
 before this as the map in the Biblioteca Riccardiana at Florence (see Kretschmer’s Atlas , Plate 
 XXXIII.), on which “ do Cirnez ” appears, cannot have been much later than 1534. The name 
 appears in many forms and disguises, e.g ., “Cirnes” (Des Liens, 1541), “de loscives ” (Cabot, 
 1544), “d’arnes” (?) (Vallard, 1547), “I dossirnes” (Freire, I547),“y e des arenes” (Descellier, 
 1 550), “ diacernnes” (?) (Le Testu, No. 2, 1553), “I dos Sirnis” (Homo, 1559), “Sirenes” 
 (Simon, 1580), “Drogeo Dus Cirnes Gallis” (Mercator, 1569; Ortelius, 1570; Judasis, 1593), 
 “Orballanda alijs Dus Cirnes” (Dee, 1580), “Cornes” (Lok, 1582), “dus cirnes” (D’Anania, 
 1582), “I dos Arnes” (Nicolas, 1602), “lisle dorcines” (Devaulx, 1613), “y des Syrnes ” 
 (Mathoniere or Postello, 1621), “dosserades” (?) (D. de Rotis, 1676). A map, dated 1553, in 
 the French Ministry of Marine, Paris, gives “ I. dos cirnis” and “ Sablom.” There is no word 
 similar to “ dus cirnes ” in English, French, Italian, Spanish, or Portuguese which will bear a 
 reasonable interpretation such as would serve for the name of an island. Mr. G. R. F. Prowse 
 considers that the rendering “ y e des arenes,” in Descellier’s map, 1550 (B. M. Add. MSS., 
 24065) [see Judge D. W. Prowse’s Newfoundland , p. 40], carries most weight. He suggests that 
 
124 
 
 "The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 In Rascicotti’s map of America, and the Atlantic and Pacific 
 Oceans, 1583, 1 Drogeo appears as an island with the legend “ Drogeo 
 de Francesi.” This is probably an interpretation of Mercator’s “Dus 
 Cirnes Gallis.” On the Mollineux Globe, 2 1592, there appears on the 
 Continent of America “Nova Francia Drogeo”; and, on the coast of 
 Labrador, on a map in Dudley’s Arcano del Mare 3 occur “ La Costa 
 di Dragoa ” and “ Dragoa.” It is believed that these are the only 
 instances in which the name appears except as that of an island. 
 
 We are unable to point to an origin for the name Drogeo. The only 
 s uggesti on we are able to make is that Zeno may have borrowed it 
 from some form of Boca del Drago, the strait between Trinidad and 
 Paria, to the neighbourhood of which some of the descriptions in 
 Zeno’s text apply, as has been shown above. 
 
 In our Appendix IV. will be found a Table on which the 150 
 names on Zeno’s map of 1558 are compared with corresponding 
 names upon earlier or contemporary maps. In our Appendix V. is a 
 Table showing the attempted identifications of the same 150 names 
 with those of real localities, by various commentators upon Zeno’s 
 map and book. We call special attention to these Appendices as they 
 contain, in a small compass and convenient form, much detail which 
 it would have been difficult to introduce into the body of this treatise. 
 
 Sirenes and Cir(e)nes may be misreadings of “ arenes.” The representations of the island, with 
 sandbanks adjoining it, and the meaning of the French arene, viz., sand, support this suggestion. 
 The Sevillian maps of Ribero at Weimar and in the Borgian Library, show an “ y a de la saualos ” 
 near Cape Porcupine, Labrador, where, according to the Newfoundland Pilot (gp. 3), is to be found 
 “ the only sandy beach of any extent as far as Nain.” There is no direCt evidence of any kind 
 to justify the association of the two islands; though other cartographical evidence seems to 
 indicate that one of the primary explorations of Labrador was made in this neighbourhood. It 
 is quite permissible to suppose that the survey of this voyage was not coordinated with those that 
 followed in some groups of maps, but placed in a detached position off the coast. Mr. Miller 
 Christy suggests that the island is probably “Sable Island,” sable and arene being convertible 
 terms in French. In 1518, Baron de Lery attempted to found a French settlement on Sable 
 Island, and it is about this time that the name Dus Cirnes first occurs. It therefore seems pro¬ 
 bable that “ Dus Cirnes ” is a distorted form of “des arenes,” otherwise “ Sable Island,” but the 
 question must as yet remain in the realm of conjecture. Mercator does not appear to have had 
 any real grounds for connecting the “ y e des arenes ” or “ Cirnes ” with the Drogeo of Zeno. 
 
 1 America et Proximarum regionum ora descriptio. Venice. Reproduced in Muller’s Re¬ 
 markable Maps , etc., Amsterdam, 1894, Part I., No. 12. 
 
 2 See tailpiece on p. 84, supra. 
 
 Dudley, Arcano del Mare , 1661. 
 
 3 
 
PART II.—SECTION IX. 
 
 THE ISLAND OF BUSS AND OTHER PHANTOM ISLANDS 
 
 OF THE ATLANTIC. 
 
 ROM the earliest times of cartography, the chart of 
 the Atlantic Ocean has been encumbered with many 
 mythical or problematical islands, such as Antilla, Isle 
 Verde, Brazil, St. Brandan, and the Island of the 
 Seven Cities, not to mention the numerous islands of 
 queer, and often geometrical, shapes, which were 
 apparently introduced by the cartographer to fill 
 vacant spaces, or for the sake of artistic effeCt, but were not considered 
 worthy of names. Those which are named are found in widely 
 different positions on different maps. Some, as, for instance, “ Brazil,” 
 may sometimes be found in duplicate upon the same map. Some of 
 these phantom islands probably had their origin in legend, others in 
 misreading or misunderstanding on the part of the copyist, and some 
 in the perverse ingenuity of the map-makers, but others may have been 
 the result of the honest reports of mariners who had been deceived into 
 a belief that they had seen land where no land was, or had been mis¬ 
 taken as to their true position—both natural errors. 
 
 All such phantom islands are, as a class, akin to the Zenian 
 Islands, but only two of them concern the Zenian story, viz., the “ Island 
 of St. Brandan,” and “ the Island of Buss.” The history of the island of 
 St. Brandan begins in the eleventh century: that of t£ Buss,” at the end 
 of the sixteenth century. The connection between “ Saint Brandan” 
 and the Zeno story is indirect, and lies in the identification of the 
 modern St. Kilda or Hirta with it, as has been suggested. 1 
 
 1 C. H. C. in Athenaum, February 6, 189a, p. 183. 
 
126 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 The connection of Buss Island with the Zeno subject is far more 
 close and direCt, although its history does not begin until nearly two 
 hundred years after the date assigned to the alleged travels of the brothers 
 Zeni, nor until twenty years after the publication of the younger Zeno’s 
 compilation. It is found on several later maps in close proximity to 
 the Zenian Frisland; and, as has been already mentioned, it has been 
 supposed, by some believers in the authenticity of the Zeno story, to 
 have been the Island Frisland itself, or the remains of it. It would, 
 therefore, scarcely be right to pass over it altogether without mention. 
 
 The so-called island was first heard of on the return of Frobisher’s 
 third expedition to the north, in 1578. A brief notice of its alleged dis¬ 
 covery appeared in Best’s True Discourse 1 in 1578, but a fuller account 
 may be found in Hakluyt’s Principal Navigations , 1589, p. 635, 
 following the account, by Thomas Ellis, of Frobisher’s third voyage: 
 
 “ The Report of Thomas Wiars, passenger in' the Emanuel, other¬ 
 wise called the Busse of Bridgewater, wherein lames Leeche was 
 Master, one of the shippes in the last voyage of Master Martin Fro¬ 
 bisher, 1578. concerning the discouverie of a great Island in their way 
 homeward the 12 of September. 
 
 “ The Busse of Bridgewater, was left in Bears Sounde at Meta 
 incognita , the second day of September behinde the Fleete, in some 
 distresse, through much winde ryding neare the Lee Shoare, and forced 
 there to ride it out upon the hazard of her cables and ankers, which 
 were all aground but two. The thirde of September being fayre 
 weather, and the Wind North northwest she set sayle, and departed 
 thence and fell with Frisland , on the 8. day of September, at 6. of the 
 clocke at night, and then they set off to the Southwest poynt of Fris¬ 
 land , the winde being at East, and East southeast, but that night the 
 winde veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that night: but on the 
 tenth day in the morning, the wind at west northwest fayre weather, 
 they steered southeast, and by south, and continued that course untill 
 the 12. day of September, when about 11. a clocke before noone, they 
 descryed a lande, which was from them about five leagues, and the 
 Southermost part of it was Southeast by East from them, and the 
 Northermost next, North Northeast, or Northeast. The Master ac- 
 compted that Frisland , the Southeast poynt of it, was from him at that 
 
 1 A 'True Discourse of the late Voyage of Discoverie for finding of a Passage to Cathay a by 
 the North-JVeast under the conduft of Martin Frobisher, General. [By George Best.] London, 
 t 57 8 > 4to, p. 59 - 
 
The Island of Buss and other Phantom Islands of the Atlantic . 127 
 
 instant, when hee first descryed this newe Island, North west, by North, 
 50. leagues. They account this Island to be 25. leagues long, and the 
 longest way of it Southeast, and Northwest. The Southerne part of it 
 is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1. second part, or thereabout. They 
 continued in sight of it, from the 12. day at 11. of the clocke, till the 
 13 day three of the clocke in the after noone, when they left it: and 
 the last part they saw of it, bare from them, Northwest by North. 
 There appeared two harboroughs upon that Coast: the greatest of them 
 seven leagues to the Northwardes of the Southermost poynt, the other 
 but foure leagues. There was verie much yce neere the same lande, 
 and also twentie or thirtie leagues from it, for they were not cleare of 
 yce, till the 15. day of September, after noone. They plied their 
 voyage homewards, and fell with the west part of Ireland about Galway , 
 and had the first sight of it on the 25. day of September.” 
 
 This account is repeated on the 1599-1600 edition of Hakluyt 
 (vol. iii., p. 44). In the second, and fuller, description of the voyage, 
 in the same volume (p. 75), the name of the captain of “ the Emmanuel 
 of Bridgewater” is stated to have been “Newton,” and (on page 93) 
 the supposed discovery is briefly recorded, thus : 
 
 “The Busse of Bridgewater , as she came homeward, to the 
 Southeastward of Friseland , discovered a great Island in the latitude of 
 57 degrees and a halfe, which was never yet found before, and sailed 
 three dayes alongst the coast, the land seeming to be fruitfull, full of 
 woods, and a Champion Country.” 
 
 This is identical with Best’s notice, save for the addition of the 
 degrees of latitude, which Best omits, and some slight variations in spelling. 
 
 Soon after this report was published the island began to appear 
 on maps, sometimes in company with Frisland (as in Emery Mollineux’s 
 “Terrestrial Globe,” 1592, in the “ Orbis terrarum typus ” of Peter 
 Plancius, 1594, and in the “Tabula nautica” in the Descriptio ac 
 delineatio geographica Dete&ionis Freti , describing Hudson’s voyage of 
 1610), sometimes alone (as in Anderson’s Iceland / and Seller’s English 
 Pilot 2 ), sometimes as identical with Frisland (as in Guillaume De l’lsle’s 
 “Hemisphere Occidental” 1720). 
 
 James Hall, in his second voyage in 1605, 3 “looked to have seene 
 
 1 Beschryving van Tsland Groenland en de Straat Davis. Johan Anderson. 4to. Am¬ 
 sterdam, 1750. 
 
 2 Phe English Pilot ... by John Seller, Hydrographer to the King, Fourth Book, London, 
 1673 (?), folio, p. 5. [Brit. Mus. 1804, b. 7.] 
 
 3 Purchas his Pilgrimes , 1625, vol. iii., p. 815. 
 
128 
 
 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 Busse Hand, but [he says] I doe verily suppose the same to be placed 
 in a wrong Latitude in the Marine Charts.” In the following year, 
 viz., on the ist of July, 1606, he u saw land about eight leagues off, with 
 a great banke of Ice lying off South-west. . . . This land [he says 1 ] I 
 did suppose to be Busse Iland; it lying more to the westwards then it 
 is placed in the Marine Charts.” The next day, July 2nd, he says, 
 “We were in a great current setting South South-west. The which I did 
 suppose to set betweene Busse Iland and Freseland over with America .” 
 
 About 1670, or a little after, a startling development in the 
 cartographical appearance of Buss Island took place. In the two maps 
 reproduced below (Plates XVI. and XVII.), which are taken from the 
 first edition of Seller’s English Pilot (c. 1673), and in several later 
 maps by Seller, the island appears with a defined shape, and bears the 
 names of harbours, points, and mountains. The explanation of this 
 growth will be found partly in the account of an alleged visit to the 
 island by Captain Shepherd of the “ Golden Lion,” in the text prefixed 
 to the English Pilot , and, partly, in any authentic list of the names of the 
 first “ Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into 
 Hudson’s Bay,” commonly known as the “ Hudson’s Bay Company.” 
 
 The account from the English Pilot is as follows : 
 
 “ This Island lieth in the Latitude of 58° 39'. It bears W. by N. 
 half a point northerly from the Mizenhead in Ireland , distant about 
 296 leagues. 
 
 “ This Island was first discovered in Sir Martin Frobisher’s third 
 and last voyage to the North-West, in the year 1578, by one of his 
 vessels that strai’d from his Fleet on their Homeward-bound Passage, 
 who accidentally discovered it, and called it after the name of the Vessel, 
 which was the Buss of Bridgewater^ and therefore they called it Buss 
 Island. They judged it to be about 25 leagues long ; lying the longest 
 way S.E. and N.W. They found two Harbours in it; and according to 
 the account they give of it, that the greatest of them is about seven 
 leagues to the Northward of the Southermost point of the Island, called 
 Rupert's Harbour; and the other four leagues to the Northwest of 
 that called Shaftsbury s Harbour ; there are two small Harbours that 
 lie off” the East point of the Island.” 
 
 “This Island was further discovered by Captain Thomas Shepherd , 
 in the Golden Lion , of Dunkirk , in the year 1671, at the charge of 
 Monsieur Kiel , Spawlding and Kicquerts Lords of that Town : the said 
 
 1 Purchas his Pilgrimes , 1625, vol. iii., p. 822. 
 
The Island of Buss and other Phantom Islands of the Atlantic . 129 
 
 Captain Shepherd brought home the map of the Island that is here 
 annexed 1 ; and reports that the Island affords store of Whales easie to 
 be struck, Sea horse, Seal and Codd in abundance; and supposes that 
 two voyages may be made in a year, the sea is clear from Ice unless in 
 September, the Land low and level to the Southward and some Hills and 
 Mountains in the N.W. End. The Variation was here, in the year 
 1671, 9 degrees West. There lieth a Bank about 12 Leagues to the 
 Southward of the Island that hath good store of Fish upon it, and is 
 about 15 Leagues in length lying chiefly N.N.W. and S.S.E. having 40 
 fathom and 36 fathom Water upon it. 
 
 “This Island has several times been seen by Captain Gillam, in his 
 Passages to and from the North West.” 
 
 In the text prefixed to the Atlas Maritimus of Seller, it is stated 2 
 that, in the year 1667, a design was renewed and undertaken for the 
 discovery of the “ North West Passage and for setling a Trade with the 
 Indians in those Parts, by several of the Nobility of England , and divers 
 Merchants of note belonging to the City of London , who fitted out two 
 small Vessels for that purpose, the one called the Nonsuch Ketch , 
 Captain Zachariah Gillam Commander, the other the Eaglet Ketch , 
 Captain Staniard Commander; the latter whereof being by Stormy 
 Weather beaten back, returned home without success; but the other 
 proceeding on her Voyage made the Land of Buss, lying between Is eland 
 and Groenland; passed through Hudsons Straits , then into Baffns 
 [? Hudsons] Bay.” Further on, the position of Buss is described: 
 “ South-westward from Iseland , about 140 leagues, lyeth an Island 
 called Buss ; in the latitude of 57 degrees 35 minutes, not yet fully 
 discovered, but only as it hath been accidentally seen by some, who 
 upon other Discoveries have occasionally passed those Seas, as Captain 
 Gillam in his first voyage to the North-West Passage had soundings 
 near unto it.” 
 
 In the voyage last spoken of, Gillam wintered in Hudson’s Bay, at 
 Rupert’s River, where he built a stone fort, Fort Charles, which was the 
 first European settlement on the bay. On his return to England, Prince 
 Rupert, one of his patrons, with others “ of the Nobility of England 
 and divers Merchants of note,” some of whose names appear below, 
 applied for and obtained, the Charter of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 
 which was signed on the 2nd of May, 1670. 
 
 1 See our Plate XVI. 
 
 2 Atlas Maritimus or Sea Atlas. By John Seller. London, 1675, p. 11. 
 
130 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 Below is a table comparing the names on Seller’s maps with those 
 of the Patentees under the Charter of the Company, and of some other 
 persons mentioned in the account of Shepherd’s alleged visit to the island. 
 
 NAMES ON THE MAP. 
 
 1. Griffith’s Mount. 
 
 1. 
 
 2. Kirke Point. 
 
 2. 
 
 3. Arlington Harbour. 
 
 3 - 
 
 4. Point Cartret. 
 
 4 - 
 
 5. Albemarle Point. 
 
 5 - 
 
 6. Shepherd’s Island. 
 
 6. 
 
 7. Munden Island. 
 
 7 * 
 
 8. Bence Point. 
 
 8. 
 
 9. Warren Bay. 
 
 9 - 
 
 10. Cape Hayes. 
 
 10. 
 
 11. Hanersford Bay. 1 
 
 11. 
 
 12. Craven Point. 
 
 12. 
 
 13. Rupert’s Harbour. 
 
 i 3 - 
 
 14. Shaftesbury Harbour. 
 
 14. 
 
 15. Point Carew. 
 
 15. 
 
 16. Kicks Bay. 
 
 16. 
 
 17. Viner’s Point. 
 
 i 7 - 
 
 18. Robinson Bay. 
 
 18. 
 
 19. Duke of Yorkes Sand. 
 
 1 9 * 
 
 NAMES OF PATENTEES. 
 
 Sir John Griffith, Kt. 
 
 John Kirke. 
 
 Henry, Lord Arlington. 
 
 Sir Philip Carteret, Kt. 
 
 Christopher, Duke of Albemarle. 
 
 Captain Thomas Shepherd. 
 
 (?) John Fenn. 
 
 James Hayes. 
 
 (?) Sir Edward Hungerford. 
 
 William, Earl of Craven. 
 
 Prince Rupert. 
 
 Anthony, Lord Ashley (created Earl of 
 Shaftesbury in April, 1672). 
 
 (?) M. Kicquert, of Dunkirk. 
 
 Sir Robert Viner. 
 
 Sir John Robinson. 
 
 James, Duke of York (afterwards King 
 James II.). 
 
 No more seems to have been seen or reported of the phantom 
 island, and within fifty years it was considered by some to have been 
 submerged. Even as late as the middle of the present century we find 
 it written of as “ the Sunken land of Buss;” 2 and, as has been noticed 
 above, it was supposed by some to be identical with the lost Frislanda 
 of the Zeni. 
 
 In 1776, Lieutenant Richard Pickersgill, of H.M.S. “Lion,” who 
 was sent into Davis’s Strait on much more important business, sought 
 for the lost Island of Buss, and, on the 29th of May, struck soundings on 
 a bank at 320 to 330 fathoms, in N. lat. 57 0 , W. long. 24 0 24, which 
 he supposed might be the remains of it. 3 So sanguine was this gentle¬ 
 man that he wrote in an anonymous pamphlet 4 which was not published 
 until 1783, after his death : “ If the situation of Friesland is determined, 
 
 1 “ Hungerford Bay ” in a map in the Atlas Maritimus. 
 
 2 O’Reilly, Greenland, London, 1818, p. 11; Miniscalchi Erizzo, Le Scoperte Artie he, 
 Venezia, 1855, p. 117; De l’lsle, “Hemisphere Occidental” (1720), first edition of the map 
 in the Nouveau Atlas, Amsterdam. In later editions of the map, the legend “Isle de Bus 
 cidevant Frislande,” and all other indications of the island, are omitted entirely. 
 
 3 Barrow, Voyages into the Arftic Regions, 1818, p. 321. 
 
 4 Voyages for the discovery of a North-West Passage. By a Sea officer. London, 17 8 2, p. 3 7. 
 
The Island of Buss and other Phantom Islands of the Atlantic . 131 
 
 that of Buss Island will follow of course : and if this isle is such as it is 
 described, it must be preferable to Newfoundland for its fishery, nor 
 is it to be concluded that the cold will be so excessive as might be at 
 first imagined, since it is surrounded on all sides by the ocean.—Besides, 
 our ships bound to the north might winter there, and it might prove a 
 nursery for hardy seamen.” But alas! neither of these valuable islands 
 has ever been re-discovered, and we may now safely conclude that they 
 never will be. 
 
 It will be observed that no one of those who have said that they 
 had seen Buss Island has ever stated that he has landed upon it. It has 
 been searched for in vain, since the date of its last alleged appearance, 
 by such men as Ross, 1 Parry, 2 and Graah, 3 and the sea wherein it was 
 said to lie has been sailed over by hundreds of ships. 
 
 To those who believed that such an island as Buss was a&ually 
 seen, and did actually exist between 1578 and 1673, the only possible 
 explanation of its undoubted non-existence a few years after the last 
 named date was its submergence : hence the u Sunken land of Buss ” 
 believed in by Anderson, Van Keulen, De 1 ’Isle, Zurla, Pingre, O’Reilly, 
 Erizzo, and many others. 4 But, without doubting the good faith of the 
 crew of the <£ Emmanuel,” or of James Hall and his companions, there are 
 good reasons to suppose that there never was any such island as “ Buss.” 
 
 It is a matter of common experience to those who have been at sea, 
 and even to those who have lived by the sea-shore, that something which 
 seems to be land appears, at times, in the distance, where no land can 
 possibly be ; and the illusion is often so strong that it is difficult for the 
 spectator to persuade himself that his eyes are the dupes of common 
 atmospheric conditions. This phantom land may appear in any latitude, 
 but the deceptive appearance seems to be most common, or at any rate 
 most commonly noted, in northern latitudes. It will be well to quote 
 a few instances of such delusive appearances. 
 
 The legendary island of St. Brandan was frequently seen by the 
 inhabitants of the Canary Islands, according to their genuine belief, at 
 distances varying from 15 to 100 leagues. 5 It is shown on Martin 
 Behaim’s globe, of 1492, about 40° west of Ferro, and is also laid 
 
 1 Voyage of Discovery .. .for the Purpose of Exploring Baffin s Bay. London, 1819, pp.25-26. 
 
 2 Journal of a Voyage for the Discovery of a North-West Passage ... in the years 1819-20. 
 London, 1821, pp. 4-5. 
 
 3 Narrative of an Expedition to the East Coast of Greenland , . . translated from the 
 Danish. London, 1837, p. 20. 
 
 4 See page 114, supra , notes 4 to 11. 
 
 5 Washington Irving, Columbus , 1828, vol. iv., p. 317. 
 
132 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 down on many maps of the sixteenth century. It was repeatedly seen, 
 and by various persons, always in the same place and form; and, in 
 1526, an expedition under the command of Fernando de Troya and 
 Fernando Alvarez was sent in search of it. In 1570, Alonzo de 
 Espinosa, Governor of the Island of Ferro, embodied in an official 
 report the evidence of more than 100 witnesses, several of them 
 persons of the highest respe&ability, who deposed that they had seen 
 the unknown island, about forty leagues north-west of Ferro : that they 
 had contemplated it with calmness and certainty, and had seen the sun 
 set behind one of the points. 1 On this and other evidence, an expedi¬ 
 tion under Fernando de Villalobos, Regidor of the Island of Palma, 
 was sent in the same year, 1570, to find the phantom island. In 
 1605, a ship, commanded by Gaspar Perez de Acosta, was des¬ 
 patched on the same errand. In 1721, a fourth expedition, under 
 Don Gaspar Dominguez, was sent with the same objed; but all these 
 searches were fruitless. In 1759, a Franciscan monk related that he 
 had seen “ St. Brandan’s Isle ” from the Island of Gomera; that it 
 appeared to consist of two lofty mountains, with a deep valley between ; 
 and that, looked at through a telescope, the valley seemed to be filled 
 with trees. He summoned the curate, Antonio Joseph Manrique, and 
 upwards of forty other persons, all of whom beheld it plainly. 2 
 
 The Island is laid down on a French map of 1704 as one of the 
 Canary Islands, and Gautier, in his Observations on Natural History, 3 
 published in 1755, places it 5 0 west of Ferro, in 29 0 north latitude. 
 Father Feyjoo 4 attributes these appearances of the Island of St. Brandan, 
 which have been so numerous and so well authenticated as not to admit 
 of doubt, to atmospherical deceptions. 5 
 
 A king of Portugal is said to have made a conditional cession of it to 
 a certain person “ when it should be found and, when the Crown of 
 Portugal ceded its right over the Canaries to the Castilians, the Treaty 
 included the island of St. Brandan, as “ the island which had not yet 
 been found.” 6 A similar belief in the reality of the island existed also 
 in Ireland. 
 
 1 See Washington Irving, Columbus, 1828, vol. iv., p. 323. 
 
 2 See Irving, Ibid., p. 329. 
 
 3 Fide Irving, Ibid., p. 329. 
 
 4 Fheatro Critico Universale 0 discursos varios. Madrid, 4to, vol. iv., p. 10. 
 
 5 See Irving, Op. cit., p. 331. 
 
 6 St. Brandan a Medieval Legend of the Sea. By Thomas Wright (Percy Society), 1844, 
 
The Island of Buss and other Phantotn Islands of the Atlantic. 133 
 
 James Hall, on his voyage in 1605, referred to above, 1 had an ex¬ 
 perience which shows how, even at close quarters, cloud masses may 
 be mistaken for land. It is recorded in Purchas His Pilgrimes thus : 2 
 “ The lift [of June, 1605] in the morning, being very faire weather, with 
 the winde at East South-east, our course North North-west, some of our 
 people supposed they had seene the Land: our Captaine and I went 
 aboord the Pinnasse, when after an houre of our being there wee did 
 see the supposed Land to be an hasie fogge, which came on vs so fast 
 that wee could scarce see one another. But the Lion being very nigh 
 unto vs, and it being very calme, we laid the Pinnasse aboord of her, and 
 so the Captaine and I went aboord of them.” Again, he says, “ on the 
 ninth day about foure a clocke . . . some of our people would not be 
 perswaded but they did see Land, and therefore I stood in North and by 
 East and North North-east, till about three a clocke in the afternoone, 
 when wee met with a huge Hand of Ice. . . .” The account does not 
 give the latitude in which these mistakes occurred; but, on the 4th of 
 June, at noon, Hall’s latitude was N. lat. 59 0 50', only about 2 0 from 
 the position assigned to the Island of Buss by its first observers. 
 
 Gaffarel, in his chapter entitled Les lies fantastiques de F Ocean 
 Atlantique , writes thus: 3 “ Nous avons encore a enregistrer d'autres 
 ties , dont Fexistence est tout aussi problematique , mais auxquelles on 
 croyait au moyen-age , avant la date ojftcielle de la decouverte de 
 F Amerique. Un recit quelconque de voyage , meme invraisemblahle , 
 se repandait-il , quelque marin prendait-il pour une terre la trompeuse 
 apparence d"un nuage a Fhorizon, il annonqait au retour sa pretendue 
 decouverte. Aussitot les cartographes se mettaient a Foeuvre. Associant 
 leurs desirs a des confuses notions , ils creaient quelque terre nouvelle , qui 
 ne disparaissait des cartes qu apres des decouvertes bien authentiquesF 
 
 In The Tour of the French Traveller , M. de la Boullaye le Gouz , 
 in Ireland , in a.d. similar experiences are related: 4 When he 
 
 was approaching the coast of Ireland, between Wicklow and Dublin, 
 on the 14th of May, 1644, “certain vapours arose from the sea, 
 which appeared like land two or three leagues off, with trees and cattle 
 
 1 Ante, p. 125. 
 
 2 Purchas his Pilgrimes , 1625, vol. iii., p. 816. 
 
 3 Histoire de la Decouverte de 1 ’Amerique. Paris, 1892, vol. i., p. 222. 
 
 4 The Pour of the French Traveller M. de la Boullaye le Gouz, in Ireland, in A.D. 1644. 
 Edited by T. Crofton Croker (London, 1837), pp. 3 and 4. See also the original work, Les 
 Voyages et Observations du Sieur de la Boullaye-le-Gouz, gentilhomme Angevin. Paris, 4to, 1653, 
 
 PP- 434 * 435 - 
 
134 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 thereon.” He then narrates that he sought information about this 
 land from a Dutch pilot residing in Dublin, who replied: “You are 
 not the first who has erred in the supposition of these things. The 
 most expert navigators are often deceived by them. That which to us 
 appears land is only a dense vapour, which cannot be raised higher in 
 consequence of the season and the absence of the sun. Those apparent 
 trees and animals are a part of that miasma, which colle&s in some 
 places more than in others. When very young, I was on board a Dutch 
 vessel off the coast of Greenland, in 6i° of latitude, when we perceived 
 an island of this sort. We sounded, without touching the bottom. 
 Finding sufficient water, our Captain wished to approach nearer, but we 
 were astonished that, all at once, it disappeared. Having a different 
 direction, we met the same appearance again. The Captain, desiring to 
 know what it was, ordered them to turn half a mile backwards and 
 forwards to observe it; and, after having traversed many times without 
 finding any real land, there arose so furious a tempest that we expe&ed 
 to perish; and, a calm afterwards coming on, we asked the Captain why 
 he had surveyed this island. He told us that he had heard say that, 
 near the Pole, there are many islands, some floating, some not, that are 
 seen from a distance and are hard to be approached, which, they say, 
 is owing to the witches who inhabit them and destroy by storms the 
 vessels of those who obstinately seek to land upon them; that all 
 he had heard reported and [had] read were but fables; that he now 
 knew that these floating islands proceeded from the vapours raised, and 
 afterwards attracted by the planets, which vapours the wind dispersed 
 on approaching nearer; and that tempests usually followed these 
 phenomena.” 
 
 The Clerk of the “ California” writes 1 as follows : 
 
 “The twenty-ninth [June, 1746] was a clear beautiful Day, with 
 Sunshine and little Wind ; in the Morning we had a Fog Bank 
 E.N.E. much resembling Land, several of them arose in other Parts of 
 the Horizon in the Afternoon. These Banks will stagger a good 
 Judgment to discern in Places where Land may be expected, whether 
 they be Fog Banks or the real Land, especially as such Banks will often 
 from the Sun’s Refle&ion appear white in Spots, resembling Snow on the 
 Mountains so usual in these Parts. To distinguish whether it be a Fog 
 
 1 An Account of a Voyage for the Discovery of the North West Passage ... in the years 
 1 74-6j i 747 > h the Ship “ California f Capt. Francis Smith . By the Clerk of the “California.” 
 London, 1748, vol. i., pp. 13-14. 
 
The Island of Buss and other Phantom Islands of the Atlantic. 135 
 
 Bank, or Land, you carefully observe whether there is any Alteration of 
 the Form, or Shifting of the Outlines, which, if there is, as it is not the 
 Property of Land to Change the Form, you know it to be one of these 
 Banks.” 
 
 DoCtor Scoresby also gives many instances of the deceptive appear¬ 
 ances produced by atmospheric effects in the neighbourhood of Green¬ 
 land. On one occasion, he saw Home’s Foreland, which was easily 
 recognizable by its peculiar form, from a distance of 160 miles, which 
 it would have been impossible to see in an ordinary state of the atmo¬ 
 sphere, even from a mast-head 100 feet high. The land was seen on 
 several consecutive days, “ and 1 on the 23rd [of July, 1821] it remained 
 visible for twenty-four hours together. ... In my journal of this day, I 
 find I have observed, that my doubts about the reality of the land were 
 now entirely removed, since, with a telescope, from the mast head, ‘hills, 
 dells, patches of snow, and masses of naked rock, could be satisfactorily 
 traced, during twenty-four hours successively.’ This extraordinary 
 effeCt of refraCtion, therefore, I conceive to be fully established.” 
 
 Later on, he says : 2 “ On the 19th of June [1822] . . . the strong 
 aCtion of the sun’s rays soon produced such an unequal density in the 
 atmosphere, that some of the most extraordinary phenomena to which 
 this circumstance gives rise were exhibited. The land, to appearance, 
 was suddenly brought fifteen or twenty miles nearer us; its boldness and 
 clearness, as seen from the deck, being superior to what its elevation and 
 the distinctness had previously been, as seen from the mast-head.” 
 
 Elsewhere, he says: 3 “Hummocks of ice assumed the forms of 
 castles, obelisks, and spires; and the land presented extraordinary 
 features. In some places, the distant ice was so extremely irregular, 
 and appeared so full of pinnacles, that it resembled a forest of naked 
 trees : in others it had the character of an extensive city, crowded with 
 churches, castles, and public edifices. The land was equally under the 
 influence of this singular mirage.” 
 
 Again, he says : 4 “The 8th of July [1822] was a fine clear day, 
 with brilliant sunshine. Some land to the northward being seen for 
 the first time, I attempted to carry on my survey; but the whole coast 
 was found to be so disfigured by refraCtion, that I could not recognize 
 a single mountain or headland.” 
 
 1 Journal of a Voyage to the Northern Whale Fishery. 
 1823, pp. 106-108. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 117. 3 Ibid., pp. 96, 97. 
 
 By W. Scoresby, Jun. Edinburgh, 
 * Ibid., p. 143. 
 
 3 Ibid., pp. 96, 97. 
 
136 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 In another work Dr. Scoresby writes: 1 “A cloud bearing some 
 resemblance to the cumulus, sometimes appears near the horizon; this, 
 when partly intercepted by the horizon, has an appearance so very 
 similar to that of the mountains of Spitzbergen, that it is often mistaken 
 for land.” 
 
 To give another instance of the deceptive appearances in the 
 northern latitudes, we may quote Captain William Barron: 2 “This 
 year [about 1850] was noted for the prevalence of dense fogs, which 
 impeded our progress. Once we had a fog which lasted six days; and, 
 knowing we were some distance from the South lowland, on the west 
 side, north of Cape Hooper, the officer whose watch it was on deck 
 called down the cabin that the vessel was close to the land. The ship 
 was immediately put about and the boat lowered. We could not 
 account for being so near, as by our calculation we ought to be forty 
 miles from it. Taking a gun with me, I pulled towards the supposed 
 land, and found it to be a large sconce of heavy ice, covered with 
 gravel, sand, and large stones, some of which would weigh upwards of 
 a ton. This piece of ice must have been attached to the land under a 
 perpendicular cliff. . . . This large piece of ice (or as it might be 
 termed, a floating island) was about one mile in circumference and 
 twenty-four feet thick.” 
 
 The French Admiral de Langle writes as follows: 3 “ Before the nature 
 of the great submarine valleys was understood, many Captains may have 
 been misled by the varied aspects which the sea assumes under different 
 effects of light, and alarmed by meeting banks of sea-weed, shoals of 
 fish, wrecks, or floating ice. Who does not know how the different 
 tints of the sea often take the appearance of sandbanks and deceive the 
 vigilance of the most experienced ? One may explain the small 
 number of uncharted rocks [vigies) of which the position might have 
 been verified on the spot, by the timidity with which the navigator 
 approaches objects, the appearance of which is such as to make him 
 doubtful of his own safety.” 
 
 Fridtjof Nansen, on his recent journey, found that the so-called 
 Franz Josef Land is in fad “ cut up into innumerable small islands, 
 
 1 Account of the Arttic Regions. By William Scoresby, Jun., F.R.S.E. Edinburgh, 1820, 
 8vo, vol. i., p. 419. 
 
 2 Old Whaling T)ays. Hull, 1895, pp. 122, 123. 
 
 8 Translated from Rapports sur les Hauts-fonds et les Vigies de I'Ocean Atlantique, entre 
 t Europe et /’Amerique du Nord. Par le Contre-Amiral Vicomte de Langle. Extrait du Bulletin 
 de la Soc. Geographique, Juillet, 1865. Paris, 1865. 
 
The Island of Buss and other Phantom Islands of the Atlantic . 137 
 
 without any continuous and extensive mass of land”; and that Payer’s 
 Dove Glacier, the whole northern part of Wilczek Land, Braun Island, 
 and Hoffman Island, and, perhaps, Freeden Island, had no existence. 
 Nansen writes i 1 “ I pondered for a long time over the question how 
 such a mistake could have crept into a map by such a man as Payer— 
 an experienced topographer, whose maps, as a rule, bear the stamp of 
 great accuracy and care, and a Polar traveller for whose ability I have 
 always entertained a high resped:. I examined his account of his 
 voyage, and there I found that he expressly mentions that during the 
 time he was coasting along this Dove Glacier he had a great deal of 
 fog, which quite concealed the land ahead. But one day (it was April 
 7th, 1874), he says IN ew Lands within the ArSlic Circle , by J. Payer, 
 vol. ii., p. 129] : ‘ At this latitude (8i° 23') it seemed as if Wilczek 
 Land suddenly terminated, but when the sun scattered the driving 
 mists we saw the glittering ra r nges of its enormous glaciers—the Dove 
 Glaciers—shining down on us. Towards the North-east we could trace 
 land trending to a Cape lying in the grey distance: Cape Buda-Pesth, 
 as it was afterwards called. The prospedt thus opened to us of a vast 
 glacier land conflicted with the general impression we had formed of 
 the resemblance between the newly discovered region and Spitzbergen; 
 for glaciers of such extraordinary magnitude presuppose the existence 
 of a country stretching far into the interior.’ 
 
 “ I [Nansen] have often thought over this description, and I cannot 
 find in Payer’s book any other information that throws light upon the 
 mystery. Although, according to this, it would appear as if they had 
 had clear weather that day, there must, nevertheless, have been fog- 
 banks lying over Hvidtenland, uniting it with Wilczek Land to the 
 south, and stretching northwards towards Crown-Prince Rudolf’s 
 Land. The sun shining on these fog-banks must have glittered so that 
 they were taken for glaciers along a continuous coast. I can all the 
 more easily understand this mistake as I was myself on the point of 
 falling into it. As before related, 2 if the weather had not cleared on 
 the evening of June nth, enabling us to discern the sound between 
 Northbrook Island and Peter Head (Alexandra Land), we should have 
 remained under the impression that we had here continuous land, and 
 should have represented it as such in mapping this region.” 
 
 Other instances of the deception of experienced navigators by 
 
 1 Farthest North. Westminster, 1897, vol. ii., pp. 474-476. 
 
 2 Op. cit ., pp. 442, 443. 
 
138 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 delusive appearances might be cited, but enough have been given to 
 show the great probability that such mistakes may account for some of 
 the erroneous reports of the existence of land in the North Atlantic 
 where no land was. But other sources of error existed. 
 
 In the first place, before the middle of the eighteenth century, 1 
 navigators had no means of calculating the longitude, except by dead 
 reckoning—a very rough and ready method, which was liable to be 
 rendered valueless by strong currents, or baffling winds. In the second 
 place, they had no means of accurately ascertaining the direction in 
 which they were proceeding; for, though they had the compass, the 
 variation was little understood, as, indeed, it is not fully even at the 
 present day. This variation would, of course, be more marked and 
 more puzzling in the higher latitudes. The methods of ascertaining 
 the latitude, given fair weather, were fairly accurate; but it will be 
 seen, on reference to any good modern map of the North Atlantic, that 
 any navigator in those seas who found land between 55 0 and 7 o° north 
 latitude, and had no means of determining his longitude, might be on 
 the coasts of Labrador, Baffin’s Land, Greenland, Iceland, Scotland, or 
 Norway, without being able, at the time, to fix precisely his true 
 position, even if he had been able to keep, by the compass, a record 
 of his apparent course. 
 
 It has been suggested, and with great probability, that, just as 
 Frobisher mistook the southern part of Greenland for the fictitious 
 Island of Frisland, so Wiars and his companions might have mistaken 
 some part of Greenland, or even of Iceland, for an island which, ac¬ 
 cording to their honest belief, they thought they had just discovered. 
 
 Then, on the hypothesis of submergence, it is known and admitted 
 that the positions of Buss and Frisland lie within an area of depression— 
 that is, an area which, in recent geologic times, has had a tendency to 
 sink to a lower level. But the subsidence is very gradual, and it is 
 impossible that any sudden convulsion of nature, strong enough to 
 cause this engulphment of Frisland, an island “ as large as Ireland,” or 
 of Buss, an island stated to have been seventy-five miles long, should 
 have occurred, since the year 1400, in the case of Frisland, or since 
 the year 1675, in the case of Buss, without being noticed and recorded 
 in Europe. 
 
 1 In 1714, the British Government offered a reward for methods of determining longitude at 
 sea. Harrison produced his first chronometer in 1735 ; his second, in 1739 ; his third, in 1749; 
 and his fourth, which won him the reward, a few years later. 
 
The Island of Buss and other Bhantom Islands of the Atlantic . 139 
 
 The case of the Island of Buss stands upon a somewhat different 
 footing from that of Frisland; for, though it may safely be concluded 
 that no such island as Buss has existed in historic times, the reports of 
 its existence may, very probably, have been founded on the statements 
 either of those who really had seen land, but had mistaken their position 
 at the time, or of those who had actually seen either ice-floes or fog- 
 banks, and had mistaken them for firm land. 
 
 Shepherd’s account of Buss must, however, be considered to be as 
 entirely fitflitious and, mendacious as the account of Frisland by the 
 younger Zeno. 
 
 Note.— For a full and concise summary of the subject of the Island of Buss, see 
 Appendix B. On Busse Island , by Mr. Miller Christy, in Gosch’s Danish Arttic Expeditions , 
 1605-1620, Hakluyt Society, 1897, Vol. I., pp. 164-202. 
 
 NORTH-EASTERN QUARTER-SECTION OF MAP OF AMERICA. 
 
 (From D’Anania’s Universale Fabrica del Mondo,Vzn ice, 1582.) 
 
BIARMIA 
 
 friw march; 
 i 
 
 YStKlC , 
 
 fEINIA 
 
 1® 
 
 TORNIA 
 
 •AUBW 
 
 mCSdia 
 
 fBOTNTA 
 
 itMPTHIA 
 
 ^ACrCffiRMANIA f§ 
 
 MoS 
 
 <0VI 
 
 J-f&LtfiN&TA,’! 
 
 L£MAKGHI/i 
 
 SVEYl® 
 
 EmiciA 
 
 'fcSr'J A 
 
 r^i 
 
 V£SM£I,AEIA 
 
 r 
 
 OKSAdlA] 
 ti. 13 * 4 # 
 is^S; 
 
 ;oi,mia 
 
 ? IMa moteS 
 
 V©»s^ei 
 
 Esthia 
 
 JYONLSS 
 
 'SCONI 1 
 
 BplT^ 
 
 ^VRETE-Tl 
 
 ! ME MEL I 
 
 ^tom^RAJA 
 
 POLTA. 
 
 CARE 
 
 LTA 
 
 Otfo 
 
 IAriSa 
 
 REGNORUM AQUILONARUM DESCRIPTIO. 
 
 (From Olaus Magnis’s Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus, 1555, p. 8.) 
 

 THE VOYAGES OF THE BROTHERS ZENI. 
 
 Part III. 
 
 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 
 
* 3 °- 3 oc 5 k> 
 
 MAP OF THE NORTH ATLANTIC, DRAWN IN 1570 BY SIGURDUS STEPHANIUS. 
 
 (From Torfoeus, Gronlandia Antiqua, Havniae, 1715.) 
 
j 
 
 PART III. 
 
 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 
 
 OTWITHSTANDING all that has been written 
 during the past three centuries, by Terra- 
 Rossa, Zurla, Major, and others, in defence of 
 Nicolo Zeno, the younger, that writer has con¬ 
 tinued before the public up to the present time 
 in the position of a defendant; and it is right 
 that he should have done so. He published a 
 book purporting to relate genuine history, illus¬ 
 trated by a map claiming to present authentic 
 cartography. Yet, within fifty years of the publication of these docu¬ 
 ments, pradtical mariners had proved that the map was (to say the least) 
 . largely incorrect ; while, later, it was discovered that both the book and 
 map contained matter which was, partly, untrue and misleading (whether 
 intentionally or not), and partly inexplicable. 
 
 We are now in a position to convidt Nicolo Zeno, the younger, on 
 new and what appears to be clear evidence, of the perpetration of a 
 contemptible literary fraud—one of the most successful and obnoxious 
 on record. 
 
 That a deception of the kind should have caused great perplexity, 
 and should therefore have given rise to an enormous amount of dis¬ 
 cussion, was inevitable. The fraud was sufficiently ingenious to deceive 
 many, even amongst those who might be regarded as authorities. Thus 
 Major, one of the most able and staunch of the defenders of the in¬ 
 tegrity of Zeno the younger, speaks 1 of the account of the alleged 
 travels in the North as “having been, in conjunction with the map which 
 accompanies it, the cause of a vast amount of error and misconception, 
 
 1 Voyages of the Zeni , Preface, p. ii. 
 
14 . 4 - The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 and the subjed of so much discredit as to have been justly condemned 
 as ‘ false ’ and £ a tissue of fidtion.’ ” He complains, 1 “ that this unlucky 
 document has met with almost as injurious treatment from its advocates 
 as from its enemies; since, from failing to deted the real solution of 
 that which perplexed them, even friendly critics have been compelled 
 to resort to random speculations, which have only ‘ made confusion 
 worse confounded.’” 
 
 Of all the critics of Zeno, whether favourable or adverse, there 
 is not one (except, perhaps, the egregious Terra-Rossa) who does not 
 recognize the difficulties of reconciling some of the statements in the 
 text and some portions of the map with each other, or with known 
 fads. Indeed, all the defences of Zeno resolve themselves into en¬ 
 deavours to explain or corred his misstatements, and to suggest some¬ 
 thing consistent with truth which he might have meant to convey—“ to 
 track the causes of such misconceptions and to free the document, if 
 possible, from the discredit under which it laboured,” as Major says. 2 
 
 It is interesting to observe to what pitiful shifts the defenders of Zeno 
 have been sometimes driven, and how they have unwittingly destroyed 
 each other’s work. Thus Zurla, in trying to explain the suppression for 
 a hundred and fifty years of the precious manuscript history of the 
 Zeno travels and discoveries, cites 3 the well-known modesty and retiring 
 nature of the Venetian nobility; while Major, again and again, strives 4 to 
 account for the younger Zeno’s inaccuracies by charging him with the use - 
 of “ bombast,” “ grandiloquence,” £< ignorance,” “ misreading,” “ unin¬ 
 telligent interference,” “ inflated language,” or “ exaggeration employed 
 only for the glorification of the occasion.” Surely this last expression 
 is only a somewhat elaborate euphemism for mendacity! Then, again, 
 the identifications of the Zenian localities by the supporters of Zeno 
 are often ridiculously inconsistent the one with the other. 
 
 Those who have upheld the good faith of Nicolo Zeno have put 
 forward the following principal arguments or excuses: 
 
 1 . That Nicolo Zeno, the younger, as a nobleman with a reputa¬ 
 tion for learning and belonging to a highly distinguished family, had 
 no temptation to glorify himself or his family by the concodtion of a 
 false story, and that no motive can be shown for an imposture by him. 
 
 1 Voyages of the Zeni , p. iii. 2 Ibid. Preface, p. ii. 
 
 3 Dissertazione, pp. 34 and 35, and Di Marco Polo, vol. ii., p. 12. 
 
 * Voyages of the Zeni , pp. xxii, xxvi, xxviii, xxx. 
 
Summary and Conclusions. 145 
 
 2. That he has given evidence of his good faith by his frank acknow¬ 
 ledgment of the difficulties under which his work was prepared and of his 
 share in creating those difficulties by the mutilation of the family papers, 
 and by his admission that, in writing the story and drawing the map, 
 he had had to make the best he could out of very imperfedt materials. 
 
 3. That such errors and misstatements as appear in his story were 
 due to his having misread or misunderstood such parts of the family 
 papers as he was able to recover when at last he realized their value. 
 
 4. That the strange names which appear are the result of the un¬ 
 familiarity of the travellers and the compiler (all of them Venetians) 
 with the forms and sounds of Northern names and words. 
 
 5. That, amongst much which is puzzling, there are certainly 
 many things in the story that are true in themselves, though distorted 
 or misapplied through want of knowledge on the part of the compiler. 
 
 6. That the story was accepted at the time of its publication as 
 genuine, and was so treated by many later writers. 
 
 7. That the map was adopted by Mercator, Ortelius, and many 
 other leading geographers, who embodied its materials in their maps. 
 
 8. That, even had Nicolo Zeno been so dishonourable as to put 
 forward as genuine a false story and map, there did not exist elsewhere 
 in Europe, in his day, materials for the work which he produced, and 
 that he must, therefore, have possessed some special sources, such as the 
 family papers and the old map from which he alleged that he had 
 derived his information. 
 
 As to the first of these arguments, it may be answered that mendacity 
 is, unfortunately, not confined to any particular class of society; that a 
 reputation for learning was as easily acquired on very slight grounds by a 
 rich and powerful man in the sixteenth century, as has been the case in 
 later times; and that the motives for the perpetration of many un¬ 
 doubted literary frauds and forgeries have been very slight, and, appar¬ 
 ently, inadequate. 
 
 Very little is known of the private character of Nicolo Zeno the 
 younger; and, though it is just and fair to take into account, as pre¬ 
 sumptive evidence in his favour, the improbability that a man of his 
 position would have published his book and map with the deliberate 
 intention of committing a fraud on the public, such evidence is not 
 only not conclusive, but is liable to be upset by positive evidence and 
 to be outweighed by greater probabilities on the other side. 
 
 u 
 
146 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 The circumstances connected with the literary frauds perpetrated 
 by Annius of Viterbo had several points in common with the case now 
 under consideration. His Com?nentaria super Diversorum AuElorum , 
 first published in Rome in 1498, contained pretended works of Manetho, 
 Berosus, and others, which he alleged were copied from fragments of 
 manuscripts, some of which he had found at Mantua, and others of 
 which he had obtained from Armenia. The genuineness of the work 
 was quickly suspebfed, but the high rank which Annius held at the 
 Roman Court, and his previously irreproachable chara&er, induced 
 many to believe in his assertions. Some pronounced the whole of the 
 fragments to be forgeries; others took the opposite view and obstinately 
 contended for their authenticity; a third party declared that, though 
 the fragments were forgeries, Annius had published them in good faith, 
 and that his credulity had been imposed upon; while a fourth opinion 
 was that the materials were partly authentic, but that their editor had 
 introduced errors through trying to give an undue importance to his 
 work. So far the circumstances are nearly parallel with those surround¬ 
 ing the work of Nicolo Zeno. The book of Annius is now thoroughly 
 discredited, but where was his motive for concobting it? There is no 
 apparent motive, unless it be a love of notoriety and mystery. 
 
 The names of Lauder, Chatterton, and Ireland all suggest literary 
 frauds founded upon pretended original documents. 
 
 (William Lauder published in 1751 his Essay on Miltons Use and 
 Imitation of the Moderns in his “ Paradise LostT in which he charged 
 Milton with plagiarizing Grotius and others; and, in order to make out 
 his case, interpolated passages of his own in his quotations from Grotius’ 
 Adamus Exsul , and other works. The fraud was immediately detected 
 by Bishop Douglas, who exposed it in his Vindication of Milton from 
 Lauder s Charge of Plagiarism, 1751. Lauder afterwards made a 
 written confession, which was dictated by Dr. Johnson. 
 
 Thomas Chatterton, in 1768, when only sixteen, published his De¬ 
 scription of the Friars passing over the Old Bridge , and, soon after, the 
 Rowley Poems , which he professed to have derived from ancient manu¬ 
 scripts found in the muniment room of St. Mary Redcliffe, Bristol, of 
 which church his father had formerly been sexton. The fraud was, 
 however, after achieving a certain measure of success, soon detedfed 
 and exposed. Chatterton died in 1770. 
 
 William Henry Ireland, born in 1777, forged various legal docu¬ 
 ments under the seal of Shakespeare, and some dramatic works which he 
 
Summary and Conclusions . 147 
 
 pretended to have found at Stratford-on-Avon. One of these dramas, 
 Vortiger?t^ was purchased by Sheridan and performed at Drury Lane 
 Theatre before the fraud was discovered. Ireland afterwards published, in 
 1805, a shameless and impenitent written confession. He died in 1835, 
 
 Fi&itious travels have been, perhaps, the most plentiful subjects of 
 literary impostures, so much so that “ travellers’ tales ” have become 
 proverbially the objedls of suspicion. 
 
 In some cases, the reports of travellers have been unjustly suspedted. 
 Thus many of Tavernier’s allegations 1 were for a long time considered 
 to be fictitious, but were afterwards proved to be true. For many years, 
 some of James Bruce’s statements 2 were generally disbelieved, and it 
 was not until the expedition to Abyssinia, in 1868, that the strangest 
 of them were confirmed. Du Chaillu suffered as Bruce did. 3 His 
 fadts were openly disputed, and he was given the lie in the public 
 ledture room; but subsequent investigations confirmed his statements 
 and established his truthfulness. 
 
 The late Dr. Robert Brown, referring to Leo Africanus, writes 4 : 
 “ If we find that he is worthy of general confidence on matters which 
 can be checked, it is justifiable to assume that he is equally to be trusted 
 when his statements cannot be verified.” 
 
 This is a reasonable proposition, but is not the converse equally 
 true ? What conclusion can be come to as to those travellers’ tales which 
 subsequent investigations prove to be mainly false, as those of Benjamin 
 of Tudela, 5 Sir John Mandeville, 6 Psalmanazaar, 7 Maldonado, 8 De Fuca, 9 
 
 1 Les six Voyages de Jean Baptiste 'Tavernier. Paris, 1676, 2 vols., 410. Translation by 
 Dr. V. Ball. London and New York, 1889, 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 2 Travels to discover the Source of the Nile , 1768-1773, by James Bruce of Kinnaird, F.R.S. 
 5 vols. 4to. London, 1790. 
 
 3 Adventures in Equatorial Africa , by Paul B. du Chaillu. London, 1861. 8vo. 
 
 4 The History and Description of Africa , written by Leo Africanus, translated into English 
 by John Pory, and edited by Dr. Robert Brown. Hakluyt Society, 1896. 
 
 5 Itinerarium , published in many editions and various languages. His travels were alleged 
 to have taken place between 1160 and 1173. 
 
 6 The Book of John Maundevile , Knight of Ingelonde. [Brit. Mus. Bib. Reg. 17 cxxxviii.] 
 Printed in many editions and several languages. The date of his alleged travels was between 
 1322 and 1356. 
 
 7 An Historical and Geographical Description of Formosa. London, 1704; and Memoirs of 
 * * * * commonly known by the name of George PSalmanazar . . . written by himself. London, 
 1765. 
 
 8 Amoretti, Viaggio dal Mare Atlantico al Pacifco per la via del Nordovest , etc. Milan, 
 1811. Barrow’s Chronological History of Voyages into the Artlic Regions. London, 1818, p. 125, 
 and Appendix II. Burney, Colleftion of Voyages , vol. v., p. 165. 
 
 9 Michael Lok in Purchas his Pilgrimes , vol. iii., p. 849. Burney, Colleblion of Voyages , 
 vol. ii., p. 110. 
 
14.8 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni . 
 
 and Nicolo Zeno ? There can be but one which is reasonable, namely, 
 that the demonstrable falsehoods they contain taint the whole works 
 of the authors, and justify the conclusion that they are altogether 
 unreliable from cover to cover— falsus in uno , falsus in omnibus . In 
 ordinary life, a man detected in a lie never fully regains credit; and a 
 literary lie is the worst of lies, as it is generally more far-reaching and 
 long-enduring than a verbal falsehood. 
 
 Other writers, such as Bernard O’Reilly 1 come into a less objection¬ 
 able, but still not admirable category. Their accounts of the countries 
 described by them may have been in the main correct, but they are dis¬ 
 credited by the authors’ fraudulent claims to have been themselves the 
 aCtual travellers and observers; the truth being that they were only 
 plagiarists, or, at the best, compilers from the works or reports of others. 
 
 As aCtual exploration of the world’s surface has extended, it has 
 become increasingly difficult to use travels as the foundation for literary 
 impostures; but, even so lately as 1875, a fictitious work on New 
 Guinea 2 achieved some success. As it contained marvellous accounts 
 of things huge and new, and was brightly and cleverly written, it would 
 probably have longer continued to be seriously accepted, had it not 
 happened that H.M.S. <c Basilisk ” was exploring that island at the time. 
 On her return, the imposture was exposed, and the book has never been 
 defended against Captain Moresby’s destructive criticism. 3 
 
 Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719), though never intended to deceive, 
 was, nevertheless, accepted for some years as a genuine account of the 
 aCtual adventures of a real man. Dean Swift’s Gulliver s Travels (1726) 
 and Raspe’s Travels of Baron Munchausen (1785) were simply vehicles 
 for satire. Imaginary travels have also been constantly and legitimately 
 used as the foundations for stirring, and even instructive, romances. 
 
 Most fictitious works of travel purport to describe the adventures 
 and observations of the authors themselves. Zeno is singular in this 
 respect: he only pretends to describe the travels of other persons; but 
 he adopts the favourite device of other literary impostors, and professes 
 to found his book upon fragments of ancient documents marvellously 
 rescued from oblivion. 
 
 As to the second argument in favour of Zeno (viz., that his frank 
 
 1 Greenland , the Adjacent Seas , and the North-West Passage. London, 1818. 
 
 2 Wanderings in New Guinea , by Captain J. A. Lawson. London, 1875. 
 
 6 Discoveries in New Guinea , by Captain John Moresby. London, 1876, pp. 321-327. 
 
Summary and Conclusions. 14.9 
 
 admissions as to the defective sources of his narrative give evidence of 
 his good faith): this is a fair view to take on one side. But, on the other 
 hand, it may be contended, with equal reason and justice, that this 
 apparent candour is evidence of the caution and astuteness of a dishonest 
 compiler. Zeno must surely have foreseen that, sooner or later, the 
 flaws in his story would be discovered, and that explanations would be 
 required. His admissions, in that case, would serve to shield him from 
 serious blame and his memory from shame, by suggesting that, as his 
 sources of information were defective or misleading, any errors or 
 misstatements were not altogether his fault. 
 
 It will be well in this connection to distinguish between the different 
 component parts of the narrative, and to estimate their several values as 
 evidence, accepting, for this purpose, Zeno’s own account of them. 
 
 First, there are the letters of Nicolo Zeno, the knight and traveller, 
 to his brother Antonio, in Venice. 
 
 Secondly, the letters of Antonio to his brother Carlo, which also 
 contain mention of the alleged Book by Antonio, giving accounts of 
 the countries, the monstrous fishes, the customs and laws of Frisland, 
 Island, Estland, the Kingdom of Norway, Estotiland, and Drogeo, and 
 the life of Nicolo Zeno, the traveller, and the separate Life and aCts of 
 Zichmni, the Prince of Immortal Memory, which works Nicolo, the 
 younger, asserts that he destroyed, and which are, certainly, not forth¬ 
 coming. 
 
 Thirdly, there is the story told by the fisherman of Frisland to 
 Zichmni and Antonio Zeno; and, 
 
 Fourthly, the preliminary remarks and connecting links supplied 
 by the compiler Nicolo Zeno, the younger. 
 
 Of these, the letters included under the first two heads would 
 furnish good documentary evidence, were it not for the faCts that the 
 original letters are not in existence; that no person has ever seen, or 
 even been said to have seen, those originals; and that we have only the 
 unsupported statement of Nicolo Zeno to show that they ever existed. 
 Even if his statement be accepted, the story which he puts forward is, 
 avowedly, compiled from the remaining fragments of those mutilated 
 letters (the books having been utterly lost), collected many years after 
 the letters themselves had been torn in pieces. These considerations 
 reduce to a minimum the value of the evidence afforded by those parts 
 of the narrative drawn from the letters. 
 
 The story of the Frisland fisherman, which comes to us through 
 
150 1 he Voyages of the Brothers Ztni . 
 
 Antonio Zeno’s letters, not only shares the weakness of the letters 
 themselves as evidence, but is open to the further objections that, even 
 had the letters been genuine, the story was itself mere hearsay; and that 
 the truth of it failed, according to Antonio’s own account, to stand the 
 test of experiment. 
 
 The portions of the narrative supplied by Nicolo Zeno, the younger, 
 consist, in part, of family history (in which he would not be likely to go 
 far astray), and, in part, of his own personal history so far as it affedts 
 the story of the letters, of Antonio’s lost book, and of the rotten old 
 map. This is direct evidence, and is the best in kind offered by Nicolo 
 Zeno, the younger; but even this is tainted, as its value depends upon 
 his credibility; and, as in that other part of his story relating to Icaria,* 
 the compiler has undoubtedly put forward fidtion as fadt, and his veracity 
 is, consequently, not to be relied upon. 
 
 The best of the evidence before us is, therefore, of that very incon¬ 
 clusive kind which requires strong corroboration from independent and 
 untainted sources before it can be credited. Not only is it without any 
 such corroboration, but the story is, in many points, contradicted by 
 all human knowledge and experience, and is at variance with facts now 
 well established. 
 
 How strange it is, moreover, that those valuable documents of the 
 Zeno family should have lain unnoticed for 150 years or sol Some 
 (and those the most important) were, according to the compiler, addressed 
 to the great Carlo Zeno, whose descendants were living as late as 1653. 
 How, then, did the books, the letters, and the map come to be in the 
 possession, and at the mercy, of the boy Nicolo, a descendant of An¬ 
 tonio, in the third or fourth decade of the sixteenth century ? His 
 father Catarino only died in 1557, and, if any one in Antonio’s line 
 had possessed them it would have been the father, not the son. And 
 what, it may be asked, suddenly informed Nicolo of the value of the 
 documents ? May it not have been the discovery of America and the 
 world-wide and increasing interest excited by accounts of it ? 
 
 It is to be noted that Nicolo Zeno’s book was published in the year 
 following his father’s death. Why was it not published before? If 
 the date of Barbaro’s Discendenze Patrizie [viz., 1536), is corredt, the 
 contents of the alleged documents must have been known then. Nicolo 
 was then twenty-one years of age. Why should he have delayed twenty- 
 two years more before giving to the public the story of his ancestors’ 
 travels, so curious and valuable—if true ? It seems probable that it 
 
Summary and Conclusions. 151 
 
 was only on the death of his father that he felt himself fully at liberty, 
 in conjunction with his able coadjutor, the skilful wood-engraver and 
 publisher Marcolini, to carry out the idea of concoCting a book which 
 should reflect credit upon the Zeno family and upon the State of 
 Venice, and at the same time detradt from the fame of Columbus, a 
 native of the rival state of Genoa. The dates of Catarino Zeno’s death, 
 and of the publication of his son’s book, are certainly significant. 
 
 The third excuse {viz., that the errors and misstatements of the 
 compiler were due to his misreading or misunderstanding of the family 
 documents), though it may protect him to some extent, does not tend 
 to confirm his alleged reputation for learning. But the fadt that it has 
 been put forward on his behalf proves how wisely provident was his 
 “ candour ” in depreciating his own work, and how well it has served* 
 not only to disarm his opponents, but to bring him adherents. 
 
 The fourth excuse [viz., that Venetians would be unfamiliar with 
 the forms and sounds of Northern words, and that the strange Zenian 
 names are the result of attempts by Venetians to write down such 
 words) may contain a certain amount of truth; but, in attempting to 
 give practical illustrations of its working Major has certainly overstepped 
 the bounds of probability. Such a transmutation as that, for example, 
 from Norderdahl to Bondendon 1 puts too great a tax on the imagination 
 of most healthy-minded mortals. It must be remembered also that 
 Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, the travellers, were not mere clowns, but 
 gentlemen educated at least so well as to be able to write, and that they 
 were supposed to be in constant and intimate personal communication 
 with their alleged employer. One of them (Antonio) was with the 
 strangely-named Zichmni for fourteen years, and is alleged to have 
 written his life; yet Major, who, following Forster, believed Zichmni 
 to be identical with Henry Sinclair, is quite content with the theory 
 that his Captain-general, right hand man and biographer, could get no 
 closer to the proper spelling of “ Sinclair ” than “ Zichmni ” ! 
 
 The fifth argument [viz., that there is much distorted truth in the 
 narrative) is undeniably true; but it is quite worthless as a defence of 
 Zeno, if it can be shown, as has been done, whence the true portions 
 have been derived, and that they have been misapplied in such a way 
 
 1 Major, Voyages of the Brothers Zeni , p. xvi. 
 
152 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 that, in the narrative, they no longer represent the truth. Professor 
 Gaffarel, a staunch adherent of Zeno, has said : l 
 
 On a encore pretendu que ce voyage fut invente par un Vinetien 
 jaloux de Genes , et desireux de rabaisser la gloire du genois Colombo 
 On ri*y trouve pourtant aucune recrimination , ni meme aucune allusion 
 contre Colomb. Les pays decrits par Nicolo et Antonio Zeno ne pre- 
 sentent aucune analogic avec les descriptions du navigateur genois . 
 Rien pourtant n eut ete plus facile , si la revelation eut ete apocryphe et 
 dirigee contre Colomb que dly introduire la description tres reconnaisable 
 par exemple d’Hispaniola, de Cuba ou de toute autre Antille. Or rien 
 dans la relation ni ressemble, de pres ou de loin , aux terres signalees 
 par Colomb. Uinventeur de la relation , quel quil soit, aurait done 
 bien mal execute son dessein si reellement il avait cherche a decrier 
 Colomb, et voulu le presenter comme le plagiaire des Zeni. 
 
 This, however, is precisely what Zeno has done, though Gaffarel 
 shows clearly in the foregoing passage that he had not discovered that 
 fad:. 
 
 The sixth and seventh arguments (viz., that the story and map were 
 accepted as genuine by many writers and cartographers of Zeno’s own 
 and later times, and embodied by them in their books and maps), prove 
 nothing except that such writers and geographers were not sufficiently 
 cautious, and were too eager to put new matter into their books and 
 upon their maps without testing its authenticity. It is to be noted, in 
 conne&ion with this, that the geographers to whose judgment Terra- 
 Rossa and Zurla appeal, show upon their maps, almost without excep¬ 
 tion, the huge Southern Continent, covering a sixth part of the surface 
 of the globe, which, as is now well known, never existed in historic 
 times—if ever. There was, perhaps, some excuse for Ruscelli, Mole- 
 tius, Mercator, and Ortelius, and other geographers of the second half 
 of the sixteenth century, for accepting as genuine the narrative and 
 map on the faith of a man of Nicolo Zeno’s position ; indeed, it would 
 have been difficult, if not impossible, for them at once to test his 
 accuracy. It may be added that an adverse critic of a Member of the 
 Council of Ten, in Venice, in the middle of the sixteenth century, 
 would have been a remarkably bold, not to say foolhardy, man. There 
 was less excuse for Terra-Rossa at the end 1 of the seventeenth century, 
 and scarcely any for Zurla and his successors in the nineteenth century, 
 
 1 Gaffarel, Histoire de la Decouverte de lAmerique. Paris, 1892, vol. i., p. 373. 
 
Summary and Conclusions. 153 
 
 unless some indulgence may be allowed to the Venetians among their 
 number, on the ground of patriotic feeling and the natural bias arising 
 from it. 
 
 The eighth argument ( viz ., that Nicolo Zeno must have had some 
 genuine materials, otherwise unknown, upon which to found his history 
 and geography) would be well-nigh unanswerable could it be shown to 
 be founded on faCt; but, as appears above, there actually existed in 
 Venice, early in the sixteenth century, books and maps, easily accessible 
 to any man with a few ducats in his pocket, from which Nicolo Zeno 
 could have derived all the more prominent portions of both text and 
 map. These materials have been pointed out, and the pages of the books, 
 and the titles of the maps in which they are to be found, given above. 
 
 As to the sources of Zeno’s text, it has been shown that the pseudo- 
 American portions are parts of original accounts of the voyages of 
 Columbus, Vespucci and others, or of works drawn direCtly from those 
 accounts; and, as to the northern portions, that they are from Olaus 
 Magnus and other published books relating to the Northern Regions, 
 all of them earlier in date than 1558. These works have not generally 
 been copied exadtly by Nicolo Zeno in his Annals ; but their influence 
 upon his own narrative is quite unmistakable, and even the wording of 
 certain passages which he has taken from them may be recognized in 
 places. The materials are drawn from many sources, and are cun¬ 
 ningly interwoven so as to form the plausible and specious story 
 which is embodied in the Annals. The work has, perhaps, deserved 
 some portion of the success which it has achieved on account of its 
 ingenuity alone. 
 
 As to the sources of the <c Carta da Navegar,” they are to be found 
 in at least eleven maps of different dates, ranging between 1457 an< ^ 
 1558, and of Italian, Catalan, Scandinavian (published in Venice), 
 German and Flemish origin. These maps are of such various forms 
 and of such different characters that it is impossible that they could 
 all have been copied from any one map. Several of them also contain 
 names correCtly and intelligibly formed and written, which, when they 
 appear on the Zeno map, are so distorted and misspelt that they repre¬ 
 sent no recognizable localities. Besides this, the alleged “ Carta da 
 Navegar” of Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, though presented as dating 
 from the year 1380, was utterly unknown throughout the whole of 
 the fifteenth century, and during the sixteenth century, until 1558. 
 
 x 
 
154- Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 The original map was not produced to the world even then, and was 
 only made known to the public in the form of a woodcut map repre¬ 
 senting an alleged amended copy. The Zenian “ Carta da Navegar ” 
 could not, therefore, have been the original of the other maps men¬ 
 tioned, nor even have had a common origin with them, but they, or 
 similar early maps, must have been the originals from which the Zenian 
 map was compiled. In the face of these faCts, this great argument of 
 Humboldt, 1 so confidently quoted by Major 2 : En examinent avec im¬ 
 partiality la relation des Zeni , on y trouve de la candeur et des de¬ 
 scriptions detaillees d'objets dont rien en Europe ne pouvait leur avoir 
 donne Fidee , falls to the ground. It is by far the strongest argument 
 ever put forward in favour of Zeno, the younger; but it did not fully 
 convince Humboldt himself, for he goes on to say, further on, 3 Mais 
 le silence de Fra Mauro , geographe venitien dlune immense erudition , 
 et F ignorance parfaite du nom de la Frislande dans les Sagas et les 
 a?inales de FIslande et de la Norvege sont deux circonstances bien dijfi- 
 ciles d expliquer . 
 
 It may also be repeated that the alleged Northern Voyages of the 
 brothers Zeni are wholly unknown except through the Annals of 
 Nicolo Zeno, the younger, either directly (from that book itself) or, 
 more often, indirectly through the reprint in the collection of voyages, 
 which is inaccurately attributed to Ramusio. No independent allusion 
 to the Zeno voyages is known otherwise to occur in any prior literary 
 or historical production, unless in Barbara’s manuscript Discendenze 
 Patrizie , for which Nicolo Zeno may easily have supplied the material 
 for the passage relating to Antonio Zeno, either at the assigned, but 
 doubtful, date, 1536, or later. 
 
 Moreover, it is nowhere stated, either by Nicolo Zeno himself or 
 by any other writer, that the alleged original manuscripts destroyed 
 by Nicolo Zeno, or their fragments (marvellously collected years after 
 their mutilation) have ever been seen by any eyes but those of the 
 compiler of the Annals . 
 
 It also seems extraordinary that, after the compiler had realized the 
 extreme value of these fragments, he should not have been careful to 
 preserve such precious pieces justifeatives. 
 
 Another suspicious feature in the Zenian narrative is the omission of 
 all personal names except those of “ Zichmni ” and of members of the 
 
 1 Examen Critique , Tom. II., p. 122. 2 Voyages of the Zeni, p. ix. 
 
 0 Examen Critique , Tom. II., p. 124. 
 
Summary and Conclusions. 155 
 
 Zeno family, and of all dates, except the unimportant “ 1200 ” and the 
 important “ 1380,” which latter has been proved by Zurla (who assumed 
 the truth of the story and is one of the younger Zeno’s principal 
 supporters) to be wrong by at least ten years. 
 
 As to the map, we have shown the sources of every detail, except 
 a few of the names in Greenland and Frislanda and the wonderful 
 monastery of St. Thomas in Greenland (of the former existence of 
 which there is no independent evidence whatever). All the positive 
 evidence which we now possess as to the east coast of Greenland 
 points to the conclusion that no such monastery as that described by 
 Zeno, the younger, can have ever existed anywhere near the place 
 assigned to it by the Zeno narrative or map. 1 The very form of the 
 name given on the map, viz., S. Tomas Zenobium , is suggestive of 
 fidtion; for the compiler has given to the first two syllables of the 
 Latin ccenobium (Gr. K oivofiiov) the form of his own family name. 
 There is no authority whatever for such a transmutation. 
 
 As to the south-westerly extension of Greenland and the com¬ 
 paratively corredt mapping of Denmark, which have been so persistently 
 claimed as original features of the Zeno map, it has been shown, without 
 a shadow of a doubt, that they have been derived from earlier maps. 
 
 In view of Nicolo Zeno’s own statement of the manner in which 
 his work was compiled, it is somewhat remarkable, notwithstanding the 
 ingenuity of the composition, that it should have been so long accepted 
 as a genuine account of travels in the fourteenth century. It might 
 have been expedfed that, after the more glaring falsehoods had been 
 detedled, the work would have been discredited, and read only for 
 amusement, instead of being regarded as one from which useful geo¬ 
 graphical and historical information might be derived. Zeno has had 
 far more than fair-play in this respedf. Many notable names have 
 appeared among those of his defenders; though, no doubt, some of 
 these latter have been led to treat his work as'genuine, because it seemed 
 to support their own theories, now broken down, as to the relative 
 situations of the ancient Eastern and Western Scandinavian colonies in 
 Greenland. But it must be remembered that there is scarcely any limit 
 to the gullibility of the public, as evidenced in our own times by the fadt 
 that, notwithstanding frequent public exposures, the “ Spanish prisoner ” 
 fraud and the tc confidence trick ” still find numbers of ready dupes. 
 
 1 The place assigned is, in fa<£t, if we follow Zeno’s latitudes and longitudes, in the middle 
 of the sea. 
 
156 The Voyages of the Brothers Zeni. 
 
 For the reasons adduced in the foregoing pages, and from the 
 evidence embodied in the appendices, it may fairly be concluded: 
 
 1. That, though Nicolo and Antonio Zeno may have sailed into 
 the North Sea, and may even have visited the Continental Frislanda, 
 Frisia, or Friesland, and may have written letters to Venice during 
 their travels, Nicolo Zeno, the younger, certainly did not compile his 
 narrative from any such letters, but from the published works of Bor- 
 done, Olaus Magnus, and other authors indicated above. 
 
 2. That the two accounts of Greenland attributed to Nicolo and 
 Antonio Zeno are untrue as applied to that country, and could not 
 have been honestly written by any persons who had visited it. 
 
 3. That there is no evidence that Antonio Zeno ever visited any 
 part of America, or any of its islands, as claimed by Marco Barbaro, 
 Terra-Rossa, Zurla, Beauvois, and others; nor, indeed, do the Annals 
 themselves state that he did so. 
 
 4. That there is no evidence to show that either Christopher 
 Columbus or Juan de la Cosa ever heard of <£ Frislanda.” 
 
 5. That, in fad, no such island as Zeno’s Frislanda ever existed, 
 his map of it having been compounded from earlier maps of Iceland 
 and the Faroes. 
 
 6. That Zichmni, if such a man ever existed, was certainly not 
 identical with Henry Sinclair, Earl of Orkney. 
 
 7. That the story that the “ Carta da Navegar ” was copied from an 
 old map found in the archives of the Zeno family is a pure fidion ; and 
 that it was, in fad:, concoded from several maps, of various dates and 
 nationalities, and not from any one map. 
 
 8. That a sufficient motive for the compilation of Zeno’s story and 
 map is to be found in a desire to conned, even indiredly, the voyages 
 of his ancestors with a discovery of America earlier than that by 
 Columbus, in order to gratify the compiler’s family pride and his own 
 personal vanity, and to pander to that Venetian jealousy of other 
 maritime nations (especially of the Genoese) which was so strong 
 in the early days of the decadence of the great Venetian Republic, and 
 which, later on, appeared so forcibly in the works of Terra-Rossa, 
 Zurla, and other Venetian writers. 
 
 9. That however harmless may have been the original motive of 
 Nicolo Zeno, the younger, for the compilation of the narrative and 
 map, it ceased to be innocent when he re-edited his map for publica- 
 
Summary and Conclusions . 157 
 
 tion in Ruscelli’s edition of Ptolemy (1561), whose work was, in Zeno’s 
 time, accepted as the greatest authority on geography. 
 
 10. That Zeno’s work has been one of the most ingenious, most 
 successful, and most enduring literary impostures which has ever gulled 
 a confiding public. 
 
 We may fitly conclude our indictment by quoting the trade motto 
 of Francisco Marcolini, the printer of Zeno’s book, which appears both 
 at the beginning and the end of that book : 
 
 “ Veritas Filia Temporis.” 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ' 
 
APPENDICES. 
 
APPENDIX I. 
 
 Photographic facsimile of the Title, Dedication, Pedigree, Sub-title, 
 Folios 45-58, and Colophon, of the original edition of the Commentarii 
 or Annals by Nicolo Zeno, the younger, published by Francesco Marco- 
 
 lini in Venice, in 1558. 
 
 [A facsimile of the map which illustrated the above-mentioned work is given in Plate XI.] 
 
DE I COM M E N T A R 11 DEL 
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APPENDIX II. 
 
 Photographic facsimile of the first English version of the voyages of 
 Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, from Hakluyt’s Divers Voyages , etc ., 1582, 
 signatures D 4 to E, being a translation from Ramusio’s text ( Naviga- 
 tioni et Viaggi , vol. ii., 2nd edit., Venice, 1574, folios 222-225). 
 
 [A facsimile of Lok’s map, one of the two which illustrate Hakluyt’s work, is given in 
 Plate XV. The other map (Robert Thorne’s, 1527) is reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile 
 Atlas , 1889, Plate XLI. It has no diredt bearing on the Zeno question.] 
 

 
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 BY j. HYATT, EALINC,W. 
 
APPENDIX III. 
 
 Extended version of the Pedigree of the Zeno Family given on the 
 
 verso of folio 44 of the Commentarii. 
 
 [The additions are principally derived from the travels of Caterino Zeno in Persia, in the 
 earlier part of the Commentarii , etc.; Ramusio’s Navigationi et Viaggi, vol. ii. (ed. 1574), pp. 
 65, etc.; Zurla’s Dissertazioni , etc., 1808, cap. 2, and Dei Viaggi , etc., di N. et A. Zeni in Di 
 Marco Polo, etc ., 1818, vol. ii., cap. 2, etc., etc.] 
 
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APPENDIX IV. 
 
 Table comparing the 150 names upon Zeno’s “Carta 
 of 1558 (see Plate XI.), with corresponding names on 
 
 earlier or contemporary maps: 
 
 da Navegar ” 
 the following 
 
 3. 
 
 4- 
 
 6 . 
 
 8 . 
 
 The Andrea Bianco map, 1448. (Ongania’s photograph.) 
 
 The Fra Mauro map, 1457-1459. (Baron Heath’s full-sized photograph.) See Plate I. 
 The Zamoiski map, 1467. (Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas, Plate XXX.) See Plate II. 
 
 the Biblioteca 1 (Nordenskjold’s Bidrag till Nordens Aldsta 
 
 Kartografi, Plates I., II. and III.) These 
 
 Fifteenth century map in 
 Nazionale, Florence. 
 Fifteenth century map in 
 Laurenziana, Florence. 
 Fifteenth century map 
 Laurenziana, Florence. 
 Fifteenth century Catalan 
 
 the Biblioteca 
 
 in the Biblioteca 
 
 map. 
 
 three maps are referred to in the following 
 Table as “ Florence map No. 1,” “ Florence 
 map No. 2,” and “ Florence map No. 3,” 
 respe&ively. 
 
 (Nordenskjold’s Bidrag , etc., Plate V.) See Fig. 7, 
 opposite page 111, supra. 
 
 Engronelant, Norbegia, Suetiaque, et Gottia ) (From the Donis (Ulm) Ptolemy, 1482.) See 
 “ " J Plate III. 
 
 occidentalis. 
 
 9. The Olaus Magnus map, 1539. See Plate IV. 
 
 10. Map by Mattheus Prunes, 1553. See Fig. 8, p. 112, supra. 
 
 11. Mercator’s “ Europa,” 1554. See Plate VII. 
 
 12. Tramezini’s map ( Lafreri Atlas'), 1558. See Plate VIII. 
 
 13. Map of Frisland ( Lafreri Atlas), undated.* See Plate IX. 
 
 14. Map of Estland ( Lafreri Atlas), undated.* See Plate X. 
 
 15. Septentrionalium Partium Nova Tabula, in Ruscelli’s Ptolemy , Venice, 1561, Tab. xxxv.; 
 
 also in Moletius’s Ptolemy , Venice, 1562, Tab. xvii., Additarum et xxvi., Secundum 
 seriem numerorum. See Plate XII. 
 
 * As to the probable date of these two maps, see supra, pp. 114 and 119. 
 
 A A 
 
Appendix IF. 
 
 NAMES ON GREENLAND. 
 
 
 On the four maps marked with an asterisk, Engronelant appears a second time on the Northern part of the Scandinavian Peninsula. 
 
NAMES ON ICELAND. 
 
 
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Appendix IF. — continued. 
 NAMES ON FRISLAND. 
 
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Appendix IF. — continued. 
 
 NAMES ON SHETLAND. 
 
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APPENDIX V. 
 
 Table showing identifications of Zenian localities, by 
 
 various authors, viz. : 
 
 1784-86. Forster, John Reinhold, Hist, of Voyages and Discoveries in the North. 
 
 1784. Buache, Memoire sur l' Isle Frislande in Id Hist, de V Ac ademie des Sciences. 
 
 1794. Eggers, H. P. von, Ueber die Wahre lage des alten Ostgronlands and Priisskrift om 
 Gronlands Osterbygds sande Beliggenhed. 
 
 1806. Zurla, Placido, II Mappamondo di Fra Mauro. 
 
 1808. ,, „ Dissertazione intorno ai viaggi, etc., de N. e A. Zeno. 
 
 1818. „ „ The same, with slight alterations, in his Di Marco Polo , vol. ii. 
 
 1828. Walckenaer, Baron, Letter to Dezos de la Roquette, in Michaud’s Biographie Uni- 
 verselle , Article “N. et A. Zeno,” vol. lii. 
 
 1845. Bredsdorff, J. H., Brodrene Zeno's Reiser , in Gronlands Historiske Mindesmarker. 
 
 1852. Lelewel, Joachim, Geographic du Moyen Age. 
 
 1855. Erizzo, Miniscalchi, Scoperte Artiche. 
 
 1873. Major, R. H., Voyages of the Venetian Brothers Nicoio and Antonio Zeno, etc. 
 
 1878. Krarup, Reise til Norden al Folknungs Forsog and Om Zeniernes Reise til Norden. 
 
 1879. Irminger, Admiral, Zeno's Frisland is Iceland and not the Faroes, in Journ. Roy. Geog. 
 
 Soc., vol. xlix. 
 
 7 . . . . 0 
 
 1883. Steenstrup, Japetus, Zeniernes Reiser i Norden , in Arboger for Nord Oldkindighed. 
 
 1884. „ ,, Les Voyages des Freres Zeni dans le Nord, in Compte Rendu du 
 
 Congres des Americanistes, Copenhagen, 1884. 
 
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204 Appendix V. — continued. 
 
 IDENTIFICATION OF NAME OF AN ISLAND 
 
 
 1558. 
 
 Zeno Map. 
 
 1784. J. R. Forster. 
 
 1784. Buache. 
 
 1794- Aggers. 
 
 18—. Walckenaer. 
 
 1845. Bredsdorff. 
 
 
 53 
 
 Grislada 
 
 ( Grimsey, or per- ( 
 
 | haps Enkhuysen J 
 
 ... 
 
 Westmanna Is.... 
 
 MainlandShetlands. 
 
 J Gorsoe, near 1 
 < the Romsdal, > 
 
 ( Norway j 
 
 53 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 IDENTIFICATIONS 
 
 OF 
 
 5 + 
 
 Frisland ... 
 
 j Fara,asmallisland ) 
 
 { in the Orkneys J 
 
 The Faroes 
 
 The Faroes 
 
 N.E. part of Ireland 
 
 Faero 
 
 54 
 
 55 
 
 Monaco 
 
 ... . . . ... 
 
 Munk ou Le Moine ... 
 
 Munken 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Munken 
 
 55 
 
 5 6 
 
 Porlanda 
 
 The Faroes 
 
 Suderoe 
 
 Part of Syderoe 
 
 N.E. part of Ireland 
 
 Porkeri 
 
 56 
 
 57 
 
 Ocibar 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Gioguara 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Gjogvaraa 
 
 57 
 
 58 
 
 C. Cunala ... 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Oexlin 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Quonnafjeld 
 
 58 
 
 59 
 
 Verias 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 (Vena) Famian... 
 
 ... 
 
 (Vera) Beinisvera 
 
 59 
 
 60 
 
 Sudero Colfo 
 
 ... 
 
 ( Sound between | 
 
 ( Stromoe and Sandoe / 
 
 Sudero fiord 
 
 Bay of Galloway ... 
 
 Sudero fjord ... 
 
 60 
 
 61 
 
 Sanestol 
 
 Schantsoer 
 
 ... 
 
 Sands in Sandoe 
 
 ( Mouth of the ) 
 
 | Shannon j 
 
 Sands 
 
 61 
 
 62 
 
 Ledeve 
 
 Lewis 
 
 Hestoe 
 
 Part of Suderoe 
 
 Lewis 
 
 Sorvaag on Vaago 
 
 62 
 
 63 
 
 Ilofe 
 
 Islay 
 
 Colter 
 
 Skuoe 
 
 Uist 
 
 Myggenass 
 
 63 
 
 64 
 
 C. Deria ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Frodl hoddi 
 
 . 
 
 Trdair 
 
 64 
 
 65 
 
 Banar 
 
 ... ... • . 
 
 ... ... . . . 
 
 Skopunnarvig ... 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Baren 
 
 65 
 
 66 
 
 Colfo Nordero 
 
 ... 
 
 j Sound between ) 
 
 ( Stromoe and Waagoe j 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 J Yestman- ( 
 
 | havns-fjord / 
 
 66 
 
 67 
 
 Bondendea ) 
 
 Pondontown. in Sky 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 \ Near Kirkeboe,) 
 
 Brandon in Kerry... 
 
 (?) Funding dal | 
 
 67 
 
 Porti J 
 
 ... 
 
 / Thorshavn ( 
 
 Vestmanhavn / 
 
 68 
 
 C. Bouft ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Mygnes 
 
 Mygenaes 
 
 
 Mulen 
 
 68 
 
 69 
 
 Cabaru 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 C. Beari 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Svartaa 
 
 69 
 
 70 
 
 Spagia 
 
 ... ... .. 
 
 I. Stachen 
 
 Saxenhavn 
 
 ... . ... 
 
 Stakken 
 
 70 
 
 7 i 
 
 C. Vidil ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... . . • 
 
 Kiedling 
 
 ... ... •. . 
 
 Eide 
 
 71 
 
 72 
 
 Andefort ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 Andefort 
 
 Andafiord 
 
 ... ... . . • 
 
 Andefjord 
 
 72 
 
 73 
 
 Aqua 
 
 ... 
 
 Funding 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Gjogv 
 
 73 
 
 74 
 
 Dolfo 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Kalsoe 
 
 ... 
 
 Kalso 
 
 74 
 
 75 
 
 Alanco 
 
 ... ... . . 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Blanskaali 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Blankskaale 
 
 75 
 
 76 
 
 Forali 
 
 . 
 
 Fugle 
 
 Haraldsund 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Haraldssund 
 
 76 
 
 77 
 
 Dvi 
 
 ... 
 
 j Group of four 1 
 
 | islands, Norderoe ( 
 
 Konoe 
 
 ... 
 
 Mule 
 
 77 
 
 78 
 
 Campa 
 
 ... . ,. 
 
 ... -••• ... 
 
 Strait in Bordoe 
 
 ... ... .. . 
 
 Lamba 
 
 78 
 
 79 
 
 Logosilos ... 
 
 .. 
 
 Gosti Kladi 
 
 Episcopos 
 
 ... 
 
 Skaaletofte 
 
 79 
 
 80 
 
 Rane 
 
 ... 
 
 Arne 
 
 Quanesund 
 
 ... 
 
 Arnefjord 
 
 80 
 
 81 
 
 Vadin 
 
 
 
 
 
 Vai 
 
 81 
 
 82 
 
 Abde 
 
 ... 
 
 . 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... • • . 
 
 82 
 
 83 
 
 Pigiu 
 
 ... ... . . 
 
 Fugloe 
 
 A rock 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 (Pigiu) FuglS ... 
 
 83 
 
 84 
 
 Ibini 
 
 ... ... 
 
 Bispen 
 
 Svinoe 
 
 ... ... . . . 
 
 (Isbini) Svino ... 
 
 84 
 
 85 
 
 Rifu 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 ... . . . 
 
 ... ... . • . 
 
 Rideviig 
 
 85 
 
 86 
 
 Rovea 
 
 ... ... . . 
 
 Lamhau 
 
 Bordoe 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 Hoiviig 
 
 86 
 
 87 
 
 l Frisland ) 
 
 | [ town ] ) 
 
 Stromoe (Faroes) .. 
 
 Kingshavn 
 
 j A place in I 
 ( Osteroe J 
 
 1 Belfast or ) 
 
 ( Downpatrick j 
 
 Thorshavn 
 
 87 
 
 88 
 
 Dossais 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Strait Toftir 
 
 ... 
 
 ( [DofFNesJ 1 
 ( Tofte og Naes j 
 
 88 
 
 89 
 
 Streme 
 
 ... 
 
 Nolsoe 
 
 Stor Dimon 
 
 
 Stromo 
 
 89 
 
 9 ° 
 
 Godmec 
 
 ... • * . .. 
 
 Thorshavn 
 
 Strait Skaalevig... 
 
 . 
 
 Skaaleviig 
 
 90 
 
 9 1 
 
 Spirige 
 
 ... • . . • . 
 
 ... ... . ... 
 
 Porkerjinaes 
 
 ... ... • . • 
 
 Sur aa Vuig 
 
 9 1 
 
 92 
 
 Sorand 
 
 ( Suderoe, or 1 
 \ Sureona, i.e., the J* 
 
 Scarvenes 
 
 I. Suderey 
 
 ( On N.E. part of ) 
 
 | Ireland j 
 
 Sudero, Qvalbo 
 
 92 
 
 
 
 ( Western Isles j 
 
 
 
 
 
 93 
 
 Anieses 
 
 . 
 
 ... 
 
 Strait of Nes ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Aa Nesi 
 
 93 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 DENTIFICATIONS OF NAI 
 
 VIES 
 
 94 
 
 Neome 
 
 ... ... 
 
 
 Foula 
 
 Isla 
 
 Foula 
 
 94 
 
 95 
 
 Podanda 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Fair Isle 
 
 ... 
 
 Pentland 
 
 95 
 
Appendix V. — continued . 
 
 OFF SOUTH COAST OF ICELAND. 
 
 205 
 
 
 1852. Lelewel. 
 
 1855. Erizzo. 
 
 1873. Major. 
 
 1879. Irminger. 
 
 1884. Steenstrup. 
 
 
 53 
 
 
 
 j Grossey, ) 
 
 
 J Corruption of Wrislanda = Frislanda= 1 
 
 53 
 
 
 • • • • • * 
 
 | Orkneys J 
 
 ... 
 
 ( Resland = Islanda. Iceland. J 
 
 NAMES ON FRISLAND. 
 
 
 
 
 
 54 
 
 The Faroes 
 
 Mainland, Orkneys 
 
 The Faroes ... 
 
 Iceland 
 
 Iceland 
 
 54 
 
 55 
 
 Munkurin 
 
 
 
 Westmanno ,.. 
 
 Westmanna Isles 
 
 55 
 
 56 
 
 Holmarin 
 
 • • • , , , 
 
 Pentland (?) ... 
 
 Portland 
 
 ,.. ... ... 
 
 56 
 
 57 
 
 Oravujik (?) 
 
 ... 
 
 
 Orebakke 
 
 Orebakke on the S. ... 
 
 57 
 
 58 
 
 Kvalbja (Bay) 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 Conical hill on Reykianes (Italian = cuneale) 
 
 58 
 
 59 
 
 W. of Witternes ... 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 59 
 
 60 
 
 Sudero Simd 
 
 . f • 
 
 Sudero fjord ... 
 
 ... p t * 
 
 Sudere Tiefe in continental Friesland 
 
 60 
 
 
 
 
 ( Sandsbugt in | 
 
 ) Sandoe j 
 
 ( Budensland ) 
 
 
 
 61 
 
 Sandoe 
 
 ... 
 
 -j Havnefiord 
 ( Hvalfiord j 
 
 Steinsolt in Sudere Tiefe 
 
 61 
 
 62 
 
 Troll-hoddi I. ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Lille Dimon ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 • • • .... ... 
 
 62 
 
 63 
 
 Kolter I. 
 
 ... 
 
 j Store Dimon ) 
 
 | and Skuoe J 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 63 
 
 64 
 
 Draasund 
 
 ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 Snaefeldsnaes ... 
 
 Snafeldsnesset 
 
 64 
 
 65 
 
 • • • • • • 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Bjarnarhofn ... 
 
 Bjamarhafn = Stykkisholmr 
 
 65 
 
 66 
 
 Washes Vaagoe ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... p . . 
 
 Brede Bugt ... 
 
 Nordere Tiefe in continental Friesland ... 
 
 66 
 
 67 
 
 f Town on the ) 
 
 
 Norderdahl ... 
 
 Budardalr 
 
 Bondum or Bundum in Nordere Tiefe 1 
 
 67 
 
 ( Island Vaagoe j 
 
 ... ».a 
 
 ... 
 
 Stykkisholm ... 
 
 / 
 
 68 
 
 ( Mujlingur, S. 1 
 ( point of Stromoe j 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 C(olfo) Bolungur 
 
 68 
 
 69 
 
 ••• ••• ••• 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ••• ... 
 
 . fr . 
 
 Fuglebserg 
 
 69 
 
 70 
 
 Svujnajir 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 Skagen 
 
 Skagen on N.W. point 
 
 70 
 
 7 1 
 
 Kadlurin 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 C(olfo) Veidileysa ... 
 
 7 1 
 
 72 
 
 Andafer 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 Arnarfiord 
 
 Arnarfjord. N.W. point of Iceland 
 
 72 
 
 73 
 
 ... ... ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Vatnsfjord 
 
 73 
 
 74 
 
 J A fiord near 1 
 | Mikla-dal j 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 * Hvalvatnsfjordr-pt. (See 76.) 
 
 ( Alancofor Bianco = Hvitabjorns Vandet I 
 
 74 
 
 75 
 
 75 
 
 Lambha (?) 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 | =Hunavatn j 
 
 76 
 
 Bordoe 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... f . • 
 
 * Hvalvatnsfjordr-pt. (See 74.) 
 
 76 
 
 77 
 
 Deble in Bordoe ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 .... 
 
 Grimsey 
 
 77 
 
 78 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 ,,, 
 
 Sletta = a field, a plain 
 
 78 
 
 79 
 
 Blankskala 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Langanass 
 
 ... 
 
 79 
 
 80 
 
 A * 
 
 j He Kunoj with ( 
 
 
 
 Raudanass ,.. 
 
 Randanes 
 
 80 
 
 | its town Kuni J 
 
 
 
 
 81 
 
 81 
 
 Videroe 
 
 P • P ••• 
 
 ,,, ... 
 
 Vajmafiord 
 
 ... 
 
 82 
 
 
 ... *»• 
 
 , M ... 
 
 ... ... 
 
 
 82 
 
 83 
 
 Fugloe 
 
 ... 
 
 p •* * » • 
 
 
 ... 
 
 83 
 
 84 
 
 Bispen 
 
 • •» * » • 
 
 ... 
 
 Reidarfjord ... 
 
 • p • • * * 
 
 84 
 
 85 
 
 Rutewik (?) 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 85 
 
 86 
 
 Larvijk 
 
 ... ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Roverhavn 
 
 ... 
 
 86 
 
 87 
 
 A town in Ostroe... 
 
 j Kirkwall, Main-) 
 
 ( land Orkneys / 
 
 Thorshavn 
 
 ... 
 
 Continental Friesland 
 
 87 
 
 88 
 
 Tofter in Ostroe ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ••* • • • 
 
 
 ... 
 
 88 
 
 89 
 
 j Stromoe, especi- ) 
 
 ( ally Thorshavn j 
 
 *.* ... 
 
 • P9 • • • 
 
 ... 
 
 Ostrehorn 
 
 89 
 
 90 
 
 Nolsoe 
 
 ... *»f 
 
 ... 
 
 p +p > •• • 
 
 ... 
 
 90 
 
 9 1 
 
 Porkieri 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 *». » *» 
 
 ... 
 
 9 1 
 
 92 
 
 Suderoe 
 
 ... 
 
 I. Swona (?) ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 92 
 
 93 
 
 Mavanes 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 Arnaes-syssel ... 
 
 Arnessyssel 
 
 93 
 
 ON TWO ISLANDS. 
 
 94 
 
 95 
 
 Foula 
 Fair Isle 
 
 Pentland 
 
 94 
 
 95 
 
 Steenstrup treats Dolfo Forali as one name. 
 
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APPENDIX VI 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES, 
 LITERARY AND CARTOGRAPHICAL. 
 
 (A) Authorities earlier than 1558. 
 
 1154. Edrisi. Tabula Rotunda Rogeriana. (1) 
 
 From Edrisi’s description. The original, engraved on silver for 
 Roger, King of Sicily, now lost. Two copies only of Edrisi’s illustrative 
 map are known ( teste Lelewel), one at Oxford, the other in Paris. A 
 small reproduction is given in the Atlas to Lelewel’s Geog. du Mayen 
 Age, and a description in the text of that work, Vol. I., Prolegomena 
 liv-lxxvii, and Sedtions 54-64. 
 
 1154. Edrisi. Tabula Itineraria Edrisiana. (2) 
 
 From a MS. Atlas in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris {teste 
 Lelewel). Small restoration of part in Atlas to Lelewel’s Geog. du 
 Moyen Age , Plates XI. and XII. Description in the same work, 
 Vol. I., Seftions 60-64, an< I Vol. III., pp. 73-220. 
 
 1360. Hyggeden, Ranulphus de. Imago Mundi. 
 
 Map illustrating the MS. Polycronycon of Hyg¬ 
 geden. ^ (3) 
 
 Reproduction in Lelewel’s Geog, du Moyen Age , Atlas, Plate XXV. 
 
 1367. Pizigani, Francesco and Marco. Map of 
 
 the World. Original in the National Library, 
 Parma. (4) 
 
 Facsimile in Jomard’s Monuments Geograpbiques, Map X. [Brit. 
 Mus. S. 11. i]j also, Photograph by F. Odorici, Parma, 1873 [Brit. 
 Mus. S. 202 (3*)]. 
 
 1375. [Anon.] Atlas Catalan de Charles V., 
 
 Roi de France. (The “Catalane” Map.) (5) 
 
 Facsimile in Santarem’s Atlas [Brit. Mus. Tab. 1850. A.], Plate 
 XIII. ; and a better one in Delisle’s Documents Geograpbiques , Paris, 
 1883 [Brit. Mus. S. 35. 5]; see also Fig. 3 on p. 107 supra, and 
 No. 362. 
 
 [1427, c.] Clavus, Claudius. Map of the North 
 Atlantic.- (6) 
 
 Facsimiles in Storm’s Den Danske Geograf Claudius Clamus {infra, No. 
 362) and in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas (infra. No. 360). See 
 
 also p. 58, supra. 
 
 1436. Bianco, Andrea. Map. Original in Biblioteca 
 Marciana, Venice. (7) 
 
 Photograph by Ongania, Venice, 1879. See also p. 106, supra, 
 
 fig. 1. 
 
 1448. Bianco, Andrea. Map. Original in Biblio. 
 
 Ambrosiana, Milan. (8) 
 
 Photograph by Ongania, Venice, 1879. 
 
 1457-9. Mauro, Fra. Mappa Mondo. Original in 
 R. Biblio. Marciana di Venezia. (9) 
 
 Full-sized photograph taken for Baron Heath. Small facsimiles in 
 Lelewel’s Geog. du Moyen Age, and in Zurla’s Mappamondo di Fra 
 Mauro, Venice, 1806. See Pla«s?I., infra. 
 
 [1467,0.] Zamoiski Map. Original in Biblio. Zamoi- 
 skiensi, Warsaw. (10) 
 
 Reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas, 1889, and on a 
 reduced scale in Plate II., infra. 
 
 14— ? [Anon.] Catalan Map. Original in Biblio. 
 
 Ambrosiana, Milan. [S. P. II. 5.] (11) 
 
 Reproduced in Baron Nordenskjold’s Bidrag till Nordens Aldsta 
 Kartografi, Stockholm, 1892, Plate V. See also fig. 7, opposite 
 p. Ill, supra. 
 
 14—? [Anon.] Map of North Europe and Greenland from 
 a fifteenth century MS. of Ptolemy, in the Biblio. 
 Nazionale, Florence. [Sec. xv. I l-|-f'.] (12) 
 
 Reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Bidrag till Nordens Aldsta Kartograf, 
 Stockholm, 1892. 
 
 14—? [Anon.] Map of Scandinavia and Greenland, original 
 in MS. of Christ. Ensenius’ Descriptio Cicladum 
 aliarumque insularum, in Biblio. Laurenziana, 
 Florence. [Plut. xxix., Cod. xxv., Sec. xv.] (13) 
 
 Reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Bidrag, etc. 
 
 14— ? [Anon.] Map of Scandinavia and Greenland, 
 from a MS. Ptolemy in Biblio. Laurenziana, 
 Florence. [Plut. xxx., Cod. 3.] (14) 
 
 Reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Bidrag, etc. 
 
 1482. Donis, Nicolaus. Engronelant, Norbegia 
 Suetiaque et Gottia Occidentalis. Map from 
 the Ptolemeei Cosmografia (edited by Nicolaus 
 Donis), Ulm, 1482. (15) 
 
 See Plate III., infra. 
 
 1492. Behaim, Martin. Globe. (16) 
 
 Facsimiles in Ghillany’s Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter, Martin 
 Behaim, Nuremberg, 1853 ; and, of part, in Lelewel’s Geog. du 
 Moyen Age. 
 
 1493. Schedel, Hartmann. Registrum huius operis 
 
 libri cronicarum cum figuris et ymaginibus ab 
 inicio mundi. Schedel, Nuremberg, 1493. [The 
 Nuremberg Chronicle.] (17) 
 
 Map of North Europe on folio ccxcix verso. 
 
 1407. Ancone, Fredrici D’ (Wolfenbutel). Map. 
 
 (18) 
 
 Facsimile in Santarem’s Atlas, see No. 299 (Brit. Mus. Tab. 1850. 
 A.), Plate LXXIV. See also p. 108 supra, fig. 4. 
 
210 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 1500. Cosa, Juan de la. Map of the World, signed 
 and dated thus :— Juan de la Cosa la Jizo en el 
 Puerto de Santa Maria en afio de 1 500. Original 
 in the Naval Museum, Madrid. (19) 
 
 Facsimiles in Jomard’s Monuments de la Geographic (Map XVi.) \ 
 of portions on Humboldt’s Examen Critique ; Lelewel’s Ge'og. du Moyen 
 Age; Stevens’ Historical Notes. Full-sized facsimile by Vallejo and 
 Traynor, Madrid, 1892. See also p. 106 supra , fig. 2. 
 
 1502. Cantino, Alberto. Carta da Navegar per le 
 Isole novamen" tr : &c. Original in Biblio. 
 Estense, Modena. (20) 
 
 Facsimile in Harrisse’s Les Cortereal, 1883, 
 
 1502. [Anon.] The “King” Map. Original in the 
 possession of Dr. E. T. Hamy. (21) 
 
 Described with reduced facsimiles in Notice sur une Mappemonde 
 Portugaise Anonyme de I 502 recemment decouverte a Londres, par le Dr. 
 E. T. Hamy, in the Bulletin de Geographic historique et descriptive, No. 4, 
 Paris, 1887, and in Harrisse’s Discovery of North America, 1892. 
 
 [1505, c.] [Anon.] Map of the Atlantic, from Kunst- 
 mann’s Entdeckung Amerika's , Berlin, 1859 [Brit. 
 Mus. Tab. 1850. A.], Atlas. Blatt. II. (22) 
 
 1505 (?). Vespucci, Amerigo. Lettera di Amerigo 
 Vespucci delle isole nuouamente trovate in 
 
 quattro suoi viaggi. Florence, 1505 (?). [Brit. 
 Mus. G. 6535.] (23) 
 
 Facsimile and translation, Quaritch, 1893, 4to. See infra , No. 375. 
 
 1507. Montalboddo, Fracanzio da. Paesi nova- 
 mente retrovati et Novo Mondo da Alberico Ves- 
 putio Florentino intitulato. Vicenza, m.cccccvii. 
 
 (H) 
 
 1507 (?). Sabellico, Marcantonio. Storia della 
 Reppublica di Venezia. (25) 
 
 Haym (Biblioteca Italiana, vol. i. p. 92, n. 6 and 7) mentions editions 
 of (?) 1507, 1544, 1550, 1558, and 1568. 
 
 1507. Ruysch, Johan. Universalior Cogniti Orbis 
 
 Tabula, Map in the Ptolemy (Beneventanus), 
 Rome, 1508. (26) 
 
 1508. [Anon.] Italian Portolano of the Genoese 
 
 School, in the British Museum [MS. Egerton 
 2803]. (27) 
 
 Contains two maps showing Fislanda. See page no, supra. 
 
 1508. Madrignano, Archangelo. Itinerarium Portu- 
 gallensium e Lusitania in Indiam & inde in occi- 
 dentem & demum ad Aquilonem. Milan, 
 mcccccviii. (28) 
 
 An inexatt translation of No. 24. 
 
 1511. Sylvanus, Bernardus. C. Ptholemei Liber 
 
 Geographic cum Tabulis &c. Venice, m.d.xi. 
 Folio. (29) 
 
 The version of Jacobus Angelus, edited by Bernardus Sylvanus of 
 Eboli. Twenty-eight double-paged maps, including the modern cordi- 
 
 form map of the world. 
 
 1511. Martyr, Peter. P. Martyris angli Mediolanensis 
 opera Legatio babylonica Oceani decas Poemata 
 Epigrammata. 1511. (30) 
 
 1513. Eszler, Jac. and Ubelin, Geo. Ptolemy 
 
 Geographia (with Supplement). Strasburg, 1513. 
 Folio. (31) 
 
 Twenty-seven ancient and twenty modern maps. The modern 
 maps were prepared by Waltzeemiiller (Hylacomylus), and most of 
 them engraved as early as 1507. 
 
 1515. Schoner, Johann. Luculentissima quaedam 
 
 terra totius descriptio : cum multis utilissimis 
 Cosmographiae iniciis See. Nuremberg, Stuchsen, 
 1515. 410. (32) 
 
 1516. Giustiniano, Agostino. Psalterium Hebreum 
 
 Graecum Arabicum et Chaldaeum cum tribus 
 latinis interpretationibus et glossis (by Agostino 
 Giustiniano, Bishop of Nebbio). Milan, 1516. 
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 Contains a short life of Christopher Columbus, introduced as a note 
 to Psalm xix. 4. 
 
 1517. Montalboddo, Frac. da. Paesi novamente 
 
 ritrovati. Venetia, mcccccxvii. (34) 
 
 1521. Martyr, Peter. De nuper sub D. Carolo 
 Repertis Insulis simulatq incolarum moribus R. 
 Petri Martyris Enchiridion, &c. Basle, mdxxi. 
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 1525, c. Oliva, Ferdinand Perez de. Manuscript. 
 
 Ferdinandi Perez de Oliva traftatus manu et 
 hispano sermone scriptus de vita et gestis D. 
 Christophori Colon primi Indiarum Almirantis et 
 maris oceanis dominatoris. Dividitur in 9 Enna- 
 rationes sive capitula quorum prim. Inc. Cristoval 
 Colon ginoves. nonum et ultimum D. los otros 
 destos las oyan. Deo gratias. Esta en 4 0 . (36) 
 
 See Harrisse, Fernand Colomb, 1872, p. 152. 
 
 I527- i 56i. Casas, Bartolom6 de las. Historia 
 de las Indias. By Bartolome de las Casas, Bishop 
 of Chiapa. (37) 
 
 Written between the above dates, but known in manuscript only 
 until it was printed in Madrid, 1875-6. See No. 321. 
 
 1526. Boethius, Hetflor. Scotorum Historic a 
 prima Gentis origine, &c. [Paris], 1526. 
 [Brit. Mus. 600, m. 15.] (38) 
 
 1528. Bordone, Benedetto. Libro de Benedetto 
 Bordone nel qual si ragiona de tutte l’Isole del 
 Mondo, &c. Venice, mdxxviii. (39) 
 
 1530. Martyr, Peter. De Orbe Novo Petri Martyris 
 ab Angleria Mediolanensis Protonotarij Cesaris 
 senatoris decades. Alcala, m.d.xxx. (40) 
 
 1533. Martyr, Peter. De rebus Oceanicis & de Orbe 
 novo decades tres See. Basle, m.d.xxxiii. (41) 
 
 1534. Martyr, Peter. Libro Primo della Historia 
 
 del’ Indie occidentale summario de la generale 
 Historic de l’Indie Occidentale cavato de Libri 
 scritti del Signor Don Pietro Martyre. 1534. 
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 An Italian summary of the first three decades. 
 
 1535. Oviedo, Gonzalo Hernandez de. La His¬ 
 
 toria general de las Indias. 1 vol., fol. Seville, 
 1 535 * .. . ( 43 ) 
 
 The first part only. A second edition, 1547, contained an ad¬ 
 ditional chapter. The whole work was first printed in Madrid, 1852- 
 55, 4 vols., fol. 
 
 1535. Villanovanus, M. (Servetus). Ptolemy’s 
 
 Geographia. Lyons, m.d.xxxv. Folio. (44) 
 Edited by Michael Villanovanus (Servetus). 
 
 1536 (?). Barbaro, Marco. Discendenze Patrizie. 
 
 (Manuscript.) (45) 
 
 Quoted by Zurla from a copy then (1808) in the possession of 
 Lorenzo Antonio da Ponte. There is a copy in the British Museum 
 (MS. Egerton 1155) dated 1679. See No. 175. 
 
 1536. Ziegler, Jacob. Terre San die quam Palestinam 
 
 nominant; Syrie, Arabic, Aigypti et Schondiam 
 doftissima descriptio See. Authore Jacobo Zieg- 
 lero. mdxxxvi. (46) 
 
 1537. Grynaeus, Simon. Nowus Orbis Regionum 
 
 ac Insularum veteribus incognitarum See. Basle, 
 mdxxxvii. Folio. (47) 
 
21 I 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 1537. Giustiniano, Agostino. Castigatissimi Annali 
 
 della Eccelsa et illustrissima Republica di Genoa 
 da fideli et approvati scrittori per el Reverendo 
 Monsignore Giustiniano Genoese Vescovo di 
 Nebio. Genoa, 1537. (48) 
 
 1538. Mercator [Kaufmann], Gerard. Terrestrial 
 
 Globe of this date. (49) 
 
 Facsimile in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas , 1889. 
 
 1539. Magnus, Olaus. Carta Marina et Descriptio 
 
 Septentrionalium Terrarum ac Mirabilium rerum 
 in eis contentarum diligentissime elaborata Anno 
 Dni 1539 Veneciis liberalitate R mi D. Ieronimi 
 Quirini Patriarch: Venetiai. (50) 
 
 A unique copy of the original is in the State Library, Munich. 
 Reduced facsimile in Brenner’s Die Acbte Karte des O'.aus Magnus , 
 1886. Portion reproduced in Plate IV., infra. 
 
 1539. Magnus, Olaus. Opera breve, laquale de- 
 monstra, e dichiare overo da il modo facile da 
 intendere la charta over delle terre frigidissime di 
 Settentrione: oltra il mare Germanico, dove si 
 contengono le cose mirabilissime di quelli paesi 
 fin’ a quest’ hora non cognosciute, ne da Greci, ne 
 da Latini. Stampata in Venetia per Giovan 
 Thomaso, del Reame di Neapoli nel anno de 
 Nostro Signore mdxxxix. (51) 
 
 4to. [Brit. Mus., C. 55. c. 2.] 
 
 1541. Mercator [Kaufmann], Gerard. Terrestrial 
 
 Globe of this date. (52) 
 
 Described and copied in Raemdonck’s Les Spheres Terrestre et Celeste , 
 1541, 1551, de Gerard Mercator. St. Nicholas, 1875. 
 
 1542. Munster, Sebastian. Ptolemy’s Geographia. 
 
 Basle, m.d.xlii. Folio. (53) 
 
 The second edition of Sebastian Munster’s Ptolemy. (1st edition, 
 1540.) 
 
 1544. [Zeno, Jacopo.] La Vita del Magnifico M. 
 
 Carlo Zeno, Egregio, & Valoroso Capitano della 
 Illustrissima Republica Venitiana. Composta dal 
 Reverendo Gianiacomo Feltrense, & tradotta in 
 vulgare, Per Messer Francesco Quirino. In 
 Venetia, m.d.xliiii. (54) 
 
 The author was Jacopo Zeno, Bishop of Feltre and Belluno, a 
 grandson of Carlo Zeno. The original was in Latin, and was first 
 printed in that language in Muratori’s Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. 
 xix. 
 
 [15 — , c.] Desceliers, Pierre. Harleian (Desceliers) 
 Mappe-Monde. (Manuscript.) (55) 
 
 [British Museum Add. MSS. 5413.] 
 
 1546. Desceliers, Pierre. Map. “ Faiftes a Arques 
 par Pierre Desceliers, presb re 1546.” (56) 
 
 Original belonging to the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres. Repro¬ 
 duced (imperfedlly) by Jomard, and from his Atlas by Kretschmer; also 
 (privately) by the owner. 
 
 1546. [Anon.] Britanniae Insulas quas nunc Angliae et 
 Scotias Regna continet, cum Hibernia adjacente 
 nova descriptio. Romas. 2 Tabs., 1546. Map 
 from Lafreri's Atlas. (57) 
 
 [Brit. Mus., K. 5. I.] See Plate V., infra. 
 
 1548. Mattiolo, Pietro Andrea. Ptolemy’s Geo- 
 grafia. Venice, m.d.xlviii. 8vo. (58) 
 
 Maps by Gastaldi. This is the first edition of Ptolemy in Italian, 
 and the last edition published before the appearance of the Zeno Annals 
 and Carta da Navegar. Plate VI., infra, is a facsimile of “ Schonlandia 
 Nova,’’ Map 21 in this edition. 
 
 1550. Desceliers, Pierre. Map in the British 
 Museum. [MSS. Add. 24,065.] (59) 
 
 1553. Prunes, Matteus. Map. Original in Biblioteca 
 
 Comunale, Siena. (60) 
 
 Partly reproduced in Kretschmer’s Entdeckung Amerika's , Atlas, 
 Tab. IV., No. 5. See also Fig. 8, p. 112, supra. 
 
 1554. Mercator. [Kaufmann.] Map of Europa. 
 
 Duisburg. (61) 
 
 A facsimile from a copy in the Stadtbibliothek zu Breslau, published 
 for the Berlin Geog. Society, by Kuhl. Berlin, 1891. See No. 363, 
 also Plate VII., infra. 
 
 1554. Tramezini, Michael. Map of the World. 
 
 Venice, mdliiii. (62) 
 
 Reproduced in Muller’s Remarkable Maps of the XVth , XVIth and 
 XVIItb Centuries. Amsterdam, 1894. Part I. No. I. 
 
 1554. Agnese, Battista. Carta Nautiche. (MS.) (63) 
 
 Photograph published by Ongania, Venice. 1881. [Brit. Mus. 
 S. 141. 47.J 
 
 1554. Gomara, F. L. de. Historia de Mexico, con 
 
 el descubrimiento dela nueua Espaha, conquistada 
 por el muy illustre y valeroso Principe don Fer¬ 
 nando Cortes, Marques de Salle, Escrita por 
 Francisco Lopez de Gomara, clerigo. En Anvers. 
 1554. 8vo. (64) 
 
 1555. Magnus, Olaus. Historia de Gentibus septen- 
 
 trionalibus, earumque diversis statibus, conditioni- 
 bus, moribus, ritibus, superstitionibus, disciplinis, 
 exercitiis, regimine, vidtu, bellis, strufturis, in- 
 strumentis, ac mineris metallicis & rebus mira- 
 bilibus &c. Avtore Olao Magno Gotho, Archi- 
 episcopo Upsalensi, Suetias & Gothiae Primate. 
 Roma:, m.d.lv. 4to. (65) 
 
 Small map and many plates. See p. 140, supra. 
 
 1555. Eden, Richard. The Decades of the newe 
 worlde or West India, . . . Wrytten in the 
 
 Latine tounge by Peter Martyr of Angleria, and 
 translated into Englysshe by Rycharde Eden. 
 London. 1555. 4to. (66) 
 
 1558. Homem, Diego. Manuscript Portolano. (67) 
 [Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 5415. A.] 
 
 1558. Tramezini, Michael. Septentrionalium Regio- 
 num Suetiae Gothiae Norvegiae, Daniae et Terra- 
 rum adjacentium recens exaftaque descriptio. 
 Michaelis Tramezini formis. Ex pont. Max. ac 
 Veneti Senatus privilegio. mdlviii. Jacob Bussius 
 in aes incidebat. Map from Lafreri’s Atlas. (68) 
 [Brit. Mus. S. 10. I. 41.] See Plate VIII., infra. 
 
 1558. Zeno, Nicolo. De I Commentarii del Viaggio 
 in Persia &c. . . et dello Scoprimento dell’ 
 
 Isole Frislanda, Eslanda, Engrovelanda, Estoti- 
 landa & Icaria, fatto sotto il Polo Artico, da due 
 fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolo il K. e M. Antonio. 
 Venice, mdlviii. (69) 
 
 For facsimile of Title, etc., see Appendix I., and of the Carta da 
 Navegar, Plate XI. 
 
 c c 
 
212 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 (B) Authorities later than 1558. 
 
 1559. Ramusio, Giovanni Battista. Navigation} 
 
 et Viaggi. Venice, 1559. (70) 
 
 The first edition of the first volume of this collection, published 
 after Ramusio’s death, which happened in 1557. 
 
 1560. Patrizio, F. Della Historia died Dialoghi di 
 
 M. Francesco Patrizio. Venctia, 1560. 4to. (71) 
 
 Zeni, p. 30, verso. 
 
 1561,0. [Anon.] Map of Frisland; from Lafreri’s 
 
 Atlas. (72) 
 
 There are two copies of this map in the British Museum, both un¬ 
 dated. The earlier is unsigned [S. 10. 2. 7o a ] ; the other is inscribed 
 Petro de Nobilibus formis. [S. 10. 1. 156.] See Plate IX., infra, 
 and p. 114, supra. 
 
 1561. C. [Anon.] Map of Estland; from Lafreri’s 
 
 Atlas. (73) 
 
 (The Shetland Isles.) See Plate X., infra, and p. 119, supra. 
 
 1561, c. [Anon.] Map of Iceland; from Lafreri’s 
 
 Atlas. (74) 
 
 1561. Ruscelli, Girolamo. Ptolemy’s Geografia. 
 
 Venice. (75) 
 
 Map “ XXXV Mod. Nuova Tavola Settentrione” is the Zeno 
 Carta da Navegar, with some slight alterations. The text prefixed 
 to the map gives a short summary of the travels of the brothers Zeni, 
 and some particulars as to the younger Nicolo Zeno’s editing of the 
 map. See Plate XII., infra. 
 
 1562. Moletius, Josephus. Ptolemy’s Geographia. 
 
 Venice. (76) 
 
 “Tabula XVII Additarum & XXVI secundum seriem numerorum” 
 is apparently from the same plate as No. XXXV. in the Ruscelli, 
 1561, Ptolemy. 
 
 1562. Camocius, J. F. Septentrionalium Regionum, 
 Suetiae, Gothiae, Norvegiae, Prussiae, Pomerania;, 
 Ducatus Megapolensis, Frisia;, Geldria;, Alta; 
 Marchias, Lusastias adjacentiumque regionum 
 descriptio &c. Venetiis. Anno, m.d.lxii. apud 
 Joannem Franciscum Camocium. Map from 
 Lafreri’s Atlas. (77) 
 
 A later edition of the Tramezini map of 1558. See No. 68 and 
 Plate VIII., infra. 
 
 1564 (?). Olives de Mallorca, Jaume. Map. (78) 
 
 Extraft in Kretschmer’s Entdeckung Amerika's, Berlin, 1892, Atlas, 
 Tab. IV., No. 3, where the date 1514 is assigned. Desimoni reads 
 the figures I 504, Uzzielli-Amat. 1564. The last date is no doubt the 
 correCt one. See supra, p. 113, Note 2. 
 
 1564. Mercator [Kaufmann], Gerard. Anglia: 
 
 Scotiae & Hibernite nova Descriptio. Duisburg. 
 Original in the Stadtbibliothek zu Breslau. 
 Map. ... ( 7 ?) 
 
 Facsimile published by the Berlin Geographical Society. Berlin, 
 1891. See No. 63, infra. 
 
 1567. Magnus, Olaus. Historia Olai Magni Gothi 
 Archiepiscopi Upsalensis, De Gentium Septen¬ 
 trionalium variis conditionibus Statibusque &c. 
 Basilea;. md.lxvii. (80) 
 
 This edition contains the map which was long thought to be identical 
 with the Olaus Magnus map of 1539, which was lost, till a copy of 
 it was rediscovered in 1886. The two maps are quite different. 
 See No. 50, supra. The 1567 map is reproduced in Nordenskjold’s 
 Voyage of the Vega, 1881, vol. i., plate 3. 
 
 1569. Mercator [Kaufmann], G. Weltkarte. 
 
 Nova et aufta Orbis Terrae descriptio ad usum 
 navigantium emendate accommodata. Duisburg. 
 
 ( 8l ) 
 
 A facsimile from a copy in the Stadtbibliothek zu Breslau, published 
 by Kuhl, Berlin, 1891. Also reproduced byjomard. See Nos. 288 
 and 363 ; also Plate XIII., infra. 
 
 1570. Ortelius, Abraham. Theatrum Orbis Ter- 
 rarum. Antwerp, 1570. Folio. (82) 
 
 There are two editions of this place and year. The first has the date 
 “xx Maii. m.d.lxx”; the other, which bears the date “m.d.lxx” 
 without the month, is the second, because the text contains passages 
 which are not in the other. The British Museum copy to which I 
 have referred, and from which Plate XIV. is taken, is the editio 
 princeps. [B. M. S. 221 (30).] 
 
 1570. Stephanius, Sigurdus. Map. Sigurdi Stephanii 
 
 terrarum hyperborearu delineatio Ano I 570. (83) 
 Reproduced in Torfaeus’s Gronlandia Antiqua, 1706 and 1715, and in 
 Justin Winsor’s Columbus, 1892. Seep. 142, supra. 
 
 1571. Columbus, Ferdinand (?). Histone del 
 
 Signor D. Fernando Colombo nell quale s’ha par- 
 ticolare, & vera relatione della vita, e de’ fatti del’ 
 Ammiraglio. D. Christoforo Colombo suo Padre 
 See. Nuovamente di lingua Spagnuola tradotta 
 nell’ Italiana dall Signor Alfonso Ulloa. In 
 Venetia. m.d.lxxi. (84) 
 
 The authorship and authenticity of this book are doubtful. [Brit. 
 Mus. 615. d. 7.] 
 
 1:573. Ortelius, A. Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. 
 
 Antwerp, 1573. Folio. (85) 
 
 Map 60 in this edition is the same as map 45 in the first 1570 
 edition. 
 
 1574. Ramusio, Gio. Battista. Delle Navigationi 
 et Viaggi Raccolto gia da M. Gio. Battista 
 Ramusio. Venice, mdlxiiii. (86) 
 
 In this second edition of the second volume first appears the reprint 
 of Zeno’s Commentarii of 1558, with some few interpolations. Though 
 the colleftion still goes under the name of Ramusio, he died in 1557, 
 before the appearance of the first edition of the first volume in 1559. 
 
 1577. Eden, Richard. The History of Travayle in 
 
 the East and West Indies and other countries 
 lying either way &c. . . . with a discourse of 
 the North West Passage. Gathered in parte and 
 done into Englyshe by Richarde Eden. Newly 
 set in order, augmented and finished by Richarde 
 Willes. Imprinted at London by Richarde Jugge. 
 1577. 8vo. (87) 
 
 1576. Porcacchi, T. L’Isole piu farnose del Mondo 
 descritte da Thomaso Porcacchi da Castiglione 
 Arretino e intagliate da Girolamo Porro Padovano. 
 &c. ... in Venetia. Appresso Simon Galig- 
 nani & Girolamo Porro. mdlxxvi. (88 ) 
 
 On the map of Islandia (fol. i), Porcacchi shows Zeno’s seven islands 
 off the east coast, and Grislanda. There is no other trace of Zenian 
 influence in the book. 
 
 1576. Borough, 'W. Showing Frobisher’s discoveries 
 in the North Atlantic, made by W. Borough. 
 Preserved in the Library of the Marquess of 
 Salisbury at Hatfield. Dated 1 st June, 157^. 
 (Manuscript Map.) (89) 
 
 1578. Best, George. A True discourse of the late 
 
 Voyages of Discoverie for finding of a Passage to 
 Cathaya by the North-Weast, under the Condudt 
 of Martin Frobisher, General. [By George Best.] 
 London. 4to. 1578. (9 0 ) 
 
 1578. Lesley, Bishop. De Origine Moribus et 
 Rebus gestis Scotorum Libri Decern. &c. . . . 
 
 Authore Ioanne Leslaeo, Scoto, Episcopo Rossensi 
 Roma;, in aedibus populi Romani, m.d.lxxviii. 
 
 (90 
 
 [Brit. Mus. O. R. Ljb. 18. D. III.] 
 
213 
 
 Appendix VI . 
 
 1578. Mercator. [Kaufmann, G.] Ptolemy’s 
 
 Geographia. Cologne, 1578. (92) 
 
 The first edition of Ptolemy in which Mercator’s (Kaufmann) maps 
 were used. 
 
 1580. Dee, Dr. John. Map. Original in Brit. Mus. 
 
 [Cottonian MS. Aug. I. i. art. i. Roll.] (93) 
 
 1582. Buchanan, George. Rerum Scoticarum His¬ 
 toric. [Brit. Mus. 600. K. 2.] (94) 
 
 1582. Anania, G. L. D’. L’Universale Fabrica del 
 Mondo, overo Cosmografia, Dell’ Ecc. Gio. 
 
 Lorenzo d’Anania, divisa in quattro Trattati, &c. 
 In Venetia, Presso il Muschio. m.d.lxxxii. (95) 
 This is the second edition; the first does not contain the separate 
 maps of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. See p. 139, supra. 
 
 1582. Hakluyt, Richard. Divers Voyages touching 
 
 the discoverie of America and the islands adjacent 
 unto the same, made first by an Englishman and 
 afterwards by the Frenchmen, and Britons &c. 
 . . . Imprinted at London for Thomas Wood¬ 
 cock, dwelling in Paule’s Churchyard, at the 
 signe of the Black Beare 1582. (96) 
 
 See Appendix II. and Plate XV., infra. The other map in the 
 volume, Robert Thorne’s, is reproduced in Nordenskjold’s Facsimile 
 uitlas. 
 
 1583. Rascicotti. Map. Americae et Provinciarum 
 
 regionum orae descriptio. Venice, 1583. (97) 
 
 Reproduced in Muller’s Remarkable Maps, etc. Amsterdam, 1894. 
 Part I., No. 12. 
 
 1588. Miinster, Sebastian. Cosmographey oder 
 Beschreibung aller Lander herzschafftung und 
 furnemesten Stellen des gantzen Erbodens sarup 
 &c. (98) 
 
 Earlier editions were published at Basle in 1541, 1550, in the 
 author’s lifetime. This is a posthumous edition, and the maps contain 
 Zenian materials. Munster died in 1552. 
 
 1588. Sanuto, Livio. Geografia di M. Livio Sanuto, 
 
 distinta in XII Libri &c. . . . con XII Tavole 
 di essa Africa in disegna di rame. Appresso 
 Damiano Zenaro, i Vinegia. m.d.lxxxviii. 
 Folio. (99) 
 
 Only this first part was published. References to the Zeni will be 
 found on folios 14 and 17. 
 
 1589. Hakluyt, Richard. The Principall Navigations 
 
 Voiages and Discoveries of the English Nation 
 made by Sea or overland to the most remote and 
 farthest distant Quarters of the Earth &c. By 
 Richard Hakluyt, Master of Artes, and Student 
 sometime of Christchurch in Oxford. London, 
 1589. (100) 
 
 Relates only English voyages, and contains no reference to the Zeni. 
 It is given in error in Anderson’s Bibliography of Zeno in No. 314, 
 infra. 
 
 1590. Myritius, Ioannes. Opusculum Geographicum 
 
 rarum &c. . . . per Ioannem Myritium Meliten- 
 sum, Ordinis Hospitalis Sanfti Ioannis Hierosoly- 
 mitani, Commendatorem Alemanni Monasterii 
 ac domus Ratisponensis. Ingoldstadii Anno 
 
 MDLXXXX. ( IQI ) 
 
 Reference to the Zeni, Part II., chap. xix. 
 
 1592. Ortelius, Abraham. Theatrum Orbis Terra- 
 rum. ( IOZ ) 
 
 This is the first edition in which the passage quoted by Hakluyt 
 (ed. 1600, vol. iii., p. 127) as to the authenticity of Zeno’s narrative 
 appears. It is in the text prefixed to a new map of “ Mar del Zur,” 
 Map 6. 
 
 1592. Molineux, Emmerie. Globe. ( io 3 ) 
 
 The only example of this globe at present known to exist is preserved 
 in the Library of the Middle Temple, in London. See p. 84. 
 
 1594. Plancius, Peter. Orbis Terrarum typus de 
 
 Integro multis in locis emendatus, auftore Petro 
 Plancio. 1594. ( io 4 ) 
 
 Given as the map of the world in the first Latin edition of Lin- 
 schoten, 1599. A map of the world by Plancius, dated 1592, is fully 
 described by Blundeville ( Exercises , 6th ed., 1622, pp. 521-592), but 
 no copy of it is now extant. 
 
 1595. Map. Europa Ost Kerstenrijck, in the Caart 
 
 fbresor (p. 21). Amsterdam, 1595. ( io 5 ) 
 
 1596. Linschoten, J. H. van. Itinerario oste Schip- 
 
 vaert van Jan Huygen van Linschoten naer Oost 
 oste Portugaels Indien &c. ( long title'). Am¬ 
 sterdam, 1596. Folio, 3 vols. (106) 
 
 1597. Magini, Giov. Ant. Geographia turn veteris, 
 
 turn novae. Cologne, 1597. ( io 7 ) 
 
 1597. Wytfliet, Cornelius. Descriptionis Ptolemaicae 
 
 Augmentum sive Occidentis notitia Brevi Com- 
 mentario illustrata. Louvain, mdxcvii. (108) 
 
 Ed. Douai, 1603, p. 188 and map 19, “ Estotilandia et Laboratoris 
 Terra.” 
 
 1598. Veer, Gerrit De. Waerachtige Beschryvinghe 
 
 van drie Seylagien ( long title). Gedaen deur 
 Gerrit de Veer van Amstelredam . . . A 0 1598 
 (obi. 4to). ( I0 9) 
 
 1598. Veer, Gerrit De. Vraye Description de trois 
 Voyages de mer &c. (long title), par Girard Le 
 Ver. Amsterdam, 1598. Folio. (110) 
 
 1598. Veer, Gerrit De. Diarivm Navticvm, seu vera 
 descriptio Trium Navigationum &c. ( long title). 
 Audtore Gerardo de Vera Amstelrodamensc. 
 Amsterdam, 1558. Folio. (111) 
 
 1598. Linschoten, John Huighen. J. H. Linscho¬ 
 ten his Discours of Voyages into y e Easte & West 
 Indies. Deuided into Foure Bookes. Printed 
 at London by Iohn Wolfe Printer to y e Honor¬ 
 able Cittie of London, 1598. (112) 
 
 1598. Barents, Willem. Map. Delineatio carta: 
 
 Trium Navigationum per Batavos, ad Septen- 
 trionalem plagam, Norvegias, Moscoviae, et Novte 
 Semblae, et perc^ fretum Weygatis Nassovicum 
 diftum, ac juxta Groenlandiam, sub altitudine 
 80 graduum necnon adiacentium partium Tar- 
 tariae, promontorii Tabin, frete Anian at(^ regionis 
 Bargi etPartis Americae versusOrientem. Authore 
 Wilhelmo Bernardo Amstelredamo. Expertissimo 
 Pilota. A 0 1598. See No. 115. (H3) 
 
 1599. Veer, G. de. Tre Navigationi fatti dagli Olan- 
 
 desi al Settentrione &c. (long title). Descritto in 
 Latino da Gerardo di Vera . . . Tradotte nella 
 lingua Italiana. Venice. 1599. (114) 
 
 1599. Linschoten, J. H. Navigatio ac Itinerarium 
 Johannis Hugonis Linscotani in Orientalem sive 
 Lvsitanorvm Indiam Sec. Hagae-Comitis. Ex 
 officina Alberti Henrici. Impensis Authoris et 
 Cornelii Nicolai, prostantque apud -^Egidium 
 Elsevirum Anno 1599. (115) 
 
 Contains Historia Trvvm Navigationvm Batanmrum in Septentrionem , 
 and Willem Barents’ map Delineatio cartee trium Navigationum &c. 
 
 1599. Molineux,Emmerie [or Wright, Edward]. 
 
 New Map. Issued with the 1 599-1600 edition of 
 Richard Hakluyt’s Principall Voyages, Navigations 
 and Discoveries, etc. Original copies of both first 
 and second states exceedingly rare. Full-sized 
 
2I 4 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 facsimiles of first state to illustrate Markham’s 
 Voyages and Works of'John Davis , Hakluyt Society, 
 1880; and, of second state, in Nordenskjold’s 
 Facsimile Atlas, Stockholm, 1889. (116) 
 
 1600. Hakluyt, Richard. The Third and Last Volvme 
 of the Voyages, Navigations, Trafliques, and Dis- 
 coueries of the English Nation, and in some few 
 places, where they haue not been, of Strangers, 
 performed within and before the time of these 
 hundred yeeres, to all parts of the Newfound world 
 of America , or the West Indies , from 73. degrees 
 of Northerly to 57. of Southerly Latitude: As 
 namely to Engronland, Meta Incognita, Estotiland., 
 Tierra de Labrador , vp The grand bay iffc. iff c. 
 . . . Colletted by Richard Hakluyt Preacher 
 
 and sometimes Student of Christ Church in Oxford. 
 Imprinted at London by George Bishop, Ralfe 
 Newberie and Robert Barker , Anno Dom. 1600. 
 
 (” 7 ) 
 
 Voyages of the Zeni, pp. 121-128. 
 
 1600. Quad, Matthew. Geographisch Handt-Buch 
 
 &c. . . . Zugericht durch Matthis Quaden, 
 
 Kupfferschneider. Coin am Rein. Bey Johan 
 Buxemacher &c. m.d.c. Folio. (118) 
 
 (Eighty-two maps.) Map. 1, Typus Orbis Terrarum (reproduced in 
 Nordenskjold’s Facsimile Atlas, Plate XLIX.); Map 77, Polus Articus; 
 and Map 78, Novi Orbis pars Borealis, show Zenian names, but the 
 Zeni are not mentioned in the text. 
 
 1600. Quad, Matthew. Compendium Universi 
 
 compleftens Geographicarum enarrationes libros 
 sex &c. ... Ex optimis ut plurimum tam 
 
 veterum quam hujus sevi scriptoribus excerpta 
 See. per Matthiam Quadum sculptorem. Colonias 
 Agrippinas. Anno cio dc. Sm. 8 vo. ( ii 9 ) 
 Zeni, Liber VI., capp. 4-7. 
 
 1601. Bry, Theodore De. Petits Voyages. Part III. 
 
 . ( I2 °) 
 
 In this part Barents’ map (see No. 113) is reproduced to illustrate 
 Ties navigationes Hollandorum, etc. See page 35, supra. 
 
 1601. Herrera, Antonio de. Historia General de 
 
 los Hechos de los Castellanos See. ( I21 ) 
 
 Refers to Estotilant in discussing the origin of the population of 
 America, Decade I., lib. i., cap. vi. 
 
 1603. Botero, Giovanni. Relaciones universales del 
 
 Mundo. Valladolid, 1603. ( I22 ) 
 
 References to the Zeni, fol. 183, rev. 184. 
 
 1604. Rosaccio. Mondo elementare et celeste si tratta 
 
 de’ moti et ordine delle spere, della grandezza 
 della terra, dell’ Europa, Africa, Asia et America. 
 Trevizi, 1604. 8vo. Woodcut maps. (12 3) 
 
 1606. Thorlacius, Gudbrand. Delineatio Gron- 
 
 landiae Gudbrandi Thorlacii Episcopi Hollensis. 
 Anno 1606. (Map.) ( I2 4 ) 
 
 Shows Frisland and Estotelandia. Reproduced in Torfeus, Gron- 
 landia Antiqua, 1715, p. 21, and, to illustrate Om psterbygden , by 
 K,. J. V. Steenstrup in Meddelelser om Grpnland, part ix., pp. 1-51, 
 plate 2. 
 
 1605 (?). [Anon.] The Stockholm Chart (illustrating 
 James Hall’s voyages). Original manuscript on 
 paper in the Royal Library, Stockholm. (125) 
 Reproduced with article by K. J. V. Steenstrup, in Ymer, 1886, pp. 
 83-86, Stockholm [Swedish Anthropological and Geographical 
 Society]; Gosch, Tbe Danish Expeditions to Greenland [Hakluyt Society, 
 1897, App. A] j Miller Christy, An Early Chart of the North Atlantic 
 [Privately printed, London, 1897] j and (part) in Meddelelser om Grpn¬ 
 land, part ix. [Copenhagen, 1889], p. 10. 
 
 1605. Resen, H. P. Indicatio Gronlandiae et vicinarum 
 
 Regionum versus Septentrionem & Occidentem 
 et antiqua quadam Mappa rudi modo delineata, 
 
 ante aliquot centenos annos ab Islandis quibus 
 tunc erat ista terra notissima et nauticis nostri 
 temporis observationibus. (Map.) (126) 
 
 Shows Frysland and Estotiland. Reproduced in Meddelelser om 
 Grpnland, partix., 1889, Plate I. 
 
 1607. Blefken, Ditmar. Islandia sive populorum 
 Se mirabilium quae in ea Insula reperiuntur accu- 
 ratior descriptio: cui de Gronlandia sub finem 
 quaedam adjefta. Lugduni Batavorum, ex typo- 
 grapheio Henrico ab Haestens. cio.iocvii. [B. M. 
 794. d. 5.] (127) 
 
 1610. Arngrim Jonas [Jonsson]. Crymogaea sive 
 Rerum Islandicarum Libri III. Hamburg, 1610. 
 [B. M. 590. e. 9/1.] (128) 
 
 1610. Camden, ^Afilliam. Britannia (Philemon 
 Holland’s translation). (129) 
 
 1612. Gatonbe’s Chart. (130) 
 
 Shows “Frisland” and “ Bus ins.” Partly reproduced in Meddelel¬ 
 ser om Grpnland, part ix., 1889, p. 48. 
 
 1613. Arngrim Jonas [Jonsson]. Anatome Blef- 
 
 keniana, qua Ditmari Blefkenii viscera, magis 
 prsecipua in Libello de Islandia, anno 1607 edito, 
 convulsa,per manifestam exenterationem reterun- 
 tur. Typis Holensibus in Islandia boreali. Anno 
 1612. i2mo. [Brit. Mus. 153, a. 23.] (131) 
 
 1613. Megisser, Jerome. Septentrio Novantiquus, 
 oder Die newe Nort Welt . . . durch Hierony- 
 mum Megiserum . . . Leipzig. Anno 1613. 
 Twelve maps. ( 1 3 2 ) 
 
 Gives a free translation of the Zeno narrative, with remarks thereon, 
 pp. 121-178. 
 
 1613. Gerritz, Hessel. Descriptio ac delineatio 
 
 Geographica Detedlionis Freti, sive transitus ad 
 Occasum supra terras Americanas in Chinam 
 atq. Japonem dufturi. Recens investigati ab 
 M. Henrico Hudsono Anglo, &c. . . . Amstero- 
 dami ex officina Hesselii Gerardi. Anno 1613. 
 Four maps and three plates. ( 1 3 3 ) 
 
 1614. Hulsius, Levinus. ZwolfFte Schiffahrt. Op- 
 
 penheim, 1614. ( I 34) 
 
 1618. Bertius, Petrus. P. Bertii Tabularum Geo¬ 
 graphicarum contraftarum. Libri septem. Am- 
 sterodami, 1618. ( I 3S) 
 
 Refers to Nicolo Zeno (Nicolaus Zenetus), lib. 2, p. 65, and in the 
 following pages to Greenland, Iceland and Frisland. 
 
 1621. Goos, Abraham. Globe published by Joh. 
 
 Jansonnius, at Antwerp, 1621. (136) 
 
 Reproduced in Muller’s Remarkable Maps, etc., 1894, Part I., 
 Plate IX. Shows Drogeo, Frisland, Greenland, with St. Thomas 
 Monast. and Bus Island. 
 
 1622. [Davity.] Les Estats, Empires, et Principavtez 
 
 du Monde, Sec. Par le S r D. T. V. Y. Gentil- 
 homme ordre de la chambre du Roy. Imprime, a 
 Paris, m.d.cxxii. ( I 37 ) 
 
 Refers to the Zeni, p. 264. 
 
 1625. Lok, Michael. The Histone of the West 
 Indies, Containing the Attes and Adventures of 
 the Spaniards, which have conquered and peopled 
 those Countries, inriched with varietie of pleasant 
 relation of the Manners, Ceremonies, Laws, 
 Governments, and Warres of the Indians. Pub¬ 
 lished in Latin by Mr. Hakluyt and translated 
 into English by M. Lok, gent. London [1625]. 
 
 038 ) 
 
 A translation of Hakluyt’s edition (1587) of the Eight Decades of 
 Peter Martyr. 
 
21 5 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 1625. Purchas, Rev. Samuel. Haklvytus Posthu¬ 
 mus or Purchas his Pilgrimes, contayning a 
 History of the World, in Sea Voyages and lande 
 Trauells by Englishmen & others, &c. ... in 
 fower Parts each containing five Bookes. By 
 Samuel Purchas, B.D. London, 1625. (139) 
 
 Abstradl of Zeno voyages, vol. Hi., pp. 610-615 5 D>t mar Blefken, 
 p. 643 ; Arngrim Jonas, p. 654 ; Ivar Boty, p. 5185 James Hall’s 
 Voyages, pp. 814, 821, 831. 
 
 1625. Lok, Michael. Note on De Fuca in Purchas 
 
 his Pilgrimes , vol. iii., p. 849. (14°) 
 
 1626. Purchas, Rev. S. Purchas his Pilgrimage or 
 
 Relations of the World and the Religions Ob¬ 
 served in all Ages and places, from the Creation 
 unto this Present, &c. . . . The fourth Edition. 
 ... By Samuel Purchas, Parson of S* Martine 
 by Ludgate, London. London, 1626. (141) 
 
 Abstradl of Zeno voyages, p. 807. 
 
 1627. Speed, John. A Prospeft of the most Famovs 
 
 Parts of the World, viz. Asia, Affrica, Europe, 
 America. London, printed by John Dawson for 
 George Humble and are to be sold at his shop in 
 Popes-head Pallace, 1627. Folio. (142) 
 
 1631. Pontanus, J. I. Rerum Danicarum Historia. 
 
 Libris X. Unoque Tomo ad Domum Oldenburgi- 
 cam dedufta. Authore Joh. Isacio Pontano, Regio 
 Historiographo, &c. Amstelodami, sumptibus 
 Joannis Janssonii, anno 1631. (143) 
 
 Three maps. Contains many references to Henry Sinclair (identified 
 by J. R. Forster with Zeno’s Zichmni); quotes Arngrim Jonas, 
 Blefken, and Wytfliet; and gives a Latin translation of Zeno’s narra- 
 tive, pp. 755-763. 
 
 1633. James, Capt. Thomas. The Strange and 
 Dangerous Voyage of Captaine Thomas James in 
 his intended Discovery of the North West Passage 
 into the South Sea, &c. London, printed by 
 John Leggatt, for John Partridge, 1633. One 
 map. (144) 
 
 Frezeland shown on map. No other reference to the Zeni. 
 
 1634.. Bergeron, Pierre. Relation des Voyages en 
 Tartarie de Fr. Guill.de Rubruquis, Fr. J.du Plan 
 Carpin, Fr. Ascelin et autres Religieux, plus un 
 traite desTartares : avec un abrege de l’Histoire 
 des Sarasins et Mahometans. Paris, chez M. 
 Solys, 1634. 3 v °h. i2mo. (145) 
 
 1635. Foxe, Capt. Luke. North West Foxe, or Fox 
 from the North West Passage, beginning with 
 King Arthur, Malga, Ofthur, the two Zenis of 
 Iseland, Estotiland and Dorgia . . . With the 
 Author his own Voyage, being the XVI th . . . 
 by Capt. Luke Foxe, of Kingstone upon Hull. 
 London. 1635. (146) 
 
 One map. Abstradl of Zeno Voyages, pp. 5-12; James Hall’s, 
 50-61; Blefkens (Plifkins), 61-64; Arngrim Jonas, pp. 4, 5. 
 Refers to Dorgio (Drogeo of the Zeni), p. 181. 
 
 1635. Hondius, Jodocus. Historia Mundi or 
 
 Mercators Atlas, containing his Cosmographicall 
 Descriptions of the Fabricke and Figure of the 
 World, &c. . . . Englished by W. S. generosus 
 et Coll. Regin. Oxon. London, 1635. (147) 
 
 First English edition of Mercator’s Atlas. On Mercator’s death, 
 in 1594, Hondius bought the plates of his maps and used them in 
 this and other works. 
 
 1638. Roberts, Lewes. The Marchants Mapp of 
 Commerce. London, 1638. (148) 
 
 1640, C. Hoieus. (Allardt.) Nova Orbis Terrarum 
 Geographica ac Hydrographica Descriptio, ex 
 
 optimis quibusque, optimorum in hoc opere 
 Audtorum, Tabula desumpta a Franciscus Hoieus. 
 “ Ghedrudt ’t Amsterdam Bij Hugo Allardt.” 
 
 (H 9 ) 
 
 Reproduced in Muller’s Remarkable Maps of the XVth, XVIth and 
 XVIIth Centuries, Amsterdam, 1894, Part I., Plates VII. and VIII, 
 Shows Greenland, with some Zenian names, and Frisland. 
 
 1640. Gudmundus, J. [Gudmundsen]. Delmeatio 
 Gronlandias Jonae Gudmundi Islandi. (150) 
 Shows Frisland. Reproduced in Torfaeus’ Gronlandia Xntiqua, 1715, 
 Plate III. 
 
 1642. Grotius, Hugo. Dissertatio de Origine Gen¬ 
 
 tium Americanarum. Amsterdam, 1642. 8vo. 
 
 (I 5 X ) 
 
 1643. Morisot, Claude Barth. Orbis Maritimi 
 
 sive rerum in Mari et littoribus Gestarum Genera- 
 lis Historia. Authore Claudio Barthol. Morisoto. 
 Divione (Dijon), mdcxliii. Folio. (152) 
 
 Refers to the Zeni, p. 593, and to Frislandia, with some other 
 Zenian localities, p. 615. 
 
 1643. Laet, Ioannes De. Notae ad dissertationem 
 Hugonis Grotii De Origine Gentium Americana- 
 rum : et observationes aliquot ad meliorem indagi- 
 nem difficillimae illius Quaestionis. Amstelodami 
 apud Ludovicum Elzevirium cid m cxliii. (i 53) 
 P P . 20, 22, etc. 
 
 1643. Jonas [Jonsson], Arngrim. Specimen Is- 
 
 landiae Historicum et magna ex parte Chorogra- 
 phicum ; Anno Jesu Christi 874, primum habi- 
 tari cceptae : quo simul sententia contraria, D. 
 Joh. Isaci Pontani, Regis Daniae Historiographi, 
 in placidam considerationem venit : Per Arngri- 
 mum Ionam W. Islandum. Amstelodami. Anno 
 Christi cm m cxliii. [B. M. 590, e. 9/4.] 
 
 0 54 ) 
 
 1644. Laet, Ioannes De. Ioannis de Laet Antwerpi- 
 
 ani Responsio ad Dissertationum Secundam Hu¬ 
 gonis Grotii, De Origine Gentium Americanarum. 
 Cum Indice ad utrumque libellum. Amstelodami, 
 apud Ludovicum Elzevirium. cm id cxliv. 
 
 ( 155 ) 
 
 1646. Zabarella, Giacomo. Trasea Peto, ovvero 
 
 origine della serenissima famiglia Zeno. Padova, 
 1646. (15 6 ) 
 
 1647. Peyrere, J. de la. Relation dv Groenland. 
 
 A Paris, chez Avgvstin Covrbe, dans le petite 
 Salle du Palais, a la Palme, m.dc.xlvii. One 
 map. ( x 5 7 ) 
 
 1649. Gotofredus, J. L. Archontologia Cosmica sive 
 Imperiorum Regnorum See. per totium Terrarum 
 Orbem Commentarii luculentissimi ... ad nostra 
 usque tempora deducuntur Primo opera et studio 
 Jo. Ludovici Gotofredi ex Gallico per Nobilis 
 D. T. V. Y. See. Francofurti, m.dc.xlix. (158) 
 The maps show Frisland, and Greenland with Zenian names upon it. 
 
 1651. Vayer, Frantpois de la Mothe le. La geo¬ 
 
 graphic du Prince. Paris, 1651. (In His CEuvres, 
 3rd edition, Paris, 1662, p. 819.) ( 1 59 ) 
 
 1652. Hornius, G. De Originibus Americanis. Hagae 
 
 Comitis, 1652. Pp. 155-156. (160) 
 
 1653. Boullaye-le-Gouz, De La. Les Voyages et 
 
 Observations dv Sievr de La Boullaye-le-Gouz, 
 Gentil-homme Angevin &c. Sec. a Paris. 
 m.dc.liii. 4to. Plate. See No. 276. (*61) 
 
2 l6 
 
 Appendix FI. 
 
 1660, C. Seller, John. Atlas Terrestris, or A Book of 
 
 Mapps of all Empires, Monarchies, Kingdomes, 
 Regions, Dominions, Principalities and Countreys 
 in the Whole World &c. By John Seller, Hydro- 
 grapher to the Kings most Excellent Majestie. 
 London, n.d. Folio. (*62) 
 
 1661. Dudley, Sir Robert. Arcano del Mare. 
 
 Firenze, 1661. (163) 
 
 1661. Riccioli, Giovanni Battista. Geographiae 
 et hydrographiae Reformatae Libri XII. Quorum 
 argumentum sequens magice explicabat chronicon 
 navigat antiq circa totium orbem, Indiani linea 
 Alexandri VI. de situ Moluccarum &c. 
 Bononiae, 1661. Folio. [Ed. Venice, 1672, 
 p. 89.] (16+) 
 
 1663. Peyrere, J. de la. Relation de l’lslande. 
 
 Paris, m.dc.lxiii. Two maps. (165) 
 
 1668-9. Thorlacius, Theodorus. Delineatio Gron- 
 landiae Theodori Thorlacii. Anno 1668. (166) 
 
 Shows Frisland. Reproduced in Torfaeus’ Gronlandia Antiqua , 
 1715, Plate IV., and in Meddelelser om Gnpnland, part ix., 1889, 
 Plate VII. 
 
 1671. Montanus, Arnoldus. De Nieuwe en 
 Onbekende Weereld of Beschriving van America 
 en’t Zuidland . . . Verciert met Afbeeldfels na’t 
 leven in America gemaekt en beschreevung door 
 Arnoldus Montanus. ’t Amsterdam. 1671. (167) 
 The Zeno voyages are referred to on p. 28 et seq. 
 
 1671. Ogilby, John. America being the latest and 
 most accurate description of the New World &c. 
 . . . Collected from the most authentick authors 
 ... by John Ogilby Esq: His Majesty’s Cosmo- 
 grapher Geographick Printer and Master of the 
 Revels in the Kingdom of Ireland. London. 
 Printed for the Author and are to be had at his 
 house in Whitefryers m.dc.lxxi. (168) 
 
 An English edition of Montanus with the same plates and maps. 
 The Zeno voyages referred to on p. 30. 
 
 1671. Hornius, G. Ulyssea. Lugduni, 1671. (169) 
 
 Zeni, p. 335. 
 
 1673, c. Seller, John. The English Pilot, by John 
 Seller, Hydrographer to the King, London, 
 1673 (?). Folio. [Brit. Mus. 1804,6.7.] (170) 
 
 1673. Beeman, J. C. Historia Orbis terrarum geo- 
 graphica et civilis. Francof. ad Oderam. 1673. 
 
 WO 
 
 Third edition, 1685, pp. 152-3. 
 
 1675. Seller, John. Atlas Maritimus, or A Book of 
 
 Charts. Describeing the Sea Coasts Capes 
 Headlands Sands Shoals Rocks and Dangers &c. 
 in most of the knowne parts of the world &c. 
 By John Seller Hydrographer to y e Kings Most 
 Excellent Majestie, and by William Fisher, John 
 Thornton, John Colson and James Atkinson. 
 London m.dc.lxxv. (172) 
 
 1676. Cluverius, P. Philippi Cluveri Introduftionis in 
 
 Universam Geographiam, tam veterem quam 
 novam. Libri VI. Tabulis aeneis illustrati & 
 gemino indice aufti. Cui accessere Petr. Bertii 
 Orbis Terrarum Breviarium &c. Amstelaedami, 
 apud Janssonio Waesbergio. Anno cio idclxxvi. 
 46 maps. ( I 73 ) 
 
 1678. Moray, Sir Robert. A Description of the 
 Island Hirta ; communicated also by Sr Robert 
 Moray. Philosophical Transactions for January 
 and February, 1677-8, No. 137, p. 927. (174) 
 
 1679. Barbaro, Marco. Genealogie dei Noblii (sic) 
 Veneti di Marco Barbaro detto il Gobbo (Manu¬ 
 script) die 16 Feb. 1679. [B. M. MS. Egerton 
 
 11 55 -] . . . ( 175 ) 
 
 This is a copy of the Dhcendenza Patrlzie (see No. 45). 
 
 1680. Pitt, Moses. The English Atlas. Vol. I. 
 
 “ Oxford. Printed at the Theater for Moses 
 Pitt at the Angel in St. Paul’s Churchyard, Lon¬ 
 don. mdclxxx.” (176) 
 
 1681. Baudrand, Michael Antoine. Geographia 
 
 ordine literarum disposita. 1681. 2 vols. folio. 
 
 [Brit. Mus. 567. L. 7.) ( 1 77) 
 
 1685. Robbe, Jacques. Methode pour apprendre 
 facilement la geographic. Seconde edition revue 
 et augmentee. 2 tom. Paris, 1685. i2mo. 
 [Brit. Mus. 569, C. 12.] (178) 
 
 1686. Terra Rossa, Vitale. Riflessioni Geografiche 
 circa le terre incognite distese in ossequio 
 perpetuo della Nobilta Veneziana . . . Dal 
 P(adre) D(ottore) Vitale Terra Rossa da Parma 
 ... In Padova, mdclxxxvi. [Brit. Mus. 304. 
 K. 20.] (179) 
 
 1688. Coronelli, Le Pere Vinc-Marie. Globe 
 preserved in the Palazzo Bianco (Municipal 
 Museum) at Genoa. (180) 
 
 1696. Coronelli (Le P&re V. - M.). Isolario. 
 Vol. ii. of Del Atlanti Peneto. Venice, 1696. 
 
 (181) 
 
 1697. Torfseus, Thormodus. Orcades seu rerum 
 
 Orcadensium Historia. Libri Tres. Fol. 
 Havniae, 1697. [Brit. Mus. 600 ( 1 82) 
 
 1698. Martin, M. A Late Voyage to St. Kilda, the 
 
 remotest of all the Hebrides. London, 1698. 
 
 (183) 
 
 1703. Martin, M. A Description of the Western 
 Islands of Scotland, &c. (long title) by M. Martin, 
 gent. London, 1703. (184) 
 
 Second edition, “very much corre&ed,” 1716. 
 
 1705. Torfaeus, Thormodus. Historia Vinlandiae 
 
 Antiquae. Havniae, 1705. (185) 
 
 Zeni referred to in Prefatio ad Leftorem. 
 
 1706. Torfaeus, Thormodus. Groenlandia Anti¬ 
 
 qua. Havniae, 1706. [Brit. Mus. 152A 8 
 
 (186) 
 
 1712. Cellarius, C. Christophori Cellarius, Smalcal- 
 diensis, Historia Medii .TEvi a temporibus Con- 
 stantini Magni ad Constantinopolim a Turcis 
 captam dedufta. Jena, cio ia ccxii. (187) 
 
 The first edition published 1688. 
 
 17x4. Stiiven, J. F. De vero Novi Orbis inventore 
 dissertatio historico-critica. Francof. a. M., 
 1714. (188) 
 
 Zeni referred to, pp. 35-36. 
 
 1715. Torfaeus, Thormodus. Gronlandia Antiqua 
 seu veteris Gronlandiae descriptio, See. Authore 
 Thormodo Torfaeo, Rerum Norvegicarum His- 
 toriographo Regio. Havniae, apudHieron: Christ: 
 Paulli Reg. Universit: Bibliopolam. Anno 
 1715. (Five maps.) (189) 
 
 1715. Torfaeus, Thormodus. Historia Vinlandiae 
 Antiquae, seu Partis Americae Septentrionalis. 
 Havniae, 1715. 8vo. (19°) 
 
 Zeni, Prefatio ad Lettorem. 
 
217 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 i 7 i 5 ‘ 8 * Bernard, J. F. Recueil de Voiages au Nord. 
 
 Bernard. Amsterdam, md cc xv. (191) 
 
 Vol. i. contains map by Gul. Delisle, “Hemisphere Septentrional 
 pour voir plus distinftement Les Terres Arftiques,” and references to 
 the Zeni, Blefken, John and Olaus Magnus, etc. Vol. ii. contains 
 a short notice of “ Freeslande ou Friselande,” p. 296. 
 
 1720. De l’lsle, Guil. Hemisphere Occidental 
 Dressee en 1720 pour 1 ’usage particulier du Roy 
 sur les observations astronomiques et Geo- 
 graphiques reportees la meme annee dans L’his- 
 toire et dans les Memoires de 1 ’Academie R 1 " des 
 Sciences. Par Guillaume de l’lsle premier Geo- 
 graphe de sa Majeste de la meme Academie a 
 Amsterdam J. Covens et C. Mortier: in the 
 Atlas Nouveau. See No. 196. (192) 
 
 This first edition shows “ his de Bus cidemant Fris/ande.” The later 
 editions drop this island out altogether. 
 
 1 7 2 3 - 5 I * Muratori, Ludovico Antonio. Rerum 
 Italicarum Scriptores, 27 vols. Folio. 1723-51. 
 [B. M. 657. f. 1, &c.] (193) 
 
 Contains Gataro’s Chronicon Pata-vinum, vol. xvii., 1-944 ; Jacopo 
 Zeno’s Vita Caroli Zeni , vol. xix., 197-380 ; Redusio’s Chronicon 
 1 Farvisinum , vol. xix., 735, etc. ; Marino Sanuto’s Vita: Ducum Vtneto- 
 rum, vol. xxii., 399-1253 : allrefeired to by Zurla as bearing on the 
 Zeno family history. 
 
 1724. Moreri, L. Le grand Diftionaire Historique. Par 
 M re Louis Moreri, Pretre, Dofteur en Theologie. 
 Onzieme edition. Amsterdam, La Haye and 
 Utrecht, m.dcc.xxiv. (194) 
 
 1727. M., F. Neuendecktes Norden, oder griindliche 
 
 und wahrhafFte Reise-Beschreibung aller Mitter- 
 nachtigen und nordwarts gelegenen Lander, 
 Stadte, Vestungan und Insulen sammt der darin- 
 nen sich befindlichen Nationen. Niirnberg, 
 1727 ; Francfort & Leipsic, 1727; Mit Karten. 
 Nuremberg, 1728. (195) 
 
 1733. De l’lsle, Guillaume. Atlas nouveau con- 
 tenant toutes les parties du monde. Amster¬ 
 dam, 1733. (196) 
 
 1741. Buchan, Rev. Alex. A Description of St. 
 
 Kilda, the most remote Western Island of 
 Scotland. Edinburgh, mdccxli. (197) 
 
 A later edition printed at Glasgow, 1818, describes the author as 
 “The Rev. Mr. Alex. Buchan, late minister there [St. Kilda].” 
 
 1744. Charlevoix, Pere De. Histoire et Description 
 
 Generale de la Nouvelle France avec le Journal 
 Historique d’un Voyage fait par ordre du Roi dans 
 l’Amerique Septentrionale. Par le P. De Charle¬ 
 voix, de la Compagnie de Jesus. Paris, m.dcc.xliv. 
 3 vols. 4to. (r98) 
 
 1745. Egede, Hans. A Description of Greenland, by 
 
 Hans Egede, missionary in that country for 
 twenty-five years. Translated from the Danish. 
 
 ( J 99 ) 
 
 A French translation, by M. D. R. D. P., appeared in Copenhagen 
 and Geneva, 1763, and a German translation by Dr. J. C. Krunig, in 
 Berlin, 1763. 
 
 1745. Keulen, Van. Nieuwe Wassende Zee Caart 
 van de Noord-Oceaen, med een gedeelte van de 
 Atlantische, &c., See. Amsterdam, 1745. (200) 
 
 1748. Drage, Geoffrey. An Account of a Voyage 
 for the Discovery of a North-West Passage &c. 
 performed in the years 1746-7 in the Ship 
 California, Capt. Francis Smith, Commander. 
 By the Clerk of the California. London. 
 2 vols. 8vo. 1748. ( 2DI ) 
 
 1750. Anderson, Johan. Beschryving van Island 
 Groenland en de Straat Davis Tot nut der 
 wetenschappen en den Koophandel. Door den 
 Heer Johan Anderson &c. Amsterdam, 1750. 
 Map and plates. 4to. (202) 
 
 1752. Foscarini, Marco. Della Letteratura Vene- 
 
 ziana. Padova, 1752. ( 2 ° 3 ) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 406-408. 
 
 1753. Kalm, Pehr. En Resa til Norra America. 
 
 Stockholm, 1753. 3 vols. 8vo. ( 2 °+) 
 
 1759. Fordun, Ioannes de. Scotichronicon. Written 
 
 about the end of the fourteenth century. (Ed. 
 by Walter Goodall, Edinburgh. 2 vols. Folio. 
 
 I 759 -) ( 2 ° 5 ) 
 
 1760. Suhm, P. F. De Danskes og Norges Handel og 
 
 Sejlads i den Nedenske. 4to. Tid. (206) 
 
 1764. Macaulay, Rev. Kenneth. The History of 
 St. Kilda containing a description of this remark¬ 
 able Island &c. ... by the Rev. Mr. 
 
 Kenneth Macaulay, Minister of Ardnamurchan, 
 missionary to the Island for the S. P. C. K. 
 London, mdcclxiv. ( 20 7 ) 
 
 One map, which is reproduced in Plate XVIII., infra. 
 
 1767. Crantz, David. History of Greenland contain¬ 
 
 ing a description of the country and its inhabitants 
 &c. . . . by David Crantz. Translated from the 
 High Dutch. London, 1767. 2 vols. 8vo. (208) 
 
 1768. Martiniere, A. A. B. de la. Le Grand Dic- 
 
 tionnaire Geographique Historique et Critique. 
 
 (209) 
 
 First edition, 1726. 
 
 1772-95. Tiraboschi, Girolamo. Storia della lettera¬ 
 tura Italiana. Modena, 1772-1795. 11 vols. 
 
 4to. ( 2I °) 
 
 Zeni, vol. v., 1775, pp. 101-104. 
 
 1778. De la Crenne, De Borda and Pingre. 
 
 Voyage fait par ordre du Roi en 1771 et 1772. 
 Paris. 2 vols. 4to. 1778. (211) 
 
 1779. Pickersgill, Lieut. Account of Search for the 
 
 Island of Buss by Soundings. In Philosophical 
 Transactions, vol. lxviii., pt. 2 (1779), p. 1057. 
 
 (212) 
 
 1780. Carli, Comte J. R. Lettere Americane. Cos- 
 
 mopoli, 1780. ( 2I 3) 
 
 French edition, Lettres Americaines , Boston and London, 1788. 
 
 1780. Troil, Uno von. Letters on Iceland: contain¬ 
 ing Observations on the Civil, Literary, Ec¬ 
 clesiastical, and Natural History ; Antiquities, 
 Volcanos, Basaltes; Hot Springs; Customs, 
 Dress, Manners of the Inhabitants, etc. etc., made, 
 during a Voyage undertaken in the year 1772, 
 by Joseph Banks, Esq., P.R.S., assisted by Dr. 
 Solander, F.R.S., Dr. J. Lind, F.R.S., Dr. Uno 
 von Troil, and several other Literary and In¬ 
 genious Gentlemen. Written by Uno von Troil, 
 D.D. London, 8vo. 1780. _ (214) 
 
 1782. [Pickersgill, Lieut.] A Concise Account of 
 Voyages for the Discovery of a North-West 
 Passage, undertaken for finding a new way to 
 the East-Indies &c. By a Sea Officer. London, 
 
 MDCCLXXXII. ( 2I 5 ) 
 
 1782. Toaldo, Giuseppe. Saggi de Studij Veneti. 
 
 Venezia, 1782. 8vo. (216) 
 
2 i8 Appendix VI. 
 
 1783. Formaleone, Vincenzio. Saggio sulla nautica 
 antica de’ Veneziani &c. . . . di Vincenzio 
 Formaleone in Venezia cioiocclxxxiii. Presso 
 l’Autore. ( 2I 7 ) 
 
 1783. Formaleone, V. Storia curiosa delle aventure 
 
 di Caterino Zeno tratta da un antico originale 
 manoscritto ed ora per la prima volta publicata. 
 Venice, 1783. ( 2I ^) 
 
 1784. Forster, J. Reinholt. Geschichte der Entdec- 
 
 kungen und SchifFahrten im Norden. Frankfort, 
 1784. See No. 223. ( 2I 9 ) 
 
 1784. Buache, Jean Nicolas. Memoire sur 1 ’isle de 
 
 Frislande, in L'Histoire de /’Academic des Sciences , 
 Paris, 1787, pp. 430-453. Maps. [Brit. Mus. 
 986. c. 8.] (220) 
 
 1785. Tentori, Cristoforo. Storia della Republica 
 
 di Venezia. Venice, 1785. ( 221 ) 
 
 1786. Vaugondy, Robert de. Map of the World. 
 
 (222) 
 
 Referred to by Zurla in II Mappamondo di Fra Mauro , 1806, p. 101, 
 where, speaking of Estotiland and the Zeni, he says, “ Di fresco 
 M. Robert de Vaugondy nel suo mappamondo del 1786 lo espresi- 
 mono.” The latest map by Vaugondy in the British Museum 
 (Mar. 1, I9[2], II Tab.) is dated 1775, and has no trace of the Zeno 
 geography or names. 
 
 1786. Forster, John Reinhold. History of the 
 Voyages and Discoveries made in the North. 
 Translated from the German of J. R. Forster. 
 London, 1786. I vol. 4to. The Zeno voyages 
 are criticised pp. 179-209. See No. 219. (223) 
 
 1792. Pennant, Thomas. Introdudtion to the Ardtic 
 
 Zoology. 2nd edition. London, m.dcc.xcii. 
 3 vols. 4to. ( 22 4 ) 
 
 1793. Eggers, H. P. von. Priisskrift om Gr^nlands 
 
 $sterbygds sande Beliggenhed. Med tvende 
 Kaart. Kjobnhavn (Stertryk af Landhushold- 
 nings selskabet Skrift. Kjobnhavn. 1794. 
 Vol. iv., 239-320.) [B. M. 964, k. 8., vol. 4.] 
 
 ( 22 S) 
 
 1794. Eggers, H. P. von. Ueber die wahre lage 
 
 des alten Ostgronlands. Kiel, 1794. [B. M. 
 
 10460, b. 24.] (226) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 96-116. 
 
 1794. Belknap, Jeremy. American Biography. 
 
 Boston, 1794. ( 22 7 ) 
 
 Zeni, VoL i., pp. 67-85. 
 
 1802. Camus, A. G. Memoire sur la colledtion des 
 
 grands et petits Voyages et sur la colledtion des 
 Voyages de Melchisedech Thevenot; Par A. G. 
 Camus, membre de l’Institut national. Im- 
 prime par l’ordre et aux frais de l’Institut. 
 Paris : Baudouin, Frimaire An XI. (1802). 
 
 (228) 
 
 1803. Haym, N. F. Biblioteca ltaliana, ossia notizia 
 
 de’ libri rari Italiani divisa in quattro parti cioe, 
 Istoria, Poesia, Arti e Scienze gia compilata da 
 Niccola Francesco Haym. Edizione corretta, 
 ampliata, &c. Milano, 1803. 4 vols. 8vo. 
 
 (229) 
 
 1803. Filiasi, L’Anonimo Conte. Recerche 
 Storio-critiche sull’ opportunita della laguna 
 Veneta pel commercio. 1803. ( 2 3 °) 
 
 1803. Morelli, D. J. Dissertazione intorno ad 
 alcuni Viaggiatori eruditi Veneziani poco noti 
 ... da Don Jacopo Morelli. In Venezia, 
 m.dccc.iii. (231) 
 
 1805. Olafsen and Povelsen. Travels in Iceland 
 
 performed by order of his Danish Majesty, con¬ 
 taining observations on the manners and customs 
 of the inhabitants, a description of the Lakes, 
 Rivers, Glaciers, Hot-Springs, and Volcanoes, 
 &c. By Messrs. Olafsen and Povelsen. Trans¬ 
 lated from the Danish. London. 1805. 8vo. 
 
 ( 2 3 2 ) 
 
 1806. Zurla, Cardinal Placido. II Mappa Mondo 
 
 di Fra Mauro Camaldolese discritto ed illustrato, 
 da D. Placido Zurla dello stess’ ordine. Venezia, 
 1806. Map. ( 2 33 ) 
 
 1808. Zurla, Cardinal P. Dissertazione intorno ai 
 viaggi e scoperte settentrionali di Nicolo ed 
 Antonio Fratelli Zeni di D. Placido Zurla 
 Benedettino-Camaldolese. Venezia, dalle Stampe 
 Zerletti. mdcccviii. See No. 247. ( 2 34 ) 
 
 1808. Pezzana, Ange. De l’Anciennete de la 
 
 Mappemonde des Freres Pizigani executee en 
 1367 &c. . . . Deux lettres de M. Ange Pezzana 
 . . . traduit de l’ltalien par C. Brack. Genes. 
 1808. 8vo. ( 2 35) 
 
 1808. Boucher de la Richarderie, Gilles. Biblio- 
 
 theque Universelle des Voyages. Paris, 1808. 
 
 (* 36 ) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 53-54. 
 
 1809. Edmonston, Dr. A. A view of the Ancient 
 
 and Present State of the Zetland Isles &c.; by 
 Arthur Edmonston M.D. Edinburgh, 1809. 
 2 vols. 8vo. Map. ( 2 37 ) 
 
 The Zeni referred to in voL i., pp. 65-72. 
 
 1810. Malte-brun, Conrad. Tableau Historique de 
 
 Decouvertes Geographiques des Scandinaves ou 
 Normands, et specialement de celle de l’Amerique 
 avant Christophe Colomb, in Annales des 
 Voyages, vol. x., pp. 50-87. Paris, 1810. Illus¬ 
 trated by a copy of the 7 .eno Map. [Brit. Mus., 
 P. P. 3905.] (238) 
 
 1811-24. Kerr, Robert. A General History and 
 Colledtion of Voyages & Travels arranged in 
 systematic order &c. Edinburgh, 1811-24. *8 
 
 vols. 8vo. (239) 
 
 Antonio and Nicolo Zeno , VoL i., p. 43?. 
 
 1811. Mackenzie, Sir George Steuart. Travels 
 
 in the Island of Iceland, during the summer of 
 the year mdcccx, by Sir George Steuart Mac¬ 
 kenzie, Bart., &c. Edinburgh. 4to. 1811. (240) 
 
 1811. Amoretti, Carlo. Viaggio del Mare Atlantico 
 
 al Pacifico per le Via del Nord Ouest. Milan, 
 1811. (241) 
 
 (Maldonado’s apocryphal voyage.) 
 
 1812. Amoretti, Carlo. Voyage a la mer Atlantique, 
 
 traduit par Ch. Amoretti. (242) 
 
 A translation of No. 241, with some additions. 
 
 1814. Pinkerton, J. A general Colledtion of the best 
 & most interesting Voyages and Travels in all 
 parts of the World. London, 1814. Vol. xvii., 
 p. xxiv. (243) 
 
219 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 1814. Wormskjold, M. Gammelt og Nyt om Gr^n- 
 lands, Vinlands og nogle flaere af. Forfasdrcne 
 kjendte Landes formentlige Beliggenhed. Saer- 
 tryk af Skand. Lit. Selskab. Skrift. 1814. (244) 
 
 1818. O’Reilly, Bernard. Greenland, the adjacent 
 Seas, and the North West Voyage to the Pacific 
 Ocean, See., by Bernard O’Reilly, Esq. London, 
 1818. 1 vol. 4to. Maps and plates. (245) 
 
 “An impudent fraud: plagiarized from Prof. C. L. M. von 
 Giesecke’s ledture and from Prof. Valiancy. See London Stuart. Rev., 
 xix., pp. 208-214, Dublin Un'm. Mag., iii., 300, and Thomas Moore’s 
 Memoirs, 1853, ii., 165.”— Alibone's Dili, of Eng. Lit. 
 
 1818. Barrow, [Sir] John. A Chronological History 
 of Voyages into the Arftic Regions. By John 
 Barrow, F.R.S. London, 1818. 1 vol. 8vo. 
 
 Map. (246) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 13-26. 
 
 18x8. Zurla, Cardinal P. Di Marco Polo edegli altri 
 Viaggiatori Veneziani pih illustri Dissertazioni del 
 P. Ab. D. Placido Zurla See. in Venezia 
 MDCccxvni. 2 vols. 4to., 4 maps. The second 
 volume contains Dei Viaggi e scoperte setten- 
 trionale di Nicolb ed Antonio Zeni Patrizi Veneti 
 dissertazione. ( 2 47) 
 
 The latter is pradlically the same work as Zurla’s book of 1808. 
 Vide No. 234. 
 
 1818. Bossi, Luigi. Vita de Cristoforo Colombo. 
 
 Milan, 1818. _ (248) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 83-89. 
 
 1819. Daru, P. Antoine Noel Bruno. Histoire de 
 
 la Republique de Venise. Paris, 1819. ( 2 49) 
 
 Zeni, 2nd edit. Paris, 1821. Vol. vi., pp. 295-298. 
 
 1819. Ross, Sir John. Voyage of Discovery . . . 
 
 for the purpose of exploring Baffin’s Bay. 
 London. 4to. 1819. Pp. 25-26. ( 2 5 °) 
 
 1820. Crantz, David. History of Greenland See. from 
 
 the German of David Crantz, with a continuation 
 to the present time, illustrative notes and an 
 Appendix, Sec. London, 1820. 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 Map and Plates. ( 25 1 ) 
 
 This is a different translation from that given in the edition of 
 1767. See No. 208. 
 
 1820. Scoresby, Dr. 'W. An Account of the Arftic 
 
 Regions, with a History and Description of the 
 Northern Whale-Fishery by W. Scoresby, Jun., 
 F.R.S.E. 2 vols. 8vo. Edinburgh, 1820. (252) 
 
 1821. Parry, Sir Edward. Journal of a Voyage for 
 
 the Discovery of a North West Passage . . . 
 in the years 1819-20. London. 4to. 1821. 
 Pp. 4 - 5 - ( 2 53 ) 
 
 1822. Hoff, K. E. A. von. Geschichte der durch 
 
 Uberlieferunger nachgeweisenen naturlichen 
 Veranderungen der Erdoberflache. Gotha, 1822. 
 
 ( 2 54 ) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 178-202. 
 
 1823. Scoresby, Dr. Journal of a Voyage to the 
 
 Northern Whale-fishery, including Researches 
 and Discoveries on the Eastern Coast of West 
 Greenland made in the summer of 1822 in the 
 ship Baffin of Liverpool, by William Scoresby, 
 Junior, F.R.S.E., M.W.S. See. See. Commander. 
 Edinburgh. 8vo. 1823. ( 2 5 S) 
 
 1824. Estrup, H. F. J. Nogle Bemaerkninger an- 
 
 gaaende Gr^nlands $sterbygde. Kjpbnhavn, 
 1824. (Saertryk af. Skandinav. Litteratur Selskab. 
 Skrifter. Kbhvn, 1824. 20.) (256) 
 
 Zeni, 243-300. 
 
 1828. Biographie Universelle. Art.: Zeno,Nicolas 
 et Antoine. Paris, 1828. Vol. Iii. 8vo. Pp. 
 228-238. [B. M. 10602, 1 .] ( 2 57 ) 
 
 (Nouvelle Edition. 1843. 45 vols. Imp. 8vo.) 
 
 1828. Irving, Washington. A History of the Life 
 and Voyages of Christopher Columbus. Lon¬ 
 don, 1828. 4 vols. 8vo. (258) 
 
 Zeni, vol. iv., pp. 217-224. 
 
 1828. Roquette, Dezos de la. Article on Nicolo 
 and Antonio Zeni in the Biographie Universelle, 
 Paris, 1828, vol. Iii., pp. 228-238. (259) 
 
 1828. Walckenaer, Baron. Letter to Dezos de la 
 
 Roquette in the Biographie Universelle, vol. Iii., 
 p. 237. (260) 
 
 1829. Murray, Hugh. Historical Account of Dis¬ 
 
 coveries and Travels in North America. London, 
 1829. (261) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 28-36. 
 
 1830. Cooley, W. Desborough. History of Mari¬ 
 
 time and Inland Discovery (in Lardner’s Cabinet 
 Cyclopedia, London, 1830). (262) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 221-225. 
 
 1831. [Biddle, R.] A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot 
 
 with a review of the History of Maritime Dis¬ 
 covery, illustrated by documents from the Rolls, 
 now first published. London and Philadelphia, 
 1831. 1 vol. 8vo. (263) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 328-332. 
 
 1831. Wheaton, Henry. History of the Northmen, 
 
 or Danes and Normans, from the Earliest times 
 to the Conquest of England by William of Nor¬ 
 mandy. 8vo. London, mdcccxxxi. (264) 
 Zeni, p. 30. 
 
 1832. Graah, Capt. W. A. Undersogelses Reiser til 
 
 Ostkysten af Gronland. Copenhagen, 1832. 
 (See No. 277.) (265) 
 
 1832-5. Malte-Brun, Conrad. Precis de la Geogra¬ 
 phic Universelle, See. par Malte-Brun. Nouvelle 
 Edition, revue, corrigee . . et augmentee . . 
 par M. J. J. N. Huot. . . a Bruxelles. 1832 
 to 1835. 6 vols. 8vo., and Atlas. (266) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 198-202; vol. ii., p. 595; vol. vi., pp. 323, 326, 
 327 n., 331, etc. 
 
 1833. Priest, Josiah. American Antiquities and dis¬ 
 
 coveries in the West. Albany, 1833. (267) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 224-240. 
 
 1833. Leslie, J., Jameson, R., and Murray, 
 Hugh. Narrative of discovery and adventure 
 in the Polar seas and Regions. New York, 
 1833. (268) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 88-89. 
 
 1833. Zarhtmann, Admiral C. C. Bemaerkninger 
 
 om de Venezianerne Zeni tilskrevne reiser i Nor- 
 den, in Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldtyndighed, 
 Kjobenhavn, 1833, vol. i., pp. 1-35. (For title 
 of English version see No. 272.) (269) 
 
 1834. Dupaix, Guillaume. Antiquites Mexicaines. 
 
 Paris, 1834. Recherches sur les antiquites de 
 l’Amerique du Nord et de l’Amerique du Sud, 
 par D. Baillie Warden. (270) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 162-163. 
 
 D D 
 
220 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 1834. Ross, Sir John. Narrative of a Second Voyage 
 
 in search of a North-West Passage during the 
 years 1829-33. London. 4to. 1834. (P. 7.) 
 
 (zyt) 
 
 1835. Zarhtmann, Admiral C. C. Remarks on the 
 
 voyages, in the Northern Hemisphere, ascribed 
 to the Zeni of Venice. By Capt. C. C. Zarht- 
 mann, R.N., Hydrographer to the Royal Danish 
 Navy, and communicated by him in Jour, of Roy. 
 Geographical Society of London. 1835. Vol. v., 
 p. 102. See No. 269. ( 2 7 2 ) 
 
 1836. Humboldt, Baron A. von. Examen Critique 
 de l’histoire de la Geographic du Nouveau Con¬ 
 tinent et des progres de l’Astronomie Nautique 
 aux XV me et XVI me Si£cles par Alexandre de 
 Humboldt. Paris, Libraire de Gide, 1836. 
 
 Zeni, vol. ii., pp. 120-124. 
 
 1836. Rafinesque, Constantine Smaltz. The 
 
 American Nations. Philadelphia, 1836. (274) 
 
 Zeni, vol. ii., p. 282. 
 
 1837. Rafn, C. C. Antiquitates Americanaesive Scrip- 
 
 tores Septentrionales rerum ante-Columbianarum 
 in America. Edidit Societas Regia Antiquariorum 
 Septentrionalium. Hafniae, 1837. 4 t0> ( 2 75 ) 
 
 1837. Croker, T. Crofton. The Tour of the French 
 Traveller, M. de la Boullaye le Gouz in Ireland, 
 in a.d. 1644. Edited by T. Crofton Croker. 
 London, 1837. See No. 161. (276) 
 
 1837. Graah, Capt. W. A. Narrative of an Expedi¬ 
 
 tion to the East Coast of Greenland, sent by order 
 of the King of Denmark in search of the lost 
 Colonies (1828-1830), under the command of 
 Capt. W. A. Graah, of the Danish Royal Navy, 
 &c. Translated from the Danish by G. G. Mac- 
 Dougall for the Roy. Geog. Society of London. 
 London, mdcccxxxvii. 8vo. See No. 265. (277) 
 Zeni, pp. 3, 7, 20 and 175 n. 
 
 1838. Folsom, Hon. G. The Voyages of the Zeni. 
 
 North American Review. Boston, July, 1838. 
 
 ( 2 78 ) 
 
 Zeni, No. 47, pp. 177-206. 
 
 1842. Halliwell, J. O. The Private Diary of Dr. 
 
 John Dee and the Catalogue of his Library of 
 Manuscripts, from the original Manuscripts in 
 the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, and Trinity 
 College Library, Cambridge. Edited by James 
 Orchard Halliwell, Esq., F.R.S., See. London, 
 Camden Society. 1842. (279) 
 
 The diary extends from 25th August, 1554, to 6th April, 1601. 
 See under dates November 28th, 1577, and June 30th, 1578, for 
 entries relating to “Greenland,” “ Estetiland,” and “Friseland.” 
 
 1842-53. Santarem, Vicomte de. Atlas Compose 
 de Mappemondes de Portulano, et de Cartes 
 Hydrographiques et Historiques, depuis le VI®. 
 jusqu’au XVII®. siecle, pour la plupart inedites, 
 devant servir de preuves a l’histoire de la cosmo- 
 graphie et de la Cartographic pendant le moyen 
 age, et a celle des progres de la geographic ; re- 
 cueillies et gravees sous la dire&ion du Vicomte 
 de Santarem. Paris, 1842-53. Folio. (280) 
 
 1844. Wright, Thomas. St. Brandan a Medieval 
 Legend of the Sea, in English Verse and Prose. 
 Edited by Thomas Wright, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., 
 &c. London, Percy Society, 1844. (281) 
 
 1845. Bredsdorff, J. H. Br^drene Zenos Reiser 
 med Indeledning od Anmaerkninger (Grtynlands 
 Iiistoriske Mindesmarker , Copenhagen, 1838- 
 1845, vol. iii., pp. 529-625). 2 maps. [Brit. 
 
 Mus. 9424, d.] (282) 
 
 Contains a Danish translation of the Zeno narrative. 
 
 1848. Robinson, Conway. An Account of dis¬ 
 coveries in the West until 1519, and of Voyages 
 to and along the Atlantic coast of North America, 
 from 1520 to 1573. Richmond, 1848. (283) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 11-20. 
 
 1850. Zaccaria, Gaetano. Catalogo ragionato di 
 opere stampate per Francesco Marcolini da Forli 
 compilato da Don Gaetano Zaccaria Ravennate 
 con memorie biografiche del medesimo tipografo 
 raccolte dall’ Avv. Raffaele de Minicis. Fermo, 
 Tipografia de’ Fratelli Ciferri. mdcccl. 8vo. 
 
 (284) 
 
 1852. Lelewel, Joachim. Geographic du Moyen 
 
 Age etudiee par Joachim Lelewel, accompagne 
 d’Atlas, et des cartes dans chaque volume. 
 Bruxelles, 1850-52. 4 vols. in 2, 8vo., and 
 
 Atlas, obi. 4to. (285) 
 
 Zeni, vol. iv., pp. 79-108. 
 
 1853. Ghillany, Dr. F. W. Geschichte des Seefahrers 
 
 Ritter Martin Behaim. Niirnberg, 1853. (286) 
 
 Contains a reproduftion of Martin Behaim’s Globe of 1492. 
 
 1855. Erizzo, Miniscalchi. Le Scoperte Artiche 
 narrate dal Conte Francesco Miniscalchi Erizzo. 
 Venezia, 1855. Maps. (287) 
 
 1855-62. Jomard, Edme-Francois. Les Monu¬ 
 ments de la Geographic, ou recueil d’anciennes 
 Cartes Europeennes et Orientales, accompagnees 
 des Spheres Terrestres et Celestes, de Mappe¬ 
 mondes et Tables Cosmographiques d’Astrolabes 
 . . . depuis les temps plus recules jusqu’a l’epoque 
 d’Ortelius et de Girard Mercator. Paris, 1855- 
 62. Imp. fol. 82 plates. (288) 
 
 1857. Bourbourg, L’Abbe C. Etienne Brasseur 
 
 de. Histoire des nations civilizees du Mexique 
 et de l’Amerique-Centrale. Paris, 1857. (289) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 1-22. 
 
 1858. Peschel, Oscar Ferdinand. Geschichte des 
 
 Zeitalters der Entdeckungen. Stuttgart, 1858. 
 
 (290) 
 
 Zeni, p. 107. 
 
 1859. Kunstmann. Die Entdeckung Amerika’s. Ber¬ 
 
 lin, 1859. [Brit. Mus. Tab. 1850. A.] (291) 
 
 1860. Asher, G. M. Henry Hudson the Navigator. 
 
 Hakluyt Soc., i860. ( 2 9 2 ) 
 
 Zeni, pp. clxiv-clxvii. 
 
 1861. Richardson, Sir John. The Polar Regions. 
 
 Edinburgh, 1861. 8vo. ( 2 93 ) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 30-33. “Evidently to be placed in the category of 
 fiftions.” 
 
 1861. Casali, Scipione. Annale della Tipografia 
 Veneziana di Francisco Marcolini da Forli. 
 Forli, 1861. (294) 
 
 1864. Brown, Rawdon. Calendar of State Papers 
 and Manuscripts relating to English affairs existing 
 in the Archives and Colleftions of Venice and in 
 other Libraries of Northern Italy. Vol. i., 1202- 
 1509. Edited by Rawdon Brown. Published 
 by authority of the Lords Comm™, of H. M. 
 Treasury, under the direction of the Master of 
 the Rolls. London, 1864. ( 2 95 ) 
 
Appendix VI, 
 
 1865. Brown, Rawdon. Archivio di Venezia con 
 riguardo speciale alia storia Inglese. Venezia, 
 1865. (296) 
 
 1865. Langle, Vicomte de. Rapports sur les Hauts 
 
 fonds et les Vigies de l’Ocean Atlantique entre 
 1 ’Europe et l’Amerique du Nord. Par le Contre- 
 Amiral Vicomte de Langle. Extrait du Bulletin 
 de la Societe Geographique, Juillet, 1865. Paris, 
 1 865. (297) 
 
 1866. Pope, Rev. Alex. Ancient History of Orkney, 
 
 Caithness and the North, by Thormodus Torfaeus. 
 Translated with copious notes by the late Rev. 
 Alexander Pope, Minister of Bray. Wick, 
 
 Thurso, and Kirkwall, mdccclxvi. (298) 
 
 1866. Harrisse, H. Notes on Columbus. Privately 
 printed. 1866, New York. (299) 
 
 1868. Collinson, Rear-Admiral. Three Voyages 
 
 of Martin Frobisher. Hakluyt Society, 1867. 
 
 (300) 
 
 1869. Gaffarel, Paul. Etudes sur les rapports de 
 
 l’Amerique et de PAncien Continent avant 
 Christophe Colomb. Paris, 1869. ( 3 DI ) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 261-279. 
 
 1869. Kohl, Dr. J. G. History of the Discovery of the 
 
 East Coast of North America, in Transactions of 
 the Maine Historical Society. 2nd Series. 
 Portland, 1869. [Brit. Mus. A. c. 8390.] (302) 
 Zeni, vol. i., 93-106. 
 
 1870. Major, R. H. Select Letters of Christopher 
 
 Columbus with other original documents relating 
 to his four Voyages to the New World. Trans¬ 
 lated and edited by R. H. Major, &c. Hakluyt 
 
 Society. 2nd ed., 1870. ( 3 ° 3 ) 
 
 Zeni, pp. xxii-xxv. 
 
 1870. Costa, Rev. B. Franklin De. The North¬ 
 
 men in Maine. Albany, 1870. ( 3 ° 4 ) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 30-42. 
 
 1871. Harrisse, Henry. D. Fernando Colon, His- 
 
 toriador de su Padre. Ensayo Critico. Seville, 
 
 1871. (305) 
 
 1872. Harrisse, H. Fernand Colomb, sa vie, ses 
 
 oeuvres. Paris, 1872. (306) 
 
 1872. Costa, Rev. B. Franklin De. Columbus 
 
 and the Geographers of the North. Hartford, 
 
 1872. (307) 
 Zeni, pp. 19-22. 
 
 1873. Major, R. H. The Voyages of the Venetian 
 
 Brothers Antonio and Nicolo Zeno, to the 
 Northern Seas in the XIV th Century, comprising 
 the latest accounts of the lost Colony of Green¬ 
 land and of the Northmen in America before 
 Columbus. London. Printed for the Hakluyt 
 Society, 1873. (308) 
 
 1873. Major, R. H. The site of the lost Colony of 
 Greenland determined and pre-Columbian Dis¬ 
 coveries of America confirmed from XIV th cen¬ 
 tury documents, by R. H. Major, F.S.A., Sec y . 
 R.G.S., in ‘Journal of Roy. Geog. Soc. of London , 
 
 1873. vol. xliii., p. 156. (309) 
 
 1873. Stanley of Alderley, Lord. Travels in Tana 
 
 and Persia by Josafa Barbaro & Ambrogio 
 Contarini. Translated from the Italian by 
 William Thomas and by S. A. Roy. Edited, 
 with an introduction, by Lord Stanley of Alderley. 
 London, Hakluyt Society, 1873. (310) 
 
 1873. Grey, Charles. A Narrative of Italian Travels 
 
 in Persia in the XVth and XVIth Centuries. 
 [Caterino Zeno, Angiolello, &c.] Translated 
 and edited by Charles Grey. London, Hakluyt 
 Society, 1873. (311) 
 
 I ® 74 * 5 * Major, R. H. The introduction, only, to The 
 Voyages of the Venetian Brothers N. & A. 
 Zeno &c. Hakluyt Society, 1873. Translated 
 into Italian, by Ch. Carraro, in Archivio Veneto , 
 vol. vii., 1874, 302-26, and vol. viii., 1875, 
 263-304. (312) 
 
 1873-4. Maurer, Professor Dr. Konrad. Gron- 
 land in Mittelalter, in Die Zzveite Deutsche 
 Nordpolarfahrt in den Jahren 1869 und 1870 unter 
 fubrung des Kapitdn Karl Koldewey. 4 vols. 8vo. 
 Leipsig, 1873-1874. (313) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 203-248. 
 
 1874. Anderson, R. B. America not discovered by 
 
 Columbus. Chicago, 1874. (314) 
 
 (Later editions, 1879, 1883, 1891.) Contains a short bibliography 
 of the Zeno subjeCt, ed. 1891, pp. 130-158. 
 
 1874. Kennedy, Miss Anne, and Thomas, Capt. 
 
 Letter from St. Kilda. By Miss Anne Kennedy, 
 communicated with notes by Capt. F. W. L. 
 Thomas, R.N., F.S.A. (Scot.), in Proceedings 
 of Society of Scottish Antiquaries, vol. x., p. 702. 
 
 1874. [Brit. Mus. A. C. 5770./2.] (315) 
 
 1874. Gravier, Gabriel. Decouverte de l’Amerique 
 
 par les Normands aux X. siecle. Paris, 1874. 
 
 (3i6) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 183-211. 
 
 1875. Major, R. H. The Voyages of the Venetian 
 
 brothers Zeno to the Northern Seas in the four¬ 
 teenth century, by Richard Henry Major, F.S.A. 
 Boston, Massachusetts Historical Society, 1875. 
 
 ( 3 W) 
 
 1875. Beauvois, M. E. La Decouverte du Nouveau 
 Monde par les Irlandais et les premieres traces 
 du Christianisme en Amerique avant Pan 1000 : 
 in Compte-rendu du Congres des Americanistes. 
 Nancy, 1875. Tom. i., pp. 41-93. (B. M. Ac. 
 6220.) (318) 
 
 1875. Bartlett, J. Russell. Bibliotheca Americana: 
 
 a Catalogue of Books relating to North and South 
 America, in the Library of the late J. Carter 
 Brown. Providence, 1875. Vol. i., pp. 211-213. 
 
 ( 319 ) 
 
 1875. Raemdonck, Dr. Les Spheres Terrestre et 
 Celeste, 1541, 1551, de Gerard Mercator. By 
 Dr. Raemdonck. St. Nicholas, 1875. ( 3 20 ) 
 
 1875. Casas, Bartolome de Las. Historia de las 
 
 Indias. Madrid, 1875-6. 5 vols. 8vo. (321) 
 
 Written by Las Casas between 1527-61, but not printed till 1875. 
 See No. 37. 
 
 1876. Bryant, W. Cullen, and Gay, Sidney H. 
 
 Popular History of the United States. New 
 
 York, 1876. ' ( 3 22 ) 
 
 Zeni, vol. i., pp. 76-85. j 
 
 1877. Beauvois, M. E. Les Colonies Europeenes du 
 
 Markland et de l’Escociland (Domination Cana- 
 dienne) au XVI. siecle et les vestiges qui en 
 subsisterent jusqu’aux XVI. et XVII. siecles, in 
 Compte rendu du Congres des Americanistes. 
 Luxembourg, 1877. Vol. i., pp. 174-232. (323) 
 
222 Appendix VI. 
 
 1877. Rink, Dr. Henry. Danish Greenland, its People 
 
 and its produ&s. London, 1877. (324) 
 
 1878. Desimoni, Cornelio. I viaggi e la carta dei 
 
 fratelli Zeno, 1390-1405, in Archivio Storico 
 Italiano. Quarta serie. Tomo ii., pp. 389-417. 
 Firenze, 1878. (B. M., P. P. 3557a.) See No. 
 
 353 - ( 3 2 5 ) 
 
 1878. Desimoni, Cornelio. Precis of Memoire 
 sur le Voyage des freres Zeni au Nord de 
 l’Europe, in Giornale Ligustico di Archeologia, 
 Storia e bell ’ arti. Janvier-Fevrier, 1878. Genoa, 
 MDCccLxxvin. [Brit. Mus. P. P. 4189 f.] (326) 
 
 1878. Harrisse, Henry. L’Histoire de Christophe 
 Colomb, attribute a son fils Fernand. Examen 
 critique. Paris, 1878. ( 3 2 7 ) 
 
 1878. Krarup, Fr. Om Zeniernes Reise til Norden, 
 in Kongelige Dansk Geographisk Selskab. Tids- 
 skrift. Vol. for 1878. Copenhagen. 4to. [Brit. 
 Mus. Ac. 6109.] (3 2 8) 
 
 1878. Krarup, Fr. Zeniernes Reise til Norden, et 
 Toknungs Forsog, af Fr. Krarup. 2 maps. 
 Kjobenhavn, 1878. ( 3 2 9 ) 
 
 The British Museum contains no copy, but there is one in the 
 Library of the Royal Geographical Society, London. 
 
 1878. Seton, George. St. Kilda, Past and Present. 
 
 Blackwood, Edinburgh and London, 1878. (330) 
 
 1878. Foster, J. ^A 7 ells. Pre-historic races of the 
 United States of North America. Chicago, 1878. 
 
 (330 
 
 Zeni, pp. 399, 400. 
 
 1878. Jones, Rev. F. Life of Sir Martin Frobisher, 
 
 Kt. London, 1878. Cr. 8vo. (332) 
 
 Zeni, p. 154. 
 
 1879. Irminger, Admiral. Zeno’s Frisland is Iceland, 
 
 and not the Faroes, in Journal of Roy. Geog. 
 Soc., vol. xlix., p. 398. 1879. See following 
 
 number. (333) 
 
 1879. Major, R. H. Zeno’s Frislanda is not Iceland 
 
 but the Faroes, An answer to Admiral Irminger 
 in Journal of Roy. Geog. Soc., vol. xlix., p. 412. 
 See last number. ( 334 ) 
 
 1879-96. Various Authors. Meddelelserom Gron- 
 land, udgivne af Commissionen for Ledelsen af 
 de geologiske og Geographiske Undersogelser i 
 Gronland. Copenhagen. Reitzel. 8vo., parts 
 1-13 and 16-19 (all published). 1879-1896. 
 Many plates and snaps. (33 5 ) 
 
 1880. Costa, Rev. B. F. De. Verrazano the Ex¬ 
 
 plorer, being a vindication of his letter and 
 voyage. By B. F. de Costa. New York, 1880. 
 1 vol. 4to. Portrait and maps. (336) 
 
 1880. Markham, Capt. [Admiral] A. H. The 
 
 Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator. 
 London, Hakluyt Society, 1880. ( 337 ) 
 
 1880. [Molineux, E., or Wright, E.] The Map of 
 
 the World, a.d. 1600, to illustrate the Voyages 
 of John Davis. London, Hakluyt Society, 1880 
 (with facsimile map). See No. 116. (338) 
 
 1881. Nordenskjold, Baron. The Voyage of the 
 
 Vega round Asia and Europe, with a Historical 
 Review of previous journeys along the North 
 Coast of the Old World, by A. E. Nordenskjold, 
 
 translated by Alexander Leslie. With portraits, 
 maps, and illustrations. London, 1881. 2 vols. 
 
 8vo. (339) 
 
 1882. Uzielli and Amat. Studii Biografici & Biblio- 
 graphici sulla storia della geografia in Italia. 
 1st edition, 1859. 2nd edition, Rome, 1882. 
 [B. M. B.B. T. a. 1.] (340) 
 
 1882. Amat di S. Filippo. Biografia dei Viaggia- 
 tori Italiani colla Bibliographia delli loro opere 
 per Amat di S. Filippo. Rome, 1882. (341) 
 
 1882. Loehner, Ch. V. Zeniernes Rejse etc. Viaggio 
 
 dei Zeno del Settentrione, tentativo di inter- 
 pretazione di Frederico Krarup, 1878, in Archivio 
 Veneto, T. xxiii., pp. 220-234. See Nos. 328, 
 3 2 9 - ( 34 2 ) 
 
 1883. Delisle, L. Choix de Documents Geographiques 
 
 conserves a. la Bibliotheque Nationale. Paris, 
 1883. (343) 
 
 Contains facsimile of Atlas Catalan de Charles V., Roi de France, 
 1375. See No. 5. 
 
 1883. Steenstrup, K. J. V. Zeniernes Reiser i 
 
 o 
 
 Norden, in Arboger for Nord Old Kindighed 
 (Year books of Northern Archaeology), 1883. 
 See No. 349. (344) 
 
 1883. Harrisse, H. Les Corte-Real et leurs Voy¬ 
 ages au Nouveau Monde. Paris, 1883. (345) 
 
 Illustrated by a facsimile of a large portion of the Cantino Map, 
 1502. See No. 20. 
 
 1883. Nordenskjold, Baron. Discovery of an 
 Ancient Map in Iceland by Baron Nordenskjold, 
 with a Note by R. H. Major, in Proc. Roy. 
 Geograph. Soc., 1883, vol. v. (N.S.), p. 473. 
 
 ( 346 ) 
 
 1883. Dickson, Oscar. The supposed Ancient 
 Map discovered by Baron Nordenskjold. Letter 
 from Oscar Dickson (stating his opinion that the 
 map is later than 1558),in Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc., 
 
 1883, vol. v. (N.S.), p. 556. (347) 
 
 1883. Nordenskjold, Baron. Studier och Forsk- 
 
 ningar foranledda af minor resor i hoga Norden 
 (Studies and Researches occasioned by my voy¬ 
 ages in the far North). Stockholm, 1883, 1884. 
 
 ( 348 ) 
 
 1884. Steenstrup, K. J. V. Les Voyages des 
 Freres Zeni dans le Nord, in Compte Rendu 
 du Congres des Americanistes, Copenhagen, 
 
 1884, pp. 150-189. [B. M. A. c. 6220.] See 
 
 No. 344. (349) 
 
 1884. Harrisse, Henry. Christophe Colomb, son 
 origine, sa vie, ses voyages, sa famille & ses 
 descendants d’apres des documents inedits tires 
 des archives des Genes, de Savone, de Seville et 
 de Madrid. Etudes d’Histoire, Critique. Par 
 Henry Harrisse. 2 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1884. (350) 
 
 1884. Weise, A. J. The Discoveries of America to 
 
 the year 1525. By Arthur James Weise, M.A. 
 London, 1884. 8vo. (351) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 44-50. 
 
 1885. Erslef, Prof. Ed. Nye Oplysninger om 
 
 Brodrene Zenis Rejser. Copenhagen, 1885. 
 (Also in Geog. Tidskrif, vii., 153.) ( 35 2 ) 
 
223 
 
 Appendix VI. 
 
 1885. Desimoni, C. I Viaggi e la Carta dei fratelli 
 Zeno Veneziani, 1390-1405. Studio Secondo 
 (Estratto dall’ Archivio Storico Italiano. 1885. 
 Quarta serie. Tomo xvi., pp. 184-214). Firenze, 
 1885. (B. M. P. P. 3557. a.) See No. 325. 
 
 ( 353 ) 
 
 1885. Grieve, Symington. The Great Auk. 
 
 London, 1885. 4to. Pp. 14-20. ( 354 ) 
 
 1886. Brenner, Dr. Oscar. Die achte Karte des 
 
 OlausMagnus vom Jahre 1 539 nach dem exemplar 
 der Miinchen Staatsbibliotek, von Dr. Oscar 
 Brenner, in Christiania Videnskabs selskabs For- 
 handlinger, 1886, No. 15. Christiania. Facsimile 
 map, reduced. (3 55) 
 
 1886. Magnus, Olaus. Full-sized Facsimile of Olaus 
 
 Magnus’ Carta Marina et Descriptio Septen- 
 trionalium &c. Venice, 1539. See No. 50. 
 
 ( 356 ) 
 
 1887. Hamy, Dr. E. T. Notice sur une Mappe- 
 
 monde Portugaise Anonyme de 1502. [The 
 “King” Map.] In the Bulletin de Geographie 
 historique et descriptive , No. 4, Paris, 1887. (357) 
 
 Also reprinted in Hamy’s Etudes Historiques et 
 Geographiques. Paris, 1896. See No. 21. 
 
 1887. Connell, Robert. St. Kilda and the St. 
 
 Kildians. Glasgow. (358) 
 
 1889. Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical His¬ 
 tory of America. London, 1889. 8 vols. 8vo. 
 
 Vols. i-iv. (359) 
 
 1889. Nordenskjold, Baron. Facsimile Atlas to the 
 Early History of Cartography with reproductions 
 of the most important maps printed in the XVth 
 and XVIth ^centuries. Translated from the 
 Swedish original by J. A. Ekelof, Roy. Swed. 
 Navy, and Clements Markham, C.B., F.R.S. 
 Stockholm, mdccclxxxix. Folio. 51 plates and 
 many maps in the text. (360) 
 
 1891. Storm, Dr. Gustav. Om Zeniernes Reiser. 
 
 “Foredrag den I7 de December 1890. Separat 
 Aftryk af del Norske Geographiske Selskab. Arbog 
 II. 1890. 1891.” Kristiania, 1891. 8vo. 
 
 4 maps. (An excerpt from the Proceedings of 
 the Norwegian Geographical Society.) (361) 
 
 1891. Storm, Dr. Gustav. Den Danske Geograph 
 Claudius Clavuseller Nicolaus Niger; af Professor 
 Dr. Gustav Storm. Aftryk af Tmer tidskrift up- 
 given af Svenska Sallskapet for Antropologi och 
 Geografi, 1889-91. Stockholm, 1891. Facsimile 
 map and tables. (362) 
 
 1891. Berlin Geographical Society. Drei Karten 
 
 von Gerhard Mercator. Europa—Britische Inseln 
 —Weltkarte. Facsimile-Lichtdruck nach den 
 Originalen den Stadtbibliothek zu Breslau her- 
 gestelt von der Reichsdruckerei. Herausgeben 
 von der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin. 41 
 Tafeln. Berlin (Kiihl), London (Sampson Low & 
 Co.), Paris (H. le Soudier). Fol. See Nos. 
 61, 79, and 81. (363) 
 
 1892. Nordenskjold, Baron. Bidrag till Norden 
 
 Aldsta Kartografi vid Fyrahundraarsfesten till 
 minna af nya vestdens uptackt. Utgifna af 
 Svenska Sallskapet for Antropologi och Geografi. 
 Stockholm, 1892. Portfolio containing 9 maps in 
 facsimile. See Nos. 11, 12, 13, and 14. (364) 
 
 1892. Vallejo and Traynor. Full-sized facsimile 
 of Juan de la Cosa’s Map of the World, 1500, 
 with explanatory text. Madrid, 1892. See No. 
 J 9 - (365) 
 
 1892. Gafifarel, Paul. Histoire de la Decouverte de 
 l’Amerique depuis les origines jusqu’& la morte de 
 Christophe Colomb. Par Paul Gaffarel, Professeur 
 a la Facultd de Lettres de Dijon. Paris, 1892. 
 2 vols. 8vo. (366) 
 
 1892. Markham, [Sir] Clements. Columbus. 
 
 London, 1892. (367) 
 
 1892. The Athenaeum. C. H. Coote in Review of 
 Justin Winsor’s Christopher Columbus , No. 
 3354, February 6th, 1892, p. 183, and in Review 
 of Markham’s Columbus, Proc. Roy. Geograph. 
 Soc. for Sept., 1892, and Elton’s Columbus , No. 
 3393, Nov. 5th, 1892, p. 624. (368) 
 
 1892. Fiske, John. The Discovery of America, with 
 some account of Ancient America and the Spanish 
 Conquest, by John Fiske, London, 1892. 2 
 
 vols. 8vo. (369) 
 
 1892. Elton, Charles I. The Career of Columbus, 
 by C. I. Elton. London, Paris, and Melbourne, 
 1892. 1 vol. 8vo. (37°) 
 
 1892. Winsor, Justin. Christopher Columbus. 
 
 London. (371) 
 
 1892. Harrisse, H. The Discovery of North America, 
 a critical documentary and Historic Investigation, 
 with an Essay on the Early Cartography of the 
 New World, including descriptions of 250 maps 
 or globes before 1536. London and Paris, 1892. 
 
 ( 372 ) 
 
 1892. Kretschmer, Dr. Konrad. Die Entdeckung 
 Amerika’s, in ihrer bedeutung fur die Geschichte 
 des Weltbildes von Konrad Kretschmer. Berlin, 
 1892. Vol. of text in 4to. and atlas, imp. folio, 
 with 40 plates. (373) 
 
 1892. Lucas, Joseph. Kalm’s account of his Visit 
 
 to England on his way to America in 1748. 
 London, 1892. 8vo. See No. 204. ( 374 ) 
 
 1893. Vespucci, Amerigo. The first four Voyages of 
 
 Amerigo Vespucci reproduced in facsimile, with 
 translation, introduction, a map, and a facsimile of 
 a drawing by Stradanus. London, Bernard 
 Quaritch, 1893. (The facsimile is from a copy 
 in the library of the late Charles Kalbfleisch of 
 New York.) There is a copy in the Brit. Mus. 
 See No. 23. ( 375 ) 
 
 1893. Brown, Horatio F. Venice, an Historical 
 Sketch of the Republic, by Horatio F. Brown. 
 London, 1893. (3 76) 
 
 1893. Schumacher, Hermann A. von. Olaus 
 
 Magnus & die altesten Karten den Nordlande, in 
 Zeitschrift fur Erdkunde zu Berlin, Band xxviii. 
 (1893), pp. 167-250. [B. M. Ac. 6075/2.] 
 
 (3 77 ) 
 
 1894. Sinclair, Thomas. Caithness Events, etc., by 
 
 Thomas Sinclair, M.A. Wick, 1894. (378) 
 
 1894. Muller. Remarkable Maps of the XV th , XVI th , 
 and XVII th Centuries reproduced in their 
 original size. Amsterdam, 1894. Part I. Port¬ 
 folio, with 14 maps in facsimile, and an introduction 
 by Mr. C. H. Coote. ( 379 ) 
 

 224 
 
 Appendix FI. 
 
 1895. Prowse, Judge D. W. A History of New¬ 
 foundland from the English, Colonial and Foreign 
 Records, by D. W. Prowse. London, 1895. 
 4-to. (Second edition, revised, corrected and 
 abridged, 8vo, 1896.) (380) 
 
 1895. Barron, Capt. William. Old Whaling 
 
 Days (Hull, 1895, crown 8vo), pp. 122-123. 
 
 (38i) 
 
 1896. Harrisse, Henry. John Cabot, the Discoverer 
 
 of North America, and Sebastian his son. By 
 Henry Harrisse. London, 1896. 8vo. (382) 
 
 1897. Nansen, Fridtjof. Farthest North. West¬ 
 
 minster, 1897. 2 vols. 8vo. (383) 
 
 1897. Clowes, Wm. Laird. The Royal Navy. 
 
 A History from the Earliest Times to the Present. 
 By Wm. Laird Clowes, etc., assisted by Sir 
 Clements Markham, Capt. A. T. Mahan, Mr. 
 H. W. Wilson, Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, Mr. 
 E. Fraser, etc. In five volumes. Vol. i. London, 
 1897. (384) 
 
 1897. Gosch, C. C. A. Danish ArCtic Expeditions 
 1605 to 1620. Hakluyt Soc., London, 1897. 
 
 ( 385 ) 
 
 1897. Christy, Miller. On Busse Island. App. A. in 
 
 Gosch’s Danish Arttic Expeditions , 1897. (386) 
 
 1897. Christy, Miller. On an early chart of the 
 North Atlantic preserved in the Royal Library 
 at Stockholm. Privately printed. London, 1897. 
 See No. 125. (387) 
 
 1897. Nordenskjold, Baron A. E. Periplus, An 
 
 Essay on the Early History of Charts and Sailing 
 Directions. Translated from the Swedish by 
 Francis A. Bather. Stockholm, 1897. Imp. 
 Fol. (388) 
 
 Zeni, p. 86, n. 2, etc. 
 
 1898. Beazley, C. Raymond. John and Sebastian 
 
 Cabot. The Discovery of North America. 
 (Builders of Greater Britain Series.) London, 
 1898. 8vo. (389) 
 
 Zeni, pp. 23, 24. 
 
ALPHABETICAL INDEX TO APPENDIX VI. 
 
 {The figures refer to the number at the end of each item in Appendix VI.) 
 
 Agnese. 63 
 Allardt. 149 
 Amat. 340, 341 
 Amoretti. 241, 242 
 Anania. 95 
 Ancone. 18 
 Anderson, Johan. 202 
 Anderson, R. B. 314 
 [Anon.] 
 
 Map. Atlantic, c. 1505. 22 
 
 do. Atlas Catalan, 1375. 5 
 
 do. British Isles, 1546 (Lafreri 
 
 Atlas). 57 
 
 do. Catalan Map, 14—? 11 
 
 do. Estland (Lafreri Atlas). 73 
 do. Europe (Caart Thresor). 
 
 io 5 
 
 do. Frisland (Lafreri). 72 
 do. Iceland (Lafreri). 74 
 Italian Portolano, 1508. 27 
 
 Map. N. Europe and Greenland. 
 
 12 
 
 do. Scandinavia and do. 13 
 do. do. do. 14 
 
 Asher. 292 
 
 Barbaro. 45, 175 
 Barents. 113 
 Barron. 381 
 Barrow. 246 
 Bartlett. 319 
 Baudrand. 177 
 Beauvois. 318, 323 
 Beeman. 171 
 Behaim. 16 
 Belknap. 227 
 Bergeron. 145 
 Berlin Geograph. Soc. 
 
 Bernard. 191 
 Bertius. 135 
 Best. 90 
 Bianco. 7, 8 
 Biddle. 263 
 
 Biographie Universelle. 257 
 
 Blefken. 127 
 
 Boethius. 38 
 
 Borda, de. 211 
 
 Bordone. 39 
 
 Borough. 89 
 
 Bossi. 248 
 
 Botero. 122 
 
 Boullaye-le-Gouz. 161, 276 
 
 Boucher de la Richarderie. 236 
 
 Bourbourg, Brasseur de. 289 
 
 Bredsdorff. 282 
 
 Brenner. 355 
 
 Brown, Horatio F. 376 
 
 Brown, Rawdon. 295, 296 
 
 Bry, de. 120 
 
 Bryant (and Gay). 322 
 
 Buache. 220 
 
 Buchan. 197 
 
 Buchanan. 94 
 
 Camden. 129 
 
 Camocius. 77 
 
 Camus. 228 
 
 Cant in 0 Map. 20 
 
 Carli. 213 
 
 Carraro, C. 312 
 
 Casali. 294 
 
 Casas, Las. 37, 321 
 
 Cellarius. 187 
 
 Charlevoix. 198 
 
 Christy, Miller. 386, 387 
 
 Clavus. 6 
 
 Clowes. 384 
 
 Cluverius. 173 
 
 Collinson. 300 
 
 Columbus, F. (?) 84 
 
 Connell. 358 
 
 Cooley, W. D. 262 
 
 Coote, C. H. 368, 379 
 
 Coronelli. 180, 181 
 
 Cosa, de la. 19, 365 
 
 Costa, Rev. B. F. de. 304, 307, 336 
 
 Crantz. 208, 251 
 
 Crenne, de la. 211 
 
 Croker, T. C. 276 
 
 Daru. 249 
 [Davity.] 137 
 Dee, Dr. 93, 279 
 De l’Isle, G. 192, 196 
 Delisle, L. 343 
 Desceliers, P. 55, 56, 59 
 Desimoni. 325, 326, 353 
 Dickson, O. 347 
 Donis. 15 
 Drage. 201 
 
 Dudley. 163 
 Dupaix. 270 
 
 Eden, R. 66, 87 
 Edmondston. 237 
 Edrisi. 1, 2 
 Egede. 199 
 Eggers, von. 225, 226 
 Elton. 370 
 
 Erizzo, Miniscalchi. 287 
 Erslef. 352 
 Eszler. 31 
 Estrup. 256 
 
 Filiasi. 230 
 Fiske. 369 
 Folsom. 278 
 Fordun, de. 205 
 Formaleone. 217,218 
 Forster, J. R. 219, 223 
 Foscarini. 203 
 Foster, J. W. 331 
 Foxe, Luke. 146 
 
 Gaffarel. 301, 366 
 Gastaldi. 58 
 Gataro. 193 
 Gatonbe (Chart), l 30 
 Gay, S. H. 322 
 Gerritz, Hessel. 133 
 Ghillany. 286 
 Giustiniano, A. 33, 48 
 Gomara. 64 
 Goos, A. 136 
 Gosch. 385 
 Gotofredus. 158 
 Graah. 265, 277 
 Gravier. 316 
 Grey. 311 
 Grieve, S. 354 
 Grotius. 151 
 Grynaeus. 47 
 Gudmundus. 150 
 
 Hakluyt. 96, 100, 117 
 Halliwell. 279 
 Hamy. 357 
 
 Harrisse, H. 299, 305, 306, 32 
 
 345 , 35 °, 372 , 3^2 
 
 Haym. 229 
 
226 Alphabetical Index to Appendix VI. 
 
 Herrera, i z i 
 Hoff, von. 254 
 Hoieus. 149 
 Homem, D. 67 
 Hondius. 147 
 Hornius, G. 160, 169 
 Hulsius. 134 
 Humboldt, von. 273 
 Hume, P. 165 
 Hyggeden, de. 3 
 
 Irminger. 333 
 Irving, W. 258 
 
 James. 144 
 Jameson. 268 
 Jansonnius. 136 
 Jomard. 288 
 
 Jonas, Arngrim. 128, 131, 154 
 Jones. 332 
 
 Kalm. 204, 374 
 
 Kaufmann. 49, 52, 61, 79, 81, 92, 
 147, 320, 363 
 Kennedy. 315 
 Kerr. 239 
 Keulen, van. 200 
 “ King ” Map. 21 
 Kohl. 302 
 Krarup. 328, 329 
 Kretschmer. 373 
 Kunstmann. 291 
 
 Laet, de. 153,1*55. 
 
 Langle, Admiral de. 297 
 Lelewel. 285 
 Lesley, John. 91 
 Leslie, J. 268 
 Linschoten. 106, 112, 11 5 
 Loehner. 342 
 Lok, M. 138, 140 
 Lucas, J. 374 
 
 M., F. 195 
 Macaulay. 207 
 Mackenzie. 240 
 Madrignano. 28 
 Magini. 107 
 
 Magnus, Olaus. 50, 51, 65, 80, 356 
 Major, R. H. 303, 308, 309, 312, 
 317 , 334 
 
 Malte-brun. 238, 266 
 Markham, Admiral A. H. 337 
 Markham, Sir Clements. 360, 367 
 Martin, M. 183, 184 
 Martiniere. 209 
 
 Martyr, Peter. 30, 35, 40, 41, 42 
 
 Mattiolo. 58 
 
 Maurer. 313 
 
 Mauro, Fra. 9 
 
 Meddelelser orn Grpnland. 335 
 
 Megisser. 132 
 
 Mercator. 49, 52, 61, 79, 81, 92, 
 147, 320, 363 
 
 Moletius. 76 
 Molineux. 103, 116, 338 
 Montalboddo. 24, 34 
 Montanus. 167 
 Moray, Sir R. 174 
 Morelli. 231 
 Moreri. 194 
 Morisot. 152 
 Muller. 379 
 Munster, S. 53, 98 
 Muratori, L. 193 
 Murray, H. 261, 268 
 Myritius. 101 
 
 Nansen, F. 383 
 
 Nordenskjold. 339, 346, 348, 360, 
 
 364 
 
 Ogilby. 168 
 
 Olafsen and Povelsen. 232 
 Oliva, Perez de. 36 
 Olives, Jaume. 78 
 O’Reilly. 245 
 Ortelius. 82, 85, 102 
 Oviedo. 43 
 
 Parry, Sir E. 253 
 Patrizio, F. 71 
 Pennant. 224 
 Peschel. 290 
 Peyrere, de la. 157, 165 
 Pezzana. 235 
 Pickersgill. 212,215 
 Pingre. 211 
 Pinkerton, J. 243 
 Pitt. 176 
 Pizigani. 4 
 Plancius. 104 
 Pontanus. 143 
 Pope, Rev. A. 298 
 Porcacchi. 88 
 Priest, J. 267 
 Prowse, Judge D. W. 380 
 Prunes, Matteus. 60 
 Ptolemy. 15, 26, 29, 31, 44, 53, 58, 
 75 , 76 
 
 Purchas. 139, 141 
 
 Quad, M. 118, 119 
 Quirino. 54 
 
 Raemdonck. 320 
 Rafinesque. 274 
 .Rafn, C. C. 275 
 Ramusio. 70, 86 
 Rascicotti. 97 
 Redusio. 193 
 Resen, H. P. 126 
 Riccioli. 164 
 Richardson, Sir J. 293 
 Rink, Dr. 324 
 Robbe. 178 
 Roberts, L. 148 
 Robinson. 283 
 Roquette, Dezos de la. 259 
 
 Rosaccio. 123 
 Ross, Sir John. 250, 271 
 Ruscelli. 75 
 Ruysch. 26 
 
 Sabellico. 25 
 
 Santarem. 280 
 
 Sanuto, Livio. 99 
 
 Sanuto, Marin. 193 
 
 Schedel. 17 
 
 Schbner, J. 32 
 
 Schumacher, H. A. von. 377 
 
 Scoresby, Dr. W. 252, 255 
 
 Seller, John. 162, 170, 172 
 
 Servetus. 44 
 
 Seton. 330 
 
 Sinclair, T. 378 
 
 Speed, John. 142 
 
 Stanley of Alderley, Lord. 310 
 
 Steenstrup, K. J. V. 344, 349 
 
 Stephanius, S. 83 
 
 Stockholm Chart. 125 
 
 Storm, Dr. G. 361, 362 
 
 Stiiven, J. F. 188 
 
 Suhm, P. F. 206 
 
 Sylvanus. 29 
 
 Tentori. 221 
 Terra Rossa. 179 
 Thomas, Capt. 315 
 Thorlacius, G. 124 
 Thorlacius, T. 166 
 Tiraboschi. 210 
 Toaldo. 216 
 
 Torfaeus. 182, 185, 186, 189, 190, 
 298 
 
 Tramezini. 62, 68 
 Troil, Uno von. 214 
 
 Uzielli. 340 
 
 Vallejo and Traynor. 365 
 Vaugondy, de. 222 
 Vayer, La Mothe Le. 159 
 Veer, Gerrit de. 109, no, 111,114 
 Vespucci. 23, 375 
 Villanovanus. 44 
 
 Walckenaer, Baron. 260 
 Weise, A. J. 351 
 Wheaton, H. 264 
 Winsor, Justin. 359, 371 
 Wormskjold, M. 244 
 Wright, Ed. 116, 338 
 Wright, T. 281 
 Wytfliet. 108 
 
 Zabarella. 156 
 Zaccaria. 284 
 Zamoiski Map. 10 
 Zarhtmann, Admiral. 269, 272 
 Zeno, Jacopo. 54, 193 
 Zeno, Nicolo. 69 
 Ziegler. 46 
 Zurla. 233, 234, 247 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Note. — The names of persons are printed in thick type. 
 
 Aa, Peter van der, Map by, identifying Labrador, New 
 Britain, North Canada, with Estotilandia, and attributing 
 its discovery to Antonio Zeno in 1390, 43. 
 
 Abde, Hopdi, Iceland, 117. 
 
 Af (promontory), Mercator identifies Cape Desolation with, 
 
 4°; 
 
 Aguilar, Jeronimo, resemblance of his story to that of the 
 Frisland fisherman, 78-80, 95. 
 
 Alday, James, fails to find Frisland, 40. 
 
 Allardt, Hugo, 38. See App. VI. 
 
 America, pre-Columbian discovery of attributed to Antonio 
 Zeno, 6, 32, 50, 78; by Ortelius, 32; by Mercator 
 (1569) and Ortelius (1570), 28; by Mothe le Vayer, 
 38; by Cellarius, 43; by Marco Barbaro, 61 ; not 
 direttly claimed by Zeno the younger in the Annals , 156. 
 
 Anania, Lorenzo d’, 31, 84, 123, 139. See App. VI. 
 
 Ancone, Frederici d’, 107, 108. See App. VI. 
 
 Andefort, Zurla identifies Nodifordi of Fra Mauro with, 
 106; is Anarfiord, Iceland, 117. 
 
 Anderson, Johan, 127, 131. See App. VI. 
 
 Anglia Occidentalis, 29, 32. See West England. 
 
 Aniesis, Arntes Syssel, Iceland, 117. 
 
 Anticosti, Estotiland identified by Lelewel with, 122. See 
 Cape Breton. 
 
 Apianus, Peter, his map of 1520, 121. 
 
 Arthur, Kyng, according to Dr. Dee conquered Frisland, 
 
 3 1 * 
 
 Barbaro, Daniel, Patriarch of Aquilegia, Zeno’s book 
 dedicated to, 3, 25. 
 
 Barbaro, Marco, author of the MS. Discendenze Patrizie, 
 61, 70, 93, 97, 154, 156. See App. VI. 
 
 Barentz, William, 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Barrow, Sir John, 33, 47, 130, 147. See App. VI. 
 
 Baudrand, Michel Antoine, 41, 42, 50, 85, 86. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Beauvois, M. E., 97, 122, 156. See App. VI. 
 
 Behaim, Martin, 131. See App. VI. 
 
 Belga, Nicolaus, 43. 
 
 Bertius, P., 28. See App. VI. 
 
 Best, George, gives first published notice of Buss Island, 
 126, 127. See App. VI. 
 
 Bianco, Andrea, his map of 1448, 69; his map of 1436, 
 105, 106, 107. 
 
 Biddle, R., 48. See App. VI. 
 
 Blefken, Ditmar, 36, 37, 44. See App. VI. 
 
 Boats, leather, the elder Nicolo Zeno’s account of Green¬ 
 landers’, 14; mentioned by Ziegler, Olaus Magnus and 
 Schoner, 76; 76, n. 6 ; Zeno’s account of based on 
 misunderstanding, 77. 
 
 Boethius, Hedtor, 88. See App. VI. 
 
 Bondendea Porti. See Bondendon. 
 
 Bondendon, 9, 64, 70; name probably derived from 
 Portuguese source, 113 ; name considered by Major as 
 Venetian transmutation from Norderdahl, 151. 
 
 Bordone, Benedetto, his Isolario one of the sources of 
 Zeno’s narrative and map, 2, 23, 39, 51, 74, 75, 78, 
 80, 81, 82, 83, 87, 89, 90, 99, 101, 102, hi, 121, 156. 
 See App. VI. 
 
 Borough, W., MS. map by, showing Frobisher’s discoveries, 
 3°, n. 1. _ 
 
 Bossi, Luigi, thought Frisland to be a maritime region 
 rather than a single island, 115. 
 
 Botero, Giov., 37. See App. VI. 
 
 Boty (Bardse'n), Ivar, 37. 
 
 Boullaye le Gouz, De la, 133. See App. VI. 
 
 Bres, Island of (Bressay, Shetland Isles), 11, 36, 71, 73, 
 Hi 102. 
 
 Bredsdorff, J. H., 50, 69, 97, 105. See App. V. & VI. 
 
 Brenner, Dr. Oscar, his discovery of a copy of Olaus 
 Magnus’ map of 1539, long lost, 53, 103. 
 
 Broas (Brons on map). Island of, II, 71, 102. 
 
 Brons (Broas), 102. 
 
 Brown, Horatio F., on Venetian Government annual 
 voyages, 62, 63. 
 
 Brown, Rawdon, gives list of commanders of Venetian 
 Government annual voyages, 62, 63. 
 
 Bry, Theodore de, 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Buache, Jean Nicolas, the first to suggest that Frisland is 
 the Faroes, 46, 115, 116. See App. V. & VI. 
 
 Buchanan, George, 88, 94. See App. VI. 
 
 Buss (Bus, Busse, or De Bry), Island of, 33, 34, 35, 36, 
 37, 43, 4 8 , 5°, 11 4, 120 , I2 5> Iz6 > lz8 > I2 9> !3°, l 3h 
 133, I3 8 , 139- 
 
 Camocius, J. F., his map of 1562 referred to by Zurla, 
 104; a later edition of Tramezini’s map of 1558, 104. 
 See App. VI. 
 
 Camus, A. G., 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Cantino, Alberto, his map of 1502 the first to show an 
 island named “ Frislanda,” 64, 109. 
 
 Cape Breton identified by Lelewel with Estotiland, 122. 
 
 Capellari, Girolamo, author of the Campidoglio Veneto, 
 referred to by Zurla, 59, 63. 
 
 Carraro, C., 50. See App. VI. 
 
 “Carta da Navegar,” Zeno’s, 6 ; adopted by Mercator and 
 Ortelius, 6 ; the younger Zeno’s account of origin of, 8, 
 26 ; revised by Zeno for Ruscelli’s edition of Ptolemy, 
 27; copied in Moletius’ Ptolemy, 27 ; its materials em¬ 
 bodied in maps by Mercator and Ortelius, 28, 29 ; used 
 
 E E 
 
228 
 
 General Index. 
 
 by Frobisher, 29 ; generally regarded as authentic for 
 nearly a hundred years, 39 ; deteftion of unreliability 
 of, and doubts and controversy about, 40-52 ; destructive 
 criticism of, by Professor Storm, 53; mischievous effeCt 
 of, 56; fully considered, 98-124. 
 
 Casali, Scipione, his work on Marcolini’s press, 24, 45. 
 See App. VI. 
 
 Casas, Bartolome de las, his Historia de las Indias , 66 ; 
 reference to Frislanda in, 67, 68 ; reference not by 
 Columbus, but by Las Casas, 109. See App. VI. 
 
 Cellarius, Christophorus, refers to A. Zeno’s alleged 
 visit to America, 43. See App. VI. 
 
 Charlevoix, P. F. X. de, discredits the Zeno story, 44. 
 See App. VI. 
 
 Chioggia, the date 1380, given as that of the departure of 
 N. Zeno the elder from Venice, probably calculated 
 from date of capture of, 61. 
 
 Christopherson, Claude (Lyscander), his versified 
 Danish Chronicle, 39. 
 
 Christy, Miller, 30, 124, 139. See App. VI. 
 
 Clavus, Claudius, saw pigmies captured in a leather boat, 
 76, 77 ; his map of the North Atlantic, 100. See App. 
 VI. under “ Clavus ” and “ Storm.” 
 
 Clowes, William Laird, 55. See App. VI. 
 
 Cluverius, Philip, refers to Frisland, 43 ; says Frisland 
 belongs to England, 68. See App. VI. 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, 32, 38, 45, 48, 53, 54, 64, 65, 
 66, 67, 68, 78, 81, 83, 84, 108, 109, 115, 131, 132, 
 1 5 1 * 1 5^, 1 53, 
 
 Columbus, Ferdinand, The biography of Christopher 
 Columbus (1571) attributed to, considered and con¬ 
 demned as a work of doubtful authenticity, and unreli¬ 
 able, 64, 65, 66; the passage referring to Frislanda, 
 not by Christopher Columbus, but by Las Casas, 67, 
 68, 109. See App. VI. 
 
 Connell, on St. Kilda, 89. See App. VI. 
 
 Coronelli, Padre, globe dated 1688 by, 42 ; his Isolario, 
 43 ; doubts the Zeno story, 45. See App. VI. 
 
 Cosa, Juan de la. The name on La Cosa’s map of 1500, 
 read by Humboldt and others as “ Frislanda,” is really 
 “ Stillanda,” 64, 106-109, 156. 
 
 Costa, Rev. B. F. de, his claim that Bordone knew the 
 Zeno map as early as 1521 refuted, 102, 103. 
 
 Crantz, David, doubts the authenticity of the Zeno story, 
 44- 
 
 Crolandia, that part of Engroneland (Greenland) said to 
 have been visited by Nicolo Zeno the elder, 22 ; called 
 Grolanda on the map, ibid. 
 
 Cuba, the younger Zeno’s description of Estotilanda drawn 
 partly from accounts of, 80, 81. 
 
 Cunala, Cape, the Gamola, Grimola, and Gamaloia of maps 
 earlier than 1558, 117. 
 
 Daedalus, king of Scotland, 19, 69, 83, ,87, 120; father 
 of Icarus, king of Icaria, 19, 69 ; name and story 
 borrowed from Bordone’s Isolario , 83 ; Major’s opinion 
 upon, 87 ; kings of Icaria at end of fourteenth century 
 his descendants, according to Zeno, 120. 
 
 Damberc, Island of (Danbert on map), 11,71 ; is Hamna, 
 Shetland Isles, 102. 
 
 Danbert. See Damberc. 
 
 Davis, John, mentions Estotiland, 38* 4° j deceived by 
 Zeno’s work, 56. 
 
 Davis’s Straits, Estotiland on, according to Mothe le Vayer, 
 38 . 
 
 Davity, Sieur Pierre, accepts the Zeno story as true, 36. 
 
 De Bry. See Bry, de. 
 
 De Costa. See Costa, de. 
 
 Dee, Dodlor John, his Private Diary, 30 ; his Map, dated 
 1580,31,68. 
 
 De Laet. See Laet, de. 
 
 De l’lsle. See Isle, de P. 
 
 Denmark, alleged trade with Zeno’s Frislanda, 10, 40, 70 ; 
 Zeno’s “Dania” follows Tramezini’s map of 1558, 104, 
 105; Zeno’s latitude of, erroneous, 116; bears the 
 name Isola Islandia on Fra Mauro’s map, 1459, 118. 
 
 Descellier or Desceliers, Pierre, 117, 123. See App. VI. 
 
 Desimoni, Cornelio, 51, 113. See App. VI. 
 
 Donis, Nicolaus, 101, 102. See App. VI. 
 
 Dorgio, Drogeo so called by Luke Fox, 38. 
 
 Drogeo. See Drogio. 
 
 Drogio (Drogeo on map), Zeno’s description of, 16-18 ; 
 Antonio Zeno’s lost history of, 22, 25, 91 ; not known 
 before Zeno mentioned it, 26; identified by Mercator 
 and Ortelius with the island Dus Cirnes 29 ; shown on 
 Mollineux’s globe as part of Labrador, 32; Antonio 
 Zeno failed to find, 61; Zeno’s description of, taken 
 from earlier accounts of South America, and of His¬ 
 paniola, 80, 81; narrative of, does not tally with map, 
 84; Zichmni did not reach, 97; identified by J. R. 
 Forster with Florida, by Zurla with Canada, New 
 England, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Florida; By 
 Walckenaer with Southern Ireland or with a district 
 near Drogheda; by Lelewel and Maltebrun with Nova 
 Scotia and New England, 123 ; possible origin of name, 
 124. 
 
 Dudley, Robert, 43, 124. See App. VI. 
 
 Dus Cirnes, identified with Zeno’s Drogeo by Mercator 
 (1569) and Ortelius, 29; with Orbeland by Dr. Dee 
 (1580), 31; note on, 123, 124. 
 
 Edmonston, Dr. A., 47. See App. VI. 
 
 Edrisi, an island called Resland shown on his maps of 
 1154, 105, See App. VI. 
 
 Egede, Hans, does not accept the Zeno story, 44. 
 
 Eggers, H. P. von, identifies Frisland with the Faroes, 
 46, 115, 116; identifies Zeno’s seven islands east of 
 Iceland with parts of Iceland itself, 73, 102. See 
 App. V. & VI. 
 
 Elton, Charles I., 54. See App. VI. 
 
 England, Nicolo Zeno’s intention to visit England, 7; 
 alleged trade of Frisland with, 10, 40, 70; annual 
 Venetian Government voyages to, 62 n., 63 ; Ortelius, 
 Cluverius, and Dr. Dee assign Frisland to, 68. 
 
 Engroneland. See Greenland. 
 
 Engroveland. See Greenland. 
 
 Eslanda. See Estlanda. 
 
 Estlanda (Shetland Isles), written Eslanda on title and sub¬ 
 title, 3, 5, 6; attacked by Zichmni, 10, 71; confused by 
 Zeno the younger with Islanda (Iceland), II »., 72; 
 names of the seven islands placed by Zeno off east of Ice¬ 
 land borrowed from, 73, 102, 118; Lafreri’s map of, 
 119; Zeno’s, identified by Walckenaer with Estotilanda, 
 which he thought to be the north of Scotland, 122. 
 
 Estotilanda, Frisland fisherman’s story of, 15; Zichmni’s 
 unsuccessful voyage in search of, 18; Antonio Zeno’s lost 
 book upon, 22, 25 ; name first introduced by Zeno the 
 younger, 26; Mercator first to show the name, on 
 America, 28; Dr. Dee declares Queen Elizabeth’s title 
 to, and suggests that King Arthur possessed, 30, 31 ; 
 identified by Van der Aa with Labrador, New England, 
 and Canada, 43; its existence doubted by Charlevoix, 
 44; and by Martini£re, 45 ; Antonio Zeno failed to find, 
 according to the narrative, 61; the younger Zeno’s 
 description of, drawn from accounts of Mexico and the 
 greater Antilles, 80, 84; origins of Zeno’s map of, 121; 
 
General Index. 
 
 229 
 
 identified by various writers with Tyle (Thule); the north 
 of Scotland; Newfoundland or Winland; Labrador; and 
 Cape Breton or Anticosti, 122; Maltebrun derives the 
 name, from East-out-land; Beauvois from clerical error 
 for Escociland, 122. 
 
 Fair Isle, Zeno’s Neome probably represents, 69. 
 
 Fara, Fera, or Ferasland, a small island in the Orkneys 
 with which Forster identifies Frisland, 114. 
 
 Faroes, The, Buache and Eggers identify Frislanda with, 46 ; 
 Maltebrun, Zarhtmann, Major, and others do the like, 
 11 5 ; seven names only on Zeno’s Frisland taken from, 
 116; Frisland does not resemble, 117; Zeno’s Frislanda 
 compounded from earlier maps of Iceland and, 118, 156. 
 
 Filiasi, Conte L’Anonimo, 46. See App. VI. 
 
 Fiske, John, 54, 95. See App. VI. 
 
 Fixlanda (Iceland), 111, 113, 115, 1x6, iif, 118. 
 
 Flanders, Nicolo Zeno the elder’s intention to visit, 7; 
 alleged trade with Frisland, 10, 40, 70; annual Venetian 
 Government voyages to, 62. 
 
 Florida, Forster and Zurla identify Estotilanda partly 
 with, 123. 
 
 Fordun, I. de, 88, 94. See App. VI. 
 
 Formaleone, Vincenzo, 45. See App. VI. 
 
 Forster, John Reinhold, his identification of Zichmni 
 with Henry Sinclair, Earl of Orkney, 46; founded on 
 date proved to be wrong by Zurla, 61 ; identifies Icaria 
 with Kerry, 86, 94; identifies Estotiland with Newfound¬ 
 land or Winland, 122; and Drogeo with Florida, 123. 
 See App. V. & VI. 
 
 Foscarini, Marco, 45. See App. VI. 
 
 Foula, Island of, Erizzo identifies Neome with, 50; Porlanda 
 probably represents, 69. 
 
 Fox, Luke, 37. See App. VI. 
 
 Frislanda (Frisland on map), Nicolo Zeno wrecked on, 7; 
 belonged to the King of Norway, 8 ; conquered by 
 Zichmni, 9; Antonio Zeno joins Nicolo in, 10; Nicolb 
 dies in, 15; Antonio’s lost book on, 22, 25, 91; Green¬ 
 land mistaken by Frobisher for, 40; Buache and 
 Eggers identify, with the Faroes, 46; O’Reilly identifies, 
 with Buss Island, 48 ; Krarup, with North Friesland, 51 ; 
 Steenstrup, with Iceland, 52; Kretschmer thinks, copied 
 from earlier maps, 5 5 ; mentioned in Las Casas’ Historia 
 de las Indias, and in Life of Christopher Columbus, (1571), 
 66, 67 ; stated to have been larger than Ireland, 70; 
 story of the fisherman of, 78-84; conquest by Zichmni, 
 93 ; the name Stilanda on the Andrea Bianco map, 1436, 
 misread by Zurla, and on the La Cosa map, 1500, by 
 Humboldt and others, as, 106, 107; not on the La Cosa 
 map, 109; Christopher Columbus not acquainted with the 
 name of, 109; name of, first appears on Cantino map, 
 (1502), 109; supposed by some to have been submerged, 
 114; identified by Forster partly with Fera, Orkneys, 
 partly with the Faroes, and partly with the Hebrides, 114; 
 compared with Iceland, 117-119; compounded by Zeno 
 from earlier maps of Iceland and the Faroes, 118; sup¬ 
 posed by some to have been identical with the Island of 
 Buss, 126; no record of, in the annals of Iceland and 
 Norway, 154; no such island ever existed, 156. 
 
 Frislanda, King of. See Zichmni. 
 
 Frisland. See Frislanda. 
 
 Frixlanda (Iceland), 113, 115, 118. 
 
 Frobisher, Martin, mistakes Greenland for Frisland, 29; 
 30, 32; used Zeno’s map, 29; misled by Zeno’s map, 
 56; Buss Island supposed to have been discovered during 
 third voyage of, 126, 128. 
 
 Gaffarel, Paul, 51-54, 133, 152. See App. VI. 
 
 Gastaldi, J., 27,.ioi. See App. VI. 
 
 Gataro, Andrea, 63. See App. VI. 
 
 Gerritsz, Hessel, his map, 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Giustiniano, Agostino, short life of Christopher Colum¬ 
 bus by, 65, 66; his Annals of Genoa, 65, 66. 
 
 Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, 79. See App. VI. 
 
 Goos, Abraham, 36. See App. VI. 
 
 Gosch, C. C. A., 139. See App. VI. 
 
 Graah, Lieut. W. A., 48, 49, 131. See App. VI. 
 
 Greenland (Engroneland), Zeno’s description of East, 10- 
 15; Estotiland’s trade with, 16; Antonio Zeno’s visit to 
 South, 18 ; his book on Zichmni’s discoveries in, 22, 
 25, 91 ; insular character of only recently determined 
 by Peary, 26 ; Dr. Dee alleges Queen Elizabeth’s title 
 to, 30; and King Arthur’s conquest of, 31 ; named 
 West England by Frobisher, 32 ; Zeno’s account of 
 gardens in, derided by Arngrim Jonas, 41 ; voyage of 
 Nicolo Zeno to, considered, 71-77 ; dwarfs of, 83 ; 
 Antonio Zeno’s visit to, considered, 89, 90 ; private 
 property of the Danish Crown, 96 ; latitude of south 
 point of, 116 ; mistaken by Frobisher for Frisland, 138; 
 Zeno’s account of untrue, 156. 
 
 Grey, Charles, 5. See App. VI. 
 
 Grislanda, 10, II, 34, 71, 114, 11 5. 
 
 Grolanda, the portion of Engronelanda (Greenland) said 
 to have been visited by Nicolo Zeno the elder, 22. 
 
 Grotius, Hugo, 38, 146. See App. VI. 
 
 Grynseus, Simon, 78, hi. See App. VI. 
 
 Guardus Insula, this name added in revised edition 
 (Ruscelli’s) of Zeno’s map, 27. 
 
 Hakluyt (Richard), n, 12, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 37, 41, 
 60, 61, 126, 127. See App. VI. 
 
 Hall, James, 35, 56, 127, 131, 133. 
 
 Halliwell, J. O., 30. See App. VI. 
 
 Hamy, Dr. E. T., 121. See App. VI. 
 
 Harrisse, Henry, 48, 54, 65, 66, 67, 109, hi, 123. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Haym, N. F., 28, 63. See App. VI. 
 
 Hebrides, The, Forster identifies Frisland partly with, 
 
 11 5 - 
 
 Helleland, H. P. Resen identifies Estotiland with, 122. 
 
 Hirt (Hirta, Hirth, Hirtha, Hyrtha, and Irte), Island of. 
 See St. Kilda. 
 
 Hispaniola, Zeno’s descriptions of Estotilanda and Drogio 
 partly taken from earlier accounts of, 80, 81 ; Gaffarel’s 
 oversight as to this faft, 115* 
 
 Hoieus, Franciscus, 38. See App. VI. 
 
 Holen, Gastaldi places, with Skalholt, on both Iceland and 
 Greenland, 101. 
 
 Homem, Diego, 117. See App. VI. 
 
 Hondius, Jodocus, 28. 
 
 Hopdi, on Thorlaksen’s Iceland, the “Abde” of Zeno’s 
 Frisland, 117. 
 
 Hot Springs, the elder Nicolo Zeno’s account of, n, 12 ; 
 their use forcooking and heating purposes, ib.\ none hot 
 enough for cooking now known in Greenland, 73; such 
 did exist in Iceland before Zeno’s time and now, 74; 
 sources of Zeno’s accounts of, 74 ? 75 * 
 
 Hulsius, Levinus, 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Humboldt, Baron von, his remarks on the Zeno story, 49, 
 92, 98 ; misread the name Stillanda on the La Cosa map, 
 1500, as Frislanda , 106 ; not convinced as to the truth 
 of the Zeno story, 154. 
 
 Hyggeden, Ranulfus de, 105. See App. VI. 
 
 Icaria, discovery of, by Zichmni and A. Zeno, 19; its 
 kings called Icarus after the first king, a son of Daedalus, 
 king of Scotland, 19 ; peculiar laws and customs of, 19; 
 
2 3 ° 
 
 General Index. 
 
 hostility of its inhabitants, 20 ; Erizzo identifies, with 
 the Sunken Land of Buss, 50 ; Major with Kerry, 70 #.; 
 Terra Rossa on, 85; Forster identifies, with Kerry, 86; 
 Major’s explanation of Zeno’s introduction of this “one 
 piece of fable,” 87; the Icaria of Zeno’s map probably 
 Hirta (St. Kilda), 88; resemblance between customs of 
 the Icarians of the narrative and the St. Kildians, 89; 
 mendacity and impudence of the younger Zeno in 
 importing, 1 from the iEgean Sea and introducing the 
 
 ' classic legend, 119, 120; identified by Walckenaer with 
 the Isle of Skye, 120; Beauvois thought Zeno’s Estoti- 
 land identical with, 122. 
 
 Icarus, kings of Icaria called, after the first king, son of 
 Daedalus, king of Scotland, 19. 
 
 Iceland (Islanda), Zichmni withdraws from attack on, 
 because it was fortified and prepared for defence, 11; 
 Estotiland smaller than, 16; Antonio Zeno’s lost book 
 upon, 22, 25, 91 ; Blefken’s libel upon, 36; Arngrim 
 Jonas a native of and writer upon, 41; Steenstrup 
 identifies Frisland with, 52; Arngrim Jonas’s contra¬ 
 dictions of Zeno’s statements as to, 72; description of 
 Nicolb Zeno’s Engronelanda inapplicable to Greenland, 
 applies fairly well to, 73 ; volcanoes and hot springs in, 
 74, 75, 77; private property of Danish sovereigns, 96; 
 Zeno’s importation of the Shetlands on to east coast of, 
 102; called Fislanda on map of 1508, ill; called Fix- 
 landa in early Catalan and other maps, ill, 112; Steen¬ 
 strup believed the names Wrislanda, Grislanda, Frislanda, 
 and Reslanda, all to be variants of the name Islanda, 115; 
 Irminger identifies Frisland with, 119; Olaus Magnus 
 identifies, with Ultima Thule , 121 ; Frisland compounded 
 by Zeno from earlier maps of, and of the Faroes, 156. 
 
 Ilofe, Island of, 9, 18, 21, 34, 64, 69, 70. 
 
 Inestol. See Sanestol. 
 
 Ireland, Frislanda much larger than, 9, 40, 119; Major 
 identifies Icaria with Kerry in, 70; Walckenaer identifies 
 Frisland with North and West, 115 ; called Scocia during 
 the middle ages, 122; Walckenaer identifies Drogeo with 
 South, or with a district near Drogheda in, 123. 
 
 Irminger, Admiral, 51, 69, 75; identifies Frisland with 
 Iceland, 115-117, 119. See App. VI. 
 
 Irving, Washington, 48, 131, 132. See App. VI. 
 
 Iscant, Island of, 11, 71 ; is Unst, Shetlands, 102. 
 
 Islanda. See Iceland. 
 
 Isle, Guillaume de 1 ’, 43, 107, 114, 127, 130, 131. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Isola Solan, on Fra Mauro’s map, 1459, 69. 
 
 James, Capt. Thomas, 38. See App. VI. 
 
 Jansonnius, Joh., 36. See App. VI. 
 
 Jomard, Edme Frampois, 106, 108. See App. VI. 
 
 Jonas, Arngrim, 36, 37, 41, 72 ; refutes Blefken, 36; a 
 native and historian of Iceland, 41; refutes Zeno’s 
 statements about Iceland, 72. See App. VI. 
 
 Kalm, Peter, 44. 
 
 Kaufmann, Gerard (Mercator), 6, 28, 29, 35, 36, 40, 
 41, 42, 69, 70, 88, 89, 102, 104, hi, 116, 117, 118, 
 119, 120, 123, 124, 145, 152. See App. VI. 
 
 Kerr, Robert, 47. See App. VI. 
 
 Kerry, Forster and Major identify Icaria with, 70, 86, 87, 
 88, 120. * 
 
 Keulen, Van, 43, 114, 131. See App. VI. 
 
 Krarup, Fr., 51, 97. See App. VI. 
 
 Kretschmer, Dr. Konrad, 54, 106, 108, 113, 117, 123. 
 See App. VI. 
 
 Kunstmann, F., in, 121. See App. VI. 
 
 Labrador, 39, 42, 43, 48, 102, hi, 121, 122, 124, 138; 
 Drogeo part of, on Mollineux’s globe, 1592, 32; 
 
 Estotiland is according to Wytfliet, 34; Bordone’s Green¬ 
 land marked, 39 (map); Estotiland, on Coronelli’s globe 
 and Van der Aa’s map identified with, 43; De Costa 
 on Bordone’s map of, 102; Zeno’s Estotiland and Drogeo 
 on his map taken from early maps of, 121 ; Zurla 
 identified Estotiland with, 122; Dragoa on, on map in 
 Dudley’s Arcano del Mare , 124. 
 
 Laet, De, Joannes, doubts the Zeno story, 38. 
 
 Lafreri Atlas , maps in, 88, 89, 114, 119. See Plates V., 
 IX. and X. 
 
 Langle, Admiral de, 136. See App. VI. 
 
 Lardner, Dr. 47. 
 
 Las Casas. See Casas. 
 
 Ledovo, Island of, 9, 18, 21, 34, 64; perhaps Liderovo of 
 A. Bianco map, 1448, 69; Major identifies with Lille 
 Dimon, Faroes, 69. 
 
 Lelewel, Joachim, 50, 73, 102, 105, 106, 108, 122, 123; 
 his chapter on the Zeno map, 50 ; treats Zeno’s seven 
 Icelandic islands as parts of Iceland, 73, 102; misread 
 Stillanda on La Cosa map, 1500, as Frislanda , 106, 108; 
 identifies Estotiland with Cape Breton or Anticosti, 
 122 ; and Drogeo with Nova Scotia and New England, 123. 
 
 Lesley, Bishop, 88. See App. VI. 
 
 Liderovo. See Ledovo. 
 
 Lille Dimon, Faroes, Major identifies with Zeno’s Ledovo, 
 69. 
 
 Linschoten, Jan Huygen van, 34, 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Lok, Michael, his map of 1380, 31 n., 32, 83, 123, 147. 
 See Plate XV. 
 
 Lucas, Joseph, 44. See App. VI. 
 
 Lyscander. See Christopherson, Claude. 
 
 Macaulay, Rev. Kenneth, his History of St. Kilda , 88. 
 See App. VI. and Plate XVIII. 
 
 Mackenzie, Sir George Stuart, 72, 90. See App. VI. 
 
 Magini, Giovanni Antonio, 37. See App. VI. 
 
 Magnus, Olaus, 12 n. ; makes no mention of the Zeni or 
 their voyages in his works on the Northern Regions, 30; 
 his map of 1539, lost when Zarhtmann and Major wrote, 
 51; a copy discovered in 1886, 53 ; his books arid map 
 used by Zeno, 72-77, 81, 87, 90, 92, 102, 103, 104, 
 115, 118, 119, 153, 156; his maps of 1555 and 1567 
 quite different from that of 1539, 103 ; Tile on his map 
 of 1539, 120, 121; reproduction of his map of 1555, 
 140. See App. IV. & VI. and Plate IV. 
 
 Mainland, Shetland. See Mimant. 
 
 Major, R. H., his book on the voyages of the Zeni, 50 ; 
 the standard work upon the subject, 51 ; his attempted 
 explanation of the error in date given by the younger 
 Zeno, 60, 61; his phonetic theory, 69, 70; his attempted 
 explanation of Zeno’s monastery in Engroneland, 77; 
 the “one piece of fable in the whole story” admitted 
 by, and attempted explanation by, 87; his curious notion 
 of “twofold testimony,” 90; his method of accounting 
 for the younger Zeno’s inaccuracies, 144; his phonetic 
 theory beyond the bounds of probability, 151. See also 
 App. V. and VI. 
 
 Maldonado, Lorenzo Ferrer, Frisland mentioned in 
 account of apocryphal voyage of, 33, 147. See App. VI., 
 under Amoretti. 
 
 Maltebrun, Conrad, 48, 94, 97, 101, 114, 115, 122, 
 123. See App. V. & VI. 
 
 Marcolini, Francesco, publisher of the Zeno Annals , 3, 
 24; dedication by, 3 ; not the author of the Annals , 24; 
 his character, 25; assisted Zeno in concodting his map, 
 104, 121, 151; his appropriate motto, 157. 
 
General Index . 
 
 2 3 1 
 
 Margaret, Queen of Norway, 94. 
 
 Markham, [Sir] Clements R., 33, 54, 55, 68. 
 
 Martin, M., 88, 89. See App. VI. 
 
 Martiniere, A. A. Bruzen de la, 45. See App. VI. 
 
 Martyr, Peter, 78, 81, 83. See App. VI. 
 
 Maurer, Professor Konrad, 50. See App. VI. 
 
 Mauro, Fra, 69, 106, 111, 118, 154. See App. IV. & VI. 
 and Plate I. 
 
 Megisser, Hieronymus, 12, 36. See App. VI. 
 
 Mercator. See Kaufmann, Gerard. 
 
 Mexico, Zeno’s description of Estotilanda taken from 
 earlier accounts of, 80, 81, 84. 
 
 Milton, John. See App. VI., No. 165. 
 
 Mimant, Island of, 11, 36, 71; is Mainland, Shetland Isles, 
 
 102. 
 
 MolettUS, Jos., the first definitely to attribute the author¬ 
 ship of the Annals to Nicolo Zeno, 24 n. ; reproduces 
 Zeno’s revised map, 27. 
 
 Mollineux (Molineux or Molyneux), Emmerie, his globe 
 of 1592, 32; his (or Wright’s) map of 1599, 33 ; shows 
 Nova Francia Drogeo on continent of America on his globe, 
 124; shows Buss Island and Frisland on his globe, 127. 
 
 Monachus or Monaco, 52, 116, 119. 
 
 Montalboddo, Fra da, 83. See App. VI. 
 
 Montanus, Arnoldus, 41. See App. VI. 
 
 Morelli, D. J., 46. See App. VI. 
 
 Moreri, Louis, 43. See App. VI. 
 
 Morisot, Claude Barthelemi, 44. See App. VI. 
 
 Mothe le Vayer. See Vayer, La Mothe le. 
 
 Muller, Frederick, 31, 36, 38, 124. See App. VI. 
 
 Munster, Sebastian, 33, 34, 101. See App. VI. 
 
 Muratori, L. A., 63. See App. VI. 
 
 Myritius, Joannis, 34. See App. VI. 
 
 Nansen, Fridtjof, 136, 137. See App. VI. 
 
 Neome, Island of, 22, 31, 34 ; Erizzo identifies Foula with, 
 50 ; probably represents Fair Isle, 69, 90, 113. 
 
 Newfoundland, Zurla identifies Icaria with, 86, 87, 120 ; 
 Forster, Maltebrun, and Beauvois identify Estotiland 
 with, 122. 
 
 Nielson, Christen, fails to find Frisland, 40. 
 
 Niger, Nicolaus. See Clavus, Claudius. 
 
 Nodiford, on Ixilanda of Fra Mauro’s map, 1459, Zurla 
 thought to be Zeno’s Andefort, 106. 
 
 Nordenskjold, Baron A. E., maps in his Facsimile Atlas 
 referred to, 31 »., 33 n., 34 n., 35 n.; the Zamoiski 
 map discovered by, 49, 99 ; three maps in Florence 
 libraries reproduced by, 51, 100; his opinion on the 
 Zeno map, 52; mistaken in thinking Olaus Magnus 
 maps of 1539 and 1567 identical, 103 ; fifteenth century 
 Catalan map reproduced by. III. See App. VI. 
 
 Norderdahl, Major thinks this name transmuted by Vene¬ 
 tians into Bondendon, 70, I 51. 
 
 Nordero, 116, 119. 
 
 North Friesland, Krarup identifies Zeno’s Frisland with 
 Schleswig or, 51; Steenstrup thinks the Zeni brothers 
 went no further than South Jutland or, 52. 
 
 North Frisland. See North Friesland. 
 
 Norway, 10, 13, 14, 22, 25, 40, 70, 74, 91, 94, 96, 101, 
 
 103, 104, 105, 116, 138, 149, 154. 
 
 Norway, King of, 8, 10, 11, 68, 71, 93. 
 
 Nova Francia Drogeo, marked on Mollineux’s globe, 1592, 
 on North America, 124. 
 
 Nova Scotia, Maltebrun identifies Drogeo with New 
 England and, 123. 
 
 Ocibar, is Orebakke, Iceland, or the Orbaca of Diego 
 Homem’s map of 1558, 117. 
 
 Ogilby, John, 41. See App. VI. 
 
 Olafsen and Povelsen, 90. See App. VI. 
 
 Oliva, Ferdinand Perez de, his manuscript Life of 
 Columbus, 66, 67. 
 
 Olives, Bartolomeo, map by, dated 1559, referred to by 
 Zurla, 113 n. 
 
 Olives, Jaume, dates of maps by, 113 n. 
 
 Orbaca. See Ocibar. 
 
 Orebakke. See Ocibar. 
 
 O’Reilly, Bernard, 48, 114, 130, 131, 148. See App. VI. 
 Ortelius, Abraham, 6, 28, 29, 32, 34, 37, 42, 46, 60, 61, 
 68, 88, 120, 123, 145, 152. See App. VI. 
 
 Oviedo, Gonzalo Hernandez de, 66. See App. VI. 
 
 Parry, Sir Edward, 131. See App. VI. 
 
 Pennant, Thomas, 46, 90. See App. VI. 
 
 Pennsylvania, Zurla identifies Drogeo partly with, 123. 
 Peyrere, J. de la, 38. See App. VI. 
 
 Pickersgill, Lieut. Richard, 130. See App. VI. 
 
 Pigiu, or Piglu, is Siglu of Thorlaksen’s map of Iceland, 
 
 ' 595 , 1 17 - 
 
 Pingre, Alex. Gui., 114, 131. See App. VI. 
 
 Pitt, Moses, 41. See App. VI. 
 
 Pizigani, Francesco and Marco, 108. See App. VI. 
 Plancius, Peter, 34, 127. See App. VI. 
 
 Podanda, or Podalida, 31, 34, 113. 
 
 Pontanus, Joh. Isaac, 12, 13, 37, 72, 94, 95, 96. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Porcacchi da Castiglione, Thomaso, 30. See App. VI. 
 Porlanda, Islands of, 8, 64, 69, 93, 11 3, 114. 
 
 Porlanda, town on Frisland, is Portland in Iceland, 117. 
 Prowse, Judge D. W. See App. VI. 
 
 Prowse, G. R. F., in note on Dus Cirnes, 123 n. 
 Prunes, Matthew, 69, 112 (Fig. 8), 113, 115, 117. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Ptolemy, Claudius, 67, 68, 86, 99, 100, 101, in, 114, 
 120, 121, 157. See App. VI. 
 
 Purchas, Samuel, 35, 36, 37, 127, 128, 133, 147. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Quad, Matthias, 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Quirino, Francesco, 63. See App. VI. 
 
 Raceueit, 104. 
 
 Raemdonck, Dr., 88, 120. See App. VI. 
 
 Ramusio, Gio. Battista, 5, 28, 31-45, 59, 154. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Rascicotti, 31, 124. 
 
 Redusio, Andrea, 63. See App. VI. 
 
 Resen, H. P., 35, 122. See App. VI. 
 
 Rink, Dr., 13. See App. VI. 
 
 Roberts, Lewes, 68. See App. VI. 
 
 Rodea or Rovea, is Roverhavn, Iceland, 117. 
 
 Ross, Sir John, .131. See App. VI. 
 
 Ruscelli, Girolamo, Zeno’s map, revised by him, given in 
 Ruscelli’s edition of Ptolemy, 1561, 5 n., 27, 104, 114, 
 
 117, 152, 156. See App. V. & VI. and Plate XII. 
 Ruysch’s Map, 26 n. 
 
 Sabellico, Marcantonio, 63. See App. VI. - 
 St. Brandan, Island of, 125, 131, 132. 
 
 St. Kilda, Island of, 88, 89, 120, 121, 125. 
 
 St. Ronans. See Trans. 
 
 Saint Thomas, Monastery of, 4, II, 14, 29, 34, 36, 38, 39, 
 
 ^ 44, 73, 74, 76 , 77, 99, IOI > J 55- 
 
 Sanestol, 9, 64, 69, 117. 
 
 Santarem, Vicomte de, 107, 108. See App. VI. 
 Sanuto, Livio, 34. See App. VI. 
 
2 3 2 
 
 General Index. 
 
 Sanuto, Marin (the younger), 63. See App. VI. 
 Schedel, Hartmann, Ioi. See App. VI. 
 
 Schleswig, Krarup identifies Frislanda with North Friesland 
 or Schleswig, 51. 
 
 Schoner, Johann, 76, 77, 1 1 1. See App. VI. 
 
 Schonladia Nuova, 27, 101. See Plate VI. 
 
 Scocia, old name for Ireland, 122. 
 
 Scoresby, Dr. William, 135, 136. See App. VI. 
 Seller, John, 42, 127, 128, 129, 130. See App. VI. 
 Senckler. See Sinclair, Flenry. 
 
 Shetland Isles. See Estlanda, Eslanda, Islande. 
 
 Sialanda, 108, 109. 
 
 Siggens, Henri de, Krarup identifies Zichmni with, 52, 
 
 97- 
 
 Simon or Sigmund, son of Bui, BredsdorfF identifies 
 Zichmni with, 97. 
 
 Sinclair, Henry, 1st Earl of Orkney, Forster identifies 
 Zichmni with, 46, 94; Maltebrun, Major, and others 
 follow Forster’s identification of, 94; Zurla differs, 94; 
 objedtions to Forster’s identification, 94-97; Zichmni 
 not identical with, 156. 
 
 Sinclair, Thomas, 54, 97. See App. VI. 
 
 Sincler. See Sinclair, Henry. 
 
 Skalholt, Gastaldi places on both Iceland and Greenland, 
 191. See Plate VI. 
 
 Skye, Isle of, Walckenaer identifies Icaria with, 120. 
 
 Solanda, the Sorand of the Zeno map, 69. 
 
 Sorand and Sorano. See Sorant. 
 
 Sorant (Sorand on map, Sorano in text), Duchy of, 8, 34, 
 64, 69, 93; is Strand, Iceland, 117. 
 
 South America, Zeno took his descriptions of Estotiland 
 and Drogeo partly from earlier accounts of, 80, 81. 
 
 South Jutland, Steenstrup thought that the Zeni went no 
 further than North Frisland or, 52. 
 
 Spagia, a distortion of Portuguese word Espraya , 113. 
 
 Speed, John, 42. See App. VI. 
 
 Stanley, Lord, of Alderley, 5. 
 
 Steenstrup, K. J. V., 35, 51, 
 
 App. VI. 
 
 Stephanius, Sigurdus, 29, 142. 
 
 Stillanda and Stilanda, misread as 
 109. 
 
 Sto’rm, Professor Gustav, 40, 41, 52, 53, 73, 87, 100, 
 104. See App. VI. 
 
 Streme, 116, 119. 
 
 Sturlasson, Snorre, 75, 76. 
 
 Sudero, 64, 70, 116, 119. 
 
 Sylvanus, Bernardus, 121. See App. VI. 
 
 See App. VI. 
 52, 115, 116, 
 
 117. See 
 
 See App. VI. 
 Frislanda, 64, 106, 
 
 107, 
 
 Talas, Island of, II, 71 ; is Yell, Shetlands, 102. 
 
 Terra Rossa, Padre Dottore Vitale, 38, 42, 50, 85, 86, 
 114, 144, 152, 156. See App. VI. 
 
 Thomas, Captain, 88, 89. See App. VI. 
 
 Thorlacius, Gudbrand, 36, 41, 117. See App. VI. 
 Tiraboschi, Girolamo, 45, 47. See App. VI. 
 Torfseus, Thormodus, 29, 36, 43, 94, 142. See App. 
 VI. 
 
 Tramezini, Michael, his maps, 104, 105. See App. VI. 
 and PI. VIII. 
 
 Trans, Island of, 11, 71 ; is St. Ronans, Shetland, 102. 
 Treadon, 13, 74. 
 
 Trin, Capo di, 21, 34, 90. 
 
 Troil, Uno von, 75 n. See App. VI. 
 
 Uzielli, Gustav, 113. See App. VI. 
 
 Vallejo and Tray nor, 106. See App. VI. 
 
 Vayer, La Mothe le, credits Antonio Zeno with 
 discovery of America in 1390, 38. 
 
 Veer, Gerrit de, 35. See App. VI. 
 
 Venetian Government, Annual Voyages under. A “Nicolo 
 Zeno ” commander of the galleys on the Flanders voyage 
 in 1385, 62; stringent regulations of conduit of, 62, 63. 
 
 Vespucci, Amerigo, 38, 45, 78, 82, 83, 84, 153. See 
 App. VI. 
 
 Vestrabord, 102. 
 
 Vidil, Cape, is Vadil or Veidileisa , Iceland, 117. 
 
 Virginia, Zurla partly identifies Drogeo with, 123. 
 
 Visscher, N., 42, 43. 
 
 Volcanoes in Greenland, the elder Nicolo Zeno’s account 
 of, ii; Antonio Zeno’s account of, 21 ; no existing, 
 90 ; no record of former existence of any, 90. 
 
 Walckenaer, Baron, identifies Frisland with North and 
 West Ireland, 1 15; Icaria with the Isle of Skye, 120; 
 Estotiland with the Estland of the Zeni, which he held 
 to be North Scotland, 122 ; and Drogeo with the South 
 of Ireland or, alternatively, with a district near Drogheda, 
 123. See App. VI. 
 
 West England, 26, 29 ; the name given by Frobisher to the 
 part of Greenland which he mistook for Zeno’s Frisland, 
 3°, 32- 
 
 West Frislanda, or West Frisland. See West England. 
 
 West India Islands, Zeno borrows from early accounts of, 
 
 84. 
 
 White Sea, Krarup takes the brothers Zeni to, 51. 
 
 Wiars, Thomas, his account of Buss Island, 126. 
 
 Wichmannus, 96, 97. 
 
 Wieser, Professor F. R. von, 100. 
 
 Wilson, H. W., suspends judgment as to truth of the 
 Zeno voyages, 55. 
 
 Winland, Forster identifies Estotiland with, 122. 
 
 Winsor, Justin, 33, 54. See App. VI. 
 
 Wright, Edward, 33. See App. VI. 
 
 Wright, Thomas, 132. See App. VI. 
 
 Wrislad, Island of, 105. 
 
 Wrislanda, 115. 
 
 Wytfliet, Cornelius, 34, 37. See App. VI. 
 
 Zabarella, Giacomo, 63. See App. VI. 
 
 Zaccaria, Gaetano, 25. See App. VI. 
 
 Zamoiski Map, the, 49, 51, 52, 53, 55, 99, 100, 101, 
 104. See App. VI. 
 
 Zarhtmann, Admiral C. C., 28, 49, 50, 51, 54, 97, 99, 
 102, 103, 115. See App. VI. 
 
 Zeno, Antonio, joins his brother Nicolo in Frislanda , 10; 
 stays there fourteen years, 10; on Nicolo’s death suc¬ 
 ceeds to his riches and honours, 15; tells the Frisland 
 fisherman’s story in a letter to his brother. Carlo Zeno, 
 15-18; accompanies Zichmni on a voyage in search of 
 Estotiland,-which, they fail to find, 18-22; his account 
 of Icaria , its king Icarus, a descendant of Daedalus, 
 king of Scotland, 19; his book describing various coun¬ 
 tries, his Life of his brother Nicolo and his Life of 
 Zichmni, 22; these books and many other writings of, 
 destroyed by Nicolo Zeno the younger, in his youth 
 and ignorance, 25, 27; Mothe le Vayer credits, with a 
 pre-Columbian discovery of America, 38; Coronelli 
 doubts the reality of Zeno’s Frisland, 43; Cellarius 
 refers to visit of, to America, 43 ; Marco Barbaro’s state¬ 
 ment that “by order of Zicno, King of Frislanda, went 
 to America in 1390,” at variance with the Zeno 
 narrative, 61 ; his report of the story of the Frisland 
 fisherman considered and found to be a compilation by 
 the younger Zeno from sources indicated, 78-84; 
 Zurla makes Icaria Newfoundland, and thus credits a 
 
General Index. 
 
 2 33 
 
 pre-Columbian discovery of America to, 87; his 
 account of Greenland considered, 90; his alleged 
 writings not forthcoming, 149; his accounts of Green¬ 
 land untrue, 156. 
 
 Zeno, Carlo, Antonio Zeno’s letters said to have been 
 addressed to, 15, 18, 22, 23, 63; life of, by Jacopo 
 Zeno, 63, 78, 91, 96, 149, 150. 
 
 Zeno, Caterino, Ambassador of Persia, 4, n. 1. 
 
 Zeno, Caterino, son of Nicolo the younger, 28. 
 
 Zeno, Jacopo, Bishop of Feltre and Belluno, his Life of 
 Carlo Zeno, 63. See App. VI. 
 
 Zeno, Nicolo (the elder), the voyage of, 7; wrecked on 
 Frislanda, 7 j rescued by Zichmni and taken into his 
 service, 8, 9; made a knight, 10; joined by his brother 
 Antonio, 10; made captain of Zichmni’s fleet, 10; left 
 at Bres, 11; his expedition to Greenland, 11 ; his 
 account of the monastery there and of the volcano and 
 hot springs, 11-15; dies in Frisland, 15 ; Zurla on the 
 identity of, 59; Zurla shows date 1380, assigned by 
 Zeno the younger for commencement of voyage of, to 
 be incorredt, 60; died before 1398, 61; a Nicolo Zeno 
 commanded the Venetian Government voyage to Flanders 
 in 1385, 62; the younger Zeno’s account of voyage of, 
 considered, 64-77; account of Greenland untrue, 156. 
 
 Zeno, Nicolo (the younger), description of his book, 3-6 ; 
 translation of his text, 6-23; Moletius states that the 
 story was printed by, 24; personal notice of, 24; his 
 own account of the sources of his narrative and map, 25, 
 26; his reputation as historian and geographer, 27; date 
 1380 assigned by him as that of the voyage of Nicolb 
 Zeno the elder proved to be false by Zurla, 61 ; 
 probably calculated from date of fall of-Chioggia, in 
 1380, by, 61 ; some of his statements about Iceland 
 refuted by Arngrim Jonas, 72, 73 ; probable origin of his 
 seven Icelandic islands, 73; his blunder about the posi¬ 
 tion of Bres, 73 ; his descriptions of Iceland and Green¬ 
 land taken from the works of Olaus Magnus and 
 Bordone, 74-77; his story of the Frisland fisherman 
 pure fiftion, built up by, from sources indicated, 78-84; 
 his importation of Icaria, with its well-known classic 
 legend, from the ALgean into the Deucalidonian Sea, 
 84; this part of his story stolen from Bordone, 87; 
 the Icaria of his map, Hirta (St. Kilda), 88; his thefts 
 from Olaus Magnus, 90, 92; the sources of his “ Carta 
 da Navegar,” 98-124; Gastaldi also confused Greenland 
 with Iceland, 101; guilty of a contemptible literary fraud, 
 143; the eight principal arguments or excuses used by 
 
 his upholders, 144, 145; considered and answered, 145- 
 155; ten conclusions, 156. 
 
 Zeno, Family, pedigree of the, 5, 6, 59, App. III. 
 
 Zichmni, a prince, 8 ; spoke in Latin, 8 ; rescues Nicolo 
 Zeno, 8 ; a great lord, who possessed some islands called 
 Porlanda, “the richest and most populous in all those 
 parts,” 8 ; Duke of Sorano, 8 ; most famous in maritime 
 affairs, 8; his vidtory over the King of Norway, 8 ; his 
 conquest of Frislanda and other islands, 9; makes Nicolo 
 Zeno a knight, 10 ; his attack on the Shetland Isles, 10 ; 
 total loss of the King of Norway’s fleet, 11 ; his expedi¬ 
 tion against Iceland abandoned because he found the 
 island so well fortified and furnished for defence, 11 ; 
 resolved to make himself master of the sea, 15 ; hears of 
 Estotiland and Drogeo, and resolves to send Antonio Zeno 
 there in command of a fleet, 18 ; decides to go in person, 
 18 ; reaches Icaria , whose king, Icarus, was descended 
 from Daedalus, king of Scotland, 19; repulsed by the 
 Icarians, 20 ; reaches the southern point of Greenland, 
 and founds a city there, 21, 22; his life by Antonio 
 Zeno, 22 ; Mothe le Vayer calls him Zichinno, King of 
 Frisland, 38; Moses Pitt calls him Zickmay, but considers 
 the story of, a romance, 41 ; Forster identifies him with 
 Henry Sinclair, Earl of Orkney, 46 ; Major, Elton, and 
 Fiske follow Forster’s identification of, 54; Marco 
 Barbaro calls him Zicno, King of Frisland, 61 ; Ortelius 
 and Mercator call him “King of Frisland,” 69; un¬ 
 known to historians until introduced by Marco Barbaro, 
 93 ; objedlions to Forster’s identification, and reasons for 
 its rejection, 94-97 ; Bredsdorff identifies Simon or Sig¬ 
 mund, son of Bui, and nephew of Sigmund Bresterson, 
 the hero of the Foereyinga Saga, with, 97 ; Krarup iden¬ 
 tifies Henry de Siggens, Marshal of the Duke of Holstein, 
 with, 97; Beauvois thinks the name Zicno given by 
 Barbaro to be a misreading of the Scandinavian title 
 Thegn — lord, 97 ; the only personal name mentioned in 
 the story, except those of members of the Zeno family, 
 154 ; not identical with Henry Sinclair, 156. 
 
 Ziegler, Jacob, 26, 76, 111. See App. VI. 
 
 Zurla, D. Placido, his work on the Zeni, 24 n, ; proves 
 the date, 1380, given in the Annals, to be wrong, 46; 
 upholds the veracity of the narrative, 47; his investiga¬ 
 tions of the Zeno family history, 59, 63 ; rejetts Forster’s 
 identification of Zichmni with Sinclair, 94; thinks Fra 
 Mauro’s Ixilandia is Zeno’s Frisland, 106; misreads 
 Stilanda on Andrea Bianco’s map of 1436 as Frislanda, 
 105, 106. See also App. V. and VI. 
 
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 6175 064 
 
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 The annals of the voaases of 
 the brothers Nicolo and 
 
 Boston College 
 Libraries 
 
 Chestnut Hill, Mass. 02167